UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Integration of physical planning and social planning : a case study of the Strathcona Urban Renewal Area,… Lai, Hermia Kwok-Yee 1970

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1970_A8 L35.pdf [ 8.66MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0104097.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0104097-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0104097-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0104097-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0104097-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0104097-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0104097-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0104097-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0104097.ris

Full Text

INTEGRATION OF PHYSICAL PLANNING AND SOCIAL PLANNING-: A CASE STUDY OF THE STRATHCONA URBAN RENEWAL AREA , VANCOUVER by HERMIA KVOK-YEE LAI B.A., University of Hong Kong, 1965; M.A., University of Alberta, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the School of Community and Regional Planning Ve accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1970. In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t he U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r ee t h a t t he L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r ag ree t h a p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rpo se s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . S c h o o l Ksq&a(ftBIJ£XK o f C o m m u n i t y a n d l i e p i i o n a l P l a n n i n g The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co l umb i a Vancouve r 8, Canada Date 24th Anri 1 . 1Q70. i ABSTRACT This thesis examines the current separation between the d i s c i p l i n e s of physical planning and s o c i a l planning with p a r t i c u l a r reference to the City of Vancouver. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , physical planning was dominated by the doctrine of environmental determinism while s o c i a l plan-ning was limited to the supply of s o c i a l services to the com-munity. Neither of them, as separate functions, was able to e f f e c t i v e l y eliminate s o c i a l and environmental problems i n the urban complex. The maladjustment between the physical plans and so c i a l desires i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n urban renewal programs where replacement of poor physical structures by decent housing f a i l s to, improve the s o c i a l conditions. One of the methods advocated i n North America for eliminating mismatches between physical planning and s o c i a l needs i s c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning. The primary pur-pose of t h i s thesis i s to test the relevance of c i t i z e n i n -volvement as a l i a i s o n between the two functions. The hypo-thesis for this research i s : That c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l a s s i s t i n the integration of physical planning and s o c i a l planning. Research findings reveal that "planning" i s a comprehensive process of decision-making on the a l l o c a t i o n and development of human and physical resources. Any physical plan which aims at improving the environment for the benefit of the public i s e s s e n t i a l l y " s o c i a l " i n nature. Planning i s therefore an apparatus for co-ordinating the indi v i d u a l physical-socio-economic functional programs of a community into an integrated overview of the t o t a l community. In f a c t , only one type of planning exists - a comprehensive approach aimed at achieving s o c i a l goals. I t i s an inter-systems method which involves the deliberate introduction of socio-economic and human-behavior consideration into the decision-making arena. Further research on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n appears to support the hypothesis that c i t i z e n involvement "will a s s i s t the desired integration of physical planning and s o c i a l values. Various forms of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n are i d e n t i f i e d , ranging from the passive non-participation role of education, information, consultation and placation to the aggressive effects of delegated power and c i t i z e n control. This gradation of p a r t i c i p a t o r y "strategies" i s represented by a typology -The Model of a Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n . Literature review also indicates that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n is i n f a c t a new kind of p o l i t i c s which involves the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of power to the have-not c i t i z e n s and the decentralization of government functions. The peak l e v e l of the c i t i z e n p a r t i -cipation model i s " c i t i z e n power", at which step, s o c i a l desires of the community are s i g n i f i c a n t l y represented and accounted for i n the planning process. The Case Study on the Strathcona Urban Renewal Porgram i n Vancouver provides affirmative indications i n favour of the hypothesis. Various "strategies" of c i t i z e n involvement, progressing from the low l e v e l of non-partici-pation and tokenism i n the early 1960s to the present stage of delegated power were practised by the Strathcona residents. The Case further substantiates the hypothesis that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a promising alternative to the t r a d i t i o n a l planning approach under the existing p o l i t i c a l system. A l -though the urban renewal program i n Strathcona i s s t i l l under process to-date, there i s some v a l i d a t i o n i n presuming that pa r t i c i p a t o r y democracy w i l l a s s i s t the integration of physical planning and s o c i a l values„ In retrospective, i t appears that two challenges are posed to the planning professionals: to increase t h e i r s o c i a l s e n s i t i v i t y and to broaden th e i r innovation r o l e . Future research into the methods of promoting meaningful c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and to p o l i t i c i z e the planning process are deemed necessary. - ' ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i v The author wishes to express her gratitude to Dr. Robert ¥. C o l l i e r , Assistant Professor of the Department of Community and Regional Planning of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia for his guidance and constructive c r i t i c i s m during the preparation of t h i s . t h e s i s . Thanks are also due to Mrs. Chris McNiven, Teaching Associate of the School of Social York of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia for her invaluable suggestions. Hearty appreciation i s extended to the following persons for t h e i r generous assistance: Mr. E l i o Azzara, United Community Services of Greater ' Vancouver; Mr. Lincoln Chang, Department of Planning, C i t y of Vancouver; Mrs. Bessie Lee, Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants Association; " Mr. Jonathan Lau, Neighbourhood Services Association of Vancouver; Mrs. Darlene Marzari, Department of Social Planning and Community Development, City of Vancouver; and Mr. P h i l i p ¥ong, Chinatown Property Owners Association. The author i s also grateful to the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation of Canada who awarded the Planning Fellowship during 1968-1970. Last but not least, acknowledgement i s expressed to Miss Helen Chan who so competently typed t h i s thesis. TABLE OF CONTENTS v Page A b s t r a c t i Acknowledgements i v T a b l e o f C o n t e n t s v L i s t o f T a b l e s v i i i F i g u r e v i i i Map v i i i CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 The P r o b l e m P u r p o s e o f t h e S t u d y H y p o t h e s i s M e t h o d o l o g y O r g a n i z a t i o n D e f i n i t i o n s and A b b r e v i a t i o n s I I INTEGRATION OF PHYSICAL PLANNING AND SOCIAL PLANNING - GENERAL BACKGROUND 15 H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e on P h y s i c a l P l a n n i n g and S o c i a l P l a n n i n g P h y s i c a l P l a n n i n g T r a d i t i o n a l C o n c e p t and A p p r o a c h P h y s i c a l D e t e r m i n i s m and U r b a n Renewal F a l l a c y o f T r a d i t i o n a l P h y s i c a l P l a n n i n g S o c i a l P l a n n i n g C o n v e n t i o n a l M e a n i n g and A p p r o a c h S o c i a l P l a n n i n g R e d e f i n e d O b j e c t i v e s and I s s u e s I n t e g r a t e d P l a n n i n g I n t e g r a t e d N a t u r e P l a n n i n g R e d e f i n e d - C o m p r e h e n s i v e n e s s D i f f i c u l t i e s o f P l a n n i n g I n t e g r a t i o n Methods o f I n t e g r a t i o n I I I C I T I Z E N PARTICIPATION AS A STRATEGY OF INTEGRATED PLANNING 4.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n J u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Forms o f C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n v i Page Strategies of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n as a Planning tool I. Level of Non-participation I I . Degrees of Tokenism I I I . Degrees of C i t i z e n Power Limitations of the Strategies Conclusions IV THE STRATHCONA URBAN RENEWAL PROGRAM - CASE BACKGROUND. » 63 Purpose of Case Study-Case Background A. Location and Boundary B. Physical Characteristics C. Social and Economic Characteristics Urban Renewal Programs Conclusions V THE STRATHCONA URBAN RENEWAL PROGRAM - CASE ANALYSIS 74 Introduction I. Level of Non-participation and Tokenism I n i t i a l Plan - The 1957 Redevelopment Study The Chinatown Property Owners Asso-c i a t i o n Level of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Redevelopment Project No. 1 Detailed Renewal Scheme The Ci t i z e n s ' Reaction Consequences of the Project and Level of P a r t i c i p a t i o n Redevelopment Project No. 2 The Redevelopment Plan C i t i z e n s ' Response and P a r t i c i p a t i o n Planning Implementation, Consequences and Level of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n I I . The Interim Stage of Technical Assistance -Urban Renewal Scheme III The Strathcona Area Council The City Social Planning and Community Development Department I I I . The Stage of Delegated Power - The Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants Association The F i r s t Phase The Second Phase Level of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n The Strathcona Urban Renewal Vorking Committee Page VI CONCLUSIONS 129 The Study Research Conclusions Suggestions for Future Research BIBLIOGRAPHI i .........' .... . .. 137 v i i i LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1 Subjects of Major Concern to S o c i a l Planning 33 2 Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n . 51 3 E x i s t i n g Land Use Data, Strathcona Urban Renewal Area. . . o ° . . . . 66 4 Selected Socio-economic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , Census Tract 50, Vancouver ...» 68 5 C i t y of Vancouver - Organization Chart of the Proposed Department of S o c i a l Planning and Development . 112 FIGURE Figure 1 Comparative Age D i s t r i b u t i o n - Shown as a Percentage of T o t a l P o pulation of the Strathcona Sub-Area. 70 MAP Map 1 C i t y of Vancouver, Urban Renewal Programs.....143 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Problem The f i e l d s of physical planning and s o c i a l plan-ning are currently i n a state of t r a n s i t i o n . For generations, the physical planners thought "blighted" environments created s o c i a l i l l s and that s o c i a l pathologies were "bred" i n the slums. 1 They advocated that by substituting a well-designed physical setting for a dilapidated environment, the incidences of s o c i a l crime would be a l l e v i a t e d . The s o c i a l planners, on the other hand, were con-cerned with the well-being of the individuals within the s o c i a l pattern of their community. They assumed that the solution to s o c i a l problems was to provide s o c i a l welfare 2 services for people who were s o c i a l l y handicapped. One sees only the chicken, the other only the egg. Both d i s c i -plines have oversimplified the causal relationship between the physical environment and human behavior. Neither of them, as independent professions have been able to e f f e c t i v e l y eliminate our urban problems which are i n t e r r e l a t e d i n nature. Melvin Webber observed this complex relationship between the physical environment and s o c i a l behavior as follows: ^Albert Ross, Regent Park, (University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1968), pp.34-41. 2 David R. Hunter, The Slums, Challenge and Response, (New York: The Free Press), p.250. 2 " A s t h e f i n d i n g s . . . i n t o t h e r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n s o c i o -a n d - p h y s i c a l a s p e c t s o f e n v i r o n m e n t s and s o c i a l b e -h a v i o r h a v e b e e n a c c u m u l a t i n g , t h e s i m p l e o n e - t o - o n e c a u s e - a n d - e f f e c t l i n k s t h a t once t i e d h o u s e t o b e h a v i o r a r e c o m i n g t o be s e e n as b u t s t r a n d s i n h i g h l y c o m p l e x webs t h a t , i n t u r n , a r e w o v e n b y t h e i n t r i c a t e . . . r e l a -t i o n s t h a t m a r k s o c i a l , p s y c h i c , e c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m s . The s i m p l e c l a r i t y o f t h e c i t y p l a n n i n g p r o -f e s s i o n ' s r o l e i s t h u s b e i n g dimmed b y t h e c l o u d s o f c o m p l e x i t y , d i v e r s i t y , a n d t h e r e s u l t i n g u n c e r t a i n t y . . . " ' The f a l l a c y a n d t h e r e s u l t i n g i n a d e q u a c y o f t r a d i -t i o n a l p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g a n d s o c i a l p l a n n i n g a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t i c e a b l e i n u r b a n r e n e w a l p r o g r a m s i n t h e p o s t S e c o n d ¥ o r l d War y e a r s , where t h e r e p l a c e m e n t o f s u b s t a n d a r d p h y s i c a l s t r u c t u r e s b y d e c e n t h o u s i n g f a i l s t o i m p r o v e t h e s o c i a l 4 c o n d i t i o n s . A l t h o u g h some u r b a n r e d e v e l o p m e n t p r o g r a m s a r e c a p a b l e o f s o l v i n g p r o b l e m s o f p h y s i c a l b l i g h t , t h e y h a v e c r e a t e d d e t r i m e n t a l s o c i a l c o n s e q u e n c e s . I n some p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s , f o r i n s t a n c e , t h e r a t e s o f c r i m e , j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u a n c y , v e n d a l i s m a n d t e n a n t damage i s as h i g h a n d s o m e t i m e s e v e n h i g h e r t h a n i n 5 t h a t o f t h e s l u m a r e a s . The d e m o l i t i o n o f p h y s i c a l n e i g h -b o u r h o o d s a l s o t e n d s t o d e s t r o y t h e s e c u r i t y and f a m i l i a r i t y 6 o f t h e s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t o f i t s r e s i d e n t s . I t h a s b e e n i l l u s t r a t e d t h a t v e r y l i t t l e c o n s i d e r a t i o n h a s b e e n g i v e n t o t h e s o c i a l e l e m e n t s o f t h e c o m m u n i t y , a n d a n i n a d e q u a t e a t t e m p t h a s b e e n made t o r e n e w t h e s o c i a l f a b r i c o f t h e M e l v i n W e b b e r , " C o m p r e h e n s i v e P l a n n i n g and S o c i a l R e s p o n -s i b i l i t y " , i n J o u r n a l o f t h e A . I . P . , V o l . X X I X 1 9 6 3 , p . 2 3 3 . See, f o r e x a m p l e , R o s e , o p . c i t . Thomas F . J o h n s o n , James R. M o r r i s a n d J o s e p h G . B u t t s , R e v i e w i n g A m e r i c a n ' s C i t i e s , ( W a s h i n g D . C ; The I n s t i -t u t e f o r S o c i a l S c i e n c e R e s e a r c h , 1 9 6 2 ) , p . 2 3 . J a n e J a c o b s , The D e a t h a n d L i f e o f G r e a t A m e r i c a n C i t i e s , (New Y o r k ; V i n t a g e B o o k s a n d Random H o u s e , I n c . , 1 9 6 1 ) p . 2 8 5 . people affected. Consequently, a great gulf i s found between the planners' design and physical pattern, and the s o c i a l needs and values of the people. Martin Anderson claimed that urban renewal has incurred great s o c i a l costs, but has 7 accomplished l i t t l e i n physical terms. In view of the f a i l u r e of urban renewal programs to r e c t i f y both environmental and s o c i a l b l i g h t , planners and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s begin to recognise that the urban community i s i n fact an extremely complex p h y s i c a l - s o c i a l system. Physical obsolescence i s a profound manifestation of the integral socio-economic problem of poverty, poor health, broken families etc. The solution to such problems therefore c a l l s for a restructured and broadened systems approach to planning - i . e . an integrated approach of physical planning and s o c i a l planning. • /' . This urgent need and d i r e c t i o n of collaboration can be i d e n t i f i e d by the U.S. government's recent involvement i n a number of hard-core s o c i a l problems including poverty, r a c i a l discrimination, chronic unemployment and mental health. In 1966, the federal government made the integration of s o c i a l and physical considerations i n operation i n urban renewal by g setting up the Demonstration C i t i e s Program. Later r e t i t l e d Model C i t i e s , the program makes provision for about seventy Martin Anderson, The Federal Bulldozer, (New York; McGraw-Hill, 1967), pp. 228-230. ~ 8 Robert J . Gans, People and Plans, (New York; Basic Books, Inc., 1968), p.68. American c i t i e s to r e b u i l d and r e h a b i l i t a t e the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of t h e i r major slum neighbourhoods. There has a l s o been an i n c r e a s e d a p p r e c i a t i o n of the f a c t t h a t human resource i s s u e s should be t r e a t e d i n a co - o r d i n a t e d manner. Purpose of t h i s Study Y h i l e there i s an imminent need to extend and co-ord i n a t e the scopes of both p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g and s o c i a l p l a n n i n g , very l i t t l e agreement has been achieved at t h i s time as to what the process i n v o l v e s and how i n t e g r a t i o n can be achieved. The term " s o c i a l p l a n n i n g " and the i s s u e of " i n t e g r a t i o n " i s s t i l l i n i t s i n f a n c y , and a r e l a t i v e l y l i m i t e d amount of l i t e r a t u r e has d e a l t w i t h these f i e l d s . Although the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners has r e c e n t l y made a f a r - r e a c h i n g attempt to promote d i s c u s s i o n s and d i a -9 logue i n t h i s area, no comprehensive or systematic study has been accomplished to-date. A s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f i c u l t y i n j o i n i n g the two d i s -c i p l i n e s concerned seems to l i e i n the d i s p a r a t e goals and value assumptions which the two kinds of planners seek to promote. Very o f t e n , the problem i s f u r t h e r compounded by the l a c k of an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e framework to f a c i l i t a t e the d e s i r e d i n t e g r a t i o n . Another o b s t a c l e i s the d i f f e r e n c e s i n language and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n which impede communication -See, f o r example, J o u r n a l of the American I n s t i t u t e of  Planne r s , V o l . XXXV, J u l y , 1969. between the two professions under dis c u s s i o n s . 1 ^ The purpose of t h i s study i s to examine the r e l a -tionship between physical planning and s o c i a l planning with p a r t i c u l a r reference to the City of Vancouver. It i s intended to i d e n t i f y the goals, rationales, scope and approaches of the two d i s c i p l i n e s concerned. An attempt i s also made to evaluate these two planning functions with p a r t i c u l a r re-ference to urban renewal, and to demonstrate the need for a restructured integrated approach to eff e c t i v e planning. One of the method s which has gained considerable consensus i n recent years for bridging physical planning and s o c i a l planning i s c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the decision-making p r o c e s s . 1 1 Such consensus i s based on the b e l i e f that planning i s e s s e n t i a l l y a part of the democratic p o l i -t i c a l process, whereby decisions are made i n choosing a l t e r n -ative approaches to the a l l o c a t i o n of resources, and the 12 balance, among competing int e r e s t s . Advocacy planning i s claimed as a means to perfect the democratic heritage. This issue i s founded on the following postulates: Michael Wheeler, Integration of Physical Planning and Social Planning, Canadian Welfare Council, Report No.l, Ottawa, 1967, p . l . See, for instance, "Reflection on Advocacy Planning," i n the Journal of the American Ins- t i t u t e of Planners, Vol. XXXIV, March 1968, pp.80-88. •^See, for instance, L i s a R. Peattie, "Reflection on Ad-vocacy Planning," i n the Journal of the American Ins- t i t u t e of Planners. Vol. XXXIV, March 1968, pp. 80-88. 12 Edmund M. Burke, " C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Strategies", i n the J.A.I.P., Vol. XXXIV, September 1968, pp.287-294. That i n a democratic society, the highest goal to be pursued i s to maximise the individual's opportunities. Every normal ind i v i d u a l and group i s e l i g i b l e to determine what contributes most to t h e i r own welfare. The planning process should thus be structured i n such a way as to allow a l l inte r e s t groups to present t h e i r values and plans 13 for t h e i r community. Planning should be conducted not only for the people, but with the people. That due to the complex nature of the urban community i n which diverse ethnic, socio-economic and r e l i g i o u s groups are concentrated, the planning process should involve an equally complex system which w i l l somehow r e f l e c t the de-14 sires and values of these various groups. Accordingly, c i t i z e n s should take an active part i n sharing the de c i -sions a f f e c t i n g t h e i r destinies. Advocacy planning there-fore rejects both the notion of a single "best" solution and the notion of a general welfare which such a solution might serve. Planning then becomes " p l u r a l i s t i c " and 15 'partisan" - i n fa c t , overtly p o l i t i c a l . That the need for c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y pressing i n the low-income areas, where opinions of th e i r residents are very often under represented i n the planning process. In many instances, these minority groups do 1 3 P a u l Davidoff, "The Role of the City Planner i n Social Planning", i n Proceedings of the American Institute of  Planners Annual Conference, 1964, p.131. 14 Bernard J . Frieden and Robert Morris, Urban Planning  and Social Policy , (Basic Books, Inc., New York, 1968), p. 177. 15 L i s a R. Peattie, op. c i t . , p.81. not have knowledge of what i s going on and of the govern-ment plans which d i r e c t l y a f f e c t them. Accordingly, i t i s necessary for these under-privileged or "have-not" ci t i z e n s to c a l l upon the assistance of a planner to make the i r case and to advocate t h e i r views. I t i s also assumed that the poor actually have the capacity for action and s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n , but have been denied the means by im-17 perfections i n the s i t u a t i o n m which they l i v e . Hence, the role of the advocate planner i s to promote meaningful c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and to broaden t h e i r p o l i t i c a l i n -volvement. Based on the above notions, advocacy planning has rapidl y evolved as a common and praised practice i n many American urban p r o j e c t s . 1 ^ I t i s used i n various forms rang-ing from re-educating individuals to that of p o l i t i c a l action and reorganization of s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t has also been claimed that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n can devise r e a l i s t i c and better plans, pave the way for the i n i t i a t i o n of the poor and powerless into the main stream of American l i f e , achieve support and sanction for an organization's objectives, and 19 end the d r i f t toward al i e n a t i o n i n c i t i e s . Examples of active c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n are Chicago's "Back of the Xards Movement" and the s o c i a l animation of Le Cohseil des oeuvres 17 Bernard J . Frieden and Robert Morris, op.cit., p.179. 18 William I. Goodman and E r i c C. Freund, Pr i n c i p l e s and  Practice of Urban Planning, (Washington, D.C: Intern-ational C i t y Managers' Association, 1968), p.309. 19 Edmund M. Burke, op. c i t . , p.288. 8 de M o n t r e a l . ^ I t t h e r e f o r e appears t h a t c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s an e f f e c t i v e measure t o f i l l t h e c r u c i a l need f o r human-i z i n g p u b l i c a c t i o n s and f o r r e c o n c i l i n g v a r i o u s c o n f l i c t s between t h e b u r o c r a t i c p r o f e s s i o n a l s and t h e c i t i z e n s a t l a r g e . I t i s t h e purpose o f t h i s t h e s i s t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h e v a l i d i t y o f t h e above s t a t e m e n t . C o n f o r m i n g t o the p o s t u l a t e s l i s t e d above , t h i s p r e s e n t s t u d y a t t e m p t s t o examine t h e r e l e v a n c e of c i t i z e n i n v o l v e m e n t as a common d e n o m i n a t o r on w h i c h p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g and s o c i a l p l a n n i n g can be i n t e -g r a t e d . The m a i n theme o f t h i s r e s e a r c h i s t h u s : Can t h e mechanism o f c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n be implemented as an e f f e c t i v e l i a i s o n between t h e p l a n n i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l s and t h e c i t i z e n s a t l a r g e ? H y p o t h e s i s . I n o r d e r t o f a c i l i t a t e a p r o b l e m s o l v i n g a p p r o a c h i n t h i s s t u d y , a h y p o t h e s i s i s o p e r a t i o n a l i s e d as f o l l o w s : " T h a t c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l a s s i s t t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g and s o c i a l p l a n n i n g . " I t i s t h e o b j e c t i v e o f t h i s t h e s i s t o p r o v i d e e v i d e n c e t o v e r i f y t h e a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f t h i s h y p o t h e s i s t o 20 P e t e r H . R o s s i and R o b e r t A . D e n t l e r , The P o l i t i c s o f  U r b a n R e n e w a l , (New Y o r k : The F r e e P r e s s o f G l e n c o e , 1961); and M i c h e l B l o n d i n , S o c i a l A n i m a l , Community Funds and C o u n c i l s o f Canada , Geneva P a r k , O n t a r i o , D e c . 1967, u n p u b l i s h e d p a p e r . 9 urban renewal programs. This hypothesis, i f substantiated, would highlight the inadequacies of the t r a d i t i o n a l planning approach and i t s weaknesses for integrating s o c i a l desires and the physical plan. It would also demonstrate the need for a r a d i c a l change i n the planning decision-making process, advocating the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n and innovation role of the city-planning profession. Methodology The nature of this study does not lend i t s e l f to a s t a t i s t i c a l analysis because the variables concerned are r e l a t i v e l y intangible. The effectiveness of c i t i z e n p a r t i -cipation i n the planning process can not be measured mean-i n g f u l l y i n numerical terms, neither can the extent of integration of physical planning and s o c i a l planning be evaluated mathematically. The d i f f i c u l t y of deriving a s c i e n t i f i c method for testing the hypothesis i s further compounded by the fact that t h i s approach to c i t i z e n p a r t i -cipation i s introduced to the planning process only i n recent years. Many urban renewal projects and c i t i z e n involvement programs are s t i l l underway, and the limited experience i n both the United States and Canada does not provide compre-hensive conclusions. Despite these l i m i t a t i o n s , however, i t i s possible to substantiate the hypothesis by conducting an extensive review and evaluation on the various forms, functions and 10 corresponding consequences of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n strategy. By inference, i t i s possible to point out the inadequacies of the existing disintegrated planning approach, thus establishing the effectiveness of advocacy planning. The most desirable research method for this study i s there-fore the descriptive-deductive approach. A case study i s also adopted to demonstrate the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of this hypothesis to the urban renewal pro-grams of the City of Vancouver. Urban renewal programs i n Vancouver was started with the i n i t i a t i o n of the 1957 Rede-21 velopment Study. Actual implementation of the renewal programs proceeded from 1961, and to-date, Redevelopment 22 Project Nos. 1 and 2 have been l a r g e l y completed. The major action of these programs involved extensive clearance and redevelopment of housing i n the Strathcona area of the City (refer to Map 1 for location i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ) . In opposition to the urban renewal process, various c i t i z e n groups have been established i n the Strathcona neigh-bourhood, pr a c t i s i n g c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n various forms i n the past twelve years. I t i s possible to trace the evo-l u t i o n of these l o c a l community groups, and to evaluate th e i r e f f o r t s i n involving themselves and voicing t h e i r desires i n the planning process. I t i s believed that the degree and effectiveness of th e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n can be i d e n t i f i e d i n 21 Vancouver Planning Department, Vancouver Redevelopment  Study, Dec. 1957. 22 Vancouver, Technical Planning Board, C i t y of Vancouver  Redevelopment Project No.l, Nov., 1959; and Project No.2, July 1963. 11 terras of the community s p i r i t promoted and the united actions enforced. By r e l a t i n g these various forms and ex-tent of c i t i z e n involvement to the corresponding consequences, and by applying subjective value judgements, some insights may be gained into the effectiveness of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n integrating physical planning and s o c i a l planning. The major source material for tracing the develop-23 ment of these c i t i z e n groups are the l o c a l newspaper , min-utes of these formal and informal organization (e.g. the Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants Association), and various b r i e f s of these groups presented to governmental agencies. Since the United Community Services of Vancouver was also involved i n the welfare development of the area, some of th e i r records have provided relevant material. In addition, invaluable information i s gained through personal interviews with the residents of the neighbourhood who took active part or/and are taking active part i n these c i t i z e n organizations. Additional detailed insight and personal f e e l i n g for the case was obtained from d i r e c t personal contact. Organization This thesis w i l l proceed with the fundamental assumption that the t r a d i t i o n a l approach of physical planning and s o c i a l planning i s not an e f f i c i e n t way to r e c t i f y both environmental and s o c i a l b l i g h t . 23 The l o c a l Chinese newspaper are: The Chinese Voice, The Chinese Republic and The Chinese Times. Since the author of this thesis i s e s s e n t i a l l y b i l i n g u a l , these newspaper information have been accurately interpreted. 12 Based on this above postulate, the study w i l l begin by i d e n t i f y i n g the approach and f a l l a c y of the two d i s c i p l i n e s concerned, as revealed i n the North American urban renewal programs. Literature research w i l l be con-ducted to the various forms and t h e i r corresponding conse-quences of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n strategy i n the planning decision-making process. Chapter IV w i l l provide background information for the proceeding case study, while Chapter V i s presentation of the case - C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Strathcona Urban Renewal Area. The case study i s employed to demonstrate the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the stated hypothesis to the Vancouver urban renewal experience. The f i n a l step w i l l be a review of the thesis and a re-evaluation of the hypothesis i n the l i g h t of the findings. Definitions I t i s necessary to define some of the terms f r e -quently used i n this thesis at the outset. They are: Urban Renewal i s used to define any action, public, private or a combination of both by which the fabr i c of an urban community i s renewed, repaired or protected from b l i g h t . The three possible types of action involved are-- Redevelopment: which i s a program of acqu i s i t i o n and clearance of blighted areas and the rebuilding of these areas for appropriate uses; 13 - Rehabilitation: which i s the act of renovation and up-grading of a blighted area; and - Conservation: which i s the protection of a community from b l i g h t by the enforcement of le g a l by-laws and other appropriate action. Physical Planning - The t r a d i t i o n a l approach to physical planning i s primarily concerned wit h the a l l o c a t i o n of land resources and the improvement of the physical environment. It i s the technique of ordering the use of land and the character, and s i t i n g of buildings and 1 • community routes, so as to secure the maximum p r a c t i c -able degree of economy, convenience, e f f i c i e n c y and beauty. Por further d e t a i l s , refer to.Chapter I I . Social Planning - Social planning conventionally meant s o c i a l welfare planning which emphasised the provision of s o c i a l services to the minority group. In t h i s thesis, i t also entails the inter-system of planning, which introduces socioeconomic and human-behaviour consider-ations into the making of decisions by a l l government and private agencies i n the community. Abbreviations The abbreviations for some frequently used terms i n th i s thesis are as follows: C.B.C. - Chinese Benevolent Association 14 C - M t H - C - - Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation M.L.A. - Member of the Leg i s l a t i v e Assembly S.P.O.T.A. - Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants Association •u..«c•s*• ~ United Community Services of Greater Vancouver CHAPTER II INTEGRATION OF PHYSICAL PLANNING- AND SOCIAL PLANNING -GENERAL BACKGROUND Introduction This chapter provides a general background on the respective goals, practices and f a l l a c i e s of physical planning and s o c i a l planning. Through l i t e r a t u r e research, i t i s intended to demonstrate a broader and more extended meaning of the planning function, and to i d e n t i f y the need for a restructured integrated approach to urban planning. i H i s t o r i c a l Perspective on Physical Planning and Social Planning I t i s desirable to review at the out set the development of physical planning and s o c i a l planning i n i t s h i s t o r i c a l perspective. Physical planning and s o c i a l planning actually grew from common roots i n the protest of segments of the middle class over the emerging problems of the i n d u s t r i a l c i t y at the turn of the twentieth century. 1 Among the reform groups of re l i g i o u s leaders, lawyers, architects and others who worked together on housing and environmental problems, some became founders of c i t y planning and early leaders i n s o c i a l welfare programs. They shared a common b e l i e f that r a t i o n a l solutions could be found for what they regarded as •''Robert Perlman, "Social Welfare Planning and Physical Planning", Journal of A.I.P., XXXII 1966, p.237. 16 2 inhuman manifestations of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbanization. Prom this common root of c i v i c reform movements, two specialized f i e l d s emerged i n the preceeding decades. D i s t i n c t interests and approaches were emphasised: the s o c i a l planners concentrated on personal services while the physical planners emphasised the aesthetic aspects, of their environment. Vhat resulted to-day i s therefore two highly specialized functions which were o r i g i n a l l y a l l i e d at the beginning of this century. These two functions have been t r a d i t i o n a l l y distinguished as two d i s c i p l i n e s : physical planning and s o c i a l planning. Physical Planning Trad i t i o n a l Concept and Approach According to Keeble, physical planning i s the art and science of ordering the use of land and the character, and s i t i n g of buildings and communication routes, so as to secure the maximum practicable degree of economy, convenience, 3 e f f i c i e n c y and beauty. Chapin also stated that land use planning i s a means for "systematically a n t i c i p a t i n g and achieving adjustment i n the physical environment of a c i t y , consistent with s o c i a l and economic trends and sound p r i n -4 cipals of c i v i c design." Hence, physical planners are 2I_bid, p.238. 3 Lewis Keeble, P r i n c i p l e s of Town Planning, London, 1961, pp.1-2. 4 / Stuart Chapin, Urban Land Use Planning, (University of I l l i n o i s , 1965), p.3. 17 primarily concerned with the a l l o c a t i o n of the resource of land and the improvement of the physical environment. The fundamental rationale for physical planning i s developed from the special nature of land, the attributes of which include: highly d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and specialized q u a l i t i e s , limited quantity ( i n an operational sense), and fixed location- Therefore, the p a r t i c u l a r u t i l i t y of any piece of land for a given a c t i v i t y can not be transferred, and i t s highest and optimum use i n a s o c i a l sense becomes 5 a basic objective of publxc p o l i c y . , i The t r a d i t i o n a l approach to physical planning has been strongly t e r r i t o r i a l l y oriented, the c i t y being 6 viewed as a large design project. The planning process usually begins with s p e c i f i c areas (e.g. project s i t e s ) , and proceeds to determine t h e i r best uses. Based on loca-t i o n a l factors, land use patterns and space needs of various kinds,'the physical planners deduce how these areas should be used, what service f a c i l i t i e s they would need, how d i f -ferent a c t i v i t i e s should be di s t r i b u t e d within the area, and what measure should be taken to bring the area up to _ For further d e t a i l s regarding the nature of physical planning, see Corwin R. Mocine, "Urban Physical Planning and the New Planning", Journal of A.I.P., XXXII 1966, pp. 235-236. ^V.I. Goodman and E.C. Freud, Princ i p l e s and Practice  of Urban Planning, (Washington, 1968), p.328. 18 acceptable environmental standards. With regards to area-vide f a c i l i t i e s (e.g. transportation systems), planning decisions have very often been based on general sets of 7 ra t i o s or standards, with l i t t l e reference to the s p e c i f i c needs of various s o c i a l groups. The e s s e n t i a l l y land-oriented planning approach tends to be a sub-conscious acceptance of the doctrine of environmental determinism which has been deeply embedded i n the planning profession. I t was widely believed that the physical environment was a major determinant of s o c i a l be-haviour and a d i r e c t contributor to peoples' welfare. Fav-oured by the a r c h i t e c t u r a l and engineering ideologists, t h i s doctrine was further supported by the over-simplified i n t e r -pretation of the findings of the urban ecologists who seemed to correlate s o c i a l pathology with the physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the l i v i n g area. I t was thus asserted that an ideal c i t y could be created by the provision of an i d e a l physical en-vironment. Physical Determinism and Urban Renewal In the early post Second World War years, this same p r i n c i p l e was applied to urban renewal, assuming that only i f the c i t y ' s slums could be replaced by a decent physical environment, then the inherent s o c i a l problems _ Many planning standards are found i n The Community  Builders Handbook, Urban Land I n s t i t u t e , Community Builders' Council, (Washington 1968). For example, 10 townhouses per net acre i s the optimum density for housing development. 19 would be dissolved. This approach i s t y p i f i e d by the following statement made by the Canadian Committee on Reconstruction i n 1949: "....Figures from many reports... showed the connection between bad housing and the breakdown of decent s o c i a l standards i n a community....Many surveys indicated.... that the slum makes the slum dwellers, not the slum dwellers the slum, and therefore with the elimination of the slum, one tends to get the elimination of lower s o c i a l standards."8 A number of the early urban renewal, projects i n Canada were based primarily on the b e l i e f stated above. In Toronto, for instance, the worst pocket of slum i n Regent Park - "The Ward" was t o t a l l y cleared and replaced by public housing. The results of this project did appear to j u s t i f y some of the optimism. I t was contended that contagious d i s -eases were less frequent among the rehoused families than they had been, and the rate of juvenile delinquency decreased 9 by f i f t y per cent for the area. However, none of these findings was based on a s t a t i s t i c a l sample, and the popu-l a t i o n surveyed i n public housing might not be those o r i g i n a l l y l i v i n g i n the renewal area. Such findings on the effects of new housing on s o c i a l conditions therefore appeared i n v a l i d . Wilner and Walkley, et a l j also directed a similar research on the relationship between housing and family l i f e g Canada Advisory Committee on Reconstruction, IX, Housing  and Community Planning, Ottawa, 1949, pp.4-5. ^A. Rose, Regent Park, (University of Toronto Press, 1968), p. 156. 20 i n Baltimore. Their study involved a t o t a l of six hundred families, over a period of three years. At the f i r s t series of interviews, a l l families were l i v i n g i n poor housing con-d i t i o n s . Then, half of the population moved to public hous-ing i n the same area, and the progress of both groups was examined i n a series of ten further interviews. I t was found that there was less i l l n e s s among the rehoused group, p a r t i c u l a r l y the younger population."'""'' With regards to s o c i a l and psychological adjustment, the rehoused group had an increased positive attitude towards both housing and neighbourhood, with a consequences of i n -creased attention to housing upkeep, greater in t e r a c t i o n with neighbours and increased family a c t i v i t i e s . Although these results appeared to j u s t i f y re-housing, further considerations revealed that the implications were not as simple. Since the interviewed families were rehoused i n the same geographical area, the s o c i a l improve-ment were more l i k e l y . In addition, less s i g n i f i c a n t findings would resu l t i f the study was directed to the families which were rehoused away from t h e i r o r i g i n a l home. Even negative effects might be evident among the families with t i e s to the 12 community, p a r t i c u l a r l y the old-aged people. Hence, a l -"^Wilner, Walkley, Pinkerton and Tayback, Housing En- vironment and Family L i f e , Baltimore, 1962. i : L I b i d . , p. 241. 12 Marc Fried, "Grieving for a Lost Home", i n Leonard J . Duhl, The Urban Condition, New York, 1963, pp.151-171. 21 though there has often been a close correlation between slums and high indices of s o c i a l problems, no d e f i n i t e 13 cause-to-effect r e l a t i o n has yet been proved to-date. Fall a c y of Traditional Physical Planning By 1960, the inadequacies of the t r a d i t i o n a l physical approach to planning became well recognized. The greatest argument against the physical emphasis i s the fact that urban renewal has not been able to solve the housing problem of the poor: i t i s found that i n most cases, only t h r e e - f i f t h s of the low-cost houses that existed i n an urban 14 renewal area were b u i l t through the redevelopment process. In New York State i n 1964, for instance, of the 61,777 re-s i d e n t i a l units constructed within a l l the urban renewal s i t e s , only 8.5 per cent were of the low-cost or public 15 housing vari e t y . In addition, Greer pointed out that urban renewal actually "squeezed out" the poorest from the renewal 16 area, and produced a net d e f i c i t i n low-cost housing. 13 Fisher, Twenty Years of Public Housing, New York, 1965, p.65. Rober , Mass: Harvard University Press, 1965), p.69. 16 14 / Robert C. Weaver, Dilemmas of Urban American, (Cambridge, 15T . . Loc. cxt Scott Greer, Urban Renewal and American C i t i e s , The  Dilemma of Democratic Intervention,(New York:The Bobbs M e r r i l l Company,Inc.,1965), p.151. 22 The f a i l u r e i n proper relocation i s another area 17 of attack on urban renewal. Relocation experiences i n -dicated that the majority of the residents were s o c i a l l y and psychologically not prepared to move at times of d i s -placement. Due to the shortage of housing, relocation very often resulted i n further over-crowding of low-income dwell-ings. Relocation has thus been a most disruptive and d i s -turbing experience to the poor. Other serious problems were also aggregated i n the public housing areas. Jane Jacobs commented that the eff e c t of these "projects" was to reassemble and regroup the displaced slum dwellers i n a concentrated v e r t i c a l fashion. Accordingly, residency i n such housing automatic-a l l y brands the occupants with the stigma of welfare as-sistance which was not welcomed by the rest of society. In recent years, the notion of environmental determinism has been more seriously challenged. Questions were raised by Issac, for instance, regarding the basis of 18 the neighbourhood unit. He pointed out that i t favoured r a c i a l segregation. Bauer also argued that master planning, zoning and subdivision regulations contributed to class and 17 See, for example, Chester Hartman, "The Housing of Re-located Families", i n Journal of A.I.P., XXX 1964, pp.266-286. 18 Issac Reginald, "The Neighbourhood Theory: An Analysis of i t s Inadequacy", Journal of A.I.P., XIV 1948, pp.15-23, 23 19 r a c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of the new suburbs. Levis Mumford repeatedly warned against planning operations which ignored 20 functional and aesthetic aspects of community l i f e , while Herbert Gans emphasised the sentimental relationship which flourishes i n slum areas, and believed that much damage would result i n planning which does not account for the 21 s o c i a l elements of neighbourhood and community l i f e . One major shortcoming of the t r a d i t i o n a l approach to planning i s i t s over emphasis on the quantitative problem (e.g. how much park area i s needed and the establishment of standard of the amount of parkland required per person), and i t s neglect of the performance of the system (e.g. Are 22 the peoples' need for recreation being s a t i s f i e d ? ) . The planners' professional certainty about how people should l i v e and how the c i t y should grow prevents them from recog-ni z i n g diversed values, alternative ends and the consequence of t h e i r recommendations. In addition, t h e i r concentration on physical objects and an ideal future state produces a 23 " s t a t i c " end product. Their b e l i e f i n environmental 19 Catherine Bauer, "Social Questions i n Housing and Com-munity Planning," Journal of Social Issues, VII 1951, pp.1-34. 20 Lewis Mumford, The City i n History, New York, 1961. . 21 Herbert J . Gans, "Planning and Social L i f e " , Journal  of A.I.P., XXVII 1961, pp.134-184. 22 Goodman and Freund, Ibid., p.320. 3 Herbert J . Gans, People and Plans, New York, 1968, p.62. 24 determinism l i m i t s t h e i r analysis to the determination of the land use implications of t h e i r demographic and economic . . . 24 projections. With these l i m i t a t i o n s and defects, physical planning i n i t s t r a d i t i o n a l sense has been inadequate to solve our problems i n the s o c i a l f a b r i c . The profession lacks an intimate connection with the d i v e r s i t y of human wants expressed i n the r e a l i t y of urban l i f e . I t appears that other measures, including systems of s o c i a l support, and concern for promoting community relations and economic opportunities for the people are also required. I t i s the recognition of these problems that the physical planners begin to accept the role of s o c i a l planners i n c i t y planning. Social Planning Conventional Meaning and Approach Social Planning i s s t i l l i n i t s infancy. I t i s primarily concerned with the welfare of the indi v i d u a l within the s o c i a l pattern of his community. Human beings, from the. so c i a l planners' viewpoint, are "p o t e n t i a l l y valuable capital", Social planning i s thus needed to di r e c t the development of these resources. ^ I b i d . , p.63. 25 Leo F. Schnore and Henry Fagin, Urban Research and Poli c y  Planning, Vol. 1, (Beverly H i l l s , 1967), p.336. 25 Conventionally, s o c i a l planning -was confined to s o c i a l welfare planning which emphasised the provision of s o c i a l services to the minority group. This function was developed from the programs of the charity organization societies which included councils of s o c i a l agencies i n 2 6 helping those i n need. The type of services involved was l i m i t e d to remedial measures u n t i l the early 1950s, when i t was r e a l i z e d that "extension to preventive services" 27 was necessary. To-day, the majority of services provided 28 are s t i l l confined to health and welfare services. .i In addition, the scope of the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l welfare system i s r e l a t i v e l y l imited. The system, which i s i n d a i l y communication with the needs of individuals has been mainly concerned with pathological conditions and has been out of touch with circumstances on which the more 29 successful majority thrives. I t has been effected by only one segment of p o l i t i c a l influence, that of middle class, professionals and voluntary leadership which has often pro-duced champions of the community good i n opposition to the 2 6 E.A. Ferguson, Social Work, (New York, 1963), pp.61-67. P7 ~—~ B. B u e l l , Community Planning for Human Services, (New York, 1952), p.5. ". 28 Ferguson, op. c i t . , p.561. 29 B nard J . Frieden and Robert Morris, Urban Planning  and Social Policy, (Basic Books, Inc., N.Y., 1968),p.4. 26 30 pressue of the special i n t e r e s t s . In the United States, the network i s made up of over 100,000 independent agencies which are very loosely coordinated by numerous councils. Social Planning Redefined A deeper insight into the scope of s o c i a l planning reveals that planning for s o c i a l services i s only one aspect of the t o t a l realm. Social planning i s actually the e f f o r t to plan for a whole society. I t recognizes the interdependence of 31 a c t i v i t i e s and the shared consequences of program actions. Herbert J . Gans suggests that s o c i a l planning i s actually "human renewal" and that there are two kinds of s o c i a l 32 planning: s o c i e t a l planning and s o c i a l programming. The former i s concerned with the evaluation of s o c i a l goals and the development of programs i n broad outline to achieve the goals chosen; while the l a t t e r can be defined as the develop-ment of detailed s o c i a l programs for goals adopted by s o c i e t a l planning. Another aspect of s o c i a l planning i s enunciated by George Grier who argued that s o c i a l planning i s e s s e n t i a l l y 30T ., Loc. c i t . 31 John ¥. Dyckman, "Social Planning, Social Planners and Planned Societies", Journal of A.I.P., XXXII, 1966,p.67. 32 Herbert J . Gans, Memorandum Prepared for the President of Planning Board, Commonwealth of Puerto Rio, March 1958. 27 33 not s o c i a l welfare planning. Grier believes that although planning to meet the s o c i a l welfare needs of people i s v i t a l , some of these needs may themselves be produced by the very reaction of people to t h e i r present physical environment. Hence, the ultimate solution to s o c i a l problems i s not by " p a l l i a t i v e measures", but by "seeking to f i n d and eliminate 34 the present mismatch between men and the environment". In sum, s o c i a l planning can be distinguished into 35 three operational meanings, and three levels of action: 1. At the s o c i e t a l planning l e v e l , s o c i a l planning means i the selection and evaluation of s o c i a l goals of society, and the setting of targets for t h e i r achievement. I t involves the development of a framework for planning the a l l o c a t i o n of resources of society, towards the goals which the members of the society themselves want. In other words, so c i a l planners are responsible for determining how existing resources can be used to maximise which choice for what people, and which choice and people have higher p r i o r i t y . To do t h i s , the planner has to rank the various goals, assess the cost of achieving them and judge the f e a s i b i l i t y of such programs, 33 George Grier, "Social Planning Defined - Roles of Social S c i e n t i s t s i n Renewal", Journal of Housing, March 1963, pp.93-94. "^Grier, op. c i t . , p.93. 35 For further d e t a i l s , see Dyckman, op.cit., pp.66-75 28 2. Social planning can also mean s p e c i f i c a l l y " s o c i a l  -programming" a r i s i n g from the broad s o c i a l goals of the community. The t r a d i t i o n a l welfare a c t i v i t i e s of public and private agencies f a l l under th i s category. The major task of such s o c i a l planners i s to co-ordinate the planning and action programs of a l l the "caretaker • ., 36 agencies". Social programming also includes the provision of i n -formation to the societal-planning function on non-economic, non-physical programs relevant to the goals with which s o c i e t a l planning i s concerned. Social programming therefore serves as a resource o f f i c e to s o c i e t a l planning, working out s p e c i f i c goal-program, cost-and-consequence relationships, and developing a system of s o c i a l data which gives the decision-makers a continual overview of s o c i a l trends i n the community. 3. Social planning, i n a closely related mearing, i s that inter-system method of planning, which introduces socio-economic and human-behavior considerations into the making of decisions by a l l governmental and private agencies i n the community. I t i s the application of s o c i a l values and action c r i t e r i a to the assessment of programs undertaken i n pursuing the economic and p o l i t i c a l goals. Hence, i t can be viewed as the "testing 3 6 I b i d . , p.68. 29 o f c o n s e q u e n c e s " - i n t e r m s o f i n t e r - g r o u p o r i n t e r -p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s o f a l l p r o g r a m s , r a n g i n g f r o m b r o a d economic d e v e l o p m e n t p r o j e c t s t o s p e c i f i c u r b a n r e n e w a l a c t i o n s . T h i s d e f i n i t i o n c o i n s i d e s w i t h G r i e r ' s i d e a s on b r i d g i n g t h e g u l f between p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t and 37 s o c i a l b e h a v i o r . O b j e c t i v e s and I s s u e s I n a b r o a d s e n s e , t h e b a s i c o b j e c t i v e o f s o c i a l p l a n n i n g i s t o promote t h e g e n e r a l w e l f a r e o f s o c i e t y i n c o n t r a s t t o t h e i n t e r e s t o f s m a l l g r o u p s . S o c i a l p l a n n i n g w i t h t h i s p u r p o s e i s a means o f r e d i s t r i b u t i n g r e s o u r c e s t h r o u g h t h e o p e r a t i o n o f t h e p r i v a t e m a r k e t . The U n i t e d S t a t e s ' e f f o r t on r e d u c i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n r e c e n t y e a r s t h u s a p p e a r s t o be a d v a n c i n g t o w a r d s t h i s , . . . 38 d i r e c t i o n . H o w e v e r , t h e r e a r e i n f a c t o n l y v e r y few i n o u r s o c i e t y t h a t a r e w i l l i n g t o s h a r e t h e i r w e a l t h w i t h t h o s e who a r e m a t e r i a l l y i m p o v e r i s h e d , and t h e r e has been c o n s t a n t c r i t i c i z m on t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s g o v e r n m e n t ' s commitment as 39 b e i n g n o m i n a l . F a t h e r J o h n Page p o i n t e d out t h a t p l a n n e r s a r e a c t u a l l y c o n f r o n t e d by the p r o b l e m o f " s p i r i t u a l p o v e r t y — 37 R e f e r t o d i s c u s s i o n a b o v e . 38 Goodman and G r e u n d , o p . c i t . , p.295. 39 L c . c i t . 30 40 the absence of concern for one's brother." Despite the d i f f e r e n t attitudes of people towards society, there are some s p e c i f i c objectives which are commonly agreed i n many of our metropolitan areas. P e r l o f f l i s t e d these aims and believed that such items can serve as a firm 41 basis for broad scale s o c i a l planning. These ob.i ectives are: - To maximise the proportion of families i n the region who are self-supporting, and thus reduce dependency. - To increase the l i f e - t i m e earning power of individuals -e.g. by cutting down our mortality rate, and by providing useful work for the handicapped and the aged etc. - To provide at least minimum support - i n monetary, con-sumption and/or psychological terms - for those who can not provide i t for themselves. - To make the human services as effe c t i v e and as economical as possible. - To enlarge the scope for ind i v i d u a l and small group deci -sion and action. This objective i s derived from the philosophy of democratic organism - the b e l i e f that 40 Paul Davidoff, "The Role of the City Planner i n Social Planning," Proceedings of the A.I.P. Annual Conference, 1964, pp. 125-131. 41 Harvey S. P e r l o f f , "Social Planning i n the Metropolis", i n Duhl, op. c i t . , pp. 325-341. 31 individuals and l o c a l groups are i n the most capable pos i t i o n to determine what contribute most to t h e i r own 42 welfare. This function i s also c a l l e d "equalitarian . ,. „ 43 j u s t i c e . The major issues or areas of concern of s o c i a l planning can be itemized as: households, regional economy, s o c i a l structure, physical l o c a t i o n a l patterns, p o l i c i e s (government programs), voluntary agencies, and related p r i -vate services (refer to the table following). The r e l a t i o n -ship between these variables are indicated i n the table. Instead of dealing with narrowly conceived problems of health and welfare, a broader view which includes aspects of economic, s o c i a l , physical, p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l concerns i s required. I t i s suggested that the "households" should be treated as the central focus and key testing ground for s o c i a l service a c t i v i t i e s , because the main concern of s o c i a l e f f o r t s i s the long-term welfare of the i n d i v i d u a l and the 44 family. In addition, considerations should be given to the inter-relationships of the various issues since "house-holds" are closely related measures of the regional economy, Goodman and Freund, op. c i t . , p. 319. 43T .. Loc. c i t . 44 P e r l o f f , op. c i t . , p. 297. 32 the condition of the s o c i a l structure and the physical relationship i s the problem of developing appropriate t r a i n ing for s k i l l e d -workers for anticipated industries. This problem requires interconnections among at least three categories suggested i n the table: households, s o c i a l struc ture and p h y s i c a l - l o c a t i o n a l patterns. environment (refer to Table l ) . 45 An example of such in t e r 45 Idem., of A.I.P New Direction i n Social Planning", Journal \, 1965, pp. 297-304. TABLE 1 33 SUBJECT OF MAJOR CONCERN TO SOCIAL PLANNING SUBJECTS OF MAJOR CONCERN TO SOCIAL PLANNING R E C J O N A L E C O N O M Y Manpower Job opportunities Skill requirements V O L U N T A R Y AGENCIES Levels, costs, and effects of social services - H O U S E H O L D S -PHYSICAL L O C A T I O N A L PATTERNS . Housing and renewal Neighborhood conditions and requirements I POLICIES—PROGRAMS G O V E R N M E N T Levels, costs, and effects of social services Resources available Requirements for social policy SOCIAL S T R U C T U R E Metropolitan ecology Social groups Neighborhoods R E L A T E D P R I V A T E ACTIVITIES Services covered Source: Harvey S. P e r l o f f , "New Directions i n Social Planning", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. Vol.XXXI (November 1965) T p.300. / 34 Integrated Planning  Integrated Nature From the above discussion on the rationale and approaches of physical planning and s o c i a l planning, i t i s evident that the two d i s c i p l i n e s are i n f a c t c l o s e l y re-lated to each other, both dealing with the same c l i e n t e l e . A further thought on t h i s l i n e indicates that a l l types of public planning are actually s o c i a l planning. Physical planning which seeks to improve the environment for the benefit of the whole society i s therefore e s s e n t i a l l y " s o c i a l " i n nature. Herbert Gans also suggested that since a l l planning a c t i v i t i e s a f f e c t people, they are inevitably s o c i a l , and the dichotomy between physical and s o c i a l plan-46 ning is meaningless. A plan for the physical development of a community can be viewed as an expression of i t s s o c i a l and economic objectives.. Physical planning i s actually one of the means of achieving s o c i a l and human goals. Melvin Webber well i l l u s t r a t e d t h i s integrated nature of physical planning and s o c i a l planning as follows: "...we are coming to comprehend the c i t y as an extremely complex s o c i a l system, only one aspect of which are expressed as physical buildings or as l o c a t i o n a l arrange-ments ....Each aspect l i e s i n a reciprocal causal r e l a t i o n  to a l l others such that each i s defined by, and has meaning only with respect to i t s relations to a l l others. Herbert Gans, People and Plans, (New lork, 1968), p.245. 35 We can no longer speak of the physical c i t y versus the s o c i a l city....We can no longer dissociate a physical building...from the s o c i a l meanings that, i t carries for i t s users and viewers from the s o c i a l and economic functions of the a c t i v i t i e s that are conducted within i t . If distinguishable at a l l , the d i s t i n c t i o n i s that of constituent components.... Planning for the locati o n a l and physical aspects of our c i t i e s must therefore be conducted i n concert with planning for a l l programs that governmental and non-governmental agencies conduct."47 In setting forth the above propositions, Webber provided a common base for a l l planners to co-ordinate t h e i r planning e f f o r t s and to function i n concert with each other, be they physical planners or s o c i a l planners. This rappro-chement of planning professions i s an i n d i c a t i o n of the search for comprehensiveness i n dealing with urban problems as both physical planners and s o c i a l planners are currently widening t h e i r perspectives and extending t h e i r working boundaries to the other. * Planning Redefined - Comprehensiveness It i s discernible to redefine "planning" at t h i s point as a comprehensive process of decision-making on the a l l o c a t i o n and development of human and physical resources. I t i s an apparatus for bringing together the individual functional programs of a community into a co-ordinated over-48 view of the t o t a l community. As the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s 47 Melvin Webber, "Comprehensive Planning and Social Responsibility", i n Journal of the A.I.P.. XXIX 1963,p.233, 48 Harvey S. P e r l o f f , "Common Goals and the l i n k i n g of Physical and Social Planning" i n Bernard J . F r i e d i n and Robert Morris, op. c i t . , pp. 346-376. 36 advocate: only one type of planning exists - a comprehensive approach which agrees upon the optimum common goals of the community, and then establishes the most e f f i c i e n t method 49 of achieving them. Accordingly, a l l planning functions (physical, s o c i a l , economic etc.) should not be treated as separate d i s c i p l i n e s , but are in t e r - r e l a t e d approaches that function as "constituent components" of the comprehensive planning process aimed at achieving s o c i a l goals. Planning i s therefore a synthesis of various program functions: physical, s o c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l . ' Kenneth Snaggs also analysed three major elements 50 i n comprehensive planning for a community as follows: The economic element i s responsible for formulating and a r t i c u l a t i n g a policy for economic development based on complete knowledge of existing conditions, future p o t e n t i a l -i t i e s and projected needs; the s o c i a l element i s primarily concerned with i d e n t i f y i n g the s o c i o l o g i c a l ingredients of the development process and the s o c i a l effects of development, with a view to maximizing the s o c i a l benefits and minimizing the s o c i a l costs and i l l - e f f e c t s ; the physical element functions to translate p o l i c y decisions into goals expressed i n physical 49 Gans, op. c i t . , p.245-246. 50 Kenneth Bertram Snaggs, Integration of Physical with  Social Planning and Economic Planning, M.A. thesis i n Planning, U.B.C, 1966, p.84. 37 terms, evolve a p o l i c y for physical development and produce a plan of the physical environment i n accordance v i t h that polic y . Based on the above discussions, the meaning of "comprehensive planning" i n i t s true sense becomes very close to Dyckman's interpretation of s o c i a l planning - the inter-system planning approach vhich involves the deliberate introduction of socio-economic and human-behavior considera-51 tions into the p o l i t i c a l decision-making process. This view emphasises the web of interdependence of community a c t i v i t i e s and the shared consequences of program actions. Thus, an integrated systems approach to planning can be achieved only when so c i a l values and action c r i t e r i a are applied to the assessment of community development programs established to accomplish p o l i t i c a l or s o c i e t a l goals. The end r e s u l t of such collaborated planning i s the elimination of mismatches between s o c i a l needs expressed i n human behavior and the physical environment found i n the planned community. D i f f i c u l t i e s of Planning Integration Although there i s an increased recognition of the v i t a l importance of comprehensive planning, very l i t t l e experience has been gained to-date. Refer to previous discussions on Social Planning Redefined. 38 A number of so c i a l s c i e n t i s t s pointed out that the most important obstacle which hinders planning c o l l a -52 boration i s the lack of integrating objectives or goals. The existing goals or concepts of various "departmentalized planning functions" ( p a r t i c u l a r l y physical planning and s o c i a l planning functions) are too narrowly conceived to 53 serve as a framework for j o i n t planning. Since the plan-ning functions become e s s e n t i a l l y method-oriented, the planners eventually l o s t sight of the goals which t h e i r methods are designated to achieve, and the problems which 54 they are to solve. There are some other p r a c t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s which exist between the s o c i a l planners and physical planners, P a r t i c u l a r l y prominant i s the differences i n time horizons 55 and geographical horizons. The former professionals tend to focus t h e i r attention on r e l a t i v e l y short-term programs, characterised by items covered t y p i c a l l y i n an annual opera-t i n g budget, while the l a t t e r professionals are involved i n a longer time horizon (e.g. long range planning). The s o c i a l planners are t r a d i t i o n a l l y concerned with in d i v i d u a l neigh-bourhoods, whereas the physical planners tend to care for larger areas i As P e r l o f f suggested, the present remedies 52 See, for example, Gan , op. c i t . , pp.231-248. 53 Harvey P e r l o f f , op. c i t . . p. 347. 54 Gans, op. c i t . 55 H rvey P e r l o f f , op. c i t . 39 are a deepening and broadening of viewpoints on both sides, so that coherent programs can be established to relate neighbourhood considerations and metropolitan-wide issues 56 to the common set of goals and strategies. Methods of Integration To accomplish the desired planning integration, two measures or approaches appear promising: integration by the approach of central comprehensive planning, and i n -tegration by c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning. The former approach involves a conceptual change on the nature and scope of planning and a thorough conviction of i t s comprehensive function. The essence of t h i s com-prehensive function has already been discussed i n a previous section. I t also requires i n t e r - d i s c i p l i n a r y e f f o r t s , whereby a large number of complementary methods are used i n a c o l l a -borated manner. Each d i s c i p l i n e i n i t s "specialised ex-pert i s e " w i l l f i n d i t s role as a participant i n an integrating and synthesizing process, i n which no one type of planning has the complete or f i n a l answer. Another promising t o o l to accomplish planning integration i s the approach of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the decision-making process. I t appears that c i t i z e n involvement i s an eff e c t i v e channel of action through which s o c i a l values 561 7" Loc. c i t . 40 can be incorporated into environmental development programs aimed at achieving s o c i e t a l goals. Since the major concern of t h i s thesis i s to examine the mechanism of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as an effe c t i v e l i a i s o n between the planning professionals and the c i t i z e n s at large, the next chapter i s devoted to a more detailed evaluation on th i s issue. CHAPTER III  CITIZEN PARTICIPATION AS A STRATEGY OF  INTEGRATED PLANNING Introduction "If ve are to plan i n t e l l i g e n t l y and economically, i f ve are to avoid the delaying action so often ex-perienced from both lay and administrative bodies, the c i t i z e n s of the community v i l l have to become  an active and integral part of the planning process."! As elucidated i n Chapter I I , i t i s perversive to separate physical planning and s o c i a l planning into tvo d i s -t i n c t i v e d i s c i p l i n e s . Nor i s i t j u s t i f i e d to dissociate physical planning and s o c i a l planning from the t o t a l realm i • of comprehensive planning. "Planning" i s i n fact an i n t e -grated comprehensive function to d i r e c t the orderly physical-socio-economic development of communities. The fact that a vide gap exists betveen profess-ionals vho are charged v i t h the technical r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of planning and the c i t i z e n s vho must l i v e v i t h the plan and pay for i t through taxation has become increasingly evident. Many community leaders have recognized the danger inherent i n t h i s trend and have advocated the necessity of active 2 c i t i z e n involvement i n the planning decision-making process. In early 1960, delegates to the "White House Conference i n Washington D.C. sp e c i f i e d that planning for people must be ^J.R. Hoag, "Putting the ' I 1 into Involvement", Community  Planning Review, F a l l 1968, p.26. 2 See, for example, K.E. Beasley, "Using C i t i z e n Advisory Groups", Public Management, Nov., I960. 42 3 replaced by planning -with people. It i s believed that through the process of c i t i z e n involvement, more sati s f a c t o r y integration between s o c i a l values and physical planning can be achieved. This chapter attempts to examine the v a l i d i t y of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a strategy of integrated planning. An investigation i s given to the j u s t i f i c a t i o n and current forms of practice of participatory democracy, followed by an evaluation of i t s function to integrate s o c i e t a l goals and the physical plan i n the process of comprehensive, planning. I J u s t i f i c a t i o n for C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Many arguments have been put forward to j u s t i f y c i t i z e n involvement i n the planning process. One utopian opinion stated that grassroots p a r t i -4 cipation s a t i s f i e s the requisites of the American Democracy. A more p r a c t i c a l modification of t h i s idea has been a r t i c u -lated by John Bodine, who believed that i t i s the grassroot p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a small number of the less prominent members of a community that i n e f f e c t i n i t i a t e s a l l changes.'' The _ J.R. Hoag, op. c i t . 4 J . Bullush, M. Hansknecht, Urban Renewal, People, P o l i t i c s  and Planning, (New York 1967), p.284. 5 J . Bodine, "The Indispensible One-hundredth of a Percent" i n Taming Megolopolis, edited by H.V. Eldredge, (New York, 1967), pp.956-970. 43 hard work of such groups brings new and innovative ideas up to the p o i n t where they gain enough r e s p e c t i b i l i t y that the power e l i t e w i l l consider sponsoring and u l t i m a t e l y c a r r y i n g them out.^ There i s a l s o a growing a p p r e c i a t i o n that i n a democratic s o c i e t y , planning does not provide a b s o l u t e l y r i g h t or wrong a l t e r n a t i v e s . R. Dahl suggested that i n a c t u a l i t y , a community has no absolute consensus on the rank order or d e s i r e d magnitude of community s e r v i c e s or 7 f u n c t i o n , or of the means of f i n a n c i n g them. C u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y i s an i n t r i n s i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s o c i e t y and g any p l a n i s the embodiment of p a r t i c u l a r group i n t e r e s t s . Thus, planning p l u r a l i s m becomes a s o c i e t a l goal to be pur-sued d e l i b e r a t e l y . As one of i t s paramount f u n c t i o n s , then, planning i n a democratic world i s a process by which the community seeks to increase the i n d i v i d u a l s 1 o p p o r t u n i t i e s to choose f o r himself - i . e . to increase the number of 9 options that are a v a i l a b l e to i n d i v i d u a l persons. Any c i t i z e n group which has i n t e r e s t s at stake i n the planning process should have those i n t e r e s t s a r t i c u l a t e d . " ^ L o c . c i t . v R.A. Dahl, e t . a l ; S o c i a l Science and Community A c t i o n , (Michigan, I960), p.5. g L i s a R. P e a t t i e , " R e f l e c t i o n s on Advocacy Planning", Jour n a l of A.I.P., March, 1968, pp.80-88. 9 I b i d . , pp. 19-20. 10 T ' Loc. c i t . 44 A n o t h e r argument e x p o u n d i n g t h e v i r t u e s o f c i t i z e n i n v o l v e m e n t i s t h a t by a l l o w i n g p e o p l e t o p a r t i c i p a t e w h i c h i s v e r y o f t e n i n t h e form o f c o m p l a i n t s , t h e p l a n n e r s a re p r o v i d i n g an escape v a l u e f o r what o t h e r w i s e m i g h t become dangerous p e n t up e m o t i o n s . The c o m p l a i n t s t h e n become an i n v a l u a b l e s o u r c e o f i n f o r m a t i o n f e e d b a c k t o g u i d e f u r t h e r d e c i s i o n s , w h i l e a t the same t i m e s e r v e as a mechanism t o a v o i d what C . ¥ . M i l l s t e rmed "mass s o c i e t y " i n w h i c h p e o p l e become e x t r e m e l y f r u s t r a t e d about t h e one-way c o m m u n i c a t i o n s y s t e m . 1 1 V a r i o u s o u t b u r s t s o f t h e A m e r i c a n Negro r i o t s m i g h t have been a v e r t e d had t h e p e o p l e been g i v e n s u f f i c i e n t and e f f e c t i v e upward c h a n n e l s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n . A s i m i l a r p r o p o s i t i o n f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s ba sed on t h e r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t a l l p l a n n i n g p r o p o s a l s , r e g a r d l e s s o f how e x c e l l e n t t h e y a re f rom the p l a n n e r s ' v i e w -p o i n t , must be g e n u i n e l y a c c e p t e d by t h e community i n o r d e r 12 t o b e , i m p l e m e n t e d s u c c e s s f u l l y . A l t h o u g h l e g i s l a t i o n , f o r c e o r m a n i p u l a t i o n may r e s u l t i n t h e o v e r t p u b l i c a c c e p t -ance o f a p l a n n i n g p r o p o s a l , p e o p l e ' s p e r s o n a l a c c e p t a n c e w i l l n o t be s i n c e r e because t h e most e f f e c t i v e changes come "''"''R.A. D a h l , e t . a l . , S o c i a l S c i e n c e and Community A c t i o n , ( M i c h i g a n I960). 12 D o n a l d ¥ . P . Ba r c ham, Community D e v e l o p m e n t : An I n t e g r a l  Techn ique i n the P r o c e s s of Community P l a n n i n g , M . A . t h e s i s , U . B . C . , 1965; p .7. 45 f r o m s e l f - m o t i v a t i o n . To t h e c o n t r a r y , c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n t h r o u g h o u t t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s - w i l l e n s u r e t h a t t h e f i n a l p l a n w i l l be a c c e p t e d b y a t r u e m a j o r i t y o f t h e c o m m u n i t y 13 w h i c h i s a f f e c t e d b y t h a t p l a n . A more p o s i t i v e j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r c i t i z e n i n v o l v e -ment i n p l a n n i n g i s t h e n e e d f o r i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t p u b l i c p r e f e r e n c e s a n d b e h a v i o r t o e n s u r e t h a t t h e p l a n n e r s ' r e -c o m m e n d a t i o n s a r e c o n s o n a n t w i t h s o c i e t a l g o a l s a n d v a l u e s . I n o t h e r w o r d s , c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o v i d e s t h e m e c h a n i s m f o r a r t i c u l a t i n g s o c i a l d e s i r e s and t h e p h y s i c a l p l a n s . A s P e a t t i e p o i n t e d o u t , t h i s t y p e o f " p l a n n i n g " - p l a n n i n g i n i t i a t i v e on t h e p a r t o f i n d i v i d u a l g r o u p s a n d c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h i n u r b a n a r e a s - h a s b e e n made n e c e s s a r y b y t h e i n c r e a s i n g b u r e a u c r a t i z a t i o n a n d t e c h n i c a l b a s i s o f d e c i s i o n s i n c u r r e n t 14 s o c i e t y . I n d e e d , t h e s e t o f management i n s t i t u t i o n s w i t h i t s b u r e a u c r a t i c a u t h o r i t y a n d r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n t h e c o n -t e m p o r a r y A m e r i c a n w o r l d h a s become i m p e r s o n a l a n d a l i e n 15 t o human f e e l i n g s . A d v o c a c y p l a n n i n g i s p a r t i c u l a r l y n e e d e d i n a r e a s o f l o w - i n c o m e f a m i l i e s where t h e r e s i d e n t s t e n d t o be d i s a d v a n t a g e d i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l f r a m e -w o r k . I t i s t h u s n e c e s s a r y t o make p r o v i s i o n s f o r them t o e x p r e s s t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . P a r t i c i p a t o r y d e m o c r a c y i s t h e r e f o r e ^ L o c . C i t . P e a t t i e , o p . c i t • 15T L o c . c i t . 46 a l i a i s o n between the administration and the administered - the planners and the c i t i z e n s . Forms of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Organized Groups The practice of meaningful c i t i z e n involvement i n planning to-day requires the existence of an intermediate agent between the i n d i v i d u a l and the decision-making group. This function i s primarily f i l l e d by voluntary but formal or secondary groups which are f a i r l y broadly based and f u n c t i o n a l l y oriented. As stated by M.S. Olmsted, most i • people participated not as whole personalities but only i n delimited and special capacities; the group i s not an end i t s e l f but a means to other ends."^ Examples of such groups are l o c a l Parents' and Teachers' Associations, neighbourhood rate-payers' associations or c i t y wide voluntary housing councils. These c i t i z e n groups may operate on various scales covering d i f f e r e n t issues and sizes of areas i n the community. Their area of concern may range from the l o c a l neighbourhood to the l o c a l d i s t r i c t , the municipality, the metropolitan region and even the national state. 'M.S. Olmsted, The Small Group, (New Tork, 1959), p.19. 47 Group Membership and Leadership According to ¥. B e l l , a number of variables can be related to active group membership and leadership i n , . 17 planning. B e l l found that i n general, males participate more than females, and older persons (over 40) more than younger ones. There i s also a d e f i n i t e correlation between higher socio-economic status and more active roles i n com-munity a c t i v i t i e s and leadership. This phenomenon has l i k e -wise been indicated by Firmalino, who, i n his case study of the C i t y of New Westminster, proved the significance of 18 involvement i n community a f f a i r s . He found i n interviews with persons on welfare, that they belonged to fewer clubs, exhibited e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t opinions on f a u l t s i n the area, and had less knowledge of what recent c i t y projects had been undertaken than did the persons of average or above status. Another s i g n i f i c a n t determinant of one's involve-ment with his community i s whether the in d i v i d u a l i s well integrated and i d e n t i f i e d with his own area. The importance of t h i s variable can be seen as an underlying course of much of the above-stated factors. A. Boskoff asserted that per-sons who are s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r present community are 19 those who take an active part i n community actions. These 17W. B e l l , R.J. H i l l and CR. Wright, Public Leadership, edited by Leon Broon, (San Francisco, I960). 18 T.C Firmalino, C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Selected Planning Programs, M.A. thesis, U.B.C, 1968, p.6. 19 / A. Boskoff, The Sociology of Urban Regions,(New York, 1962). 48 people actually conceive of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s as being ef f e c t i v e i n bringing about the desired changes. Thus, they are more w i l l i n g to s a c r i f i c e other a c t i v i t i e s for community groups. This factor has also been summarized by 20 Eulon and Scheider as two degrees of "relatedness" : the degree to which an i n d i v i d u a l has i n t e r n a l i s e d his role as a c i t i z e n , and the degree to which he sees his p o l i t i c a l role as making a difference i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . This l a t t e r argument also helps to explain the low l e v e l of p a r t i c i p a t i o n among the low-income groups. In most instances, they are i n d i f f e r e n t either because of the lack of an organized a r t i c u l a t i n g core, or because they do not perceive t h e i r own power. The consequence i s that such groups tend to loose t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n the community and become alienated which i n turn reduces the l i k e l i h o o d of t h e i r involvement even more. One's own view of himself i s another important determinant for p a r t i c i p a t i o n because i t is necessary that one perceives of t h i s action as b e n e f i c i a l to himself. Re-search conducted by G. Lenski i n Detroit suggested that people who had a poorly c r y s t a l l i z e d conceptions of t h e i r status were very much below the "successful" men i n t h e i r 21 l e v e l of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 20 ¥. B e l l , op. c i t . 21 G.E. Lenski, "Social P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Status Crys-t a l l i z a t i o n " , American Sociological Review, Vol.21, 1956, pp.458-464. 49 Strategies of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n as a Planning Tool Although c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n has become an i n -creasingly popular practice among planners and p o l i t i c i a n s , there has been controversial opinions over i t s meaning and proper functions. To c e r t a i n groups, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a source of energy to a c t i v e l y carry out programs already 22 decided upon. To others, i t i s an educational tool for changing attitudes. In some instances, i t i s an implement -which aids the planning decision-making process by providing a more d e f i n i t e and precise picture of public opinions. Most recently, the term has been used synonymously with euphemisms l i k e " self-help", " c i t i z e n involvement", " c i t i z e n 23 control" and "maximum feasible involvement of the poor" etc. What then i s " c i t i z e n participation"? / C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s i n fact a strategy for the attainment of s p e c i f i c ends. I t takes many d i f f e r e n t i a t e d forms depending on various objectives to be achieved. It i s therefore more desirable to speak of "several strategies" of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , defined i n terms of given goals, assumptions and organizational requirements. Edmund M. Burke also elaborated the idea that these objectives are limited 22 J. Bullush and M. Hansknecht, op. c i t . 23 Sherry R. Arnstein, "A Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " , Journal of A.I.P., July 1969, pp. 216-224. 50 by available resources as well as the organizational character 24 of community a c t i v i t i e s . Since planning functions through formal organizations, any strategy w i l l be affected by organ-i z a t i o n a l demands - the necessity for coordinated e f f o r t s and the demand of the environment. Thus, the relevancy of a certain type of strategy depends both on the organization's a b i l i t i e s to f u l f i l the requirements necessary for the strategy effectiveness, and on the adaptability of the strategy to an organizational environment.^ In a more r a d i c a l manner, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n 26 has been defined as a categorial term for c i t i z e n power. I t i s the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of power which enables the p o l i t i c a l l y and economically disadvantaged to take part i n the decision-making process - i n the determination of how s o c i e t a l goals and p o l i c i e s are set, tax resources are allocated, programs 27 are operated and benefits are shared. C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a c t u ally "participatory democracy" by means of which the have-not c i t i z e n s induce revolutionary s o c i a l reform which enables them to share the benefits of the affluent society. Sherry Arnstein has derived a typology of eight leve l s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n arranged i n a ladder pattern with each "step" corresponding to the extent of c i t i z e n s ' 2 4 Edmund M. Burke, " C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Strategies", Journal of A.I.P., September 1968, pp.287-294. 25T Loc. c i t . 26 Sherry R. Arnstein, op. c i t . 27 Loc. c i t . 28 power i n determining the end product of planning. Other s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and planners have also directed research 29 into similar issues. Their hypothetical models further advocate that there are s i g n i f i c a n t gradations of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n which are manifested i n t h e i r degrees of i n -fluence or power on the planning process. With some modi-f i c a t i o n s , Arnstein's ladder of c i t i z e n involvement i s presented and discussed i n the following section (refer to table 2). 7 C i t i z e n Control Degrees of C i t i z e n Power 6 Delegated Power 5 Partnership 4 Placation 3 Consultation Degrees of Tokenism 2 Informing 1 Educating Non-Participation Table 2. Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n The seven-stepped typology represents three broad levels of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n - l e v e l of non-participation, 30 degrees of tokenism and degrees of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The bottom l e v e l of "non-participation" does not allow c i t i -zens to take part i n planning. I t i s merely a genuine mech-28 29 Loc. c i t , 30 See for example, John M. Ducey, " C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Planning Process", Proceedings of the A.I.P.  Conference, 1964. Much of the following discussions i s based on Sherry R. Arnstein, op. c i t . 52 anism to enable power holders to "educate" or "cure" the people. The second l e v e l of the model progresses to "degrees of tokenism", which allows the c i t i z e n s to hear and to voice: information, consultation and placation. At these stages, c i t i z e n s are s t i l l i n a rather passive position since they do not have any power to insure that t h e i r opinion and advice w i l l be implemented to change the status quo. The upper l e v e l of the ladder indicates increasing degrees of c i t i z e n power. Citizens become "partners" with the t r a d i t i o n a l powerholders to negotiate and engage i n trade-offs. At the top-most steps - delegated power and c i t i z e n control, the c i t i z e n s obtain the majority of the decision-making seats to control over planning issues. In the l i g h t of research, the following discussions unfold the common uses of these strategies of c i t i z e n i n -volvement. 1. Level of Non-Participation  Educating A frequently proclaimed but r a r e l y viable strategy 3 of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s the "education-therapy" strategy. The major presumption of t h i s strategy i s the need for im-proving the i n d i v i d u a l participants through education or "brain-washing". The participants are treated as c l i e n t s to be planned for and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s distorted into a public _____ Edmund M. Burke, op. c i t . , p.288. 32 relations vehicle by the powerholders. Accordingly, c i t i z e n involvement becomes an end i n i t s e l f . U t i l i z i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community a f f a i r s as an educational device has had a profound effect on the practice of community organization. A number of s o c i a l workers emphasised that the purpose of community organization i s to help communities develop th e i r own capacities to solve problems. To them, achievement of planning goals becomes 33 secondary. A si m i l a r school of thought puts the focus of thi s strategy on developing self-confidence and s e l f - r e l i a n c e of i n d ividual c i t i z e n s . According to th e i r opinions, i n d i -viduals w i l l discover t h e i r a b i l i t y to inspire each other and eventually mobilize changes i n t h e i r community by co-34 operating with th e i r neighbours. S t i l l another view of t h i s educational strategy i s oriented towards "deliberate changes" aimed at influencing 35 ind i v i d u a l behavior through group membership. The objective i s to induce change i n a system or subsystem by changing the 32 Arnstein, op. c i t . , p. 218. 33 Murray G. Ross, Case Histories i n Community Organization, (New York, Harper and Bros., 1958), pp.10-11. 34 / Roland L. Warren, The Community i n America, (Chicago, Rand McNally and Co., 1963), pp.329-330. 35 John Kennedy, Housing Message to Congress, March 1961. 54 behavior of either the system's members or i n f l u e n t i a l re-presentatives of the system. The group i t s e l f then becomes a target of change even though the goal may be to change individual behaviors."^ This strategy of c i t i z e n involvement i s at the non-participation l e v e l because i t i s merely a means for the power group to educate, persuade and advise the p a r t i -cipants, not the reverse. People are placed on advisory boards only for the expressed purpose of engineering their support and educating them. Nevertheless, i t has been sug-gested that a continuing program of education can produce 37 s a t i s f y i n g r e s u l t s . H. Hicks stated that i t helps to re-duce "resistance predicated on fear" and ultimately eliminate 38 the apathy of low-income residents. The participants also learn to reform their own l i v e s - to turn away from the s e l f 39 defeating and despairing culture of poverty. I I . Degree of Tokenism - information, consultation and Placation A s i g n i f i c a n t step towards legitimate c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning i s informing c i t i z e n s of t h e i r r i g h t s , r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and options, and i n v i t i n g feedbacks Dorwin Cartwright, "Achieving Change i n People: Some Applications of Group Dynamics Theory", Human Relations, IV 1951, p.387. 37 H. Symonds, "Creating Community Concern", Community  Planning Review, Vol.18, No.2, pp.18-21. 38 H.M. Hicks, C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Neighbourhood  Rehabilitation , M.S.Y. Thesis, U.B.C., 1962. 39 Burke, op. c i t . 55 40 and hearing t h e i r opinions. This approach has sometimes been c a l l e d the "planning dialogue", the primary function of which i s to obtain information and supplement. However, the emphasis has very often been placed on hastening progress to a determined end. There i s actually very l i t t l e oppor-tunity for the people to influence planning programs designed "for t h e i r b e n e f i t " . ^ 1 The most frequently-used forms of strategy for informing c i t i z e n s are publications such as news media, pamphlets and responses to i n q u i r i e s , while methods for consulting people are questionnaire surveys, interviews and public hearings. Another type of strategy i n this category which 42 has been well adopted i s " c l i e n t e l e analysis". Clientele analysis i s a detailed s o c i o l o g i c a l analysis of the c l i e n t population. I t unfolds the needs and wants of the c i t i z e n s , and provides substantive insights into the aspiration and motivations of the target population. In addition, i t helps to uncover the interests of groups which are p a r t i c u l a r l y disenfranchised, and whose desires would r a r e l y be r e f l e c t e d i n public programs. ^ A r n s t e i n , op. c i t . , p. 218. 41T ., Loc. c i t . John ¥. Dyckman, "Social Planning, Social Planners and Planned Societies", Journal of A.I.P., March 1966, pp.66-75, 56 D e s p i t e the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r c i t i z e n s t o com-municate v i t h the p o v e r h o l d e r s , hovever, t h i s l e v e l of c i t i z e n i n v o l v e m e n t i s e s s e n t i a l l y the o l d "salesman" approach t o p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . John Ducey nick-named t h i s s t r a t e g y as the "puppet shov", a t v h i c h the p a r t i c i p a t i n g group i s 43 "pro former and a f t e r the f a c t " . T h e i r o p i n i o n s are h e a r d o n l y t o demonstrate t h a t c i t i z e n s are g i v e n the chance t o v o i c e . There i s a l s o a c o n s t a n t danger t h a t i n the d a y - t o -day p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , the t r u e r e s u l t s of c i t i z e n i n v o l v e m e n t i s n e g l e c t e d and i n s t e a d , the p l a n n e r s become " m a n i p u l a t o r s " and "molders of p u b l i c o p i n i o n s " i n p u r s u i t of t h e i r ovn v e s t e d i n t e r e s t s . I n such c a s e s , p u b l i c meetings may be t u r n e d t o v e h i c l e s f o r one-vay communication by the s i m p l e d e v i c e of p r o v i d i n g s u p e r f i c i a l i n f o r m a t i o n , d i s c o u r a g i n g 44 q u e s t i o n s or s u p p l y i n g i r r e l e v a n t a n s v e r s . The h i g h e s t degree i n t h i s l e v e l of c i t i z e n p a r t i -c i p a t i o n i s p l a c a t i o n , a t v h i c h s t e p c i t i z e n s b e g i n t o ex-e r t a c e r t a i n amount o f i n f l u e n c e a l t h o u g h t o k e n i s m i s s t i l l 45 apparent. I n many c a s e s , a f e v c i t i z e n s are asked t o t a k e s e a t s i n the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g b o a r d , but the pover group s t i l l r e t a i n s the r i g h t t o c o n s i d e r t h e l e g i t i m a c y or f e a s i b i l i t y of t h e i r a d v i c e s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , people are once a g a i n b e i n g p l a n n e d f o r . 43 J . Ducey, op. c i t . 44 A r n s t e i n , op. c i t . 45 Loc. c i t . 57 In spite of these short comings, however, some credits have been given to t h i s strategy of c i t i z e n p a r t i -cipation. Pirmalino pointed out i t s effectiveness i n broadening the base of support for new p o l i c i e s and for 46 overcoming the objections to them. I t i s also useful i n introducing certain groups of people who are not normally included i n community planning into the decision-making arena, and giving the "outsiders" an awareness and under-47 standing of the problems they confront. I l l , Degrees of C i t i z e n Power - Partnership, Delegated i Power and C i t i z e n Control " C i t i z e n power" has been defined as the a b i l i t y of people to exercise t h e i r w i l l even over the opposition 48 of other groups. Individuals have been able to obtain power and influence through the operation of i n s t i t u t i o n s . The f i r s t step i n this ladder towards c i t i z e n power i s "partnership". At t h i s stage, citizens are involved i n a more positive manner with p o l i t i c a l power being re-d i s t r i b u t e d between people and powerholders through nego-t i a t i o n . The p o l i t i c a l body agrees to share planning and decision-making r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s through such structures as j o i n t p o l i c y boards and co-ordinated working committees for 49 resolving impasses. Firmalino, op. c i t . , pp. 99-113. 47 Loc. C i t . ^Burke, op. c i t . , p. 292. 49 Arnstein, op. c i t . 58 Partnership functions most e f f e c t i v e l y where there i s an"organized power-base i n the community to which the 50 c i t i z e n leaders are accountable. Financial resources also play an important role i n enabling c i t i z e n s to hire t h e i r own technicians, lawyers, and planners to advocate th e i r desires. They can exert genuine bargaining influences over the development of t h e i r community. Negotiation between people and bureaucratization can also r e s u l t i n c i t i z e n s achieving dominant decision-51 making authority over a p a r t i c u l a r plan. Citizens then obtain o f f i c i a l l y delegated power over certain l e g a l functions including policy-formulation, h i r i n g consultants, contracting real-estates, buying and leasing etc. The l e v e l of c i t i z e n control i s the peak of Arnstein's model at which stage c i t i z e n power attains i t s climax i n c o n t r o l l i n g planning decisions. People demand the degree of power which assures that participants can govern a program and be i n f u l l charge of p o l i c y and manag-52 e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . An example most frequently advocated i s a neighbourhood corporation with no intermediaries between i t s e l f and the source of funds. This strategy i s also the l e v e l where bureaucratic decisions are incorporated with s o c i a l desires, and where s o c i a l goals of the community 50T . , Loc. c i t . 5 1 I b i d . , p.222. 5 2 I b i d . , p.223. 59 concerned are f u l l y represented and accounted for i n the planning decision-making process. Limitations of the Strategies The typology outlined above i s by no means a perfect model. The use of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a plan-ning strategy i s not a perfect tool either. Although the s o c i a l l y disadvantaged and the power holders are distinguished into two groups, neither of them 53 are homogeneous blocks. Instead, each group consists of a host of divergent opinions, competing inter e s t s , vested cleavages and s p l i t subgroups. Consequently, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y the r e a l "community int e r e s t s " of a group. In many cases, the subgroups are so immensely concerned with the welfare of t h e i r l o c a l needs that they lack a comprehensive view of the t o t a l c i t y as a whole. Other arguments p a r t i c u l a r l y against community control are: i t supports separatism, i t creates balkanization of public services, i t i s short-sighted and incompatible to professionalism etc. Whether such c i t i z e n power can be ex-ercised i n every instance, and whether a small group can 54 control a l l community decisions i s another area of dispute. Nevertheless, i f the ground rules for planning programs are c l a r i f i e d , and i f c i t i z e n s acknowledge that achieving a 5 3 L o c . C i t . 54 Burke, op. c i t . , p.292. 60 genuine plan i n the p l u r a l i s t i c scene subjects them to i t s legitimate forms of give-and-take, then this strategy of p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy may demonstrate how to counteract the various corrosive p o l i t i c a l and socioeconomic forces 55 that plague the poor. Another l i m i t a t i o n of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s short i n duration and v i o l e n t i n action. The participants who are very often emotionally involved become detached and pragmatic with the r e s u l t that analysis of a l t e r a t i v e i s d i f f i c u l t . Their emotional commitment i s personally ener-vating, while t h e i r concerns are immediate and rather im-patient. Such kind of involvement may thus lead to i n t e r n a l dissension and c o n f l i c t s which may i n turn r e s u l t i n unfor-tunate schism. A p r a c t i c a l problem of implementing c i t i z e n p a r t i -cipation i s the d i f f i c u l t y to draw people - especially the low-income families into the framework of planning, and to evoke t h e i r concern f o r the planning issues normally posed by the l o c a l establishment. I t i s found that urban slums usually lack i n s t i t u t i o n s by which i t might i d e n t i f y i t s e l f as an entity, and that c i t i z e n s "at the bottom" are the 57 slowest to become organized. Accordingly, much damage xs done to the weakest inhabitants whose interests are frequently under-represented. 55 Arnstein, op. c i t . , p.224. 56 Burke, op. c i t . , p.292. 57 Peattie, op. c i t . , p.83. 61 To r e m e d y t h i s v e r y w e a k n e s s , i t becomes n e c e s s a r y f o r c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z e r s and a d v o c a t e p l a n n e r s t o c a r e f u l l y g e n e r a t e v i a b l e i s s u e s i n t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , a nd t o be c o n s t a n t l y a l e r t t o t h e i n t e r - r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n t e c h n i c a l a nd p o l i t i c a l m a t t e r s a t a l l l e v e l s . I n d o i n g s o , h o w e v e r , t h e a d v o c a t e p l a n n e r p u t s h i m s e l f i n t o a p o s i t i o n d a n g e r o u s l y 58 s i m i l a r t o o t h e r m a n i p u l a t o r s o f t h e p o o r s ' i n t e r e s t s . H i s p owe r t o c o n c e p t u a l i z e p r o b l e m s and h i s n e e d t o p l a c e t hem on t h e a g e n d a p l a y s an i m p o r t a n t p a r t i n d e f i n i n g t h e t e r m s i n w h i c h t h e p r o b l e m s w i l l be t h o u g h t a b o u t , a n d t h e way t h e y w i l l be r e s o l v e d e v e n t u a l l y . T h u s , t h e a d v o c a t e p l a n n e r becomes a n o t h e r m a n i p u l a t o r . C o n c l u s i o n s T h i s c h a p t e r i l l u s t r a t e s t h e f a c t t h a t c i t i z e n i n v o l v e m e n t i s f a r f r o m a s i n g l e f o r m o f p a r t i c i p a t o r y a c t i o n . I n s t e a d , i t i s a new k i n d o f p o l i t i c s - a way b y w h i c h l o c a -l i s e d u r b a n i n t e r e s t s a r e e x p r e s s e d i n a p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m 59 f r o m w h i c h w a r d p o l i t i c s h a v e a l l b u t d i s a p p e a r e d . I t a l s o i n v o l v e s d e c e n t r a l i z i n g g o v e r n m e n t a l f u n c t i o n s a n d r e -d i s t r i b u t i n g p o w e r t o t h e h a v e - n o t c i t i z e n s . A n a n a l y s i s o f t h e v a r i o u s t y p e s o f c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n s t r a t e g y r e v e a l s two b a s i c c o n f l i c t s b e t w e e n 60 p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e m o c r a c y a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l e x p e r t i s e . On 58 , . , L o c . c i t . 59 P e a t t i e , o p . c i t . , p . 8 7 . ^ B u r k e , o p . c i t . 62 one hand, i t i s proclaimed that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a means for democratic perfection, while on the other hand, the experts are unwilling to admit non-professionals into the decision-making arena. The basis of the dilemma i s there-fore the demand for both pa r t i c i p a t o r y democracy and expertise; and i t i s impossible to maximise both value preferences. In spite of these problems, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s s t i l l a promising alternative. Peattie advocates that i t s short-term i n e f f i c i e n c i e s and exasperations are paid for by the pressure which i t generates for a s o c i a l p o l i c y more sensitive and adaptive to s o c i a l r e a l i t y . ^ 1 I t prevents the exercise of bureaucratic power from leading to a new, diffuse despotism. I t also assists i n humanizing the plan-ning professionals' apparatus. In l i g h t of these research findings i n the back-ground, a case study of a l o c a l urban renewal area i n Van-couver i s presented i n chapter V. The model of a "Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " w i l l be i l l u s t r a t e d by the ex-periences of c i t i z e n involvement i n the case neighbourhood. Peattie, op. c i t . CHAPTER IV THE STRATHCONA URBAN RENEWAL PROGRAM - CASE BACKGROUND Purpose of Case Study Chapters IV and V are devoted to a case study of the Strathcona Urban Renewal Area i n the City of Vancouver. The Strathcona area i s selected for this research because i t was one of the f i r s t d i s t r i c t s where urban re-newal programs i n Vancouver were f i r s t implemented. C i t i z e n involvement i n response to redevelopment has also been most prominant i n this neighbourhood. The primary objectives of the case study are three-f o l d . In the f i r s t place, i t serves to i l l u s t r a t e that physical renewal alone does not solve the socio-economic problems inherent i n delapidated environments. They do not s a t i s f y s o c i a l goals and human desires. Secondly, the case study i s used to i l l u s t r a t e the types of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n strategy practised - i . e . the various forms of c i t i z e n actions, ranging from the passive non-participation role to the active effects of c i t i z e n power. An attempt i s made to present a rank order of part i c i p a t o r y democracy by correlating the p a r t i -cipation experience with the model of a "Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " discussed i n Chapter I I I . The case study method has been u t i l i z e d to test the hypothesis of thi s thesis that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l a s s i s t to integrate physical plan-ning and s o c i a l planning. 64 Case Background Before proceeding to an analysis of the case study, i t i s necessary to provide some background information on the study area - the Strathcona Urban Renewal Area. The following discussion indicates the general physical and social-economic cha r a c t e r i s t i c s of the area, followed by a b r i e f summary of the urban renewal programs i n the City of Vancouver and i n Strathcona. Since detailed fac-tual information on these lines has been recorded i n various urban renewal documents of the C i t y , 1 they w i l l not be repro-duced here. • . • i A. Location and Boundary The study area i s situated i n a central location of the City of Vancouver, immediately east of the central business d i s t r i c t . I t contains an area of approximately 130 acres, bounded by f a i r l y d i s t i n c t physical and land use features To the north, the area i s bounded by Hastings Street - a heavily-used major thoroughfare. To the south are Union-Prior Streets. The Raymour Park Housing Complex and Glen Drive i s located to i t s immediate east, while Gore Avenue and the commercial section of Chinatown i s situated to i t s western edge (refer to Map 1 for location i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ) . Refer to the following publications: Cit y of Vancouver Planning Department, Vancouver Redevelop- ment Study, Dec. 1957. City of Vancouver Technical Planning Board, Urban Renewal  Scheme No.3: Strathcona, August 1967. United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area, Urban Renewal Scheme 3: Strathcona, July 1966. 65 B. Physical Characteristics Strathcona i s e s s e n t i a l l y a r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood occupied by a predominance of old, wood frame single-family structures. The area was o r i g i n a l l y zoned for "six-storey l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l " uses i n 1928. In subsequent years, wide-spread deterioration was induced due to aging of buildings, scattered commercial-industrial development, t r a f f i c conges-tions, changes i n r e s i d e n t i a l occupancy density and general over-crowding. Consequently, a large part of the area was rezoned to Multiple Dwelling D i s t r i c t s (Medium Density RM-3) i n 1958 to prevent further intrusion of incompatible non-r e s i d e n t i a l uses. The basic land use types and areas i n the neighbour-hood are summarised i n Table 3. Approximately 31 per cent of the t o t a l land i s devoted for r e s i d e n t i a l use, with about 250 single-family 2 r e s i d e n t i a l structures and 124 multiple-family buildings. The most s i g n i f i c a n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l use i n the area i s Strathcona Elementary School which serves as the f o c a l point of the neighbourhood. A number of other s o c i a l centres and churches provide various community f a c i l i t i e s . C i t y of Vancouver Technical Planning Board, op. c i t . , p.12. TABLE 3. EXISTING LAND USE DATA, S T R A T H C O N A EXISTING LAND USE AREA IN SQUARE FEET* COMMERCIAL INDUSTRIAL | RESIDENTIAL: Single Family 2-Family (Duplex) •Conversion Multiple Multiple with 2% or less Commercial Public Housing TOTAL RESIDENTIAL PUBLIC USES: - Institutions (Except schools) •School .(Public) School (Private) Park TOTAL PUBLIC.USES PARKING LOT UNDER REDEVELOPMENT VACANT STREET SYSTEM: • Street Lane Walkway Railroad ; TOTAL STREET SYSTEM STRATHCONA SUB-AREA (Exci. Pro.iects 1 & 2) PROJECTS 1 & 2 285,900 197,800 816,000 22,400 52,100 213,000 83,100 97,600 133/500 105,600 27,100 1,284,200 266,200 30,200. 3,100 180,700 446,500 9,900 132^000 446,500 137,500 1,465,100 184,100 '58,500 3,909,500 : 89.75 acres __^41,9p0 ___6,100 5„3_6j000 9,200 326,700 56,100 __382,800 1,706,300 39.17 acres STRATHCONA SUB-AREA (Incl. Projects 1 & 2) 289,000 (6.63) 378,500 (8.69) 816,000 (18.73) 22,400 (0.51) 52,100, (1.20) 213,000 (4.89) 83,100 (1.91) 544,100 (12.49) 1,730,700 (39.73) 143,400 (3.29) 105,600 (2.43) 27,100 (0.62) 132,000 (3.03) 'A08,_^j_9.37) ™M^3^._(0.83)j, 5.2$ 6.7% 30. i 7^3£ 0.6% 536,000 (12.31), 9.6$ 146,700 (3.37) 1,791,800 (41.13) 240,200 (5.52) 58,500 (1.34) 2,090,500 (47.99) 5,615,800 1^8.92 acres 2.6% 37.2% 100.0£ •*Figuresin brackets indicate acres. Source: City of Vancouver Technical Planning Board, Urban Renewal Scheme III Sub-Area Strathcona. 67 General b l i g h t i n g conditions are found i n the housing environment. Although single-detached houses comprise 80 per cent of the dwelling structures, 20 per cent of them have been converted to multiple occupancy, and another 10 per cent ac-commodate two families. Based on c r i t e r i a as: ( l ) age of building, (2) quality of housing as shown by exterior con-d i t i o n s , and (3) existing land use and mixed land use, the 4 housing conditions i n the study area are as follows: Total r e s i d e n t i a l structures: 383 Total Dwelling units contained: 1,230 Structural conditions: Very poor and poor 42$ F a i r 51$ Good Tfo Total 100$ Social and Economic Characteristics The Strathcona study area l i e s within a large part of Census Tract 50 and several adjacent census t r a c t s . A comparison of some selected data of t h i s area with the average data of other areas i n the Vancouver metropolitan d i s t r i c t r e f l e c t s many d i s t i n c t i v e socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of. Strathcona. These findings are l i s t e d i n Table 4. Apparently, — City of Vancouver Planning Department, op. c i t . , pp.6-7. 4 City of Vancouver Technical Planning Board, op. c i t . , p. 16. 68 the area ranks highest i n proportion of single-person house-holds, aged (65 years and over), immigration, A s i a t i c popu-5 l a t i o n and persons v i t h very l i t t l e education. Table 4 Selected Socio-economic Characteristics  Census Tract 50, Vancouver. SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS Numbers/ Percent Metropolitan Rank Population 8,495 Grovth 1956-1961 - 9% Average No. of Families 1,550 No. of Households 1,749 Single-Person Households 23.8% Highest Ovner-Occupied 20.8% Lovest Occupancy (2 yrs. or less) 38.2% Above Average Families v i t h Children 64.8% Average Aged (65 yrs. and over) 21.6% Highest Immigrated 1945-1961 32.5% Highest A s i a t i c 56.9% Highest Persons not attending school - elementary education only 56.0% Highest Source: -United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area, Urban Reneval Scheme 3: Strathcona, 1966. Since the predominant ethnic group vho resides i n thi s area are A s i a t i c s (57 per cent of t o t a l population) -p a r t i c u l a r l y of Chinese o r i g i n , the neighbourhood has been 5 I b i d . , p.14. 69 c a l l e d Chinatown. Of the 3000 people i n the area, census s t a t i s t i c s indicate a high r a t i o of male population (l,830 male compared to only 1,160 female). An exceptional high percentage (35 per cent) of the population i s over 55 years old. These demographic findings are i l l u s t r a t e d i n F i g . 1. In addition, of the estimated 1,230 households, there i s a concentration of single-family households (22 per cent). In general, the area has the lowest socio-economic Status i n metropolitan Vancouver. The medium income range for families i s between $232 and $250, and under $100 for single persons.^ Numerous s o c i a l service cases also occur among the residents who receive various supplemental incomes 7 from the government. The caseload i s summarised as follows Active Caseload, City Social Services Department, .Ju l y 1965. Social Assistance Employable 6 Unemployable 106 Single men - Unemployed 157 Old Age Assistance 408 Total 677 City of Vancouver Planning Department, op. c i t . , p.47. United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area, op. c i t . , p.6. Source: Loc. c i t . F I G U R E COSVi PA R A T S V E A G E D I S T R I B U T B O N SHOWN AS A PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL POPULAT ION OF THE STRATHCONA SUB-AREA . A G E P E R C E N T M A L E F E M A L E * S O U R C E : C A N A D A C E N S U S 1 9 6 6 . ( A d j u s t e d to r e f l e c t r e c e n t pub l i c hous ing deve lopment and d e m o l i t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e s for P r o j e c t s I & 2). * 2 1 % of the ma le p o p u l a t i o n is aged over 7 0 . 7 % of the f ema le popu la t ion is aged o v e r 7 0 v. 71 Urban Renewal Programs Urban renewal programs i n Vancouver were f i r s t started i n 1956 when increasing concern about areas of b l i g h t and deterioration gave impetus to the preparation of the "Vancouver Redevelopment Study". The broad terms of reference of this study were two-fold: to i d e n t i f y those areas of pre-dominantly r e s i d e n t i a l use which may require redevelopment during the next twenty years, and to produce a program of redevelopment integrated with the c i t y ' s Twenty-Year Develop-9 ment Plan. ; ' Based on results of th i s survey, two types of planning areas were suggested: ( l ) Comprehensive Redevelopment Areas, and (2) Limited Redevelopment Areas. The former are areas i n which large scale redevelopment was deemed necessary while the l a t t e r was d i s t r i c t s where spot clearance and vary-ing r e h a b i l i t a t i o n measures were proposed. The f i n a l report of t h i s redevelopment study was completed i n Dec. 1959, but was approved i n p r i n c i p l e by Council i n February 1958: Since then, the City has been engaged i n various urban renewal programs, taking active steps to implement the study recommendations. To-date, the City has undertaken two redevelopment projects for the clearance of approximately _ City of Vancouver Planning Department, op. c i t . Ibid., p.2. 72 60 acres within a t o t a l area of about 140 a c r e s . 1 1 Public housing has also been constructed to complement the clearance program by providing accommodation for residents displaced. The location of the City's urban renewal projects and the i r present status of implementation are indicated i n Map 1. Of a l l the urban renewal programs i n Vancouver, a large part of Redevelopment Projects No. 1 and 2 and Urban Renewal Scheme No. 3 l i e s within Strathcona. Consequently, these programs exert s i g n i f i c a n t effects on the development of the area. I t i s also these three projects that are, d i r e c t l y relevant to this thesis research. At present, Redevelopment Project No. 1 has been subst a n t i a l l y completed, while Redevelopment Project No. 2 i s at the stage of disposing cleared land. Scheme III i s the f i r s t scheme prepared with progressive f i n a n c i a l assistance by Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, under the 1964 Amendments to the National Housing Act. The whole scheme has been divided into several sub-areas of which Strathcona i s one that receives f i r s t p r i o r i t y for renewal actions. Urban renewal programs for thi s sub-area are s t i l l under the pre-paratory stage to date. These three renewal projects w i l l be further discussed i n the case analysis section i n Chapter V. 1 1 C i t y of Vancouver Technical Planning Board, op. c i t . , p. I. 73 Conclusions The general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Strathcona Study Area can be summarised by the following statements: "People l i v e together based on a sense of appropriate-ness to th e i r t o t a l situation - s o c i a l , economic, c u l t u r a l . . . . Their l i f e style i s determined by the i r e t h n i c i t y , economic s i t u a t i o n and lo c a t i o n a l preferences. I t i s an area which provides i t s inhabitants an opportunity to interact with people of t h e i r own culture. It offers to the observers a choice of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n another style of l i f e . 1 3 Strathcona i s also under a continuous progress of change - e.g. movement of immigrants and emigrants, urban renewal programs and freeway proposals. Its future urban morphology w i l l be affected by various projects immediately adjacent to i t , as well as the urban renewal programs within i t s e l f . S i g n i f i c a n t projects of the f i r s t category include Project 100, Project 200, the Freeway Proposal and Georgia Viaduct Replacement, and Be a u t i f i c a t i o n Schemes for Old Town and Chinatown. The influences of these forces may be adversely far reaching i n the future. „12 12 Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, unpublished paper, Pino Rapanos. 13 Gordon Davis, Ron Yuen, and Peter Lattey, Environmental  Study of Strathcona, unpublished study, School of Architecture, U.B.C, 1968-1969. CHAPTER V THE STRATHCONA URBAN RENEWAL PROGRAM - CASE ANALYSIS Introduction This chapter analyses the types of c i t i z e n involve-ment i n the Strathcona case area since 1957 when urban renewal was f i r s t implemented i n the area. According to time sequence, the urban renewal pro-jects and t h e i r corresponding c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n strategies can be a r b i t r a r i l y divided into three stages: I. Level of Non-participation and Tokenism - I n i t i a l plan and Project Nos. 1 and 2. I I . The Interim Stage of Technical Assistance (The Strathcona Area Council and the C i t y Social Plan-ning And Community Development Department) -Scheme III sub-area Strathcona. I I I . Level of Delegated power (The Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants Association and the Working Committee) - Scheme III sub-area Strathcona. These three stages w i l l be presented i n a chrono-l o g i c a l order. Wherever pertinent, subjective value judgements and comments w i l l be made to evaluate the degree of success of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a t o o l to a s s i s t integration of s o c i a l desires and the physical plan. 75 I. Level of Non-participation and Tokenism I n i t i a l Flan - The 1957 Redevelopment Study In July 1956, the City of Vancouver embarked on i t s f i r s t redevelopment study under the provision of Section 35 of the Nation Housing A c t . 1 A windshield housing survey was 2 conducted on a city-wide basis. Based on a number of c r i t e r i a such as age of buildings, land use mix and environmental qualit y , some d i s t r i c t s were i d e n t i f i e d as "blighted areas". For the purpose of a twenty-year program, these "blighted areas" were c l a s s i f i e d into two categories: l ) Comprehensive Redevelop-ment Areas and 2) Limited Redevelopment Areas. The area of t h i s case study - Strathcona was within one of the Comprehen-sive Areas. Since a r e l a t i v e l y large portion of the City was delineated for compreh. ensive redevelopment (approximately two square miles), i t was not feasible to examine a l l these areas i n great d e t a i l at the same time. As a r e s u l t , one area was made the object of a " s p e c i f i c study" with a view to i l l u s t r a t i n g the methods and procedures which might be applied generally throughout a twenty-year redevelopment 3 program. ''"City of Vancouver Planning Department, Vancouver Redeve-lopment Study, (Vancouver 1957). 2 Ibid., pp.21-28. 3 I b i d . , pp.29-33. 76 The area delineated for this "detailed study" was named the "East End Survey Area" (refer to Map 1 for location 4 i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ) . Situated at the core of this Survey Area, Strathcona was again a target of redevelopment studies. As a matter of f a c t , Strathcona occupied over half of the area for the detailed survey. In order to measure the amount and kind of housing need l i k e l y to r e s u l t from redevelopment and also the s o c i a l factors to be considered i n relocation, a household survey was conducted during February-March 1957. A questionnaire was designed, consisting of f i v e main parts: Structure and Dwelling units, Household composition, Household attitudes 5 and a Room-house Schedule. The survey covered a t o t a l of 586 structures, and interviews were completed for 1,116 house-holds. This was the f i r s t detailed study that the c i t y had ever ventured. The residents i n the Survey Area were greatly i n -volved for the f i r s t time i n the planning history of Vancouver During the questionnaire interview, they were asked personal questions such as family income, rents paid by tenants and t h e i r degree of s a t i s f a c t i o n with th e i r current accommodation. Loc. c i t . ^Loc. c i t . 6 Ibid., Appendix 3 A-E. 77 Before the interviews commenced, the City had made considerable e f f o r t s to acquaint residents of the area with the purpose of the survey and to prepare them for the enquiries . 7 of the enumerators. Advertisements were inserted i n the "Province" and the "Sun" newspapers, which gave a f u l l write-up of the survey; and were published on the day when the main survey began. P u b l i c i t y was also given by l o c a l radio stations. A printed covering l e t t e r signed by His Worship Mayor T. Alsbury was sent to every household to be contacted. In addition, genuine co-operation of the residents was obtained through communication with the Chinese Benevolent Association which was the headquarters of a l l Chinese a c t i v i t i e s at that time. The Association arranged for pr i n t i n g and d i s t r i b u t i n g a special proclammation i n Chinese, explaining the purpose and contents of the questionnaire. In spite of certain suspicion among some residents, the citizens on the whole gave "excellent response" to the g housing survey. They accepted the idea that urban renewal would benefit themselves as well as the entire City by im-proving t h e i r l i v i n g and working environment. The questionnaire survey was completed i n March 1957. The findings of the survey were tabulated i n early 1958, accompanied by general redevelopment proposals for the 7 I b i d . , p.30. Loc. c i t . 78 City. In p a r t i c u l a r , a Sketch Scheme for the possible development of the East End Survey Area was drafted to i l l -9 ustrate what was considered a desirable type of redevelopment. The Scheme recommended that Strathcona be developed as a re-s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood. I t further proposed the clearance of 85 acres of land for private redevelopment, and 56 acres for public housing development. I t was estimated that 4,464 households (approximately 15,100 people) i n the t o t a l survey area would be affected. A report which l i s t e d a l l the survey findings and proposals was submitted to City Council and copies were cir c u l a t e d among the l o c a l community organizations. The report also stated that the program of public education i n the need of urban renewal was an essential part of the planning process. The implementation of the urban renewal scheme would be successful only i f the plan was gen-uinely understood and accepted by the citi z e n s concerned. Consequently, a l e t t e r was sent to every resident i n the Sketch Scheme Area, i n v i t i n g them to attend a meeting on A p r i l 21, 1958 at C i t y H a l l . The primary objective of this meeting was to acquaint the residents with the renewal plan, and to discuss actual procedure of scheme implementation. On receipt of the above i n v i t a t i o n , the residents i n Strathcona were extremely disturbed and alarmed that t h e i r homes would be demolished and they themselves relocated. 9 I b i d . , pp.81-102. "^Ibid., p.63. 1 : LChinese Voice, A p r i l 17, 1958. 79 Since many of them were handicapped by the English language, they r e a l i z e d that some form of c i t i z e n organization should be established to carry out c o l l e c t i v e actions. As a r e s u l t , many residents turned to t h e i r s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l centre of those days - the Chinese Benevolent Association, requesting that a general meeting be c a l l e d immediately for a l l Chinese com-munity groups and property owners concerned. The Chinatown Property Owners Association On A p r i l 18, 1958, approximately 300 Chinese people were gathered at the C.B.A....= Considerable amount of community s p i r i t was aroused, with a common goal of protecting t h e i r homes and seeking u n i f i e d strategies to " f i g h t against housing 12 demolition". After a lengthy discussion, a resolution was passed that a committee be formed to present themselves as delegates before C i t y Council. It was hoped that the committee would serve as a channel of communication between the residents and City H a l l . Accordingly, the Chinatown Property Owners 13 Association was established with eleven executive members. On A p r i l 21, 1958, delegates of this newly-formed Association appeared before Council, headed by Mr. Foon Sien, 14 a Counsellor of the C.B.A. They expressed the c i t i z e n s ' desire to r e t a i n t h e i r homes and to remain i n the neighbourhood : 1 2 I b i d . , A p r i l 19, 1958. 13T . , Loc. ext. 14 Personal interview, Mr. Foon Sien, Chinatown Property Owners Association, Nov. 1969. 80 and they pleaded with City Council to recind t h e i r decisions on urban renewal. In response, the c i t i z e n s were advised that the 1957 Redevelopment Study was merely a "preliminary study", and the proposed Redevelopment Program was only ten-15 tative and approximate. I t was explained that the proposed redevelopment scheme would be subject to further detailed investigation before the actual implementation of any renewal program. The City further explained the general advantages of urban renewal i n upgrading r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood, and assured the c i t i z e n s that they would be well looked after i n regard to rehousing and compensation i f housing demolition were to happen unavoidably. With these verbal assurance from the City, the tension of the residents was somewhat relieved. Although the fate of t h e i r homes was s t i l l uncertain, housing displace-ment would not aff e c t them i n the near future. I t appeared that the immediate renewal c r i s i s was over, and there was no record of any formal gathering of the Chinatown Property Owners Association i n the following few months. Nevertheless, the ci t i z e n s i n Strathcona began to be very a l e r t to the planning decisions of the City. The urban renewal bulldozer was s t i l l a hidden fear i n the peoples' mind. 1957 Redevelopment Study, Vancouver, p. 81. 81 Level of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n The above case analysis seemed to indicate that the type of c i t i z e n involvement i n Strathcona during this i n i t i a l planning period was at the bottom-most l e v e l of the typology discussed i n Chapter I I I . In f a c t , t h i s appeared to be a stage of non-participation during which plans were made for the people, not with the people. Various tools including newspaper a r t i c l e s , radio announcement etc. were used to educate the residents. Pre-sumably, the professional planners were very sure of what was the best for the c i t i z e n s . Consequently, they were trying to introduce deliberate changes by s e l l i n g t h e i r ideas to the people. The detailed survey conducted resembled the " c l i e n t e l e 16 Study" described by John V. Dyckman to a certain extent. The residents, then, became the planning object while the plan i t s e l f became an end. This type of c i t i z e n involvement s t r a t -egy did not appear j u s t i f i e d because i t tended to aggregate the fear and anxiety of people. I t seemed to l i e at the lowest l e v e l of the Ladder of P a r t i c i p a t i o n Model. Redevelopment Project No. 1  Detailed Renewal Scheme The 1957 Redevelopment Study was approved by C i t y Council i n p r i n c i p l e i n mid 1958. The City Technical Planning "^John V. Dyckman, "Social Planning, Social Planner and Planned Societies", Journal of A.I.P., March 1966, pp.66-75. 82 Board then proceeded to apply for federal and p r o v i n c i a l assistance to undertake two d i r e c t l y related urban renewal programs. Based on the general recommendations of the Re-development Study, the objective of the f i r s t program was to acquire, clear and dispose of land i n Redevelopment Pro-je c t No. 1, while the second and complementary program was 17 to provide a "bank" of subsidised low-rental housing. NThree in d i v i d u a l areas A - l , A-2 and A-3 i n Strathcona were d i r e c t l y involved i n Project No. 1 (refer to Map l ) . In Area A - l , i t was proposed to demolish the existing struc-tures to provide si t e s for industry and public housing. In Area A-2, the Scheme was to clear land to supply space for a new park replacing the old MacLean Park. The intended re-use for Area A-3 was for private r e s i d e n t i a l development. The entire project encompassed the clearance of about 28 acres within an overal l area of 75 acres. As f o r the provision of a housing bank, MacLean Park and Skeena Terrace public housing complexes were planned to accommodate the displaced people. The d e t a i l s of th i s Project No. 1 were set out i n 18 a report submitted to City Council i n Feb. 1960. I t was publicised i n the newspaper that this step "from slum to mo-dern r e s i d e n t i a l neighbourhood opened a bright future for 17 Ci t y of Vancouver Technical Planning Board, City of Vancouver Redevelopment Project No. 1. Nov. 1959. 18T . , Loc. ext. 83 19 Vancouver". On March 10, 1960, Council formally adopted t h i s document as the f i r s t phase towards the $100 m i l l i o n twenty-years urban renewal program. 2^ The Citizens' Reaction - Delegation and B r i e f s Upon observing the planning procedures of the City, the residents of Strathcona became increasingly aware of the fact that urban renewal would be undertaken sooner or l a t e r . Their.personal concern was p a r t i c u l a r l y spurred i n March 1960 when the City announced the approval of Project No. 1. In A p r i l 1960, about 300 c i t i z e n s concerned were once again assembled at the C.B.A. The o r i g i n a l purpose of the Chinatown Property Owners Association was reviewed, with 21 the same emphasis on protecting peoples' properties. Since the issue of housing displacement was deemed more c r i t i c a l than i t had ever been, both the Association's executives and general members were more serious and anxious to take positive steps. I t was proposed that a lawyer be hired as the peoples' consultant to bring f o r t h a b r i e f to Council. A membership fee of $5.00 per household was collected. General meetings of the Association were held at least two times a month during the summer of 1960, while the executives met even more frequently with t h e i r lawyer and community leaders, co-ordinating the 1 9The Vancouver Sun, Feb. 11, I960. 2 0 I b i d . , March 10, I960. 21 Personal Contact, Mrs. Sue Lum, Dec. 1969. 84 peoples' desire and preparing a b r i e f to be presented to 22 the government. On October 5, I960, a delegation of about f i f t y Chinese people headed by lawyer C C . Locke appeared before 23 Council. Their b r i e f claimed that 68 Chinese s o c i e t i e s , 7 Chinese Christian Churches, 4 language schools, 175 Chinese businesses and a bulk of 14,000 population would be affected by the proposed urban renewal scheme. The b r i e f stated f u r -ther that any disruption of Chinatown and a material outflow of people to another area i n e v i t a b l y meant disruption of the Chinese merchants. This would i n turn a f f e c t commercial and tax revenue of the community. The delegation sought for some alternatives to be worked out. Because people were going to loose t h e i r homes, considerable emotion was roused among the ci t i z e n s with the 24 consequence that suspicion and d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n were i n c i t e d . This fact was r e f l e c t e d i n the following statements which were 25 voiced during that p a r t i c u l a r occasion of delegation: "Although our epidermis may be yellow,", said the leader of the C.B.A., "we are just human as anyone else. We'd l i k e the assurance that you are dealing with human beings." " I t i s self-imposed ghetto! Discrimination - that's why many of the old Chinese don't speak English. It i s i n j u s t i c e to scatter e l d e r l y Chinese who knew l i t t l e English," said an executive of the Chinatown Property Owners Association. 22 Loc. c i t . 23 The Vancouver Sun, October 5, I960. 24T ., Loc. c i t . 25 T .. Loc. c i t . 85 The j o u r n a l i s t commented, however, that the Chinese 26 community leaders f a i l e d to h a l t the march of slum clearance. On receipt of the b r i e f , the Alderman simply voted to acknow-ledge the representation. In addition, Council pointed out that i t had been committed to the $100 m i l l i o n long-range urban renewal project which f i r s t tackled the Strathcona area. Housing a c q u i s i t i o n and clearance was planned to commence i n the following spring. Besides the Chinatown Property Owners Association, many other community organizations and leaders i n Strathcona also, protested the urban renewal plans. One prominant example was the Lord Strathcona Elementary School, headed by Mr. Carl S. Barton, the School P r i n c i p a l . In a l e t t e r addressed to City Council on Oct. 11, I960, th i s i n s t i t u t i o n stated the c u l t u r a l and education background of the Chinese people i n the area and pointed out the unfortunate consequences which 27 would happen i f demolition were implemented. The content 28 of the l e t t e r was b r i e f l y as follows: "Of the 800 students i n the i n s t i t u t i o n , 600 are Chinese. From the teachers' acquaintances, Chinese people are good ci t i z e n s - t h e i r children are keen to learn, and there have been very few juvenile delinquency cases occurred. In general, these orientals have close family t i e s Although they only l i v e humbly without any luxury, they have a very peaceful, pleasant and s a t i s f y i n g l i f e . In regard to t h e i r l i v i n g environment, they t r y t h e i r best e f f o r t to keep t h e i r houses clean.... In times of epidemic, the percentage of student attendance has been the highest among a l l public schools i n the City. 26T ., . Loc. c i t . 27 The Chinese Voice, Vancouver, Nov. 17, I960. 28 Loc. c i t . (Translated from Chinese). 86 The social-economic l i f e of the Chinese people also requires the continual existence of Chinatown. Many children attend Chinese classes for two hours i n the d i s t r i c t every day after their normal schooling.... It w i l l thus be most disturbing and undesirable to implement urban redevelop-ment i n the area. The community s p i r i t w i l l be badly broken up while housing relocation w i l l cause b i t t e r sufferings to the senior c i t i z e n s . The l i v e s of the younger generation -our school children w i l l also be poorly affected." Another s i g n i f i c a n t event i n regard to the c i t i z e n s ' e f f o r t to prevent housing demolition took place on Oct. 12 and 19, I960, when two seminar meetings were sponsored by the Red Feather Association at the Oakridge H a l l , Oakridge 29 Shopping Centre, Vancouver. O f f i c i a l s from the three levels of government were in v i t e d to explain and answer questions r e l a t i n g to the Twenty-Year Redevelopment Plan of the City. Approximately 100 members of the C.B.A. and the Property Owners Association were present i n the audience. At the f i r s t meeting, a university professor from New York spoke and com-mented p a r t i c u l a r l y on the f a i l u r e s of rehousing i n urban renewal programs i n the United States. Although the ci t i z e n s were unable to a l t e r the decisions of the Vancouver Council, the Strathcona residents were generally excited about the fact that a considerable amount of sympathy was extended to them from residents i n other parts of the City. On Oct. 22, 1960, another general meeting of the Property Owners Association was held at the C.B.A. The Ibid., Nov. 21, I960. 87 objectives of the Association were redefined i n more concrete 30 terms. They were l i s t e d as follows: 1. To protest against the 20-year Urban Redevelopment Plan of the C i t y i n Strathcona. 2. ( i f Objective no. 1 f a i l e d ) , to seek a prolonged delay of housing clearance. 3. ( i f Objective nos. 1 and 2 f a i l e d ) , to demand a f a i r market price on t h e i r properties when s e l l i n g to the City, and to obtain s a t i s f a c t o r y compensation fees for relocation. 4. To protect the rights of i t s four hundred members who were property owners, and to maintain the com-mercial, c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l atmosphere i n Chinatown. I t was generally f e l t that the hope of h a l t i n g the renewal bulldozer was very slim. However, i t was resolved that the Association's executives would continue to negotiate with the government along these l i n e s . With the help of Lawyer K.T. Au, the Association was chartered as a legal cor-poration under the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia i n Nov. I960, As i t was drawing close to the announced day of housing expropriation ( i . e . Spring 1961), the Executives of the Association made a serious e f f o r t i n c a l l i n g on every owner whose property would be affected. Data i n regard to str u c t u r a l conditions, property prices which the owners paid when they bought the house, and the s e l l i n g price which they 32 expected to obtain from the C i t y were a l l f i l e d . 30 The Chinese Voice, Vancouver, Nov. 2, I960. 3 1 I b i d . , Jan. 16, 1961. 32 P h i l i p Wong, Chairman, Chinatown Property Owners Asso-c i a t i o n , Opening Speech, General Meeting, Jan. 1961. 88 At a general meeting on Jan. 16, 1961, Mr. P h i l i p Wong, Chairman of the Association pleaded that a l l residents of Strathcona should continue to act and unite v i t h one ac-cord. "The darkest hour i s the hour before davn," he noted, 33 "and the time has come for action!" The people vere advised that i n the following tvo veeks, many vould receive a l e t t e r from City H a l l , informing them of th e i r property expropriation. The Executive suggested that instead of replying immediately, they should bring i t to the Association vhich vould i n turn arrange to have t h e i r properties appraised. The Association also aimed at negotiating v i t h the government to obtain a f a i r compensation price f o r a l l c i t i z e n s . In viev of the c i t i z e n s ' concern and combined e f f o r t to r e t a i n t h e i r neighbourhood, the Board of Administration of the City recommended to Council that a Redevelopment Con-sul t a t i v e Committee be established to advise the Planning * 3 4 Director of matters i n redevelopment. On Feb. 28, 1961, a tvelve-person committee vas formed, made up of personnel from various i n s t i t u t i o n s and community groups i n the area. Three active members of the Chinatown Property Ovners Asso-c i a t i o n vere also represented. Nevertheless, since the role of t h i s Committee vas e s s e n t i a l l y consultative and advisory, _ Loc. c i t . 1 A City of Vancouver Council Minute, Jan. 10 and Feb. 28, 1961. 89 decisions on renewal actions were s t i l l under the City's control. Council, however, announced that property expro-p r i a t i o n would take place only i n Areas A - l , A-2 and A-3 i n the near future. Redevelopment of other areas would be delayed, pending on the degree of success of Project No.l. Consequences of the Project and Level of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Property expropriation did begin i n Feb. 1961. Each individual household was approached by the City. Some residents who found the City's offer s a t i s f a c t o r y sold t h e i r properties, while others s t i l l kept close contact with the Property Owners Association for assistance. By August 1961, the C i t y succeeded i n acquiring 26 homes i n the Project No.l area and began the clearing process. Since housing demolition had already been started i n the area, more and more ci t i z e n s began to give up the hope of preserving t h e i r neighbourhood. Although they were unwilling to move out of Chinatown, they could not r e s i s t the government's order of expropriation. Eventually, people i n Areas A - l , A-2 and A-3 were t o t a l l y displaced by 1965. Many community leaders were likewise re-located. Subsequently, the Association became t o t a l l y inactive. The magnitude of housing and population affected 35 by Project No. 1 were as follows: — C i t y of Vancouver Urban Renewal Pronect Progress Report No. 5, March 1964. 90 Project No. 1 (1961-65) Properties Properties Gross Acreage Area acquired cleared acquired A - l 82 80 17.33 A-2 31 34 3.03 A-3 29 36 3.03 Public Housing related to Project No. 1 MacLean Park 159 units, f u l l y occupied i n May 1963. Skeena Terrace 234 units, f u l l y occupied i n Jan.1963. The cleared land of Area A - l was reused to provide fi v e i n d u s t r i a l lots averaging 259,000 sq.ft. and a s i t e for the Raymour Park Public Housing complex. Area A-3 was even-t u a l l y designated for an extension of the MacLean Park Housing Project. Following the planned procedure, Area A-2 was reused as a park which was o f f i c i a l l y opened i n June 1965. C i t i z e n involvement during the planning and imple-mentation period of Redevelopment Project No. 1 tended to be more active and progressive compared to the i n i t i a l planning time i n the late 1950s. The Property Owners Association was better organized with their objectives well defined i n suc-cessive steps. Although most of the c i t i z e n s themselves could not communicate with the C i t y o f f i c i a l s i n English, lawyers were hired to speak on t h e i r behalf. The Strathcona residents had also succeeded i n gaining sympathy from c i t i z e n s of other parts of the City (e.g. the Red Feather Association). Nevertheless, the strategy of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n at this stage was e s s e n t i a l l y at the l e v e l of tokenism - the 91 residents were informed, consulted and to some degree, p l a -cated. They were given the opportunity to comment on plans, but there was no insurance that th e i r opinions would be ac-cepted by the professionals. Wherever discripancies existed between the peoples' value and the planners' ideals, the l a t t e r reigned. Although a Redevelopment Consultative Com-mittee was established by Council i n 1961, the c i t i z e n re-presentatives on the Committee only played a rather passive r o l e . They did not have any power i n the decision-making process. Probably, the peoples' emotional disturbance,and intrusion of biases (e.g. issues of r a c i a l discrimination) had prevented professional expert to admit the residents to the decision-making arena. "Rehousing" has been, another obvious f a i l u r e of the project. I n i t i a l l y , the Skeen Terrace Public Housing and MacLean Park project were b u i l t to accommodate people who did not wish to obtain alternative private houses. How-ever, a subsequent survey revealed that only twenty-four families and twenty-three senior c i t i z e n s i n Skeena Terrace ( i . e . 15$ of a l l the family units and 10$ of the senior c i t i z e n s units) were occupied by former residents of Strathcona. People displaced were discouraged from moving to Skeena Terrace due to i t s remote location at the fringe of the City. With United Community Services of Greater Vancouver, Strathcona Report, unpublished report, Oct. 21, 1965. 92 regard to the MacLean Park housing complex, 80% of the tenants were from Strathcona. It was also found that serious s o c i a l problems of family break-down, juvenile delinquency and wel-fare cases were aggregated i n these rehousing areas - a pro-37 blem which i s common i n most public housing projects. I t therefore appeared that the s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l needs of people at large had not been met by the physical plan. Redevelopment Project No. 2  The Redevelopment Plan Concurrent to the implementation of Project No.l, i the second urban renewal program i n Vancouver was i n i t i a t e d i n early 1962. The principle.aims of Project No.2 were to continue the program of eliminaiang poor housing, to create adequate land for redevelopment, and to create land for housing 38 of people displaced by future clearance. A large part of the project s i t e was again within Strathcona - Areas A-6 and A-7 being p a r t i c u l a r l y involved i n this case study. Project No.2 was concerned with the a c q u i s i t i o n and clearance of about 29 acres within an o v e r a l l area of 64 acres. The four-block area A-6 was designated for r e s i -dential redevelopment, primarily to provide accommodation for people displaced from a future redevelopment project. 37 Loc. c i t . 38 City of Vancouver Technical Planning Board, Redevelopment Project No.2, July 1963, pp.6-9. 93 The northern section of t h i s s i t e (A-6) vas intended for private low and medium density housing, while the southern part was allocated for public housing development. I t was also planned that Area A-7 would-be cleared for a school recreation ground for the adjoining Lord Strathcona Elemen-39 tary School. The detailed plan of Project No.2 was f i r s t sub-40 mitted to Council on July 10, 1962. Copies of t h i s report were then c i r c u l a t e d among various parties of interests, i n -cluding the C.B.A., the Chinese Trade Yorkers' Association and about 20 other Chinese community organizations. A sum-mary of the Plan was published i n the l o c a l Chinese newspaper to acquaint the c i t i z e n s with the probable change of their environment. The C i t y also i n v i t e d the l o c a l community groups to express t h e i r opinions on the proposed redevelopment plan and to d i r e c t comments to the City's Redevelopment Consultative 41 Committee within the next few months. Cit i z e n s ' Response and P a r t i c i p a t i o n The dilemma of relocating t h e i r homes again s t i r r e d up the residents of Strathcona. Consequently, a number of community leaders of the C.B.A. saw the need of reorganizing the Chinatown Property Owners Association as a force for united actions. 3 9 I b i d . , p.13. ^^ Vancouver City Council Minute, July 10, 1963. Chinese Voice, Vancouver, Oct. 6, 1962. 94 Through p u b l i c i t y i n the l o c a l newspaper, an "emergency meeting" was held on Sept. 3, 1962 at the C.B.A. 42 where a gathering of over 100 Chinese people were present. There was great fear of f a l l i n g into the same fate as their fellow c i t i z e n s i n Project No.l.. A new executive committee was immediately elected, with Mr. P h i l i p Wong being re-elected as the chairman. Lawyer Harry Fan was hired as the Association's b a r r i s t e r - consultant. The immediate step of the people was to pass com-ments on the proposed Redevelopment Project No.2 Scheme. After careful studies on the "wisdom and t e c h n i c a l i t y " of the City's report, the Association presented a b r i e f to Council i n Oct. 1962, expressing th e i r stand that the said Project 43 was "impractical and unnecessary". Concurrently, other Chinese organizations also took part i n the p e t i t i o n . The Christ Church of China which was located on Keefer Street within Area A-6 was p a r t i c u l a r l y active i n protesting against r e s i d e n t i a l demolition. In a b r i e f submitted to Council i n . l a t e Oct. 1962, the Church Board pleaded with the City to understand t h e i r feelings and concern. 44 The major content of this b r i e f was as follows: 42 Chinese Voice, August 31, 1962. A 1 Vancouver City Council Minute, Oct. 2, 1962. 4 4 Mr. P h i l i p Wong, Chairman, Church Board, Christ Church of China, Unpublished b r i e f , Oct. 30, 1962. 95 "As a member of the C h r i s t i a n churches, i t i s our r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to look after our congregation and to attend to th e i r needs. One of these needs i s to teach newcomers English so that they would not have any d i f -f i c u l t y i n conversing with other Canadians. Another of our function i s to keep them i n r e l i g i o u s guidance and to teach them to adhere, to certain customs and tr a d i t i o n s practised by our forefathers. Ve f e e l that were Project No.2 to be i n force and Chinatown dismembered, our congregation w i l l be scattered and our work not only hindered but a l l i n vain.... I sincerely believe you w i l l sympathise with us." As the s o l i c i t o r of this church, lawyer H. Fan negotiated with the City on behalf of the church congregation. He challenged the planners that a year ago ( i . e . 1961), the people were assumed that a l l churches and schools would not be affected by the redevelopment schemes whereas under the current project, they were to be relocated. In answering his question, the City simply explained that l o c a l organiza-tions had been informed only of general aim of the program to avoid as far as possible the displacement of i n s t i t u t i o n a l buildings. However, certain structures were so located i n r e l a t i o n to the overall plan that t h e i r retention did not 45 appear fe a s i b l e . Many other community groups also joined together to present united p e t i t i o n s . On Jan. 22, 1963, active members of 15 Chinese organizations appealed to Council i n support 46 of t h e i r b r i e f . On the same day, Mr. Foon Sien resigned 45 Vancouver City Council Minute, Jan. 22, 1963. 46T . , Loc. c i t . 96 his position with the City's Redevelopment Consultative Committee. He found that the Committee was only a formality by which the C i t y claimed that c i t i z e n s had been given an opportunity to p a r t i c i p a t e i n renewal planning. He commented that his experience i n community leadership seemed to indicate that urban renewal i n Chinatown had been very non-democratic. On A p r i l 25, 1963, another b r i e f on similar ground was sub-47 mitted by representatives of 7 l o c a l organizations. In view of the public's rather v i o l e n t r e f l e c t i o n s on the redevelopment plan, the City planners recognized that some kind of measure was needed to assure the residents of the merits of urban renewal. Accordingly, the C i t y emphasised that the problem of rehousing the displaced people would be p a r t i c u l a r l y important i n Project No.2. They claimed that the current program was planned for an increased rate of pro-gress compared to Project No.l, with the objective of minimising the period between clearance of land and t h e i r disposal for 48 reuse. The housing project on land cleared i n Project No.l (MacLean Park Extension) was intended to re-house people d i s -placed by Project No.2. The period of Jan. 1963 to 1964 was a time of pro-longed delay of Project No.2. While the C i t y was awaiting for the federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments' approval for the 4 7 I b i d . , A p r i l 30, 1963. ^Urban Renewal Progress Report No.5, March 1964. 97 Plan, other programs were proposed for r e v i t a l i z i n g the business section of Chinatown. I t was proposed that certain streets be closed to become a pedestrian mall featured as a 49 park-like o r i e n t a l plaza. The Chinese merchants also pro-posed to erect a pagoda at the western entrance to Chinatown. These various plans on business r e v i t a l i z a t i o n and the pro-longed period of i n a c t i v i t y diverted the attention of the Strathcona residents. Their enthusiasm for renewing t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l environment was greatly reduced. Eventually, there was a s i g n i f i c a n t decline i n t h e i r interests i n nego-t i a t i n g with the City, and membership of the Property Owners 50 Association dropped markedly i n late 1964. Planning Implementation, Consequences and Level of C i t i z e n  P a r t i c i p a t i o n Implementation of Project No.2 was started i n Dec. 1964. Although there were again hard feelings and struggles between the residents and City, the experience of Project No.l discouraged the people from i n s i s t i n g on t h e i r point of view. They f i n a l l y yielded to the government. Property a c q u i s i t i o n and clearance proceeded from 1964 to Jan. 1968. A t o t a l of 45 properties (out of 362) 51 were bought, covering an area of about 28 acres. Approx-imately 10 acres of land were provided for r e s i d e n t i a l use 4Q 7The Vancouver Sun, May 30, 1963. 50 Personal contact, Mr. P h i l i p Vong. 51 Redevelopment Progress- Renort No.6. vv.7-9, 98 and street widening i n Area A-6, while another 3 acres were re-used as school-park s i t e i n Area A-7. I t was estimated that 1,730 people were displaced. The l e v e l of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n during the period of Project No.2 was s t i l l at the stage of tokenism. It was evident that a greater number of l o c a l Chinese organizations were concerned with more frequent petitions and delegation to C i t y H a l l . The tools of the planners to educate, inform and consult the people (e.g. through p u b l i c i t y ) had some im-pact i n giving the s o c i a l l y i n d i f f e r e n t people some ideas of the future environmental change. Nevertheless, the residents did not have any p o l i t i c a l power to influence the planning program. To-date, disposal of land from cleared properties i s s t i l l under process. Sales of land p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Area A-6 has not been as successful as those i n Project No.l, and some lots had been l e f t vacant for a long time. E. Chang analysed that the major reason for t h i s sales f a i l u r e was that the expected productivity of the s i t e for the designated reuses were not s u f f i c i e n t l y high to a t t r a c t private invest-52 ment. In other words, the l e v e l of revenue to be obtained did not appear to be high enough to enable the investors to amortize t h e i r costs and secure an a t t r a c t i v e rate of return — E. Chang, Private Investment i n Urban Redevelopment, M.A. thesis, U.B.C. 1968, pp.69-74. 99 on t h e i r investments. Other factors, such as development r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed on the investors and shortage of mortgage money also contributed to hinder the land sales process. In general, the economic productivity of Redevelopment Project No.2 was not s a t i s f a c t o r y . From the viewpoint of a s o c i a l consultant, the U.C.S. commented that urban redevelopment (Projects 1 and 2) i n Vancouver seemed to have, to a large degree, ignored the 53 s o c i a l environment of the area. A concentration of s o c i a l problems was found i n the three public housing projects re-lated to urban renewal - Skeena Terrace, MacLean Park and Raymour Place. Raymour Place, which was p a r t i c u l a r l y i n -tended to accommodate the residents displaced by Project No.2 and Scheme 3 was completed i n Jan. 1967. The tenants i n general found that the location of this public housing com-plex was not desirable. They commented that " i n d u s t r i a l -cum-slum areas" were not i d e a l l y suited to r e s i d e n t i a l l i f e , since by t h e i r nature they were bound to present certain hazards - e.g. trucks, trains etc., and many aesthetic pro-54 blems such as junk yards i n the v i c i n i t y . Several t r a f f i c accidents had already occurred at the railway crossings i n the area, where individuals were injured. In addition, there were serious complaints i n regard to the i n t e r i o r design of — Strathcona Area Council, U.C.S. B r i e f , undated. 54 U.C.S. Vancouver, A Tenant Looks at Public Housing Project, A p r i l 1968, p.16. 100 •the apartments - e.g. the kitchen-dining area vas so small that a family of six vere not able to eat i n the kitchen 55 together. Property expropriation of Project No.2 had, l i k e -vise hurt the human aspirations of those displaced. It had created disturbance and disruption to the pattern of Chinese community l i v i n g . The painful sensation of the residents can be seen i n the case of Mr. Pred Soon, vhose property vas demolished eight months before he received a l e g a l vesting 56 order from the B r i t i s h Columbia Supreme Court. In addition, he did not receive payment for his property u n t i l eleven months afte r he vas displaced. Comments of various p o l i t i c i a n s on Redevelopment Project No.2 may perhaps give further insight into the degree of success of urban reneval and c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Van-couver. On Jan. 9, 1965, Mr. Jack Nicholson stated the 57 following: "The City had not been able to s e l l the idea that urban renewal meant 'dollars i n everyone's pocket' i n the long run." On August 19, 1967, Mr. Bob Williams, M.L.A. and former Alderman and community planner commented: 55 Loc. c i t . "*^For d e t a i l s , see Pred Soon, Letter addressed to E.J. Broome, Alderman, Vancouver, March 3, 1969. 57 Vancouver Sun, Jan. 9, 1965. 101 " The urban renewal programs could have been a giant success here, but for bureaucratic problems, i t had not been so. In the past ten years since urban renewal was i n s t i t u t e d i n Vancouver, the Planning Department has never once attempted a project which captured the public's imagination Under present administration framwork, the redevelopment section had been working i n a kind of limbo, without adequate co-ordination and s u f f i c i e n t p r i o r i t y given to schemes."58 Whether the above statements represent the actual s i t u a t i o n i s a dispute. However, there i s some v a l i d a t i o n i s presuming that human values and s o c i a l desires had not yet been integrated with physical planning during that time. I I . The Interim Stage of Technical Assistance (Strathcona Area Council and the City Social Planning and Community  Development Department) - Urban Renewal Scheme I I I . i n 1964, amendments of the National Housing Act was passed, extending federal finances to renewal of blighted areas of a l l categories, including r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and con-59 servation measures. Accordingly, the City of Vancouver applied for assistance i n the preparation of Urban Renewal Scheme III to make the f u l l e s t use of this f i n a n c i a l aid. Urban Renewal Scheme III was an ambitious scheme covering an area of 900 acres. The t o t a l Scheme Area was divided into seven sub-areas, of which Strathcona was given f i r s t p r i o r i t y for renewal action (refer to Map 1 for location i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ) . Both Redevelopment Project Nos. 1 and 2 Journal of Commerce, Vancouver, August 19, 1967. 59 Vancouver Urban Renewal Progress Report No. 7. 102 l i e within the boundary of t h i s Scheme III sub-area. The primary purpose of Scheme III was to carry on the o r i g i n a l objectives of the City's 1957 Redevelopment Study. The i n i t i a l Scheme recommended 10 blocks of t o t a l clearance and the equivalent of 9 blocks of p a r t i a l clearance, con-taining over 40fo of the poor housing the a r e a . ^ Such re-commendations involved progressive a c q u i s i t i o n and demolition of about 1200 dwelling units i n 438 structures. The Scheme also included the provision of 300 public housing units, 250 private dwellings and about 100 units of private development. Ultimately, the o r i g i n a l 1200 units would be replaced by approximately 1500 units. In addition, plans were made to complete the central school and park s i t e development, and the creation of a neighbourhood shopping centre south of Hastings Street. The program of implementation was planned to extend over f i v e years to allow for phased relocation and redevelopment. A preliminary Scheme III Summary Report was f i r s t submitted to City Council i n September 1967. Council then referred i t to the Urban Renewal Consultative Committee, the Planning Commission and the School, and Parks Board for report. Copies were also supplied to other organizations interested i n the issue. _____________________ Por d e t a i l s of the Scheme, refer to Urban Renewal Scheme  III Sub-area 1 Strathcona, unpublished report, Aug.9, 1968. 103 With some further refinement and the i n c l u s i o n of communications received from organizations and individuals, 61 the detailed plan for Scheme III was completed i n Aug. 1968. Nevertheless, there were obstacles i n seeking approval of the Plan from the senior governments - the federal and p r o v i n c i a l authorities, and there was also great d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n on the c i t i z e n s ' part. Subsequently, several amendments were made to the o r i g i n a l program. To-date, no d e f i n i t e scheme has been approved for implementation. Since the early preparatory stage of this scheme i n 1965, c i t i z e n involvement has been most prominant i n the area. P a r t i c i p a t o r y actions were i n the form of both formal organizations and i n d i v i d u a l s . They w i l l be discussed i n the following sections. The Strathcona Area Council The Strathcona Area Council i s one of the l o c a l area councils i n Vancouver o r i g i n a l l y established and staffed by the U.C.S. of Greater Vancouver. In 1965, the Research D i v i s i o n of U.C.S. proposed broader community involvement i n planning and coordinating services i n the City. The Local Area approach was thus adopted, and the boundaries of l o c a l service areas were delineated. Strathcona was then delineated 62 as one l o c a l area. The council was made up of l o c a l residents, 61 Vancouver Council Minute, Sept. 26, 1967. 62 Strathcona Local Area Council Executive Committee Minute, Vancouver, May 1965. 104 active individuals, community organization and service agencies, for the purpose of fostering concerted research, planning and service operations i n the area. In June 1965, the Ex-ecutive committee was elected. Other committees of the Council included Committees on Aging, on Planning, on Recreation and on Redevelopment and Relocation. The committee on Redevelop-ment and Relocation had played an important role i n promoting c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Urban Renewal Scheme I I I . During the i n i t i a l meeting of the Executive Com-mittee i n Oct.-Nov. 1965, the Area Council r e a l i z e d the neces-s i t y of having the Chinese community represented on the exe-cutive and the sub-committee. An e f f o r t was thus made to involve the Chinese people through the l o c a l newspapers. Since the Strathcona Area Council was concerned with the t o t a l comprehensive development of the area ( i . e . not only urban renewal issues), some long-range objectives were approved as f o l l o w s : ^ 3 1) . To make Strathcona a better place to l i v e , 2) . To work for better health, education, welfare and recreation services for a l l residents i n Strathcona, 3) . To protect the interests of a l l ethnic groups, 4) . To ensure that redevelopment was carried out i n a manner that could best benefit a l l residents, and 5) . To promote the building of a community centre. In March 1966 while the City was undertaking the preparation of Scheme I I I , a survey was directed by the Strath-cona Area Council on housing attitudes. I t was found that 6 3 I b i d . , Nov. 25, 1965. 105 the proposed public housing i n Strathcona did not seem to meet the needs of certain groups - i . e . single people under 60, e l d e r l y "who required hostel accommodation, families with incomes i n excess of $400 per month, and families who pre-ferred to l i v e i n Chinatown i n t h e i r own homes. These re-sults were then reported to the City, requesting that genuine considerations be given to these f i n d i n g s . ^ Minutes of the Executive Committee meetings during the subsequent months recorded repeatedly that e f f o r t s to encourage Chinese representatives to s i t on the Executive was deemed unsuccessful. Since property demolition of Re-development Project Nos. 1 and 2 was well underway at that time, many ci t i z e n s were dispersed. Others who did not under-stand English likewise did not show any in t e r e s t i n the work of the Area Council. The Redevelopment and Relocation Subcommittee was also concerned with the residents i n Raymour Park. A Tenants Association was established i n July 1967, while at the same time, a " d i r e c t service team" was proposed to induce new community workers i n the a r e a . ^ In Oct. 1967, the Area Council received a copy of' the City's preliminary report on Urban Renewal Scheme III -Strathcona Sub-area. In Order to determine the community's Strathcona Area Council Minute, Vancouver, March 1, 1966. 6 5 I b i d . , A p r i l 12, 1967. 106 r e a c t i o n to the r e p o r t , a p u b l i c meeting was h e l d on Nov.14, 1967, sponsored by the Strathcona Area C o u n c i l . As a r e s u l t of t h i s meeting, an o n - s i t e urban renewal enquiry o f f i c e was opened f o r a week.^ During t h a t week, the Enquiry o f f i c e d e a l t w i t h 70 e n q u i r i e s . During December, another p u b l i c meeting was sponsored by the Area Council a f t e r which a b r i e f was submitted to C o u n c i l . The b r i e f b a s i c a l l y pointed out the weaknesses of the C i t y ' s Summary Report, p a r t i c u l a r l y on r e l o c a t i o n p r a c t i c e s and the inadequacies of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s 67 The major recommendations of the b r i e f were as f o l l o w s : , l ) . That a permanent 'Urban Renewal A u t h o r i t y ' be e s t a b l i s h e d to coordinate a l l the v a r i e d f u n c t i o n s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s necessary f o r s u c c e s s f u l operation of on-going urban renewal p r o j e c t s . 2) . Increased a t t e n t i o n of a l l f a c e t s of r e l o c a t i o n p r a c t i c e s , s p e c i a l emphasis should be placed on: p u b l i c i n f o r m a t i o n programs, informa t i o n on a l -ternate housing, involvement of s o c i a l agencies and follow-up of r e s i d e n t s d i s p l a c e d by urban renewal. 3) . C i t y Council should ensure that home owners d i s -placed are given a l t e r n a t e housing both w i t h i n • the area and outside of i t . Proceeding Jan. 1968, s e v e r a l more b r i e f s were presented by i n d i v i d u a l s to C i t y C o u n c i l . The Urban Re-development and R e l o c a t i o n Sub-committee of the L o c a l Council saw the c r u c i a l need of i n v o l v i n g more Chinese community leaders and r e s i d e n t s . Several Chinese c i t i z e n s were i n -66 C i t y of Vancouver Planning Department, Urban Renewal  Scheme I I I Strathcona Subarea Summary Report - Com-munications received from o r g a n i z a t i o n s , Feb.9, 1968, p.2, Strathcona Area C o u n c i l , Re: Urban Renewal Plans f o r  the Strathcona Area, Jan. 1968, p . l . 107 v i t e d t o j o i n t h e C o m m i t t e e i n M a r c h 1 9 6 8 . ^ "While t h e C i t y was b u s y i n a m e n d i n g t h e Scheme I I I Summary R e p o r t , t h e S t r a t h c o n a A r e a C o u n c i l t o o k a c t i v e s t e p s t o o r g a n i z e up t h e c i t i z e n s . A n o u t s t a n d i n g c i t i z e n M r . F r e d Soon s u g g e s t e d t h e " b l o c k b y b l o c k " home owners o r g a n i z a t i o n m e t h o d , w h i l e p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s i s t a n c e was o f f e r e d b y l o c a l c o m m u n i t y d e v e -69 l o p m e n t w o r k e r s f r o m t h e Y . W . C . A . The n e w l y - f o r m e d S o c i a l P l a n n i n g a n d C o m m u n i t y D e v e l o p m e n t D e p a r t m e n t o f t h e C i t y was a l s o i n v o l v e d , w i t h a l o c a l a r e a c o o r d i n a t o r a s s i g n e d t o work w i t h t h e r e s i d e n t s . The R e d e v e l o p m e n t a n d R e l o c a t i o n S u b c o m m i t t e e m e e t i n g s on O c t . 8 a n d 1 7 , 1968 were v e r y i m p o r t a n t i n a f -f e c t i n g t h e s u b s e q u e n t a c t i o n s o f t h e S t r a t h c o n a r e s i d e n t s . The amended Scheme I I I R e p o r t was r e v i e w e d , w h i c h a r o u s e d f u r i o u s o b j e c t i o n s on t h e r e s i d e n t s ' p a r t . The c i t i z e n s showed p r o g r e s s i n t h e i r a b i l i t y t o t a k e c o n c e r t e d a c t i o n s . T h e y we're much more o u t s p o k e n ( i n E n g l i s h ) t h a n t h e p r e v i o u s t i m e s , and t h e y were w e l l p r e p a r e d t o o r g a n i z e on a b l o c k b y b l o c k b a s i s . The E x e c u t i v e s o f t h e A r e a C o u n c i l t h e n f e l t t h a t t h e t i m e was r i p e f o r t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l s ( i . e . s o -c i a l w o r k e r s and c o m m u n i t y w o r k e r s ) t o g i v e way t o t h e g r a s s -r o o t c i t i z e n s t h e m s e l v e s t o e f f e c t j o i n t d e m o c r a t i c p a r t i c i -p a t i o n . The c o m m u n i t y w o r k e r s b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e m o s t e f f i c i e n t _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ — - — S t r a t h c o n a A r e a C o u n c i l , S u b - c o m m i t t e e on R e d e v e l o p m e n t and R e l o c a t i o n , M i n u t e s , M a r c h 4 , 1 9 6 8 . 69 T • . L o c . c i t . 108 c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n were those mobilized by the people themselves. The formation of the Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants Association (SPOTA) at the end of 1968 further 70 substantiate t h e i r b e l i e f . Meanwhile, some organizational changes also occurred with the Strathcona Area Council. The City's Social Planning/ Community Development Department began to coordinate the s o c i a l service agencies i n the area and to form a professional "Service Team". The Team was planned to function as a cen-t r a l i z e d body, taking over much of the planning work which was formerly done by the Area Council. Various c i t i z e n groups (which vere also c a l l e d primary groups) such as the Raymour Park Tenants Association and the SPOTA vere e f f i c i e n t l y or-ganized to carry out t h e i r s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s . Accordingly, the o r i g i n a l functions of the Strathcona Area Council vere performed by the Team and community groups i n the area. Eventually, the Strathcona Area Council vas u n o f f i c i a l l y dissolved at the end of 1969. Significance of the Strathcona Area Council i n E f f e c t i n g  C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Planning. Although the Strathcona Area Council vas a r e l a t i v e l y s hort-live organization, i t has played an important role i n promoting c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning i n Strathcona. — Details of the SPOTA vould be discussed i n a l a t e r section. 109 The Area Council was primarily made up of pro-fessionals (e.g. school p r i n c i p a l s , s o c i a l workers etc.) i n the area. The method employed to organize the c i t i z e n s was the "blue ribbon" system by which committee members and block representatives were selected from established i n s t i -71 tutions of the neighbourhood. The committee therefore consisted of experienced leaders who had contributed to the community i n s p e c i f i c areas. At various times, they provided professional and technical assistance to the residents, thus serving as an eff e c t i v e resource body of the people. The Strathcona Area Council was somewhat d i f f e r e n t from the Property Owners Association i n the area. Its area of. interests was much broader i n scale, while i t s concern for the community was more comprehensive. Its function was not confined to urban renewal issues, but was extended to a l l aspects of the social-physical environment. Accordingly, i t s scope of work included parks and recreation programs, public housing projects, senior c i t i z e n s , etc. The Area Council therefore seemed more capable of making comprehensive judgements and proposals i n regard to urban redevelopment. The City Social Planning and Community Development Department The establishment of the City Social Planning and Community Development Department was f i r s t i n i t i a t e d i n 1965 R. ¥ . C o l l i e r , "Charting Community Goals", Community  Planning Review, Vol. 18, NO.4, pp.20-21. 110 when the Downtown Eastside Study was directed by the City 72 Planning Department. In examining problems of this skid-row area, i t become apparent that a greater e f f o r t to tackle fundamental s o c i a l weakness must preceed any physical planning. As an outcome of this finding, the c i t y planners recommended that a Social Planning Board be established i n the C i t y to serve more,effectively the so c i a l needs of the people. This recommendation, supported by the U.C.S. and a number of c i v i c departments was 'approved by Council, which immediately appointed the City Board of Administration ;to investigate the d e t a i l s of thi s proposal, including the l e g i -l a t i v e and functional framework of the new department. From thence, the new Social Planning/Community Development Department was formulated i n mid 1968. According to the Terms of Reference, the major purpose of the Department i s to strengthen i n d i v i d u a l and 73 family l i f e , and to enrich neighbourhoods and c i t y l i v i n g . Its main functions were: to unify the service approaches of a var i e t y of c i v i c departments and outside agencies, to refine the present system of planning and providing health, education, welfare and recreational services on a neighbourhood or l o c a l area basis, to prevent and control conditions of s o c i a l mal-adjustments such as poverty and delinquency, to integrate 72 City of Vancouver, Downtown Eastside, 1965. 73 Joint Technical Committee, Department of Social Planning and Development, Report to Council, Recommendations, May 1968. I l l s o c i a l and other aspects of c i t y planning, to encourage re-sidents to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for improving the s o c i a l and economic environment, and to create a master s o c i a l plan for the C i t y . 7 4 The organizational structure of the Department i n r e l a t i o n to other c i v i c departments i s indicated i n the f o l -lowing table. The p o l i c y of the Department i s determined by a Jo i n t Social Development Committee comprised of represen-tatives from the City Council, the P r o v i n c i a l government, the Board of School Trustees and the Board of Parks and Publi Recreation. This Joint Committee w i l l then make j o i n t re-commendations to C i t y Council which o f f i c i a l l y commit a l l 75 Boards and Departments to the p o l i c i e s concerned. To carry out the p o l i c i e s of the Joint Committee, a Joint Technical Committee i s formed, chaired by the Directo of the Social Planning/Community Development Department. I t serves to coordinate the programs of the City Departments and enables them to set up combined operational projects. I t receives recommendations from the Conference of the Local Area Councils and the Regional Planning Committee. Although the development of the Social Planning Department i s s t i l l i n i t s infancy, i t has contributed s i g n i -f i c a n t l y to the planning and implementation of urban renewal 74 Ibid., Appendix A. 75 E.D. H i l l , Notes on a Department of Social Planning and Development Department for the City of Vancouver, U.C.S., A p r i l , 1967. TABLE 5 CITY OF VANCOUVER ORGANIZATIONAL CHART OF PROPOSED DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT UNITED COMMUNITY • SERVICES VANCOUVER JOINT SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT COMMITTEE (1) Planning Committee Conference of Local. Area Councils Joint Technical (2) Committee on Social Development Local Area Council (l) Composed of: Local Area Council (2) Composed of: Local Area Council CITY COUNCIL Board of Administration Department of Social Planning Other C i t y Deptjs 3 Representatives from each of the following under chairmanship of the Mayor (who would also represent the Police Commission) City Council Board of School Trustees Board of Parks and Public Recreation nirector of Social Planning and Development (Chairman) Commissioners, City of Vancouver Social Welfare Administrator Medical Health Officer Director of Planning • • Director of Education Superintendent, Parks and Public Recreation Chief Probation Officer Executive Director, United Community Services Director of Planning, United Community Services 113 programs i n Vancouver. As mentioned i n a previous section, the Strathcona area has been regarded as a high p r i o r i t y area i n need of the "Team" approach to planning and deli v e r i n g community services. A l o c a l area coordinator has thus been assigned to work i n the neighbourhood since 1968. To-date, a Service Team has been organized to service the residents with coordinated e f f o r t s . An on-site information centre was established i n Feb. 1970 for purposes of r e f e r r a l and counselling. The Social Planning/Community Development Depart-ment has also played an important role i n promoting community s p i r i t and c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning among the l o c a l residents. Together with the Strathcona Area Council, i t offered professional assistance to the community groups. The i n i t i a l establishment of the SPOTA i n pa r t i c u l a r obtained 76 much of i t s i n s p i r a t i o n from this department. Since 1969, the Department has become increasingly involved and responsible for the preparation of Urban Renewal Scheme I I I . In Aug. 1969, the three lev e l s of government agreed that the whole Scheme III should be reviewed i n con-77 su l t a t i o n with representatives of the Strathcona residents. A Joint Working Committee was then formed, comprised of re-presentatives from the government and the Strathcona residents. At City Council meeting on Sept.9, 1969, the Director of the Social Planning/Community Development Department was appointed "If. Personal interview, Miss Shirley Chan, Strathcona resident. 77 Vancouver City Council Minute, Sept. 9, 1969. 114 as "the chairman of this Joint Committee to act as a l i a i s o n between the four agencies concerned. Although the future of urban renewal programs i n Vancouver i s s t i l l unknown, the f a c t that the Social Planning/ Community Development Department i s taking up the coordinating r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s an encouraging sign to the c i t i z e n s . I t seems to indicate a trend towards central planning and p o s i -t i v e integration of physical plans and s o c i a l desires. However the future growth of t h i s trend has yet to be seen. I I I . The Stage of Delegated Power - The Strathcona Property  Owners and Tenants Association - Urban Renewal Scheme III  Strathcona Subarea. The SPOTA i s a prominant c i t i z e n organization es-tablished i n response to the City's Urban Renewal Scheme III Subarea Strathcona. As previously discussed, considerable community s p i r i t and concern were generated among the Strathcona resident since the City has completed i t s report on Urban Renewal •JO Scheme III i n Aug. 1968. With technical assistance from the City Social Planning Department, the c i t i z e n s were well organized on a block by block basis, and were prepared to negotiate with City at the end of 1968. Much of the prelim-inary work i n corodinating the residents should be attributed City of Vancouver Technical Planning Board, Strathcona  Urban Renewal Scheme III Subarea Strathcona, Aug.9, 1968. 115 to Mrs. M. M i t c h e l l , Director of the Community Development Department of the Neighbourhood Services Association of Vancouver. During the winter months of 1968, Mrs. M i t c h e l l contacted various c i t i z e n s and encouraged them to j o i n to-gether as a formal organization to deal with the government. From a l i s t of c i t i z e n s interested i n the idea, block re-presentatives were selected of those capable of community leadership. D i s t i n c t i v e characters with p o l i t i c a l aspirations were p a r t i c u l a r l y asked to become members of a temporary committee. On December 16, 1968, the f i r s t general meeting of the SPOTA was held, with a gathering of 207 people. The executive committee was elected, with Mr. Harry Con being the Chairman. Other members included Mrs. Bessie Lee, Mrs. Sue Lum, Miss Shirley Chan and Mr. Walter Chan. I t was agreed that the purpose of the Association was to ensure that people who l i v e d i n Strathcona would be f u l l y informed, and that th e i r interests would be protected. The f i r s t task of the SPOTA was to prepare a b r i e f and to obtain support from a l l other l o c a l community groups. At approximately the same time, a l l public housing and urban renewal projects i n Canada were halted by the f e -deral government due to the Report of Hellyer's Task Force 79 on Housing. Urban Renewal programs were to be reviewed — Q Paul T. Hellyer, Minister of Transportation, Report  of the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban  Development, Jan. 1969". 116 because they seemed, to have eliminated usable housing and thus i n t e n s i f i e d the lack of housing. The Report suggested that physical renewal should be coupled with s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l renewal, and that housing r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and con-servation should be implemented instead of mere t o t a l clearance , . . . 80 and reconstruction. The F i r s t Phase - Preparation of the F i r s t B r i e f and Follow- up Work A b r i e f was promptly formulated by the Association i n Jan. 1969. I t f i r s t of a l l announced the establishment i of the Association, i t s aims and membership (578 residents signed the p e t i t i o n ) . Six recommendations were then l i s t e d i n a demanding manner, stating the firm stand of the c i t i z e n s . These recommendations were as follows: 1. The people who had signed the enclosed p e t i t i o n demand the i r right to continue to l i v e i n the Strathcona Area. 2. People who had been forced to move due to urban renewal had not been dealt with f a i r l y . In future, c i t i z e n s must be assured of adequate information, le g a l aid, choices of accommodation and f a i r ex-change value i f homes were expropriated by the City. 3. Current plans for urban renewal be revised to allow for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and preservation of present homes and to provide land for rebuilding private homes. 4. There must be a va r i e t y of p r i v a t e l y owned accom-modation available i n the community i n addition to public housing. 5. People who had a business or an income-producing property should have an opportunity to improve buildings or to relocate t h e i r business within the area. 6. The people requested the Vancouver City Council, and the p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments to re- cognize the SPOTA as an o f f i c i a l body for negotiation on these matters. Loc. c i t . 117 The ci t i z e n s r e a l i z e d thai besides the City govern-ment, the federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments also play an important part i n urban renewal. In addition, they wished to pursue the issues raised by the Hellyer Task Force Report, p a r t i c u l a r l y the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n instead of t o t a l housing clearance. Accordingly, copies of the b r i e f were dis t r i b u t e d to a l l three levels of government i n early 1969. Some follow-up work was done afte r the submission of the b r i e f . On March 3, 1969, the SPOTA executives en-tertained the City Aldermen at the i r Chairman, Mr. Harry Con's home. I t provided an opportunity for ci t i z e n s to communicate with Council members face to face. This occasion enabled the Aldermen to take a closer look at Strathcona - even the i n t e r i o r conditions of an average Chinese home. The"Deputy Major, eight City Aldermen and one member of the planning s t a f f were present. This gathering was a success because a better understanding and considerable sympathy was gained from the Aldermen. There were suggestions that urban demo-l i t i o n be changed to r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , and that federal loans 81 be applied for housing renovation. A meeting between the SPOTA executives and the MLA's from the area was arranged on March 8. The MLA's supported the c i t i z e n s ' views and promised to bring t h e i r SPOTA Executive meeting minutes, March 3, 1969. r 118 b r i e f to the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly. 82 It vas suggested that the cit i z e n s should prepare constructive alternatives and plans. the federal government. This opportunity vas provided by the National Conference on Urban Reneval as i t Affects China-tovns held i n Calgary, Alberta during A p r i l 6-8, 1969. This conference, sponsored by the Sien Lok Society of Calgary vas an attempt to unite Canada's Chinese c i t i z e n s i n a concerted examination of the urban c r i s i s vhich threatens the existance 83 of Chinatovns a l l over Canada. The delegates vho represented over 100,000 Chinese-Canadians joined v i t h experts i n various f i e l d s to discuss the psychological, s o c i o l o g i c a l and economic factors vhich govern the degree of Chinese integration i n the dominant Caucasian culture. Several executive members of SPOTA attended t h i s conference. i t s o r i g i n a l intention of "examination". Four resolutions vere passed, p a r t i c u l a r l y requesting that s u f f i c i e n t f i n a n c i a l , technical and l e g a l assistance be provided for the redevelop-ment to appeal before the federal government i n Ottava to The SPOTA executives also had d i r e c t contact v i t h The end r e s u l t of t h i s conference vent far beyond ment schemes by the governments. 84 A delegation vas l a t e r 82 Ibid., March 8, 1969. Sien Lok Society, Calgary, Alberta, Proceedings of  National Conference on Urban Reneval as i t Affects  Chinatovns, Preface, A p r i l 6-9, 1969. 84-Loc. c i t . 119 present a b r i e f (June 1969). The SPOTA committee also seized the opportunity of the Conference to request that the federal government representatives look into the Strathcona renewal case s p e c i f i c a l l y . This conference had played an effe c t i v e part i n pursuading the Honourable Paul Hellyer, Minister for Housing to v i s i t various urban renewal project s i t e s i n the country. On A p r i l 17, 1969, the Hon. Mr. P. Hellyer arrived i n Van-couver, and met with the Strathcona residents and City Council to discuss possible p o l i c i e s and alternatives on urban re-newal. A report was submitted by the City, urging the federal government to continue i t s f i n a n c i a l aids towards urban re-8 5 newal and public housing i n Vancouver. P a r t i c u l a r concern was expressed for this area on the basis of an alternative approach involving progressive renewal, li m i t e d clearance and emphasis on renovation. The meeting of the Strathcona residents and the Minister was f r u i t f u l and encouraging. Indicating his sym-pathy for the views of the people, the Minister said that much of Strathcona could be re h a b i l i t a t e d , and that e f f o r t s should be made to preserve some of the physical and human values. The conviction of the Hon. Paul Hellyer, however, did not materialise immediately. After a constitutional j O tr C i t y of Vancouver, Urban Renewal and Public Housing, A p r i l 17, 1969. 120 row v i t h Prime Minister Trudeau over hov far the federal government go i n housing a f f a i r s , the Hon. Mr. Hellyer re-signed from the Cabinet on A p r i l 30, 1969, and indicated his disappointment v i t h the government's lack of concern v i t h housing (the government f e l t that housing problems vere more of a p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y under the Canadian C o n s t i t u t i o n ) . ^ Accordingly, the Strathcona urban reneval project vas again frozen. The Second Phase - Preparation of a Second Br i e f and the  P i l o t R e h a b i l i t a t i o n Study Having obtained the general approval of a l l three leve l s of government on r e h a b i l i t a t i o n instead of t o t a l d i s -placement, the Strathcona residents launched a second phase of p a r t i c i p a t i o n - to make positive proposals for a mass r e h a b i l i t a t i o n Scheme. A survey vas conducted i n May 1969, vhere 500 households containing 1,644 residents vere contact Of the 375 questionnaires returned, 371 stated they vanted to stay i n Strathcona and vere v i l l i n g to renovate t h e i r homes. On May 16, 1969, the SPOTA presented t h e i r second b r i e f to the governments. The citizens urged the government 87 to do the f o l l o v i n g : Vancouver Sun, A p r i l 18, 1969. 8 7 F o r d e t a i l s refer to SPOTA, Second B r i e f , May 16, 1969. 121 To use Strathcona for an experimental project - for ci t i z e n s to r e h a b i l i t a t e t h e i r homes. To provide f i n a n c i a l aid for the people to hire a consultant. ^ To offer f i n a n c i a l assistance - e.g. a $1,000 "re-h a b i l i t a t i o n grant" similar to p r o v i n c i a l grants given to purchasers of new homes. For houses beyond r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , reasonable housing alternatives and funds should be provided for the homeowners. To r e s e l l land at purchase price to those who o r i -g i n a l l y l i v e d i n Strathcona. To consider rezoning the area under spot zoning. To consider amending the Expropriation Act - People should be given f a i r replacement value. The response of the governments on this b r i e f was again positive and encouraging. In p a r t i c u l a r , the p r o v i n c i a l government representative congratulated the Association on t h e i r constructive e f f o r t s , and stated that they would do 88 whatever they could to help. The City also agreed to re-examine the o r i g i n a l urban renewal proposals i n the l i g h t of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . To carry out the resolutions of the National Con-ference held i n Calgary i n A p r i l 1969, twelve delegates appeared before the Honourable Mr. Robert Andras, Minister of Housing who succeeded Mr. Paul Hellyer i n June 1969. The delegation demanded that c i t i z e n s be given f u l l opportunity 89 to participate i n the entire urban renewal process. The SPOTA executive members also took advantage of t h i s occasion to negotiate with the federal government. The Hon. Mr. Robert Correspondence between E. Wolfe, MLA and the SPOTA, June 13, 1969. 9 Vancouver Sun, June 17, 1969. 1. 2. 3. .4. 5. 6. 7. 122 Andras expressed his great interest and concern v i t h Strath-cona vhich to him, i l l u s t r a t e d a l o t of p i t f a l l s of urban 90 reneval. He f e l t that the Strathcona Scheme should be a Canadian concern, not only a Chinese problem. In order to push the issue of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , the SPOTA met City Council as a delegation on June 26, 1969. The Council vas generally i n accord v i t h t h e i r b r i e f , and a special committee of three Aldermen - Hugh Bird, H. Wilson and E. Sveeney vas appointed to check on housing on July 8, 91 1969. I t vas also considered desirable to undertake a quick survey on the f e a s i b i l i t y of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n v i t h i n Strathcona. A survey team vas thus formed, consisting of Cit y o f f i c i a l s , observers from the CMHC and representatives of the SPOTA. During July-August, the p i l o t r e h a b i l i t a t i o n survey vas undertaken for a half-block on the south side of Keefer Street betveen Princess and Heatley Avenues. This p i l o t survey area contained eighteen structures, sixteen of vhich vere r e s i d e n t i a l dvellings. Inspection and investigation vere given to both the external and i n t e r i o r conditions of the buildings, as v e i l as the ovners 1 f i n a n c i a l capacity to , 92 renovate. On the basis of this limited and rapid sample survey, the c i t y planners indicated that extensive r e h a b i l i t a t i o n vas 93 generally not feasible i n the area. Although there vere 90 7 The SPOTA Executive Meeting Minutes, June 24, 1969. 91 City of Vancouver Council Minutes, June 25, 1969. 92 For further d e t a i l s , see City of Vancouver, Urban Reneval  and Public Housing, submission to the Hon. Robert Andras, Aug. 3, 1969. 93 Loc c i t . 123 many blocks i n a better average condition than the h a l f -block surveyed, i t was probable that less than 50$ of the buildings warranted r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . In addition, the cost estimate for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n were r e l a t i v e l y high and might prove too great a f i n a n c i a l burden to many owners. It was recommended that more intensive study on various aspects should be made before any further positive proposal could be made. The findings of this survey was i n i t i a l l y reported to Council on July 20, 1969. The residents of Strathcona, however, did not agree with the P i l o t Survey r e s u l t s . In a l e t t e r addressed to the City, they stated that the CMHC housing standards used for 94 the survey was not appropriate for Strathcona. They also explained that the ci t i z e n s would need to know the de f i n i t e r e h a b i l i t a t i o n programs of the government before they could commit themselves f i n a n c i a l l y . The v i s i t of the Hon. Robert Andras to Vancouver i n mid August 1969 assisted i n c l a r i f y i n g the si t u a t i o n . A guided tour was arranged and meetings were held with repre-sentatives from a l l governmental levels and the SPOTA. Both the Hon. Robert Andras and the Hon. D. Campbell (Minister of Municipal A f f a i r s ) reconfirmed that a large part of Strathcona should be re h a b i l i t a t e d rather than demolished. They admitted that the recommendations of the SPOTA were "viable" and "sound" Letter of the SPOTA addressed to City Deputy Planning Director, Aug. 3, 1969. 95 The Vancouver Province, Aug. 17, 1969. 124 Recognizing the importance of human values and c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the Hon. Robert Andras stated that the fed-eral government vould not participate i n the Strathcona urban reneval scheme unless the residents vere d i r e c t l y i n -volved i n vorking out what should be done. He further em-phasised that any future plan of the area should be drawn up i n co-operation with the three levels of government plus the c i t i z e n s d i r e c t l y affected. The suggestions df the Federal Minister became an o f f i c i a l p o l i c y soon after his v i s i t to Vancouver. In early September 1969, the Minister of Municipal A f f a i r s proposed to C i t y that an i n i t i a l s t a f f committee consisting of re-presentatives of three levels of government and the SPOTA be formed to review the vhole Strathcona Project. Accordingly, Council, at a meeting on Sept. 9 passed the resolution that such a "Working Committee" be formed, v i t h Mr. M. Egan, D i r -ector of the City Social Planning/Community Development De-partment appointed as the Chairman. This, then vas the f i r s t time i n the Canadian planning history that a c i t i z e n organi-zation vas granted an equal pover with government to take part i n the planning decision-making process. Level of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Applying the Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Model discussed i n Chapter IV to the actual s i t u a t i o n , the achievement of the SPOTA resembles the upper l e v e l of c i t i z e n power. It 125 appears that the Association i s no more the object of a plan but i s a co-worker of the government, undertaking j o i n t part-nership i n planning. The success of the SPOTA i n obtaining i t s delegated status can be attributed to many reasons. The preliminary work of the community worker ( s o c i a l worker) has f i r s t of a l l l a i d down a good foundation for the Association. The introduction of a ful l - t i m e on-site community worker (Mr. J . Lau) i n 1968 was timely to help the residents with technical assistance. In addition, members of the executive committee are much more capable and e f f i c i e n t than those of the former Property Owners Association. Their educational background, community leadership and p o l i t i c a l aspiration have a l l acted together to make sensible judgements. The organization system on a block by block basis also tends to provide a closer t i e among the people. The p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i s , to a large extent, favourable to the development of par t i c i p a t o r y democracy. The federal government's concern with s o c i a l problems and human values has supported the citi z e n s who then became more daring to press the other l e v e l s of government. Very probably, the economic contraction i s a major factor i n halting a l l urban renewal programs i n Canada. Rehabilitation, which generally involves less f i n a n c i a l expenditure than demolition i s thus encouraged. The people therefore seized the opportunity 126 to negotiate with the government. Although the stage of c i t i z e n involvement i s s t i l l f ar from the peak l e v e l of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n model, - i . e . c i t i z e n control where people are i n f u l l charge of p o l i c y and planning, the SPOTA has d e f i n i t e l y attained an important position i n the p o l i t i c a l arena. The Strathcona Urban Renewal Working Committee At the f i r s t meeting of the Strathcona Urban Re-newal Working Committee held on Oct. 1, 1969, some general 96 goals and p o l i c i e s were set. These p o l i c i e s were as follows: 1. No large-scale a c q u i s i t i o n and demolition of property w i l l be undertaken i n the Strathcona area under urban renewal l e g i s l a t i o n . 2. The desire of residents to stay i n the area, to pre-serve t h e i r homes and to participate i n upgrading the community. 3. Rehabi l i t a t i o n i s the general goal for the area. 4. The committee of o f f i c i a l s and representatives of the area residents w i l l examine a l l means of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n possible under the existing l e g i s l a t i o n plus those measures which the committee would l i k e to see under-taken for which there are no provision under existing l e g i s l a t i o n . I t was also agreed that the SPOTA was the represen-tative group of residents for Strathcona and that they accepted the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for involving and informing a l l other c i t i z e n s i n the area. The f i r s t task of the Working Committee was to establish two blocks as an experimental project for rehabi-l i t a t i o n . The Committee then requested the three levels of government to provide funds for the SPOTA to engage i t s own Strathcona Working Committee Meeting Minute, Oct. 1, 1969. 127 consultatns to carry out the experimental project. 97 After consulting the c i t i z e n s i n the area, the Working Committee resolved that Blocks 82 and 84 i n Strathcona be used for the experimental project. The firm of Birmingham and Wood, Arch i t e c t u r a l and Planning Consultants was appointed to be the residents' prime consultants. The terms of re-ference for the work of the Consultants was drafted by the City Planning Department and the Consultant firm. The major 98 role of the l a t t e r i s as follows: 1. To examine buildings i n the two blocks, to establish . what should be done, to estimate the costs thereof and to report to the Working Committee. 2. To a s s i s t the determination of standards for rehabi-l i t a t i o n that were compatible with the objective of a 10-20 year l i f e of the building. 3. To determine i n consultation with the residents where r e h a b i l i t a t i o n can be undertaken by the owners from th e i r own resources, and the extent that w i l l have to be derived from other sources. 4. To provide general consultation as required by the SPOTA. 5. To work with City to reappraise elements which w i l l make up a community plan to represent the c i t i z e n s ' best interests i n those plans as they are integrated with the interests of the City. Some items to be examined include: state of u t i l i t y and streets. SPOTA i n the Working Committee, they are very cautious about the decisions of the Committee. In f a c t , they are a f r a i d of being deceived again by bureaucracy. This i s evident i n the fact when the SPOTA executives suspected that the governments would l i m i t t h e i r consultants' work to the two Although the c i t i z e n s are well represented by the 97 98' Ibid., Oct. 7, 1969. Ibid., Nov. 4, 1969. 128 e x p e r i m e n t a l b l o c k s o n l y . They i n s i s t e d t h a t t h e W o r k i n g Agreement o f t h e c o n s u l t a n t s i n c l u d e s t h e c l a u s e : " b e a r i n g i n mind t h a t r e h a b i l i t a t i o n f o r t h e whole a r e a i s t h e g o a l , and t h a t t h e t w o - b l o c k s u r v e y and a n a l y s i s i s m e r e l y t h e 99 i n i t i a l s t e p . " I t a l s o a p p e a r s t h a t a gap does e x i s t between t h e b u r e a u c r a t i c body and t h e g r a s s - r o o t c i t i z e n s . I n some i n -s t a n c e s , t h e l a n g u a g e o f t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l s were n o t u n d e r -s t o o d by t h e p e o p l e . There were t i m e s a t w h i c h t h e p r e s e n c e o f t h e s o c i a l p l a n n e r s and community w o r k e r s was p r o v e d i n -v a l u a b l e when t h e y c o u l d e x p l a i n t e c h n i c a l terms t o t h e c i t i z e n s . The p l a n n i n g c o n s u l t a n t s who a c t u a l l y a c t as t h e p e o p l e s ' a d v o c a t e p l a n n e r s u n d o u b t e d l y p l a y a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n i n t e g r a t i n g p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g and human d e s i r e s . T o - d a t e , t h e W o r k i n g Committee and t h e p e o p l e s ' c o n s u l t a n t s a r e p r o c e e d i n g on t h e i r work b a s e d on t h e a g r e e d terms o f r e f e r e n c e . The c a s e h a s , however, been f u r t h e r c o m p l i c a t e d by t h e f r e e - w a y l o c a t i o n c r i s i s . The l a t e s t p r o p o s a l f o r t h e i n i t i a l f r e e w a y i s t h e U n i o n - P r i o r C o r r i d o r , w h i c h i s i m m e d i a t e l y s o u t h o f t h e S t r a t h c o n a r e n e w a l a r e a . As m e n t i o n e d i n C h a p t e r IV, S t r a t h c o n a i s s t i l l u n d e r a c o n -t i n u o u s p r o c e s s o f c h a n g e s , w i t h p r e s s u r e f r o m v a r i o u s c o n -f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s . A c c o r d i n g l y , t h e Case S t u d y o f t h i s t h e s i s i s i n i t s e l f u n f i n i s h e d . I t s i s s u e s and dilemma a r e s t i l l k e p t a l i v e by t h e c i t i z e n s and t h e p o l i t i c i a n s . QQ I b i d . , Amendment. CHAPTER VI  CONCLUSIONS The Study The purpose of this thesis i s to examine the existing separation between physical planning and s o c i a l planning, with p a r t i c u l a r attention to Vancouver. The two d i s c i p l i n e s which originated from common roots have become two specialized f i e l d s with d i f f e r e n t emphasis and approaches i n Vancouver. Physical planning has been overwhelmed by the doctrine of environmental determinism. The planners have tended to concentrate on t e r r i t o r i a l and aesthetic aspects of the community. Social planning, on the other hand, has emphasised the indi v i d u a l well-being as i t s core inter e s t , and limited i t s scope to the provision of welfare and com-munity services. Consequently, a great gulf has been b u i l t up between the two functions. I t becomes evident, i n recent years, that the maladjustment of these two functions i s detrimental to the end product and to i t s users. 1 This misfortune i s pa r t i c u -l a r l y noticeable i n urban renewal programs where replacement of poor physical structures by decent housing f a i l s to im-2 prove the s o c i a l conditions. L i t t l e account has been given to the s o c i a l elements of community l i f e , and an inadequate attempt has been made to renew the emotional f a b r i c . I t ^Herbert Gans, People and Plans, (New York, 1968), p.64. 2 Albert Rose, Regent Park, (University of Toronto Press, 1968), pp.34-41. 130 appears, then, that a restructured systems approach i s required to integrate physical planning and s o c i a l needs. One of the methods vhich has been increasingly advocated i n the North American society for eliminating mismatches betveen physical planning and s o c i a l desires i s c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning. I t is argued that plan-ning i s e s s e n t i a l l y a part of the democratic p o l i t i c a l pro-cess, vhereby decisions are made i n selecting alternative 3 approaches to the a l l o c a t i o n of resources. The purpose of th i s study i s focused on t e s t i n g the v a l i d i t y of c i t i z e n involvement as a l i a i s o n betveen physical planning and s o c i a l values. The; hypothesis for t h i s research vas: "That c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n v i l l a s s i s t the integration of physical planning and s o c i a l planning." The basic research methodology of this thesis vas l i t e r a t u r e research and evaluation. A case study on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning i n a l o c a l area of Vancouver - The Strathcona Urban Reneval Area vas also adopted to demonstrate the relevancy of the hypothesis i n Vancouver. Research Conclusions Extensive l i t e r a t u r e research into the rationale and approaches of physical planning and s o c i a l planning reveals that the tvo functions are actually closely related to each _ Edmund M. Burke, " C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Strategies", i n the Journal of A.I.P., Vol. XXXIV, Sept. 1968, pp.287-294. ) 131 other, both concerned v i t h the same c l i e n t e l e - human re-sources. An urban community i s i n fact an extremely com-pl i c a t e d physical-socioeconomic system which consists of 4 inseparable elements. It is therefore perversive to d i s -sociate the physical buildings from the s o c i a l meanings that they carry for their users, and from the socioeconomic func-tions of the a c t i v i t i e s vhich are conducted v i t h i n them. Any physical plan vhich aims at improving the environment for the benefit of the public i s e s s e n t i a l l y " s o c i a l " i n nature. Physical planning for a community can thus be vieved as a means of achieving i t s s o c i a l and human objectives. "Planning" can then be defined as a comprehensive process of decision-making on the d i s t r i b u t i o n and development of human and physical resources. In fa c t , there are no se-parate d i s c i p l i n e s of physical planning and s o c i a l planning. Instead, only one type of planning exists - a comprehensive approach to achieve s o c i a l goals. This approach i s an i n t e r -systems method vhich involves the deliberate introduction of socioeconomic and human behavior considerations into the decision-making process. Further research on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n appears to support the hypothesis that c i t i z e n involvement v i l l as-s i s t the desired integration of physical planning and s o c i a l values. There are actually many forms of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n ^Melvin Webber, "Comprehensive Planning and Social Res-p o n s i b i l i t y " , i n Journal of A.I.P., Vol. XXIX 1963, p.233. L 1 3 2 depending on the goals, assumptions and organization l e v e l 5 of the c i t i z e n s . These various p a r t i c i p a t o r y "strategies" can be represented by a hypothetical model - A Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n . Three broad levels of c i t i z e n i n -volvement are i d e n t i f i e d i n the typology - l e v e l of non-p a r t i c i p a t i o n , degrees of tokenism and degrees of c i t i z e n power. The Ladder of P a r t i c i p a t i o n i s further sub-divided into seven steps, ranging from education, informing, con-su l t a t i o n , placation, partnership, delegated power to c i t i z e n control. This hypothetical model i l l u s t r a t e d that s i g n i f i c a n t gradations exist i n c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n which are mani-fested i n t h e i r degrees of influence over the planning de-cis i o n s . -Accordingly, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a new kind of p o l i t i c s . I t involves the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of power to the have-not c i t i z e n s and the decentralization of govern-mental functions. I t should be re-termed as "participatory democracy" whereby the have-not c i t i z e n s introduce s o c i a l reform to enable themselves to take part i n the planning decision-making arena. This strategy of c i t i z e n power i s at the peak l e v e l of the Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Model, at which step, s o c i a l desires of the community are s i g n i f i c a n t l y represented and accounted for i n the physical plan. _ Sherry R. Arnstein, "A Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " , Journal of A.I.P., July 1969, pp.216-224. ^ 133 The Case Study on the Strathcona Urban Renewal Area i n Vancouver provides affirmative indications i n favour of the hypothesis. In response to the urban renewal pro-grams i n i t i a t e d by the government since 1957, various c i t i z e n groups were established to take part i n the renewal process. The Chinatown Property Owners Association was f i r s t organized, during the planning and implementation period of Project Nos. 1 and 2. The residents strongly opposed the renewal programs for the reasons that urban renewal would strangle t h e i r bus_-ness a c t i v i t i e s , destroy t h e i r Chinese community t i e s , demolish th e i r s o c i a l - c u l t u r a l l i f e and disrupt t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l pattern of Chinese community l i v i n g . The strategies of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n at t h i s early period, however, were e s s e n t i a l l y at the levels of non-p a r t i c i p a t i o n and tokenism. The residents were educated, informed, consulted and placated through various media of public meetings, news p u b l i c i t y etc. The old "salesman" approach of the planning expertise was evident, whereby c i t i -zen involvement was merely "pro former and after the f a c t " . The planning consequences of these projects were unsatis-factory p a r t i c u l a r l y on the c i t i z e n s ' part. There was i n -adequate suitable housing to reaccommodate the displaced people who were then dispersed. Various s o c i a l problems and welfare cases were aggregated i n the public housing projects. The economic out-turn of the programs also f a i l e d 134 to benefit either the government or the people. To the residents, the entire reneval process had been non-democratic, without enough concern v i t h the peoples' values and needs. The types of c i t i z e n involvement i n planning i n Strathcona proceeded to an interim state of technical as-sistance i n the mid 1960s vhen the Strathcona Area Council of the U.C.S. and the City Social Planning and Community Development Department vere formed. Since these tvo public agencies are concerned v i t h the overa l l development of Strath-cona ( i . e . not only urban renewal issues), they are able to perceive and plan for the community from a broader compre-hensive viewpoint. They provided invaluable professional assistance to the people i n promoting a community s p i r i t and better systems of organization (e.g. block by block basis). The strategies of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Strath-cona since 1968 when Urban Renewal Scheme III was proposed resembled the l e v e l of c i t i z e n power i n the Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Model. The formation of the Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants Association was able to obtain genuine support from the federal government who concurrently halted a l l urban renewal programs i n Canada. The peoples' p o l i t i c a l aspiration, enthusiastic attitude, capable leadership and united s p i r i t ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the executive members) also con-tributed to the success of the group. At present, the SPOTA i s recognized as a delegated body which takes an equal seat with the government i n the planning - decision-making process. 135 I t appears that the peoples' desires are s i g n i f i c a n t l y represented i n the p o l i t i c a l arena. To-date, the Strathcona Urban Renewal Case i s ••"\ s t i l l i n i t s e l f unfinished. Situated at a central location of the City, the area i s s t i l l under a continuous process of change - with pressure from various d i v e r s i f i e d interests and dilemmas (e.g. the freeway issues and the B e a u t i f i c a t i o n Scheme of Downtown). Its future development has yet to be seen. However, the evolution of the Case Study so far pro-vides evidences that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Strathcona has undergone progressive changes from the passive non-partici-pation role to the aggressive stage of delegated power. It indicates that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a promising alternative to the t r a d i t i o n a l planning approach under the present p o l i -t i c a l system. Accordingly, there has been some v a l i d a t i o n i n presuming that p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy w i l l a s s i s t the integration of physical planning and s o c i a l goals. Suggestions for Future Research There are some unexplored areas i n this thesis which require further research. One of the major issues i s the causal relationship between physical environment and s o c i a l conditions. A deeper understanding i s needed of how human behavior i s affected by the physical environment and vise versa. 136 More thorough research should also be given to examine the s o c i a l consequences of urban renewal actions, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the redevelopment areas. In general, there has been very l i t t l e work done on this kind of follow-up studies. I t i s believed that the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s w i l l have large contributions to make on these problems. I t i s thus desirable to broaden planning education to include re-levant aspects of s o c i a l sciences. The major findings of this thesis indicate that a r a d i c a l change i s deemed necessary i n the planning decision-making process - that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a new kind of p o l i t i c s . I t posts two new challenges to the planning professionals: to increase their s o c i a l s e n s i t i v i t y and to broaden t h e i r innovation r o l e . Investigation into how to promote effective c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and to p o l i t i c i z e the planning process w i l l undoubtedly be meaningful research areas. BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS Anderson, Martin. The Federal Bulldozer. New York: McGraw-H i l l , 1967. Berleson, B. and Steiner, G.A. Human Behavior: An Inventory  of S c i e n t i f i c Findings. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1964. Boskoff, A. The Sociology of Urban Regions. New York: Basic Books, 1962. Bullush, J. and Hansknecht, Urban Renewal, People, P o l i t i c s  and Planning. New York, 1967. Chapin, F.S. Urban Land Use Planning. Urbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, 1965. Dahl, R.A. et. a l . Social Science and Community Action. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, I960. Eldredge, H.W., ed. Taming Megalopolis, Vol. I I . New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967. Frieden, Bernard and Morris, Robert. Urban Planning and Social Policy. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1968. Gans, Herbert J . People and Plans. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1968. Gee, Wilson. Social Science Research Methods. New York: Appleton-Century - Crofts, Inc., 1950. Goodman, Williams I. and Freund, E r i c C. Pr i n c i p l e s and Practice of Urban Planning. Washington: Interna-t i o n a l C i t y Managers* Association, 1968. Greer, Scott. Urban Renewal and American C i t i e s . Indiana: Bobbs-Mervill Co., Inc., 1965. H a l l , Edward T. The Hidden Dimension. Garden City: Double-day and Co., Inc., 1966. Hilbers eimer, L. The Nature of C i t i e s . Chicago: Paul Theobald and Co., 1955. Hunter, David R. The SI um: Challenge and Response. New York: The Free Press, 1964. 138 Jacobs, Jane. The Death and L i f e of Great American C i t i e s . New York: Vintage Books and Random House, Inc., 1961. Keeble, Levis. P r i n c i p l e s of Tovn Planning. London, 1961. Lynch, Kevin. The Image of the City. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1960. Mumford, Levins. The City i n History. Nev York, 1961. Rossi, Peter H. and Dentler, A. The P o l i t i c s of Urban Re- neval., Nev York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961. Rose, Albert. Regent Park. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968. Schnore, Leo F. and Fagin, Henry. Urban Research and Pol i c y  Planning, Vol. I. Beverly H i l l s , 1967. Thompson, Wilbur. Preface to Urban Economics. Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1968. Weaver, Robert C. Dilemmas of Urban America. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965. Wingo, J r . ; L. ed. C i t i e s and Space. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1963. Woodbury, C. (ed.) Urban Redevelopment: Problems and Practices. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953. ARTICLES AND PERIODICALS Arnstein, Sherry R. "A Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " , Journal of the American Institute of Planners, (July 1969), pp.216-224. '. : : Beasley, K.E. "Using C i t i z e n Advisory Groups", Public  Management, (Nov. I960). Bauer, Catherine. "Social Questions i n Housing and Community Planning", Journal of Social Issues, Vol. VII, (1951), pp.1-34. Burke, Edmund M. " C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Strategies", Journal of the A.I.P., Vol. XXXIV, (Sept. 1968), pp. 287-294. 139 Cart-wright, Dorwin. "Achieving Change i n People", Human  Relations, Vol. IV, (1951). C o l l i e r , Robert ¥. "Charting Community Goals", Community  Planning Review, Vol. 18, No. 4, pp. 20-21. Ducey, John M. " C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Planning Process", American Institute of Planners. Proceedings of the 1964 Annual Conference. Newark: Aug., 16-20, 1964. Dyckman, John ¥. "Social Planning, Social Planners and Planned Societies", Journal of the A.I.P., (March 1966), pp. 66-75. Fri e d , Marc. "Grieving for a Lost Home", The Urban Condition. edited by Leonard Duhl. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1963, pp. 151-171. Gans, Herbert J . "Planning and Social L i f e " , Journal of  the A.I.P., Vol. XXVII, (1961), pp. 134-184. . "The Failure of Urban Renewal", Urban Re- newal: The Record and the Controversy, edited by James Q. ¥ilson, Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1966. Gerson, ¥. "Residential Environs i n the Urban Area", A r c h i - tecture Canada. Vol. 44, No.11 (Nov., 1967). Grier, George. "Social Planning Defined - Roles of Soc i a l . S c i e n t i s t s i n Renewal", Journal of Housing, (March 1963), pp. 93-94. Hartman, Chester. "The Housing of Relocated Families", Journal of the A.I.P., Vol. XXX, (1964), pp.266-286. Hoag, J.R. "Putting the ' I 1 into Involvement", Community Planning Review, ( F a l l 1968). Hirten, John E. "The Citizen - Client and Consultant", American Society of Planning O f f i c i a l s . Planning  1965. Chicago: American Society of Planning O f f i c i a l s , 1965. Journal of Commerce, Vancouver. August 19, 1967. Lenski, G.E. "Social P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Status C r y s t a l l i z a t i o n " , American Sociological Review, Vol. 21, (1956), pp. 458-464. 140 Levine, Aaron, " C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " , Journal of the A.I.P., Vol. XXVI, No.3, (Aug. 1960). Mocine, Corwin R. "Urban Physical Planning and the New Plan", Journal of. the A.I.P., Vol. XXXII, (1966), pp. 235-236. Morns, Peter. "A Report on Urban Renewal i n the United States", The Urban Condition, edited by Leonard Duhl, New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1963, pp. 113-134. Peattie, L i s a R. "Reflections on Advocacy Planning", Journal of the A.I,P., Vol. XXIV, (March 1968), pp. 80-88. Perlman, Robert. "Social Welfare Planning and Physical Planning", Journal of the A.I.P., Vol. XXXII, (1966). P e r l o f f , Harvey S. "New Direction i n Social Planning", Journal of the A.I.P. ,. (Nov. 1965), pp.297-304. • . "Social Planning i n the Metropolis", The Urban Condition, edited by Leonard Duhl, New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1963, pp.325-341. Seeley, John R. "The Slums: Its Nature, Use and Users", Journal of the A.I.P., Vol. XXV, No. 1, (Feb.1959), pp. 7-14. Swanson, Bert E. "Planners, Community Power and P o l i t i c a l Regimes". American Institute of Planners. Pro- ceedings of the 1964 Annual Conference. New York: August 16-20, 1964. Wilson, James Q. "Planning and P o l i t i c s " , Journal of the A.I.P., Vol. XXIV, No. 4 (Nov. 1963), pp.242-249. PUBLIC DOCUMENTS AND REPORTS Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Urban Renewal  Scheme Preparation Handbook. Ottawa. Ci t y of Vancouver, Planning Department. City of Vancouver  Urban Renewal Program: Proposed Study under Part  V of the National Housing Act. Vancouver, 1966. . C i t y of Vancouver Downtown Eastside. Nov. 1965. 141 • . City of Vancouver Redevelopment Project No. 1. Vancouver, 1959. . Urban Renewal i n Vancouver, Progress Report No. 5. Vancouver, March 1964. . Urban Renewal i n Vancouver, Progress Report No. 7. Vancouver, 1966. . Urban Renewal Program Scheme III Sub-area 1 Strathcona. Vancouver, Aug. 9~, 1968. (Unpublished). • • . Urban Renewal and Public Housing, Submission to Hon. Robert K. Andras. Vancouver, Aug.1969. (unpublished). 1 . Urban Renewal and Public Housing, Submission to the Hon. Paul Hellyer. Vancouver, A p r i l 17, 1969. (unpublished). . . Vancouver Redevelopment Study. Vancouver,1957. Councils D i v i s i o n of the Canadian Welfare Council. Integration  of Physical and Social Planning with Special  Reference to Public Housing and Urban Renewal, Report No. 1, Ottawa, 1967. \ . Integration of Physical and Social Planning with special Reference to Neighbourhood Services  and C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n , Report No.2, Ottawa,1968. Hellyer, Paul T. Report of the Federal Task Force on Housing  and Urban Development. Jan. 1969. H i l l , E.D. Notes on a Department of Social Planning and Development Department f o r the City of Vancouver. United Community Services, A p r i l 1968. United Community Services of Greater Vancouver. Urban Renewal Scheme III - Strathcona. Vancouver, 1966. NEWSPAPER The Chinese Voice, Vancouver. A p r i l 17, 1958; A p r i l 19, 1958; Nov. 2, 17, 1960; August 31, 1962; and Oct. 6, 1962. The Sun, Vancouver. Feb. 11, I960; March 10, I960; Oct. .5, 1960; May 30, 1963; Jan. 9, 1965; A p r i l 18, 1969; and June 17, 1969. The Province, Vancouver. Aug. 17, 1969. 142 OTHER SOURCES Chang, Ian W. The Problem of Private Investment i n Urban  Redevelopment. M.A. thesis, U.B.C, A p r i l 1968. Chinatown Property Owners Association. Personal Contact with the former executive members. City of Vancouver, Council Minutes on Urban Renewal. 1956-1970. City of Vancouver. Personal interviews with personnel i n the Planning Department and the Social Planning/ Community Development Department. Davis, Gordon: Xuen, Ron; Lattey, Peter. Environmental  Study of Strathcona. Architecture, U.B.C un-published report, 1968-1969. Firmalino, Tito C. C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Selected Plan-i ning Programs: A Case Study of New Westminster. M.A. thesis, U.B.C, A p r i l 1968. Shapiro, Harold S. The Impact of the Geographic Dispersal of Displaced Households i n Urban Renewal Programs: Vancouver, A Case Study. M.A. thesis, U.B.C, A p r i l 1969. Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants Association. Personal Interviews with the executive members. United Community Services of Greater Vancouver. Minutes and Records of the Redevelopment and Relocation Sub-committee, 1961-1970. University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Seminar and Research of Planning 510 Course, Community Planning Workshop, 1969-1970. 1 U R B A N R E N E W A L S C H E M E N O . 5 U R B A N R E N E W A L S C H E M E N O . 8 STRATHCONA CASE STVOY AREA ( S u b s t a n t i a l l y c o m p l e t e ) ( D i s p o s a l of c l e a r e d land p r o c e e d i n g ) (In p r e p a r a t i o n ) ( A l l l ands now a c q u i r e d ) ( P r o p o s e d ) (In p r e p a r a t i o n ; t o ' o v e r a l l c o n c e p t ' s t a g e ) ( P r o p e r t y a c q u i s i t i o n s n e a r i n g c o m p l e t i o n ) P L A N NO. 3932 E _ _ J 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0104097/manifest

Comment

Related Items