UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Pursuit of status : professionalism, unionism, and militancy in the evolution of Canadian teachers' organizations,… Roald, Jerry Bruce 1970

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Notice for Google Chrome users:
If you are having trouble viewing or searching the PDF with Google Chrome, please download it here instead.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1970_A2 R62.pdf [ 29.89MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0104083.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0104083-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0104083-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0104083-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0104083-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0104083-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0104083-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0104083-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0104083.ris

Full Text

PURSUIT OF STATUS: . PROFESSIONALISM, UNIONISM, AND MILITANCY IN THE EVOLUTION OF CANADIAN TEACHERS' ORGANIZATIONS, 1915-1955 by J e r r y Bruce Roald, .B.Ed., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1962 K.A., University of Washington, 1965 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF EDUCATION i n the Faculty of Education We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1970 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my Depar tment o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l no t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Depar tment o f f^rv^d<n^3 The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ~v ABSTRACT The hypothesis of the thesis i s that Canadian teachers have sought to gain some control over t h e i r professional l i v e s through organisation. The study traces the evolution of the Canadian teachers' organizations from a period of vigorous ascendency between 1916 and 1921 to the middle of the 1950*s. By then the organizations had formed t h e i r main features and shaped t h e i r occupational ideology. The simplest t h e o r e t i c a l statement, framework, or model of the thesis i s that teachers have attempted to escape from or at least to modify the bureaucratic environment which prescribed the conditions of t h e i r vocation. While teachers l a r g e l y united i n seeking t h i s escape, they were not of one mind as to the appropriate means or a l t e r n a t i v e s : professionalism, unionism, or a combination of both. To most teachers, professionalism and unionism seemed polar and incompatible. The conclusion reached i n the study i s that teachers 1 organizations evolved as "professional unions," l a r g e l y because of the teachers' need to cope with t h e i r s a l a r i e d and employee status while c l i n g i n g to the a s p i r a t i o n of professionalism and public s e r v i c e . The thesis rests extensively on primary sources: the records and f i l e s of the teachers' organizations, journals of the organisations, contemporary newspapers and magazines, and documents housed i n the various archives of Canada. i i i The thesis i s not a d e f i n i t i v e study of a l l the issues that have concerned teachers or t h e i r organizations. Rather, i t i s keyed to those issues and situations that have involved a debate over unionism and professionalism, or which have caused teachers to adopt more m i l i t a n t postures. Admittedly the study i s pro-teacher, e s s e n t i a l l y a re s u l t of the sources consulted. A deliberate attempt, however, has been made to record the teachers' reactions to t h e i r own h i s t o r i c a l expe-rience, the trustees, and government. The study i s divided into s i x chapters. The f i r s t , t r a c i n g the years of formation and s u r v i v a l (1915-1930), explains the causes f o r teacher organization and the teachers' goals. It probes t h e i r occupational ideologies. The second chapter investigates the teachers' s t r i k e s of the 1920's, and ponders the meaning of these s t r i k e s and the issues of teacher militancy. The t h i r d chapter deals with the impact of the depression and the war (1930-1945) on the evolution of the organized profession. This chapter reveals the extent of economic retrenchment on teachers' s a l a r i e s , the s p i r i t of organizational experimentation, and the renewed militancy as the depression receded and the war ensued. The fourth chapter shows how the teachers' "professional unionism" i s rooted i n t h e i r acceptance of the essentials of trade union-ism. The f i f t h chapter records the teachers' courtship with organized l a b o u r - - a f f i l i a t i o n . In p a r t i c u l a r , i t traces i n d e t a i l the experiment of the B r i t i s h Columbia Teachers' i v Federation with a f f i l i a t i o n , with public admission of trade unionism. The l a s t chapter deals with the achievement of statutory or automatic membership, an organizational develop-ment which i s s i n g u l a r l y the most s i g n i f i c a n t i n the h i s t o r y of the Canadian teaching profession. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page o FOREWORD . ix I. YEARS OF FORMATION AND SURVIVAL: 1915-1930 . . . 1 I. Progress of the Profession 3 I I . Organization 28 I I I . S a l a r i e s and Tenure 34 IV. H o s t i l e Atmosphere . . . . . . 54 V. " Professionalism or Unionism 63 I I . TEACHER STRIKES OF THE TWENTIES . . . . . . . . . 76 I. V i c t o r i a , 1919 78 ' >' ' I I . New Westminster, 1921 86 I I I . Moose Jaw, 1921 95 IV. Edmonton, 1921 103 V. Brandon, 1922 113 VI. Blairmore, 1925 127 VII. Prince Edward Island, 1929 136 VIII. S t r i k e Rhetoric . . 143 IX. M i l i t a n c y 152 I I I . TEACHERS' ORGANIZATIONS IN DEPRESSION AND WAR . . 160 I. Retrenchment 166 I I . Rebirth: The RTA i n Saskatchewan . . . . 187 I I I . Where i s a Man's Dignity? . . . . . . . . 200 v i Page IV. The Professional Scale Struggle i n Newfoundland . . 221 V. Revolt: The RTA i n B r i t i s h Columbia . . . 236 VI. Significance of a Decade and a Half . . . 264 IV. COLLECTIVE BARGAINING AND THE CANADIAN TEACHER . 273 I. P r a i r i e Development . . . . . . . . . . . 281 I I . Other J u r i s d i c t i o n s 300 I I I . V e g r e v i l l e , 1942 312 IV. Montreal, 1949 324 V. Nova Scotia, 1952 336 VI. Significance of C o l l e c t i v e Bargaining . . 368 V. A LOVE OF LABOUR: THE AFFILIATION QUZSTION . . . 373 I. F l i r t a t i o n With Labour . . . . 375 I I . The Dialogue 411 I I I . The A f f i l i a t i o n Experiment 422 VI. THE PROFESSIONAL MEMBERSHIP QUESTION 448 I. Automatic Membership i n Saskatchewan and Al b e r t a . . . . . 449 I I . In Manitoba and B r i t i s h Columbia 455 I I I . One Big Federation 468 IV. East of Ottawa 481 V. The Dialogue 490 VI, The Professional Spur 496 VII. The Rise of Professional Unionism . . . . 500 v i i Page SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . 515 I. Primary Sources 515 I I . Secondary Sources 526 LIST OF TABLES Table Page I. Average Salar i e s of Teachers by Province, 1929 . . . . 142 l i e D i s t r i b u t i o n of Salar i e s of Canadian Teachers, 1938 . .• • • • 184 I I I . Purchasing Power of Nova Scotia Teachers' S a l a r i e s , 1945-1952 337 FOREWORD The immediate post World War I period saw the b i r t h of the Canadian teachers' organizations. From 1916 to 1921 teachers formed province-wide teachers' associations and nation-wide teachers' organizations to speak f o r t h e i r voca-t i o n . The following chapters trace the evolution of the organized teachers' movement from t h i s period of inception u n t i l the middle of the 1950's, by which time i t s form had been larg e l y determined and i t s ideologies l a r g e l y shaped. Many conditions led to the formation of teachers' associations i n Canada: the state of the profession i t s e l f - -low pay l e v e l s , lack of adequate tenure protection, depressed standing on the s o c i a l scale; the r i s e and success of the trade union movement i n improving the working conditions of t h e i r members; the sharp i n f l a t i o n of the post-war economy; and the general condition of unrest i n society. The working milieu of the teaching profession at the war's end was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y bureaucratic. A l l the main occupational norms--recruitment, t r a i n i n g , remuneration, and status--were influenced by an organized bureaucratic struc-ture. By and large, teaching was organized, influenced, and directed from the top down. Within t h i s environment, l i t t l e was l e f t that recognized any spe c i a l competence or expertise of the profession. Teachers had l i t t l e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r or control over the qu a l i t y of t h e i r working order. X This thesis deals with the teachers' attempts to escape from or at least to modify t h i s bureaucratic m i l i e u . B a s i c a l l y there were three a l t e r n a t i v e s — a professional environment, a union environment, or a combination of both. To most teachers professionalism and unionism were polar; each seemed to have a d i s t i n c t ideology, the one incompatible with the other. The h i s t o r y of the Canadian teacher i n the twentieth century i s a story of h i s persistent attempts to escape from a confining environment. It i s a story struc-tured by a continuous dialogue between the advocates of a professional ideology and those of a union ideology. Profes-sionalism and/or unionism has been a l e i t motif i n the h i s t o r y of the Canadian teacher, the r e s u l t of which has been the evolution of a professional union, an organizational structure and occupational environment suited to a s a l a r i e d professional employee. Impli c i t i n t h i s dialogue were questions of the teachers' conceptions about how t h e i r organizations should develop and behave. Are teachers members of, or d i s t i n g u i s h -able from, the "working class"? What i s the ro l e of c o l l e c -9 t i v e bargaining or countervailing power? How m i l i t a n t must teachers be? The objectives of the following study i s to probe the dialogue that ensued among teachers about these and l i k e questions, to e l i c i t the answers teachers have given them--so f a r as the written records w i l l allow. On the assumption that what man has thought of h i s experience x i i s an i n t e g r a l and v i t a l part of i t , a special e f f o r t has been made to outline the teachers' reactions to t h e i r evolution. The thesis treats the core questions of unionism, professionalism, and militancy .somewhat e p i s o d i c a l l y . This i s by choice, conditioned by the i n e v i t a b l e task of condensing into a manageable length a story that spans a h a l f century and touches numerous teachers' organizations i n more than a dozen school systems. The view of the study i s that teachers' organizations have sought to modify t h e i r working environ-ment, to gain some control over the profession. The r e s u l t has been the r i s e of what one might c a l l "professional unionism." The value of t h i s view or model must be judged by the extent to which i t makes the teachers' experience comprehensible. The view i s grounded i n the assumption that teachers i n a l l provinces, i n a l l school systems, s u f f e r from the same basic problems and share s i m i l a r a s p i r a t i o n s . Thus i t i s possible and meaningful to t a l k about an organized Canadian teachers' movement as well as p r o v i n c i a l teachers' organizations. In no way does t h i s thesis pretend to be a d e f i n i t i v e study of the various teachers' organizations i n Canada. It does not deal with a l l the various questions that have con-cerned teachers. The study aims to focus only on those issues and s i t u a t i o n s that have involved a dialogue among teachers over unionism and. p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m o r which have caused them to adopt more m i l i t a n t p o s tures. In essence, x i i i t i s an inte r p r e t i v e look at the evolution of the Canadian organized teachers' movement. One other limitation--because of the sources consulted, the study i s unavoidably pro-teacher. Perhaps the questions raised i n this study w i l l encourage another h i s t o r i a n to probe the trustees' story, and help to overcome what might prove to be the one-sidedness of t h i s study. If the thesis i s l a b e l l e d as an apology f o r the teachers' organizations, one can only hope that the apology i s f a i r and honest, encouraged only by the writer's sympathy fo r the teachers' cause and. h i s admitted enthusiasm fo r recording t h e i r struggle. This study aims to illuminate more completely the i d e o l o g i c a l dimensions of the evolution of teachers' organ-i z a t i o n s i n Canada. It seeks to provide the reader with an h i s t o r i c a l base from which to project the possible future evolution of the teachers' organizations, and to give him a more complete understanding of the teachers' a s p i r a t i o n s . It s t r i v e s to bring a more compassionate view of the paths that teachers have followed to achieve the economic and s o c i a l status i n society that they enjoy today. The writer i s g r a t e f u l to the members of the thesis committee for t h e i r support, patience, and w i l l i n g counsel i n the preparation of t h i s study. In p a r t i c u l a r , the writer i s deeply appreciative of the wise and f r i e n d l y advice of Dr. F.K. Johnson, whose c r i t i c i s m , always constructive, x i i i was always spiced with a large measure of good humour, enough to sustain the writer's e f f o r t s i n the dimmer moments. To a considerable degree the strengths of the thesis belong to the committee; the weaknesses the writer reserves f o r himself. The writer i s also indebted to the B r i t i s h Columbia Teachers' Federation, A l b e r t a Teachers' Association, Saskat-chewan Teachers' Federation, Manitoba Teachers' Society, Ontario Teachers' Federation, Ontario Public School Men Teachers' Federation, Federation of Women Teachers' Associa-t i o n of Ontario, Ontario English Catholic Teachers' Federa-t i o n , P r o v i n c i a l Association of Protestant Teachers of Quebec, P r o v i n c i a l Association of Catholic Teachers, New Brunswick. Teachers' Association, Nova Scotia Teachers' Union, Prince Edward Island Teachers' Federation, and the Newfoundland Teachers' Association f o r t h e i r willingness to allow him to search t h e i r records. For t h i s and t h e i r f r i e n d l y assistance no expression of gratitude w i l l s u f f i c e . The writer also wishes to thank a l l the many others i n school board o f f i c e s , newspaper o f f i c e s , and archives f o r t h e i r support and a i d . F i n a l l y , the w r i t e r s i n c e r e l y thanks his wife, Denise, f o r her steady and unruffled attitude during the countless moments when the preparation of t h i s thesis made her l i f e most d i f f i c u l t . This study i s dedicated to the numerous teachers who have worked to make t h e i r profession honourable. May t h e i r dedication and perseverance never be forgotten. CHAPTER I YEARS OF FORMATION AND SURVIVAL: 1915-1930 A.J.H. Powell, a former President of the Alberta Teachers* Alliance, recalls that as the f i n a l guns of war silenced i n 1918 an era dawned that was i n some respects "the worst of times for inaugurating a new workers* association." In North America, states this reflective retired teacher, a "chronic feud" between the I.W.W. and the A.F.L. "stirred the press to new heights of rhetorical abuse." In Europe, revo-lution had spawned a new "epithet, BOLSHIE, to smear on a l l workers who wanted a f a i r share of anything." In retrospect to Powell, i t seemed that the minds and energies of "so l i d citizens everywhere were hardened against unions."* Indeed i t i s d i f f i c u l t not to concede with Powell that emotionally and psychologically i t seemed the "worst of times" for the establishment of teachers' organizations. Until 1918, many Canadians were prone to see any workers' organization as un-patriotic. After the war, the Winnipeg General Strike tended to harden h o s t i l i t y towards trade unionism—particularly within the business community--for years to come. However, there was another dimension to the post-war environment. It was also an era of social reconstruction, and as such, perhaps the best of times to organize the teaching profession. One - 1. A.J.H. Powell, "The Alberta Teachers* Alliance. A Short Memoir," Unpublished Manuscript i n possession of the Alberta Teachers' Association, 1962, 1. 2 contemporary teacher i n extending the challenge of s o c i a l reconstruction and organization believed that i t would be deplorable i f teachers "with i n i t i a t i v e atrophied by genera-tions of subservience should stand i d l y by and see opportuni-t i e s pass beyond t h e i r grasp."* Whether seen as the "worst of times" or the most opportune of times, the years between 1916 and 1921 witnessed the b i r t h of the present day Canadian teachers' organizations. The B r i t i s h Columbia Teachers' Federation (BCTF) was the f i r s t to organize, i n October 1916. The A l b e r t a Teachers' A l l i a n c e (ATA) and the Federation of Women Teachers* Associa-tions of Ontario (FWTAO) followed i n A p r i l 1918. The Manitoba Teachers* Federation (MTF) and the Ontario Secondary School Teachers* Federation (OSSTF) originated i n A p r i l 1919 and December 1919 respectively. The Prince Edward Island Teachers* Federation (PEITF), the Nova Scotia Teachers* Union (NSTU), and the nation-wide Canadian Teachers* Federation (CTF) came i n 1920. The Ontario Public School Men Teachers* Federation (OPSMTF) organized i n 1921. Previously, i n 1918, a defunct New Brunswick Teachers' A s s o c i a t i o n (NBTA) was revived. The Saskatchewan Teachers* A l l i a n c e (STA) evolved i n 1919 from 2. The Manitoba Teacher, I (May 24, 1919), 15. 3. H i s t o r i e s of the various Canadian teachers* organi-zations have been written. These give more s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s of the evolution of the i n d i v i d u a l organizations. The more s i g n i f i c a n t of these h i s t o r i e s are l i s t e d i n the Bibliography. •. ' : • r s • • 3 an e x i s t i n g teachers' union. In 1916, the Professional Assoc-i a t i o n of Protestant Teachers of Quebec (PAPT), which traced a continuous existence back to 1864, endorsed a r e s o l u t i o n which placed the control of the Ass o c i a t i o n i n the hands of the professional teachers.** From coast to coast, teachers seemed to be claiming the r i g h t through organization to share i n the control of t h e i r own d e s t i n i e s . What impelled the teachers to organize? What were t h e i r aims and goals i n organization? In what framework d i d they v i s u a l i z e t h e i r new organizations? Were the organizations to be unions, professional associations, or both? Does the organization of the Canadian teachers correspond to any natural h i s t o r y of organizational growth? What occupational ideologies motivated the teachers? This chapter attempts to respond to these and s i m i l a r questions. I. Progress of the Profession What was the condition of the teaching profession i n 1920? The f i r s t observation one can make i s that i t was constituted l a r g e l y of women. Out of 56,607 teachers, only 9,584 were men.^ The r a t i o of male to female among secondary 4 . A l l a n D. Talbot, P.A.P.T. The F i r s t Century,(Harpell's Press, 1966), 44. The r e s o l u t i o n denied the r i g h t to hold o f f i c e to members of the Protestant Committee, the Central Board of Examiners and the Ministers of the Gospel. 5. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , S t a t i s t i c a l Report on  Education i n Canada i n 1921 (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1 9 2 3 ) , S i . THereaFter cltecTTDTBTSV S t a t i s t i c a l Report, year, pager] 4 school teachers was generally In balance. In Ontario, f o r example, there were 613 men to 689 women teaching i n the high schools and c o l l e g i a t e i n s t i t u t e s . 6 A second observation i s that i t was dominated by those with minimal q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . In Nova S c o t i a , f o r example, only 1,598 out of 3,089 teachers had any normal school t r a i n i n g . Over 1,300 teachers held Class "D" or les s c e r t i f i c a t i o n ; that i s , they possessed a maximum of grade nine plus four months of normal school t r a i n -ing. i n Ontario only 1,212 out of 13,455 were normal school trained. Only 1,119 held university, degrees, and 981 of these taught i n the secondary schools; 8,736 held Class II (four years of high school plus 9% months of normal school t r a i n i n g ) c e r t i f i c a t e s . 8 In Albe r t a , 4,122 out of 5,334 teachers held Class II c e r t i f i c a t e s , a maximum of grade eleven plus eight months at a normal school. A t h i r d observation i s that teaching was l a r g e l y a short term occupation. In Nova S c o t i a over two-thirds of the teachers had less than f i v e years experience, a f u l l t h i r d were i n t h e i r f i r s t year of teaching.*-** In Ontario over one-half of ttss teachers had f i v e years or l e s s experience, nearly 107. were beginning t e a c h e r s A fourth observation i s that the s a l a r i e s were 6 . Ibid 95. 7 . Ibid • t 91. 8. I b i d . , 94. Ibid 98. 10. Ibid 91. 11. Ibid 94. low: i n B r i t i s h Columbia, f o r example, the average salary of the best q u a l i f i e d group was $1,974 and the least q u a l i f i e d , $919; out of 2,308 B.C. teachers, 1,945 received less than $1,500 and 992 less than $1,000. The best q u a l i f i e d group i n New Brunswick received $1,523; Nova Scotia, $1,438, Mani-12 toba, $962. Compared with other employee groups i n the economy, teachers were doing poorly. In 1920, the average salary was only 64% of the average personal income of a l l 13 other employee groups i n Canada. Though the proposition may be e n t i r e l y reasonable, l i t t l e can be gained by suggesting that the low salary l e v e l s were d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the low l e v e l of teacher q u a l i f i c a -t i o n s . That suggestion begs a chicken and egg discussion. As the more p r o f e s s i o n a l l y concerned teacher i n 1920 was prone to argue, i f s a l a r i e s were higher, they would provide necessary incentive f o r improved q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and lengthened term of teaching service. Moreover, there was a teacher shortage i n 1920, as teachers f l e d the profession i n search of more remunerative employment. School boards sought to f i l l the gap by employing untrained "permit teachers." Ontario, f o r example, issued 568 temporary c e r t i f i c a t e s i n 12. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s -t i c a l Survey of Education i n Canada (Ottawa! King's P r i n t e r , TOT7, «3. 13. Canadian Teachers' Federation, Trends i n the Economic Status of Teachers, 1910-1955 (Ottawa: ""Canadian Teachers'TiaeraTTon, 1957), 49. 6 1920; Manitoba had 331 permit teachers; and Saskatchewan employed 737. B r i t i s h Columbia found i t necessary to h i r e 139 teachers on temporary c e r t i f i c a t e s . . ^ To the teacher who hoped to make teaching h i s career, t h i s practice threatened to f i l l h i s intended profession with the u n s k i l l e d and the undevoted. Obvious to such teachers, the continued i n f l u x of permit teachers would continue to hinder attempts at salary improvement. A f u r t h e r observation about the condition of the teaching profession i n 1920 was that, i t had developed l i t t l e that might be described as a concern f o r career-line mobility, p a r t i c u l a r l y among elementary school teachers. To be sure, some teachers sought a l i f e - t i m e career i n teaching, and some would r i s e through the ranks from classroom to school administration, perhaps even to inspectoral rank. The majority, however, had l i t t l e commitment to teaching as a career. Teaching served as a way s t a t i o n f o r those bound f o r better things. Undoubtedly widespread lack of career commitment was one of the main b a r r i e r s facing the teachers who desired to make teaching t r u l y p r o f e s s i o n a l . One f i n a l observation--teaching lay l a r g e l y i n a bureaucratic occupational environment. A l l the major occupa-t i o n a l norms--recruitment, t r a i n i n g , remuneration, and status--were influenced by an organized bureaucratic structure. By 14. D.B.S., S t a t i s t i c a l Report, 1921, 94, 96, 97 and large, teaching was organized, influenced, and di r e c t e d from the top down. T y p i c a l l y , a Department of Education had been established responsible to a Minister of Education, and to the Lieutenant-Governor i n Council. The Department of Education had control over c u r r i c u l a , examinations, textbooks, duties and q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of teachers, c e r t i f i c a t i o n of teach-ers, and a v a r i e t y of other aspects of education. In the main, l o c a l boards of school trustees were charged with pro-vid i n g school accommodation, p h y s i c a l l y maintaining the schools, and f i x i n g the s a l a r i e s of the teachers and other employees-. This l a t t e r power was tempered l a r g e l y by the need to work within an educational grant structure established by the Department of Education. Within t h i s environment, l i t t l e was l e f t that recognized any s p e c i a l competence or expertise by the teachers. Their work was prescribed and r e g u l a r l y inspected from above. Judges, members of the Assembly, mem-bers of municipal councils, and l o c a l clergymen t y p i c a l l y were designated as "school v i s i t o r s , " and given the r i g h t to inspect the schools and to advise teachers on school manage-ment. Teachers were subject to dismissal i f they used an unauthorized textbook or reference work. The bureaucratic environment ensured a high degree of; public control over ed-ucation. I t had developed h i s t o r i c a l l y i n the e f f o r t to provide some equality of educational opportunity and excellence to a wide-spread population. The effectiveness and appropri-ateness of the structure i n that- respect i s not i n question. The point here i s that i t l i t t l e allowed f o r the exercise of professionalism by teachers. One teacher noted that teachers' opinions were "seldom.asked; on anything, and representation of teachers on bodies dealing with education and the schools conspicuous by i t s absence . . . . " ^ Within t h i s arrange-ment, teachers had l i t t l e scope f o r occupational growth; a f e e l i n g of impotence was endemic. In a larger sense, t h i s thesis deals with the teachers' attempt to escape from or at l e a s t to modify the bureaucratic m i l i e u . B a s i c a l l y there were three a l t e r n a t i v e s - - a profession-a l environment, a union environment, or a combination of both. To most teachers professionalism and unionism were polar; each seemed to have a d i s t i n c t ideology, the one incompatible with the other. The h i s t o r y of the Canadian teacher i n the twen-t i e t h century i s a story of h i s persistent attempts to escape from the bureaucratic environment. It i s a story structured by a continuous dialogue between the advocates of a profession-a l ideology and the advocates of a union ideology. Profession-alism and/or unionism has been a l e i t motif i n the h i s t o r y of the Canadian teacher, the r e s u l t of which has been the evolution of a professional union, an organizational structure and occupational environment suited to a s a l a r i e d , professional 15. "The CTF: Past and Present," BC Teacher, IX (June 1930), 18. For an excellent analysis of~"bureaucracy as an occupational environment, see: Lee Taylor, Occupational  Sociology (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1V68J, Chapter Four, 87-114. 9 employee. This w i l l be developed i n a l a t e r s ection of t h i s chapter, and throughout the body of the t h e s i s . The observations made of the state of the teaching profession i n 1920 were by no means unique to that point i n time. S i m i l a r observations had been made much e a r l i e r . De-s c r i p t i o n s of common school teachers as " i d l e r s of a l l descrip-t i o n , notorious f o r habits of drunkeness • . • shipwrecked characters" ranked with menial servants were commonplace enough i n the f i r s t h a l f of the nineteenth century.* 6 Complaints then, as i n 1920, centred on low salary l e v e l s , impermanence i n teaching, and minimal teaching q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . Largely to a l l e v i a t e these conditions and to provide a d d i t i o n a l vehicles by which to ameliorate education generally, teachers' associ-ations began to sprout i n the colonies of B r i t i s h North America i n the decades between 1830 and 1860. In the main, these associations were l o c a l and regional, and l a r g e l y dominated by the higher s t r a t a of the educational establishment--inspec-tors , u n i v e r s i t y professors, and trustees. Thus structured, these associations tended to r e i n f o r c e rather than diminish the bureaucracy of education,, a m i l i e u f o r teachers that i n -creasingly was becoming more r e s t r i c t i v e as governments ex-tended t h e i r control over the schools. The l o c a l and region-a l associations developed as forums f o r the examination of 16. Charles E. P h i l l i p s , The Development of Education i n Canada (Toronto: W.J. Gage and Co., 1957J, 357. 10 c u r r i c u l a and teaching methodology, and provided many an orator with a platform from which to extol the n o b i l i t y of teaching. But, they were i n e f f e c t i v e means by which to u p l i f t the s o c i a l and economic standing of the teaching profession. In the 1860's, province-wide teachers' organizations seemed to hold out promise Of r a i s i n g ;the status of the teach-er. However, the two main organizations established--the Teachers* A s s o c i a t i o n of Canada West (established i n 1861, l a t e r renamed the Ontario Teachers* Association and the Ontario Educational Association) and the P r o v i n c i a l A s s o c i a t i o n of Protestant Teachers Of Quebec (established i n 1864)—were l a r g e l y i n e f f e c t i v e . Thus the decades of the 1870*s and 1880's found many teachers expressing concern with the continuing problems of t h e i r profession. Though united i n a b e l i e f that the Ontario Teachers* A s s o c i a t i o n was too much a part of the educational bureaucracy to serve the i n t e r e s t s of the profession, Ontario teachers were by no means of one mind as to what should re-place i t i n advancing t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s . Underneath t h e i r concern lay a bureaucratic revolution which profoundly had affected the conditions and expectations of the teaching profession. To i l l u s t r a t e , consider the change from 1858 to 1886. In 1858 Ontario employed 4,202 teachers, 2,965 of whom were men. Of these teachers, 856 possessed f i r s t class c e r t i f i c a t e s , 2,364 had second class c e r t i f i c a t e s , and 893 held t h i r d c l a s s c e r t i f i c a t e s . The 11 schools served 267,383 pupils--though, of course, not a l l of whom attended on a regular basis. The s a l a r i e s f o r men ranged from a high of $ly400 to a low of $1,120 per annum. 1 7 By 1878, there were 6,473 teachers i n Ontario; now, however^ only 3,060 were men, less than h a l f . The schools served 492,360 18 p u p i l s . The swift expansion of the educational system wrought havoc with the q u a l i f i c a t i o n standards of the teachers. In the e f f o r t to s t a f f the schools, standards were reduced progressively. In 1877, County Normal schools were opened, f o r t y - e i g h t i n the f i r s t year. T y p i c a l l y these schools . o f f e r e d about three months of teacher education on an appren-ticeship, b asis. Upon completion, the prospective teachers were e l i g i b l e f o r t h i r d class c e r t i f i c a t e s , v a l i d f o r three years. Thus by 1878 the teachers d i s t r i b u t e d according to c e r t i f i c a t i o n as follows: P r o v i n c i a l Normal School Class I, 210; Class I I , 1,409; County Board (old standard) Class I, 328; Class I I , 142; County Board (new standard) Class I I I , 3,904; Interim, 480. 1 9 l n 1858 l e s s than 20% of the teachers held Class III c e r t i f i c a t e s ; by 1878 over 60% were c e r t i f i e d at the lowest l e v e l . S a l a r i e s f e l l accordingly. In 1878 the 17. Annual Report of the Normal, Model, Grammar and Common Schools i n Upper Uanada, 1 8 5 8 (Toronto: John L o v e l l , 1859), Tv^v: 18. Annual Report of the M i n i s t e r of Education on the Public, Separate, and High" Schools also on Normal and~"Fiodel Schools of the ProyTnceoT Ontario, ~T?T7 8"TT oTc^tb~: "~C. ~ITi£k e 1 1 RobinsonTlBW, 13. ~ 19. I b i d . 12 highest salary paid a c i t y male teacher was $1,000; the lowest, $500. In the counties, the highest accorded was 20 $800; the lowest, $125. Women teachers' s a l a r i e s were lower yet. By 1886 the s i t u a t i o n had deteriorated s t i l l f u r ther. 21 The school population increased to 601,204. The percentage of women teachers reached over 70%; the percentage of t h i r d c l a s s c e r t i f i c a t e s , however, l e v e l l e d o f f at about 50%. In the ten years from 1876 to 1886, the average s a l a r y increased from $385 to $424, merely $39. 2 2 But the re v o l u t i o n went beyond s t a t i s t i c s * Increasingly the educational system became more r a t i o n a l i z e d , c e n t r a l i z e d , and bureaucratic. The provin-c i a l government assumed more and more control and r e s p o n s i b i l -i t y f o r the organization, operation, and inspection of the schools. C u r r i c u l a , textbooks, c e r t i f i c a t i o n and t r a i n i n g of teachers a l l l a y within the o r b i t of power exercised by the government. The evolving bureaucracy l e f t l i t t l e power to the school boards, and much less to the teachers, whatever t h e i r professional a s p i r a t i o n s . L i t t l e wonder then that the concerned teacher began to complain about the condition of h i s chosen profession. Complaints touched several bases: low s a l a r i e s , job i n s e c u r i t y , low professional regard and s o c i a l standing, 20. I b i d . , 14. 21. Report of the Minister of Education, 1887 (Toronto: Warwick and Sons,~T888), x i i . 22. Ibid., x v i i - x v i i i . 1 3 absence of professional career commitment* One teacher argued that the teacher was not "a determinate u n i t of any community." As a " b i r d of passage," the teacher was here today, gone tomorrow. "The teaching body impoverishes i t s e l f to enrich the other professions." 2"* The more astute and con-cerned teachers seemed aware that Gresham's law operates i n education as i t does i n economics: as bad money drives out good money, so do bad teachers drive out good teachers. As long as teachers could be c e r t i f i e d with minimal q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , s a l a r i e s were bound to remain low, and teaching was bound to remain a transient occupation. The most competent,among the current crop of teachers would be forced out by the i n f l u x of l e s s q u a l i f i e d i n d i v i d u a l s from below. Few would be tempted to make teaching a l i f e - l o n g career. Thus, teaching would continue to be reduced to a natural mediocrity* Of a l l the problems fa c i n g the teachers, the sense of impotence encouraged by the bureaucratic environment lay the deepest. One teacher eloquently saw teaching as "a delegated parental authority, hedged about by regulation." Within the established working order, teachers were "cabinned, cribbed, and confined," robbed of t h e i r " i n d i v i d u a l i t y and freedom of judgement and a c t i o n . " 2 ^ 23. F.H. M i c h e l l , "Status and Value of Third Class Cer-t i f i c a t e s , " Proceedings, 1884, Ontario Teachers' Association 24. O.J. J o l l i f f e , "Our Profession," Proceedings, 1886, OTA, 91. 14 • t • • • ' Teachers who were concerned with the s i t u a t i o n increas-i n g l y concluded that they must organize i f t h e i r conditions were to be improved. In 1886 two alter n a t i v e s were posed: create a professional environment or unionize, the former i n a "College of Preceptors;" the l a t t e r i n a "Teachers' Protec-t i v e Society." In the eyes of the public, unionism had become more respectable i n 1872 when the Federal Government enacted le g -i s l a t i o n declaring that the purposes of a trade union were not i l l e g a l simply because they appeared to be i n r e s t r a i n t of trade. A r e s u l t of a p r i n t e r s ' s t r i k e i n Toronto, the Trade. Union Act granted l e g a l status, to the union movement. Assured of freedom of association, trade unionism r a p i d l y developed. For some teachers, unionism became a viable and respectable form of occupational organization. A union envi-ronment would provide teachers with an element of control over t h e i r profession, control achieved through negotiation. Though the extent of control unionism might a f f o r d was uncer-t a i n , teachers were confident that i t would gre a t l y exceed that which they presently enjoyed. The "Teachers' Protective Society" movement evolved out of a series of lectures which the Stra t f o r d Model School Prin-c i p a l delivered to the class of 1884 i n which he condemned the practice of underbidding and asked the students i n the in t e r e s t s of "the d i g n i t y of the profession . . . to set a proper f i n a n c i a l value on t h e i r services." The P r i n c i p a l ' s admonition evidently had e f f e c t f o r those "who secured schools . . . obtained much better s a l a r i e s than former students i n former years." Encouraged by the success' of »a l i t f c l e t f i r m -ness, the members of the class began to t a l k about unionizing not only the teachers of Perth but a l l the teachers of Ontario. The group c i r c u l a r i z e d t h e i r intent to the teachers of the county arid c a l l e d a meeting i n S t r a t f o r d on December 5, 1885. R.H. Knox, one of the attending teachers, recounted the events of that "enthusiastic meeting" which embarked upon a union the objects of which were to mutually a s s i s t one another; to c u l t i v a t e a professional s p i r i t among teachers; to elevate t h e i r s o c i a l standing; to secure as f a r as possible s u i t a b l e ; l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the pro-f e s s i o n ; to a i d one another i n d i s t r e s s ; to f a c i l i t a t e the isecuring of positions f o r members of the union; to protect pne another as regards salary; to aim at c o n t r o l l i n g the admission of candidates into the profession; and to a i d i n e s t a b l i s h i n g unions i n other counties. 26 According to Knox, the meeting formed a committee and charged i t with the preparation of bylaws and regulations f o r the new union. The meeting gave the committee some guidance? i n i t s task by s e t t i n g f o r t h soma items to be included: 1. Sick benefits, $3 per week a f t e r the f i r s t four weeks of sickness. 25. R.H. Knox, Letter to the E d i t o r , Educational Weekly III (January 7, 1886), 14. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid. 16 2. Any vacancy to be reported to the township represent-a t i v e , who w i l l report such vacancy to the county secretary, together with a f u l l report of the standing of the school f i n a n c i a l l y and otherwise* 3. In case of any vacancy occurring i n the middle of any term, the representative i n whose township or municipal-i t y the vacancy occurs s h a l l report such vacancy to the county secretary, who, together with the president of the union, s h a l l form a committee to f i l l such vacancy. 4. In case any member of the union be thrown out of employment, not through any f a u l t of h i s own, but on account of adhering to the by-laws of the union, he s h a l l receive a sum of money not exceeding $3 per week u n t i l a s i t u a t i o n can be obtained f o r him. 28 Obvious from Knox's d e s c r i p t i o n of the purposes and tentative bylaws of the Protective Association, the founding members desired an organization which would combine the advan-tages of a trade union with those of a f r a t e r n a l benevolent society. In some respects, they were emulating the precedents of some Canadian trade unions, such as the Toronto Typographi-c a l Society or the United Amicable Society of Bri c k l a y e r s , Plasterers, and Masons, which had t h e i r o r i g i n s i n f r a t e r n a l , benevolent s o c i e t i e s . The aims of the association were decidedly protective: securing suitable l e g i s l a t i o n , a f f o r d i n g mutual a i d i n d i s t r e s s , a s s i s t i n g one another i n securing p o s i t i o n s , protecting sala-r i e s , ,providing sickness and unemployment benefits, and Con-t r o l l i n g admission of teachers, to the profession. It i s also c l e a r that the Perth county group eagerly hoped that the union 28. Ibid. 17 concept would spread to other counties, and that before long a l l the teachers of Ontario would be united i n a province-wide teachers' union. The concept met a mixed response. The Educational  Weekly believed that the union would be "inoperative from the s t a r t . " The e d i t o r held that "the usual methods of b e n e f i c i -ary i n s t i t u t i o n s " would not work with teachers "scattered as they are over wide areas of country, and so unable to meet frequently f o r common counsel." Moreover, "any attempt to i n t e r f e r e with the free action of trustee boards i n f i l l i n g vacancies" would "decidedly f a i l . " 2 ^ The editor, however, noted the apparent success of the National Union of Teachers, "with objects somewhat s i m i l a r to those proposed by the Perth Protective Assoc!at ion--the support and administration of a benevolent fund, the maintenance of a provident society . . • . " ^ But argued the edi t o r , "the conditions under which teachers labor i n England are more favourable to the working 31 of such an organization than they would be i n Canada." Espe-c i a l l y the e d i t o r cautioned the new Association against any i n -volvement i n p o l i t i c s , which would assuredly end i n f a i l u r e . B a s i c a l l y , the p o s i t i o n of the Educational Weekly was that the "best protection the profession can secure i s the elevation of the standard of admission to i t , " a goal the e d i t o r believed 29. Educational Weekly, II (January 28, 1886), 56. 30. Ibid., 57. 31. Ibid. 18 the union incapable of reaching. Despite the Educational Weekly's forecast of f a i l u r e , the union concept d i d win adherents. Support f o r the union came from both the Educational Monthly and the Canadian School Journal. The l a t t e r believed that i t would "stimulate the growth of professional f e e l i n g amongst; the teaching fraternity'. During the Winter and Spring of 1886, the union was widely d i s -cussed by teachers i n various association meetings, some of which, such as the North York Teachers' Association, s o l i d l y endorsed the union environment f o r teachers " f o r the sake of mutual a i d and protection." But the union concept was not as successful i n a l l teachers' meetings. The extent of teacher resistance to the concept astonished the e d i t o r of the Canada School Journal who confessed h i s i n a b i l i t y to understand on what "grounds such opposition can r e s t , unless on a misconception of the true work of such a Union." It would not, he argued, "degen-erate into a mere machine, f o r c i n g better terras from trustees and taxpayers, although the r a i s i n g of s a l a r i e s would be one 35 legitimate and worthy object." The editor's words reveal the basis on which the union 32. Ibid., 56. 33. Canada School Journal, XI (September*!, 1886), 198. 34. Educational Weekly, III (June 24, 1886), 398. 35. Canada School Journal, XI (July 1, 1886), 147. V 19 concept was attacked. The antagonists to the union concept simply ehcouraged the fear that i f teachers unionized they would soon be s t r i k i n g and picketing. They played up the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of trade unionism which many teachers be-li e v e d -were d i s t a s t e f u l and unbecoming. Part of the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the union concept, however, arose because an alternate organization was being proposed. In the late Spring and e a r l y Summer of 1886, t a l k developed of es t a b l i s h i n g a College of Preceptors which would give teachers a professional organization s i m i l a r to the Law Society of Upper Canada or the Ontario College of Physicians and Surgeons. The appeal of such an organization had con-siderable force among the better q u a l i f i e d teachers and among the ranks of p r i n c i p a l s . George Dickson, P r i n c i p a l of Upper Canada College, was slated to outline the proposed College to the OTA Convention i n August. In consequence, many l i k e -minded teachers sought to dampen the enthusiasm f o r the union u n t i l such time as Dickson had had the opportunity to enlarge upon the College idea. The College of Preceptors promised a professional environment i n which teachers would be free of the constraint of the bureaucratic working environment. Professionalism would af f o r d teachers a maximum degree of control over t h e i r colleagues i n the v i t a l areas of se l e c t i o n , t r a i n i n g , and d i s c i p l i n e . In theory, free standing professional s o c i e t i e s allow the professional p r a c t i t i o n e r to determine h i s public 2 0 image. As such, the professional environment occupies the furthest p o s i t i o n on a continuum stretching from the bureau-c r a t i c m i l i e u . Dickson began h i s address by o u t l i n i n g four areas of need f o r teachers. F i r s t , there was the need f o r - a society "possessing the power of admitting members and of enacting by-laws f o r the regulation of a l l matters concerning the teaching profession . . . ." Second, teachers needed to es-cape the p o s i t i o n of a "so r t of c i v i l servant, 'cribbed and confined' by regulations and by-laws--bound to serve not one but many roasters; scarcely consulted i n matters pertaining to h i s work; h i s part i s to carry out a prescribed curriculum i n a prescribed way . . . ." Th i r d , there was need of a "brotherhood of teachers . . . a f e e l i n g of l o y a l t y to the profession and a professional e s p r i t de corps, which i s above personal matters." And, fourth, teachers need a " f u l l e r recognition of the necessity of good professional t r a i n i n g , and a more adequate appreciation of our work on the part of the p u b l i c . " These needs could not be f u l f i l l e d by an organ-i z a t i o n aiming at a pecuniary gain, " f l a v o r i n g too much of trade unionism" and placing teachers a n t a g o n i s t i c a l l y toward "other professions" arid toward a "very important and i n f l u e n -36 t i a l c l ass of sympathizers . . . 36. George Dickson, "The Ontario College of Preceptors," Proceedings, 1886, OTA, 65-66. 21 Dickson saw teaching as a mission, as something more than a trade f o r which a man,may possess t a l e n t . Believing professional t r a i n i n g and supervision necessary f o r teachers, Dickson asserted that such t r a i n i n g and supervision must en-compass a l l teachers at a l l l e v e l s and "extend to the highest c h a i r i n the land. The i n e f f i c i e n t teacher should not be permitted to p r a c t i s e p r i v a t e l y i n educational work any more 37 than the s c i o l i s t should i n medicine or i n law." The i n s p i r a t i o n f o r h i s proposal was the College of Preceptors, London, England, established i n 1846 arid incorpor-ated by Royal Charter i n 1849. The College was to promote sound learning by admitting only competent teachers, and by protecting the public from the incompetent. Teachers were to be admitted i n one of three c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s : Associates, roughly corresponding to the t h i r d class c e r t i f i c a t e s ; L i c e n t i a t e s , second class c e r t i f i c a t e s ; and Fellows, f i r s t c l a s s c e r t i f i c a t e s and high school masters. The College, however, was to be managed by a council elected by the Fellows and L i c e n t i a t e s . The poorest q u a l i f i e d were to be excluded from exercising professional authority. The College would be empowered to admit members, d i s c i p l i n e them, and to s e t t l e a l l disputes between teachers. Dickson saw the College as "an examining body . * . f o r a l l grades of teacher; c e r t i f i c a t e and diplomas." S i m i l a r to the functions performed f o r the 37. Ibid., 67 . 22 state by the Law Society of Upper Canada, the College of Preceptors would decide "who s h a l l practise teaching." Dickson believed that the College would give teachers a better s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , recognition as members of; an; organizedrprofessAon^- ' and, above a l l , a voice i n the regulation of t h e i r work and 30 i n the admission of teachers to the profession. Dickson's College of Preceptors i s - a benchfuark i n the evolution of the teaching profession i n Canada. I t was a c l e a r statement of the professional dream. If established, i t would provide teachers with a professional occupational environment, characterized by a l l - i n c l u s i v e membership, pro-f e s s i o n a l expertise, autonomy of Control, and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the state f o r q u a l i t y s e r v i c e . It would encourage teachers to make a professional commitment to teaching, and fos t e r a b e l i e f among beginning teachers that teaching would be a rewarding career. Thus i n 1886 two alternatives--unionism or profession-alism--had been proposed. The ensuing year b r i s t l e d with debate and dialogue as teachers considered the r e l a t i v e merits of the two schemes. The Educational Weekly openly dismissed the Teachers' Protective Society as a trade union f o r which "we . . . can-not have respect . . . ," and declared that the College of - 38. Ibid. , 70-73. 23 Preceptors was "a bold and r a d i c a l measure . . . r e q u i r i n g 3 9 much c a r e f u l and serious consideration." The magazine, how-ever, attacked one aspect of the College proposal: the anal-ogy of teachers with lawyers and doctors. The lawyers who receive the permission t© p r a c t i s e are paid by t h e i r c l i e n t s , teachers ©re paid by the Government; law-yers deal d i r e c t l y with those who engage t h e i r services, teachers act through trustees; lawyers are not necessary to the community, i t i s permitted to everyone to conduct h i s own case; teachers are necessary. 40 The Educational Journal too remained cool toward the Society while declaring that the College "as the larger and more ambitious scheme, challenges the earnest attention of every teacher i n the Province."^* L i t t l e supported by the e d i t o r i a l comment during the Winter of 1886-87, the Teachers' Protective Society attempted to advertise i t s cause through the correspondence section of these magazines. One such l e t t e r to the e d i t o r argued that "nothing Utopian or chimerical i s aimed a t . " The advocates of the union scheme had no i n t e n t i o n of "coercing or i n t i m i -dating teachers or trustees." Rather,"their purpose was to "protect teachers from themselves„" to gain a measure of control over "professional examinations, s e l e c t i o n and 39. Educational Weekly, IV (August 19, 1886), 488.. 40. Educational Weekly, IV (August 26, 1886), 505. , 4 1 . Educational Journal, I (May 16, 1887), 44. 24 authorisation of textbooks, and generally, any matter a f f e c t -ing the i n t e r e s t s of t e a c h e r s . " ^ As the debate continued Into the l a t e Spring of 1887, arguments c r i t i c a l of the College proposal developed. One attacked the College on four grounds. F i r s t l y , the s o c i a l standing of teachers would not be bettered. " S o c i a l standing i n t h i s country . . . depends mainly on wealth," ran the argument, "and I t i s not c l e a r . . . that s a l a r i e s w i l l be m a t e r i a l l y affected by t h i s scheme. Any attempt at improve-ment i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n w i l l be almost sure to clash, i n popular opinion at l e a s t , with another of the supposed advan-tages°-the protection to the p u b l i c . " Secondly, organizations such as the Law Society and College of Physicians are not blessings to the people at large--they "act s e l f i s h l y rather than p h i l a n t h r o p i c a l l y , become ultra-conservative and often prove the greatest obstacles to progress." T h i r d l y , the co n t r o l of th© College would u l t i m a t e l y l i e with the second class teacher with the e f f e c t that the most q u a l i f i e d teachers would be driven out, "and the profession reduced to a natural i n f e r i o r i t y . " Fourthly, the Society would require a l l to study education i n order to secure a l i c e n s e to teach--a s i t u a t i o n which would tend "to cramp individualism and to make more and more r i g i d the machine system under which • . • - 42. Educational Weekly, IV (September 9, 1886), 542. 25 [teachers] groan today." 3 By the Summer of 1887 both proposals had been thor-oughly ai r e d . Neither, however, had gained widespread support. By the end of the 1880's, both schemes had simply withered away* Why? Perhaps because the aggressive competition be-tween the two plans badly divided many teachers who might have supported e i t h e r one. Perhaps many teachers were inse-cure or f e a r f u l of t h e i r p o s i t i o n , and unwilling to challenge the p r e v a i l i n g environment. Perhaps, too, as Dr. J.G. Althouse has pointed out, the ordinary teacher was more i n t e r -ested i n making his "meager salary stretch out over the necessities of l i f e , " or i n preparing f o r a more remunerative vocation than i n "elevating teaching to a po s i t i o n of national respect and reasonable recompense." Contemplating organization i n the years between 1916 and 1921, Canadian teachers could r e f l e c t upon the previous h i s t o r y of teacher organization i n Canada. The pattern of evolution since the collapse of the Teachers' Protective Association and the College of Preceptors i n the la t e 1880's was c l e a r l y d i s c e r n i b l e . In Ontario, a further attempt to create a union environment was made i n the 1890's, but i t too quickly died. Province-wide teachers' organizations were 43. Educational Journal, I (May 16, 1837), 45. 44. J.G. Althouse, The Ontario Teacher 1800-1910 (Toron-to: Ontario Teachers 5 Federation,T97J7). 80. 26 started i n Newfoundland i n 1890, Nova Scotia i n 1895, and New Brunswick i n 1902. Despite brave beginnings, these organ-i s a t i o n s soon vanished or remained dormant. In 1907 an Ontario Teachers' A l l i a n c e was organized, but l i k e other attempts at teacher organization*,-;it f a i l e d to a t t r a c t support. Teacher organization i n the P r a i r i e s followed the pattern that had already been established. Local and regional associations came f i r s t , followed by a T e r r i t o r i a l Teachers' Association, and by province-wide educational associations--much l i k e the Ontario Educational A s s o c i a t i o n - " a f t e r 1905. Attempts to organize a teachers' association that would speak roilitantly f o r teachers only was evident i n the e f f o r t to found a League of Manitoba Teachers i n 1907, and i n the f o r -mation of the Saskatchewan Teachers' Union i n 1914. In B r i t i s h Columbia, a P r o v i n c i a l Teachers' I n s t i t u t e had been established i n 1874. Supported by a series of l o c a l associations, the I n s t i t u t e met i r r e g u l a r l y . Despite the occasional rumblings of teacher discontent, i t d i d l i t t l e to advance the in t e r e s t s of the teachers. With the beginning of the war, the P r o v i n c i a l I n s t i t u t e disappeared, survived only by the l o c a l associations. The journey of the Canadian teaching profession from the mid-nineteenth century had not been a success story. The teachers were unable to gain a strong voice i n the determina-t i o n of t h e i r working environment, or to secure much control over t h e i r occupation. This conclusion s u r e l y i s v e r i f i e d by 27 the observations that have already been made of the condition of the profession i n 1920. Still t-> the previous h i s t o r y of the teaching profession a t t e s t s to the longevity of the teachers' a s p i r a t i o n to modify t h e i r occupational environment by unionization, p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n , or-both. The Canadian teachers' a s p i r a t i o n was by no means unique. B r i t i s h and American teachers endured a s i m i l a r , though not i d e n t i c a l , bureaucratic occupational environment. The response i n B r i t a i n was the formation of the National Union of Teachers i n 1870. In the United States, two organ-i z a t i o n s resulted: the National Educational A s s o c i a t i o n i n 1857, and the American Federation of Teachers i n 1916. Soma l o c a l teachers' unions, Chicago f o r example, had a f f i l i a t e d with the American Federation of Labour as e a r l y as 1902. Of these organizations, the National Union of Teachers and the i American Federation of Teachers were the most a t t r a c t i v e models to the Canadian teacher. The former was appealing because of the country's close t i e s with B r i t a i n , and because many ©f th© future leaders of the organised C a n a d i a n teacher movement were of B r i t i s h o r i g i n . Soma, i n f a c t had be©n intimately involved with the 'National Union of Teachers before emigrating to Canada--man such as Harry Charlesworth of the BCTF and John Barnett of the ATA. The American Federation of Teachers was an a t t r a c t i v e model because of the militancy i t espoused, and because i t promised not to be a mere adjunct of the e x i s t i n g educational apparatus. The National Educational 28 A s s o c i a t i o n was too much l i k e the p r o v i n c i a l educational associations to appeal to a profession on the brink of organ-i z a t i o n * By the time that Canadians began to return from war--some of them teachers--to resums o l d tasks, a general conclu-sion had been reached* The teachers' occupational m i l i e u was no longer acceptable, but no teachers' organization existed p r i o r to the war equal to the challenge of modifying i t * This conclusion was firmest among urban teachers who were to be the core groups around which the teachers organized. I I . Organization What impelled the teachers to organize? One answer to t h i s question l i e s i n the condition of the teaching profession at the war's end. A second answer emerges from the sharp i n f l a t i o n a r y phase of the post-war economy. A t h i r d answer r e s t s i n the chaotic, turbulent state of Canadian society. None of these sources of explanation i n i t s e l f provides an adequate understanding of why the teachers organ-i z e d . Taken together, however, they suggest some of the reasons why organization became imperative, why the period from 1916 to 1921 saw the r i s e of the organized profession. Some observations on the condition of the profession and on the progress made by i t to organise p r i o r to the war have been made above. From these observations, i t should be 29 c l e a r that teachers needed organizing. The spade work of i d e n t i f y i n g suitable patterns to follow was completed. Though the rate of economic growth from 1914 to 1921 may be subject to debate, there i s no question that the Canadian economy expanded r a p i d l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y during-the i n i t i a l stages of the reconstruction a f t e r war. Even with the enormous problem of re-absorbing almost a h a l f - m i l l i o n veterans, the economy, f l o u r i s h e d . It became more d i v e r s i f i e d . The demand f o r consumer goods increased. Quite n a t u r a l l y , teachers expected to share i n the renewed abundance. Yet the average teacher*s salary increased only 20% from 1913 to , 0 , 0 45 1918. i n the same period of time, the cost of l i v i n g rose by 60%, reaching 100% by 1920. Nowhere i n Canada d i d teachers possess salary schedules worthy of the name. There were no recognized c o l l e c t i v e bargaining procedures, nor established methods of regular salary improvement. At the beginning of the war, the Edmonton School Board u n i l a t e r a l l y decided to contribute a " s t i f f percentage" of the teachers' s a l a r i e s to the national service-man' s welfare fund.**6 S i m i l a r l y , i n V i c t o r i a , the School 45. D.B.S., H i s t o r i c a l Survey, 82-87. Increases i n teachers' s a l a r i e s i n the period range from a low of 7% f o r the poorest q u a l i f i e d teachers to a high of 457. f o r the best q u a l i f i e d . The 20% average simply Indicates the range at which the majority of the Increases tended to group. 46. Powell, "The A l b e r t a Teachers' A l l i a n c e , " 3. 30 Board reduced the teachers' pay by 107., despite the protest 47 * of the teachers. It i s not an issue here whether or not the teachers believed the national serviceman's fund a worth-while cause or i f the reduction of s a l a r i e s i n V i c t o r i a was necessary, the point here i s that the teachers i n e i t h e r s i t u a t i o n were given no choice. Both incidents were object lessons i n the need of organization i f teachers were ever to assert any control over t h e i r conditions of work. Salary control centered prominently i n the organization of teachers. Among secondary school teachers of Ontario, f o r example, the success of a massive salary campaign led d i r e c t l y to the formation of the Ontario Secondary School Teachers' 48 Federation. L t . Col. W.C. M i c h e l l , the f i r s t President c f the Federation, described i t s aim i n 1919 as securing " f a r 49 more equitable s a l a r i e s i n t h i s period of excessive p r i c e s . " Within a year, some 907» of Ontario's secondary teachers joined the Federation, p r i m a r i l y because of the aggressive attack 50 the new organization promised to make on the salary s i t u a t i o n . This concern f o r s a l a r i e s was t y p i c a l of a l l the new teachers' 47. "Minutes of V i c t o r i a School Board, Friday, January 22, 1915,*'- Records, V i c t o r i a "School Board. 48. For a d e s c r i p t i o n of the salary campaign see: H.M. Cochrane, Centennial Story: The Board of Education f o r the City of Toronto (.Toronto: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1"95TJ), 134-35. 49. "Minutes of a Meeting of High School Teachers, December 30, 1919," Minute Book, Ontario Secondary School Teachers' Federation"~peTeaTter c i t e d OSSTFj, 3. 50. "Minutes of the Annual Convention, December 1920," Minute Book, 0SSTF, 10, . 31 organizations. Society i n the immediate post-war period appeared profoundly unstable, i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y and na t i o n a l l y . Russia was s t r i c k e n with c i v i l war; Germany contended with revolution; B r i t a i n and France experienced a tremendous labour upsurge; I t a l y had a General Strik e and brought f o r t h a F a s c i s t d i c t a -t o r s h i p . In Canada, the period was marked by s i m i l a r unrest; agrarian radicalism, worker r a d i c a l i s a t i o n , swing to p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n by labour, the Winnipeg General S t r i k e , and the r i s e of the progressives i n p o l i t i c s . The meteoric r i s e of the One Big Union i n 1918 and i t s sharp decline by 1921 t y p i f i e s the unrest. The One Big Union, which aimed to organize wage earners by c l a s s , and to promote i n d u s t r i a l unionism and Canadian unionism, had 41,000 members i n 1919, mainly i n the western provinces. By 1921, i t s ranks had shrunk to only 51. A l l the new organizations emphasized that one of t h e i r main objectives i n organization was to ra i s e s a l a r i e s or to seek adequate salary standards. The FWTAO, f o r example, stated an objective as the "promotion of the . . . f i n a n c i a l standing of women teachers." Minutes of a Mseting of Repre-sentatives of the Organized Women Teachers of Ontario-, A p r i l 3, 1920, Minute Book, Federation of Women Teachers of Ontario thereafter,; citedTWTAO] , 2. The MTF demanded "minimum sala r -i e s f o r a l l classes of teachers." Manitoba Teacher, XVIII (March 1940), 29-30. The PEITF a s k i 3 ' f o r " " r s u f f i c i e n t remuner-a t i o n " and a minimum "supplementary allowance" and asked teachers to pledge themselves not to teach i n any school that d i d not pay that supplement. Minutes of the Executive, June I, 1918, Minute Book, Prince Edward Island Teachers' Federation thereafter c i t ednpE lTF ], 249. 32 52 5,310 members. Union membership grew i n the period. In 1 9 1 9 alone, union membership expanded from 248,887 to 387,074--53 an increase of over 507,. Strikes and man-working days l o s t i n 1919 indicated the turbulence of the times: 148,915 workers involved i n 336 s t r i k e s and lockouts, 3,400,942 man-working days l o s t - - a t o t a l unsurpassed u n t i l 1946.^ S t a t i s t i c s reveal only part of the story. Unions also enjoyed some success i n a t t a i n i n g f a i r labour l e g i s l a t i o n - -such as the A l b e r t a Factory Act i n 1919, the f i r s t minimum wage l e g i s l a t i o n i n Canada. Progress was also made on the eight hour day and the f o r t y - f o u r hour work week. The meaning of t h i s union a c t i v i t y was not l o s t on the teachers. Unionism and organization to change the status quo were i n the a i r . Success of the trade unions i n modifying t h e i r members work-ing environment through negotiation could be repeated by teachers* organizations. Teachers' organisations sought modifications i n the profession's occupational s e t t i n g , modifications which extended beyond f a i r s a l a r i e s . For women teachers in,Ontario,, f o r example, a central aim was to a t t a i n s o c i a l and economic par-i t y with the men. Organization to H.W. Huntly, the f i r s t President of the Manitoba Teachers' Federation, was to "enable 52. Charles Lipton, The Trade Union Movement of Canada, 1827? 1959 (Montreal: Canadian FoTIal'^iJbTiraTlonsT T%5TT~2^0• 53. Ibid., 185. 54. I b i d . 33 teachers to take a more ac t i v e part i n the profession to which they belonged • . . ."** . To Martin Kerr, a leader i n the formation of the Ontario Public School Men Teachers* Federation, organization was to allow teachers "some voice i n the determination of textbooks, educational p o l i c i e s , and conditions of t h e i r work . . . . " ^ Optimism and l o f t y expectations t y p i f i e d the federation makers. By and large i t was the c i t y teachers who most keenly f e l t the impulse to organize. In the f i r s t place, c i t y teach-ers already possessed active teachers* associations around which to b u i l d larger and more powerful province-wide organi-zations. The c i t y teacher tended to be better paid and better q u a l i f i e d than h i s countryside colleague. Among public school teachers i n Ontario, f o r example, 117 out of 138 degree-holding teachers worked i n the c i t i e s . The average salary f o r men public school teachers i n the c i t i e s was $2,ISO--compared with $1,059 i n the r u r a l a r e a s . ^ The c i t y teacher was l i k e l y to be more committed to teaching as a career. Hence, c i t y teachers were better equipped to provide leadership f o r organization. Lodged i n the embracive bureaucracy of a c i t y school system, they tended to be more anxious to gain a voice 55. The Manitoba Teacher, I (May 24, 1919), 4. 56. Martin Kerr, "A Federation of Teachers of Ontario, In Relation With the O.E.A." Proceedings, 1920, Ontario Educa-t i o n a l Association, 233. ''' 57. D.B.S., S t a t i s t i c a l Report, 1921, 94. 34 i n the determination of the q u a l i t y of t h e i r occupational l i f e than were teachers i n r u r a l areas. Thus the BCTF was the product of teachers i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a ; the ATA emerged out of Edmonton and Calgary; the MTF was buttressed by teach-ers i n Winnipeg, Brandon, and Portage La P r a i r i e ; the three . Ontario teachers' organizations were the work of teachers i n the Toronto-Hamilton area. This c i t y domination i n leadership and membership was t y p i c a l throughout the nation. From coast to coast teachers sought to escape from the confines of the bureaucracy that set the conditions of t h e i r service and demeaned the expertise and autonomy they believed t h e i r profession warranted. Hence, they f e l t impelled to organize i n order the a l t e r the ground rules of teaching. There was a consensus among concerned teachers that organiza-t i o n would end the disheartening f e e l i n g of professional Impotence. A d i v i s i o n among teachers, however, was soon revealed when they turned t h e i r a t t e ntion to the question of what sort of m i l i e u best suited t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s and occupational c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . I I I . S a l a r i e s and Tenure • Once organized, teachers turned t h e i r a t t e ntion to the issues that most i r r i t a t e d them--lack of tenure and low s a l a -r i e s . There can be l i t t l e doubt that the linked issues of tenure and s a l a r i e s were uppermost i n the minds of teachers when they thought of r a i s i n g the status of teaching. Many 35 teachers, i n f a c t , regarded the securing of adequate tenure laws and r a i s i n g s a l a r i e s the raison d'etre f o r teacher organi-z a t i o n . Moreover, the h o s t i l i t y aroused among trustees toward a p a r t i c u l a r teachers' organization can be related d i r e c t l y to the i n t e n s i t y of i t s e f f o r t s to r a i s e s a l a r i e s and secure tenure r i g h t s . I t i s i n these areas that teachers' organiza-t i o n s most d i r e c t l y challenged the powers of l o c a l school boards and Impinged on t h e i r assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . These were the areas that caused many trustees to view the new groups A S trade unions, as mechanisms to pressure trustees to pay higher s a l a r i e s . Thus t h e . e f f o r t to improve s a l a r i e s and to. secure tenure r i g h t s evoked debate about the new organizations as unions or professional s o c i e t i e s . Does emphasis on s a l a -r i e s and s e c u r i t y t y p i f y professions or unions? Irrespective of whether or not an organization c a l l s i t s e l f a federation or an a l l i a n c e , i f i t adopts the emphasis and methods of the labour movement, i s i t not a trade union? Questions l i k e these were asked by trustees, Department of Education o f f i c i a l s and teachers. the f i r s t step i n r a i s i n g s a l a r i e s was to a s c e r t a i n current pay l e v e l s . , In November 1918, the PAPT appointed a committee to study the question. The committee found that r u r a l elementary s a l a r i e s were $24.27 monthly; urban elementary s a l a r i e s , $34.73 monthly; r u r a l intermediate, $40.70 monthly; r u r a l academies (grade I-VII), $37.50 monthly, (grade VIII-XI), $73.30, The committee further discovered t h a t female 36 cl e r k s and stenographers were paid between $62.50 and $150 58 monthly by the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway Company. A s i m i l a r i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n Manitoba revealed that the average s a l a r i e s of 573 f i r s t and second class teachers was $701.08 annually, out of which the teacher on an average paid: Board • . . . $312.13 Sickness . . . . . $30.40 Laundry . . . . .31.43 Books . . . . . . . 18.71 Clothing . . . . 223.36 Incidentals . . . . .66.25 Insurance • • * . 17.66 59 The t o t a l expense was $699.94--leaving a balance of $1.14. The Manitoba i n v e s t i g a t i o n further revealed that the. average length of service of the 573 teachers was almost eight years, varying £rom two to f o r t y years, but only 183 had served f o r 6b more than ten years. Salary surveys, such as these two examples, provided the basis f o r a two-pronged attack on the problem; adequate minimum s a l a r i e s , and a progressive scale which would recog-nize experience and q u a l i f i c a t i o n . The committee struck by the PAPT i n 1918 to study s a l a r i e s saw i t s r o l e "to obtain from the Government l e g i s l a t i o n e s t a b l i s h i n g a minimum salary of $500 f o r Elementary Teachers and $700 f o r Model School 58. Talbot, P.A.P.T. The F i r s t Century, 49, 59. The Manitoba Teacher, I (May, 1919), 24. _. 60. Ibid. • • 37 ^Teachers . . . . m 6 * The OSSTF at the 1921 Convention adopted the following minimum s a l a r i e s : continuation school, $1,300 annually; high schools i n r u r a l areas and small towns, $1,700 annually; high schools i n urban areas, $2,000 annually. In the west, A l b e r t a adopted a $1,200 annual minimum i n 1920; B r i t i s h Columbia and Manitoba followed s u i t and adopted the $1,200 minimum. The p r i n c i p l e of progressive salary schedules based on experience 63 and q u a l i f i c a t i o n was also adopted i n the west i n 1920. In Newfoundland, the struggle f o r the principle; that teachers should be paid on a progressive scale which would provide incentives f o r teachers to improve t h e i r q u a l i f i c a t i o n s with a minimum salary consistent with the value of t h e i r services gained momemtura. The NTA i n 1920 produced the f i r s t salary scale ever drawn up i n Newfoundland. Though the NTA scale d i d not receive Government approval, i t s production was an 61. "Report of the Committee on S a l a r i e s and Shortage of Teachers," The Teachers' Magazine (PAPT), I (September 1919), 35. • 62. The A.T.A. Magazine, I (June 1920), 17; "Minutes of the Executive" t ^ R e c o r d s V B r i t i s h Columbia Teachers' Federation [hereafter cited _BCTFJ, #2, 909; Harraldur V. V i d a l , "The His-tor y of the Manitoba Teachers' Society," (Unpublished Masters* Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of Manitoba, 1958), 88. 63. Arthur Kratzmann, "The A l b e r t a Teachers* A s s o c i a t i o n - -A Documentary A n a l y s i s of the Dynamics of a Professional Organi-z a t i o n , " (Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, 1963), 217; Annual General Meeting, 1920, Records, BCTF, #2, 910; V i d a l , "The History of the Manitoba Teachers' Society," 88. 38 Important step i n the evolution of the teaching profession i n Newfoundland, an important step i n the quest for a profes-sional environment. Tenure security was the other major goal of the teachers organizations of Canada. Lewis, i n a thorough study of tenure and contracts, c l e a r l y states why tenure was a major issue: I t has been well said that every improvement i n the service conditions of a teacher benefits the education of the c h i l d . Reasonable security of tenure i s the very foundation of the status of the teacher who, i n the performance of his duties, draws upon a l l his reserve of i n t e l l i g e n c e , patience, imagination, strength and health. . . . i f a teachers' tenure i s not reasonably secure, i f he i s subject to a r b i t r a r y and capricious dismissal, the strains and stresses are increased i n c a l c u l a b l y , e s p e c i a l l y i n the case of those whose health i s f a i l i n g and who are of advanced age. A threat of dismissal Is a threat of unemployment and loss of superannuation. Every unfair dismissal has a repercussion on the e f f i c i e n c y of the teaching profession. 64 Tenure problems undoubtedly pre-occupied the attention of teachers' organizations i n Canada. From 1924 to 1930, the MTF, for example, dealt with 1,677 tenure problems.^ In many cases, the reasons given for dismissal were " a r b i t r a r y and capricious." Lewis l i s t s sixteen reasons given for dismissals i n Alberta, among them: teacher i s a Roman Cath o l i c , teacher i s too s t r i c t , teacher smoked cigarettes i n his boarding house, teacher's father i s a p r o h i b i t i o n crank, trustee's moron son not promoted, lady teacher spurned the advances of the secre-64. A.C. Lewis, "Contracts and Tenure of Canadian Teacher (Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, University of Toronto, 1940), 56. 65. I b i d . , 75. 39 tary-treasurer, teacher pressed f o r a salary that was i n arrears* In h i s memoir, A.J.H. Powell r e c a l l s John Barnett's c l a s s i c example of an unjust d i s m i s s a l , n . . . a young teacher . . . was dismissed to make room f o r the daughter of Trustee B; an agreement having been reached that Chairman C's herd should have the services of Trustee B's pedigree b u l l when the appoint-ment was made.6^ There can be l i t t l e doubt that when the chief c r i t e r i o n f o r s e l e c t i n g a teacher i s the need of the Board Chairman's herd; the summit of absurdity had been attained. The war against'unjust dismissal took place on several f r o n t s . F i r s t , the teachers' associations drafted model agree-ments which they hoped would be accepted by the Government and school trustees. Second, they sought l e g i s l a t i o n to l i m i t dismissal periods to once or twice a year and to require that school boards state the cause f o r dismissing a teacher. Third, the teachers* organizations attempted to have Boards of Refer-ence established to adjudicate d i s m i s s a l s . Fourth, they oc c a s i o n a l l y intervened d i r e c t l y - - r e s i g n a t i o n s , s t r i k e s and b o y c o t t s — t o protect the i n t e r e s t s of the teachers. In some provinces the f i g h t to secure adequate tenure laws was ea s i e r than i n others. In Manitoba, f o r example, at the request of the MTF, the Government i n 1920 established a Board of Reference to investigate disputes between school 66; I b i d . 67. Powell, "The A l b e r t a Teachers' A l l i a n c e , " 15. AO boards and teachers. The Board was to consist of the President of the MTF, the President of the Trustees 1 Association, and a member of the Department of Education. I n i t i a l l y the Board seemed t a i l o r e d f o r success. However, once its. decisions began to be challenged, i t proved i n e f f e c t i v e . I t d i d not have the 6 f t power to enact binding decisions. ° A j o i n t conference of the FWTAO, OPSMTF, OSSTF and the trustees on November 12, 1921, endorsed a r e s o l u t i o n to ask the Min i s t e r of Education to appoint a Board of Reference. The trustees at t h e i r annual meeting, however, defeated the same r e s o l u t i o n by a large m a j o r i t y ^ A Board of Reference f o r Ontario teachers was not achieved u n t i l the l a t e 1930's. In B r i t i s h Columbia, i n 1921, i t was the trustees who took, the i n i t i a t i v e , to ask the Department of Education to e s t a b l i s h a Board of Reference, demonstrating that trustees u n i v e r s a l l y d i d not oppose the aspirations of the teaching profession. The Board was to consist of a trustee, a BCTF representative and a judge appointed by the Department. The costs of the Board were to be shared by the three groups equally, and i t s decisions were to be binding.'* However the Govern-ment d i d not believe t h a t the Board was necessary. Instead, 68. V i d a l , "The History of the Manitoba Teachers 1 Society," 87. 69. Teachers 1 B u l l e t i n (OSSTF), II (January 1922), 8 " 70. Ibid. • i 71. "Memorandum Re: Board of Reference," Records, BCTF, #1, 91. — 41 i t amended the Public Schools Act to allow teachers to appeal any case of unjust dismissal to the Council of Public Instruct-ion. Boards of School Trustees were required to give reasons f o r dismissing teachers and to l i m i t dismissal periods (teach-ers to l i m i t resignations) to -twice yearly: June 1 to J u l y 31, 72 and December 1 to December 15. A Board of Reference, how-ever, was eventually established by an amendment to the Public Schools Act i n 1933. In 1923, the Manitoba Teachers' Federation attempted to reach an agreement with the trustees on a new form of contract. The contract was designed to protect the interests, of both teachers and trustees, ending the practices of under-bidding and contract jumping, and preventing boards from adver t i s i n g f o r new teachers while currently negotiating with 73 the present s t a f f . However, agreement between trustees and teachers was e l u s i v e . P a r t i c u l a r l y , the trustees d i s l i k e d the clauses that required a board to give w r i t t e n reason f o r dismissing a teacher, and which gave teachers a permanent 74 contract at the end of the second year of s e r v i c e . In 1927, the persistence of the MTF reaped success. A new contract form, which the MTF modestly termed "the f i n e s t teachers' agreement i n Canada," was agreed upon by the Department of 72. "Memorandum Re: Resignation and Dismissal," Records, BCTF, #1, 89. 7 73. V i d a l , "The History of the Manitoba Teachers' Society, 90. 74. Ibid., 91. Education and-the trustees. • The contract provided f o r d e f i -n i t e terms of employment, remuneration, termination date (June 30) f o r one-year contracts, option of a one-year contract or a probationary period leading to a continuous contract, and pro v i s i o n f o r a month's w r i t t e n notice i n case of di s m i s s a l . Notice-could not be given i n J u l y or August Ontario teachers through most of the 1920's had no l e g a l r i g h t to a written contract. As a r e s u l t , a wide v a r i -ety of contracts existed: some were one-year contracts, some o r a l agreements to teach f o r a stated salary, and a few--very few—contracts which provided f o r continuous service unless w r i t t e n notice was g i v e n . 7 ' In the e a r l y 1920's the various Ontario, teachers* organizations sought l e g i s l a t i o n to create a written contract providing continuous employment unless t h i r t y days w r i t t e n notice was given p r i o r to the opening of school i n September. The Department of Education was un w i l l i n g to l e g i s l a t e such a contract as long as the trustees were opposed. On September 28, 1928, however, a j o i n t meeting of trustees and the three p r o v i n c i a l teachers*' organizations endorsed the concept of a continuous wr i t t e n contract. Trus-tees were obliged to give notice of dismissal by June 1st; 75. The Manitoba Teacher, VIII ( A p r i l 1927), 2. 76. V i d a l , "The History of the Manitoba Teachers* Society," 92. _77. J.H. Hardy, "Teachers' Organizations i n Ontario" (Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1939, 61. 43 78 teachers could give notice of resignation as l a t e as June 30. The compromise reached i n 1928 was formally l e g i s l a t e d by the;Department of Education i n 1931. A l b e r t a teachers i n t h e i r f i r s t Annual General Meeting, i n 1918, resolved that the Executive "dr a f t a model form of 80 agreement f o r teachers." By the time of the Second Annual Meeting i n 1919, the ATA*a s o l i c i t o r s had drafted a model agreement which incorporated several basic p r i n c i p l e s : con-t r a c t s to be continuous rather than terminated at the end of each year, at l e a s t one month's notice to be given of d i s -missal or resignation, teachers to have the r i g h t to a hearing before dismissal, at which they could have A l l i a n c e represen-t a t i o n , and trustees should be required to give a v a l i d reason f o r releasing a teacher. * The ATA attempted to have the model contract l e g i s l a t e d . To sosaa extent, the ATA met with success. In 1920, the Minister of Education, G.P. Smith, amended the prescribed form of agreement between teachers and school boards to embody two of the objectives: 1. A c o n t i n u i t y of service from year to year. 78. Ibid., 62. 79. Doris French, High Button Bootstraps (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1968), 65. - 80. The A.T.A. Magazine, I (June 1920), 17. 81. I b i d . , 19. 44 2. A meeting or "hearing" f o r the teachers,where dismissal was threatened or pending* 82 The e l e c t o r a l v i c t o r y of the United Farmers of A l b e r t a . i n 1921 on a reform platform encouraged the ATA to believe that perhaps the new Min i s t e r of Education, Perreri Baker, would be more receptive to the teachers' requests f o r tenure l e g i s l a t i o n * In 1922, the ATA asked s p e c i f i c a l l y that school boards "should be required to e s t a b l i s h ' v a l i d ' or reasonable reasons f o r terminating" agreements, and that the hearings precede board decisions to dismiss a teacher so that the " e f f i c i e n c y or complaint against the teacher" and not the 83 " • "board action" was the subject of review. L e g i s l a t i o n i n 1923 granted the A l b e r t a teacher the r i g h t to a hearing at l e a s t t h i r t y days i n advance of a-contemplated dismissal, but reduced the. previously required notice of a hearing from ten 84 to two days. Obviously the M i n i s t e r d i d not wish the ac-cused teacher to prepare extensively f o r h i s defence, nor to have too much counsel from the ATA. Nevertheless, the ATA was pleased with progress i t had made; i t found the proviso r e q u i r i n g a "hearing" before dismissal "to be a r e a l protec-t i o n to teachers and to schools i n that i t has prevented p r e c i p i t a t e a c t i o n on the part of school boards who, n a t u r a l l y , are d i s i n c l i n e d to run the r i s k of open discussion unless they 82. The A.T.A. Magazine, X (March 1930), 22, 8 3 ' i M S l ^ 84. I b i d . 45 f e e l they have r e a l cause f o r taking action." The Alberta Legislature i n 1925 amended the School Act to provide f o r a Board of Reference to hear teacher disputes. The Board was to consist of a Judge, a representative of the trustees, and a representative of the A l l i a n c e . The new regulations lengthened the notice given a teacher of a hearing to a minimum of f i v e days, and allowed the Board of Reference to summon witnesses, and i n theory, make binding 86 decisions. However, the ATA soon discovered two serious * - ' -flaws i n the hew l e g i s l a t i o n . One, nothing prevented "school boards from h i r i n g another teacher during the period between the a p p l i c a t i o n f o r a hearing and in v e s t i g a t i o n and de l i v e r y 87 of the findings of the Board of Reference." Two, despite the new regulations, the Board was unable "to impose i t s 88 findings on eithe r or both parties to the dispute." H.D. Ainsley, President of the ATA i n 1928-29, expressed the wide-spread concern of the teachers. He noted that although the Boards' of Reference "almost i n v a r i a b l y " had "delivered f i n d -ings i n favour of the teacher," the Boards were s t i l l i n -e f f e c t i v e , " t h e i r powers are so c u r t a i l e d that they are ab-s o l u t e l y 7 helpless ." A i n s l e y concluded that unless the Board 85. Ibid. 86. Kratzmann, "The Al b e r t a Teachers' Association," 209 87. The A.T.A. Magazine, I X (May 1929), 5. 88. Ibid, 46 "» . was given "some r e a l powers i t i s beneath the d i g n i t y of our * OQ organization to have representation on i t , " Concerted e f f o r t s by the ATA to correct these f l a w s ^ aroused the i r e of the Minister of. Education. Perren Baker, who threatened i n 1929 to return to school trustees the un-b r i d l e d r i g h t to dismiss a teacher at any time of the year upon t h i r t y days n o t i c e . The teacher would lose h i s r i g h t to a hearing. Such untrammeled power, the A l l i a n c e f e l t , "would relegate the'teacher once and f o r a l l to the. class of a renter. It would be highly i n d i s c r e e t f o r a r u r a l , v i l l a g e o r town teacher to purchase a house or make any s i m i l a r com-90 mitmant • • • ." Sharp ATA opposition to the changes pro-posed persuaded the M i n i s t e r not to introduce the l e g i s l a t i o n . Thus by the end of the 1920*s, A l b e r t a had achieved some contractual s e c u r i t y and a Board of Reference f o r i t s teachers. But the ATA was f a r from s a t i s f i e d . Teachers d i d not draw back from using stronger methods than p e t i t i o n s , memoranda, manifestoes, and audiences with the Department °^ Education, to achieve, t h e i r economic and tenure goals. Among the favourite devices used by teachers were to place d i s t r i c t s i n bad standing, to abide by pledges not to work i n a c e r t a i n area, to resign i n mass, and to 89. The A.T.A. Magazine. IX (May 1929), 5. 90. The A.T.A. Magazine, X (March 1930), 23. 47 b r i n g l e g a l action against school boards. It cannot be claimed that teachers were e n t i r e l y successful; they had both b r i l l i a n t v i c t o r i e s and dismal f a i l u r e s . In Saanich, B.C., to i l l u s t r a t e a f a i l u r e , the l o c a l School Board Informed the teachers i n May 1923 that " a l l contracts or agreements between the teachers of Saanich and the School Board of Saanich w i l l terminate on June 30, 1923." The Board stated that " i t has become necessary to change the i scale of a l l the teachers of Saanich from the system of grant-ing f i v e yearly increases. In addition, the increase of $70 made i n 1920, as a cost of l i v i n g allowance, w i l l be discontin-91 ued." The l e t t e r of dismissal was accompanied by another l e t t e r which offered to hir e the teachers at a seven percent 92 reduced salary. *• Obviously the Board was not dismissing the teachers because of unsatisfactory service or moral misconduct. The Board's main concern was with increased school costs, par-t i c u l a r l y teachers' s a l a r i e s , which they blamed on the "teach-ers* federation i n which people are d i s s a t i s f i e d and who are 93 endeavoring to make a l l teachers d i s s a t i s f i e d . . . ." Not only were school costs increasing, but Saanich, then essen-t i a l l y an a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t , was undergoing an economic decline caused by f a l l i n g prices f o r farm produce. The l o c a l 91. • Colonist ( V i c t o r i a , B.C.), May 13, 1923. 92. Colonist ( V i c t o r i a , B.C.), May 18, 1923. 93. Ibid. 48 Board was sympathetic toward the l o c a l farmers' complaints that increased school costs were making t h e i r taxes too high* Thus the School Board decided to reduce school costs by re-ducing the teachers' s a l a r i e s , The l o c a l teachers - quite understandably, f e l t that, t h e i r salaries- should not be the leverage with which to ease the farmers' tax problems. The l e t t e r of dismissal gave "the re-organization of ,..'.„'-.. , '. .... 94 ' the Saanich schools" as the o f f i c i a l reason f o r d i s m i s s a l . Advised by the BCTF, the l o c a l group decided to challenge the l e g a l i t y of the dismissal, a r g u i n g t h a t "re-organization" d i d not constitute reasonable cause f o r d i s m i s s a l . The Board, moreover, was convinced that i t stood on s o l i d l e g a l ground, and agreed to the teachers' proposal that a test case be brought before the Supreme Court, and that the costs of the judgment be paid by the l o s i n g s i d e . The t e s t case, i n which Miss V i o l e t P a r f i t t was named as the p l a i n t i f f , was heard 95 by Chief J u s t i c e Hunter on June 26, 1923. The Chief J u s t i c e ruled i n favour of the Board: re-organization was a v a l i d cause f o r r e l e a s i n g a teacher. ° Perhaps the most s t r i k i n g l e g a l v i c t o r y f o r the teaching profession was the Athabasca case i n which a teacher, Thomas Richards, sued the Athabasca School Board f o r unjust 94. I b i d . 95. Colonist ( V i c t o r i a , B.C.), June 27, 1923. 96. I b i d . 49 dismissal on the basis that he had been dismissed without notice, without cause, and without a hearing. The s u i t began i n August 1925, .and was fought by the ATA i n the Courts of A l b e r t a . Since s a t i s f a c t i o n was not attained i n A l b e r t a , the ATA appealed to the Supreme Court of Canada. The case.was heard on October 14, 1930. On October 28, 1930, the Supreme Court of Canada reversed the d e c i s i o n of the A l b e r t a courts; end affirmed the r i g h t of teachers to sue f o r damages when 97 wrongfully dismissed. The BC Teacher drew a t t e n t i o n to the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Athabasca v i c t o r y : " I t has been proven possible f o r an i n d i v i d u a l teacher i n one of the smaller communities in' the Dominion to carry h i s case through to the highest court of the l a n d — t h e Supreme Court of Canada. How has t h i s remarkable . achievement been accomplished? Simply through the medium of teachers* organization. I t would, obviously, have been a l -most impossible f o r an i n d i v i d u a l to carry on such a pro-9 8 longed and expensive f i g h t . -The organizations stood ready to defend teachers against unjust treatment. In Nova Scotia, f o r example, the NSTU came to the aid of a teacher who " s h o r t l y a f t e r school opened . . . f o r no apparent reason was asked to resign. This she refused to do. The door of the school house was then locked against 97. BC Teacher, X (November 1930), 9-10. 98. Ibid., 4. 50 her." The Union investigated the s i t u a t i o n , and found the charges against the teacher were purely imaginary. "Through the influence of the union, a new Board of Trustees was appointed and the teacher r e i n s t a t e d . " i n 1925, the Prince Edward Island Teachers 1 Federation f o r the f i r s t time defended a teacher against unjust d i s m i s s a l . Two weeks a f t e r the opening of school, the teacher was given notice of d i s m i s s a l , to take e f f e c t i n three months. As there was no cause given f o r dismissal, the teacher appealed to the Federation. An Inspector who examined the teacher's work, found i t sat i s f a c - . tory. He attempted to a r b i t r a t e the case with the l o c a l School Board. The Board, ignoring the arguments of both the Inspector and the Federation^ refused to reconsider i t s d e c i s i o n . Instead the Board advertised f o r a new teacher i n the l o c a l papers. Consequently, the Federation placed the d i s t r i c t " i n dispute," and asked a l l teachers neither to apply f o r nor to accept a p o s i t i o n i n the d i s t r i c t . Even under t h i s pressure, the l o c a l d i s t r i c t refused to reconsider t h e i r dismissal action. I t should be noted that the Board's p o s i t i o n i n the dispute was quite l e g a l . The Federation's " b l a c k l i s t i n g " remained i n e f f e c t u n t i l January when the Board f i n a l l y relented. Only a f t e r i t was l i f t e d > w a s the 99. B u l l e t i n of the Nova Sc o t i a Teachers' Union, VII (October im), 27 """" — " ~ ~ ~ ~ 51 l o c a l School Board able to h i r e a teacher. 1** 0 The case was a dramatic i l l u s t r a t i o n to the teachers of Prince Edward Island of what they might accomplish through more m i l i t a n t action* Membership i n the Federation* rose sharply; t h e - m i l i -tancy encouraged i n t h i s successful b l a c k l i s t i n g l e d to a s t r i k e threat a few years l a t e r . 1 0 * Of the western teachers' organizations, the ATA was the most prone to use the "boycott," VBad Standing L i s t , " or " b l a c k l i s t " technique. I f a teacher or group of teachers had a grievance with a l o c a l school board, he or they simply appealed to the ATA which then investigated the s i t u a t i o n . If the ATA found that the teachers were being' treated unju s t l y then i t "simply reported the circumstances" to the "members 102 f o r t h e i r guidance and p r o t e c t i o n . " One such case was the Ponoka School dispute. John Barnett, the Secretary-Treasurer of the.ATA, informed the Executive i n J u l y 1920 that " f o r the past three years • • • the board [had] paid very inadequate s a l a r i e s and generally showed a lack of appreciation of the • • • teachers . . . as i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evidenced by t h e i r p o l i c y , by minute established, of dismissing every teacher at the end of each school year and re-engaging those whose :••.• 100. G.J. Buck, "The Development of Teachers' Organiza-tions i n Canada" (Unpublished Masters' Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of Manitoba, 1938) , 140. 1 0 1 . See Chapter Two. 102. '- The A.T.A. Magazine, I (April-May 1921), 17 . services they wish to r e t a i n . " The Executive then "black-l i s t e d " the Ponoka School Board by placing i t " i n 'Bad Stand-103 i n g 1 pending a reversal of t h e i r p o l i c y . " . The more r a d i c a l members of the teachers' organizations eagerly cheered such evidence of militancy and encouraged the organizations to be even more m i l i t a n t . These s i t u a t i o n s tended to embarrass the les s r a d i c a l teacher. To i l l u s t r a t e , John Barnett reported to the general membership that the fourth Annual General Meeting had dealt With "the hoary-headed r e s o l u t i o n handed down by successive A.G.M.'s" by layin g i t on the table "once again . . . f o r consideration next year." The resolution? To make i t an unprofessional act: . " ( l ) To. serve on the s t a f f where non-union members are recognized; (2) To take part or be present at any convention where non-union members are recognized; (3) To serve as examiner f o r the Department when non-union members are also s e r v i n g . " * ^ The union concept of a closed shop had appeal f o r some teachers, as can be seen i n Barnett*s expression "once again l a i d on the table f o r consideration next year." But i t was a l s o evident that militancy and unionism repel l e d others. The closed shop concept emerges i n the mid-1930's--cut f o r a new fashion, more professional and presentable-~as "profes-s i o n a l membership" and "automatic membership." At one point 103. "Minutes of the Executive, J u l y 8, 1920," A l b e r t a Teachers' A l l i a n c e {hereafter c i t e d ATA]J, Records. 104. The A.T.A. Magazine. II (July 1921), 5. or another and i n varying degrees of conviction, a l l teach-ers organizations i n Canada entertained the p o s s i b i l i t y of closed shop schools. The MTF i n 1928* f o r example, sought l e g a l advice on the question. The s o l i c i t o r , advised the MTF to convince school boards to "employ only such, teachers as are members i n good standing of the Manitoba Teachers 1 Federa-t i o n " on the basis that i t s members were most l i k e l y to be pr o f e s s i o n a l l y committed to e f f e c t i v e q u a l i t y . ' s e r v i c e . The concept of a s t r i k e fund frequently was debated. In 1921 the ATA l e f t a motion to create a s t r i k e fund "based on a 10% assessment of the monthly salary of each member" i n the hands of the Ways and Means Committee. 1 0 6 The 1922 OSSTF Christmas Convention narrowly defeated a r e s o l u t i o n c a l l i n g f o r the establishment of a s t r i k e fund. Some of the impetus to "unionize" teachers' o r g a n i z a t i o n s — t h a t i s to make them behave and appear l i k e Labour--can be at t r i b u t e d to the e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y m i l i t a n t atmosphere of the 1920's. Many teachers believed that t h e i r organizations should be unions; f o r these teachers the closed shop, the boycott, and the s t r i k e were a l l legitimate devices that teachers should use--not as a l a s t r e s o r t , but as a basic p o l i c y - - t o gain better 105. L e t t e r from Machray, Sharpe, Lock, Parker, and Crawley, B a r r i s t e r s , to Manitoba Teachers' Federation, dated May 1, 1928, Minutes, Manitoba Teachers' Federation ([hereafter cited-MTF].. I t a l i c s added. 106. The A.T.A. Magazine, II (July 1921), 5. 54 wages and achieve security from unjust dismissal* IV. Hostile Atmosphere In their inception period, the Canadian teachers' organizations fought a continuing battle for existence,, not only to recruit enough members to make the organizations economically viable, but to overcome an atmosphere that was at times hostile to their existence. From the outset, i t should be noted that not a l l school boards or school trustees opposed teachers' organizations or-their aspirations at a l l times. The teachers* efforts to improve the quality of their services, i t i s safe to assume, was one aspiration which enjoyed considerable support by the school boards. The following examples probably i l l u s t r a t e the extremes rather than the commonplace. The intensity of the h o s t i l i t y engendered towards the organizations varied from province to province and from group to group. By and large, however, the depth of school board animosity toward a particular teachers* organization was related directly to the speed with which the teachers desired to modify their working conditions, and the extent to which they challenged the traditionally accepted powers of the school boards of setting salaries and hiring and f i r i n g teachers. It was also related t