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Britain and Malaya : imperialism as the mystification of self-image Pechey, Ann 1970

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BRITAIN AND MALAYA : IMPERIALISM AS THE MYSTIFICATION OF SELF-IMAGE hy ANN PECHEY B.A., University of Queensland, Australia, 196^ A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFIJMENT OP THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN THE DEPARTMENT of HISTORY We accept this thesis as coriforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1970 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e H e a d o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f H i s t o r y  T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a D a t e A p r i l 28th, 1970. Abstract Heraclitus said, "Man i s estranged from that with which he i s most f a m i l i a r . " Which i s to say, himself. Man, as im p e r i a l i s t , i s p a r t i c u l a r l y estranged from his true s e l f . This, then, i s the "problem" confronted i n the following pages -the processes, bred of hi s a l i e n a t i o n from himself, by which man d i s t o r t s h is perception of his human and physical environ-ments so as to bring them into accordance with his own mystified self-image. Mid-nineteenth century England, l i k e Heraclitus' Greece, turned out an impressive array of i m p e r i a l i s t s , among them the "Residents", to whom the administration of Her Majesty's Further Indian Empire was entrusted. V i c t o r i a n England was also f o r the most part lacking i n that quality, as Keats understood i t , of Negative Capability - "that i s when man i s capable of being i n uncertainties, Mysteries, doubts, without any i r r i t a b l e reaching a f t e r fact and reason." It was a quality which, by t h e i r own confession, the Residents found amply present i n the Malays. Given a remarkable opportunity to "learn" t h i s quality i n the Malayan setting however, the B r i t i s h , as purveyors of law and order and the s c i e n t i f i c method, by setting about making over the Malays i n the image of the V i c t o r i a n gentleman, almost without exception conspired to destroy precisely what might have been t h e i r salvation from the dilemmas of imperialism. I have attempted to understand how and why the B r i t i s h adapted t h e i r image of Malaya and the Malays to t h e i r own r e a l i t y - a r e a l i t y determined (for a l l that they might have been condemned i n some c i r c l e s f o r "going native") by t h e i r own experience as V i c t o r i a n i m p e r i a l i s t s , and conceived i n essential ignorance of the country and i t s people. Moreover, I have hypothesized that since people are to a cert a i n extent what others make them, the Malays came to accept and to act out, i n varying degrees, the B r i t i s h image of them. F i n a l l y , I would conclude with Charles Olsen that history i t s e l f can be shown to be of two kinds. One i s negatively capable - a function of any one of us^and as such can be taken quietly and u s e f u l l y . The other i s power. Men can and do w i l f u l l y set i n motion e g o t i s t i c a l , sublime events. They have effect which looks l i k e use. These are power, and his t o r y as primordial and prospective i s seen to demand the regognition that the other history -which I would c a l l 'anti-history' - i s not good enough. - i -BRITAIN AND MALAYA : IMPERIALISM AS THE MYSTIFICATION OF SELF-IMAGE An Investigation into Some Aspects of the True Nature of Imperialism in A l l Times and Places, with Special Reference to the Imperialism practised by the British Residents in the Malay Peninsula in the Last Quarter of the Nineteenth Century. My thanks a r e extended t o P r o f e s s o r B r i a n H a r r i s o n , f o r h i s " a d v i c e w i t h o u t c o n t r o l " , and t o my t y p i s t , M a r i e , who showed me, b e a u t i f u l l y , t h a t the medium i s indeed the message. T a b l e o f Contents P a r t One : P a r t Two : P a r t Three : P a r t Pour : P a r t F i v e : P a r t S i x : P a r t Seven : Know the H i s t o r i a n I m p e r i a l i s m : The M y s t i f i c a t i o n of E x p e r i e n c e and the D i s t o r t i o n o f S e l f -image The Image and the C u l t u r e Land o f the Orang-Utan and t h e B i r d o f P a r a d i s e I n t e r v e n t i o n R e v i s i t e d P l a y i n g a t Eden C o n c l u s i o n About My Sources B i b l i o g r a p h y Appendix I Appendix I I - i v -Part One : Know the h i s t o r i a n (or, the Duke of Gloucester to Edward Gibbon on publication of Decline and F a l l : Another damned f a t book, eh, Mr. Gibbon? Scribble, scribble, scribble eh, Mr. Gibbon?) - v -To be freed from the belief that there is no freedom is indeed to be free. Martin Buber: Ich and Du Art stands against history, withstands history which has been the history of oppression, for art subjects reality to laws other than the established ones; to the law of the Forum which creates a different reality - negation of the established one even where art depicts the established reality. But in i t s struggle with history, art subjects i t s e l f to history: history enters the definition of art and enters into the destruction between art and pseudo-art. Previous forms, styles and qualities, previous modes of protest and refusal cannot be recapt-ured in or against a repressive society. Herbert Marcuse: Repressive Tolerance You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows. Bob Dylan. 1. I had written an elaborate j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r undertaking a study of nineteenth-century B r i t i s h Imperialists i n Malaya from a l i b r a r y i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n the late twentieth century -from a position,that i s , which made i t extremely l i k e l y that the re s u l t would just be another "Europe-centric" study of the imper-i a l experience. An analysis of B r i t i s h Imperialism may contribute to the comparative study of the i n -t e l l e c t u a l and psychological aspects of group and r a c i a l confrontations, the evolution of prejudices and stereotypes, and the mentality of dominant classes. B r i t i s h imperialism of the l a t e nineteenth century i n the Malayan setting, while unique i n many respects, deve-loped a pattern or relationships and attitudes for which analogues can be found i n other s o c i -eties then and now - i n A f r i c a , South America and Asia, s o c i a l situations have emerged which bear comparison with nineteenth century Malaya. Further, the study of B r i t i s h imperial ideology continues to be relevant to contemp-orary issues because of the ro l e i t plays i n the n a t i o n a l i s t struggles of emerging countries. It i s important to understand what these peoples are reacting against, the peculiar nature of t h e i r contact with the west, i n order to appre-ciate the nature of the reaction. Some of them accepted the B r i t i s h view of themselves and of the native peoples they governed; others did not. But the ideology of c o l o n i a l r u l e r s can-not be ignored by the indigenous race because the former l a r g e l y set the terms of the deb-3,1/© * • • Frankly, I borrowed most of that from other historians trying to j u s t i f y doing p r e c i s e l y the same thing. Such i s my understanding at present that the only phrase which seems to have any meaning at a l l i s "the study of B r i t i s h imperial i d e o l -ogy continues to be relevant to contemporary issues ..." - that i s , i n the end, i f I can j u s t i f y i t at a l l , I can j u s t i f y writing 2. i n thesis form only as i t relates to the present and to myself as part of that a c t u a l i t y - as student, woman, c i t i z e n of the Earth, p a r t i c l e i n the Universe ... "...there i s no other r e a l i t y than the present ... you must r e a l i z e i n what tense you l i v e . Are you i n contact with the present? Are you awake to the r e a l i t y of your surroundings, or do you wander o f f into the past or future? .... how much of your time i s spent i n attending to actual r e a l i t y and how much i s remembering and a n t i c i p a -t i n g . Train your sense of a c t u a l i t y by watching your i n c l i n a t i o n to s l i d e o f f into the past or future. At the same time, f i n d out i f you upset your balance by avoiding to-look into either past or future ... .."^ E.H. Carr wrote that i n order to appreciate history at i t s f u l l value we have to understand what the h i s t o r i a n i s doing, be-cause whether we l i k e i t or not, the facts of his t o r y never come to us "pure" - they are always refracted through the mind of the p recorder. Many historians pay l i p service to the assumption that h i s t o r i a n s should not and cannot be detached, and then pro-ceed to write and l i v e p r e c i s e l y with detachment. The reason f o r th i s has been c l e a r l y stated by Noam Chomsky; i t i s because 1 F..S. P e r l s : Ego, Hunger and Aggression, The Beginning of  Gestalt Therapy (New York, Vintage Books, 19t>9), P.20b. cf.. : Leonard Cohen: Selected Poems 1956-1968, (Toronto, Canadian Publishers, 1969). History i s a needle/for putting men asleep/anxbinted with the poison/of a l l they want to keep. • E.H* Carr: What i s History? (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1964) Chap.I. Also, Clementi-Smith's awareness of the."actuality" j when addressing the Royal Colonial Institute on a paper delivered by the "young" Mr. C l i f f o r d : "I cannot help thinking a paper of this.kind has a very special value, not perhaps today or tomorrow ... but the time w i l l come ... when c i v i l i z a t i o n w i l l have so extended i t s e l f that these w i l l be matters of ch i e f l y h i s t o r i c i n t e r e s t ..." Proc. R. Colonial Institute, Vol. XXX, 1898-99, p.398. 3. "scholarly detachment" i n f a c t permits i n t e l l e c t u a l s , as h i s t o r -ians and as people, not to make certain comments, not to ask certain questions, not to draw certain conclusions, not only about t h e i r subject but about themselves. In f a c t I have to admit to agreeing with Chomsky when, discussing the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of "the i n t e l l e c t u a l s " i n modern society and the methods they have customarily applied i n " f u l -f i l l i n g " that r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , he wrote: By entering into the arena of argument and counterargument, of technical f e a s i b i l i t y and t a c t i c s , of footnotes and c i t a t i o n s , by accepting the presumption of legitimacy of de-bate on c e r t a i n issues, one has already l o s t one's humanity. ]_ This i s a very singular damnation of the h i s t o r i a n , or more correctly, the "thesis-writer". For of a l l i n t e l l e c t u a l s and of a l l "historians", the thesis-writer i s e s p e c i a l l y susc-eptible and frequently f a l l s prey to what Marshall McLuhan has c a l l e d the power of the medium to impose i t s own assumptions on __ _ _ _ _ _ _ N. Chomsky: American Power and The New Mandarins, (New York, 1969) (my underlining). "Given the unique p r i v i l e g e s that the i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n our society enjoy, the l e i s u r e , the fac-i l i t i e s and the t r a i n i n g presumably to seek the truth behind that v e i l of d i s t o r t i o n and misrepresentation, ideology and class interests through which events are presented, t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s much wider and deeper than that of ordinary people." "The notion that i n t e l l e c t u a l s must speak the truth and expose,.the l i e s of h i s t o r y has become just another truism and as such i s being l a r g e l y ignored." But cf. Abbie Hoffman: Revolution fo r the H e l l of It (p.89) who compares a l l i n t e l l e c t u a l s to "sheep talking r h e t o r i c " . Even "the 'Left' masturbates continuously because i t i s essen-t i a l l y rooted i n the academic t r a d i t i o n " . The i n t e l l e c t u a l s ' insistence on i d e o l o g i c a l exactness rather than action con-ceals the truth as much as the actions of the people i n p o l i t i c a l power. the unwary. Even Chomsky admits to being temporarily and fr i g h t e n i n g l y drawn into "this morass of insane r a t i o n a l i t y -inventing arguments and counter-arguments to counter and demolish the constructions of "the Bormans and the Rosenbergs", and, one might add, a l l the thousands of " i n t e l l e c t u a l s " and people who have thus f a r escaped public notice, but who have accepted without question the r i g h t of one organism to impose upon others, by force i f necessary, i t s v i s i o n of the world -the assumption which l i e s at the base of a l l i m p e r i a l i s t ventures in a l l places, ages and times.* This applies as well to those whoS.e only " i m p e r i a l i s t " gesture i s to assume, unaware of the typographic bias of our culture, that uniform and continuous habits are a sign of i n t e l l i g e n c e and who would thus eliminate the ear man and the t a c t i l e man.2 1 cf. F. S. P e r l s : Ego, Hunger and Aggression, op.cit., p .208. "The f l i g h t into the past i s mostly c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of people who need scapegoats. These people f a i l to r e a l i z e that, des-pite what has happened i n the past t h e i r present l i f e i s t h e i r own, and that i t i s now t h e i r own r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to remedy th e i r shortcomings, whatever they may be. Whenever these people who hang on to the past encounter d i f f i c u l t y , they spend a l l t h e i r energy i n complaining, or i n finding 'causes' outside themselves." Also, David Reisman: "Psychological Types and National Char-acter" (in American Quarterly 1953, p.333-4) f o r results of a Thematic Apperception Test on graduate history students. I do not agree with Reisman's inference that there i s r e a l l y nothing wrong with pursuing an occupation which tends to pathology rather than health. cf. C l i f f o r d : Bushwacking ... (London, 1901) p.318: "I l i v e i n the past, as a l l men must who have no future - save the end. * See i n t e r l e a f . 2 After Marshall McLuhan: Understanding Media (New York, 1964) esp. Chap. I. "Rational", of course, has f o r the West long meant "uniform and continuous and sequential" (the t h e s i s ) . We have, as McLuhan points out, confused reason with l i t e r a c y , and rationalism with a. single technology. "Our conventional response to a l l media, namely that i t i s how they are used that counts, i s the numb stance of the technological i d i o t . " It i s not the content but the medium which i s the message. The thing is ugly but inevitable. Our experience in Asia has taught us that i t is impossible to avoid making a l i t t l e war of our own before we can hope to teach an unimaginative people the f u l l blessings of peace. It is a pity, and stated crude-ly, i t has an ugly look to those who do not understand. Therefore, at each forward step which England makes, her sons thrust the past behind them, hope that the future w i l l belie its experience, and decline to face the facts which history teaches a l l too plainly. Given, however, an oligarchy of native chiefs who have ruled a cowed brown people, melancholy and unresisting, for their own profit, and for the satis-faction of their own lusts, with f l i n t y hearts unfettered by conscience or prin c i -ples, given a strong feudal s p i r i t among the lower classes, the habits of centuries which bid them to obey unquestioningly; given a fear of the Unknown which t e l l s them white me^ n may be harder task masters than their hereditary oppressors - given these things and an explosion of some sort must certainly occur. Add to them the presence of a slender band of Europ-eans, men callous of that personal dignity which readily impresses Oriental folk - striving to set up a new standard of ethics in a land where right and wrong have hitherto been things of l i t t l e mean-ing, curbing the lawlessness of chiefs, punishing the crimes of the community with an even-handed justice which disre-gards alike the convenience of friend and foe, and a l l the while unwittingly offending the suceptibilities of a most sensitive race,and the chances of peace become small indeed. To an Eastern peo-ple, with the tradition of centuries of war and rapine in their wake, bloodshed naturally appeals as the only conceivable exit from an impasse such as this, so we inaugurate our rule of peace with a heart-breaking l i t t l e war .... Sir Hugh Clifford, G.C.M.G., C.B.E., of the Malayan C i v i l Service: "Recollect-ions of the Pahang Disturbances of December I 8 9 O - September 1891" in Bushwacking and Other Asiatic Tales and  Memories. ....the quarrel was between white authority and Malay resentment of interference ... There followed what i s known as "a state of r e p r i s a l s " . U n c i v i l i z e d people, who do not under-stand f i n e d i s t i n c t i o n s i n such matters, c a l l e d i t war .... Swe11enham: Malay Sketches, "The Eternal Feminine" p.b4 5. Graduate theses are required of candi-dates f o r advanced degrees as evidence of competence i n research. As these are often contributions to knowledge (si c . ) i t i s impor-tant that the findings be made available f o r use and i t i s e s s e n t i a l , therefore, that sound academic standards be adhered to i n t h e i r pre-paration and presentation ... If the material i s not presented i n the proper form, the thesis w i l l not be accepted nor w i l l the degree be conferred ... the entire thesis must be typed on the same typewriter, and care should be taken to ensure evenness of impression and colour ... ("it i s understood that copying or publication of this thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written perm-i s s i o n " ). It i s Marshall McLuhan's opinion that the p a r t i a l and specialized character of the viewpoint, however noble, w i l l not serve at a l l i n the e l e c t r i c age, i n the nineteen-seventies. Every culture and every age has i t s f a v o r i t e model of perception and knowledge that i t i s i n c l i n e d to prescribe f o r everybody and everything. But ....the mark of our time i s i t s revulsion against imposed patterns. We are suddenly eager to have people and things declare t h e i r beings t o t a l l y . There i s a deep f a i t h to be found i n t h i s new attitude - a f a i t h that 1 "Instructions f o r the Preparation of Graduate Theses" - Univ-e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Faculty of Graduate Studies. 4 pages. The f i n a l parenthetical quotation i s part of a state-ment signed by the student" and normally" bound with each copy submitted. Liberation has, i n f a c t , become elimination of the s o l i t a r y viewpoint. (I am not cert a i n i n what sense the word "competence" i s being used.) cf . Swettenham: Journals. A p r i l 9 th, 1874 (J.M.B.R.A.S., Vol.XXIV, Pt. IV, p.38) What a curious thing i t i s to write down one's thoughts e s p e c i a l l y when there i s a p o s s i b i l i t y that they may be read by someone who has never experienced circumstances such as gave being to those written thoughts. How curiously f o o l i s h and e g o t i s t i c a l they must appear to that other person, constantly harping on the same subject ..." 6. concerns the ultimate harmony of a l l being. Can history be written, especially in thesis form, with-out involving the writer in a gigantic contradiction, without alienating him from his age? Elsewhere McLuhan offers a ray of hope by suggesting that Harold Innes has shown historians that they can as well be "recognizers of patterns" as "classifiers of knowledge" (the traditional "point-of-view" thesis orientation tends towards the latter.) Classification is a process, some-thing which takes up one's time, which one might do reluctantly, unwillingly or enthusiastically, which can be done with more or less success, done very well or very poorly. Recognition, in sharp contrast, is not time-consuming. A person may spend a long time while looking before recognition occurs but when i t occurs, i t is "instantaneous". When recognition occurs, i t is not an act which would be said to be performed e i -ther reluctantly or enthusiastically, compl-iantly or under protest. Moreover, the notion of recognition being unsuccessful, or having been done very poorly seems to make l i t t l e or no sense at a l l . 2 Straughton Lynd also offers temporary solace to the hist-1 McLuhan: Understanding Media: Chapter I. The age of the "fixed point of view" has given way to the age of the "inclusive image". It was the natural mode of expres-sion of the age of mechanical industry for mechanization is achieved by fragmentation of a process and by putting the fragmented parts into a series (- the "thesis"). McLuhan suggests in his study of the psychic and social consequences of the coming of electric technology, that the aspiration of our time for wholeness, empathy and depth of awareness, is a natural adjunct of this technology. 2 Marshall McLuhanfs introduction to H.A. Innes: The Bias of  Communication (p. v i i i ) quoting from Kenneth Sayre: The Mod- elling oi'"~5He Mind (U. of Notre Dame Press, 1963, p. 17) 7 . orian of the 'seventies i n dealing with the problem of r e c o n c i l -ing h i s t o r i c a l past with e x i s t e n t i a l present. 1 He begins with two basic assumptions: one, that what distinguishes the h i s t o r -ian from the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t i s not that he writes about the past but that he considers things i n process of development. "History" and "sociology" are not concerned with d i f f e r e n t obj-2 ects, they are d i f f e r e n t ways of looking at the same object. The h i s t o r i a n need not be embarrassed i f he concerns himself more with the present and future than with the past. (In f a c t , i t i s no longer even possible to adopt the aloof and dissociated r o l e of the l i t e r a t e westerner, according to McLuhan.) For, and this i s Lynd's second assumption, the historian's business with the 1 McLuhan: Understanding Media, op.cit. p.20. "Western man acquired from the technology of l i t e r a c y the power to act without reacting. The advantages of fragmenting himself i n this way are seen i n the case of the surgeon who would be quite helpless i f he were to become involved i n his operation. We acquired the art of carrying out the most dangerous s o c i a l operations with complete detachment." Writing history i s also a "dangerous s o c i a l operation" which.came to require complete detachment. 2 Lynd, S.: " H i s t o r i c a l Past and E x i s t e n t i a l Present" ( i n The  Dissenting Academy, ed. T. Roszak, New York, 1 9 6 7 ) . c f . Levi-Strauss: Structural Anthropology (New York, 1967) Chap. 1, "History and Anthropology". Alan Watts i n The Book (on the Taboo Against Knowing Who You Are) (New York, 19o6), makes a s i m i l a r point i n a wider sense. His contention i s that we create problems f o r ourselves by allowing nominalism (the myriad pigeon holes and boxes into which f o r convenience we obsessively attempt to cram ourselves and our universal environment i n order to "make sense of i t a l l " ) to obscure the f a c t that we are at one with our universe and ourselves. We are separate only i n name... "when this i s not recognized, you have been fooled by your name." Thus history and s o c i -ology properly used are convenient names only f o r d i f f e r e n t ways of looking at "man-in-his-universe". Man i s no longer, as S i r Thomas Browne supposed i n Religio Medici "that great and true amphibian whose nature i s disposed to l i v e not only l i k e other creatures i n divers elements, but i n divided and distinguished worlds ... " 8. f u t u r e i s not t o p r e d i c t but t o e n v i s i o n - to say not what w i l l be, but what can be. "The p a s t i s r a n s a c k e d not f o r i t s own sake but as a s o u r c e o f a l t e r n a t i v e models o f what the f u t u r e might become.""1' F u r t h e r , the h i s t o r i a n c o u l d and s h o u l d cease t o c o n s i d e r h i m s e l f one o f a f u l l - t i m e p r o f e s s i o n a l few whose ti m e must be committed w h o l l y t o c h r o n i c l i n g and e n v i s i o n i n g ; w r i t i n g h i s t o r y does not n e c e s s a r i l y (and must n o t , I would argue) i n v o l v e " b e i n g a h i s t o r i a n " t o the e x c l u s i o n o f a l l e l s e . He who a c t s as w e l l as watches w i l l a c q u i r e k i n d s o f knowledge u n a v a i l a b l e t o him who watches o n l y , as i s c o n v e r s e l y commonly a c c e p t e d . But i t i s i n h i s two c o n c l u d i n g q u a l i f i c a t i o n s t h a t Lynd's s t r e n g t h l i e s . A l l human b e i n g s , a t l e a s t t h o s e b o r n i n t o t h e J u d a e o - C h r i s t i a n c u l t u r e appear t o need t o f o r m u l a t e a c o l l e c t i v e 2 p a s t . Presumably i t w i l l always t h e r e f o r e be m a i n l y t h e job o f t h e h i s t o r i a n t o respond t o t h i s need r e s p o n s i b l y ( r e c a l l i n g Chomsky) and t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y e n t a i l s a r e f u s a l t o do v i o l e n c e t o e i t h e r the f a c t s o f the p a s t o r t o t h e human b e i n g s o f the p r e -3 s e n t . Moreover, whatever e l s e i t i s d o i n g , mankind i s making I L y nd: o p . c i t . , p.1 0 7 - 1 0 9 . I f i n d h i s use of the word " r a n s a c k -ed" d i s t u r b i n g . 2 On t h i s p o i n t see a l s o Pannenberg, W.: "Redemptive Event and H i s t o r y " i n E s s ays on O l d Testament Hermeneutics (ed. C l a u s Westermann. Richmond, John Knox P r e s s , 1 9 & 0 ) . esp. p.339 f f * " I n C h r i s t i a n i t y , t h e r e i s i n f a c t an i n t e r e s t i n t h e p a s t w h i c h cannot be s u r r e n d e r e d , because I t c o n t a i n s t h e promise w h i c h w i l l be f u l f i l l e d i n the f u t u r e . " o c f . L a i n g , R.D.: P o l i t i c s and E x p e r i e n c e , p . l 4 3 . "we r e q u i r e a h i s t o r y o f phenomena, not s i m p l y a phenomena o f h i s t o r y . As i t i s , t h e s e c u l a r p s y c h o t h e r a p i s t i s o f t e n i n t h e r o l e o f the b l i n d l e a d i n g t h e _ a l f - b l i n d ..." 9 . an agonized transition from societies based on private property to societies which are not. The historian who does not or can not grasp this fact is out of touch with what is happening in the second half of the twentieth century and must resign himself to becoming not merely old-fashioned but anachronistic. "Those not busy being born, are busy dying."1 There is no necessity, historical or otherwise, that these new societies be more humane than those they replace - in the interests of our survival, however, we can as easily take an opt-imistic view and assume that there are sufficient elements within p the human psyche to give some sort of humane socialism a chance. It is the responsibility of the historian ;as. intellectual and as human being to recognize this and to act accordingly. It is a responsibility largely abdicated. Chomsky illustrates this abdication by looking closely at a collection of"scholarly and objective studies" which appeared in the journal Asian Survey in August 1967; a symposium on Vietnam in which a number of "experts" were asked to contribute their thoughts on alternative solutions to the conflict there.^ Here, as in so much of what passes for scholarly debate on this particular issue, there was no question-ing of the American right to transfer innovations and institutions to the Vietnamese; or of America's "superior insight" into the 1 Or as Eldridge Cleaver put i t "If you are not part of the sol-ution, you are part of the problem 1. 2 Richard Brautigan in In Watermelon Sugar (San Francisco, Four Seasons Foundation, 1 9 6 8 ) envisions one such alternative for example. 3 Chomsky: op^cit. p.4l f f . See interleaf. Which of us, Chomsky asks, would f i n d Vietnam an obscenity had order and s t a b i l i t y been secured i n the f i r s t instance. One can imagine the rhetoric t h i r t y years hence. " ....At a l l events, the p o l i c y was crowned with success; and though success does not i n a l l cases j u s t i f y the means employed, i t does not seem possible that by any milder course could the destruction of the murderous and treacherous p i r a t i c a l communities which had so long been the scourge of the Archipelago have been accomplished ... the natives gained i n peace, prosperity and personal security. Before the advent of ("Rajah") Brooke, the country was i n a completely anarchical condition - Malays were f i g h t i n g against Malays, and Dyaks against Dyaks. The l a t t e r drank deeply of the cup of wretchedness; they were exposed to con-tinuous exactions - t h e i r children were carried o f f , t h e i r v i l l a g e s attacked and plundered by p i r a t i c a l hordes, and t h e i r troubles were frequently increased by want, approaching famine ... The impetus given by the Rajah's colossal energy was so great that i n t h i s desert place, a t h r i v i n g commercial community sprang up ,. Hence came wealth, and the comforts that flow from wealth, as were evidenced i n the improved dwellings;, the larger prahus, the gayer and c o s t l i e r dresses, the amount of gold ornaments worn by the women ... " W.H.D. Adams: The Eastern Archipelago, (p.171 f f . 0 w r i t T n g murder of 800 M a i | ; i n i68o or James Brooke1s "pirates" o f f the Sarawak coast i n 1847.) 10. needed innovations and appropriate i n s t i t u t i o n s . That i s , i n presuming to provide solutions f o r Vietnam, however much respec-t a b i l i t y can be mustered f o r them by clothing them i n a v e i l of behavioural science rh e t o r i c , these detached scholars, by refus-ing to ask themselves the question "By what rig h t ? " , are r e f l e c t -ing p r e c i s e l y the c o l o n i a l mentality they claim to be condemning. When we s t r i p away the terminology of the behavioural sciences, we see revealed i n such works as t h i s , the mentality of the c o l o n i a l c i v i l servant persuaded of the benevolence of the mother country and the correctness of i t s 'vision of world order 1, and convinced that he understands the true interests of the backward peoples whose welfare he i s to administer. The assumption that c o l o n i a l power i s benevolent and has the interests of the natives at heart i s as old as imperialism i t s e l f . It i s a f a m i l i a r r e f r a i n . But the idea that the issue Of benevolence i s i r r e l e v a n t , an improper sentimental considera-tio n , i s something of an innovation i n i m p e r i a l i s t r h e t o r i c . It i s p r e c i s e l y with the conviction that imperialism, ben-evolent or no, i s unnatural that I undertake the writing of this study of the relationship between the " i m p e r i a l i s t " and "imperial-ized" i n nineteenth century Malaya. It i s unnatural because i t seeks to d i s t o r t another's self-image, to make over what i t per-ceives as d i f f e r e n t i n i t s own image, i n the firm conviction that t h i s i s "better." Our s u r v i v a l depends on our a b i l i t y to learn to l e t others be but with a f f e c t i o n and concern - i n short, i f I might borrow a rather t i r e d word from my peer group, to love. For In the landscape of spring there i s neither better nor xrorse. The flowering branches grow naturally, some long, some short. Love and violence, properly speaking are polar opposites. Love l e t s the other be, but with a f f e c t i o n and concern. Violence attempts to constrain the other's freedom, to force him to act i n the way we desire, but with ultimate lack of concern, with indifference to the other's own existence or destiny. R. D. Laing: The P o l i t i c s of Experience By the green shade of the palm trees Where the r i v e r flows along To be wedded to the calm seas, Dwell the people of my song. With a languid step they wander Thro 1 the forest or the grove, And with l i s t l e s s eyes they ponder on the g l o r i e s poets love. They have l i t t l e joy i n beauty, L i t t l e joy i n virtue high, Honour, mercy, truth and duty, Or the creeds f o r which men die. But t h e i r l i v e s are calm and peaceful, And they ask f o r nothing more Save some happy, l i s t l e s s , easeful Years, and peace from s t r i f e and war. Tales I t e l l of women wailing, Cruel wrong and b i t t e r s t r i f e , Shrieking souls that pass, and quailing Hearts that shrink beneath the knife. Tales I t e l l of e v i l passions, Men that suffer, men that slay, A l l the tragedy that fashions L i f e and death f o r such as they. Yet these things are but as f l e e t i n g Shadows, that more l i g h t l y pass Than the sunlight, which retreating Leaves no s t a i n upon the grass. 0 my f r i e n d s ! I judge ye l i g h t l y , L i s t e n to the tales I t e l l Answer, have I spoken r i g h t l y ? Judge me, have I loved thee well? Hugh C l i f f o r d : In Court and Kampong. Part Two : Imperialism The Mystification of Experience and the Distortion of Self-image. " C a p t a i n T . C . S. Spceclv, Basha K e l i k a " , reproduced f rom Sir Frank Swcttcn-ham's Footprints in Malaya (Hutchinson & C o . , L o n d o n , 1942), from a block k indly loaned by the publishers. The date of this portrait is not certain, but it seems likely that it was taken after Speech's return from Napier 's expedition to Abyssinia, and shortly before lie came to Malaya. A good many of those who began the work are dead, and a good many have gone - Invalided, or to seek better pro-spects; but, to speak c o l l e c t i v e l y of those who remain, there i s amongst them the same s p i r i t , the same earnest desire to "make" the Malay States, that ever there was. S i r Frank Swettenham: The Real Malay, "A New Method ..." We English have an immense deal to answer for, and i t w i l l be inte r e s t i n g to see exactly how our account stands - we come to a country which i s racked with war and rapine, and, a f t e r making a l i t t l e war of our own, we reduce the land to a dead mon-otony of order and peace. We f i n d v i l e misrule, and a government which i s so i n -competent and impotent that i t Is incapable of even oppressing i t s subjects completely, and we replace i t by a high-class, t r i p l e -action automatic revenue-producing admin-i s t r a t i o n that presses equally on a l l a l i k e . We give the poor and undefended ri g h t s , of the very existence of which they had never formerly dreamed; we free the slaves, who have f o r generations been made to labour sorely against t h e i r w i l l and who celebrate t h e i r emancipation by d e c l i -ning to engage i n any t o i l more arduous than betel-chewing, with an occasional theft thrown i n when the children cry f o r r i c e ; we lop his power from the Chief who, i t must be confessed, has always consistent-l y abused i t , but finds l i t t l e to comfort him i n the r e c o l l e c t i o n ; we open up the most inaccessible places; we bring Trade and Money and Prosperity and Material Comfort and Sanitation and Drains and a thousand blessings of c i v i l i z a t i o n i n our wake. We educate, we vaccinate; we physic; we punish the Wicked and reward the Good. We administer the Native t i l l we make him almost giddy, and he begins to forget that he i s an absurd anachronism i n the Nineteenth Century and must surely lose his way most u t t e r l y i f he t r i e s to stay here. We sweep away the h o r r i b l e gaol-cages of independent Malaya and replace them by model prisons, where, should the Fates so decree, he may lodge with considerable convenience to himself .... Hugh C l i f f o r d : Proc. Royal Col. Institute 1902-03 Behaviour depends on the image - the sum of what we think we know and what makes us act the way we do. The image l i e s behind the actions of every indiv-idual. It accounts for the growth of every cause. To recognize the image is to begin to understand the scientist, the believer, the crusader, the soldier. J. P. Corbett. You see, really and truly, apart from the things anyone can pick up (the dressing and the proper way of speaking, and so on), the difference between a lady and a flower g i r l is not how she behaves, but how she's treated. I shall always be a flower g i r l to Professor Higgins, because he always treats me as a flower g i r l , and always w i l l ; but I know I can be a lady to you because you always treat me as a lady, and always w i l l . G. B. Shaw: Pygmalion. 11. The selfish desire to have others act in a way calcu-lated to feed one's ego is not confined to the group of men to whom the governing of the Malay States was entrusted after 1874, nor indeed to that whole cavalcade of Empire Builders which issued forth from the Sceptred Isles throughout the nineteenth century. Sadly, i t s t i l l motivates the behaviour of most of us in our relations with fellow human beings. R.D. Laing speaks of the process by which we, as human beings, in the name of "love", subject our children to a system which is as imperial-i s t i c as any perpetrated against the peoples of Africa, Asia and America in the nineteenth century. 1 It is not enough to destroy one's own and other people's experience. One must overlay this devastation by a false conscious-ness innured, as Marcuse puts i t , to i t s own f a l s i t y . Exploitation must not be seen as such. It must be seen as benevolence. Persecution preferably should not need to be Invalidated as the figment of a paranoid imagination; i t should be experienced as kindness. Marx des-cribed mystification of experience and showed it s function in his day. Orwell's time is a l -ready with us. The colonists not only mystify the natives, in the ways that Fanon so clearly shows, they have to mystify themselves. We in Europe and North America are the colonists, and in order to sustain our amazing images of our-selves as God's g i f t to the vast majority of the starving human species, we have to interiorize our violence upon ourselves and our children and to employ the rhetoric of morality to des-1 R.D. Laing: The Politics of Experience (New York, Ballan-tine Books, 1967) Chap. I l l See also E. Cleaver: Soul on Ice (New York, Delta Books,1968) J. Farber: The Student as Nigger (San Francisco, Contact Books, 1969) and Betty Friedan: The Feminine Mystique (New York, W.W. Norton & Co., 1963) 12. cribe this process. The process, in which our society tries to involve us a l l , has elsewhere been seen as a "double-bind" game with self-contra-dictory rules, a game "doomed to perpetual self-frustration". The child is tricked into the ego-feeling by the attitudes, words and actions of the society which surround him - his parents, his teachers, his similarly hoodwinked peers. We allow other people to teach us who we are. "Their attitudes to us are the mirror in which we learn to see ourselves, but the mirror is distorted." Our social environment thus has an enormous power precisely be-cause we are a part of i t - "society is our extended mind and body." Yet the very society from which the individual is inseparable is using i t s whole i r r e s i s t i b l e force to persuade the individual ; that he is indeed separate from i t . Society as we now know i t is therefore playing a game with self-contradictory rules. 2 Kfy suspicions were aroused by a comment made by V.G. Kiernan in his study on European attitudes to the rest of the world in the "Golden Age" of European imperialism. It is his contention that until the l870's, current notions about Malays were drawn chiefly from their p i r a t i c a l depredations in the Archipelago. Thus they had won the reputation of being "the 1 L a i n g : i b i d . p.57. f f . J e a n - P a u l S a t r e observed i n h i s f o r w a r d to The Traitor by Andre Gorz (London, Calder, i960, pp.14-15) : "They are called parents. Long before our birth even before we are conceived, our parents have decided who we w i l l be." 2 A. Watts: The Book.., op.cit. pp.64-67. For these purposes our society is essentially that of Victorian England - with it s contradictory emphasis on "team-spirit" and "individualism" - the p i l l a r s of the Public School tradition. 13. most fierce, treacherous, ignorant and inflexible of barbar-ians." However decades later, according to Kiernan, " i t was  necessary to contradict reports that a l l Malays were pirates or savages, forever running amuck and knifing one another." Their country was s t i l l depicted as being in a frig h t f u l cond-iti o n of misrule and chaos and the mass of i t s cultivators in a state of slavery, but now a l l that they manifestly stood in need of was the c i v i l i z i n g influence of Bri t i s h r u l e . 1 Why did i t become necessary for the British to see Malaya and the Malays differently? Did they, in fact? What is the process by which our images are formed and transformed? Does "the image in the mind disappear as soon as the need of the organism is gratified..?" I would begin with the proposition that behaviour dep-ends on the image; that i s , how we act depends on what we see. To understand what determines the image is fundamental to the understanding of how l i f e and society really operate, not only in nineteenth century Malaya but in a l l times and places. Platitudinous as i t may seem " i t ' s a l l a matter of how you perceive reality" ... advertising agents owe their success to this realization. We look at l i f e by conscious attention, and when we I E. J. Trelawney: The Adventures of a Younger Son 1831 pp. 353-4, 357. quoted in V. G. Kiernan: The Lords of Human  Kind (London, Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1969, 0 .83) . F. S. Perls: Ego, Hunger and Aggression, op.cit., p.40. "Exactly the same happens to our subjective r e a l i t i e s : they disappear once they are required no further." 14. attend to one t h i n g , we ignore others. In a s o c i e t y which places low value on " i n d e c i s i o n " , perception i s n e c e s s a r i l y narrowed to g i v e the advantages of being sharp and b r i g h t - f o r only under such c o n d i t i o n s can one act d e c i s i v e l y . B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l admin-i s t r a t o r s came to place a very high value on a c t i n g w i t h p r e c i s -i o n - above a l l e l s e , i t was imperative that they avoid g i v i n g the n a t i v e s the impression that they were un c e r t a i n of what they were doing. S u c c e s s f u l i m p e r i a l i s m demanded narrowed percept i o n , the s i n g l e v i e w p o i n t . 1 Cadets were not chosen f o r t h e i r " i n t e l l -e c t u a l capacities",* Hugh C l i f f o r d f r e q u e n t l y voiced the f a m i l i a r i m p e r i a l c o n v i c t i o n that " t h i n k i n g makes cowards of us a l l , " 2 and what he meant was simply that h i s s o c i e t y placed low value on i n d e c i s i v e n e s s , and that t h i n k i n g , by r e v e a l i n g a m b i g u i t i e s , i n -c o n s i s t e n c i e s and a l t e r n a t i v e modes, makes the s i n g l e viewpoint d i f f i c u l t to s u s t a i n . A t t e n t i o n i s n o t i c i n g and to n o t i c e i s to s e l e c t , to regard 1 See Boulding: The Image: Knowledge i n L i f e and Society(Ann Arbor, U. of Michigan Press, 1956) P.125. "In t r a c i n g the e f f e c t s of images on the course of h i s t o r y , p e c u l i a r a t t e n t i o n must be paid to the f u t u r e ... i t may not be so much the a c t u a l content of the image of the f u t u r e which i s important i n i t s e f f e c t , but i t s general q u a l i t y of optimism, or pessimism, c e r t -a i n t y or u n c e r t a i n t y , breadth or narrowness. The person or the n a t i o n that has a date w i t h d e s t i n y goes somewhere, (though not n e c e s s a r i l y to the address on the l a b e l ) . The i n d i v i d u a l or the n a t i o n which has no sense of d i r e c t i o n i n time, no sense of a c l e a r f u t u r e ahead i s l i k e l y to be v a c i l l a t i n g , u n c e r t a i n i n behaviour, and to have a poor chance of s u r v i v i n g . " I would argue r a t h e r that one needs only a f i r m sense of the present, but Boulding expresses a firmly-entrenched Western idea. 2 See a l s o R. Furse: Aucuparius: R e c o l l e c t i o n s of a R e c r u i t i n g  Agent (London, Oxford U. Press, 1952)- R. Heussler: Y e s t e r - day's R u l e r s : The Making of the B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l S e r v i c e . (Syracuse, Syracuse U. Press, 19^3) 15. some pieces of perception or some features of the world as more noteworthy, more significant, "better" for the purposes at hand, than others. It is a way of looking at l i f e using that special part of the memory, the value system, to string the bits together. There are numberless features and dimensions of the world to which our senses respond without our conscious attention. What governs what we choose to notice? According to Alan Watts: The f i r s t is whatever seems advantageous for our survival, our social status, and the security of our egos. The second, working simultaneously with the f i r s t , is the pattern and the logic of a l l the notation symbols which we have learned from others, from our society and our culture. There is another process at work in the formation of images: what Harold Isaacs has called "the unwitting or witless process by which we generalize from the small fact or single experience." According to Isaacs, "the mind's bent to make much out of l i t t l e is .... part of the secret of human genius." The necessity for common understanding requires that we employ the normal devices of generalization every day in our lives. Normally, these are checked for relevance and validity against the r e a l i t i e s with which they must cope. However, In a great many matters in a great many minds, what goes on is a kind of mental trick-ery, a process of enlargement whereby we people 1 cf. A. Watts: The Book, op.cit. p.29 "we need a notation for almost everything that ca,n be noticed. Notation is a system of symbols - words, numbers, signs... Such symbols enable us to classify our bits of perception. They are the labels on the pigeon holes into which memory sorts them.." It is hard, but not impossible, to notice anything for which the languages available to us have no description. 1 6 . our worlds with caricatures which appease some private or social needs.]_ Kenneth Boulding sees the image as "subjective knowledge", which is built up as a result of a l l the past experience of i t s possessor. From the moment of birth a constant stream of mess-ages enters the organism from the senses. As a child grows these indifferentiated lights and noises gradually become distinguished into objects and people. He begins to perceive of himself as an object in the midst of a world of objects. "The conscious image has begun." The child finds himself in an increasingly complex web of personal relationships; every time a message reaches him, his image is changed in some degree by i t , and as his image is p changed his patterns of behaviour w i l l be changed likewise. There are images of "fact" and images of "value". Clearly there is normally a difference between one's image of a given physical object and the value one puts upon i t . Any image of value is concerned with the rating of the various parts of our image according to some scale of betterness or worseness. We a l l tend to erect such scales, at least over that part of the universe closest to us. But adherence to any doctrine of imperi-1 H. Isaacs: Images of Asia: American Views of China and India (New York, Capricorn Books, 1962). cf. P. Mason: Prospero's  Magic: Some Thoughts on Race and Class (London, Oxford U. Press, 1962) p.97. "Have we, the British, lived the past two centuries in an unreal world, projecting our own image on to the peoples we have ruled, seeing them as Calibans who pract-ice the vices we dislike in ourselves, obedient Ariels who must be reminded to be grateful, Mirandas who gaze with parted lips at the wonders we reveal and who must never express an opinion of their own." K. Boulding: The Image, op.cit., p.7 f f . ; p.54 f f . 17. alism makes thi s d i s t i n c t i o n increasingly d i f f i c u l t to make. Things no longer just e x i s t ; they must he judged according to the value scale of the i m p e r i a l i s t . The writings of even the most disinterested "observers" of the Malays show that the need fo r the d i s t i n c t i o n was r a r e l y f e l t . John Cameron "described" the Malay's appearance i n these terms: The physique of the Malay i s of high order. The men are short, being on an average about f i v e feet three inches i n height; but they are w e l l -proportioned, round, full-limbed and generally possess a good, honest, open countenance. Their feet and hands are small and t h e i r fingers long and tapering, with well-shaped n a i l s . In fa c t , they show most of those points which we ourselves set down as the indices of good breed-ing. Their eyes are dark brown, or black, with a bold yet not impudent expression; and t h e i r h a i r - which only grows upon the head - i s j e t black and usually cut s h o r t y Cameron was a Singapore j o u r n a l i s t writing about the Malays on the eve of the transfer of the S t r a i t s Settlements to the Colonial Office i n 1 8 6 7 ; that i s , "under the b e l i e f that the possessions of which the following pages treat are about to come under the d i r e c t control of the Imperial Government, and with a view to afford the people of England some glimpse of the great beauty, some conception of the valuable commerce, and some grounds upon which to estimate the importance, i n a p o l i t i c a l point of view, of the t r o p i c a l country to which they are about to be drawn in t i e s of a nearer r e l a t i o n s h i p . " His "description" might be compared with A.S. Bickmore's comments on the "c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Malays" he saw during a b r i e f tour of the East Indian 1 J. Cameron: Our Tropical Possessions i n Malayan India (London, Smith Elder & Co., I d b 5 ) p.131 -2; Preface. 18. Archipelago undertaken i n the l 8 6 0 ' s "to r e c o l l e c t the shells figures i n Rumphius's 'R a r i t e i t Kamer'."1 The men have but few straggling hairs f o r beards, and these they generally p u l l out with a p a i r of iron tweezers. The hair of the head i n both sexes i s lank, coarse and worn long. Each sex therefore resembles the other so clo s e l y that nearly every foreigner w i l l , at f i r s t , f i n d himself puzzled i n many cases to know whether he i s looking at a man or a woman. This want of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the sexes poss-i b l y indicates t h e i r low rank i n the human family i f the law may be applied there that obtains among most other animals. One of the most important propositions of Boulding's analysis of the reorganization of images i s that ....the value scales of any in d i v i d u a l or organization are perhaps the most single e l e -ment determining the e f f e c t of the messages i t receives on i t s image of the world. p /is If a message/received that i s perceived as neither good nor bad, i t may have l i t t l e or no e f f e c t on the image; i f i t i s perceived as bad or h o s t i l e to the image already held or de-sired to be held, there w i l l be resistance to accepting i t . This resistance may manifest i t s e l f as a simple r e f u s a l to acknowledge the message, or i n an emotive response - anger, h o s t i l i t y , indignation. ('The B r i t i s h reaction td the Indian 1 A.S. Bickmore, (M.A.): Travels i n the East Indian Archipelago (New York, 1867) Bickmore fs self-image was such that he des-cribed himself as "Fellow of the Royal Geographic Society of London, corresponding member of the American and London Ethnological Societies, New York Lyceum of Natural History, Member of the Boston Society of Natural History and the American Oriental Society, and Professor of Natural History i n Madison University, New York." 1 Boulding, The Image, p.12-13. 19. Mutiny, f o r example took the l a t t e r extreme form since the mess-age could not be ignored. The murder of Resident Birch i n Perak i n 1874 evoked a s i m i l a r response). Messages favorable to e x i s t -ing images of the world, on the other hand,are e a s i l y received. V i c t o r i a n England placed high value on certain outward physical signs of masculinity - Bengali Hindus, lacking these manifesta-tions .were rejected by the B r i t i s h as "effeminate", while Sikhs, Mohammedans, Rajputs and Pathans who exhibited the more f a m i l i a r aggressive masculine t r a i t s could more e a s i l y be related to. K i p l i n g could only picture East and West meeting on that almost universal male preserve - the b a t t l e f i e l d . 1 The nature of British-Malayan contact i n the l a t t e r part of the nineteenth century, a f a r more harmonious relationship by the admission of most observers then and now, owes much to the f a c t that, i n Boulding's terms, f a r more messages received by Anglo-Malayan minds confirmed world images already held - as Cameron's description t e s t i f i e s . Swettenham's "embodiment of an Eastern dream", the Famous Seyyid, was f i r s t and foremost "A man of war". The awareness of the masculine-feminine c o n f l i c t was there s t i l l , (witness Major Fred McNair's Perak and the Malays: "Sarong" and "Kris") but generally speaking Anglo-Malayan imperial-1 c f . S. and L. Rudolph: The Modernity of Tra d i t i o n (Chicago, U. of Chicago Press, 1967) p.162-4 "Practitioners of the swash-buckling style shaped the dominant image of Englishmen i n India and by contrast 'the mirror image1 of Indians." See also S.H. Alatas: "Feudalism i n Malaysian Society: A Study i n H i s t o r i c a l Continuity". (Paper presented to International Conference on Asian History, Kuala Lumpur, Aug. 5-10, 1968) p.8: "the dominant standard of a r i s t o c r a t i c Malay Society from the l6th century to the turn of the 19th century ... was that of warrior kingship. The values of bravery, absolute l o y a l t y to the prince, s k i l l f u l n e s s i n combat, aggressiveness and p i l l a g e were stressed." 2 0 . i s t s "recognized" that the Muslim Malays shared much more of the code of conduct, and of the ideals, of the B r i t i s h "gentleman" class, than did the Hindus. The value image, then, i s very s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r to a large extent we see the world the way we see i t because i t has "paid" us to see i t that way. Incoming messages are not admitted to the image free; they are mediated through a highly learned process of interpretation and acceptance. To this extent, the image of the world possessed by an i n d i v i d u a l i s a purely private matter -a l l knowledge i s subjective. "Knowledge i s what somebody or some-thing knows ... without a knower, knowledge i s an absurdity." Yet part of our image of the world i s the b e l i e f that i t i s shared by the other people who are also part of our image. We behave d a i l y as i f we a l l possess roughly the same image of the world. The basic bond of any society, culture, subculture or organization i s a "public image" - an image whose esse n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are shared by the individuals p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the group. A large part of the a c t i v i t y of each society i s concerned with the transmission and protection of i t s public image - "that set of images regarding space, time, r e l a t i o n , evaluation etc. which i s shared by the mass of i t s people." 1 Boulding: The Image, op.cit., Chaps. IV and V, "The Image of Man and Society and "The Public Image and the Sociology of Knowledge." cf. Watts: The Book, op.cit., p.6 4-65: "We are perhaps r a t h -er dimly aware of the immense power of our s o c i a l environment. We seldom r e a l i z e , f o r example, that our most private thoughts and emotions are not a c t u a l l y our own. For we think i n terms of languages and images which we did not invent, but which were given to us by our society. We copy emotional reactions from our parents ... Our s o c i a l environment has this power just because we do not exi s t apart from a society." Watts seems at times unduly determinist - society has as much and as l i t t l e power as one allows i t . 2 1 . The impact of society on the image i s nowhere more marked than i n the value image. Por apart from the basic " b i o l o g i c a l " value image which Is b u i l t into an organism by i t s genetic const-i t u t i o n (an organism which puts high value on pain, hunger or self-immolation would be unlike l y to survive), the value image of most of us i s socially-acquired. A society's system of education Is perhaps i t s most e f f e c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n f o r harn-essing the b i o l o g i c a l drives i n the interests of establishing and maintaining a value system. By constant r e i t e r a t i o n these acquired values become internalized and acquire the same status as b i o l o g i c a l values, i f not superior. The ceremonial l i f e of a society also l a r g e l y centres around the reinforcement of the acquired value system, and i n t h i s context, i t i s worth noting that ceremonial occasions loom large i n the dynamics of imperi-a l i s t society. Beyond the formal and ceremonial i n s t r u c t i o n however, value^images are created and f i n d reinforcement inform-a l l y within the small "face to face" group, e s p e c i a l l y the individual's peer group. The genius of mid-nineteenth century imperialism lay i n the e f f i c a c y with which i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s drew together these formal and informal value images. Through i n s t i t u -tions l i k e the public school, the u n i v e r s i t i e s , the army and the c i v i l service, the informal sanctions of peer group and parents came very cl o s e l y to approximate the formal sanctions of the individual's superiors and society. Possibly without r e a l i z i n g i t at f i r s t , V i c t o r i a n England grasped that .... i f a group of people are to share the same image of the world, or, to put i t more exactly, i f the various images they have of the world are 2 2 . to be roughly i d e n t i c a l and i f t h i s group of people are exposed to much the same set of mess-ages in building up images of the world, the value systems of a l l individuals must be approx-imately the same.]_ Joseph Schumpeter claimed that i m p e r i a l i s t s were feudal atavisms, men whose hunger f o r the c h i v a l r i c l i f e could not be accommodated by the middle-class c i v i l i z a t i o n of nineteenth century Europe, and who therefore turned to the new f r o n t i e r s of the colonies f o r a challenge they could not f i n d at home; 0 . Mannoni saw the c o l o n i a l l i f e simply as a substitute to those who are, as a r e s u l t of having f a i l e d to make the e f f o r t necess-ary to adapt i n f a n t i l e images to adult r e a l i t y (an adaptation increasingly d i f f i c u l t i n competitive, i n d u s t r i a l i z e d nineteenth-century Europe), s t i l l obscurely drawn to the "desert i s l a n d " and "the world without men". But what distinguishes the i m p e r i a l i s t i s that, f o r whatever reason, he has become convinced that his world view i s "best"; moreover he i s concerned f o r a variety of reasons, that others share t h i s view - he therefore necessarily sets about imposing i t upon those others who have come to be part of his world view. As to the question of which comes f i r s t , imperialism or the 1 Boulding: i b i d . , p.73. Confucian China also r e a l i z e d t h i s f a c t . 2 Joseph Schumpeter: The Sociology of Imperialism (New York, World Publishing Co., 1959, f i r s t published 1919); 0. Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Imperi- alism (New York, Praeger, 1956) p.101, 105. "....there i s i n the c h i l d some t r a i t which i s p a r t l y misan-thropic or at any rate a n t i - s o c i a l , a t r a i t which, f o r the lack of a better term, I would c a l l 'the lure of the world without men'. It may be repressed to a greater or lesser extent, but i t w i l l remain, nonetheless, i n the unconscious." 2 3 . i m p e r i a l i s t s , there seems l i t t l e point i n entering such a hen and egg controversy. The image not only makes the society, society continually remakes the image." 1 The egg theory of hens i s as v a l i d as the hen theory of eggs. Causal relationships of h i s t o r i c a l development are too complex, too elusive to be caught i n a catchword. * * * One of the basic concepts of the theory of the image i s that i t i s the image which determines the current behaviour of any organism or organization. The image acts as a f i e l d ; behav-iour consists of gravitating toward the most highly valued part of the f i e l d . Imperialism, as behaviour, however, ultimately deals with r e l a t i o n s between i m p e r i a l i s t and imperialized - the c o l o n i a l "experience", although the i m p e r i a l i s t i s generally unaware of i t , i s , properly speaking, the c o l o n i a l "inter-exper-ience" - as Albert Memmi and Franz Fanon have emphatically pointed out. As such i t i s p e c u l i a r l y subject to that "strange dynamic i n s t a b i l i t y a r i s i n g out of the f a c t that persons themselves are to a c e r t a i n extent what the i r images make them." 2 And because JBb'ulding: The Image, op.cit., p. 64, 79. Albert Memmi: The Colonizer and the Colonized (New York, Orion Press, 1965); Franz Fanon: The Wretched of the Earth (trans. C. Farrington, New York, Grove Press 1968). Both are introduced powerfully by Jean-Paul Satre; i n the l a t t e r , Satre gives two reasons why " a l l Europeans" should read Fanon: "the f i r s t is that Fanon explains you to h i s brothers and shows them the mechanism by which we are estranged from ourselves; take advantage of t h i s , and get to know yourselves i n the l i g h t of truth, objectively ... i t i s enough that they show us what we have made of them f o r us to r e a l i z e what we have made of ourselves ... And here i s the second reason: i f you set aside Sorel's f a s c i s t utterances, you w i l l f i n d that Fanon i s the f i r s t since Engels to bring the processes of history into the clear l i g h t of day." (p.13-14) 24. the image is the creation of the messages i t receives, people tend to remake themselves in the image which other people have of them. Personal relations involve an extremely complex action and reaction of image upon image. In The Politics of Experience, Laing describes this process in such terms: I see you and you see me. I experience you and you experience me. I see your behav-iour. But I do not see and never have and never w i l l see your experience of me. And, further: I do not experience your experience. But I experience you as experiencing. I ex-perience myself as experienced by you. And I experience you as experiencing yourself as experienced by me. And so on ..." ^ This is basic to the understanding of the self-justifying image -a phenomenon basic, in i t s turn, in the mechanism of imperialism. If I think that you are mean and suroly I w i l l treat you in such a way that you w i l l tend to react in a surly and mean way, making me feel justified in my original presumption. A study of "teach-er expectation and pupils' intellectual development" in an American elementary school recently investigated what was called "the inter-personal s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecy - how one person's expectations for another's behaviour can quite unwittingly become a more accurate prediction simply for i t s having been made."2 Normally, much of our behaviour is governed by widely shared norms and expectations that make i t possible to prophesy how a person w i l l 1 R. D. Laing: The Politics of Experience, Chap. I, "Persons and Experience, esp. p.17-18. R. Rosenthal and L. Jacobson: Pygmalion in the Classroom (New York, Rinehardt andWinston, 19b8) Introduction. 25. behave i n a given s i t u a t i o n even i f we have never met that person and know l i t t l e of how he d i f f e r s from others. At the same time, however, behaviour varies so that we can more accur-ately prophesy the behaviour of a person we know well than we can that of a stranger. To a great extent, our expectations of another's behaviour are accurate because we know his past behav-iour. The accuracy of interpersonal predictions increased with another factor however, namely: "our prediction or prophecy may i n i t s e l f be a factor i n determining the behaviour of other people." In other words, people more often than not do what i s expected of them.1 Or as Laing put i t : I am concentrating upon what we do to ourselves and to each other -Let us take the simplest possible i n t e r -personal scheme. Consider Jack and J i l l i n r e l a t i o n . Then Jack's behaviour "towards J i l l i s experienced by J i l l i n p a r t i c u l a r ways. How she experiences him affects considerably how she behaves towards him. How she behaves towards him influences (without by any means t o t a l l y determining) how he experiences her. And his experience of her contributes to his way of behaving towards her, which i n turn ... 2 In these terms then, Frank Swettenham's "Real Malays" notwithstanding, what the Englishmen i n Malaya saw was not the T : Rosenthal and Jacobson: i b i d . B r i e f l y , 20 percent of the children i n a certain elementary school were selected at rand-om as showing unusual pot e n t i a l f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l growth. Eight months l a t e r these unusual or "magic" children showed s i g n i f -i c a n t l y greater gains i n I.Q. than did the remaining students who had not been singled out f o r the teacher's attention.. The change i n the teacher's expectations regarding the i n t e l l -ectual performance of these allegedly " s p e c i a l " children, had led to an actual change i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l performance of randomly selected children. Laing: P o l i t i c s of Experience, op.cit., p.33. 2 6 . "Malays" but the "Malays-experiencing-the-British-experiencing-the-Malays." Almost a l l writers included a chapter on what they were wont to c a l l the "Malay Character" as though th i s were some unchanging en t i t y existing i n a vacuum, an exercise rendered the more legitimate by the widely-held conviction that "the Malays as a race detest change." Lastly, these Malays were then, and are s t i l l (but i n some pa r t i c u l a r s to a less extent) a courageous, haughty, and exclusive people, i n f i n i t e l y conservative, hating change, f u l l of strange prejudices, c l i n g i n g to th e i r ancient customs, to the teachings of the men of old time, and ready to die to uphold them, or simply i n obedience to the orders of t h e i r here-ditary c h i e f s . " £ It should not be surprising, keeping i n mind the fact that thoughts and actions do not occur i n vacuums (they, and the phenomenon which we c a l l character, are the t o t a l continuum of every person and event with whom we have come into contact i n our l i f e t i m e , including ourselves), and what has been said :about- the s e l f - j u s t i f y i n g image, to observe that Swettenham's "c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Malay" are sur p r i s i n g l y similar to any l i s t of the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the V i c t o r i a n "gentleman". This i s Jean-Paul Satre's "re l e n t l e s s r e c i p r o c i t y binding colonized to colonizer" and vice versa. C l i f f o r d : Proc. Royal Col. I n s t i t . Vol. X K X , 1898-9, p.371 Swettenahm: The Real Malay, P.18J also p.264-66. Satre, introducing A. Memmi: Colonizer and the Colonized, op.  c i t . ; Memmi's book purports to "show the pattern and genesis of each role, (of the colonizer and colonized), the genesis of one through the other and the pattern of the col o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p out of the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n " i n Tunisia. (As a Tunisian Jew, he f i t s into neither role himself.) He speaks of 'the necessity of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , the necessity of i t s development, the necessary images which i t impressed on the colonized and the colonizer. 27. The genius of B r i t i s h imperialism i n Malaya rested upon the fact that, with a few notable exceptions, 1 the Malay rule r s needed f o r t h e i r own reasons to accept the image which the B r i t i s h found i t necessary to impose upon them. (The B r i t i s h i n Malaya were able f o r the most part to "ignore" the Malay peasant classes or, at l e a s t , consign them to an i d y l l i c Kampong existence, be-cause they were fortunate enough to have the Chinese and Tamil Indians to perform the more menial imperial t a s k s . ) 2 Or, more orthodoxly, B r i t i s h p o l i c y i n the peninsula through-out the period (before the turn of the century) was based on a mutually p r o f i t a b l e a l l i a n c e with the Malay r u l i n g class, p a r t i c u l a r l y with the i n d i v i d u a l r u l e r s of the states and t h e i r a r i s t o c r a t i c establishments. This symbiotic  relat i o n s h i p , i n which the B r i t i s h undertook to maintain in t a c t the p o s i t i o n and prestige of the t r a d i t i o n a l r u l i n g class i n the states in return f o r the r i g h t to develop a modern extractive economy with the states, c e r t a i n l y deprived the Malay Sultan of much of his policy-making power, but i t was furthered with a tact which c a r e f u l l y preserved the f i c t i o n that the Sultans were autonomous ruler s acting under advice from Residents who were i n some sense t h e i r servants. ^ It i s my impression that i t was as much in return f o r a cert a i n psychological security, a r i s i n g out of being permitted, Obviously the murderers of B i r c h were none too enamoured of the idea. See also i n t e r l e a f from Mrs. Innes overpage. 2 This point i s discussed i n greater d e t a i l , p.166 below. 3 Roff. Origins of Malay Nationalism p.250 (my underlining) cf. Swettenham: Real Malay, p.32 ""It was not the Malay people who asked f o r the B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l ; i t was a disappointed Malay Raja who, desiring B r i t i s h recognition of a coveted pos-i t i o n , offered the i n v i t a t i o n as a means to that end. He obt-ained the end he sought, and he was properly held responsible fo r what happened to the guest entrusted to h i s care. 1 At f i r s t I was inclined to laugh at the impertinence of the unclothed old savage, (the Sultan at Langat) as I considered him, thus giving us - us, free-horn Britons I - his gracious permission to walk, but on reflexion I considered that the country was his, and we were only there by his invitation, and the fact of his dress being rather airy did not really affect the question ... ....He complained that sometimes he receiv-ed as l i t t l e as $90 a month and this was not really enough for him to live upon, as everyone in the country who was in want looked to him for assistance, and he could not possibly send them away; no Sultan had ever been known to do such a thing... ....I do not know how to play the piano, nor does anyone in my house; and more-over, I am too old to learn. I. prefer fingers' to forks; European crockery and glass is not suited to my servants, who smash i t continually; and as for the horses, 1 suppose we do not understand the care of them, for they do nothing but die, one after the other, as fast as they can. The buggy is a l l broken, and we do not know how to mend i t ; and the gun which was sent me is useless, as I am now too old to begin. I should be glad i f no more European articles were sold to me for the present, as I wish to receive my $1000 intact. We f e l t glad to know that this poor old man had received any benefit at a l l from the 'protection' of the British Government, for we fancied we saw in his talk and demeanour, occasional signs that he f e l t the loss of dignity entailed on him by his revenue being collected, and his laws altered and administered for him, by aliens. He bore i t very well on the whole; but on occasions ... he was evidently much distressed, and only agreed to i t , we believed, from feeling himself powerless to cope with the English Government. Emily Innes and the Sultan of Langat from The Chersonese with the  Gilding Off 28. within the "Residential System", to play a role which provided and maintained a well-defined and accepted self-image, as f o r "the r i g h t to develop a modern extractive economy" that the B r i t i s h adopted the policy they did In Malaya. 1 Imperialism r e l i e s f o r i t s success on the phenomenon of the s e l f - j u s t i f y i n g image. The i m p e r i a l i s t needs, (because of the high values he has come to place on certain images of himself and the other people i n his world), and therefore expects, the imperialized to behave i n a cert a i n way - with the r e s u l t that more often than not he does, a process which can always be f a c i l -i t a t e d by the judicious application of a system of rewards or punishments to the imperialized. Insofar as imperialism can be said to be a medium of communication, an extension of the human senses, between i m p e r i a l i s t and imperialized, i t l a r g e l y config-ures the awareness and experience of both. It has that power of p imposing i t s own assumptions upon even the wary. 1 This i s discussed more f u l l y i n a l a t e r chapter. But c f . 0. Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban, op.cit. p.32: "The colon-izers of the heroic age - the era of c o l o n i a l expansion -were f u l l y convinced of the superiority of the c i v i l i z a t i o n they represented. Their strength came from t h e i r knowledge that, though they represented t h i s c i v i l i z a t i o n , they did not embody i t . They did not set themselves up as models; they offered to others t h e i r own ideals, something greater than they. But the f a c t that they possessed superior power per-suaded the natives of the over-riding need to imitate and, l i k e schoolchildren, to obey. Psychologically the r e s u l t was - at f i r s t b e n e f i c i a l . At that stage i t was impossible even dimly to perceive the r e c i p r o c a l misunderstanding on which the s i t u a t i o n was based, nor could i t have foreseen what successes and f a i l u r e s the e f f o r t at imitation was to meet. It would be pointless to pass judgment now on what happened then, especi-a l l y as there was undoubtedly much good w i l l on both sides at the outset...." M. McLuhan: Understanding Media, t . Chap.I. 29. Imperialism,it should be realized, is a process involving for a l l concerned distortion and mystification of one's self-image. As such, there is an inevitable contradiction in imperi-alism. Por the imperialist, because, i f he is not successful, i f he f a i l s to make the "native" over sufficiently in his own image, the latter may stab him in the back - at any rate, he w i l l constantly be reminded of his failure. If, on the other hand, he succeeds, then the "native" becomes equally a threat, or rather a r i v a l : the imperialist, as imperialist, is no longer needed; he is redundant, his task is done and w i l l no more offer him satis-faction for the complete. He may move on to a new "colony", but he is doomed to perpetual frustration. Hugh Clifford saw this clearly: Since the day when I played in the squalid street, And dreamed that I'd go to sea, No place in the world was dear or sweet, Or good in i t s e l f to me! The Land I loved was the Land I saw Just dipping below the sky, And when I was there - i t was,good no more, So forward again trudged I! And for the imperialized because ....we only become what we are by a radical and deep-seated refusal of that which others have made (or would try to make) of us. 1 C l i f f o r d : Bushwacking^op.cit. p.86 2 T Satre: Introduction to Fanon: The Wretched of the Earth, op.cit., The parenthetical addition is mine. THE SULTAN OF JOHORB. Part Three "The development of images is part of the culture or subculture in which they are developed and i t depends on a l l elements of that culture or sub-culture." Kenneth Boulding: The Image Every Roman was surrounded by slaves. The slave and his psychology flooded ancient Italy, and every Roman became inwardly, and of course unwittingly a slave. Because living constantly in the atmosphere of slaves, he became infected through the unconscious with their psychology. No one can shield himself from such an influence. C. G. Jung: Contributions to Analytical  Psychology. I was astonished at what seemed to me the weakness of Mr. Low's argument. He repeated again and again that the slaves were from time immemorial the property of their owners, just as much as i f they were elephants or cows; that i t would be unjust to deprive the owners of their elephants or cows; that i t would cause a revolution in the country i f the slaves were freed without f u l l pecun-iary compensation; that to grant such comp-ensation would ruin the government .... Later Mr. Low spoke to me "half in earnest". " I t is too good, your making a fuss about these slaves. You are a slave your-self - a l l married women are slaves'" I replied, "Just so. That is precisely why I can sympathize with other slaves." Emily Innes: The Chersonese with the  Gilding Off. 30. Both Ph i l l i p Curtin and George Bearce in their studies of British attitudes to Africa and India respectively have noted a striking variance between British beliefs and African or Indian "reality". Curtin concludes firmly that observers went to Africa with preconceived notions derived from the reports of their pre-decessors and the theoretical conclusions already drawn from them, and that they were therefore sensitive to data that seemed to confirm their preconceptions but comparatively insensitive to contradictory data. 1 As a result, B r i t i s h thought about Africa responded weakly to new data of any kind; Indeed i t responded far more positively to changes in Bri t i s h thought. Observers, taking the European weltanschaung as their point of departure, did not ask "what is Africa like and what manner of men live there?" but "How do Africans, and how does Africa, f i t into what we already know about the world?" In this sense, claims Curtin, the.image of Africa was far more European than African. (Scien-t i s t s , supposedly studying the nature of racial differences, in fact studied Africa in order to find answers for questions posed for them by the existing state of biological theory and knowledge. The interdependence of race and culture was assumed because i t helped explain a phenomenon in which contemporary Europeans were very interested - namely their own leadership in the world of the nineteenth century - f'How is i t that i t can be so truly said __ P.D. Curtin: The Image of Africa: British Ideas and Action  1780-1850 (Madison, U. of Wisconsin Press, 19b4} G.D. Bearce: Br i t i s h Attitudes towards India, 1784-1858 (London, Oxford U. Press, 1961J 3 1 . that the sun never sets upon the English flag?") The image of Africa, in short, was largely created in Europe to suit European needs - sometimes material needs, more often intellectual needs. When these needs allowed, i t might touch on reality .... otherwise the European Afrikanschaung was part of a Weltan-schauung, and i t was warped as necessary to make i t f i t into a larger whole .... 2 There is l i t t l e reason to believe that those who went to Malaya were qualitatively different to any great extent. In the following pages I shall consider the more important facets of western and especially B r i t i s h thoughtwhich were li k e l y to have been brought to bear upon the Malayan colonial experience, to attempt to reach some understanding of the disposition of the era in which the British came into contact, as imperialists, with 1 "At a more personal level, many affirmations about Africa were made for p o l i t i c a l , religious or personal reasons. Prichard's belief in monogenesis came, f i r s t of a l l , from his desire to prove that science was congruent with Scripture. Nott and Gliddon's polygenesis came from their desire to prove that negro slavery was l i c i t . It is hard to avoid the conclusion that some of the wilder ravings of Knox's "transcendental anatomy" came from a blighted career, not merely from the currents of evolutionary thought;" (Curtin: ibid., p.480). The quotation is from F.S. Marryat : Borneo and the Indian  Archipelago (London, Longmans, 1848) p.231-232. "May i t not be, I say, that the Almighty has, for his own.good reasons, fought on our side, and has given us victory upon victory, until we have swept the seas, and made the name of England known to the uttermost corners of the globe?.;" In fact, however, this sentiment is in such contrast with.the rest of Marryat's work that I am tempted to suppose he added i t simply as an after-thought for the benefit of his London readers; 2 Curtin: ibid. "To say this, however, is not to imply a moral or intellectual judgment of the nineteenth century Europeans. They sought knowledge for their guidance and the very magnitude of the effort remains as a kind of monu-ment. Their errors nevertheless did as much to mold the course of history as their discoveries ...;" 32. Malaya. What ideas, events and circumstances were li k e l y to have influenced, and how, the nature of contact between the British Residents and the Malay people, in the "Golden Age" of Malayan imperialism? 1 B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r i a l interest in Malaya dates from 1786 when the East India Company secured the island of Penang off the west coast of the Peninsula. Malacca, taken from the Dutch during the Napoleonic Wars but returned in l 8 l 8 , became Brit i s h territory in l825 ?and Singapore, the last of the three outposts known c o l l -ectively as the Straits Settlements, was occupied in 1819. From the moment i t occupied Penang, the East India Company regarded it s settlements in Malaya purely as ports of c a l l and trading stations and tried to keep clear of commitments in the Peninsula i t s e l f ; In 1833* government of the Straits Settlements, with the character of the British position in Malaya s t i l l largely undef-ined, was transferred from the East India Company to the India Office to be administered as part of the Bengal Presidency. The Indian Government, immersed in Indian affairs, had neither the time nor the knowledge to cope with the totally dissimilar prob-lems of the Straits, and i t s unfortunate attempts to foist Indian currency and port dues on them evoked a good deal of resentment, and, after 1855* a demand from the merchants of Penang and Singapore for the ending of the Indian connexion. By 1859* both I The phrase is J. de V. Allen's, in "Two Imperialists: A study of Sir Frank Swettenham and Sir Hugh.Clifford." (J.M.B.R.A.S., Vol. xxxvii, Pt. I, 1964) p.42. 3 3 the Indian Government and the India Office were prepared to admit that the Straits Settlements would be better administered by the Colonial Office (as in the case of Hong Kong); in 1867, after a long period of haggling over the financial arrangements of the transferral, the Straits Settlements became a separate Crown Colony. 1 Britain o f f i c i a l l y "intervened" on the Malay Peninsula, and B r i t i s h government of the native Malay States, however indirect, was established through the Residential system. But Malaya's early B r i t i s h history occurred in the shadow of events in India, and when separation f i n a l l y occurred in 1867, i t was as much in response to events within India as to the conviction of the necessity for establishing direct control over the Straits Settlements. In particular, the violence done to that most sacred of institutions where Br i t i s h imperial rule was concerned, the Indian Army, by the revolt of Indian soldiers in 1857 forced the British to reconsider the whole question of the nature and efficiency of their government in the East. It was as much due to the conviction that henceforth a l l the energies of the Bengal Government should be focussed upon Bengal, as from any concern for the advantages that might accrue to the region i t s e l f , that "bur tropical possessions in Malayan India" were transferred to the Colonial Office in 1867. It is unlikely that any event had a greater effect upon the British image of Asia and the-Asians, or upon the imperial 1 ' See CD. Cowan: Nineteenth Century Malaya: The Origins of  B r i t i s h P o l i t i c a l Control (London, Oxford U. Press, 19bl) Chap. I, for greater detail. 3 4 . ideology on whose foundations the British Empire of the latter half of the nineteenth century would be built, than the Indian Mutiny of 1 8 5 7 , "the Terrible Year in ' 5 7 , which found us English folk, l i t t l e handfuls of us, isolated, almost defenceless, facing the brown millions who for once were banded together against us by hate and wrath." ^ The Sepoy Mutiny has traditionally been regarded as an isolated incident quickly and effectively dispersed, in a country whose calm was not ruffled again until the nationalist stirrings of the turn of the century. Despite the fact that nothing could, and did, arouse such a frenzy of hatred in the Victorian English-man as the sight of his womenfolk (so long safe from foreign invaders and hedged around by sentiment and chivalry) hacked to pieces by barbarous savages,2 the memory of the sti r r i n g events at Lucknow and Delhi did fade relatively quickly from the British consciousness and "the annual Indian Debates" soon ceased to attract attention outside a small circle of merchants and retired 1 : H. Clifford: Bushwacking. etc.. "The Breath upon the Spark" p.319 . (The works of Clifford and.Swettenham w i l l be cited in abbreviated t i t l e only - for detail, see bibliography) 1. ibid; p ; 3 2 4 : "Through the chaos came the voice of Haji Muhammed Achbar ... *nor w i l l i t be the turn of our women-folk to be made chattels for the pleasure of new husbands'. At that word fear l e f t me and a great wrath alone remained. I rose from my chair, and in an instant I had him by the throat. 'Have a care, dog,* I cried ..." This fear and anger might be compared with the emotion aroused by the suspected detention of a European female at Amboon, Borneo in 1 8 4 4 - an emotion more akin to curiosity. See Captain Belcher: Narrative of the Voyage of H'.M.S1.  Samarang, (London, 1 8 4 b ) V o l . 1 1 , p.163 f f . for o f f i c i a l correspondence. 35. c i v i l servants. 1 But in the British subconscious the Indian Mutiny lived on and l e f t a deep and abiding mark both on the fabric of Indian Society and in the nature of British Imperial rule. Its most pervasive legacy was to be found in the sphere of human r e l a t i -ons, in the attitudes of the British and Indian peoples toward each other. To the feeling of patronizing superiority which followed naturally from the position of the numerically smaller ruling B r i t i s h class, evangelical religion with i t s stern dis-approval of Indian ways, and the advent of European wives in India, was added a new racial tinge - a belief in the inherent ra c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y of the natives of Hindoostan. Before the Mutiny i t had been assumed that for a l l his idolatry and debauchery, the Indian could s t i l l be c i v i l i z e d , Indian Society regenerated and reformed on a Brit i s h modelj Utilitarians and Evangelicals alike agreed that in a genera-tion or two India's "respectable" classes would be Christian, English speaking and actually engaged in the governing of their country. Any faults they had arose not from inherent racial i n f e r i o r i t y but "from the hateful superstitions to which they are subject, and the unfavorable state of society in which they are placed. But i f i t please God to make any considerable portion of them Christians, they would I can well 1 T. Metcalf: The Aftermath of Revolt; India 1850-70 (New 'Jersey, Princeton U. Press, 1964) p . v i i . I am largely indebted to Metcalfs study for my understanding of the effects of the Mutiny on the British psyche. 36. believe, put the best of European Christians to shame, i From the time of Bentinck in 1 8 2 8 therefore, the British had openly set their hand to the task of raising the moral and intellectual character of their subjects; spurred on by the l i b e r a l and reforming s p i r i t of early Victorian England, they had hoped to transform Indian society on a European model. On the other hand, almost a l l recent historians of Br i t i s h imperialism in the second half of the century have noticed that the optimism of the earlier period was lacking - the atmosphere of "glad confident morning" was a good deal less pervasive than might be supposed of the era which saw the hectic colonization of the p African, Asian and Pacific land masses. The enthusiasm may well have begun to waive in the decade or so before the Revolt; alsmost certainly i t did not change the attitude of thousands of Englishmen overnight. But i t crystallized a situation, provided a justification for what 1 Bishop Heber, letter to Charles Wynn, March 1st, 1825, in Regionald Heber: Narrative of a Journey through the Upper  Provinces of India (London, 1829, III, p.333), in F.G. Hutchins: The Illusion of Permanence: Bri t i s h Imperialism  in India (New Jersey, Princeton U. Press, 1967) 2 See R. Faber: The Vision And The Need, op.cit., p.12-13; C.A. Bodelson: Studies in mid-Victorian Imperialism (Copen~ hagen, U. of Scandinavia Press, I960) p.174, maintains that one of the most Important effects of Seeley's writings (whom he considers one of the most influential prophets and popul-arizers of Imperialism) was the studied sobriety with which he tried to dampen what he called "bombastic Imperialism", by which he meant the flamboyant and romantic orientalism that came to be associated with Disraeli. Also G.M. Young: Victorian England: Portrait of an Age (London, Oxford U. Press, I960 edit.) 3 7 . some may have already begun to suspect. At any rate, the policy of reform and the ultimate goals of Br i t i s h rule had both to be reconsidered. Racial animosities had been aroused by the event, which were to poison relations between British and a l l Indian peoples; doubtless in fact >' "every subject of Your Majesty who is not a Christian and who has a dark skin." Almost without realizing i t , the Br i t i s h threw over the whole notion of Indian regen-eration and consigned the Indian people to permanent racial i n f e r i o r i t y . Prom the Mutiny they drew the lesson that the Indians were not backward and inept, in need of guidance, but irredeemably mired in oriental stagnation. A people who rejected the benefits of European ci v i l i z a t i o n , they were clearly incapable of appreciating them and could never be l i f t e d to the heights of Victorian liberalism. Their only hope now lay, i t was presumed, in the long continued rule of a beneficient Br i t i s h government; and, i f i t was rarely openly expressed, the idea of permanent racial i n f e r i -ority underlay most post-Mutiny B r i t i s h thought about India, Asia and "the East" and i t was ultimately written into imperial ideology. Importantly, however, the idea of permanent racial i n f e r i -ority soon found a theoretical backing outside the Indian experi-ence - in contemporary sc i e n t i f i c thought, in the pseudo-scientific 1 Horace St. John wrote as early as 1 8 5 3 of the "Indians" of the "Indian Archipelago"; "Their imbecility is as incurable as their despotism is ferocious. They deserve only ruin." The Indian Archipelago; Its History and Present State ( 2 .vols. London 1 8 5 3 ) 2 T. Metcalf: op.cit. p .3 0 3 - 0 4 , p.309 . With the passage of the Ilbert B i l l in 1 8 8 3 "the principles of racism and imperi-alism emerged triumphant.from their greatest challenge." 38. racism of new racial theories of men like Cuvier and Arthur de Gobineau, which helped convert the notion from an emotional sentiment to a scientific fact. The earlier European self-con-fidence had naturally clothed with moral overtones "the inst>inc-tive revulsion against the new and /familiar which has l a i n at the base of racial prejudice since men of different cultures and colours f i r s t came into contact." It was obvious to the British that their expanding industrial c i v i l i z a t i o n was somehow superior to that of the darker-skinned negroes and oriental races. In the mid-nineteenth century however, with the development of the study of anthropology, racial prejudice was given sci e n t i f i c foundations and differences became permanent and irradicable. 1 Some, like Gobineau, adhered to the Christian tradition of a single ancestor; others, amongst them the American ethnologist, J.G. Nott, took the theory to i t s logical extreme and s,aw the various races of mankind as separate and distinct acts of creation; S t i l l later, others, influenced by the publication of Darwin's Origin of Species, found a path somewhere between the two. A.C. Haddon noted that 1 Curtin, Image of•Africa, op.cit., especially discusses this point. "Eighteen fifty-four was the great year for racist publications. Nott and Gliddon accepted Knox and proclaimed that human progress came from "a war of races"; Bulwer Lytton, later to become Secretary of State for the Colonies, presented his own racial interpretation of history; In Prance, Count de Gobineau began publication of his Essai sur l'Inegalite des  races humaines, the most famous and perhaps the most influen-t i a l of a l l racist works in the nineteenth century." See also Nott J.C. and Gliddon G.R.: Types of Mankind (Philadelphia, 1855) and Indigenous Races of the Earth (Philadelphia, 1857). 39. "....the three groups of mankind - the white, the yellow and black races, are probably a l l divergencies from the same unknown ancestral stock. They have severally specialized along lines of evolution, and what is important to •note is that different traits of their organ-ization have become arrested, or specialized in different degrees and in different directions." 1 A l l however were able to reassure their European audiences that "there can be no doubt that, on the whole, the white race has progressed beyond the other races." When racial character-i s t i c s became anatomical features susceptible of precise measure-ment (size of the brain, f a c i a l angle, shape of the head) and cranial structure could be shown to provide an enduring natural and reliable basis upon which to establish a true classification of the races of men, intellectual capacity became related to physical structure and i t was possible to rank the races of mankind on a scale of c i v i l i z a t i o n . 2 1 A.C. Haddon: The Study of Man (New York, 1898) p.xxii. Haddon went on to make the rather dubious observation that "while the white man may, for example, be nearer the ape in the character of his hair than the Mongol or the Negro, the usual short body and' long legs of the latter also remove him farther from the ape, to whom, in this respect, the other groups are more a l l i e d . " See also Quatrefages A.: The Human  Species (London, 1886) pp.89-178 for a detailed analysis of different.theories of the origins of Human Species. Of the Malays, Quatrefages wrote (p.433) " A l l polygamists have regard ed the Malays as one of their human.species; many monogam-ists have considered them as one of the principal races. I showed them long ago that, in reality, they are only a mixed race in which white, black and yellow elements are associated." Ranging understandably from the Saxons of North Europe (with the largest cranial capacity, the most advanced anatomical structure, and the greatest appreciation of freedom) to the negro at the other extreme, midway between man and ape, his intellectual inferiority clearly established by the fact that from earliest times, "the dark races had been the slaves of their fairer brethren," and unalterable, since the size and (continued page 4 0 ) 40. Further, the races of mankind were demarcated according to climate: That certain races are constitutionally f i t and.other unfit for certain climates is a fact which the English have but too good reas-on to know when on the scorching plains of India they themselves become languid and sickly, while their children have soon to be removed to some cooler clime that they may not pine and die.'^ Whenever the white races ventured into the tropics or negroes into the temperate climes, they deteriorated rapidly. The racists concluded that although the white races were destin-ed by virtue of their superior energy and intelligence to dominate the earth, they could neither settle in the tropics nor marry the native races. The mission of the white man in tropical Africa and Asia was not to displace the indigenous races but to rule over them as conqueror and guardian. (Naturally this posed some problems for the British in "our tropical possessions in Malayan India" and not a small part (Footnote 2. contd. from page 39) shape of his brain set r i g i d limits to his advance in c i v i l -ization. -See A.R. Wallace, (who significantly dedicated his book to "Charles Darwin, ... not only as a token of personal esteem and friendship but also to express my deep admiration for his genius and his works"): The Malay Archipelago (London, 1869), especially Vol.11, Chapter XL, on "The Races of Man in the Malay Archipelago - "a short statement of my views as to the races of man which.inhabit the various parts of the Archipelago, their chief physical and mental charact-e r i s t i c s " - and Appendix, (p.287-290j_, on "The crania of the races in the Malay Archipelago." Wallace was perhaps the most influential ethnographer of the region. i Tyler, Edward B.: Anthropology: An Introduction to the Study of Man and Civilization (New York, 1898, f i r s t edn. 1881) p.73; cf. Henri Fauconnier's conviction that every which man cannot live naked a l l year round is con-demned to work and war and morality (The Soul of Malaya; London, 1931, p.143) 41. of their writing was devoted to proving that they might reside there for reasonably long periods without succumbing to the insidious physical and moral torpitude of the tropics: Within seventy-sev/f miles of the equa-tor, i t might be expected that the climate (of Singapore) would be i l l - s u i t e d to Europeans. Such however is not the case. Neither is the high temperature nor the extreme humidity of the atmosphere found to interfere seriously with their health or even with their comfort. So green and beautiful is a l l around that heat which would be intolerable in an arid plain or sandy desert is there scarcely appre-ciated, and is borne without d i f f i c u l t y . In Singapore - a l l is constant midsummer. And yet "this extreme equableness ... is after a l l , perhaps, the greatest objection to the climate": ....for i t has the effect of slowly ennerv-ating the system, and unfitting i t to with-stand any acute disease that should overtake i t . No bad effects, however, should be f e l t from a residence of six or seven years, and i t has been ascertained by a l l the best med-ic a l authorities in the Straits that after such a residence, one year in a cold bracing climate is sufficient to completely restore whatever vigour may have been lost and f i t the European for another term of similar duration;-^ 1 : ; Cameron: Our Tropical Possessions, op.cit., p.150-1; Curtin op;cit..draws attention to the influence of the imperfect state of contemporary medical knowledge on racial and imperial ideology. Doctors attributed the recovery of Mrs. Innes and Mrs; Lloyd (from injuries received in the "Pangor Tragedy") to "our being below par ..; Had we been living in Singapore, where a more generous diet is available, the danger would have been much greater; Semi-starvation has i t s advantages; Many a Malay, owing to the national diet of f i s h and vegetables, combined with teetotalism, has recovered from wounds that would have been fata l to a European accustomed to live on beef, mutton and brandy." (Mrs. Innes, needless to say, lost l i t t l e love for what she was wont to c a l l "the red-tapeists of Singapore".) The Chersonese with the Gilding Off, Vol.11, p.144). 42 . Nevertheless, as in a l l countries east of Calais, the Britisher had continually to be on his guard - particularly for any loss of moral "vigour": Passions run high among a people living within shout of the equator . #;. If morality is a question of latitude .... by western standards (it) is remarkably lax throughout a good ..many degrees north and south of the equator Incredible though these race theories may appear today 2 with their easy assumption of European superiority, at the time they marked the f i r s t significant attempt to place anthro-pology on a sci e n t i f i c basis, and met with widespread approval. 1 : ~~ Swettenham: Real Malay, pi150-151. Note also the theme of Dawe's short romantic stories of "The love of the'White for the Yellow, the Yellow for White" (A.C.L. Dawe: Yellow and  White (London, John Lane, 1895); 2 As the home of the "orang-utan", the ape. and an aboriginal race of "black woolly-haired", ape-like men, the Semangs or "orang-utan" ( l i t e r a l l y "wild men of the woods"), the Malay Peninsula was naturally the focus of a good deal of speculation along pseudo-Darwinian lines. Most serious studies carried a chapter on the possible origins and relat-ionship, to the Malay race proper, customs, physical and moral characteristics and so on. It is d i f f i c u l t to t e l l precisely how.their presence affected images of Malaya - the emphasis on their "negrito" tr a i t s , for example, must have deflected to Malaya, in part at least, that whole spectrum of emotion generated in mid-Victorian England by the negro problem. On the whole, however, they were regarded as a curiosity arousing the interest only of traveller, and ethnographerj with rare exception l i t t l e attention was paid them in the nineteenth century once i t was decided/6hat the Malay race would become the agents of Brit i s h imperialism, beyond satis-faction or regret at their inevitable passing before the wheels of progress and c i v i l i z a t i o n . See, e.g. Burbidge. Gardens of the Sun (London, John Murray, 1880), "Let any naturalist who is prejudiced against Darwinian views go to the forests of Borneo. Let him there watch from day to day this strangely human form...." 43. Even the rise of Darwinism with i t s emphasis on evolution did not shake the hold of this pseudo-scientific racism. 1 If evol-ution destroyed ideas of multiple creation and the f i x i t y of ra c i a l types, i t provided, in the struggle for survival, a mechanism by which racial differentiation and conflict could take place; The white race, more adaptable and advanced, emerged dominant from Darwin's theories, victorious in the struggle for existence. The new racial theories, whether Cuvier's or Darwin's, provided Englishmen a l l over the Empire with a B r i t i s h audience already conditioned to think in r a c i a l terms when i t became necessary to proclaim the inherent superiority of the British people, and such was the prestige of the new sciences that there could be l i t t l e unjust or immoral in merely following their dictates. After the events of 1857, no one could easily deny that the races of men were cut off from one another by enormous differences in behaviour and attitude, and that the darker races were permanently consigned to an inferior position in the scale of c i v i l i z a t i o n ; Together the new racial thought and the lessons of 1857 reinforced and gave credibility to one another; Cranial measurement and the Kanp-ur Massacre taught much the same lesson; g But see Harvard Educational Review (Feb. 1969) and New York Times (August 31st, Sept. 21st, 19b9) .for Arthur Jensen's conclusion that I.Q. is genetically-determined and "negroes as a group test out poorly when compared with whites or orientals . "No amount of compensatory education or forced., exposure to culture is going to improve this factor". Note also the recent popularity of books like Robert Ardrey's African Genesis (Atheneum 1961) and T e r r i t o r i a l Imperative (Atheneum 1955);. Desmond Norris 1 The Naked Ape; and K. Lorenz's: On Aggression (Harcourt, Brace and World, 1966). Ashley Montagu, and others, in Man and Aggression (London-O.U.F. 1968) however, vigorously attack any such doctrine based on the "innate depravity of mankind. - 2 T. Metcalf: The Aftermath of Revolt, op;cit.,,p.313. 44. At the same time, there were important differences between the Malayan and Indian imperial experience; (many of which appear to have arisen simply out of the determination of the Anglo-Malays to create them, but also precisely because the Indian Army and the Sepoy Revolt did not "occur" in Malaya.) 1 It was, beyond the vague but important f i e l d of British attitudes to the Asiatic races, mainly in a negative sense that the Indian mutiny impinged upon the colonial experience in Malaya. In the immediate sense, "Malaya" was anxious to share in the drama of those sti r r i n g days as far as i t could - i t was with pride that one resident recorded that Lord Elgin was actually staying with Mr. Blundell in Singapore when "the great rebellion in India" broke out, and that from "the government bungalow that stood where Fort Canning now stands" he issued the famous order "which, by deflecting the troops of the China expedition at Anjer and sending them back to India, i t is believed by many, saved the British Empire in India." 2 Moreover there are occasional intimations that the mutiny experience remained in the Anglo-Malayan sub-conscious, long after the event i t s e l f had become mere history. 1 : : — Allen: Two Imperialists ;.., op.cit., also looks at the ideas Swettenham and Clifford held in common with their age, (Part I ) , and how they differed, (Part II). The latter, according to .. . Allen, was due to one of two reasons - either i t was because they liked and respected" their subjects in a way which was by then quite unfashionable in India and never possible in Africa, or because they entered the Malay States just before "the rush-hour" of imperialism, under abnormal circumstances. - 2 J. Cameron: Our Tropical Possessions, op.cit;, p.24; 45. Mr; Innes always said he believed the 'simple dressing 1 which was sent to us with other medicines from Klang, was neither more nor less than hog's lard, the thought of using which would have been horrible to the Mahometan Malays; but I cannot think that the Government, knowing their prejudices, would risk offending them by treachery of this kind, after the lesson taught by the Indian Mutiny. ^ There is a sense in which the early Anglo-Malay imperialists keenly f e l t the lack of incidents in their history to compare with the Mutiny for creating heros and martyrs (even Africa made one of General Gordon and this was, after a l l , the "real stuff" of imperialism), a vague but unmistakable sense of 2 "being l e f t out of i t a l l " in some way. Swettenham tried desperately to invest the murder of Resident Birch in Perak with something of this atmosphere, but the whole af f a i r was nonethe-less robbed of much of i t s dramatic potential by the suspicion that Birch had, in dashing "into Perak 1s Augean Stables like an angry Victorian schoolmaster, confident that i t could a l l be cleared up with a l i t t l e firmness and decision somehow broken with the Malay "tradition" of tactfulness and understanding in dealing with the natives, and in fact might even have deserved 1 Mrs. Innes: The Chersonese with the Gilding Off, op.cit. Vol.1, p.~102. 2 Malaya's "isolation" is discussed more f u l l y in Part 4. 3 R.O. Windstedt: Malaya and Its History (n.d) p.66, 68, quoted in Kiernan: op.cit., p.84; cf. Anson.About Others and  Myself (p.323), quoted in Parkinson, C.N.: British Interven- tion in. Malaya, 1867-1877 (Singapore, U. of Malaya Press, I960), p.202-03. "I am very much annoyed with Birch, and the head-over-heels way in which he does things; ... He has made a regular mull of the farms, and does not seem to have impressed either the Sultan or the ex-Sultan very favorably." 46. his rather hasty, i f regrettable, demise. Clifford at once defined Anglo-Malay sentiments about the Mutiny, and in a wider sense, the whole Malayan imperial experience, in his short story "The Breath upon the Spark".1 Ostensibly a minor Anglo-Indian o f f i c i a l ' s reminiscences on his reaction to the outbreak of the Mutiny, in fact i t reveals a good deal about how the British perceived of themselves in Malaya: Insofar as he identifies at a l l with the mutiny, i t is through his hero C a n Assistant Deputy Commissioner of sorts " stowed away in a God-forsaken d i s t r i c t at the Back of Beyond, so long alone among the natives "that he knew as much about the dusky insides of Orientals as is good for any man.") This "Assistant Deputy Commissioner of sorts" has successfully cowed the Muslims in his d i s t r i c t ; at the end of his story, Clifford asks him "But you must have got plenty of kudos for keeping that d i s t r i c t quiet at such a d i f f i c u l t time." "Kudos?" he queried. "0 dear, no! You see mine was one of the districts that had no mutiny history, and there were heaps of them - heaps of them!" 2 Clif f o r d : Bushwacking: p.309 f f . See Swettenham's account of Birch's murder and the role the former played in the events, especially in Malay Sketches, Chap, xix, "James Wheeler Woodford Birch" and Chap, xx, "A Personal Incident". 2 Clifford: ibid. This story is also a very interesting comment upon the Deputy Commissioner's attitudes to the opposite sex. The European woman who is the "breath upon the spark" of his flagging imperial spirits is married to a man whose "lack of pluck .... was somehow degrading to us a l l " , but she earns Clifford's hero's undying love by "helping him to play the man". 47. The thought that his imperial gestures might go unnoticed apparently preyed heavily upon Swettenham's mind too (and per-haps partly explains his feverish determination to leave his mark upon the Peninsula in railway lines, public buildings, roads and Botanical Gardens). Nothing was so unjust to his mind as the treatment meted out to Stamford Raffles. He spoke of British expansion in the East as "a record of the doings of courageous, cap-able and masterful men. Opportunity may tear the cloaks from a thousand excellent, hesitating, conscience-burdened theorists and talkers, who never get beyond their good intentions; while one man of courage, determination and action inspired by the f i r e of patriotism w i l l make opportunities for himself, to the profits of his country. Such a man was Sir.Stamford Raffles, and today his countrymen can gauge to a nicety England's gain and his personal reward." But, while hastening to point out that no true patriot counts either his present risk, or his prospective advantage, when intent upon his country's interests, ("the greater so immeasur-ably overshadows the less"), Swettenham confided "....probably no true man can help a feeling of mortification when the sacrifice of the best he has to offer passes without acknow-ledgment. Raffles was a great man and stronger in individuality than most, but neglect touched him, and embittered the closing years of his l i f e . " ]_ To Swettenham, nothing could be more tragic. But to return to the effects of the Indian Mutiny; I have spoken elsewhere of a "Malayan tradition" of governing 1 Swettenham: Real Malay . "A New Method", p.8-9. 48. native peoples. It is my impression that denied by circumstance and economy, the glamour and romance that was lent to the l i f e of British o f f i c i a l s in India by the presence of the Indian Army (what more impressive a place for display of imperial splendour than the battle f i e l d ... or the parade ground?), 1 the Anglo-Malays determined to make a virtue of the somewhat less spectac-ular imperial qualities of understanding and kindness to the natives - which had the effect of modifying the r i f t created in India between ruler and ruled by the Mutiny, and gave the racial element in late nineteenth century imperial ideology a slightly p different emphasis in Malaya. . At the same time Malayan c i v i l servants never avowedly modelled themselves on the precedent of the government of India. 1 The pomp and ceremony of the Malay courts became an important part of the Residents 1 business and the Durbars following Federation were unquestionably very important for a l l that l i t t l e of substance was discussed. This pomp was obviously much enjoyed by both Bri t i s h and Malays and is a tradition that continues today. (See the lavish production "The King Installed - The Pageantry of a Great Ceremony" Straits Times  Annual (Singapore, 1967) p.22 f f . ) >. p - -Although military force played i t s part in the Malayan imper-i a l experience i t was in a special and temporary sense only. "The history of B r i t i s h influence in Malaya ... of the last quarter of the nineteenth century began with a military expedition which attracted small attention, for i t cost the country l i t t l e in blood and nothing in treasure. The exped-ition was punitive and what was required was done quickly and effectually ... In Selangor,beyond a naval demonstration, the shelling of some forts and the excavation of certain reputed pirates, there had been no conflict with British forces and no Bri t i s h troops were ever employed to support the Resident's authority" (Swettenham Real Malay p.47, p.17-18) cf. Miss Bird's evident disapproval of the Residency of Bloomfield Douglas, which had "the appearance of an armed post amidst a hostile population" (The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither (London, John Murray, 1883; Oxford edition, 1967, p.218) . 49. In Clifford's story, "Concerning Maurice Curzon," Maurice's father curses the examination system and is given to lament that, in another age, his recalcitrant son might have been a "Clive"; the author points out however, that "a new kind of man is now called for in the East". 1 The early Malayan Resid-ents were very much aware that theirs was "a new method" for governing the native races, and in the attempt to define their role, they looked back to men like "Rajah" James Brooke ("who upset his bishop by conniving at liaisons between his staff and Borneo women", and many of whose administrators "sported Dyak tattoos and shunned European company"), and, perhaps even more, t o r Stamford Raffles, the founder of Singapore and the f i r s t and greatest Malay scholar-administrator. Moreover, i t was significant that Stamford Raffles had written as early as the eighteen-twenties of the Malays: 1 cf. Hugh Egerton: Sir Stamford Raffles, (London, 1900) in the "Builders of Empire Series"; "It is to the honour.of Raffles that he was distinguished both in the fields of thought and action, that he bridged the chasm which divides the Wakefields from the Clives in this series." cf. H. Keppel: The Voyage to Borneo of the H.M.S. Dido (2 Vols., London, lb4'6J "Whether in preparing for the establishment of a British.settlement on the coast of Borneo, or in actually making one, Her Majesty's Minister, I am satisfied, w i l l advert to the merits and peculiar q u a l i f i -cations of Mr. Brooke;.... I consider him as possessing a l l the qualities which distinguish the successful founders of new colonies; intrepidity, firmness, and enthusiasm, with the art of governing and leading the masses. He possesses some, moreover, which have not always belonged to such men, however otherwise distinguished; a knowledge of the languages, manners, customs and institutions of the natives by whom the colony is to be surrounded ;..;" Keppel also noted that "benevolence" and an "independent fortune" were convenient but unusual attributes for "projectors of.colonies" in this part of the world; 50. Notwithstanding their piracies and vices usually attributed to them there is something in the Malayan character which is congenial to B r i t i s h minds and which leaves an impress-ion the very opposite to that which a much longer intercourse has given of the subdued and cultivated natives of Hindoostan ...." ]_ In the same s p i r i t , H. Wise wrote in 1846 that " The Malays, with proper management, may in my.opinion be rendered a very superior race in many respects to some of the natives of Hindoostan ...." and opined that Rajah Brooke was noteworthy in his belief that the natives should be treated "as equals" " On this point, most Europeans are grossly wanting .... When we desire to improve and elevate a people we must not begin by treating them as an inferior race; and yet this is too generally the style of our Indian rulers, with a few b r i l l i a n t exceptions." 2 From A. Wright and T. Reid: The Malay Peninsula (London, 1912) p. 134. Also J. de V. Allen: ''Malayan C i v i l Service 1874-1941 - Colonial Bureaucracy/Malayan E l i t e . " (Paper presented to International Conference, Asian History, Aug; 5-10, 1968, University of Kuala Lumpur). Allen feels that in speaking only of the Malays, Raffles anticipated more correctly the views of succeeding generations of Malay C i v i l Servicemen than of "the founding fathers". I would argue that the Chinese were tolerated rather than liked and that their women-folk apart, the Indians were generally disliked. It was as much for himself as for "the Malay" that Swettenham spoke when he wrote "The land is Malaya, and.he is the Malay. Let the in f i d e l Chinese and the evil-smelling Hindu from Southern India t o i l , ... they are strangers and unbelievers, and while he is quite willing to tolerate them, and to be amused, rather than angered, by their strange forms of idolatry, their vulgar speech in harsh tongues, and their repulsive customs, he thinks i t only f i t t i n g that they should contribute to his comfort Real Malay p.37: see also p.39,on Chinese and p.37-40 on the Indians. H. Wise: A Selection of Papers relating to Borneo, (1846) p ; 4 9 , 24. in Kiernan; Lords of Human Kind, op.cit. p.86 . 51. Even Henry Keppel, f o r a l l that the nature of his contact with the Malays sharpened his awareness of t h e i r less endearing t r a i t s , offered the opinion that No difference can be more marked than between the Hindoostan and the Malay. The former though more self-possessed and polished, shews a constraint i n manners and conversation, and you f e e l that his t r a i n i n g has made him an a r t i f i c i a l character. The Malay, on the contrary, concealing as well the feelings uppermost i n his mind, i s l i v e l y and i n t e l l i g e n t , and his conversation i s not confined to a d u l l torture of unmeaning compliment. -j_ And when they turned away from the Indian model i n an attempt to e s t a b l i s h a d i s t i n c l y Malayan imperial i d e n t i t y a f t e r 1867, i t was to this t r a d i t i o n that the founding fathers of the Malay States C i v i l Service turned, a l b e i t a t r i f l e r e l u c t a n t l y i n some 1 H. Keppel: H.M.S. Dido, op.cit., p.26-27. See J. de V. A l l e n "Malayan C i v i l Service ...", op.cit. on the d i s t i n c t i o n between S t r a i t s Settlement C i v i l Service and Malay States C i v i l Service* the l a t t e r being a l l those who served i n Malaya except those who served only i n the Crown Colony. S t r i c t l y speaking there were two d i s t i n c t c i v i l services i n Malaya before Federation, even before 1919, when the two were amalgamated at S i r Lawrence Guillemard's sugges-t i o n . Generally, the S.S.C.S. clung more to the Indian model (many were ex-India o f f i c i a l s ; See e.g. 0. Cavenagh: Remin- iscences of an Indian O f f i c i a l , (London, 1884), esp. p.3fc>9.) and to the other strand of the Raffles' image of "Empire-Builder". S i r Frederick Weld obviously saw himself i n "the Raffles' t r a d i t i o n when, unveiling a statue of Raffles i n 1887, he stressed "the crowd of splendid shipping, the churches, the public buildings and o f f i c e s " , and the i n f l u -ence of the B r i t i s h name i n the Native States" as testimony to the greatness of that man. Raffles was not s o l e l y an o r i e n t a l i s t and humanitarian; i n fact, (see J. Bastin: The  Native P o l i c i e s of S i r Stamford Raffles i n Java and Sumatra  An Economic Interpretation, (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1957), he was one of the f i r s t to suggest the importance of bringing influence to bear on the Malay Sultans as a means of safe-guarding B r i t i s h commercial interests i n the East. See also Egerton: S i r Stamford Raffles, (London, 1900). 52. There are two roads to possession and power .... the one is by force of arms and 'the mailed hand1, - the other is by force of character and the exercise of certain qualities which compel respect and even sometimes win affection. Of the two, any one who has tried force knows which appeals most to him. Conquest and physical mastery is to most health-minded Englishmen, the finest game in the world, and to those who have had the luck to take part in i t , a really good fight is the acme of man's enjoyment. The grim excitement of war, the t h r i l l of battle, the quickening pride of race, the inspiring traditions of hero-ism and sacrifice, the shock of arms, and the ecstasy of victory, which shouts in delirious joy lest i t should choke with unexpected tears - appeal to instincts higher than those of the mere savage; It is an experience to liv e for, worth dying for: with reward, and fame, and praise coming hard upon the heels of success. •]_ The other, which Swettenham was obviously struggling to accept, and "the more excellent way" (though i t "lacks in brilliance, in scenic effect, in excitement, and often in recognition, much of what the f i r s t possesses,") required .....courage and resource, combined with tireless energy, sympathy with the people of the land, their customs and prejudices, and their enthusiasm for the work entrusted to them, that determination to compel succ-ess, which is characteristic of the class which sends i t s sons to the uttermost parts of the earth to preach the gospel of free-dom, justice and Bri t i s h methods of admin-See also Swettenham: Perak Journals 1874-1876 (ed. by CD. Cowan, J.M.B.R.A.S., Vol.24, Pt.4, 1951) and Bri t i s h Malaya (London,. 1948 edn.) p.191-2 for his eulogy of Raja Mahmud of Selangor whom Swettenham found a most attractive person-a l i t y perhaps because "he fought for no p o l i t i c a l reason, but for friendship's sake, and because he liked i t " 53. istration.' 1' The result was that, i f only by projecting most of their animosities on to the "natives of Hindoostan", the Anglo-Malayans were able to forgive in the "more c i v i l i z e d " of their subjects even those traits which at f i r s t sight they might have found just as repulsive. At one extreme, this expressed i t s e l f in the sentiment: however uncivilized the Malays, they are s t i l l better than the Hindoo barbarians. Less admirable however, are their practices of rouging - a custom confined to married ladies alone - and using antimony after the fashion of Kobe to darken the eyelids and give a lustrous look to the eyes. But after a l l , these customs are i n f i n i t e l y preferable to those of the Hindoos who give a ghastly yellow tinge to their faces, by the use of a powder composed 1 Swettenham: Real Malay p.46-48, p.212-213; "A Br i t i s h military expedition had been dispatched to the State, at a moment's notice, and the troops were divided Into two forces; one sent from China ... and the other composed of troops from India. I myself was with the f i r s t force, and, for a time, a l l the fighting to be got was theirs. That, of course, was very annoying to the later arrivals, stationed here with nothing to do but to gaze upon this Malay paradise, which I have no doubt they regarded as very indifferent compensation for their hurried dispatch from India - the soldier's paradise ..." I am prepared to admit that, as woman, I am perhaps unable to understand the appeal of war to man; But, even i f , as Dioseph Kinsey Howard (Strange Empire: The Story of Louis  Riel, Toronto, Swan Publishing Co. 1965 p.18) claims: "They were maments of war, and boys play momonto at war because they recognize in i t , by unerring instinct, the most dramatic of human experiences; A philosopher has commented that, as much as we hate to admit i t , war gives a 'sudden-edged preciousness to values we take for granted, like light when night is f a l l i n g , or conversation with a friend one knows is doomed to die?* I could understand that," It seems unnecessary to make war merely to achieve a feeling of the preciousness of values normally taken for granted - easier, in fact, simply to stop taking them for granted. 54. of tumeric; At the other extreme, i t expressed i t s e l f in the conviction that the Malay might be backward and inept, in need of guidance, but he was probably not as "irredeemably mired in oriental stagnation" as the natives of India. In any case, a "genuine concern to preserve the -real Malay1 existed amongst most of the Residents; From what I have.said, i t might be thought that a l i t t l e emancipation is what the Malay audience chiefly need. I doubt i t . That form of experiment, though f u l l of interest to the operator, is sometimes fatal to the patient; A l i t t l e learning is not so dangerous as to plant the seeds of aspirations which can never grow to maturity. It is easy for a teacher to make a child entirely dissatisfied with a l l i t s old surroundings, to f i l l i t with a determin-ation to have something better than the old l i f e , or to have nothing at a l l . But, when the time comes to satisfy the cultivated taste of the educated mind, the teacher is powerless to help, is probably far out of reach, and the lonely soul ... w i l l find l i t t l e comfort in her old home and society of her own unregen-erate people. 2 1 ! Major Fred McNair: Perak and the Malays: "Sarong" and "Kris" (London, 1878) p.154. See also F.S. Perls: Ego, Hunger and Aggression, op.cit., p.157 "The projecting person ;.. visualizes in the outside world those parts of his own personality with which he refu-ses to identify himself. The organism experiences them as being outside the Ego-boundaries and reacts accordingly with aggression;" Also Chap; X, Part III, "The Assimilation of Projections." 2 Swettenham: Real Malay p.273-4; (Speaking of the isolation imposed by Muhammedanism on Malay women, but expressing a common sentiment about a l l Malay subjects.) See J. de V. Allen: "Two Imperialists...", op;cit. p;55 f f . , his analysis of the difference in the way.Clifford and Swettenham used the words "regenerate" and "unregenerate", and how this difference affected their ideas on the value of education for Malays. 55. In any event, although i t remained in the British subconscious, i t is obvious that the lesson taught by cranial measurement and the Kanpur Massacre was for a variety of reasons softened as i t found expression through imperialists in Malaya. The v e i l of misunderstanding and fear that lay between the races in India, was never so impenetrable in Malaya. Swettenham proclaimed confidently: that contrary to general belief, i t was not impossible for a European and a Christian to "understand the character of an Eastern, or follow the curious working of his brain", provided, that i s , " make yourself perfectly familiar with the language, literature, customs, prejudices and superstlcions of the people; i f you l i e on the same floor with them, eat out of the same dish with them, fight with them, and against them, join them in their sorrows and their joys, and. at last, win their confidence and regard ... 2 T Allen: ibid, p.62, speaks of Clifford's a b i l i t y , already rare in Bri t i s h imperial lite r a r y tradition, to write of non-Europeans as real people, and maintains that i t sprang from Clifford's connection with "early imperialism" when race barriers were low; Most historians of this period draw attention to the lack of "racialism" in early Anglo-Malayan relations - even the Chinese were not ra c i a l l y discriminated against, i t is claimed. 2 Swettenham: Real Malay p.265: In any case the task was made easier by the fact that "between one Eastern and another there is a much greater similarity than there is between two Westerns, even though they be of the same nationality. There are good and bad, lazy and energetic, but you w i l l hardly ever meet those complex western products of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n whose characters are subordinated to the state of their nerves, and those to the season of the year, the surroundings of the moment, po l i t i c s , the money market, and a thousand things of which the Eastern is b l i s s f u l l y unconscious." Qne can almost hear Swettenham1s sigh of r e l i e f was precisely to avoid these "complex prod-ucts of western c i v i l i z a t i o n " that he had l e f t England. (See Part 6, below). 1 5 6 . Or, as C l i f f o r d put i t , observing the Sultan of Perak upon his knees i n a London Hotel, "prostrating himself upon his prayer carpet, making earnest supplication to the King of Kings f o r the l i f e of the Ruler whose servants, i n His name, have brought a Malayan people out of the Land of Darkness and out of the House of Bondage", Surely, there i s hope f o r a race, l e t the pessimists say what they w i l l , whose influence wins the love, admiration, confid-ence, and ready support of such men as t h i s -men with the clean mind, the keen i n t e l l i g e n c e , and the kind heart of Sultan Idris of Perak -and makes of them l o y a l and enthusiastic Imperialists. Or perhaps the Imperialist simply makes virtue out of necessity. C l i f f o r d : Bushwacking " P i l o t t i n g Princes", p.222, upon the death of King Edward. C l i f f o r d ' s remark i s a plea f o r B r i t i s h imperialism as a whole, and, f o r the p a r t i c u l a r case, Malaya. 57. Further support was found for the new imperial doctrines at home, in the authoritarian liberalism which grew up in the intellectual community of the Gladstone era. At the same time that the Indian Mutiny forced the British to re-examine their Indian policy, liberalism at home was undergoing a slow but profound transformation. "By i 8 6 0 , i t was no longer the heady intoxicating brew i t had been during the l830's when a group of earnest young men, brash, self-confident and aggress-ive had set out to remodel England according to the principles of Bentham and Ricardo.'' 1 The prosperous, complacent laissez-faire England of the mid-nineteenth century decades aroused l i t t l e reforming enthusiasm. With the gradual incursion of "democracy" upon the English p o l i t i c a l scene and in particular upon the Liberal party, intellectubals, Increasingly estranged from the party leaders, began to proclaim that nothing could be further removed from the true l i b e r a l s p i r i t than the rule of a tyrannical majority, manipulated by wire-pullers and party caucuses and with no object in view other than the satisfaction of i t s own baser instincts. 1 T. Metcalf: Aftermath of Revolt, op.cit., p . v i i i . See also G.M. Young's b r i l l i a n t analysis of these years in Portrait  of an Age: Victorian England, op.cit;, esp. p.100 f f . "We are nearing the years of division. In 1859, the last of the Augustans was laid by Johnson and Addison, and the Red House was begun at Bexley: in i 8 6 0 Ruskin issued as much of Unto This Last as Thackeray dared to print, and how great a part of late Victorian thought is implicit in five books of those same years, in the Origin of Species, M i l l on Liberty and Essays and Reviews: in Fitzgerald's Omar and Meredith's Richard Feverel we can appreciate now better than their own age could have foreseen. We are approaching a frontier ... The late Victorian age is opening ..;" 58. Robert Lowe spoke for these men as early as 1865 when, contes-ting the 1867 Reform B i l l , he asserted: Because I am a l i b e r a l and know that by pure and clear intelligence alone can the cause of the progress be promoted, I regard as one of the greatest dangers with which this country can be threatened a proposal to subvert the existing order of things, and to transfer power from the hands of property and intelligence .. ; to the hands of men whose l i f e is necessar-i l y occupied in struggles for existence; ]_ Much of this opposition to the spread of democracy was a natural response on the part of the educated middle classes to the loss of those privileges which they had held since 1832. However i t rested on a well-developed intellectual foundation, derived in part from the philosophy of Hobbes and Bentham, in part from an idealization of British rule in India, of the type Lord Elcho alluded to, in the same debate, through the words of "Mr; Kaye's History of the Indian Mutiny": In that country, public men are happily not exposed to the pernicious influences which in England shrivel them so fast into party leaders and parliamentary chiefs; With perfect singleness of aim and pure sincerity Lowe added: "Are we prepared to do away? with a system of tried and tested efficiency as no other country was ever happy enough to possess since the world was a world and substitute for i t a form of Government of exteme simplicity, whose tendencies and peculiarities have been as carefully noted and recorded as those of any animal or vegetable, with who sec- real nature we have no excuse for not being well-acquainted - pure democracy?" Such a form of govern-ment might answer i t s purpose well enough in Greece or America (a nation of "log-rollers and wire-pullers"), but for England "in i t s present state of development and c i v i l i z a t i o n , to make a step in the direction of democracy appears to me the strangest and wildest proposition ever broached by man;" Hansard, Vol. CLXXVIII, May 3rd 1865, pp. 1437, 1440. 59. of purpose they go with level eyes straight at the public good never looking up in fear at the suspended sword of a Parliamentary majority, and never turned aside by that fear into devious paths of trickery and finesse ... i The most forthright exponent of this authoritarian liberalism was James Fitzjames Stephens, who followed Bentham and Hobbes in proclaiming that the greatest happiness of the greatest number, rather than liberty, was the aim of government, in denying a natural propensity in man to treat his fellows with justice, and in maintaining, as a consequence, that only the judicious application of force wielded by a powerful legislator could resolve the conflicting interests and suppress the selfish desires of mankind. Force in this sense was not an e v i l but a necessary element in the creation of a c i v i l i z e d society. Stephens departed from the U t i l i t a r i a n creed however, on the matter of popular education; Bentham and J.S. M i l l , with a l l the enthusiasm that characterized Util i t a r i a n , early Victorian thinking, assumed that everyone, English working man or Asian native, was capable of understanding the principles of Victorian ibid, p.1407. cf. Swettenham*s translation of this in the Malayan setting: " i t may be assumed that the leading motive of government in an English dependency is to spend for i t s advantage, a l l the revenues raised in i t , never seeking to make money out of a distant possession, or exact any contri-bution towards Imperial funds ;.; This policy is one which appeals specially to Intelligent natives of the East, and as long as these principles are maintained, the spread of English rule can only be for the good, and no native race, Eastern or otherwise, w i l l regret the advent of English advice, as In Malaya, or English control as in India;" (This distinction between "advice" and "control" was one the Residents were pleased to make, but which was scarcely supported in practice;) Real Malay p.33; 6 0 . m o r a l i t y and l i v i n g i n peace w i t h h i s n e i g h b o u r , g i v e n o n l y the t r a i n i n g o f good government and e d u c a t i o n . Stephens on t h e o t h e r hand, was c o n v i n c e d t h a t the b u l k o f the p e o p l e would always remain beyond the r e a c h o f r a t i o n a l d i s c u s s i o n or improvement. There a r e and always w i l l be i n t h e w o r l d an enormous mass o f bad and I n d i f f -e r e n t p e o p l e - p e o p l e who d e l i b e r a t e l y do a l l s o r t s o f t h i n g s w h i c h t h e y ought not t o do, and l e a v e undone a l l s o r t s o f t h i n g s w h i c h t h e y ought t o do. E s t i m a t e t h e p r o -p o r t i o n o f men who a r e s e l f i s h , s e n s u a l , f r i v o l o u s , i d l e , a b s o l u t e l y commonplace, and wrapped up i n the s m a l l e s t o f p e t t y r o u t i n e s , and c o n s i d e r how f a r the f r e e s t o f f r e e d i s c u s s i o n i s l i k e l y t o improve them. The o n l y way by w h i c h i t i s p r a c t i -c a l l y p o s s i b l e t o a c t upon them a t a l l i s by c o m p u l s i o n or r e s t r a i n t . ^ p U n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e and e d u c a t i o n would a c h i e v e n o t h i n g . R a t h e r t h e masses of p e o p l e needed th e r u l e o f a g i f t e d m i n o r i t y a b l e t o command t h e i r obedience and impose upon them i t s own i d e a l  o f h a p p i n e s s . Where M i l l and Bentham had o b s c u r e d the f a c t t h a t 1 Stephens, J. F . : L i b e r t y , E q u a l i t y , F r a t e r n i t y (London, Smith E l d e r & Co., 1&74, 2nd e d i t i o n , p.31-35) S e e a l s o R.J. White's i n t r o d u c t i o n t o the 19&7 Cambridge e d i t i o n of S t e p h e n s 1 book^which Stephens h i m s e l f d e s c r i b e d as " l i t t l e more t h a n t h e t u r n i n g o f an I n d i a n l a n t e r n on European problems." See a g a i n t o o , M a r s h a l l McLuhan"s c o n t e n t i o n t h a t " r a t i o n a l " has l o n g meant " u n i f o r m , c o n t i n u o u s and s e q u e n t i a l " a n d r t h a t p r o g r e s s and improvement were f e l t t o f o l l o w s i m i l a r - p a t t e r n s . E.M. F o r s t e r ' s A Passage t o I n d i a d r a m a t i c a l l y u n d e r l i n e s t h e i n a b i l i t y of o r a l and i n t u i t i v e ( " p a s s i o n a t e " ) o r i e n t a l c u l t u r e t o meet w i t h the r a t i o n a l v i s u a l European p a t t e r n s of e x p e r i e n c e . To McLuhan, F o r s t e r ' s book i s a p a r a b l e o f w e s t e r n man i n the e l e c t r i c age, and o n l y i n c i d e n t a l l y r e l a t e d t o Europe o r the o r i e n t ( U n d e r s t a n d i n g Media, o p . c i t . . P.30) 2 See Swettenham: R e a l Malay, "A M e z z o t i n t " p. 2 7 3 . 61. men were "fundamentally unequal", Stephen now asserted that society could only progress i f this fact were unequivocally accepted and the idea of democracy ahandonned. Under the c i r c -umstances, i t is not surprising to find that Stephens1 "ideal book" was Robinson Crusoe.1 Nor should i t now be surprising to find Sir Andrew Clarke, Governor of the Straits Settlements, writing: " The Malays, like every other rude eastern nation, require to be treated like children, and to be taught, and this esp-ecially in a l l matters of improvement, whether in the question of good government and organization or of material improvement, .;; such teaching can only be effected by an Officer liv i n g on the spot, whose time should be devoted to carefully studying the wants and capabilities of each State, the character of the Sultan and his Chiefs, and to making himself personally acquainted with every portion of the country ..." 2 Bodelsen, in his study of mid-Victorian imperialism looks closely at the writings of Seeley and'Froude - the "classical expressions" of imperialism. He emphasizes the influence of the conservative thinker, Carlyle, particularly on the latter.Froude shared Carlyle*s ideas about the role of "Great men" in history, his distrust of p o l i t i c a l democracy, his prefer-ence for an older and more patriarchal state of society, his dislike of the industrial ("competitive") system, his disbelief Elsewhere Stephens had had occasion to praise M i l l for his castigation of "the complacent optimism" of the age, and the growing influence of a petty mediocre type of character, (ibid. 1967 edn. p.2.) See Mannoni and Mason..on-the subject of Robinson Crusoe and the imperial mentality, discussed in Part b below. 2 Clarke to Sec, of State. No.43, 24th Feb., 1874) 62. in nineteenth century progress. Froude distrusted the granting of self-government even to the "white" colonies, although i t was due more to his fear of parliamentary democracy than to any objection to colonial autonomy. "He would have granted the colonies any amount of independence within the Empire:If they had chosen to be ruled by a "Hero" instead of a responsible ministry;" Moreover, as another commentator has written: Kipling's attitude towards leadership was supported by an almost g i r l i s h capacity for hero-worship; Throughout his l i f e he showed a tendency not only to admire but idealize Great Men;" Authoritarian paternalism and "Hero-worship" became closely related strands in imperial ideology, in fact this authoritarian paternalistic liberalism, combined with the new ra c i a l theories, provided the p i l l a r s upon which rested the ideology that was to govern Britain's imperialist ventures in the latter part of the nineteenth century, - the Malayan experience among them. In India, the British outwardly remained convinced of their own moral superiority and looked upon their presence there as tangible manifestation of this supremacy. But the self-confident optimism, and the plans for rapid westernization of Asia were shattered; The introduction of western ideas into traditional Asian society now seemed a dangerous and explosive thing; the consequences of meddling, however well intentioned, 1 R. Faber: The Vision and the Need, op.cit., (p.99 et. seq.) One wonders whether the judgment implicit in the phrase " g i r l i s h capacity for hero-worship" does not make Faber a party to the same male Chauvinism explicit in Kipling's writings. 63. were at best uncertain and at worst catastrophic^ Doubts, however small, crept into even the most ardent supporters of Pax Britannica. Thus Hugh Clifford, writing from his cherished Malay fastnesses in 1896, could wonder, in the midst of his certainty that "...;no one who has seen the horrors of native rule and the misery to which the people l i v i n g under i t are ofttimes reduced, can find doubt that i t s many drawbacks notwithstanding, the only salvation for the Malays l i e s in the increase of Br i t i s h influence ... and the consequent spread of modern ideas, progress and c i v i l i z a t i o n " , whether "....the Malay in his natural unregen-erate state is more attractive than he is apt to become under the influence of European c i v i l i z a t i o n ; " 1 In future, i t would be safer and more sensible to leave Asian society as i t was and to concentrate upon the provision of a sound efficient administration. Caution and conservatism underlay every sphere of activity in India "after the Mutiny"; in Malaya too, the British sought to "enlist on our side and to employ in our service those natives who have from their birth or Cli f f o r d : In Court and Kampong, (London, 1897) esp. Chapters I and II. cf. also Swettenham1s introduction to the Malay Sketches, (London, 1893). Note again Allen's ("Two Imperialists, op.cit.) discussion of Clifford's and Swettenham's use of "regenerate and "unreg-enerate". Swettenham, though to a lesser degree, shared with Clifford, this peculiar schizophrenia in '£his conception of their role in Asia - were they rapists or saviours? Swettenham notes that the " i r r e s i s t i b l e Juggernaut of Progress," that "enemy at the gates" who w i l l destroy "Malaya's natural beauty, is at the same time the bearer of "a higher morality." 64. p o s i t i o n a natural influence i n the country." It was wiser to buttress the t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , to strengthen the p o s i t i o n of "natural" leaders who alone, i t was presumed, could command the allegiance of the masses and speak to them on t h e i r own terms, to minimize s o c i a l change, and to soften the impact of western r u l e . * * * In f a c t the B r i t i s h b u i l t , on t h e i r knowledge of the behaviour of the Indian People during a period of revolt, an exaggerated and stereotyped image of Indian conservatism. The people were never so devoted to t h e i r old ways as the B r i t i s h imagined and showed, p a r t i c u l a r l y as the n a t i o n a l i s t movement gathered momentum, a marked adeptness at combining western and t r a d i t i o n a l Indian i n s t i t u t i o n s and modes f o r use towards t h e i r own ends. 1 This image, generalized into a kind of "imperial f o l k l o r e " , was used as evidence to support the theory of " o r i e n t a l stagnation", and was, i t has been argued, i n large measure a conveniently created myth by which the white man eased his conscience as he enjoyed the perquisites of power. Faced with'a state of society, that of the imperial experience, which he found pleasurable and p r o f i t a b l e but which, based as i t was on the rule of one person by another, he f e l t subconsciously 1 See L. and S. Rudolph:., Modernity of Tradition, op.cit., esp. and S. Wolpert: T l l a k and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform i n  the Making of Modern India (Berkeley, U. of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1952). One might compare these with Roffs 1 very competent analysis of the or i g i n s of Malay Nationalism: Origins of  Malay Nationalism (New Haven and London, Yale U. Press, 1967) . 65. to be basically unjust, the imperialist experienced a deep psychological need to justify his position and hence emphasized his subjects' inferiority to legitimize his refusal to mix with them on equal terms: If imperialism is as I have argued elsewhere, a self-justifying image, and i f Shakespeare was correct in assuming that the colonial mentality is not created by the colonial situation but is a facet of human nature, always present, perhaps suppressed to a greater or lesser extent, i t might not be irrelevant to consider here the concept of the personality of the imperialist. The psychological phenomena which occur when two peoples at different stages of c i v i l i z a t i o n meet and mingle can probably best bp explained and understood If we see them as reactions to each other of two d i f f -erently-constructed types of personality." 2 Fi r s t l y , given the less ebouillient imperial mood of the second half of the century, i t seems reasonable to expect a change in the personality - type of the person "who went out to 1 This is essentially Thomas Metcalf's analysis of the Indian imperial experience in latter, nineteenth century. (Aftermath  of Revolt, op.cit.) The real nature of these" pleasurable psychological perquisites of power is discussed in Part 6 below. 0. Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban, op.cit., p.24. Note Mannoni's comments(p.24 ff.) on the "individual" and "person-a l i t y " . "An individual consists of what is inherited in the chromosomes, the genetic stock with which a man enters upon l i f e . As an individual he represents the species to which he belongs, and within that species, the time from which he has sprung. The personality is inherited up to a point, but the inheritance is a social one ... (it) is simply the sum total of beliefs, habits and propensities, organized and linked on to another, which go to make up the individual as a member of his group. "Personality"and the"value image" are closely related. See Part 2 above. This dark forest, where trees shoot up straight and t a l l , and are succeeded by-generation after generation varying in stature but struggling upwards, strikes the imagination with pictures t r i t e but true. Here the hoary sage of a hundred years l i e s mouldering beneath your foot, and there the young sapling shoots be-neath the parent shade and grows in form and fashion like the parent stem. The towering few, with heads raised above the general mass, can scarce be seen through the foliage of those beneath; but here and there the touch of time has cast his withering hand upon their leafy brow, and decay has begun his work upon the gigant-ic and unbending trunk. How t r i t e and yet how true I It was thus I meditated in my walk. The foot of European, I said, has never touched where my foot presses - seldom the native wanders here. Here I indeed behold nature fresh from the bosom of creation, unchanged by man, and stamped with the same impress she originally bore I Here I behold God's design when he formed this tropical land, and l e f t i t s culture and improve-ment- to the agency of man. The Creator's g i f t as yet neglected by the creature; and yet time may be confidently looked for when the axe shall level the forest, and the plough turn the ground. Rajah Brooke's sentiments on f i r s t beholding the forests of the Malayan Archipelago. 66. the colonies." It has been noted that i n India, at l e a s t , before the Mutiny, he tended to be an otpimist, man of reform-ing s p i r i t , who looked to India f o r the r e a l i z a t i o n of r a d i c a l hopes frustrated at home. In l a t e r decades however i t was more the autocrat, pessimistic i n his consideration of fellow humans, who sought i n India a f i e l d to f u l f i l ambitions blocked i n England. A man disturbed by the growing democratization of English l i f e , and l i k e l y to be less excited by the desire to reform than to rule, concerned with B r i t i s h might rather than 1 c o l o n i a l hopes. In Malaya t h i s type was represented, too, by men l i k e S i r Frederick Weld who could qua l i f y what seems, at f i r s t glance, an unusually perspicacious remark to the e f f e c t that Nothing we have done so f a r has taught (the Malays) to govern themselves. We are merely teaching them to cooperate with us and govern under our guidance. To teach men to govern themselves, you must throw them on t h e i r own resources. We are necessarily doing the very reverse ..." with the remark that i n any case "• I doubt i f A s i a t i c s can every r e a l l y be taught to govern themselves. Good native government seems hot to be a plant congen-i a l to the s o i l . " 2 and t h i s set his i m p e r i a l i s t soul at ease. F. Hutchins, I l l u s i o n of Permanence, op.cit. p . x i . 2 Weld to his Secretary of State, 21 Oct., 1 8 8 0 , C 0 / 2 7 3 / 1 0 4 . c f . His address to the Royal Colonial I n s t i t u t e : "I think the capacity f o r governing i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of our race " (Proc. Roy. Col. Inst., V o l . 1 5 , 1883-4, p.266) 67. Moreover, 0 . Mannoni, in a study of the phenomenon of "dependence" as manifested by Malagasi natives under the French colonial system,has suggested that this dependence met exactly the psychological and personality needs of the colonial European. Mannoni argues convincingly that everyone in a competitive society (as that of Victorian England increasingly was) is the victim to some extent of an inferiority complex which may be expressed in any number of ways (- in determination to make good, a desire for perfection, aggressiveness, preoccupation with order); and to the s p i r i t convinced, or at least suspicious, of i t s own inferiority "....the homage of a dependant is balm and honey and to surround oneself with depend-ants is perhaps the easiest way for appeas-ing an ego eager for assurance." He suggests that the colonial administrator (and the missionary and pioneer/settler) shows himself, by choosing the colonial career, particularly prone to this weakness "of which the germ is present in every member of a competitive society and which", he claims, "flourishes with peculiar luxuriance in the warm broth of the colonial situation," 1 Philip Mason, introducing 0 . Mannoni: Prospero and  Caliban, p.11; cf. Albert Memmi: The Colonizer and the  Colonized, p.xxvi. Memmi strikingly described the sequence of steps that lead the colonizer to "self-absolution." Conservatism brings about the selection of mediocre men. How can an e l i t e of usurpers, aware of their mediocrity establish their privileges? By one means only: "debasing the colonized to exalt themselves denying the t i t l e of humanity to the natives and defining themselves as simple absences of qualities - animals not humans." cf.,Eric Berne: Games People Play, The Psychology of  Human Relationships (New York, 1 9 o 4 ) , p . I l l - 1 1 2 , calls the game "Blemish" - i t is played from the depressive child position "I am no good", which is protectively transformed: into the Parental position "They are no good." Hence, (Continued on Page 68) 68. Mannoni's thesis, that the European image of the native peoples they came to govern is simply a reflection of their own inner d i f f i c u l t i e s is supported by the tentative conclusions of a recent study of conservatism and personality. Conservative doctrines appear in some measure to arise from personality needs the exacting and inflexible features of con-servative social doctrine are related to the prototypic personality attributes of conserv-ative believers.' Measuring the social-psychological attributes of conservatism, 1 Herbert McLoskey found that i t appears to be far more charact-p e r i s t i c of social isolates, of people who think poorly of themselves, who suffer personal disgruntlement and frustration, who in fact may be very timid and submissive and wanting in Footnote 1 continued from Page 67 -"Blemish" players do not feel comfortable with a new person.until they have found his blemish. "In i t s hardest form i t may become a totalitarian played by "authoritarian" personalities, and then i t may have serious historical repercussions." 1 Herbert McCloskey: "Conservatism and Personality" (American  Pol. Sc. Review, March '50 Vol. I l l pp. 42,44) McLoskey admits to the tentativeness of his hypothesis; his conclu-sions are drawn entirely from contemporary Minnesota examples and the degree to which they may be generalized to conserv-atives in a l l places and a l l times could be questioned. In fact however, he inclines to the view that "the connect-tions between conservatism and the personality.configurations presented in the foregoing would very l i k e l y prevail wherever and whenever the members of a society are free to choose between conservatism and alternative l i b e r a l systems of belief." b cf. Clifford, speaking of a group of colonials returning home to England in "The Home-Coming of Vincent Brooke" (Bush- wacking etc.) p.250^1: "Most of us were friendless, adrift in a barren world, whose.only inhabitants were English folk who, after the manner of their kind, eyed one another with deep disfavour and suspicion." 69. confidence. Such people may lack a clear sense of direction and purpose, may be uncertain of their values and tend to be bewildered by the alarming task of having to thread their way through a society which seems too complex to fathom. (The District Commissioner in Clifford's "The Breath upon the Spark", by way of il l u s t r a t i o n of this point, is immensely relieved when the suggestion of violence upon English women, whom he has significantly epitomized in the person of a single woman, "Mrs. Harold", breaks him dramatically out of his paralysing loss of faith in himself. "Qui bono?" he wonders. "When a white man in the East once f a l l s to setting himself that riddle, he is in woefully bad case. So long as we can feel that we are doing something that justifies our presence east of Suez, we can hold on, we can fight, we can endure." But with that thought (of violence against the white woman) came also the necessity for action, and when a man is called upon to act ..; he is relieved of the curse of thinking. It is the habit of taking thought, of letting the imagination have f u l l play - i t is that habit, more than conscience, that makes cowards of us a l l . 2 It may merely have been a literary ploy but a great many Anglo-Malay writers prefaced their works with an elaborate apology for forcing themselves upon their readers' attention. (See interleaf.) Nevertheless, this literary prostration before one's cultural peer group reveals a great deal about Victorian society and the imperialists' relationship to i t . Cl i f f o r d : Bushwacking p;326: The process of "taking thought", of "letting the imagination have f u l l play", is.that of recognizing the ambiquities of any situation, or realizing that there may be many alternative solutions - o r n o solution, rather than the single, indisputably 'right' solution which the conservative personality, with i t s obsession for defini-tion, must seek out. P R E F A C E As the history of even the most uneventful l i f e , when fait h f u l l y recorded, must always contain some matter deserving notice, I venture, with a l l humility, to express a hope that in the following plain unvarnished sketch of the career of an Indian Officer from Cadet to Governor, there may be found some scenes described, some incidents related, which may be deemed of s u f f i -cient interest to induce i t s readers to pardon my presumption in presenting i t to the Public. General Sir Orpheus Cavenagh; Governor, Straits Settlements: Reminiscences of an Indian O f f i c i a l . 70. Provided with a clear purpose, whose worth he has no need to question, that of saving Mrs. Harold, the Commissioner can begin to function as imperialist once more. On the other hand, McCloskey's research revealed that h o s t i l i t y and aggressiveness are principal components of the conservative personality and of the conservative doctrine. Conservatives prefer to believe in man's essential wickedness, they choose to see man as fallen, untrustworthy, lawless, self-ish and weak. Expressed as a p o l i t i c a l doctrine, these projections of aggressive personality tendencies take on the respectability of an old and time-honoured philosophical tradition. They also l i e at the root of the conservative inclination to regulate and control man; to ensure, that he w i l l not violate the conditions necessary for order, to train him to value duty, obedience and conformity, and to surround him with stabilizing influences like property, church and the family. The high values placed on authority, leadership and natural heirarchy and on an e l i t e to guide and check the rest of mankind apparently derive from the same set of psychological impulses. The extreme emphasis on law and order, 1 the elaborate affection for the tried and true, and familiar, the fear of change and desire to forestall i t , and the hope for a society which is ordered and hierarchical, and in which each is aware 1 "Nothing has tended more decidedly to the deterioration of . the Malay character than the want of a well-defined, generally acknowledged system of law." (Isabella Bird, Golden Chersonese, op.cit., p.22-23) 7 1 . of his station and i t s duties, are, according to McCloskey, doctrinal expressions of a personality pattern that has a strong need for order and tidiness, that adjusts only with d i f f i c u l t y to change and cannot bear the uncertainty of questions l e f t unanswered.1 Such a personality is uneasy in the give and take atmosphere of free enquiry and the open society, i t yearns for concensus of values and unequivocal definitions and conclusive p specifications of the source of authority. . The threads which hold together these various person-a l i t y configurations of the conservative - the submissiveness, indecisive, retiring and somewhat spiritless demeanour on the one hand,and the ho s t i l i t y and aggressiveness and perfectionism on the other, defy precise tracing. They seem at f i r s t glance to have l i t t l e to do with the administrators of the British Empire - neither seems to conform with the image we have inher-ited of the tireless, self-sacrificing imperial proconsul. But i f the trend to conservatism in British intellectual and imperial ideology was a fact; and i f , as McCloskey and Mannoni suggest, "conservative doctrines t e l l us less about the nature cf. Swettenham: Real Malay, p.265, quoted above, footnote 1 p. 55. cf. Swettenham: Real Malay, p;258-9. He attributes the anarchy that reigned supreme on the Malay Peninsular prior to B r i t i s h intervention to "a variety of reasons, amongst the principal of which may be instanced the absence of roads and the immense d i f f i c u l t i e s of communication; the jealousies and r i v a l r i e s of different aspirants to the supreme authority, and the consequent "failure of any individual to make his power recognized throughout the State ..." It was this burden of many masters, and no fountain of justice and appeal, "that resulted in a well-nigh perpetual state of s t r i f e . 72. of man and society than about the persons who believe in these doctrines"; and i f , f i n a l l y , my purpose here is to understand what kind of men went to the colonies in the late-nineteenth century, then some understanding of the conservative personality is not irrelevant. It acquires added significance i f the marked parallel between the values and mechanisms of the Victorian public school system and those of B r i t i s h government, at home and abroad, which has been underlined by various scholars of the two i n s t i t -utions, is accepted. The most systematic of these is Rupert Wilkinson's study of Br i t i s h leadership and the public school trad i t i o n . 1 Wilkinson does not maintain that the one begot the other; however, he feels that both were equal reflections of p B r i t i s h social character, and further that; Taken together, the attitudes and values inculcated by the Victorian public school very nearly comprise a definition of conservatism. They match practically item for item, the l i s t of common beliefs held by Burke and acknowledged conservative thinkers. _ Rupert Wilkinson: The Prefects: British Leadership and the  Public School Tradition (London O.U.P. 1954j. The main theme of this work is:"how did.the Victorian school produce rulers, and what sort of.rulers did they turn out to be?" See espec-i a l l y his chapters on "The Guardian Imperialist" and "Conservatism . cf. Bernard Darwin: The English Public School (London, Longmans Green 1929) p.2b-29: "It seems ... that when we stick up for the public schools in a good stolid conservative way, we are not so much sticking up for a particular English institution but rather for the genius and for the stupidity of the whole English people. ... they ... emphasize the qualities of the Englishman of whatever class, refining and improving them in the process..." Wilkinson; op.cit., p.3 0 - 3 1 . 73. Wilkinson argues that the main goal of the Victorian public school system was p o l i t i c a l and that behind the aimr of "character-building" lay a p o l i t i c a l bent that was inseparable from the traditions of the English gentry. Thomas Arnold's formula for creating "the Christian gentleman" became an educational device for maintaining a public service e l i t e . In other words, because conservatism was the argument which the group in power could put forward to justify i t s retention of power and because the problems facing this group, the landed gentry, were twofold (namely, i t must absorb its competition and extend i t s social and p o l i t i c a l privileges to potential leaders of the l i b e r a l business class, and i t must show that i t deserved to govern by merit as well as by birth), i t s education system, the public school, became not merely the propagator of conservatism, but i t s logical expression. The public schools attempted to perpetuate the p o l i t i c a l supremacy of the landed classes by capturing talent from the rising bourieoisie and moulding that talent into synthetic gentlemen; the bias that preferred government service to private profit-making was a l l part and parcel of the gentleman ideal.'1' 1 The ideal was not peculiar to England. The same pattern emerged in Imperial China. "Like the public schools, Confucian education made public servants by making gentlemen ... The remarkable likeness between Confucian education and the Victorian public schools suggest that there is an intrinsic link between landed traditions, the gentleman ideal and a certain p o l i t i c a l bias in education." Wilkinson, ibid, p.4. cf. J.D. Pringle "The B r i t i s h Commune: Thoughts on the Public School", (Encounter,Vol.l6,Feb. 196l.,pp. 24-28.) Pringle compares Plato's Republic, the 20th century Chinese commune, and the public school as p o l i t i c a l institutions designed to provide guardians for their respective societies. 74. Again, the inter-relationships between the public school system, British government and character cannot be simply defined but there appears to be a connection between "the public school s p i r i t " and "the imperial urge". As one writer put i t : This public school s p i r i t , though s u f f i -ciently elusive and hard to define is a real thing. It is probably wisest not to attempt any direct definition of i t but to try to discover what sort of man i t is who is imbued with i t , what he is best fit t e d to do, what he has dorie?and is doing for his country ... I fancy ... that i f several old boys were asked for their opinions, they would say that what struck them most was:the great number of the their fellows who were in one capacity or another "doing something abroad. They are in short, to use a convenient if.tiresome expression, 'builders of empire'....^ There was in fact something in the character nurtured by the public school experience, predominantly a boarding school system with i t s monitorial tradition, i t s highly selective curriculum, i t s emphasis on competitive athletics, and being "out of doors" that predisposed many of i t s bearers toward building and guarding the Empire. A Public School Commission, set up in l86l to investigate the failure of existing schools to meet the recruiting needs of the Army and C i v i l Services, significantly found no fault with their training of character: 1 B. Darwin: op.cit.,p.20. cf. C.E. Carrington: prefacing his study of The British Overseas (Cambridge U. Press, 1950, p.xx), I should not have undertaken this task i f I had not the good.fortune to be born into one of those middle class families whose members for hundreds of years moved freely about the Empire. An uncle or cousin in every Dominion is a great help to thinking imperially"; and see Roff's introduction to Stories by Sir Hugh.Clifford,(Kuala Lumpur Oxford U. Press, 196b) for biographical details of the Clifford family,for example. 75. It is not easy to estimate the degree in which English people are indebted to these schools for the qualities on which they pride themselves most - for their capacity to gov-ern others and control themselves, their aptitude for combining freedom with order, their public s p i r i t , their vigour and manlin-ess of character, their strong but not slavish respect for public opinion, their love of healthy sports and exercise... they have had perhaps the largest share in moulding the character of an English gentleman .... ^ It was in these schools that the young middle class boy could learn the "gentlemanly" virtues of strength, courage, chastity and "sacrifice of private interest on the altar of patriotic devotion to England's c i v i l i z i n g mission." 2 A public school background did much too, to prepare the colonial officer for the harassing that was, In spite of the servants and exotic travel, so much of colonial l i f e . Boarding school isolation inoculated him against homesickness, and the spartan conditions of dormi-tory and study h a l l offered harsh contrast to the comforts of the middle or upper-class household. Indeed, one proud commen-tator at the turn of the century observed. Long before the Brit i s h public at large had been fired with a faith in the Brit i s h Empire, one and indivisible, that was the faith in which every English schoolboy was Quoted in Pringle:op.cit. p.2 7 . 2 The process is described in detail and with some insight by Simon Raven: The English Gentleman: An Essay in  Attitudes (London, Blond, 1961) pp. 23-59,esp. His picture of the f i n a l product largely supports Wilkinson's claim that the values of the public school were largely those of the conservative thinker. See interleaf. And so at last we may see and sum our paragon, the  English Gentleman in the last days of his ascendance; We see that he was an agent of justice and effective action, having the fairness and the thoroughness to examine facts and the integrity to act on his findings. We see that he had much regard for the old loyalties - to country, to kinsmen, to Church - and that as a guardian of such Institutions, and no less to assist him in his other duties, he saw f i t to adopt a grave and somewhat aloof attitude of mind which was matched by dignified demeanour and a superior, though not an ostent-atious, style of maintenance. Deeply conservative, i f only as a result of fostering the loyalties with which he was charged, he never forgot his status as a warrior, was always ready, in time of need, to return to the ancient proving ground of his kind; but when there was no c a l l for service, then he preferred to remain on the lands which his ancestors had won by service, for on these lands were at once his proper establishment and his proper occupation. Lacking the passion for intellectual exchange which had made city l i f e tolerable for the Greeks, he held firmly to the Greek rule which pronounced most urban employments to be degrading. He went to the city, therefore, only to carry out his duties as a ruler - for to rule and to administer"were among the many obligations on which his honour was based. According to this notion of honour, he was bound, not only by such commonplace rules of decency as chivalry to women and charity to the poor, but by a direct and imperative necessity to pay for his privileges by rendering service - service to his Sovereign and his superiors in office, service to his depen-dants, service to his Church. But even so,he set store by his freedom; if.he met his obligations i t was because honour bade him do so, not because any absolute authority compelled him. Authority he certainly recognized, but only such as his conscience suffered him to obey; he would welcome laws made by man in proper form and would acknowledge a King who ruled with his consent and with regard for his interests; but he would brook nothing from a tyrant who claimed divine right or a priest who,dictated through dogma, and in no case whatever would he accept'interference from beyond the sea. As his position required, he had pleasing manners intended to reassure his inferiors and to show the proper respect, free of any hint of se r v i l i t y , to those above him; and he was liable to combine such manners with a light scepticism which eschewed enthusiasms and quarrels. But i f ever he was tempted to let his scepticism affect his deeper attitudes, then he was apt to receive timely reminder that many of his countrymen took their souls - and his, very serious-ly, and that i f he was to continue in his place then he must look to his morals. For the English Gentleman, over and above a l l , was the product of English morality - a morality compatible with a l l forms of social and practical endeavour, but none the less grounded, as deep and firm as the roots of the oak tree were grounded in English s o i l , in the stubborn prohibitions of St. Paul. Simon Raven: The English Gentleman. The dominant standard of Malay society from the l6th century to the turn of the 19th century ... was that of warrior kingship. The values of bravery, absolute loyalty to the prince, skilfulness in combat, aggress-iveness, and pillage were stressed. From the 15th century ... the history of the Malays was dotted by petty as well as more serious warfare between contending chiefs and princes, right up to the end of the 19th century. Within Malay society, there deve-loped two contradictory systems, the one stressing cooperation, togong-royong, usaha, (labour) and conformity, the other stressing courage, power, i n i t i a t i v e , individualism adventure, absolute loyalty to the ruler ... The former value system was to be found among the agrarian subjugated section of the Malay so.ciety. The latter was upheld by the rulers and their courts, their dependants and hirelings. The larger sect-ion of Malay society was dominated by the latter; Syed Hussein Alatas: "Feudalism in Malaysian Society:. A study in Historical Continuity" 76. reared. Or, as G.M. Young put i t , Nor,in any history of the Victorian Age, should the school builders be forgotten. Those solid large-windowed blocks, which s t i l l rise everywhere above the slate roofs of mean suburbs, meant for hundreds of thous-ands their f i r s t glimpse of a l i f e of clean-liness and order, light and a i r . 2 And yet, there is a; vague indication in the midst of a l l the glory of God, Queen and country, that the public school boy was not entirely convinced of his a b i l i t y to play the role of guard-ian of England and Empire. The indoctrination was thorough (as one may judge from Simon Raven) but the fear remained in the subconscious that a synthetic gentleman was just that, and that in any case the day of the gentleman-guardian was fast passing. On the conscious level, most colonial o f f i c i a l s successfully overcame these fears - after a l l , action was.all that mattered, and, once in the colonies, that tiresome habit of thought, which Clifford confessed, "makes cowards of us a l l " could be l e f t 3 behind. But the doubt remained, colouring in greater or lesser Minchin: Our Public Schools (London, 1901) quoted in Pringle: op.cit., p.27-2b. Pringle notes that i t is surprising that mothers "in a class society where parents have an extra-ordinary .affection for their children" should allow their sons to be taken from them at the tender age of eight or nine years, in much the same way that Chinese mothers are persuaded by rhetoric which declaims maternal love - as;:a product of a class society inseparable from ideas bred of private ownership and "nothing but the social ideology of man." He also points out that Plato was aware that the separation.of the young guardians from their homes during education was the key to his whole system, ibid, p.26. G.M. Young: Victorian England, op.cit., p.117. See Clifford: Bushwacking, p.49-50: "A man to go bushwack-ing should have no insight, no sympathy, no imagination". It was Clifford's dilemma that, as imperialist in Malaya where high values were placed on precisely these three attributes, he possessed a l l three. 77. extent, the actions of a l l colonial o f f i c i a l s , manifesting i t s e l f in that tireless "self-sacrifice" which never quite concealed the suspicion that imperialism was wrong. Many a lad who leaves an English public school disgracefully ignorant of the rudiments of useful knowledge, who can speak no language hutjhis own, and write that imperfectly, to whom the whole literature of his country and the stirring history of his fore-fathers are almost a sealed book and who has devoted a great deal of his time and nearly a l l his thoughts to athletic sports, yet brings away with him something beyond a l l price, a manly, straight-forward character, a scorn of lying and meanness, habits of obedience and command, and fearless courage. Thus equipped he goes out into the world, and.bears a man's part in subduing the earth and ruling -its wild folk, and building up the Empire; doing many things so well that i t seems a thousand pities that he was not .trained to do them better, and to face the problems of race, creed and government in distant corners of the Empire with a more instructed mind. This type of citizen, however, with a l l his defects, has done yeoman's service to the Empire; and for most that is best in. him, our public schools may f a i r l y take credit ... If Victorian public schools cannot be held responsible for the creation of an empire, they did, once empire-bullding had been begun, partly contribute a faith and a rationale, "a fusion between the nationalist s p i r i t and the motive for imperial philanthropy". The B r i t i s h Empire satisfied both the patriotic impulse to seek national glory, and the philanthropic impulse to " do good to others" and to inspire them by setting examples of superior morality, which was the essence of so much of the public school training. The connection between the two impulses was Rev. T.L. Papillon: "The Public Schools and Citizenship," quoted in Pringle: op.cit. 78. to be found i n the assumption of n a t i o n a l and r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y . In the eyes of the i m p e r i a l guardian, the white man's burden came to s i g n i f y moral status as w e l l as moral duty. The p s y c h o l o g i c a l f u s i o n between p r e s t i g e and phil a n t h r o p y was a f a m i l i a r process to the p u b l i c school gentleman, who showed much the same a t t i t u d e to h i s place i n B r i t i s h c l a s s s o c i e t y . Prom the standpoint of gentlemanly values, the p r i n c i p l e of the "white man's burden" was r e a l l y only an i m p e r i a l extension of noblesse o b l i g e . Both p r i n c i p l e s sought to make status a reminder of duty, and to make duty a symbol of s t a t u s . 1 F i n a l l y , and again without arguing a strong causal r e l a t i o n s h i p between i m p e r i a l p o l i c y , the p u b l i c school t r a d i t i o n , and conservatism, the p o l i c y of " i n d i r e c t r u l e " adopted i n Malaya and some pa r t s of the A f r i c a n and Indian Empire i s based on values p which bear a marked resemblance to those of the p u b l i c school. I t was very much i n the l a t t e r ' s t r a d i t i o n of compromise between custom and e f f i c i e n c y . A complex p a t t e r n of c o n t r o l which, e s s e n t i a l l y , respected t r a d i t i o n a l communities and t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s , i t allowed f o r B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n through n a t i v e leaders and, at the time, was a very convenient, economical and f l e x i b l e way of running an empire. But i t i s a l s o h i g h l y s u i t e d to the p u b l i c school concept of l e a d e r s h i p and respect f o r the guardian r a t h e r than the innovator. There were f u r t h e r shades 1 See R. Heussler: Yesterday's Rulers (Syracuse,1963)" R. Purse: Aucuparius (Oxford^198£j 2 ~ See R. Emerson's study, M a l a y s i a : A Study i n D i r e c t and I n d i r e c t Rule (New York, MacMillan, 1937) f o r d e t a i l . 79. of the ethic of guarded tolerance in the sympathy that many of these administrators showed toward native traditions and the personal loyalty they often f e l t for their subordinates and colleagues, the chiefs and princes, qualities which were partic-ularly in evidence in the Malayan imperial experience. The Malayan Residents and Assistant Residents came from widely diversified social backgrounds and careers and were drawn to the Malay C i v i l Service for varying motives. Most of the Residents however came from the professional middle class and the small gentry and were educated in public schools. Four of them had attended a university or had read law, and had taken their degrees. The others had gone from school into their chosen services, or into experiences or adventures that even-tually led them to government service in the East. Five of the twelve residents appointed between 1874 and 1896 came from other f i e l d s . Davidson served very briefly in Selangor before returning to a successful legal career in the Straits Settlements. Douglas had previously served as lieutenant in the Navy, as a marine surveyor, and as Resident, in the Northern Territory of Australia. Like Low, he was one of "Rajah" Brooke's men. Murray also came to the Malay C i v i l Service from the Navy, and had travelled extensively in Africa. Rodger, "a gentleman of means", was "born in a castle", attended Eton and Christchurch College, Oxford, and was travelling in Malaya when he received his f i r s t appointment under Swettenham in Selangor. Lister was the younger son of an earl; originally a coffee planter in Ceylon and Malaya, he accepted government service in Selangor and later Negri Sembilan. 80. Birch, Low, Paul, Swettenham, Maxwell and Treacher were career members of the Colonial Service. A l l had worked in other colonies before coming to the Native Malay States; Paul, an Etonian, had accompanied Brooke to Sarawak in i860. Maxwell's father had been Chief Justice in the Straits; his sons followed in his footsteps, Maxwell has been described as a "lightly humourless man who symbollically spent his career f l i t t i n g between the States and the Colonies, perhaps from a distended sense of duty." Swettenham1s father was a lawyer, "a strange person" according to his son, who appeared only infrequently at home - in intervals of hunting, shooting and fishing in the country and searching old curiosity shops in London for miscell-aneous antiques that cluttered his study in Belper, Derbyshire. Swettenham therefore spent most of his early childhood in the company of his mother, who took Frank and his elder brother, Alexander,to Scotland in i860; until her death the following year, when Swettenham was eleven years old, She provided a l l his education. For"the next five years he attended the local boarding school as a day boy. He returned to England to an academically undistinguished career at St. Peters School, York; considered joining the Emperor of Austria's Foreign Guard, and, the Indian Woods and Forests Service; but eventually sat for the competitive examinations for cadetship to the Straits Colony. At the age of twenty, in January 1871, he arrived in Singapore to begin his professional l i f e . Clifford, the grandson of the Seventh Baron of Chudleigh in Devon, one of the leading Roman Catholic landed families of 81. England, was the only Resident who spent the whole of his early career in the Malay States, from his appointment in Perak as cadet at the age of seventeen to his f i r s t appointment as R e s i d e n t of Pahang in 1896. Clifford's childhood in the "inward-looking enclaves" of the great Roman Catholic houses of the Clifford family in Devonshire and Somerset, which "seemed to partake of an earlier and simpler vision of society than that of the late nineteenth century", was undoubtedly a formative influence on his personality and set him apart from the other Residents. It is not hard to see in the castle-cottage relation-ship a shaping influence on Clifford's later "romanticization" of Malay l i f e with i t s court and Kampong dichotomy and i t s supposedly medieval system of values,and upon his own strong bent toward benevolent paternalism and mistrust of material progress."1" His schooling was acquired through a private tutor at home; in 1883, he passed the entrance examination for Sandhurst, and seemed about to follow in his father's footsteps in the Army, when the latter died and Clifford decided to go East, where his 1 : : These biographical details on the Residents are taken mainly from E. Sadke: The Protected Malay States, 1874-1895 (Kuala Lumpur, U. of Malaya Press, 196B) p.203 f f . j J. de V. Allen: "Malayan C i v i l Service 1874-1941: Colonial Bureaucracy/ Malayan E l i t e " , op.cit.; W. Roff: Introductions to Stories  and Sketches by Sir Frank Swettenham (Kuala Lumpur, Oxford U. Press, 1967) and Stories by Sir Hugh Clifford (Kuala Lumpur Oxford U. Press, i960); and CD. Cowan (ed.): "Frank Swettenham's Perak Journals, 1874-76",(Journal of Malayan  Branch Royal Asiatic Society,Vol. XXIV, 4, 1951.J 8 2 . father's cousin,Sir Frederick Weld,was Governor of the Straits Settlement. 1 How does a l l this relate? There were certain important elements in the culture or subculture from which sprang the Malayan imperial experience and thus Bri t i s h images of Malaya, and I have attempted to out-1-line these. An Englishman growing to maturity in the ''sixties and'seventies1 , the opening of the late Victorian age, was no longer isolated and secure but involved in a world of accumula-ting and accelerating change. The f i r s t thing which strikes one in the schoolboy of today is that his views of l i f e are much wider than those of the schoolboy of earlier times. He seems to be more in contact with its cares and responsibilities. There is no dimunition of freshness or of capacity for healthy enjoyment but he is manifestly not without a sense that existence: has i t s business, and that that business he w i l l sooner or later be called upon to transact. The lad begins of his own accord to discuss the possibilities of a career, the chances of schoolfellows who are reading for examinations, or the merits of those who have actually gained appointments. In a l l this one may witness some of the results of the competitive system. If competitive examinations had done nothing more than bring home to the minds of English boys a sense of the necessity for prolonged individual effort they would have done much. They may be un-f a i r sometimes in their.operation ... 1 Weld has also been described as an "incurable romantic" who loved to tour the Native States, shared Swettenham's love of picnics and shooting parties with his Malay hosts,and enjoyed the implicit flattery in the lavish traditional entertainments arranged by both Chinese and Malays on these tours. See E. Sadke: Protected Malay States, op.cit., p.144 f f ; and Lady Alice Lovat: The Life of Sir Frederick  Weld, A Pioneer of Empire (London, Murray, 1914). ' 8 3 . but they have at least not so much modified by revolutionized the school-boy's whole conception of l i f e . The happy-go-lucky temper that a l l w i l l come right in the end is more or less super-seded by an intelligent recognition of the circumstances that how this may be very much depends on himself. ^ Outside Britain, under the impulsion of Bismarck, the European pieces were setting to a new pattern. Britain s t i l l held her own but i t was not without the sense that her security rested as much on Bismarck's prudence as on the restraining influence of her own diplomacy and the Royal Navy. Economically, too, there were doubts and fears. The roaring slapdash prosperity of a decade had worked i t s e l f out to its appointed end. Overtrading, speculation, fraud and collapse ... In spite of a buoyant revenue and a record expansion of the export trade there was already a c h i l l in the air ... i t seemed as i f the resiliency of old days had gone, as i f we were moving from our apogee, yielding, as Cobden had foreseen, to the larger resources of America, yielding, too, to the higher efficiency of the Germans." 2 At home, the forces so long restrained by the genial ascendancy of Palmerston were seeking their traditional outlets -the abatement of privilege and the extension of the franchise. In 1867, the Tenpound Householder imparted his privilege to the Householder at large and the lodger; the Forty Shilling Free-holder to the Twelve Pound Householder. The social composition T.H.S. Escott: England: Its People, Polity and Pursuits (London, Chapman and Hall,l«87, 1st.edn. 18b2) p.297. See also Cornhill Magazine (Vol. IV, l 8 6 l p .692-712) "Compet-iti v e Examinations" which looks at the "Nature, and the moral and intellectual effects of the system of competitive examinations". G.M. Young: Victorian England, op.cit., p . l l 4 f f . 84. of Parliament began to alter rapidly to the advantage of the business class, and If the C i v i l War in America and the public school in England helped to stave off the real menace to the rural gentry, the return of the L i b e r a l s in 1868 dealt a three-fold blow to the gentlemanly interest. Purchase of commission was abolished, the Universities were thrown open to dissenters, and the C i v i l Service to competition. The quiet time was over. In i t s six years of office, the Liberal administration contrived to offend, disquiet or to disappoint almost every interest in the country. But above a l l , i t was manifest that a revolution of far wider and deeper import than any shift of the balance of power in Europe, or the centre of electoral or social gravity in England was impending - a revolution that must leave i t s mark upon the individual's as well as the nation's psyche. It was the same kind of change which had come over the human mind in the sixteenth century, when the earth expanded from Europe to a globe - Hieronymous Bosch, by means of paintings that interfused medieval forms in Renaissance space, tried to t e l l what i t was like to live straddled between two worlds of the old and new during that change. In the mid-nineteenth century i t appeared to be happening again. "The earth had given up her most mysterious secret when in 1856, Speke stood on the shores of Victoria Nyanza and saw the Nile pouring northward." The Atlantic cable was laid, the Suez Canal was opened. In domestic l i f e the contraction was making i t s e l f f e l t - the f u l l flowering of the Industrial Revolution manifested i t s e l f in an 85. increasingly compact metropolis and Suburbia was born. 1 There were then, as always, two possible ways of reacting to this atmosphere of change - with optimism or with pessimism. At the one extreme, one might read Lewis Carroll and ascend into the fantasy world of discontinuous space and time that he created in anticipation of Kafka, Joyce and E l i o t . In Alice in Wonderland, Caroll invited those Victorians confidant enough in themselves and their society to participate in his fantasy and gave them a playful foretastejof Einsteinian time and space. He took them into a dream world that was as startling as that of Bosch but built on reverse principles. Where Bosch had taken the old medieval idea of unique, discont-inuous space, and superimposed upon i t , with nightmare intensity, the new Renaissance idea of uniform connected space, Caroll was avant garde enough to know that non-Euclidean geometry was coming into vogue in his time. But Alice In Wonderland has, ironically, been regarded for a century as a child's book and, like Marshall McLuhan's today, Caroll*s faith and optimism was suspect in Victorian England. Clifford, describing the fierce retribution sought by the relatives of two small, quarrelsome, Malay children, wrote: "I own I was astonished at what seemed to me to be as charming a piece of perverse inconsequence as ever the f e r t i l e brain of a Gilbert or a Lewis Caroll could devise". Swettenham wrote of the Malays he travelled with in 1874: 1 It is impossible to ignore the parallels between the l860's and the 1960's - to recall McLuhan and "the global village." 86. They had told me stories of there being fis h and scarlet prawns ... in the springs, but I did not see any, and am so incredulous that I don't believe i t . I told them so but they only said "they are there, but of course you can't see them." This is the faith which w i l l move mountains." It was a faith manifestly lacking in imperial England. An increasing number of Englishmen lacking the confid-ence in themselves to overcome, their fear of the unknown, met the challenge of their changing world with horror, as Bosch had done in the sixteenth century, and Shakespeare in King Lear ;and Pope in The Dunciad. More and more, refusing to admit the inexorability of change because of their own deep fear that they were ill-equipped to perform the appointed task, found solace in conservative doctrines, in past modes as solutions to present problems, and attempted, in fact, to make time stand s t i l l or go back upon i t s e l f . Others read Robinson Crusoe and l i t e r a l l y or figuratively sailed for the colonies: Prosperos in search of islands inhabited by Calibans and Ariels. England watching Paris burn, was in no mood to go too far or too fast, and a greater destiny was beginning to absorb her thoughts. Mistress of India and the seas, mother of nations, she might well see in her world-wide sovereignty the crown and demonstration of evolution in history. The very contraction of the Cl i f f o r d : Proc. Roy. Col. Inst. Vol. XXX. 1898*9* P.378; Swettenham: Journals, (21 June 1874, p.85) cf. p.88 "Some of my people say that three elephants passed the boat last night. I can't say as I did not see them." But, possessing no "faith" himself, except in what he "saw", Swettenham could therefore not expect his English readers to believe what he wrote of Malaya. See Also and Perhaps; "Disbelief in the Unseen", p.227, "No-one who has been in out-of-the-way places can have failed to notice the aggravating incredulity with which a plain statement of fact is received by listeners who'1 have not met with the same experience." 87. world was making the thought of Greater Britain more intimate and familiar, and giving to imperial hopes and aspirations an ascendancy over domestic fears and doubts ... i Her sons, particularly the rural gentleman and the "pseudo-gentleman" product of the public school, neither entirely convinced of the legitimacy of the role in which their changing society had at once cast them and seemed about to deny them, converted their own inner fears and doubts into imperial ardour and proceeded to project the former on to their imperial subjects. 1 Young: Victorian England, op.cit., p.113-4. Part Pour Land of the Orang-Utan And the Bird of Paradise O K A N l l M A N A T T A C K K l > ItV D Y A K S . 88. If we look at a globe or a map of the Eastern Archipelago, we s h a l l perceive between Asia and A u s t r a l i a a number of large and small islands, forming a connected group d i s t i n c t from those great masses of land, and having l i t t l e connexion with either of them. Situated upon the Equator and bathed by the tepid water of the great t r o p i c a l oceans, th i s region enjoys a climate more uniformly hot and moist than almost any other part of the globe, and teems with natural productions which are elsewhere un-known. I t produces the giant flowers of the R a f f l e s i a , the great green-winged Ornithoptera (Princes;- among the b u t t e r f l y t r i b e s ) , the man-like orang-utan, and the gorgeous Bird of Paradise. It Is inhabited by a peculiar and i n t e r e s t i n g race of mankind - the Malay, found nowhere beyond the l i m i t s of t h i s i n s u l a r t r a c t , which has hence been named the Malay Archipelago. ]_ In such fecund terms, the n a t u r a l i s t A l f r e d Russell Wallace attempted to conjure up an image of the Malay Archipelago f o r his readers i n 1869. (The f u l l t i t l e of his book was The . Malay Archipelago,. The Land of the Orang-Utan, and the Bird of  Paradise: A Narrative of Travel, with Studies of Man and Nature and i t was, i n c i d e n t a l l y , dedicated to "Charles Darwin, author of The Origin of Species ... not only as a token of esteem and friendship, but also to express my deep admiration f o r his genius and his works". One might speculate on the image conjured up i n V i c t o r i a n England by t h i s t i t l e - "orang-utan" with i t s pseudo-Darwinian, evolutionary overtones, and "Bird of Paradise" with Old Testament, genesis connotations.) Wallace continued his introduction to the physical Wallace, Alfred R u s s e l l : The Malay Archipelago ... (2 volumes, London, MacMillan & Co. 1869). Wallace was author also of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro and Palm Trees of the  Amazon. 89. geography of the Archipelago in these terms: To the ordinary Englishman, this is perhaps the least known part of the globe. Our possessions in i t are few and scanty; scarcely any of our travellers go to explore i t ; and in many collections of maps i t is almost ignored, being divided between Asia and the Pacific Islands. It thus happens that few persons realize that, as a whole, i t is comparable with the primary divisions of the globe, and that some of i t s separate islands are larger than France or the Austrian empire. The traveller, however, soon acquires different ideas. He sails for days, or even for weeks, along the shores of one of these great islands, often so great that i t s inhabitants believe i t to be a vast continent. He finds that voyages among these islands are commonly reckoned by weeks and months, and that their several inhabitants, are often a s l i t t l e known to each other as are the native races of the northern to those of the southern continent of America. He soon comes to look upon this region as one apart from the rest of the world, with i t s own races of men and i t s own aspects of nature; with i t s own ideas, feelings, customs, and modes of speech; and with a climate, vegetation, and animated l i f e altogether peculiar to i t s e l f . 1 Wallace was, in fact, one of the f i r s t to use the term "Malay" to describe the region; on the whole, insofar as i t had any location in space for most Europeans in the f i r s t half of the nineteenth century, the geographical entity later known as Malaya was simply part of what was variously referred to a s "India beyond the Ganges", "Ultra-Gangetic India", the "Indian Archipel-ago" or the "Indian Isles". In 1864, John Cameron had t i t l e d 2 his work "Our Tropical Possessions in Malayan India", but on 2 Wallace: ibid, p.1-2. cf. John Crawford: History of the Indian Archipelago ( 3 vols. Edinburgh, 1820); also, A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian (continued page 90) 90. the whole there can be l i t t l e doubt that Malaya (the S t r a i t s Settlements and the Malay Peninsula) remained geographically isolated and i n d i s t i n c t i n the minds of most Englishmen even a f t e r the "India-centric" approach to South East Asia had given way, and "Malaya" was r e l a t i v e l y free from Indian associations. As l a t e as 1928, Ashley Gibson protested that English people s t i l l cherish a number of extr a o r d i n a r i l y wrong ideas about Malaya ... the leader writers i n London ... w i l l c a l l i t "Malay" just as they declare, i n the face of a l l protest, that the c a p i t a l of the Federated Malay States. But then, of course, most post o f f i c e young ladies i n the suburbs who deal with your parcels to and from these p a r t s , w i l l i n s i s t that both are i n India.n (Footnote 1 continued from Page 89) . Isles and Adjacent Countries (London, 1856); George Windsor E a r l : The Eastern Seas, or Voyages and Adventures i n the  Indian Archipelago (London, 1837;; J. H. Moore: Notices~of  the Indian Archipelago and Adjacent Countries (Singapore, 1837); Horace St. John: The Indian Archipelago, i t s History and Present State (2 vols., London, 1853); J. Cameron: Our  Tropi c a l Possessions i n Malayan India (London, 1865); See B. Harrison: "English Historians of 'the Indian Archipelago': Crawford and St. John", i n D.G.E. H a l l (ed.): Historians  of South East Asia (London, Oxford U. Press, 1961, p.245 f t . ) It i s worth noting that both P.J. Begbie,V.v (The Malayan  Peninsula, Vepery Mission Press, 1884; Kuala Lumpur, O.U.P., 19b7, Oxford i n Asia H i s t o r i c a l Reprints s e r i e s ) , and J. Anderson \.,r ( P o l i t i c a l and Commercial Considerations r e l a t i v e  to the Malay-Peninsula and the B r i t i s h Settlements i n the  St r a i t s of Malacca, Prince of Wales Is., 1824, Reprinted i n J.M.B.R.A.S., Vol. XXXV, Dec. 1962), placed t h e i r studies f i r m l y i n the Malayan Peninsula. 1 Gibson: The Malay Peninsula and Archipelago (London, Dent & Sons, 19281 cf . Emily Innes: The Chersonese with the Gilding Off, (2 vols. London, R. Bentley, 1885, Vol.1, p.34-35) Mrs. Innes complained that,of the newspapers and books she requested from London while resident on the Peninsula, most were l o s t , and of those that weren't "the greater part had the post-marks on them 'missent to Bombay', 'missent to Hong Kong', 'missent to D e l h i 1 , and so f o r t h . Postal o f f i c i a l s seemed to be under the impression that * Singapore'which was part of our address, must be an Indian name ..." " 91. Kenneth Boulding has underlined the importance of maps in building up public and private images of a particular region. Not only can the spatial image be transcribed very briefly and commodiously in the form of a map, but the map i t s e l f has a profound effect on our spatial image. Although the Romans had only vague ideas about the shape of their empire, the distance from Rome to wherever they happened to be was an important factor, and their maps stress this spatial conception. The maps of the Middle Ages show the world centering on Jerusalem because the theological symbolism rather than the spatial configuration was important. The Chinese, too, centered their maps upon China -ethnocentricity, i t would appear, is a universal habit in map-formation. But, with the advent of surveying, trigonometry and accurate measurement, the map became an exact representation of "a bird's eye view". The invention of latitude and longitude reduced the multi-directional space of earlier days to two simple directions, north-south, east-west. The gradual exploration of the globe leads to a closure of geography. This has profound effects upon a l l parts of the image. ]_ Bounding: The Image, op.cit., p.65-66. "Primitive man lives in a world which has a spatial unknown, a-dread frontier populated by the heated imagination. For modern man the world is a closed and completely explored surface. This is a radical change in spatial viewpoint. It also produces effects in a l l other spheres of l i f e . " In slightly less dramatic terms, this anecdote from Emily Innes illustrates Boulding*s point: "One of the rajahs remarked to me the other day that he would like to learn English, 'only', he said, 'there is this objection to English, that i t is only spoken by about a dozen people in the world, even counting the Governor of Singapore and his followers; while wherever you go - to the north, south, east and west or beyond the wind, you find Malay spoken'. " (Chersonese with the Gilding Off} op.cit. Vol.1, p.98). See also Isaacs: Images of Asia~OP.cit. p.40 f f . for the important role played by map-makers in determining images of "Asia" in modern American minds. 92. Hugh Clifford, B r i t i s h Resident in the Malay States in the last decades of the century, wrote a short story about an expedition by a group of English officers into "the benighted lands' on the east coast of the Peninsula to apprehend a party of rebel natives. A Sakai, a h i l l tribesman, acts as guide. He is a citizen of the jungle, and owns no country as his home. To him the States on the fringe of the Empire and the Benighted Lands are a l l one; he recognizes no boundaries ... To him a l l the- interior d i s t r i c t s of the Peninsula form one State - the jungle kingdom -a land without definite limits, where a l l men are free to come and go at w i l l .... An hour passes, during which bearings are taken by compass of a l l the mountains of which the Sakai can furnish or invent names, for the Europeans, after the manner of their own kind, are making a rough map of the unknown land. ^ Alan Watts sees map-making and the division of the world into latitudes and longitudes as an example of that obsession of ego-centred western society with imposing order upon chaos. (I am reminded of Richard Faber's impression in his study of Victorian imperialism, The Vision and the Need, that "the English seem sometimes to have been possessed by a f i t of tidiness on a Clifford H. : Bushwacking... "The 'Benighted lands' 11, p.98,105. cf. Swettenham: Real Malay, p.20 "We spent our time getting about the country as best we could, roughly mapping i t ...." Note Clifford's reflection that "without the aid of his knowledge - the knowledge of a creature who wears his scanty loin-cloth of rough bark ungladly, and can count no higher than the numeral three - the white men, the "heirs of a l l ages", and the semi-civilized brown folk, their companions, would be unable to prosecute their journey; without his help the great engine of the empire, which, working from Downing Street, is propelling the l i f e force into the Benighted Lands, would find i t s monstrous wheels clogged: The idea has some-thing awful about i t : i t exemplifies the impotence of the mighty in a manner which is humiliating". This kind of circum-spection is characteristic of Clifford,.in fact of many of the type of Englishman in Malaya,who tended to exhibit more "humility" than their counterparts in India. 93. global scale and to have found a positively aesthetic satis-faction in spreading order . . . . " ) , Watts notes that "the net" has become one of the presiding images in Western thought. As an ill u s t r a t i o n of the tendency to which I feel Boulding, Watts and Faber are alluding, I would direct the reader's attention to four maps - they are images of Malaya. The f i r s t accompanied P.J. Begbie's Malayan Peninsula in 1834. 1 There are two points worth mentioning about the image this map transferred to his readers; the f i r s t is that the map-drawer places the Malay Peninsula in the wider context of Siam, Cambodia, the China Sea, Borneo and Sumatra - that i s , in 1834, the Malay Peninsula was only a part of a larger geographical entity taking in a l l these other countries. Secondly, although he indicates latitude and longitude east of Greenwich, in the margin, he does not draw in the intersecting lines of "the net". There is no indication of the scale of the map. The second map is one of the two maps included in an 1878 publication, Major Fred. McNair's Perak and the Malays. Here the focus is narrowed so that the Peninsula appears only in the context of the Gulf of Siam and part of the Island of Sumatra; lines of latitude and longitude now intersect across the Peninsula and a rather complex scale in "English Miles" 1 ; " P.J. Begbie: Malayan Peninsula..., op.cit. 2 Major Fred. McNair: Perak and the Malays "Sarong" and "Kris" op.cit. The other is a more detailed map of Perak State, whose eastern boundary had not yet been determined but was nonetheless indicated by a dotted line; "Approximate boundary of the State of Perak." 9 4 . (1-13/16" to 100 miles) i s indicated. Although no boundary l i n e s are described, the Peninsula had been subdivided into Native "States",for administrative convenience as much as from any conviction that the native sultans recognized boundaries to t h e i r "Kingdoms". The S t r a i t s Settlement colonies are outlined i n pink to indicate that they, at least, are d e f i n i t e l y part of the Empire. This map also r e f l e c t s two other interesting points - the s t r i k i n g lack of information about the east coast region, and the increasing awareness of the proximity of Siam to the northern boundaries of the Peninsular states. (This map, unlike Begbie's, which was drawn by the Chief Engineer's Office at Fort St. George, was drawn i n England by Tinsley Brothers. It seems probable,therefore,that i t was compiled from information supplied by the Colonial or Foreign Office - as such i t can be seen as an in d i c a t i o n of the metropolitan o f f i c i a l s ' increasing pre-occupation with the problem of securing B r i t a i n ' s northern boundaries i n Malaya from Siamese (French) encroachment, without y i e l d i n g to l o c a l pressure f o r extension of the Resident system to t h i s region. This was undoubtedly the predominant image of — the Malay peninsula evoked f o r Foreign Office o f f i c i a l s i n the l a s t two decades of the century; i t culminated i n a secret convention between B r i t a i n and Siam i n 1 8 9 7 . 1 The other two maps were " s p e c i a l l y compiled" f o r two editions of S i r Frank Swettenham1s B r i t i s h Malaya: An Account I See E. Thio: "Britain's Search f o r Security i n North Malaya: 1 8 8 6 - 1 8 9 7 " (J.S.E.A.H.. V o l . 1 0 , No.2, Sept. 1 9 6 9 ) , and K.G. Kiernan: " B r i t a i n , Siam and Malaya" (Journal of  Modern History, Vol.28, No. 1, March 1 9 5 6 . ) . In the following days, a great deal of very useful work was done, a l l the sultans and many of the chiefs frequently speaking on the various questions under discussion, and taking a keen interest i n a l l the proceedings. The following i s taken from the Resident-General's o f f i c i a l report of the proceedings: From every point of view the meeting has been an unqualified success, and i t i s d i f f i c u l t to estimate now the present and prospective value of this unprecedented gathering of Malay Sultans, Rajas and ch i e f s . Never i n the hist o r y of Malaya has any such assemblage been even imagined. • I doubt whether anyone has ever heard of one Ruler of a State making a ceremonial v i s i t to another; but to have been able to c o l l e c t together, i n one place, the Sultans of Perak, Selangor, Pahang and Negri Sembilan i s a feat that might well have been regarded as impossible. People who do not understand the Malay cannot appreciate the d i f f i c u l t i e s of such a task; and I confess that I myself never believed that we should be able to accomplish i t . It i s hardly to be expected that a man of the great age of the Sultan of Selangor could be induced to make, f o r him, so long and d i f f i c u l t a journey, and to those who know the pride, the prejudices and the senstivieness of the Malay Rajas, i t was very unlikely that the Sultan of Pahang would j o i n an assemblage where he could not himself dictate the exact part which he would play i n i t . It i s not so many years since the Governor of the S t r a i t s Settlements found the utmost d i f f i c u l t y i n getting speech with the Malay Rajas i n the States which are now federated; S i r Frederick Weld, even though accom-panied by the present Sultan of Perak, by S i r Hugh Low, and the present Residents of Selangor and Pahang, a l l o f f i c e r s accustomed to deal with Malays, had to wait several hours on the bank of the Pahang River, before anyone could persuade the Sultan of Pahang to leave a game of chance i n which he was engaged with a Chinese, i n order to grant an interview to His Excellency. It i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine a greater difference than between then and now, and, though the Sultan of Perak has been f a r more nearly assoc-iated with B r i t i s h o f f i c e r s than any other of the Sultans, he has always been extremely jealous of his rig h t s as a Ruler. I was, therefore, surprised to hear the frank way in which, at the council, he spoke of B r i t i s h protection, ., which he did not hesitate to describe as control. This 1897 Conference was such a profound success that by the desire of the Malays, i t was decided to repeat i t from time to time as found desirable and convenient, and on each occasion to assemble i n a d i f f e r e n t State, so that, each Sultan in turn might have the pleasure of welcoming the neighbouring r u l e r s , of showing them his country, and the hope was expressed that the friendships then so happily made might be renewed. A second and equally successful conference was held at Kuala Lumpur, i n Selangor, i n July, 1903. Again the d e l i b e r -ations of the assemly, a f t e r much'interesting discussion, resulted i n a number of important decisions c h i e f l y connected with matters i n which the Malay population was s p e c i a l l con-cerned. This conference was rendered notable by the f a c t that the rulers of a l l the western states were conveyed to Kuala Lumpur by t r a i n , only the Sultan of Pahang and his chiefs having to t r a v e l by sea, and also by reason of a remarkable speech delivered by the Sultan of Perak at the close of the proceedings, when His Highness gave a graphic account of B r i t i s h intervention i n the Malay States, and the benefits which had been conferred on the country and people by the adoption of B r i t i s h methods of administration. The Sultan spoke f r e e l y of his own and his people's early suspicion and d i s t r u s t of the white man and how they had gradually changed t h e i r minds. His Highness l a i d s pecial stress on the f a c t that he and his people had given t h e i r confidence and l a s t i n g friendship to those Residents who came with the evident wish to secure them. Frank Swettenham: B r i t i s h Malaya 1908 95. of the Origins and Progress of British Influence in Malaya, published in 1908 and 1948. As such they represent the coming to fruition of Swettenham1s vision for Malaya, a graphic representation of the dream of one of the most imperial-minded of Britain's "servants" in Malaya. Both maps focus very definitely on the Peninsula - the outline only of the Sumatran coast exists; the boundaries of the various states are not only distinctly drawn in, but emphasized by the super-imposition of different colours (in 1908); by 1948, Swettenham had adopted that technique, familiar to a l l school children, of the English system at least, of depicting different states by solid blocks of contrasting colour. In 1908, although the boundary of Siam includes the northern states (Kedah, Kelantan, Trengganu), they are subtitled "British Sphere of Influence" so as to leave his readers with no doubt as to Swettenham's intention for them. Lines of latitude and longtitude further subdivide the 1948 map, while in 1908, he deemed i t necessary to indicate not only degrees of latitude/longUtude, but intervals of 5 ° . Having thus subdivided and classified the geographical entity in this way, however, Swettenham draws i t a l l together again by describing across i t s face: Railways open " under construction " surveyed Roads surveyed Bridle paths Railway routes explored and indicating distances in miles from Kuala Prai, in Province CONFERENCE OF CHIEFS, K U A I . A LUMPOR, I Q O J 96. Wellesley. 1 As a symbolic representation of Swettenham1s projected image of Malaya, these maps might be compared with the p l a t e , e n t i t l e d "Conference of Chiefs, Kuala Lumpur, 1903." His v i s i o n , i n fact,appears to have been, by uniting a l l i t s chiefs under one roof, (and preferably i n B r i t i s h ceremonial garb) to impress upon Malaya the image of being a p o l i t i c a l -administrative unit - a single nation with the B r i t i s h Empire. Swettenham's g r a t i f i e d descriptions of two of these conferences, in 1897 and 1903, are very s i g n i f i c a n t f o r they i l l u s t r a t e not only one Anglo-Malayan's image of successful imperialism, but they provide an excellent picture of how the B r i t i s h came to see t h e i r r ole i n Malaya and to measure-their success i n t h i s r o l e , and of the processes by which Malay Sultans came to "change t h e i r minds" about the white man. They are a perfect i l l u s t r a t i o n of that process of d i s t o r t i o n of self-image which 1 equate with imperialism. That any human being could come to consider i t s i g n i f i c a n t and important, a measure of the success of his l i f e ' s work, that a l l save one Malay Sultan should t r a v e l to Kuala Lumpur by t r a i n i n 1903; or that a native r u l e r i n Malaya could be persuaded to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a game, i n the sense 2 i n which E r i c Berne uses the word, which necessitated his 1 c f . Real Malay p.48. "Those who know anything of the modern histo r y of the States w i l l no more forget what was done fo r them by Governors S i r Frederick Weld and S i r C e c i l Smith than they w i l l that S i r Andrew Clarke i n i t i a t e d the whole policy of B r i t i s h protection, and that, both federation and the railway loan were sanctioned during the Government of S i r Charles M i t c h e l l , the f i r s t High Commissioner fo r the Malay States." 2 E r i c Berne: Transactional Analysis i n Psychotherapy (New ¥ork, Grove Press, 1961) and Games People Play, o p . c i t . 97. sending f l o r i d and meaningless messages to a "Queen Empress" totally remote from the reality of his l i f e , has an absurdity bordering on the pathetic. 1 But such is the nature of imperialism. We, the Sultans of the Malay States, by the invitation of Your Majesty's High Commiss-ioner, are met together, for the f i r s t time in history, to discuss the affairs of our States confederated under Your Majesty's gracious protection. We desire to offer our respectful and cordial congratulations on a reign of unexampled length and unequalled progress. And we pray for Your Majesty's long l i f e and the continuance of that protection which has already brought such prosperity to Malaya. 2 Further though, a l l this illustrates the point made previously in the present chapter - that, in Swettenham1s mind particularly, and doubtless also in many others, a decent British order had indeed been created out of Malay chaos. If in earlier pages I have been able to give the reader an i n t e l l i g i b l e idea of this waste of jungles and swamps, of mountains and rivers sparsely populated by a far from industrious or happy people, preying on each other and on the heaven-sent Chinese t o i l e r in an atmosphere of eternal heat, tempered by frequent deluges of tropical rain; i f I have been able to show him something of the extra-ordinary changes which may have passed over the country and the people, lighting the dark See B. Friedan's chapter, "The Forfeited Self" (in The  Feminine Mystique, op.cit., p.299 f f . ) " . . . a l l postulate some positive growth tendency within the organism which, from within, drives i t to f u l l e r development, to self-realization. This 'will to power', 'self-assertion', 'dominance', or 'autonomy', as i t is variously called, does not imply aggression or competitive striving in the usual sense; i t is the individual affirming his existence and his potentialities as a being in his own right; i t is 'the courage to be an individual'. " Swettenham: Brit i s h Malaya (London, 1908, p.228 f f . ) 98. places, bringing freedom and comfort and happi-ness to Jhe greatly oppressed, and wealth to the greatly industrious; i f now the reader sees a country covered with prosperous towns and v i l l a g e s , with roads and railways, with an enormously increased population, with every sign of advancement and prosperity, and i f he also understands, i n a measure at least, how th i s change has been brought about, I w i l l cease to trouble him with further d e t a i l s of thi s unique experiment i n administration -j_ This i s the process which these four maps represent. It gains added significance i f read with McLoskey's conclusion about the "conservative" personality and i t s i n a b i l i t y to cope with ambiguity, i t s need f o r well-defined boundaries and i t s p obsession with placing everything i n the correct order. There are several further facts to be brought out as f a r as the role of maps i n building images of Malay i s concerned. Geographic images are generally outlined on some mental screen i n the individual's mind f i r s t exposed i n the early grades of school.^ I have not seen a V i c t o r i a n school a t l a s , but since, even i n American schools as la t e as the 1940's, geography texts carried world maps which placed England along the Greenwich meridian, at the centre, i t seems unlikely that, i f V i c t o r i a n 1 Swettenham't i b i d . , p.291-2. 2 McLoskey: op.cit., discussed i n Part 3. 3 cf. Boulding: Image,op.cit. p.66-6?. "We learn our geogra-phy mostly i n school not through our own personal experience." This assertion probably applies less to nineteenth century administrators of the B r i t i s h empire than to Boulding. Nevertheless, Boulding r i g h t l y draws attention to what he c a l l s "the extraordinary authority" of the map, "an authority greater than that of the sacred books of a l l r e l i g i o n s . " That an increasingly high value was placed on "the map" i n nineteenth century England can be judged by the increasing number of publications on Malaya proudly boasting on the t i t l e page: " I l l u s t r a t e d ... with maps". 99. school children acquired any image at a l l of the Malay Archipel-ago,from their geography classes, i t could not have been other than as part of "the Far East" with a l l the additional connota-tions this image carried.'1' As such i t was as removed geograph-i c a l l y from English minds as any place on the world map could be. Secondly, although the exploration of the globe has undoubtedly resulted in a closure of geography, and while the Straits Settlements and the Peninsula certainly did not escape the "net"of Br i t i s h imperialism;(its human and natural geography were eventually subjected to as many classifications, divisions and systematizations as those of any other part of the Empire); i t was late in the century before the Malay Peninsula received an identity clearly distinct from the "Eastern Archipelago" or the "Malayan Archipelago" in the minds of a l l but a few Europeans. This was partly due to the fact that a stereotype approach developed to writing about the various parts of the region,which took the form of a description of the present state of the region and a brief outline of i t s past particularly in European times. As Begbie noted when, writing of the Malayan Peninsula: In those rapid and numerous revolutions incident in some measure to a l l States, but more particularly to infant ones, these divisions have been subject to various alterations of geographical units and p o l i t i c a l influence; and, as European powers have acted a conspcuous part in the drama of the Peninsula, i t is impossible to omit the neighbouring settlements of Java, Rhio, Singapore and Prince of Wales Island, so far as they are mixed up with its affai r s . 3 1 Isaacs, H.: Images of Asia, op.cit., p.42-43. 2 cf. Wallace: $falay Archipelago, op.cit., p.102 previously quoted. 3 Begbie: Malayan Peninsula, op.cit., p.2. 1 0 0 . It was 1874 before any map or handbook of the Peninsula was issued. In 1878, one author wrote: It is hardly too much to assume that prior to 1875, when the sad news reached England of the rising of a people under British protection, and the murder of Mr. Birch, the State of Perak was to the majority of people a terra incognita. They knew, of course that the Malay Peninsula was a long tongue of land stretching nearly to the equator and that i t was in close proximity to Sumatra and Java with innumerable islands generally known as the Malay Archipelago, but saving those interested in the British Straits Settlements - Singapore, Malacca and Penang - i t may be taken for granted that few people were aware that a large and rich territory, ruled over by a Sultan and his petty chiefs, had been, so to speak, placed under the wing of the British government whose representatives ... were at the court of the ruler, to counsel and advise for the better management of a country whose people were suffering from anarchy and misrule; ]_ Such comments apply equally to the other native states on the Peninsula - the east coast states, in fact, being less commercially attractive,remained unexplored and unknown far p longer. When the surveyor Daly published his report in the Royal Geographical Society's Journal in 1882, he marvelled that ...even in this nineteenth century, a country •••rich in i t s resources and important in i t s contiguity to our B r i t i s h possessions is s t i l l a closed volume ... there is a vast extent, more than half the Malay Peninsula, unexplored. ...Of the internal government, geography, mineral products and geology of these regions we do not know anything ... In 1883, Isabella Bird explained the fact that her letters McNair: Perak and the Malays, op.cit., p.1-2. See Clifford: In Court and Kampong, Chaps. I and 2. 1 0 1 . dealt only with the western portion of "the GoldenOGhersonese"^ by "the very sufficient reason that the interior is unexplored by the Europeans, half of i t being so l i t t l e known that the latest map gives only the position of its coastline." I hope, however, that my l i t t l e book w i l l be accepted as an honest attempt to make a popular contribution to the sum of know-ledge of a beautiful and l i t t l e travelled region, with which the majority of educated people are so l i t t l e acquainted that i t is constantly confounded with the Malay Archipelago ..«i She ventured the information that there was, at the time of her writing, no point on its mainland at which European steamers c a l l , "and the usual conception of i t is as a vast and malarious equatorial jungle sparsely peopled by a race of semi-civilized and treacherous Mohammedans."2 It is also worth noting that not one of the maps accomp-anying the many descriptions and "histories" of the Straits Settlements and the Peninsula attempted to show the region in any larger context than that of the surrounding Archipelago. 1 Isabella Bird: The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither, op.cit., Preface; p.5. 2 „ ibid., p . l . It was, in fact, as l i t t l e known to most people as i t was to myself before I visited i t , and as reliable information concerning i t exists mainly in valuable volumes now out-of-print or scattered through blue books and the transactions of the Asiatic Society of Singapore, I make no apology for prefacing my letters from the Malay Peninsula with as many brief preliminary statements as shall serve to make them i n t e l l i g i b l e " , cf. Buckley, C.G.: An Anecdotal History of Singapore in the Old Times, l8lQ-l8b7. (preface-to V o l . 1 , p.if;: "It has long been a matter of regret to me that the writings.of Crawfurd, Logan, Braddell and others who gave so much time to writing about Singapore and neighbouring countries, should be so soon forgotten, and the books scarcely to be obtained. When a copy-is to be found on the bookshelves of some old library here, i t is generally tumbling to pieces..." 102. That i s , i t was never related to Europe and England i n this important transcript of s p a t i a l images. Some writers attempted to c l a r i f y images of the region i n terms such as these (which reveal less about i t s geographical position than of the importance as a commercial outpost placed upon i t by Europe): i n 1820, Crawfurd had proferred the information of the Archi-pelago that: ... Its general p o s i t i o n i s between the great continental land of New Holland and the most southern extremity of the continent of Asia. It i s c e n t r i c a l l y situated with respect to a l l the great and c i v i l i z e d nations of Asia, and l i e s i n the d i r e c t and inevitable route of the maritime intercourse between them. Its eastern extremity i s within three days' s a i l of China; i t s western not above three weeks1 s a i l from Arabia. Ten days' s a i l carries a ship from China to the r i c h e s t and most c e n t r i c a l portion of the Archipelago, and not more than f i f t e e n are required f o r a s i m i l a r voyage from Hindustan. Taking a wider view of i t s geographical r e l a t i o n s , i t may be added, that the voyage from Europe to the western extremity .. may be r e a d i l y performed i n ninety days ... and that the voyage from the west coast of America may be effected in l i t t l e more than half that time, such are the extraordinary advantages of the geographical and l o c a l positions of these f i v e countries. ^ 1 J. Crawfurd: History of the Indian Archipelago, op.cit., Vol.1., p.2-3. As f a r as images-in-time are concerned, Crawfurd's introduction to his three-volume History i s equally s i g n i f i c a n t : "That great region of the globe, which European geographers have distinguished by the name of the Indian Archipelago, became well-known to the more c i v i l i z e d portion of mankind, and was f i r s t frequented by them much about the same time that they discovered and knew America ... in regard to a l l knowledge not merely speculative or curious, our discovery of the Indian Archipelago i s a transaction of his t o r y as recent as that of America. The Indian Archipelago, at the moment of the discovery of both, may be advantageously compared even with the New World i t s e l f , to which, In fact, i t s moral and physical state bore a closer resemblance than any other part of the globe. It was greatly i n f e r i o r to i t i n extent, but i n the s i n g u l a r i t y , variety, and extent of i t s animal and vegetable productions, and i n the c i v i l i z -a t i o n and number of i t s inhabitants, i t was greatly superior. 1 0 3 . It is doubtful whether Begbie's assertion that "the best authorities have laid down the geogra-phical limits of the Malayan Peninsula as being comprised within the latitudes of 8d. 2 7 m . , or, according to Horsburg, 8d. 09m. north, corres-ponding to the northernmost point of the neighbouring island of Junk Ceylon, and Id. 22m. north, which is the latitute in which point Romania, its south-eastern extremity l i e s , " gave his readers any clearer picture of where the Peninsula actually was. Even Swettenham attempted l i t t l e more than "From England to Penang by way of the Suez Canal is a voyage of about eight thousand miles, and the last stage of i t , from Colombo to Achin Head, the turning point of Sumatra, is practically due East." 2 Finally, one of the most interesting attempts to create a relational image of these two regions is a map printed in Wallace's account of his journeys in the "Land of the Orang-Utan and the Bird of Paradise". In an effort to give his readers some notion of the size of the Archipelago, Wallace super-imposed the outline of the British Isles on a map of Borneo and wrote: The Malay Archipelago extends for more than 4 , 0 0 0 miles in length from east to west, and is about 1 , 3 0 0 in breadth from north to south. It would stretch over an expanse equal to that of a l l Europe from the extreme west far into Central Asia, or would cover the widest parts of South America, and extend far beyond the land into the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. It includes three islands larger than — Great Britain; and{hone of them, Borneo, the whole of the British Isles might be set down, and would be surrounded by a sea of forests.. 3 Begbie: Malayan Peninsula, op.cit., p.1-2. Swettenham: British Malaya, op.cit., p . l . Wallace: Malay Archipelago, op.cit., Vol . 1 , p.3. 104. (Whether i t was intended to emphasize the smallness of the Briti s h Isles, or ::the largeness of Borneo,is uncertain - at any rate,the image created in the last lines must certainly have giv-en Wallace's readers food for thought on the subject of the might of Imperial England.) Malaya, then, appears to have remained spatially and geographically indistinct in European minds in the nineteenth century. It is ironic therefore that, in an attempt partly to overcome this isolation, to "put Malaya on the map", (an urge a l l imperialists must indulge as they necessarily seek recognition for their activities) and partly to overcome the stigma, arising from this isolation, of i t s being one of the least attractive imperial outposts, they turned to glorifying its exotic natural beauties and, by consequently creating an almost Edenic image of the region, succeeded in isolating i t even more. The comparison with other colonies, particularly India, was obviously in Major McNair's mind when he wrote of Perak, ("a land metaphorically flowing with milk and honey"): Picture this tropical land; Not a sun-baked region of parched desert and unsufferable drought; but a rich moist country almost touching the equator, but rarely suffering from excessive heat; a land of eternal summer, where refreshing rains f a l l , where the monsoons blow regularly, where the fri g h t f u l tempests of the East are unknown, and which is for the most part covered with a luxurious vegetation, the produce of a f e r t i l e s o i l . -j_ McNair's opinion might be compared with that of Emily Innes. Returning to England after her f i r s t years as the wife 1 McNair: Perak and the Malays, op.cit., p.2. .105. of D i strict Magistrate James Innes, in "the butcherless, bakerless, tailorless, cobblerless, doctorless, bookless, and altogether comfortless jungle", of Selangor, she compared situations with other colonial wives and remarked that "...they hinted pretty plainly that the o f f i c i a l s of the Native Malay States must be fools to stay on in i t . That was my own opinion ..." ^ Voices as consistently disenchanted as Mrs. Innes 1, however, were rarely heard. Particularly after the separation from India in the 1860's, Anglo-Malay writers were anxious to point out that i t was only ignorance which resulted in the impression that "an existence in Malay was an exile of the worst description" and that "...those who have endorsed that exile can t e l l of a far different condition of l i f e in the tropical garden." 2 The connotations of.the Aurea Chersonese notwithstanding however, i t became evident that there was l i t t l e in Malay to compare with visions of oriental splendour to which tales of Indian rajahs, the Taj Mahal, fabulous treasure and the advent-ures of Marco Polo had accustomed British minds in contemplation of the Asia of India and China. At least, many expressed the 1 E. Innes: Chersonese with the Gilding Off, op.cit., Vol.II, p.242-3; Vol.I, p.244-5. In fact, she did not recommend the Malay States service to anyone who did not begin "at the top, by being Resident". Elsewhere, she compared the Malay Penin-sula to "Timbuctoo" and the "Deserts of Sahara", and wrote of Durian Sabatang: "the unhealthiness of i t s climate ... was far worse than that of the Gold Coast of Africa". (Vol.II, P.55, P.70.) p Cameron: Our Tropical Possessions, op.cit., p.2. He was significantly equally willing to promote the image of i t s commercial potential "...those at a l l acquainted with the high roads of have but to view the position of the island of Singapore on the chart, to become sensible of it s importance to such a nation as great as Britan." INCHE MAIDA, PRINCESS OF P E R A K , H E 11 HUSBAND, NAKODA T K O X l i , AND ATTENDANTS. 106. sentiment that: " ... Nature i s so imposing, so magnificent and so p r o l i f i c on the Malay peninsula that one naturally gives man a secondary place which I have assigned to him ... Neither great wars, nor an ancient history, nor a valuable l i t e r a -ture, nor s t a t e l y ruins, nor barbaric splendours a t t r a c t scholars or sightseers to the Peninsula." 1 In the absence of such man-made splendours, the B r i t i s h i n Malaya turned to the beauties of nature,and scarcely an author omitted a long opening chapter oh f i r s t glimpses of this Jewel bathed i n warm trop i c seas. In i t s more moderate form i t was simply an attempt to balance the impression of Malaya as a t r o p i c a l no-man's land inhabited by t i g e r s , equatorial swamps, orang-utans, amok-running savages, head-hunting pirates, and p every conceivable insect and r e p t i l e ever to torment mankind, ("my f i r s t impression was of mud, mosquitoes and immorality") -which had been b u i l t up i n the f i r s t h a l f of the century, partly out of ignorance^and p a r t l y through association with other "regions of the Unknown" while attempting to f i l l these gaps in the imagination. 1 I. B i r d : Golden Chersonese, op.cit., p.12, p.338. When scholars and sightseers did turn t h e i r attention to the Peninsula, as they increasingly did towards the end of the nineteenth century and i n the opening decades of the twentieth century, they were more often attracted to the study of the languages and customs of "a primitive people", or to the problems of governing native races i n the t r o p i c s , or to the prerequisites of t r a v e l l i n g In equatorial jungles, " i n the rayless paths of deep f o r e s t s " . See the works of Winstedt, Kidd, Ireland, Rathborne and Kirkland. As l a t e as 1926, the l a t t e r r e f l e c t e d i n Finding the Worthwhile i n the Orient (London, 1926 p.282") "...there are no ancient c i t i e s or monu-ments of any sort inherited from antiquity. Nature has been supreme - not man. On the other hand, i f the mystery, the beauty and the silence of the jungle draw you, then Malaya awaits you..." 2 See B i r d : i b i d . , p.7-10 f o r a t y p i c a l t e r r i f y i n g l i s t of wild beasts inhabiting the Peninsula. 1 0 7 . At i t s extreme, this concentration on the natural beauties reached what I c a l l "the Paradise" or "garden of Eden" v i s i o n of Malaya. A great deal has been written about the natural beauties of Ceylon and Java, and some theologians determined to give the f i r s t scene i n the Mosaic narrative a l o c a l habitation, have fixed the Paradise of unfalien man on one , or other of those noble islands ... I have seen both Ceylon and Java, ... but f o r calm p l a c i d loveliness I should place Singapore high above them both ... perfumed i s l e s are i n many people's minds merely fabled dreams but they are easy of r e a l i z a t i o n here ... j_ Generally speaking, those who passed any time i n the country modified these glowing f i r s t impressions i n part, but i t remained a f a m i l i a r image of t r a v e l l e r s and sojourners whose picture of Malaya extended only to the view from the steamer's decks as i t came into the roadstead at Penang or Singapore, and whose tales were doubtless avidly read by a B r i t i s h p u b l i c u l i v i n g v i c a r i o u s l y on the adventures of i t s less sedentary brothers and s i s t e r s . One such writer hoped that: .... t h i s record of a time spent among the less well-known portions of Malaysia may be interesting to those whom the goddess of tr a v e l has wooed i n vain, as perchance to those "birds of passage" to whom the iglands and continents of the world are as well-known as the church spires and mill-stones of t h e i r own land .... and spoke of the region as "the gardens of the sun" where "nature i s very b e a u t i f u l " and "man, although often s t r i k i n g l y primitive, i s hospitable and not often v i l e ..." 1 • Cameron: Our Trop i c a l Possessions, op.cit., p.2 7 - 2 8 . 108. A voyage;- of a few weeks brings us to these beauty-spots of the Eastern Seas -to an "always-afternoon" kind of climate -since they are blessed with the heat and glory of eternal summer - to a place where winter is unknown - monsoon-swept islands oasis-like basking in a warm and shallow desert of sea. Warmed by perpetual sunshine, deluged by copious rains, and t h r i l l e d by elect r i c i t y , they are really enormous con-servatories of beautiful vegetation - great Zoological Gardens inhabited by rare birds and curious animals. In these sunny garden scenes,man is the Adam of a modern Eden, primitive in habits and numerically insig-nificant; he has scarcely begun his battle with things inanimate, or his struggle for existence as i t is known to us. At home we have man as in some sort the master of Nature, but in the Bornean forests Nature s t i l l reigns supreme. Here with us man wrests his sustenance from her - there she is lavish in the bestowal of gifts unsought; -j_ There was, in fact, a prevalent feeling that "Malaya had dreamed away the centuries". Even when such landscapes were peopled, nature continued to play a dominant part, and the sensation of existing in an unreal, dream-world pervaded the image. It was late afternoon, and the sun was casting shafts of hot light between the palms, across the fern-carpeted ground, through the feathery fronds of bamboos, swaying gently on the river bank, out among the dancing ripples of the steam. Under the trees was gathered a l i t t l e group of men and women, dark, olive-skinned natives of the country clad in soft-toned sil k s ; the women wearing ... gossamer veils edged with gold embroidery - not veils to hide the face, only to frame i t in a tenderly artful setting, whence the dark-lashed, dewy eyes might s t i r the beholder's blood more easily ... F.W. Burbidge: The Gardens of the Sun (London, John Murray, 1880) Preface. That late Victorian England could conceive of Eden only in terms of "a great zoological garden" is significant in i t s e l f . With the exception of the more c i v i l i z e d t r i bes i n the v i c i n i t y of Sarawak, the Malays who inhabit the coast of Borneo are a cruel, treacherous and disgusting race of men with scarcely one good quality to recommend them ... every man i s armed and i s a robber by profession ... these Malay tribes l i v e almost wholly by piracy, to carry on which each town possesses several large prahus, which they man, and send out to intercept any unfortun-ate junk or other vessel incapable of much resistance, which fate or the currents may have driven too near t h e i r coasts ... Unless they are i r r i t a t e d by a desperate resistance or they attack an i n i m i c a l t r i b e , they do not shed blood, as has been generally supp-osed; restrained, however, by no other f e e l i n g than that of avarice, f o r the salves are too valuable to be destroyed. In t h e i r physiognomy, these Malays are i n f e r i o r to the Dyaks; they have a strong resemblance to the monkey in the face, with an a i r of low cunn-ing and r a s c a l i t y most unprepossessing. In stature they are very low, and generally bandy-legged. Their hair and eyes are invar-ia b l y black, but the face i s i n most instances devoid of h a i r ; when i t does grow, i t i s only at the extreme point of the chin. The Borneo Malay women are as p l a i n as the men, although at Sincapore ( s i c . ) Mauritius and the Sooloos, they are well-favoured ... F.S. Marryat : Borneo and the  Indian Archipelago, 1848. 109. Some naked children laughed and played within the shadows of a crooning stream; fought i n the shallows and f e l l into the s i l e n t pools of deeper water, shadowed by branches hidden from the sun. The picture caught my eye and held me dreamily delighted ... ]_ As the i n t e r l e a f i l l u s t r a t e s , contemplation of the Malay people had not always aroused such i d y l l i c pictures. In the absence of precise information about the Peninsula jwhich p e r s i s -ted by and large u n t i l the l a s t quarter of the century, images of i t s peoples were formed mainly by association - with "the East" and "Asia-, with "India"- i n the special sense already mentioned, with the7!Eastern or Indian Archipelago. This process of association was furthered no doubt by the tendency to use the term "Malay" rather loosely to describe the inhabitants not only of the Peninsula and the St r a i t s Settlement,but of Sumatra (whence i t was assumed the Peninsular Malays had o r i g i n a l l y emigrated), and of the other islands of the Archipelago to which, as a mari-time race, they had spread. B r i t i s h images of Malaya, p a r t i c u l a r l y u n t i l the decision was made to intervene on the Peninsula, r e f l e c t e d B r i t i s h i n t e r -ests there; since these were overwhelmingly commercial, i t i s not surprising that images of the Malays were formed insofar as they impinged advantageously or disadvantageously on these interests,or that, the Malays, with t h e i r Arab heritage, being a 1 Swettenham: Real Malay, "Local Colour" p.267-8. There was a very r e a l sensation, natural enough f o r the sons of V i c t o r i a n England, that i f they were not ever on t h e i r guard, they would be seduced by Malaya, so compelling and beguiling was i t s beauty and charm. 110 sea-going people themselves, the contact was frequently not to the advantage of the British. The natives of the Archipelago had carried a formidable and justifiably-earned reputation for piracy for centuries - at least since Europeans had entered i t s waters. The many inlets and river mouths on both east and west sides of the Straits of Malacca,and the flow of currents with the monsoons,offered excellent territory for attacks on unwary merchant ships plying between Europe and the Far East. Piratical plundering was natur-al enough for a people who traditionally made a living from the sea - "fishermen who also engaged in piracy wh/ever they considered that piracy could be committed with safety." In fact, as one gentleman's experience and practical observation had led him to believe:.-, "the whole of these seas are more or less infested with pirates of the most sanguinary and cruel description" and "nothing but the fear of European power, or the want of opport-unity would deter them from attacking vessels and i f successful, of practising the. most barbaric attrocities upon their victims. "•*• It was an image supported in larger or smaller degree by almost every "historian" and observer of the Malays from the time of British contact in the late eighteenth century. Even the conscientious Marsden with his determination not to write "an entertaining book, to which the marvellous might be thought not a l i t t l e to contribute", ... but to furnish those philosophers whose labours have been directed to the investigation 1 Parliamentary Debates, Great Britain, Series III, Vol. 110, July 12, l b 5 0 , p.1307. 111. of the history of Man, with facts to serve as data in their reasonings, which are too often rendered nugatory, and not seldom ridiculous, by assuming as truths the misconceptions, or wilful impositions of travellers. perpetuated the image by writing of Portuguese-^Achinese contact in these terms: That enterprising people, who caused so many kingdoms to shrink from the terror of their arms, met with nothing but disgrace in their attempts against Achin, whose monarchs made them tremble in their turn.^ The "head-hunting pirate" image was predominant in the innumerable personal adventure stories and narratives which constituted almost the whole of the literature on Malaya in the second quarter of the nineteenth century - books of trade and travel, with their emphasis on the commercial potential and the sensational in the Archipelago, the graphic accounts of naval officers engaged in expeditions to put down piracy - ("The noble Government of our honoured and beloved Queen Victoria at home, has come forward with her admirals and brave captains to assist in reducing the piracies which infested the coasts, by deeds of almost unexampled heroism"), and by the various missionaries and naturalists who travelled in the region: a l l of them repetitive I William Marsden: The History of Sumatra (London, 1783). As a native state which successfully resisted repeated European encroachments upon i t s sovereignty, Achin doubtless contributed greatly to the "fiercely independent, i f misguided, petty potentate of the East" image of native Malay Princes, whose passing Br i t i s h writers were wont to dwell upon with mingled awe and r e l i e f - See eg.,. Swettenham: Real Malay, "A Silhouette", p.224.231. 112. i n t h e i r descriptions of scenery pirates, head-hunters and 1 cannibalism, t i g e r s , barbarians and ghoulish l o c a l customs. It i s doubtful whether any event focussed attention upon this image of the Malay more than the dramatic adventures of James Brooke i n Sarawak and Borneo, the charges of inhumanity l e v e l l e d against his dealings with the Malays, the controversy in B r i t i s h Parliament and public c i r c l e s , the commission of enquiry, and the complete exoneration which eventually followed. As one observer saw the whole a f f a i r : One of the darkest recesses of heathen Ignorance, cruelty, and desolation, where piracy, and murder and conflagration, and head-hunting stalked abroad i n open day, and the aborigines were i n sure way of being exterminated u t t e r l y , i s now, so to speak, See e.g. E.J. Trelawney: Adventures of a Younger Son (London, 1831) ; - G.W. E a r l : The Eastern Seas .... (London, 1837) which i n c i d e n t a l l y inspired Brooke to embark upon his exped-. i t i o n to Borneo; Rev. H. Malcolm: Travels i n South Eastern  Asia (London, 1839); G.P. Davidson:, Trade and Travel i n the  Far East (London, 1846); S i r E. Belcher: Narrative of the  Voyage of.the H.M. Samarang (2 vols, London, 1848); WTs] Marryat: Borneo and the Indian Archipelago (London, 1848); Captain H. Keppel: Expedition to Borneo of the H.M.S. Dido (2 vols,. Borneo, 1845) and Alvisit to the Indian Archipelago  i n H.M. Ship, Meander ( 2 vols, London, 1853). Marryat 1s works i s perhaps the most interesting,revealing as i t does, Marryat's attitudes as naval o f f i c i a l , spectator, man, Briton. A midshipman on the Samarang, he allowed his eye to wander a l i t t l e further than did Belcher. His attitudes to the "natives-at-play", e s p e c i a l l y his evident delight at the ease of intercourse with the ladies of the Archipelago compared with those of Singapore and Europe, are worth comparing with Swettenham1s >(Malay Sketches: "A Pishing Pic n i c " , 1903), A.C.L. Dawes' trag i c male Chauvinism i n Yellow.and White, (1895) and f i n a l l y , those of Henri Fauconnier i n the Soul of MaDLaya, (1931) 113'. l i k e the Paradise of God. 1 It was one of the few occasions i n the century on which the a f f a i r s of the B r i t i s h i n the Malay Archipelago were debated at any length i n the Houses of Parliament,and, apart from the p u b l i c i t y given Brooke's adventures i n the House and the press, a considerable body of l i t e r a t u r e i n the form of pamphlets, biographies and c o l l e c t i o n s of Brooke's papers and l e t t e r s appeared i n the years following the dommission - the best part of i t the product of the pens of Brooke's many friends and admirers,and unabashedly e u l o g i s t i c about the achievements of the Raja's regime i n Sarawak] Moreover, p r a c t i c a l l y every book written from that time carried a chapter e x t o l l i n g Brooke's virtues and exemplifying h i s methods of dealing with the native peoples of that region, and marvelling at the transformation of Borneo under his " t r u l y imperial ascendency] 1 , 2 It was a v i s i o n 1 ' : ' " : " : ~ Great B r i t a i n , Parliamentary Debates: ( V o l ] l l 8 , Series"III, July/Aug. 1«51 p.467) from a l e t t e r s i g n e d "D; Calcutta" quoted by Mr. Headlam i n the House of Commons] "For"a less f l a t t e r i n g view of Brooke's achievements, "see Captaln"Vigor's account of the attack and massacre of the alleged'pirates — (ibi d ] Vol.110, Julyl2, 1850) noting, nonetheless, "his" con-"" elusion: "That discharge of grape was a "fearful sight, as at point blank range i t crashed over the sea,"and through the devoted prahus, marking i t s track with f l o a t i n g bodies of the dying, shattered prahus, planks, shields, and fragments of a l l sorts; I should have p i t i e d them;;;but they were".' pirates and the thought steeled my heart ..." (My underlining r.) 2 Brooke himself wrote: "My intention, my wish,"is to develop the island of Borneo. My intention, my wish, i s to extirpate piracy by attacking-and breaking up the pirate towns; ' not only pirates d i r e c t , "but pirates i n d i r e c t . " I wish to c o r r e c t -the native character, .. to introduce gradually a better sys-tern of government; to open the i n t e r i o r , to rernpve the clogs on trade ]]] I wish to make Borneo a second Java. . I intend to amend and influence $he #.entire' Archipelago.^ ..Cfrom Adaqis^ The Eastern Archipelago. (London.. 1880) p.171-4 quoting J.C. - — — (continued on page 114) 114. w h i c h m i d - V i c t o r i a n England found p a r t i c u l a r l y g r a t i f y i n g o b v i o u s l y - As George Borrow commented i n The Romany Rye i n 1857: What a crown o f g l o r y ..] t o c a r r y t h e b l e s s i n g s o f c i v i l i z a t i o n and r e l i g i o n t o b a r b a r o u s , y e t ; a t t h e same t i m e , b e a u t i f u l and r o m a n t i c l a n d s ] O n l y R a j a Brooke, a c c o r d i n g t o Borrow, had done so i n t h e s e t i m e s . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note i n p a s s i n g t h a t i n j u s t i f y i n g , h i s s l a u g h t e r o f e i g h t hundred " p i r a t i c a l Serebas t r i b e s m e n " , 1 B r o o k e c a l l e d upon t h e t w i n themes o f Malayan i m p e r i a l i s m : o f k i n d n e s s t o t h e n a t i v e s , a n d p r e s e r v a t i o n o f the peace n e c e s s a r y f o r f r e e t r a d e ( - " l a y i n g broad f o u n d a t i o n s f o r n a t i v e p r o s p e r i t y w h i l s t e x t e n d i n g g e n e r a l s e c u r i t y and commerce" as Keppel c a l l e d i t . ) I n o r d e r t o do t h i s , he i d e a l i z e d on the one hand the " p o o r e r and p e a c e f u l a b o r i g i n a l " Dyak t r i b e s m e n , whom he c l a i m e d were i n danger o f e x t i n c t i o n , and on t h e o t h e r , t h e p i r a t i c a l Serebas and Sa k a r r a n s - "Savages, steeped i n t h e b l o o d o f t h e ( F o o t n o t e 2 c o n t i n u e d from Page 113) ~ [ ; Templar: P r i v a t e L e t t e r s o f S i r James-Brooke ... (London, 1853, 3 V o l s . ) There was some doubt a t the time whether t h e s e were " p i r a t e s " , e i t h e r " d i r e c t " o r " i n d i r e c t " , drj.simply n e i g h b o u r i n g t r i b e s engaging i n a s m a l l c i v i l war/" See t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y Debates r e l a t i v e t o the " A l l e g e d P i r a c y o f f Borneo" and t h e Times newspaper i n t h e s e months] 1 Note Brooke's " o f f i c i a l " image of the a f f a i r : K i l l e d d u r i n g a c t i o n , by t h e steamer and E n g l i s h b o a t s 250 K i l l e d by t h e n a t i v e s d u r i n g a c t i o n 50 K i l l e d a f t e r the a c t i o n when on t h e i r way home 50 Died i n the j u n g l e , o r a f t e r r e a c h i n g t h e i r home : ] ] 450 (from Brooke's J o u r n a l , quoted i n Adams:lbid],p.174) The r e d -u c t i o n of a b l o o d y b a t t l e t o columns o f s t a t i s t i c s , a c h a r a c -t e r i s t i c of a l l i m p e r i a l p r a c t i c e , i s c l e a r l y a s p e c i a l d e v i c e f o r " t i d y i n g up" an a f f a i r , w h i l e c o n c o m i t a n t l y e a s i n g one's c o n s c i e n c e ] Cobden, i n the House of Commons, was o u t r a g e d : ( c o n t i n u e d Page 115) 115^ most innocent and weak and g u i l t y of the most attrocious crimes." That i s , he made the f a m i l i a r s i m p l i s t i c d i v i s i o n into "the good" and "the had" which l i e s at the base of the western concept of j u s t i c e , based as i t i s i d e a l l y on c o n f l i c t rather than consen-sus, on p o l a r i z a t i o n into a t o t a l l y r i g h t and a t o t a l l y wrong] 1 It becomes obvious, on. reading the o f f i c i a l and u n o f f i c i a l l i t e r a t u r e of the Borneo piracy and Brooke's p o l i c y there, that images of., the antagonists were incredibly blurred and disordered as distance from the events, both i n a geographical and a r e l a t -i o n a l 'sense, increased. A confusion of 'terms rained upon B r i t i s h ears - Malays, Dyaks, Sakarran, Sarebas, aboriginal peoples, head hunters, Inhabitants of Borneo, p i r a t i c a l marauders] The conse-quent confusion of images undoubtedly persisted i n the minds of many when an attempt had l a t e r to be made to envisage "the Real Malay", and to define his "c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s both moral and physical", i n order that the B r i t i s h might set about that regeneration of the brown race's of the Peninsula which was the inevitable adjunct of the extension of B r i t i s h control. There were, however, concerted e f f o r t s to c l a r i f y and balance the image of the Malay peoples as the "most f i e r c e treacherous ignorant and i n f l e x i b l e of barbarians]" Trelawney, ':{Continued from Page 1 1 4 - Footnote 2 ) "The loss of l i f e was greater than i n the case of the English at Trafalgar, Copenhagen or Al g i e r s , and yet i t was sought to pass over such a loss of l i f e , a s i f they were so many dogs .;] (P.P., Series I I I , V o l ] l l 8 , p.498) There are undeniable p a r a l l e l s between the B r i t i s h action i n Borneo i n 1849 and the Americans i n Vietnam i n the 196"0's] 1 c f ] Perls: Ego/ Hunger and Aggression, op] c i t C h a p , y i i ; and S] and L. Rudolph: The Modernity of Tradition, op.cit. esp. Part 3 , on the t r a n s i t i o n of India's "legal i n s t i t u t i o n s with B r i t i s h rule] 116] whose messmates such men had been, noted that they were "true to t h e i r word , generous to p r o d i g a l i t y , and of i n i m i t a b l e courage" - a c h i v a l r o u s race, "devoted to war, and to i t s i n s e p a r a b l e accompaniment, women] "-1-Although i t was never as strong as i t s counterpart i n c o n t i n e n t a l I n d i a during the same p e r i o d , there was a t r a d i t i o n of r e l a t i v e l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d s c h o l a r s h i p , c e n t e r i n g on enquiry i n t o the n a t i v e people of Malaya,in the second quarter of the nin e t e e n t h century - a t r a d i t i o n which looked back to Marsden, R a f f l e s and Crawfurd,and was continued l a t e r by a d m i n i s t r a t o r -s c h o l a r s l i k e low, Major McNair, Swettenham, C l i f f o r d and Winstedt] I have already spoken of a general f e e l i n g that there was something congenial i n the Malay character which tended to predispose the B r i t i s h towards overlooking some of t h e i r more monstrous s i n s against c i v i l i z a t i o n ] Many came to b e l i e v e that the l e s s a t t r a c t i v e side of the Malay nature was due to contact w i t h other European nations, (the Portuguese and Dutch,who were m a n i f e s t l y ignorant of the a r t of d e a l i n g w i t h n a t i v e peoples), and t h a t the Malay i n h i s n a t u r a l s t a t e was a f a r more amiable and enlightened creature] (This l a t t e r r e a l i z a t i o n was s c a r c e l y s u r p r i s i n g . s i n c e the only s a t i s f a c t o r y i n d i c a t i o n of e n l i g h t e n -ment seemed to be a d i s p o s i t i o n to welcome the E n g l i s h ] ) This involved a c o n t r a d i c t i o n which i s worth noting] P e t e r Begbie, who was one of the B r i t i s h army o f f i c e r s who u t i l i z e d h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l stay i n the East f o r f r u i t f u l h i s t o r i c a l purposes, wrote an account of the Naning War of 1831, Trelawney: Adventures of a Younger Son, op]-cit„p.353-4, p.357. 117. which a c t u a l l y comprises a f a i r l y comprehensive analysis of Dutch administration of Malacca, a general review of B r i t i s h r i g h t s i n Naning, the story of the founding of Singapore, and a broad survey of the hi s t o r y and customs of the Malays] In The Malayan Peninsula, he compared a Naningite plot to set the Dutch town of Malacca on f i r e i n 1644 with a si m i l a r plan con-ceived by the RomanTMutius,which had always been regarded as an act of heroism. But "Had Mutius l i v e d l a t e r and been termed an Italian",'commented Begbie, "or had the action been recorded of a Malay, the same force of prejudice would have linked the epithet of treachery with the deed. Later, however, he was to condemn the "turbulence and d i s a f f e c t i o n " of the Naningites i n opposing B r i t i s h rule, and sang the g l o r i e s of B r i t i s h administration which had brought only plenty and prosperity to a land of t r a d i t i o n a l poverty;'1' The lack of scholarship was p a r t l y the r e s u l t of p o l i t i c -a l circumstances. The Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1824, i n s p l i t t i n g the old Johore-Lingga empire into separate B r i t i s h and Dutch spheres of interest, divorced the B r i t i s h from d i r e c t contact with Java, Sumatra, and the islands of the Archipelago with ancient t r a d i t i o n s , and t h i s i s o l a t i o n was i n t e n s i f i e d by the trading r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed by the Culture System i n Java a f t e r 1830; The B r i t i s h were also cut o f f from the Malay P.J. Begbie: The Malayan Peninsula (p]'56, p ] l 5 4 ) It was noted (above page 101) also that many of the early works of Crawfurd, Raffles, Logan and other scholars, were unobtainable by the l a s t quarter of the century. u s : hinterland states by the East India Company's r i g i d p o l i c y of non-intervention,and were confined to the modern sea-ports of Singapore and Penang, and the declining settlement of Malacca. A f t e r 1833, even t h i s i n t e r e s t i n the S t r a i t s Settlements declined when the Company l o s t i t s monopoly of the China trade; Apart from the monographs of men l i k e Begbie and John Anderson, (of x^hose P o l i t i c a l and Commercial Considerations Relative to the Malayan Peninsula a l l but a few copies were reputedly destroyed by Government order,because i t was highly • c r i t i c a l of the Company's duplicitous treatment of the Raja of Quedah, •'-jmost of the Malay scholar-administrators of t h i s period found an outlet f o r t h e i r talents i n the Journal -of the-2 Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia, which was edited i n Singapore by James Logan, ex-planter, newspaper editor, law agent and ethnologist; Most of the a r t i c l e s i n Logan's Journal were f a i r l y s t o l i d enquiries into the geography, languages, customs and exploration of the Peninsula and i t s inhabitants. But, as f a r as images of Malaya are concerned, the main function of these a r t i c l e s , and those which appeared in c o l l e c t -ions l i k e J.H'. Moor's Notioes on the Indian Archipelago and  Adjacent Countries, was to est a b l i s h , by looking c l o s e l y at the writings of Europeans i n contact with the Archipelago i n e a r l i e r 1 J. Anderson: P o l i t i c a l and Commercial Considerations Relative  to the Malayan" Peninsula and the British,Settlements i n the  S t r a i t s of Malacca. (.Prince„of Wales Is. 1 « 2 4 ; , facsimile reprint i n J.M.B^.R;Ar. S"., Vol.XXXV, Part IV, Dec. 1962; See John Bastin's "Introduction" f o r the circumstances surrounding publishing of Anderson's book; 2 The Journal was published 1847 to 1859^ 119. centuries, that although Malays had long been a maritime people and had thus spread over the whole Archipelago, not a l l of them earned a l i v i n g from the sea (whether l e g a l l y or i l l e g a l l y ) -Crawfurd, f o r example, expanded upon the f i f t e e n t h century Portuguese writer, de Barros, to conclude that The Malay nation may be divided naturally into three classes - the c i v i l i z e d Malays, or those who possess a written language, and have made a decent progress i n the useful a r t s ; the gypsy-like fishermen calle d "the sea people 1; and the rude half savages (quasi meois salvages) who f o r the most p a r t H l i v e precariously on the produce of the f o r e s t . The " c i v i l i z e d " Malays were to be found Inhabiting the eastern side and the i n t e r i o r of Sumatra,and the seaboards of Borneo and the Malay Peninsula; The sea gypsies,on the other hand, ... are to be found sojouring from Sumatra to the Moluccas the only habitations of these people are t h e i r boats and they l i v e e xclusively by the produce of„the sea, or by robberies they commit upon i t . They were generally referred to as the "orang l a u t " or "rayat-l a u t " , the l a t t e r the Arabic word fo r subject, s i g n i f y i n g " t h e i r dependence on the princes of the c i v i l i z e d Malays"^ The "rude wandering savages" inhabited the i n t e r i o r of the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra; they were called "orang utan", ( l i t e r a l l y "men of the woods", "wild men" or "savages") or "sakai" which means follower or dependant^ 1 (In passing, the Sakai 1s attracted a good deal of atten-t i o n from the amateur ethnologists and anthropologists of Crawfurd: Descriptive ^ Dictionary..(London, Bradbury and Evansj-1856, p. 250 f f . ) The dictionary was a compilation and modifi-cation of the information contained i n his previous volumes on the Archipelago. See his entries for 'Malays 1 and 'Malay Peninsula.' 120] pseudo-Darwinian England. Generally speaking there was a cu r i o u s ambivalence i n a t t i t u d e s to these nomadic,aboriginal peoples of i n l a n d Malaya] On the one hand, they were seen as the most p r i m i t i v e b a rbarians, w o o l l y - h a i r e d animals s c a r c e l y more developed than the apes who shared t h e i r name; t h e i r demise,as such,would be a l o s s to s c i e n t i s t and missionary z e a l o t , b u t the i n e v i t a b l e was s c a r c e l y to be regretted.' On the other, they were depicted as a Malayan v e r s i o n of "noble savage", pure, untainted c h i l d r e n p l a y i n g Edenic games i n the t r o p i c a l Malayan jungles "content and happy i n the s o l i t a r y grandeur of the primeval forests.'" As su c h , t h e i r disappearance, i n the path of Malay encroachment upon t h e i r r i g h t s , would be r e g r e t t e d by a n a t i o n already f i r m l y grasped between the jaws of the i n d u s t r i a l monster, the Juggernaut of Progress, although i t was hoped that the b e n i g n i t y of the B r i t i s h Government xvould secure them some measure of p r o t e c t i o n from Malay oppression and i m p o s i t i o n ; ) 1 See Cameron: Our T r o p i c a l Possessions, op] c i t ; , p; 1.24-125. And compare Wallace: The Malay Archipelago, o p v c i t . , esp. h i s concluding chapter, Vol]. I I , p.2b2 r28b] "We should now c l e a r l y recognize the f a c t , that the wealth and knowledge and c u l t u r e of the few do not c o n s t i t u t e c i v i l i z a t i o n , and do not of themselves advance us towards "the p e r f e c t s o c i a l s t a t e . " Our vast manufacturing system, our g i g a n t i c comm-erce, our crowded towns and c i t i e s , support and c o n t i n u a l l y renew a mass of human misery^and crime a b s o l u t e l y g r e a t e r than-has ever e x i s t e d before. They create and maintain i n l i f e - l o n g labour an e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g army ... who ..'.'.are worse o f f than the savage i n the midst of h i s t r i b e . . . I b e l i e v e that the, c i v i l i z e d man can l e a r n something from the savage man ..; as regards true s o c i a l science, we are s t i l l i n a State of Barbarism." 121. In 1850, Logan reprinted i n his Journal the work of Francois Valentyn, (Description of Malaka), a Dutch missionary i n the East, who wrote at the beginning of the eighteenth cen-tury, and was recognised as "the greatest European authority on the whole area." Valentyn wrote; The Malays of these countries are commonly ca l l e d orang de bawa angin, i . e . •the people below the wind 1 (to leeward), or else 'Easterlings'; whilst those of the Occident, more es p e c i a l l y the Arabs, are call e d Orang aias0angin, that i s , 'people above the wind 1, or 'Occidentals'; th i s i s not that there are no other tribes of that name, but that these two nations are the most renowned, the most ingenious and the most c i v i l i z e d of that race. The Malays are the most clever, the most ingenious, and the p o l i t e s t people i n the whole East. They are of a rather pale hue and much f a i r e r than other natives of India, also much kinder, more p o l i t e , and neater in t h e i r manner of l i v i n g , and i n general so charming that no other people can be compared to them ... Their women, too, are generally of a more exalted mind than other women of India and they excel also i n loveliness and wit f a r above others. ]_ It i s intere s t i n g to note how B r i t i s h observers related to the fac t of the Arab influence on the Malays. The enquiry into the past history of Malay people, (a necessary adjunct of any national philosophy based on the premise that "you are what you have done"), attracted a good deal of attention and e f f o r t , and although most conclusions were tentative and contradictory, i t was generally agreed that the Malays "had a history which shows that, i n place of being a poor s p i r i t l e s s body of tri b e s , 1 Logan: Journal of Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia, Vol. IV, 1850, p.6 9 8 - 7 0 . 122. they have been from the e a r l i e s t times a race whose enterprise has been widespreading to a degree" and that, while noting the Hindu association with the Peninsula, the Arab connection had been most formative on Malay character. It was not always seen •as a favorable influence - to t h e i r Arabic heritage was a t t r i -buted the Malay p i r a t e s ' bloodthirsty lack of respect f o r l i f e : Besides t h e i r love of p i r a t i c a l plunder these Malays more than any others were much more under the influence of t h e i r Arabian teachers and had imbibed to the f u l l the be-l i e f that to die f o r the r e l i g i o n of the Prophet Muhammed was to there and then enter the Paradise of Islam.'' Crawfurd, writing of the "Manner of Foreign S e t t l e r s " i n the Archipelago, remarked that Arabian adventurers had settled almost every country and,inter-marrying with the native peoples, had "begot a mixed and numerous race." Of a l l the nations which met on t h i s "common theatre", he wrote, ... the Arabs are the most ambitious, i n t r i g -uing and bigotted. They have a strength of ' character which places them above the simple natives ... to whom, i n matters of r e l i g i o n , they dictate with that arrogance with which the meanest of the countrymen of the prophet consider themselves e n t i t l e d to conduct themselves. 2 Much later, Ambrose Rathborne was to write of the Malays that: Their treachery, cunning and absolute disregard f o r human l i f e i s due to t h e i r - _ See N.J. Ryan: . Malaya Through Four Centuries: An Anthology  1500-1900 (London, Oxford U. Press, 1959, p.19 f f . ) r e f e r r i n g to the^Achinese actually. G. Finlayson: The Mission to Siam  and Hue (London, 1826) likened the "roving unsettled l i f e " , and "distaste f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l pursuits" of the Malays to that of the "more savage b a n d i t t i of the Arabian desert." 2 J. Crawfurd: History of Indian Archipelago, op.cit., (Vol.1. P.139) 1 2 3 . Arabian ancestors, who introduced the Moham-medan r e l i g i o n , which i s answerable for the fatalism and the looseness of t h e i r marriage t i e s . ^ It i s significant,however, that Rathborne offered this inform-ation more i n the way of pardoning the Malay for sins not r e a l l y his own; by the ' s i x t i e s i n f a c t , one writer could dis p e l both images - of barbarian and i n f i d e l (- i n part at least.) The ancient practice of piracy was, aft e r a l l , according to John Cameron, a s i n f o r which the Malays might be excused,since i t "has to be l a i d at the doors of a sea-faring population, f o r whose shortcomings even i n our own country we are accustomed to make considerable allowances." Moreover, mid-century Englishmen were more inclined to look favorably upon the Muslim r e l i g i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y when they r e c a l l e d the idolatrous caste-bound Hindu b e l i e f s which had proven to be such a b a r r i e r to the progress and enlightenment of the natives of India. A. Rathborne: Camping and Tramping i n Malaya, op.cit. (p.58-59) 2 Cameron: Our Tr o p i c a l Possessions, op.cit., p.128. cf. Wallace: The Malay Archipelago, passim, observing that "Man has means.of traversing the sea which animals do not possess; and a superior race has power to press out or assimilate an i n f e r i o r one", was impressed with the m a r i t i -me enterprise and higher c i v i l i z a t i o n of the Malays, which had enabled them to colonize neighbouring regions, and which apparently created a further a f f i n i t y between the Malays and mid-Victorian Englishmen. Note again Boulding's contention that messages coinciding with our own value system w i l l be more r e a d i l y received. 3 Pinlayson: The Mission to Siam and Hue, op.cit., p.69. And yet note the Residents' frequent assertion l a t e r that "the Malays as a race detest change. 'Let our children die.rather than our customs' i s a f a m i l i a r saying ... which has but l i t t l e of exaggeration." ( C l i f f o r d : Proc. Royal.Col. Inst., 1898-9, P.371) 124. (They also compared favorably In this respect with the " c i t i z e n s of the C e l e s t i a l Empire" whose "immutable laws fo r b i d a l t e r a t i o n i n the customs of t h e i r upholders. The Malay race on the contrary eagerly adopt improvements.") In f a c t , i t was with a fe e l i n g akin to r e l i e f that Anglo-Malayan writers began to note that t h e i r subjects were followers of the Prophet. Moreover, Mohammedanism i n the Malay setting was seen to be somehow less pernicious. Lieutenant Newbold attributed t h i s to the fac t that t h e i r r e l i g i o n resembled more the simple mode of the Arab than "the Musselman of Hindoostan tainted and contaminated by the admixture of many Hindu observances" and that being descen-dants of the Arabs, " t h e i r attention to the rules of Islam i s more constant and regular than the Muhammedans of Indi a . " 1 Others f e l t that i t was prec i s e l y because t h e i r Mohammedanism was not pure that i t was tol e r a b l e . The Malays of the S t r a i t s ... were converted to the f a i t h of Mahommed i n the t h i r t -eenth century; but whether i t be that t h e i r conversion was not at f i r s t complete, and that many of the early superstitions were l e f t behind, or that i t i s simply the r e s u l t of degeneracy, ce r t a i n l y the duties of t h e i r r e l i g i o n seem to s i t very l i g h t l y upon the great bulk of them. Another wrote that the Malays "are nominally Mohammedans but ' p have none of the fanaticism of that sect i n Arabia." It was 1 Cameron: Our Tropical Possessions, op.cit.. p.128. " I t i s true that when they accumulate a fortune, which very few of those i n the S t r a i t s ever do, they expend a portion ot i t in a t r i p to Mecca, but thi s i s scarcely an indicati o n of great piety; i t i s rather a desire, by considerable temporal s a c r i f i c e to make up f o r a good many s p i r i t u a l shortcomings, both past and present." 2 Bickmore: Travels i n the East Indian Archipelago, op.cit., P.33-34; c f . Swettenham: Real Malay! "A Study i n Shadows" p.l6l; and Rathborne: Camping and Tramping, op.cit.. p.58. 125. generally f e l t that t h e i r sins, at least the sins of those who were uncorrupted "by the vices of the other populations who have crowded i n upon them, were not heinous, and were c h i e f l y those of omission". Whatever the reason the B r i t i s h i n Malaya increasingly drew comfort from the fact that many of the concomitants of the Mohammedan r e l i g i o n and the Arabic t r a d i t i o n which they had had d i f f i c u l t y accepting i n other regions ?were modified or ab-sent i n Malaya. V i c t o r i a n gentlemen could scarcely be other than g r a t i f i e d to note that, though t h e i r r e l i g i o n permitted i t , few Malays had more than one wife, and though divorce laws were incredibly lax by English standards, there "subsists a sincere and generally l a s t i n g attachment" between man and wife. The men moreover "are f a r more gallant than the natives of the other parts of the East, and those they love, they also respect."! Observations of t h i s kind were generally followed by r e f l e c t i o n s upon the peaceful domesticity of Kampong l i f e ("and i t i s indeed rather to these than to the crowded streets of our towns that we must go f o r a glimpse into the l i f e of these people") -marital b l i s s , upon which V i c t o r i a n moralizers placed such high value, apparently accompanied the greater freedom accorded the women of Malaya by t h e i r spouses, a freedom which, nonethe-le s s , they did not abuse: They are strongly attached to t h e i r homes and fam i l i e s , and there is probably no more 1 ! Cameron: Our Tropical Possessions, op.cit., p.130. c f . Crawfurd: .History of Indian Archipelago, op.cit., Vol . 1 , p.95 "The funerals of the Indian Islanders who are Mahommedans are conducted with a decent solemnity, without clamour and ostentation." 126. pleasing picture of s o c i a l happiness than i s presented by many of the Malay hamlets ... the women are constant and f a i t h f u l and a f t e r marriage esteem t h e i r virtue t h e i r chief orna-ment. Both parents are kind to t h e i r children, and govern rather through a f f e c t i o n than force, the r e s u l t being that old age i s with them an honoured estate. This i d e a l i z a t i o n of Kampong l i f e was to reach i t s zenith under the pen of Hugh C l i f f o r d , but i t became a f a m i l i a r image with most Britons writing about the Malays. C l i f f o r d ' s 'good' and 'bad' were Kampong and court - to the l a t t e r i t was that the cross of St. George was sent out from B r i t a i n to "yet another battle with the great dragon - the four-headed dragon of Cruelty, Ignorance, Selfishness, and Stupidity," to r e l i e v e the lower classes of the population of "the heavy hand of misrule which 2 f e l l most crushingly" upon them. Perhaps Isabella Bird was a more "objective" observer than those who actually l i v e d with and governed the Malay people - f o r whatever reason, at least, she was less inclined,throughout the account of her journey i n the Native States,to i d e a l i s e the doings of either B r i t i s h or Malays, and the image she leaves i s worth noting, e s p e c i a l l y since i t draws together the strands I have noted i n these pages: 1 ' : Cameron: i b i d , p.129, 131. There i s something p a t h e t i c a l l y i r o n i c i n Cameron's application of the wordu"estate" to the position of the aged i n Malay society, but i t i s an.excell-ent i l l u s t r a t i o n of the power of the medium (language) to impose i t s own l i m i t a t i o n s upon i t s user, cf. Swettenham: Real Malay, p.262. " I t i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine any state of human existence more t y p i c a l of perf-ect peace, of i d y l l i c s i m p l i c i t y , of warmth and colour, and the plenty bestowed by a super-abundantly f r u i t f u l Nature, than that presented by a Malay r i v e r i n e hamlet." C l i f f o r d : Proc. Roy. Col. Inst., 1898-99, p.372, p.385. The Malays undoubtedly must be numbered among c i v i l i z e d people. They l i v e i n houses which are more or less t a s t e f u l and secluded. They are well clothed i n garments of both native and foreign manu-facture; they are a se t t l e d and a g r i c u l -t u r a l people; they are s k i l f u l i n some of the arts, e s p e c i a l l y i n the working of gold and the damascening of kr l s e s ; the upper classes are to some extent educated; they have a l i t e r a t u r e , even though i t be an imported one, and they have possessed f o r centuries systems of government and codes of land and maritime laws which, i n theory at l e a s t , show a considerable degree of enlightenment. Miss B i r d : The Golden Chersonese And  The Way Thither, 1«8T~ "Have the Malays any special habits?" Ichave often been asked. The questioner has continued: "I suppose they are a l l dreadfully f i e r c e men, with wild eyes, and armed with long knives?" "Whatever makes you say that?" ."Well, i t ' s what I've read. Why only recently I heard of - what do you c a l l i t ? - a Malay running amuck and k i l l i n g six people. Dreadful, dreadful! Could the average Englishman only r e a l i s e the exceeding gentleness of the Malay, could he see him i n his house with his wife, or playing with his children; could he t a l k with him and note his pleasingly soft accents; could he watch him s t r i d e the roads - head erect, neck well poised, one of Nature's gentlemen; could he meet with the courtesy which the Malay w i l l bestow on a l l - he would revise his opinion. Richard J. H. Sidney, M.A., F.R.G.S.: In B r i t i s h Malaya Today (1927) 127. The theory of government (absolute despotisms, modified by certain rights of which no rulers i n a Mohammedan country can absolutely deprive the ruled, and by the assertion of i n d i v i d u a l rights by the chiefs) does not contain anything inherently vicious, and i s well-adapted to Malay circumstances. Whatever i s e v i l i n practice,* i s rather contrary to the theory than i n accordance with i t . The States undoubtedly have f a l l e n in many ways into e v i l case; the privileged few,consisting of the rajahs and' t h e i r num-erous children, oppressing the under p r i v i l -eged many, l i v i n g in idleness on what i s wrung from t h e i r t o i l . The Malay sovereigns in most cases have come to be l i t t l e more than feudal heads of bodies of insubordinate chiefs; while even the headmen of the v i l l a g e s take upon .themselves to levy taxes and administer a sort of j u s t i c e . Nomadic cult i v a t i o n , c ^ i s l i k e of systematic labour and general /security have further imprver-ished the people ... In any event, although the t r a n s i t i o n contained many contradictions,and images were rarely as clearcut as an attempt to outline them i n "thesis-form" might imply, i t appears that the transformation, the necessity of which Kiernan draws attention 2 to i n The Lords of Human Kind, did occur, although I s h a l l argue She instances debt slavery, forced labour and the oppressive taxes. 1 I. B i r d : Golden Chersonese, op.cit., p.26: (Note that on p.19 she had instanced t h e i r "settled and a g r i c u l t u r a l " habits as evidence of t h e i r meriting inc l u s i o n amongst " c i v i l i z e d people.") A devout Christian, she could not resist adding: ."while Islamism exercises i t s usual freezing and retarding influence, producing f a t a l i s o l a t i o n which to weak peoples i s slow decay." Generally speaking,the B r i t i s h were scandalized by the indulgence afforded the royal sons of Malaya; not surprisingly, C l i f f o r d wrote: "Can there be room f o r wonder that with such an up-bringing the young ra j a developed into something not unlike a Nero?/ ... wanting even a love of art to weave a certain halo of romance about his vices and cruelty." (Proc. Roy. Col. Inst., 1898-99, p.375-6); See also J.M. Gullick's character analysis of Rajah Abdul Samad of Selangor: "A Careless, Heathen, Philosopher?" (J.M.B.R.A.S., Vol.26, Pt.I, 1953, P.86 f f . ) 2 Quoted above p. 12-13. 128. below (Part 6) that It was not wholly a t r a n s i t i o n with time and circumstance as Kiernan suggests, but one which the imp e r i a l i s t must make at a l l times as he necessarily defines and divides his world^in order that he may control i t by ru l i n g i t . * * * There i s one point to make i n passing about the i l l u s t r a -tions accompanying Anglo-Malayan l i t e r a t u r e f o r these, as much as the worded descriptions that accompanied them, conveyed the images which would be held by the i r readers. "In describing people and countries hither unknown," as one writer remarked, "no description given by pen w i l l equal one correct drawing." The tendency of many c o l o n i a l authors to ang l i c i z e the c o l o n i a l setting, that occurred i n other outposts of empire i n the nineteenth century as Englishmen struggled to f a m i l i a r i z e t h e i r new surroundings, may be noticed i n Malaya. It was the same process to which Crawfurd unconsciously referred when describing the "hospitable and elegant mansion" of the Governor of Penang, (named Suffolk, a f t e r Francis Light's b i r t h country): ... the taste of Mr. P h i l l i p s has rendered i t the most bea u t i f u l spot of the kind i n India, a f t e r Barrackpore,... i t i s , i n short, an English gentleman's park, where clove and nutmeg trees ... are substituted f o r oak, elms and ash. 1 Crawfurd: Journal of an Embassy to the Courts of Siam and  Cochin China^ (London, 1830) p.15. The Botanical Garden and the Museum, both f a m i l i a r imperial i n s t i t u t i o n s , repre-sent an attempt to preserve native f l o r a , fauna and a r t i f a c t yet by reducing and confining them to order and manageability within the garden border and display case. T H E ' I J I . M B A N G H A U L I N G P A S T 129 The angllcization of the environment may not have been entirely intentional on the part of the author. Marryat, regretting the failure of the Admiralty, in f i t t i n g out survey vessels, to supply a professional draughtsman, noted that "the engravings which have appeared in too many of the Narratives of Journeys and Expeditions give not only an imperfect, but even erroneous, idea of what they describe." This was due to the fact that the hasty pencil sketch from an impractised hand was commonly made over to an ar t i s t to reduce to proportion, from him i t passes over to the hand of an engraver, and an interesting plate is produced by their joint labours. But in this making up, the charac-ter and features of the individual are lost, or the scenery is composed of foliage not indigenous to the country, but introduced by the ar t i s t to make a good picture ... ^ Swettenham also grappled with the problem of presenting reality, recognising the limits of both pen and brush in re-producing nature, but feeling very strongly the "...wish, in the heart of the beholder, that his joy should be shared by those he loves, by those to whom such a scene would appeal as i t does to him." Although he was afraid that the result could be " l i t t l e more than a caricature of the beauty which so stirred his feelings," he concluded that "in even indifferent hands" i t was possible to "catch a faint semblance of the reality, and give, sometimes pleasure, sometimes a grain of instruction..." 2 1 Marryat: op.cit. p.v-vi. Marryat's book is interesting for "by my not doing any duty on board at one time, and at another' by my having been discharged into hospital ship at Hong Kong," he found time to complete his own drawings, having intended originally to publish them without commentary on the voyages of the H.M.S. Samarang. p Swettenham: Real Malay, p.263-4. .130,.. Indeed apart from the occasional token palm tree, many of the "Malayan" settings looked remarkably l i k e the forests of the Lake D i s t r i c t or the South of France. It i s doubtful whether anyone i n England had any idea what the Malayan jungle was r e a l l y l i k e u n t i l photography, with a l l i t s capacity f o r destroying i l l u s i o n , 1 was introduced into Anglo-Malayan l i t e r a -ture, at the very end of the century. It i s my impression that i t was also p a r t l y an attempt to convey graphically the image of a land being brought slowly but surely from anarchy to c i v i l i z a t i o n . It did not accord with B r i t i s h hopes for the success of th e i r c i v i l i z i n g mission i n Malaya, to depict t h e i r subjects i n anarchic settings. The tendency to romanticize and i d e a l i z e the environment was re f l e c t e d i n i l l u s t r a t i o n s too; but even the English imagination was sorely tested when required to depict the "Garden of Eden". Perhaps one of the best examples of t h i s i s W.H.D. Adams1 "60 i l l u s t r a t i o n s " accompanying his study • p of The Eastern Archipelago. While c e r t a i n l y strange and unmis-takably o r i e n t a l , they have an order and even t r a n q u i l i t y about them which contrasts markedly with e a r l i e r foreboding mystery Compare e.g. H. Norman's photographs i n Peoples and P o l i t i c s  of the Far East (1901) with Cameron's drawings i n Our Tropical  Possessions i n Malayan India ( 1 8 6 5 ) . See Marshall McLuhan": Understanding Media, op.cit.,.Chap.20, "The Photograph", f o r the "transforming power of the photo. ...) Swettenham: i b i d . displays a suspicion of the photo "whose comparative exactness ... often conveys a poorer idea of a scene than an i n d i f f e r e n t -l y painted sketch," a fact which, to Swettenham, "gives en-couragement, and some j u s t i f i c a t i o n , to an accurate and truth-loving observer, who honestly t r i e s , with however l i t t l e success, to share his pleasant experiences with those who may never have the opportunity of seeing with t h e i r own eyes...." W.H.D. Adams: The Eastern Archipelago: A description of the  scenery, animal.and vegetable l i f e , people, and physical wonders of the Islands i n the Eastern Seas. (London, Nelson, 1880). 131-,. and darkness, and which has l i t t l e i n common with the l a t e r photographs of Malayan scenery. "Interior of a Dyak Hut" (facing p.136) for example, f o r a l l that the women are bare-breasted and otherwise obviously "native", portrays a studied domesticity - the men t a l k amiably and two are a c t u a l l y reading. "Bamboo Thicket" (facing p.110) might also be "The Hay Wain" i n o r i e n t a l setting, and "Natives of New Guinea" (facing p.476) looks remarkably l i k e Arthur Rackham's fro n t i s p i e c e to The Vicar  of Wakefield. * * # The role of Singapore i n images of Malaya i s important fo r i t represents the B r i t i s h attempt to supply the Malayan image with those outward and v i s i b l e signs of " c i v i l i z a t i o n " which the Malayan peoples had manifestly f a i l e d to provide - a lack to which they alluded when they spoke of "her unheroic past .." Malaya has played an exceedingly i n s i g n i -f i c a n t part in the drama of eastern his t o r y . Its jungles hid no ruins of great c i t i e s of past empires. There never has been an era of proud d i s t i n c t i o n . Java ... Cambodia ... Burma ... Ceylon ... each of these lands has nourished great c i v i l i z a t i o n s . Malaya has dreamed away the centuries ... 1 Singapore was indeed a white man's c i t y . From i t s beginning Raffles had envisioned that t h i s small settlement should and could become "the Venice of the East", and he was determined,regardless of the lack of enthusiasm i n i t i a l l y shown by the Home Government, 1 Kirkland: Finding the Worthwhile i n the Orient, op;cit. 132,. to rescue t h i s " c l a s s i c a l spot" from i s o l a t i o n and oblivion, and est a b l i s h i t permanently as such in the minds of Europe and England. I s h a l l say nothing of the importance which I attach to the permanence of the position I have taken up at Singapore; i t is a c h i l d of my own ... i t i s my intention to ... devote the remaining years of my stay i n the East to the advancement of a colony which i n every way i t can be viewed, bids f a i r to be one of the most important and at the same time, one of the least expensive and troublesome which we possess. Our object i s ... a great commercial emporium. As l a t e r writers t e s t i f i e d , the r a p i d i t y and success of the transformation of t h i s swampy land, inhabited by a few p i r a t i c a l Malay fishermen, into a f l o u r i s h i n g , b u s t l i n g free port and cosmopolitan c i t y was one of the most remarkable achievements of the B r i t i s h i n the East; i t was frequently f e l t that i t would have surprised even Raffles to have returned in the l880's to gaze upon the "crowd of splendid shipping, the churches, the public buildings and o f f i c e s " and a l l the other 2 evident signs of " c i v i l i z a t i o n " . This was the more so when they compared i t , as they almost invariably did, with the gentilely-decadent ex-Portuguese and Dutch Colony of Malacca and the picturesque,but commercially less-challenging,port of Penang-. Whether they represented the image i n terms of Singapore Harbour - P. and 0. Company -Shipping i n the Roadstead - Projected new'docks -Chinese junks - Malay Prahus - Public Buildings -1 Raffles to Duchess of Somerset, June 1819; from Buckley: Anecdotal History, op.cit., p.5-6. From a speech by Weld, unveiling a statue of Raffles i n Singapore i n 1887, from Egerton: Raffles, op.cit.. Chap.XV. "The Man and His Work." 133 v Crowded Streets - Commercial Square - Crowd of Boats'- Busy Wharves - Native Shops - Chinese Trades - Opium Shops - Itinerant Vendors - St. Andrews Cathedral - C o u r t House - Town H a l l or i n exhaustive tables of s t a t i s t i c s showing increasing amounts 2 of trade passing through the port, almost every account of the B r i t i s h experience i n Malaya included a chapter or two on Singapore as port and c i t y , a l l of which supported the stereo-typed image of the almost f a n t a s t i c a l r e a l i z a t i o n of Raffles' dream. This was no "small trading station, scattered about an ar i d coast, t r a f f i c k i n g with aborigines f o r gold dust and ivory and planting, at best, a few coconuts and oil-palms" - i t was "the centre of commercial, telegraphic and naval communications between Europe, India, China, Western, Northern and North-Eastern A u s t r a l i a . " 3 And yet,while i t undoubtedly grew into a f l o u r i s h i n g commercial centre ?and attracted the attention of those Europeans (and Chinese) whose image of the town extended no further than i t s commercial potential, i t i s doubtful whether Singapore ever became a great centre of society i n the nineteenth century. As one writer put i t as early as the l840's: Singapore, l i k e a l l new settlements i s composed of so mixed a community, that there i s but l i t t l e h o s p i t a l i t y , and less gaiety. Every-body i s waiting to ascertain what i s to be his position i n society, and t i l l then i s a f r a i d of committing himself by f r i e n d l y intercourse; 1 Taken from chapter headings of Cameron's Chapters II and III on Singapore in Our Tropical Possessions, op.cit. 2 See e.g. Begbie: The Malayan Peninsula, op.cit., opp. p.386; and Cameron, ibid., Chap. VII. 3 F. Weld: Proc. Roy. Col. Institute: Vol. XV, 1883-4, p.266. 134.... moreover everybody i s too busy making money ... The consequence i s , but few parties are given and a b a l l i s so rare that i t becomes the subject of conversation f o r months ..." ^ While French c i v i l servants and c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s may have found cosmopolitan Singapore a vast improvement over the society of Saigon, as one proud Englishman observed, few writers expressed any r e a l enthusiasm beyond noting that the society of Singapore, " i n i t s r e s t i v e s i g n i f i c a t i o n " comprised o f f i c i a l s , bankers, lawyers, physicians and army o f f i c e r s , and centred on an aristocracy of European merchants. The notable exception was one, Whampoa, a Chinese merchant, who gave "excellent dinners and very agreeable pa r t i e s " and whose "champagne i s p a r t i c u l a r l y approved of". Even John Cameron, who found much to his s a t i s f a c t i o n i n the decidedly languid l i f e s tyle of Singapore's European popul-ation, (estimated at only 800 persons i n 1864), noted that "The people of Singapore must appreciate what long experience taught the Dutch in Java, that heavy dinner parties are scarcely suited 1 : : : Marryat: op.cit., p.213. 2 Marryat: i b i d . , p.213. cf. Cameron, Our Tropical Possessions, op. c i t . : "The community i s a very small one. There are not I think over f o r t y families who aim to form a part of society, and i f I might o f f e r an opinion on so deli c a t e a subject, It would be that, among so few, a more general, even less intimate intercourse should spring up." Cameron's i s the best and most detailed account of Singapore.society on the eve<of B r i t i s h intervention on the Peninsula. See esp. Chap.10. The images evoked by his chapter d i v i s i o n s are s i g n i f i c a n t . "No f i e l d fo r European labour - Case i n I l l u s t r a t i o n s - None for Adven-t u r e r s - Social D i s t i n c t i o n s - Society i n i t s r e s t r i c t i v e s i g n i f i c a t i o n - i t s conservativeness - i t s expensive hospit-a l i t y - i t s composition - prejudice against colour - style of l i v i n g - general luxury - A Day's scenery - Breakfast - Drive to Town - Business - T i f f i n - Fives Court - The Band - Drive Home - Dinner - Its Substantial Nature - After Dinner Amuse-ments." cf. Parkinson, B r i t i s h Intervention, op.cit., Chap.I. :13.5.. either to the climate or to the purse of s e t t l e r s anxious to push t h e i r way to fortune", and he was p a r t i c u l a r l y c r i t i c a l of the r a c i a l prejudice evidenced i n the European society of the town; e s p e c i a l l y he noted ... One of the chief of these impediments appears to be an insuperable, though somewhat over-sensitive, objection taken to a l l who are descended from the people of India, no matter how remote the descent; and i t has happened more than once at a b a l l , that one lady has refused to dance opposite another because her v i s - a - v i s was s l i g h t l y darker than herself i n complexion. There can be no r e a l necessity f o r such extreme s e n s i b i l i t y as this ... Nor did Singapore "present any f i e l d f o r the industry and enterprise of the working class at home, ... to adventurers of a l l sorts Singapore i s a most unlikely f i e l d ..." 1 The much-travelled, i f eccentric, Miss B i r d was frankly disenchanted with the society of "the par-boiled community", i n 1879. As Singapore i s a m i l i t a r y . s t a t i o n and ships of war hang about constantly, there i s a great deal of f l u c t u a t i n g society and the o f f i c i a l s of the S t r a i t s Settlements are numerous enough to form a large society of t h e i r own. Then there i s the merchant class, English, German, French and American; and there i s the usual round of gaiety, and of the 1 Cameron: i b i d . , p.288. The town was d i s t i n c t l y divided into European, Malay, Chinese.and Indian sections, the former l i v i n g two or three miles out of the town generally. There was l i t t l e a s similation except perhaps among the wealthy merchant class of the various races, and of these Miss Bird was to note "Not a Malay or a Kling has raised himself either as a merchant or i n any other capacity to wealth or d i s t i n c -t i o n i n the colony ... 1 (Golden Chersonese, op.cit., p . l l 6 . ) (The Sultan of Johore,.it should be noted, was almost as famous f o r his l a v i s h parties as Whampoa.) See also Parkinson: i b i d , p.14. 136,. amusements which make l i f e i n t o l e r a b l e ... n l The European ladies of Singapore were p a r t i c u l a r l y maligned, Marryat, perhaps missing the easy association of the "Pretty Dyak g i r l s , very s c a n t i l y clothed",remarked that though there were "some good looking g i r l s i n Singapore", i t was "only at church or on parade that a stranger obtains a glimpse of them." Prudery, he regretted,was the order of the day and was carried to such an extent from non-intercourse that"at a farewell b a l l given to the Cambrians, the women would only polka and waltz with each other ..." Miss Bird had only a l i t t l e sympathy f o r them. I think that i n most of these t r o p i c a l colonies the ladies exist only on the hope of going "home". It is a dreary aimless l i f e f o r them - s c a r c e l y l i f e only existence. The great-est sign of v i t a l i t y i n Singapore Europeans that I can see is the furious hurry i n writing for the mail ... the hurry Is desperate and even the feeble Englishwemen exert themselves f o r " f r i e n d s at home" ... 3 1 ' ~~ Miss B i r d : i b i d , p.110-111. See 0. Cavenagh: passim, and Lady A l i c e Lovat: passim, f o r an impression of the rather tedious o f f i c i a l society surrounding the comings and goings of a naval-military centre i n the second half of the century. Also, H. C l i f f o r d , (In Court and Kampong, p.170), was aghast at the Malay practice of cage-gaols and concludes: "And yet, a l l these things happened and are happening today, within shouting distance of Singapore, with i t s churches, and i t s ballrooms, i t s societies f o r the prevention of cruelty, i t s missionaries, i t s discontented exiled Europeans, i t s high standards, i t s poor practice, i t s loud talk, and i t s boasted c i v i l i z a t i o n . " p Marryat: op.cit., p.213. 3 I. B i r d : op.cit., "To judge from the f l u r r y and excitement and driving down to the post-office at the l a s t moment, and the commotion - one would suppose the mail to be an uncertain event occurring once i n a year or two, rather than the most regular of weekly f i x t u r e s ! The incoming mail i s also a great event, though i t s public and commercial news i s anticipated by four weeks by the telegraph..." , . . , __ Q, (continued page 118) It i s only i n the European part of Singapore, which i s d u l l and sleepy looking. No l i f e and movement congregate around t h e i r shops. The merchants, hidden away behind jalousies i n t h e i r o f f i c e s , or dashing down the street i n covered buggies, make but a poor show. Their houses are mostly pale, roomy, detached bungalows, almost hidden by the bountiful vegetation of the climate. In these t h e i r wives, growing paler every week, lead hal f - e x p i r i n g l i v e s , kept a l i v e by the e f f o r t s of ubiqui-tous punkah-wallahs", writing f o r the mail the one active occupation. At a given hour they emerge, and drive i n given d i r e c t i o n s , s p e c i a l l y round the esplanade, where f o r two hours at a time a double row of handsome and showy equipages move continuously i n opposite d i r e c t i o n s . The number of carriages and the style of dress.of t h e i r occupants are surprising, and yet people say that large fortunes are not made these days i n Singapore! Besides the d a i l y drive the l a d i e s , the o f f i c e r s , and any men who may be described as of "no occupation", divert themselves with ke t t l e drums, dances, lawn tennis, and various other devices f o r k i l l i n g time, and t h i s with the mercury at 80° ! Just how the Maharajah of Johore, Sovereign of a small state on the nearest point of the mainland, a man much petted and admired by the B r i t i s h Government f o r unswerving f i d e l i t y to B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t s , has a house here, and his receptions and dinner parties vary the monotonous round of gaieties .... Miss B i r d : The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither 137* For her i t was the natives who monopolized "the picturesqueness of Singapore with their bizarre crowds." It is a l l fascinating! Here is none of the indolence and apathy which one assoc-iates with Oriental l i f e , and which I have seen in Polynesia: These yellow, brown, tawny, swarthy, olive-tinted men are a l l intent on gain; busy, industrious, frugal, striving . . . . " -j_ And, strangely in view of the prevailing dislike of the Indian population of the Straits Settlements, both Miss Bird and Mrs. Innes commented upon the classical grace of the Kling women and the absurdity of the steadfast adherence to European styles in tropical Singapore. Perhaps such idealization, .... a beautiful object, classical in form, exquisite in movement, and a r t i s t i c in colouring, a creation of the tropic sun, made admiration possible from afar. At any rate both were, from the position of their firm exclusion from Singapore society, able to wonder what the Kling woman thought .... of the pale European, paler for want of exercise and engrossing occupation, who steps out of her carriage in front of her, an ungraceful heap of poufs and f r i l l s , tottering painfully on high heels, in tight {.Footnote 1 continued from page 117) cf. Interleaf above; Note also the dislike the Residents generally evidenced for the telegraph (below, part 6 ) ; — a fact which, given Mannoni's definition of the imperialist as one reluctant to have to communicate with his own kind, throws some light on the commonly held view that the presence of white women per se tends to increased imperial/racial conflict in the colonial situation. 1 Bird: ibid. And yet she noted that despite a l l the activity and earnestness "the swarthy faces have no expression that I can read and the dark, liquid eyes are no more i n t e l l i g i b l e to me than the eyes of oxen." It was Oriental inscrutability, "the Asian Mystery" a l l over. i'3a». boots, her figure distorted into the shape of a Japanese Sake bottle every movement a struggle, the clothing utterly unsuited to this or any climate, impeding motion, and affecting health, comfort and beauty a l i k e . . n i But, for a l l the nascent " c i v i l i z a t i o n " of Singapore, i t s image was s t i l l largely derived from nature, from the fabulous opulence of the scenery, on the one hand: (...such a wealth of gold and green giving off fragrance! Here too are treasures of the heated crystal seas - things that one has dreamed of after reading Jules Verne's romances. Big canoes, manned by dark-skinned men in white turbans., and loin cloths floated round our ship or lay poised on the clear depths of the aquamarine water with fairy freights - forests of coral white as snow ... to eyes which have seen only the yellow skins and non-vividness of the Far East, p a world of wonders opens at every step...) or, on the other hand, for those who looked beyond the immediate limits of the town, from tales of man-eating tigers, crocodiles, monkeys and the ever-encroaching tropical jungle. The sense of this mixture of c i v i l i z a t i o n and fable is perhaps best expressed in Cameron's description of Singapore at 1 Miss Bird: ibid., p . l l 6 . 2 Miss Bird's f i r s t impression, typical of f i r s t views of Singapore ... 3 See H. Norman: op.cit., p.547-8. "The jungle is a world:bf i t s e l f ... No human foot has ever pressed i t : ... A l l the , .strange green things that the rich warm earth produces and the tropical sun and rain nurse into exuberance are engaged in a desperate struggle for existence ... But the chief impression ... must be that of its marvellous nearness to the days of creation. It is man in his garden, scarce awakened as yet From that sleep that f e l l on him when woman was made, The new-finished garden is plastic and wet From the hand that has fashioned i t s unpeopled shades. 139.< night: It i s a very fi n e sight from the beach to see these houses l i t up at night, the b r i l l i a n t argland lamps i n use shedding a flood of l i g h t around the l o f t y white p i l l a r s and colonnades of the upper st o r i e s , while the lower parts of the buildings are hid by the shrubbery of the gardens i n front. Every door and window i s thrown open to admit the cool night breeze and gathered round t h e i r tables, or l o l l i n g about i n t h e i r easy chairs, may be seen the wearied t r a v e l l e r s or residents, with the strange, often grot-esque figures of t h e i r native servants f l i t t i n g about with refreshments. Indeed on a f i n e starry night, standing there, on the sea-wall of the bay, with the s t i l l n e s s broken by the gentle r i p p l e of the wavelets at one*s feet, i t i s not d i f f i c u l t to imagine oneself amid the garden palaces of the Arabian Nights .... 1 I have t r i e d to avoid suggesting r i g i d chronological order, or cause and eff e c t , or transformation of image A to image B at point C i n space and time. There were as many images of "Malaya" as there were people who thought at a l l of the region -frequently elements of these images contradicted each other. To enquire a f t e r precise images,and t h e i r "causes",of "our Malayan possessions" i n the broad generalization required by this study i s an i n j u s t i c e to the reader and to those who held them. But i f I must generalize 5then I would state that Malaya, perhaps more than any colony, re s i s t e d that closure of geography and focus of r e l a t i o n a l image attendant on the wider exploration of the globe i n the nineteenth century, remaining isolated and remote even f o r those Europeans who had come into "direct contact" with i t whether as t r a v e l l e r s , merchants, s c i e n t i s t s or administrative 1 Cameron: op.cit., p.72. 140,. and naval o f f i c i a l s . Even the work of Malayan scholars, arch-enemies of ambiguity and ignorance, did l i t t l e to overcome t h i s f e e l i n g - p a r t l y because they were so few and narrowly read,and pa r t l y because,in some Toynbean sense, perhaps, the challenge of the Malayan environment was beyond them. And th i s was as much because "observers", i n greater or lesser degree,wanted i t that way. For, Penang, Malacca and espe c i a l l y Singapore notwithstanding, Malaya ( p a r t i c u l a r l y . Peninsular Malaya), with i t s orang-utans, and t i g e r s , Its sarongs and krises, i t s vast equatorial jungle recesses and g l i t t e r i n g tropic seas, remained Robinson Crusoe's island f o r an imperial nation and i t s sons at home and abroad. Very few Europeans went to Malaya i n the nineteenth century; even fewer sought i t out as a centre of c i v i l i z a t i o n and the society of other Europeans. Part Five : Intervention Revisited .141,. At home in Britain there was l i t t l e reason for attention to be focussed upon Malaya. In an era noted for i t s "surpassing love of economy", a colony which paid for i t s e l f was unlikely to receive a great deal of attention. As one observer noted later in the 'eighties: ...this colony is getting on so well that there is no occasion even for a Parliamentary question about i t . . . i f you had to go to the market to try to scrape a loan for a few millions, or were testing the ingenuity a'nd--resources of Cabinets and Parliaments to say how your colony would be governed,then we should hear plenty about you. And although colonial o f f i c i a l s occasionally expressed vexation that "a colony not only relatively but absolutely the richest of a l l the Crown Colonies under the British flag" should receive so l i t t l e attention in the metropolis, and that many newspapers professedly devoted to colonial interests never find room for even a"passing glance" 1 at i t s affairs, i t remains true that, for the most part,they were jealous of the freedom that this lack of the fierce light that beats upon the Throne gave them. "Red-tapeism" was anathema to men more inclined to act f i r s t and account later. As Isabella Bird remarked:"A Crown Colony where the Government has i t a l l i t s own way must be the Paradise of o f f i c i a l s ..." this town (London) I do not speak with the same freedom as I do in the jungle of the Malay Peninsula, where there is nobody to 1 * ~ ~ ~ ~ Proc. Roy. Col. Inst.: 1883-4. Chairman responding to Sir Frederick Weld's address. See also An Index to Events Relating to India and the East referred to in "The Times" between 1»50 and 1889 inclusive (Printed by order of Sec, of State for India in Council, June 1893.) 142. . contradict me, but the real reason is that in the Malay States we have had as l i t t l e red tape as possible, and we have done a good many things that, i f we had been working in an old-established and recognized Colony, I have no doubt we should not have been allowed to do. -j^. It must be remembered that Malaya was a very small part of the colonial Empire of a country, which for a l l the emphasis placed upon European imperial expansion in the last quarter of the century, was s t i l l more than preoccupied with domestic po l i t i c s , and with Ireland, and only secondarily concerned to maintain,in "colonial Europe", that balance of power her diplo-matists hoped to achieve in Europe while essentially remaining aloof from affairs in that continent. The confusion surrounding the decision to intervene in the native Malay States, particularly Kimberley's apparent volte face in the summer of 1873, which has involved historians of Malaya in a massive amount of very detailed and exhaustive research, may be seen simply as the consequence of imperfectly formed and conflicting images held by metropolitan o f f i c i a l s , resulting largely from insufficient knowledge about the region at a time when a decision could no longer be postponed. Generally speaking neither Parliament nor the Foreign Office displayed any interest in the whole question of Britain's . relations with the Native Princes of the Peninsula. When Frederick Rogers, the Permanent Under-Secretary for Colonial Affairs f i r s t broached the subject in 1867, as part of a general 1~~ 1 Isabella Bird: Golden Chersonese, op.cit., p.112. Swettenham: Proc. Roy. Col. IniT., Vol. XXVII, p.312, 1895-6. 143:... enquiry into the division of responsibility on the entire imperial frontier, Lord Stanley, the Foreign Secretary, had replied that he found i t a l l "rather an ir r i t a t i n g and trouble-some matter," and his Permanent Under-Secretary had commented: "Let the Colonial Office adopt their own rules." The Foreign Office was anxious only to avoid giving colonial o f f i c i a l s , noted for their over-zealousness, a chance to meddle with native policy, thus involving the Home Government "in quarters of which we cannot see the end." 1 Even the Colonial Office had small reason to give any serious thought to the Native Malay States in 1867. Its chief preoccupation was with the revenue of the Straits colony; fear of a new drain on the exchequer had been the main obstacle to the transfer from the India Office which was broached a decade previously. As the f i r s t Colonial Secretary to deal with the Malay States, Buckingham simply accepted the policy of "non-intervention ... unless," which was inherited from the India Office,along with a bundle of papers'among which Charles Cox, head of the Eastern Department of the Colonial Office, discov-ered a few that were "interesting & instructive as regards our relations and d i f f i c u l t i e s with Native Princes." When Rogers 1 ~~ ~~ " See Minute by Rogers, 19th February, 1868 on Ord to Bucking-ham, 3rd Nov. I867, CO/273/13. Notes by Stanley and Hammond with CO. to F.O. 17 March, 1868. Foreign Office f i l e s -Siam correspondence. F.O./69/47 and F.O. to C.O. 25 March I 8 6 9 . CO/273/23, quoted in Mclntyre: "British Intervention in Malaya"(J.S.E.A.H., Vol.2, No.3, Oct. 1961) p.51. cf. Cl i f f o r d : Bushwacking p.36-37. 2 Minute by Cox, 1 July, 1867 on India,office to CO., 6 June 1867, CO/273/15. 144.,, drafted his instructions for Governor Ord in 1867, he deleted the heading " P o l i t i c a l Relations" and wrote nothing in its place. ^ Important in the consideration of the formation of metro-politan images, moreover, is the fact that sources of information were erratic and biassed, and the Colonial Office frequently had a most imperfect knowledge of the events upon which i t was presumably deciding policy. Often f i r s t intimation of trouble came from letters to The Times, or petitions from Singapore merchants and their London agents,whose special pleading generally led them to exaggerate their picture of events in Malaya, or from questions asked in the House by Opposition back-benchers eager to embarrass the Government on subjects about which i t knew the latter to have only a vague knowledge. A good deal of the Governor's correspondence about the Malay States was obviously not sent home by Ord; Clarke preferred to act f i r s t and send in his dispatches much later; and like almost a l l colonial o f f i c i a l s of the time, Anglo-Malayans resented the intrusion §f the telegraph upon their privacy,and reacted to i t in a way that would have delighted Marshall McLuhan. Daily, deep in his heart, he thanks God that he is not linked to the telegraph. In the eyes of the men who do their country's work on the outskirts, telegraphy, seen in the light of a bitter experience, is the most abominable of human inventions. Fettered to the l i t t l e tick-ing instruments by miles of thin wire, a man loses a l l power of i n i t i a t i v e : the passion for personal responsibility, which had so much to do 1 Draft instructions dated 6 Feb. 1867, after Treasury to GO. 26 Jan. 1867, CO/273/16. 1.45 with the formation of the characters that have made England's rule i n Asia a p o s s i b i l i t y , i s scotched or s l a i n . By the agency of the t e l e -graph the man at a distance i s able to over-ride the recommendations of the man on the spot - the man, be i t noted, who i s best able to form an opinion; by i t s aid ai.' c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i s created which, had i t existed from the beginning, would i n f a l l i b l y have choked the l i f e out of our Eastern empire while i t was s t i l l a puking thing i n swaddling clothes. ^ In any event, as one h i s t o r i a n remarked: "The Secretary of State as he planned his future moves was rather l i k e a general going into b a t t l e with poor maps and a weak i n t e l l i g e n c e s e r v i c e . 2 When Kimberley became Colonial Secretary i n July 1870, he obviously had l i t t l e knowledge of,or interest in,the Penin-sula. When shown a c o l l e c t i o n of photographs of Malaya sent him by Professor Huxley, he declared them to be "a hideous s e r i e s " ; 1 This quotation, from C l i f f o r d , i s very s i g n i f i c a n t f o r the l i g h t i t throws upon the nineteenth century i m p e r i a l i s t s ' i n a b i l i t y to cope with the i n c i p i e n t e l e c t r i c technology with i t s compulsion towards " i n t e r a c t i o n " rather than mere "action"; p a r t i c u l a r l y i f read with Marshall McLuhan's expla-nations of the telegraph as e l e c t r i c media, and Mannoni's contention that the i m p e r i a l i s t prefers to inhabit "a world without men"- that i s , to act rather than i n t e r a c t . For t h i s reason i t deserves quotation i n f u l l . C l i f f o r d continues, i l l u s t r a t i n g also the dilemma of the imperialist,as conserv-ative personality,caught between fear of f a i l u r e and fear of disobeying the voice of authority. " Were he now i n telegraphic communication with headquarters, the Resident f e e l s sure that he would be bidden to return, to abandon an enterprise so hopeless, to confess to the people of the Benighted Land, once f o r a l l , the impotence of the Government ... But i t i s not the least of the many fascinations of these remote places that no word of instructions or advice can reach the expedition; and since the Resi-dent i s therefore able to act p r e c i s e l y as he chooses, he determines to make one l a s t attempt ..." Bushwacking, op.cit., p.120-121. McIntyre: "intervention ..." op.c i t . 146., and he responded to a rumour,circulated by the Dutch,that the Maharaja of Johore was about to lease Tioman Island to the North German Confederation as a naval station, with the comment that "the f i r s t step is to ascertain distinctly where the Maharaja and his island are." 1 Kimberley has been described as having a "rather narrow interest" and "somewhat cynical aloofness from Malay affairs" but, in a l l fairness, he probably devoted more time to the Malayan problem than did his successor Carnarvon, and he did attempt to acquire a more balanced picture of the whole situation when the time came to make a decision, despite his simultaneous preoccupation with the equally time-consuming matter of Garnet Wolseley's Ashanti expedition in West Africa. Before considering the question of proposed closer relations with the Malay States, Kimberley did give his depart-ment a fortnight to prepare a comprehensive memorandum on the nature of Britain's relationship with the States from the time of the Indian regime, stressing, however, that i t be "so complete as to be i n t e l l i g i b l e without books or papers." 2 He did c a l l for some of the original documents and his pencilled adornments on the memorandum indicate that he studied i t quite thoroughly. It is worth noting that although the Dutch rumour did not bother him in 1870,because he had no idea where Tioman Is-land was, the message obviously predisposed him, In Boulding's terms, towards accepting an image of Malaya as strategically threatened when, in 1873, another rumour of possible German interest in Selangor was circultted by Singapore merchants, although there is l i t t l e evidence that such an interest ever existed. See Seymour Clarke's letter to Herbert, 18 July 1873, C0/273/l4; and Rear Admiral Osborn's letter to Times,12 July 1872, p.12. See Mclntyre: "Intervention" op.cit., p.66 . 147*., Historians of the period 1867-73, preoccupied with the "hen and egg" question of cause and effect, and seeking to ex-plain the presumed reversal of the avowed policy of non-inter-vention, have laboured mightily to discover the exact moment of Kimberley*s decision and the precise attitude of the Colonial Secretary to the problem he was faced'; with. 1 Thus, Parkinson stresses the decisive impact of the arrival of a petition from Chinese merchants on August 21st 1873, set against the back-ground of a rising tide of imperial fervour and the imminent f a l l of the Liberal Government,which presumably gave Kimberley wider freedom of choice, and concludes that the reversal occurred 2 between August 21st and September 20th, 1873. Cowan feels that " i t was probably only coincidental that the formal record of his (Kimberley1 s; •) decision was attached to the Chinese petition", he is ambivalent about the role of Seymour Clarke and the Selangor Tin Company, and concludes that "the decision to take some action in Malaya, and i f necessary to intervene in the affairs of the States, was provoked not by conditions in the Peninsula, nor by any consideration of British economic interests there, but by fear of foreign intervention."3 Mclntyre concludes that the change took place between early July and 22nd July (the 1 : ' Mclntyre: "Intervention.." ibid., p.66. 2 See E. Chew: "The Reasons for British Intervention in Malaya: Review and Reconsideration (Vol.6, No.I, 1965, J.S.E.A.H.) esp. p.81-82, for the earlier interpretations of Swettenham, Margaret Knowles, A. Wright and T.H. Reid, and Richard Winstedt, which according to Chew, the work of Cowan, Parkinson, and Mclntyre have relegated to "the limbo of historical curiosity . 3 Parkinson: Br i t i s h Intervention, op.cit., p.107-111 esp. 148.., date of Kimberley's minute on Seymour Clarke's letter), as a result of the "coincidence" of several factors: Lieut.-Governor Campbell's meeting with Kimberley at the same time that the situation in the west coast states,(the Larut War),was causing him to change his mind; and Seymour Clarke's production of the unlikely threat of a German protectorate,which was "a sort of p o l i t i c a l blackmail to a sensitive diplomatist like Kimberley, who immediately f e l t a challenge to Britain's position as the paramount power in Malaya."1 In 1965, Ernest Chew reconsidered the literature of intervention and, after confessing that i t was impossible to discover the precise moment of Kimberley's decision, concluded that the reversal in policy occurred between early July and the last week of August 1873. Frankly, after reading a l l this, (and without going into the question of i t s relevance.) I am l e f t with the impression that Kimberley can scarcely have been other than generally con-fused about what was actually happening in Malaya. Ultimately, however, as a former diplomatist under Palmerston, his interest 2 was imperial strategy; that he continued to conceive of the Malayan question overwhelmingly in such terms, despite the various requests, incidents, qualifications, attempted and actual inter-ventions impinging on his image between 1867 and 1873, may be 1 ~ ~ " — "— Mclntyre, "Intervention...", op.cit, p.68-69. 2 Kimberley served as Under-Secretary to the F.O. from 1852 to I856; as Envoy to St. Petersburg 1856-8; as Under-Secretary to the F.O. again 1859-61; and as Special Envoy to Denmark I 8 6 3 . In i860, he favoured supporting the Dutch in the Malay Archipelago to prevent France stepping in and threat-ening India and Australia. 149*. judged from the summary of the situation which he forwarded to Gladstone with Governor Clarke's instructions on September 10th, 1873,-when he concluded that the time had f i n a l l y come to make a statement on what was, for him, simply a special instance of that problem of achieving order on the frontier of an Empire, by some method that f e l l short of the extension of British sovereignty. He wrote: The condition of the Malay Peninsula is becoming very serious. It is the old story of misgovernment of Asiatic States. This might go on without any serious consequences except the stoppage of trade were i t not that European and Chinese capitalists stimulated by the great riches in t i n mines in some of the Malay States are suggesting to the Native Princes that they should seek the aid of Europeans ... We are the paramount power on the Peninsula up to the limit of the States tributory to Siam and looking to the v i c i n i t y of India & our whole position in the East I apprehend that i t would be a serious matter i f any other European Power were to ob-tain a footing on the Peninsula ... 1 Moreover, i t is my impression that Kimberley did not genuinely feel that his instructions to Clarke embodied a dramatic reversal of any policy. People like W.H.M. Read had long hinted hopefully that the Malay States might be ready for a new relationship with 1 Kimberley to Gladstone: 10th Sept. 1873. Gladstone Papers 44225/103. It. is worth noting Parkinson's contention (British  Intervention, op.cit., p.113), that, even after the heated dxchange between Disraeli and Gladstone in January 1874, over whether Disraeli's actions in 1868 or Gladstone's actions in 1871,had endangered Bri t i s h trade in the Far East by r e l i n -quishing "a treaty which secured us the freedom of the Straits of Malacca"; " . . . i t is unfortunately open to doubt whether the problem of the Straits of Malacca was understood by England, Gladstone or even by Disraeli. There was, in fact, no more mention of the Straits after the General Election was over." 150,., Britain, and the Anson Committee and George Campbell had sugg-ested explicitly the appointment of Residents. After a l l "in India, in many a native-ruled State, i t is marvellous what work a single well-selected British officer has effected ... most native-ruled states in and around India have such officers and the value of their influence is unquestionable." 1 Moreover, Kimberley assured Gladstone that the new instructions "do not actually pledge us to anything, but they imply that some attempt is to be made to produce a better state of things." Moreover, they are tentative in the extreme, and his tone suggests that, realizing his own inability to be more definite because of lack of time, first-hand knowledge or inclination, Kimberley was prepared to trust Clarke to take the in i t i a t i v e in working out a practical solution to a problem, which, theoretically, he conceded could no longer be postponed. He asked Clarke to find out carefully "the actual condition of affairs in • each State," implying that,for a l l the mass of reports, petitions and despatches he had attempted to assimilate in the previous months, he would gladly exchange the sound opinion of one competent observer; and then he suggested the Resident system as a means of promoting "the restoration of peace and order", 1 — — — . Lieut. Governor Campbell reported on the Larut War after an expedition to the Larut River in October 1872. Drawing on his Indian experience, he suggested, as a solution to the chaos there, the appointment of a Resident or p o l i t i c a l officer" to certain of the States, in a letter to Ord, 6 Sept:. 1872: See Wilkinson: "Notes on Perak", Papers on Malay Subjects, Vo.l4, (1908), pp. 99-100. And Campbell's Report, dated London, 28 June 1873 (received 3 July '73) CO/273/74. Also Anson Committee Report, 19 May 1871 enc. in Anson to Kimberley, 3 June 1871, CO/273/47. without any sense of i t s being an innovation, but simply because i t had apparently adequately met the current twin imperial demands of economy and avoidance of trouble with the native princes, elsewhere. I should wish you e s p e c i a l l y to consider whether:it would be advisable to appoint a B r i t i s h O f f i c e r to reside i n any of the States. Such an appointment could, of course, only be made with the f u l l consent of the Native Gov-ernment, and the expenses connected with i t would have to be defrayed by the Government of the S t r a i t s Settlements." It i s my impression that, unaware of the i s o l a t i o n of Malaya from the minds of metropolitan o f f i c i a l s and B r i t i s h attention i n general, historians have over-estimated the degree of Kimberley 1s involvement i n the problems of that one small part of a widening empire. Against my understanding of Kimberley•s image of Malaya, his famous instructions to Clarke, embodying the "dramatic reversal" of p o l i c y from one of non-intervention to one sanctioning establishment of the Residential system, i seem s l i g h t l y less than that. What he implied, beneath a good deal of Foreign Office r h e t o r i c , was that he hoped Clarke could come up with a solution that was cheap, would intimate to any other European power that the Peninsula was "taken", would s a t i s f y the clamourings of the Singapore merchants, and above a l l , would avoid the kind of fuss with native Malay peoples which had t e r r i f i e d B r i t i s h Governments since Rajah Brooke and the Dyak pirates, and Maxwell Benson's outraged l e t t e r to The Times 1 : " — — P.P., Kimberley to Clarke, 20 Sept. 1873. 152., condemning the Selangor intervention as an "act of war", had shown what public outcry could be roused by even the suspicion that native peoples in the Archipelago were being tampered ^ 1 with. Above a l l , the dispatch was a plea that Clarke try, as quietly and eff i c i e n t l y as possible, to remove the rather tedious Malay question from the focus of Foreign Office and metropolitan attention. Unfortunately, however, Kimberley overlooked the fact that Clarke, having just seen his solution to the Ashanti problem in West Africa rejected in favour of Wolseley's more ambitious expedition, and knowing that the Liberal Government was about to f a l l , was l i k e l y to feel justified in impressing doubly with his solutions for Malaya; and that, as imperialists in the late nineteenth century, he, and his success-ors and their subordinates in the Sultan's palaces, must strive for recognition of their actions rand therefore shared precisely that determination to put Malaya on the map, which Kimberley desired to avoid,but which nonetheless loomed large in the Malayan imperial experience. 1 Times, Wed. 13th September, 1871, p.9. See Parkinson: op.cit., p.48-60,for an account of this particular piece of gun boat diplomacy "which began in the . pursuit of pirates, and ended with the coercing of the Sultan of Selangor, Straits government intervention in a c i v i l war, and publicity for the whole a f f a i r in England." Asked by Gladstone to explain his subordinate's untimely actions, Kimberley f e l l back, with a good deal of melodrama but l i t t l e accuracy, on the familiar image: "The Malay pirates are desperate men, and the murders committed on this occasion were most attrocious." Kimberley to Gladstone: 19th Sept. 1871, (quoted in Mclntyre: "Intervention ...", op.cit. p.59). Part Six : Playing at Eden As I was writing these l a s t words, a bea u t i f u l green cicada with great eyes and long transparent wings, flew into the room and dashed straight at a lamp; In spite of several severe burns, and a l l my e f f o r t s to save her, she has accomplished her — own destruction and now l i e s stark dead; the v i c -tim,of a new l i g h t which excited her c u r i o s i t y and admiration, but the consuming power of which she did not understand. She would have been wiser to remain i n the cool moonlit jungle where, at lea s t she was at home with those of her kind, but the creatures o f -the forest have not yet learned cf;he danger of giv-ing way to natural i n s t i n c t s ]... Swettenham: The Real -Malay The undeniable fact that the psychological attitude of the native has long been i n our favour has blinded us to i t s character as a reaction^ Today that character is,, only too apparent and cannot be overlooked Hi'. Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban Europeans, a f t e r a few steps in the darkness you w i l l see strangers gathered around a f i r e ; come close, and l i s t e n f or they are tal k i n g of the destiny they w i l l mete out to your trading centres and to the hired soldiers who defend them. They w i l l see you, perhaps, but they w i l l go on tal k i n g among themselves, without even lowering t h e i r voices; This indifference strikes home; t h e i r fathers, shadowy creatures, your creatures, were but dead souls; you i t was who allowed them a glimpse of l i g h t , to you only did they dare to speak, and you did not bother to reply to such zombies^ Their sons ignore you, a f i r e warms them and sheds i t s l i g h t around them, and you have not l i t i t - Now, at a respectful distance, i t i s you who w i l l f e e l f u r t i v e , nightbound, and perished with cold^ Turn and turn about; i n these shadows from whence a new dawn w i l l break, i t i s you who are the zombies-^;; Jean Paul Satre introducing Franz Fanon: The Wretched of the-Earth -153*. It is possible to explain the nature of British rule and contact with the Malays in Malaya in terms of pure economic and p o l i t i c a l expediency. Mid-Victorian statesmen, being gentlemen, had a profound sense of responsibility and duty. It was their duty to give the colonies good government and this included justice for the natives as well as protection for the white men's commercial interests. But the desire for good government was perpetually restrained by the desire to keep down expenses. Nothing could be more apt than Carnarvon's warning to Shepstone in 1877* "Parliament does not like to be made to pay even for what i t approves ... Your object therefore must be to bear in mind these two opposite conditions - effective government and economy - and as far as possible to reconcile them."-1- In fact, this does go a long way towards an explanation of the policy of "indirect" rule, of advice without control, which was the ideal behind the Residential system introduced in the Native Malay States. But i t should not be permitted to disguise the fact that, because of that very policy, and because of the isolation of Malaya, the men to whom its government was entrusted, played a very significant part in the actual working out of the Resid-ential system and thus in the nature of contact between the two races. As J.S. M i l l had recognised ... In the position of the administrators of a dependency where the people are not f i t to have control in their own hands, the char-acter of the government entirely depends on the qualifications, moral and intellectual of 1 _ _ _ _ _ Carnarvon to Shepstone: 30 May, 1877, (Private), P.R.0.30 -6/23 quoted in Cambridge History of British Empire, V o l . I l l , P.17-18. the i n d i v i d u a l functionaries ... The early Residents of Malaya, from 1874, when the decision to "intervene" was taken, u n t i l Federation i n 1895, were a unique phenomenon i n the history of imperialism. In r e a l i t y they were neither nineteenth century Empire builders nor Twentieth century c o l o n i a l administrators (though C l i f f o r d and Swettenham contrived to include both roles i n t h e i r long c o l o n i a l careers.) Rather, they belonged i n the t r a d i t i o n of James Brooke i n Sarawak and Cromer i n Egypt, of B r i t i s h gentle-men sent to put the houses of "native princes" i n order f o r them. And since the j u s t i c e of such missions was larg e l y regarded at the time as self-evident, l i t t l e trouble was taken to c l a r i f y the l e g a l t e c h n i c a l i t i e s of t h e i r p o s i t i o n . (It is obvious that some Malay Residents were a l i t t l e uncomfortable i n the ambiguous role i n which the early Colonial Office instructions l e f t them -others, p a r t i c u l a r l y with the passage of time, came to r e a l i z e that herein lay i t s precise wisdom. ) 1 ~ J.S. M i l l s : On Liberty, Representative Government, The  Subject of Women (London, Oxford U. Press, 1963) from Chapter XVIII, p.4l8-4l9. ( O r i g i n a l l y published l86l). 2 A l l e n : "Two Imperialists" op.cit., p.4l. Swettenham wrote i n The Real Malay, A New Method" p.27-28 "The main reason why success has been secured i s twofold; f i r s t , because a succession of Governors trusted t h e i r Residents and supported them; and, secondly, because of that very possession of large authority which was at once the strength and the weakness of the r e s i d e n t i a l idea." The flaw, i n Swettenham1s mind, of "the power f o r mistakes, fo r extravagance, f o r favoritism," which was "greater than should be placed i n a single hand," was removed by Federa-t i o n . See Cowan: Nineteenth Century Malaya, op.cit., (p.251-2.) for Low's correspondence with Robinson following the reprimand of Douglas f o r exceeding his powers i n Selangor. 155 B r i t i s h residents, whose "advice must be asked f o r and acted upon on a l l important q u e s t i o n s " w e r e sent to the Courts of Perak, Selangor, and Sungei Ujong i n 1874-5, a n d t o Negri-Sembilan (incorporating Sungei-Ujong) and Pahang in 1887-8,.-a process which i s generally referred to as B r i t i s h intervention. During these years, the Golden Age of Malayan imperial experi-ence, the "Residential System" operated f u l l y . From the f i r s t to the l a s t the theoret-i c a l independence of the States was the gov-erning factor i n the system evolved i n Malaya. The so-called "Resident" was i n f a c t , a Regent, p r a c t i c a l l y uncontrolled by the Governor or Whitehall, governing his "independent" state by d i r e c t personal rule, with or without the cooperation of the native r u l e r . ^ It i s 0. Mannoni's contention that a c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n i s created ... the very instant a white man, even i f he i s alone, appears i n the midst of a t r i b e , even i f i t i s independent, so long as he is thought to be r i c h or powerful or merely immune to the l o c a l forces of magic, and so long as he derives from his position, even though only in his most secret s e l f , a f e e l i n g of his own superiority. 2 I have alluded b r i e f l y to Mannoni's study of what he terms "the 1 : : S i r F. D. Lugard: The Dual Mandate in B r i t i s h Tropical A f r i c a (London, 1926) pp.130-1. See also Emerson: Malaysial A Study i n Direct and Indirect Rule, op.cit. 2 Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban, op.cit., p.l8. C l i f f o r d ' s "heart-breaking l i t t l e wars" thus become nothing more than a B r i t i s h demonstration of immunity to l o c a l magic. It was commonly accepted i n imperial thought that a brisk show of force was an essential preliminary to e f f e c t i v e government of the native peoples, just as physical violence i s s t i l l widely considered to be the only conclusive way of proving oneself to be immune to the forces of l o c a l magic, cf. Swettenham: Real Malay p.17. "A m i l i t a r y expedition had vindicated the prestige of a power hitherto unfelt, and the existence of which was but vaguely r e a l i z e d . " See page 159 below. 156-.. psychology of colonization" elsewhere, and although there are certain q u a l i f i c a t i o n s which must be made, his work i s one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t contributions to the understanding of the imperial experience,and appears to have more than marginal application to the nineteenth century Malayan s i t u a t i o n . In any event, I intend to elaborate upon i t i n t h i s chapter. If there i s any merit i n such an approach to imperialism i t i s because, as Mannoni points out, although i t has been customary to see a c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n as a case of the r i c h dominating the poor, of the weak being under the guardianship of the strong, or of the systematic exploitation of a. difference i n standards of l i v i n g , i t i s not generally seen as a case of the meeting of two d i f f e r e n t personality types and t h e i r r e l a t i o n to one another. Because of the special circumstances of the Resident system i n Malaya, and the type of people the Malays were, none of these customary approaches throws a great deal of l i g h t on the nature of the imperial r e l a t i o n s h i p - while p r e c i s e l y these two factors suggest that Mannoni's psychological/ personality framework might be a constructive one from which to seek some understanding. Although severe Marxists might l i k e to see the Residents as a set of f i n a n c i a l adventurers and w e l l -connected freebooters whose machinations i n the Sultans' Courts sealed the fate of Malaya f o r eighty years, i n the main i t was not economic gain which motivated them - rather, as Mannoni suggests, they seem to belong to a type w i l l i n g to forego p r o f i t f o r the sake of cert a i n psychological satisfactions afforded by the p o s i t i o n . 1 5 7 -Undoubtedly there were exceptions. Captain Speedy, the f i r s t Assistant-Resident i n Larut was c e r t a i n l y cast i n the mould of the old-style adventurer, but even he appears to have r e l i e d on his wife's inheritance f o r any f i n a n c i a l independ-ence he enjoyed,and,having earned, i n the eyes of Governor Jervois at l e a s t , a reputation f o r extravagance, he eventually resigned when offered a lower post at h a l f the s a l a r y . 1 The wealthy Singapore b a r r i s t e r , J.G. Davidson, Selangor's f i r s t Resident, had considerable f i n a n c i a l interest i n the S t a t e , 2 and Carnarvon, i n the Colonial O f f i c e , had o r i g i n a l l y opposed his appointment,on the grounds that he was not s a t i s f i e d that the transfer of Davidson's f i n a n c i a l claims to other hands was s u f f i c i e n t guarantee of his future disinterestedness as a public servant. Davidson eventually resigned,partly because he found he was running his post at a l o s s . Douglas' (who replaced Davidson), aided by his son-in-law,Daly, bought up some public land i n Selangor, alienated his Sultan, Zia'u'din, was reprimanded by the Governor, and was f i n a l l y removed from his post f o r tampering with the Sultan's salary.3 I See G u l l i c k : "Captain Speedy of Larut" (J.M.B.R.A.S.. Vol.26. Pt.2, 1953) 2 Cowan:. Nineteenth Century Malaya, op.cit., p.76, 139, 207; Carnarvon to ITervois, b A p r i l 1875, CO/273/76. 3 See Cowan: i b i d . , p.247-9, P.250-51; and Colonial Secretary, Singapore, to H.B.M. Residents, (17 May, 1878, i n C.O./809/18}: "...the Residents have been placed i n the Native States as advisers, not as r u l e r s , and i f they take upon themselves to disregard t h i s p r i n c i p l e they w i l l most assuredly be held responsible i f trouble springs out of t h e i r neglect of i t . " This divergence between theory and practice was never r e a l l y resolved. 158*. But i t appears that the "best" Residents f e l l within the category,described by Mannoni as "greedy" f o r something other than economic p r o f i t . Those unprepared to s a c r i f i c e f i n a n c i a l gain, (to act l i k e "gentlemen"), resigned or were dismissed from the service. Dr. Mannoni i s a French psychologist who spent several years i n Madagascar, and was there during the r e b e l l i o n of 1947, which was put down by the French with very heavy losses to the Malagasies. 1 He i s not a c o l o n i a l h i s t o r i a n , and he attempts no generalizations of wider application than Mada-gascar; he makes no reference to events i n B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l history, although many seem to support his hypothesis i n general. In Madagascar he was s t r i c t l y a b i r d of passage; he was not there long enough to become i d e n t i f i e d with either "side", with the French who had spent t h e i r l i v e s on the island, or with the Malagasies. He looked at both with as much detachment as anyone could, who i s f u l l y aware that "the observer's description of the native's behaviour i s necessarily an interpretation .... th i s interpretation i s also a reaction, that of the observer to the native before him." It i s true that Mannoni i s dealing with a p a r t i c u l a r modern c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n - where people from an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , s c i e n t i f i c , competitive society are suddenly i n contact with j . _ _ 0. Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of  C o l o n i a l i z a t i o n (New York, Praeger, 1964, f i r s t published as Psychologie de l a Colonisation (Paris, Editions du Seuil, 1950). He had previously spent several years studying the ethnology of Madagascar and came to r e a l i z e "there was a background of more disturbing psychological problems be-hind the ethnological ones." 159*--people of a culture which may be older,but i s temporarily s t a t i c . It i s part of the s i t u a t i o n that the s c i e n t i f i c people have l e f t t h e i r own country and are separated from i t by a sea voyage. He i s t alking about French colonialism rather than B r i t i s h . 1 This i s P h i l l i p Mason's main c r i t i c i s m of Mannoni's thesis - or rather, his reason f o r maintaining that there are s t r i c t q u a l i f i c a t i o n s which must be made before even attempting to apply Mannoni to B r i t i s h imperialism. But given Mannoni's d e f i n i t i o n of the "c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n " (page 155 above),it seems that he i s ta l k i n g as much about east and west of Main Street, Buffalo, or about the peculiar p o s i t i o n of women i n u n i v e r s i t i e s where "historians are gentlemen ...." The key to the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n i s the acceptance by both parties of the notion that one has the "stronger magic", decides the rules of the game. (Conversely, neither can play i f one party refuses.) F i n a l l y , the class structure and the assumptions of the V i c t o r i a n upper-middle class may have produced a d i f f e r e n t kind of Imperialist to the French system, but, i t i s doubtful, as Mason claims, whether one Prospero can be "better" than another. 2 Mannoni suggests that t r a d i t i o n a l Malagasy culture places great emphasis on security. A man i s e s s e n t i a l l y part of his tr i b e and his family; he worships dead ancestors who control _ _ _ P h i l l i p Mason : Prospero's Magic: Some Thoughts on Class and Race (London, Oxford U. Press, 1962) p.78-79; aee also ~ Mason's introduction to the 1§64 edition of Prospero and  Caliban, op.cit. Mason admits to seeing the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n i n a d i f f e r e n t l i g h t p r e c i s e l y because he i s a "Prospero", but he f e e l s that "colonization was a valuable stage of development" •for native peoples. 2 Mason: i b i d . , p.87. 1160';. and guide his l i f e , he i s a rung i n the ladder between the dead, who are immortal, and the unborn whom he i s to beget. The t y p i c a l Malagasy before the coming of the French was a man who knew his place i n this hierarchy and therefore f e l t secure. The coming of the French broke up the ancient security of many Malagasies,who eventually l e f t the known ways of the old t r i b a l and family system; they came to f e e l acutely the need f o r an authority which would take the place of the "father", of the dead ancestors, of the customs of t h e i r own society. At f i r s t glance,this s i t u a t i o n seems only marginally i n -applicable to the Malayan s i t u a t i o n . If the accounts of B r i t i s h writers i n Malaya i n the nineteenth century are to be believed, there was very l i t t l e security f o r anyone i n t r a d i t i o n a l Malay society; ("in 1874, no Malay man was ever seen unarmed. The men usually carried from three to eight weapons, and boys of a few years old two or three");and, i n any case, since the Residents were expressly instructed not to i n t e r f e r e with any matter touching on Malay culture, i t was u n l i k e l y they could break up t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of l i f e . 1 A more recent h i s t o r i a n wrote: Early B r i t i s h administrators, f o r obvious reasons, l i k e d to describe the l i f e of the Malay peasant before t h e i r a r r i v a l as one of unmiti-gated oppression at the hands of an a r b i t r a r y and self-indulgent aristocracy. Though this picture was often overdrawn, esp e c i a l l y where i t 1 W. Roff: Origins of Malay Nationalism, op.cit., p.9. I am l a r g e l y Indebted to Roff f o r my understanding of Malay socie-ty before the B r i t i s h , c f . Swettenham: Real Malay, p.l6, p.260, and B r i t i s h Malava.p.l4l (revised edn. 1948); C l i f f o r d : In Court and Kampong p.186-7, and Proc. Roy. Col. Inst., 1898-9, P.372 f f . 1.61 suggested either systematic or motiveless tyranny, i t finds support in the few extant Malay accounts of the time, and there can be no question that the determining c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the relat i o n s h i p between ra'ayat (peasant) and r u l i n g class was submission. C l i f f o r d frequently voiced the sentiment that to l i v e i n independent Malaya was to l i v e i n the Europe of the thirteenth century, meaning that the Malays, ... i n common with more c i v i l i z e d f o l k had worked out f o r themselves unaided a theory of government on feudal l i n e s which bears a s t a r t -l i n g resemblance to European models of a long-passed epoch. Malay society before the advent of B r i t i s h rule was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y that of a r i v e r people occupying the valleys of the riverways; the majority of the settled population were peasant farmers engaged i n subsistance economy of agriculture and f i s h i n g . There was, In addition, a considerable amount of petty trade up the lower reaches of the r i v e r s , i n the hands of the l o c a l n o b i l i t y (or "foreign Malays": Buginese or Sumatrans, Arabs, and l a t e r Chinese). The discovery of t i n , however, and the consequent in f l u x of Chinese miners i n the mid-century, upset t h i s pattern, and led to the introduction of r a d i c a l elements of imbalance i n Malay ;econo'mic l i f e , a s f a c t i o n a l struggles took place,between and within communities,for control of t i n areas. P o l i t i c a l l y , peninsular Malaya was divided into independ-ent states ruled over by a hereditary monarch (the Yang di-pertuan - "he who i s made l o r d " ) . This r u l e r was supported by a number of t e r r i t o r i a l chiefs,who held areas of the state and who,in turn, had minor chiefs and v i l l a g e headmen at t h e i r command for generally 162., a d m i n i s t r a t i n g t h e i r t e r r i t o r y , c o l l e c t i n g t a x e s , and r a i s i n g manpower f o r war and p u b l i c works. The Yang d i - p e r t u a n e x p r e s s e d the s y m b o l i c u n i t y o f t h e S t a t e and p r o t e c t i o n o f i t s o r d e r and i n t e g r i t y ; Embodying i n h i s p e r s o n b o t h ... the m y s t i c a l r e i n f o r c e m e n t o f p e r s o n a l i t y by k i n g s h i p , ... and supreme t e m p o r a l a u t h o r i t y , he was v e s t e d w i t h an a u r a o f s a n c t i t y and the s u p e r n a t u r a l t h a t found outward form i n an e l a b o r a t e a p p a r a t u s o f c e r e m o n i a l p r a c t i c e and b e l i e f .... ]_ The e x e r c i s e o f a u t h o r i t y by t h e r u l e r was, i n f a c t , l i m i t e d by the e x t e n t t o - w h i c h he c o u l d c o n t r o l h i s t e r r i t o r i a l c h i e f s . A g a i n , t h e d i s c o v e r y of t i n , w h i c h gave c h i e f s a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e s o u r c e o f economic power, i n t r o d u c e d an element of p o l i t i c a l u n r e s t i n m i d - c e n t u r y . There was always a s t r o n g a m b i v a l e n c e w i t h i n the r u l i n g c l a s s , marked by r i v a l r i e s and t e n d e n c i e s towards s t r i f e and f i s s i o n ; y e t t h e s e were c o u n t e r - b a l a n c e d by a r e c o g -n i t i o n of the v a l u e s and v i r t u e s o f the s u l t a n a t e as t h e v a l i d a t i n g mechanism o f t h e whole s o c i e t y . The S u l t a n a t e was p r e s e r v e d be-cause i t made m e a n i n g f u l a l l e l s e w i t h i n Malay s o c i e t y ; t h u s , d e s p i t e the c e a s e l e s s i n t e r n i c e n e w a r f a r e , and t h e l i t t l e , r e a l power the S u l t a n f r e q u e n t l y w i e l d e d , t h e S u l t a n a t e was p r e s e r v e d because i t p r o v i d e d d e f i n i t i o n f o r the r e s t of t h e system. S o c i a l l y , Malaya was d i v i d e d i n t o two g r o u p s , a r u l i n g c l a s s and a s u b j e c t c l a s s , a d i s t i n c t i o n based on b i r t h and c l e a r l y demarcated by custom and b e l i e f . Appointment t o 1 R o f f : O r i g i n s o f Malay N a t i o n a l i s m , o p . c i t . , p.2-3; a l s o J.M. G u l l i c k : Indigenous P o l i t i c a l Systems of Western Malaya (London, 1958); E m i l y Sadke's opening c h a p t e r s of The P r o t e c - t e d Malay S t a t e s , o p . c i t . , a r e a l s o i n f o r m a t i v e . 163.,. " a r i s t o c r a t i c " o f f i c e s was validated by the r u l e r ; they were ranked i n complex order,and served primarily i n defining and determining r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n and influence within the t r a d i t -ional e l i t e . There appears to have been a substantial preoccu-pation with the appurtenances and symbols of rank; t i t l e s were jealously guarded by the holder and his kin. The concept of d i f f e r e n t i a l status and concern f o r i t s expression were of abiding interest to the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e , who manifested a correspondingly exclusive attitude toward those not pri v i l e g e d to manifest i t . Below the l e v e l of high p o l i t i c s , control of the v i l l a g e s was vested i n the penghulus (headmen), who assumed a very important role i n Malay v i l l a g e society. The penghulu constitu-ted the l i n k between peasant and l o c a l chief; his duties ranged from keeping the peace, a r b i t r a t i n g disputes, tax c o l l e c t i o n , organization of kerah labour, and a l l o c a t i n g new land to a r r i v a l s from outside. The fa c t that he normally operated by influence and persuasion, rather than coercion, indicates that i n Malay v i l l a g e l i f e , s o c i a l roles were well-defined and accepted. Social sanctions against a- t y p i c a l behaviour can only be applied by a people who have agreed to share values - who know who they are i n terms of t h e i r society. At the base of the s o c i a l system were the ordinary c u l t i v a t o r s , owing l o y a l t y and obedience to t h e i r l o c a l chief, and with l i t t l e knowledge of the world beyond t h e i r own v i l l a g e s . The subordinate status of the ra 1ayat was questioned by neither side; both accepted the r i g h t of the r u l i n g class to receive 1 6 4 . on demand a wide range of goods and services. Clearly the system was open to abuse and there were, as Residents were fond of pointing out, instances of cruelty, oppression and Injustice. But, as Isabella Bird perceived, there were a number of checks on the ar b i t r a r y exercise of power within these "Muhammedan Monarchies" and these served to ameliorate the peasant's i s i t u a t i o n . Both aristocracy and peasants l i v e d a common r u r a l l i f e i n which differences of status were r e f l e c t e d only to a limited extent by differences i n standard of l i v i n g and material welfare. Moreover, i f v i l l a g e society permitted of the in d i v i d u a l acts of i n j u s t i c e , such as C l i f f o r d and Swettenham delighted to dwell upon i n t h e i r Sketches of Malay l i f e , wide-spread, systematic oppression was disadvantageous to a l l , because the chief r e l i e d on his peasants' general cooperation i n prod-2 uction of goods and services. In a society i n which status was measured la r g e l y i n terms of the manpower one could a t t r a c t or muster, i t was unwise to acquire a reputation f o r undue harshness. This was the more so before B r i t i s h rule because of the extreme mobility of the peasants - the ultimate protest of removal to another area was always available i n a society where land was not invested with property connotations, where 1 : B i r d : Golden Chersonese, op.cit., quoted above page 1 2 7 ; Compare thi s with Emily Innes' [Chersonese with the Gilding  Off: passim.) descriptions of v i l l a g e l i f e under the Sultan of Langat, with i t s stress on mutual obligations between r u l e r and ruled. p Debt bondage and kerah labour undoubtedly weighed heavily upon the peasants, but i t i s doubtful whether they saw i t in quite the same way as mid-Victorian impe r i a l i s t s - as "slavery" and "forced labour", that i s - at least u n t i l the Residents " t o l d " them. 165.. there was l i t t l e shortage of good land, where houses were e a s i l y and simply b u i l t and possessions few, and where welcome into another v i l l a g e community was r e a d i l y afforded newcomers. In nineteenth century Malaya then, i t appears that i f , by western standards, l i f e was rendered somewhat less than secure by the frequent petty quarrels between r i v a l chiefs and the exactions of the aristocracy upon the peasant classes, i t should be noted that westerners have t r a d i t i o n a l l y interpreted security only i n material terms,and that, as f a r as the security to be derived from "possession" of a well-defined self-image i s concerned, the Malays may well have been better off than the B r i t i s h i n the same period. Within the t r a d i t i o n a l Malay s o c i a l system and within the Islamic r e l i g i o n as manifested i n Malaya, roles were well-defined and generally accepted, a f a c t to which frequent B r i t i s h references to Malay "fatalism" and "lack of ambition" bear witness. However, on the other hand, i t i s equally true that much of the change i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Malay way of l i f e and world view, which undeniably accompanied B r i t i s h rule, despite i t s revolut-ionary and l a s t i n g character f o r the peninsula as a whole, does not appear immediately or d i r e c t l y to have affected Malay l i f e . It was less that there was no change within t h i s area - f o r manifestly much happened to s h i f t the Malay view of the world - than that the changes which did take place did not coincide with or take t h e i r d i r e c t i o n s o l e l y from incidents of B r i t i s h rule,and that change occurred within (or coexisted with) a remarkable persistence of t r a d i t i o n a l patterns of s o c i a l organization.-^ j . . _ _ Roff: Origins of Malay Nationalism, op.cit., p.249-250. See also Syed Hussein Alatas: "Feudalism i n Malaysian Society: A Study i n H i s t o r i c a l Continuity", op.cit.; Alatas speaks of a psychological feudalism which remains i n present day Malaysia. 166*. The effects of B r i t i s h rule were not seriously disruptive of the role of the aristocracy i n Malay society - once, that i s , they had become accustomed to the deprivation of t h e i r independence in certain taxation and t e r r i t o r i a l p r i v i l e g e s . If they e f f e c t -i v e l y ceased to be p o l i t i c i a n s i n the sense that they had been, they were rewarded,politically with roles on the State Councils which, before Federation at le a s t , were r e l a t i v e l y meaningful; and*economically, with state pensions and access to certa i n mining and land rights and so on. To a considerable extent, the t r a d i t i o n a l a r i s t o c r a t i c establishment was permitted i n nineteenth century Malaya to exist alongside the new centralized bureaucracy, and i n customary l i f e , the t e r r i t o r i a l chiefs continued to play e f f e c t i v e part. B r i t i s h p o l i cy and practice also attempted to shield the Malay peasants and v i l l a g e l i f e from the disruptive effects of the new economic and p o l i t i c a l order, and they were larg e l y successful p r e c i s e l y because, t r a d i t i o n a l l y , the Malay peasant class was r a r e l y involved outside i t s own subsistance economy. Foreign traders - Arabs, Chinese, Buginese, South Indians - had t r a d i t i o n a l l y attended to that side of the economy, and foreign labour, Chinese especially, had generally been encouraged by independent Malay sultans to undertake, i n return f o r tax on the proceeds, whatever mining and planting existed i n the f i r s t h a l f of the century. The B r i t i s h were larg e l y able to ignore what would otherwise have constituted a serious labour problem (since the Malays were manifestly too few in number and too d i s i n c l i n e d to work) by wholesale introduction of Chinese and l a t e r , Tamil 167.. c o o l i e s . Moreover, there was plenty of unoccupied land, so that large tracts could he a l l o t t e d to European and Chinese entrepreneurs without pushing the Malay peasant from his land. Education p o l i c y reinforced this desire to create and preserve "a vigorous and self-respecting a g r i c u l t u r a l peasantry" by confining such western education as was offered,to the sons of the aristocracy and encouraging the peasants to partake i n a vernacular education. At f i r s t sight then, Mannoni's hypothesis, insofar as i t postulates a break-down of the values of t r a d i t i o n a l native society under the impact of European government, does not seem to be applicable i n the Malayan c o l o n i a l setting, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the period under discussion. Within Malay society, the r o l e of a l l elements was actually strengthened by the B r i t i s h pres-ence i n these early years. And yet, i t may well be that i t was i n p r e c i s e l y t h i s atmosphere that Mannoni's "dependence" syndrome was born - that "dependence" may be the r e s u l t of a "strengthening" as well as a "break-down" of the native system. In f a c t , the o r i g i n a l settlement with the Malays, based on c o n c i l i a t i o n of the r u l i n g class "had the somewhat i r o n i c e f f e c t of rendering de facto a system of authority which had previously existed only de jure", p r e c i s e l y because the B r i t i s h "misunderstood" what they saw when they went to Malaya (whether they did t h i s because they had to, i n order to create order and s t a b i l i t y out of nineteenth-century Perak and Selangor, or because they could not, as sons of mid-Victorian England, conceive of rulers who did not rule)] they elevated the sultans 168.. to positions of real as well as r i t u a l power. Within Malay society the rulers not only remained supreme but had their position con-siderably strengthened by the improvement, under the aegis of the British, of the central-ized apparatus of government, by the reduction of previously competitive t e r r i t o r i a l chiefs to the status of t i t l e d pensioners or govern-ment paid bureaucrats, and by the strength-ening of customary but previously frequently unexercised control over religion. A recent study of feudalism in Malaysian society has suggested, moreover, that,despite the gradual disappearance of institutional and judicial vestiges of feudalism since "the beginning of modernization during the latter part of the nine-teenth century", i t s psychological traits remain. In the context of this psychological feudalism, ... the relationship between those in power and those dependent on them is characterized by personal attachment to the leader or man . in authority r&ther than the principle he stands for. The leader or man in authority ... expects the subordinate to be loyal and fait h f u l in a manner that sometimes comes into conflict with the norms and ethics of the work ... He is supposed to be loyal under almost a l l circumstances ... 2 Perhaps more significant than a l l this,however, as far as Mannoni is concerned, is1 the fact that the Perak rajas, whose treatment of Birch is witness to their extreme reluctance to accept any Bri t i s h interference, and who, of a l l Malays, f e l t 1 Roff, ibid., p.250, p.14. He also noted that "The saving clause in the protectorate treaties concluded between the Malays and the British, while not to be taken too seriously by the historian, especially where 'custom1 was concerned, operated to preserve and enlarge in the hands of the rulers a substantial authority over Islamic practices." Alatas: "Feudalism in Malaysian Society," op.cit., p.2. 16 9*. themselves l e a s t i n need of the p s y c h o l o g i c a l s e c u r i t y o f f e r e d by B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t y , "were glad that the Queen had sent them an o l d gentleman!" to replace B i r c h - namely, the white-bearded, f i f t y - t h r e e year o l d Hugh Low 1;and, " f o r t u n a t e l y " , according to one h i s t o r i a n , Low d i d not have to persuade the r a j a s to s e t t l e under h i s s u p e r v i s i o n , they were only too anxious to do i t f o r themselves. Raja Yusuf was no f o o l ; he r e a l i z e d h i s dependence on Low, and a few weeks a f t e r Low's a r r i v a l , Yusuf and I d r i s were already planning to move to Kuala Kangsar - ostens-i b l y so t h a t they might b e n e f i t by Low's advice, but a c t u a l l y so that they might de r i v e 'an appearance of permanence" from the a s s o c i a t i o n . The essence of Low's achievement i s that w h i l e keeping r a j a s and c h i e f s out of executive p o s i t i o n s 9 h e gave them a v i c a r i o u s sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and p a r t i c i p a t i o n by i n v o l v i n g them i n d a i l y c o n s u l t a t i o n s on s t a t e business. 2 In 1 9 4 6 , when he was w r i t i n g the i n t r o d u c t i o n to the t h i r d e d i t i o n of h i s B r i t i s h Malaya, (and l a r g e l y attempting to answer the a c c u sation of c r i t i c s of B r i t i s h P o l i c y i n Malaya, f o l l o w i n g on the f a l l of Singapore and the P eninsular States to Japan,with l i t t l e apparent r e s i s t a n c e , i n 1 9 4 2 , that t h i s c a p i t u l a t i o n was "due to want of proper d i r e c t i o n by the B r i t i s h c o n t r o l l i n g a u t h o r i t i e s who were d i s l i k e d by the Malays, or at any r a t e had f a i l e d to create enough sympathy to induce the i n h a b i t a n t s to defend t h e i r country against an a l i e n enemy",) Swettenham r e c a l l e d I. B i r d : Golden Chersonese, o p . c i t . , p . 3 4 7 . E. Sadke: The Protected Malay States, o p . c i t . , p.1 1 2 . 1.70... a conversation with "the ablest Malay I ever knew", which i l l u s t r a t e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p that came to exist i n Malaya between Native Rulers and Residents. The Raja, Idris of Perak, had just returned from a v i s i t to England and was shown an Indian Newspaper by. Swettenham, (then Resident of Perak), containing a leading a r t i c l e on the government of his own State. The a r t i c l e accused Swettenham of- running the government and exercising a l l author-i t y , while the Raja was kept i n the background. Swettenham wrote.' When I translated the a r t i c l e into Malay for him, Sultan Idris said, "What i s the matter with the man? What does he want? Of course you do the work - that i s what you are paid f o r . You always consult me about everything of importance before i t i s done and when that i s settled you do i t . You are trained f o r the job. I could not do i t , and don't want the trouble i f I could." ^ Swettenham's story appears to i l l u s t r a t e t h a t , i n the f i r s t stage of colonialism, the people of the c o l o n i a l country often invest the European (or European i n s t i t u t i o n , such as the government or the regiment) with something of the authority denied him by the disruption of his own culture. The t r a d i t i o n , well-established i n imperial l i t e r a t u r e , o f the " f a i t h f u l native bearer" stems from t h i s phenomenon - a t r a d i t i o n translated i n the Malayan scene into the sentiment underlying tales l i k e C l i f f o r d ' s " P i l o t t i n g Princes",which permitted the Resident to reminisce fondly about the eccentric l o y a l t y of "my sultan" or Swettenham: B r i t i s h Malaya, (London, 1948), p . v i i i - x i . " If the c r i t i c s are s t i l l u n s a t i s f i e d , " he continued, "I repeat what are the f a u l t s of which they complain? The Malay i s a Muhammedan and looks to his Raja f o r authority. The b a l l o t box makes no appeal, and self-government has no a t t r a c t i o n s . If we could order him d i f f e r e n t l y , give him a new idea of l i f e , we should only make him unhappy." :i?i:.. "my king" ... It i s curious how understanding and "symp-athy can bind a man to even the least a t t r a c t i v e personality, f o r I grew to have more than a sneaking a f f e c t i o n f o r my wicked old king ... I was often forced to admire the hard-bit, strong-w i l l e d , shameless, but fearless old curmudgeon; and when at length he died i n the odour of in i q u i t y , I joined h e a r t i l y , and more than a l i t t l e sadly i n his people's prayer, "God be merciful to him." ^ or, as he put i t elsewhere, The toad beneath the harrow knows Exactly where each tooth-point goes: The b u t t e r f l y upon the road Preaches contentment to the toad. That t y p i f i e s the usual relations between the white man and the brown. 2 * * * Mannoni continues by claiming that the relat i o n s h i p between native and European i s one which the l a t t e r frequently f a i l s to understand - he sees the dependence as "l o y a l t y " , 1 C l i f f o r d : " P i l o t i n g Princes" i n Bushwacking p.193 f f . esp. p.201. It i s interesting to note, too, the B r i t i s h fascination, both i n f i c t i o n and as a matter f o r " s c i e n t i f i c " enquiry, with the two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c Malay "nervous disorders", the "amuk" and "latah", which may well have been an extreme manifestation of the "dependence symptom, i n that they both represent ultimate r e f u s a l to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r one's actions. This i s merely a tentative suggestion,but i t bears further investigation. 2 It i s worth noting, i n connection with my analysis of mid-Vi c t o r i a n society, that Lewis C a r o l l also saw the authority/ dependence r e l a t i o n s h i p . The Duchess's l u l l a b y : "I speak severely to my c h i l d And beat him when he sneezes He only does i t to annoy Because he knows i t pleases." i s the re l a t i o n s h i p i n esse; s i g n i f i c a n t l y , when she gives the " c h i l d " to A l i c e , i t i s only a short time before A l i c e " r e a l i z e s " that i t i s a pig. 17.?"., "respect", even "love" (words which the Residents frequently-used to describe t h e i r relationship with the Malays) and there-fore f a i l s to l i v e up to what is-expected of him. To the Malagasy, the European has accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a l l that happens,and i f he eventually rejects this r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and "disowns" the Malagasy, (as happens i n the process of decolon-i z a t i o n " ) , the l a t t e r w i l l f e e l betrayed and rejected and w i l l e ither f a l l back on what seems to the European unreasonable superstition, or take vengeance against those who have betrayed him. Colonial r e b e l l i o n is,thus,not a protest against repression but against progress, not against the firm hand but i t s withdrawal. This i s how Mannoni interprets the 19^7 Rebellion in Madagascar, and i t seems to explain, f o r example, the Mau Mau movement i n Kenya. The picture of a people l e f t i n a vacuum and seeking a new authority i s central to t h i s thought; i t suggests that an end to c o l o n i a l government i s l i k e l y to be followed by a marked readiness to invest one personality with a l l the "old magic" - i n short,to explain the dictatorships that frequently emerge i n countries newly released from colonialism. But f o r the purposes of the paper, I am more interested i n the "European side" of Mannoni's hypothesis, whereas depend-ence, (need f o r authority and security), i s the dominating c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Malagas!, i t s counterpart i s present i n everyone brought up in the unspoken and spoken assumptions of European (Western) culture. It manifests i t s e l f i n the i n f e r i -o r i t y complex. The c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n brings out,in most Europeans,a tendency widespread amongst them to what Mannoni 173.. c a l l s " t h e Prospero complex." The personality of the co l o n i a l i s made up, not df c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s acquired during and through experience of the colonies, but of t r a i t s very often already in existence i n a latent and repressed form i n the European's psyche, t r a i t s which the c o l o n i a l experience has simply brought to the surface and made manifest. Social l i f e i n Europe exerts a certain pressure on the ind i v i d u a l , and that pressure keeps the personality i n a given shape; once i t i s removed, however, as i n t r a v e l l i n g to the colonies, the outlines of the personality change and swell. According to Mannoni, a person free from complexes, i f such a person can be imagined, would not undergo change as a re s u l t of the experience of the colonies. He would, i n fa c t , not f e e l the urge to go there i n the f i r s t place; but, even should he f i n d himself there by chance, he would not taste these emotional s a t i s f a c t i o n s which, whether consciously or unconsciously, powerfully a t t r a c t the predestined colonialist." 1' Acknowledging a debt to the psychological theories of Karl Abraham and Melanie Klein, Mannoni believes that these complexes are formed necessarily i n infancy and t h e i r l a t e r h i s t o r y varies according to whether they are repressed, resolved or s a t i s f i e d i n the course of a closer contact with r e a l i t y as p the age of adulthood i s reached. The best description of them Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban, op.cit., p.98. See esp. M. Kl e i n : Contributions to Psychoanalysis, p.238, Referred to by Mannoni, i b i d . , p.33-34. "The cu l t of the dead, such as i s found among the Malagasies, would come near to being an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d form of Melanie Klein's Intern-a l i z e d 'good object' theory, according to which the ind i v i d u a l preserves a 'good object' to which tribute must be paid. This cult, i n contrast to the sort of mourning f o r stated periods we know i n Europe, i s continuous and acts as a protection against melancholia and as a cure f o r i t ...." i s found i n the works of w r i t e r s who have projected them on to imaginary characters placed i n s i t u a t i o n s which, though imagin-ary, are t y p i c a l l y c o l o n i a l . He l i s t s amongst these TThe Odyssey, Shakespeare's Tempest, Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, Sinbad the S a i l o r , G u l l i v e r ' s Travels and so on; the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h i s type of f i c t i o n i s that the hero has to face e i t h e r the p e r i l s or mi s e r i e s of e x i l e , (which are u s u a l l y punishment f o r some wrongdoing,deliberate or otherwise,) which c o n s t i t u t e s disobed-ience of the gods, the customs, the "father^ 1 or h i s image, the " k i n g " . Even the r e a l t r a v e l l e r s , R.L. Stevenson, Trelawney, and B a u d e l a i r e , conform to the unconscious schema. The former i s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g . In Stevenson's novel, "good" and "bad" were Dr. J e k y l l and Mr. Hyde. In the remote P a c i f i c , Stevenson f i n a l l y found the coulage to grapple w i t h the image tha t had d r i v e n him so far,and began w r i t i n g the Wier of Hermiston. ( S i g n i f i c a n t l y , too, he had w r i t t e n , i n The Amateur Immigrant , a f t e r t r a v e l l i n g to the United States on an immigrant ship i n 1 8 7 9 = We were a company of the r e j e c t e d , the drunken, the incompetent, the weak, the prod-i g a l . A l l who had been unable to p r e v a i l against circumstances i n one land, were now f l e e i n g p i t i f u l l y to another; and though one or two might s t i l l succeed, a l l had already f a i l e d . We were a s h i p f u l of f a i l u r e s - the broken men of England.) The f i c t i o n a l t r a v e l l e r s encounter p a r e n t a l p r o h i b i t i o n s i n the form of monsters: Cyclops, the Roc B i r d , the Cannibals. They are t y p i c a l l y f u l l of r e g r e t s - "Ah, how much b e t t e r i t would have been i f ... !" And when they get back, they have 175.. nothing but misfortunes to r e l a t e . Nevertheless, t h e i r adven-tures arouse envy i n t h e i r stay-at-home readers, es p e c i a l l y i f they are young. This l a t e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the c o l o n i a l experience in Mannoni's hypothesis i s so reminiscent of the circumstances surrounding Hugh C l i f f o r d ' s f i r s t address to the Royal Colonial Institute that i t bears dwelling upon i n some d e t a i l . 1 It was common practice to i n v i t e c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s at home on leave i n England to address the Institute on some matter related to "t h e i r " colony - there had been several Malayan o f f i c i a l s previous to C l i f f o r d : - Wray in 1873-4, Weld i n 1883-4, W.E. Maxwell i n 1891-2, and Swettenham i n 1895-6. These four addresses have two ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n common: a fe e l i n g of indignation on the part of the speaker that so l i t t l e was known about Malaya, and an overhhelmingly optimistic and complacent picture of the b e n e f i c i a l changes brought about by B r i t i s h r u l e . Their tone i s eb o u l l i a n t l y aggressive,with v a r i a t i o n i n degree; they are l i b e r a l l y sprinkled with s t a t i s t i c s . C l i f f o r d ' s f i r s t address,on the otherjhand, i s t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t i n tone and implication; (historians commonly c i t e these addresses,of Swettenham and C l i f f o r d to the Institute,to show the difference between Swettenham's aggressive "public works-oriented" imperi-p alism and C l i f f o r d ' s romantic idealism. ) - so much so that i n the discussion following his paper, several speakers, c h i e f l y 1 ' Proc. Roy. Col. Inst., Vol. XXX, 1 8 9 8 - 9 , pp. 369-401: "L i f e i n the Malay Peninsula: as i t was and i s . 2 e.g. J. de V. A l l e n : "Two Imperialists", op.cit., p.43. 1.76,, Low and Treacher, both Residents themselves, f e l t constrained to point out to the audience that the Malays were not "a t o t a l l y unamiable set of people", and that l i f e i n the Malay States is not " e n t i r e l y unendurable - indeed Mr. C l i f f o r d has b r i e f l y alluded to the l i g h t e r and less gloomy aspects of the case." Treacher commented : I do not wish at a l l to traverse any of the statements made by Mr. C l i f f o r d , but he has, unavoidably of course, had to focus before you some of the worst points i n Malay l i f e and I am trying to r e l i e v e somewhat the tension you must be f e e l i n g ... I should l i k e to allude to the adapta-b i l i t y of the Malays. My own Sultan i s one of the most courteous men I have ever met ... i But, more s i g n i f i c a n t l y however, Treacher drew attention to the fa c t that, although C l i f f o r d had "referred to four men, includ-ing our chairman, (Mr. C e c i l Clementi Smith), who w i l l be remembered f o r t h e i r admirable work i n building up the Federated Malay States", he had "omitted to mention the services of S i r Hugh Low ... not only an able administrator but a statesman." It was obviously part of the t r a d i t i o n a l function of addresses to the Royal Colonial Institute that one took advantage of the opportunity to p u b l i c a l l y eulogize one's c o l o n i a l colleagues, Proc. Roy. Col. Inst., op.cit., p.396. He also reminded the members that "not very long ago i n the history of our own c i v i l i z e d and Christian country, women were burned f o r witchcraft, people were hanged f o r stealing sheep, Catholics burned Protestants and Protestants burned Catholics, and slavery existed under our own f l a g , with a l l i t s horrors, to an extent unknown to the Malays." It should be noted that Treacher served on the west coast, 'in Perak, which had been under B r i t i s h rule f o r t h i r t y years, considerably longer than Pahang, so that i t i s not surprising that " h i s " sultan should "understand both sides of a question more rapidly than many Englishmen." Also, i b i d . , p.394, Low speaking. i m p a r t i c u l a r l y those present i n the audience. C l i f f o r d ' s response to Treacher's reminder of his "oversight" i s an admirable example of the working of those forces within nineteenth century B r i t i s h society to which Mannoni refers when he speaks of the s o c i e t a l pressures which keep the personality i n shape. C l i f f o r d ' s concluding remarks amount to an agonized public confession of his g u i l t i n transgressing the rules of t h i s "game". There i s one oversight i n my Paper - one of much gravity, and which I regard with pro-found regret. I have inadvertently and care-l e s s l y and ... most stupidly omitted to mention among the chief o f f i c e r s i n t h i s country, the name of S i r Hugh Low. Anybody who knows any-thing of the State of Pera,k, and of the Federated Malay States which have sprung out of our protec-t i o n of that the f i r s t of those States, knows the record of S i r Hugh Low's services as one of great s e l f - s a c r i f i c e and of marvellous tact and a b i l i t y i n dealing under very d i f f i c u l t circumstances with people who do not understand anything at a l l about what B r i t i s h administra-t i o n meant. He went among those people fear-l e s s l y , almost alone, and simply through his own force of character so impressed them with his own strength of mind, firmness of w i l l , and great goodness and kindness of heart that i n a short time he could do with the natives of Perak what he wished. It i s almost incred-i b l e that I should have been g u i l t y of the absurd inadvertence of omitting S i r Hugh Low's name . . . . This was obviously much more l i k e what the Institute was accust-omed to hear from i t s speakers. But, the most peculiar thing about a l l this i s that, i n the transcript of C l i f f o r d ' s address i n the Proceedings, he did mention Low's name, c i t i n g not four men as Treacher claimed, but f i v e , and s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioning Swettenham and Low as "more than any other l i v i n g men, having 1 i b i d . , p.400. 178*. had the greatest shafte i n the executive government of the Malayan States ..." 1 It i s d i f f i c u l t to explain Treacher's remark,on , C l i f f o r d ' s elaborate apology f o r an oversight which presumably he knew he had not made, except by assuming that C l i f f o r d gathered during the discussion of his address that he had transgressed i n some way by giving, not the t y p i c a l "facts-and-figures" account of Malaya's progress under the B r i t i s h , but a v i v i d l y gloomy impression of the continuing e v i l s of Malay court society under B r i t i s h rule, postscripted with a very short p account of material changes with B r i t i s h administration , and that the apology to Low f o r an imagined s l i g h t was a singular way of making good his lapse. In any event, honour appears to have been s a t i s f i e d ; closing the discussion, the Chairman was able to conclude: Everyone w i l l agree that Mr. C l i f f o r d has t o l d us his story i n a very a t t r a c t i v e manner, in spite of the fact that he had to give us some rather gruesome d e t a i l s . He has the pen of a ready writer ... Young as he happily i s , we s h a l l expect more from his pen. Por a f t e r a l l , and to i l l u s t r a t e Mannoni's contention about the young, returning f i c t i o n a l traveller:" i b i d . , p.393. In a l a t e r address to the I n s t i t u t e , (Proc. Royal Col. Inst. Vol. XXXIV, 1902-3, p.45), C l i f f o r d admitted that "the l a s t Paper dealing with the then existing State of a f f a i r s in the Malay Peninsula which was read i n t h i s place (for i n this  connection I need not take into account a contribution of  my own made i n 1899, which was of a frankly popular and  uninstructive character) was that of S i r Frank Swettenham 777" (my underlining). 179* The success of the work Great B r i t a i n has taken i n hand i n such places as the Malay Peninsula depends on the services of young men l i k e Mr. C l i f f o r d , who go out with the desire to do a l l they can to maintain the character of t h e i r country. It i s that character which impresses i t s e l f on the native races, with the ultimate r e s u l t that the country we administer becomes a success i n i t s e l f and a c r e d i t to the Mother Country. 1 Mannoni undertakes a detailed analysis of Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, a story which, recounting the rela t i o n s h i p which grew up between Crusoe and Friday^ may well have been responsible f o r many c o l o n i a l c a l l i n g s . (This fact cannot be v e r i f i e d of course; s u f f i c e It to note that, even before reading Mannoni, I was struck with the number of references to Crusoe which occur i n the l i t e r a t u r e of imperial Malaya. ) He sees the story of Crusoe as the account of a long and d i f f i c u l t dure of a misanthropic neurosis. The hero, who i s at f i r s t at odds with his environment, gradually recovers psychological health i n solitude. In f a c t , Mannoni maintains that Defoe had no other model f o r Crusoe than himself, (Defoe apparently confessed as much i n a l e t t e r to Bishop Hoadley in 1725)": The case of Defoe ... i s one of misan-thropy, melancholy, a psychological need f o r solitude, the projection of his f a u l t s on to others, a sense of g u i l t towards his father, Proc. Roy. Col. Institute, 1898-9, p.398-99. Somewhat i r o n -i c a l l y , i n view of America's manifest f a i l u r e presently,;;to successfully "imperialize" South East Asia, Clementi Smith added: "I f e e l quite cer t a i n that the operations of B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s i n the Malay States i s at th i s time an object-lesson to our cousins across the A t l a n t i c , who have themselves embarked on c o l o n i a l expansion and who i n the Philippines have before them much the same class of work we took i n hand i n the Peninsula ..." Most of the f i c t i o n a l works cited by Mannoni are s t i l l considered suitable l i t e r a t u r e f o r Commonwealth students, and recur on syllabuses from the primary to t e r t i a r y l e v e l s 0 1 Education. 1 8 0 V repressed a f f e c t i o n f o r a daughter whose sex he preferred to Ignore ... Thence emerged the story of Robinson In the way a dream might occur. The most s i g n i f i c a n t point about Robinson Crusoe, f o r the purposes of the study of imperial r e l a t i o n s , i s that, when thi s "dream" was published a l l Europe r e a l i z e d that i t had been dreaming. For more than a century afterwards, the European concept of the savage came no closer to r e a l i t y than Defoe's representation of him, and i t was on that figure that the European, ( i f he was more or less " i n f a n t i l e " i n character or, l i k e Rousseau, unable to adapt himself to r e a l i t y as Mannoni asserts,) projected the image of which there was no counterpart in the s o l i d and too f a m i l i a r world of r e a l i t y . 1 The appeal of Defoe's book, and thus of the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n , is the "lure of the world without men". (Crusoe i s happier when he i s absolutely alone than when he i s af r a i d he 2 may not be. He f i n a l l y overcomes his o r i g i n a l fear of every sign of another l i v i n g thing and comes to accept the presence of creatures upon whom he has attempted to project the image of others" - his parrot, Friday, the cannibals - whom he subdues by his authority. He assumes the t i t l e of Governor the island -and is reconciled with the father image and God, and, l i k e 1 : Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban, op.cit., p.103. What I have written about the " p i r a t i c a l , head-hunting, c a n n i b a l i s t i c " people with which the Archipelago was populated i n B r i t i s h • imaginations should be rec a l l e d with this i n mind. 2 This paradox, "Man i s af r a i d because he i s alone and his fear i s the fear of other men" (fear of solitude is fear of intrusion upon that solitude), is also manifest i n The Tempest. Prospero's solitude i s f i n a l l y broken i n upon. 181,., Ulysses, can return home "ple i n d'usage et raison".)- 1 This lure of a world without others who have to be treated as human beings i s a manifestation of a t r a i t , present;in a l l children, tending towards a n t i s o c i a l misanthropy; i t remains i n the adult unconscious although i t may be repressed in greater or lesser degree. The appeal of the idea of a desert island, the r e a l a t t r a c t i o n of solitude i s , then, that a world emptied of human  beings can be f i l l e d with the creatures of one's, own imagination -L i l l i p u t i a n s , cannibals, A r i e l s , Fridays. I have dwelt on Mannoni's theory i n some d e t a i l because there are remarkable "coincidences" between his analysis of the development of the c o l o n i a l mentality, and i t s manifestations, and the circumstances of the extension of B r i t i s h imperial rule to the Malay Peninsula through the Residential System. Hi s t o r -ians of t h i s period frequently draw attention to what they r e f e r to as the " e c c e n t r i c i t i e s " of the c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s entrusted with the maintenance of the System. Conditions i n the Malay States approxi-mated to those i n any f r o n t i e r society; pros-pects, s a l a r i e s , and pensions, were unsure or non-existent; and i t i s hardly surprising that the sort of men who were attracted were, on the whole, very d i f f e r e n t from the more * calcul a t i n g apparatchiki who were already beginning to f i l l the C i v i l Service i n the Crown Colony ... there were few d i r e c t press-ures upon the States administrators and plenty of opportunities f o r e c c e n t r i c i t i e s among them. Normally, however, these " e c c e n t r i c i t i e s " are included as l i g h t r e l i e f i n the midst of the more serious d e t a i l s of t h e i r achievements as "good Residents" - they were good imperialists 1 Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban, i b i d . , p.103-04. 18.2,. i n spite of t h e i r bizarre habits rather than because of them. It i s this l a t t e r which' I intend to investigate. Hugh Low was undoubtedly foremost amongst the Residents, i n that i t was considered, then and now,that, apart from Rajah Brooke, no one had so successfully evolved a system of govern-ment which served "the needs and prejudices" of the Malays as Low, "the young botanist from Clapton", was, i n f a c t , one of Raja Brooke's finds - he sailed to Labuan i n the H.M.S. Meander with Brooke and the Lieutenant-Governor William Napier in February 1848, just a f t e r his publication of "the f i r s t book written on Sarawak". He married K i t t y Napier, (daughter of William Napier and a "Malacca; lady of Malayan blood"), i n 3 August 1848 but she died i n Labuan i n 1851. Low remained there as Colonial Treasurer, Oriental l i n g u i s t and expert on j . . J. de V. A l l e n : "Malayan C i v i l Service, 1874-1941," op.cit. p.11-12; also see Sadke's e u l o g i s t i c paragraphs, (Protected  Malay States, op.cit., p.203 f f . ) 2 cf. S. St. John: L i f e i n the Forests of the Far East (London, 1862, Vol.1, Preface): ''No man possesses more varied experience or a more intimate knowledge of the people" than Low; and J. de V. A l l e n : "Malayan C i v i l Service", p.11. "Whitehall's f i r s t , (and most successful), appointment was that of Low i n 1877". 3 See J. Pope-Henessy: Verandah: Some Episodes i n the Crown  Colonies, 1867-1889 (London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1964) p.107. After hep death, Low kept up a "long but quiet l i a i s o n with a Malay nonya." "He said that he had never permitted any f a m i l i a r i t y between his l e g a l daughter and his natural one. In Low's own opinion his conduct had been normal and discreet. Doubtless i t was, but one wonders how much I n t e r - r a c i a l contact such relationships actually involved, even before the Governor, Pope-Hennessy (the writer's grandfather), decided to exploit his father-in-law's l i a i s o n and p u b l i c a l l y condemned i t . (H. Low: Sarawak, i t s Inhabitants and Productions, being  notes during a Residence in the Country with His Excellency, Mr. Brooke, London, Bentley, 1848). 183., the fauna and f l o r a on the isl a n d . But his administrative career of twenty years i n Labuan. was one of constant disapp-ointment f without any i n f l u e n t i a l friends at home to press his claims upon the Secretary of State, he was passed over repeatedly in favour of younger, less-experienced men who obtained t h e i r appointment "through an exercise of p o l i t i c a l patronage of the most blatant kind." An honourable and high-minded public servant, Low was human enough to f e e l angry disappointment, and no doubt i t s a l l y jealousy. Low's si t u a t i o n was complicated by the absurd but continuing disagreement between himself and the young Governor,Pope-Hennessy, who married Low's daughter. In any event, as "old timers", part of the "bunch of incapables" whose p o l i c i e s the young Governor vigorously set about to reform, both he and Dr. Treacher (the c o l o n i a l surgeon) resented the appointment of t h i s much younger man as t h e i r s u p e r i o r . 2 j . Pope-Henessy (who admittedly may have been a l i t t l e biassed i n favour of his grand-sire) 1 Low was erudite n a t u r a l i s t and botanist, endowed with "a constant sense of beauty" and "a love of watching things grow." His garden was the f i n e s t on Labuan and he was responsible f o r many be a u t i f u l plantations and vistas i n the i s l a n d ; " including the "miniature English park" around Government House. He had a. private aquarium, and a t r o p i c a l aviary, "as well as important c o l l e c t i o n s of sea-shells, b u t t e r f l i e s and moths, snake-skins and stuffed animals. Pope-Henessy;ibid, p.78. Pope-Henessy?s use of "things" i s probably unconscious, but i t draws attention to Low's preference, as im p e r i a l i s t , f o r "objects" rather than T ,people". 2 See Pope-Henessy: i b i d . p.77, 104. . c f . Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban p.106, f o r his comments on the rela t i o n s h i p between the practice, common in p a t r i a r c h a l communities, of working f o r the father-in-law and c o l o n i a l r a c i a l i s m : both attitudes seek to j u s t i f y hatred on grounds of sexual g u i l t . 184.. wrote that: Both perhaps had long since ceased to wonder just what they were r e a l l y doing on Labuan at a l l . Over twenty years, a waning f a i t h i n Labuan 1s future had dwindled to a cheerless recognition that this island Colony was at once t h e i r destiny and t h e i r home. ]_ Low, however, f i n a l l y did escape from the " l i v i n g death of existence on the swampy is l a n d " ; he was chosen f o r a job a f t e r his own heart - B r i t i s h Resident (after the murder of Birch) at the court of the Resident of Perak, "a vast forest kingdom i n Western Malaya." Here, already an old man, he sought escape from the professional b l i n d a l l e y i n which he'had found himself; the Colonial Office l e f t him to define most of his own duties and to assume any r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s he f e l t necess-ary f o r his task of influencing and r e s t r a i n i n g the Sultan. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , he was "the only white man i n that part'.of the huge jungle State"; l i v i n g at Kuala Kangsar i n a spacious, verandahed bungalow perched high above an elbow of the Perak River, guarded only by a small native bodyguard, he "had r e a l l y to r e l y bn his personality alone" to keep the Sultan and his subjects in check. Isabella B i r d , who spent some time at the Kuala Kangsar residency, provides the closest account available of Low's l i f e s t y l e i n Perak. Her overwhelming impression appears to have Pope-Henessy: i b i d , p.83-4. cf. E. Sadke: The Protected  Malay States, op.cit., p . 1 0 6 . "By a l l ordinary standards his o f f i c i a l career ( i n Labuan) was a f a i l u r e . It had been crippled by personal animosities which frustrated his work and his advancement i n the Service, and i n 1872, a f t e r twenty four years' service, i n which he had acted as Governor f o r long periods, he was s t i l l only a Police Magistrate. 185. centred on his rel a t i o n s h i p with his animals. Although he received Malays "on equal terms" into his house at a l l hours and apparently earned " t h e i r respect and even t h e i r love", ... f o r companionship i n his bungalow he kept an ape and a small gibbon named E b l i s . These were i n t e l l i g e n t creatures, who learned to 1 open l e t t e r s and pretend to read them, were mutually jealous of one another, and ate s i t t i n g up i n chairs at Low's own well-kept dining table being solemly served by the Malay 'boy' at every meal. ^ Miss Bird, watching Low's apes and r e t r i e v e r greeting him i n the evening, commented that. 0 A l l the creatures greet him more warmly than most people would welcome t h e i r relations a f t e r a long absence. Can i t be wondered at that people l i k e the society of these simple, loving, unsophisticated beings? ... I am i n -clined to think that Mr. Low i s happier among Malays and his apes and other pets than he would be amongst c i v i l i z e d Europeans! 2 Or, as Mrs. Innes, admittedly not completely impartial where Low was concerned, put i t on observing his l i f e s t y l e at Kuala Kangsar: We no longer wondered at Mr. Low's stay-ing contentedly at Perak, and never wishing to go to England, a contentment on which he much prides himself and which he was apt to hold up to his subordinates f o r t h e i r imit-Pope-Henessy: i b i d . , p.223; B i r d : Golden Chersonese, op.cit. p.306-7. B i r d : i b i d . : She herself confessed to being very enchanted with "three days of solitude, meals i n the company of apes, ... wandering about alone, and the free, open-air t r o p i c a l l i f e ... I had some of the 'Jl'm monarch of a l l I survey' f e e l i n g ; and when drum beat and bugle blast and the turning out of the Sikh guard, indicated that the Resident was i n sight, I f e l t a l i t t l e reluctant to r e l i n q u i s h the society of animals, and my ' s o l i t a r y reign' ..." I should want to go now ... I should be so t i r e d of the shambles here, the obscurantism, the colour-prejudice, the laziness and ignorance, as to desire nothing better than a headship i n a cold stone country school i n England. But I love this country. I f e e l protec-t i v e towards i t . Sometimes, just before dawn-ibreaks, I f e e l that I somehow encl-ose i t , contain i t . I f e e l that i t needs me. This i s absurd, because snakes and scorpions are ready to b i t e me, a drunken Tamil i s prepared to knife me, the Chinese i n the town would l i k e to spi t at me, some day a Malay boy w i l l run amok and try to tear me apart. But It doesn't matter. I want to l i v e here; I want to be wanted. Despite the sweat, the fever, the p r i c k l y heat, the mosquitoes ... Anthony Burgess: The Long Day Wanes; A Malayan Trilogy . 186.. ation. L i v i n g thus comfortably and monarch of a l l he surveyed, he was better off and i n a higher position/than he could hope to enjoy i n England, where as everyone knows, even c o l o n i a l governors are nobodies, unless they happen to have t i t l e s to fame other than t h e i r o f f i c i a l rank. ^ Low might be compared with Tristram Speedy whose e c c e n t r i c i t i e s did not apparently predispose him to the i d e a l Resident mould. It has been suggested that Speedy's motive f o r joining the Malay C i v i l Service was probably his "love of dressing up and of the outdoor f r o n t i e r l i f e . " At any rate, he was much more i n the t r a d i t i o n of the imperial freelance; son of a s o l d i e r i n India, involved i n campaigns i n Ethiopia, A u s t r a l i a and New Zealand,— before joining the Malay C i v i l Service, he had begun his Malayan connection as a "sergeant-major" of the Sikh police i n Penang. He resigned from t h i s post to take service under a Malay chief. E. Innes: Chersonese with the Gilding Off, op.cit., Vol.11, p.133-4. See Vol.11, p.244 f f . Mrs. Innes did not recommend the Malay Native States Service to anyone who cannot begin at the top, by being Resident." She attributed a l l the miseries she suffered i n the East to the system of "Protection" - "the only persons protected by i t are H.B.M.'s Residents." If annexation (vigorously opposed by most Residents and Govern-ors from the l880*s oh) had been effected, she went on, the slavery question could have been dealt with properly, the inf l u x of European traders and planters would have resulted in the establishment of an independent society "whose opinion, f r e e l y and p u b l i c l y expressed, would have acted as a wholesome check on the Residents;" and, f i n a l l y , "the solitude and i s o l a t i o n which formed one of our greatest t r i a l s would have been modified, i f not done away with altogether." See also I. B i r d : Golden Chersonese, i b i d . , p.322, 348; commenting on her stay with Low: T s i t at a table at the other end (of the verandah_ and during the long working hours we never exchange a word." When she departed, Low remarked, "You never speak at the wrong time. When men are v i s i t i n g me they never know when to be quiet, but bother one i n the middle of business." cf. A l l e n : "Malayan C i v i l Service ...", op.cit. 187., Governor Jervois, who found Speedy t o t a l l y unsuitable Resident material, wrote of him i n a private l e t t e r to Meade: Captain Speedy i s altogether an i n f e r i o r order of being. He has apparently a delight i n dressing himself i n a gorgeous leopard skin with a grand turban on his head and s t i l l further exciting the c u r i o s i t y of the natives by playing on the bagpipes, an instrument on which he performs with much f a c i l i t y . If you have seen his elephantine frame, you w i l l be able to judge of::, the figure he would present under such circumstances. J e r v o i s 1 picture of Speedy has been balanced a l i t t l e by G.M. Gullick's study of him; G u l l i c k stressed that "he was undoubt-edly a man of exceptional courage and physical strength, who was at his best when playing a lone hand i n a s i t u a t i o n of danger." 2 He had a " f l a i r f o r gaining the l i k i n g of Asians", but he was apparently attracted more to the Chinese than the Malays, a 3 fact which could only place him outside the Resident t r a d i t i o n . Swettenham, c r i t i c a l of Speedy"s temporizing with the Chinese Jervois to Meade: Aug. 1 8 7 6 , quoted i n ' G u l l i c k : "Captain Speedy of Larut", op.cit., Introduction. Gullick's paper seeks to answer the question, "What sort of a man was Speedy?", and he inv i t e s the reader "to decide f o r himself what verdict he w i l l pass on Speedy;" (si c , ) Note my comments elsewhere i n this paper on the imperialist's preference f o r situations which do not require prolonged thought, his d i s l i k e of the ambiguity of ordinary everyday l i f e . c f . V ictor P u r c e l l : The Memoirs of a Malayan O f f i c i a l (London, Cassell, 1965) p.95-96: Pur c e l l chose to study Chinese, ("Instead of being r e s t r i c t e d to the comparatively unevolved culture of the Malay Peninsula, the door would thus be opened to one of the great c i v i l i z a t i o n s of the world."); on communicating his decision to the Under-Secretary, the l a t t e r r e p l i e d : "You-have-ruined-your-careerI You w i l l never become a governor, or even a Resident. You w i l l merely be a s p e c i a l i s t ! " According to Pu r c e l l , the contempt f o r the s p e c i a l i s t , which l i e s deep i n B r i t i s h society, derives from the b e l i e f that i t i s the p r i v i l e g e of the aristocracy to supervise, and of the ar t i s a n to know how. 188.-, during the mining disturbances i n Larut, recorded rather arrogantly i n his Journal, a f t e r noting that Speedy treated the Chinese " l i k e Gentlemen", that i I should recommend him to read, mark, learn and inwardly digest and practise Forster on Decision of Character, a book which I can-not claim personally to have studied but i t s name recommends i t . ^ On the other hand, G u l l i c k concludes that i t became clear that Speedy "lacked many of the q u a l i t i e s of a good c i v i l servant", i n f a c t , he was "too much of a r e s t l e s s i n d i v i d u a l i s t to concentrate on the d e t a i l s of routine or to submit w i l l i n g l y to supervision, an expansive personality who did not count the cost." The Colonial Office apparently shared t h i s opinion -someone wrote against his name, "large, lazy, undisciplined and extravagant." Speedy was c l e a r l y not "a gentleman". He b u i l t himself a f i n e house at public expense and, according to Jervois, his " i n t e g r i t y " was suspect - t h i s l a t t e r charge an afterthought (when Speedy declined to resign his post while i n England on leave i n 1876) related to his suspicion that Speedy had accepted money from the Mentri of Larut to engage i n " a n t i - B r i t i s h a c t i v -i t i e s " i n 1875. 2 Perhaps most s i g n i f i c a n t of a l l , however, i s Gullick's own verdict on Speedy - a verdict arrived at a f t e r having read Swettenham's Journals, A p r i l 19, 1874, p.5 0 , According to Cowan, who edited the Journals, "Forster" was probably the Baptist minister of that name whose "Essays", including one on "Decision of Character", were published i n 1805 and went through several editions. 2 See G u l l i c k , "Captain Speedy of Larut" op.cit., p.4 2 , 5 9 , . 75 f f . ; and McNair: Perak and the Malays, p.2 9 . 189 Low's deprecatory report of Speedy's administration of the mining state of Larut: Speedy i s hardly to blame except f o r being too much of an optimist. It should be obvious why Speedy l e f t the Malay C i v i l Service and Low remained to become one of i t s most respected figures.^. It i s Mannoni's contention that? Where there i s a preference for A r i e l or Friday to r e a l persons, i t i s clear that there has been a f a i l u r e i n adaptation re-s u l t i n g usually from a grave lack of socia-b i l i t y combined with a pathological urge to dominate. ^ Whatever Its r e a l nature, this tendency towards misanthropy is often f i r s t expressed i n a f l i g h t from other people. I have already noted Hugh Low's f l i g h t from others. On the other hand, Frank Swettenham's personality appears to have tended more towards the extroverted, aggressive side of conserv-atism, and he remained r e l a t i v e l y unaffected by his Malayan experience. At the same time, even he wrote, much l a t e r i n 1942, of his youth i n the Scottish lowlands: That was the place and those the cond-i t i o n s f o r a boy to learn self-confidence and a l i k i n g f o r aloneness; where he could muse on the Odes of Horace, the language of the Greek tragedies ... The open a i r , l i g h t and shadow of the m i l l s , the wind i n the rushes of a mere, r a i n and shine, and great expanses of solitude without houses or humanity or 1 2 G u l l i c k : i b i d . , p.78, and Low's Journal, 19th A p r i l , 1877, esp. Section 3. Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban, op.cit., p.102. 190. c u l t i v a t i o n were already dear to me. And elsewhere, describing his f i r s t appointment to the court of the Sultan of Selangor, an appointment which apparently earned him the condolences of his fellow c i v i l servants, Swettenham wrote: But I may say here (as I am never l i k e l y to return to the subject again), that t h i s sympathy was thrown away upon me. I was de-lighted to go to that snake-haunted, mosquito-breeding swamp, and, i n the twelve months, that I spent i n Selangor, without the compan-ionship of any other white man, I never f e l t the dullness of my surroundings f o r a single day. 2 From the beginning of his career, i t was i n a c t i v i t y , the absence of "useful employment "j rather than the company of others that constituted Swettenham's'hell'. Waiting for Birch's a r r i v a l at Pulo Pangkar i n 1874, he wrote with f e e l i n g : Sunday to Wednesday, only four days, four days of complete, I have almost said gross, idleness, and I'm beginning to f e e l as i f I had been here f o r months. And worse than that there does not appear to 1be even the s l i g h t e s t prospect of getting away. I am beginning to have a due appreciation of what must have been R. Crusoe's feelings when he kept looking out fo r a ship which would not come ... I suppose l i k e him, I s h a l l give i t up in time. 3 Swettenham: Footprints i n Malaya (London, 1942), p.9-10. See also W. Roff's introduction to Stories and Sketches by  S i r Frank Swettenham, op.cit. But on his f i r s t mission into the Native States, he was annoyed at being sent up country early, thereby missing several good parties i n Singapore. (Journals.) 2 Swettenham: Real Malay p.20. See also "A S i l v e r Point"; and Malay Sketches: "Latah". 3 Swettenham: Journals A p r i l 8 , 1874: cf. A p r i l 28th: "This helpless i n a c t i v i t y i s most disgusting ..." I n -s i g n i f i c a n t l y , Swettenham did not give i t up; he maintained a "healthy" inte r e s t , i f not i n his own kind, then i n the Malay people. (It i s worth noting, however, that i n writing about the "Real Malay", Swettenham struggled with the notion of presenting r e a l i t y to his readers: his chapter headings suggest the shadow more than the substance of r e a l i t y - "A Silhouette", "A Study i n Shadows", "A 'Genre1 Picture", "A Line Engraving." Swettenham was more at home d e t a i l i n g material progress under B r i t i s h guidance.) In that sense, he did not succumb permanently to the lure of the world without men. His work^ i n Malaya, done, as he conceived of i t , he returned, l i k e Crusoe, soon afte r the turn of the century; content, except f o r a few s l i g h t misgivings a f t e r the Second World War, that what he had achieved i n Malaya was the best f o r that country,and g r a t i f i e d to watch the twentieth-century prqgress of the Federation from afar and to comment frequently upon i t i n the correspondence columns of The Times. In another sense however, Swettenham's f l i g h t from the r e a l i t y of others was as complete as Hugh Low's. For he retained his f a i t h i n himself pr e c i s e l y by refusing to accept that his image of Malaya - perfected i n 1903 when Federation and the railway l i n e brought the Native Chiefs together i n conference -could change. B r i t i s h Malaya: An Account of the Origin and  Progress of B r i t i s h Influence i n Malaya was published f i r s t i n 1906, and with very minor revisions, i n 1929 and 1948. 'Forty years, and two World Wars,found Swettenham s t i l l protesting that he had recreated Eden i n Malaya i n the nineteenth century, that 192.. the Malay people did not want change, and that any a l t e r a t i o n i n B r i t i s h p o l icy i n the States would be sheer madness. That brings me to the main question, ... namely, what i s the reason f o r a l l the clamour we have heard ... demanding the introduction of a l l sorts of dra s t i c changes i n the admin-i s t r a t i o n of Malay States a f f a i r s ? ... What was wrong with Malay administration as pract-ised up to the end of the year 1941? ... I have read and know to be true, countless statements of the phenomenal progress and development of Malaya from T T T 1874 to ... 1941. Readers are Invited to note that beginning with debts, d i r e c t l y the B r i t i s h took a hand i n a f f a i r s , these States prospered and grew, u n t i l they astonished the world. From a revenue of £200,'>000 i n 1874, the four Federated States, i n 1940, enjoyed a revenue of £12,000,000, with trade valued at £67,000,000. Is such a r e s u l t possible with bad administration? I don't believe i t . Then why a l l t h i s fuss about the reorganization, reconstruction, and a l l the other re's? Malaya i s now free again, and i t i s therefore appropriate to ask these questions before harm i s done by well-meaning people, or by others who have axes to grind, and ideals of human happiness with which the Malay has no sympathy. Hugh C l i f f o r d took a d i f f e r e n t path out of the contra-d i c t i o n i m p l i c i t i n imperialism. C l i f f o r d was unique amongst the Residents f o r several reasons and deserves special attention here. Biographers of C l i f f o r d commonly r e f e r to his "imaginative response" to Malaya and the Malays, and his "sensitive romantic-ism". In writing of them i t i s worth attempting to understand prec i s e l y what these terms imply about C l i f f o r d as imp e r i a l i s t , and about those who at t r i b u t e these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to him. 1 : : B r i t i s h Malaya, 1948 ed., p.IX-X. \ 193. He went out to Malaya at the age of seventeen, not long a f t e r the death of his father, from a rather sheltered boyhood i n England; and remained there, except f o r b r i e f i n t e r v a l s , f o r almost twenty years. It was C l i f f o r d who wrote of the new breed of men needed i n the East, of which he obviously f e l t himself to be one, that; ... circumstance had combined to well-nigh denationalise him, turn him from his own kind, herd with natives and conceive f o r them such an a f f e c t i o n and sympathy that he was accustomed to contrast his countrymen unfavorably with his Malayan fr i e n d s . And i t was C l i f f o r d who was aware that t h i s was "not a wholesome attitude of mind f o r any European", but that i t was, nonetheless, ... curiously common among such white men as chance has thrown for long periods of time into close contact with Oriental races, and whom,Nature has endowed with imaginations • s u f f i c i e n t l y keen to enable them to l i v e into  the l i f e of the strange .folk around him. C l i f f o r d , i n f a c t , understood that i t was "imagination" which made imperialism possible and tolerable; his use here of "Chance and "Nature" as formative influences on Maurice Curzon i s curious i n that i t represents a change from an e a r l i e r r e a l i z a t i o n that "to a l l dwellers i n the desolate solitude, which every white man experiences, who i s cast alone among natives, there are two 'up countries' - his Heaven and H e l l , and both are of his own making. I " ~" ~ " :  C l i f f o r d : A Freelance of Today (London, 1903) "Concerning Maurice Curzon." (My underlining.) p C l i f f o r d : In Court and Kampong: (London, 1897) "Up Country" p.247. (My underlining.) He quotes "the Old Persian Poet": I sent my soul through the i n v i s i b l e Some l e t t e r of the A f t e r - L i f e to s p e l l . And Presently my Soul returned to me And whispered 'Thou thyself are Heaven or H e l l ' . 194.. In January 1887, at the age of twenty, he was sent to the east coast state of Pahang to persuade the r u l e r , Bendahara Ahmad, to accept B r i t i s h control. He was successful, and was subsequently appointed to the position of adviser i n October 1887. The two years, from January 1887 u n t i l November 1888, spent as a s o l i t a r y B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l at the court of this Malay ru l e r , cut off by sea f o r several months of the year by the monsoon, thrown e n t i r e l y upon the Malay f o r companionship, " i n a corner of the globe where the world i s very old, and where conditions of l i f e have seen but l i t t l e change during the l a s t thousand years", were undoubtedly c r u c i a l ones i n C l i f f o r d ' s l i f e . He wrote elsewhere? It i s said that a white man, who has l i v e d twelve months i n complete i s o l a t i o n among the people of an a l i e n A s i a t i c race i s never t o t a l l y sane again f o r the remainder of his days. This, i n a measure, i s true; f o r the l i f e he then learns to l i v e , and the d i s -coveries he makes in that unmapped land, the gates of which are closed, locked, barred and chained against a l l but a very few of his countrymen, teach him to love many things which a l l right-minded people very properly detest. The free, queer, u t t e r l y unconven-t i o n a l l i f e has a fa s c i n a t i o n a l l of i t s own. — - _ . _ C l i f f o r d : In Court and Kampong, "The East Coast." This story c l e a r l y outlines C l i f f o r d ' s f e e l i n g on going into Pahang. He was very aware that "the boot of the ubiquitous white man leaves i t s marks on a l l the f a i r places of the Earth, and scores thereon an even more gigantic track than that which affr i g h t e d Robinson Crusoe i n his solitude. It crushes down the forests, beats out roads, strides across the r i v e r s , kicks down native i n s t i t u t i o n s and generally tramples on the growths of nature, and the works of primitive man reducing a l l things to that dead l e v e l of conventionality, which we c a l l c i v i l i z -ation." This i s what had happened i n the West Coast States i n twenty years of B r i t i s h protection, and C l i f f o r d was keenly aware of the unique opportunity presented him of preventing i t on the East Coast "where things are d i f f e r e n t and the Malay States are s t i l l what they profess to be." See also "The People of the East Coast", and "At the Court of Pelesu." i b i d . 195.. In 1895 C l i f f o r d became o f f i c i a l Resident of Pahang -by the end of that year, the country was at peace,and he remained there f o r the rest of his service i n Malaya, except f o r a b r i e f period as Governor i n North Borneo and Labuan, from which post he asked to be released. The days of "bushwacking", however, were gone, and were replaced, as they had been much e a r l i e r on the west coast, with the more prosaic tasks of day-to-day imperial administration. With less to do and more time to think, C l i f f o r d ' s doiihts, about the ultimate effects of B r i t i s h rule on the Malay people and the very ideology of Imperialism upon which his presence i n Malaya rested, grew. We, who are white men, admire our work not a l i t t l e - which i s natural - and many are found w i l l i n g to wear out t h e i r souls in e f f o r t s to clothe i n the s t i f f garments of European conventionalities, the naked, brown limbs of Orientalism. Recalling Mannoni, C l i f f o r d f e l t that too many white men were apt to disregard the e f f e c t of t h e i r actions upon the natives, "who, f o r the most part, are frank Vandals", and"also admire e f f o r t s of which they are aware that they are themselves incap-able; even the laudator temporis a c t ! has his mouth stopped by the cheap and often tawdry luxury, which the coming of the Europeans has placed within his reach." What we are r e a l l y attempting, however, is nothing less than to crush into twenty years the revolutions i n facts and i n ideas which, even i n energetic Europe, six long centuries have been needed to accomplish. And while even C l i f f o r d could not dispute that Europe had made a vast progress i n the art of government and effected a prod-igious improvement i n the general condition of the people, nor 196. that there were many e v i l s i n Malay society which could not be permitted to p e r s i s t , he could not help ... but sympathise with the Malays, who are suddenly and v i o l e n t l y translated from a point to which they had attained i n the natural development of t h e i r race, and required to l i v e up to the standards of a people who are six long -j_ centuries i n advance of them i n national progress. The irony of C l i f f o r d ' s p osition was that, while c l e a r l y aware that what the B r i t i s h were doing to the Malays was not "right, he could s t i l l a ffirm that he knew what was the "proper place" of the Malays; furthermore, he could, at the same time, speak of the national "progress" of B r i t a i n . He wrote a good deal i n the l a s t h a l f of the 'nineties. In 1903, possibly because i t was distressed by the tone of his recent l i t e r a r y e f f o r t s , the Colonial Office transferred him to Trinidad; l a t e r he served as Governor of Ceylon, Gold Coast, Nigeria and again Ceylon. But he continued to write predomin-antly of Malaya and, with an odd note of prophecy, i n 1913 imagined, i n "Our Trusty and Well-Beloved", the return of S i r P h i l l i p Hanbury-Erskine as Governor, a f t e r h a l f a l i f e t i m e spent in other outposts of Empire,to the land where he had spent "his unregenerate youth". " i n i t s way absurdly romantic and i n a r t i c u l a t e , the story nevertheless depicts, as Maurice Curzon i b i d . , "The East Coast", p.2-3. " i f a plant i s made to bloss-om or bear f r u i t three months before i t s time, i t i s regarded as a great triumph of the gardener's a r t ; but, what then are we to say of th i s huge moral-forcing system which we c a l l •Protection'? Forced plants, we know, suffer i n the process; and the Malay, whose proper place i s amidst the conditions of the Thirteenth Century, i s apt to become morally weak .; and seedy, and to lose something of his robust self-respect, when he i s forced to bear Nineteenth-Century f r u i t . " 197.. had done e a r l i e r , one of C l i f f o r d ' s dreams". Yet, when he f i n a l l y did return triumphantly to "his kingdom" fourteen years l a t e r as Governor of the S t r a i t s Settlements and High Commiss-ioner f o r the Malay States, C l i f f o r d , l i k e S i r P h i l l i p , knew ... when the day was ended, i n the dead un-happy night ... that old age had come upon him i n the space of a single hour. There are a number of biographical studies of C l i f f o r d , and J. de V. Allen's analysis of his l i t e r a r y works and of C l i f f o r d ' s struggle, as i t i s expressed i n his writing, to f i n d some i n t e l l e c t u a l l y acceptable element i n what had,for him? 2 become mere colonialism, i s excellent. It would be r e p e t i -tious to d e t a i l that struggle any further, except to note that, by investing C l i f f o r d ' s "eventual despair and f a l l i n g baick upon emotionalism", and his retirement i n 1929 through " i l l n e s s " or " c y c l i c a l insanity", with t r a g i c overtones, these biographers show how c l o s e l y they come to sharing precisely the imperial outlook from whose contradictions C l i f f o r d ' s "insanity" constituted his release. Like Swettenham, C l i f f o r d saw that a return to England was one way of reacting to the r e a l i z a t i o n that his work in Malaya could not, or should not, be carried any further. In "The Breath upon the Spark" (Bushwacking), he returns to Burnham in Somersetshire, "the most conservative place i n the world -and the quietest". 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ C l i f f o r d : Malayan Monochromes. London,1913, p.32. 2 V. A l l e n : "Two Imperialists" op.cit.; See also Intro-duction to Stories by S i r Hugh C l i f f o r d , op.cit., esp. p.ix-x f o r the influence of C l i f f o r d ' s childhood, with i t s strong aura of the medieval and "romantic unworldliness", on C l i f f o r d ' s l a t e r outlook on l i f e . 198,. It was p r e c i s e l y as i t i s now when I f i r s t remember i t some f i f t y years ago. But, writes C l i f f o r d , As I looked upon the f a m i l i a r sights, recognizing as l i f e - l o n g friends suddenly rec a l l e d to memory the ancient landmarks that had been my playmates i n those days of early childhood, when existence was one unbroken, irresponsible game of play, a great sadness was upon me! The fact that t h i r t y years, which had held f o r C l i f f o r d "so much of disappointment and of disillusionment", had passed over the head of Burnham leaving i t untouched, emphasized "the pathos of the changes they had wrought i n me." He f a l l s into convers-ation with an old fisherman who had also "given his youth to Asia." The most s i g n i f i c a n t fact about his conversation, f o r the l i g h t i t throws upon the nature of imperialism, i s the concept of "the a c t u a l i t y " presented by the two speakers. The older man comments Ah! ... So you have f e l t i t too. That is the genius of Burnham. It i s i t s e l f . s o unchanging that i t furnishes ... a blank canvas upon which the pictures of the years, and of everything those years have held ... are cast with such a wealth of colour, of d e t a i l , of distinctness, that here, to a degree unknown in a l l the world besides, i t is given to a man to l i v e through each one  of them again in imagination with something  of the a c t u a l i t y that belonged to the past  when i t was present. ^ He advises C l i f f o r d that youth is a time for. doing, ("Don't waste i t in dreams, man..."); and speaks of the time when man s t i l l wishes to be 'doing' but i s physically incapable - a very C l i f f o r d : , Bushwacking: "The Breath upon the Spark". 199 pervasive western notion. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , he warns that since this time comes inevitably, ... l e t there be something done to furnish, food f o r dreams - not dreams of the future, such as young men cherish, empty hopes that torture and elude, but dreams of the past, of big emotions tasted, of the raw red wine pressed from the grapes of l i f e to the l a s t drop, of great things done, of a man's record. Such as a man may take before his Maker, humble, but not ashamed, -j. This was obviously the solution which Swettenham followed; but C l i f f o r d , f e e l i n g that his time f o r doing was not yet over and able to f i n d l i t t l e i n his past to provide him with any s a t i s -f a c t i o n , ("I've done so l i t t l e of the much I once hoped to do; so much remains to be dohe.that I know now I s h a l l never accom-p l i s h . It is a l l rather a f a i l u r e . " ) found the prospect of f a l l i n g back upon his memories "a thing of i n f i n i t e pathos". And, unlike Swettenham, C l i f f o r d chose to go back, both s p i r i t u a l l y and physically, to Malaya, although he knew he could not regain his youth, or the Paradise he had once f e l t could be " b u i l t " t here. 2 For C l i f f o r d , the only solution was "madness", and yet less i n the tragic sense customarily assigned to the "insane", than i n the sense of a natural healing of that estranged cf. i b i d . Mannoni: Prospero and Caliban, op.cit. p.128 " I n f e r i o r i t y ... i s the main driving force of western man and provides him with the energy which sets him apart from a l l other people i n the world. It underlies almost a l l the l i f e s tories of our great men." It i s my impression that the i m p e r i a l i s t must, because of his need to repress the subconscious fear of his i n f e r i o r i t y , make a d i s t i n c t i o n between 'humility' and 'shame', where, i n truth, none e x i s t s . C l i f f o r d : Proc. Roy. Col. Inst., 1898-9, P.386; "there seemed to be the very makings of the Garden of Eden i n these Malayan lands" ... 200,, integration which nineteenth century English society, (and most of the twentieth century), c a l l e d sanity. As R.D. Laing comments: Let no man suppose that we meet "true" madness any more than that we are t r u l y sane ... True sanity e n t a i l s one way or another the d i s s o l u t i o n of the normal ego, that f a l s e s e l f competently adjusted to our alienated s o c i a l r e a l i t y , -j. With C l i f f o r d ' s history in mind, i t i s curious to note that he regards madness as a voyage^embarked upon by an increasing number of people who f i n d themselves forced out of the "normal" world by being placed i n an untenable position i n i t . Such 2 people, having no orientation i n the geography of inner space and time, are l i k e l y to get l o s t quickly without a guide. It is manifestly obvious that, while the "imperial f a i t h " provided many nineteenth century Englishment with the guide they needed, i t could not do so f o r C l i f f o r d . * * #• The tendency towards misanthropy,which Mannoni fe e l s to l i e at the base of the imperial urge,also frequently leads to a serious rupture of the image of other people from whom the imperial would rather f l y , or, rather, to a f a i l u r e i n the If "madness" i s indeed the d i s s o l u t i o n of the ego, then "sanity", as western society defines i t , and "love" are incompatible. See Part One and Two above. R.D. Laing: P o l i t i c s of Experience, op.cit., p.l44, 167-8. "Orientation means to know where the Orient i s . For inner space, to know the east, the o r i g i n or sources of our experience." See i n t e r l e a f . For an autobiographical account of psychotic experience whose healing function i s clear see B. O'Brien: Operators and Things (London, Elke Books, 1958). "The East! The East!" he repeated, turning the word upon his tongue as though i t had (as i n very truth i t has) a flavour of i t s own. "The oldest of continents -and the youngest. Asia and Age are one, for every man who has eyes wherewith to see, an imagination to give him a glimpse into the Tremendous Past, a brain and a heart to aid him to an understanding of something of her marvels and her mysteries; but i n the mind of every Anglo-Asiatic who is worth his s a l t , Asia and Youth are also one! We went to Asia boys, we came back old men, no matter what our years! Youth and Asia were both ours f o r a space, and i n leaving Asia we l e f t our Youth behind. It was the biggest g i f t that a man could give, and we gave i t to her, our Mistress -gave i t ungrudgingly, with both hands, and we asked for nothing i n return! Yet She too gave us something - memories: memories of Asia and of Youth - eternal memories that w i l l be with us to the end .. Hugh C l i f f o r d : Bushwacking and Other A s i a t i c Tales 2 0 1 , . . process of synthesis whereby that image i s formed. The image f a l l s into two parts which recede farther and farther from one another; on the -,6he hand, into pictures of monstrous and t e r r i f y i n g creatures, and on the other, into gracious beings 1 bereft of w i l l and purpose: Caliban and A r i e l . The same unconscious tendency (to refuse) • to recognize that man i s both A r i e l and Caliban) has impelled thousands of Europeans to seek out oceanic islands inhabited only by Fridays, or al t e r n a t e l y to go and entrench themselves i n isolated outposts i n h o s t i l e countries where they could repulse by force of arms those same t e r r i f y i n g creatures whose image was formed i n t h e i r own consci-ousness. ( C l i f f o r d , who f e l t that he had been "permitted to see native l i f e as i t exists when no white men are at hand to watch" and "to take note of i t s p e c u l i a r i t i e s - native l i f e naked and un-ashamed," i n addressing the Royal Colonial Institute, hoped that what he had to say ... might aid some to r e a l i z e more f u l l y the exact nature of the work which Great B r i t a i n i s today carrying out i n half-a-hundred obs-cure l o c a l i t i e s , with the aid of those who Wait i n heavy harness On f l u t t e r e d f o l k and wild, Our new-caught, sullen peoples, Half d e v i l and half child.) -P cf. F.S. Perls: Ego, Hunger and Aggression, op.cit. chap.VII. "In the name of 'good1 and 'bad1 wars were fought, people punished or educated, friendships formed or broken. Dramatic plays usually contain one person - the hero .- who i s painted white, with i n v i s i b l e wings, and his counterpart, the v i l l a i n , black, with horns. Heaven and H e l l . High honours and prison. Sweets and whippings. Praise and condemnation. Virtue and vice, good and bad; good and bad ... l i k e the unending rumble of a t r a i n t h i s 'good' and 'bad' never ceases to permeate our thoughts and actions." 2 C l i f f o r d : Proc. Roy. Col Inst. Vol.XXX, 1898-Q, p.369-370. 202.. Mannoni maintains that this f a i l u r e to synthesize images arises from the fact that the savage i s i d e n t i f i e d i n the uncon-scious' with a c e r t a i n image of the i n s t i n c t s - of the id_, i n a n a l y t i c a l terminology. And further,"civilized"man i s p a i n f u l l y divided between the desire to "correct" the "errors"of the "savage') and the desire to i d e n t i f y with them i n his search f o r some l o s t paradise (a desire which at once casts doubt upon the merit of the very c i v i l i z a t i o n which he i s trying 'to transmit to them.) Because of t h i s unconscious and ambivalent attitude towards the memories of his early childhood, l i k e Baudelaire, when he imagined his "green paradise of childhood loves" to be "further away than India and China", the i m p e r i a l i s t finds that savage countries and savage peoples are the nearest imitations i n the r e a l world to that of his youth. The p a r a l l e l between what Mannoni i s saying and what has been written about C l i f f o r d ' s encounter with Malaya and the Malays i s too s t r i k i n g to be mere coincidence. There are,of course,all sorts of h i s t o r i c a l reasons to explain the success of colonization - but these causes were brought to bear on minds psychologically prepared. No one becomes an i m p e r i a l i s t who i s not impelled to do so by improp-erly-resolved complexes. The gap.between the dependent person-a l i t y of the native and the independent personality of the European affords these complexes an opportunity of becoming manifest; i t i n v i t e s the unconscious images and encourages behaviour which is not warranted by the objective s i t u a t i o n , but i s ultimately explanable i n terms of the most i n f a n t i l e 203. . s u b j e c t i v i t y . 1 "Colonial" l i f e i s simply a substitute to those who are s t i l l obscurely drawn to a world where men do not have to be treated as men or women as women. Shakespeare's theme i n The Tempest, an even clearer portrayal of the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n , i s the drama of the renunciation of the power and domination afforded by the c o l o n i a l experience, symbolized by Prospero's magic, a borrowed power which must be relinquished. Prospero, when he arrived on the island, brings with him a female companion (his daughter) who i s i n no sense his equal and would never answer back. As historians, seeking to explain the lack of apparent r a c i a l prejudice in early contact between B r i t i s h and a l l the A s i a t i c races i n Malaya, hasten to point out, there were few European women i n the Native Malay States i n the period under discussion. Most of the Residents' were single, or had l e f t t h e i r wives at home, or had taken a Malay "mistress". That V i c t o r i a n gentlemen were incapable of r e l a t i n g even to th e i r own wives as human beings, l e t alone as women, i s so manifestly obvious that I do not intend to pursue i t here. C l i f f o r d , f o r example, quite seriously introduced a tale ca l l e d "The Battle of the Women" with t h i s poem: Woman i s the lesser man, And a l l her passions matched with mine, Are as moonlight unto sunlight, And as water unto wine. D 1 I do not believe that Mannoni i s implying a value judgment when he uses " i n f a n t i l e " here - although, since Freud, the West has la r g e l y done so. 2 See Page 204- f o r footnote 2 . 204.. The notion that the presence of white women i n colonies creates and hardens r a c i a l b a r r i e r s i s no more than a v e i l to hide the fact that most white men would prefer to make a l l women "Mirandas", to place them on pedestals,in order to protect them from the " e v i l savage", (th e i r own unconscious). It i s a d i s t o r t i o n , and the fa c t that most white women have t r a d i t i o n a l l y acquiesced and s t i l l do, i n the imposition of this role upon them by men, and i n the consequent my s t i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r self-image, should not be permitted to disguise i t . 1 Prospero found two natives on the is l a n d : Caliban and A r i e l . He set A r i e l free from an existing predicament; as the B r i t i s h rescued the Malay Sultans from the predicament presented them by the discovery of t i n i n t h e i r kingdoms, with i t s conse-quent unsettling influence upon the l o c a l chiefs and introduction of secret society warfare amongst the imported Chinese labourers). (Footnote 2 from Page £ 0 3 ) C l i f f o r d : In Court and Kampong: op.cit. p.37. Those with any doubts should r e c a l l Low's parting remark to Miss Bird, or his exchange with Mrs. Innes on the subject of slavery. The sketches by C l i f f o r d and Swettenham, of the"Real Malay" i n which they attempt to portray Malay women i n relationships with both European and Malay men are also enlightening. See also C l i f f o r d : Bushwacking, "The Breath upon the Spark." and A.C.L. Dawe's short s t o r i e s , Yellow and White, op.cit., and, or course, the whole "domestic" l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n of Vi c t o r i a n England. F i n a l l y , see E. Cleaver: Soul on Ice, op. c i t . , "The Allegory of the Black Eunuchs", i n Chap.iv: "White Woman, Black Man." 1 In this context, i t i s worth noting a comment upon Low made by Pope-Henessy (Verandah, op.cit., p.78) apparently with no thought of malice" "In Labuan, as l a t e r i n Malaya, he pre-ferred the company of Malays to that of Europeans, and of his pet animals to either. He once wrote to his daughter K i t t y that he loved only two creatures i n the world - his wah-wah monkey E b l i s , and her s e l f " . See also I. B i r d : Golden Chersonese, op.cit., p.217-218 f o r her description of the residency of Bloomfield Douglas. 205.. Prospero expects A r i e l to be g r a t e f u l forever for this service. On the whole he i s . He i s the. 'good' native, the moderate n a t i o n a l i s t , the gradualist content to wait t i l l i t pleases Prospero to give him his freedom. As P h i l l i p Mason comments, "one almost expects Prospero to o f f e r him a knighthood." Prospero's insistence on gratitude has a good many c o l o n i a l p a r a l l e l s 1 - and, as A r i e l was delighted to be released from the cloven pine, few Malay rulers were not eventually persuaded that the new "freedom" was preferable to what had gone before. Caliban, of course, i s the 'bad' native, the n a t i o n a l i s t , the extremist. In The Tempest, he has to be shut up, not f o r making seditious speeches, but f o r wanting to violate.Miranda. At the same time, he i s the useful slave, who i s r u t h l e s s l y exploited. "You have t r i e d to force Miranda, therefore you s h a l l chop wood." (This non-rational mode of thinking may take several forms, according to Mannoni; as I have noted elsewhere, he maintains i t i s also at the base of the son-in-law/father-in-law r e l a t i o n s h i p that commonly exists i n p a t r i a r c h a l s o c i e t i e s . It i s primarily "a j u s t i f i c a t i o n of hatred on grounds of sexual g u i l t " , and l i e s at the root of c o l o n i a l r a c i a l i s m ) . On the whole the Golden Age of Malayan Imperialism did not have to cope with these elements of the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n - "Miranda" was lar g e l y absent, p h y s i c a l l y at least, and there were few, i f any, n a t i o n a l i s t s t i r r i n g s before the turn of the century. And yet the A r i e l / C a l i b a n image was obviously present. There i s a sense i n which the Chinese, and possibly the Tamil Indians (though the I See i n t e r l e a f . Gratitude, which i s too frequently found a rare and transito r y v i r t u e , eminently adorns the character of these simple people, and the smallest benefit conferred upon them, c a l l s f o r t h i t s vigorous and continued exer-c i s e . It cannot, then, be wondered at, that t h i s amiable quality should lead them, i n th e i r s i m p l i c i t y , to consider with a reverence bordering on adoration the great benefits they have received from European influence i n t h e i r country. When we consider the oppression of which they were the objects, and the state of misery to which the tyranny of t h e i r former rulers had reduced them, and from which the kindness and power of an in d i v i d u a l of a race, d i s t i n c t from any of which they had previously heard - d i f f e r i n g not only i n features and complexion so remarkably, but also i n the feelings with which he regarded t h e i r poor, distressed and destitute condition - we can scarcely blame them, that i n the excess of th e i r thankfulness, they should have consid-ered as supernatural, the person who relieved them from t h e i r wretchedness, and by whose cherishing care and protecting kindness, they once more enjoyed the l i v e s and l i b e r t i e s with which the great Creator had endowed them ... we accordingly f i n d that several of t h e i r tribes have ascribed to Mr. Brooke -the a t t r i -butes of a superior being; and believe that he can, by his word, shed an influence over t h e i r persons and property which w i l l be bene-f i c i a l to them. In a l l t h e i r prayers he i s named with the gods of t h e i r superstitions, and no feast i s made at which his name i s not invoked. This misdirected gratitude shows the force with which that virtue influences t h e i r minds, and promises ... to be a feature of t h e i r character ... of the greatest advan-tage and assistance to them i f properly d i r e c -ted . Hugh Low: Sarawak: Its Inhabitants and Productions 206... l a t t e r did not begin to arrive u n t i l rubber planting was introduced into the Malay economy i n the l a s t years of the nineteenth-century) took on the image of Caliban i n Anglo-Malayan minds. Swettenham rea l i z e d that Malay's economic prosperity was a product of Chinese immigration, but he did not believe that a B r i t i s h administrator would be wise to make friends with any Chinese. ( S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the fact that the Chinese coolies customarily came single to the Malayan minefields bothered B r i t i s h writers considerably; while Swettenham express-ed a physical, though not economic, contempt f o r the Indians, he was relieved that they emigrated with t h e i r wives and c h i l d r e n . 1 ) But, once Governor S i r C e c i l i Smith had "exorcised the secret society demon ... those centres of crime and oppression", the Chinese, i t was generally admitted, had become "the bone and sinew of the Malay States." They are the labourers, the miners, the p r i n c i p a l shopkeepers, the contractors, the c a p i t a l i s t s , the holders of the revenue farms, the contributors of almost the whole of the revenue; we cannot do without them. ]_ On the other hand however, the Chinese excited as l i t t l e r e a l enthusiasm among c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s i n Malaya as the Jews have elsewhere: i n a c a p i t a l i s t society they were tolerated as "a necessary e v i l " . Many Anglo-Malayans made no attempt to disguise t h e i r : d i s t a s t e : At Durian Sabatang, we saw many hideous, nine-tenths naked Chinese coo l i e s ; almost a l l Swettenham: Real Malay, i b i d . , c f . Eldridge Cleaver's concept of the "supermasculine menial" developed i n Soul on Ice, op.cit. 2 0 7 ; . with repulsive skin diseases, and a l l , without exception, owning the most v i l l a i n o u s countenances; they scowled at us with hebe-tated ' (_ic) looks being opium-smokers to a man ... A large proportion of the Chinese population was generally i n prison f o r some crime or other ... These convicts were gener-a l l y regarded as being the flower of the Chinese community, the argument being that a l l Chinese are scoundrels deserving of prison and that those who elude prison are merely more practised scoundrels than the r e s t . On other occasions ?the Ar i e l / C a l i b a n dichotomy obviously manifested i t s e l f within the Malay people themselves. There was a strong sense, even a f t e r the B r i t i s h had come to enjoy the "respect" and " l o y a l t y " of the Malays, that not f a r below the surface lurked t h e p i r a t i c a l , amuk-running barbarian with which they had t y p i c a l l y peopled the Archipelago of p r e - B r i t i s h times. Swettenham captures this ultimate lack of " t r u s t " i n "A Silhouette" (Real Malay); the silhouette i s that of the famous Seyyid, "the embodiment of an Eastern dream", whose desire to undertake a pilgrimage to Mecca does not conceal from Swettenham his intent to make war on some neighbouring petty princedom i n order to secure the necessary lo o t . He wrote: The elaborately quiet manner of the man, the studied slowness- of his ordinary movements, and his voice - so soft and low, i t i s an e f f o r t to catch his words - accentuate the strong features of his face and fascinate t h e i r spect-ator, as certain snakes are said to fascinate E. Innes: Chersonese with t h e i r Gilding Off. Vol.11, p.65-66. Note that she added, with the rare insight she occasionally displays, that "probably they could not see, as indeed I never could myself - what business we English had there at a l l ; however, they had no r i g h t to complain for they were as much intruders as ourselves, the Malays, or rather the Sakeis, being the aborigines". Mrs. Innes, whatever her reasons, was a. less " i m p e r i a l i s t " than most Anglo-Malayans. 208J.. t h e i r victims...He i s a man of war, this Seyyid, and was one of the most famous of the Malay f i g h t i n g chiefs i n the days that are no more The stories of his prowess, his cunning, of his wickedness, are many, and strange, and ghastly. He. has enemies ... he has been.a so l d i e r of fortune and he would be so again.'... x C l i f f o r d doubtless found his. Caliban and A r i e l i n "Court" and "Kampong", i n the tyrannically-oppressive Malay r u l i n g class and the peasant Malay people, waiting to be released from the cloven pine o f ' t h e i r oppressed ignorance by men l i k e himself. Indeed, he wrote," the people as a whole were so generous and so charitable to* t h e i r neighbours that there seemed to be the makings of a very Garden of Eden i n these Malayan lands, had only the  serpent i n the form of the dominant classes, been excluded. 2 •* * * The t y p i c a l European Imperialist i s forced to l i v e out Prospero's drama, fo r Prospero i s dominant i n his unconscious, as he was i n Shakespeare's, only-the former lacks the writer's capacity f o r sublimation. Swettenham and C l i f f o r d were unique amongst the Residents i n that they wrote extensively, but i t is Swettenham: Real Malay: "A Silhouette", (my underlining). "I remind him that once he had by his own statement to me, only waited f o r a signal to f a l l upon a considerable party of Europeans, amongst whom my death was, perhaps, the one most keenly desired." Swettenham frequently fantasized being singled out for death at Malay hands (see also Malay  Sketches : "A Personal Incident") Note that-,when asked by Seyyid to explain "A Silhouette", Swettenham r e p l i e d : " I t i s a p r o f i l e p o r t r a i t i n black, on a white background." C l i f f o r d : Proc. Roy. Col. Inst. 1898-99, (my underlining). See plate: "Ejecting an Intruder", and p.203-04 above, esp. Cleaver's concept of the "Supermasculine Menial". 209. doubtful whether either managed to sublimate e n t i r e l y through the written medium. Swettenham managed to survive the d i s i l l u -sionment that overcame C l i f f o r d , by sublimating his doubts i n public works and by r e t i r i n g when he saw that "Eden" was over. C l i f f o r d did not take the next l o g i c a l step to his r e a l i z a t i o n that imperialism was "wrong f o r the Malays - " l i k e a d i s i l l u -sioned communist, he cast around f o r a