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A linguistic questionnaire for British Columbia : a plan for a postal survey of dialectal variation in… Polson, James 1969

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A LINGUISTIC QUESTIONNAIRE FOR BRITISH COLUMBIA : A PLAN FOR A POSTAL SURVEY OF DIALECTAL VARIATION IN B.C., WITH AN ACCOUNT OF RECENT RESEARCH by 1 JAMES POLSON B.A., University of British Columbia, I960 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of English We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1969 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I a g r e e t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and Study. I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f ENGLISH The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date AUGUST 29, 1969 ABSTRACT The object of this study i s to provide a postal questionnaire that may be used for investigating dialectal variation i n the province of B r i t i s h Columbia. Such a questionnaire is necessary to provide the groundwork for more intensive and systematic investigation at a later date. The questionnaire w i l l test items for a future questionnaire, establish the dialectal status of B.C. English, and locate the dialectal regions of B.C. The questionnaire draws heavily on work sheets and check l i s t s used in the United States, but includes much material characteristic of Canadian speech, since i t is f e l t that for historical reasons the>separateness of the Canadian experience must be stressed. An account of the sources of the items and the c r i t e r i a for selection are presented along with a methodology for choosing informants and communities, administering the questionnaire, and processing the results. Each question i s accompanied by a commentary on the feature to be investigated, giving information on i t s occurrence i n B.C., Canada, or the United States. The data presented on B.C.usage is derived chiefly from research recently carried out by the author. CONTENTS Acknowledgements i l l Introduction aims I limitations 9 Linguistic Geography-uses 12 history 13 methods 17 Selection of Communities 20 Selection of Informants 27 Selection of Items 29 Sources of the Questionnaire . . . . . 33 Format and Administration 38 The Questionnaire ko Index of Variants 107 Bibliography I l l Appendix : Secondary Questionnaire 118 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This project would not have been possible without the help and encouragement of many people. I wish to acknowledge i n particular my debt to the following: Professor R.J. Gregg, whose patience i s surpassed only by his great knowledge of dialectology. Professor R.E.McConnell, who took some of the wind out of my writing. The University Summer Research Grants Committee, whose financial help made the burden more tolerable. and, above a l l , my wife Lynne, not merely for her patience and sympathy, but for her active assistance in carrying out the research, analysing the data, resolving problems, and preparing the manuscript (she made, the ind INTRODUCTION Aims. This thesis presents a postal questionnaire designed, to investigate dialectal variation i n British Columbian English. The aims of the questionnaire are as follows: to establish the usefulness of questionnaire items so that when a more formal survey is made c r i t e r i a for inclusion or exclusion w i l l be available; to gather data from the items that w i l l make possible general conclusions about -the relationship of B.C. English to the English of the rest of the continent; to discover where regional variation exists within the province so that later investigation w i l l be directed to the right areas. This questionnaire i s not intended to take the place of a more formal linguistic survey, but rather to make such a survey possible. A Linguistic Atlas survey of B.C. along the lines of tiiose already conducted i n many regions of the United States js certainly the goal we must work towards. But such a goal cannot be attained unless much preliminary work is done. As matters stand right now very l i t t l e i s known about the English language i n B.C. and i t s relation to other dialects. Furthermore, beyond the material here presented, nothing is known about dialectal variation within this province. One of my present aims, indeed, i s to demonstrate (1) - 2 -that regional variations do exist i n British Columbia, a fact that I was not f u l l y convinced of before I undertook this project. Because of this lack of information, a postal questionnaire such as is presented here seems to be the log i c a l and necessary f i r s t step. Theoretically, preliminary investigation could take other forms. It would be possible, for example, to take the worksheets from the New England survey or from the Pacific Coast Questionnaire and use them in the f i e l d to investigate some region of B.C. The knowledge so gained would be interesting and to some extent useful. However, those interested i n the dialect geography of B.C. must take as their aim the completion of a formal, controlled survey, based on competent fieldwork, for the whole province; an investigation of only part of the province could never be incorporated satisfactorily into this survey of the whole because, to produce reliable results, such a survey must have a sommon methodology and must use fieldworkers who have been trained together. I f the methods used i n one area are different from those used i n another, or i f the f i e l d -workers do not agree on the sound values given to their phonetic notations, a comparison of the results cannot be completely reliable. In some areas of the continent divergent analyses resulting from differences between fieldworkers may be accommodated because they show up as 'personal boundaries' on a map.'*" In an area where settlement is recent, however, 1. see Hans Kurath, Handbook of the Linguistic Geography  of New England (Providence, R.I., 1939), p.51. This work w i l l be referred to hereafter as the Handbook. - 3 -and where the settlement patterns are largely unknown, i t may be more d i f f i c u l t to take such variations into account. Two surveys, therefore, done at different points of time, probably with different methods, and almost certainly by different people, w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to f i t together. Further, i t i s to be presumed that, i f the f i r s t survey is of any value, changes w i l l be made in the later survey: items w i l l be added, deleted, rephrased, and the format modified. The area covered by the old survey w i l l then lack responses for new items. Since i t w i l l not be possible to find again a l l the first-survey informants, i t might then be necessary to completely resurvey the whole area. Since a limited survey would thus probably have to be re-done when the Linguistic Atlas program was started, and since i t would in any case provide no information on regional variation within the province, there seems l i t t l e purpose i n making such a survey the starting point of investigation. Besides the importance of ensuring that the preliminary work cover the whole of the province i t i s also necessary that the survey attempt to deal with those features that are peculiarly British Columbian, or at least Canadian. It would have been possible to simply mail out a standardized, ready-made American check-list rather than produce a new questionnaire as I have done. But our need i n Canada is for a Canadian survey that w i l l serve Canadian purposes. An unmodified American quest-ionnaire w i l l not do. There is an issue involved i n this point which must be considered before any extensive work on Canadian English can proceed. Should Canadian linguists take i t as their aim to extend the Linguistic Atlas surveys of the United States into Canada, or try to develop a purely Canadian Linguistic Atlas? This latter aim i s , of cource, undesirable -we do want to compare Canadian and American features - and probably impossible, since we cannot avoid asking many of the same questions. The former aim is e x p l i c i t l y part of the American program as is indicated by the t i t l e of the over-all project.planned under the aegis of the American Council of Learned Societies : The Linguistic Atlas of the United States and Canada. The project is a noble one, and i t does allow some modification to take account of regional peculiarities. Nonetheless, this continental plan contains assumptions that Canadians should question on cultural as well as scholarly grounds. The study of language always has significance beyond the mere satisfaction of intellectual curiosity, and the study of linguistic geography particularly has implicit i n i t aims that are cultural, not simply l i n g u i s t i c . When M.H. S c a r g i l l , i n his essay "Canadian English and Canadian Culture i n Alberta", asks "What is a Canadian? Have we who c a l l ourselves Canadians a distinctive culture, a distinctive way of l i f e and thought?" 2 he finds that 2. J.C.L.A., I. Mar.(1955), 27 the study of language might prove the surest guide to the way we are developing. The fact that a Canadian drives a car made i n Detroit does not make him think like an American. The fact that he sub-scribes to the Times does not make him think lik e an Englishman. But i f our native-born Canadian speaks like an American, then his thoughts are probably being shaped like an American's thoughts. If he chooses to speak like an Englishman, then he is more English than he knows. But i f our English-speaking and native-born Canadian prefers to develop his own habits of speech, then this must show that he i s a man with ideas of his own to express - ideas that cannot be expressed i n either British-English or American-English, because they are neither British nor American ideas. Where there i s a language, there must be a nation to have made i t what i t is.3 If the linguist is t o make any contribution to the study of this important cultural problem, he must be very careful not to introduce into his investigations any cultural bias. The American worksheets and check-lists are, I suggest, culturally biased instruments of investigation. American linguists, and many Canadian ones, start from the assumption that, to quote Morton W. Bloomfield "Canadian English i s a branch of American English".^ This assumption may or may not be valid but there i s a danger that a purely American questionnaire w i l l show i t to be true regardless, simply because of It s construction. Every item of an American questionnaire e l i c i t s a feature found in the United States for which a range of varying responses have been found, each response being associated with an area of the United States. Every Canadian response w i l l then be classifiable as Northern, Midland, 3. Loc• c i t . U. "Canadian English and Its Relation to Eighteenth Century American Speech", JEGP, XLVII (19U8),5°. - 6 -Southern, or what have you, depending on which area the same response is found i n i n the United States. The two speech areas may then appear to have some genetic relationship, which might, i n fact, be explainable i n other ways. Consider some particular term that is found i n Canada. An investigator oriented toward the American Linguistic Atlas surveys might characterize i t as a Midland usage. On further investigation, however, we might find that the same term is used i n Northern England. The assumed relationship between the Canadian usage and the American Midland usage seems now less clear. Is the conns ction between the two areas direct, from the Midland region to Canada by migration or cultural influence, or i s i t perhaps simply a collateral relationship based on common roots i n Britain? Isogloss patterns may possibly show this d i f f i c u l t y to be a minor one, yet i n the absence of British correlations (and from the nature of Professor Orton's questionnaire for England I must conclude that the data from that survey w i l l be of l i t t l e use to us) the relationships with American usages w i l l tend to be overemphasized. Most important, an American questionnaire i s bound to produce distortion because only features found i n the United States are taken into account. Differences are thus minimized and the true relationships between speech areas may be distorted. I f, for example, we know that two areas A and B share features X and Y, we draw certain conclusions about their relationship. If we then learn that area B also possesses a feature Z, which i s unknown i n area A, our conclusions must be different. Yet a - 7 -questionnaire standardized i n Area A would not reveal that Z exists. The whole problem would perhaps .be a minor one i f we allowed the i n i t i a l assumption that Canadian English is a branch of American English. A comparison between B.C. speech and American speech based on the same questionnaire would be as valid as a similar comparison between Oregon and Midland speech since the same genetic relationship would obtain. Yet there are reasons for disputing this view of the relationship of Canadian to American English. Scarg i l l has challenged on several grounds Bloomfield's view that Canadian English is the English of the United Empire Loyalists and i s thus a direct offshoot of American English. The argument is a complex one that cannot be settled u n t i l much more is known of both present-day and eighteenth-century English, and I cannot presume here to give an answer. Yet we might ask i f the English of the Loyalists was different i n many respects from the English of Britain, and i f such differences as existed would be maintained through the waves of immigration from England, Scotland, and Ireland. There were, after a l l , only about forty to f i f t y thousand Loyalists, spread from the Maritimes to Upper Canada. In the thirty-five years following 1815 over 800,000 immigrants came from the British Isles. The Canadian English is much more like American English than like British English i s obvious. But then Canadian culture is much more l i k e that of the United States than l i k e that of Britain. Indeed, the influence of the United States on our culture has been overwhelming from 5. "The Sources of Canadian English", JEGP , LVI (1957),6l0-6lU. - 8 -the beginning of our history. The reasons are obvious: we have a great deal i n common with the United States, vis a. vis the problems of everyday l i f e , et cetera; and while the United States was an aggressive, innovating, independent nation, we were a mere colony. It would be only natural for us to borrow l i n g u i s t i c a l l y from the United States at an extravagant rate. It would also be natural for this borrowing to take place along the borders of the two countries, chiefly perhaps i n Ontario, which then served as the base from which Western Canada was settled. Correspondences then between Canadian English and varieties of American English may then be due to cultural influence rather than any genetic relationship. This I suggest as a possibility, though many would challenge such a conclusion. The point I wish to make is that i f the relationship between American and Canadian English is as I have suggested, the use of a purely American questionnaire w i l l not reveal i t . For this reason I have tried to produce a questionnaire that w i l l show relationships with American English and yet w i l l , I hope, reveal features that are purely Canadian. I have found i t d i f f i c u l t to go very far i n the inclusion of Canadian material at this point, but I think i t i s important to at least state this as an objective. - 9 -Limitations No apologies are made for the limitations of the postal questionnaire as a means of obtaining data. It i s an exploratory-instrument only and i t s aims are limited. But the emphasis i s such a questionnaire is necessarily l e x i c a l . It is obviously d i f f i c u l t to get phonological information from a written response, although by using rhymes one can learn much of value. For example, the questions on tomato and vase reveal i n at least two areas of the province (the Okanagan and Vancouver Island) the existence of a low-front vowel J apparently phonemically distinct from /de./ and /??/ . The majority of British Columbians do not have this vowel, using instead one vowel, > £° r caught, cot, and father, with an allophone C a l before 1^1 . However, a more complete phonological investigation of British Columbian English, based on f i e l d work is needed. Grammatical data is also largely inaccessible by this method of investigation. Although questions on grammatical features can be asked, i t would be d i f f i c u l t to get trustworthy responses. Social disapproval i s attached more strongly to deviations from the standard i n the grammatical area than i n any other. Few people, after a l l , w i l l put ain't i n writing, even when i t is their habitual usage. As well as restricting the type of material that may be investigated, the postal questionnaire has an other important limitation: the responses are not based on unguarded usage. The more a person's attention i s directed to the feature to be tested, the less reliable the response w i l l be. There are several reasons for this. Everyone, the linguist included, i s familiar with the sudden doubt that rises when one has to isolate' one's own usage, habitual though that maybe. There i s also the desire, conscious or unconscious, to choose the usage that one thinks best, or that one thinks the questioner wants to hear. I have tri e d i n this questionnaire to phrase the questions so that these problems are as far as possible avoided, but obviously the results w i l l not have the r e l i a b i l i t y of fieldwork. The attitude of the informant must also be taken into account to get the best results. While the factors mentioned above w i l l affect a l l informants to some extent, but there are linguistic snobs whose reports on their own usage cannot be trusted at a l l . Usually these people reveal themselves by their comments when they are questioned about their own speech or the speech of their neighbours. I considered including a simple language-attitude test with the questionnaire, using, perhaps, multiple-choice questions. It would be possible to locate most of the problem informants by asking such a question as: "What, i f anything, do you think is wrong with the way Canadians speak?" But such a question, would have to be given separately from the questionnaire les t i t start the informant thinking too much about standards of usage. One further drawback to a postal questionnaire is that i t restricts - l i -the classes of people suitable as informants. In any survey i t helps a great deal to have informants who are intelligent and articulate'. In a postal questionnaire such qualities are not just desirable, but requisite, and we must i n addition ask for literacy. Scholars sometimes forget that reading and writing are not easy and accustomed tasks for everyone and that many people are intimidated by the necessity of putting pen to paper. We w i l l surely find that a large part of the population to be studied w i l l be neither suitable nor willing. However, the task of finding a truly representative group of informants must be l e f t to the later f i e l d surveys. For the postal questionnaire we must be very selective in any case, choosing people not merely for being representative of a loc a l i t y by virture of long residence, but also for being most l i k e l y to have the information we want. Furthermore, by using l i t e r a c y and intelligence as further c r i t e r i a for selection we reduce the chances that the questions w i l l be imperfectly understood. In a f i e l d survey you can always repeat or rephrase a question i f the informant does not understand you. In a postal questionnaire, when you have written the questions as s k i l f u l l y as possible, you must f i n a l l y trust i n the case and intelligence with which the informant reads and answers them. - 12 -LINGUISTIC GEOGRAPHY Uses. Linguistic Geography i s "the study of local differentiations i n a speech-area".^ No l i v i n g language can exist i n perfect uniformity throughout the speech-group that uses i t . There i s always variation, as indeed there is always variation i n every aspect of a society's culture. The study of the ways i n which a society's language varies from region to region and from group to group can t e l l us much about that society, as well as about i t s language. It can reveal the past history of the society - i t s ancestry, settlement patterns, trade and migration routes, and i t s cultural links with other groups. The study of language variations can also give clues about the social and cultural differences presently existing within the society and can perhaps reveal the trend of changes i n process. Dialect study also makes important contributions to our knowledge of language. Since change i n a language is not uniform i n a l l the areas i n which i t is spoken, i t i s often possible by collating the forms Surviving i n the various dialects to reconstruct earlier stages of the language. It is also possible to evaluate changes taking place i n the present, and make predictions about future developments. 6. Leonard Bloomfield, Language (New York, 1933), p.321. - 13 -History It i s not my purpose here to give a complete history of linguistic geography. I propose instead to discuss the major dialect atlases i n terms of three linked problems that seem relevant to the situation i n British Columbia. The f i r s t problem concerns the collection of the data -how does one gather information that is reliable (in the s t a t i s t i c a l sense)? Secondly, how does one get adequate coverage of a region so that no important aspect of regional speech is lost? The third problem is connected closely with the other two - how does one ensure that the data collected is manageable? I have not concerned myself i n this part of my discussion with the principles or philosophy behind the projects mentioned, nor with the v a l i d i t y of the questionnaires used. The systematic study of dialectal variation began in the last century with the investigations of Georg Wenker into the dialects of the German language. Wenker began his work i n 1881, but the publication of the maps showing the results of this prodigious enterprise did not begin u n t i l 1926 and i s s t i l l not complete.'' Wenker's problem was that, because he was dealing with a densely populated, long-settled area, where features consequently could vary between one village and the next, he had to have a large number of informants. He solved the problem of obtaining complete coverage of his area of investigation by using the services of school teachers i n U9,363 l o c a l i t i e s . He did not solve the problems of dealing 7. F. Wrede, Deutscher Sprachatlas (Marburg, 1926-). - Hi -with such a mass of information. The manner i n which he obtained his information, although quite effective, was open to criticism on the grounds that he had used untrained workers who could only give impressionistic reports of what they heard. The school teachers had been instructed to transcribe forty given sentences into the local dialect, using a spelling that attempted to represent the local pronunciation. The French dialectologist Gillieron, who began work on the Atlas  linguistique de l a France i n 1896, avoided this fault by using a trained phonetician, Edmond Edmont, to gather his information. He also expanded the usefulness of his survey by using a much larger questionnaire than Wenker. He did not, however, solve the problem of adequately covering the area under investigation. The French Atlas gathered information from 639 locations only, a number not really adequate for a country which has had a continuity of language for two thousand years. Nonetheless, restricting the number of informants made the amount of data more manageable, and the publication of the results was completed ten years after collecting had finished. In the years following the publication of Gillieron 1s work many studies i n linguistic! geography were published. Thus when the Linguistic Atlas of the United States and Canada was being organized i n 1931, i t s planners were able to profit from the experiences of many others. They avoided many of the problems that had hampered earlier studies. For example, by starting with a single region of the speech-community, New 8. Paris, 1902-10. - 15 -England, by using a team of trained workers, and by limiting the number of informants to 4l6, they were able to get a good coverage of the area of investigation i n a short period of time (25 months). They could be confident the information they had collected was reliable, and since i t constituted i n volume only about a quarter of what was gathered by the French Atlas, this data was f u l l y processed for publication within six years of the completion of fieldwork. The questionnaire used i n the New England survey was carefully compiled from material found in Dialect Notes, American Speech, and o J.S. Kenyon's American Pronunciation. It was tested i n the f i e l d and then revised before the survey was actually started. The systematic planning of this survey extended also to the selection of informants. The prime concern was to record the usage of the oldest inhabitants, "in order that the earlier regional pattern might be accurately delineated and the oldest living forms of speech preserved as f u l l y as possible." To this end they selected from every community to be studied "a simple but intelligent farmer or farmer's wife i n rural d i s t r i c t s , a workingman, tradesman or shopkeeper i n larger villages and i n cities"."'" 0 A secondary objective was to determine the usage of younger and better educated speakers. The methods used for sampling the population certainly do not measure up to modern sociometric techniques1"'' yet a 9. 4th ed., Ann Arbor, 1930. 10. Loc. c i t . 11. see Glenna Pickford's criticism i n "American Linguistic Geography: a Sociological Appraisal". Word, XII (1956),211-233. - 16 -random sampling of the population would not have f u l f i l l e d the aims of e s t a b l i s h i n g "the regionalism of the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l era o f New 12 England". One may question, however, whether the secondary categories of informants (younger and better educated) were chosen with enough care or i n s u f f i c i e n t numbers to give r e l i a b l e information on modern usage or s o c i a l differences i n the region. To get such information would, of course, have required a much larger and more expensive survey. The p r i n c i p l e followed by the editors of the New England material of giving complete information on every aspect of the project has made i t much ea s i e r for other workers to extend L i n g u i s t i c Atlas coverage to other areas of the United States, and most regions have been through at l e a s t one stage of i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The r e s u l t s , though, are slow to be published. Unfortunately very l i t t l e work has been done on d i a l e c t v a r i a t i o n s i n Canada and l i t t l e , as f a r as I am aware, i s c u r r e n t l y being planned. 12. Handbook, l o c . c i t . 13. see, however, the work of Alexander and Wilson on Nova S c o t i a , Avis on Ontario, Hamilton on Montreal, and Drysdale on Newfoundland l i s t e d i n the bibliography. - 17 -Methods The methods employed in linguistic geography are not particularly complex. This may be because the goals are simple and explicit. The major goal of the dialectologist is to reveal the differences that exist within the normal usage of typical members of a speech-community. To this end he must choose his informants with care, making sure that they are truly representative of their community. The invest-igator who for convenience selects informants from the ranks of his students, or who depends on a network of upper-middle-class acquaintances wi l l obtain results that wi l l be open to serious challenge. The practice of selecting elderly informants, although justifiable for reasons stated earlier, w i l l violate this principle of choosing representative speakers unless i t is established that their speech is probably typical of an earlier era. To obtain the normal usage of the chosen informants requires care and a good measure of cunning on the part of the fieldworker. He must make a situation in which the informant speaks easily and naturally to him, not a simple task since most people are apprehensive and on guard in such an encounter. When the informant is responding in his normal speech style, the interviewer wi l l be able to record his usage with some feeling that i t is valid. Then the manner in which the responses are elicited becomes important. The ideal response is the unguarded one, made when the informant is unaware - 18 -that i t i s being noted. Unfortunately, because the available time is always limited, only a small amount of the information needed can be gained i n this way. One might wait a long while before a conversation works around to the noises a calf makes when being weaned. The interviewer at the least must steer the conversation and often ask direct questions to get the desired responses. Because every informant is vulnerable to suggestion, the question put to him must i n no way suggest a particular response. For example, a question of the type "What is this? is preferable to "What do you c a l l the motor-driven machine that a person uses to cut his lawn?" which, in turn, i s prefer-able to "What do you c a l l the gasoline-powered machine that mows lawns?" The latter two questions provide cues i n such words as "lawn", "powered", "mows", that the informant might respond to. A question such as "Do you c a l l this machine a power mower?" should never be asked. When the data has been collected i t must be organized into useful form. Maps are probably the most effective way of doing this. , The responses of every informant to any one particular question are plotted on a map, using a different symbol for each variant. If a geographical pattern emerges it may be possible to draw an isogloss for the feature being mapped. An isogloss, which is a demarkation line between linguistic features or variants,can either represent the outer limit of a feature's occurrence, or show the probability of occurrence; that i s , that one feature i s more l i k e l y to be found within the line and another outside i t . - 19 -Mapping is a very graphic way of presenting data on dialectal variation. It makes the linguistic relationships between geographic areas clear, showing the effect of settlement patterns, lines of communication, and so forth. Map analysis can reveal the underlying dynamics of a linguistic situation - how a feature is spreading from a focal area, or withdrawing in the face of competing variants, leaving relic areas in its wake. Mapping can thus t e l l much about the history of a feature and about its probably development. For these reasons the production of a map is usually one of the prime goals of the dialect-ologist. The collected data may also be subjected to statistical analysis. A simple statement of a feature's frequency, for example, may provide useful information where a map might reveal no discernible pattern. Quantifying the data, although not as satisfying visually, makes possible mathematical manipulations that may produce new insights. - 20 -SELECTION OF COMMUNITIES The choice of communities from which informants w i l l be selected w i l l depend largely on settlement patterns within the province. Unfortunately, although i t i s possible to determine when settlement took place, i t is much more d i f f i c u l t to t e l l who did the settling. Census figures show the national origins of the population i n each census division, but since the categories "Canadian" and "American" were apparently unknown to the census takers u n t i l quite recently this information i s of limited value. How is one to know whether the 232 Irishmen resident i n Grand Forks i n 1921 were refugees from the troubles i n Ireland, third generation Canadians from Nova Scotia, or perhaps recent settlers from New York? S t i l l , one may find references here and .12* there (for example, in the Canadian Family .Tree) to the settlement of foreigners i n British Columbia. What we do not know is where the Canadian settlers came from. In 195l 30$ of this province's inhabitants were people born i n other parts of Canada. In the face of this dearth of information i t has been necessary to use as the chief criterion for selecting communities length and continuity of settlement rather than origin of the population. In order to put this selection into context a brief history of the province's settlement follows. British Columbia began as a preserve of the fur traders, and a l U . Canadian Citizenship Branch, Department of the Secretary of State, Ottawa, 1967. - 21 -number of the trading posts established i n the early years of the nineteenth century developed into important communities. The more important of these with their dates of establishment are as follows: Fort St. John 1805 Fort St. James 1806 Fort George (Now Prince George) 1807 Fort Kamloops 1812 Fort Langley 1827 Fort Victoria 18U3 Fort Yale 18U8 Fort Hope 184° The fur traders did not encourage settlers, and the f i r s t real influx of population did not begin u n t i l 1858, when gold was discovered on the Fraser. During the gold rush thousands came from Canada, Britain, Oregon, California, Australia, and other parts of the world to find their fortunes in the gold fields of British Columbia. Some of the towns that sprang up as a result were Lillooet, Lytton, Clinton, and Quesnel. The transportation d i f f i c u l t i e s that arose because of the gold rush led to the building of the Cariboo Road. Many road-houses were built along the length of the Cariboo Road, and some, such as 100-Mile House, and 150-Mile House, remain active communities today. The majority of the thousands who came looking for gold did not find any. They did find rather a lot of unoccupied land and many decided to stay. They settled i n the Cariboo and i n the Fraser Valley, establishing many farms and ranches. Subsequently i n the 1860's and 1870's many new settlements were incorporated i n these regions. - 22 -On Vancouver Island development was slower, but even there would-be prospectors helped the population grow. The Comox Valley was settled i n 1862 by British and Australian groups who had decided to go no further i n their search f o r fortune. There had already been settlement around the coal fields of Nanaimo since 1852 and the population was beginning to spread from there and from Victoria. With the coming of the railways many areas of the province were open for settlement. Agriculture became profitable when markets became accessible, and ranches began springing up throughout the Okanagan i n the 1880's and 1890's. By the turn of the century, though, the economy of this region had switched from cattle to fruits and vegetables. Although there have been many mining rushes, big and small, i n the province's history, perhaps the next i n importance to the Cariboo Gold Rush of 1858 was the discovery of the great mineral resources of the Kootenays i n the 1880's. Mining towns such as Nelson, Rossland, Kimberley, and Kaslo were founded and soon had populations i n the thousands. When the prospecting fever had run i t s course many of these towns declined, but again, many miners stayed and tried their hands at farming. The last great surge of settlement began i n the Peace River District i n 1912. Population i n this area continues to grow rapidly, i n recent years the stimulus being less the fine grain growing land than the newly discovered petroleum and natural gas resources. Although the natural lines of communication are with Alberta, the completion of the Hart Highway in 1952, and the extension of the Pacific Great - 23 -Eastern Railway to Fort S t . John and Dawson Creek i n 1958 established l i n k s w i t h the r e s t of B.C. The Northern region of the province remains l a r g e l y unsettled, with the exception of the numerous towns along the C.N.R. l i n e between Prince George and Prince Rupert. The communities I have se l e c t e d for i n c l u s i o n i n t h i s survey r e f l e c t the major patterns of settlement as outlined above. I have t r i e d to choose communities that have had continuous settlement since before 1900 so that i t would be possible to f i n d e l d e r l y informants native to the region. In a number of cases i t has been necessary to s e l e c t more recent settlements to give proper geographic representation (the Peace River settlements are comparatively recent, for example), or to give representation to large communities (Powell River's 12,000 inhabitants should not be ignored, even though settlement dates back only f i f t y y ears). Many towns that were established i n the l a s t century have not been included because settlement has not been continuous. Hope, for example, was founded i n I8I49, but i t s population dwindled a f t e r Yale became the terminus of the Cariboo Road, and, i n e f f e c t , i t has been r e s e t t l e d i n the l a s t f i f t y years. There are many towns with t h i s kind o f history, and i t would be d i f f i c u l t to f i n d older generation informants i n them. Geographic considerations such as l i n e s of communication and natural b a r r i e r s have, of course, been taken i n t o account. Where a choice between two nearby communities of comparable antiquity was - 2U -necessary I have selected the one more dependent on agriculture. The l i s t of 118 communities that follows is tentative only, and is dependent on the possibility of finding suitable informants. The fishing communities of the coast are not included in the l i s t , but they also w i l l be sampled. The selection of these small isolated places must wait until i t is, known what informants are available. The arrangement of the l i s t is by geographic region. Vancouver Island Gape Scott Alert Bay Campbell River Courtenay Alberni Parksville Nanaimo Ladysmith Lake Cowichan Duncan Galiano Saltspring Victoria Ocluelet Okanagan Princeton Peachland Enderby Armstrong South Coast - Fraser Valley Lund Powell River Sechelt Squamish Pemberton North Vancouver West Vancouver Vancouver New Westminster Richmond Ladner Surrey Coquitlam Maillardville Haney Mission Chilliwack Sardis Abbotsford Cloverdale Langley Harrison Mills Yale Cariboo-Shuswap Anahim Lake Alexis Creek Quesnel Williams Lake - 25 -Okanagan (cont'd) Cariboo - Shuswap (cont'd) Vernon Westwold Lumby Kelowna Penticton Keremeos Oliver Osoyoos Grand Forks Alexandria 150-Mile House Wells Lac l a Hache 100-Mile House Clinton Lillooet Cache Creek As heroft Savona Kamloops Barriere Shuswap Salmon Arm Sicamous Lytton Spences Bridge Merritt The Kootenays North Coast - Prince George Revelstoke Golden Edgewater New Denver Sloean Nelson Kaslo Invermere Canal Flats Skookumchuck Kimberley Cranbrook Fernie Rossland Castlegar Trai l Salmo Creston Stewart Prince Rupert Port Simpson Hagensborg Bella Coola Ocean Falls Terrace Hazelton Smithers Fort St.James Burns Lake Vanderhoof Prince George McBride Tete Jaune Cache - 26 -Peace River Hudson Hope Chetwynd Fort St. John North Pine Dawson Creek Pouce Coupe Northern B.C. - Yukon -Dease Lake Atlin Telegraph Creek Fort Nelson Whitehorse, Y.T. Dawson, Y.T. Mayo, Y.T. Fort Liard, N.W.T. North West Territories - 27 -SELECTION OF INFORMANTS The informants used i n this survey w i l l a l l be native-born Canadians who have had life-long residence i n their community with few absences. The parents of the informants should have been English-speaking and, i f possible, longterm residents of the community. Any person who spoke a language other than English i n the home w i l l not qualify as an informant. The informants should be intelligent, knowledgeable, l i t e r a t e , and willing, but not educated beyond high school level. Occupation w i l l not be a deciding factor i n selection, although no one with a professional interest i n language - for example, teachers, publishers, or writers - w i l l be considered, and some preference w i l l be given to persons with some farming background. At least three informants w i l l be selected from each community. One w i l l be as old as possible, consistent with the requirements already stated. This informant w i l l supply information on earlier forms, many of which are rapidly disappearing and must be recorded before being lost. One informant w i l l be young, preferably between the ages of 19 and 2 5 . Young informants are needed to gauge the changes which are occurring i n our language (see the discussion i n the questionnaire section of the f i r s t two items, Tomato and vase). Teenagers would be useful as informants and would be readily available - hordes of them are held i n captivity for ten months of the year - but they have not - 28 -sufficient life-experience to answer many of the questions. The third informant should be intermediate i n age between the other two, preferably i n the 3 5 to 5 5 year range. - 29 -SELECTION OF ITEMS The number of linguistic features that vary in a speech-community i s very large. The dialectologist selecting items for a questionnaire must therefore be concerned not simply with the fact that a feature shows variation, but with how this variation may reveal some-thing of significance about the language or the community. In choosing items for the questionnaire I therefore f i r s t compiled a large l i s t of features that could be expected to show variation, then discarded those that seemed unlikely to vary i n B.C. This latter series of decisions was based as far as possible on concrete information, but I was often forced to r e l y on my own knowledge of British Columbia speech. Although I am a native of this province I recognize that some of my decisions w i l l be mistaken. Later surveys w i l l remedy any gross errors or omissions. When a body of possible items had been collected, i t was then necessary to exclude those unsuited to the form of a postal questionnaire. This i n effect meant the elimination of many of the grammatical and phonological items. In the process of again reducing the l i s t so that the collected data would be manageable, further c r i t e r i a were employed. The pes s i b i l i t y of relating a feature to other areas where i t s incidence has been recorded was an important factor i n the selection process. The - 30 -p o s s i b i l i t y of an item r e v e a l i n g a s i g n i f i c a n t p a t t e r n , rather than o c c u r r i n g i n a random d i s t r i b u t i o n , and the p o s s i b i l i t y of e s t a b l i s h i n g a f e a t u r e as p e c u l i a r l y Canadian o r B r i t i s h Columbian were also c a r e f u l l y considered. The m a j o r i t y of items are framed i n questions t h a t give a d e f i n i t i o n and then ask f o r a name; f o r example, question 18 - "What do you c a l l the s t r i p of grass between the sidewalk and the s t r e e t ? " - i s of t h i s type. The next largest?group of questions i s o f the context completion type, most of which r e q u i r e the informant t o supply a word or phrase to go i n a blank; an example i s question 23 - "A wasp stung him on the palm, and h i s hand up". A v e r y few of the context completion and d e f i n i t i o n questions o f f e r v a r i a n t s f o r the informant to choose from. The other important question type i s the one asking f o r a p r o n u n c i a t i o n by the choice of an appropriate rhyme. Three other types of question are used very s p a r i n g l y . Questions -such as item 12 supply a word and ask whether the informant uses i t and, i f so, what meaning i s attached to i t . A v e r y few questions ask f o r a l t e r n a t i v e s to a standard word. Item 11, f o r example asks f o r other names f o r the dragon-fly. The poorest type of question i s the one which s u p p l i e s both word and meaning and asks the informant t o v e r i f y them. Item 28 ( r i g h t now) i s the s o l e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h i s type. I t might be remarked t h a t there a r e r e l a t i v e l y few questions r e q u i r i n g the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of landscape f e a t u r e s , p l a n t s , animals, b i r d s , or i n s e c t s . This omission i s r e g r e t t a b l e but necessary because - 31 -of the d i f f i c u l t y of establishing the proper referents. When, for example, one asks for the name of the tuft-eared, bob-tailed feline found i n the woods of B.C., the terms offered could refer to either the lynx or the bob-cat. It would be d i f f i c u l t to frame the question i n such a way that i t would be certain which animal the informant was referring to, or i f , indeed, he made a distinction at a l l . The results from this type of question w i l l also differ according to the knowledge of the informants. To some people every evergreen is a f i r , and every finch, nuthatch, and chickadee is a sparrow. Unless the referent is certainly known and responses can be confidently attached to i t alone, there is l i t t l e point in asking the question. One might refer here to the example of K. Jaberg and J. Jud who, in their Sprach - und Sachatlas Italiens und der Sudschweiz,^ stressed the concept of Worter und Sachen. They insisted that the association between word and thing be precise, since words often differ simply because the things themselves differ i n some way. For this reason they advocated the use of drawings or photographs i n dialect investigation. I strongly suspect that the figures quoted by Carroll Reed for andirons'^ show informant confusion about the referent. Such terms as dog-irons, dogs, and fire-irons, long established variants, were found infrequently, but grate was offered.by 1Q% i n Washington, 2$% i n Idaho, and 20% i n Oregon and California. Grate is a legitimate term for a particular kind of metal basket or frame used for holding wood i n a 1 5 . Zofingen, 1928. 16 . Dialects of American English, p. 70. - 32 -fireplace. I t occurs to me that many people who have grates in their fireplaces have never seen andirons (I put myself in this category), and might offer the familiar grate for any fuel-holder in a fireplace. The true situation may be not that 20$ of the people i n the western states use grate for andirons, but that they do not i n fact have any term for andirons. But even i f these informants do use andirons and c a l l them grates, we do not know i f grate i s used for other kinds of fuel-holder . Some workers have also made the error of not providing enough scope for differentiation by the informant. In asking for porch, for example, the response may depend on the type of structure the informant has i n mind at that moment. I t might be found that instead of using just one variant, front porch, he also uses verandah, and front stoop, but that these terms each refer to a sl i g h t l y different structure. I have therefore taken care to provide for such differentiation whenever i t seemed l i k e l y to occur. - 33 -SOURCES OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE When, items were being selected for the questionnaire i t was necessary to find out two things: what features normally show variation i n English, and what features have been investigated i n other parts of the English-speaking world. Accordingly I collected and collated from questionnaires, word-lists, and dictionaries a large number of items that showed promise of being useful i n B.C. I also surveyed the results of work i n other geographical areas, making note of findings that might profitably be related to B.C.usage. Further, I carried out original research under the direction of Professor R.J. Gregg and gained access to records produced by other students working under his direction. The majority of questions used in this questionnaire are taken from the worksheets prepared for the Linguistic Atlas of the Pacific Coast 17 by David W.Reed and David DeCamp. The Pacific Coast questionnaire i s basically the long worksheets used i n the New England survey, but i t has added variants from worksheets and check l i s t s used in., others-parts of the United States. For our purposes most of the questions have been modified to suit the requirements of a postal questionnaire, to eliminate ambiguities, or to f i t special circumstances i n B.C. The retention of many American items w i l l reveal relationships between American and Canadian English. 17. Berkeley, 19$2. - 3U -Also useful was another work by Reed and DeCamp, a collation of -l Q Check Lists Used i n the Study of American Linguistic Geography, which gathers together items used i n ten check l i s t s from across the United States, most of them also appearing i n their Pacific Coast questionnaire. An examination of the Long Work Sheets of the New England survey, showed several items, not used i n either works of Reed and DeCamp which seemed worth investigating in B.C. Another important source was Frederick G. Cassidy's "A Method for Collecting D i a l e c t " ^ . This article presents, as well as a questionnaire of 1520 items, a useful procedure for conducting a dialect survey by mail. Cassidy's questionnaire i s intended to find material for the American Dialect Society's Dialect Dictionary project. The contents of this article proved quite valuable, notwithstanding the fact that the aims of the ADS project differ from those of the Linguistic Atlas of the United States and Canada. It i s concerned to some extent with items of folk-lore and social custom, which are not properly i n the domain of linguistics, and i t s priorities are those of the lexicographer rather than the dialect-ologist. A r i c h source of Canadian items was the Dictionary of Canadianisms 20 on Historical Principles edited by W.S. Avis. Every one of the many 18. Berkeley, 1952. 19. PADS, No. 20(1953), 5-96. 20. Toronto, 1967-- 35 -thousands of entries in this dictionary was read, and every item of possible use noted. The items in this questionnaire which are not drawn from the sources mentioned have been acquired mos t l y through personal observation. Other questionnaires,such as Harold Orton's*--1- and Angus Mcintosh's were searched, but nothing suitable for inclusion was found. The published results of many studies done in the United States and Canada were also consulted. Among the most useful American works 23 were Hans Kurath's Word Geography of the Eastern United States and Carroll Reed's Dialects of American English.^ The latter work contains frequency tables for items tested i n Washington, Idaho, Oregon, and California. Of the few Canadian studies published only two proved useful i n the evaluation of items, and, both were quite limited i n scope. Donald 25 E. Hamilton's "Notes on Montreal English" ^ and the three articles by W.S. Avis on Ontario speech offered figures on a small number of items and thus made possible some interesting comparisons with B.C.speech. 21. A Survey of English Dialects:Introduction, Leeds, 1962 22. A.W.Mcintosh, H.J. Uldall, Kenneth Jackson, Linguistic  Survey of Scotland ; Postal Questionnaire No. 1, (Edinburgh, 1951) and A Mcintosh and J.S. Woolley, Postal Questionnaire No. 2 (Edinburgh, 1953). 23. Ann Arbor, 19U9 2k. Cleveland, 1967 25. J.C.L.A., TV(1958), 70-79 26. "Speech Differences along the Ontario-United States border : I, Vocabulary, "JCLA, I [pilot issue}(I95h), 13-20 "II, Grammar and Syntax" , UCLA, I (1955), 14-19 "III, Pronunciation", JCLA, II (1956) ul-59-- 36 -As there was no information available on B.C.English other than 27 the two phonological studies of R.J. Gregg i t was necessary to begin collecting data myself. Under the guidance of Professor R.J. Gregg and with the assistance of my wife I undertook i n my f i r s t survey to establish the phonology of the Vancouver area and to test the pronunciation of certain words. The survey was carried out i n June, I96J4, and used as informants 2I46 students from three Vancouver high schools. Some of the results were presented i n a paper read at the Annual meeting of the Canadian Linguistic Association i n 1965. In I966 a much reduced version of the same questionnaire was given to I46 grade twelve students from the Duncan area, and this was repeated i n 1967 with 15 students from Hope. Also i n 1965 I sent letters to l o c a l newspapers throughout the province asking readers for information on twelve items. Many editors did not run the letter, making the coverage of the province incomplete, but 7I4 readers replied and contributed some useful information. Encouraged by the response, I sent a further questionnaire to a number of these correspondents. 27. "Notes on the Pronunciation of Canadian English as spoken in Vancouver, B.C.", JCLA, III (1957), 20-26. "Neutralisation and Fusion of Vocalic Phonemes in Canadian English as spoken in the Vancouver area", JCLA, III (1957), 78-83. - 37 -Two other students of Professor Gregg were also conducting f i e l d -work at this time. Judith Taylor recorded interviews with nine informants on Vancouver Island, and Stephen Smith recorded interviews and made transcriptions for sixteen informants i n the Okanagan. When the results of these surveys were tabulated and analysed, they proved useful additions to the data I had already collected. The commentary on the items of the questionnaire following is based largely on the results of the various research projects mentioned above. FORMAT AND ADMINISTRATION It i s intended that the information gathered through this questionnaire w i l l be processed by computer. Accordingly the advice of the Computing Center of the University of B.C. has been sought and their further assistance has been offered at such time as the project is definitely begun. Every informant w i l l be (asked to complete a farm on which he w i l l give his name, address, sex, occupation, education, parental origins, and residence history. This information w i l l be punched onto a card bearing the informant's number. The questionnaire i t s e l f w i l l be printed on sheets and mailed to the informant, perhaps in two installments to make i t seem less intimidating. The informant w i l l write his answers and comments in the spaces below the questions and then w i l l return the sheets by mail. The answers w i l l be examined and a code for the various answers to a question w i l l be devised. In this form a l l responses w i l l be punched onto cards and fed into a computer. The computer program recommended to me by Mr. Leigh of the Computing Center is the Gl UBC MVTAB. Using this program we w i l l be able to produce the following tables: frequency tables for each response, correlations between the response and any other variable such as age, sex, or occupation, correlations between any two responses, and c h i -square values for any set of correlations. - 39 -Mapping w i l l be done from the p r i n t - o u t . I envisage using one c l e a r , durable, non-ripping p l a s t i c sheet to f i t over the base maps, punching holes inbthe p l a s t i c to p i n - p o i n t informant l o c a t i o n s , and then making coloured dots through the holes i n correspondence w i t h a response-code. This sheet w i l l then be placed over another base map to ch a r t another item. Such an operation w i l l no doubt prove t e d i o u s , but no a v a i l a b l e computer w i l l do t h i s work. - Uo -THE QUESTIONNAIRE The questionnaire that follows was designed to be administered by mail. A set of instructions, not here included, w i l l accompany i t . At the top of most questions a reference number (or numbers) is given. These numbers refer to other questionnaires or ward l i s t s in which the item dealt with may be found. The abbreviations used are as follows: PCQ : Pacific Coast questionnaire (Reed and DeCamp's worksheets for the Linguistic Atlas of the Pacific Coast). C ChL : A Collation of Check Lists by Reed and DeCamp. LWS : The Long Word Sheets used in Kurath's New England survey (see the Handbook, pp. 150-158) Cas : Frederick G.Cassidy's questionnaire from " A Method for Collecting Dialect" D of C : The Dictionary of Canadianisms. These works are discussed above under the heading "Sources". A commentary follows each question. In the discussion the names of certain studies referred to frequently have been abbreviated as follows: VS The Vancouver survey, carried out among high school students in I96I4. DS The Duncan survey, carried out among high school students in Duncan in 1966 HS The Hope survey, carried out among high school students i n Hope in 1967. PQ-1 Postal Questionnaire number one, administered through regional newspapers i n 1965. PQ-2 Postal questionnaire number two, the follow-up to PQ-1 These studies are also discussed above under the heading "Sources". - m -PCQ 1*6.-2 1. In the word tomato do you pronounce the middle part of the. word as eight, at, or ought? If none of these words f i t give a word containing the "a" sound you use. I have gathered information on this item through three student surveys (Vancouver, Duncan, and Hope) with a total of 302 informants, and through the Postal Questionnaire and the Smith and Taylor surveys with a total of 71 informants. Analysis of this data leads me to three general conclusions. F i r s t , there is a geographical variation i n the distribution of the adult responses. Second, this geographical variation at the adult level seems to have disappeared among the teen-agers studied. Third, considered as a group, the B.C. adults respond very much like Avis's Ontario informants. The results of the various surveys are tabulated below. Responses from teen-agers have been excluded from the PQ-1 figures. tomato Ontario PQ-1 Student surveys / 11% 67 97 / « / 21 23 2 /ZL/CL/t,/ 8 10 1 The next table shows the adult responses by region. The Vancouver - 2*2 -Island figures are taken from PQ-1 and the Taylor survey. The Okanagan figures are from PQ-1 and the Smith survey. The PQ-X column gives the responses of the PQ-1 group with a l l the Vancouver Island and Okanagan informants excluded. Vancouver Island Okanagan PQ-X(rest of the Province) /«'/ 2h% 56 89 /at/ 4 7 - 3 8 5 /a/a/V 30 6 5 The results of the student surveys show a levelling of the striking differences revealed i n the above table. This may be seen i n a comparison of the Vancouver Island adults as tabulated above with the Duncan students: Vancouver Island adults Duncan students / - e i / 21*36 98 M / 47 2 A / W 30 o PCQ 1 4 . 7 ; Cas. B9. 2. Would you rhyme "vase" with "face", "days", "cause", or "has"? ' If you don't rhyme i t with any of these, supply your om rhyme. A number of very interesting facts have emerged from the study of vase. There i s a regional variation quite evident within the province, - 43 and, not surprisingly, between British Columbia and Eastern Canada. There i s , furthermore, evidence of a trend in the pronunciation of this word. The direction of this trend may well have significance regarding the orientation of Canadian English vis-a-vis B r i t i s h and American English. The regional variation may be seen i n the following tables. The V.I. column represents the Vancouver Island informants from Taylor's survey and from PQ-1 The Ok. column represents the Okanagan informants from Smith's survey and from PQ-1. The PQ-X column gives the PQ-1 figures exclusive of Vancouver Island and Okanagan informants. The last column is a summation of the three previous columns. A l l the informants i n this table are mature adults. VI Ok PQ-X adults / v * « z / 5.5$ 6 32 16 / u e i s / 5.5 6 0 3.5 / Wz / 72 75 61+ 70 / \/atz / o 6 ii 3.5 / vaz / . 1 7 6 0 7 We may note the high incidence of / va,z / on Vancouver Island. Further, /V£.iz / has a much lower frequency on Vancouver Island and i n the Okanagan than i n the rest of the province. Only one of eighteen Vancouver Island informants and one of sixteen Okanagan informants gave / V^iz /. In the Northern Interior a l l three informants gave / v e i ' z /. Such small samples cannot provide reliable evidence, yet the indication - 44 -of regional difference is certainly there. This regional variation persists i n the student sample, although not to the same extent. The figures are given below. Duncan Vancouver Hope students / v e i z / hl% 50 19 So / v£/ 5' / 0 k 0 3 / V ^ z / $2 45 21 45 / vaez / 0 2 0 1 ! / V Ztz / ' 7 0 0 1 ! When we compare the B.C. figures with those given by Avis for Ontario and by Hamilton for Montreal we see further differences. The Ontario figures are f a i r l y close to those of the B .C. teen-agers, except that /V£.iS / i s much more common i n Ontario. The Ontario figures, though, are quite far removed from those for the B.C. adults. Montreal again i s quite different, yet not completely at variance except for the high incidence of / vae.z / and / v e i s /. The table i s given below. Montreal Ontario B.C. adults B.C. students 36.3% 49.5 16 5o / M*-l$ / 8.4 n 3.5 3 / Vbz / 46 .2 38 70 45 / i/aez / 10.1 1.5 3.5 1 / V3.Z / 0 0 7 1 - U5 -When we compare the B.C. adult figures with those for the teen-agers, we get good evidence of a shift in pronunciation habits. As has been noted above there are five main variants for this word, /vvz / is the British form and is common across Canada. It is the preferred form of most of the adults surveyed in B.C. The regular American pronunciation is /v^i S /. Of relatively minor importance are /V9£Z / and /v\z /} occurring chiefly in Montreal and Vancouver Island, respect-ively. One might expect here the development of a classical Canadian situation : a choice between a British variant on the one hand, and an American variant on the other. There is no need to document the number of times this situation has occurred in the history of Canadian English. What is significant here is that in the case of vase the movement away from the British /Vvz. / is not in the direction of the American /V-etS / , but to /v-^'Z /, a hybrid not used in Britain and uncommon in the United States. Does this represent an unconscious desire for a middle-of-the-road solution to this linguistic problem, a need to be un-British, yet a reluctance to be American? Would an unaffiliated variant have been chosen in other polarized situations i f i t had been available? These questions cannot be answered on the .basis of this one item, but these implications deserve consideration. That such a trend exists is easily demonstrable. The overall adult frequency for /Wz / is 7 0 $ . For the teen-agers i t is h$%. The adult frequency for / v e i z / i s only 1 6 $ , but i t has increased in the teen-age group to S0%. We cannot say, of course, that the adults in this case - 46 -necessarily represent the parents of the teen-agers studied, since the areas are not the same. Yet we may compare the Vancouver Island inform-ants, who give 12% / / and $.S%: / v e f z /, with the Duncan students, who give $2% /VKz / and kl% /\j*J\z. /. Further evidence that a movement from /V~t?z / to / t / e / z / i s i n progress can be found i n the distribution of the teen-age responses. I have found invariably that in the responses to any given item the Duncan students tend to choose the more conservative and/or British form, the Vancouver students are always less conservative and less British, and the Hope students always move further i n this direction than the Vancouver group. For this kind of item then an ordered progression of figures from Duncan, Vancouver, and Hope reveals a direction of l i n g u i s t i c development. This phenomenon i s further discussed i n the notes to item 6. Such a progression is evident when the figures for the teen-age 'responses are examined..' Duncan Vancouver Hope / v - e i z / hl% So 19 / vvz / 52 45 21 If my hypothesis is correct, / V-ei z / w i l l become the predominant form i n B.C. as / V~&z / weakens. The American form S / is being chosen by very few. The figures seem to show that this form is at least holding i t s own, but i f we look at the students who offered this variant we find that four - hi -of the ten had at least one parent born i n the United States. Of the group not using / Ve.is / only 7.6$ had a parent born i n the United States. The influence of an American parent on the child's choice here seems obvious, and i f we discount this factor i t seems that / V-ei s" / i s , i f anything, growing weaker. Besides adding information on this interesting situation vase w i l l also help pin-point areas where / 3. / occurs, dialectally a very important feature i n B.C. PCQ l&.l Do you pronounce the f i r s t part of apricot to rhyme with cap or cape? Do you normally use any other term for this fruit? In Victoria seven of nine used /€.1 / for the i n i t i a l vowel, one used / 9£ / and one used both / 9€- / and /€,//. in the Okanagan 9 gave / €~'i / and 3 gave / 3£- /. Seven of the 12 Okanagan informants volunteered cots as the name for this f r u i t . This is apparently the packing house term for this f r u i t , and-it is not certain whether or not i t s use extends beyond the area where apricots are a major crop. PCQ 51.5, 55.7. (a) Does "shone", as i n "The sun shone brightly," rhyme with "John" or "Joan"? - 48 -(b) Does "lever", as i n "Pull the lever", rhyme with "clever" or "cleaver"? (c) Does "root", as i n "root of a tree", rhyme with "foot", "boot", or "but"? (d) Does "soot", as i n "chimney soot", rhyme with "foot", "boot", or "but"? (e) Does "route", as in "paper route", rhyme with "shoot" or "shout"? (a) shone The standard Canadian pronunciation is / § vn /• For the American / §om\ / Avis reports an incidence of y%. I found 2% and h% i n the Vancouver and Duncan surveys, respectively. (b) lever The usual Canadian pronunciation is / i i v a r / . I found the frequency of the American / 'levar / to be $% i n Vancouver, 1% i n Duncan, and 7% i n Hope. (c) root I have no figures from B.C. for this word, but Hamilton reports a surprising 20.3$ for / t * ^ t / i n Montreal. (d) soot The figures available are as follows: - U9 -Ontario Montreal Vancouver Duncan 11 26.5 6 2 s -v-t 77 73.5 71 67 s a t 12 - 23 29 (e) route The usual Canadian pronunciation is / put but four of Smith's eleven Okanagan informants and two of Taylor's eight from Vancouver Island gave / Mwt" /. Does''schedule" begin with a "sk n as i n s k i , or a "sh" as i n she? Avis found that 67$ of his informants used / 's J3 a J. /and 33$ / ' j S c j j a l /. The results i n B.C. seem to indicate standardization in favour of / 'sks^ai /. In the V.S. 16$ used the / $ / form, only half the percentage i n Ontario. In Duncan, where British forms are more often chosen than in Vancouver, 23$ used / £ /, a figure s t i l l considerably lower than that reported by Avis. In Hope, in a rather small smaple of i i i , only one person used / /, a result consistent with the figures of the V.S. Read the following l i s t carefully and mark with an "R" each pair that has a perfect rhyme. Write "NO" by any pair that does not rhyme. - 5o -father - bother leisure - pleasure marry - merry merry - mary caught - cot bury furry aunt - ant mourning - morning fairy - ferry hoarse - horse In the surveys I have taken among High school students in Vancouver, Duncan, and Hope I found no evidence whatever of phonemic opposition i n the following pairs of words : father - bother, caught -cot, aunt - ant, f a i r y - ferry, mary - merry, hoarse - horse. Since these pairs form constrasts i n other parts of Canada and the U.S. i t i s important to include them, for the older generations may retain contrasts that the young do not. The information gathered here w i l l not be free of error, but i t is my experience that the error i n this type of question is always in one direction; that i s , people w i l l believe they make distinctions where in fact they do not. Any distinctions made i n the pairs mentioned should, however, be checked i n a follow-up by a fieldworkers. In reference to the other pairs of words in this question I would like to note f i r s t an interesting finding. The responses f o r many items in the student surveys show an identical pattern : taken as a whole, the Duncan responses tend to be more conservative and more British, the Vancouver responses almost always less so, and the few Hope students tend toward the extreme of any pattern set by Vancouver. In the case - 5i -of any feature that is conservative Duncan w i l l have the highest incidence of i t , Vancouver w i l l be lower, and Hope lower s t i l l ; for example, this may be seen i n the case of the /3e - , £ / contrast before / / i n open syllables (as i n marry; merry) : U0$ of Duncan students retained the contrast, 22$ of the Vancouver students, and none of the Hope students. The same pattern is seen i n the case of British as opposed to American variants; for example, 5l$ of Duncan students say / 'lej^r / compared with 33$ i n Vancouver and 1!$ i n Hop. The pattern holds for innovations : 1*6$ i n Duncan say / 'fock-W / for sherbet , compared with 63$ i n Vancouver, and 86$ i n Hope. Given this general pattern, the results for the pronunciation of bury prove very interesting indeed. I became aware from the VS that a large number of students pronounced this word / barf /, but the pattern for this pronunciation (Duncan 20$, Vancouver 35$, Hope k7%) seems to suggest that i t is not, as I had at f i r s t thought, a r e l i c that had unaccountably survived but would die out under the pressure of stand-ardization, but on the contrary a form that is growing i n acceptance. A similar situation may be developing with respect to the pronunciation of mourning. The figures are too small to support anything but speculation, but nonetheless the same pattern i s evident : i n Duncan morning and mourning were pronounced the same by a l l student, i n Vancouver 2$ distinguished between the two, using / * / or / v / i n mourning, in Hope the figure was 7$. It would be unwise to make predictions, but i t is possible that i n another twenty years one i n ten young - 52 -Vancouverites will say /'IMKOIITJ / f o r mourning. PCQ 69.3 7. Which of the following words would you choose as a rhyme for rather? mother, lather, bother, father In Vancouver and Hope 89$ of the students tested said /Vae-^sr / and 11$ said / ' ( " ^ ^ i " /. In Duncan 68$ used / V a e . ^ ^ / and 32$ / 3 ^ /. This result is very close to what Avis reports for Ontario (67$ - 33$)- The sample used in Duncan was not large (46) but i t is sufficient to indicate a genuine difference between Vancouver Island and the Lower Mainland. Item 6 should clarify a pronunciation rhyming with bother or father. 8. Does the f i r s t part of Zebra rhyme with the Feb. of FEBruary or the feeb of FEEBle? In Ontario, according to Avis, the / £ / variant of Zebra is as often used as the form with / I /. ( / z g t ^ / 48$; / 'z'lhr^ / $2$) In Vancouver and Duncan only 10$ used the / £ / form. This 9 to 1 ratio of / I / to / £ / may not hold throughout the province, as is indicated by the results from Hope. (The Hope sample was small (14), yet as many (4) used / <£ / as in Duncan, where the number of informants was 46. - 53 -PCQ u9.7; C Ch L 60.4; Cas. K39 9. What do you c a l l the common worm that lives i n the ground? Any special names? In the Victoria survey a l l nine informants responding gave worm or earthworm. In Smith's Okanagan group, however, two out of 12 gave earthworm, two gave fishworm, five gave angleworm, and three offered both fishworm and angleworm. As a Vancouver native I found these Okanagan results unexpected, fishworm and angleworm being both quite unfamiliar to me. The figures for Washington State, however, show a frequency of 63$ for angleworm and lh% for fishworm. Other frequencies are fishingworm 3$., f i s h bait 3%> earthworm 1%, worm ±6%. PCQ 49.8; C ChL 60.4; Cas. K39 10. What do you c a l l the large worm of this kind that might be used as fishing bait? The typically Canadian dew-worm w i l l l i k e l y predominate i n the coastal area. There is reason to doubt that any special terms at a l l w i l l be found elsewhere i n B.C. Avis reports 97.6$ of his responses favoured dew-worm. Other terms such as night-crawler may possibly be found. - 5u -PCQ 50.6; C Ch L 60.12; Cas M 2k Do you have any other names for the dragon-fly? There i s no need to e l i c i t dragon-fly since i t is the standard term and i s almost certainly known to everyone. The secondary folk names such as devil's darning needle probably occur i n B.C., since Carroll Reed finds instances of both right on the B.C. - U.S. border. Reed's figures are as follows: dragon-fly 66$ snake doctor 1 (devil's) darning needle 23 snake feeder 8 mosquito hawk 1 ear sewer 1 C Ch L 21.11 - .12 Is the word "go-devil" ever used in your area? If i t i s , what does i t mean? This question i s intended to reinforce item 71> for most of the informants familiar with this term connected i t with a sled used for hauling logs. For some i t was synonymous with stoneboat. One informant from Saanich, however, referred to a species of clam (known also as the geoduck or gooayduck) as a go-devil. - 5 5 -D of C : mowitch 1 3 « Is the word "mowitch" used i n your area? If so, what does i t mean? Mowitch is borrowed from the Chinook jargon and has some currency, especially among hunters, as a synonym for deer. Its use is centered on the coast but probably extends inland. There i s some evidence that the term refers specifically to the Coast or Sitka deer. Since i t is only i n the South-east part of the province that more than one species ! co-exists, the distribution of the term may be profitably compared with the distribution of the animal. D of C : kokanee 111. Do any of the lakes i n your region have land-locked salmon i n them? If so, what are these f i s h called? Give the local name. Obviously the distribution of names w i l l be dependent on the distribution of the f i s h i t s e l f . There does seem, however, to be some regional variation i n the names used. The term used by the Interior Salish for this f i s h i s kikinee (D of C) The term i n general use throughout the province is kokanee/ ' / c o / . The D of C l i s t s as variants kickininee, redfish, l i t t l e redfish, silver f i s h , silver trout-. I have e l i c i t e d kickaninnee from the Shuswap and North Okanagan regions and kickanee from Burns Lake. One of the citations from the D of C - 56 -for kickininie i s also from the Okanagan area. There are obvious d i f f i c u l t i e s presented by this item. First, the informant must necessarily realize that the fish referred to is a land-locked salmon. Second, the f i s h i t s e l f changes i t s appearance from season to season. It is obvious that we must here trust the knowledgeable anglers among the informants for any useable information we get. D of C : rancherie Do you have any special name for a village or settlement inhabited by Indians, or for an Indian reserve, or for an Indian house? Rancherie seems to be the term used for Indian settlements or reserves in cattle-country. Ranch(e) and rancheria are other variants. PQ-2 indicates that rancherie is i n use i n Pemberton and was used i n the Harrison-Chilliwack area. This leads one to speculate on whether the term might have come down (or gone up) the old Harrison - Lillooet T r a i l . Since rancheria used in the sense of Indian settlement is of Spanish -American origin, i t is quite possible that the term was brought north by American cattlemen. What is the name used i n your area for North American Indians? - 5 7 -Indian i s , of course, the standard term, but native occurs i n some areas and may i n fact be universal i n the Terrace area. PCQ 2 7 .ii; C Ch L 31-10; Cas H8l 17. What do you c a l l a hole i n the road? Seven of the ten Okanagan informants responding gave pot-hole; the remaining three gave chuck-hole• PCQ 27.6; C Ch L 31.12; Cas G 5U; D of C : boulevard. 18. What do you c a l l the stri p of grass between the sidewalk and the street? In many B.C. communities either the sidewalk or the s t r i p of grass does not exist, or is a recent improvement. Boulevard w i l l no doubt be found general. PCQ 63-2; C Ch L 8 0.ii; Cas J 17 19. A person might complain of feeling sick _ j _ ( at, to, i n , on, of, from, with) his stomach. - 58 -The variants expected here are at, to, and i n . To w i l l probably predominate i n most parts of B.C., as i t does i n Ontario and Montreal. Avis and Hamilton give frequencies of 52$ and 79$ respectively for this variant. At w i l l occur also although not everywhere with the frequency reported by Avis (ljO$). The few figures I have do suggest that at i s preferred i n Victoria, four of nine giving this response. Two d? seven Okanagan informants also gave at. Two of the nine Victoria informants gave i n , a variant apparently given by 8$ or less i n Ontario, but preferred by 19$ of those interviewed in Montreal. In the U.S. to is associated with the Northern and at with the Southern and Midland regions. In neighbouring Washington the frequencies reported by Reed are as follows : to, 1;9$; at, kk%; i n , 5$. It w i l l be interesting to see i f the geographical variation which we may cautiously read into the British Columbia figures w i l l hold when a larger survey is made. It w i l l be interesting also to note whether an age difference w i l l be found when more information is compiled. PCQ 60.8; C Ch L 76.1; Cas J US If you were talking about someone who became i l l , you might say: "He and couldn't come." The Northern got sick i s to be expected here, rather than the Midland and Southern took sick or was taken sick. - 59 -PCQ 65.8; C Oh L 85.6 21. If you were on a bus and i t was coming to your stop, you might say, "I want at the next stop. ti Kurath states that I want to get off i s the standard phrase everywhere i n the Eastern United States. (A Word Geography, p. 79) The phrase I want off, which I believe is common i n B.C., he describes as "an older English construction" and he suggests that i t s persistence i n the Midland region "may in part be due to German influence (cf. ich w i l l hinaus)." If I want off does occur i n B.C. I think we w i l l have to look for a different explanation. PCQ 71.4; C Ch L 95.8; Cas P 75 22. When he saw me he into the water. Sometimes he has into the water with his eyes closed. - 60 -Dove as the past form of dive i s typical of the Northern dialect region. Two-thirds of the Smith and Taylor informants gave dove. The past participle is asked for i n the second part of the question because one of the Okanagan informants offered diven Q'dlV^"*! If dove is formed by analogy with drove, then the analogy may be carried further, as this informant has done, to driven. LWS 77.8 A wasp stung him on the palm and his hand up. My own usage i s swoll, and I suspect that this form may r i v a l the standard swelled. I f this i s indeed the case, the data w i l l have to be analysed for class as well as regional factors. PCQ h.k; 0 Ch L li.6; Cas D 50 It's quarter twelve. Quarter to i s probably universal i n B.C., but i n view of this item's importance i n differentiating dialects in the U.S., this supposition should be confirmed. - 61 -Reed reports frequencies of 81$ for to, 12$ for of , and 5$ for t i l l . PCQ 35.4; Cas P 11 25. If you were travelling along a road and then found that i t was blocked, you might say, "This is we can go." This item is intended to find instances of a l l the father as opposed to the standard as far as. Since a l l the father is considered substandard i t w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to e l i c i t . A trained fieldworker may be able to find this usage i n the unguarded speech of an informant who would not volunteer i t for a postal questionnaire. Cas I 7 26. What does a man wear over his shoulders to hold up his pants? Avis reports 81.5$ of his informants gave braces, while 18.5$ gave suspenders. Hamilton reports 41.8$ for braces and 58.2$ for suspenders. PCQ 73.4; C Ch L 98.2; Cas G 28 27. She the groceries home by herself. - 62 -Would you use any other word besides carried i n the above sentence - for example, toted, lugged, packed, or hiked? Are there any of these words that you would definitely not use? Would you use any words besides these? I have not allowed carried as a variant here since i t w i l l probably be used by a l l , and I do not want i t to influence the choice of the other variants. The question allows the use of negative information; i.e., that certain variants are not used. People from other parts of Canada continually remark on the British Columbian's use of packed i n such contents as above. Many of the non-native informants of PQ-1 commented on this use. I t is possible that this usage goes back to a time, perhaps not that far back in many communities, when the necessities cf a settler's l i f e had to be l i t e r a l l y packed i n from the outside world on the back of a horse, mule, or human. Lugged w i l l also occur here; i n fact, half of Smith's Okanagan group gave this variant. This i n i t s e l f suggests the possibility of regional variation. "Yesterday he really annoyed me. I was so mad I could have h i t him right now." Would you ever use right now i n this way? Do you know anyone who would? - 63 -This usage is reported i n North Pine, a community settled largely by people from Saskatchewan. I myself have heard i t i n Vancouver from a person raised i n Saskatchewan. It may be d i f f i c u l t to e l i c i t this usage through a direct question since i t would probably be recognized as non-standard even by those who use i t . I t is so unusual a construction, though, that i f i t i s widely used i t should be reported by third persons, and a follow-up study can be made. PCQ 56.1 29. What do you c a l l the man who delivers letters to your house? Useful in urban areas only, since mail delivery is not universal. Preliminary information seems to show that pos tman predominates in the Victoria area, while mailman is the preferred term i n the Lower Mainland and i n the Okanagan. PCQ 20.5; C Ch L 23-9 30. What is the name of the common non-electric lamp that has a glass chimney and a wick? What is the name of the fuel i t uses? - 6h -What is primarily wanted i n the second part is coal o i l versus kerosene. The term kerosene, though coined by a Canadian (Dr. Abraham Gesner), i s not as common as the U.S.Midland coal o i l . In fact a l l twelve Okanagan informants gave coal o i l . In Taylors Vancouver Island survey also, a l l informants used coal o i l ; some may also use kerosene, but since the question was improperly asked this is uncertain. Reed records a frequency of Sl% for kerosene, k3% for coal o i l . Cas H 101 31. What do you c a l l the vehicle that you wheel small children around in , sitting up? The variants possible here include s t r o l l e r , go-cart, and push-cart. See item 3h* PCQ 71.8; C Ch L °6.2; Cas G 32 32. If you are talking about a baby's way of moving along the floor before i t is old enough to walk, you might say: "Is the baby yet?" Taylor's Victoria group a l l gave crawl, and my own subjective opinion as a Vancouver native is that creep is to t a l l y alien. However, - 65 -five of the ten Okanagan informants responding to this question gave creep. The Northern American term is creep, and the Midland and Southern is crawl. No figures are available for Washington state. PCQ 1 8 . 8 ; C Ch L 2 2 . 8 What do you c a l l the piece of playground equipment illustrated below? The variant that predominates i n B.C. is teeter-totter. In the Okanagan, however, only six of the twelve who answered this question offered teeter-totter. The others gave either see-saw or teeter. The Vancouver Island records show that of five informants actually born in Vancouver or Nanaimo a l l used or had used see-saw. Of three other Vancouver Island residents born elsewhere two used teeter-totter. On the Lower Mainland see-saw is a purely l i t e r a r y term. Obviously this item w i l l demonstrate a geographical' variation. The Washington frequencies are as follows: see-saw Ik; teeter(ing) board 3 ; teeter-totter 8 3 . - 66 -PCQ 53.7; C Ch L 64.9; Cas H 101 What do you c a l l the vehicle that you wheel babies around in? In the Okanagan baby carriage and baby buggy were equally popular. In Victoria the situation was the same with the difference that a large proportion used both terms. However, a significant number also offered pram as a second choice. I suspect that variation i n this item may result from socio-economic and age factors as well as geography. In Washington the frequencies reported are 13$ for baby carriage, and 80$ for the Midland baby buggy. Reed also reports 7$ for go-cart, a variant I am not willing to accept u n t i l I know certainly that i t does not refer to the vehicle i n which the child rides seated, (see item 31) LWS 83.3 If children are regularly dismissed from school at three o'clock, you might say, "School at three." The term I am familiar with i n the Vancouver area is gets out, - 67 -which Kurath confines to New York City and i t s environs (A Word Geography, p. 79). Lets out is apparently the usual form i n most of the Eastern United States but other variants, such as turns out, breaks, breaks up, leaves out, closes, and goes out are also found. PCQ 63.8; C Ch L 82.5; Cas J 76 Is the practice of noisily serenading a newly-married couple familiar in your part of the country? What do you c a l l this activity? Is i t s t i l l done? The term used for this activity i n Canada is usually chivaree /(JlVaV/ /. From PQ-1 i t seems that chivarees are, or were, familiar in many communities throughout the province. Most of the informants state that the custom died out t h i r t y , forty, f i f t y or even sixty years ago. Others say that the chivaree degenerated into a game of blackmail practised by the children of the area. There is some indication, though, that the custom i s s t i l l carried on i n some of the smaller communities of the province. I t i s interesting that some informants, though familiar with the chivaree, say that i t was never practised i n their locality; while other informants from the same region state that i t did occur in their community. My information is that chivarees were common on the prairies, particularly Alberta, and in parts of Ontario. Settlement patterns may help to explain the term's haphazard occurrence i n B.C. • - 68 -Reed i n Washington reports a frequency of 91% for chivaree. Cas J 72 Which of the given alternatives would you most l i k e l y use i n the following sentence. If a mother were going away, she might say: "Will you the baby while I'm gone." mind tend look after s i t with take care of babysit watch Are there any of these alternatives that you would not use? The f i r s t two alternatives are of most interest here. I know from personal experience that mind i s common in McBride but rare in Vancouver. D.of C : apartment block What would you c a l l a set of rooms rented out i n a private home? What would you c a l l a set of rooms rented out i n a building that had many such sets of rooms? What would you c a l l such a building? - 69 -Professor Gregg has suggested that suite and apartment block may have a much wider distribution i n B.C. than in other regions of Canada. PCQ 9.2; C Ch L 10.8 - .9 What do you c a l l the platform at the front of a house that the steps are attached to? Would these different kinds have the same name? a) a simple platform with two or three steps. b) a platform with a r a i l i n g and some kind of roof. c) a covered platform extending along the front of the house. This is a d i f f i c u l t item to test i n a postal questionnaire. The only test I have run on this item so far was i n the DS, and no attempt was made to differentiate types of porch. The main variants occurring i n the DS were porch and verandah. Stoop also occurred. Other variants looked for,by the Pacific Coast Questionnaire are gallery and piazza. The variants may or may not be prefixed by front. PCQ 9.3; C Ch L lu.8 What do you c a l l the platform at the back of the house that the steps are attached to? Would these different kinds have the same name? - 70 -a) a simple platform with two or three steps. b) a platform with a r a i l i n g and some kind of roof. The variants expected are porch, verandah, and stoop, each one possibly prefixed by back. Do you have a name for a platform near the back door that makes i t easier to reach the clothesline? I am concerned here to discover the what extent stoop has been extended to this structure. PCQ 10.k; C Ch L 11.7; Cas B 74 What do you c a l l the channel at the edge of the roof that carries away rain water? (not the pipe that runs to the ground). Gutters and eaves troughs are expected here but there are other variants. CaroHReed reports the following frequencies i n Washington! gutters 28% eaves troughs 38 eaves spouts 1 spouts, spouting 2 drain pipes 15 eaves 10 - 71 -C a s B 75; W 5.1 W h a t d o y o u c a l l t h e p i p e t h a t t a k e s t h e w a t e r f r o m t h e c h a n n e l a t t h e e d g e o f t h e r o o f t o t h e g r o u n d ? D o w n s p o u t , , d o w n p i p e , d r a i n p i p e , a n d e a v e s s p o u t a r e a l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s h e r e . PCQ 16.1; C C h L 18.7; C a s B 35. W h a t d o y o u c a l l t h e h a n d l e o n t h e w a t e r p i p e a t t h e k i t c h e n s i n k t h a t t u r n s t h e w a t e r o n o r o f f ? T a p i s t o b e e x p e c t e d b u t f a u c e t m a y o c c u r i n s o m e a r e a s . WW f a u c e t 91; s p i c k e t 2; s p i g o t 1; t a p 6 96, 2, 1 A n . i s o g l o s s d r a w n f r o m t h i s i t e m w o u l d v e r y l i k e l y f o l l o w t h e U . S . - C a n a d i a n b o r d e r q u i t e c l o s e l y . K u r a t h s t a t e s t h a t " f a u c e t . . . i s i n r e g u l a r u s e among a l l s o c i a l g r o u p s i n t h e n o r t h " , ( A W o r d  G e o g r a p h y , p . 15) a n d t h i s i s b o r n e o u t i n t h e f i g u r e s c o l l e c t e d b y D r a k e f o r O h i o w h e r e 92$ u s e d f a u c e t a n d l e s s t h a n 3$ u s e d t a p . On t h e C a n a d i a n s i d e t h e s i t u a t i o n i s r e v e r s e d . A v i s r e p o r t s 94.5$ f o r t a p a n d o n l y 5.5$ f o r f a u c e t i n O n t a r i o . H a m i l t o n f o u n d 90$ u s i n g t a p a n d 10$ u s i n g f a u c e t i n h i s M o n t r e a l s t u d y . The c o r r e s p o n d e n c e I f o u n d b e t w e e n t h e D u n c a n s t u d e n t s a n d A v i s ' s g r o u p i s q u i t e r e m a r k a b l e . T h e - 72 -figures for the Okanagan are also very close to those reported by Avis, even though a group of twelve is not large enough to yield reliable results. The figures, arranged to conform to Avis's presentation, are as follows: tap tap only faucet only both Ontario (Avis) 9k.5% o9.$% $% Duncan 93 88 7 5 Okanagan (Smith) 92 75 8 17 I should note, however, that some of the Duncan students who offered faucet were not raised i n B.C., and none of them had parents native to this province. In the Okanagan group as well, two of the three giving faucet did not come to the area u n t i l they were five, one l i v i n g previously i n the U.S. and the other i n Quebec. The present questionnaire should reveal whether a "purer" group of informants w i l l give noticeably different results. A further point of interest here i s that while tap apparently predominates across Canada, the trade term for this fixture is faucet. PCQ 6.3; C Ch L 7-7; Cas B 6k What do you c a l l the room in your house where you would entertain guests (not the kitchen)? Have you ever called i t anything else? - 73 -Living room is now the dominant form i n B.C. PQ-1 and the DS suggest that i t was not always so. Many informants report that their parents or they themselves as children used such terms as front room, sit t i n g room, drawing room, or parlour. Front room is the only remaining r i v a l to liv i n g room and i t too seems to be losing ground. I myself have been converted over the last ten years from front room to living room. It might be noted, however, that of the Duncan students questioned 7.5$ s t i l l used si t t i n g room or drawing room and 15$ front room. PCQ 7-1*5 C Ch L 9.1; Cas B 8U What do you c a l l the upholstered piece of furniture made for three or four people to s i t on? What name would you give to a piece of furniture like this that would open out into a bed? Are there any other pieces of furniture that are similar but are given different names? What are they called and how are they different? Chesterfield i s , of course, a distinctive Canadianism. Certain variants do, occur, however, even in furniture advertisements. It w i l l be useful to know whether variations i n usage are tied to differences in the object i t s e l f , or whether there i s perhaps a regional variation. - 74 -Sofa, couch, settee, and lounge have a l l occurred sporadically i n the surveys made. PCQ 7.7; C Ch L 9.2-.3; Cas B 52 Which of the following names would you give to the t a l l piece of furniture containing drawers, used for keeping clothing i n . chest of drawers bureau drawers dresser high boy low boy Chester drawers chiffonier chest stand other . . . If you use more than one of these names, would there be any difference i n meaning? I have chosen this form because i t seems the only way of getting Chester drawers, the term I use myself. A l l these variants were e l i c i t e d i n the DS. Stand i s included because, although I have encountered i t nowhere else, one student in Duncan insisted on i t as a legitimate usage. PCQ 7.6; C Ch L 9.5; Cas B 87 What do you c a l l the kind of covering you r o l l down over a window? - 75 -The term predominant i n B.C. w i l l very l i k e l y prove to be that used in the U.S. Midland dialect area; i.e., blind. Avis reports a frequency of 94.5$ for blinds and 5*5$ for shades i n Ontario. Hamilton's figures for Montreal are 814.5$ for blinds and 15.5$ for shades. The few figures I have gathered for B.C. indicate a probable frequency of over 90$ for blinds. This shoxfs a contrast with most areas of the U.S., and certainly with the neighbouring state of Washington, where Reed reports a frequency of 6l$ for shades, 2$ for curtains, and 37$ for blinds. What would you c a l l the metal supports used to hold logs in a fireplace? PCQ 6.6; C Ch L 8.9; B 78 In the DS I found that f i r e dog was the preferred term ( 20 out of 48), and that the term andiron, which Kurath tells us i s the usual - 76 -expression i n the Northern dialect area of the U.S., was used by only 6$ of the students ( 3 out of 48). There were other variants: dog-irons, dogs, fire-irons, (used by 7 of 48 and not mentioned by Kurath). Occurring also were grate, fire-grate, grid, grid-iron, and g r i l l . These latter variants may be the result of confusion about the question, since ordinarily a grate i s quite distinct from an'. andiron. It is interesting to note the difference between the frequencies given for Washington and California, and those for Duncan. Fire dogs was not found in either state, and andirons was the preferred term (76$ i n Washington and 68$ i n Ca2f.) Other variants l i s t e d by Reed were dog-irons (4$ in Washington and 2$ i n Calif.) fire-irons, and log-irons (1$ each i n Washington, but not occurring i n Calif.) PCQ 19.4; C Ch L 23.1a What do you c a l l the metal container used for scooping up and carrying coal? Coal scuttle and coal hod are to be expected with the possibility of other variants. PCQ 19.8; C Ch L 20.9; Cas B 38 What do you c a l l the older type of iron (non-electric) used for pressing clothes? - 77 -Flat iron w i l l probably be found extensively throughout the province, but I noted sad iron at Hope, and at Vernon in the Okanagan. PCQ Hu5; C Ch L 17.6; Cas B 1 What do you c a l l a long handled, shallow pan used for frying? Have you ever called i t anything else? Frying pan is the standard now, but such terms as s k i l l e t and spider had currency i n the past and may well s t i l l occur. The American variant f r y pan may also be found. PCQ 15.6 Do you normally pronounce barrel to rhyme with Carl or Carol? I have heard the pronunciation / b<*>i / from Canadians, though 1 I am not sure i n each case of their province of origin. This pronunciation i s of sufficient interest to test for i t even though i t may be quite rare. A rhyme with Carol w i l l not, of course, give the exact pronunciation of barrel since many British Columbians neutralize the phonemic opposition of / £ / and /3e / before / r / i n an open syllable and so would have / t£rsj / rhyming with / ' / c £ > 3 i / . Others would rhyme / %xr3l / with / 'kl£i*dl /. 1. One of the Okanagan informants, a lady, 91 years old at the time of the survey (1966), gave this pronunciation. - 78 -PCQ 42.3 Do you pronounce the word pour (as i n "pour the tea") to rhyme with for or tour? I found i n Vancouver that 16$ of the people questioned gave C P M 3 , \ ) or £ px^r^j , thus making a distinction between pour and pore £ PCQ 40.7; C ChL 47.9; Cas C 58 When milk i s just at the point of becoming sour, you say: "the milk i s ." or "the milk has ." The expected forms here are turned, blinky, tainted, and on the turn. PCQ 40.8; C Ch L 47.4 ; Cas C 60 What do you c a l l the porridgy white cheese made from sour milk, often eaten with a fork? Do you have any other names for i t . Cottage cheese i s the trade name for this product and w i l l no doubt be universally known in B.C. The second part of this question may e l i c i t earlier variants. This item has been very important i n delineating - 79 -original settlement areas i n the Eastern U.S. Among Smith's Okanagan informants, who were mostly quite old, four of twelve used, or had previously used, curds as well as cottage cheese. Reed reports the following frequencies for Washington: cottage cheese 71$ Dutch cheese 17 smearcase 7 curds 1 clabber cheese 1 Cas C 76 When you are going to prepare f r u i t and seal it into jars for use over the winter, you say you are going to some f r u i t . Would you use any other words? One would expect can to be general throughout the province. There are several other possible variants which may be eli c i t e d here: put up, put down, do, do down. It w i l l be interesting to see i f the Ontario pack w i l l also be found. Cas B 11 When you t e l l someone to prepare the table for a meal, you say: " the table." Set, lay, and spread are the expected responses. - 80 -59. What do you c a l l the pudding, i c e , cream, f r u i t , or p i e served at the end of a meal? Dessert i s t o be expected here, but some incidence o f sweet i s what i s looked f o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y from older informants. Cas C 2 60. What are the main meals o f the day c a l l e d and when do you eat them? Do you have names f o r l i g h t meals eaten a t other times - before going to bed, f o r example? The f i r s t meal o f the day i s probably u n i v e r s a l l y b r e a k f a s t . The mid-day meal may be lun c h , luncheon(s), o r dinner. The meal eaten a t the end of the day i s dinner or supper. • The l a t t e r p a r t of the question i s intended to e l i c i t l u n c h , which i s used by sons s e t t l e r s from the p r a i r i e s to mean a l i g h t meal before bedtime. Any instances o f snack here w i l l probably be disregarded s i n c e t h i s term w i l l be e l i c i t e d i n another q u e s t i o n . PCQ 111.3; C Ch L 17.ll 61. What do you c a l l the metal container used f o r c a r r y i n g sandwiches, etc t o s c h o o l or work. (a) the k i n d used by workmen? - 81 -(b) the kind used by schoolchildren? The response here w i l l probably be a compound word with two elements. The f i r s t element w i l l l i k e l y be lunch or dinner, and the second element p a i l , bucket, box, or k i t . In Victoria Taylor's informants divided evenly between lunch pa i l and lunch box. Smith's Okanagan group did not give lunch box, their responses being divided evenly instead among lunch p a i l , lunch bucket, and lunch k i t . This item may provide indirect information on p a i l and bucket, since these w i l l not at this point be investigated further. It was intended originally to test pail and bucket but the results of PQ-1 suggest that i t would not be worth the effort. P a i l seems to be used for a metal container, and bucket for a wooden one. In combination the preferred use is milk p a i l and water bucket. A l l possible deviations from these patterns, however, are used. It would seem from the way many informants qualify their choices that bucket was once in more general use, but that p a i l has now taken over as the general name for this kind of container. Old associations and collocations, however, s t i l l persist, and people who would normally say p a i l would use a bucket for water from a well, or for slops, or for coal. The reason p a i l has taken over may be that a ire tal-wood distinction obtained i n the past and the metal container has, of course, replaced the wooden variety. In any case, the variations from what now seems to be standard follow no apparent pattern, and the responses - 82 -given are mostly very hesitant. While i t is possible that further information would c l a r i f y matters I do not think that at this point further investigation would be profitable, particularly since one would have to find out which variants were associated with which particular uses of the container. PCQ 2h.h; C Ch L 29.1 What do you c a l l the padded covering that you put on top of your blankets for warmth at night? I f there i s more than one type, give the name or names and say what the difference i s . PCQ 24.3; C Ch L 28.9; Cas B 93 What do you c a l l the removable covering for a bed pillow? Pillow case and pillow s l i p are both common with some possibility of pillow cover oc curring. PCQ 2ii.2; C Ch L 28.8; Cas B 90 What do you c a l l the fancy cloth put over a bed for decoration? bed-spread is the standard term, but spread, coverlet, coverlid may occur. Bed-throw, apparently used for a cloth rather than a fur - 83 -cover, is mentioned from Alberta in the D of C. PCQ 15" .4; C Ch L 18.14 What do you c a l l the piece of cloth you use for washing your face? Wash cloth, wash rag, face cloth may a l l occur here. PCQ 15.3; C Ch L 18.4; Cas B 19 What do you c a l l the piece of cloth you dry dishes with? dish towel, tea towel, dry rag, cup towel expected here. There may be some correlation with the previous item. PCQ 15.3 If you were going to help someone with the dishes you might say: "You wash and I ' l l ." On the Pacific Coast Questionnaire the directions to the fieldworker for the item dish towel are / for wiping dishes/. It is interesting that fieldworkers for the Pacific Coast should be given instructions in terms that I would consider dialectal. It should be worthwhile to see i f wipe does occur on the Canadian side of the border. - 814 -PCQ 15.2; Cas B 17 68. What do you c a l l the piece of cloth you use for washing dishes? dish rag and dish cloth expected. PCQ 8.6 69. If someone couldn't f i n d the broom because the door was i n front of i t , you might say: " I think i t ' s the door." This item is intended to check the incidence of the American back of and i n back of. Results so far, however, show that behind is the only term used. D of C : dugout 70. In some areas farmers or ranchers make excavations on their land to hold the spring run-off and rain so that they'll have water for themselves or their stock later i n the year. Do you know i f this i s done in your area? If i t i s , what are such excavations called? Dugout is the general term given by the DC for such an excavation in the Prairie provinces, and i t is the only term I have encountered i n - 85 -B.C. The D.C. also reports pothole and dam in use on the prairies and scoop-out i n B.C. I have, however, been unable to authenticate this last term in B.C. The results of PQ-2 suggest that dugout is quite restricted i n i t s distribution inside B.C. For example, i t seems to occur i n the Windermere and Peace River areas (Prairie influence?) and on the Saanich Peninsula. It i s , however, apparently unknown i n the other areas of the province investigated. Another use of dugout as an excavation for fruits and vegetables also occurs, and w i l l be investigated separately i n item . C Ch L 21.11 - .12 71. Are you familiar with a crude kind of sled used for hauling logs, similar to the ones illustrated below? I f you are, what would you c a l l i t ? Do you know of any other devices for hauling logs? The device shown in this item w i l l be known to comparatively few people. Where i t is familiar i t w i l l probably be known as a go-devil. - 86 -Sometimes an even cruder make-shift version of this already primitive implement is called a school-marm; school-marm is a logging term meaning a forked tree. D of C : sloop 72. Are you familiar with the kind of long platform without wheels that is used for dragging loads of hay in from the fields? If you are, what would you call it? Can you add anything to the description given? PQ-2 indicates that sloop is used in the Upper Arrow Lake and Shuswap Lake regions. It may also be used in the Cariboo. The D of C reports sleigh-rack in the Cariboo. Both terms are probably quite limited in their distribution. PCQ 18.3; C Ch L 21.8; Cas E $1 73. Are you familiar with the kind of low wooden sled used for hauling stones from fields? Stoneboats are s t i l l in use in most areas of the province, although they are not everywhere used for the same purpose. Stoneboats are apparently used for hauling milk cans in the Fraser Valley, apple boxes in the Okanagan, and Christmas trees in the Kootenays. Other variants, - 87 -known i n the U.S. but not yet encountered here, are stone sled, drag sled, drag, and stone drag. The extension of stoneboat to the less When referring to a bull, do you have any special words that might be used particularly by farmers, or by women, or that perhaps might be used only i n the presence of women? Kurath and other investigators have found that the older members of some communities w i l l not use the word "bull" i n mixed company. The euphemisms replacing "bull" conform to regional patterns of distribution. The people of B.C.may at one time have been puritanical enough to use similar euphemisms. There is no present evidence to indicate whether or not this was so. common sloop and go-devil is a possibility. Reed's figures for Washington are as follows: stoneboat sled drag stone drag $1% 37 7 k PCQ 29.2; C Ch L 33-4; Cas F 22T23 PCQ 29.7; C Ch L 33.20; Cas F 30 When referring to a s t a l l i o n , do you have any special words that - 88 -might be used particularly by farmers, or by women, or that might be used in the presence of women? PCQ 32,33, 34,36; C Ch L 36.2-.3-.U5 Cas F 19,40. Cats "purr" and chickens "cluck". What noise does a horse make at feeding time? What would you c a l l the noise a cow makes at feeding time? What would you c a l l the noise a calf makes when i t is being weaned? Oddly enough the sounds animals make vary from region to region. In the North and Midland most cows moo, while in the South they low. Horses whinny i n most areas of the North and Midland, but nicker or whicker i n the South. The figures from Washington State are as follows: horses: whinny 68$ , whinner 3$, nicker 16$ cows : moo 6 l$, low 15$, loo 3$. Calves: bellow or beller 10$, bawl 3$ PCQ 34.8; C Ch L 39.9-.10 What would you c a l l a rope with a loop, used for catching animals? A l a r i a t , lasso, lassoo, reata or ? - 89 -PCQ 1 8 . 1 ; Cas E 5 6 7 8 . If a farmer had only a partial load of hay on his wagon, you would say he had a . The term jag is familiar to many with a rural background, nine of . the Okanagan informants, and two of the Vancouver Island group offering i t . 7 9 . Years ago a person might have kept his horse from wandering when i t was l e f t by tying or chaining i t to a flat-bottomed metal weight l i k e the one i n the i l l u s t r a t i o n . Do you know what such a weight was called? This item is based on information from a column i n Weekend Magazine (No. 3 , 1 9 6 7 ; p . 2 3 ) by Doyle Klyn. The column revealed a profusion of local names, s t i l l apparently accessible i n Ontario. This " t i e -weight" may or may not have been used in B.C., i f i t was, the distribution of variants should show whether or not i t X\rill be a useful questionnaire item here and i n the rest of Canada. PCQ 3 4 . 6 ; C Ch L 3 9 . 4 ; Cas F 3 2 8 0 . What do you c a l l the horse on a driver's l e f t hand i n a team? - 90 -What about the horse on the right hand? There are many variants for this item, the most important of which in the U.S. are near-horse and nigh-horse. Interestingly enough, my father, who learned his farming terms in Alberta, used wheel-horse, which (in the Eastern U.S.) occurs only in the Piedmont of Virginia. PCQ 29.U; C Ch L 33.8; Cas F 10-11 81. If your cow were going to have an offspring and start producing milk again you might say: " Daisy is going to ." Would you have a special name for such a cow? To spring or freshen will be found alongside the more general calve or have a calf. In the Fraser Valley the cow would be a springer, but whether this is purely a market term confined to an area where dairying is an important industry, or whether i t also occurs in other farming areas is something that this question will help to determine. Cas F 52 82. What would you call (a) a young pig (b) a half-grown pig (c) a f u l l grown pig. - 91 -Rural informants may have special terms, such as weaner, or weanling for a young pig, and shoat for a half-grown pig. PCQ 12.6; C Ch L ll*.7; Cas E 12,li* What would you c a l l a temporary small heap of hay in a f i e l d ? The two most important terms in the Eastern U.S.are cock and shock. Avis reports 83.7$ of his Ontario informants using stook and only 16.3$ using shock. He makes no mention of cock. It might be noted however, that the D of C does not cite a meaning for stook that would be comparable to shock, described by Kurath as "a temporary small heap of hay in the meadow" (A Word Geography, p.54) That stook does occur i n Canada with this meaning seems certain. Many of the Duncan students when asked about hay stacks offered stook, possibly not realizing that the term for the larger hay structure was wanted. Furthermore, three of Smith's 16 from the Okanagan and one of the four Vancouver Island informants interviewed by Taylor gave stook. The figures available, then, based onthis very small sample (20) are as follows: hay cock, cock, cock of bay, 50$; c o i l , c o i l of hay 25$; stook 20$; hay rick 5$. The occurrence of c o i l i s most interesting since i t apparently is not found i n the U.S. On the other hand, the two main variants found i n Washington - hay tumble and hay shock - have not been found i n B.C. - 92 -PCQ 12.5; C Ch L 1U.5, OJU. 7 a-b; Cas E 12, lit • 84. Would you have a name for a large stack of hay outdo ots? Would you have different names for different types of stack? Hay stack is the standard term but rick is widely used in the Southern U.S. and is found occasionally on the West Coast, the frequency reported in both Washington and California being about 2% (Reed, "Washington Words'). One Okanagan informant gave hay rick for hay cock. Since this informant was a woman, a confusion between types of hay piles is possible; the fact that the term rick was familiar enough to offer, however, suggests that its occurrence may be substantiated by other informants. PCQ 12.4; C Ch L lit .55 Cas E 61 85. What do you call the upper part of the barn where hay is stored? Are there any other places where hay would be stored? Information on this item is available only from Vancouver Island and the Okanagan. The terms in use in these regions are loft- and hay loft. Two Okanagan informants gave hay mow. One person replying to PQ-1 suggested that mow /ir\2.xx / is in general use in the Upper Arrow region. I suspect that some people may call the hay itself, wherever stored, the - 93 -mow. This poss i b i l i t y w i l l be tested i n item 86. Carol Reed reports a frequency of 39% for mow or hay mow i n Washington State. It would be interesting to determine whether the American occurrences of mow and hay mow were found in the areas contiguous to the Okanagan and Arrow Lakes areas of B.C. PCQ 12.k; C Ch L l2j.5j Cas E 6l 86. Would you give a name to the hay stored i n a barn or elsewhere? See item 85 . 87. Would you pronounce corral to rhyme with pal or pail? (or pes s i b l y t e l l ? ) Dr.McConnell attests / fcaVe)] / and/. kh^U / at Burns Lake. Cas E 37 88. Does the name for the long-handled tool with the long blade used for cutting grass rhyme with " t i e " , "tide", or "tithe"? Would you give i t any other name? - 9k -11 of 36 PQ-1 informants (31$) gave / sae / as their normal pronunciation of scythe. Most of the / sa.£ / responses were concentrated in the Vancouver Island - Lower Mainland region. Here 9 out of 7$ used / S " a e /} which i s quite remarkable, considering that many of the informants of this area were from urban centres. This question, needless to say, w i l l not e l i c i t any distinctions between / s a e ^ / and / SAi9 /. PCQ U4.6; C Ch L 5k.2; Cas M 92 In the middle of a peach you always find a peach . Pit i s the form used in the Northern dialect area of the United States, while seed i s the Southern or Midland term. Stone is general in a l l areas. Of the Okanagan informants responding three gave p i t , and eleven stone. - 95 -PCQ 44-5; C Ch L 54.lj Cas M 90 90. In the middle of a cherry you always find a cherry Pit is the form used in the Northern dialect area of the United States, while seed is the Southern and Midland term. Stone is general in a l l areas. Of the Okanagan informants responding eleven gave pit and one gave stone. Cas 04 91. Using a forked stick to find water in the ground is called . What do you call the forked stick? What do you call the person who finds water in such a way? Water divining is a folk practice of considerable antiquity and i t would be tempting to expand this item to gain more information about its use in B.C. Bur such information would not be of linguistic concern. One problem arises with this item. I know that the term dowse, when used, may occur as / d ' a .^z / or / cLo^-z. /. Obviously I cannot ask for the pronunciation of dowse at this point without prejudicing the answer. I have therefore decided to ask for the pronunciation of dowse, i f i t is used, later in the questionnaire, (item 99), and hope that i t wil l not interfere with the results of the above question. - 96 -C C h L 29.17; C a s A 57,60; D o f C : S l o u g h . I s t h e r e a " s l o u g h " i n y o u r a r e a ? How w o u l d y o u d e s c r i b e i t ? ( I s i t c o n n e c t e d w i t h a r i v e r , a l a k e , o r t h e o c e a n ; i s i t a b o d y o f w a t e r , o r m a r s h y l a n d ; d o e s i t f l o w : d o e s i t s a p p e a r a n c e c h a n g e w i t h t h e s e a s o n s ; i s i t m a n - m a d e , e t c . ) W o u l d y o u p r o n o u n c e i t ' t o r h y m e w i t h S u e , o r c o w ? I f n e i t h e r , how d o y o u p r o n o u n c e i t ? T h i s i s o n e o f t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t i t e m s i n t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e . T h e p r o n u n c i a t i o n / SJCA / a p p a r e n t l y s e p a r a t e s t h e W e s t ( t h e p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s a n d B . C ) f r o m t h e E a s t , w h e r e / s i3."^"/ p r e d o m i n a t e s . I t h a s b e e n s u g g e s t e d t h a t s l o u g h i n E a s t e r n C a n a d a i s p u r e l y a b o o k t e r m a n d i s n o t a c t u a l l y u s e d . The p r o n u n c i a t i o n /-sllcv/ i s t h e n l i t e r a r y a n d d o e s n o t c o n s t i t u t e a g e n u i n e c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e W e s t e r n / sl°l / . N o n e t h e l e s s , t h e f a c t , i f i t s o p r o v e s , t h a t t h e t e r m i s u s e d i n t h e W e s t a n d n o t i n t h e E a s t i s o b v i o u s l y i m p o r t a n t i n i t s e l f . A l t h o u g h t h e p r o n u n c i a t i o n p a r t o f t h i s q u e s t i o n s h o u l d p r o d u c e n o t h i n g b u t / sly / I h a v e r e t a i n e d i t b e c a u s e t h e t a p e o f o n e V a n c o u v e r I s l a n d i n f o r m a n t y i e l d e d a v e r y d i s t i n c t a n d t a n t a l i z i n g T h e m e a n i n g o f t h e w o r d v a r i e s w i t h i n B . C . I n s o m e p l a c e s i t i s u s e d i n t h e p r a i r i e s e n s e o f a s m a l l b o d y o f w a t e r f e d o n l y b y t h e s p r i n g r u n - o f f a n d d r y i n g u p l a t e r i n t h e s e a s o n . I n o t h e r p l a c e s a s l o u g h i s f i l l e d b y t h e r i s i n g w a t e r s o f a r i v e r o r l a k e a t h i g h w a t e r . I n t h e F r a s e r V a l l e y a s l o u g h - 97 -may be an old channel of a river, probably stagnant, even though s t i l l connected to the main stream. In coastal areas a tidal marsh may be called a slough. It seems likely from PQ -1 that slough will be very useful in differentiating areas within the province. D of C : butte Do you use the word "butte" in your area? If so, what is meant by it? The DC reports, on rather slender evidence, that in the Northeast corner of B.C. and the North West Territories a butte is a low, rounded rock mountain. It would be interesting to verify this meaning and also to check the use of the word in the more usual sense. D of C : bluff Do you use the word "bluff" in your area? If so, what does i t mean? - a cliff-like bank on the edge of a river or lake, a grove of trees, or something else? This item is intended to find out i f the Prairie meaning of bluff ( a grove of trees) has entered the province. - 98 -D of C : skookurach.uk Is the word skookumchuk used in your area? If i t is, does i t mean a) river rapids b) tidal rapids c) the ocean d) something else In the Chinook Jargon skookum meant "big" or "strong", and "chuk" meant "water". According to two knowledgeable informants from PQ-2, skookumchuk was used for either "river rapids" or "the ocean". To avoid confusion saltchuk replaced skookumchuk in this latter meaning. Apparently skookumchuk s t i l l occurs for rapids, either river or tidal, cf. Skookumchuck Creek north of Kimberley, and Skookumchuck Narrows at the end of Sechelt Inlet. PCQ 2U.8; C Ch L 30.6; Cas A 53 Which of the following names would you use for a watercourse smaller than a river: crick stream brook creek r i l l run other names - 99 -The term crick is probably s t i l l in use in most parts of the province, in spite of efforts by school teachers to root i t out. Whether or not informants will admit to using this less approved form of creek is open to question. However the question may also turn up some variants not yet suspected. D of C : saltchuck 97. Is there any word you would normallyuse for salt-water besides "ocean"? The word very common in coastal areas is salt-chuck. Most British Columbians are familiar with this word and many of them will use i t in a jocular manner. It is evident, however, that the term is actually part of the normal speech of many people. D of C : snye 98. Is there anything in your area that would be called a "snye"? How would you describe it? This word apparently has some currency in the North, where i t can refer to any slow-moving side-channel of a river. It i t is so used anywhere in B.C. i t may form a contrast with a similar use of slough. - 100 -Cas Ok 99. Do you know the term "dowse" meaning t o f i n d water with a forked s t i c k ? I f you do, would you rhyme i t w i t h "cows" or "toes"? See item 91. 100. Would you have a name f o r a bus or t r u c k that p i c k s up men and takes them to a job somewhere? Crummy seems t o be used i n B.C. wherever such a s e r v i c e e x i s t s . According to R a n d a l l V. M i l l s t h i s term i s al s o used i n Oregon. ("Oregon Speechways," AS, XXV (1950),83) I have put together an etymology f o r the word; crummy or crumby, o r i g i n a l l y , and s t i l l i n one sense, - "lousy" (Hobo s l a n g ) ; the term was a p p l i e d to t r a i n cabooses or r a i l w a y work-crew bunk cars because they were i n v a r i a b l y l i c e - i n f e s t e d . I t was extended t o the r a i l w a y cars ( g e n e r a l l y r e f i t t e d box cars or cabooses) used t o tr a n s p o r t the men to the work s i t e . Apparently r a i l w a y speeders were a l s o sometimes c a l l e d crummies. I t seems l i k e l y t h a t the present use of crummy t o mean a bus or t r u c k t h a t takes men to work derives more from a s i m i l a r i t y i n f u n c t i o n to these older "crummies" than froma s i m i l a r i t y i n c o n d i t i o n . - 101 -PCQ 57.7 101. Does the f i r s t part of either rhyme with my or me? The figures for this item are as follows: Okanagan(Smith)Vancouver Is.(Taylor) Duncan Vancouver Hope 'j>$3r 75$ (9) 33$ (3) 59$ 66$ 79$ ' a r t ^ 25$ (3) 67 (6) 1*1 3U 21 The number of informants from the Okanagan and Vancouver Island regions is too small to give reliable results yet the frequencies obtained do suggest a geographical variation. The figures from the student surveys again show the pattern discussed in item 6. Whether these indicate a trend from /"^t / to / i / will be shown when more responses from adult informants are gathered. E 76; D of C : root house 102. What do you call the place where you store carrots, turnips, potatoes, etc. over the winter. Is i t under the house or outside? The common terms are root cellar, vegetable cellar, and root house. The D of C cites root house as a Canadianism. When I was enquiring about dug out (see item 70) in PQ-2, two informants offered the above meaning. - 102 -103. Is the terra "potlatch" used in your area? I f so, what does i t mean? An informant fromPQ-1 attests the use of this word by young people at Ganges to mean "a normal get-together at a beach party". C Ch L 10.1 104. In some older houses there i s a small room off the kitchen that i s used to store food and equipment. What is i t called? Pantry and buttery are the expected responses. PCQ la.6; C Ch L kQ.k; Gas C 13 105- What do you c a l l (food eaten between meals or before going to bed? The variants expected here are snack, bite, piece and lunch. See item 60. PCQ 17.6; C Ch L 21.2; Cas E hi 106. When two horses are hitched to a wagon or plow: - 103 -wagon This is a This is a These are Would i t be called the same i f you had a three horse rig? What about a one-horse rig? horse horse This item is important because i t differentiates dialect areas in both the U.S. and Britain. Smith's and Taylor's results for this item are confused, probably because the device was not really familiar to the interviewers. It seems, though, that singletree, whiffletree, and whippletree are the variants to be expected for the first part of the question, whereas doubletree will be the likely choice for the second. Reed's figures for Washington are as follows: singletree 91% swiveltree 1 doubletree 12% whiffletree 2 whippletree 6 Evener is one variant of doubletree that occurs in the U.S.; however, I have heard i t used only twice in B.C., and both times i t referred to the hitching device used on a three-horse rig. - lul l -Tugs, traces, and drawlines may be expected for the third part of the question. D of C : serviette 107. What do you c a l l the square of cloth or paper you wipe your fingers with at the table? The figures showing the frequency with which people i n Ontario and Montreal choose the British serviette and the American napkin are as follows: Ontario Montreal serviette only 68.6* serviette 28.5$ napkin only 20.8 napkin 71.5 serviette 79.2 both 10.4 These words have not yet been tested i n B.C. Socio-economic factors may influence the choice of these variants. PCQ 58.6 108. Do you pronounce palm (as i n "palm of the hand") to rhyme with bomb or ram or neither. - io5 -I have heard / p ^Tn / only once from a B.C. - born informant, but I have had several who claimed to have heard i t from "old-timers" in their areas. The form persists in Eastern Canada alongside / k^CW / for calm, although, according to Avis, i t is now rare. Ontario: / p"32.>i / h% Montreal: / kge>? / 15.3$ 109. Does "fourteen" as you say i t rhyme best with "short teen" or "shore teen"? I noticed the existence of a geminated / t / in thirteen and fourteen some years ago, and I have since confirmed my opinion that this feature is widespread in B.C. I have found i t difficult, though, to compile figures on its occurrence since such a feature is not always reliably reproduced by a tapercorder. The success of this question will depend on the ability of the informants to make subtle discriminations between sounds. This item also provides a good test of the usefulness of this kind of question. 110. Do you have any unusual names for birds animals fish insects plants - 106 -or any interesting words connected with farming ranching hunting fishing or any other words of interest, particularly from the "old days"? This kind of question proved useful in PQ-1, turning up several interesting pieces of information. - 107 -INDEX OF VARIANTS The following index includes a l l variants which appear in any of the questions or commentaries. The reference given is to the question number. a l l the farther, 25 andiron, 1*9 angleworm, 9,10 apartment, 38 apartment block, 38 apricot, 3 as far as, 25 aunt, 6 baby buggy, 3k baby carriage, 3k babysit, 37 back of, 69 barrel, 53 bawl, 76 bed-spread, 61* bed-throw, 6k behind, 69 beller, 76 belloxtf, 76 bite, 105 Blind(s), ko blinky, 55 bluff, 9k bother, 7,6 boulevard, 18 braces, 26 breakfast, 60 brook, 96 bucket, 6l bull, Ik bureau, 1*7 bury, 6 butte, 93 buttery, 101* calm, 108 calve, 81 can (fruit)(V.),57 carried, 27 caught, 6 chest, U7 chest of drawers, 1*7 Chester drawers, 1*7 chesterfield, 1+6 chiffonier, It7 chivaree, 36 chuck-hole, 17 chuk, 95 clabber cheese, 56 coal hod, 50 coal o i l , 30 coal scuttle, 50 cock (of hay), 83 coil (of hay), 83 comforter, 62 corral, 87 cots (apricots), 3 cottage cheese, 56 couch, 1*6 coverlet, 6I4 coverlid, 61* crawl, 32 creek, 96 creep, 32 crick, 96 crumby, 100 crummy, 100 cup towel, 66 curds, 56 curtains, I48 dam, 70 darning needle (dragon fly), 11 Dessert, 59 devil's darning needle, 11 Dew-worm, 10 dinner, 60 dish cloth, 68 dish rag, 68 dish towel, 66 dive, 22 diven, 22 divining rod, 91 do (can fruit),57 do down (fruit),57 dog-irons, 1*9 dogs (fireplace), 1*9 doubletree, 106 dove (dived),22 downpipe,li3 downspout, 1*3 dowse, 91, 99 drag, 73 drag sled, 73 dragon-fly, 11 drain pipe, 1*3 drain pipes, 1*2 drawers, 1*7 drawing room, 1*5 drawlines, 106 dresser, 1*7 driven, 22 drove, 22 dry (dishes), 67 - io8 -dry rag, 66 Dugout, 70, 102 Dutch cheese, 56 ear sewer, 11 earthworm, 9, 10 eaves, 1*2 eaves spout, U3 eaves spouts, 42 Eaves-troughs, 42 either, 101 evener, 106 face cloth, 65 fairy, 6 father, 6,7 faucet, 44 ferry, 6 Fire dogs, h9 fire-grate, h9 fire-irons, 1*9 fish bait, 9, 10 fishingworm, 9,10 fishworm, 9,10 Flat iron, 5 l fourteen, 109 freshen, 81 front room, 45 fry pan, 52 Frying pan, 52 gallery (front-),39 geoduck (clam),12 go-cart, 31,34 go-devil,12,71,73 gooeyduck, 12 got sick, 20 grate, 49 grid, 49 grid-iron, 49 g r i l l , 49 gutters, 42 have a calf, 81 hay cock, 83,84 Hay loft, 85 hay mow, 85 hay rick, 83,84 hay shock, 83 hay stack, 83,84 hay tumble, 83 high boy, 47 hiked, 27 hoarse, 6 I want off, 21 I want to get off,21 in back of, 69 Indian, 16 jag, 78 kerosene, 30 kickanee, l4 kickaninnee, L4 kickininee, 14 kickininie, 14 kikinee, 14 kokane e, 14 land-locked salmon,14 lariat, 77 lasso, 77 lassoo, 77 lay(the table),58 leisure, 6 lever, 4 l i t t l e redfish , l4 Living room,45 loft, 85 log-irons, 49 loo (cow), 76 look after (the baby), 37 lounge, 46 low (cow), 76 low boy, 47 lugged, 27 lunch, 105,60 lunch box, 6l lunch bucket, 6 l lunch kit, 6l lunch pail, 6 l luncheon(s), 60 mailman, 29 marry, 6 Mary, 6 merry, 6 milk pail, 6 l mind(the baby),37 moo, 76 mosquito hawk, 11 mourning, 6 mow, 85 mowitch, 13 napkin, 107 native, 16 near-horse (left-hand horse),80 nicker, 76 nigh-horse (left-hand horse),80 night-crawler,10 ocean, 95,97 on the turn (milk), 55 packed, 27 pail, 6l palm, 108 pantry, 104 parlour, 45 piazz a(front-),39 piece, 105 pig, 82 pillow case, 63 pillow cover, 63 pillow slip, 63 pit (peach,cherry),89 Porch (back-), 40 Porch (front-),39 postman, 29 pothole, 70 pot-hole, 17 - 109 -potlatch, 103 pour, 51+ pram, 34 push-cart,31 put down,(fruit),57 put up (fruit),57 quarter of,24 quarter till,2 4 quarter to, 24 Quilt, 62 ranch(e), 1$ rancheria, 15 rancherie, 15 rather, 7 reata, 77 redfish, l l * rick, 84 right now, 28 r i l l , 96 river rapids,95 root, 1* root cellar, 102 root house, 102 route, 4 run(watercourse),96 sad iron, 5 l salt-chuck, 97 saltehuk, 95,97 salt-water, 97 schedule, 5 school gets out, lets out, turns out, breaks, breaks up, leaves out, close's, goes out, 35 school-marm, 71 scoop-out, 70 scythe, 88 see-saw, 33 seed (peach, cherry) 89,90 serenade, 36 serviette, 107 set (the table),58 settee, 1*6 shades, 48 sherbet, 6 shivaree, 36 shoat, 82 shock, 83 shone, 4 sick (to, i n at, on, of, from, with) his stomach,19 s i l v e r fish,ll* s i l v e r trout,14 singletree, 106 s i t with (the baby), 37 sitting room, 1*5 s k i l l e t , 52 skookum, 95 skookumchuk, 95 sled, 73 sleigh-rack, 72 sloop, 72,73 slough, 92,98 smearcase, 56 snack, 60, 105 snake doctor, 11 snake feeder,11 snye, 98 sofa, 1*6 soot, 4 spicket, 44 ''spider (frying pan), 52 spigot, 44 spouting, 1*2 spouts, 42 spread, 64 spread (the table) 58 spring (of a cow) 81 springer, 81 s t a l l i o n , 75 stand, 1*7 s tone(peac h,cherry) 89,90 stone drag, 73 stone sled, 73 stoneboat, 73 stook, 83 stoop, 4 l stoop (back-), 40 stoop (front-),39 stream, 96 s t r o l l e r , 31 suite, 38 supper, 60 • suspenders, 26 sweet, 59 swelled, 23 swoll, 23 tainted, 55 take care of (the baby), 37 tap, 1*4 tea towel, 66 teeter, 33 Teeter-totter, 33 tend(the baby), 31 thirteen, 109 t i d a l rapids, 95 tie-weight, 79 tomato, 1 took sick, 20 toted, 27 traces, 106 tugs, 106 turned, 55 ,vase, 2 vegetable celler ,102 verandah(back-),40 verandah(front-),39 wand, 91 was taken sick, 20 wash cloth, 65 - 110 -wash rag, 65 watch(the baby), 37 water bucket, 6l water divining, 91 water witching, 91 weaner, 82 weanling, 82 wheel-horse ( l e f t -hand horse), 80 whicker, 76 whiffletree, 106 whinner, 76 whinny, 76 whippletree, 106 wipe(dishes), 67 worm, 9,10 Zebra, 8 - I l l -BIBLIOGRAPHY Abercrombie, David. 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"Two Decades of the L i n g u i s t i c A t l a s , " JEGP, L ( l95l) , 101-110. Mcintosh, Angus. An I n t r o d u c t i o n to a Survey of S c o t t i s h D i a l e c t s . Edinburgh, 1952. , H.J. Uldall,Kenneth Jackson. L i n g u i s t i c Survey of Scotland P o s t a l Questionnaire No. 1, Univ. of Edinburgh, 1951. , and J.S.Woolley. L.S.S. P o s t a l Questionnaire No. 2. Univ. of Edinburgh, 1953. - 115 -Marckwardt, Albert H. "Principal and Subsidiary Dialect Areas i n the North-Central-States," PADS, No 27(1957). Martinet, Andre. "Dialect," RPh., VIII (1954), 1-11. Mills, Randall V. "Oregon Speechways," AS, XXV (1950), 81-90. Moulton, W.G. "Dialect Geography and the concept of phonological space," Word , XVIII (1962), 23-32. Munroe, Helen C. "Montreal English," AS , V (1929), 21. Norman, Arthur- M.Z. "A Southeast Texas Dialect Study," Orbis, V (1956), 61-79. 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Widdowson, J.D.A. "Some Items of Central Newfoundland D i a l e c t , " CJL , X (1964), 37-46. Wilson, H.R. The D i a l e c t of Lunenburg County, Nova S c o t i a . Diss, U. of Mich., 1959 • Wrede,F. Deutscher Sprachatlas, auf Grund des von Georg Wenker begrundeten Sprachatlas des deutschen Reichs. Marburg, 1926. - 118 -APPENDIX A Secondary Questionnaire Following is a secondary questionnaire containing items of regional or special interest, as well as items which may be valuable, although information is lacking on them. This questionnaire, along with items based on the results of the main project, will be sent to informants who have been particularly useful. 1. When you are serving tea or coffee to guests, you make sure the cream and sugar are on the table. (Name the proper containers - not cans or bags'.) 2. Are there any winds or other weather features that have particular names in your area? PCQ 12.7; C Ch L 15.2 ; Cas E 66 3. What would you call the building, or part of a building, where cows are kept? PCQ 13.2; C Ch L l5.-2-.6-.9j Cas E 69-70 k. What would you call the fenced in area near the barn where the stock is kept or fed? C Ch L 17.5 5. What do you call the container used to carry food to pigs? PCQ 35.8; C Ch L 1*1.6 ; Cas E 10 6. What do you call a crop of hay that is cut later in the season some months after an earlier crop. D of C : jack-lighting 7. What do you call the kind of fishing or hunting done at night using a light as an attraction? - 119 -PCQ 33.3; C Ch L 37.5 ; Cas F 91 8. What words would you use to call a cow in fromthe field? Write them as they would sound. 9. Does the car- in "caramel" sound like the car in "used car" or the car in "carry"? Cas H 85 10. Is the word "lane" commonly used in your area? If so what meaning does i t have? PCQ 6.7; C Ch L 8.3; Cas B79 11. What do you call the shelf built just above a fireplace? Cas E 25 12. What do you call a crop that springs up and grows by itself from old seed? Cas E 11 13. What do you do to hay in the field after i t has been cut? Are there any special terms for this? Cas E 77 lit. Would you have a name for a small building where meat or fish was smoked and cured? Cas D 35 15. Do you have a name for afrost that is severe enough to k i l l plants? Cas D 34 16. Do you have a name for a fr§s/t that is not severe enough to k i l l plants? D of C : beaver meadow 17. Do you have a name for a rich grassy area, sometimes swampy, that lies behind an old beaver dam? - 120 -D of C : band 18. If a group of cattle is a herd, what do you call a group of sheep? Cas H 98 19. What do you call the devices that hold the oars in place on the sides of a boat? D of C : caulked boot 20. What do you call the boots studded with spikes used by loggers - cork boots - caulk boots - caulked boots - spiked boots 21. Would you have a special name for an Indian woman? PCQ 25.3; C Ch L 29.11 22. What would you call a stretch of land that was unfit for cultivation? Cas H 96 23. Would you have a name for a small rowboat, not big enough to hold more than two people? 2I4. What do you call the long-necked clam found on some parts of the coast? PCQ 29.8; C Ch L 34.9 25. What do you call an unbroken horse? PCQ 3k.7 ; C Ch L 39.14 26. What do you call the sack that you put on a horse's head to feed him? PCQ 56.3; C Ch L 69.12-.Lb; Cas E 1 27. What do you cal l a man employed to work on a farm or ranch? - 121 -PCQ 30.4: C Ch L 34.16, 38.9 28. What does a horse do when it's trying to throw its rider? PCQ 30.5 29. When a horse shows fright at something, you say i t PCQ 56.2; C Ch L 69.14 30. What do you call a man who's employed to herd cattle? D of C : beef-gather 31. When cattle are brough together so they can be marketed it's called a . Cas F 16 32. How is the word "heifer" used in your neighbourhood? How old a cow? Has she had no calf, only one, or more than one? 33. What would you call a small herd of saddle horses? PCQ 34.5; C Ch L 39.11; Cas E54 34. What do you call the band that holds the saddle on? 35. What names do you give to different types of horses -according to their jobs, colours, sizes, etc. 36. Would you ever put something around the forelegs of a horse to keep i t from wandering? If so, what would you call it? D of C : cut-off 37. What do you call the channel that is left behind after a river has changed its course? PCQ 27.3; Cas H 84 38. What do you call a local road that goes off froma main thorough-fare. 39. Name and describe the different kinds of fences you are familiar with. PCQ 22.8; Cas I 3 40. What would you call a scarf that a woman wears over her head and ties under her chin? - 122 -D of C ; oolichan 111. What do you call the kind of smelt, very rich in o i l , that spawns in coastal rivers? PCQ 9.6; C Ch L 11.3; Cas B 73 112. What do you call the overlapping boards on the side of a house? PCQ 26.8; C ChL 30.11; Cas G55 43. What would you call a stone wall built out from the land to protect a harbor from rough water? PCQ 26.7 iili. What do you call the platform, often raised on piles, where boats stop and unload? PCQ 29.5; C ChL 33-10; D of C : dogie 45. In a herd of cattle a calf that has lost its mother is called . Cas F 20 46. What do you call a calf that is sold for meat? C Ch L 2,10. 47- It's Thursday and you've just heard that a friend is arriving to vis i t you, not on the Sunday immediately following, but on the Sunday after. You might say, "He's arriving (when?) PCQ 36.1; C Ch L 4 l .7; Cas E 30 48. Wheat is tied into a . PCQ 17.5; C Ch L 20.8; Cas E46 49. What do you call the two long pieces of wood in front of a buggy that the horse stands between? C Ch L 32.10; Cas H49 50. What do you call i t when you throw a stone over the surface of the water so that i t jumps two or three times. 


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