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Comparative examination of Northwest Coast shamanism. Jorgensen, Grace Mairi McIntyre 1970

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A COMPARATIVE EXAMINATION OF NORTHWEST COAST SHAMANISM by GRACE .MAIRI MCINTYRE JORGENSEN B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of Manitoba, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1970 In presenting t h i s thesis in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date J^J- jfftf / ? 7 f > ABSTRACT The f o l l o w i n g paper presents a comparative examination of shamanism as p r a c t i s e d t r a d i t i o n a l l y among a number of B r i t i s h Colum- . bian Northwest Coast In d i a n groups. Case studies r e p r e s e n t i n g groups about which inform a t i o n i s r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e , from each of the s i x ma-j o r l i n g u i s t i c d i v i s i o n s i n the area, have been presented i n terms whic i n d i c a t e the ordered r e l a t i o n s h i p s between shamanistic b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s , and an attempt has been made to suggest s t r u c t u r a l l i n k s w i t h other aspects of c u l t u r e i n each case. The major ethnographic works p e r t a i n i n g to each group were examined i n t e n s i v e l y and as many independent sources as p o s s i b l e were consulted f o r cross-checking the data. I t was found that while i n outward appearance patt e r n s of b e l i e f and a c t i o n show considerable s i m i l a r i t y from one group to ano-the r , the emphasis and s t r u c t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of these b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s are d i f f e r e n t f o r each group. Some of these d i f f e r e n c e s are expressed most c l e a r l y by the v a r i a t i o n s present i n the p u b l i c i n i t i a t i o n of novice shamans. A t t h i s time p r i n c i p l e s such as rank, k i n s h i p , i n h e r i t a n c e or residence are, to v a r y i n g degrees, recognised or a f f i r m e d , counterbalancing the shaman's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the s u p e r n a t u r a l , as s p i r i t intermediary. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I SHAMANISM AND THE SUPERNATURAL: DEFINITIONS 5 I I SHAMANISM AMONG THE COAST SALISH OF THE FRASER VALLEY 26 I I I NOOTKA SHAMANISM 39 IV . SOUTHERN KWAKIUTL SHAMANISM 59 V BELLA COOLA SHAMANISM 87 VI COAST TSIMSHIAN SHAMANISM 102 VII HAIDA SHAMANISM 125 V I I I TLINGIT SHAMANISM 147 IX A COMPARISON OF INITIATION PRACTISES 172 X CONCLUSION 190 APPENDIX 209 BIBLIOGRAPHY 216 1 INTRODUCTION This p r e s e n t a t i o n seeks to review the data on shamanism, as p r a c t i s e d t r a d i t i o n a l l y , among B r i t i s h Columbian Northwest Coast I n -dians from the p e r s p e c t i v e s of form and s t r u c t u r e . By form i s meant the morphology of b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s , the patterned, p e r s i s t e n t order of r e l a t i o n s i n a complex of ideas and behaviour. By s t r u c t u r e is.meant the p r i n c i p l e s on which these forms depend ( F i r t h , 1961:28). The major assumption here i s that a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l domain of a c t i -v i t i e s , i n t h i s case those which have been termed 1 s h a m a n i s t i c ' , w i l l yary:V\,-4 from one c u l t u r e to the next i n accordance w i t h d i f f e r e n t p a t t e r n s of human i n t e r a c t i o n , and the content of behaviour and b e l i e f i n r e l a t e d spheres of c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y . I n short, by p r e s e n t i n g and comparing a sequence of case s t u d i e s , t h i s paper hopes to show that although there are repeated s i m i l a r i t i e s i n shamanistic patterns throughout the Northwest Coast so t h a t , i n outer appearance, shamanism i n the area appears remarkably uniform, the emphasis and s t r u c t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of these b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s are d i f f e r e n t f o r each group. I n terms of method, the comparative u n i t s s e l e c t e d were deter-mined mainly by c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e a v a i l a b l e , geographic l o c a t i o n , and l i n g u i s t i c a f f i l i a t i o n . Since, on the North-west Coast, broad c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s were g e n e r a l l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h l i n g u i s t i c a f f i l i a t i o n and geographic p r o p i n q u i t y , I chose groups about 2 which i n f o r m a t i o n was more r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e , from each of the major l i n g u i s t i c d i v i s i o n s , plus the B e l l a Coola, who, although they spoke a S a l i s h language, were considerably i s o l a t e d from other S a l i s h speaking groups and developed a number of t h e i r own d i s t i n c t i v e t r a d i t i o n s . The number and choice of these comparative u n i t s has proved s u f f i c i e n t to allow me to suggest formal and s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o - c a l l e d shamanistic b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s . For each group, because of c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of time, only the major ethnographic sources were examined to any great extent. However, as many independent sources as p o s s i b l e were consulted f o r cross-checking the data. A major source of data was myths and s t o r i e s , par-t i c u l a r l y those of the Haida c o l l e c t e d by Swanton (1905, 1908), and those of the Tsimshian c o l l e c t e d by Boas (1916). I tended to s e l e c t from the myths and s t o r i e s t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n which agreed w i t h what has been found f o r other Northwest Coast groups, or which d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y was corroborated by ethnographic r e p o r t s of the area. A l s o , where p u t a t i v e cause and e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s are i m p l i e d , I have i n f e r r e d an item of b e l i e f . For example, sometimes s t o r i e s r e s t on s p e c i f i c r e a c t i o n s associated w i t h menstrual blood; other s t o r i e s r e s t , f o r t h e i r e f f e c t , on the assumption that supernatural beings cannot see when human beings are a source of i n j u r y . A t a l l times I have t r i e d to i n d i c a t e when conclusions are derived from myths or s t o r i e s and when otherwise. 3 The time scale represented by the ethnographic literature re-lates to different periods of the post-contact era. By and large this is different for each group, both in terms of the date of publication (and therefore in terms of the style of the ethnographer), and in terms of the degree of contact undergone by each group. We can s t i l l perhaps make•statements about the structural implications of shamanism for each group butwe must be more cautious about making statements of compar-ison. An added d i f f i c u l t y concerning the ethnographic literature is that, in order to get as comprehensive a knowledge as possible for each group, sources ranging over time had to be examined. I t was therefore d i f f i c u l t to arrive at both an accurate and a comprehensive understand-ing of traditional shamanism, and thus a cautious acceptance of conclu-sions is not unwarranted. Chapter I gives definitions of the main terms used, particu-larly the d i f f i c u l t term 'shaman' as this has been used4on the Northwest Coast and in the literature at large. Chapters II-VIII present case studies of shamanistic beliefs and practises as found among the Salish of the Lower Fraser Valley, the Nootka of the northwest coast of Van-couver Island, the Southern Kwakiutl of northern Vancouver Island and the immediate mainland, the Bella Coola, the Coast Tsimshian, the Haida, and the T l i n g i t . For each case study the available data has been pre-sented in terms which indicate the ordered relationships between belief and practise, and an attempt has been made to suggest structural links 4 with other aspects of culture. Chapter IX attempts to illustrate some comparisons more explicitly by focusing on the similarities and dif -ferences involved in shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n . This is by no means a l -ways clear cut or easy. In some cases, for example, i t i s clear that although two or more groups differ by the emphasis they place on a particular aspect of behaviour or belief, this difference can only be inferred indirectly from the ethnographic reporting. Similarly, ab-sence of a particular belief or practise cannot always be inferred from an absence of reporting. Chapter X, fi n a l l y , attempts to form some general statements about traditional shamanism as found on the North-west Coast. I t reviews some of the characteristics common to shamans as individuals, some of the differences and similarities regarding.the position of shamans in society, and some of the features associated with the shaman's position in relation to the symbolic order. 5 CHAPTER I SHAMANISM .AND THE SUPERNATURAL: DEFINITIONS Shamanism has usually been regarded as a phenomenon involving b e l i e f i n a 'supernatural' arid i n ' s p i r i t s ' . Since each of these terms have given r i s e to confusion and controversy i n the past i t i s as well to try and define what w i l l be meant by them here. Burridge has suggested that: A l l r e l i g i o n s are b a s i c a l l y concerned with power. They are concerned with the discovery, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , moral relevance and ordering of d i f f e r e n t kinds of power.... Within these terms a s p i r i t being, whether thought of as a deity or ghost or human being or angel or goblin or f a i r y , becomes a named and i d e n t i f i e d source or p r i n c i p l e of power with p a r t i c u l a r and often.fljme'asu'rable a t t r i b u t e s and ranges of power. And a l l that i s meant by a b e l i e f i n the super-natural i s the b e l i e f that there do e x i s t kinds of power whose manifestations and e f f e c t s are observable, but whose natures are not yet f u l l y comprehended (1969 :5) . Burridge's comment i s useful here because i t was within j u s t such range of concerns that shamanism operated: concepts of power, the discovery, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and moral relevance of "not yet f u l l y comprehended" po-wer were c e n t r a l considerations. Shamanism was a system of action based on the assumption that there were powers, embodied i n , or r e a l i z e d i n , s p i r i t e n t i t i e s , which could help or harm men, and which, by using cer-t a i n techniques, could be prevai l e d upon for human ends. 'Supernatural' as used here w i l l r e f e r to those kinds of power postulated by Northwest Coast Indians whose "manifestations and e f f e c t s are observable, but whose natures are not yet f u l l y comprehended." A 6 'supernatural' wolf, then, would be a wolf p o s t u l a t e d to have super-n a t u r a l power. Some i n d i v i d u a l s , f o r example, twins, shamans, cere-monial dance i n i t i a t e s • , had supernatural power, i n c o n t r a s t to ordinary people: power whose m a n i f e s t a t i o n was i n f a c t observable, but whose nature was mysterious. This d e f i n i t i o n makes sense of the K w a k i u t l term "nawalak", and of Boas' t r a n s l a t i o n of i t as " s u p e r n a t u r a l " . L i k e other Northwest Coast groups, the K w a k i u t l a t t r i b u t e d a ' s p i r i t u a l ' aspect to a l l phenomena of the universe. But i n a d d i t i o n , some crea-tures or phenomena were d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from others on the basis of t h e i r possession of "nawalak", an a t t r i b u t e which, i t seems to me, was conceived of much i n the same way as u n i n i t i a t e d Westerners conceive of e l e c t r i c i t y . The d e f i n i t i o n a l s o seems to make sense of the Tsim-shian term '-'nexnox" which, Boas noted, "designates anything mysterious" (1916:543). Anything which was deemed to possess.extraordinary proper-t i e s , f o r example, t r e e s , rocks, pools, mountains, or other phenomena of unusual shape, s i z e , or property, the s l e i g h t - o f - h a n d t r i c k of a dancer, or weapons of unusual s t r e n g t h , were a l l termed "nexnox". 'ftfawalak*' and "nexnox" were not synonymous, since the former was used most f r e q u e n t l y as an a d j e c t i v e , the l a t t e r as a noun, but both r e f e r to power sources which are or appear to be, m a n i f e s t l y observable, although mysterious i n nature. I t i s expedient at t h i s p o i n t to say a word concerning 'witch-c r a f t 1 and 'sorcery'. For the most p a r t , i t would seem that these two terms were used interchangeably by Northwest Coast ethnographers. With 7 the p o s s i b l e exception of possession by a malevolent supernatural being, they were used to r e f e r to the conscious, c o n t r o l l e d use of s p e c i f i c r i t u a l techniques f o r a n t i - s o c i a l ends. U s u a l l y the techniques followed two p a t t e r n s . One method con s i s t e d of (or was a l l e g e d to c o n s i s t of) the p r e p a r a t i o n of elements taken from the intended v i c t i m ( c l o t h e s soaked i n the v i c t i m ' s sweat or blood, u r i n e , h a i r , n a i l c l i p p i n g s , the v i c t i m ' s vaporous breath c o l l e c t e d on a s t i c k , and so f o r t h ) and subject-i n g t h i s to s p e c i a l treatment, f o r example, wrapping them i n corpse f l e s h . The second common method, u s u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to shamans, was the "throwing" or p r o j e c t i o n of s u p e r n a t u r a l l y charged objects i n t o the v i c t i m . Frequently i t was be l i e v e d that the "thrower" had to be i n s i g h t of h i s v i c t i m . I n terms of the c l a s s i c a l d e f i n i t i o n s of witch-c r a f t and sorcery, used by.most A f r i c a n i s t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , e i t h e r method would probably be regarded as sorcery since they d e f i n e sorcery as the conscious and c o n t r o l l e d use of learned techniques, as opposed to w i t c h c r a f t which i s the u n c o n t r o l l e d use of inh e r e n t , psychic powers. This d e f i n i t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n has been challenged since the dichotomy seldom p e r s i s t s i n t o ethnographic r e a l i t y . On the Northwest Coast the a n t i - s o c i a l use of supernatural power f o r the most p a r t conforms more or l e s s to the c l a s s i c a l use of the term 'sorcery' and i n these instances I am q u i t e w i l l i n g to use the term. Among the T l i n g i t , and to a l e s s e r extent the Haida and Tsimshian, the phenomenon d i f f e r e d somewhat. D e t a i l s are d i f f i c u l t to e s t a b l i s h but the a c t i v e fear of the a n t i - s o c i a l use 8 of supernatural power seems to have been both greater and more preva-l e n t , judging by the increased instance of cases which have come to the n o t i c e of ethnographers,*and by the i n t e n s i t y of people's r e a c t i o n s i n these in s t a n c e s . The p e r s e c u t i o n of suspected i n d i v i d u a l s among the T l i n g i t could w e l l have been l o o s e l y described as a "witch-hunt". However, without becoming^embroiled i n the complex iss u e of w i t c h ver-sus sorcerer i t would be d i f f i c u l t to defend a d e f i n i t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n here. Thus sorcerer w i l l be the term used throughout the paper. Shaman -- A D e f i n i t i o n A thoughtful. review of the l i t e r a t u r e w i l l i n d i c a t e that the term 'shaman', f o r comparative purposes, i s not easy to d e f i n e . I n much of the l i t e r a t u r e the term i s t r e a t e d as synonymous w i t h w i t c h doctor, medicine man, m y s t i c , v i s i o n a r y , magician, s o r c e r e r , or s p i r i t medium. P a r t l y t h i s r e f l e c t s the process of d e f i n i n g , since d e f i n i t i o n i s l a r g e l y a matter of convenience based on the problems and perspec-t i v e s of the researcher. But i t i s a l s o a r e f l e c t i o n of a n a l y t i c a l confusion about a s e r i e s of phenomena which are not w e l l known. Since d e f i n i t i o n s should, i n some sense, correspond to an e m p i r i c a l r e a l i t y before they can be a p p l i e d to comparative a n a l y s i s , i t seems appropriate here to examine f i r s t how the term shaman has been a p p l i e d on the North-west Coast. Then there w i l l be an examination of how i t has been ap-p l i e d and defined more g e n e r a l l y . 9 Among the Goast S a l i s h of the Fr a s e r R i v e r v a l l e y the term shaman has been a p p l i e d by ethnographers to i n d i v i d u a l s , c a l l e d i n S a l i s h "sxwalem", who had acquired s p i r i t power to cure a f t e r a success-f u l s p i r i t quest w i t h i t s v i s i o n a r y s p i r i t encounter. They were thereby d i s t i n g u i s h e d from otheiswho acquired s p i r i t power by the nature and extent of t h e i r power which i t s e l f . d e r i v e d both from the nature of t h e i r supernatural r e l a t i o n s h i p and from t h e i r own r i t u a l p u r i t y and s p i r i t v i t a l i t y . Although r e p o r t s sometimes suggest that the shaman acquired from the s p i r i t the power to cure by himself without the d i r e c t a i d of the s p i r i t (Jenness, 1955:67), continued c o n t r o l of the s p i r i t as a necessary requirement i s imp l i e d by the -fact that shamans could lose the a b i l i t y i f they l o s t c o n t r o l of the s p i r i t ( f o r example, as they l o s t personal v i t a l i t y i n old age or s i c k n e s s ) . Continued c o n t r o l of the s p i r i t i s a l s o i m p l i e d by the f a c t that shamans could "set t h e i r powers to f i g h t i n g " anjf'direct t h e i r s p i r i t s to a t t a c k others (Duff, 1952:101), and by the f a c t that d u r ing c u r i n g ceremonies the s p i r i t s were supposed to come near (Duff, 1952:101). Although i n i t i a t i o n was supposed to r e q u i r e v i s i o n a r y or h a l l u c i n a t o r y experience and subse-quent ' i n s t r u c t i o n ' by the s p i r i t through dreams or v i s i o n s , c u r i n g ceremonies d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y i n v o l v e a trance and shamans were not b e l i e v e d to be''possessed 1 by s p i r i t s i n the sense that the s p i r i t took over c o n t r o l of the body. Shamans were thus s p i r i t masters more than they were s p i r i t mediums. They were masters i n the sense that they con-10 t r o l l e d and d i r e c t e d s p i r i t s . They were not n e c e s s a r i l y masters of supernatural knowledge. Among the S a l i s h another important means of manipulating or c o n t r o l l i n g supernatural for c e was compulsive magic. By compulsive magic i s meant a c t i v i t i e s or objects of symbolic impor-tance b e l i e v e d to have automatic cause and e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h supernatural power. R i t u a l i s t s among the Coast S a l i s h were those mas-t e r s of magical knowledge who could manipulate supernatural f o r c e f o r s p e c i f i c ends by performing or r e c i t i n g s p e c i f i c formulas. Among the Nootka the term shaman has been a p p l i e d by Drucker to i n d i v i d u a l s who performed a r o l e analogous to that of the S a l i s h "sxwalem": they were those who had acquired s p i r i t power to cure a f t e r a s u c c e s s f u l v i s i o n a r y encounter. They were d i s t i n g u i s h e d from r i t u -a l i s t s and from others who had acquired v i s i o n a r y s p i r i t power by the nature and scope of t h e i r power which, again, depended on the nature of t h e i r ' r e l a t i o n s h i p ' w i t h the s p i r i t and t h e i r own s p i r i t v i t a l i t y and r i t u a l p u r i t y . A s u c c e s s f u l i n i t i a t i o n and subsequent c u r i n g power depended on c o n t r o l of the s p i r i t . A t no time were shamans be-l i e v e d to be possessed by t h e i r s p i r i t s . The s p i r i t came c l o s e and i n s t r u c t e d or d i r e c t e d them but remained subordinate to the shaman's w i l l . L i k e the S a l i s h , then, Nootka shamans were masters of s p i r i t s . Perhaps even more than the S a l i s h shamans, however, they were poten-t i a l l y r i v a l l e d as experts i n supernatural c o n t r o l by some of the more powerful r i t u a l i s t s who could determine the weather or the movements of animals or f i s h , and a number of other important phenomena. 11 W r i t i n g of the K w a k i u t l , Boas d i s t i n g u i s h e d between winter dancers and other r e c i p i e n t s of supernatural f a v o r , c a l l i n g the l a t -t e r shamans, although the native.term "paxala" which he t r a n s l a t e d "shaman",designated e i t h e r . Although the d i v i s i o n s between these two groups were not always d i s t i n c t , 'shamans' as a group d i f f e r e d from wi n t e r dancers by the f a c t that they r e t a i n e d t h e i r s p i r i t name through-out the year where winter dancers r e t a i n e d t h e i r s only f o r the Cere-monial season, and 'shamans' acquired power as s o c i a t e d w i t h c u r i n g .which they could therefore i n some sense d i r e c t . Not a l l 'shamans', could cure although they could a s s i s t i n c u r i n g . Not a l l shamans r e -ceived t h e i r power d i r e c t l y from a s p i r i t encounter, since power could be transmitted by t r a n s f e r r i n g a m a t e r i a l source.of power (Boas, 1966: 132), o r i g i n a l l y d erived from the s p i r i t . And not a l l shamans could c l e a r l y have been c a l l e d s p i r i t masters s i n c e , as the experience of one woman i n d i c a t e s (Boas, 1930:53), some never came i n d i r e c t contact w i t h t h e i r s p i r i t s and could not p r o p e r l y c o n t r o l them. A l l acquired, i n a d d i t i o n to power, a song and name. Whether power was acquired as the r e s u l t of d i r e c t s p i r i t contact or by tr a n s m i s s i o n , shamans under-went a pe r i o d of r i t u a l p r e p a r a t i o n , and i n i t i a t i o n , an event such as sickness.or r i t u a l t r a n s f e r of power, which i n Kw a k i u t l terms provided some v a l i d b a s i s f o r a formal announcement of changed s t a t u s . I n sho r t , Boas a p p l i e d the term 'shaman' to i n d i v i d u a l s who claimed to have acquired supernatural power a s s o c i a t e d w i t h c u r i n g , and.asong and 12 a name, d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y from a s p i r i t source, a f t e r some unusual event which provided v a l i d a t i o n of the claim- and the r i g h t to the shaman's name and song. He f u r t h e r d i s t i n g u i s h e d s e v e r a l c l a s s e s of shamans; those who had confronted the s p i r i t d i r e c t l y and could both cure and "throw" s i c k n e s s ; those who could cure but could not cause sickness and those who could only "see" and diagnose sic k n e s s . A l l these i n d i v i d u a l s were d i s t i n g u i s h e d from s e v e r a l other groups of peo-pl e who had unusual powers, the winter dancers, seers, and i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h non-curing power. Since those who could only diagnose sickness were cl a s s e d by Boas as 'shamans' along w i t h the very powerful super-n a t u r a l experts who could p r o j e c t d i s e a s e , a l l of them i n d i s t i n c t i o n to dancers and thereby i n o p p o s i t i o n to the native.use of the term "pa x a l a " , i t seems c l e a r that he regarded 'shaman' as synonymous w i t h curer or medicine man. There seems some j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r t h i s since c u r e r s , weak or powerful, shared many of the same r i g h t s , d u t i e s , o b l i -gations and expectations. Since r i t u a l i s t s who could be c a l l e d upon to manipulate the supernatural were absent or unimportant, even minor sha-mans were i n some sense masters of the supernatural s i n c e , u n l i k e others w i t h s p i r i t power who could use t h i s power only f o r t h e i r own ends, they were i n t e r m e d i a r i e s between the human and supernatural worlds, drawing upon supernatural power on behalf of members of the community. I f they were not s p i r i t c o n t r o l l e r s , they were c e r t a i n l y s p i r i t a u t h o r i t i e s . Among the B e l l a Coola, M c l l w r a i t h d i s t i n g u i s h e d two types of r e l i g i o u s experts to which he a p p l i e d the term'shaman', one of these, 13 "alukwala" i n B e l l a Coola, he c a l l e d shaman, the other, "askankots", he c a l l e d "shaman of the dead". The f i r s t derived powers from a ' l i v -i n g ' s p i r i t , the second from a ghost. He defined a shaman as, "a person endowed w i t h mysterious a b i l i t y and wonderful knowledge, due to personal contact w i t h supernatural beings" (1948a:547). The B e l l a Coola recognized a t h i r d type of i n d i v i d u a l who had experienced per-sonal contact w i t h supernatural beings. These were those who had r e -ceived " i x l o k w a l a d j u t " , ^ ' s u p e r n a t u r a l a i d granted to the unfortunate." This l a s t was considered an e x c e p t i o n a l l y r a r e occurrence and the rea-son f o r a s s i s t a n c e was commonly a t t r i b u t e d to the s p i r i t u a l strength or r i t u a l p u r i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l concerned. They d i f f e r e d from the other two by the f a c t that t h e i r powers were of personal r a t h e r than p u b l i c importance. A b i l i t y to cure was not, i t s e l f , a d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c since many who claimed the status of an "askankots" or an "alukwala" could not cure although they could perform a miraculous f e a t of some other k i n d . The recognised, v a l i d a t e d c l a i m to v i s i o n a r y experience, w i t h or without the a b i l i t y to cure marked the i n d i v i d u a l as having p a r t i c u l a r i n s i g h t i n t o the s p i r i t realm. A c c o r d i n g l y , he was viewed as p a r t i c u l a r l y s u i t a b l e to e n l i s t supernatural a s s i s t a n c e , " h i s grea-t e r acquaintance w i t h them renders i t more l i k e l y t h a t they w i l l grant h i s requests" (1948:572). The f a c t that s p i r i t contact was exceedingly dangerous meant that shamans were u s u a l l y those i n d i v i d u a l s who had \ power w i t h i n themselves to withstand the power of the s p i r i t . I n t h i s respect they c o n t r o l l e d the s p i r i t to some extent although they d i d not d i r e c t i t . Among the Tsimshian, the term 'shaman' was a p p l i e d by ethno-graphers, to those s p i r i t experts who were c u r e r s . The Tsimshian had two terms d e s i g n a t i n g s p i r i t masters; one, "naxnagam h a l a i t " meaning l i t e r a l l y ' s p i r i t supernatural performance', r e f e r r e d to those l i n -eage c h i e f s possessing a number of i n h e r i t e d s p i r i t a s s o c i a t e s , who could c a l l upon t h e i r s p i r i t s to "throw" power i n t o young lineage i n i -t i a t e s , the other "swe'nsk h a l a i t " meaning l i t e r a l l y 'supernatural blowing', r e f e r r e d to those i n d i v i d u a l s who possessed s p i r i t a s s o c i a t e s which they could c a l l upon f o r c u r i n g . The term 'shaman' has been ap p l i e d to these l a s t . The s p i r i t powers of c h i e f s were i n h e r i t e d and were c l o s e l y concerned w i t h the ceremonial a f f a i r s of the li n e a g e . The s p i r i t powers of shamans were acquired l a r g e l y independently (the shaman d i d not normally i n h e r i t h i s s p i r i t s but acquired them indepen-d e n t l y i n a s o l i t a r y quest), and were concerned w i t h a f f a i r s such as si c k n e s s , the p r e d i c t i o n of the movements of game, the d e t e c t i o n of witch e s , or the c o n t r o l of weather, which were of general r a t h e r than l i n e a g e importance. Shamans c o n t r o l l e d and d i r e c t e d t h e i r s p i r i t h e l -pers. They were supposed to be able to send t h e i r s p i r i t s to a t t a c k others or to f i n d out what was happening i n d i s t a n t p l a c e s . I n myths shamans are recorded as having v i s i t e d the homes of supernatural beings and journeyed to the land of ghosts. A t l e a s t m y t h i c a l l y , t h e r e f o r e , 15 shamans not only had the power to d i r e c t t h e i r own s p i r i t s but could t r a v e l themselves through the s p i r i t realm to confront malevolent s p i -r i t s or gather i n f o r m a t i o n . Modern shamans, however, were b e l i e v e d to r e l y on the as s i s t a n c e and d i r e c t i o n of t h e i r s p i r i t helpers r a t h e r than to t r a v e l themselves i n the s p i r i t world. Swanton described the Haida 'shaman' as: One'who had power from some supernatural being who 'pos-sessed' him, or chose him as the medium through which to make h i s existence f e l t i n the world of men. When the s p i -r i t was present the shaman's own i d e n t i t y was p r a c t i c a l l y a b o l i s h e d . For the time he was the supernatural being himself (1905a:38). S t o r i e s d e s c r i b i n g shamanistic performances c e r t a i n l y s u b s t a n t i a t e t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n . However, shamans were not simply v e h i c l e s f o r s p i r i t beings. They were d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from others who acquired s p i r i t power (e.g. hunting power), or who were possessed by a s p i r i t (e.g. s o r c e r e r ) , by the f a c t that they c o n t r o l l e d t h e i r s p i r i t s , f o r p u b l i c b e n e f i t . When community c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h the s p i r i t was d e s i r e d they induced possession. I n d i v i d u a l s designated 'shaman' by ethnographers among the T l i n g i t were those who had acquired, through d i r e c t contact, c o n t r o l of s e v e r a l , i d e a l l y e i g h t , s p i r i t helpers and who had f o r m a l l y announced the c l a i m to shaman at a p u b l i c i n i t i a t i o n f o l l o w i n g the death of an old shaman. As i n d i c a t e d by de Laguna (1954:176), e i g h t symbolized . r i t u a l completeness and by e s t a b l i s h i n g c o n t r o l over e i g h t s p i r i t h e l -pers the i n d i v i d u a l e s t a b l i s h e d , i n c o n t r o v e r t a b l y , h i s thorough acquain-16 tance with and mastery of the s p i r i t s , and the r i g h t to become acknow-ledged as shaman at the death of a predecessor. The shaman's power de-rived from his control over the movement and a b i l i t i e s of s p i r i t s . He did not himself "see" sickness or determine the movements of animals, but acquired t h i s information from his s p i r i t s . The evidence i s not clear as to whether shamans were 'possessed' by s p i r i t s at such times. This b r i e f review has been s u f f i c i e n t to in d i c a t e that the term 'shaman', on the Northwest Coast, has been applied to a number of s p e c i a l i s t s who by no means share a complete i d e n t i t y of roles or func-tion s . Among some groups the term has been applied to i n d i v i d u a l s acknowledged as sole s p e c i a l i s t s of the s p i r i t world, i n others the in d i v i d u a l s termed shaman have been r i v a l l e d as s p e c i a l i s t s by r i t u a l -i s t s or ceremonial leaders. In some, the shaman's sphere of influence i s l a r g e l y confined to curing or causing sickness, i n others i t extends to a great number of other concerns. In some groups shamans are believed to d i r e c t s p i r i t s , i n others the s p i r i t i s a benefactor or patron ra-ther than an as s i s t a n t . In some.groups i t i s believed that shamans are possessed by t h e i r s p i r i t s , the s p i r i t taking over the functions of the body, while among other groups i t i s believed that s p i r i t s draw near and i n s t r u c t the shaman, or even, that the shaman d i r e c t s power received i n i t i a l l y from a s p i r i t without the necessity of subsequent attendance by the s p i r i t . The common feature d i s t i n g u i s h i n g i n d i v i d u a l s termed 'shaman' seems to have been that, f o r whatever reasons (sickness, 17 visionary experience, transfer of power), they have been those i n d i v i -duals p u b l i c l y acknowledged as having special inside, knowledge of the behaviour of s p i r i t beings and a peculiarly close relationship with s p i r i t s . They act as public intermediaries between men and s p i r i t s , public i n the sense that they are pu b l i c l y known and acknowledged as spe c i a l i s t s and i n the sense that they, provide a service upon which po t e n t i a l l y any member of the community, and even sometimes beyond, may c a l l . Among some groups.those termed 'shaman' are aligned with kinship units although their services may be requested by other people outside the: kinship unit. Generally, those termed 'shaman' were r i t u -a l l y set apart from others. The retention of power required the main-tenance of s t r i c t r i t u a l prescriptions. By contrast, this was generally less imperative for. others who possessed s p i r i t power or practised mag-i c a l techniques. For example a man with hunting power might temporar-i l y lose his a b i l i t y as a resu l t of contact with a menstruant woman but the results would be deemed far more disastrous for a 'shaman'. The term 'shaman' on the Northwest Coast, then, seems to have been applied to individuals who were p u b l i c l y acknowledged:as s p i r i t experts and who, by vi r t u e of this acceptance, acted as intermediaries between men and supernatural e n t i t i e s . A word of caution should be noted. There i s the danger that i n specifying a series of characteristics held i n common by a number of s p e c i a l i s t s , we appear to have isolated a single, i d e n t i f i a b l e occu-18 p a t i o n common throughout the area. I t should perhaps be remembered that the term 'shaman' i s an an a l y s t ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n , d e s i g n a t i n g cer-t a i n s p e c i a l i s t s who appear to share the p a r t i c u l a r features we have chosen. I t i s an a r b i t r a r y d e c i s i o n tp-term as 'shamans' thosewho possess.in common, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as v i s i o n a r y s p i r i t contact and powers of p u b l i c importance. Again, i n r e a l i t y t h e - d i v i s i o n between those who could be c a l l e d 1 shamanJ by ethnographers and those who could not was sometimes, as among the S a l i s h or K w a k i u t l , very i n d i s t i n c t . .We may now tu r n to a b r i e f examination of some other d e f i n -i t i o n s of the term shaman, since, these/focus on c e r t a i n p r o p e r t i e s or suggest problems f o r a n a l y s i s which might be of importance f o r the Northwest Coast. A t the very l e a s t i t places t h i s a n a l y s i s of North-west Coast shamans i n t o a more general p e r s p e c t i v e . I n 1910 Swanton wrote, i n The Handbook of American Indians  North of Mexico: C\f Mediators between the world of s p i r i t s and the world of men may be d i v i d e d i n t o two c l a s s e s : The shamans, whose a u t h o r i t y was e n t i r e l y dependent on t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l a b i l -i t y , and the p r i e s t s , who acted i n some measure f o r the t r i b e or n a t i o n , or at ]e a s t f o r some s o c i e t y (1960:522). By t h i s d e f i n i t i o n he emphasized the p u b l i c nature of the shaman!s ser-v i c e s but d i f f e r e n t i a t e d shamans from p r i e s t s by the f a c t that they held no formal o f f i c e w i t h f o r m a l i z e d a u t h o r i t y and e x p l i c i t r i g h t s and du-t i e s . Swanton's d e f i n i t i o n i s an i n t e r e s t i n g example of. how a d i f f e r -ent s e l e c t i o n of d e f i n i n g c r i t e r i a might a f f e c t one's a n a l y s i s of North-19 west Coast s p e c i a l i s t s . By h i s . d e f i n i t i o n the K w a k i u t l " c h i e f ' s shaman" might perhaps be classed as a p r i e s t and removed from a comparison w i t h those who are elsewhere c a l l e d shamans. Lowie, i n h i s book P r i m i t i v e R e l i g i o n (1960)', w r i t t e n i n 1924, gives l i t t l e help w i t h a d e f i n i t i o n . He mentions vaguely, that a sha-man was one who acquired a s p i r i t u a l communication (1960:14), and that shamanism inv o l v e d " d i r e c t i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h the s p i r i t world" (1960: 15). Many have f e l t t hat t h i s d e f i n i t i o n i s too broad to be u s e f u l . I t does not d i s t i n g u i s h between a monastic mystic, a medieval European w i t c h or even a 20th Century Western e v a n g e l i s t . Radin, i n h i s book P r i m i t i v e R e l i g i o n ( o r i g i n a l p u b l i c a t i o n , 1937), never a c t u a l l y provided a c o n c i s e . d e f i n i t i o n of shaman but des-c r i b e d them at length and contrasted them w i t h p r i e s t s . He noted t h e i r common a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h h u n t i n g • s o c i e t i e s and regarded them as products of a hunting economy and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . By i m p l i c a t i o n he defined shamans i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l terms: Throughout the world of p r i m i t i v e man some form of emotional i n s t a b i l i t y and well-marked s e n s i t i v i t y has always been pre-d i c t e d as the e s s e n t i a l t r a i t of the medicine man and shaman (1957:106). The shaman was thus l a b e l l e d and set apart by the nature of h i s psychic c o n s t i t u t i o n and by the i n s i s t e n c e • o f the normal man that he, the'shaman was p e c u l i a r (1957:108). The b a s i c q u a l i f i c a t i o n f o r the shaman and medicine man i n the more simply organized groups l i k e the Eskimo and the Arunta i s that he belong to the newcotic-epileptoid type (1957: 132). 20 By d e f i n i n g the shaman i n these terms Radin was c r e a t i n g c e r t a i n d i f f i -c u l t i e s f o r h i m s e l f . By i n s i s t i n g on a psychic c o n d i t i o n as the d e f i n -i t i v e c r i t e r i o n he d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between i n d i v i d u a l s who i n s o c i o l o -g i c a l terms.would probably be classed as one. Again, the 'psychic c o n d i t i o n ' of i n d i v i d u a l s as a determinant of s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s or processes i s a d i f f i c u l t v a r i a b l e f o r p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y untrained anthro-p o l o g i s t s to work with . .'Psychic condition''may be an important d e f i n -i t i o n a l v a r i a b l e , w i t h formal and s t r u c t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s , but i t leads to the c o n t r o v e r s i a l problem of the d e f i n i t i o n of normal. Norbeck, who has w r i t t e n more r e c e n t l y on comparative r e l i g i o n i n R e l i g i o n i n P r i m i t i v e S o c i e t y (1961), w r i t e s : 'Shaman' i s d e r i v e d from the n a t i v e term f o r r e l i g i o u s spe-c i a l i s t s among the S i b e r i a n t r i b e s . Many e t h n o l o g i s t s res-t r i c t t h i s term to i n d i v i d u a l s who acquire supernatural power by i n s p i r a t i o n : . that i s by v i s i o n , r e v e l a t i o n , or other d i -r e c t personal experience (1961:103) . I am unclear as to whether he means that ethnographers r e s t r i c t the term to s p e c i a l i s t s who acquire, v i s i o n a r y supernatural power or simply " i n d i v i d u a l s " . I f he means the l a t t e r , the d e f i n i t i o n does not d i s -t i n g u i s h between those i n North American who acquired personal guardian s p i r i t powers and the s p e c i a l i s t s who acquired powers of p u b l i c impor-tance. E l i a d e , i n h i s monumental Shamanism A r c h a i c Techniques of Ec-stasy wrote: "shamanism = technique of ecstasy" (1964:4). By t h i s he meant that shamans were those who s p e c i a l i z e d i n the c o n t r o l of v i s i o n -ary experience. The shaman d i f f e r e d from others w i t h guardian s p i r i t 21 powers i n that he could induce v i s i o n a r y experience at w i l l . Shamanism was the associated body of b e l i e f and p r a c t i s e c e n t e r i n g around the shaman. I n t h i s sense shamanism was pre-eminently a S i b e r i a n pheno-menon although shamanistic elements of b e l i e f and p r a c t i s e could be found i n many other parts of the world. As E l i a d e himself observed, he was concerned w i t h a r e l i g i o u s phenomenon and thus l i m i t e d h i s def-i n i t i o n of shamanism to a s p e c i f i c type of r e l i g i o u s experience. He was not i n t e r e s t e d i n d e f i n i n g a type of s o c i a l ceremonial or r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n , t herefore d i d not consider phenomena which, from a s o c i o -l o g i c a l viewpoint could be considered the eq u i v a l e n t of S i b e r i a n sham-anism. Although h i s d e f i n i t i o n has a number of s o c i o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a -t i o n s , by the f a c t that Northwest Coast ethnographers (among others) have f e l t compelled to extend the term to include s p i r i t experts who di d not r e g u l a r l y induce trances., i t i s apparently not alt o g e t h e r help-f u l . A number of B r i t i s h s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have a l s o attempted to d e f i n e shamans as d i s t i n c t from other r e l i g i o u s s p e c i a l i s t s . "Nadel i n , "A Study of Shamanism i n the Nuba Mountains", wrote that shamanism, " r e s t s on the b e l i e f that s p i r i t s may possess human beings, and on the p r a c t i s e of e s t a b l i s h i n g communication w i t h the supernatural through human beings so possessed" (1965:465), and described the shaman as one who, " i s a passive medium when possessed; but through h i s a b i l i t y to induce possession he i s a l s o a master of these supernatural powers" 22 (1965:465). By t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , Nadel drew a t t e n t i o n to the p u b l i c nature of the shaman's s e r v i c e s and to i t s s o c i o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e as a means of community ' i n t e r a c t i o n ' w i t h the s p i r i t world. Of' a l l the d e f i n i t i o n s given so f a r Nadel's corresponds.most completely to the a c t i v i t i e s which have been described as shamanism on the Northwest Coast. I n c o n t r a s t to Radin i t provides s o c i o l o g i c a l c r i t e r i a which can be r e a d i l y observed by a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and c o r r e l a t e d w i t h other s o c i a l phenomena; i n c o n t r a s t to Lowie i t l i m i t s a n a l y s i s to i n d i v i -duals who perform a p u b l i c s e r v i c e by p r o v i d i n g a means f o r community" ' i n t e r a c t i o n ' w i t h the s p i r i t world; and i n c o n t r a s t to Norbeek i t d i s -t i n g u i s h e s between i n d i v i d u a l s who r e c e i v e • p e r s o n a l and p r i v a t e powers from those whose powers may be. used i n the s e r v i c e of others. How-ever, by i n s i s t i n g that shamanistic contact i n v o l v e d possession by the s p i r i t , he dismisses a number of s p i r i t s p e c i a l i s t s who d e r i v e d t h e i r knowledge of s p i r i t s and consequent a b i l i t y to manipulate s p i r i t powers without continued contact w i t h the s p i r i t i t s e l f . For example, i n some instances at l e a s t , i t would seem that a K w a k i u t l shaman acquired from an i n i t i a l encounter the subsequent knowledge of techniques to d i r e c t power, without the n e c e s s i t y of continued a s s i s t a n c e from the s p i r i t , and,.Drucker s t a t e s emphatically o f ( t h e , Nootka that shamans were never possessed by t h e i r s p i r i t s (1951:205). On the b a s i s of Nadel's d e f i -n i t i o n , B a l i k c i , d e s c r i b i n g N e t s i l i k Eskimo s p i r i t s p e c i a l i s t s , d i s -t i n g u i s h e d between shamans, " c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the s p i r i t possession trance" and three types of "para-shamanistic techniques" employed by 23 i n d i v i d u a l s who could c o n t r o l s p i r i t s but were not possessed by them (1963:382). Perhaps t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n i s j u s t i f i a b l e i n the N e t s i l i k example since the shamans, "angatkok",are s o c i a l l y more respected, powerful and i n f l u e n t i a l than p r a c t i t i o n e r s of'the other techniques. The same b a s i s f o r a d i s t i n c t i o n cannot, with c e r t a i n t y , be made f o r the K w a k i u t l since i t i s not c l e a r that the most powerful s p e c i a l i s t s , those who had confronted the s p i r i t and. could "see" t h e i r s p i r i t s , were any more 'possessed' d u r i n g performances than l e s s e r shamans. The d e f i n i t i o n s regarded so f a r have centred themselves l a r g e l y around the performance of p a r t i c u l a r types of r e l i g i o u s s p e c i a l i s t s : the seance. Perhaps shamans should be defined i n temi s of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p or f u n c t i o n s to the group, or i n terms of t h e i r f u n c t i o n s or p o s i t i o n r e -l a t i v e to other r e l i g i o u s s p e c i a l i s t s w i t h i n the s t r u c t u r e . I n these terms, the K w a k i u t l shaman would be one who had "gone through" every-t h i n g and confronted the s p i r i t , not n e c e s s a r i l y because of h i s exper-ience, or of h i s performances but because of other c r i t e r i a such as r e s p e c t , or p o l i t i c a l power^ or i n f l u e n c e . F i r t h has suggested that the term 'shaman' should be l i m i t e d to S i b e r i a . He w r i t e s : S p i r i t possession i s a form of trance i n which behaviour ac-t i o n s of a person are i n t e r p r e t e d as evidence of a c o n t r o l of h i s behaviour by a . s p i r i t normally e x t e r n a l to him. S p i -r i t mediumship i s normally a form of possession i n which the person i s , c o n c e i v e d as se r v i n g as an intermediary between s p i r i t s and men. The accent here i s on communication; the a c t i o n s and words of the medium must be t r a n s l a t a b l e , which d i f f e r e n t i a t e s them from mere s p i r i t possession or madness. Shamanism i s a term I p r e f e r to use i n the l i m i t e d North A s i a n sense, of a master of s p i r i t s (1959:141). 24 B e a t t i e i m p l i e s a w i l l i n g n e s s to extend t h i s when he w r i t e s : "And when the medium i s not only a v e h i c l e f o r s p i r i t s , but i s b e l i e v e d , l i k e Prospero i n the Tempest, to be able to command them, we have shamanism" (1964:229). A number of other a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s d e s c r i b i n g n o n - A s i a t i c . s o c i e t i e s have tended to f o l l o w F i r t h ' s . d e f i n i t i o n of the shaman as mas-t e r of s p i r i t s (e.g. H.S. M o r r i s , 1967:189-216), so t h a t , d e s p i t e him-s e l f , the term has spread beyond the l i m i t s he proposed. F i r t h meant the d e f i n i t i o n i n a narrow sense, f o l l o w i n g S i b e r i a n shamanism, i n which the shaman was master by v i r t u e of h i s c o n t r o l and d i r e c t i o n of s p i r i t s . As i s evident from the examination of Northwest Coast phenomena the concept of master can a l l o w a.considerable degree of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . I n my op i n i o n a s o c i o l o g i c a l d e f i n i t i o n of shaman as master of s p i r i t s would view the shaman as master r e l a t i v e to other s p e c i a l i s t s i n the s o c i e t y . I m p l i c i t i n a l l the d e f i n i t i o n s discussed so f a r , i s the idea that shamans are acknowledged a u t h o r i t i e s on s p i r i t s or the powers d e r i -v a b l e from s p i r i t s . They d i f f e r from^sorcerers (although they man a l s o be sorcerers) by t h e i r p u b l i c acceptance, and from magicians or from p r i e s t s by the d i r e c t nature of t h e i r c o n t r o l of power. I n t h i s broad sense, then, i t seems adequate to de f i n e the shaman as a master of s p i r i t s . As i n d i c a t e d i n the f i r s t s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter, the term 'shaman' has been used by Northwest Coast ethnographers to designate a s e r i e s of s p e c i a l i s t s who performed a number of quite d i f f e r e n t f u n c t i o n s . We here d e f i n e the term i n a standard sense because.it i s expedient, r e a l i s i n g that i t may gloss d i s t i n c t i o n s or impose r e g u l a r i t i e s which, 25 i n the l i g h t of f u t u r e research may prove i r r e l e v a n t , misleading or f a l s e . F i n a l l y , a. b r i e f note should be made concerning the term ' c h i e f as used i n the f o l l o w i n g chapters. The term i s a convenient shorthand used to r e f e r to those i n d i v i d u a l s who were i n some sense formal or i n f o r m a l leaders w i t h i n t h e i r communities. The func t i o n s and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these i n d i v i d u a l s v a r i e d w idely from group to group. To i n d i c a t e something of these d i f f e r e n c e s a d e s c r i p t i o n of r o l e s and n a t i v e terms i s presented i n . t h e appendix. 26 CHAPTER I I SHAMANISM AMONG THE COAST SALISH OF THE FRASER VALLEY The two main sources consulted f o r the f o l l o w i n g were Duff's The Upper S t a l o Indians (1952) and Jenness' The F a i t h of a Coast S a l -i s h I n d i a n (1955). S u t t l e s ' K a t z i e Ethnographic Notes (1955), and " A f f i n a l t i e s , subsistence and p r e s t i g e among the Coast S a l i s h " , (1960), and Barnett's The Coast S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia (1955), were a l s o consulted f o r c o n f i r m a t i o n and f o r a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n . The works by Duff, Jenness and S u t t l e s p e r t a i n d i r e c t l y to the S a l i s h of the Lower Fra s e r V a l l e y . Barnett's r e p o r t p e r t a i n s to those S a l i s h of Vancouver I s l a n d and the B.C. mainland bordering Georgia S t r a i t , i n c l u d i n g groups who were c u l t u r a l l y very s i m i l a r to the S t a l o and K a t z i e of the Fraser V a l l e y . The r e p o r t by Duff i s a complete ethnographic monograph, which i n a d d i t i o n to some u s e f u l i n f o r m a t i o n about shamanism and s p i r i t danc-i n g , gives as complete a r e p o r t as p o s s i b l e of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l or-g a n i z a t i o n , land r i g h t s and property ownership, economic o r g a n i z a t i o n , and so f o r t h . By the time Duff c o l l e c t e d h i s i n f o r m a t i o n , however, most of the t r a d i t i o n a l ways had disappeared and i t i s l i k e l y that many of the d e t a i l s had been f o r g o t t e n by informants.. Jenness interviewed h i s informant, a h i g h l y respected and widely known shaman, i n 1936 when the old manJwas.';.about 75. He notes that undoubtedly much of the old man's philosophy and f a i t h was a synthesis of old and new ideas and i n some cases, the ideas expressed were not those of other Coast S a l i s h people (1955:47). I n conjunction w i t h other sources, however, both 27 these accounts y i e l d a f a i r l y comprehensive knowledge of t r a d i t i o n a l shamanistic b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s . L i k e other groups i n the area, the Fraser V a l l e y S a l i s h be-l i e v e d i n an undetermined number of supernatural e n t i t i e s . A l l , or n e a r l y a l l , phenomena possessed v i t a l i t y and s p e c i a l powers which po-t e n t i a l l y could a f f e c t man f o r good or i l l . I n a d d i t i o n to the super-n a t u r a l f o r c e which animated the rocks, p l a n t s , animals, and other phe-nomena of the n a t u r a l world, they recognized a host of other supernatural e n t i t i e s , such as ghosts, a variegated assortment of s p i r i t creatures i n h a b i t i n g the n a t u r a l world c a l l e d "slalakums", and p o s s i b l y a supreme 1 d e i t y or c r e a t o r . Supernatural e n t i t i e s were of i n t e r e s t c h i e f l y f o r the power they could givenmen. Every l i v i n g creature i n man's neighbourhood emanates i t s power, which t r a v e l s about.and f r e q u e n t l y attaches i t s e l f to the v i t a l i t y of a human being. The power of an i n d i v i d u a l wolf, f o r example, may enter a man, making him a good hunter; the man gains, and the wolf i t s e l f loses nothing. Each crea-ture has i t s s p e c i a l power that i t can bestow (Jenness, 1955: 37). S u t t l e s , w r i t i n g of one group, notes that the term f o r power, "swiam", "seems to mean simply 'strength' or ' a b i l i t y ' i n a p h y s i c a l as w e l l as s p i r i t u a l sense" ( S u t t l e s , 1952:6). I t could i n c l u d e the personal com-petence of an i n d i v i d u a l at some a c t i v i t y , or the a b i l i t y derived from a s p i r i t to cure, f o r e t e l l the f u t u r e , acquire wealth, and so f o r t h . Apart from a few f o r t u n a t e i n d i v i d u a l s who were born with the a b i l i t y to see ghosts or f o r e t e l l . t h e f u t ure ( c a l l e d "seuwa"), most people, i f 1. Duff i s not sure whether t h i s l a s t was a post-contact i n n o v a t i o n , but tends to t h i n k that i t was,while Jenness r e p o r t s h i s informant as c e r t a i n that i t was a pre-contact b e l i e f . 28 they wished to achieve r e c o g n i t i o n or d i s t i n c t i o n i n some a c t i v i t y , had to r e l y on a c q u i r i n g a d d i t i o n a l powers from supernatural beings. Bene-f i t s from supernatural beings could be achieved through the use of compulsive r i t u a l , through v i s i o n a r y experience or other l e s s d i r e c t a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h s p i r i t u a l e n t i t i e s , and through prayer. Compulsive r i t u a l , " s i w i l " , or what Duff c a l l s " s p e l l s " , could be used f o r a multitude of purposes, i n c l u d i n g hunting and f i g h i n g , gambling, causing an i n d i v i d u a l to become overpoweringly a t t r a c t i v e J t o another, even c u r i n g or causing s i c k n e s s , or i n f l i c t i n g bad l u c k i n war. Men could become e x c e l l e n t hunters, f i s h e r s , gamblers, and so f o r t h , i f they had knowledge of powerful s p e l l s . The causative p r i n -V c i p l e u n d erlying these s p e l l s i s not q u i t e c l e a r but i t would seem that s p e l l s , when a p p r o p r i a t e l y d i r e c t e d , had power over the s p i r i t -u a l elements of men, animals or other supernatural e n t i t i e s , causing them to behave i n the d e s i r e d way. " S i w i l " were i n h e r i t e d and no v i s -ionary experience was necessary. T h e i r e f f e c t i v e use, however, r e -quired s t r i c t r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n and l e g i t i m a c y of purpose. Some i n d i v i d u a l s , c a l l e d " r i t u a l i s t s " by Duff and " p r i e s t s " by Jenness, be-came known as s p e c i a l i s t s i n the knowledge and use of r i t u a l tech-niques. They could be asked to e x o r c i s e ghosts, r e s t o r e an i n d i v i d u a l ' s v i t a l i t y or remove the consequences of p o l l u t i o n by washing away im-p u r i t y through r i t u a l and prayer. But perhaps of more concern than the power derived from r i t u a l , was the power derived from s p i r i t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the power which re-V 29 vealed i t s e l f i n the s p e c i a l song and dance obtained. Almost everyone sooner or l a t e r acquired the dancing power and s p e c i a l song given by a guardian s p i r i t or " s u l i a " . As Jenness e x p l a i n s : From the world around him...a man received 'power' that aided him at i n t e r v a l s i n h i s y e a r l y round, and that often welled up i n s i d e him during the winter months, i m p e l l i n g him to burst i n t o song and dance (1955:41). Often an i n d i v i d u a l obtained such power from a guardian s p i r i t without • knowing, and had to be helped by experienced dancers to r e a l i z e h i s power and give i t expression. Even i f the i n d i v i d u a l had not acquired t h i s power i t could be induced by experienced dancers whose powers were e s p e c i a l l y strong. Although the S a l i s h term, " s u l i a " , r e f e r r i n g to the s p i r i t , i m p l i e d v i s i o n a r y experience, dancing power acquired from a guardian s p i r i t might or might not i n v o l v e v i s i o n a r y contact w i t h the s p i r i t : Through the power breathed i n them by old dancers r a t h e r than through i n d i v i d u a l dreams and v i s i o n s , d i d the m a j o r i t y of thejpeople acquire t h e i r guardian s p i r i t s . But...when these old dancers seized a youth and rendered him unconscious w i t h t h e i r breath, g i v i n g him whichever of t h e i r own guardian s p i r i t s they chose to confer, h i s v i t a l i t y never t r a v e l l e d f a r away....So f a r from reaching the true home of a s p i r i t and there l e a r n i n g i t s song, he heard no more than the 'echo' of that song here w i t h i n the realm of human beings. Conse-quently the power (swiam) that he received was.very s l i g h t (Jenness, 1955:46). In short, although almost everyone acquired s p i r i t powers, the nature and strength of t h i s power v a r i e d i n p r o p o r t i o n to the d i r e c t n e s s of contact and the i n t e n s i t y of the m a n / s p i r i t : ' r e l a t i o n s h i p ' . The i n t e n -s i t y of ' r e l a t i o n s h i p ' and consequent powers seem to have depended a great deal on the length and d i f f i c u l t y of t r a i n i n g undergone, w i t h i t s 30 r e s u l t i n g s t a t e of r i t u a l p u r i t y arid personal s p i r i t u a l s trength. On t h i s b a s i s , there were two main types of guardian s p i r i t r e l a t i o n -s h i p ; one whereby an i n d i v i d u a l , i n cl o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p to h i s s p i r i t , achieved the power to accomplish e x t r a o r d i n a r y f e a t s such as c u r i n g , and one whereby an i n d i v i d u a l received from h i s s p i r i t a song and danc-in g power. This second was by f a r the most common. Very few people had the a b i l i t y or the i n c l i n a t i o n to undertake the grave dangers and prolonged hardship required by t r a i n i n g f o r e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers such as c u r i n g . The a b i l i t y to perform a _ s p i r i t song and dance was concep-t u a l l y d i s t i n c t , f o r the Fr a s e r V a l l e y S a l i s h , from the e x e r c i s e of other types of s p i r i t power, although the same s p i r i t could give e i t h e r type of power to d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s . I n d i v i d u a l s w i t h other types of s p i r i t power a l s o had t h e i r s p i r i t songs. A shaman, f o r example, d i d not use h i s shaman songs at s p i r i t dances. Shamans were those who had acquired s p i r i t power to cure s i c k -ness through a s p i r i t quest. T h e o r e t i c a l l y anyone could become a sha-man i f he or she were w i l l i n g to undertake the necessary t r a i n i n g . Duff r e p o r t s : To my informants, a conversation on t r a i n i n g f o r supernatural power, was a conversation on shamans. A few w a r r i o r s , hun-t e r s , and gamblers t r a i n e d f o r a s p e c i f i c power, but these were regarded as exceptions (1950:98). There i s the strong suggestion that the s u c c e s s f u l novice could ask f o r , or would be granted, whatever power he sought. And since r i t u a l tech-niques were s u f f i c i e n t to secure everyday s o c i a l and economic concerns, the power to cure, w i t h i t s p o t e n t i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r everyone i n the 31 community, was presumably the one most l i k e l y to b r i n g d i s t i n c t i o n , and so, most sought a f t e r . Most commonly, at l e a s t f o r men, t r a i n i n g f o r s p i r i t power began i n e a r l y childhood, before the dangers of sexual impurity brought on by puberty. I f there was a r e l a t i v e j w h o was a shaman he was l i k e l y to i n s t r u c t the youngster, i f not, an experienced shaman might be h i r e d . A t about twelve the youth s t a r t e d going i n t o the woods alone. His periods of i s o l a t i o n became p r o g r e s s i v e l y longer and he wandered f u r -ther and f u r t h e r i n t o the more remote areas.'. He f a s t e d , bathed i n col d streams, purged himself, maintained continence and avoided con-t a c t w i t h women, and sang and danced to the p o i n t of-exhaustion, t r y i n g always to t h i n k of the power he wanted. Jenness' informant described h i s own experience (1955:65-67). When he was three years o l d , h i s mother, who was h e r s e l f a shaman, encouraged him to bathe and scrub himself, and imbued him w i t h a sense of being d i f f e r e n t from other c h i l -dren. When he reached about ei g h t years old she e n l i s t e d the a i d of her three o l d e s t and best-informed r e l a t i v e s to teach him h i s t o r y and r i t u a l knowledge. A t about ten, again a t h i s mother's i n s i s t e n c e , he st a r t e d to go out by himself i n the woods, and, f o r the next four win-t e r s he continued, s t a y i n g out f o r longer and longer periods and sub-j e c t i n g himself to greater and greater hardship. F i n a l l y , he was suc-c e s s f u l and acquired the power to remove sickness w i t h h i s hands. One of Duff's informants claimed that the t r a i n e e was u s u a l l y twenty-five to t h i r t y before he experienced anything, some were over f o r t y , and others never achieved success. 32 Shamanistic power could o c c a s i o n a l l y come from, "a quest l a t -er i n l i f e through i l l n e s s , or by i n h e r i t a n c e " (Duff, 1950:99). This l a s t d i d not apparently imply i n h e r i t a n c e of a s p i r i t but i n h e r i t a n c e of power. A man could t r a n s f e r power to h i s son but the son would s t i l l have to t r a i n f o r i t and the power "would not be as strong as the f a -th e r ' s" (Duff, 1950:100). I n d i v i d u a l s were b e l i e v e d more l i k e l y to get power j u s t a f t e r the death of a spouse because, "When your w i f e d i e s , p a r t of you.dies w i t h her, and you are d i f f e r e n t from what you were.... You are more powerful at that time" (Duff, 1950:95). According to Jenness' informant, t r a i n i n g had the e f f e c t of weakening the bonds which united the i n d i v i d u a l ' s v i t a l i t y and mind to the body, so that they could " t r a v e l " greater d i s t a n c e to "penetrate beyond the v e i l of the everyday world to the mystic realm of the unseen" (1955:65). This would seem to l i n k w i t h Duff's r e p o r t t h a t one was l i k e l y to r e c e i v e power at the death of a spouse. C l e a r l y , the acqui-s i t i o n of power depended upon something of a r e a l or symbolic s o c i a l death ( i s o l a t i o n from everyday a c t i v i t i e s by a r e t r e a t to the woods, or the death of one's status as wife or husband). I n d i v i d u a l s so i s o -l a t e d were once removed from the o r d i n a r y , commonplace a f f a i r s of every-day l i v i n g . The breaking or r e j e c t i o n of sexual t i e s , f o r example, was an important symbolic removal from the human world. The comment of Duff's informant a l s o i m p l i e s that the i n d i v i d u a l ' s strength of p e r -sonal power was i n some measure re s p o n s i b l e f o r the degree of s p i r i t power achieved. T r a i n i n g enhanced the i n d i v i d u a l ' s personal v i t a l i t y 33 or supernatural f o r c e . Loss of v i t a l i t y , through age f o r example, meant l o s s of power (Jenness, 1955:36). Perhaps we-may i n f e r that shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n involved a two-fold process. The i n i t i a t e increased h i s own personal v i t a l i t y w h i l e he reduced the bonds which united v i t a l i t y and mind to the body so that i t could t r a v e l . Increase i n personal s p i r i t f o r c e and the pro g r e s s i v e removal of the s p i r i t u a l from the p h y s i c a l was expressed i n r i t u a l , p h y s i c a l , and soc i a l . t e r m s by t r a i n i n g . T r a i n i n g was be-l i e v e d to increase v i t a l i t y , w h i l e , i n a very e m p i r i c a l f a s h i o n , i t emphasized a r e j e c t i o n of the normal p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l n e c e s s i t i e s , (such as food, warmth, s h e l t e r , a f f i n a l t i e s ) , of ordinary human l i f e . Duff w r i t e s : By v i r t u e of t h e i r s p e c i a l powers, shamans were very l i k e l y to become important and respected members of s o c i e t y , but they d i d not form a c l a s s or s o c i e t y apart. Their a b i l i t i e s to cause or cure d i s e a s e , to act as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s between men and ghosts, to t e l l what was happening i n d i s t a n t places and what was to happen i n the f u t u r e , and to help out i n wars brought them high respect as w e l l as more t a n g i b l e wealth (1950:102). Thus they had a f a i r l y broad range of a b i l i t i e s and d u t i e s . But they were not the sole s p e c i a l i s t s i n dealings w i t h the supernatural. A l -though, when regarded as a whole they seem almost unchallenged author-i t i e s of the s p i r i t world, i n d i v i d u a l l y , perhaps, they d i d not always emerge so c l e a r l y as the s p i r i t u a l leaders or spokesmen of the commun-i t y . F i r s t l y , d i f f e r e n t shamans had d i f f e r e n t powers. Some were spe-c i a l i s t s i n s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s or could only cure i n a c e r t a i n way. Some were more powerful than othersjand undoubtedly, e v a l u a t i o n of sha-34 mans w i t h respect to one another v a r i e d according to the a f f i l i a t i o n s of d i f f e r e n t groups. Secondly, r i t u a l techniques were b e l i e v e d e f f e c -t i v e f o r a l l manner of t h i n g s , sometimes even c u r i n g (Duff, 1950:115). A r i t u a l i s t , then, who knew the s p e c i f i c s p e l l necessary, might be sum-moned instead of a shaman. What Duff c a l l s the " f o r t u n e - t e l l e r " ("seuwa") was another k i n d of s p e c i a l i s t born w i t h the power to "see ghosts, to f i n d l o s t a r t i c l e s , to see f a r - o f f events ( f a r - s i g h t e d n e s s ) , and to foresee f u t u r e events" (Duff, 1950:114). "Seuwa" were f r e q u e n t l y considered more e f f i c i e n t than shamans f o r mediating w i t h ghosts and might be c a l l e d , i nstead of a shaman, to preside over the f e a s t f o r the ghosts held four days a f t e r a death. Neither were shamans leaders i n a l l r i t u a l a f f a i r s . For example, the F i r s t Salmon Ceremony was con-ducted by a c h i e f , the o l d e s t man of the community, or the fisherman who caught the f i r s t f i s h . Nevertheless, shamans, more than any of these other s p e c i a l i s t s , were feared and respected f o r t h e i r knowledge and a b i l i t y . They were u s u a l l y s u c c e s s f u l fishermen and hunters, usu-a l l y obtained s e v e r a l winter dance s p i r i t songs,and were l i k e l y to be wealthy and so more l i k e l y to have h i g h . s t a t u s . T h e i r "general e x c e l -lence i n these f i e l d s was considered to be l a r g e l y a r e s u l t of t h e i r f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h s p i r i t matters" (Duff, 1950:102). They becane peo-p l e of s t a t u r e , d e f e r r e d - t o and t r e a t e d w i t h respect, courtesy and circumspection f o r f e a r of the p o s s i b l e consequences should they have cause to f e e l offence. U n f o r t u n a t e l y Duff says very l i t t l e about the r e l a t i o n s h i p between shamans and the community (as opposed to 'society') but i t i s 35 my impression that shamans were to some extent a l i g n e d w i t h s p e c i f i c v i l l a g e communities and that they were thought l i k e l y to use t h e i r po-wers i n the i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r own community, sometimes i n o p p o s i t i o n to other groups. Duff w r i t e s : A shaman from S a r d i s , whose s u l i a was the s i x q i (double-headed snake), had t h i s carved on h i s totem-pole (house-p o s t ^ ) ) and 'put h i s power i n i t ' . Any enemy r a i d i n g par-t i e s who saw i t got s i c k . " I guess he doctored h i s own people so they d i d n ' t get s i c k " (1950:101). When d i s c u s s i n g shamans, Duff's informants o f t e n stated where the par-t i c u l a r shaman was from, thereby a l i g n i n g him w i t h a community, or r e s -i d e n t i a l grouping. One inference which emerges from the data i s that shamans, e s p e c i a l l y powerful, ones, tended to become widely known pub-l i c f i g u r e s . Jenness' informant was known throughout the Lower Main-land and Vancouver I s l a n d . Duff's informants could give examples of shamans from q u i t e d i s t a n t communities. For example, E.L. from Omahil mentions a shaman from S a r d i s , a K i l g a r d shaman, one from Hope, and a Cultus Lake shaman besides•those whom he knew i n h i s own community. One i s impressed by the i n t e r e s t that shamans seemed to arouse, judg-i n g at l e a s t by the number of s t o r i e s Duff was able to c o l l e c t , and t h e i r wealth of d e t a i l , i n comparison w i t h s t o r i e s concerning other spe c i a l i s t s . I n e f f e c t shamans appear to have stood as p u b l i c f i g u r e s i n much the same way as ' c h i e f s ' or "siem"; at once al i g n e d w i t h a commun-i t y but of wider r e p u t a t i o n . "Siem", or s o - c a l l e d c h i e f s , were men who came to be u n o f f i c i a l and i n f o r m a l leaders i n community matters by v i r -tue of t h e i r a b i l i t y , wisdom and generosity. By t h e i r success and a b i l 36 to win respect they became focal figures of interest. Similarly, sha-mans , by their success and the respect commanded by their powers-came to receive broad, but informal, public influence. Theories of disease and curing practises seem to have followed Northwest coast patterns with the.difference that, like the.position of shaman itself, curing patterns showed much more informality than found elsewhere on the Coast. Disease could be caused by soul loss or object intrusion and curing was accomplished by retrieving the soul and blow-ing i t into the victim's head, by sucking ;out the intrusive object, or blowing out the ailment. There is only one specific mention, by the informants who give examples, that the cures were public or involved any formal ceremonialism. One informant states: . "The doctor comes, puts a basket on his head. He has. a bunch singing and drumming while he goes and gets (the soul)" (Duff, 1950:112). In spiritual terms the shaman was intermediary between the human and supernatural worlds. His training and initiation differen-tiated him from others in at least two respects: f irstly, through training he achieved a ritual purity and spiritual force such that in an encounter with the supernatural he could maintain a balance of power; secondly, through training and initiation he experienced symbolic death and was both once removed from the ordinary and commonplace affairs of everyday l i fe , particularly human intercourse and sexuality, and once nearer the spirit world. In more broadly religious terms, the division between shaman and others appeared less. He was one of several specialists who could 37 command supernatural .power, w h i l e as shaman, he d i f f e r e d from other s p i r i t dancers only i n s o f a r as he was l i k e l y to get more s p i r i t songs than usual. S a l i s h r e l i g i o u s involvement was l a r g e l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c and e g a l i t a r i a n , almost everyone p a r t i c i p a t i n g on equal terms i n the major r e l i g i o u s ceremonies. To quote Duff: S p i r i t s i n g i n g . d u r i n g the winter dancing season was the most prominent and s a t i s f y i n g phase of S t a l o r e l i g i o u s and cere-monial l i f e . The s p i r i t songwas the type : of i n d i v i d u a l guar-d i a n s p i r i t power which most people rec e i v e d at some time i n t h e i r l i v e s . . . . A song could u s u a l l y be expected to come un-s o l i c i t e d to anyone i n t e r e s t e d i n becoming a dancer. I f one d i d n ' t come unsought, there was a way i n which one could be i n s t i l l e d i n t o a p r o s p e c t i v e new dancer (Duff, 1950:103). Shamans p a r t i c i p a t e d i n these dances, not as shamans, but as s p i r i t dancers, s i n g i n g s p i r i t songs d i s t i n c t from t h e i r shaman songs, S a l i s h r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y can be regarded as p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h a c h i e v i n g a d i v e r s i t y of economic, s o c i a l and ceremonial ends deemed beyond the c a p a c i t y of men by themselves. The shaman had a monopoly of access to a r e l a t i v e l y l i m i t e d number of these ends. He d i f f e r e d from other men w i t h s p i r i t power, however, by the f a c t that h i s powers could be used i n the s e r v i c e of others. His v i s i o n a r y s p i r i t powers were a p u b l i c resource. I n secular terms the p o s i t i o n of shaman was important. I t seems to have been c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from that of other s p e c i a l i s t s . I n p u r e l y s t r u c t u r a l terms the shaman was focus of a number of counter-v a i l i n g p r i n c i p l e s , w h i l e the s e l e c t i v e pressures instrumental i n the development of a shaman ( i n i t i a t i o n and t r a i n i n g ) seem to have insured that.they were normally i n d i v i d u a l s of above average a b i l i t y . The sha-38 man was both a member of a community, i n some.part r e s p o n s i b l e f o r i t s s p i r i t u a l w e l f are and p h y s i c a l h e a l t h , and a s p e c i a l i s t i n a wider sense, from whom people c o u l d , and d i d , request help. He was l i k e other men (owning s p i r i t songs and subject to subsistence requirements) but set apart-from them by rig o r o u s r i t u a l , r e q u i r e m e n t s . He was both feared f o r h i s a b i l i t y to cause sickness or death, and respected f o r h i s power to cure. From the viewpoint of p e r s o n a l i t y , shamans were unusually capable hunters, f i s h e r s , s p i r i t dancers, and so f o r t h . They were u s u a l l y wealthy. The key f a c t o r d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the p o s i t i o n of shaman from other s p e c i a l i s t s i s s i g n a l l e d by the importance of t r a i n i n g . The S a l i s h themselves regarded t r a i n i n g as the c r i t i c a l f a c t o r . I n excep-t i o n a l cases i t was p o s s i b l e to obt a i n power without the lengthy t r a i n -i n g but t r a i n i n g was t h e . i d e a l . N e i t h e r those who i n h e r i t e d s p e l l s nor those born w i t h inherent powers needed to undergo t r a i n i n g . S p i r i t dancers could r e c e i v e v i s i o n a r y i n i t i a t i o n b ut-did not r e c e i v e s p i r i t power unless they had undergone lengthy t r a i n i n g . I n both p r a c t i c a l and symbolic terms, t r a i n i n g . a n d s u c c e s s f u l i n i t i a t i o n s elected those of unusual a b i l i t y , s trength and p e r s i s t a n c e and set them o f f from the ordinary and mundane, and from the p o l l u t e d . Shamans were evidence of man's dependence on the s p i r i t world and of the excellence which could come from harmony w i t h the s p i r i t world. 39 CHAPTER - I I I NOOTKA. SHAMANI SM Drucker's The Northern and C e n t r a l Nootkan T r i b e s (1951), was the major ethnographic source consulted f o r the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n . S a p i r ' s "The L i f e of a Nootka I n d i a n " (1921), and Sapir and Swadesh's Nootka Texts (1939) and Nati v e Accounts of Nootka Ethnography (1955), were a l s o consulted. Drucker's r e p o r t i s comprehensive and d e t a i l e d . Frequently i t has given d e t a i l e d information not a v a i l a b l e f o r other p a r t s of the Coast. A p o i n t to note i s that Drucker and Sapir and Swadesh appear to give d i f f e r e n t emphasis to the Tsayik r i t u a l , a group c u r i n g and shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n ceremony. Sapir and Swadesh give a d e t a i l e d account of t h i s r i t u a l a set an item of ethnographic d e t a i l i n . t h e i r l i n g u i s t i c r e p o r t Nootka Texts (1939:107). Drucker mentions the r i t u a l but d i d not regard i t as ever having been of great importance among most of the northern and, c e n t r a l Nootkan peoples, a t t r i b u t i n g i t s importance among the groups.studied by Sapir to the f a c t that they were adjacent to S a l i s h speaking peoples and r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d from other Nootkan groups (1951:216). Drucker was i n t e r e s t e d i n pre s e n t i n g a general ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n and i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t , i n the i n -t e r e s t s of c l a r i t y , he minimized some of the d i f f e r e n c e s between groups. L i k e other Northwest Coast groups, the Nootka b e l i e v e d i n a host of animal and s p i r i t supernatural beings endowed w i t h v a r y i n g d i f -f e r e n t extra-human c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which could harm men or be u t i l i z e d by them f o r s o c i a l and economic ends. The various animal and s p i r i t 4 0 beings of Nootka t e r r i t o r y provided most c r i t i c a l s o c i a l and .economic resources:, food, supernatural power to perform extrahuman f e a t s , and ceremonial p r i v i l e g e s . Most important f o r man's p h y s i c a l w e l l - b e i n g were the Salmon and Herring people, who, provided they were t r e a t e d w i t h proper care and respect, would r e t u r n year a f t e r year to v i s i t the coast i n t h e i r f i s h form and allow themselves to be caught. Squir-r e l s and minks sometimes provided shamanistic power. K i l l e r whales could give power to a t t a i n wealth. Whales, by t h e i r capture, brought men esteem. ,A race of s p i r i t , beings c a l l e d '"'ya a i " could b r i n g wealth power, shamanistic power,ceremonial p r e r o g a t i v e s , or a number of other b e n e f i t s . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to know whether the p h y s i c a l w e l l - b e i n g which came to men when the salmon and h e r r i n g allowed themselves to be caught, or the p r e s t i g e which came to the whaler, can be thought of as a t t a i n -ments wrought from supernaturals i n the same way as powers such as the power to h e a l , hunt, or grow wealthy were, but perhaps the p o s s i b i l i t y i s not too f a r - f e t c h e d . I n each case, an animal or s p i r i t e n t i t y was approached or t r e a t e d i n p r e s c r i b e d ways i n the b e l i e f that i t had the power to grant or f r u s t r a t e the d e s i r e d end. As Drucker observes, b e l i e f s i n the a t t r i b u t e s of p a r t i c u l a r kinds of supernatural beings were g e n e r a l l y c o n s i s t e n t w i t h Nootka know-ledge of, and f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h , d i f f e r e n t p a r ts of t h e i r environment. He w r i t e s t h a t : The woods and mountains were thought to be populated by vast numbers of dangerous and horrendous superntarual beings while the sea contained fewer and l e s s malignant s p i r i t s . (1951:151). 41 Although almost a l l supernatural beings were viewed as e i t h e r p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous (even the salmon, i f improperly t r e a t e d could be-come vengeful and s t e a l human s o u l s ) , or p o s i t i v e l y malevolent, by the use of s p e c i f i c techniques they could be avoided when necessary, and were capable of being manipulated. The Nootka themselves considered r i t u a l - . a s i n dispensable i n t h e i r economic p u r s u i t s as the manufacture and maintenance pf t o o l s and weapons(Drucker, 1951:15, 163). We might almost term t h e i r economic r i t u a l knowledge p a r t of t h e i r technology, so c l o s e l y and c o n s i s t e n t l y were they l i n k e d . A major p o r t i o n of Nootkan r e l i g i o n . . . c o n s i s t e d of a s e r i e s of techniques f o r manipulating supernatural power to one's own ends....Performing the r i t e s p r o p e r l y was as important as l a y i n g a good sound harpoon l i n e . . . . A man performed h i s r i t e s , o f t e n arduous and p a i n f u l , w i t h s t o l i d . d e t e r m i n a t i o n ; he approached s i t u a t i o n s - of a c t u a l contact w i t h s p i r i t s not w i t h awe or ecstasy but with p h y s i c a l f e a r that he grim l y overcame, b o l s t e r e d by the knowledge that i f he performed h i s r i t u a l a cts p r o p e r l y he would r e c e i v e no harm, but ra t h e r sure suc-cess (Drucker, 1951:163). M a n i p u l a t i v e techniques could i n v o l v e p r o p i t i a t i o n , techniques of com-p u l s i v e magic, or s p i r i t contact. Hunting or f i s h i n g of a l l important animals i n Nootka economy in v o l v e d r i t u a l , e i t h e r p r o p i t i a t o r y or com-p u l s i v e , at some stage. P r o p i t i a t o r y techniques were used p r i m a r i l y f o r . t h e salmon and h e r r i n g and f o r whales. The former were honored a t the F i r s t Salmon and F i r s t H e r r i n g ceremonies and at a l l times the bones of these creatures were preserved and returned to the water so t h a t , when r e i n c a r n a t e d , they would have no reason not to r e t u r n again. Sim-i l a r l y , a f t e r k i l l i n g or beaching a dead whale, the animal was honored 42 by a small ceremony before d i v i d i n g the carcass. Compulsive r i t u a l s were of fundamental importance to the Nootka. As Drucker defines them these were: ...magical acts whose - c o r r e c t performance brought about the d e s i r e d r e s u l t i n a cause-effect r e a c t i o n . Included were the furmulaic p r a y e r s ; the a p p l i c a t i o n of 'medicines' (au y i ) . . . ; use of human corpses and bones; the s e t t i n g up of dummy f i g u r e s i m i t a t i n g ' t h e d e s i r e d a c t , as i n the s h r i n e s ; and the procedures of black magic (1951:164). Compulsive r i t e s were p r i v a t e property. They, were a l l supposed to have been de r i v e d from supernatural encounters i n which the supernatural being gave i n s t r u c t i o n s by which anyone who followed the c o r r e c t pro-cedure could expect success. Knowledge of s p e c i f i c r i t e s were c l o s e l y guarded h e r e d i t a r y s e c r e t s . While i t would seem, from Drucker's exam-p l e s , that ordinary i n d i v i d u a l s most commonly owned r i t e s that were of p r i v a t e b e n e f i t (or of l i m i t e d and i n d i r e c t b e n e f i t to o t h e r s ) , ' c h i e f s ' ("ha'wil") were of t e n extremely important owners of r i t u a l knowledge. Most, i f not a l l c h i e f s , could perform a r i t e to b r i n g the h e r r i n g , say, or to a t t r a c t dead whales to shore. Knowledge of such p u b l i c l y b e n e f i -c i a l r i t u a l was an important prop to c h i e f l y a u t h o r i t y . I n t h i s con-n e c t i o n c h i e f s o f t e n had, what Drucker c a l l s , " s h r i n e s " , where the r i t -u a l i s t prepared his.'medicines' and performed h i s r i t e s . These were made and used to " b r i n g " a v a r i e t y of products of economic importance; o f t e n the same shrine and i t s r i t u a l served to b r i n g heavy runs of salmon, h e r r i n g , and to cause dead whales to d r i f t ashore. Most f r e q u e n t l y the c h i e f who owned the t e r r i t o r y where these commodities were obtained was expected to see to i t that the supply d i d not f a i l by c a r r y -i n g out h i s r i t u a l s m e t i c u l o u s l y (1951:171). 43 On these occasions c h i e f s performed a. p r i v a t e h e r e d i t a r y prerogative i n p u b l i c c a p a c i t y . A technique, both p r o p i t i a t o r y and compulsive i n character, was r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n . Drucker reports that the underlying concept, c l e a r l y expressed by the Nootka was: ...that the odors of warm, sweaty humanity were repugnant to the s p i r i t s . By bathing i n c o l d water t i l l the body was c h i l l e d , however, and scrubbing away grime and sweat with p l e a s a n t - s m e l l i n g or m a g i c a l l y potent p l a n t s one could ap-proach the s p i r i t s , without t h e i r being aware of h i s presence (1951:166). R i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n was e s s e n t i a l f o r a l l contact w i t h supernatural beings: i t f a c i l i t a t e d contact when t h i s was d e s i r a b l e , as i n hunting, or reduced the dangers when undesirable. Contact w i t h a malevolent or powerful being could be f a t a l unless the i n d i v i d u a l was s u f f i c i e n t l y pure. Besides enhancing the i n d i v i d u a l ' s appeal to supernatural beings, r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n a l s o seems to have increased the i n d i v i d u a l ' s own supernatural power. I n d i v i d u a l s were commonly said to bathe f o r power. P r o p i t i a t o r y r i t u a l , compulsive r i t u a l and r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n were the means by which most people ensured t h e i r everyday ends. I n a d d i t i o n , the s p e c i a l r i t u a l knowledge of c h i e f s f u r t h e r helped to ensure economic s e c u r i t y f o r the community. Very few people attempted or even d e s i r e d v i s i o n a r y contact w i t h supernatural beings. S p i r i t contact could be sought f o r the purposes of a c q u i r i n g ceremonial p r e r o g a t i v e s , shamanistic powers, or miscellaneous powers 44 such as "good l u c k " power, power f o r a t t r a c t i n g wealth, hunting power, and so f o r t h . High ranking people and c h i e f s were most l i k e l y to seek ceremonial prerogatives or powers of some economic importance. Successful v i s i o n a r y contact depended on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a b i l i t y to overcome the supernatural being. Thus, although t h e o r e t i c a l -l y contact could come u n s o l i c i t e d , i t was more l i k e l y to have been sought, since success i n overcoming the being depended.on the i n d i v i d u -a l ' s r i t u a l p u r i t y and h i s a b i l i t y to withstand the supernatural emana-t i o n s long enough to shout a r i t u a l c r y. Commonly, the i n d i v i d u a l pre-pared himself by rigorous r i t u a l bathing, keeping continence, and s i n g -i n g songs and prayers f o r supernatural a i d given to him by elder kinsmen as h e r e d i t a r y f a m i l y s e c r e t s . The encounter with a s p i r i t "was tremen-dously charged with danger" (1951:187). Should the i n d i v i d u a l not make hi s r i t u a l c r y , should he remove h i s eye from the s p i r i t , or not be i n the proper s t a t e - o f r i t u a l c l e a n l i n e s s , he and not the s p i r i t would be vanquished. The best prepared might manage to give the r i t u a l c r y , and whatever accompaniment was r e q u i r e d , while others might recover a f t e r the s p i r i t s had gone, to make t h e i r s p i r i t c ry over any remains. A t the sound of the c r y the s p i r i t was supposed to "t u r n to foam" or disap-pear, l e a v i n g some m a t e r i a l token of the encounter. This token had to be preserved at a l l c o s t s . As Drucker e x p l a i n s : The token -- a r a t t l e , a b i t of dyed cedar bark, a bundle of med i c i n a l leaves, a painted pebble, or whatever i t might be -- had to be p r e s e r v e d . . . . A l l the power of the s p i r i t some-how res i d e d i n t h i s f e t i s h -- should i t be l o s t , the f i n d e r l o s t c o n t r o l of the s p i r i t , and consequently h i s shamanistic power (1951:187). 45 Thus f a r v i s i o n a r y i n i t i a t i o n was the same f o r shamans as f o r any other seeker of s p i r i t power. S p i r i t contact was no l e s s d i f -f i c u l t and dangerous f o r those who sought ceremonial p r e r o g a t i v e s or wealth power than f o r those who sought shamanistic power. Shamans d i f -fered from those who acquired other types of power i n that t h e i r r e l a -t i o n s h i p w i t h the s p i r i t being was ongoing, continuous and intense. Sometime a f t e r h i s s p i r i t encounter, the prospective shaman was helped i n e s t a b l i s h i n g c o n t r o l over the s p i r i t by a power " f i x i n g " ceremony. I t was t h i s ceremony which p u b l i c l y e s t a b l i s h e d the i n i t i a t e ' s i n t e n t i o n of becoming a shaman and i t was at t h i s p o i n t that shamanistic i n i t i a -t i o n o v e r t l y departed from ordinary i n i t i a t i o n s ( s i n c e the r i t u a l cry of shamanistic novices was d i s t i n c t i v e i t may have been instrumental i n determining the type of power r e c e i v e d ) . An experienced shaman, pre-f e r a b l y one who was a kinsman or t r u s t e d neighbour,was c a l l e d to "set h i s power r i g h t " . He made scraping motions over the novice's body, "gathering the power together" (Drucker, 1951:188). With c o n t r o l over the s p i r i t e s t a b l i s h e d , the novice began a p e r i o d of t r a i n i n g , l a s t i n g from s e v e r a l months to 3 or 4 years, under the ' i n s t r u c t i o n ' of h i s s p i r i t . A l l the techniques of h e a l i n g , the songs used, the k i n d of face p a i n t , r a t t l e , ornaments, dancing, were taught the novice by h i s helper so t h a t , although shamanistic techniques were g e n e r a l l y s i m i l a r , each shaman had h i s own p a r t i c u l a r v a r i a t i o n s . By the time the novice was i n s t r u c t e d by h i s s p i r i t that i t was time f o r him to s t a r t p r a c t i -46 s i n g "everyone knew about him". The usual procedure f o r announcing one's readiness was to give a f e a s t or, more commonly, ask one's c h i e f to give a f e a s t , where the announcement could be made and h i s shaman's 1 name made.public. While not h e r e d i t a r y , shamanism tended to run i n f a m i l i e s , Drucker describes the experience of one informant as an example. The informants' maternal grandmother, p a t e r n a l grandfather and elder s i s -t e r were a l l noted shamans. As a c h i l d her maternal grandmother per-suaded her to take p a r t i n r i t u a l bathing expeditions and taught her "how to cure, how to f i n d and take out the disease o b j e c t s , as w e l l as what to do when she encountered shamanistic power" (1951:189). Suc-c e s s f u l c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the s p i r i t r e q u ired considerable r i t u a l , mental, and emotional p r e p a r a t i o n . While most.people might l e a r n shamanistic techniques from c u r i n g ceremonies, the p r e c i s e d e t a i l s of how to acquire p a r t i c u l a r s p i r i t s and manipulate them remained f a m i l y s e c r e t s . Because the Nootka c o n s i s t e n t l y placed such s t r e s s on the compulsive power of words and a c t i o n s i n c o n t r o l l i n g s p i r i t s , i t i s l i k e l y that only those w i t h e s o t e r i c knowledge would f e e l s u f f i c i e n t l y c o n f i d e n t to seek or c l a i m a v i s i o n a r y encounter. Thus although formal i n s t r u c t i o n by another shaman was not necessary f o r i n i t i a t i o n i n Nootka terms, i t was l i k e l y to have been the most usual procedure. 1. Sapir r e p o r t s another kind of shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n found among the South and C e n t r a l Nootkan t r i b e s (1939:107; 1921:355). See page 49. 47 Once e s t a b l i s h e d , shamans continued to seek s p i r i t encounters and increase t h e i r power,since d i f f e r e n t s p i r i t s gave power to heal d i f f e r e n t kinds of diseases. Over a l i f e t i m e most shamans acquired s e v e r a l helpers. The most powerful and famous shamans were those who could cure the most i n t r a c t a b l e diseases. I n terms of r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s , shamans were not much d i f -f e r e n t i a t e d from others. U n l i k e the Haida, T l i n g i t and Tsimshian sha-mans, Nootka shamans were not d i s t i n g u i s h e d from others i n everyday l i f e by dress, h a i r s t y l e . o r any other item of appearance, and they were not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from others at death. The b u r i a l of a shaman was the same as that of any other i n d i v i d u a l . Despite the popular conception of shamans as being wealthy and s u c c e s s f u l , as Drucker p o i n t s o u t , i n p r a c t i s e no shaman, as shaman, could ever hope to r i v a l a c h i e f by g i v i n g a pot l a t c h (1951:182-3). Drucker concludes that the respect and p r e s t i g e o f f e r e d them was the major motive f o r becoming a shaman: D i s c u s s i o n of shamanism w i t h informants leaves ore.with a sharp impression.of the respect the people had f o r shamans, and the i n t e r e s t i n the c u r i n g performances... .And a shaman was n e a r l y always t r e a t e d , i t would seem, with the deference due to one who has another world peopled by potent fearsome beings at h i s very f i n g e r t i p s . . . p e r h a p s , o c c a s i o n a l l y c o l -ored by the f e a r that the shaman1s. powers might not be f o r good only (1951:183). I t i s p o s s i b l e that t h i s popular conception of shamans as s u c c e s s f u l was l i n k e d to the degree of p r e s t i g e granted them. U n l i k e the Tsimshian shamans, f o r example, who performed pub-l i c s e r v i c e s by o f f i c i a t i n g at ceremonies, f o r e s e e i n g the f u t u r e , f o i -48 lowing the movements of game and so f o r t h , i n a d d i t i o n to t h e i r c u r i n g , Nootka shamans seem only to have been curers. Several causes of disease were recognized. I t could be caused by the i n t r u s i o n of v a r i o u s d i f -f e r e n t kinds of disease o b j e c t s , "sent" by human or supernatural aggres-sors or by e v i l shamans; by possession by a s p i r i t , u s u a l l y f a t a l ; or by soul l o s s . When a person f e l l i l l and other means had f a i l e d , a shaman was c a l l e d i n . The p a r t i c u l a r shaman depended on the wealth and status of the f a m i l y . I f the i n d i v i d u a l belonged to a wealthy f a m i l y , some famous shaman might-be c a l l e d i n from a neighbouring v i l l a g e . Other-wise the closest kinsman or the nearest shaman a v a i l a b l e was c a l l e d . The cure was p u b l i c , everyone i n the community a t t e n d i n g , and u s u a l l y held at n i g h t . The shaman assembled h i s a s s i s t a n t s , u s u a l l y male and female c l o s e k i n , who helped him by. drumming and s i n g i n g h i s s p i r i t songs. The shaman began by c a l l i n g upon his. s p i r i t helpers to d i v i n e the cause. As he sang.his s p i r i t songs: His power increased and he came i n c l o s e r contact w i t h the s p i r i t world. The space about him came to be peopledzwi'th s p i r i t s , who sang w i t h him and t o l d him what to do....Along . w i t h the power to see h i s supernatural h e l p e r s , the shaman could see other things i n v i s i b l e to common eyes as h i s power became stronger. Some would f e e l and.press the p a t i e n t ' s body w i t h t h e i r hands as they sang, to l o c a t e the place i n which the sickness was concentrated, but therj!.more powerful 'doctors'...could 'see' i n t o the body of the s i c k person.... I n t h i s way he was able to diagnose the p a r t i c u l a r disease f r o m w h i c h t h e , p a t i e n t s u f f e r e d (1951:205). A t no time were shamanspossessed by t h e i r s p i r i t s . The s p i r i t s came cl o s e and d i r e c t e d them, but remained subordinate to the shaman's w i l l . 49 Once the s p i r i t s had drawn c l o s e and the shaman had been able to make a d i a g n o s i s of the p a t i e n t ' s c o n d i t i o n s he stopped and waited f o r the of-f e r of payment to be made. The s p i r i t , r ather than the shaman was sup-posed to decide, on the appropriate payment. The usual payment ran from 4 to 10 d o l l a r s , sometimes more i f the p a t i e n t was. of high rank. Once the s p i r i t , or s p i r i t s , were s a t i s f i e d w i t h the o f f e r , i f i t was w i t h i n h i s power the shaman proceeded with the cure. I f the cause was an i n -t r u s i v e object the shaman would t r y sucking or removing i t w i t h motions.? of the hands. I f the cause was soul l o s s the shaman went a f t e r it , v>into the sea i f the salmon were b e l i e v e d r e s p o n s i b l e . Most shamans performed no more than a few cures a year. The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of shamans seems to have been l a r g e l y l i m i t e d to diagnosing and c u r i n g disease. I f d i -sease was a t t r i b u t e d to sorcery or object i n t r u s i o n the i n d i v i d u a l r e s -p o n s i b l e was u s u a l l y "whoever had r e c e n t l y quarreled w i t h t h e . v i c t i m or the v i c t i m ' s parents ( i n the case of a c h i l d ) or who otherwise had most reason to d e s i r e the person's death" (1951:215). Sapir and Swadesh ( S a p i r and Swadesh, 1939:107; S a p i r , 1921: 355) reported another kind of c u r i n g ceremony, "the Tsayik, a d o c t o r i n g r i t u a l " , at which c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s could a l s o become i n i t i a t e d as shamans. The i n f o r m a t i o n i s not c l e a r but i t would appear that sometimes, i n the case of p e r s i s t e n t s i c k n e s s , i t was decided to hold the'Tsayik ceremony and i n v i t a t i o n s were sent out to Tsayik members (those, I i n f e r , who had been i n i t i a t e d a t such a ceremony). Several days before the c u r i n g , those who were to be i n i t i a t e d were seized and f o r 10 days, dur-50 i n g which time members sang t h e i r songs and performed a c u r i n g r i t u a l , the novices underwent i n i t i a t i o n . Drucker mentions the ceremony but re p o r t s that "the Northern t r i b e s knew.of i t but say they never had i t " (1951:216). He was able to c o l l e c t only fragmentary data. Among the Northern Nootka at any r a t e , i t does not seem to have been a very pronounced means.of c u r i n g or a c q u i r i n g shamanistic powers. A b r i e f mention should perhaps be made of ceremonialism gener-a l l y i n Nootka s o c i e t y . As among other Northwest Coast groups, cere-monial p r i v i l e g e s were h i g h l y esteemed among.the Nootka. They were u s u a l l y h e r e d i t a r y , supposed to have been de r i v e d i n the past from some supernatural source. Two main types.of ceremonial p r i v i l e g e were those able to be performed at p o t l a t c h e s and those a s s o c i a t e d w i t h what Drucker c a l l s the "Shamans' Dance", and what others have c a l l e d the'Wolf r i t u a l " ( S a p i r , 1921:363). He p r e f e r s to c a l l i t Shamans' Dance a f t e r i t s n a t i v e name and because, "as the n a t i v e name suggests, numerous features of the ceremonial r e f e r to the l o c a l shamanistic p a t t e r n " (1951: .386). The Shamans' Dance or Wolf r i t u a l was somewhat analogous to the Secret S o c i e t y dances of the K w a k i u t l except that i t was more c l o s e l y a s s o ciated w i t h l i n e a g e s . Each c h i e f , as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of h i s l i n e a g e , i n h e r i t e d spe-c i a l songs, dances, d i s p l a y r i g h t s , and other performances to be used i n the r i t u a l , and sometimes these r i g h t s overlapped, that i s , two or more c h i e f s would each own a d i f f e r e n t pro-cedure f o r accomplishing the same r e s u l t . . . . B r i e f l y , the ceremonial can be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as a dramatic performance i n which the e n t i r e l o c a l populace p a r t i c i p a t e d (Drucker,1951:387). 51 Shamans,,as such, were no more c l o s e l y involved with these ceremonials than anyone else . They ^ p a r t i c i p a t e d at such ceremonials on the same terms as anyone else of the same rank and, l i k e everyone else, might or might not acquire s p e c i f i c p r i v i l e g e s according to inheritance or the favour of c h i e f s . Nootka s o c i a l organization rested on the twin p r i n c i p l e s of kinship and rank. Ideally,, rank was a system of r e l a t i v e l y fixed pos-i t i o n s with attendant r i g h t s , p r i v i l e g e s and duties, into which i n d i -v i d u a l s were re c r u i t e d on the basis of primogeniture. The eldest o f f -spring of the eldest o f f s p r i n g were e n t i t l e d to the foremost rank p o s i t i o n s , successively more d i s t a n t o f f s p r i n g from the d i r e c t l i n e of descent being e n t i t l e d to successively lesser rank p o s i t i o n s . For example, the foremost chief of the Moachat owned, among other things, "the water along the outer coast...the southeast t i p of Nootka Island and adjacent waters, and inland to the watershed of Nuchatlitz i n l e t " (Drucker, 1951:248), while the ch i e f s of more junior Moachat lineages owned les s extensive stretches of t e r r i t o r y , and s t i l l l e s ser people owned various minor r i g h t s .such as the r i g h t to place a trap on a cer-t a i n r i v e r or the r i g h t to l i v e i n one corner of the chi e f ' s house. Hav-ing said t h i s , i t i s necessary to modify the statement somewhat. A l -though i t i s possible to regard rank as a system of positions indepen-dent of the i n d i v i d u a l s who held them, at le a s t i n h i s t o r i c times when depopulation reduced the number of people av a i l a b l e to f i l l them, par-t i c u l a r p o s i t i o n s , with t h e i r bundles of ri g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s , could 52 be modified. The incumbent of a p a r t i c u l a r p o s i t i o n might f a l l h e i r to added pr e r o g a t i v e s or he might be superceeded by others who i n h e r i -ted s e v e r a l sets of p r i v i l e g e s . Thus 'Tom', a respectable but by no means a r i s t o c r a t i c Nootka I n d i a n described by Sapir (1921:232-41, 351-367), was able to create a--position of high rank f o r himself by pot-l a t c h i n g and d i s p l a y i n g . a s e r i e s of p r i v i l e g e s which, i n p r e h i s t o r i c times, he might not have i n h e r i t e d i n . t o t a l . K i n s h i p was reckoned b i l a t e r a l l y , w i t h a . p a t r i l i n e a l b i a s . I n d i v i d u a l s maintained k i n s h i p l i n k s and r e c i p r o c a l o b l i g a t i o n s w i t h r e l a t i v e s on both the mother's and. the f a t h e r ' s s i d e , although they may have tended to s t r e s s p a t e r n a l connections. K i n s h i p and rank s t r u c t u r e d the basic s o c i a l u n i t s of s o c i e t y and s t r o n g l y determined patterns of i n t e r a c t i o n . The p r i n c i p a l s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l u n i t was the 1 l i n e a g e ' - l o c a l group, comprised of a core of kinsmen r e l a t e d to the c h i e f ("ha'wil") who owned her e d i -t a r y t i t l e to t e r r i t o r i a l r i g h t s and other p r i v i l e g e s , plus a v a r i a b l e number of t r a n s i e n t f o l l o w e r s who claimed more d i s t a n t k i n s h i p connec-t i o n s to the c h i e f or h i s k i n . This group was held together by a com-p l e x of r e c i p r o c a l r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s based on rank and k i n s h i p claims. B y - v i r t u e of h i s rank, the c h i e f was e n t i t l e d to the "help", r e s p e c t , and l o y a l t y of h i s f o l l o w e r s ; by v i r t u e of k i n connections they i n t u r n were e n t i t l e d to p r o t e c t i o n and s e c u r i t y from the c h i e f . The a u t h o r i t y , of rank was based on the c o n t r o l of resources: 53 The real fountainhead of chiefly power is clear. Whatever authority a chief had derived in f i n a l analysis from the var-ious rights he had inherited. The head chiefs, the 'real chiefs', were those who held the most, the lower chiefs, those who owned less, and commoners were-: simply people who possessed none at a l l (Drucker, 1951:247). " A l l the territory, except for remote inland areas, was regarded as the property of certain chiefs" (Drucker, 1951:248). Rights to names, ceremonial prerogatives, houses etc., a l l belonged to various chiefs. Chiefs thus controlled the distribution of a l l major resources. Any-one of a chief's group might u t i l i z e his various economic resources under the condit ion that they expressed public acknowledgement of the chief's right of ownership by giving tribute, or, as the Nootka ex-pressed i t , giving "help". The authority of chiefs at f i r s t seems a l -most limitless. They directed group act i v i t i e s , had the f i n a l voice in matters of group policy, and held potlatches and controlled the display of ceremonial preorgatives. However, a c r i t i c a l check to chiefly power was provided by kinship ties and residence patterns,. Individuals main-tained their kinship connections over a very broad range of territory and, by calling upon their kinship ties, direct or remote, to various chiefs, they could be sure of acceptance into at least several d i f f e r -ent groups. Residence patterns were flexible. Although men might tend to prefer patrilocal residence, a couple could decide to live with either the wife's or the husband's relatives, close or distant, either on the mother's or the father's side. There was, therefore,• for most practical purposes, no restriction on residence and, wherever they might 54 decide to go, by c a l l i n g on k i n s h i p t i e s a f a m i l y could be assured of some economic and s o c i a l s e c u r i t y . I n d i v i d u a l s tended to remain with the household of a j p a r t i c u l a r c h i e f i f they had some p r i v i l e g e to keep them there, f o r example i f they expected to i n h e r i t a p o s i t i o n or i f they had been given some p a r t i c u l a r r i g h t by the c h i e f , but otherwise, many co u l d , and d i d , change households. From a c h i e f ' s p o i n t of view, t h i s migratory residence h a b i t was f a r from advantageous. A l l h i s i n h e r i t e d r i g h t s would be :of l i t t l e use to him i f he could not muster enough man-power to e x p l o i t them...so he was i n every way dependent on h i s tenants. Every c h i e f recognized t h i s ; i t was taught him from childhood. His problem was, t h e r e f o r e , to a t t r a c t lower-rank-people to h i s house, and to bind them to him as much as p o s s i b l e (Drucker, 1951:279-80). One way he could hope to encourage people to remain was by appearing to c o n t r o l r i t u a l techniques which ensured adequate subsistence and wealth f o r the generous d i s t r i b u t i o n of property a t p o t l a t c h e s . R i t u a l was deemed to be a v i t a l l y , e f f e c t i v e means of ensuring economic and s o c i a l ends. S a p i r ' s informant, '.Tom', be l i e v e d that i t was h i s main-tenance of taboos and r i t u a l techniques which had ensured h i s success and long l i f e (1921:351). Compulsive r i t u a l techniques he deemed even more e f f e c t i v e than s p i r i t contact. As Sapir e x p l a i n s : Such e x t r a o r d i n a r y occurrences as these are c l e a r l y i n the nature of a c c i d e n t s ; they cannot be r e l i e d upon f o r the neces-sary a i d i n the s u c c e s s f u l prosecution of l i f e ' s , work. The standard and on the whole the most u s e f u l means, of securing t h i s necessary a i d i s by the performance of secret r i t u a l s (1921:353). By ~jperforming lengthy and elaborate r i t u a l s at shrines c h i e f s at once s i g n i f i e d t h e i r ownership r i g h t s to t e r r i t o r y and gave evidence of t h e i r i n t e n t i o n to secure a l l the success p o s s i b l e . 55 The p a t t e r n of shamanism, i t seems to me, was c o n s i s t e n t w i t h these aspects of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . I n p a r t i c u -l a r the p o s i t i o n of shaman.in s o c i o - r e l i g i o u s terms.was, I t h i n k , i n l a r g e p a r t determined by the p o s i t i o n , of lineage heads, who had im-mense c o n t r o l of resources but, who, because.of f l e x i b l e residence r u l e s had to enhance t h e i r a u t h o r i t y w i t h claims to r i t u a l knowledge and supernatural p r e r o g a t i v e s . Drucker e x p l a i n s : Almost a l l of the shamans whose l i v e s and m i r a c l e s were r e -counted tOi-.-,;me were of low rank; commoners,, or the younger sons of c h i e f s . . . . T h i s does not mean that c h i e f s d i d not search f o r s p i r i t . p o w e r or that they never had supernatural experience l i k e t h e i r l e s s e r k i n . What happened was that a c h i e f who encountered a s p i r i t i n the woods re c e i v e d songs and dances f o r a d i s p l a y p r i v i l e g e , . o r a r i t u a l f o r i n c r e a s i n g the salmon run, or a medicine f o r hunting whales. Power to cure the s i c k f e l l to those persons of l e s s importance who had time f o r i t (1951:181). Since shamans commonly performed only a few cures a year, the exer-c i s e of t h e i r powers d i d not make great inroads i n t h e i r time. I suspect that more p e r t i n e n t was the f a c t that c u r i n g was an a b i l i t y which d i d not lend i t s e l f to o s t e n t a t i o u s p u b l i c d i s p l a y s . Since s i c k -ness i s a c o n d i t i o n which does not w a i t f o r accumulation of wealth and lengthy preparations, a c u r i n g ceremony, even i f p u b l i c and dramatic, never had the same p o t e n t i a l f o r impressive p u b l i c d i s p l a y as a cere-monial p r e r o g a t i v e given at a p o t l a t c h . Secondly, c u r i n g was a ser-v i c e performed on behalf of a p r i v a t e • i n d i v i d u a l ; i t roused.private indebtedness r a t h e r than community indebtedness. Or at l e a s t , i f i t roused more the widespread gratitude..of f a m i l y , lineage or v i l l a g e , i t d i d s o t i n d i r e c t l y . A s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t to note i s that among the Nootka 56 shamanistic powers were defined as the power to cure (or powers s t r i c t -l y r e l a t e d to c u r i n g or causing s i c k n e s s ) . U n l i k e the B e l l a Gobla or Tsimshian, f o r example, powers to give a miraculous, d i s p l a y , were not considered shamanistic. I n other words, by the Nootka d e f i n i t i o n of shamans, the area f o r dramatic expression by shamans was r e s t r i c t e d to occasions which d i d not allow impressive formal p u b l i c d i s p l a y s and so shamans and c h i e f s d i d not compete f o r p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n . Again, as • c u r e r s , shamans d i d not threaten to compete with c h i e f s i n securing f o r -mal community indebtedness. I t i s perhaps u s e f u l to attempt a b r i e f comparison of some aspects-of Nootka and Tsimshian shamanism since Nootka and Tsimshian s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e show some obvious s u p e r f i c i a l p a r a l l e l s and some d i f -ferences. Among.both, the l i n e a g e - l o c a l group was a cohesive corporate u n i t under the d i r e c t i o n of a l i n e a g e head who s t r i c t l y c o n t r o l l e d the a l l o c a t i o n of economic and ceremonial resources. Rank d i f f e r e n c e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y between lineage heads and others, were s t r o n g l y marked. I n both cases,- lineage heads were f r e q u e n t l y masters of supernatural con-t r o l ; the Tsimshian c h i e f s c o n t r o l l e d s p i r i t s , the Nootka c o n t r o l l e d r i t -u a l techniques. Some obvious d i f f e r e n c e s i n c l u d e the d i f f e r e n c e s i n residence p a t t e r n s and c r i t e r i a f o r group membership and d i f f e r e n c e s i n r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s . Among the Tsimshian, residence patterns and group membership depended:oi m a t r i l i n e a l a f f i l i a t i o n . I n -d i v i d u a l s were members of t h e i r m a t r i l i n e a l group and residence was p r i m a r i l y avunculocal: a couple moved to the house of the husband's 57 maternal uncle. Membership in the matrilineage entitled an individual to the use of lineage t e r r i t o r i a l resources but conversely, rights to resource use were restricted outside the matrilineage. In short, b i -latera l kinship among the Nootka allowed.much greater individual mobil-i t y and more variable group membership. Correspondingly, chiefs per-haps had a less stable following and less stable control of human re-sources. Differences in religious beliefs and practise include the much greater stress among the Nootka, on the use of compulsive magic, part icularly for the supernatural control of subsistence production and wealth, and among.the Tsimshian, the greater emphasis on personal guar-dian sp i r i t power, part icularly on the supernatural protection of l i n -eage members, by the spir i t s associated with chiefs. One of the most striking differences in shamanism was the restricted sphere of influence of Nootka shamans, compared with Tsimshian shamans who officiated at the F i r s t Salmon Ceremony, could determine the movements of animals and f i sh , control the weather, and so forth. I would suggest that this strik-ing, difference in this sphere of influence of shamans is related to res-pective differences in the positions.of chiefs. .In both groups main-tenance* of rank and prestige by chiefs. depended.a great deal on their ab i l i ty to validate their claims by the distr ibution of wealth at pot-latches. The accumulation of wealth, therefore, was a matter of great concern for chiefs and factors which could enhance the ab i l i ty to ac-cumulate wealth or which could reduce the uncertainties attached to wealth accumulation were of strategic interest. Two important factors 58 i n the accumulation of wealth were the-management of n a t u r a l resources and the c o n t r o l of manpower, the second of these perhaps being most c r i t i c a l s i n c e , without:the cooperation of f o l l o w e r s few men could ever hope to accumulate s u f f i c i e n t wealth by themselves. Tsimshian c h i e f s were assured of a s t a b l e labour p o o l . Nootka c h i e f s were not. They could attempt to a t t r a c t a s t a b l e labour pool i n d i r e c t l y by ap-pearing to c o n t r o l supernatural techniques which would ensure success and wealth w i t h i t s r e f l e c t e d g l o r y f o r everyone. I n both examples the a u t h o r i t y of shamans was r e s t r i c t e d to areas of concern which d i d not threaten the b a s i s of c h i e f l y a u t h o r i t y . This i s probably true even i n terms of the wealth shamans were p o p u l a r l y supposed to ac-qui r e . Drucker suggests that i n f a c t , because cures were infrequent and because .payment was not s u b s t a n t i a l , shamans, as such, could not have accumulated much wealth. Even supposing that they d i d , unless they could acquire rank p r e r o g a t i v e s by i n h e r i t a n c e , they could not hope to increase t h e i r rank p o s i t i o n s u b s t a n t i a l l y . 59 CHAPTER IV SOUTHERN KWAKIUTL,SHAMANISM Data f o r t h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n was derived p r i m a r i l y from Boas' The R e l i g i o n of the K w a k i u t l Indians (1930), and K w a k i u t l Ethnography (1966), e d i t e d by H. Codere, because they were the most d e t a i l e d sources I could f i n d , w i t h a wealth of case examples. Drucker (1955, 1965), Spradley (1963), and C.S. Ford (1968) were consulted f o r the more general information they g i v e . I have found the Boas m a t e r i a l somewhat confused and d i f f i c u l t . P a r t l y t h i s i s due, I t h i n k , to the f a c t that Boas r e l i e d f o r so much of h i s i n f o r m a t i o n on George Hunt. Hunt was a f f e c t e d by the changes going on w i t h i n Kwakiutl s o c i e t y at the time,.by h i s own p o s i t i o n i n K w a k i u t l s o c i e t y , and by h i s s p e c i a l personal and p r o f e s s i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , w i t h Boas. With the s c e p t i c i s m of whites, the p r o s e l i t i z i n g of m i s s i o n a r i e s , the d e v a s t a t i n g attacks of diseases such as smallpox?,, s y p h i l i s and t u b e r c u l o s i s , one of. the changes l i k e l y to have occurred i n K w a k i u t l s o c i e t y was a change i n a t t i t u d e s toward shamans. I n a d d i t i o n , the unprecedented o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r t r a v e l , plus the combining of fragments of d i f f e r e n t groups, allowed the chance to discover that shamans i n other areas, c l a i m i n g the same powers and s p i r i t u a l a u t h o r i t y used d i f f e r e n t techniques f o r essen-t i a l l y the same ends: p u t a t i v e cause and e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p s could therefore be s e r i o u s l y questioned: George Hunt, more than most, was subjected to these forces f o r change. He was i n repeated contact w i t h 60 whites, p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h those of an o b j e c t i v e s c h o l a s t i c t r a d i t i o n , and he t r a v e l l e d e x t e n s i v e l y , both among the K w a k i u t l and to other p a r t s of the continent. I n the course of h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h Boas, he spent many hours i n personal contact and many years i n exacting cor-respondence, c o l l e c t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n and answering and confirming a s e r i e s of searching questions. I t must s u r e l y have a f f e c t e d h i s a t -t i t u d e s and values q u i t e profoundly. That these a t t i t u d e s and values di d change i s i n d i c a t e d by Boas himself, who wrote: S t i l l another d i f f i c u l t y i n o b t a i n i n g . t r u t h f u l statements i s based on the relationship.between Indian and white. The I n d i a n l i k e s to appear r a t i o n a l and knows that shamanistic p r a c t i s e s are d i s b e l i e v e d by whites. So he i s l i a b l e to assume a c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e , the more so the c l o s e r h i s con-t a c t s with the whites.... This accounts f o r the c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e e x h i b i t e d i n my p r i n c i p a l informant's account, " I desired to l e a r n the ways of the shaman" (Boas 1930:1), i n which he takes the p o s i -t i o n that h i s only object was to discover the frauds perpe-t r a t e d by the shamans. At other times, when i n a more communicative mood, h i s b e l i e f i n h i s own experiences stands out very c l e a r l y (1966:121). For these reasons I t h i n k that Hunt's a t t i t u d e s towards sha-mans were uncommonly c r i t i c a l and unrepresentative. For example, I suspect that white contact may have a f f e c t e d Hunt's d e f i n i t i o n of f r a u d ; that h i s d e f i n i t i o n of fraud was opposed to that of t r a d i t i o n -a l K w a k i u t l . I n the 1925 account, " I d e s i r e d to l e a r n the ways of the shaman" (approx. 30 years a f t e r h i s i n i t i a l encounter with Boas), we are t o l d that Hunt, as a shaman, t o t a l l y d i s c r e d i t e d another shaman. But i f we examine the t e x t we f i n d t h i s i s so not because the people 61 d i s c o v e r that the seemingly miraculous power of the shaman's cedar bark r i n g to h a n g : v e r t i c a l l y from a post i s due to a well-hidden n a i l ( t h i s was only revealed to Hunt s e c r e t l y ) but because Hunt demon-s t r a t e s h i s mastery of sickness much more d r a m a t i c a l l y by appearing to a c t u a l l y e x t r a c t , before everyone, a bloody, w r i g g l i n g "worm" and cur-in g the p a t i e n t whom the other had f a i l e d to cure. I t seems to me that Hunt defined the shaman a fraud because h i s 'miraculous' performances were staged whereas the community defined him a fraud because h i s claims of mastery had been p u b l i c l y exposed as i n f e r i o r to Hunt's. Kw a k i u t l ideas about the nature of the universe,.of man and the other creatues i n h a b i t i n g i t , and of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s to each other, were broadly s i m i l a r i n e s s e n t i a l s to those of other Northwest coast groups w i t h the d i f f e r e n c e that a s p e c i a l e l a b o r a t i o n of the concept of supernatural power provided the b a s i s f o r a dichotomy which almost completely s t r u c t u r e d r e l i g i o u s l i f e and r i t i a f c to an extent not found elsewhere. Creatures, o b j e c t s , and seasons i n which supernatural f o r c e predominated were c l e a r l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from those without power. The Kw a k i u t l a s c r i p t i o n of power to some e n t i t i e s and not to others i s not unique. What i s d i f f e r e n t i s the e l a b o r a t i o n of d i v i s i o n s drawn on the b a s i s of power. R e l i g i o u s l i f e l a r g e l y centred around these d i v i s i o n s . A sacred season was d i s t i n g u i s h e d from a s e c u l a r ; those infused w i t h supernatural power (the i n i t i a t e s and performers i n winter dances and shamans) were d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the u n i n i t i a t e d and, i n the ,sacred season, conformed to an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t s t r u c t u r e of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; sacred prerogatives were d i s t i n g u i s h e d from s e c u l a r . 62 Although perhaps theoretically almost any number of s p i r i t entities might affect man, in practise only a limited number of s p i r i t patrons commonly entered into the guardian s p i r i t relationship. The vast majority of winter dancers :received their powers and prerogatives from the two sp i r i t s , Warrior-rof-the-World and Cannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World, and from one or two others. The spirits of shamans were only slightly more varied. Supernatural entities were primarily important to men for their bestowal of the power to perform particular winter dances and for their bestowal of shamanistic powers. They were also important but of much less concern insofar as they affected man's physical well-being his health, prosperity and technical mastery of the environment. As with other Northwest coast groups men could seek to mani-pulate the supernatural by propitiation and persuasion, by magical techniques deemed automatically effective, and by visionary contact with the s p i r i t . Spirits could be flattered, cajoled or appealed to. They were known to tolerate the r i t u a l l y pure but were likely to k i l l the impure. They avoided menstrual blood and other impure substances but could be approached after r i t u a l purification. Boas (1930), re-corded a rich collection of .prayers:*, prayers of supplication, of praise, and of thanks, prayers by hunters or fishermen to animals or fish, prayers to berries, to the elements, for success in a particular endeavourfor health, for protection, and so on. Propitiation or 63 persuasion, i n f a c t , seem to have been the most usual methods f o r at-tempting to ensure everyday o b j e c t i v e s by supernatural manipulation. The F i r s t Salmon Ceremony was performed to honor the salmon and ensure that they would continue to come i n abundance. R i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n , i n v o l v i n g i s o l a t i o n , purging, f a s t i n g , bathing, avoidance of contami-n a t i n g substances and so f o r t h , was p r a c t i s e d to make oneself p l e a s i n g to the supernatural. I t was necessary before any approach to the sup-e r n a t u r a l could be attempted. Compulsive r i t u a l was apparently l e s s important i n everyday l i f e than i t was among the Nootka and even the S a l i s h . There were apparently no s p e c i a l i s t s s i m i l a r to the S a l i s h r i t u a l i s t who could r e c i t e a formula b e l i e v e d to be a u t o m a t i c a l l y e f f e c t i v e f o r some spe-c i f i c . o b j e c t i v e . Herbs and combinations of p l a n t substances were used to cure c e r t a i n ailments but there does not seem to have been the same extensive use of 'medicines' f o r ensuring a l l manner of everyday objec-t i v e s that there was, f o r example, among the T l i n g i t and the Haida. Although medicines or compulsive r i t u a l may not have been used much to ensure everyday o b j e c t i v e s , t h e i r a n t i - s o c i a l use was feared. Sor-cery, i n v o l v i n g the s p e c i a l treatment of personal e f f e c t s of the i n t e n -ded v i c t i m , was apparently often suspected. C h a r l i e Nowell, a K w a k i u t l I n d i a n who recounted h i s autobiography i n 1940, remembered s e v e r a l i n -c i d e n t s of suspected sorcery (Ford,1968:95-97, 98), and be l i e v e d him-s e l f to have been bewitched by a woman who wanted him to marry her (Ford, 1968:145-147). Ideas concerning the compulsive.power of words, a c t i o n s , 64 or o b j e c t s , to manipulate the supernatural were c e r t a i n l y present among the K w a k i u t l but they were not used e x t e n s i v e l y f o r the f u l f i l m e n t of everyday o b j e c t i v e s . I n terms of s p i r i t contact there were two types of ' d i r e c t ' a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the s u p e r n a t u r a l ; shamanistic, and that gained through i n i t i a t i o n as a winter dancer. I n r e l i g i o u s terms the s e v e r a l winter dance s o c i e t i e s comprised a l l those i n d i v i d u a l s who were i n s p i r e d by a specific;.patron s p i r i t . The Hamatsa dancers, f o r i n s t a n c e , were supposed to have been i n s p i r e d by the s p i r i t Gannibal-at-the-North-End-of-the-World, the w a r r i o r dancers by Warrior-of-the-World. I n theory these patron s p i r i t s were supposed to possess the e l i g i b l e i n i t i a t e s and c a r r y them o f f u n t i l , by the e f f o r t s . o f experienced members of the s o c i e t y , they were brought back and g r a d u a l l y returned to a normal s t a t e . Boas w r i t e s : S p i r i t u a l - beings capture and i n i t i a t e men and women of the t r i b e and the object of the ceremonial i s to recapture those taken away and imbued with the q u a l i t i e s of t h e i r captors and to r e s t o r e them to a se c u l a r c o n d i t i o n (1966:173). I n p r a c t i s e , the i n i t i a t e disappeared from p u b l i c view f o r s e v e r a l days, u s u a l l y to the secul'sion of some inner room, where he or she was taught songs, (composed by an experienced song maker), and the r i g h t s and pre-r o g a t i v e s a s sociated w i t h the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y he or she was to j o i n . A t a.predetermined time i n i t i a t e s then appeared before the p u b l i c , ap-p a r e n t l y i n a st a t e of s u p e r n a t u r a l l y i n s p i r e d f r e n z y , where they were gr a d u a l l y calmed by the songs, c r i e s and a c t i o n s . o f other dancers. 65 I n i t i a t i o n i n t o a s o c i e t y (the r i g h t to be seized by a p a r t i c u l a r s p i -r i t ) depended upon i n h e r i t a n c e or a c q u i s i t i o n of the r i g h t through mar-r i a g e , or murder-or enslavement of the o r i g i n a l owner. The r i g h t was supposed to have devolved from some my t h i c a l ancestor (Boas, 1895:418). Thus the i n i t i a t i o n process was a re-enactment of. what the i n i t i a l myth-i c a l experience -was supposed to have been. The winter dance i n i t i a t i o n s were e x t e n s i v e l y planned and staged. P r o s p e c t i v e i n i t i a t e s were schooled w e l l i n advance by t h e i r sponsors. I t i s easy to overlook the r e l i g i o u s s i g n i f i c a n c e of the win-te r ceremonial i n favour of i t s dramatic, t h e a t r i c a l , s o c i a l and econo-mic i m p l i c a t i o n s . However, the nearness of the supernatural powers was a theme c o n s t a n t l y impressed on a l l members of the community during the winter ceremonial season and i n i t i a t i o n was l i k e l y to have had pro-found s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r winter dance i n i t i a t e s . I t i s quite p o s s i b l e that during t h e i r s e v e r a l days of s e c l u s i o n , w i t h the heightened fe a r s and expectations of t h e i r p u b l i c d i s p l a y to come, i n i t i a t e s may have f e l t v i s i o n a r y or n e a r - v i s i o n a r y experience. Whether or not winter dance novices underwent v i s i o n a r y ex-perience t h e i r i n i t a t i o n was based on an h e r e d i t a r y association and i t i n volved t h e i r r e s t o r a t i o n to a normal s t a t e . Shamanistic i n i t i a -tion,, was not n e c e s s a r i l y h e r e d i t a r y and i t i n v o l v e d r e c o g n i t i o n of what was i n some sense a permanent (or at l e a s t i n d e f i n i t e ) breach from the community. While the winter dance novice was helped to a s t a t e of calm by others of the community, the shaman had to come to terms w i t h 66 the s p i r i t largely by his own personal effort. That shamans and winter dancers,were thought in some sense similar is suggested by the fact that among the Southern Kwakiutl "the participants are called shamans (paxala)" and among the Bella Bella "both the shamans and the winter ceremonial are called 'tslequa'" (1966:172). How-ever, "a shaman.retained his shaman's name at a l l seasons of the year where winter'1 dancers, retained theirs only for the ceremonial season. In many respects;the distinction between shamans and others was vague.-They were associated with the power to cure but not a l l shamans could "cure.. Shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n was distinguished from that of a winter ;dancer but upon what basis is not clear. It is hot clear that one'might differentiate shamans from others on the basis of .their esoteric knowledge of the supernatural; winter dan-cers were also supposed to have had direct visionary experience. Similarly, not a l l shamans could clearly have been called master of s p i r i t s , as the experience on one woman, who defined herself a sha-man, indicates: Now for four' nights the Magic-of-the-Ground of the Magic-of-the—Earth came singing....Now I had become a shaman. I never saw him as the real shamans say, when they say that they see the one who makes them shamans, and I do not cure the sick, for I was only helped by the Magic-of-the-Ground of the Magic-of-the-Earth (Boas, 1930:53). Since those who could not cure were s t i l l associated with the abi l i t y to diagnose sickness or, at the minimum, to direct the operations which would allow some supernatural agent to cure the sickness, we 67 can only suggest that shamans were those who were recognized as having acquired the supernatural power to aid the sick. The c r i t i c a l difference between the shaman and the winter dancer, is that the for-mer acquired power which could be directed in the service of others. I have found i t d i f f i c u l t to come to a clear understanding of what shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n involved. Although Boas himself points out that there was an important difference between the ideal and the practical aspects of i n i t i a t i o n , and indicates how Hunt's 1925 account, "I desired to learn the ways of the shaman", contra-dicts his 1897 and 1900 accounts, he himself makes no clear distinc-tion between the ideal and the practical in the other examples he offers. In 1897 and 1900 Hunt apparently described his experiences as i f they had been entirely visionary while in his 1925 account he does not mention a visionary encounter at a l l and claims that he became a shaman at the invitation of others. It seems clear that most, i f not a l l , novice shamans were initiated with the encourage-ment, or active support, of other shamans in the community; that they learned from other shamans a large body of dramatic techniques to impress patient and audience, that they relied on special informers for information concerning the health and well-being of members in the community and that the shamansof an area cooperated and exchanged information among themselves. In fact, I am struck by the sim i l a r i t -ies between the association of shamans within a community and the winter dance secret societies. Underlying the staged techniques of 68 both winter dance and shamanistic performances was the p r i n c i p l e that the performers derived t h e i r a b i l i t y by the grace of super-natural a i d . According to conventional, standardized accounts of shaman-i s t i c i n i t i a t i o n , , the prospective, novice shaman f e l l s i c k . E i t h e r he or she induced d e b i l i t i a t i o n through f a s t i n g , purging and depriva-t i o n of one s o r t or another, or an i n d i v i d u a l who happened to f a l l s i c k l a t e r became i n i t i a t e d . A supernatural being, k i l l e r - w h a l e , wolf, black bear or what have you, appeared i n the form of a man and gave i n s t r u c t i o n s . The novice began to utter the shaman's cry of "H h h!", s i g n a l l i n g his visionary contact to members of the community. He was then dressed i n clean clothing and placed i n the i s o l a t i o n of a newly b u i l t , p u r i f i e d hut at a distance from the community. A f t e r four days (during which time the novice was supposed to be becoming better acquainted with the s p i r i t ) , the experienced sha-mans of the community were sent to look a f t e r him. They c i r c l e d the hut singing t h e i r songs. Usually the new shaman answered with his own newly acquired song, and the established shamans returned with t h i s information to the community to d i r e c t the p u r i f i c a t i o n of the house (presumably the communal house of which the new shaman was a member), i n preparation for the new shaman's appearance. At dark people assembled i n the house, a l l having washed to p u r i f y them-r selves, and the new shaman was heard singing. People beat time and 69 a f t e r beating time three times the novice entered. He sang h i s sacred song, mentioning the i d e n t i t y of the s p i r i t which i n i t i a t e d him. The powers of the new shaman were displayed by having him go round those assembled a n d p o i n t out the s i c k . I f someone was s i c k he was expected to'perform a cure. The father of the new shaman was asked for the names of any previous shamans i n his family and one of these was given to the novice. Four days l a t e r the father gave a feast i n payment to those who had witnessed the i n i t i a t i o n (Boas, 1966:133-4). Boas notes that the i n i t i a t i o n of the shaman was analogous i n a l l d e t a i l s to that of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the winter ceremonial (Boas, 1966:135). Although the new shaman was given a name that coincided with the name of a former shaman i n his family ( i f he happened to have one), ostensibly he was granted the use of this name by the s p i r i t helper. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Hunt re-ports- that a f t e r they had witnessed h i s f i r s t cure among the Koskimo and h i s f i r s t among the Fort Rupert t r i b e s , he gave away one hundred and two hundred d o l l a r s r e s p e c t i v e l y , that they might know his name as a shaman, Qaselid (Boas, 1930:18, 30). Many of the examples given by informants of t h e i r own exper-ience emphasized the visionary experience without any suggestion of staging or help from other shamans, although closer examination leads one to suspect that staging was p r a c t i s e d . C l e a r l y , then, i n addi-t i o n to formal p u b l i c announcement and acceptance, shamanistic i n i t i a -t i o n , at l e a s t i n i d e a l terms, required visionary i n i t i a t i o n . I t 70 suggests that the association of the shaman with the s p i r i t world was of some symbolic importance whether or not individual shamans actually f e l t visionary experience. In 1900 Hunt gave an account of his i n i t i a t i o n similar to other idealized accounts of visionary experience (Boas, 1966:122). For several years he had been subject to fainting f i t s and sometimes found himself naked in a graveyard. He told his father-in-law about these experiences, and they deduced that "the supernatural powers were certainly trying to get" him. One day he dreamt of a k i l l e r whale who came to him and told him that the next day he would per-form his f i r s t cure. The k i l l e r whale instructed him on how to make the cure and warned him to keep certain r i t u a l restrictions. The next day he proceeded with the cure, apparently in a highly emotional and disturbed state of mind: When I tried to enter the house I f e l t as though something was pushing me out again. It was in my mind that I needed red cedar bark, and the boy's grandfather gave me a head ring, neck ring, wristlets, and anklets and covered the rings with eagle down....As soon as the down touched me I f e l t as though I had been hit over the head. Later on the people told me that at this moment I had run back into the woods. I did not know what was happening. Soon I came back singing my sacred song, and as soon as I entered the house I came back to«my senses....(Boas, 1966:122). Thereafter he completed the cure. Subsequently his s p i r i t helper advised him on further cures. In the 1925 account he makes no mention of the visionary experience at a l l , although at one point we can construe that the 71 training schedule imposed on him by the shamans would certainly have encouraged such experience. Briefly, he reports that he was taken to a secret house in the woods "which (was) not known to a l l the un-initiated men,, the secret ways of the shamans'"(Boas, 1930:6), where a l l the Seymour Inlet shamans were gathered. He was shown "the fainting,. the trembling of the body, always at night; the singing of two sacred songs for healing the sick; the singing of two sacred songs for trying to catch the soul of the sick one who is nearly dead" (Boas, 1930:7). He was taught when someone walks behind a shaman "the shaman at once f a l l s on his back and trembles with his body. Then he bites the edge of his tongue and he sucks out the blood and pretends to vomit" (Boas, 1930:8). He was told by Fool, the senior shaman, "Now friend, you w i l l l i e down,among the graves every night, always so that they may believe that you are a shaman" (Ibid.). And i t is evident by this remark how important is the appearance of s p i r i t contact. Hunt recalls: I went to the graves and I sat down and was waiting for those to wake up who belong to the Kwakiutl. As soon as I saw one man walking along I arose so that he should see me. Then I started and went home. Now that man talked about seeing me among the graves (Boas, 1930:11). In the earlier account he had spoken of waking up i n the graveyard as i f unconscious of how he arrived there and he had reported that i t was these incidents that had convinced his father-in-law that the super-natural powers were certainly trying to get him. He makes no mention 72 of h i s f a t h e r - i n - l a w ' s p r e d i c t i o n s here, however, but goes on to r e -p o r t h i s f i r s t cure without suggesting that he experienced a v i s i o n a r y encounter before, i n which he was forewarned of the cure and i n s t r u c -ted i n how to proceed. In t h i s 1925 account he a l s o t e l l s us about the "dreamers" or informers. The dreamer: . . . l i s t e n s a l l the time f o r the sayings of the s i c k people ... and a l l t h i s i s found out by the dreamers and they go to t e l l a l l t h i s to the shamans of t h e i r numaym. For t h i s reason I c a l l the dreamer the eyes of the shamans, f o r as soon as he f i n d s out everything about the sickness of a s i c k man, he at once c a l l s s e c r e t l y a l l the shamans to go i n t o the woods. As soon as a l l the shamans are seated on the ground the dreamer speaks (Boas, 1930:9). From the various accounts i t seems c l e a r to me that pro-mising i n d i v i d u a l s (however perceived) were noted by the e s t a b l i s h e d shamans of the community. Subsequently some may have been approached d i r e c t l y and encouraged to become shamans w h i l e ot h e r s , at some pre-c i p i t a t i n g event such as i l l n e s s or a c c i d e n t , may have been convinced by a shaman's diagnosis that they were a c q u i r i n g s p i r i t a s s i s t a n c e . Shamans... i n cases of sickness sometimes s p e c i f i c a l l y diagnosed that the p a t i e n t was "made s i c k by the s u p e r n a t u r a l power which has entered h i s body" ( B o a s 1 9 6 6 : 1 3 2 ) , and i n most of the accounts reported, the shaman d i r e c t e d the proceedings of b u i l d i n g a s e c l u s i o n hut and so f o r t h . I t seems c l e a r that whatever t h e i r experience i n v i s i o n a r y terms novices commonly re q u i r e d f o r t h e i r p u b l i c acceptance the appro-v a l , cooperation and i n s t r u c t i o n of other shamans i n the community. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that at l e a s t two shamans of repute, George Hunt and 73 F o o l , c l a i m to have been s k e p t i c a l and openly h o s t i l e toward shamans before they themselves became shamans (Boas, 1930:5 and 1930:41, r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . The question occurs to me whether shamans sought to co-opt t h e i r most v o c a l and i n t e l l i g e n t o p p o s i t i o n . Hunt noted: The k i l l e r - w h a l e i s the shaman-maker of the shamans...of the numaym S i s e n l e of the Nakwaxdax....Magic-of-the-Woods i s the shaman-maker of the shamans of c h i e f Owner-of-Throwing-Away (Property)...of the numaym Chief's group....Warrior-of-the-World i s • t h e shaman-maker of the shamans of c h i e f P o t l a t c h . . . o f the numaym Great-ones ....(Boas, 1930:10). This seems to i n d i c a t e c l e a r l y that a l l the shamans of a "numaym" were i n i t i a t e d by the same s p i r i t , i . e . that shamanistic s p i r i t s were as s o c i a t e d w i t h "numayms". "Numaym" was the Kwakiutl term f o r the ' l i n e a g e ' - l o c a l group, a group comprised of f o l l o w e r s , u s u a l l y people who claimed k i n s h i p t i e s to the leader who i n h e r i t e d h i s p o s i t i o n . Perhaps t e n t a t i v e l y we can conclude that the shamans pf a line a g e were un i t e d by the f a c t of acknowledging the same s p i r i t helper and c h i e f . I have been unable to a s c e r t a i n whether the "shaman-maker" was the same as the c r e s t animal or not. Sickness, spontaneous or induced, was the most common way to acquire (or c l a i m to have acquired) v i s i o n a r y experience and the a c q u i s i t i o n of shamanistic power. But power could a l s o be tra n s m i t t e d . The great shaman, F o o l , t r a n s f e r r e d h i s powers to h i s son when he was too o l d to p r a c t i s e h i m s e l f . Boas al s o records an example of an i n d i -v i d u a l who claimed to have acquired power by k i l l i n g a super n a t u r a l being (1966:131). 74 In most of the standardized accounts informants claim to have received a song, a name, and in s t r u c t i o n s from the s p i r i t helper. But cu r i o u s l y , apart from the i n i t i a l i n s t r u c t i o n s we hear l i t t l e of ongoing 'communication' and 'interaction'. with the s p i r i t . (Nootka shamans, f o r example, continued to receive nigh t l y v i s i t s for many months a f t e r i n i t i a t i o n and maintained regular 'contact 1.with the s p i -r i t . ) From the Kwakiutl data i t seems that the shaman's re l a t i o n s h i p with the s p i r i t was not the primary preoccupation. One woman recounts: For ten months I did not l i v e i n my house, f or fear of contamination, and I was.continent during this time....1 had to wear rings of red cedar bark, sleep on a bed of hem-lock branches, and protect a l l my belongings against d e f i l e -ment. When I obeyed a l l ' t h e s e i n s t r u c t i o n s , the woman ap-peared to me....Four times she appeared to me and increased my powers ....Later on my father made me marry again, and then I l o s t my shamanistic powers (Boas, 1966:130). From this account i t would appear that the s p i r i t was not a constant guide and i n s t r u c t o r . I t conferred personal power and a set of in s t r u c t i o n s on r i t u a l aids to maintain these powers which i t was then up to the shaman to preserve. This might explain those cases i n which an i n d i v i d u a l claimed to have power by v i r t u e of k i l l -ing the supernatural,and those cases i n which power was transmitted: the i n d i v i d u a l concerned i n each case acquired personal supernatural power. Shamans were thus, to varying degrees, masters of power r a -ther than masters of s p i r i t s . They d i f f e r e d from r i t u a l i s t s i n that t h e i r a b i l i t y derived from an i n t e r n a l , personal condition rather than the use of automatic formulas. I am by no means suggesting there 75 was no s p i r i t guidance among Kwakiutl shamans, rather, that shamans did not perform their services by direct .spirit aid. Their tech-niques of operation differed from those of Haida or Tsimshian sha-mans ; being less concerned with symbolic activities aimed at sum-moning and directing s p i r i t beings or enacting journies to the under-world, than with controlling and manipulating supernatural force. Ritual prescriptions clearly emphasized the shaman's aloof-ness from ordinary people. Apart from the usual period of continence (varying from several months to many years), shamans were not allowed to laugh or to sing love songs. They could not wail the death of a relative. One shaman who disobeyed this last injunction suffered f i t s (Boas, 1966:137). Death-could be the penalty for breaking one of these prescriptions 1, voluntarily or involuntarily. The death of one novice who was in the process of i n i t i a t i o n was attributed to the fact that menstrual blood had been placed under the seclusion hut by an enemy (Boas, 1966:128). The-maintenance:* of these various restric-tions must have imposed considerable constraints on others of the community. For example, the injunction against laughing must also have had a sobering effect on those near a shaman at any social gathering. Unless the data is lacking for other Northwest coast socie-ties, Kwakiutl shamans would seem to be unique in the extent of their corporate action. According to Hunt, the Seymour Inlet shamans; nine in a l l including two women, met secretly in a house in the woods, to discuss their affairs and to discover from the "dreamers" about the 76 health of those i n the community. It was these shamans who showed Hunt the techniques of shamanism and who helped him to train. He reports a similar arrangement for the Koskimo (Boas, 1930:20-22). After he had shamed the four great shamans of the Koskimo in a cure, they induced him to come to their secret meeting place, a cave. Boas reports that there were several classes of shamans, those who had "gone through" everything, meaning'those who claimed to have "seen" the s p i r i t in direct confrontation, and could both cure and cause disease, those who healed but could not throw disease, and those who had "been cured by the supernatural power that appeared to them, but who have not received the gi f t of healing" (1966:120). The great shamans, the ones who had "gone'through" everything and could throw sickness, were respected and feared for their powers. Such shamans were associated with lineage chiefs and were expected to provide protection for their chief. They were called upon to cure those of the highest ranks. Shamans who could cure but could not throw disease were likely to be called upon by those of lower rank, while the shamans who could not cure but could diagnose disease'might be called upon for diagnosis (perhaps before deciding which of more powerful shamans to c a l l in), or they might aid in^curing by praying for the curing shaman or by directing operations for cure by a sup-ernatural being, and subsequent i n i t i a t i o n . The abi l i t y to cause or cure disease (including the counter-action of sorcery and disease thrown by other shamans), and the asso-77 d a t e d a b i l i t i e s of being able to forecast sickness or death, were the most important powers a t t r i b u t e d to shamans. They were not ex-pected to ensure economic ends by determining the movements of a n i -mals or f i s h , f o r example. If they were expected to control the weather i t was at le a s t not an important enough function to have re-ceived note. They did not, as shamans, have any s p e c i f i c role to play i n the winter dance ceremonials although they could be c a l l e d upon to revive a sic k or injured performer. They were predominantly concerned with curing. They were apparently not clairvoyant i n the sense of being able to forecast epidemics or discover the whereabouts of l o s t objects or persons. Boas mentions a seer who had the g i f t of f o r e t e l l i n g the future but affirms that he was not a shaman (1966: 147) . Sickness was normally a t t r i b u t e d to object i n t r u s i o n or to soul loss (occasionally, as one example of i n i t i a t i o n i n d i c a t e s , i t would be a t t r i b u t e d to i n t r u s i o n or possession by a supernatural agent). Curing ceremonies, at le a s t f o r people of wealth, were re-l a t i v e l y elaborate a f f a i r s , r i c h i n dramatic e f f e c t . From the e v i -dence c o l l e c t e d by Hunt, much of the procedure was conscious imposi-tion on the part of shamans to impress audience and patient with the mastery of t h e i r power (Boas, 1930:7, 8, 10, 31-33). Cures were p u b l i c . A l l old people were present while young men and women or others who might have incurred the impurity associated with sexual or menstrual f l u i d s , were not allowed. Singers and beaters were 78 present to aid the shaman. The shaman entered, impressively dressed i n h i s sacred paraphernalia and carrying his r a t t l e . Shamans of d i f -ferent areas had t h e i r common stock of techniques and i n addition each shaman had his own s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t s t y l e , incorporating a wealth of d e t a i l e d symbolic r i t u a l . Otherwise, i n bare o u t l i n e cur-ing techniques were s i m i l a r . For soul loss the shaman endeavoured to a t t r a c t the soul onto his p u r i f i c a t i o n r i n g of hemlock branches by singing a sacred song. Of the many souls which were att r a c t e d by this song he then singled out the soul of the patient and shook o f f the others, and then c a r e f u l l y returned the soul to the pati e n t . For ob-j e c t i n t r u s i o n the shaman t r i e d sucking out the object. I f the trou-ble was caused by an i n f u s i o n of "green matter" he massaged the body, working the "green matter" "toward the rectum so that i t could be ex-p e l l e d . The Seymour I n l e t shamans impressed onlookers by appearing to suck out a bloody worm from the i n f e c t e d area, which wasr i n r e a l -i t y ^ piece of eagle down r o l l e d up and bloodied when the shaman b i t his tongue or sucked his gums. Some of these curing ceremonies could be, i n a very r e a l sense, as much display performances as the winter ceremonial dances. For example, Hunt describes the curing display of A i x a g i d a l a g i l i s , or Fort Rupert, "the great shaman of the numaym of Those-Having-a-Name of the Great Kwakiutl" (1930:24-28). Aixagid-a l a g i l i s i n v i t e d a l l the four Kwakiutl t r i b e s , with t h e i r women and child r e n , into his house to witness his mastery. He came i n with h i s 79 rattle, his head ring and neck ring of cedar bark and addressed the audience to the effect that in his dream he had been told by his spirit helper to hold the performance. Finally he circled the room and called "I am very hungry". His interpreter indicated that this was an invitation to anyone sick to present themself and he would cure them without charge. One did so and he started the cure. He appeared to suck out a white substance which he claimed was the sick-ness, and then he pretended to show how strong the sickness was by wiping i t on his cedar bark ring,, hanging the ring .(attached by a well-hidden nail) to a smooth post and claiming that the sickness was biting the post. Finally he pretendedto swallow the sickness. Thereafter he proceeded with a second cure with the same impressive showmanship. (Subsequently he tried to cure a woman who claimed he was not effective. Hunt then tried and the woman claimed to have been cured by his different technique of 'extracting' a bloody 'worm', thus shaming Aixagidalagilis.) It is difficult to determine the expense of a curing ceremony. With respect to paying the shaman Boas records: For four years after their initiation, shamans are not al-lowed to accept payment for their services. They are not supposed to set a price for their services but to accept what is given to them. This is contradicted by the inci-dents in stories in which the shaman refuses to proceed with the cure until he is promised the coveted supernatural gift (1966:137). He also reports that for a cure of moderate difficulty the shaman "may receive a payment of about ten blankets i f the patient is of noble 80 birth" (1966:144). The "dreamers" apparently received "one quarter of the amount paid the shaman" (1966:124), and we might expect that any.other helpers, singers, announcers, and so forth, would also receive material recognition of their service. Hunt gives very l i t -tle information about payment for his own services but he tells us that, after his inaugural-'cure he was given the neck ring of a can-nibal dancer and the name Qaselid (Boas, 1930: 13). After another cure among the Koskimo, the patient's father gave a feast at which were present the "six chiefs of the various numaym of the Koskimo" (1930:19). We might expect that the higher the rank of the patient the more costly and elaborate the cure and the more prestigious the shaman. It is worth notihgx that the shaman himself could not have gained much by his profession in material terms. Apart from his own expenses, cures were apparently not very frequent. One shaman, for example, practised for four years and cured twelve people (1966:132). The structural aspects of Kwakiutl shamanism can be discussed from many points of view but, from the data presented, i t is interest-f ing to examine the interrelation of the shaman as member of a lineage and the shaman as member of a secret society. Shamanism was clearly affected by these two aspects of Kwakiutl society. Without a great deal of time i t is d i f f i c u l t (and I hope unnecessary) to go into a detailed description of the winter ceremonial secret societies. Drucker 81 claims that there were three; what he calls the Shaman Society (no connection with the regular shamans I have been discussing), the society termed Those-who-descended-from-the-Heavens, and the Dog-Eater society (1965:162). Boas writing of the Southern Kwakiutl claims: The dancers (or societies) are arranged in two principle groups, whose names among the Kwakiutl proper are the seals and the quequtsa. The former embrace a number of dancers and societies of dancers — the hamatsa, hamsham-tses, kinqalala, nontsistalal, qoeqoaselal, qominoqa, nane, nulmal (In McFeat's Indians of the North Pacific Coast, 1966:182). Since the members of these various smaller groups believed themselves to have been initiated by the same s p i r i t patron and shared secrets in common, and since we are dealing with the Southern Kwakiutl i t seems appropriate to follow Boas. In brief, these societies centred around the maintenance and transmission of shared r i t u a l knowledge and ceremonial prerogatives: the object of the societies, in theory, was to insure the i n i t i a t i o n of novices and uphold society traditions. The i n i t i a t i o n of novices has already been Briefly discussed. Each society was ranked with respect to the others (the Hamatsa society being foremost), and was treated according to precedence, at feasts, for ex-ample. Each society had i t s own insignia, songs, dances, names and masks. Each had i t s secrets of costume and theatrical techniques. Each had different roles in the performance of the ceremonies; the role of members of one society, for example, was to attempt to entice 82 the Cannibal dancer by holding a corpse out to him. D i f f e r e n t s o c i e -t i e s , therefore, were interdependent i n the performance of the winter ceremonials (apparently why Drucker regards the performance of this p a r t i c u l a r sequence of ceremonies as one s o c i e t y ) . Ceremonials re-quired the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a wide range of dancers, o f f i c e r s and other p a r t i c i p a n t s . Secret society membership cross-cut k i n (lineage) and even community t i e s , as with the four t r i b e s of Kwakiutl at Fort Rupert. Membership was i n h e r i t e d and since each lineage would have only a few positions to d i s t r i b u t e among i t s members, people of d i f f e r -ent lineages were united by t h e i r shared membership i n a society. I t can be seen from this b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n that i n many res-pects the shamans of an area (e.g. the Seymour I n l e t shamans or the Koskimo shamans) constituted what might be call e d . a secret s o c i e t y . They c o n t r o l l e d the t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g of novices and commonly, i f not always, directed t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n , an i n i t i a t i o n analogous i n every d e t a i l to that of the winter ceremonial secret s o c i e t i e s . They maintained a secret body of knowledge regarding techniques of per-formance, and kept a secret meeting place where they planned and d i s -cussed and exchanged information. They cooperated i n p u b l i c curing ceremonies, to ensure that the u n i n i t i a t e d continued to remain ignor-ant of t h e i r staged techniques. Boas writes of the Koskimo shamans that i t was reputed they were organized into two s o c i e t i e s , and that members of these s o c i e t i e s "decide among themselves who i s to cure each p a r t i c u l a r patient and that they divide the payments among them-83 selves" (1966:145). The Koskimo were apparently extreme in the ex-tent of their corporate action but other groups also showed these tendencies. Perhaps a c r i t i c a l question i s , did they have a shared sense of group identity, and, were they regarded by outsiders as groups? It is impossible to be dogmatic but at least in post contact times when, with travel the awareness of different techniques must have spread, the shamans who practised the same techniques (e.g. the 'extraction' of a bloody 'worm' among the Seymour Inlet people) must have been distinguished from those who practised alternative techniques and must have so distinguished themselves. Hunt talks of the Koskimo shamans and of the "shamans of the Denaxdax arid of the Awailala" who used the sigri'of the cross during their cures and prayed to the sun (Boas, 1930:53). An item which may or,may not detract from the view of shamanistic associations as secret societies is that rivalry be-tween shamans was by no means unknown. Boas writes: "I have heard of many contests of shamans who tried each other with their power, but I have never seen any" (1966:145), and Hunt reports:, " A l l the four shamans of the Nakwaxdax have secret helpers, each one man... for they always try to overcome one another, healing the sick or play-ing against one another" (Boas, 1930:272). It is possible that shaman rivalry could be related to lineage a f f i l i a t i o n . As nearly as I can make out the four senior shamans of the Nakwaxdax were of different lineages. 84 Among the Southern Kwakiutl the tribe was comprised of those groups who inhabited the same winter village and thereby acted on many occasions, as in war or r i t u a l , as units. The people of Seymour Inlet constituted a tribe and their r i t u a l interdependence is reflected in the association of their shamans. The named groups within these win-ter villages Boas called numayms, here termed lineages. Lineagess were the basic social, p o l i t i c a l and economic units of society. A lineage retained i t s own territory and other material property plus i t s own stock of names, crests and ranked positions which were inheri-ted by.specific members. Although membership in a lineage was obtained through both the mother and the father, accession to a name or a posi-tion depended largely on patrilineal a f f i l i a t i o n and primogeniture. Each lineage-: had i t s own tradition of founding ancestors and ances-t r a l associations with supernatural beings from which derived the hereditary crests and ceremonial prerogatives. Each lineage also had i t s stock of winter ceremonial secret society positions and, on the evidence of Hunt, the shamans of a lineage shared the same "shaman-maker". Shamans, particularly the senior shamans were said to belong to the chief of the lineage — "the chief owns the shaman" (Boas, 1966:146). Fu l l shamans, who have the power of curing and of throwing disease, have a definite position in the p o l i t i c a l organiza-tion of the tribe. . Each shaman is subordinate to the chief of his numayma....The chief is present at the meeting of shamans and advises them what.to do.... 85 The c h i e f ' s shaman p r o t e c t s h i s master by throwing disease i n t o h i s enemy, while the shaman of h i s adversary's c h i e f t r i e s to counteract the attack (Boasj 1966:145-46). A pointy to note i s t h a t ' i t was F o o l , shaman of c h i e f T r y i n g - t o - I n v i t e of the S i s e n l e who tra n s m i t t e d h i s powers to h i s son. The p o s i t i o n of c h i e f ' s shaman, t h e r e f o r e , could have been, or tended to be,her-e d i t a r y . I f seen i n the l i g h t of lin e a g e a f f i l i a t i o n , the disgrace and shame of the shaman A l x a g i d a l a g i l i s becomes more dramatic. He was a shaman of one of the lineages of the F o r t Rupert t r i b e s ( a l l of which were i n v i t e d to h i s ceremony) and undoubtedly h i s success or f a i l u r e would have r e f l e c t e d on the p r e s t i g e of h i s l i n e a g e . To summarize, shamanism was c l o s e l y t i e d to the lin e a g e s t r u c t u r e . Shamans were not only u n i t e d by i n i t i a t i o n from a common "shaman-maker" but they owed a l l e g i a n c e to t h e i r l i n e a g e , the most s e n i o r among them a c t u a l l y being counted c h i e f ' s shaman. Since the most powerful shaman was supposed to be a l i g n e d w i t h the c h i e f of h i s l i n e a g e , shamanism tended to uphold the p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s quo. We would a l s o expect that i t was the duty of the s e n i o r shaman of a linea g e to uphold the p r e s t i g e of the l i n e a g e i n shamanistic competi-t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , shamanism as an i n s t i t u t i o n shows strong s i m i l a r -i t i e s to the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the w i n t e r ceremonial s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s . As noted by Boas, the two sets of i n i t i a t i o n were almost analogous i n every d e t a i l . In c o n t r a s t to other Northwest groups, K w a k i u t l sha-mans appear to be unique i n the extent of t h e i r corporate a c t i o n . 86 Shamans o f an a r e a ( g e n e r a l l y c o t e r m i n o u s w i t h a t r i b e ) , d e s p i t e i n -t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n due to l i n e a g e a f f i l i a t i o n , s h a r e d a body o f s e c r e t k n o w l e d g e , m a i n t a i n e d some, perhaps t o t a l , c o n t r o l o f r e c r u i t -ment o f members, and s h a r e d p r o f e s s i o n a l t e c h n i q u e s o f c u r i n g w h i c h d i f f e r e n t i a t e d them from the shamans o f o t h e r a r e a s . The i d e o l o g i c a l framework o f shamanism seems c o n s i s t e n t w i t h K w a k i u t l n o t i o n s o f the s u p e r n a t u r a l i n g e n e r a l and w i t h the way t h e s e i d e a s were u s e d . S h a -mans d e r i v e d ' p o w e r s ' r a t h e r than o n g o i n g s p i r i t a s s i t a n c e from t h e i r s p i r i t h e l p e r s j u s t as l i n e a g e s r e c e i v e d c r e s t s and p r i v i l e g e s and w i n t e r c e r e m o n i a l s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s a c q u i r e d d a n c i n g p o w e r s . 87 CHAPTER V BELLA COOLA SHAMANISM M c l l w r a i t h ' s The B e l l a Coola Indians (1948) provided the main source of i n f o r m a t i o n f o r the f o l l o w i n g a n a l y s i s . M c l l w r a i t h obtained h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i n 1923 when many of the t r a d i t i o n a l be-l i e f s and a c t i v i t i e s were s t i l l p r a c t i s e d although r a d i c a l changes, brought about by decreases i n p o p u l a t i o n and increases i n trade and t r a v e l and so f o r t h , had already occurred. M c l l w r a i t h h i m s e l f was adopted i n t o the t r a d i t i o n a l k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e and came to l e a r n something of the language. His i n f o r m a t i o n concerning r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y r i c h . Information concerning economic a c t i v i t i e s i s much l e s s d e t a i l e d and h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i s somewhat d i f f i c u l t to understand. The B e l l a Coola d i f f e r e d from other groups most obviously by the importance they accorded t h e i r supreme being Alquntam. U n l i k e other groups (who, i f they b e l i e v e d i n a supreme being at a l l regar-. ded him as a somewhat vague and d i s t a n t f i g u r e ) , they b e l i e v e d that Alquntam was i n t i m a t e l y concerned w i t h the a f f a i r s of men, "Power-f u l though he i s he continues to take an i n t e r e s t i n the doings of mankind whom he created" (1948:38). Alquntam and h i s advisers were b e l i e v e d to decide who would be born, who d i e , who become a w i n t e r dancer. The souls of a l l who died were b e l i e v e d to r e t u r n e v e n t u a l l y to the home of Alquntam. Alquntam was c a l l e d by d i f f e r e n t names, de-88 pending on the circumstances, and i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note some of them: the word Alquntam i t s e l f was s a i d to derive from "ixquntam", meaning "foreman" or c h i e f ; another was "The Story Man", cr e a t o r of myths; another, " S m a i a l o t l a " , meant "From Whom Come and to WhomBBe-long a l l Myths". Most of these names emphasized the dependence of men on the f i n a l a u t h o r i t y of t r a d i t i o n e s t a b l i s h e d by a crea t o r i n a g o l -den past. Although ideas about the sup e r n a t u r a l coloured everyday a c t i v i t y i n innumerable ways, a dominant concern of supern a t u r a l be-l i e f s r e l a t e d to a preoccupation w i t h a n c e s t r a l r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s . M c l l w r a i t h described what he c a l l e d an " a n c e s t r a l f a m i l y " , the mem-bers of which b e l i e v e d themselves to be the d i r e c t descendants of some m y t h i c a l ancestor. "A man's most treasured possessions are the name brought down from above by h i s ancestor i n the beginning of time, the knowledge of the form taken by that ancestor, and informa-t i o n about the place where he landed" (1948:36). An i n d i v i d u a l ' s eco-nomic and s o c i a l s t a tus and s e c u r i t y depended on h i s h e r e d i t a r y claims to the lands, resources, names and ceremonial prerogatives a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p a r t i c u l a r descent groups. Real or supposed events of the pas t , recounted and kept f r e s h in^memory by myths were the l e g i t i m a t i o n of a l l s i g n i f i c a n t contemporary r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Alquntam created men, as he created e v e r y t h i n g , and sent them down to s p e c i f i c l o c a t i o n s , to which t h e i r descendants had cla i m through the ownership and recounting of myths. B e l i e f i n Alquntam and the founding ancestors thus l e g i t i m i z e d 89 and a f f i r m e d the correctness of the present. The supreme a u t h o r i t y of the myths derived from the supreme power .of Alquntam, cr e a t o r of myths as of a l l t h i n g s . Ideas and theories about the s u p e r n a t u r a l were coloured by the sacredness of the past. The m y t h i c a l ancestors were b e l i e v e d to have been i n much c l o s e r contact w i t h Alquntam and the world of supernatural beings.• Much .of t h e i r contemporary know-ledge, they b e l i e v e d , was a r e s u l t of the experiences of t h e i r an-c e s t o r s . Ancient s t o r i e s d e s c r i b i n g the a c t i o n s of strange creatures and conversations between man and animals are accepted as t r u t h f u l accounts, so that i t seems obvious to the B e l l a Coola that h i s ancestors were more powerful than he i s t o -day. He accepts the...hypothesis that mankind has sadly degenerated from the golden age. Nevertheless, he assumes that the beings have not a l t e r e d and consequently hopes to encounter them on every occasion (1948:513). The B e l l a Coola perceived s u p e r n a t u r a l i n t e r v e n t i o n i n many aspects of everyday l i f e w h i l e they c o n s t a n t l y hoped to guide these a f f a i r s by manipulation of the s u p e r n a t u r a l i n a number of ways. Thus, f o r example, w h i l e Alquntam might decide which i n d i v i d u a l s were' to become w i n t e r dancers i n the f o l l o w i n g year, a s u p p l i c a n t might t r y to a f f e c t the d e c i s i o n through prayer. Attempts to manipulate the s u p e r n a t u r a l i n v o l v e d , various means of p r o p i t i a t i o n — p rayers, the o f f e r i n g of eagle down, p u r i f i c a t i o n — compulsive magic, and v i s i o n a r y contact. Techniques of p r o p i t i a t i o n were constantly used. Prayers were r e g u l a r l y addressed to Alquantam f o r almost any a c t i v i t y . Ghosts 90 were p r o p i t i a t e d by throwing crumbs onto a f i r e a f t e r a meal. I n d i -v i d u a l s who' took the proper precautions to make themselves acceptable to the super n a t u r a l could come to the many parts of B e l l a Coola t e r -r i t o r y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h l o c a l i z e d s u p e r n a t u r a l beings, i n the hope of achiev i n g s p e c i f i c belief i t s , such as h e a l t h or courage. R i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n had both compulsory and p r o p i t i a t o r y e f f e c t s . I t was b e l i e v e d that i f i n d i v i d u a l s abstained from sexual i n t e r c o u r s e f o r s e v e r a l days and then had i n t e r c o u r s e t h e i r superna-t u r a l power to r e s i s t or overcome s p i r i t e n t i t i e s would be increased. The longer the p e r i o d of continence the greater the power. P u r i f i -c a t i o n was an e s s e n t i a l p r e l i m i n a r y before any important undertaking. Apart from r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n there were other more pur e l y compulsive r i t u a l s which might be used to overcome super n a t u r a l beings or p r o t e c t oneself from them. C e r t a i n objects steeped in.human exuvia (sweat, menstrual blood and so f o r t h ) , were repugnant to super n a t u r a l creatures and could be used to ward them o f f . Charms de r i v e d from a su p e r n a t u r a l encounter could be used f o r any number of d i v e r s e ends. A m a t e r i a l token was obtained, "from a super n a t u r a l being, u s u a l l y a p o r t i o n of i t s s l a i n body" (1948:524). X K i l l i n g a supe r n a t u r a l creature so that i t s body could be made i n t o a charm d i d not endow the i n d i -v i d u a l w i t h s p i r i t u a l power as d i d a v i s i o n a r y encounter w i t h a super-n a t u r a l being.) A f t e r c a r e f u l p r e p a r a t i o n the token could be used as b a i t to catch f i s h , a t t r a c t animals or even a t t r a c t wealth. I t could be given away, s o l d , i n h e r i t e d , d i v i d e d i n t o pieces and so f o r t h 91 without l o s i n g i t s e f f e c t s , so long as the user was c a r e f u l to observe r i t u a l c h a s t i t y . Most f a m i l i e s had t h e i r own j e a l o u s l y guarded know-ledge regarding how best to acquire these supernatural charms but the members of those that d i d not could buy one from some other. M c l l w r a i t h makes no d i r e c t mention of r i t u a l i s t s but about 'medicines' he w r i t e s that knowledge was handed down as the property of a n c e s t r a l f a m i l i e s . A cure which proved e f f e c t i v e when performed by the r i g h t person was not adopted by others because "only a person w i t h the i n h e r i t e d r i g h t to a c e r t a i n cure can perform i t s u c c e s s f u l l y " (1948:699). I n d i v i -duals known to have the i n h e r i t e d r i g h t and a b i l i t y to cure a spe-c i f i c c o n d i t i o n might be c a l l e d i n by the members of a fa m i l y without such a r i g h t , but these occasions would be spo r a d i c . Thus i t seems that a l l the n o n - i n s p i r a t i o n a l means of manipulating the super n a t u r a l were i n the c o n t r o l of f a m i l i e s r a t h e r than i n d i v i d u a l s and that f o r the most pa r t f a m i l i e s would depend on t h e i r own magical resources ra t h e r than others. A word should be s a i d of the " k u s i u t " or w i n t e r dancers. They were b e l i e v e d to have e s p e c i a l l y c l o s e contact w i t h the s p i r i t world during the w i n t e r dancing season. Although the s p i r i t s were supposed to come clos e and i n s p i r e them to dance, they never a c t u a l l y appeared to dancers (1948%vbl.€2:2, 6 ). Most men sought to achieve the b e n e f i t s a t t a i n a b l e from s u p e r n a t u r a l beings by i n d i r e c t means through persuasion or compul-s i o n . Another way to o b t a i n unusual or extrahuman powers was by 92 v i s i o n a r y a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a supernatural being. I n v a r i a b l y , the power obtained by v i s i o n a r y . a s s o c i a t i o n was shamanistic power. M c l l w r a i t h d i s t i n g u i s h e d two types of s p i r i t power: "supernatural a i d granted to the unfortunate", termed " i x l o k w a l a d j u t " and shaman-i s t i c power. "Aid granted to the unfortunate" was considered excep-t i o n a l l y r a r e , although common i n the past when men were i n greater harmony w i t h the s p i r i t world. The super n a t u r a l appeared i n a moment of d i s t r e s s and thenceforth granted the i n d i v i d u a l some p a r t i c u l a r power (e.g. power to g a i n wealth, or f o r s u c c e s s f u l h u n t i n g ) . The reason f o r a s s i s t a n c e was commonly a t t r i b u t e d to the s p i r i t u a l s t r e n g t h or r i t u a l p u r i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l concerned. Power obtained i n t h i s way, l i k e shamanistic power, could not be i n h e r i t e d . U n l i k e shamanistic power,, i t was of use only to the i n d i v i d u a l . Shamans were d i s t i n g u i s h e d from those who rece i v e d s u p e r n a t u r a l a i d as un-fortunates by the f a c t that t h e i r powers could be used i n the s e r -v i c e of others. The B e l l a Coola b e l i e v e d i n two types of shamanistic power, d i s t i n g u i s h e d apparently by t h e i r s u p e r n a t u r a l source. An i n d i v i d u a l who obtained power from a " l i v i n g " s u p e r n a t u r a l being was termed "alukwala", w h i l e one who obtained power from a ghost was termed "askankots". M c l l w r a i t h c a l l s the f i r s t a shaman, and the second a "shaman of the dead". He defined a shaman as "a person endowed w i t h mysterious a b i l i t y and wonderful knowledge, due to personal contact w i t h s u p e r n a t u r a l beings" (1948:547). Apparently t h i s a p p l i e d e q u a l l y 93 to "shamans of the dead", who have, " a b i l i t i e s and prerogatives a l -most i d e n t i c a l " (1948:577). Apparently, a b i l i t y to cure or t r a i n i n g , were not of themselves d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , s i n c e , of those termed "alukwala" and "askankots 0, some could cure and some could not, some obtained t h e i r powers unsought and others spent years on a quest. P o t e n t i a l l y anyone could become a shaman although the men-s t r u a l r e s t r i c t i o n s of younger women tended to preclude them. V i s i o n a r y experience was the i d e a l . The shaman was sup-posed to have had v i s i o n a r y experience. P u b l i c r e c o g n i t i o n of a shaman depended on the c l a i m to v i s i o n a r y experience and a demonstra-t i o n of unusual,,'miraculous' power. V i s i o n a r y experience and power, from " l i v i n g " s p i r i t or a ghost, could be sought or unsought. A v i s i o n quest u s u a l l y began i n childhood and o f t e n took many years before success, i f , i n f a c t , suc-cess came at a l l . As w i t h other Northwest Coast groups, the quest demanded continence and avoidance of women, long periods of i s o l a t i o n , b athing and purging w i t h emetics. An i n d i v i d u a l was more l i k e l y to be encouraged and guided i f a r e l a t i v e or ancestor had been shaman before him, so f o r t h i s reason, shamanism tended to run i n f a m i l i e s . For the most pa r t quests were r a r e . Because of the dangers i n v o l v e d i n being a shaman few people were w i l l i n g to seek power although i f a s p i r i t came unsought they would have to accept i t . For t h i s rea-son, much more common than the long, d i f f i c u l t and sometimes unsuc-c e s s f u l quest was v i s i o n a r y experience during s i c k n e s s . From M c l l w r a i t h ' s 94 examples, v i s i o n a r y experience seems to have been more l i k e l y f o r those who s u f f e r e d very severe or prolonged sickness such as rheuma-tism. In e i t h e r case, quest or s i c k n e s s , the s p i r i t u a l strength and r i t u a l p u r i t y of the i n i t i a t e h i m s e l f seems to have been e s s e n t i a l f o r r e c e i v i n g power. M c l l w r a i t h mentions that "...a shaman a c t u a l l y has power w i t h i n h i m s e l f , and t h i s i s so strong that i t may be a source of danger to o t h e r s " (1948:523). The'preparation and i n i t i a -t i o n of shamans i n v o l v e d i s o l a t i o n and symbolic death. V i s i o n a r y experience was f a i r l y stereotyped. A s u p e r n a t u r a l being appeared, sang one or more songs, gave the i n i t i a t e a name and then vanished. D i f f e r e n t shamans could have the same s p i r i t bene-f a c t o r although they might r e c e i v e d i f f e r e n t powers. For example, the s p i r i t being T l i t c a p l i l a n a , a s s o c i a t e d w i t h c u r i n g s i c k n e s s , was a common s p i r i t benefactor but could give other powers besides c u r i n g . V i s i o n a r y experience alone d i d not make the i n d i v i d u a l a shaman. Having achieved s p i r i t contact, the i n d i v i d u a l might decide to w a i t , saying nothing, i n the hope of a t t a i n i n g f u r t h e r powers. I n f a c t , some apparently waited u n t i l they had r e c e i v e d three or f o u r . Some a c t u a l l y p r a c t i s e d c u r i n g p r i v a t e l y without being p u b l i c l y pro-claimed as shamans. M c l l w r a i t h w r i t e s : "To the B e l l a Coola a shaman i s one who had had such an experience and has p u b l i c l y proclaimed i t , whether or not he can cure the s i c k " (1948:553). To make a p u b l i c d e c l a r a t i o n the i n i t i a t e c a l l e d together some singers and taught them the words and tunes of the songs he had learned and v a l i d a t e d 95 h i s shamanistic name w i t h a d i s t r i b u t i o n of g i f t s . His subsequent r e p u t a t i o n as.a shaman r e s t e d on the impressiveness of h i s curing performances or shamanistic d i s p l a y s of miraculous powers. D i f f e r e n t shamans had d i f f e r e n t powers and, t h e r e f o r e , somewhat d i f f e r e n t r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s . However, w h i l e the r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s of d i f f e r e n t kinds of shamans may have v a r i e d accord-in g to t h e i r powers, there were some which h e l d g e n e r a l l y f o r a l l shamans and there were some which even i f only r e l e v a n t f o r a few i n d i v i d u a l shamans, were important a t t r i b u t e s of the stereotype. I t should be noted here that M c l l w r a i t h does not i n d i c a t e which r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s a p p l i e d to only those who had p u b l i c l y declared them-selves shamans and which r e f e r r e d to those who had had v i s i o n a r y ex-perience but were not accepted as shamans. As already mentioned, shamans, by v i r t u e of t h e i r e s o t e r i c knowledge, were considered p a r t i c u l a r l y s u i t e d to i n t e r c e d e w i t h the su p e r n a t u r a l . Thus before any major undertaking an i n d i v i d u a l might ask a shaman to seek supernatural a i d . Shamans d i d not have compul-s i v e powers over s p i r i t e n t i t i e s i n general but they had b e t t e r than usual persuasive powers and might perhaps even be asked f o r help i n hunting or f i s h i n g and other subsistence a c t i v i t i e s . Only shamans ( p a r t i c u l a r l y shamans of the dead who had rece i v e d power from gho s t s ) , could see i n t o the land of ghosts or understand the language of the ghosts. I f ghosts were suspected of causing t r o u b l e a shaman would be asked to discover the cause of resentment. Shamans were the only 96 human agents who could cure the sick. Even i f one shaman tried and failed i t could be expected that others might succeed or, i f beyond the a b i l i t i e s of the most powerful, that a shaman could most success-fully hope to secure the aid of the supernatural being most noted for taking pity on the sick. Only shamans could restore lost souls. No mention of payment was made but i t was understood that i f the cure was successful the shaman would be rewarded. The shaman put on his shaman clothing and went to the patient's house with a group of singers and interested on-lookers, who helped by drumming and sing-ing throughout the ceremony. The sickness was believed to exist i n the form of a material object and the aim throughout was to bring the object to the surface. Methods could involve.one or a combination of techniques, including the attempt to ease the sickness out by mas-saging with the hands, blowing water over the patient, offering prayers and sacrifice, or, occasionally, sucking the affected area. Shamans could also cause death, both consciously and accidently. Because of his own spi r i t u a l force a shaman was potentially dangerous to others and a susceptible individual who approached too closely might f a l l sick or die just as i f he had seen a ghost or some such supernatural entity. Shamans could cause death intentionally by pro-jecting an intrusive object into the intended victim. A shaman might be asked by the society of winter dancers (village members who pos-sessed the right to dance in the winter dance season), to k i l l one of their members who had misbehaved. In turn, shamans were susceptible 97 to those unclean materials (e.g. menstrual blood) which could be used to overcome the supernatural and had to avoid a l l possibility of con-tact with them. An important prerogative of shamans was the wearing of a distinctive collar. This signalized their status and warned others of their r i t u a l condition and served to set them apart from others. Mcllwraith writes that a shaman does not mix with others; he "considers himself to be removed from the ranks of ordinary mortals and refers to the being from whom he has received his power as 'com-rade "' (1948:559), thus emphasizing his s p i r i t u a l superiority and har-mony with the s p i r i t world. By publicly proclaiming visionary exper-ience and validating a shamanistic name through property distribution, an individual earned the right to give displays of s k i l l much in the same way as a winter kusiut dancer, by validating the claim to an hereditary privilege, earned the right to perform a particular dance. The latter was an hereditary. privilege while the former was no.t, but otherwise their prerogatives were similar. A shaman's performance amounted to the display of a 'miraculous' power supposed to have been given by his guardian s p i r i t . Mcllwraith observed: . "...usually those that cannot cure can perform some other feat, conjuring s k i l l s and so forth...to the Bella Coola there is no social difference between a shaman who can cure with the aid of a basin, and one who lacks this power" (1948:564). Shamanistic displays were individualistic. The shaman sent out invitations and made certain that singers were pre-pared. He stood alone i n the centre of the room, and sang and danced 98 and then performed a t r i c k "to impress'!the u n i n i t i a t e d " , thereafter d i s t r i b u t i n g food and g i f t s to those present, i n appreciation f or t h e i r attendance. The tricks were often very elaborate, inv o l v i n g con-siderable ingenuity and dramatic techniques. However, reading some of the examples, they seem no more dramatic and clever than some of the displays performed by kusiut dancers, except that they were i n -d i v i d u a l and i d i o s y n c r a t i c rather than hereditary and t r a d i t i o n a l . Unlike the winter dancers, who acknowledged a marshall to coordinate a c t i v i t i e s and acted as a group, whatever cooperation there may have been between shamans was unsystematic and informal. While Mcllwraith can conclude that the people who owned kusiut prerogatives formed a society he makes no such claim for shamans. Descent was one of the most important p r i n c i p l e s s t r u c t u r -ing B e l l a Coola s o c i e t y . The basic s o c i a l unit beyond the nuclear family, what Mcllwraith c a l l e d an "ancestral family", was a descent group, the members of which believed themselves.to be descended, through e i t h e r mother or father, from a common, founding ancestor. Rights to resource areas, names, ceremonial prerogatives, and innum-erable other p r i v i l e g e s depended on-claims to membership of these groups (an i n d i v i d u a l could claim membership i n up to eight groups), as demonstrated by descent. There was a tendency to endogamy within c l u s t e r s of these groups so that p r i v i l e g e s i n h e r i t e d by successive heirs would be returned eventually•to the o r i g i n a l group. According to Mcllwraith "the fundamental concept of the potlatch (was) the i n -99 v i t i n g of guests from abroad to witness r i t e s i n connection w i t h an a n c e s t r a l myth...." (1948:184). Membership i n the Kusiut s o c i e t y of w i n t e r dancers depended on a "duly v a l i d a t e d a n c e s t r a l p r e r o g a t i v e to perform one of the many k u s i u t dances" (1948 v o l . 2:2). I t has already been suggested how r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s were c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h i s concern w i t h descent and i t i s worth attempting to examine sham-anism as r e l a t i n g to descent. A connection which immediately suggests i t s e l f i s the importance of shamans f o r communicating w i t h ghosts. So f a r as I can dis c o v e r , the B e l l a Coola were unique i n having a s p e c i f i c term f o r shamans who acquired t h e i r power from ghosts. Although ghosts were a concern to almost a l l Northwest Coast groups the B e l l a Coola seem to have emphasized t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e r a t h e r more than most groups. Ghosts were r e g u l a r l y p r o p i t i a t e d by throwing the crumbs i n t o the f i r e a f t e r a meal so that they would not be hungry. They could cause sickness or death i f i n d i v i d u a l s f o r g o t to feed them or neglected them i n some other way. Only shamans could understand the language of ghosts and they could a l s o peer down i n t o the land of ghosts to f i n d out what was happening there. They provided a l i n k between the l i v i n g and t h e i r ancestors, a means whereby the dead could communicate t h e i r wishes and needs to descendants. Shamans were i n t e r m e d i a r i e s between two worlds. In B e l l a Coola terms, the n e c e s s i t y of d i r e c t v i s i o n a r y contact would have been the reason why shamanistic power could not be i n h e r i t e d . M c l l w r a i t h 100 e x p l a i n s : "Since the power of a shaman i s obtained by a personal ex-perience and l a c k s both form and substance, i t cannot be t r a n s m i t t e d and disappears at the owner's death" (1948:575). However there was perhaps another reason. For each family the a u t h o r i t y of the know-ledge derived by the ancestors and t r a n s m i t t e d by myth, were perhaps more important than the a u t h o r i t y of shamans.The B e l l a Coola f i r m l y b e l i e v e d that ancestors and shamans of the past had maintained c l o -s er t i e s w i t h the s u p e r n a t u r a l than contemporary i n d i v i d u a l s could ever achieve. The-evidence, as they perceived i t , could allow no other i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Inheritance of powers would have been incon-s i s t e n t w i t h the evidence: w i t h i n h e r i t a n c e of powers contemporary shamans would have had the same powers as t h e i r predecessors.- And, on another l e v e l , had shamans been able to c l a i m h e r e d i t a r y powers, t h e i r a u t h o r i t y may have c o n f l i c t e d w i t h that'of the myths. So long as there was no h e r e d i t a r y connection between contemporary and ances-t r a l shamans, ancestors r a t h e r than shamans remained the supreme auth-o r i t y regarding the supernatural and provided the model of harmonious r e l a t i o n s w i t h the s u p e r n a t u r a l . A p o i n t to note regarding shamanism i n r e l a t i o n to h e r e d i -tary p r i n c i p l e s i s that shamanism was one of the only means, i f not the s o l e means of a c q u i r i n g the r i g h t to g i v e ceremonial d i s p l a y s which was not h e r e d i t a r y . A l l other ceremonial performances, such as those given at p o t l a t c h e s or the k u s i u t dances r e q u i r e d an h e r e d i t a r y 101 r i g h t . Thus shamanism provided a means f o r ceremonial expression f o r those who had no h e r e d i t a r y ceremonial r i g h t s . I t a l s o repre-sented a very r e a l b e n e f i t , as great or greater than the m a t e r i a l gain f o r cures, f o r shamans who could not cure or f o r shamans who had no other ceremonial prerogatives as i n d i v i d u a l s . 102 CHAPTER VI COAST TSIMSHIAN SHAMANISM Boas.' Tsimshian Mythology (1916) and Garfield^s The  Tsimshian Indians and Their Arts were the sources chiefly consulted for the following section. Boas' report is rich and detailed but i t does not leave.one with a particularly clear picture of the social system and the relation of myth, stories and religious beliefs to social behaviour. Garfield perhaps gives a more concise account of social organization but she leaves many questions unanswered. I confess to remaining somewhat confused on a number of issues, parti-cularly the relation between belief and behaviour, the importance of secret society prerogatives relative to other display privileges, and the functions and characteristics of those chiefs who possessed "throwing" power. Over and above the sp i r i t u a l i t y or 'beingness' of a l l phen-omena, certain specific phenomena (spirits, objects, creatures, par-ticular plants and natural phenomena), were believed to have special powers. These special entitiesj called "nexnox",-we may term super-natural beings. Supernatural beings behaved in certain ways and had particular attributes which made them of specific interest to men. They could endow men with extra-human powers or highly prized crests and ceremonial prerogatives, or they could harm men by bringing death or misfortune. Since they conformed to certain:laws and principles, by knowing and using these laws men could hope to influence super-natural beings to attain their own ends or to avoid harm. 103' Supernatural beings were recognised to conform to many of the same mot i v a t i n g forces as human beings. They could be offended, shamed or i n s u l t e d , g r a t i f i e d , f l a t t e r e d or amused, or moved to p i t y or compassion. In myth they married, had c h i l d r e n , conformed to the ru l e s of rank and gave p o t l a t c h e s . Menstrual blood and various other substances were repugnant to them.. Lack of respect and courtesy could anger them, w h i l e they were l i k e l y to be pleased by those who made themselves r i t u a l l y c lean by e l i m i n a t i n g a l l t a i n t of p o l l u t i n g substances; Secondly, "In the same way as su p e r n a t u r a l beings (had) powers not possessed by human beings, so human beings, and things belonging to men (had) powers not possessed by super n a t u r a l people" (Boas, 1916:453). The primary means by which men hoped to i n f l u e n c e super-n a t u r a l beings were p r o p i t i a t i o n i n c l u d i n g p r a yers, p u r i f i c a t i o n and s a c r i f i c e , and by s p i r i t contact. Medicines or other means of com-p u l s i v e magic do not seem to have been as important as they were among the Haida and T l i n g i t , f o r example. L i t t l e mention i s made, of them by ethnographers or myths. P r o p i t i a t o r y r i t e s were performed f o r salmon and olachen at the F i r s t Salmon Ceremony and F i r s t 01a-chen Ceremony to ensure that they would come i n abundance and that they would r e t u r n every year. A host of taboos were maintained f o r the hunting of various animals and f o r some time during the f i r s t salmon runs. Prayers were addressed to su p e r n a t u r a l beings. Sac-r i f i c e s were a l s o o f f e r e d to please and p l a c a t e supernatural beings, 104 including food, tobacco, bird's down and red ochre. A powerful tech-nique for engaging supernatural aid was r i t u a l purification. Hun-ters, i f they wished to ensure success "counted the days": they spent four days of continence, fasting, bathing and purging, before setting out. Before war or other c r i t i c a l events and before prepar-ation for any ceremonial occasion people were supposed to purify themselves. I am uncertain whether rigorous purification was sup-posed tosmake the individual more attractive to supernatural beings or whether i t was thought to be compulsive in i t s effects!? or whether i t strengthened the individual enabling him to compel supernatural beings. Boas remarks that, "If a special object is to be attained, they believe that by a rigid fasting they can compel the deity to grant i t " (1916:545). However i t was believed to work, r i t u a l p u r i f i -cation was certainly thought to be a very successful way of acquiring supernatural assistance. Children were encouraged from early years to purify themselves regularly by bathing and rubbing the body with various plants, so that•they would "grow up well". Adults purified themselves before any important undertaking. And purification was an extremely important prerequisite for any prospective s p i r i t encounter. There were many forms of s p i r i t contact among the Tsimshian and i t is d i f f i c u l t to unravel the various factors associated with them. The Tsimshian had both ceremonial s p i r i t relations and i n d i v i -dualized guardian s p i r i t associations: i n other words, types of supernatural association which were like those of Kwakiutl and types .105 which were like those of the inland Athabaskan people where the guar-dian s p i r i t relationship was non-hereditary and unique for each i n d i -vidual . The ceremonial s p i r i t relationships were those i n which i n -dividuals acquired the right, by lin e a l descent from an ancestor who encountered the s p i r i t , or by descent from a predecessor who acquired the right i n some other way (e.g. marriage), or by themselves acquiring the right through marriage or force, to continue the association with a particular s p i r i t . The association was signalized by the perfor-mance and display of particular powers, crests, or ceremonial preroga-tives, (i.e. particular types of association were indicated by p a r t i -cular types of display privilege). The several types of display inclu-ded the impersonation of the s p i r i t , performances in which the i n d i v i -dual appeared to be possessed by the s p i r i t , and performances in which the individual summoned his s p i r i t s . I am unclear as to whether the performances which involved the impersonation of the s p i r i t were supposed to signal s p i r i t contact (as opposed to signalling an associa-tion with the s p i r i t ) . Garfield has'this to say: The principal elaboration on this basic guardian s p i r i t quest pattern developed by the tribes of the northern part of the Northwest coast area, was in the dramatization of the experience, i t s identification with a lineage, and the use as crests of things the ancestors had heard and seen. The complex of ideas and things became the property of descendants who did not'have to go through a supernatural experience again in order to benefit, but needed only to re-enact i t by impersonation of the original participants (1950: 42) . 106 She seems to suggest by this that impersonation of the being did not involve i n i t i a t i o n or s p i r i t contact but was rather the re-enactment of a standing association between the spirits and the descendants of the particular ancestor who encountered the s p i r i t . But later she implies that the right to impersonate the s p i r i t did, in some fashion, require more intimate association with the s p i r i t : The Coast Tsimshian and Nisqa initiated .very young children into the protective custody of the supernaturals. The throwing dance constituted such an i n i t i a t i o n . Each of the invited chiefs who performed this dance sang his song, called upon his power, and indicated i t s name. Such a name sym-bolized the guardian s p i r i t acquired by his ancestors and i t was used in this fashion only when the s p i r i t was called ....When the power appeared to the chief, he caught i t and threw i t into the children....After the ceremony, they were ready for secret society i n i t i a t i o n or to take part in dra-matizations of legends (1950:44). The ambiguities which arise from these two paragraphs are legion. Did or did not those qualified to perform s p i r i t impersonations and other displays undergo s p i r i t initiation? Was the 'power' of the chief dis-tinct from the 'power' projected into initiates,, or were, initiates subsequently considered to have s p i r i t power obtained from the same s p i r i t as the chief? Was the chief performing a personal prerogative or was he performing a duty of office, on behalf of the lineage? Again, Garfield does not make clear whether all-the members of a lineage were initiated, and whether a l l the members of a lineage, or a l l descendants of.the ancestor who encountered the supernatural, had a right:to perform, or whether only the senior members in the direct matrilineal line had the right. Duff maintains that this "throwing 107 dance",was a personal prerogative of certain chiefs and was a differ-ent complex from the one in which the child impersonates an inherited ''nexnox1'' or supernatural being. At these times the chief threw power, as power, into the child and there-;:was subsequently no connection be-1 tween the child and the s p i r i t helper of the chief. According to him, those qualified to perform impersonations or other displays did not have to undergo i n i t i a t i o n by a chief. Boas writes: When a young man advanced in social standing, the time would come for him to acquire supernatural helpers. These were also hereditary.in the various exogamic groups, and belonged to certain families, not to the group as a whole (1916:513). With regard to the qualification necessary for performances, I suspect that, i n terms of the lineage, a distinction has to be made between performances which impersonated the s p i r i t and those in which the performer was supposed to be possessed by the s p i r i t . The for-mer, I suspect, were performed to represent the lineage as a whole, and the latter by particular individuals in their own right, who ac-• quired the right through inheritance, marriage, or some other means; Secret society performances were of this second type. Garfield des-cribes the secret society initiations thus: Novices were coached in.every step of i n i t i a t i o n , from the preliminary bathing, fasting and purification to the f i n a l removal of s p i r i t influence....The appropriate presiding s p i r i t was called by the songs and symbolized by the dances of the members of the society. The s p i r i t which was in 1. This information was acquired in a personal communication with Duff. 108 the society dancers seized the novice and he vanished to the accompaniment of whistles....The state which overcame him corresponded to the vision or hallucinatory experience of a solitary guardian s p i r i t seeker. Society members then enticed the novice, through his s p i r i t , to return to the house where they captured him....When his ecstasy or frenzy had been brought under control, he danced for his s p i r i t power....Each i n i t i a t e received an individual dance, .song, name and symbol from the tutelary (1950:45). According to Garfield, membership in the Dog-Eater and Dancer socie-ties "was open to any Tsimshian who had the wealth necessary'for the initiatory ceremony" (Ibid.), but, "Cannibal, Fire-Thrower and Destroyer dances were acquired as personal, hereditary prerogatives" (Ibid.). As Boas indicates, besides s p i r i t associations signified by secret society dances, there were other hereditary s p i r i t relationships ac-quired by'individuals. He gives a l i s t of various chiefs and the sac-red names which they acquired, signifying their associations with various supernatural helpers. For example, Legex, most senior chief of a l l the Eagles, had the sacred names Txagaksem*laxha,Hanatana, . and Gagulikagax. "Every individual had to acquire every supernatural helper through an i n i t i a t i o n . With the acquisition of the helper, the individual was supposed to have attained also certain powers, which could be 'thrown' upon or into other people" (Boas, 1916:514). Thus Legex had the power to i n i t i a t e young people and even children by calling upon his supernatural helper, Txagaksem laxha, and "throw-ing" power into the children. Boas reports his Tsimshian informant: Then the people would c a l l for Txagaksem laxha, the super-natural helper of Legex, to i n i t i a t e several of the young people. His helper was used 'only for youths of high rank (1916:514). 109 The supernatural power of c h i e f s to i n i t i a t e others was a r e l a t i v e l y important aspect of Tsimshian ceremonial and r e l i g i o u s l i f e . According to Duff, such c h i e f s were known by a s p e c i a l term f'naxnagam h a l a i t " , as opposed to shamans who were"swensk h a l a i t " . Chiefs were masters of s p i r i t s as much as shamans i n that they c o n t r o l l e d a number, of s p i r i t s who i n v e s t e d ^powers*P of p u b l i c importance. To summarise, the Tsimshian recognized a c l a s s of s p i r i t as-s o c i a t i o n s h i p s which were fo r m a l i z e d , t r a n s m i s s i b l e , and e x c l u s i v e i n the sense that they were confined to c e r t a i n c l a s s e s of people on the b a s i s of s p e c i f i c c r i t e r i a (e.g. wealth, i n h e r i t a n c e , l i n e a g e member-ship) . Accession to s p i r i t r e l a t i o n s h i p s of t h i s k i n d required p u b l i c , dramatized i n i t i a t i o n and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of property which marked a l l formal e x h i b i t i o n s of entry to a p a r t i c u l a r s t a t u s . A number of these s p i r i t r e l a t i o n s h i p s were s p e c i f i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h l i n e a g e a f f i l i a t i o n . I n i t i a t i o n commonly•marked the l i n e a g e a f f i l i a t i o n and/or rank of the i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v e d . Most manifest b e n e f i t s derived from such a s s o c i a t i o n s was the a b i l i t y to d i s p l a y ceremonial p r e r o -gatives . Besides those s p i r i t r e l a t i o n s h i p s , u s u a l l y h e r e d i t a r y , which conferred powers of a ceremonial nature, the Tsimshian a l s o b e l i e v e d i n i n d i v i d u a l guardian s p i r i t s . I t was b e l i e v e d that f o r almost any a c t i v i t y , greater success could be achieved by a c q u i r i n g power from v i s i o n a r y c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h a s p i r i t . By e n t e r i n g a guardian s p i r i t r e l a t i o n s h i p , i n d i v i d u a l s could acquire the power to become great"hun-110 ters, to fish, to gain wealth, or to gamble, to weave blankets or to build canoes, and so on. Guardian s p i r i t powers apparently substitu-ted for the compulsive magic techniques which were not a marked feature of Tsimshian society. Shamans were those who acquired the power to cure. They differed from others i n that their supernatural helpers were thought to be both more dangerous and more powerful.than usual, haying the power both to cure sickness and to "send" sickness into another person. Both the power to cure and to "send" sickness appear to have been linked together, unlike the Kwakiutl, who distinguished between shamans who could cure and send sickness and shamans who could only cure (Boas, 1966:120). Shamans^ like the chiefs who had several s p i r i t helpers and could throw power, were controllers of s p i r i t s . According to Professor Duff, the term for shaman, "swensk halait", meant "supernatural blow-ing", in reference to his abi l i t y to cure by blowing sickness away. "Naxnagam halait", referring to chiefs, may be translated l i t e r a l l y as 'spirit supernatural performance', meaning, I think, master or colleague-of sp i r i t s which bestow rights to supernatural performances. The Tsimshian, themselves, then, seemed to have defined the shaman on.the basis of his power to cure. Like the individual guardian s p i r i t powers, and i n contrast to the ceremonial Intiations, shaman-i s t i c intiation was commonly, i f not always, solitary. Acquisition of shamanistic power could be sought or unsought. Myths t e l l of i n d i -viduals who actively sought supernatural encounters and of others who had their powers bestowed on them. Sought or unsought, the visionary I l l experience .necessary for i n i t i a t i o n entailed considerable hardship and suffering. Visionary experience l e f t initiates physically and emotionally exhausted. As evidence of the heightened emotional state the novice generally suffered, "vomiting of blood (was) a sign that a • f person (had) attained supernatural power" (Boas, 1916:474). Upon re-covery, the novice generally publicized the event by describing his visionary experience to assembled shamans, kin and co-residents, sing-ing the special songs given by his helper, and fi n a l l y , by completing a cure. Mayne. concluded that shamanistic novices were: ...for the most part, those who have themselves been visited by some-serious sickness, and have recovered; or else have been,, at some time in their lives, exposed to great p e r i l , but have escaped uninjured...for i t i s believed that, during the period of unconsciousness, supernatural power and s k i l l were vouchsafed them; and also, by their recovering, i t is concluded that they have successfully resisted the efforts of bad medicine, or the ev i l workings of some malevolent being (Mayne, 1862:289-95, as cited by Boas, 1916:560). Garfield and Boas each cite accounts by separate informants of initiatory experience. Garfield records the account of a Nass 2 River novice. As a young man he wished to become a good hunter and, finding that the good hunters he knew were invariably shamans, he de-cided to become a shaman.- He asked a Nass River shaman for guidance in training. The Nass River shaman-agreed and advised him to seek a Bella Bella chief who could give him dancing powers. He did so and the Bella Bella chief further advised him to see two other men for more dancing powers. He then returned to the Nass shaman who sent him to 2. As i t was reported to her by William Beynon of Port Simpson.. 112 a shaman who specialized i n making symbols of supernatural power for other shamans. This shaman made him the knife he wanted and showed him the techniques of operating i t so that i t would appear when he . put i t in his mouth that blood gushed out. He then returned to the Nass River and that spring became i l l . The Nass River shaman knew by this that he was now possessed by the supernatural and instructed him to summon a l l the shamans'who had helped him. He now became a shaman and gave his performance, showing his symbol of. supernatural power (Garfield, 1950:47). This account is interesting for the way i t indicates the extent to which shamans knew of each other and co-operated with each other and for the way i n which i t suggests that prospective shamans depended on the aid and teaching of other shamans. It indicates that while there was a large element of. faith involved and apparently genuine visionary experience, Tsimshian shamans also used theatrical techniques analogous to those used by ceremonial per-formers. It also suggests that although there was co-operation and exchange between shamans, there was no necessary close association between shamans in terms of t r i b a l or clan a f f i l i a t i o n . Boas records the experience of Chief Mountain, also a Nass shaman. As a youth', The supernatural beings were pursuing him a l l the time. One'day a beautiful g i r l appeared to him, and he fainted. She taught him her song, which enabled him to make the ola-chen come'in spring....One night she took him through a f i f e , and after that he was able to handle f i r e with impun-. ity....Later on he saw four other supernatural beings.... They taught him to foresee sickness....When he was called 113 to cure disease, the four'supernatural men appeared to him and helped him....His helpers pointed out witches to him and enabled him to see ghosts (Boas, 1916:563). According to Chief Mountain "only a man whose father was a shaman could becomea shaman" (1916:562). Apparently Chief Mountain's exper-ience was an example of an unsought vision in the sense that the super-natural encounter was sudden. But he could not have been unprepared, if,,as a youth, "the supernatural beings were pursuing him a l l the time". The account again suggests a considerable period of training and learning, presumably at the direction of his father. Although we might assume by these two accounts that shamans commonly underwent considerable training and teaching under the direc-tion of other shamans, according to Garfield "A Tsimshian who desired to become a shaman could carry out his own. training and quest" (1950: 47). The evidence seems to indicate that shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n among the Tsimshian combined elements similar to those characteristic of the Kwakiutl and those typical of the interior Athabaskan people. In myth, and according to Garfield, prospective shamans could seek sham-anistic power and i n i t i a t i o n alone. In practise, most acquired direc-tion from an experienced shaman. Similarities to Kwakiutl i n i t i a t i o n arecthe frequency of. illness as the precipitating factor in visionary experience, the presence of shamans at. the public announcement of the novice's new status, the use of theatrical techniques for curing cere-^ -monies and the importance of formal .technical training. Similarities to Athabaskan i n i t i a t i o n are the degree of individualism and infor^ 114 mality present. Novices of the same lineage apparently did not receive t h e i r powers from a' common-lineage "shaman-maker", t h e i r techniques of p r a c t i s e apparently could be quite i d i o s y n c r a t i c , and they had consid-erable independence of choice.in t h e i r s e l e c t i o n of i n s t r u c t o r . A shaman normally acquired several helpers, each of which gave d i f f e r e n t powers. ., The r e l a t i o n s h i p between a shaman and his super-natural helpers appears ambivalent. .. On. the one hand the shaman was supposed to be able to send hi s helpers to k i l l h i s enemies, or search for l o s t souls, and to call...upon his helpers for aid and advise when-ever necessary. On the other .hand, he might die i f he disobeyed the orders of his helpers or i f . h i s helpers were attacked and defeated. The myth c a l l e d "The Deluge".(Boas, 1916:346), reveals something of the shaman's r e l a t i o n s h i p with his helpers. The hero acquired a number of supernatural helpers with d i f f e r e n t kinds of power. His helpers were G r i z z l y Bear, Thunderbird, a mythical monster named Mouth-at-Each-End, ,:Guttlefish and Lightning-with-Hail. He became a famous shaman. When enemies t r i e d to k i l l him he: ..isent his supernatural helpers Mouth-at-Each-End and Cut-t l e f i s h who k i l l e d those who t r i e d to murder t h e i r master; or, i f a shaman came through the water, Mouth-at-Each-End and C u t t l e f i s h would go i n t o the water and destroy him; or, i f a shaman with his supernatural helpers came overland, the G r i z z l y Bear would f i g h t him and destroy him; or i f a sup-ernatural power came up f l y i n g through the a i r ; Thunderbird and Lightning-with-Hail would destroy him (Boas, 1916:348). At l a s t two shamans; .with the power Blood, attacked him and destroyed a l l h i s supernatural powers so that he was k i l l e d . His brother, also a-shaman, survived and "sent f o r t h his own supernatural helpers, Blood 115 and Martens, who k i l l e d the two shamans...." (Ibid.). The brother took over Mouth-at-Each-End, Grizzly Bear and so forth and "conquered a l l the supernatural powers around." The myth illustrates the considerable danger shamans were supposed .to face and the dependence of shamans on their s p i r i t aides, and it.states unambiguously that the shaman "con-quered" spirits and that he directed them to do his w i l l . In addition to the ability to diagnose and cure sickness, depending on the nature of their s p i r i t helpers, shamans acquired other kinds of power. Chief Mountain, for example, could make olachen come in spring, fo r e t e l l sickness, detect witches, see ghosts and handle f i r e . Others could discover the whereabouts of lost people, or predict the movements of animals or f i s h . There is not much specific information about the customary rights, privileges, obligations and l i a b i l i t i e s entailed by becoming a shaman. Since shamans could send disease they were feared, and since they were masters of spi r i t s they, were respected. They often appeared to be very successful men. Boas mentions, with tantalizing brevity, that "The shaman wears stone and bone ammulets, and does not cut his hair. His appearance is the same as that of the Tlingit shaman" (1916: 563). At death shamans were not, like other people, cremated, and the bodies of shamans were buried.in caves or in the woods. These very brief descriptions indicate that shamans were aloof from society. Their status and r i t u a l condition.were signified by dress and by the long hair and their privileged position with respect to the supernatural realm was marked by the general success which they achieved. 116 In terms of services, the duties of a shaman were both private, on behalf of individuals, and public, on behalf of the community at large. Among the most important of public duties was officiating at important ceremonies, such as the F i r s t Salmon and Olachen ceremonies. On such occasions, the shamans of a community, in cooperation, per-formed the rituals associated with the removal and cleaning of the f i r s t fish and ensured that the requisite taboos were kept by a l l . Shamans also performed community services when they attempted to predict or control the movement or appearance of animals, fish or plants for com-munal hunting, fishing or gathering. One of the myths recounts a case where, when there are many sudden deaths in a community "the shamans may go to make war on the Ghosts in order to recover the souls of the deceased" (Boas, 1916:475). It seems quite clear that shamans were in fact called upon by the community at large to perform certain services for the entire community. In contrast to their private services, they do not appear to have been paid directly for their services, although Mayne asserts, "A canoe's crew w i l l often give a third of their f i r s t haul to the 'fish-priest' to propitiate him and ensure good luck for the rest of the season" (Mayne, 1862:259, as cited by Boas, 1916:562). When a person f e l l sick, a near relative offered property, apparently to any shaman who cared to attempt a cure. There is l i t t l e information about the relationship of patient to shaman in kinship or tr i b a l terms. For a curing ceremony (Boas, 1916:558), which generally lasted several days, or perhaps even weeks, the principal shaman f i r s t 117 prepared himself by rigorous purification. He then assembled a l l his colleagues, sometimes as many as 10 to 18, to help him. He wore f u l l dress, including red-ochre on the face, eagle down on the head, and a crown of grizzly bear claws, and with eagle t a i l in the l e f t hand and rattle in the right hand he started the cure. He called upon his sup-ernatural helpers. His companions beat time and repeated the calls . He then sang his supernatural songs. After a while he rested and told the surrounding audience his visionary diagnosis of the patient's con-dition and the cause of sickness. Subsequent curing action depended on the disease. Disease might be due to soul loss, object intrusion or sorcery. For soul loss the shaman performing the cure called upon his colleagues and they moved out to the graveyard where he then tried to catch the soul. When they returned the shaman put "the soul of the patient in his own head to give i t strength" and returned i t to the patient four days later (Boas1916:563). If sickness were due to object intrusion the shaman tried to suck i t out or incise the area. Particular shamans had their own particular dramatic techniques for cure. In myths there are numerous references to dramatic special ef-fects. Boards for beating time appeared to run in by themselves and lay themselves down on each side of the f i r e . Weasel batons and skin drums beat themselves. These may be mythological wonders or they may represent the theatrical tricks and sleight-of-hand employed by par-ticular shamans to enhance the impressiveness of their cures. 118 I t would seem that c u r i n g ceremonies must have been, at l e a s t f o r people of high rank, c o s t l y . The shaman was p a i d i f he completed a s u c c e s s f u l cure but was supposed to r e t u r n everything i f he f a i l e d . Ceremonies were long and e l a b o r a t e , i n v o l v i n g the a i d of sometimes as many as 18 other shamans as w e l l as singers and other o f f i c i a l s . I f a p r e s t i g i o u s shaman had been c a l l e d i n from outside the community, messengers would have been sent f o r him and would have to be p a i d . We. can perhaps i n f e r that c u r i n g ceremonies were expen-s i v e from the f a c t that shamans were r e l i e d upon a f t e r other means, such as h e r b a l medicines, had f a i l e d . Although shamans may have been c a l l e d i n to t r e a t anyone s i c k enough, one of the myths observes "A shaman i s c a l l e d i n to t r e a t the s i c k c h i e f s and p r i n c e s " (Boas, 1916:475). From a s t r u c t u r a l viewpoint i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to examine shamanism i n r e l a t i o n to the l i n e a g e and t r i b a l s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y and to compare the p o s i t i o n of shamans w i t h that of l i n e a g e c h i e f s , who were al s o s p i r i t masters, and w i t h other people who had guardian s p i r i t power but were not shamans. From t h i s viewpoint, the evidence seems to suggest that shamanistic o r g a n i z a t i o n tended to correspond to the increased emphasis among the Tsimshian on t r i b e and c r o s s - t r i b . a s s o c i a t i o n s as opposed to the l i n e a g e - l o c a l group. A ' t r i b e ' comprised a number of ranked l i n e a g e s , u s u a l l y of two or more c l a n s , who shared ownership of a common win t e r v i l l a g e s i t e , and owned c e r t a i n property i n c l u d i n g the house of the ' t r i b a l 119 chief', a man acknowledged as prime community leader by the members of a l l lineages. I use the term 'tribe' in this instance, in agree-ment with Drucker and in contrast to others who prefer the term ' v i l -lage' because I suspect i t may have some significance. Tribe here, in contrast to village, has a p o l i t i c a l implication in that, i n con-trast to many village communities in other areas,lineages were not completely autonomous but acknowledged a tr i b a l leader and paid t r i -bute to him. I wish to oppose tribe to lineage as a p o l i t i c a l group-ing, although the links between the neighbouring lineages of a clan were probably an important factor in furthering cross-tribal associa-tions . Evidence tends to suggest that shamans, as such, were not commonly linked to matrilineages. In theory, at least, shamans were supposed to receive their powers in a solitary encounter with the s p i r i t , after a period of rigorous purification and training;, whichs involved long periods of isolation or only the company of a few close companions. According to Garfield: It was more usual for young men to attach themselves to shamans who were paid to teach them. Usually, the young man's maternal uncle, less often his father, paid the ped-agogue. Older shamans also took their own sons, nephews, or nieces as assistants and supervised their training (1950:47). This indicates that there was no necessary obligation to apply to matrilineal kin for teaching. She also states that, "A novice could receive aides from a supernatural who had assisted an ancestor or from any of the numerous mythical creatures who revealed themselves 120 to human beings" (1950:46). She does not mention whether the ances-tor was on the mother's side but even supposing that only matrilineal ancestors were meant, the novice might be initiated by any number of other spirits not associated with the matrilineage. From what Gar-f i e l d says, then, i t would not appear that shamans relied on matri-lin e a l kin or sp i r i t s for training and i n i t i a t i o n any more than one might expect from the fact that in individual terms matrilineal as-sociations were stressed more than paternal connections. The example she gives of a Nass shaman indicates that novices applied to shamans for direction in training on other than kinship c r i t e r i a . He asks "the foremost shaman on Nass River" to help him. His teacher then sends him to a Bella Bella shaman, the Bella Bella being famous for their shamanistic powers. He is then sent to two other shamans, in different communities, for dancing powers and to a fourth shaman in another community, "who specialized in making symbols of the super-natural for other shamans" (1950147). Boas' informant, Chief Moun-tain, stated categorically that "only a man whose father was a sha-man can become a shaman" (1916:562). Although this conflicts with Garfield's information, i t does suggest that shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n was not linked to the lineage but, on the contrary perhaps, opposed to i t ! The shaman's position with respect to the lineage may per-haps be better understood'if we review some of the differences men-tioned previously between chiefs (flnaxnagam halait 1 , 1), and shamans 121 (''swensk h a l a i t " ) . Both shamans and chiefs could d i r e c t • s p i r i t s , and acquired se v e r a l . But whereas shamans did not necessarily i n h e r i t t h e i r s , the s p i r i t helpers acquired by chiefs were t r a d i t i o n a l , here-ditary associates. I suggest that differences i n the names of s p i r i t s associated with chiefs and those associated with shamans express a difference i n type of s p i r i t and type of community r e l a t i o n s h i p with the s p i r i t . In the myth Boas c a l l s "The Deluge" we le a r n of a shaman who had the helpers Grizzly/Bear, Thunderbird, C u t t l e f i s h , Mouth-at-Each-End, and Lightning-with-Hail. Two shamans with the power Blood attack and destroy him and i n turn are destroyed by the brother of the f i r s t who had the powers Martens and Blood. The fac t that the brother and the enemy shamans both had contesting helpers which they c a l l e d Blood (the Blood power of the brother was instrumental i n des-troying the Blood power of the two shamans) suggests that the s p i r i t s of shamans were not thought to be necessarily the s p i r i t s of p a r t i -cular animals or monsters but that they had c h a r a c t e r i s t i c proper-t i e s f o r which they were given d e s c r i p t i v e or symbolic names. One of the supernatural helpers of the brother was not c a l l e d Marten, but Martens, and the being Lightning-with-Hail presumably had powers which suggested the properties of l i g h t i n g and of h a i l . These names seem to me, at le a s t for this myth, metaphorical. In contrast, the names of the s p i r i t s of lineage chiefs were more l i k e t i t l e s ; modes of address or designation as opposed to modes of a l l u s i o n . They were more formalized and suggest a more formalized r e l a t i o n s h i p between the chief with h i s people and the s p i r i t . The i d e n t i t y of a shaman's 122 s p i r i t can only be inferred by the general public from the allusion provided by the metaphorical name, whereas the identity of a chief's s p i r i t is known. Lineage chiefs used their powers primarily to en-sure that members of the lineage acquired supernatural protection. According to Garfield: Lineage prerogatives also included guardian s p i r i t powers revealed to the ancestors. A l l these property rights were under the supervision and administration of the male head of the lineage (1950:23). . The exercise of supernatural prerogatives acquired by chiefs, then',, ' was predominantly within the lineage, and expressed lineage member-ship and rights. The exercise of shamanistic prerogatives was much more independent of lineage contexts. In curing, for example, on the basis of myths, Boas observes: A renowned shaman is called by people in need of his ser-vices. Three messengers are sent to fetch him. When his fame spreads a l l over the country, he is travelling about a l l the time with his attendants, and people assemble to witness his practices....When a person is very i l l , the shamans of a l l the tribes are called in to cure him (1916:476). Again, the r i t u a l prescriptions which regulated a shaman's relation-ships with others applied equally to everyone. In short, shamans dif -fered from lineage chiefs by the fact that the derivation and exercise of .their powers was, or could be, independent of lineage a f f i l i a t i o n . Shamans differed from others with personal non-hereditary guardian s p i r i t powers not simply by the nature, strength and abi l i t y of their helpers but by the public significance of their power and by 123 the symbolic significance of their r i t u a l status. The hunting, gamb-ling or weaving ability of ordinary individuals may have brought personal esteem or wealth but was not particularly to be regarded as a public resource. The shaman's ability to cure, was. It does not seem unfair to suggest that shamanistic organi-zation was consistent with the Tsimshian emphasis on tribe and cross-t r i b a l associations.- Among the Tsimshian, the tribe was much more important as a unit of concerted action than i t was among any of the other Northwest Coast tribes. Garfield in particular emphasizes the power of the t r i b a l chief. The Tsimshian t r i b a l chief was apparently not simply the head of the highest ranking lineage i n a town but had authority over other lineage heads who owed him tribute. By his control of greater resources and by increased ab i l i t y to give patron-age the t r i b a l chief apparently also had some power to enforce his authority. Drucker observes: The difference between these tribes and the so-called tribes of the Tlingit is that the localized segments of the clans, that i s , the lineages, were more firmly integrated. While each lineage had i t s own chief and owned certain properties, the lineages of each tribe were ranked relative to each other, and the chief of the highest-ranking lineage was the recognized chief of the tribe. It appears that the tribe as a whole held certain properties, including the winter village s i t e . In recent times, at least, each tribe acting as a unit has built the house of i t s chief, . and considers the structure t r i b a l property....The tribe as a whole usually participated in both ceremonials and warfare in former days (1955:118). In this light the fact that shamans performed duties for the community as a whole, for example,- conducting the Fi r s t Salmon Ceremony 124 and ensuring that everyone maintained the taboos at this time, seems perhaps significant. As far as I can determine, nowhere else on the Northwest Coast was this a regular procedure. Regarding cross-tribal contacts, the fact that shamans could, and were, asked to cure members of other tribes is consistent with the tendency among the Coast Tsimshian tribes to maintain associations. Matrilineal links between lineages of a clan in different tribes ( v i l -lages) were instrumental in' this regard. The tribes of the Skeena River moved annually to the olachen fishing grounds on the Nass Ri-ver where they b u i l t up regular associations with host tribes and met other tribes also in the area. Again, as Drucker observes: The nine tribes who wintered along Metlakatla pass seem to have been approaching a s t i l l more complex type of p o l i t i c a l organization....The tribes"moved their winter villages there,and formed a loose sort of confederacy, although the individual tribes never quite gave up their old autonomy (1955:118). In summary, i t is d i f f i c u l t to be dogmatic but the evidence seems to suggest that there were two main types of s p i r i t association among the Tsimshian, those that were primarily ceremonial in s i g n i f i -cance and largely associated with lineage rights and prerogatives, and those which were of pragmatic significance. Each of these types seem linked to different principles of social organization. 125 CHAPTER VII HAIDA SHAMANISM A major source of data for the following was J.R. Swanton's Haida Texts and Myths (1905b) and the myths and stories reported in his Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida (1905a). As already stated, I have tended .to select from the myths and stories that i n -formation which agrees with, what has been found for other Northwest Coast groups, or which is directly corroborated by Swanton or Mur-dock. The myths and stories are an extremely rich source of informa-tion although i t is d i f f i c u l t to determine from them what was the typical. Swanton is very brief i n the ethnographic descriptions he gives. Murdock is equally brief. In addition, Murdock was chiefly concerned with the theoretical implications of the data he collected, particularly as i t related to social organization. He was very l i t t l e interested in shamanism or other religious beliefs and practises and is very perfunctory at these points. In the following section, there-fore, I have tried to indicate when conclusions have been derived from myths and stories and when they have been given by Murdock or Swanton. According to Haida spirit-theory, every animal was, or might be, the embodiment of a being who, at his own plea-sure, could appear in the human form....As animals, they might be hunted, or given as food to men by another ani-mal who was a supernatural being; as supernatural beings themselves, they might entertain men in their towns, i n -termarry with them, help or harm them (Swanton, 1905a:16). In addition to animal and fish s p i r i t beings, an indeterminate number of other s p i r i t personalities were believed to populate the land, 126 sky, and ocean. So frequently were supernatural entities identified with areas, of concern to the Haida, that they mirror the prevailing preoccupations of liv i n g : the dangers or d i f f i c u l t i e s of subsistence activities, the fear, of disease, the desire for wealth, or reknown and esteem at some special talent. There were beings associated with sig-nificant geographical l o c a l i t i e s , for example, the Creek Women who lived at the head o f each creek; beings more broadly associated with the cosmic realms of air, sea and land, controlling some aspect of these environments; and yet others associated with particular talents, events, qualities, or activities of concern, such as Master Carpenter, Property Woman, Pestilence, Spirit of Strength, and so forth. The welfare of men was deemed inextricably dependent on the behaviour of these beings. They could harm or benefit man. They con-trolled the extra-social forces which guaranteed fortune or misfortune, particularly in economic pursuits. The Ocean People (the Herring people, Salmon people, Halibut people, K i l l e r Whale people, etc.), were for this reason especially important to the Haida: As custodians of the principal food-supplies, especially as the dispensers of whales, these Ocean-People were, of a l l supernatural beings, the most constantly on.the thoughts df the Haida, and the oftenest called upon and sacrificed to (Swanton, 1905a:17). In many respects a l l these s p i r i t entities (animals and fish, ghosts, mythic beings) were similar to men. In other'respects they differed, being subject to certain laws and patterns of behaviour which did not apply to men. Like men, supernatural beings were a l l either 127 Ravens or Eagles. They l i v e d i n towns, married, produced c h i l d r e n , and p o t l a t c h e d . They could be pleased or p l a c a t e d by the o f f e r i n g of o i l , tobacco, or f l i c k e r f e a t h e r s . A l t e r n a t i v e l y they were r e p e l l e d by u r i n e , menstrual blood or anything a s s o c i a t e d w i t h these. J u s t as s u p e r n a t u r a l beings were i n v i s i b l e to "ordinary men, at l e a s t some human elements were i n v i s i b l e to ordinary s u p e r n a t u r a l beings. For example, they could not detect i n t r u s i o n by man-made o b j e c t s . In s h o r t , although men could be helped or harmed by supernaturals and were constantly dependent upon t h e i r good w i l l , s u p e r n a t u r a l beings were s u s c e p t i b l e to f l a t t e r y or f o r c e . Numerous Haida myths i n d i c a t e t h i s r e l a t i v e balance of power between men and s u p e r n a t u r a l s . For example, one s t o r y r e l a t e s how a man shoots a s u p e r n a t u r a l being f u l l of arrows and then refuses a cure u n t i l the being promises h i s daughter i n mar-ri a g e (Swanton,.1905b:179). Several stories recount how a human hero, bathing f o r s t r e n g t h , meets the S p i r i t of Strength and masters him (Swanton, 1905b:190,210). Again, human r e c o g n i t i o n was important to supernaturals so that much of t h e i r contact w i t h men was motivated by a d e s i r e f o r r e c o g n i t i o n . There were three p r i n c i p a l techniques of manipulating the s u p e r n a t u r a l ; persuasive or p r o p i t i a t o r y r i t u a l , compulsive magic and s p i r i t contact. P r o p i t i a t i o n i n v o l v e d p r i m a r i l y , the o f f e r i n g of m a t e r i a l s deemed p l e a s i n g to the s u p e r n a t u r a l s . F i r e and water were the mediums of tr a n s m i s s i o n . Ghosts were o f f e r e d food by s p r i n k l i n g crumbs i n t o the f i r e . : Tobacco was commonly taken before a shaman's 128 ceremony to enhance communication w i t h the s p i r i t world. A>-man might hope to calm the sea by dipping f l i c k e r feathers or o i l onto the wa-t e r . As already mentioned, the Ocean-People were "the o f t e n e s t c a l l e d upon and s a c r i f i c e d t o " . Bathing f o r power was a technique which i n v o l v e d both p r o p i t i a t o r y and compulsive aspects. Swanton w r i t e s that whether one was s u c c e s s f u l or not i n a v i s i o n quest one "could increase power and success by r i t u a l abstinence" (1905a:40). Besides i n c r e a s i n g one's general a b i l i t y by r i t u a l bathing and continence there were 'medicines', as Swanton c a l l e d them,.which could be success-f u l l y used f o r a multitude of purposes. They i n v o l v e d the r i t u a l pre-p a r a t i o n and a p p l i c a t i o n of i n g r e d i e n t s l a r g e l y symbolic i n t h e i r s i g -n i f i c a n c e . There were medicines f o r c u r i n g s i c k n e s s , f o r hunting, f o r gambling, f o r k i l l i n g an* enemy, or f o r s o r c e r y . Medicines f o r the most'part required a p p l i c a t i o n to something, u s u a l l y to people or to man-made o b j e c t s , but the Haida a l s o had songs, or perhaps s p e l l s , which seem to have i n v o l v e d a compulsive p r i n c i p l e . One myth t e l l s of a man blown about i n h i s canoe by the wind who repeats a s p e c i a l song, "a song supposed to have power i n calming storms" (Swanton, 1905b:25). F i n a l l y , s upernatural beings could be i n f l u e n c e d through v i s i o n a r y contact. Swanton gives l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n about the gener-a l i t y of s p i r i t contact among the Haida.; Ther.myths and s t o r i e s suggest that at l e a s t t h e o r e t i c a l l y s p i r i t contact was p o s s i b l e f o r ordinary men but that guardian s p i r i t r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i n which an i n d i v i d u a l maintains a r e c u r r e n t and l a s t i n g a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a s p i r i t , were 129 uncommon. Several stories t e l l of men who trained for strength and subsequently mastered the Spirit of Strength; innumerable stories t e l l of encounters with supernaturals, journeys to the homes of supernat-urals , marriage to supernaturals and so forth. However, i t seems sig-nificant that Swanton does not! specifically mention a s p i r i t quest in any other connection than shaman. Although Garfield could say of the Tsimshian that s p i r i t power, was considered essential for every free individual (1950:39), I suspect this was certainly not true of the Haida. Perhaps medicines and r i t u a l purification were considered sufficiently effective for most everyday requirements. Swanton described the Haida shaman as: One who had power from some supernatural being who "possessed" him, or chose him as the medium through which to make his existence f e l t in the world of men. When the s p i r i t was present the shaman's own identity was practically abolished. For the time he was the supernatural being himself (1905a: 38) . According to both Swanton and Murdock, the position of sha-man was normally inherited by a man's maternal nephew or a woman's daughter (Swanton 1905a:38; Murdock, 1934:258). Of the several ne-phews normally eligible, the one most suitable, (presumably showing most interest or promising signs), was chosen and "to him the older shaman teaches his secrets and transmits his paraphernalia" (Murdock, 1934:258). Before the old shaman died, "he revealed his sp i r i t s to his successor, who might start with a comparatively feeble s p i r i t and acquire stronger and stronger ones" (Swanton, 1905a:38). Evidently spi r i t s were not automatically inherited; a novice had to be introduced 130 to the s p i r i t . Swanton described the ceremonies after the death of a shaman. At death, the nephew of a shaman was susceptible to supers. natural influence and likely to receive power. If the shaman .had a nephew the latter ran around on top of the house shaking a rattle, and calling on the shaman's supernatural power. Then the "power" was apt to come through him for a short time. He became temporarily a shaman. Sometimes he remained one; and at any rate, the supernat-ural power was most apt to come through the nephew of the dead shaman than through anyone else (Swanton, 1905a:53). Thus, while the position of shaman could be termed hereditary in that i t was normally reserved for individuals of a specific kinship category, the role of shaman was achieved. The term 'hereditary' i s perhaps misleading because i t ignores theCfact that the novice had to qualify for the position or he became one who had been merely a tempor-ary shaman. Although the position of shaman normally passed to nephew from maternal uncle, Murdock makes the interesting observation that "some of the most powerful medicine-men do not inherit their position" (1934:258) . At this point i t may be of interest to examine some of the myths and stories as these relate to the process of i n i t i a t i o n . The story of Big-Tail, which Swanton considered "one of the most important for an understanding of shamanism among the Haida" (1908:303), begins: Mouse-1 Woman adopted him. Presently, after she had lived at Skidegate for a while, supernatural powers began to try him. After some time he began to be a shaman. By and by he-became a real shaman (1905b:296). 131 After fasting and drinking sea-water for some nights, "the super-natural power came'through him". The s p i r i t , speaking through Big-T a i l , asked the community, to guess his identity: Then he asked them for his name. "What kind of supernatural being am I?" he said. Then they guessed at his name. By and by an old man said: "Great shaman, you are Supernatural-Being-at-Whose-Voice-Ravens-Sit-on-the-Sea." Then he jumped up and ran around the f i r e four times. And he named him-self as follows: "I am he grandson. I am he" (1905b:296). Subsequently, Big-Tail's reputation as a shaman was established. The story of the shaman, Gandox's father, i s supposed to be factual. Swanton writes that Gandox's father was, "well known to a l l Skidegate Haida, and many other stories are told regarding his predictions" (1905b:314). It begins: Gandox's father was making a canoe inland from one end of Seagrass Town. One evening, when he came home, -he dropped dead on the sand at the end of the town. Then they ran to him, and carried him over to his house. Qoldaiyek spoke through him first....He did not t e l l his name. Instead he turned about around the house. After they had taken him in and come to know that i t was Qoldaiyek, they began to sing a song for him. After they had carried him around the fi r e four times he began turning around (1905:311). Another story t e l l s how a woman became a shaman: Some women went across Naden Harbour to get cedar-bark. While there the youngest came to a tree on which there was a great deal of gum, which she collected and chewed. Then she became a shaman, and heir companions found her lying insensible. They took her to the town where a shaman's costume was put on her, and she began to act....When she sang the crab's song, great multitudes of crabs came round (1905a:224). These stories suggest that visionary experience was neces-sary for becoming a shaman. They also suggest public knowledge of th 132 sp i r i t ' s identity was important. It would seem that the occasion at which a shaman became publicly acknowledged was after an announcement of the sp i r i t ' s identity and a display of s p i r i t possession validating the shaman's position as s p i r i t mediator, whether, as with Gandox's father, this was during the i n i t i a l traumatic encounter, or whether i t was sometime after the individual's i n i t i a l encounter, as with Big-T a i l . The shaman's position as s p i r i t mediator for the community i s suggested by the fact that in a l l stories the shaman was mentioned as belonging to some particular community. The idea of a s p i r i t quest does not seem clearly emphasized by these examples, but-mention of the woman chewing gum, and of Big-Tai l fasting and drinking sea-water for some nights suggests that visionary•experience was sought by at least some, and that r i t u a l strength and purity were deemed c r i t i c a l l y important. One story mentions that two brothers, at the town of Skedans fasted for many years to become'shamans before one of them, breaking a taboo by going with a woman, died (1905b:294). Swanton noted that before a s p i r i t entered a man had to be "clean". "To become clean , a man had to abstain from food a long time" (1958:64). Most of our understanding of the shaman's relationship with his s p i r i t and the s p i r i t world must be inferred from myths and sto-ries. Although the shaman served as a means of communication between human and s p i r i t worlds, he was not a passive instrument of the spi-• r i t , however much at times this may appear to have been the case. At 133 performances he appeared to be altogether the instrument of the spi-r i t ; i t was the s p i r i t acting and talking, apparently, not the shaman. The s p i r i t Qoldaiyek, speaking through Gandox's father "turned around the house" and Saqaiyul "walked about entirely.on the ends of his toes". In the story of He-who-got-supernatural-power-from-his-little-finger (1905b:247), l i t t l e or no condemnation or responsibility was attached to Many-Ledges who tried to k i l l his son-in-law because his mind was made hostile by hostile s p i r i t s . However, i f we can accept the stories describing visionary encounters as accounts of what is believed to happen or believed possible, the shaman emerges as a far from passive vocal instrument. Let us return to Big-Tail, the story Swanton regards as so revealing of Haida beliefs. Big-Tail asks his s p i r i t helper where to look for whales. The s p i r i t shows Big-Tail, who then directs the hunters. They find the whales are not where Big-Tail believed he had seen them and that therefore he had been tricked by the s p i r i t . Then he became angry, because he (the s p i r i t ) kept fooling him. Now he put tobacco into his mouth. After i t he put in calcined shells. Then he went down to the house of Supernatural-being-at-whose-voice-ravehs-sit-on-the-sea (1905b:296) . • He confronts the s p i r i t and the two bargain. The s p i r i t offers Big-Tai l a number of different powers and Big-Tail rejects them. Then the s p i r i t gets angry and threatens to destroy Big-Tail who replies by threatening him with the shame of being laughed at by human beings. Finally, Big—Tail is given the power he wants. 134 The story of Big-Tail clearly suggests that the power of the shaman (his sp i r i t u a l force, r i t u a l purity, or whatever the fac-tor) is of c r i t i c a l importance. This strength of personality or spiri t u a l force determined the degree of control a shaman could exert over his s p i r i t and thereby his degree of power (a factor of the ex-tent and directions in which he could induce the s p i r i t to help him.) Lack of personal s p i r i t force would explain why those who were be-lieved to be possessed by malevolent sp i r i t s were not always held accountable. In other words, an essential qualification for being a shaman as opposed to being a sorcerer was the retention of control over the s p i r i t . The individual could increase his power by inducing or ex-, tending further visionary experience. Several stories describe i n c i -dents in which the shaman makes a special journey to the realm of the supernatural and returns with increased power. Some of these stories concerned shamans who had lost their powers. For example, one (Swan-ton, 1905a:241-2), tells of a man who, "performed for some time; but at last his powers l e f t him, and a l l his people also l e f t him1'. He put out in a canoe and putting his arm around a stone, sank himself into the sea. When he returned, his powers as a shaman were renewed and increased. In r i t u a l and social terms, as elsewhere on the Coast, the . shaman was aloof from ordinary men. Murdock reported that the shaman "distinguishes himself from his fellows...by abstaining from seaweed 135 and whale blubber and by never combing, washing or c u t t i n g h i s h a i r l e s t . . . h e l o s e h i s power" (1934:257). For ceremonial occasions, ap-p a r e n t l y at the i n s t r u c t i o n s of the s p i r i t , most shamans also.wore a d d i t i o n a l r i t u a l p a raphernalia such as a p r o n , . r a t t l e , feathers or a dancing hat, and drum. Shamans were^vulnerable to the p o l l u t i n g elements that repulsed s p i r i t s . Even more than other men they were s u s c e p t i b l e to menstrual blood, and other p o l l u t i n g substances, so that t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h others were always shaped by r i t u a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s . Not only was the shaman d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from others i n everyday l i f e , he was b u r i e d d i f f e r e n t l y . Normal people were cre-mated and the ashes were placed w i t h the remains of other c l o s e k i n . The shaman's body was placed, uncrem'ated, i n a s m a l l , s l i g h t l y elevated b u r i a l hut, i s o l a t e d from o t h e r s , u s u a l l y out on a headland. How—, ever, i n other respects the l i f e of a shaman was not much d i f f e r e n t i a -ted from o t h e r s . He hunted and f i s h e d f o r h i s l i v e l i h o o d and was s u b j e c t to the same k i n s h i p and s t a t u s r i g h t s and duties as other i n d i v i d u a l s of s i m i l a r rank and k i n p o s i t i o n s . Despite s t o r i e s of.the acquired wealth of shamans; only those who were high-ranking i n t h e i r own r i g h t could ever hope to acquire the wealth needed f o r a p o t l a t c h . The-range of p o s s i b l e powers, malevolent and benevolent, a t -t r i b u t e d to shamans was q u i t e d i v e r s e . C e r t a i n l y , the powers r e g u l a r l y a t t r i b u t e d to them extended beyond c u r i n g . According to the s t o r i e s of B i g - T a i l and Gandox's f a t h e r , an important a b i l i t y of shamans was to t r a v e l i n the s u p e r n a t u r a l w o r l d . Shamans could cause s i c k n e s s , 136 and i n s t o r i e s , , some were'suspected o f prolonging or i n c r e a s i n g the sickness of those they were c a l l e d i n to cure f o r the purpose of ac-q u i r i n g more p r e s t i g e and property (e.g. Swanton, 1905a:242, 247; 1905b:179, 238). One s t o r y t e l l s of a shaman who r e g u l a r l y bewitched others as a source of income (Swanton, 1905a:247). I f he cured them he got p a i d f o r h i s s e r v i c e s and i f they died he o f f i c i a t e d as under-taker s i n c e shamans fr e q u e n t l y acted i n t h i s c a p a c i t y . Several s t o r i e s . i l l u s t r a t e how a shaman's personal a b i l i t i e s may b r i n g wealth and success, because they have hunting power or s u p e r n a t u r a l f i s h i n g b a i t , and the l i k e . Most of the s t o r i e s seem to r e f l e c t or to f o s t e r the image that shamans were able and s u c c e s s f u l i n d i v i d u a l s and that t h i s success could sometimes be at the expense of others i n the com-munity. They were evidence of the success which d e r i v e d from assoc-i a t i o n w i t h the s u p e r n a t u r a l and, as prime examples, r e i n f o r c e d be-l i e f s i n the s u p e r n a t u r a l as source both of sustenance and danger. An important p a r t of the shaman's r o l e was what we, as o u t s i d e r s , might c a l l d i s p l a y performances, i n that they were dramatic enactments of contact w i t h the s p i r i t . There seems to have been two k i n d s , those i n which the shaman behaved i n . a s p e c t a c u l a r or unusual fashion,.apparently possessed by the s p i r i t ; and the occasions when the shaman entered a trance and appeared to make the s p i r i t u a l j o u r - , ney to the realm of the s u p e r n a t u r a l . The s t o r y of Gandox's f a t h e r seems to give examples of both these a c t i v i t i e s . The d e s c r i p t i o n of how d i f f e r e n t - s p i r i t s (the shaman) behaved when they each possessed Gandox's f a t h e r (one "began tu r n i n g round", another "walked about en-137 t i r e ly on the ends of his toes"), suggests that these occasions must have been primarily display performances of the f i r s t kind. Then, the s tory-tel ler recounts an occasion when Gandox!s father publicly entered a trance and experienced a v i s ion: Afterward Saqaiyul again spoke through him. And, after the dancing had gone on a while longer, he wanted to s l eep . . . . When they agreed they made a s a i l house for him in the cor-ner; And just at evening he went in and lay down. Next day...he awoke. After that they again came i n dancing. When they stopped dancing he had me s i t near him. Then he began to t e l l me quietly (what had happened) (Swanton, 1905b: 313) . Both these types of behaviour appear remarkably similar to the clas-s ic s p i r i t possession behaviour and s p i r i t journeys of Siberian and Eskimo shamans and, so far as I can determine, they were not repeated elsewhere on the Coast. Elsewhere on the Coast shamanistic displays seem to have been more s tyl ized, more of a consciously articulated dramatic performance. Spirits also gave proof of their existence by their aid in economic pursuits. Of the s p i r i t Lagua we are told that -he "made the water smooth for some time. A l l that time they fished for black cod" (Swanton, 1905b:305). Lagua directed his human medium to go fishing with the other men and he then located the iron wreck of an old ship, which they brought home for trade with other Haida groups. The shaman Cloud Watcher had the son of the chief of salmon speak through him and "then the salmon came l ike a strong wind" (Swanton, 1905b:308). The people of Fin Town were near starvation when a shaman 138 performed several days and then brought up a whole whale, thus preser-ving them from starvation (Swanton, 1905a:224). If we can assume that the.kinds of duties shamans'fulfil in myths and stories are the same as those they perform in everyday l i f e , that the real or expected ac-t i v i t i e s of shamans provides the material for stories, an> important part of the shaman's function was to ensure economic ends. I think they reflect at least the ideal that great shamans could help to ensure economic ends and provided insurance against famine. Shamans were also supposed to be able to reveal the where-abouts of lost objects or people (Swanton, 1905a:253), divine cause, or explain the mysterious. One story describes a man who was surrounded by k i l l e r whales: "When they got home the shamans•did not say any-thing good about him.. They said he had better not go anywhere on the ocean for four years" (Swanton,,1905b:88). The story of the shaman Djun describes divination. The town chief's son was sick and numerous shamans were called in,without success. One, Djun, who was able to detect the cause of sickness, warned that the beak of her rattle would be missed and the one upon whom i t was found would be the one causing sickness. "Then they began to whisper that Aqanaqes was the author of the trouble" (Swanton, 1905a:248). After this indirect accusation Djun was urged by her uncles to k i l l Aqanaqes but she did nothing until "her powers told her i t was time...", when she fin a l l y confronted and de-feated him. Shamans accompanied every war party. They were supposed to k i l l the souls of the enemy and divine the most auspicious time for attack. 139 Shamans were called in to cure only when other means (medi-cines, or purification) had failed. At the time he was asked to come the shaman was given presents to secure his good w i l l (Swanton, 1905a: 42). He and the patient's relatives fasted and swallowed emetics for four days. For the ceremony the shaman then dressed himself in his special clothing. The shaman had an assistant who sang his s p i r i t songs. Kinsmen and interested neighbours looked on and helped with the singing and drumming. The shaman then attempted to divine the cause of sickness. If he was able to see i t he waited un t i l he had been offered enough property before he cured the patient. Ceremonies must have been profoundly impressive. The patient was normally seriously i l l (other methods'having failed). Preparations for the occasion had required four days fasting and purification by both shaman and the patient's kin. A l l the symbols of contact with the supernatural were present. Uncertainty about the cause of illness and perhaps about the integrity of the shaman might also be present and perhaps tension as to suspected cause, i f sorcery was suspected. Murdock seems to imply that sorcery was the most commonly expected cause when he writes that the shaman was called "only when a patient does not respond to ordinary treatment and sorcery is suspected" (1936:259). Unfortunately, i t is d i f f i c u l t to estimate how dominant was the theme of sorcery in curing. It was certainly important among the Tlingit, where shamans, by the apparently unchallenged authority of their accusations, were strategic figures in factional struggles. Among the Haida, despite 140 Murdock's statement, sorcery was not the only cause of disease. The s t o r y of Gandox's f a t h e r a t t r i b u t e s sickness i n one case, to s o u l l o s s (Swanton,,1905b:311). In another s t o r y the shaman as c r i b e d the sickness not to one i n d i v i d u a l i n p a r t i c u l a r but to the general e v i l nature of most people i n the town (Swanton, 1905b:242). Can we say that the curing f u n c t i o n s of shamans went beyond p r o v i d i n g medical and emotional support i n a moment of c r i s i s to expressing or manipulating p o l i t i c a l alignments? I th i n k that the evidence i s suggestive r a t h e r than c o n c l u s i v e . I f tensions were present a shaman might have expressed . these but perhaps the very f a c t that the ethnographers do not appear to have been o v e r l y impressed by the incidence of sorcery accusations or by evidence of f e a r of sor c e r e r s or of being accused of so r c e r y , may i n d i c a t e - t h a t sorcery fears and accusations were not i n f a c t very prominent. Bearing i n mind what we have already i n f e r r e d about the sha-man's p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to others of the community and s o c i e t y , we may now attempt to explore t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p f u r t h e r . Haida s o c i e t y was organized p r i m a r i l y on the b a s i s of a s e r -i e s of m a t r i l i n e a l . d i v i s i o n s . M a t r i l i n e a l a f f i l i a t i o n i n l a r g e p a r t determined the r i g h t s and duties of i n d i v i d u a l s and provided an organ-i z a t i o n a l framework f o r corporate groups. A l l Haida belonged to one of two exogamous m o i e t i e s , the Ravens and, the iEagles. Besides l i m i t i n g the choice of marriage partner and p r o v i d i n g i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h the r i g h t to c e r t a i n c r e s t s , moiety a f f i l i a t i o n a f f e c t e d the ceremonial l i f e of i n d i v i d u a l s . At every l i f e c r i s i s ceremony, the i n d i v i d u a l r e l i e d on 141 members of the opposite moiety for the performance of particular c r i -t i c a l functions. Matrilineal a f f i l i a t i o n determined lineage member-ship^and provided the basis for residential units. The lineage was the basic economic, p o l i t i c a l and social unit. As Drucker explains: There were two great moieties among the Haida, the 'Ravens' and the 'Eagles', each with i t s set of crests and origin traditions..;.Each moiety consisted of a large number of named, localized segments, sometimes incorrectly referred to as clans. Each segment was a lineage, which held t i t l e to i t s lands of economic importance, occupied a separate village consisting of one or more houses, had i t s own chiefs and lesser chiefs. Each lineage waged war or made peace, staged ceremonials, and tended to i t s various affairs i n -dependently of any other (1955:112). Each Haida village had a chief, who held that position by virtue of being the highest-ranking member of the lineage, . and one or more'house chiefs..;.Each village was economi-cally independent, owning i t s own village site, salmon streams, cod and halibut grounds, berrying and hunting tracts, and of course the camping sites that went with them (1955:113). The shaman was both part of this system and aloof from i t . As we shall see, his position was the focus of a number of self-balancing principles. Apart from the fact that they most usually inherited their positions, there is l i t t l e specific information about the kinds of people who became shamans. Men and women could be shamans although few women were great shamans. Some of the greatest shamans did not inherit their powers (Murdoek, 1936:258). In terms of rank, we may suspect that shamans often tended to be medium or lower rank. Swan-ton referred to a Haida carving which depicted a shaman who "belonged 142 to the Gweandas, a low branch of the Gitins-of-Pebble-Town"- (1905a: 138). The s t o r y of the shaman, Djun, t e l l s us that the opposing shaman, Aqanaqes, "abused her, saying that she had no parents; that he had been brought up l i k e a noble, but she l i k e a s l a v e . . . " (1905a: 248). Gandox's f a t h e r was a canoe maker, normally a p o s i t i o n of r e s -p e c t a b l e , but not elevated, s t a t u s . . A number of s t o r i e s , perhaps by convention or perhaps r e f l e c t i n g a s o c i a l r e a l i t y , i n d i c a t e that those who become shamans are sometimes s o c i a l i s o l a t e s . Djun was an orphan. He-who-got-supernatural-power-from-his-littie-finger was poor and l i v e d w i t h h i s grandmother at the end of town. C l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the question of who, became shamans-is the question, why d i d they become shamans. Presumably, f o r those who i n h e r i t e d t h e i r p o s i t i o n , f a m i l y expectations and encouragement would be the d e c i s i v e f a c t o r . Otherwise, the myths and s t o r i e s suggest that f o r some, de-p r i v a t i o n may have been a f a c t o r s p u r r i n g them to v i s i o n a r y experience. There were some poor and unpopular (e.g. Swanton, 1905b:58, 1905b:247), and some provoked by-shame or l o s s of esteem (Swanton, 1905a:241,242, 246). In s h o r t , shamanism was u s u a l l y i n h e r i t e d but some of the gr e a t e s t shamans d i d not i n h e r i t t h e i r powers; those who became sha-mans were u s u a l l y of respectable i f not eleva t e d rank but some were of low rank; and at l e a s t some of those who became shamans had been deprived of some element of normal s o c i a l l i f e , perhaps k i n s h i p t i e s , esteem, or s o c i a l s e c u r i t y . 143 The shaman's strong identification with community and kins-men (Haida residential units were lineage villages) is reflected by his functions, particularly.those with economic implications. War was a lineage responsibility and when shamans accompanied war par-ties they acted on behalf of the lineage as a whole as a public ser-vice. When Lagua brought in the iron shipwreck (Swanton, 1905b:306), Those-born-at-Saki traded i t to groups who came by. The community seems to have acknowledged i t s obligation to Lagua for providing black cod for we are told: "Every time they came in from fishing those who handled the lines gave him two black cod. His wife had a great quan-t i t y " (Ibid.). 'Stories invariably identify the shaman with some com-munity or lineage. For example, Gandox's father and Cloud Watcher came from Seagrass Town. Many of the stories suggest real interde-pendence between shaman and community. When Gandox's father dropped unconscious, "they ran to him, and carried him over to his house". However, a number of stories also indicate fear of shamans and sus-picion that they could work at the expense of others. Most, i f not a l l of the stories which express suspicion or hos t i l i t y toward the shaman appear to refer to shamans who.isfe have come i n from outside the community. It is possible that i f shamans were closely identified with lineages.(and the evidence strongly suggests this), and relations between lineages were hostile or distant (and they often were), be-cause of their dangerous powers shamans not related to one by close ties of kinship might well have been viewed with suspicion.-144 Shamans were aloof from ordinary men and women. This aloof-ness^was symbolized by burial but i t was also constantly emphasized by the shaman's appearance and by the r i t u a l restrictions and avoidances . entailed. The shaman's r i t u a l state, apart from his power, could be a danger to the community; he could prove'fatal to anyone polluted who approached him and conversely he himself was susceptible. The supernatural realm i t s e l f was opposed to the human. Many stories play on the reversed a b i l i t i e s of human and supernatural. Human heroes can see the humanly caused injuries to supernaturals which are invisible' to supernatural beings themselves. Supernatural beings give themselves away when, as is their habit, they beach their canoes bow f i r s t . One story in particular expresses the way human and sup-ernatural shamans may depend for their cures on the opposing attributes of the human and supernatural realms (Swanton, 1905a:223). The human hero attacks a supernatural being who cannot discover what is ailing him. He calls in many supernatural shamans to cure him but none are successful. At last a particularly powerful shaman arrives and dis-covers the cause. He makes a bargain with the human shaman saying that i f the human desists he, the supernatural shaman w i l l speak through him. They also agree that each of them w i l l cause sickness so that people and supernaturals respectively w i l l come to be cured and they w i l l grow rich in their respective worlds. They set up an alliance to help each other, being able to discern what neither or-dinary supernatural beings nor humans could perceive, because, by their shamanistic powers they each could operate in both worlds. 145 The supernatural realm was source of both sustenance and danger in the established way, and.of change, and therefore, disorder or new order; Several shamans introduced change within the traditional context by claiming the authority of their spirit . Both Lagua and Gan-dox's father reinterpreted the new in terms of the old, Lagua when he interpreted salvage rights of the shipwreck in terms of hunting rights to the carcass of a whale, and Gandox's father when he advised the people to modify their house design on the authority of a spirit helper which he claimed was a white man's spirit . The very basis of. the shaman's position depended on a trans-cendance of the human order and identification with a system at some moments the reverse of the human and at other moments (particularly with regard to its dimensions of time and space) altogether differ-ent from the human, while being at the same.time dependent on the human world. I think a l l the oppositions inherent, or at least some-times present, in the shaman's position are consistent with this dual alignment with the. opposing forces of human and supernatural, order and disorder, fortune and misfortune. Logically consistent with the view that the extent of the shamans ability depends on his alignment' with the forces of the supernatural realm is the view that his powers are likely to .be further increased, for better or worse, the more attenuated his ties are with the human world. And the most fundamen-tal of a l l human ties was kinship. I suggest that that is why some of the greatest shamans never inherited their powers and why shamans 146 from other communities tended to be feared or suspected. I t may be that the f a c t that shamans were o f t e n low-rank i n d i v i d u a l s meant that t h e i r innovations could be adopted or r e j e c t e d , depending on p r e v a i l i n g a t t i t u d e s ,without threat to the s t a b i l i t y of a system based on rank.- I t i s tempting to suggest that, there were two kinds of shamans among the Haida;. ordinary shamans, who seldom re c e i v e more than a mention by the myths and s t o r i e s , and 'great' shamans such as B i g - T a i l , Gandox's f a t h e r and Lagua, who functioned.as the c h i e f i n n o v a t o r s , i n t e g r a t i n g o l d and new ideas and p r o v i d i n g a b a s i s f o r new modes of adjustment. I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g i f we were then able to draw c o r r e l a t i o n s between these 'great' shamans and those shamans who d i d not i n h e r i t t h e i r powers and shamans whose t i e s w i t h the s o c i a l order were reduced. Unfortunately t h i s i s not p o s s i b l e . A l l we can say i s that i n the s t o r i e s the shamans most o f t e n mentioned are heroes and that i n the s t o r i e s shamans who have been deprived, poor, i s o l a t e d , , orphaned, shamed, h u m i l i a t e d have also been mentioned; conventional shamans•and conventional modes of i n i t i a t i o n , t r a i n i n g or what have you, are seldom mentioned. 147 CHAPTER V I I I TLINGIT SHAMANISM The major sources f o r the f o l l o w i n g were Swanton's S o c i a l  C o n d i t i o n , B e l i e f s and L i n g u i s t i c Relationship, of the T l i n g i t Indians (1908), Krause's The T l i n g i t Indians (1956 E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n of the o r i g i n a l 1885 p u b l i c a t i o n ) , and de.Laguna's " T l i n g i t ideas about the i n d i v i d u a l " (1954:172-191). I n a d d i t i o n to the l a r g e time d i f f e r e n -t i a l between these three p u b l i c a t i o n s , from the p o i n t of view of shamanism each had a d i f f e r e n t focus and so my i n f o r m a t i o n i s some-what patchy and incomplete. In a d d i t i o n , they worked i n widely d i f -f e r e n t areas. Krause v i s i t e d a considerable extense of t e r r i t o r y but most of h i s experience concerned the groups near C h i l k a t , i n the northern part of the area. De Laguna obtained most of her experience from Angoon, a v i l l a g e not f a r from S i t k a , i n the C e n t r a l p o r t i o n of the area. I t i s not c l e a r where Swanton obtained most of h i s data, but a f t e r h i s experience w i t h the Haida, i t i s l i k e l y that some con-s i d e r a b l e p a r t of h i s i n f o r m a t i o n p e r t a i n e d to the southern T l i n g i t . Because there i s n o t ' s u f f i c i e n t i n f o r m a t i o n concerning any one s p e c i -f i c group or area, at the r i s k of i g n o r i n g r e a l d i f f e r e n c e s , I am for c e d to regard any i n f o r m a t i o n about'one group as a p p l y i n g , to a greater o r l e s s e r degree,to other groups unless there are obvious c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . 148 Information on the i d e o l o g i c a l system i s meagre but such as there i s confirms that i n broad appearance T l i n g i t ideas about the forces of the universe, about the nature of man and s p i r i t s , and about'the nature of man's re l a t i o n s h i p to this p h y s i c a l and s p i r i t u a l environment, are s i m i l a r to those of other Northwest Coast groups. B r i e f l y , they believed that the universeewas pervaded by s p i r i t u a l forces, that man and these s p i r i t u a l forces stood i n a more or less balanced r e l a t i o n s h i p to each other, each dependent on the other i n c e r t a i n ways, and that s p e c i f i c techniques were e f f e c t i v e i n c o n t r o l -l i n g the s p i r i t elements of the environment for the f u l f i l m e n t of human ^.ends. A l l l i v i n g creatures, animals, f i s h , men, and perhaps plants, had t h e i r s p i r i t u a l element and,potentially, supernatural power. There i s l i t t l e mention i n any of the sources of such mythical beings as Property Woman, Pestilence, Master Carpenter, and so f o r t h , as among the Haida. S p i r i t beings were p e r s o n i f i e d . There were Raven and Wolf s p i r i t s and high ranking and low ranking s p i r i t s . They could be an-gered, pleased, deceived and cajoled. And they could be manipulated by the use of s p e c i f i c substances, (such .as menstrual blood and u r i n e ) , and r i t u a l formulas. The stock techniques by which men attempted to manipulate the supernatural can be.classed as p r o p i t i a t o r y or persuasive, magical, and v i s i o n a r y , although the d i s t i n c t i o n between p r o p i t i a t o r y and magi-c a l i s not always c l e a r . R i t u a l p u r i t y was a necessary condition f or 149 those who wished s p e c i a l success i n hunting, f o r those who sought shamanistic power, or f o r any others who wished the p a r t i c u l a r favour of the s u p e r n a t u r a l . Apart from r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n , Swanton and de Laguna make no mention of prayers, s a c r i f i c e or other p r o p i t i a t o r y r i t e s and Drucker mentions that the F i r s t Salmon Ceremony, elsewhere a p r o p i t i a t o r y ceremony of some s i g n i f i c a n c e , was much l e s s important to the T l i n g i t (1955:156). A l l mention the importance of medicines (substances s y m b o l i c a l l y combined w i t h r i t u a l c a r e ) , charms, and other magical means of a compulsive nature. De Laguna t e l l s us that many of the d e s i r a b l e t r a i t s as w e l l as success could be secured through medicines, amulets, and magical " e x e r c i s e s " : By observing at the times the proper p u r i f i c a t i o n s and ab-s t e n t i o n s (bathing, purging, f a s t i n g , t h i r s t i n g , avoidance of c e r t a i n , foods, c h a s t i t y , r e f r a i n i n g from speech or work or other a c t i v i t i e s , avoidance of contact w i t h the contami-n a t i n g , e t c . ) . . . . S i m i l a r magical means are al s o r e l i e d upon, to secure h e a l t h and l o n g e v i t y f o r oneself and one's r e l a t i v e s , to ward o f f w i t c h c r a f t and other sources of e v i l , or to i n f l u e n c e such phenomena as the weather. In a d d i t i o n , d i s a s t e r s of various kinds can be avoided by observing the proper taboos (1954:174). Swanton s p e c i f i e s that there was medicine f o r hunting, f i s h i n g and so f o r t h , medicine f o r k i l l i n g men, medicine that made 1one'win, medicine f o r c u r ing s i c k n e s s , f o r wealth, f o r inducing another's love and end-l e s s other o b j e c t i v e s (1908:445). Sorcery i n v o l v e d o b t a i n i n g something of the intended v i c t i m and s u b j e c t i n g t h i s to the same treatment as i t was intended the v i c t i m should s u f f e r . Since none of the ethnographies suggest that the guardian s p i r i t r e l a t i o n s h i p was common, and none sug-gest the extensive p r a c t i s e of p r o p i t i a t o r y r i t e s , i t i s p o s s i b l e that 150 use of these medicines provided the majority of Tlingit with sufficient means for manipulation of supernatural resources. Spirit contact was the third means of-manipulating the sup-ernatural. Apparently, spirit-derived power was not the monopoly of shamans because de Laguna writes: "Whereas the f u l l shaman ideally cuts eight tongues and thus obtains eight helpers, other men, we be-lieve, „may obtain lesser power'from a single tongue" (1954:181). None of the ethnographies suggest that .the vision quest was a general prac-tise, however, and shamans emerge as by far the most knowledgeable in dealings with the s p i r i t world. De Laguna-suggests the way i n which shamans were differen-tiated from others when she writes that ideally they cut eight tongues. The cutting of the animal's tongue seems to have been the ultimate symbol of control. And eight, as she indicates in her paper, symbolize r i t u a l completeness (1954:176). By acquiring^eight tongues the shaman established his thorough acquaintance with the supernatural world and a unified competence in the exercise of supernatural power. Swanton considered that, "taking the people of the north Pacific coast as a whole, shamanism reached i t s climax among the Tlingit. At a l l events, their shamans were more powerful and influential and more dreaded than those among the Haida" (1908:464). He saw Tlingit shamanism almost 1 in juxtaposition to "witchcraft", emphasizing the very strong relation ship between these two characteristics of Tlingit society. Thus, 1. See the note concerning the use of the terms 'witchcraft' and 'sor-cery' i n Chapter.I, p. 151 although he made no such equation among the Haida he writes: It is quite natural to find, along with the prominence of shamanism, a widespread belief i n witchcraft; In fact this notion had so taken possession of the Tlingit-mind that natural sickness or death was barely believed in (1908:469). From a l l accounts, f u l l recognition and acceptance as a sha-man seems to have depended upon visionary experience plus the inheritance of knowledge, powers, and paraphernalia from a maternal uncle (Swanton,, 1908:466; Knapp and, Childe, 1896:138), or father. (Swanton claims that inheritance by a son was possible i f no suitable matrilineal kin were available; Krause claims inheritance by a son or grandson.;) Since, ideally, a f u l l shaman controlled eight s p i r i t s , the process of i n i t i a -tion involved a series of visionary initiations, followed eventually by a public i n i t i a t i o n directly after the death of the old shaman. Vi -sionary experience was, for the most part, sought. Ritual preparation included the usual purifications and abstentions and, according to Krause, isolation in mountains or forests for a period of a week up to several months: The shorter or longer period in the wilderness depends on the appearance of the s p i r i t . When he'finally meets the s p i r i t he can count himself lucky i f he gets a land otter ....The land otter goes directly to the would-be shaman who ... k i l l s him (1956:195). I confess myself to feeling a l i t t l e confused by this description. Is the land otter or other animal a corporeal reality? At what point was the vision experienced? I infer that the.first animal to appear after the vision which was of the same species as the visionary animal was the one considered to be the manifestation of the s p i r i t and the 152 one from which the novice t r i e d to extract the tongue. I f the no-vice's quest was unsuccessful ( i n terms of visi o n a r y experience) he could spend the night by the grave of a shaman (Krause, 1956:195), or handle the s k u l l of a dead shaman (de Laguna, 1954:176). This seems to i n d i c a t e that novices had c e r t a i n c l e a r expectations about v i s i o n - , ary experience and that once the v i s i o n was experienced the re s t was assured. The next major step i n becoming a pra c t i s e d shaman came at the death of the old shaman. Krause's v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n of one i n i t i a -t i o n he witnessed personally i s worth d i r e c t quotation: A l l the adults of the Raven clan fasted f o r four days, the chi l d r e n only two days, while the new shaman fasted eight days....The whole t r i b e was assembled i n the house of the dead shaman and i n the evenings ceremonial dances were exe-cuted i n the l i g h t of the blazi n g f i r e , accompanied loudly on the drum. The p a r t i c i p a n t s , men and boys, stood around the f i r e . . . . I n the background, and along the l e f t w a l l from the entrance squatted the women with the small c h i l d r e n , while the re s t of the space was crowded with spectators.... Two o l d shamans, recognized by t h e i r long, unkempt h a i r and f a n t a s t i c headgear were also present...[There was sing-ing, drumming and stamping the f l o o r . At the fourth song:] During the wildest part, a young Indian...plunged forward suddenly almost through the f i r e toward the wooden drum and f e l l to the ground unconscious....For a time he remained apparently unconscious, while,the song continued as though nothing had happened. When he gained consciousness he withdrew into the rows of spectators and soon thereafter the ceremony ended (1956:202; my brackets). Public i n i t i a t i o n , then, c l e a r l y expressed the shaman's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with a lineage. The group, presumably lineage " p a r t i c i p a n t s " , was f u l l y involved i n the ceremony, summoning (by the singing, drumming, and dancing) the s p i r i t s of the dead shaman to come to his successor, while "specta-153 tors", presumably members of other lineages in the community, witnessed the event. There is a strong suggestion that the spirits passed on to successive shamans were associated with lineages or clans. Swanton mentions that the sp i r i t s that came to Raven shamans were distinct from those that came- to Wolf shamans. Further, he recounts of one clan that i t was so high ranking that their "sp i r i t s had very high names". The' greatest of these s p i r i t s , named Unseeable, f i r s t presen-ted i t s e l f to an old clan shaman, named Big-Killer-Whale', many years ago: Subsequently shamans in this family acted like Big-Killer-. Whale, and Unseeable was always the f i r s t s p i r i t which they-saw. The shaman had to be very clean when Unseeable was' going to come' to him, nor would Unseeable allow any f i l t h y person in the house (Swanton, 1908:466). This example also seems to indicate that the rank of the s p i r i t was related to the rank of the clan, or at least, that high ranking clans claimed that their s p i r i t s were of high rank. In short, Tlingit shamanistic initiations seem, to have been highly formalized, clearly expressing group structures and group status. The position of shaman was clearly an hereditary lineage office. The relationship between a shaman and his s p i r i t helpers may be termed compulsive;•it seems to have been based on mutual force. The shaman differed from those who, when possessed, became the instru-ment of s p i r i t s , by the fact that he controlled them. In turn, the shaman, i f mastered by other spirits or i f he lost control of his own, 154 might die. He summoned his helpers by putting on a special mask for each one, and by drumming,' singing and using a rattle. (I would as-sume that this use of masks to summon the s p i r i t would be one reason why inheritance of paraphernalia would be deemed c r i t i c a l . ) He main-tained his control by maintaining r i t u a l prescriptions. Krause com-ments that, " i f he does not maintain a proper rapport with these s p i r i t s , they may k i l l him" (1956:196), and de Laguna comments, "something of his power resides i n his long hair....If his hair is shorn he w i l l die because he has lost his powers" (1954:176). Presumably, contact with such contaminating substances as menstrual blood would be equally f a t a l . The shaman's powers derived from his control over the move--ment and a b i l i t i e s of s p i r i t s . It was not the shaman himself who saw the cause of sickness, divined the right time for a raid, or determined the movements of animals, but the s p i r i t ; the s p i r i t could direct the shaman by allowing him to perceive phenomena through i t s own eyes. The shaman could command his helper on journeys or he could cause i t to animate an image. Because the shaman's a b i l i t i e s were determined by those of his s p i r i t helpers, the extent and degree of powers depended on the number of spi r i t s he was able to master and on the 'rank' of the s p i r i t . It was noted that at least some of the shaman's spi r i t s were acquired from his predecessor and that in this way,certain spi-r i t s tended to be associated with certain clans and that there was a possible tendency for the most powerful sp i r i t s to be associated with 155 c e r t a i n c l a n s . Several questions a r i s e from t h i s . For example, given that i n i t i a t i o n u s u a l l y i n v o l v e d , as a symbolic i n d i c a t i o n of c o n t r o l , c u t t i n g the tongue of the animal, how d i d the novice i n d i c a t e mastery of the s p i r i t s of h i s predecessor? Perhaps ' i n h e r i t a n c e ' was p o s s i b l e by the v e r y . f a c t that.the shaman passed on the "tongues" of the s p i r i t s as w e l l as other p a r a p h e r n a l i a . Again, land o t t e r s were b e l i e v e d to be the most powerful s p i r i t h e l p e r s . I f land o t t e r s were the most powerful shamanistic s p i r i t s were they a s s o c i a t e d w i t h high ranking lineages or acquired only by the highest ranking shamans? There i s l i t t l e or no i n f o r m a t i o n that would answer such questions. I t i s perhaps p o s s i b l e , however, that a shaman from a low ranking c l a n could increase h i s r e p u t a t i o n by a c q u i r i n g the tongue of a land o t t e r . Thus the correspondence between s t r e n g t h of s p i r i t and rank of l i n e a g e would not be as c l o s e as T l i n g i t themselves might c l a i m . Again, were land o t t e r s p i r i t s ' i n h e r i t e d ' ? The three-way r e l a t i o n s h i p between a shaman, h i s p r i n c i p a l s p i r i t h e lper and the c l a n i s expressed by the arrangements made f o r the shaman's death (as d i s t i n c t from i n i t i a t i o n of a new shaman a f t e r death). Swanton r e p o r t s : When the shaman was i n h i s l a s t s ickness h i s s p i r i t would come to him and say, "You w i l l d i e so many days from now". And when he was dying i t s a i d , "My master, you must be taken to such and such a place to be l e f t there ( f o r b u r i a l ) " . Then i t would t e l l h i s c l a n what to do and where to l i v e . The shaman's body was a c c o r d i n g l y c a r r i e d to the p o i n t i n d i -cated and l e f t there without having been burned (1908:466). 156 Aside from the functions or s e r v i c e s performed, there were a number of attendant r i g h t s , p r i v i l e g e s , duties and hazards i n v o l v e d i n being a shaman.. Some of these have already been mentioned. A sha-man, upon r i s k of death, had to preserve h i s h a i r long. As i l l u s t r a -ted by Krause's d e s c r i p t i o n of an i n i t i a t i o n ceremony, shamans stood out from the m a j o r i t y "by t h e i r l o ng, unkempt h a i r and f a n t a s t i c head-gear". B u r i a l p r a c t i s e s l i k e w i s e symbolized the shaman's aloofness from ordinary men. Whereas the ordinary i n d i v i d u a l was cremated at death and h i s remains placed i n a grave box and deposited i n a s p e c i a l b u r i a l ground, the shaman was not cremated. For f o u r n i g h t s the body was kept i n the shaman's house or a c l a n house, during which time a l l the i n h a b i t a n t s of the househad to f a s t . Then the body was placed complete i n a l i t t l e grave house t o t a l l y i s o l a t e d from b u r i a l grounds or other houses (Krause 1956:194). An important p r i v i l e g e of shamans was the r i g h t to give ceremonial d i s p l a y s of powers which, i n t h e i r appearance and time of p r e s e n t a t i o n resemble the p r i v i l e g e d w i n t e r s e c r e t s o c i e t y dances f u r t h e r south. Krause r e p o r t s : The great shamanistic performances are given only i n the w i n t e r during a new or f u l l moon. The shamans c a l l cere-monially upon t h e i r s p i r i t s so that they may b r i n g l u c k and ward o f f i l l n e s s f o r the v i l l a g e , f o r the shaman him-^ s e l f , and f o r h i s r e l a t i v e s during the coming year (1956:198). Before the performance the " r e l a t i v e s " helped the shaman by f a s t i n g and p u r i f y i n g themselves. At sunset a l l went i n t o the shaman's house, s i n g i n g and b e a t i n g drums. A f t e r p u t t i n g on a l l h i s p a r a p h e r n a l i a , carved bone s p i k e s , face mask or h a t , . r a t t l e , drums, dancing l e g g i n g s , 15 7 and s k i r t , a necklace of bones (Krause,1956:194), the shaman s t a r t e d moving around the f i r e : "Suddenly he stands s t i l l , looks at the upper s i d e of the drum and screams l o u d l y . . . s i n c e the s p i r i t which has entered him i s about to speak" (1956:198). A f t e r the conclusion of t h i s d i s -p l a y the guests are served tobacco and food u n t i l dawn, j u s t as i f they were guests at a f e a s t or p b t l a t c h being rewarded f o r w i t n e s s i n g the d i s p l a y of some s o c i a l p r e r o g a t i v e . Apart fromiuthe tremendous respect and f e a r accorded shamans and the necessary r i t u a l avoidances and c i r c u m s c r i p t i o n s e n t a i l e d by them and by those around them, .the everyday l i f e of shamans was not very d i f f e r e n t from that of other men. They were i n v o l v e d as much as anyone e l s e i n the usual subsistence a c t i v i t i e s , were p a r t of the rank and k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e w i t h the same r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s i n these spheres as other i n d i v i d u a l s of approximate rank. The s e r v i c e s performed by shamans were v a r i e d and extensive. In one respect, the w i n t e r shamanistic d i s p l a y s were the v a l i d a t i o n of a p r i v i l e g e . In another, q u i t e apart from i n v o k i n g good fortune and warding o f f s i c k n e s s , they provided drama and entertainment. I t i s perhaps i n t e r e s t i n g to speculate how much the shamanistic p e r f o r -mances took the place of w i n t e r s p i r i t dances or s e c r e t s o c i e t y dances as dramatizations of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s . I t i s perhaps a l s o worth won-der i n g , s i n c e shamans were as s o c i a t e d w i t h lineages., whether these d i s p l a y s may have, expressed group i d e n t i t y . C. M c C l e l l a n (1954:75-96) i n d i c a t e s how the f o r m a l i t i e s of the p o t l a t c h and f e a s t s c l e a r l y expressed 158 the basic social units of Tlingit society, moiety, clan, lineage and house-group. We might also expect, then, to find that these units were again expressed by the shaman's display. Some differentiation of groups might be predicted simply from Krause's comment that before the occasion his "relatives" participated by fasting and purifying themselves, and from the fact that i f there was an audience there would have been differentiation between lineage and non-lineage members. Shamans were certainly closely aligned with lineages in times of war (a lineage, on most occasions, was the unit of warfare, since the lineages of a town were by no means obliged, or even l i k e l y , to combine and co-operate). A shaman accompanied every war party. The shaman fasted prior to the planned attack and " a l l of his spirits watched until at last he said, 'We shall see a canoe to-day', or, 'We shall k i l l someone to-day'. After that he began to eat" (1908:450). In economic terms, shamans could help to reduce uncertainty or encourage success. They could induce good weather and attract large fish runs. However, none of the reports indicate that these economic-functions were particularly important. It seems that, i n contrast to the Haida, the shaman's economic functions were not extensive or were not viewed with such c r i t i c a l concern. Except possibly for the displays of s p i r i t power, from what I can infer, curing ceremonies, with their sorcery accusations or fear of sorcery accusations, were the occasions which most dramatically expressed the shaman's power and which had the broadest social impli-cations . 159 Shamans were c a l l e d i n when medicines had f a i l e d . The cause of s i c k n e s s , . a t l e a s t f o r that serious enough to r e q u i r e a shaman, was commonly a t t r i b u t e d to sorcery: so commonly, i n f a c t , that s e v e r a l w r i t e r s go so f a r as to c l a i m i t was the only cause. Jones (1914:125) claimed that a l l sickness and death was a t t r i b u t e d to ' w i t c h c r a f t ' (here considered synonymous w i t h s o r c e r y ) . Krause comments that "witches...are supposed to be the cause of i l l n e s s " (1956:283), Swan-, ton t h a t , "Sickness was u s u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to w i t c h c r a f t " (1908:464). Sorcery i n c l u d e d the a t t a c k by an e v i l shaman who could p r o j e c t s p i -r i t s i n t o inanimate objects and send them to a t t a c k . t h e intended v i c -tim, or i t could r e f e r to the use of s p e c i a l learned techniques which i n v o l v e d o b t a i n i n g something, i n t i m a t e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the intended v i c t i m and s u b j e c t i n g i t to the treatment intended f o r the v i c t i m . Since there were medicines which could q u i t e l e g i t i m a t e l y be used f o r k i l l i n g those defined as enemies, sorcery was the a n t i - s o c i a l use of medicines to k i l l men and t h e r e f o r e i t s r e c o g n i t i o n was dependent upon whose d e f i n i t i o n of ' a n t i - s o c i a l ' was accepted. Since war or feud as expressions of h o s t i l i t y were p e r f e c t l y l e g i t i m a t e between l i n e a g e s , as were the 'power' f i g h t s between shamans of h o s t i l e towns, i t must have occurred w i t h i n or between groups that could not e a s i l y admit open h o s t i l i t y , p o s s i b l y between the members of a l i n e a g e or the co-residents of a town. I t may be t h a t , i n f a c t , shamans were c a l l e d i n a f t e r s u s p i -cions of sorcery had developed, hence the unanimity among ethnographers 160 that sorcery was the common explanation of i l l n e s s o f f e r e d by shamans. I say t h i s because de Laguna mentions that the T l i n g i t had "rubbing" doctors, i n d i v i d u a l s ( u s u a l l y women as opposed to shamans who were u s u a l l y men), who, l i k e shamans, "could cure by manual manipulation of the p a t i e n t ' s body" (1954:177). Swanton expl a i n s simply t h a t : The f r i e n d of a person who was i l l would go to a shaman ...the shaman went to the s i c k person and performed over him. Then he t o l d who had bewitched him (1908:469). Knapp and Childe describe a method of d i v i n a t i o n i n which the shaman: . . . f i l l s h i s hat w i t h water and c a l l s three witnesses to see the r e f l e c t i o n of the witch's face. E i t h e r they are" the shaman's accomplices or very much a f r a i d of him, and r a r e l y f a i l to support h i s statements (1896:134). Krause exp l a i n s at greater length that the s i c k person sends a mes-senger to the shaman who i s supposed to c a l l through the door four times: "The shaman allows these words to be repeated four times w h i l e he t r i e s to recognise i n the voi c e of the messenger the voi c e of the one who has bewitched the p a t i e n t " (1956:200). Next day he performs and then "he goes to the r e l a t i v e of the p a t i e n t and accuses him of w i t c h c r a f t . . . . " . Krause's comments seem c l e a r l y to i n d i c a t e that the shaman was approached on those occasions when sus p i c i o n s had already been roused. I t al s o seems to i n d i c a t e that accusations were w i t h i n the l i n e a g e , those accused being kinsmen ( " r e l a t i v e s " ) of the a l l e g e d v i c t i m . I t f u r t h e r i n d i c a t e s w i t h great d i r e c t n e s s that the shaman r e l i e d , f o r h i s d i v i n a t i o n of the v i c t i m , on what he could 161 determine of people's opi n i o n s . The shaman, at l e a s t to some extent, expressed h o s t i l i t y of f a c t i o n s w i t h i n the group, p o s s i b l y w i t h i n the l i n e a g e group. The c u r i n g ceremony., then, i n v o l v e d an attempt to r e s t o r e the p a t i e n t and an attempt to f i x the agent of blame. Curing tech-niques were much l i k e those found elsewhere on the Northwest Coast. The ceremony was p u b l i c , spectators and k i n becoming i n v o l v e d and t h e r e f o r e partners to the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of curing and d i v i n i n g cause. The shaman cured by blowing away- the sickness or sucking out the i n t r u s i v e o b j e c t , massaging or rubbing the a f f e c t e d area or passing over the a f f l i c t e d p a r t s w i t h r i t u a l objects (amulets?) supposed to have power. A c t u a l accusations of s o r c e r e r s were apparently not uncommon. Sorcerers were u n i v e r s a l l y detected through dreams or by shamans, no one ever having heard of a s o r c e r e r caught c a s t i n g a s p e l l (Oberg, 1934:154). This again suggests that the a c c u s a t i o n of sorcery was an expression of c o n f l i c t and h o s t i l i t y which could not be expressed more openly (and s i n c e h o s t i l i t y could be expressed more openly be-tween lineages and l a r g e r s o c i a l u n i t s we may expect i t to have been w i t h i n the l i n e a g e or s u b - l i n e a g e ) . A number of s p e c i f i c instances are reported. Jones (1914: 157-8) reports that "a young g i r l . . . a f t e r severe t o r t u r e was compelled to admit that she had made witch-medicine" and he a l s o mentions a boy who was accused. Krause reports that "two shamans t r i e d i n the w i n t e r 162 of 1881-1882 to arouse the people to a wi t c h hunt" (1956:204). He also heard of two g i r l s who, i n 1878, were t o r t u r e d and two C h i l k a t women i n 1882 who "themselves seemed to be convinced" of t h e i r own g u i l t (1956:203) . A l l these examples concern l e s s s o c i a l l y eminent people — a boy, g i r l s , and two women (the T l i n g i t are a m a t r i l i n e a l s o c i e t y but a d m i n i s t r a t i v e power was nevertheless i n the hands of men). And i n t a e s t i n g l y enough Jones remarks t h a t , "The one s e t t l e d on as the w i t c h was g e n e r a l l y some unimportant member of the community, an uncanny l o o k i n g c r e a t u r e , a s l a v e or someone who had the i l l w i l l of the doctor or the r e l a t i v e s of the p a t i e n t " (1914:156). Krause notes: " I n the instances brought to our a t t e n t i o n the accused were always women" (1956:203). There may be a connection here between m a t r i l i n y and the accusation of women. When were so r c e r e r s accused and who (aside from the shaman) accused them? Apart from the vague statement that sorcery was suspec-ted i f the i l l n e s s was of a l i n g e r i n g nature o r , i f i t d i d not respond to other treatment, we get a t e n t a t i v e i d e a of other reasons why people might suspect sorcery,from Oberg. He w r i t e s : I f by some chance a man of very high rank was caught s t e a l -i n g , he was s a i d to be bewitched. Then a shamanistic per-formance was held over him to dis c o v e r the s o r c e r e r who had forced him to s t e a l i n order to i n j u r e h i s s o c i a l p o s i t i o n (1934:149). He a l s o mentions that i n d i v i d u a l s could pay shamans to ac-cuse others of sorcery: " R i v a l s were o f t e n exterminated by paying the shaman to name them as s o r c e r e r s " (Ibid.:155). Since i t would be 163 those of high rank and great wealth who could best afford to pay for a shaman's service, we might expect that in this respect shamans func-tioned to preserve ..the p o l i t i c a l status quo. An argument that might be raised at this point is that for most of the Northwest Coast f u l l shamans were, for the main part, called in to cure the rich and high status rather than the commoners. There is very l i t t l e evidence to support this hypothesis one way or another but in the few instances where the status of the patient is mentioned, he is invariably a chief's son or some such. I have not come across any information discussing the cost of a curing ceremony to the host (Drucker mentions that sha-mans themselves receive far less than they are popularly believed to) but i t is d i f f i c u l t for me to believe that the host would not dis-tribute food at least to those spectators who witnessed the cure. It was the common custom on the Northwest coast to show appreciation for any service rendered, no matter how small, and in most curing ceremonies I would suspect that song leader, drummers, singers and any others participants would a l l receive something. As the customs concerning homicide, revenge, andwar, indicate, a high status indi-, vidual was much more of a loss to the local group than a commoner. In cases of revenge only an individual of equal status to the slain was considered adequate.compensation. Therefore, i t is possible that,, with limited resources, expensive curing ceremonies might have been reserved for those of highest status within the lineage while those of lesser standing relied on medicines. Yet another reason why shamans 164 might have been c a l l e d more f r e q u e n t l y f o r those of high rank i s that people, of high rank, by t h e i r very prominence mi.ght.be deemed more l i a b l e to a t t a c k from j e a l o u s r i v a l s . This i s more than l i k e l y to have been a f a c t o r among the T l i n g i t . The impression emerges that i n general the 'flow' of s o r -cery accusations ran from high rank to low rank, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f the p r e s t i g e or esteem of the high status i n d i v i d u a l had been threatened. Indeed i t i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine that accusations of sorcery d i r e c t e d from low to high rank would be taken s e r i o u s l y . Accusations between i n d i v i d u a l s of equal rank would have been im p o s s i b l e , s i n c e as we have argued, sorcery was, or l i k e l y to have been, an expression of c o n f l i c t w i t h i n a l i n e a g e , and members of a l i n e a g e were ranked i n d i v i d u a l l y . Perhaps grievances by those of low rank against high rank kinsmen could be expressed i n d i r e c t l y i n other ways by r e f u s i n g to f u l f i l the various c o u r t e s i e s and signs of respect normally due those o f . high rank. A p o i n t to note of r e a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n t h i s r espect, I t h i n k , i s that the T l i n g i t system of rank was not s t a b l e . Questions of rank were of consuming concern to the T l i n g i t . Maintenance of rank depended on g i v i n g p o t l a t c h e s , however, property r i g h t s were such that an i n d i v i d u a l of high rank could not be sure of c o n t r o l l i n g resources and e l i m i n a t i n g competition. Thus Krause w r i t e s : Even the rank of c h i e f i s t i e d up.with the possession of w e a l t h , l a r g e l y the ownership of slaves..;.The power of c h i e f i s very l i m i t e d and the d i r e c t i o n which i t takes de-pends on the p e r s o n a l i t y of ' the i n d i v i d u a l . . Only i n co-o p e r a t i v e undertakings and i n c o u n c i l i s he a l e a d e r ; i n everything e l s e every f a m i l y head i s e n t i r e l y f r e e to do anything which i s not counter to custom and which does not i n t e r f e r e w i t h the r i g h t s of others (1956:77). 165 And M c C l e l l a n e x p l a i n s : Although the r a m i f i c a t i o n s of rank are many, the system i s not so r i g i d but that those of strong character or s p e c i a l t a l e n t s may manipulate i t to t h e i r advantage.... This works both ways, f o r an i n h e r i t e d h i g h p o s i t i o n can e q u a l l y w e l l be l o s t (1954:93). The system of e t i q u e t t e and concepts of honour and shame ass o c i a t e d w i t h rank were extremely elabourate. Any suggestion of shame, an ac-c i d e n t , i n s u l t , p h y s i c a l blemish, had to be'eliminated by the i n d i -v i d u a l concerned." Thus questions of rank were always ones of great s e n s i t i v i t y but they may have been p a r t i c u l a r l y so i n h i s t o r i c times when the a b o l i t i o n of s l a v e r y would have reduced the a b i l i t y of wealthy men to d i s p l a y t h e i r wealth and to maintain t h e i r wealth (assuming that slaves performed the d u a l f u n c t i o n of i n c r e a s i n g a n c i n d i v i d u a l ' s wealth and g i v i n g evidence of w e a l t h ) . Thus the r e l a t i v e l y high incidence of sorcery accusations i n h i s t o r i c times may have been a r e f l e c t i o n of increased ambiguity regarding rank. Ambiguity about rank may have increased the threat to those i n high rank p o s i t i o n s and induced them to seek reinforcement of t h e i r p r e s t i g e by i n d i r e c t means ra t h e r than openly admit the p o s s i b i l i t y of ambiguity by d i r e c t en-forcement. An important r e f l e c t i o n of the power of shamans was the r e a c t i o n to accusations of sorcery on the p a r t of the accused, h i s or her kinsmen^ and the community. Jones w r i t e s that the shaman's . judgement was undisputed even by the accused's r e l a t i v e s . Punishment was, i n f a c t , u s u a l l y i n i t i a t e d by near r e l a t i v e s of the s o r c e r e r , and i f the sorcerer, escaped punishment he or she was t o t a l l y o s t r a c i s e d 166 (Jones,1914:156-7). Knapp and Childe report that those accused often did not deny the accusation "either because they were so completely under his control that when denounced by him they doubted their own innocence, or because they foresaw the uselessness of denial" (1896: 133). Krause agrees with Jones that the relatives of the sorcerer were supposed to k i l l him or her. The authority of the shaman's deci-sion, then, by a l l accounts was well nigh total. However, we might remember that the authority of the shaman would have been more severely tested i f the accused were of high status. None of the ethnographers describe instances where "relatives" of the accused refuse to accept the validity of the accusation. We might speculate, however, that l i n -eage fission could have arisen as the result of polarization of sup-port over sorcery accusations. Superficially, at least, Tlingit social organization was sim-i l a r to that of the Haida and Tsimshian. The social units were again derived from a series of matrilineal divisions. The society was d i v i -ded into two exogamous moieties, the Ravens and Wolves, each with their own crests. Each moiety contained a number of ranked clans, the mem-bers of which shared a series of crests and believed themselves to be related through descent from a common ancestor. Each clan contained one or more ranked, localized lineages. The lineages of a clan were p o l i t i c a l l y and socially autonomous, having their own lands, house names, crests and so forth, and were in effect l i t t l e different from the Haida lineages. However, unlike the Haida where, with lineage 1 6 ? v i l l a g e s , k i n and residence u n i t s were one and the same,Tlingit major residence u n i t s were towns and house-groups, the house-group being the b a s i c s o c i a l and economic u n i t . A town comprised one or more lineages from one or more clans of each moiety. Lineages, as a r u l e , c o i n c i d e d w i t h house—groups, but o c c a s i o n a l l y a l i n e a g e became too l a r g e and, before f i s s i o n , there might be two or more house groups or sub-lineages of a lineage w i t h i n the same town. Drucker w r i t e s : T l i n g i t s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was q u i t e l i k e that of the Haida. The most important d i f f e r e n c e was that the T l i n g i t house group, i n cases where a li n e a g e was of con-s i d e r a b l e s i z e and had a number of houses each occupied by a sub-liheage, was somewhat more important than the com-parable u n i t among the Haida (1955:116). The T l i n g i t r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s , towns, thus d i f f e r e d from the Haida and from the Tsimshian towns. Among the Haida a s i n g l e p r i n c i p l e , l i n e a g e a f f i l i a t i o n , u n i f i e d r e s i d e n t s , and among the Tsimshian, t r i b a l organ-i z a t i o n and l o y a l t y to a s i n g l e t r i b a l c h i e f u n i f i e d r e s i d e n t s . N e i -ther t r i b a l nor l i n e a g e a f f i l i a t i o n u n i f i e d the members of a T l i n g i t town. The d i f f e r e n c e s i n shamanistic p r a c t i s e s between the three groups may, i n some p a r t , be explained by these residence d i f f e r e n c e s and the concomitant d i f f e r e n c e s i n concepts of rank, property owner-s h i p , and power. Thus, i f the l a c k of u n i f y i n g p r i n c i p l e s such as l i n e a g e membership and t r i b a l a f f i l i a t i o n served to accentuate rank d i f f e r e n c e s and house-group i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h i n the community, t h i s may e x p l a i n the elaborate p u b l i c i n i t i a t i o n of shamans among the T l i n g i t which s t r e s s e d the shaman's alignment w i t h h i s house-group, and i t may e x p l a i n the apparent a s s o c i a t i o n between shamanism, sorcery f e a r s , and rank. 168 The vagueness of my information aside, the position of shaman reflected Tlingit social structure i n a number of ways. As elsewhere, the shaman was mediator between men and spi r i t s and was both aloof from the l i f e and institutions of men and dependent upon them. It is worth examining these twin themes of separation and identification in more detail since they seem to suggest something about the social structure in general. As we have seen, the shaman was in some way s p i r i t mediator i n each of the societies we have examined, but in each case the areas of separation and identification have tended to be slightly different; in many cases the/ differences are consistent with differences in the social organization of each group. Separation from and identification with men (and the con-, verse with spirits) are expressed by i n i t i a t i o n , death, and burial, as well as by the r i t u a l prescriptions of everyday l i f e . Acceptance as a f u l l shaman required both visionary i n i t i a t i o n by a s p i r i t , and the public succession to the powers and paraphernalia of a maternal uncle in the presence of the lineage and other (non-liheage) members of the wider community. The f i r s t , necessarily required training or r i t u a l removal from the human. Ritual preparation was, essentially, a con-sistent and progressive separation from the human: the elimination of a l l body fluids through bathing and purging; the rejection of a l l . elements normally v i t a l for the maintenance of human l i f e i.e. food, water, sleep, shelter, speech, work; and , with sexual continence and avoidance of a l l possible contact with menstrual blood, abnegation 169 of the fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of human as opposed to s p i r i t u a l l i f e , reproduction., This f i r s t aspect of shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n , then, emphasized separation from the human and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the s p i r -i t u a l . The second part, as already described, required i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the lineage group. Since the p o s i t i o n of shaman was normally i n -h e r i t e d , i t required the a f f i r m a t i o n of a basic s o c i a l p r i n c i p l e , k i n -ship, e s p e c i a l l y m a t r i l i n e a l kinship, and since, i t seems, the drumming and singing of the group was instrumental i n summoning the s p i r i t h e l -pers of the o l d shaman, i t affirmed the recognition of a basic i n t e r -dependence between shaman,, community, and s p i r i t world. The themes of separation and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , a l t e r n a t e l y with man and the supernatural, are again expressed at death and b u r i a l . As quoted, according to Swanton, the s p i r i t helper was supposed to f o r e t e l l the shaman's death and to i n s t r u c t the clan as to s p e c i f i c b u r i a l arrangements: here, then, the community r e l i e d on the s p i r i t world for information and were the means by which the i n s t r u c t i o n s of the s p i r i t world were r e a l i z e d . These arrangements ( d i f f e r e n t i n de-t a i l according to the ' i n s t r u c t i o n s ' of d i f f e r e n t s p i r i t s but i n gen-e r a l o u t l i n e s i m i l a r ) d i f f e r e d considerably from an ordinary b u r i a l . (Although I am unclear as to the extent of the difference± p a r t i c u l a r l y as to whether, i n contrast to ordinary men, the shaman's body was pre-pared by members of the same rather than the opposite moiety.) For four nights the body was kept i n the house Cit would be the house of the shaman's lineage), the f i r s t anight i n one corner of the house, the 170 second i n another, the t h i r d i n another and the f o u r t h i n the l a s t corner, during which time a l l i n h a b i t a n t s of the house f a s t e d . There-a f t e r , the body was p l a c e d , uncremated, i n a s m a l l grave house i s o l a t e d from any others. This contrasted w i t h ordinary men who were cremated and the ashes placed i n b u r i a l grounds. Thus the themes of s e p a r a t i o n and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n were interwoven: b u r i a l arrangements contrasted w i t h those f o r ordinary men but t h e i r i n s t r u m e n t a t i o n r e q u i r e d the co-operation of the human community. The success of the shaman's p o s i t i o n as medium c l e a r l y r e s t e d on mairtaining a balance of s e p a r a t i o n and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n between human and supernatural realms; I f he became too i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the s p i r i t w orld he would l o s e h i s human i d e n t i t y . (This can be viewed i n two ways, p h y s i c a l l y , i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the s p i r i t world meant death i . e . a t r a n s i t i o n to a s p i r i t s t a t e , w h i l e s p i r i t u a l l y i t meant possession by the s p i r i t . ) In s t r u c t u r a l terms the a u t h o r i t y of the shaman depen-ded on a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the s p i r i t world but t o t a l r e j e c t i o n of s o c i a l t i e s meant that he would become feared as a s o r c e r e r . As w i t h the Haida, the s u p e r n a t u r a l realm was opposed to the p a r t i c u l a r order of the human world. The shaman, then, was i d e n -t i f i e d w i t h the order of the human world and the p o s s i b l e d i s o r d e r which could d e r i v e from the supernatural world: he was the expert i n r e l a -t i o n s w i t h a world of another o r d e r . — of coping w i t h r e v e r s a l of order or w i t h d i s o r d e r . He was thus equipped to cope w i t h s o r c e r y . I f , as I have t r i e d to show,,the so r c e r e r was someone who was thought 171 to have threatened the basic values of the society (by attacking with-in the matrilineage and by threatening the position of those in high ranking position, i.e., by defying the basic principles, kinship and rank, which gave Tlingit society its shape and meaning) he or she must surely be regarded as epitomizing the reversal of order. The extreme horror evinced by people at the 'identification' of a witch would seem to bear this out. The shaman, who was master of the spirit world in terms of knowledge and of control, but who was also dependent on the human world by virtue of inheritance and initiation was the most qualified to oppose i t . 172 CHAPTER. IX A COMPARISON OF INITIATION PRACTISES In order to perceive some of the d i f f e r e n c e s and t h e i r i m p l i -c a t i o n s more c l e a r l y i t i s u s e f u l to examine i n i t i a t i o n p r a c t i s e s . Sha-ma n i s t i c i n i t i a t i o n , the means by which ^ p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s came to be p u b l i c l y accepted as shamans, r e f l e c t e d many of the p r i n c i p l e s which s t r u c t u r e d shamanism g e n e r a l l y . Some of the d i f f e r e n c e s i n i n i -t i a t i o n which occurred between groups can be c l e a r l y r e l a t e d to d i f f e r -ences i n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and the f u n c t i o n s performed by shamans. Shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n among the Fraser V a l l e y S a l i s h almost i n v a r i a b l y involved an arduous s p i r i t quest. T r a i n i n g , the develop-ment of r i t u a l p u r i t y and s p i r i t u a l s trength through rigorous and pro-longed i s o l a t i o n and s e l f - d e n i a l , was regarded as the c r i t i c a l f a c t o r which d i s t i n g u i s h e d shamans from s p i r i t dancers. Both shamans and s p i r i t dancers were l i k e l y to experience v i s i o n a r y contact w i t h a s p i -r i t , but only prolonged t r a i n i n g was l i k e l y to enable the i n d i v i d u a l to achieve the c u r i n g powers of a shaman. T r a i n i n g began u s u a l l y under the encouragement of c l o s e k i n during e a r l y childhood, before the pos-s i b i l i t y of sexual experience, and commonly continued f o r many years before a v i s i o n was achieved. I n d i v i d u a l s were regarded as p a r t i c u l a r l y prone to v i s i o n a r y experience d i r e c t l y a f t e r the death of a spouse. O c c a s i o n a l l y v i s i o n a r y experience could come a f t e r prolonged i l l n e s s . The s p i r i t appeared to the i n d i v i d u a l , taught him or her a song and the 173 a b i l i t y to cure i n a p a r t i c u l a r way. . Most shamans subsequently waited s e v e r a l years before beginning to p r a c t i s e . W r i t i n g of the Georgia S t r a i t S a l i s h , Barnett s p e c i f i c a l l y noted that a shaman d i d not r e v e a l h i s ac-t i v i t i e s to others but that these could be i n f e r r e d by h i s more i n t e n -s i v e t r a i n i n g , h i s greater i n t e r e s t i n the work of other shamans, and by the f a c t that he u s u a l l y sang i n h i s sleep. "The beginnings were e n t i r e l y i n f o r m a l ; there were no i n d u c t i o n ceremonies, no i n i t i a t i o n i n t o the p r o f e s s i o n , and no formal p u b l i c r e c o g n i t i o n " (Barnett, 1955: 149). T r a i n i n g involved i s o l a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l from the ordinary human.world. I n the f o r e s t , on the s i c k bed, or i n mourning f o r a spouse, i n d i v i d u a l s were removed from normal a c t i v i t i e s . Bathing and prolonged exposure, purging and sexual continence i n v o l v e d a r e j e c t i o n of the elements and processes which permit human l i f e and a correspond-i n g i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the supernatural. The i n f o r m a l i t y of i n i t i a t i o n seems c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the i n f o r -m a l i t y of Coast S a l i s h s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n g e n e r a l l y . According to Duff, the Fraser V a l l e y S a l i s h "measured s o c i a l rank i n temi s of r e s -pect" (1952: 81), respect depending on a number of f a c t o r s , i n c l u d i n g personal a b i l i t y , g e nerosity, age, wisdom, wealth and b i r t h . P o t l a t c h e s were held to v a l i d a t e a c l a i m to high s t a t u s , not to v a l i d a t e i n h e r i t a n c e to a f i x e d , h e r e d i t a r y p o s i t i o n . Property r i g h t s , at l e a s t those con-cerning resource areas, were again i n f o r m a l , s i n c e , e s s e n t i a l l y , anyone who needed could gain access to them (Duff, 1952:77). Outside the ex-tended f a m i l y there was no formal l e a d e r s h i p , leaders being those who 174 could command respect. I n f a c t , there seems a p a r a l l e l i n many res-pects between the "siem", or ' c h i e f , and the shaman. The "siem" achieved h i s r e p u t a t i o n by a gradual and extending acceptance of h i s a b i l i t y and success without any formal announcement or assumption of l e a d e r s h i p . The shaman achieved a r e p u t a t i o n by the gradual r e c o g n i t i o n of h i s cur-i n g a b i l i t i e s and of h i s general success. And, j u s t as the "siem 1' achieved respect and success l a r g e l y by the, maintenance of harmonious human r e -l a t i o n s h i p s through 'wisdom' and 'generosity',, the shaman was regarded as a c h i e v i n g success through harmonious r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the super-n a t u r a l . I t i s perhaps s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s regard that the shaman apparently received h i s powers as a g i f t from the supernatural rather than by f o r c e . A s p i r i t quest-with v i s i o n a r y experience was e s s e n t i a l f o r Nootka shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n but i t was not the c r i t i c a l f a c t o r d i s -t i n g u i s h i n g shamans from others. I n d i v i d u a l s wishing: to become shamans prepared themselves f o r months, sometimes years, i n advance by. prac-t i s i n g s e c r e t , family-owned techniques of r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n and s t r e n g t h -ening. When they f i n a l l y confronted the s p i r i t they overpowered i t by a r i t u a l c r y , or were themselves overpowered. A t the r i s k of subse-quently l o s i n g the s p i r i t and the power i t gave, they preserved any m a t e r i a l remains l e f t by the s p i r i t as a token of the encounter. Thus f a r , the novice shaman's experience was analogous w i t h that of others who sought power. Sometime a f t e r the encounter, a novice shaman under-went a " f i x i n g " r i t u a l whereby h i s c o n t r o l over the s p i r i t was estab-l i s h e d . For t h i s r i t u a l another shaman was c a l l e d i n , p r e f e r a b l y one 175 r e l a t e d to the novice, who "made scraping motions over h i s body, 'gath-e r i n g the power together'" (Drucker, 1951:188). The " f i x i n g " ceremony could be performed immediately or some considerable time a f t e r , when the novice f e l t ready. This s t a b i l i z i n g of c o n t r o l over the s p i r i t was apparently the f a c t o r d i s t i n g u i s h i n g shamans from others since i t was a p u b l i c i n d i c a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e n t i o n to become a shaman. Fo l l o w i n g the " f i x i n g " the novice underwent a long period of t r a i n i n g under the ' i n s t r u c t i o n ' of the s p i r i t , d u r i ng which time he sang and danced i n h i s sleep, moved out to the f o r e s t or whatever e l s e the s p i -r i t i n s t r u c t e d , and learned the techniques of c u r i n g . F i n a l l y , when the s p i r i t decided, a f t e r a p e r i o d of from s e v e r a l months to many years, the novice asked h i s c h i e f to give a f e a s t at which h i s shaman's name and h i s readiness to cure were p u b l i c l y announced. The shaman emerges as master of s p i r i t s , since no one e l s e acquired the degree of c o n t r o l afforded by " f i x i n g " the power, but he d i d not have sole access to s p i r i t power. C h i e f s , among others, were important owners of supernatural power. The shaman's dependence on and acceptance of c h i e f l y authority, was recognized when h i s name and s t a t u s was made p u b l i c at a f e a s t given by the c h i e f . The importance of f a m i l y t i e s i s recognized bytthe f a c t that i n i t i a t e s r e l i e d f o r a s u c c e s s f u l s p i r i t encounter on secret f a m i l y knowledge, while broader k i n s h i p t i e s are acknowledged by the f a c t that f o r " f i x i n g " the power i t was considered s a f e s t (and l e s s expensive) i f the shaman c a l l e d i n was a c l o s e kinsman. The compulsive nature of the shaman's c o n t r o l of 176 h i s s p i r i t i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the importance of compulsive magical tech-niques g e n e r a l l y i n Nootka manipulation of the supernatural. I n terms of ' i n t e r a c t i o n ' w i t h s p i r i t s , then, Nootka shamans were acknowledged masters but i n terms of the p u b l i c e x e r c i s e of c o n t r o l of supernatural f o r c e s , t h e i r a u t h o r i t y was p a r a l l e l e d by that of r i t u a l i s t s and owners of supernatural power such as c h i e f s and i t was to some degree l i m i t e d or subject to the a u t h o r i t y of c h i e f s . They d i f f e r e d from S a l i s h sha-mans by the r e l a t i v e f o r m a l i t y of t h e i r achievement of status ( t h i s being e x p l i c i t l y announced t w i c e ) , and by the f a c t that they were more e x p l i c i t l y subject to c h i e f l y a u t h o r i t y . These d i f f e r e n c e s do, i n f a c t , correspond to d i f f e r e n c e s i n S a l i s h and Nootka s o c i a l organiza-t i o n . Among the Nootka, rank and property ownership was r i g i d l y de-f i n e d . Various c h i e f s , by t h e i r i n h e r i t a n c e of s p e c i f i c p o s i t i o n s and p r i v i l e g e s , . owned t i t l e to a l l resource areas. Lineage members who used these areas d i d so a f t e r acknowledging the c h i e f ' s ownership (Drucker, 1951:251). By t h e i r c o n t r o l of resources c h i e f s were, i n an e f f e c t i v e way, leaders of the community. D i f f e r e n t p o s i t i o n s of rank were accompanied by d i f f e r e n t r i g h t s to c o n t r o l of resources. Ranked p o s i t i o n s were p r e c i s e l y and r i g i d l y graded and the assumption of any ranked p o s i t i o n always required a p u b l i c announcement of the r i g h t . Shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n c l e a r l y r e f l e c t s these f a c t o r s by i t s emphasis on p u b l i c announcement. 177 Visionary experience was the i d e a l i n Kwakiutl shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n . Ostensibly sickness was the most usual way of achieving a v i s i o n a r y encounter, the concept of a quest being less emphasized. Most commonly, the future shaman f e l l s i c k or induced sickness by f a s t -ing and s e l f - c a s t i g a t i o n , and was heard to sing and make shaman c r i e s , thus i n d i c a t i n g s p i r i t interference. The established shamans of the community then proceeded to d i r e c t the a c t i v i t i e s which would allow successful i n i t i a t i o n . When the encounter had been successfully accom-plished and the novice had learned the songs, name and other i n s t r u c t i o n s given to him by the s p i r i t , a feast was held at which the new shaman was introduced, his name announced, and his powers evidenced by a cure. According to Hunt, before his public i n i t i a t i o n he was taught the sham-a n i s t i c techniques used by the shamans of his community i n a secret meeting place. By the f a c t that a new shaman was supposed to i l l u s t r a t e his power immediately by performing a cure i t would seem that some pre-vious t r a i n i n g and i n s t r u c t i o n must have been common. Also according to Hunt, the shamans of each lineage ("numaym") were i n i t i a t e d by the same s p i r i t . Shamanistic power could also be inherited from a powerful shaman by a transfer of power from father to son, a f t e r appropriate preparations by the son-. The Kwakiutl approach to the supernatural was somewhat d i f -ferent from that of the Nootka. The supernatural was of concern p r i -marily as the source of hereditary ceremonial p r i v i l e g e s . Hereditary 178 p r i v i l e g e s were a l s o of concern to the Nootka, but of equal importance were the economic b e n e f i t s d e r i v a b l e from supernatural beings. Among the K w a k i u t l , the concept of a s o l i t a r y guardian s p i r i t quest f o r non-herediaty ' f r e e - f l o a t i n g ' power was of l i t t l e relevance and techniques of compulsive magic were r a r e , prayer or p r o p i t i a t i o n being the every-day means f o r seeking supernatural a i d . This d i f f e r e n c e i n o r i e n t a t i o n appears to be r e f l e c t e d i n shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n : there was l e s s em-phasis on the c o n t r o l and compulsion of s p i r i t s f o r a d i v e r s i t y of ends K w a k i u t l shamans were concerned w i t h the s p e c i f i c end of c u r i n g , hence, perhaps, the importance of sickness r a t h e r than a quest as an i n i t i a -t o r y experience. Shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n was, as Boas pointed out, analogous i n d e t a i l to the i n i t i a t i o n of ceremonial dancers (1966:135), and, as suggested by Hunt's evidence (Boas, 1930:6), the concern w i t h ceremonialism was r e f l e c t e d by the novice shaman's t r a i n i n g i n dramatic sl e i g h t - o f - h a n d techniques f o r c u r i n g . The a s u p e r v i s i o n of the no-v i c e ' s t r a i n i n g and i n i t i a t i o n by other shamans i s remarkably s i m i l a r to the ^ s u p e r v i s i o n of winter dance i n i t i a t e s by experienced dancers. I f i n i t i a t i o n expressed the a f f i n i t y of shamanistic p r a c t i s e s g e n e r a l l y to K w a k i u t l ceremonialism, they a l s o expressed the importance of other s t r u c t u r a l p r i n c i p l e s , namely the p r i n c i p l e s of lineage organ-i z a t i o n , residence, and rank. The importance of lineage a f f i l i a t i o n would seem to be expressed by the f a c t that shamans of a lineage were i n i t i a t e d by the same "shaman-maker" and were c a l l e d the shamans of the c h i e f of the li n e a g e . Residence a f f i l i a t i o n was recognised by the f a c t 179 that a l l the shamans of a community were involved in the instruction and in i t i a t i o n of the novice, while the importance of rank which was a sys-tem based on inheritance, seems to have been expressed by the fact that the sons of powerful shamans could inherit the power and position of the father. The most powerful, shamans of a lineage were those de-signated with the duty to protect the chief. Bella Coola shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n , like that of the Nootka and Kwakiutl, expressed the importance of ceremonialism and public validation of status, but i t also reflected principles which were char-acteristically Bella Coola. Visionary experience, with or without the abi l i t y to cure was sufficient justification for the claim to shamanis-t i c status. Potentially i t could be sought by undertaking a long and d i f f i c u l t quest, but more commonly i t occurred after severe or protrac-ted illness. In either case, a successful visionary encounter implied great r i t u a l purity and spiritual strength on the part of the in i t i a t e . Individuals could be initiated by living, spirits or by ghosts and were designated by different terms accordingly. Visionary experience i t s e l f was not sufficient for public recognition as a shaman. Individuals could experience visionary contact and even exercise s p i r i t powers without being considered shamans. Public acceptance as a shaman came after a public announcement of the individual's shaman name and songs and, usually, a display of powers, validated by a distribution of pro-perty. Initiation was non-hereditary and any display of power was lik e l y to be idiosyncratic, devised by the individual. 180 The c r i t i c a l importance of a p u b l i c announcement of status v a l i d a t e d by a d i s t r i b u t i o n of property was c o n s i s t e n t w i t h a general b e l i e f amongthe B e l l a Coola that any s i g n i f i c a n t change of status r e -quired p u b l i c witness. The i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c nature of the novice's i n i -t i a t i o n , and d i s p l a y of powers was l i k e w i s e c o n s i s t e n t w i t h a system of rank and status which, l i k e that of the Coast S a l i s h of the Fraser V a l -l e y , was comparatively f l e x i b l e . As I i n f e r from M c l l w r a i t h (1948:378), rank was not a system of p o s i t i o n s w i t h attendant r i g h t s and prerogatives through which successive i n d i v i d u a l s passed, but a system which depen-ded on the r e l a t i v e accomplishments of d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s at p a r t i -c u l a r moments of time. High s t a t u s , although manifested by the order of s e a t i n g arrangements at a p o t l a t c h , depended on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s wealth and a b i l i t y to give l a r g e d i s p l a y s . I n d i v i d u a l s could increase t h e i r p r e s t i g e , "make t h e i r name b r i g h t " , or they could l o s e p r e s t i g e . Leadership apparently depended on i n d i v i d u a l a b i l i t y and esteenr (1948: 380) . Coast Tsimshian shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n commonly involved a quest, formal i n s t r u c t i o n , and v i s i o n a r y contact, followed by a formal announcement. The data i s not d e f i n i t e and i t i s p o s s i b l e that there was considerable v a r i a t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s but i t appears that i n -d i v i d u a l s normally sought.shamanistic powers. Commonly the p r o s p e c t i v e shaman s t a r t e d t r a i n i n g at an e a r l y age u s u a l l y under the guidance and i n s t r u c t i o n of an older shaman, p r e f e r a b l y but not n e c e s s a r i l y a r e l a t i v e , who was p a i d . He p r a c t i s e d rigorous r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n and strengthen-181 i n g through purging, bathing, continence, i s o l a t i o n i n the f o r e s t s , and so f o r t h . D u r i n g . t h i s time he might a l s o l e a r n techniques of cur-ing or s l e i g h t - o f - h a n d . V i s i o n a r y experience i t s e l f o f t e n came a f t e r s e rious sickness or c r i t i c a l danger. The s p i r i t could be, but by no means always was, one which had been as s o c i a t e d w i t h an ancestor. Upon recovery, the novice p u b l i c i z e d the event by d e s c r i b i n g the exper-ience and announcing the songs given by h i s s p i r i t to assembled shamans, k i n , and c o - r e s i d e n t s . Sickness, by i t s e l f could cause v i s i o n a r y ex-perience but the r i t u a l t r a i n i n g of a quest was much more e x p l i c i t l y recognized than i t was among the K w a k i u t l . Shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n d i f f e r e d from ceremonial i n i t i a t i o n by the f a c t that i t was s o l i t a r y : i t was not a group i n i t i a t i o n or induced by group p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a ceremonial event. Tsimshian shamanism was, as already i n d i c a t e d , d i s t i n c t from lineage o r g a n i z a t i o n and.this separation appears at i n i t i a t i o n . The novice d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y depend f o r h i s shamanistic i n s t r u c t i o n on m a t r i l i n e a l k i n , n e i t h e r was he p a r t i c u l a r l y l i k e l y to encounter a l i n -eage s p i r i t or a s p i r i t p r e v i o u s l y associated w i t h an ancestor, thus i n s t r u c t i o n and v i s i o n a r y experience were e s s e n t i a l l y independent of lineage a f f i l i a t i o n . His s o l i t a r y i n i t i a t i o n contrasted c l e a r l y w i t h the group i n i t i a t i o n s of lineage ceremonial performers. Ceremonialism was a v i t a l i n t e r e s t g e n e r a l l y i n Tsimshian s o c i e t y (as i t was e l s e -where) , however, and was r e f l e c t e d i n the dramatic character of shaman-i s t i c techniques and modes of expression. The concern with ceremonial 182 modes of expression was r e f l e c t e d d u r ing i n i t i a t i o n by the novice's i n -s t r u c t i o n i n dancing, s l e i g h t - o f - h a n d techniques, and so f o r t h . Un-l e s s the data i s mis l e a d i n g , formal i n s t r u c t i o n i n dramatic techniques was more important among the Tsimshian and K w a k i u t l than i t was among the S a l i s h and Nootka. Among the Haida shamanistic powers were normally i n h e r i t e d . Non-hereditary a c q u i s i t i o n of powers was p o s s i b l e , but r a r e . This con-t r a s t s w i t h the B e l l a Coola, S a l i s h and Nootka where shamanistic powers were not i n h e r i t a b l e , although p o s s i b l y shamanism could 'run' i n fami-l i e s i f techniques of t r a i n i n g , passed on as f a m i l y s e c r e t s , were con-sidered important f o r ensuring success. U n l i k e any of the groups so f a r , the& Haida b e l i e v e d that the shaman's s p i r i t a s s i s t a n t could be i n h e r i t e d . As I understand i t , the pr o s p e c t i v e shaman was u s u a l l y i n -s t r u c t e d and guided i n h i s v i s i o n a r y quest by a maternal uncle. His or her i n i t i a l v i s i o n a r y encounterv was l i k e l y to be w i t h an i n s i g n i f i c a n t s p i r i t and subsequently he or she was l i k e l y to encounter p r o g r e s s i v e l y stronger s p i r i t s . Contact w i t h a s p i r i t was maintained w i t h only one s p i r i t a t a time. U n l i k e the T l i n g i t , Haida shamans d i d not c o l l e c t a number of s p i r i t s , which they could d i r e c t simultaneously. - V i s i o n a r y contact apparently i n v o l v e d elements of a quest since Swanton a f f i r m s that s p i r i t s would only possess "'one who was clean'....To become 'clean', a man had to a b s t a i n from food f o r a long time" (1958:64). He a l s o r e-cords an example of one i n d i v i d u a l who became a shaman during a p e r i o d of serious i l l n e s s . The i n d i v i d u a l appeared so " c l e a n " that the s p i r i t 183 was encouraged to enter ( I b i d . ) . A t some p o i n t the novice was l i k e l y to i n h e r i t the s p i r i t helper and paraphernalia of a maternal -uncle, or, presumably, some other maternal r e l a t i v e since Swanton and Murdock both agree that the p o s i t i o n of shaman was normally i n h e r i t e d by a man's maternal nephew or a woman's daughter (Swanton, 1905:38; Murdock, 1934: 258). A t death, the nephew of a shaman was s u s c e p t i b l e to supernatural i n f l u e n c e and l i k e l y to receive, power. From myths and s t o r i e s , an important element i n the process of shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n was the p u b l i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the s p i r i t by the community. As implied by myths and sfcbries an i n d i v i d u a l could achieve v i s i o n a r y experience and act l i k e a shaman but r e c o g n i t i o n as a " r e a l " shaman awaited p u b l i c iden-t i f i c a t i o n of the s p i r i t and a d i s p l a y of power, e i t h e r through the com-p l e t i o n of a s u c c e s s f u l cure or by showing unusual behaviour. Swanton rep o r t s somewhat e n i g m a t i c a l l y t h a t : Supernatural-One-upon-whom-it-thunders d i d not always deal f a i r l y by those he spoke through. Sometimes he persuaded the shaman that he was r e c e i v i n g h i s power from some other source....When t h i s f a c t was discovered, a shaman's reputa-t i o n was destroyed (1958:64-65). We may wonder whether t h i s d e s t r u c t i o n of a shaman's r e p u t a t i o n was i n any way r e l a t e d to the importance of having the s p r i t i ' s c o r r e c t iden-t i t y known to the community. Haida communities were g e n e r a l l y coterminous w i t h l i n e a g e s : ' a community would comprise a core of m a t r i l i n e a l l y r e l a t e d men plus spouses or dependents. Thus community involvement w i t h a shaman's i n -i t i a t i o n i m p l i e d lineage involvement. However, p u b l i c r e c o g n i t i o n as 184 a shaman d i d not i n v o l v e a ceremony which e x p l i c i t l y emphasized lineage p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the event as d i d the T l i n g i t ceremony. The community as a whole was concerned. Without a more comprehensive knowledge of Haida s o c i a l organ-i z a t i o n , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to r e l a t e features of shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n to the operation of general p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . We may note, however, that compared w i t h Tsimshian and T l i n g i t shamanism, Hai-da shamanism seems to have emphasized m a t r i l i n e a l a f f i l i a t i o n more than the former, while i n c o n t r a s t to the T l i n g i t i t tended to emphasize- the interdependence of the shaman and community. These d i f f e r e n c e s emerged at the t r a i n i n g and i n i t i a t i o n of a shaman. Much more than a Tsimshian novice, p r o s p e c t i v e Haida shamans r e l i e d on the i n s t r u c t i o n and help of m a t r i l i n e a l k i n , to the extent of i n h e r i t i n g the p a r a p h e r n a l i a and s p i r i t helper of a maternal uncle. The emphasis placed on community i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the s p i r i t and v a l i d a t i o n of status by a trance or some other m a n i f e s t a t i o n of possession, was c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the general view of the shaman as intermediary between community and s p i r i t world. As w i t h the Haida, T l i n g i t shamans normally i n h e r i t e d t h e i r p o s i t i o n . F u l l r e c o g n i t i o n and acceptance as a shaman involved a ser-i e s of v i s i o n a r y encounters plus the i n h e r i t a n c e of powers and parapher-n a l i a from a maternal uncle a t a s p e c i a l ceremony f o l l o w i n g the death of the uncle. The prospective-shaman began t r a i n i n g f o r v i s i o n a r y ex-perience by f a s t i n g , bathing," purging himself and spendirg periods of i s o l a t i o n i n the mountains and f o r e s t s . Once he encountered the animal 185 m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the s p i r i t confronted i n the v i s i o n he t r i e d to cut out and preserve i t s tongue. I f he were unsuccessful i n a c h i e v i n g a v i s i o n he could t r y handling the s k u l l of a dead shaman or spending the n i g h t by the grave of a shaman. I d e a l l y he had to acquire e i g h t s p i r i t s , or e i g h t tongues. A c q u i r i n g tongues seems to have s i g n i f i e d mastery of t h e - s p i r i t s . F u l l r e c o g n i t i o n and acceptance as a shaman d i d not come u n t i l the novice had completed a s p e c i a l p u b l i c i n i t i a t i o n ceremony. A t the death of an o l d shaman preparations were begun f o r the i n i t i a t i o n of h i s h e i r . For four days, the body of the o l d shaman was kept i n s i d e the house (presumably the lineage house of which the shaman and h i s h e i r were members), w h i l e a l l the occupants, i n c l u d i n g the pros-p e c t i v e h e i r , f a s t e d . Then, the whole community was assembled i n the house and the ceremony began. " P a r t i c i p a n t s " , as opposed to "specta-t o r s " (Krause, 1956:202), presumably members of the shaman's l i n e a g e , began s i n g i n g , dancing and drumming, c a l l i n g upon the s p i r i t s of the departed shaman. A t the height of the a c t i v i t y the new shaman appeared and f e l l to the ground unconscious. A f t e r r e g a i n i n g consciousness he withdrew to a secluded area. Four days l a t e r the ceremony was repeated w i t h , apparently, "a great r e l e a s e of t e n s i o n and excitement on the p a r t of the p a r t i c i p a n t s " (1956:202). During t h i s time the novice was supposed to have acquired at l e a s t some of the s p i r i t s of h i s predecessor. According to Swanton, some shamanistic s p i r i t s . w e r e s p e c i f i c a l l y asso-c i a t e d w i t h lineages arid were the f i r s t to appear to each new shaman of the lineage (1908:466)'. '. 186 T l i n g i t shamanistic i n t i a t i o n , then, expressed considerable emphasis on m a t r i l i n e a l ties'. Lineage (or house) members were a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n summoning the s p i r i t s of the deceased shaman f o r the p u b l i c i n i t i a t i o n of the new. I t . would seem c l e a r t h a t , by the d i v i s i o n of attendants i n t o " p a r t i c i p a n t s " - a n d " s p e c t a t o r s " at t h i s time shamans were a l i g n e d w i t h a lineage or house group ra t h e r than w i t h the com-munity as a whole. The p o s i t i o n of shaman among the T l i n g i t can perhaps almost be regarded as a lineage o f f i c e , analogous to the o f f i c e - o f l i n -eage head. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note i n t h i s respect that, Swanton re-marked t h a t , "Tlingit shamans were g e n e r a l l y of a higher s o c i a l rank than those among the Haida" (1908:464). High ranking shamans would ap-pear c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the f a c t that shamans functioned as witch-detec-t o r s and preservers of rank s t a b i l i t y . We may wonder i f there i s a p a r a l l e l here w i t h the great shamans of the K w a k i u t l who were supposed to p r o t e c t l i n e a g e heads. K w a k i u t l great shamans, i t w i l l be remembered, were able to transmit t h e i r powers t o 1 t h e i r sons, so that the r o l e of c h i e f ' s shaman tended to be,, or could be, h e r e d i t a r y . Several features of shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n r e f l e c t the emph-s i s the T l i n g i t placed on the dead. -Pot-latches, f o r example, were held i n honor of the dead. Drucker w r i t e s t h a t , "The T l i n g i t viewed the p o t l a t c h as a c y c l e of r i t u a l s to mourn the death of a c h i e f " (1955: 133). I n terms of shamanism, not only was the p u b l i c i n i t i a t i o n of a new shaman very c l o s e l y t i e d to the.death of the o l d , but p r o s p e c t i v e shamans could hope to ensure a s u c c e s s f u l v i s i o n quest by handling the s k u l l of a dead shaman or remaining by a shaman's grave. The c o n t i n u i t y 187 between dead and novice shamans i n the process of becoming a f u l l sha-man seems to p a r a l l e l the c o n t i n u i t y between dead and novice c h i e f s . Other features of T l i n g i t shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n , such as the emphasis on a c q u i r i n g a c o l l e c t i o n of s p i r i t h e l p e r s , i n v i t e i n t e r e s t and s p e c u l a t i o n but, on the b a s i s of t h i s examination of T l i n g i t eth-nography t h i s must w a i t . The preceding s e c t i o n has t r i e d to summarise the data on i n -i t i a t i o n , i n order to i n d i c a t e more e x p l i c i t l y some of the d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r i t i e s between groups, and has attempted, where p o s s i b l e to suggest c o r r e l a t i o n s w i t h other aspects of s o c i e t y i n each case, which may, at l e a s t i n p a r t , e x p l a i n the d i f f e r e n c e s . To i n d i c a t e some of the s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e r e n c e s more g r a p h i c a l l y a chart i s presented. The chart i n d i c a t e s the presence or absence of s p e c i f i c phenomena and th e r e f o r e , because c r i t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s or s t r u c t u r a l s i m i l a r i t i e s are o f t e n r e l a t i v e r a t h e r than absolute, i t f a i l s to express some of the more i n v o l v e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s and comparisons j u s t discussed. 1. The chart owes i n s p i r a t i o n • . & ? * r « Drucker but the in f o r m a t i o n i s my own. 188 Sa Nk Kw BC Ts Ha T l compulsive r i t u a l tech-niques common compulsive r i t u a l tech-niques a v a i l a b l e to anyone compulsive r i t u a l tech-niques hereditary family secrets + + + + + + + + + + presence of r i t u a l s p e c i a l i s t s 2 s p i r i t power attainable by ordinary i n d i v i d u a l s + + + + + + s p i r i t power i n h e r i t a b l e ceremonial dancing powers assoc. with s p i r i t contact ceremonial dancing powers i n h e r i t a b l e + + + + + + ceremonial i n i t i a t i o n and protection by a lineage s p i r i t shamanistic s p i r i t helpers i n h e r i t a b l e + + + + shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n by a lineage-assoc. s p i r i t p o s s i b l e * + + + shamanistic power r e s t r i c t e d to curing or causing disease + Since the concept of guardian s p i r i t power i s vague, s p i r i t power, as used here, implies.those kinds of power derived through d i r e c t v i s i o n a r y contact with a supernatural being, which are not considered by native speakers as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y shamanistic, and which are not associated with the performance of ceremonial displays. 189 Sa Nk Kw BC Ts Ha T l shamanistic t r a i n i n g accom-panied by >>formal i n s t r u c -t i o n shamanistic t r a i n i n g accom-panied by informal or no i n s t r u c t i o n +* formal p u b l i c announcement necessary for recognition as a shaman -pub l i c announcement i n v o l -ves lineage p a r t i c i p a t i o n - + - + + + + . + . _ + + ? ? + + + + + + - - - - + + shaman dressed d i s t i n c t i v e l y i n everyday l i f e - - ? + + + + shaman uses a shaman's name + + + + + + + s p e c i a l b u r i a l f o r shamans + + + 190 CHAPTER X CONCLUSION I t was stated i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n that t h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n sought to review the data on t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast shamanism from a s t r u c -t u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e . I t has operated on the assumption that a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l domain of a c t i v i t y , i n t h i s case t h a t s which has'- been termed 'shamanistic 1, w i l l vary from one c u l t u r e to the next i n accordance w i t h d i f f e r e n t patterns of behaviour and b e l i e f i n r e l a t e d spheres of c u l -t u r a l a c t i v i t y . I n t h i s f i n a l chapter I s h a l l review some of the char-a c t e r i s t i c s common to shamans as i n d i v i d u a l s , some of the d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r i t i e s regarding the p o s i t i o n of shamans i n s o c i e t y , and some of the features associated w i t h the shaman's p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the symbolic order. The Shaman as I n d i v i d u a l The rank of shamans: There i s not much p r e c i s e information concerning the i n i t i a l rank of those who became shamans. So f a r as I am aware, few ethnogra-phers have s p e c i f i e d the average rank of shamans i n the communities they have d e a l t w i t h . Such information as there i s seems to suggest that when shamanistic powers were i n h e r i t e d , i n i t i a t e s tended to be of high-er rank than those who d i d not i n h e r i t shamanistic powers. Drucker ob-served f o r the Nootka, who could not i n h e r i t shamanistic powers, that;-"almost a l l of the shamans whose l i v e s and mir a c l e s were recounted to 191 me were of low rank; commoners, or the younger sons of c h i e f s " (1951: 181)• Among the S a l i s h of the Lower Fraser V a l l e y and the B e l l a Coola, where v i s i o n a r y shamanistic powers could not normally be i n h e r i t e d , t h e o r e t i c a l l y anyone could become a shaman (Jenness, 1955:65; M c l l w r a i t h , 1948:547), perhaps even s l a v e s , s i n c e among the F r a s e r V a l l e y S a l i s h they acquired s p i r i t dancing powers (Duff,. 1952:83; Jenness, 1955: 41) which were q u i t e c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to shamanistic powers. From myths and s t o r i e s , there i s some suggestion t h a t , among the Haida, at l e a s t some of those shamans who d i d not i n h e r i t t h e i r powers were i n i t i a l l y of low rank. The s t o r i e s , "Tc!aawunk!a" and "He-who-got-supernatural-p o w e r - f r o m - h i s - l i t t l e - f i n g e r " , mention that the hero i n each case was poor and despised (Swanton, 1905b:58, 247). Among the Haida and T l i n g i t , where i n h e r i t a n c e of shamanistic powers was u s u a l , Swanton reports t h a t , " o c c a s i o n a l l y a shaman united the c i v i l w i t h the r e l i g i o u s power by being a town or a house c h i e f a l s o " (1960:522). Boas' informant, Chief Mountain, apparently i n h e r i t e d h i s shamanistic powers s i n c e he claimed that only a man whose f a t h e r was a^shaman could become a shaman (Boas, 1930:270-277). Perhaps we may i n f e r that throughout the Northwest Coast shamanism was a p o s s i b l e avenue to increased p r e s t i g e f o r those of low rank. We may a l s o i n f e r that where i t was h e r e d i t a r y , i t tended to become ass o c i a t e d w i t h p o s i t i o n s of higher rank. 192 The b e n e f i t s of becoming a shaman: According to Drucker, the m a t e r i a l gains a shaman was l i k e l y to achieve were r e l a t i v e l y s l i g h t , p a r t i c u l a r l y when compared w i t h the amount of wealth required f o r h o s t i n g a p o t l a t c h (1951:183). This would seem to be more or l e s s true f o r shamans i n other parts of the Northwest Coast. For the Nootka Drucker gives examples of payments fo r cures worth between 4 and 10 d o l l a r s (1951:204) and estimates ex-amples of property exchange d u r i n g a p o t l a t c h as ^amounting to 200, 300 or 500 d o l l a r s . Boas reported that a K w a k i u t l shaman might r e c e i v e about 10 blankets f o r c u r i n g a p a t i e n t of noble b i r t h (1966:144). At the same time he reports property worth the equivalent of 4,000 blankets i n connection w i t h a p o t l a t c h (1966:92). I have beenuinable to f i n d sim-i l a r f i g u r e s f o r other groups but i t would seem u n l i k e l y that shamans elsewhere received s i g n i f i c a n t l y more. Again, i t seems doubtful, that shamans as such could hope to advance s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n rank, s i n c e , among most groups, rank was p r i -m a r i l y determined by b i r t h , and even where rank may have depended l a r g e l y on wealth, i t i s u n l i k e l y that shamans ever achieved s u f f i c i e n t wealth to support claims to rank p r e r o g a t i v e s . Perhaps one of the major b e n e f i t s of becoming a shaman was the advance i n status i n v o l v e d . S t a t u s j as d i s t i n c t from rank, could perhaps be roughly defined as a p o s i t i o n m e r i t i n g a p a r t i c u l a r degree of p r e s t i g e . By a l l accounts, shamans i n v a r i a b l y received keen respect f o r t h e i r powers, and sometimes f e a r . They were a focus of i n t e r e s t or 193 concern to those around them. Drucker maintains that the d e s i r e f o r p r e s t i g e and respect, r a t h e r than m a t e r i a l gain, was the main motiva-t i o n of Nootka shamans (1951:183). As already mentioned, throughout the area there was a common stereotype that shamans were wealthy and s u c c e s s f u l i n d i v i d u a l s , a l -though, as we have seen, the m a t e r i a l gains from c u r i n g could not have been p a r t i c u l a r l y great and many shamans were not i n i t i a l l y wealthy or( of high s t a t u s . As a r u l e , status was c l o s e l y associated w i t h wealth, a l l formal changes of status being marked by a d i s t r i b u t i o n of property. I t i s p o s s i b l e that through c u r i n g shamans acquired items of wealth which could most e f f i c i e n t l y be converted i n t o p r e s t i g e , or, i f status came to be regarded as synonymous with wealth, i t i s p o s s i b l e that i n -formal increases i n status were conceptualized i n terms of wealth. Apart from a r i s e i n p r e s t i g e shamans a l s o acquired personal b e n e f i t s such as the opportunity f o r a r t i s t i c or ceremonial expression. Throughout the Northwest Coast i n d i v i d u a l shamans had t h e i r own spe-c i f i c d e t a i l s i n c u r i n g techniques, c l o t h i n g and par a p h e r n a l i a , p e r f o r -mance, and so f o r t h , u s u a l l y a t t r i b u t e d to the i n s t r u c t i o n s of the sha-man's s p i r i t helper. They may a l s o have derived considerable s a t i s -f a c t i o n f o r the a t t e n t i o n they received at c u r i n g ceremonies and on other occasions. Perhaps a p o i n t to note i s that among some groups they were afforded considerable freedom from the r e s t r a i n t s of conven-t i o n a l behaviour. Among the Nootka, novices, and perhaps e s t a b l i s h e d shamans, were allowed to dance or si n g at a l l hours of the day or nig h t 194 on the s u p p o s i t i o n that they were a c t i n g on the i n s t r u c t i o n s of the s p i r i t . Among the Haida, shamans supposed to be possessed by t h e i r s p i r i t performed b i z a r r e unconventional a c t i v i t i e s or r e t r e a t e d i n t o s o l i t a r y i s o l a t i o n . The Shaman and S o c i e t y For some understanding of the shaman i n r e l a t i o n to s o c i e t y i t seems important to examine something of the shaman's involvement i n the s t r u c t u r e of a u t h o r i t y . I t i s important here to d i s t i n g u i s h be-tween power and a u t h o r i t y ; the two are r e l a t e d but not synonymous. B e a t t i e w r i t e s : I n a very fundamental sense power i s human power, and human power i s the a b i l i t y to produce intended e f f e c t s , that i s , to c a r r y out one's w i l l on oneself, on. other people, or on t h i n g s . . . . U n l i k e power, a u t h o r i t y i m p l i e s r i g h t : a robber may have the power to rob, but he has no a u t h o r i t y to do so (1964: 141). On the Northwest Coast power derived not so much from the th r e a t of p h y s i c a l f o r c e as from the contro l , of supernatural, economic, s o c i a l and ceremonial resources. For the most p a r t , power and a u t h o r i t y were c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d . Much of the power of c h i e f s , f o r example, derived from t h e i r a u t h o r i t y , as senior kinsmen of a k i n s h i p u n i t and as high ranking i n d i v i d u a l s , to m o b i l i z e the support and p r o d u c t i v i t y of lower ranking kinsmen, or from the i n h e r i t e d r i g h t to a l l o c a t e or withhold the use of resources (the r i g h t s of c h i e f s to a l l o c a t e or withholdiSre-195 sources were l i m i t e d by the t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t s of others, of course, but even so, c h i e f s o f t e n i n h e r i t e d a considerable stock of property f o r personal d i s p o s a l ) . Shamans, as such, were powerful to the extent that they c o n t r o l l e d supernatural resources and were accorded a u t h o r i t y i n s o f a r as they c o n t r o l l e d these resources f o r ends which were perceived to be l e g i t i m a t e . I t would seem that the shaman's sphere of a u t h o r i t y ( i . e . the l e g i t i m i z e d power of shamans) v a r i e d i n some par t according to. the a u t h o r i t y and powers of c h i e f s . C o n t r o l of supernatural power was a very important source of c i v i l power. And, although almost everyone sought to c o n t r o l supernatural power (by r i t u a l techniques or other means), c h i e f s were e s p e c i a l l y concerned with i t s c o n t r o l , p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h types of c o n t r o l which were s i g n i f i c a n t i n r e i n f o r c i n g g a u t h o r i t y and c o n t r o l over people. Thus Nootka c h i e f s sought r i t u a l powers which e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r r i g h t s over t e r r i t o r y and were l i k e l y to a t t r a c t a s t a b l e f o l l o w i n g , and they sought powers to perform impressive cere-monial d i s p l a y s . K w a k i u t l c h i e f s acquired supernatural power to dance i n the most p r e s t i g i o u s s ecret s o c i e t y ceremonials. Tsimshian and Haida c h i e f s could acquire the a b i l i t y to "blow" power i n t o others. For the most p a r t the supernatural powers c o n t r o l l e d by c h i e f s tended to be d i s t i n c t from that c o n t r o l l e d by shamans. This must have been true f o r the Tsimshian, Haida and T l i n g i t , I i n f e r , i f c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s could be i d e n t i f i e d as both c h i e f and shaman. That shamanistic power was d i s -t i n c t from the supernatural power of c h i e f s i s c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d by the 196 f a c t t h a t , so f a r as I can determine, c h i e f s , i n c o n t r a s t to shamans, were not feared as s o r c e r e r s . I n short, the supernatural powers ac-quired by c h i e f s tended to be benign -- l e g i t i m i z e d powers which would r e i n f o r c e c h i e f l y a u t h o r i t y . The powers a t t r i b u t e d to shamans were more ambiguous: they were both l e g i t i m a t e and i l l e g i t i m a t e ; they could cause b e n e f i t or harm; complement or .uphold the a u t h o r i t y and power of c h i e f s or oppose i t ; preserve the s o c i a l order or threaten i t . With respect to shamans the d i v i s i o n between power and a u t h o r i t y was d i s t i n c t . Their a u t h o r i t y was seldom concerned with matters of d a i l y r o u t i n e or r e c u r r i n g i n t e r e s t such as subsistence or ceremonial a c t i v i t y , but was more l i k e l y to concern, moments of l i f e i n which un-p r e d i c t a b l e or c a t a s t r o p h i c supernatural i n t e r v e n t i o n was suspected. For example, sickness was a prime symptom of unpredictable and catas-t r o p h i c supernatural i n t e r v e n t i o n and throughout the area shamans were curers. Shamans could both threaten c h i e f s or r e i n f o r c e t h e i r power and a u t h o r i t y . They might i n d i r e c t l y threaten the p r e s t i g e of c h i e f s by t h e i r own wealth (or r e p u t a t i o n of wealth) and success, or they might be suspected of a t t a c k i n g the person or p r e s t i g e of c h i e f s by sorcery ( f o r example, gross misbehaviour by a c h i e f , as w e l l as s i c k n e s s , might be a t t r i b u t e d to the work of some malevolent shaman). On the other hand, they could d i r e c t l y uphold the power of c h i e f s by working on the c h i e f ' s behalf, w h i l e , by the f a c t that c h i e f s could employ shamans to wreak supernatural r e t r i b u t i o n , shamans removed c h i e f s from the respon-s i b i l i t y of the a n t i - s o c i a l use of supernatural powers. 197 In terms of the a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e , t h e r e f o r e , shamans oc-cupied an anomalous p o s i t i o n . They tended to possess status beyond that merited by rank and power beyond that accorded t h e i r a u t h o r i t y . This seems to have been true to a greater or l e s s e r degree throughout the area. However, there i s some data to suggest that where the p o s i -t i o n of a shaman tended to become an o f f i c e , i n v o l v i n g s p e c i f i c r e s-p o n s i b i l i t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the maintenance of the p o l i t i c a l s t r u c -t u r e , the shaman's p o t e n t i a l l y a n t i - s o c i a l power to k i l l was l i k e l y to be l e g i t i m i z e d f o r d i r e c t i n g against those who threatened the s o c i a l order. The power to k i l l of a K w a k i u t l c h i e f ' s shaman, f o r example, was l e g i t i m a t e to the extent that i t was d i r e c t e d against enemies of the c h i e f . The k i l l i n g powers of Tsimshian, Haida and T l i n g i t shamans who accompanied the w a r r i o r s i n a war party were l e g i t i m i z e d f o r d i r e c -t i o n a gainst the enemy. The use and misuse of supernatural power: I t i s of some i n t e r e s t at t h i s p o i n t to regard some of Mary Douglas 1 hypotheses regarding the use and misuse of supernatural power. In her book P u r i t y and Danger she explores the ideas of order and d i s -order. I n the s e c t i o n "Powers and Dangers", she p a r t i c u l a r l y seeks to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between those who are a source of d i s -order and the a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e . She points out: Granted that d i s o r d e r s p o i l s p a t t e r n ; i t a l s o provides the m a t e r i a l s f o r pattern....That i s why...we do not simply con-demn d i s o r d e r . We recognise that i t i s d e s t r u c t i v e to e x i s t -i n g p a t t e r n s ; a l s o that i t has p o t e n t i a l i t y . I t symbolises both danger and power (1966:94). 198 She considers two polar types of s p i r i t u a l power, the f i r s t , "exerted on behalf of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e " , the second, disapproved powers "sup-posed to be a danger to s o c i e t y " (1966:99). She suggests t h a t : Where the s o c i a l system e x p l i c i t l y recognises p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y , those ho l d i n g such p o s i t i o n s are endowed w i t h ex-p l i c i t s p i r i t u a l power, c o n t r o l l e d , conscious, e x t e r n a l and approved powers to bl e s s or curse. Where the s o c i a l system r e q u i r e s people to hold dangerously ambiguous r o l e s , these persons are c r e d i t e d w i t h u n c o n t r o l l e d , unconscious, danger-ous, disapproved p o w e r — such as w i t c h c r a f t and e v i l eye. I n other words, where the s o c i a l system i s w e l l - a r t i c u l a t e d , I look f o r a r t i c u l a t e powers vested i n the p o i n t s of author-i t y ; where the s o c i a l system i s i l l - a r t i c u l a t e d , I look f o r i n a r t i c u l a t e powers vested i n those who are a source of d i s -order ( I b i d . ) . With respect to sorcery she w r i t e s : On the argument we have.been,following, sorcery ought to be used by those i n c o n t r o l of key p o s i t i o n s i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e as i t i s a d e l i b e r a t e , c o n t r o l l e d form of s p i r i - . t u a l power. But i t i s not. Sorcery i s found i n the s t r u c -t u r a l i n t e r s t i c e s where we have located w i t c h c r a f t , as w e l l as i n the seats of a u t h o r i t y (1966:107). She suggests that, sorcery i s l i k e l y to be found i n s o c i e t i e s where p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y , although c l e a r l y recognized, are open to com-p e t i t i o n , that "sorcery b e l i e f s r e a l l y serve as instruments f o r s e l f -promotion" (1966:108). Thus, i f I i n t e r p r e t her c o r r e c t l y , she i s sug-g e s t i n g a c o r r e l a t i o n between s p i r i t u a l powers and a u t h o r i t y which may be roughly schematized thus: a r t i c u l a t e , l e g i t i m i z e d a u t h o r i t y : a r t i c u l a t e , l e g i t i m i z e d s p i r i t u a l power tenuous but l e g i t i m i z e d a u t h o r i t y : l e g a l l y and morally n e u t r a l powers of sorcery. 199 'negative a u t h o r i t y ' ("dangerously ambiguous r o l e " ) : i l l e g i t i m a t e power. This extremely b r i e f summary of her rather d e t a i l e d exposi-t i o n serves to provoke a number of co n s i d e r a t i o n s w i t h respect to sha-m a n i s t i c and c h i e f l y authority;.and power on the Northwest Coast. Much of the Northwest Coast m a t e r i a l serves to s u b s t a n t i a t e her hypotheses, p a r t i c u l a r l y her contention that l e g i t i m a t e and s p e c i f i c s p i r i t u a l powers w i l l be invested i n those who hold e x p l i c i t l y recognized p o s i -t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y . I t i s more d i f f i c u l t to r e c o n c i l e her views con-cer n i n g w i t c h c r a f t or sorcery w i t h the p o s i t i o n of shaman. The sha-man, i n many resp e c t s , could be regarded as one of those people required "to hold dangerously ambiguous r o l e s " , whom she would expect to be c r e d i t e d w i t h " u n c o n t r o l l e d , unconscious, dangerous, disapproved powers -- such as w i t c h c r a f t and e v i i l e y e " . ' Instead, shamans were c r e d i t e d w i t h c o n t r o l l e d power and the p o t e n t i a l danger o f - t h i s power was accep-ted and to some extent l e g i t i m i z e d . Again, although there i s very l i t t l e s p e c i f i c information concerning sorcery f e a r s and accusations on the Northwest Coast, such as there i s tends to suggest that when shamans were i n v o l v e d , i f t h e i r behaviour was not simply a t t r i b u t e d to s p i t e , they were more l i k e l y to be viewed as the i n t e r m e d i a r i e s i n a power s t r u g g l e , r e p r e s e n t i n g p a r t i c u l a r f a c t i o n s , r a t h e r than as p r i -mary p a r t i c i p a n t s . Since succession to p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y was h e r e d i t a r y , shamans, as such, could not hope to acquire a u t h o r i t y by the defeat of an opponent. Thus shamans c l e a r l y do not appear to have conformed f u l l y to Douglas 1 views concerning witches or sorcerers a l -200 though they conformed to some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of both. And yet there i s one factor to note which seems to support her argument on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of powers. Where the p o s i t i o n of shaman was i d e n t i f i e d as an o f f i c e , more or less e x p l i c i t l y . t i e d to the authority structure, the p o t e n t i a l l y a n t i - s o c i a l powers to k i l l came to be most c l e a r l y l e g i t i m i z e d insofar as they were directed against those who threatened the s o c i a l structure. For the most part, the shaman's authority was that of an intermediary, aligned with human and non-human. In a sense we can say that the shaman occupied an e x p l i c i t , i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d " i n t e r s t i c i a l " p o s i t i o n , neither e x p l i c i t l y aligned with nor opposed to the p r e v a i l i n g points of authority. In t h i s capacity he had dual supernatural power --power which could be both b e n e f i c i a l and harm-f u l , approved and disapproved. But perhaps we can suggest that sha-mans could p o t e n t i a l l y occupy several positions on the continuum be-tween a r t i c u l a t e , legitimate authority and 'negative authority'. Sha-mans, occupying an o f f i c e more or less aligned with the p r e v a i l i n g point of authority, were attributed with l e g i t i m i z e d powers. Shamans suspected or accused of 'sorcery' for reasons of-*malice may perhaps have approached Douglas' witchcraft end of the continuum, attributed with "dangerous, disapproved" powers even i f they were not completely "uncontrolled" or "unconscious". And as intermediaries, r e l a t i v e l y neutral or aloof from the. seats of authority they were associated with dual supernatural powers. The shaman accused or suspected of sorcery by v i r t u e of his involvement i n a f a c t i o n a l power struggle.perhaps could 201 be viewed as s i m i l a r to Douglas' s o r c e r e r , s i n c e , although not a p r i -mary agent, he was party to a competition f o r a u t h o r i t y . From another p o i n t of view, however,, that of the shaman's a l l i e s , he might perhaps be regarded as using l e g i t i m a t e power on behalf of the p r e v a i l i n g s o c i a l , order. Mary Douglas' p o s t u l a t e d d i s t r i b u t i o n of s p i r i t u a l powers cannot a l t o g e t h e r be s a t i s f a c t o r i l y a p p l i e d to the Northwest Coast be-cause i t proposes too r i g i d a dichotomy between e x p l i c i t , a r t i c u l a t e d a u t h o r i t y and "dangerously ambiguous r o l e s " and because i t too r i g i d l y i d e n t i f i e s a r t i c u l a t e l e g i t i m a t e powers and "unconscious, u n c o n t r o l l e d " powers with these two. Her views of c o n t r o l l e d and u n c o n t r o l l e d or con-scious and unconscious do not appear to have much relevance f o r the Northwest Coast although they might i f we had more data about so-c a l l e d sorcery b e l i e f s up and down the Coast. She does not consider the p o s s i b i l i t y of a l e g i t i m a t e , i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d "dangerously ambi-guous r o l e " . As a suggestion, perhaps we can crudely schematize a d i s t r i b u t i o n of powers as found on the Northwest Coast thus: 1 a r t i c u l a t e , l e g i t i m i z e d a u t h o r i t y ( c h i e f ) : a r t i c u l a t e , l e g i t i m a t e s p i -r i t u a l power l e g i t i m i z e d a u t h o r i t y ( c h i e f ' s shaman): l e g i t i m a t e s p i r i t u a l power non-aligned a u t h o r i t y (shaman as i n t e r m e d i a r y ) : dual s p i r i t u a l power 'negative a u t h o r i t y ' (shaman as malevolent s o r c e r e r ) : i l l e g i t i m a t e , d i s -approved power. 1. I i n f e r that by " a r t i c u l a t e " Douglas means powers or a u t h o r i t y which are c l e a r l y s p e c i f i e d and bounded and f i t t e d w i t h i n a s o c i a l system. 202 The shaman as s p i r i t intermediary.: A t various times i t has been stated that- shamans were i n t e r -mediaries between a human and s p i r i t realm. I n Chapter I the shaman was defined i n terms of h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h s p i r i t s . We may conclude w i t h some observations concerning the shaman as s p i r i t intermediary. I n general o u t l i n e , the r e l i g i o u s p o s t u l a t e s of Northwest Coast groups were s i m i l a r . A l l groups d i s t i n g u i s h e d between two s t a t e s of e x i s t e n c e , what we might term s p i r i t u a l - and m a t e r i a l . The laws and p r i n c i p l e s governing the one were, d i s t i n g u i s h e d from those governing the other. Men could accomplish i n s p i r i t what was impossible i n body. Supernatural power pertained to the former. Most, i f not a l l m a t e r i a l phenomena had s p i r i t u a l e x i s t e n c e , but not n e c e s s a r i l y supernatural power. Supernatural power could be possessed by the s p i r i t s of animals, p l a n t s or various n a t u r a l phenomena, and by other s p i r i t e n t i t i e s such as human s o u l s , ghosts, and v a r i o u s monsters, d e i t i e s . o r disembodied s p i r i t s . The p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a t t r i b u t e d to s p i r i t e n t i t i e s , and .the laws and p r i n c i p l e s p o s t u l a t e d to govern t h e i r existence d i f -f e r ed somewhat from one group to the next but i n each case, i t was knowledge of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and laws which allowed men to mani-pu l a t e s p i r i t s w i t h t h e i r supernatural power, f o r the f u l f i l m e n t of human ends. Compulsive r i t u a l techniques, f o r example, operated on the p r i n c i p l e s that the a c t i v i t y of s p i r i t s could be determined by the a c t i o n of c e r t a i n words, s p e l l s or substances. 203 I n many respects s p i r i t s possessed c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which were l i k e those of l i v i n g men. They could be appeased, c a j o l e d , angered or f l a t t e r e d , or they might conform to r u l e s of rank. But i n other r e s -pects they d i f f e r e d c o nsiderably. Among the Haida, Tsimshian and T l i n -g i t (and perhaps other groups) they were governed by a d i f f e r e n t time s c a l e , a year i n the m a t e r i a l , human world corresponding to a day i n s p i r i t terms. Supernatural beings o f t e n landed a canoe bow f i r s t , i n con t r a s t to humans. Men and supernatural beings were o r d i n a r i l y i n -v i s i b l e to each other. Among the B e l l a Coola ghosts spoke a language which was incomprehensible to a l l men with the exception of those sha-mans who recei v e d power from ghosts. And,, of course, s p i r i t beings d i f f e r e d from men i n the extra-human supernatural powers which they possessed. I n some f a s h i o n death seems to have been an important p o i n t of l i n k a g e between men and s p i r i t s (although I am unclear as to the pre-c i s e r e l a t i o n ) . C e r t a i n l y the idea of death seems inherent i n shaman-i s t i c t r a i n i n g . For ordinary men contact w i t h a s p i r i t u s u a l l y meant death. Throughout the area shamanistic i n i t i a t i o n i n volved symbolic death through removal from normal s o c i a l l i f e by sickness or quest. Among the T l i n g i t (and many other groups) novice shamans could seek v i s i o n a r y experience by remaining near a grave s i t e or handling the s k u l l of a dead person. Among the,Haida and T l i n g i t supernatural power was most l i k e l y to come to the maternal nephew of a shaman j u s t a f t e r the l a t t e r " s death. I t i s worth r e c a l l i n g , I t h i n k , the remark of a S a l i s h informant who explained that i n d i v i d u a l s were most l i k e l y to 204 r e c e i v e supernatural power j u s t a f t e r the death of a spouse because "When your w i f e d i e s , p a r t of you d i e s w i t h her, and you are d i f f e r e n t from what you were. .. .You are ^ .more powerful at that time" (Duff, 1950: 95). The T r a i n i n g of a Shaman Shamanistic. t r a i n i n g and i n i t i a t i o n , which expressed so much of the shaman's r e l a t i o n to the supernatural order a l s o expressed the conjunctions and oppositions of human and super n a t u r a l , since i n many re s p e c t s , the novice sought to become more l i k e a s p i r i t being, inde-pendent of h i s m a t e r i a l existence. T r a i n i n g f o r v i s i o n a r y experience was remarkably s i m i l a r throughout the Coast. I t u s u a l l y s t a r t e d i n e a r l y childhood before the danger of exposure to sexual i n t e r c o u r s e . I t u s u a l l y involved f a s t i n g , purging, i s o l a t i o n , bathing and the a v o i -dance of any contact w i t h menstrual blood or sexual f l u i d s . I n other words i t i m p l i e d the r e j e c t i o n of elements i n t i m a t e l y associated w i t h the continuance of human p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l l i f e . ,;De, Laguna r e p o r t s of the T l i n g i t that r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n a l s o r e q u i r e d that the i n d i v i -dual r e f r a i n from speech, work or other s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . This regimen impl i e d not simply a removal from human elements, but an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the s p i r i t u a l . Menstrual blood, u r i n e , human sweat or sexual f l u -i d s were repugnant to s p i r i t s . The i n d i v i d u a l prayed and danced to exhaustion and, as mentioned, he would haunt g r a v e . s i t e s or other dan-gerous or mysterious places known to be frequented by s p i r i t s . Upon 2 0 5 v i s i o n a r y experience, often a traumatic experience f o r a m o r t a l , the i n i t i a t e became infused w i t h supernatural power and, i n t h i s s t a t e , was dangerous to others, j u s t as the supernatural being was dangerous to others. K w a k i u t l novices were secluded i n a s p e c i a l l y p u r i f i e d hut. Once the l i n k w i t h the s p i r i t being was e s t a b l i s h e d and c o n t r o l had been achieved the novice was able to r e t u r n to the realm of men and engage i n s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . E s t a b l i s h e d shamans, l i k e others, could marry and have c h i l d r e n . The supernatural was both source of order and d i s o r d e r . Powers, derived from the supernatural such as the power to hunt w e l l , to cure or to perform ceremonial d i s p l a y s helped the con-tinuance of order. But supernatural forces could a l s o cause death, famine and other misfortunes. By t h e i r alignment with the supernatural shamans might cause e i t h e r . Their p o t e n t i a l to cause harm could be reduced by emphasizing t h e i r dependence on the human order. The p u b l i c i n i t i a t i o n of shamans seem to have expressed the shaman's t i e s to the human, as opposed to h i s v i s i o n a r y i n i t i a t i o n which expressed t i e s to the s p i r i t u a l . Among the Nootka, the shaman's t i e s w i t h kinsmen and w i t h h i s lineage head were a f f i r m e d . F i r s t , d u r i ng the " f i x i n g " cere-mony, when he was most v u l n e r a b l e to a t t a c k from unscrupulous older shamans, he r e l i e d on k i n f o r securing a r e l i a b l e shaman ( i f there were no shamans who were k i n a v a i l a b l e ) and f o r paying f o r the ceremony. L a t e r , at the formal p u b l i c announcement to the community and world at l a r g e , he was u s u a l l y dependent on h i s lineage head f o r hosting the r e q u i s i t e f e a s t and making the announcement. The p u b l i c i n i t i a t i o n , 206 then, a f f i r m e d s e v e r a l of t h e ' p r i n c i p l e s governing Nootka s o c i e t y , i n -c l u d i n g k i n s h i p , rank and mutual r e c i p r o c i t y of payment and counter-payment i n the announcement and formal r e c o g n i t i o n of a status change. Agai n , the K w a k i u t l shaman's i n i t i a t i o n invoked a complex of r e c i p r o -c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . C o - i n i t i a t e s , shamans of the same community and those i n i t i a t e d by the same shaman-maker, d i r e c t e d the novice's i n i t i a -t i o n and r e t u r n to the community. Community members, were in v o l v e d i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of a s e c l u s i o n hut f o r the novice and, on the day of h i s r e t u r n , prepared the house he was to enter and themselves under-went p u r i f i c a t i o n . The f a t h e r of the novice was inv o l v e d by g i v i n g a f e a s t a f t e r the i n i t i a t i o n at which the shaman's name was announced. Among the Haida, the community and lineage was i n v o l v e d i n he l p i n g the novice to recover from h i s v i s i o n a r y trauma and i n hel p i n g to es-t a b l i s h the c o r r e c t i d e n t i t y of the s p i r i t . Among the T l i n g i t , l i n -eage members helped to summon the s p i r i t s of the.departed shaman so that they could enter the new, while members of the community at l a r g e were on hand to witness the event. I n each of these cases, i t seems reasonable to suggest that the p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p s which are af-firmed are those perceived to c o n t r i b u t e s i g n i f i c a n t l y to s o c i a l order. Among the Nootka, f o r example, where f l e x i b l e residence p a t t e r n s could to some extent counter the cohesive f o r c e of k i n s h i p t i e s , l o y a l t y be-tween c h i e f and f o l l o w e r s was an important e t h i c ; f o l l o w e r s "helped" t h e i r c h i e f who i n r e t u r n cared f o r t h e i r f o l l o w e r s . Among the K w a k i u t l , i n a d d i t i o n to t i e s of k i n s h i p and residence, the t i e s formed by mutual 207 i n i t i a t i o n by a p a r t i c u l a r s p i r i t , as among the secret s o c i e t i e s , were a powerful cohesive f o r c e . The shaman and the symbolic order: I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that themes of separation of the shaman from the human order of things seem to have been f a r more s i m i -l a r i n the v a r i o u s c u l t u r a l groups than themes of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . Themes of separation which included sexual abstinence, i s o l a t i o n and f a s t i n g recurred c o n s t a n t l y , whereas a c t i o n s . o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h the human f r e q u e n t l y emphasized p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n which d i f f e r e d i n each group. The shaman can be regarded as expressing, i n r e a l or symbolic terms, many of the group's conceptions of cosmic and human order. The process of i n i t i a t i o n and the stereotype of shamans as s u c c e s s f u l p l u s the c r e a t i v e and d e s t r u c t i v e powers a t t r i b u t e d to them confirmed group conceptions about the nature of the supernatural and of man's dependence on i t . The shaman achieved h i s p o s i t i o n and powers by m a n i f e s t l y put-t i n g i n t o p r a c t i s e the t h e o r i e s which p o s t u l a t e d the supernatural as source of a l l major s o c i a l , economic and ceremonial b e n e f i t s . P u b l i c i n i t i a t i o n a f f i r m e d many of the p r i n c i p l e s o r g a n i z i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -s h i p s , f o r example, k i n s h i p and residence a f f i l i a t i o n or the general p r i n c i p l e which r e q u i r e d that any changes of status should be witnessed and v a l i d a t e d by a p u b l i c announcement and d i s t r i b u t i o n of property. The more impressive c u r i n g ceremonies a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p a t i e n t s of high 208 rank tended to r e i n f o r c e a t t i t u d e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h rank. I n sho r t , shamans expressed group concerns and' group th e o r i e s about how things worked and how things should work. 209 N a t i v e Term APPENDIX GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS 1. ( A n g l i c i z e d ) Gloss D e s c r i p t i o n SALISH (J) s ?alya (D) s ? a l i a (J) swiam s u l i a swiam 'guardian s p i r i t ' or ' v i s i o n ' 'power 1 -the e n t i t y that be-stowed power on an i n d i v i d u a l ; the term a l s o r e f e r r e d to the v i s i o n experience. - s t r e n g t h or a b i l i t y i n a p h y s i c a l as w e l l as s p i r i t u a l sense; a l l creatures had swiam and i n a d d i t i o n might r e c e i v e i t from other creatures. (D) S i w i l s i w i l (J) sieves (J) s i a' 'wa (D) se'uwa seuwa 'prayer', ' s p e l l ' , 'magical utterance' ' p r i e s t ' , ' r i t u a l i s t ' 'fortune-t e l l e r ' - i n h e r i t e d r i t u a l know-ledge f o r which no t r a i n i n g was re q u i r e d although i t s e f f e c t i v e a p p l i c a t i o n r e q u i r e d r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n . U s e f u l f o r a great v a r i e t y of purposes. -a s p e c i a l i s t i n the knowledge and a p p l i -c a t i o n of s i w i l . D i f -f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s had t h e i r own c o l -l e c t i o n of s i w i l f o r s p e c i f i c purposes. - i n d i v i d u a l born w i t h the innate a b i l i t y to see i n t o the f u t u r e and to converse w i t h ghosts. 1. Versions used i n the t e x t have been a n g l i c i z e d . 2. The l e t t e r s i n brackets s i g n i f i t y the i n i t i a l . o f the author whose nota-t i o n I have used: these are, (B)=Boas, (D)=Duff, (Dr)=Drucker, (J)= Jenness, (K)=Krause, (M)=McIlwraith, (S)=Swanton. 210 Native Term . ( A n g l i c i z e d ) Gloss (J) sx"ne'?em sxwneem 'shaman1, (D) s x w s h m 'medicine-man' (J) xsw'sa'lkwl 'new s p i r i t dancer' (J) sc'dls\uam 'old s p i r i t dancer' (D) sie'm siem ' c h i e f NOOTKA (Dr) tcth a tceha 'beings' (D,r) tciyasam 'shrines' D e s c r i p t i o n - i n d i v i d u a l s who have acquired the power to cure a f t e r a lengthy p e r i o d of t r a i n i n g and a v i s i o n a r y en-counter w i t h the s p i r i t . -one who has newly received dancing power from a guaird'ian s p i r i t . -an experienced s p i r i t dancer who i s able to p r o j e c t power i n t o new dan-ce r s . -"Those who were most h i g h l y respec-ted, the high born and the great and good self-made l e a -ders" (Duff, 1952: 80). -a g e n e r a l i z e d term which r e f e r s to a category of crea-tures which may i n -c l u d e ' ^ ' a i " , a par-t i c u l a r race of sup-e r n a t u r a l beings, ghosts, and a l a r g e number of other races and i n d i v i d u a l s which possess supernatural power. - l o c a l i z e d areas used by r i t u a l i s t s , where they perform t h e i r r i t u a l tech-niques. 211 N a t i v e Term ( A n g l i c i z e d ) Gloss ' r i t u a l i s t 1 (Dr) lo^wona ' shaman' (Dr) haW (Dr) KWAKIUTL (B) na'walak-" hawil ' c h i e f ' nawalak superna-t u r a l b e i n g 1 D e s c r i p t i o n - i n d i v i d u a l s , usual-l y c h i e f s , who had i n h e r i t e d a. body of r i t u a l techniques f o r various purposes, f o r example, inducing dead whales to d r i f t ashore, or a t t r a c t i n g the salmon. - i n d i v i d u a l s who had acquired the power to cure a f t e r v i s i o n a r y experience and the establishment of con-t r o l over the s p i r i t i n a s p e c i a l ceremony. The term a l s o r e f e r r e d to a community i n i t i a -t i o n ceremony c a l l e d by Drucker, "Shaman's Dance", and by others, "Wolf R i t u a l " . -a formal t i t l e of address d e s i g n a t i n g lineage heads. -a d e s c r i p t i v e term r e f e r r i n g to those who have no rank pre-r o g a t i v e s . -the term i s most of-ten used as an adjec-t i v e to i n d i c a t e beings or objects en-dowed w i t h superna-t u r a l power. I t f r e -quently designates a q u a l i t y , much as West-erners use the word ' e l e c t r i c 1. 212 N a t i v e Term ( A n g l i c i z e d ) Gloss D e s c r i p t i o n (B) ba'xwEs 1 o r d i n a r y 1 , ^profane 1 -a term i n d i c a t i n g the opposite of na-walak. I t was used to r e f e r to the sum-mer season, to unin-i t i a t e d people, and so f o r t h . (B) dd'xlslEs seer (B) -pEx'ila paxala (B) pEx£ia paxala (B) l i ' x s a 1 i n i t i a t e d 1 1 shaman1 1 great s haman1 -an i n d i v i d u a l born w i t h the power to see i n t o the f u t u r e without having; to undergo v i s i o n a r y experience. -the term was used to r e f e r to those who had been i n i t i -ated as winter dan-c e r s , d u ring the winter dance sea-son. -the term a l s o d e s i g -nated i n d i v i d u a l s Boas c a l l s shamans, those who have a spe-c i a l name, song and power associated w i t h c u r i n g from a v i s i o n a r y encounter. -one who has acquired the a b i l i t y both to cure and to cause disease. (B) pa'xf.Er (B) xa'maga'me* <p'Vjame* ' r e a l shaman' ' head c h i e f the s p i r i t which came to him or her i n the v i s i o n a r y encounter. -senior member of a numaym, or l i n e a g e , d i s t i n g u i s h e d from others of high rank who are r e f e r r e d to as "lower c h i e f s " or "new c h i e f s " (Boas, 1966:51). 213 N a t i v e Term  BELLA. COOIA (M) CM) (M) (M) snaxom (M) numitl TSIMSHIAN (B) nexno'x (B) h a l a i ' t ( A n g l i c i z e d ) Gloss D e s c r i p t i o n i x l o k w a l a d j u t 1 s p i r i t power' - " a i d granted to the unfortunate": per-sonal power de r i v e d from a s p i r i t i n a moment of c r i s i s . alukwala 1 shaman1 -one who acquired po-wer, e i t h e r to cure or to perform a 'mir-aculous 1 performance and to mediate w i t h s p i r i t s , from a " l i v -i n g " s p i r i t . askankots 'shaman of -one who acquired po-the dead' wer, e s p e c i a l l y the power to communicate w i t h ghosts, from a ghost. -one who acquired pro-p h e t i c powers from Alquntam, the supreme s p i r i t being. ' c h i e f -a man who Haecgiven a f o u r t h p o t l a t c h and i s accorded a p o s i t i o n of eminence. nexnox superna-t u r a l 1 -the term i s used as a noun d e s i g n a t i n g anything mysterious. I t i m p l i e s the agent of supernatural energy and could r e f e r to an i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n h e r i t e d s p i r i t a s s o c i a t e . h a l a i t 1 shaman' -one who has acquired the power to cure af-te r a v i s i o n a r y s p i -r i t encounter. 214 N a t i v e Term ( A n g l i c i z e d ) swensk h a l a i t (D) naxnagam h a l a i t Gloss 1 shaman' D e s c r i p t i o n - l i t e r a l l y t r a n s l a -ted, the phrase means 'supernatural blow-i n g ' and r e f e r s to the shaman's a b i l i t y to cure by blowing. - l i t e r a l l y t r a n s l a -ted, the phrase means ' s p i r i t supernatural performance' and re-f e r s to the power of some c h i e f s to pro-j e c t power i n t o young people p r i o r to i n i t i a t i o n . (B) sEm'l'g-ld ' c h i e f * (B) sEmg-i^-a'd 'the r e a l people' -designates the head man of a l i n e a g e , who has the p r i v i l e g e of using c e r t a i n names and c r e s t s , and cer-t a i n l i m i t e d p o l i t i -c a l andvsocial r i g h t s and d u t i e s . -a d e s c r i p t i v e term a p p l i e d to lineage heads and those of the highest n o b i l i t y . HAIDA (S) sga'na sgana (S) s^.a/nawe superna-t u r a l being' superna-t u r a l power 1--a d e s c r i p t i v e term which could r e f e r to any number of creatures deemed to be supernatural, f o r example, k i l l e r whales. T e x t r a o r d i n a r y or extra-human a b i l i t y . 215 N a t i v e Term (S) sqa'ja ( A n g l i c i z e d ) sgaga Gloss 1 shaman1 ' c h i e f • 'town c h i e f ' D e s c r i p t i o n -one i n t i m a t e l y as-soc i a t e d w i t h super-n a t u r a l beings and possessed of super-n a t u r a l power. -seni o r member of lineage k i n l i v i n g i n one large house. -seni o r member or senior k i n group house. TLINGIT (K) jek (K) ,'chl* j e k ' s p i r i t 1 , ! ghost' 1 shaman' (K) amkau a - n i a t i -could r e f e r to a shaman's s p i r i t as-. s i s t a n t s besides other e n t i t i e s * -one who.has acquired c o n t r o l . o f e i g h t s p i r i t helpers and i n h e r i t e d a p o s i t i o n from a predecessor, and thereby has the power to cure s i c k -ness and detect sor-cery. - " c h i e f , gentleman, Mr.," (Krause, 1956: 240). 216 BIBLIOGRAPHY GENERAL REFERENCES BALIKCI, A. 1963 Shamanistic behaviour among the N e t s i l i k Eskimos. Southwestern  J o u r n a l of Anthropology 19:380-395. BARBEAU, R. 1958 Medicine-Men on the North P a c i f i c Coast. N a t i o n a l Museum of Canada B u l l e t i n No. 152.. Ottawa, Queen's P r i n t e r . BEATTIEj J . 1966 Other C u l t u r e s . London, Cohen and West. BENEDICT, R. 1923 The concept of the guardian s p i r i t i n North America. Amer-ic a n A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 29. BURRIDGE, K. 1969 New Heaven New Ea r t h . New York. CODERE, H. 1966 F i g h t i n g With Pr o p e r t y . Monograph of the American Ethno-l o g i c a l S ociety. S e a t t l e , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press. DOUGLAS, M. 1966 P u r i t y and Danger. New York, Praeger. DRUCKER, P. 1963 Indians of the Northwest Coast. Garden C i t y , New York, The N a t u r a l H i s t o r y P r e s s . (1955 ed. New York, American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y . ) 1965 Cultures of the North P a c i f i c Coast. San F r a n c i s c o , Chandler. ELIADE, M. 1964 Shamanism A r c h a i c Techniques of Ecstasy. Trans.. W i l l a r d R. Trask. Pantheon Books. New York, B o l l i n g e n . FIRTH, R. 1959 Problem and assumption i n an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l study of r e l i -gion. J o u r n a l of the Royal A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e 89 (2):129-148. !b963 Elements of S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n . Boston, Beacon Press . (l f951 ed. London, Watts.) 1969 I n t r o d u c t i o n , i n S p i r i t Mediumship and Soc i e t y i n A f r i c a , eds. J . B e a t t i e and J . Mi d d l e t o n . London, A f r i c a n P u b l i s h -i n g Corp. 217 FORD, C.S. 1968 Smoke From Their F i r e s . New ed. Archon Books. HANDELMAN, D. 1967 The development of a Washo shaman. Ethnology 6:444-464. LANE, B. 1953 A Comparative A n a l y t i c a l Study of some Aspects of Northwest Coast R e l i g i o n . (Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n ) , S e a t t l e , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s . LOWIE,.R. 1960 P r i m i t i v e R e l i g i o n . London, Peter Owen. (1924 ed. New York, Boni j3djg£<$$right.) McFEAT,. T.F. 1966 Indians of the North P a c i f i c Coastl; Toronto, McClelland and Stewart. MORRIS, H.S. 1967 Shamanism among the Oya Melanau. I n S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n , ed. M. Freedman. London, Frank Cass. NADEL, S.F. 1961 A study of shamanism i n the Nuba Mountains, In Reader i n  Comparative R e l i g i o n ; eds., W.A. Lessa and E.Z. Vogt. New York, Harper Row. NORBECK, E. 1961 R e l i g i o n i n P r i m i t i v e S o c i e t y . New York, Harper. RADIN, P. 1957 P r i m i t i v e R e l i g i o n . New York, Dover. (1937 ed. New York.) SUTTLES, W. 1958 P r i v a t e knowledge, m o r a l i t y and s o c i a l c l a s s e s among the Coast S a l i s h . American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 60:497-507. 1960 A f f i n a l t i e s , subsistence and p r e s t i g e among the Coast S a l i s h . American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 62:296-305. BIBLIOGRAPHY -- ETHNOGRAPHIC SOURCES BELLA COOLA McILWRAITH, T.F. 1948 The B e l l a Coola Indians. 2 v o l s . Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s . 218 HAIDA DRUCKER, P. 1963 Indians of the Northwest Coast. Garden C i t y , New York, The N a t u r a l H i s t o r y P r e s s . (1955 ed. New York, American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y ^ ) MURDOCK, G.P. 1934 . K i n s h i p and s o c i a l behaviour among the Haida. American  A n t h r o p o l o g i s t n.s. 36:355-385. 1934 Our P r i m i t i v e Contemporaries, pp. 221-263. New York, Mac-M i l l a n . 1936 Rank and P o t l a t c h Among the Haida. Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P u b l i -c a t i o n s i n Anthropology 13:1-20. New Haven, Yal e Univer-s i t y Press. SWANTON, J . 1905a C o n t r i b u t i o n s to the Ethnology of the Haida. American Mus-eum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y . Memoirs, v o l . 8, p t . 1, pp. 1-300. New York. 1905b Haida Texts and Myths. Bureau of American Ethnology B u l l e -t i n No. 29:1-448. Washington D.C, Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e . 1908 Haida Texts. American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y . Memoirs, v o l . 14, pp. 273-812. 1960 "Shamans and P r i e s t s " , I n Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, ed. F.W. Hodge, New York, Pageant Books. (1907-1910 ed. Bureau of American Ethnology y B u l l e t i n No. 30, 2 v o l s . Washington D.C., Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e . ) KWAKIUTL . BOAS, F. 1895 The Socia 1 Or g a n i z a t i o n and the Secret S o c i e t i e s of the  Kwa k i u t l Indians . U.S. N a t i o n a l Museum. Report f o r the year ending June 30, 1895, pp. 311-738. Washington D.C, Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e . 1930 The R e l i g i o n of the K w a k i u t l Indians . Columbia U n i v e r s i t y C o n t r i b u t i o n s to Anthropology, v o l . 10,- New York, Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press. 1966 K w a k i u t l Ethnography.! ed. Helen Codere. Chicago, Chicago U n i v e r s i t y Press. 219 DRUCKER, P. 1965 Cultures of the North P a c i f i c Coast, pp. 161-167. San F r a n c i s c o , Chandler. NOOTKA DRUCKER, P. 1951 The Northern and C e n t r a l Nootkan T r i b e s . Bureau of Ameri-can Ethnology B u l l e t i n No. 144. Washington D.C, Govern-ment P r i n t i n g O f f i c e . SAPIR, E. 1921 The l i f e of a NootkaTndian. Queen's Q u a r t e r l y 28:232-243, 351-367. SAPIR, E. and SWADESH,. M. 1939 Nootka Texts. P h i l a d e l p h i a . S p e c i a l Publicationsfcof the L i n g u i s t i c S o c i e t y of America. P h i l a d e l p h i a , U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania. 1955 Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography. P u b l i c a t i o n of the Indiana U n i v e r s i t y Research Centre i n Anthropology, F o l k -l o r e , and L i n g u i s t i c s , No. 1, Bloomington. SALISH BARNETT, H.G. 1955 The- Coast S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia. Eugene, U n i v e r s i t y of Oregon Press. DUFF, W. The Upper S t a l o Indians. Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia Memoir No. 1, B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum. JENNESS, D. 1955 The F a i t h of a Coast S a l i s h I n d i a n . Anthropology i n B r i -t i s h Columbia Memoir No. 3, B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum. SUTTLES, W. 1955 K a t z i e Ethnographic Notes. Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Colum-b i a Memoir 2, B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum. TLINGIT JONES, L.F. 1914 A Study of the T h l i n g e t s of Al a s k a . New York. 220. KNAPP, F. and CHILDE,. R.L. 1896 The. T h l i n k e t s of Southern A l a s k a . Chicago. KRAUSE, A. 1956 The T l i n g i t Indians. Trans. Erna Gunther. S e a t t l e , U n i -v e r s i t y of Washington Pre s s . (1885 ed. Jena;, H. Coste-noble.) LAGUNA, F. de 1954 T l i n g i t ideas about the i n d i v i d u a l . Southwestern J o u r n a l  of Anthropology 10:172-191. 1960 The Story of a T l i n g i t Community. Bureau of American Eth-nology B u l l e t i n No'; 172. Washington D.C, Government P r i n t -i n g O f f i c e . McCEELLAN, C. 1954 The i n t e r r e l a t i o n s of - s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e w i t h Northern T l i n -g i t ceremonialism. Southwestern J o u r n a l of Anthropology 10:75-96. OBERG, K. 1934 Crime and punishment i n T l i n g i t S o c i e t y . American Anth-r o p o l o g i s t n.s. 36:145-156. SWANTON, J . 1908 S o c i a l C o n d i t i o n s , B e l i e f s and L i n g u i s t i c R e l a t i o n of the T l i n g i t Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology Report No. 26, pp. 391-486. Washington D.C, Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e . TSIMSHIAN BOAS, F. 1916 Tsimshian Mythology. Bureau of American Ethnology. Anth-r o p o l o g i c a l Report No. 31, pp. 29-979. Washington D.C, Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e . GARFIELD, V. 1951 The Tsimshian Indians and t h e i r A r t s . P u b l i c a t i o n of the American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y , No. 18. 

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