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Educational influences in the development of English-speaking culture in post-conquest Quebec, 1760-1800 Ruskin, Olga 1970

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EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH-SPEAKING CULTURE IN POST-CONQUEST QUEBEC  1760-1800 by 01ga  Ruskin  B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Education  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o t h e r e q u i r e d standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June,  1970  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s  in p a r t i a l  f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements  for  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e  f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y .  I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s  thesis  f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  It  i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my written permission.  Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada  \  ABSTRACT The  u n d e r l y i n g problem undertaken i n t h i s  study  was t o f i n d out how E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g c u l t u r e i n Quebec managed t o develop  d u r i n g the f i r s t f o r t y years o f  B r i t i s h r u l e o f a land t h a t h i t h e r t o had been the home of  French-speaking  culture.  to  be the most important  problem narrowed i t s e l f  As language i s considered  aspect o f a c u l t u r e , so the i n t o an examination  o f how the  E n g l i s h language was kept a l i v e i n a p e r i o d marked by t h e dearth o f E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g  schools to teach E n g l i s h .  The  reason f o r the s u r v i v a l o f the E n g l i s h language i n a l a n d where French was the n a t i v e tongue was due t o the educat i o n a l i n f l u e n c e s named i n the I n t r o d u c t i o n . c l u s i o n s reached  The con-  i n t h i s study bear out the importance o f  such i n f l u e n c e s i n the development o f E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g culture. H i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h was used t o amass m a t e r i a l t o i l l u s t r a t e the r o l e of e d u c a t i o n a l i n f l u e n c e s i n the develop ment o f E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g c u l t u r e .  The g a t h e r i n g of such  m a t e r i a l i t s e l f was a problem because h i s t o r i a n s have h i t h e r t o concentrated  on the p o l i t i c a l  aspects o f the  p e r i o d , so t h a t secondary m a t e r i a l on E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g culture i s scarce.  A r c h i v a l r e c o r d s have been o f some  use but have r e q u i r e d extensive time f o r p e r u s a l i n order to  locate pertinent information.  Newspaper r e c o r d s have  proved  to be exceedingly u s e f u l , and have been used  extensively. It  i s hoped that t h i s study, d e s p i t e i t s inade-  quacies, w i l l  i l l u m i n a t e one or two dark r e c e s s e s i n  Canadian h i s t o r y .  TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER INTRODUCTION I.  II.  III.  THE BEGINNINGS: 1760-1774 E n g l i s h - S p e a k i n g S e t t l e r s A r r i v e i n Quebec; Background and Education of E n g l i s h - S p e a k i n g S e t t l e r s ; Beginning of P r o t e s t a n t Church i n Quebec With the Appearance of C l e r g y ; Beginn i n g of the E n g l i s h - S p e a k i n g Family; School Problems Face E n g l i s h - S p e a k i n g F a m i l i e s ; Roman C a t h o l i c Schools; Beginning of E n g l i s h Speaking Schools; " A l l P o s s i b l e Encouragement S h a l l be Given t o the E r e c t i n g of P r o t e s t a n t S c h o o l s ; " Demand f o r E n g l i s h - S p e a k i n g , P r o t e s t a n t Schools; Quebec's F i r s t Newspaper; Importance of the L e g a l System; E d u c a t i o n a l I n f l u e n c e s 1760-1774. REBELS, GENTLEMEN AND OTHERS: THE COMING OF THE LOYALISTS 1775-1785 Quebec: French or E n g l i s h ? Quebec A c t : Good or Bad? American Invasion; Coming of the L o y a l i s t s ; Areas o f L o y a l i s t Settlement; D e s c r i p t i o n o f L o y a l i s t s ; P r o t e s t a n t Church Grows; Work of the S.P.G.; Career of a L o y a l i s t Clergyman; "The arduous and p a i n f u l p r o f e s s i o n of Educating Youth"; P r i n t i n g A c t i v i t i e s ; Quebec L i b r a r y ; C o n t r i b u t i o n s of the L o y a l i s t s ; C o n c l u s i o n . THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING COMMUNITY OF MONTREAL AS REFLECTED IN THE PRESS 1785-1800 Formation of E n g l i s h - S p e a k i n g Communities; Founding of Montreal Gazette; Format of Montreal Gazette; Readership of Montreal Gazette; P h y s i c a l Aspects of the Community; P o p u l a r i t y of A u c t i o n s ; Assemblies, Clubs, C o f f e e Houses; T h e a t r i c a l L i f e ; M e d i c a l Matters; I n t e r e s t i n Poor; P r o t e s t a n t Church A c t i v i t i e s ; P o l i t i c a l T i e s ; The Female Reader; M i n g l i n g of French and E n g l i s h ; E n g l i s h Patronage of the A r t s ; Background of French-Canadian A r t i s t s ; E x i s t e n c e of S l a v e r y ; U t i l i t a r i a n S e r v i c e s of the Montreal Gazette; Urban growth and the Newspaper; Conclusion.  PAGE 1 6  39  69  CHAPTER IV.  ENGLISH CANADIAN FAMILY LIFE AND EDUCATION 1785-1800 The French and English Family; Anglo-French Family; Anglo-Indian Family; Illegitimacy; ^Infant Mortality; Parental R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s How to Educate English-Speaking Children? Protestant Education 1790; Jesuit Estates and Protestant Education; The Bishop's Plan f o r a University; The "Prime M i n i s t e r ' s " Plan; French Proposals; Public Interest i n Education; Bishop Mountain and Protestant Education; Royal I n s t i t u t i o n f o r the Advancement of Learning.  V.  APPRENTICESHIP AND THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING CHILD 1760-1800 Background of Apprenticeship System; Apprenticeship i n the Thirteen Colonies; Apprenticeship Compared: Quebec and New York; English-Speaking Apprenticeship i n Montreal; Indentured Servitude and Slavery; Conclusion.  VI.  SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Influence of the English-Speaking Family; Influence of Protestant Church and Clergy; Influence of English-Speaking Private Schools; Importance of English-Speaking Apprenticeship; Influence of the Newspapers The English-Speaking Community; Conclusion.  FOOTNOTES  VI  L I S T OF TABLES TABLE I.  PAGE Summary  of Protestant  Schoolmasters'  R e p o r t s , 1790 II.  . . . 111-114  R e c a p i t u l a t i o n G e n e r a l e d u Denombrement de l a P a r o i s s e  de Quebec  169  III.  R e c a p i t u l a t i o n de l a H a u t e - V i l l e  170  IV.  R e c a p i t u l a t i o n de l a B a s s e - V i l l e  171  ACKNOWLEDGMENT I would l i k e to thank Dr. F. H. Johnson i n the Faculty of Education f o r his kindness, patience and guidance during the several years i t has taken to produc t h i s study. I would also l i k e to thank Professor N e i l Sutherland, also of the Faculty of Education, f o r h i s h e l p f u l advice and h i s interest i n the development of this thesis.  INTRODUCTION For  o v e r two hundred  years English-speaking culture  h a s s u r v i v e d i n Quebec, even t h o u g h  i t has been i n c o n s t a n t  contact with the numerically stronger French-speaking culture  by w h i c h i t i s s u r r o u n d e d .  of E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g c u l t u r e  But though t h e a d h e r e n t s  a r e f e w i n number, t h e y h a v e  o c c u p i e d what t h e P r e l i m i n a r y R e p o r t o f t h e R o y a l on B i l i n g u a l i s m  Commission  and B i c u l t u r a l i s m has d e s c r i b e d as a  privileged position  i n Quebec a n d h a v e b e e n a b l e " t o l i v e  i n a s o c i a l w o r l d o f t h e i r own.""^" French Canadians a r e c h a l l e n g i n g t h i s p o s i t i o n o f the Anglophone  i n Quebec b y t r y i n g t o e s t a b l i s h t h e s u p r e m a c y  of the French language the  i n that province.  The d a i l y news o f  l a t e I960'.is f r e q u e n t l y c o n t a i n s a c c o u n t s o f t h e c o n -  t r o v e r s y aroused over language r i g h t s and language But  i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e language  suming  demands.  q u e s t i o n i s con-  so much i n t e r e s t a n d e n e r g y i n t h e p o l i t i c s o f Quebec,  a n d t o some e x t e n t i n t h e r e s t o f C a n a d a , f o r " l a n g u a g e i s the  most e v i d e n t e x p r e s s i o n o f a c u l t u r e , t h e one w h i c h most  readily distinguishes  c u l t u r a l g r o u p s e v e n f o r t h e most  2 s u p e r f i c i a l observer."  The s u r v i v a l o f e i t h e r F r e n c h o r  English-speaking culture  i n Quebec i s d e p e n d e n t  perpetuation of t h e i r respective The t e r m " c u l t u r e "  upon t h e  languages.  n e e d s some d e f i n i t i o n a t t h i s  2 point, f o r i t has many meanings because of the elusive nature of the concept.  The s o c i o l o g i s t has evolved a  s c i e n t i f i c a l l y comprehensive description of culture that i s 3  all-embracing.  However, the Report of the Royal Com-  mission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism has given the layman a useful description of culture, and i t i s t h i s which i s used here. (Culture) i s a driving force animating a s i g n i f i c a n t group of individuals united by a common tongue and sharing the same customs, habits and experiences. . . . Culture i s to the group rather what personality i s to the individual . . . It i s the sum of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s p a r t i c u l a r to a group and common to i t s individual members.^ Despite the relevance of English-speaking culture to the problems facing Quebec and Canada today, very l i t t l e attention has been paid by historians to the development of such a culture i n Quebec.  The Post-Conquest period,  in which the seeds of English-speaking culture were sown, has been examined by historians from the p o l i t i c a l and constitutional standpoint and on t h i s there has been considerable writing. historiography  However, there i s a large void i n the  of the period i n the area of the c u l t u r a l  development of the English-speaking population, i n i t i a l research  making  i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n a somewhat long, and  at times, f r u s t r a t i n g procedure. But the purpose of t h i s thesis i s not to examine the whole, wide spectrum of English-speaking c u l t u r a l development i n the Post-Conquest period, but instead to  3  focus on the role of the major educational influences. It should be explained at t h i s point that Bernard Bailyn's view of education as "not just formal pedagogy but as the entire process by which a culture transmits i t s e l f across the generations" has been adopted i n t h i s study.-  5  Bailyn stresses the importance of the church, community and i n p a r t i c u l a r the family i n accounting f o r culture transfer across the generations.  However, i t has  not been possible to follow Bailyn's thesis here on the importance of the family i n education because of the complete lack of research on the English-speaking family i n t h i s period. The major educational influences in t h i s study are designated as those of the English-speaking family, the Protestant church, the English-speaking community, Englishspeaking private schools, the newspaper, the l e g a l system, and the apprentice system.  During the Post-Conquest years,  these influences served to transmit the English language, the cornerstone of English-speaking culture and i n t h i s way fostered the development of English-speaking culture. Who  were the people who  imported t h e i r a l i e n  English-speaking culture into Quebec? were men  and women from a variety of socio-economic  grounds and countries—merchants, men,  These Anglophones back-  tavernkeepers, trades-  army men of high and low rank, lawyers, doctors and  4 clergy.  They came from the Thirteen Colonies, England,  Scotland, and Ireland; as well, non Anglo-Saxons, i n p a r t i c u l a r Jewish and German s e t t l e r s , i d e n t i f i e d themselves with the English-speaking community.  The unifying  element i n t h i s diverse group of people i n an age where class structure was well-defined  was the English language.  Yet elements of bilingualism and biculturalism did exist i n the English-speaking communities of Quebec and Montreal, the two towns where the majority of the Anglophones l i v e d .  A great number of merchants spoke  both French and English, the Montreal Gazette and the Quebec Gazette were b i l i n g u a l , English-speaking Protestants went to French-Catholic schools and French-Catholics went to English-speaking schools. But i t was during the period from 1760 to  1800  that English-speaking Protestants began erecting the foundations of t h e i r own  culture, of t h e i r own r e l i g i o u s and  s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s in a land where none but Frenchspeaking, Roman Catholic i n s t i t u t i o n s had existed p r i o r to 1760.  It i s hoped that t h i s study w i l l show how the English-  speaking family, the Protestant church, the English-speaking community, English-speaking private schools, the newspaper, the l e g a l system and the apprentice system acted as the major educational influences i n the development of Englishspeaking culture to 1800.  Whether or not English-speaking  5  culture w i l l survive f o r another two hundred years in Quebec, only future h i s t o r i a n s w i l l be able to t e l l . ' '  CHAPTER I THE BEGINNINGS:  1760-1774  '  The establishing of an English-speaking population upon what was hitherto the foreign s o i l of New  France  began on September IS, 1759 f o r : This day, Quebec, the c a p i t a l of Canada surrendered upon honourable terms; and L t . Col. Murray took possession of the gates with three companies of grenadiers. English-speaking S e t t l e r s Arrive i n Quebec. Having conquered a country with a great deal of available land, a number of soldiers present with Murray at Quebec remained behind.  These men  belonged to the  42nd or Black Watch Highlanders (also known as the Murray Highlanders) and the 78th or Fraser Highlanders.  The  majority of the o f f i c e r s were to s e t t l e i n and around Montreal, though two, John Nairne and Malcolm Fraser f o l lowed by a handful o f regulars, went to the region around *>  3  Murray Bay and Riviere du Loup. those who  However, i t was not only  served with the army who remained behind but  also those who  served the m i l i t a r y , such as Aaron Hart,  commissary o f f i c e r to Amherst's troops.  And on the heels  of the victorious B r i t i s h army came merchants from the Thirteen Colonies and Great B r i t a i n , eager to engage in the l u c r a t i v e f u r trade of the country.  These merchants  7  were the major group of English-speaking s e t t l e r s i n t h i s f i r s t period to 1774. A l i s t that Murray sent to B r i t a i n i n 1764 showed that there were exactly two hundred Protestant housekeepers i n the towns of Quebec and Montreal.* " 1  In a more  descriptive l i s t a year l a t e r , ninety-nine male Protestants, not necessarily householders, were shown as l i v i n g i n Montreal, and t h i r t y - f o u r in the rest of the upper half of the province.  The occupational breakdown of these numbers  i s revealing as to the r e l a t i v e homogeneity of the Englishspeaking group.  In Montreal, almost half of these male  Protestants were merchants while i n the country, only two 5 were farmers while f i f t e e n kept taverns.  By 1774 there  were at least three thousand English-speaking subjects i n the province, as compared to approximately seventy-five thousand French subjects.^ Background and Education of English-Speaking S e t t l e r s . In Murray's eyes, t h i s English-speaking mercantile group was hardly meritorious and consisted of: . . . c h i e f l y adventurers of mean Education; either young beginners or i f old Traders, such as have f a i l e d in other Countrys; a l l have t h e i r fortunes to make and l i t t l e s o l l i c i t o u s about the means provided the end i s obtained.' Such men were fellow Scots such as Simon McTavish, George McBeath, Richard Dobie, James McGill and William  a Grant. the  From England had come such men as Thomas Oakes,  Frobisher brothers, and John Molson; from Ireland,  John Askin and William Holmes; from the Thirteen Colonies, Alexander Henry and Thomas Heywood.  Adam Wentzel came  from Norway and Lawrence Ermatinger from Switzerland; Levy Solomons, Ezekiel Solomons, Simon Levy and Aaron Hart were of Jewish background.  These merchants, i n the class  structure of eighteenth century B r i t a i n , belonged to the 9 lower middle class,  and i t was probably t h i s s o c i a l back-  ground which had prompted Murray to describe them as men of "mean Education."  He himself was the f i f t h son of the  fourth Lord Elibank and i n the class conscious society of his  day, would not f e e l any p a r t i c u l a r a f f i n i t y with the  men of another class, though many were fellow Scots and a l l served the same king. However, these merchants, though they belonged to a class beneath Murray's, were by no means i l l i t e r a t e as the numerous p e t i t i o n s of the day show."*"^  men  Possibly  t h i s was due to the Scottish background of many of them, for Scotland at t h i s time had a reasonably effective school system i n operation.  In 1696 an act had been passed  requiring the landholders of each parish to provide a schoolhouse and to support a schoolmaster."^ Many of these schools came to o f f e r secondary instruction as well, from 12 where boys could be sent to u n i v e r s i t y . James McGill  9  '  himself had matriculated into Glasgow University though he did not appear to have graduated from  it.^  In England during the l a t t e r part of the eighteenth century, various types of schools existed to provide what we would c a l l elementary and secondary education, though i t should be pointed out that the State did not aid or control education at these l e v e l s as i t does t o d a y . ^  On  the elementary l e v e l , there were many private venture schools, ranging from the sometimes rather crude dame schools to quite reputable i n s t i t u t i o n s , a l l of which involved some amount of fee-paying on the part of the parents. For the children of parents who could not pay, the Society f o r Promoting Christian Knowledge (S.P.C.K.) had founded the charity school, the masters of which were required to be members of the Established Church; however, there were some non-conformist charity schools.  and Roman Catholic  A word or two should be said here about  the S.P.C.K. and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel i n Foreign Parts (S.P.G.) f o r the l a t t e r society was connected with promoting Protestant education i n Quebec. The S.P.C.K. had been founded i n 1699 f o r the purpose of promoting Christian education and Christian l i t e r a t u r e not only i n Great B r i t a i n but i n the colonies  Originally  i t was not intended that the S.P.C.K. should enter the  10  mission  field.  instrumental  However, Rev. Thomas B r a y , who had been  i n t h e f o u n d i n g o f t h e S.P.C.K. was a p p o i n t e d  B i s h o p ' s Commissary i n M a r y l a n d .  From here he wrote  r e p o r t s t o t h e S o c i e t y o f t h e s p i r i t u a l d e s t i t u t i o n which he had found i n t h e c o l o n i e s , and t h e s e r e p o r t s  stimulated  the c l e r g y and l a i t y t o o r g a n i z e t h e S o c i e t y f o r t h e P r o p a g a t i o n o f t h e Gospel i n F o r e i g n The  S.P.G. can be c o n s i d e r e d  Parts. as an outgrowth o f t h e  S.P.C.K. s i n c e t h e p r o j e c t was i n i t i a t e d a t one o f i t s meetings i n 1 7 0 1 .  One o f t h e main o b j e c t s o f t h e S.P.G.  was t h e maintenance o f A n g l i c a n to B r i t i s h s e t t l e r s . the  c l e r g y overseas t o m i n i s t e r  The o t h e r o b j e c t i v e s were t o t e a c h  c a t e c h i s m t o c h i l d r e n " i n t h e most easy and f a m i l i a r  manner," i n s t r u c t "Heathens and I n f i d e l s , " t o d i s t r i b u t e books and t r a c t s f o r p r o p a g a t i n g t h e Gospel and t o manage funds r a i s e d f o r these p u r p o s e s . ^ The  S.P.G. hoped t h a t t h e i r m i s s i o n a r i e s  bring the Anglican  would  r e l i g i o n and l i t e r a c y t o t h e v a r i o u s  i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h e o u t l y i n g p o s s e s s i o n s o f Great B r i t a i n . Thus, t h e e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f t h e S o c i e t y  i n the colonies  l o c a t e d so d i s t a n t l y from t h e Mother Country would be dependent upon t h e e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l c l e r g y man, upon h i s p e r s o n a l i t y and background. The  personal  q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of the missionary  were  t h a t he be a b l e t o r e a d t h e common p r a y e r and t o pronounce E n g l i s h c o r r e c t l y ( i f he were not an Englishman.)  He was  11 admonished not to reside at a "Publicans" but at some "Booksellers" or with some respectable f a m i l y . ^ His 1  l i b r a r y books, made up of those given to him by the S.P.G. were to be turned over to his successor i f he l e f t the mission f i e l d . The stress l a i d by the S.P.G. upon education was to better promote the teaching of the Gospel because "Improvement i n Knowledge n a t u r a l l y precedes Improvement 18 in V i r t u e . "  The purpose of the charity school with  which both the S.P.C.K. and S.P.G. were involved i n s t a r t ing (the former society i n England and the l a t t e r i n the colonies) was to "inoculate the children against the habits 19 of sloth, debauchery and beggary"  thus making them,  although s t i l l poor, good C h r i s t i a n s . Secondary education i n England was given i n the endowed or grammar school, the public school (of which Eton and Winchester are famous examples) and the private school. The masters of grammar schools were supposed to hold a teaching license granted by the Bishop of the diocese, a custom dating from the.Middle Ages, though towards the end of the eighteenth century with the church l o s i n g some of i t s interest i n education, the license to teach was not always required.  The curriculum of the grammar school  consisted mainly of Latin and Greek, though~in  country  d i s t r i c t s there was l i t t l e l o c a l demand f o r a curriculum  12  of t h i s kind. The private school, often the property of a clergyman headmaster, varied greatly both i n kind and q u a l i t y . Because many of the parents were merchants, and business men, they created a demand f o r "useful" i n s t r u c t i o n , so that arithmetic, drawing, history, geography and modern languages came to be taught i n such schools. The merchants who had come from England could have attended these various elementary and secondary in order to receive an education.  institutions  It i s not l i k e l y , how-  ever, that they attended university, f o r Oxford and Cambridge, the only u n i v e r s i t i e s i n England, were l a r g e l y the preserve of the i d l e and r i c h by the eighteenth century.  The course of study at the u n i v e r s i t i e s retained  i t s medieval character and was made up of the Trivium of Grammar (including the Latin poets), Logic and Rhetoric, followed by the Quadrivium of Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy and Music.  The Trivium last.ed three years, at  the end of which the scholar became a "Bachelor"; a f t e r four more years studying the Quadrivium, the "Bachelor" became a "Master."  He could then proceed to become a  "Doctor," which f o r Theology could take twelve additional years, s i x years f o r Law and Medicine.  Oxford specialized  in the Trivium, while Cambridge concentrated on the Quadrivium.  13 Oxford and Cambridge were open to members of the Church of England only, as dissenters were excluded by the Act of Uniformity (1662).  However, nonconformist academies  offered dissenters a place of higher and further education, as well as t r a i n i n g candidates f o r the ministry.  The  academy course, of university standard, offered instruction in c l a s s i c s , l o g i c , philosophy, theology and Hebrew, mathematics, natural sciences and sometimes even i n medicine.  Though academies did vary i n size and quality,  nevertheless, academies outdid Oxford and Cambridge as f a r as providing an education in the eighteenth century. The point i n t h i s outline of education i n the middle of the eighteenth century in England i s to show not only the possible educational background of the Englishspeaking merchant i n Quebec but also to show the role of the Church of England i n education. of  The Established Church  England was to t r y to assume the same role i n Quebec,  despite the fact that Quebec was not "a l i t t l e  England"  but "a l i t t l e France" i n the years after the Conquest. The emergence of dissenting academies, of overseas missionary s o c i e t i e s , and of charity schools in England were relevant to early American education as were the dame  20 schools and grammar schools. of  Education had been a matter  state interest i n the Thirteen Colonies since the  seventeenth century when the f i r s t American laws concerning  14 education were passed by the Puritans.  By the eighteenth  century, t h i s high i n t e l l e c t u a l concern f o r education had sunk somewhat, though the t r a d i t i o n of b e l i e f i n the benefits of formal schooling s t i l l remained i n New England. The merchants from New England s e t t l i n g i n Quebec must have brought with them t h i s b e l i e f i n education. Undoubtedly, these merchants would be able to read and write, though not p r o f i c i e n t l y perhaps, as i n the case of Alexander Henry.  However, despite educational drawbacks, Henry l a t e r  wrote "Travels and Adventures i n Canada and the Indian t e r r i t o r i e s between the years 1760 and 1776," which has been c a l l e d "one of the c l a s s i c s of Canadian t r a v e l 21 literature." Another major group of i n f l u e n t i a l English-speaking residents i n Post-Conquest Quebec were the m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s , some of whom did remain behind a f t e r t h e i r term of duty was over.  But even though the merchants and the  m i l i t a r y both spoke English, language did not act as a bond between them, f o r Murray described the two groups as 22 being "Inveterate Enemies."  This i s not  surprising,  because aside from language, the merchants and the m i l i t a r y had very l i t t l e i n common.  The merchant was of lower-  middle class background and belonged or at least contributed to the Presbyterian Church as the records of the 23 St. Gabriel Church show. The t y p i c a l eighteenth century  15 B r i t i s h o f f i c e r , on the other hand, was "a gentleman" from the middle and middle-upper c l a s s , and belonging to the Church of England.  His m i l i t a r y education would be thorough  but not l i b e r a l , and he could speak French reasonably  well.  However, B r i t i s h army r e g u l a r s were c l o s e r to the merchants i n c l a s s , and i f they remained behind to s e t t l e i n Quebec, might take up some t r a d e .  The B r i t i s h Army  was t r y i n g to r a i s e the educational l e v e l of i t s men during t h i s period by e s t a b l i s h i n g regimental schools i n which a sergeant or corporal would teach w r i t i n g , reading and a r i t h m e t i c not only to the s o l d i e r s but to t h e i r c h i l d r e n 25 as w e l l . i n America  The B r i t i s h g a r r i s o n i n Quebec was the  largest  but i t would not be included i n a census of  English-speaking P r o t e s t a n t s .  Thus, because of i t s  size  the g a r r i s o n would exert quite an a n g l i c i z i n g influence on the colony, a f a c t overlooked by most h i s t o r i a n s who when they r e f e r to the English-speaking group i n the colony, t h i n k i n terms only of the c i v i l i a n p o p u l a t i o n . The merchants were not only d i s l i k e d by the m i l i t a r y but a l s o by government o f f i c i a l s , some, of course, who had been i n the army. This s p l i t into f a c t i o n s was a prominent feature of the English-speaking group i n the 27 Post-Conquest p e r i o d .  The o f f i c i a l s having the most  important influence on the colony were those on Murray'.s Council which had been e s t a b l i s h e d i n August, 1764  after  16 the m i l i t a r y regime had ended.  This Council gave the  government a note of s t a b i l i t y , f o r governors came and went, but the personnel of the Council stayed on.  They  became the nucleus of a group known as the "French p a r t y " or the " k i n g ' s p a r t y " because they supported the p o l i c y of c o n c i l i a t i n g the French i n Quebec (as d i d "the k i n g " through the p o l i c i e s of Murray and Carleton) r a t h e r than that of the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g merchants.  The men on t h i s  Council could be s a i d to have governed Canada u n t i l  1787.  Most of the men on the o r i g i n a l Council had a m i l i t a r y background.  L i e u t e n a n t - C o l o n e l Paulus Aemilius  I r v i n g of the F i f t e e n t h Regiment l a t e r became the commander-in-chief a d m i n i s t e r i n g the government a f t e r Murray's departure i n June, 1766 u n t i l S i r Guy Carleton 29  a r r i v e d i n September.  Three others of the eight member  Council had been with the army: Captain Hector Louis Cramahe, who had a French Huguenot background, Captain Samuel H o l l a n d , an engineer who was to become Canada's surveyor g e n e r a l , and Adam Mabane, who had come to Canada as a surgeon's mate i n 1760 but who became surgeon of the Quebec Garrison not too long afterwards.  Other members  were Walter Murray, a r e l a t i v e of M u r r a y ' s , two merchants from England, Benjamin P r i c e and Thomas Dunn, and a Huguenot merchant, Francois Mounier, who had s e t t l e d i n Canada s h o r t l y before the Conquest.  The other members  17 were the lieutenant-governors of Three Rivers and Montreal and the chief j u s t i c e , though these men exerted very 31  l i t t l e influence i n the Council. Thus, the i n f l u e n t i a l members of the Council were of middle class and army background, and they enjoyed i n Canada a p o s i t i o n and .importance which i t was not l i k e l y that they would a t t a i n i n England.  It was to t h e i r  advantage that the English-speaking group was small as t h i s lessened competition f o r government p o s i t i o n s .  As  Arabella Fermor commented i n The History of Emily Montague, 32 "One i s r e a l l y somebody here." Beginning  of Protestant Church i n Quebec  With the Appearance of Clergy. The author of The History of Emily Montague, Frances Brooke, was the wife of Rev. John Brooke, the chaplain to the Quebec garrison from 1760 to 1768.  The Protestant  clergy i n the 1760's were few i n number i n the province, and most of them not very e f f e c t i v e as r e l i g i o u s leaders i n t h e i r respective communities because of t h e i r background and education.  There appears to have been a v a r i e t y of  Protestant r e l i g i o n s and sects represented i n Quebec, f o r Murray mentions Quakers, Puritans, Anabaptists,  Presbyterians  33 and Jews.  However, the Anglican and Presbyterian groups  were the most prominent i n the Protestant community, and  18  the Anglican church the most i n f l u e n t i a l i n the development of education. The f i r s t Anglican chaplain, Rev. Michael Houdin attached to. the  48th Regiment,  had been a missionary i n  New Jersey f o r the S.P.G. and was also a former Recollet. Houdin remained i n Quebec t i l l 1761 a f t e r which he was transferred to a mission f o r French refugees at New Rochelle, 35  New York. ^  In the years following the Conquest the S.P.G.  continued to be involved i n supporting Anglican clergymen in the province, which as we have seen was one of the Society's objectives. Houdin had been chosen f o r h i s post because of h i s French background, rather than f o r any q u a l i f i c a t i o n of character.  (Murray had described him as being "Haughty  and Imperious."36)  Neither d i d he have the academic  q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of the Anglican clergyman i n England or the Thirteen Colonies; i n England the clergyman was supposed to have attended either Oxford or Cambridge to obtain h i s Doctorate i n Theology, or i n the Colonies, either Yale or Harvard. Houdin was replaced by Rev. John Brooke; i t i s not known whether Rev. Brooke, who came from Norfolk, England, had attended Cambridge or Oxford. But i t would  37 appear from h i s correspondence i n the Quebec Gazette that he could express himself well, though from the l i t e r a r y standpoint, h i s wife, Frances Brooke, outshone him.  19 The other A n g l i c a n clergyman Conquest  was  Rev.  regiment, who  was  s t a t i o n e d a t Montreal from 1760 (born i n New  Yale) seemed to be adequate  filled  few years of the  John O g i l v i e , the c h a p l a i n to Murray'.s  and whose background  Rev.  i n the f i r s t  York, B.A.  to  1764,  and M.A.  from  enough f o r a c o l o n i a l  Brooke and Rev. O g i l v i e at l e a s t  clergyman.  seemed t o have  the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s needed f o r an A n g l i c a n clergyman  and S.P.G. m i s s i o n a r y a t t h i s time, but they were f o l l o w e d by t h r e e men French.  whose o n l y q u a l i f i c a t i o n was  t h a t they spoke  The S.P.G. had appointed Chabrand De L i s l e t o  M o n t r e a l (1766), David de Moatmollin to Quebec (1768) and Leger De V e y s s i e r e to Three R i v e r s (1768) because  they  c o u l d speak French and thus communicate with the French P r o t e s t a n t s i n the colony, whose number had been v a s t l y m i s r e p r e s e n t e d to the Government, w h i l e i n a c t u a l i t y , 38 t h e r e were o n l y perhaps t e n or twelve. Montmollin was  d e s c r i b e d as being a former  who  could not preach i n E n g l i s h and was  his  duty.  Jesuit  very n e g l i g e n t i n  De V e y s s i e r e , a former R e c o l l e t monk who  had  q u a r r e l l e d with h i s abbot, then had been o r d a i n e d i n England, was  c a l l e d "a most d i s s o l u t e c h a r a c t e r . "  M o n t r e a l was  De L i s l e i n  a l s o the c h a p l a i n o f the g a r r i s o n ; h i s main f a u l t  seemed t o have been t h a t he conducted Sunday mornings.  s e r v i c e s o n l y on  The A n g l i c a n c l e r g y should have been p i l -  l a r s i n the community but the background  of men  such as  20 these was one reason why the Anglican church had trouble i n taking root i n Quebec amongst the  English-speaking  39  Protestants. The majority of the English-speaking inhabitants i n Montreal were Presbyterian, not a s u r p r i s i n g fact at a l l , in view of the number of Scottish merchants and regiments there.  The f i r s t Presbyterian service held in. Quebec was  conducted by a Rev. John MacPherson, chaplain to the 78th Regiment of the Fraser Highlanders,  shortly a f t e r the Battle  of the Plains of Abraham.^  In 176$,  the f i r s t Presbyterian  church was organized by Rev.  George Henry, ex-chaplain to  a S c o t t i s h Regiment, i n a room located i n the Jesuit's 41 Barracks i n Quebec.  However, Rev. Henry appears not to  have stayed long i n Montreal, for Presbyterians  continued  to attend Anglican services because of a lack of t h e i r own church and clergyman.^ Beginning of the English-Speaking  Family.  Some women, either wives or camp-followers or both, must have t r a v e l l e d with the army to Quebec for. Murray makes a reference i n his Journal to the fact that "ten women from each regiment were to a s s i s t in making wadding and f i l l i n g sand-bags.  Whether or not children accompanied these  women or were brought l a t e r to Quebec i s a matter of conjecture.  What evidence  shows, though, i s that family  21  groups formed part of the b a s i s of the English-speaking population s h o r t l y a f t e r the Conquest during the p e r i o d of m i l i t a r y o c c u p a t i o n . ^  Rev. John O g i l v i e , chaplain to  the B r i t i s h g a r r i s o n i n Quebec i s recorded as having bapt i z e d 100 c h i l d r e n from 1760 to J u l y , 1 7 6 3 . ^  An Anglican  m i n i s t e r , Rev. Samuel Bennett, stationed temporarily i n Montreal during the winter of 1764 wrote to the S . P . G . i n London that Montreal was "a large c i t y inhabited by near "46 100 B r i t i s h F a m i l i e s .  Thus, the f a m i l i e s of the m i l i t a r y ,  government o f f i c i a l s and merchants must have come to Quebec s h o r t l y a f t e r the Conquest. School Problems Face English-Speaking F a m i l i e s . One of the f i r s t problems that had to be met by these f a m i l i e s was how to provide schooling f o r children. Protestant  Two a l t e r n a t i v e s  their  faced the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g ,  f a m i l i e s i n Quebec; they could send t h e i r c h i l d r e n  to the e x i s t i n g French Canadian, Roman C a t h o l i c or they could provide t h e i r own f a c i l i t i e s .  institutions  We s h a l l see  t h a t i n the period from 1760 to 1800 both courses of a c t i o n were used.  The most expedient way of p r o v i d i n g schooling  f o r E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g , Protestant  c h i l d r e n immediately a f t e r  the Conquest was to send them to a French Canadian s c h o o l .  22 Roman C a t h o l i c Schools. During the French p e r i o d , the Roman C a t h o l i c clergy and nuns had set up various schools f o r the French Canadian population.  The J e s u i t s had founded t h e i r P e t i t e Ecole i n  Quebec i n 1635 and l a t e r i n M o n t r e a l , which was to provide both elementary and secondary education.  Bishop Laval had  s t a r t e d the Grand Seminaire i n 1663 f o r the t r a i n i n g of p r i e s t s ; to t h i s was added the P e t i t Seminaire i n 1668 f o r boys destined f o r the p r i e s t h o o d .  In Montreal the S u l -  p i c i a n s s t a r t e d an elementary school f o r boys and a seminary f o r p r i e s t s i n 1666. Frequent comments have been made as to the e x c e l lence of education provided by the U r s u l i n e s i n Quebec and the S i s t e r s of the Congregation.  The former had been given  a l a r g e land grant i n 1642 and had opened a boarding and day school f o r both French and Indian g i r l s i n Quebec, while the l a t t e r had been founded by Marguerite Bourgeoys i n 1659*' Both these orders resumed t h e i r teaching d u t i e s soon a f t e r 50 the Conquest, the U r s u l i n e s i n the autumn of 1760 and the 51  S i s t e r s of the Congregation i n 1763. In 1761 the J e s u i t s obtained permission from Murray to resume t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s .  Their College which concerned  i t s e l f with secondary education was kept open t i l l  1768  when i t was closed because of a teacher shortage, the r'esult of the ban against r e c r u i t i n g new members to i t s o r d e r .  23 Meanwhile, from 1765 on, the Quebec Seminary had assumed the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r secondary education. Petite Ecole existed u n t i l 1776  The Jesuit's  i n a room of the Jesuit's  Barracks, which was otherwise occupied by English troops. They continued teaching here t i l l 1776,  three years a f t e r  the Society of Jesus had been suppressed by the Pope.  The  reason given f o r the suspension of classes i n 1776 was that the government had decided to place t h e i r archives i n the 52  one room used by the J e s u i t s .  While these f a c i l i t i e s f o r  educating boys existed a f t e r the Conquest, i t i s not known whether any English Protestant boys were sent to them i n the 1760's. However, records of the Ursuline Convent indicate that the English Protestant g i r l s attended the convent from the time i t re-opened i t s doors a f t e r the siege was over i n the autumn of 1760.  Oddly enough, the Mother Superior of  the Ursulines at t h i s time, Reverend Mother Esther Wheelwright, had o r i g i n a l l y come from Boston though according to 53 the Ursuline annalist she no longer spoke English. Apparently as a c h i l d , the Reverend Mother had been taken prisoner by Indians, a f t e r which she f e l l into the care of a French o f f i c e r who placed her i n the Convent.  She was  described as a most amiable person "with a benevolence i n her countenance which inspires a l l who see her with 5 5  affection."  Perhaps t h i s background and personality of the  24  Mother Superior may have helped Protestant  parents to over-  come any antipathy they had towards sending t h e i r daughters to a Roman C a t h o l i c i n s t i t u t i o n .  However, there does  appear to have been the s t i p u l a t i o n that the nuns were not to " p e r v e r t " these E n g l i s h students with any r e l i g i o u s teach56 i n g , which was being supervised by Rev. Brooke. Three E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g g i r l s were r e g i s t e r e d as boarders i n the U r s u l i n e convent i n 1760,  one of whom, 57  i d e n t i f i e d only as " B i l e B i l l y " was but four years o l d . In the years to 1774 various government o f f i c i a l s , such as Colonel I r v i n g and Governor Murray's secretary G o l d f r a p , m i l i t a r y men, merchants and even Rev. Brooke sent t h e i r eg  daughters to the U r s u l i n e s .  T h i r t y - f o u r boarders were  r e g i s t e r e d at the boarding school i n 1773 * ten of whom were E n g l i s h and two Jewish. Beginning of English-Speaking Schools. The parents of the g i r l s sent to the U r s u l i n e boarding school were the few who could a f f o r d to pay f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s education.  Rev. Brooke w r i t i n g to the S . P . G . on  September 1, 1761 s t a t e s that there were approximately eighty c h i l d r e n i n Quebec needing school i n s t r u c t i o n "most of them of poor parentage, as S o l d i e r s , Laborers, Because of the l a c k of a schoolmistress,  etc."^  7  the t h i r t y g i r l s  were being sent to the U r s u l i n e day school which was free  at t h i s time.  Mr. Brooke asked the S.P.G. f o r f i n a n c i a l  support of a schoolmistress, as well as "books proper f o r children from t h e i r f i r s t learning Letters to t h e i r f i n i s h ing  i n Arithmetic. With the same l e t t e r , Mr. Brooke forwarded the hand-  writing specimen of a Sergeant Watt of. the Royal Americans. Murray had appointed the Sergeant, described by Mr. Brooke as being " t r u l y sober and d i l i g e n t " and q u a l i f i e d i n "Arithmetic and Accounts" to teach the children of the poor, possibly the f i f t y remaining children (boys?) who be sent to the Convent.  couldn't  The S.P.G. tabled the request f o r  books because of the uncertainty as to the future of the colony.  However, Sergeant Watt did receive a room to be  used as a dwelling and a school from Murray, as well as a stipend of t h i r t y pounds a year from the Society.  This  attempt at providing schooling f o r the garrison children was not successful and lasted f o r l i t t l e more than a year. Rev.  Brooke, i n a l e t t e r several years l a t e r i n the Quebec  Gazette put the blame f o r t h i s on both Sergeant Watt  who  became "remiss i n h i s Attention" and on "the Soldiers and £i~\  others i n not sending t h e i r children to the  school."  " A l l Possible Encouragement S h a l l be Given to the Erecting of Protestant  Schools."  It was not u n t i l the signing of the Treaty of Paris i n 1763  that the fate of the newly acquired colony, now  to be  26 c a l l e d Quebec, was known.  The Royal Proclamation of 1763  l a i d out a general policy f o r the rule of the various t e r r i t o r i e s B r i t a i n had acquired during the Seven Years' War, while royal instructions to Murray, now appointed Governor, gave further directions applying to Quebec. In essence, the colony was to become a corner of England abroad. An Assembly was to be granted, the laws of the country, both c i v i l and criminal were to be "agreeable to the Laws of England," though Roman Catholics were allowed r e l i g i o u s liberty.  I t should be pointed out here, that the Treaty of  P a r i s , by granting the French i n Quebec the right to practice t h e i r own r e l i g i o n , had also given them the right to have t h e i r own educational system since education was i n the hands of the Roman Catholic clergy. Murray, i n h i s instructions from the Court of St. James, dated December 7» 1763  was t o l d that " a l l possible Encourage-  ment s h a l l be given to the erecting of Protestant Schools" by having land set aside i n townships, d i s t r i c t s and parishes; Protestant ministers and schoolmasters were to receive a glebe and maintenance; the schoolmaster, as i n England, was to have a licence from the Bishop of London i n order to keep  62  school.  The purpose of these measures was to establish the  Church of England i n the province and induce the French Canadians "to embrace the Protestant Religion, and t h e i r Children be brought up i n the P r i n c i p l e s of i t . " ^  Murray  was also to report "by what other Means the Protestant  27 Religion may be promoted." However, Murray must have weighed the sheer number of French-speaking, Roman Catholics in the province (whose l i v e s and those of t h e i r forefathers had already become thoroughly meshed into the,fabric of a French-speaking 64,  culture  ) against h i s instructions, which he then decided  not to carry out.  As a r e s u l t , we shall.see that very l i t t l e  encouragement was given by the l o c a l government to the establishing of Protestant schools. As he wrote to England on October 29, 1764: It w i l l be too hard a task f o r me to Govern in the C i v i l way a great populated Country, of a d i f f e r e n t Religion, d i f f e r e n t language, d i f f e r e n t Manners and Customs without the Aid of the Troops or the A s s i s t ance of the Law. -* 5  Thus, Murray d i d not carry out his instructions either with regard to the promoting of the Protestant church or Protestant schools in Quebec, or establishing an Assembly. Demand f o r English-Speaking, Protestant Schools. In New England, the Puritans had been able to pass laws with regard to the education of t h e i r children.  But, i n  Quebec, even i f New England merchants had wanted to carry on t h i s t r a d i t i o n , they were unable to do so because they were powerless without an Assembly.  However, the Grand Jury  of Quebec i n making i t s presentments on October 16,  1764  demanded that the Governor and Council bring about proper regulations " f o r establishing a publick protestant school  28  and a Poor house. " ^ Some discussion on the education of the poor had preceded t h i s charge, and had been printed in the Quebec Gazette.  A l e t t e r had appeared on August 1 6 , 1764 which  expressed concern with "the most unhappy Condition of the poor Children i n t h i s Garrison, especially those of the Army f o r Want of Learning."  According to the writer, the  children s t r o l l e d i n the streets " l i k e abandoned Miscreants, blaspheming the most sacred Name of t h e i r Maker." The writer of the l e t t e r asked f o r both the "Consideration and Assistance of Government, and of every opulent B r i t i s h Subject to consider how these children could obtain ,v  an education."  He c a l l e d the fees of those who kept schools  "exhorbitant" f o r the parents of such children.  He referred  to a charitable contribution made i n church the year before, and though "he never learned to what use i t was put" he f e l t that the education "of such miserable Objects" would be a good use f o r such money, f o r "every person must be sensible in some Degree of the Permanency and universal U t i l i t y of Learning." This l e t t e r brought a defensive reply from  Rev.  Brooke, from whose congregation the money had been collected. Mr. Brooke pointed out that while t u i t i o n fees were "too heavy f o r the poorer Kind of People to pay" they were s t i l l below those i n England.  As f o r the money i n question, the  clergyman explained that i t had been applied to the schooling  29  of such c h i l d r e n .  He reassured the p u b l i c that the Society  was ready to give assistance  i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a school f o r  the poor but had been w a i t i n g to f i n d out what "the Nature of our S i t u a t i o n with respect to the Mother Country" would be.  He himself would do a l l he could to a i d i n e s t a b l i s h -  ing such a s c h o o l . ^ As Rev. Brooke had mentioned i n h i s l e t t e r , the few p r i v a t e teachers there were i n Quebec, despite being accused of exorbitant charges, d i d have a d i f f i c u l t time financially.  Schoolmaster John Fraser placed a n o t i c e i n  the Quebec Gazette on September 5, 1765 asking a l l who owed him money to pay him immediately or they would be sued as 68 he was l e a v i n g the g a r r i s o n s h o r t l y .  Many a p r i v a t e  school teacher i n the next f o r t y years was to f i n d h i m s e l f i n the same d i f f i c u l t y of not being able to c o l l e c t h i s bills.  Thus, the meager government bounty was eagerly  sought a f t e r . Murray's i n s t r u c t i o n s had stated that the colony was to contribute to the support of a Protestant  schoolmaster.  I t appears that the government d i d begin to a l l o t money to various schoolmasters i n the 60's and these men came to bear the t i t l e of o f f i c i a l schoolmaster.  The f i r s t such o f f i c i a l  schoolmaster was P a t r i c k McClement who had opened a school i n Quebec i n September, 1765 "but the number of Scholars that as yet has o f f e r e d has not been s u f f i c i e n t to support 69 him p r o p e r l y i n the Discharge of h i s Duty and S t a t i o n . "  30  In his p e t i t i o n to the government he asked f o r a salary of twenty-five pounds; "being the only Protestant schoolmaster i n Quebec of a good Character and decent Behaviour, and not having met with proper Encouragement," his salary was granted. his  However, a year l a t e r McClement resigned from  p o s i t i o n as o f f i c i a l schoolmaster, though f o r what  reason i s not known. Properly q u a l i f i e d Protestant schoolmasters were hard to f i n d i n t h i s c o l o n i a l outpost.  A few months a f t e r  McClement's resignation, Rev. Brooke announced i n the Quebec Gazette that at l a s t Quebec had such a schoolmaster, i n the person of Matthieu de Coine, who  could teach French and  70  "the Learned languages."  Several months l a t e r De Coine  advertised that he also took i n French children and would r  t r y to make them "perfect in the Use of the English language."' However, despite Rev. Brooke's endorsement of him, he does not appear to have received any salary from the government. In 1768 the English inhabitants of Quebec r a l l i e d with a p e t i t i o n to the support of John Fraser (the garrison schoolmaster mentioned e a r l i e r ) who now wished to be appointed McClement's successor as o f f i c i a l schoolmaster. ers  The p e t i t i o n -  described Fraser as "a very Honest, Sober good man  . . .  who has had great success i n the Instruction of Children," and blamed the lack of education f o r "the General Cause of Depravity of Youth everywhere . . . and no where more so 72  than i n t h i s C i t y . "  However, despite t h i s plea, S i r Guy  31 Carleton, now  Governor of Quebec, dismissed the p e t i t i o n .  But a couple of months l a t e r , a notice appeared i n the  73  Quebec Gazette "how  stating that the Government, considering.  necessary, useful and ornamental the proper Education  of Youth i s " had authorized James Jackson to teach Reading and Writing, the English and L a t i n Language, Arithmetic, vulgar and decimal, Bookkeeping . . ~.Navigation and other Branches of Mathematics. Because neither the Church of England nor S i r Guy Carleton were supporting the education of  English-speaking  children to any measure, the matter of providing such f a c i l i t i e s was l e f t to the private i n i t i a t i v e of Englishspeaking inhabitants.  After p e t i t i o n i n g the S.P.G. and  Carleton over a period of three years, a group c a l l i n g themselves the School Committee of Montreal "finding our Families increased and our children growing up" raised  100  75 pounds i n 1773  to pay a schoolmaster.  After not being able to f i n d a schoolmaster f o r three months "a person of from 36 to 1+0 of age upwards who  under-  stands Arithmetic and Accounts," the Committee chose John Pullman, an ironmonger from London turned schoolmaster i n New  York.7^  Pullman's school had sixty students i n i t with  the fees set at a very low rate so that the poor "who  are  much the greatest number might be benefitted by it."'' '' 7  p e t i t i o n e r s proposed that:  7  The  . . . the master of the school should be under the Direction of a Committee of Six Gentlemen to be chosen annually by the Major part of the Subscribers of which the Protestant Minister of the Established Church i s always to be one: the School to be v i s i t e d by them every month or Six weeks, and l i t t l e prizes allowed to those who s h a l l e x c e l l i n t h e i r Different Excercies according to their Several Stands i n the School. fiS  The p e t i t i o n e r s had wanted a centrally located l o t in the town to erect a schoolhouse but i t was "too great an undertaking f o r us."  They asked for.whatever sum the govern-  ment saw f i t to bestow on them. We can see from the foregoing account that some parents did  have a strong interest i n providing schooling f o r English-  speaking children both boys and g i r l s i n Post-Conquest Quebec, though very l i t t l e was accomplished.  But, aside from schools,  there were other ways of providing education in a period where so few schools existed.  Parents themselves must have  undertaken the rudimentary education of t h e i r children. Dilworth's S p e l l i n g Book and the New England Primer were 79  being sold i n the colony from an early date.  There also  must have been some demand for the self-help type of l i t e r a ture, f o r the Quebec Gazette (February 21, 1765) notice advertising The American  carried a  Instructor or "Young Man's  Best Companion" which was supposed to instruct a person i n everything from the three R's to p i c k l i n g and preserving. As well, the printing press of the Quebec Gazette did print a few primers or alphabets mainly i n French or L a t i n during 8 0 the 1760's, probably f o r use i n the Roman Catholic schools;  33 these were the f i r s t text books printed in Canada. Quebec's F i r s t Newspaper. Mention has already been made as to the  existence  of the Quebec Gazette, Quebec's f i r s t newspaper, f o r the French had never established a p r i n t i n g press i n New  France.  81  Founded by William Brown in June, 1764, was  the Quebec Gazette  printed in both languages in t h i s period and  was,  according to Brown: . . . the most e f f e c t i v e Means of Bringing about a thorough knowledge of the English and French language to those of the two Nations^now happily united i n one in t h i s Part of the W o r l d . * Besides being the means for " r e a l Improvement and Intelligence" the editor f e l t the paper should include something "of general Entertainment."  As a r e s u l t , poetry would  appear occasionally of which the following i s an example. Modern Chastity An Epigram When ancient Bess was England's Queen Our mothers were l e s s kind; Our fathers courted them f o r years, Before they t o l d t h e i r mind. But now, our modern dames have found A shorter way to wed: They force us o f f our native ground And push us into bed. A  Batchelor  ejJ  In the absence of any subscription l i b r a r i e s i n the  1760's and 70's,  the newspaper reader could look to the  Quebec Gazette f o r a source of l i t e r a r y entertainment,  34 although i t c e r t a i n l y was not on any sophisticated l e v e l , as we have seen.  But as a result of the Quebec Gazette's  appearance i n the colony, the English-speaking reader was able to read i n the English language at least once a week, so that the newspaper can be thought of as an educational influence i n t h i s way. Importance of the Legal System. As mentioned e a r l i e r , Quebec had been promised an Assembly and the use of English c i v i l and criminal law by the  Proclamation of 1763. However, the Assembly,  despite  the  protestations of English-speaking merchants, was not to  come t i l l 1791, and as f o r the "laws of England," both c i v i l and criminal, they were never applied completely to both the French and English-speaking inhabitants. On September 17> 1764 Murray issued an ordinance ^ establishing a three-level system of law courts f o r the province which remained i n effect t i l l 1775. The lowest and broadest court revolved around the l o c a l j u s t i c e of the peace, and was thus a t y p i c a l l y English i n s t i t u t i o n .  A  court designed f o r the c i v i l causes of the French-Canadians, the  court of common pleas, came next; Canadian lawyers  could practise i n i t , and French-speaking l o c a l amateur 85  judges could s i t on the Bench.  y  The highest l e v e l of  j u d i c i a l administration involved the court of the king's bench, hearing both c i v i l and criminal cases, usually i n  35 English and determining them by English law. Shortly a f t e r t h i s system had been l a i d down, Murray issued his ordinance "for quieting people i n t h e i r possessions" i n which the tenures of land and r i g h t s of inheritance as held and practised before the Treaty of Paris  "according  to the custom of t h i s country" should remain t i l l August 10, 1765.  The important question remained as to the a p p l i c a t i o n  of the laws of Great B r i t a i n to Roman Catholics i n Canada. In June, 1765 the Law O f f i c e r s of the Crown delivered the opinion that "His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects residing in  the countries ceded to his Majesty i n America by the  D e f i n i t i v e Treaty of Paris are not subject i n those colonies to the incapacities, d i s a b i l i t i e s , , and penalties to which Roman Catholics i n t h i s province are subject by the laws 87 thereof."  ' A year l a t e r London issued instructions that  His Majesty's Canadian subjects were henceforth  permitted  to practise professionally i n a l l or any of the courts i n the province and that a l l B r i t i s h subjects without d i s t i n c t i o n were e n t i t l e d to s i t as' jurors " i n a l l causes c i v i l and criminal cognizable by any of the courts or judicatures 88 within the said province."  In cases between B r i t i s h  liti-  gants only or Canadians only the jury was to be made up wholly of B r i t i s h or wholly Canadians and i n cases between B r i t i s h and Canadians an equal number of each race should be c a l l e d up to serve as jurors.  Thus, the Proclamation Act may  have stated that "the laws of England" be applied to Quebec;  36  however, as we have seen so f a r , the e a r l y years of the Conquest saw the continuance of the "custom of P a r i s " and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of E n g l i s h l a w .  Further i n s t r u c t i o n s  allowed French Canadians a d d i t i o n a l l e g a l freedom so that two l e g a l systems came i n t o b e i n g . ^ I t i s not the purpose here to examine the complicated, 90 tangled l e g a l s i t u a t i o n f o r the period 1760-1774  but to  point out that two l e g a l systems began to operate i n Quebec s h o r t l y a f t e r the establishment of c i v i l government.  As we  have seen, the E n g l i s h language was used i n some c o u r t s , the French language i n o t h e r s .  In. t h i s way, the l e g a l system  i n these e a r l y years helped the development of E n g l i s h speaking c u l t u r e , as w e l l as helping to preserve Frenchspeaking c u l t u r e .  As time passed, government o f f i c i a l s i n  both England and Quebec saw that a more d e f i n i t e settlement 91 with regard to the laws of Quebec would have to be made. In the next chapter, we s h a l l take a look at the Quebec A c t , which attempted to provide the f i n a l s o l u t i o n to the l e g a l tangle of the 6 0 ' s . Educational Influences 1760-1774. English-speaking s e t t l e r s began to a r r i v e i n Quebec s h o r t l y a f t e r the Conquest thus s t a r t i n g E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g communities, urban and P r o t e s t a n t , i n Quebec, Montreal and Three R i v e r s .  With the s e t t l e r s , many of whom were merchants,  came the clergymen of the Protestant Church.  Supported by  37 the S.P.G. the clergymen of t h i s period were not as e f f e c t i v e as they could have been, as several had been chosen f o r t h e i r French background rather than any exemplary personal q u a l i f i cations.  However, despite t h i s drawback, the Protestant  Church was  established i n Quebec during t h i s period.  English-speaking family l i f e began i n these early years as well, bringing with i t the problem of how to provide no  Protestant schooling.  Some private schools were started;  one, i n p a r t i c u l a r , Pullman's school started as a r e s u l t of the i n i t i a t i v e of Montreal parents.  Government support of  Protestant education was of a somewhat indifferent nature, amounting to a small salary to several Protestant schoolmasters, because the p o l i c y of Murray and Carleton was to  not  promote English-speaking culture. A b i l i n g u a l newspaper, the Quebec Gazette, appeared  in 1764 for  helping to promote the use of the English language,  no p e r i o d i c a l s as yet were printed i n English i n t h i s  province, nor were there as yet any l i b r a r i e s .  An English-  speaking apprenticeship system was brought into the colony by English-speaking s e t t l e r s , though l i t t l e or no information 93 exists on i t f o r t h i s period.  The l e g a l system, or per-  haps one should say, the lack of a definable one, helped to promote the use of two languages i n the province.  By 1774>  because of the influence of the Protestant church, the English-speaking family, the English-speaking private school, the newspaper, the l e g a l system and the apprenticeship  38 system had l a i d the foundation f o r English-speaking culture in Q u e b e c . I n the future, Anglophone culture was to develop further along i t s own l i n e s — a blend of c o l o n i a l and English, with a dash of the continental.  CHAPTER I I REBELS, GENTLEMEN AND OTHERS: THE COMING OF THE LOYALISTS 1775-1785  A few days before the Quebec Act came into effect on May 1, 1775 the f i r s t decisive steps towards open r e b e l l i o n had been taken by the colonials at Lexington and Concord.  The Quebec Act had, i n fact, helped to fan the  independence of the colonials who branded i t as one of the "Intolerable Acts" of the B r i t i s h Government.  On the other  hand, the Quebec Act has also been called the Magna Carta of the French Canadians,  ensuring as i t did the preservation  of French culture. Quebec: French or English? The Proclamation of 1763 had l a i d down instructions f o r governing the t e r r i t o r i e s newly acquired by Great B r i t a i n following the Seven Years' War.  Ordinances followed dealing  s p e c i f i c a l l y with the government of the former French colony. As mentioned i n the previous chapter, the o r i g i n a l intent of the Proclamation was to introduce a policy of a n g l i c i zation into Quebec with the aim of turning the area into a " l i t t l e England."  However, by 1774 the B r i t i s h Government,  influenced by S i r Guy Carleton, reversed i t s p o l i c y of a n g l i c i z a t i o n , as we can see i n the following statement made  40 by Lord North, the f i r s t l o r d of the treasury and chancell o r of the exchequer,  i n the debates on the Canada B i l l  which preceded the passing of the Quebec A c t . It has been the opinion of very many able lawyers that the best way to e s t a b l i s h the happiness of the i n h a b i t a n t s i s to give them t h e i r own laws, as f a r as r e l a t e s to t h e i r own p o s s e s s i o n s . ! Alexander Wedderburn, s o l i c i t o r - g e n e r a l ,  clearly  expressed h i s o p i n i o n as to Quebec becoming another B r i t i s h settlement: I t h i n k there ought to be no temptation h e l d out to the subjects of England to q u i t t h e i r n a t i v e s o i l , to increase colonies at the expense of t h i s c o u n t r y .  2  When being questioned as to h i s views during the debates, Carleton painted a discouraging p i c t u r e of the B r i t i s h immigration i n t o Quebec.  He stated that i n 1770  there were but 360 B r i t i s h males besides women and c h i l d r e n " i n the whole colony of Canada," and since that time the f i g u r e s had diminished.3 When asked i f he f e l t the diminut i o n of the number of B r i t i s h subjects was an advantage or disadvantage to the p r o v i n c e , Carleton r e p l i e d : That i s a p o l i t i c a l question. I am a f r a i d t h e i r circumstances have been so reduced as to compel them to quit the p r o v i n c e . There are some who have purchased l a n d s — o f f i c e r s or reduced o f f i c e r s ; some very r e s p e c t able merchants; there are other i n f e r i o r o f f i c e r s i n t r a d e , and a good many disbanded s o l d i e r s . In g e n e r a l , they are composed of people of small p r o p e r t y . * Carleton seems to have implied i n t h i s statement that the B r i t i s h s e t t l e r s i n Quebec were not very important people as they h a d . l i t t l e p r o p e r t y .  He a l s o spoke of French  41 d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with English law a r i s i n g out of the expense involved i n l i t i g a t i o n , the conduct of proceedings " i n a language they do not understand," and the French i n a b i l i t y to appreciate the jury system. They think i t very strange that the English residing in Canada should prefer to have matters of law decided by t a i l o r s and shoemakers, mixed up with respectable gentlemen i n trade and commerce.5 Carleton also t o l d the House of Commons that the French seemed determined to form associations to r e s i s t English law, i f they were compelled to follow i t .  In the  matter of an Assembly, he f e l t that the French would be greatly offended i f an assembly should be granted, and then be composed e n t i r e l y of the B r i t i s h residents i n Quebec. Nor d i d Carleton give a promising account of the relations between the two groups, stating that the old and new subjects had "very l i t t l e  society."  The terms of the Quebec Act come as no surprise a f t e r hearing Carleton's  views on the subject.  The Act declared  that English laws were to be followed i n criminal matters. French c i v i l law was re-established i n property matters and in seigneurial tenure.  The free exercise of the Catholic  r e l i g i o n under the supremacy of the king was re-affirmed with the t i t h i n g system to be continued.  Instead of an  Assembly the Quebec Act i n s t i t u t e d a L e g i s l a t i v e Council composed of 17 to 23 members f o r the administration of the a f f a i r s of the province.  Except f o r the construction of  42  roads and p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s , the C o u n c i l d i d not have the l i b e r t y of imposing t a x e s .  The Quebec Act also  extended  the boundaries of Quebec to the Ohio and the M i s s i s s i p p i .  7  Quebec A c t : Good or Bad? The Quebec h i s t o r i a n Chapais, commenting on the Quebec A c t , has w r i t t e n : . . . pendant h u i t ans, i l (Carleton) a v a i t p l a i d e en faveur des l o i s f r a n c a i s e s et de l a suppression des incapacity's c o n f e s s i o n e l l e s . I I v o y a i t ses vues adoptles et ses c o n s e i l s s u i v i s . Notre v i c t o i r e e t a i t sa victoire. While French Canadians have seen the Quebec Act as a v i c t o r y , English-speaking Canadians, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Post-Conquest  p e r i o d , have not.  In M o n t r e a l ,  were h e l d i n protest to the Quebec Act with the  gatherings agitation  against i t s measures continuing to i t s p a r t i a l repeal i n 1791.  Commenting on the Quebec Act two centuries  later,  E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g h i s t o r i a n V i c t o r C o f f i n pointed to i t as presenting obstacles "to Anglo-Saxon domination and to p o l i t i c a l u n i t y i n modern Canada through the continued and magnified existence there of an a l i e n and h o s t i l e ality."  nation-  9  Obviously the Quebec Act d i d not solve the problem of two c u l t u r e s vying f o r supremacy i n Quebec.  Coffin, in  h i s book, brings up the example of L o u i s i a n a , where a more satisfactory  s o l u t i o n to c u l t u r a l co-existence was achieved.  Louisiana had been ceded to Spain i n 1766;  i t had been  43 understood at the time of the cession that the colony would be allowed to r e t a i n i t s old laws and usages.  However,  a f t e r a colonial insurrection the Spanish government began a p o l i c y of thorough assimilation, so that by 1791 Louisiana was reconciled to Spanish domination "because of the enlightened and wise deportment of almost every o f f i c e r who had ruled over them, though the colony remained thoroughly French i n stock. If B r i t i s h policy during the f i r s t twenty-five years had followed Spain s Louisiana policy, would the results T  f o r Canada today have been different?'  Lord Durham i s a  closer observer i n time to the Post-Conquest period than a twentieth century p o l i t i c i a n , and he has said of the Quebec Act that i t . . . l e f t French Canada without the education and without the i n s t i t u t i o n s of l o c a l self-government that would have assimilated t h e i r character and habits, in the easiest and best way to,those of the empire of which they have become a part. 1  The Quebec Act must have discouraged further B r i t i s h immigration into the province, as was i t s intent.  As Coffin  has pointed out, of the 50,000 L o y a l i s t s coming north to Canada, only one-quarter chose Quebec, and these settled in 12  newly-opened areas where there were no  French-Canadians.  If B r i t i s h policy had been to make Quebec c u l t u r a l l y a,more a t t r a c t i v e place f o r B r i t i s h immigrants to s e t t l e , quite poss i b l y more B r i t i s h immigrants would have come to Quebec in the next two centuries.  44  B r i t i s h f e e l i n g at the time of the Quebec Act was to think of Quebec as a French-speaking ing  generations.  domain i n succeed-  l e t could even a p o l i t i c a l seer gazing  into a c r y s t a l b a l l i n 1775 have foretold of an i n f l u x of English-speaking s e t t l e r s into Quebec during the next few years? American Invasion. The American invasion and occupation of Quebec, while one of the f i r s t events of the Revolution, was not of very long duration nor one marked with success f o r the c o l o n i a l s . However, t h i s i s not to say that Quebec's population presented a united front to the invaders.  In the town of Quebec,  English c i v i l and m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s as well as a l l B r i t i s h subjects connected with the government, and the merchants 13  were against the Revolution.  Montreal, on the other  hand, was the most important  centre of p o l i t i c a l and pro-  American a c t i v i t y , n o t  surprising i n view of the number  of  colonial merchants who were l i v i n g there.  The allegiance  of  the French Canadian population was uncertain.  British  defense i n Quebec was to rest with a depleted regular army of  750 men, the rest of the force having been drawn elsewhere  in the colonies.  Carleton hoped to raise  approximately  2,000 militiamen f o r the province to strengthen the force. The majority of His Majesty's old subjects i n Montreal  45 refused to e n r o l l i n t h i s m i l i t i a , while the new subjects remained undecided as to whose side to support This b r i e f l y was the s i t u a t i o n when the American army under P h i l i p Schuyler and Richard Montgomery began i t s attempt to make Quebec a fourteenth colony.  The army came  via Lake Champlain to Ile-aux Noix on the Richelieu i n September 1775; Montreal.  by November 1 3 , the American army was i n  At Quebec, Montgomery was joined by Benedict  Arnold, but i n the December 31st attack on the town, Montgomery was k i l l e d and Arnold severely wounded, a major 17  setback to the hitherto successful invasion of the province. The ambivalent allegiance of the majority of the French Canadians to either the B r i t i s h or American cause l e d to the a r r i v a l i n the spring of three Congressional commissioners, ' one of whom was Benjamin Franklin. The l a t t e r brought with him a French printer, Fleury Mesplet, whom he had met i n London, and who was to print Congress's appeals to the 18 habitants,  i n the hope of counteracting the influence of  the Quebec Gazette.  Mesplet set up h i s p r i n t i n g press i n  the basement of the Chateau de Ramezay, the headquarters of the Americans.  However, he seems to have accomplished  l i t t l e during the period of American occupation which lasted 19 t i l l June 15 i n Montreal.  46 Coming of the L o y a l i s t s . The day a f t e r American forces withdrew from Montreal, one of the period's most prominent L o y a l i s t s , S i r John Johnson, arrived there with a couple of hundred volunteers, 20 most of them h i s own tenants.  This group formed the  nucleus of the King's Royal Regiment of New York (the R.R.N.Y.).  Fugitives from the Mohawk Valley who had f l e d  to the Niagara region under the leadership of John Butler 21 formed Butler's Rangers, made up of about two hundred men. r  By the end of the war, there were about f i f t y l o y a l i s t companies, with three thousand men,  i n Quebec.  These men,  by and large, had d r i f t e d i n across the p r o v i n c i a l boundary, coming by the Lake Champlain route and were unaccompanied 22 by t h e i r wives and children, who followed l a t e r .  How-  ever, there were other L o y a l i s t s , such as John Coffin from Boston who became Inspector of Police f o r Quebec, who came with t h e i r entire families; i n Coffin's case, a wife and 23 eleve.n children. Areas of L o y a l i s t Settlement. Frederick Haldimand, the Swiss Protestant who succeeded Carleton i n June, 1778 had the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r dealing with the L o y a l i s t i n f l u x into Quebec.  He appointed  h i s secretary at Three Rivers, also a Swiss, Conrad Gugy, to look a f t e r the homeless women and children, and the  47  handful of men who had entered the province from the south. ^ 2  Gugy, assisted by l o c a l captains of the m i l i t i a ,  erected huts f o r them on h i s seigniory of Machiche.  How-  ever, as the war continued, the refugees swelled into the area between Sorel and the upper end of the Island of Montreal.  Those L o y a l i s t s who  could afford i t gravitated  to Montreal and Quebec; however, most of the refugees were dependent on the bounty of the authorities f o r food, clothing and shelter.  The families of the men  i n the various 25  L o y a l i s t corps were stationed as near them as possible. The land i n the lower part of the province was held l a r g e l y by French Canadians, which meant the existence of seigneurial tenure.  As a r e s u l t , i t was decided to l a y out  a series of townships along the upper stretches of the St. Lawrence beyond the l i m i t s of the French settlement f o r the  26 new English-speaking s e t t l e r s .  Haldimand put S i r John  Johnson i n charge of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of L o y a l i s t s e t t l e ment i n the upper part of the province.  Johnson and h i s  men were to be settled i n the townships of Charlottenburg, Cornwall, Osnabruck, Williamsburg and Matilda, while the men from Jessup s Corps were to receive the townships of 1  Edwardsburg, Augusta and Elizabethtown.  Five additional  townships were l a i d out i n the v i c i n i t y of Cataraqui. Some disbanded L o y a l i s t s wanted to s e t t l e i n the v i c i n i t y of Mississquoi Bay i n the region now known as the  48 Eastern Townships.  However, Haldimand d i d riot want any  L o y a l i s t s to s e t t l e here.  On November 27, 1783 Haldimand  wrote to Lord North that he had refused to give grants of land i n the region east of the S t . Lawrence and bounded on the south and west because he believed that the French Canadians, as t h e i r numbers grew, would need more l a n d . He f e l t that t h i s region would be s u i t a b l e f o r them because as they were d i f f e r e n t i n language, r e l i g i o n , and t r a d i t i o n s from t h e i r American Neighbors, they would l e s s l i k e l y cause 27 trouble.  However, despite Haldimand's o p p o s i t i o n a nucleus  of a settlement grew around M i s s i s s q u o i . By 1784,  a "Return of Disbanded. Troops'& L o y a l i s t s ,  s e t t l e d upon the K i n g ' s Lands i n the Province of Quebec" showed 5,62$ L o y a l i s t s — m e n , women, c h i l d r e n and servants. Of these, 617 were shown i n and about M o n t r e a l , 66 at Chambly, 375 at S t . J o h n ' s , 450 at the Bay of Chaleur, 316 on the seigneuries of S o r e l , 90 at Point M u l l i e and 207 at LaChine. A l i t t l e more than h a l f , 3,507 L o y a l i s t s , were placed on unsettled lands along the upper reaches of 28 the S t . Lawrence. D e s c r i p t i o n of L o y a l i s t s . The L o y a l i s t s who came to Quebec and formed the nucleus of settlement i n what was to be Upper Canada were described as "being mostly farmers from the back parts of New York P r o v i n c e .  7  The exception to t h i s was a few  49 hundred refugees shipped from New York to Quebec, who 30  appeared to be l a r g e l y from the a r t i s a n c l a s s .  As A. L .  Burt describes them, the m a j o r i t y of the L o y a l i s t s were " s t u r d y backwoods farmers" by and large from New York, 31 others from Vermont, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. The New York Mohawk Indians were a l s o part of the L o y a l i s t m i g r a t i o n , and had j o i n e d the R . R . N . Y .  Rev. John  Doty, who had been appointed chaplain to the regiment, wrote to the S . P . G . that he had found the Mohawks "more c i v i l i z e d i n t h e i r manners than any other I n d i a n s . I n 1778 these Mohawks were a l l o t t e d land about s i x m i l e s from Montreal where they " b u i l t a few temporary huts f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s . . .  a l o g house f o r the sole purpose of a Church and a 33  Council room." ^ S t i l l another r a c i a l group made up the L o y a l i s t population of Quebec.  Several years a f t e r the end of the  R e v o l u t i o n , Rev. Doty i n h i s S . P . G . report made reference to a number of Germans (approximately 158 i n number), c h i e f l y "the remains of the troops l a t e l y i n that country, who were now i n M o n t r e a l .  Because they knew no E n g l i s h ,  Doty sent them the S o c i e t y ' s German Prayer Books and they 35 "unanimously determined to conform to i t . " Thus, the L o y a l i s t population of Quebec was somewhat of a heterogeneous r a c i a l group i n that while i t was comp r i s e d c h i e f l y of English-speaking people, i t d i d include I n d i a n s , Germans and Negroes, the l a t t e r being the servants  50 of the more w e l l - t o - d o L o y a l i s t s . d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n amongst them. population of S o r e l i n 1784,  There were also r e l i g i o u s  In d e s c r i b i n g the L o y a l i s t Doty wrote that i t  consisted  of: 70 f a m i l i e s of L o y a l i s t s and other P r o t e s t a n t s . These, t h o a mixed S o c i e t y , c o n s i s t i n g of D i s s e n t e r s , . Lutherans and Churchmen a l l attended D i v i n e Worship.3° 1  Protestant Church Grows. Most of the inhabitants of Montreal s t i l l  belonged  37  to the Presbyterian church.  In 1786 the f i r s t P r e s b y t e r i a n  o r g a n i z a t i o n was formed, w i t h Rev. John Bethune being appointed og  minister.  The f i r s t Methodist service was held i n 1780,  when a Commissariat o f f i c e r of the 44th Regiment  stationed  at Quebec, a M r . Tuffey, held services among the L o y a l i s t s , continuing u n t i l 1784 when h i s regiment was disbanded.-^  9  During t h i s p e r i o d t o o , Mennonites, Tunkers and Quakers began migrating to the part of Quebec which was to become Upper C a n a d a . ^  The only new A n g l i c a n congregation formed  during t h i s period was the one at S o r e l , to which Rev. Doty was appointed. Work of the S . P . G . We have seen i n the previous chapter that the S . P . G . was very i n t e r e s t e d i n the c h i l d r e n of the poor and that i n Quebec t h i s had l e d t o the s e t t i n g up of a school f o r g a r r i s o n c h i l d r e n which had a b r i e f existence under  5  Sergeant Watt.  Only one reference to a continuance  1  of  such interest i n garrison children was found f o r the revolutionary years.  In 1776 Rev. DeLisle undertook to care f o r  the children of soldiers stationed at Chambly whose parents might have to leave them behind when the Army advanced. Haldimand gave orders that DeLisle be given every assistance in t h i s work, both by the Recollets and the Jesuits, u n t i l the Army should return to Montreal.^" The S.P.G. continued t h e i r support of the Anglican clergy as in the previous period.  The Society was also  interested i n the conversion of "heathens" i n the colonies, and hence had become involved i n the r e l i g i o u s instruction of the Indians and Negroes i n the province.  A b e l i e f of the  Church of England at t h i s time was that r e l i g i o u s conversion led  to p o l i t i c a l conversion.  S i r William Johnson, Super-  intendent of Indian A f f a i r s i n America, shortly before the outbreak of the Revolution had recommended upon the advice of v i s i t i n g clergymen that the gospel be introduced to the Mohawks i n New  York and the adjoining six confederate  nations so thousands be reduced to the church and c i v i l society, who may otherwise become alienated from government and l i v e estranged to order and peace. For t h i s reason, the Society had sent out Rev. John Stuart as missionary to the Mohawks at Fort Hunter, New York.  Rev. Stuart was  eventually to f i n d his way to Montreal,  where he taught school f o r a while, and then to Cataraqui,  52 where he was to stay f o r the rest of his l i f e , i n time becoming the Bishop's O f f i c i a l or Commissary f o r Upper Canada.  He was an outstanding  clergyman of t h i s L o y a l i s t  period, and he l e f t behind him an outstanding  family.^  Career of a L o y a l i s t Clergyman. Rev.  Stuart's career i l l u s t r a t e s the hazards and  hardships besetting many of those who remained l o y a l to the King of England. ordained 1770,  A native of V i r g i n i a , Rev. Stuart was  i n England.  After returning to Philadelphia i n  he received h i s appointment to Fort Hunter.  After  the outbreak of the Revolution, he was put under arrest at Schenectady f o r several years.  He may have been involved  during t h i s period i n some sort of spying a c t i v i t y f o r S i r John Johnson, who had succeeded his father.  Haldimand had  suggested to Johnson that Stuart "may c o l l e c t a l l the d i f f e r e n t rebel newspapers i n a box and have a certain place agreed upon, suppose a hollow tree, to deposit them."^ Stuart was released i n 1781 a f t e r which he and h i s family f l e d to Montreal, so that he could be near his Mohawks. It should be pointed out here that Rev. Doty's appointment as chaplain to the Mohawks had only been a temporary one u n t i l Stuart could a r r i v e and take charge.  Possibly as a  way to supplement h i s income as a clergyman, Stuart to open "an Academy f o r the Education of Youth" i n  decided  53 conjunction with a Mr. C h r i s t i e in Montreal.  An advertise-  ment in the Quebec Gazette dated December 13> 1781  stated  that the Academy would o f f e r : Latin, Greek, French and the English language, Logic, Ethics, moral and natural Philosophy, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, vulgar and decimal Fractions, Bookkeeping, Geometry, Plane and spherical Trigonometry; Geography, Algebra, Surveying, Navigation, Gunnery and Fortification. O r i g i n a l l y Stuart had included the words " p r i n c i p a l l y intended  for the children of Protestants" i n the advertise-  ment as he wanted to q u a l i f y f o r the stipend given to o f f i c i a l Protestant  schoolmasters.  However, Haldimand to whom  Stuart had sent the advertisement directed that these words be l e f t out "as i t i s a d i s t i n c t i o n which could not f a i l to create jealousies, at a l l times improper, but more p a r t i c u l a r l y so at Rev.  present." Stuart wrote to Haldimand i n reply that he  glad of the omission because he had not wanted i n any  was way  to be r e s t r i c t i v e . So f a r from having a Design to open a school on so narrow and i l l i b e r a l plan; we have admitted every person that has offered, Protestant, Catholics, Jews, etc. "47 The incident indicates how was  i n endorsing  cautious the government  public Protestant education  in a period  when the allegiance of the French population was Rev.  uncertain.  Stuart, unlike so many other professed  masters, was well q u a l i f i e d academically  school-  f o r teaching.  54 However, many others such as Mr. C h r i s t i e , h i s assistant, looked upon teaching simply as a means to a l i v e l i h o o d as they possessed no q u a l i f i c a t i o n s to f i t them f o r any other position.  A l i t t l e less than a year a f t e r the school had  opened, Rev. Stuart and Mr. C h r i s t i e separated, Stuart d i s tressed by the incompetency  of h i s a s s i s t a n t .  I could have dispensed with h i s ignorance of the English language and f a u l t y accent but when I found him unacquainted with the rules of common arithmetic and often obliged to apply to me ( i n the presence of the pupils) f o r the solution of the most simple questions, I could no longer doubt h i s inefficiency.4-8 However, Stuart's goal was the chaplaincy of the garr i s o n at Cataraqui "the only a c q u i s i t i o n that can place me above Indigence and give me an opportunity of supporting my large and increasing Family, with any degree of Decency."^ Shortly thereafter he received t h i s  9  appointment.  "The Arduous and Painful Profession of Educating Youth." Meanwhile, F i n l a y Fisher, another Montreal schoolmaster, had applied to Haldimand f o r Mr. C h r i s t i e ' s share of the royal bounty to Montreal Protestant schoolmasters because h i s "necessary expenses amount yearly to a considerable suau-^  Fisher had opened h i s school i n 1778 and since  that time had "educated the greatest number of the English ft  Youth of t h i s City to the entire s a t i s f a c t i o n of the P u b l i c . His p e t i t i o n was granted. Another schoolmaster, James Tanswell established the  51  55  f i r s t "English Academy f o r the Education of the youth of t h i s province" i n 1778 and in conjunction with i t ran a 52  boarding school. of  The curriculum he offered was a blend  the c l a s s i c a l and p r a c t i c a l — t h e three R's, modern and  c l a s s i c a l languages, bookkeeping, geography, "the Globes and 53  other branches of the Mathematics."  Tanswell had spent the  f i r s t twenty years of h i s l i f e i n acquiring "a universal Education}' was an assistant i n several schools i n England and then opened an Academy in London which he continued f o r seven years.  Upon the request of two gentlemen i n Nova  Scotia, he crossed the A t l a n t i c " i n order to plant the l i b e r a l Arts & Sciences in that C o u n t r y . S i r Guy Carleton wanted him to come to Quebec, which he did bringing his family at very great expense. The somewhat ambitious venture he t r i e d to launch was not a success f i n a n c i a l l y , as he explained to Haldimand in 1780 p e t i t i o n i n g f o r three years salary i n advance. was i n debt because old  He  of the great expense i n renovating an  house i n advancing money to many young gentlemen from  the country, and i n t r y i n g to provide f o r t h e i r d a i l y needs. Two years l a t e r he again wrote to Haldimand because "I do not f i n d Employment enough, either to f i l l up my Time or 56  Support my Family which i s very large."  He begged Haldi-  mand to consider him f o r "anything" which might help him to support his family, pointing out that he had served h i s country f o r sixteen years " i n the arduous, painful and  56 confining profession of Instructing Youth."^7 In another memorial a year l a t e r , he asked permission to  c a l l h i s school "His Majesty's Royal Quebec Academy"  possibly hoping i n t h i s way to attract more pupils because of  royal approbation.  It would appear that h i s request  was granted but i t was no magic solution to h i s f i n a n c i a l problems.  The following year he asked f o r an additional  room i n the Bishop's Palace so that h i s family could occupy the one he presently had.  He mentions that his boarding  school venture had cost him f i v e hundred pounds because of "a Torrent of unexpected opposition, a sudden r i s e of every species of Provisions, I n f i d e l i t y of Servants and many bad 59 debts."  These were some of the hazards that a Quebec  teacher could face i n t r y i n g to set up a boarding school. But at least h i s pleas did not go unheeded, f o r he was put on the c i v i l l i s t f o r £ 100 s t e r l i n g a year.  In the  future he was to supplement h i s income by acting as i n t e r preter f o r the courts, besides holding other small o f f i c e s . John Pullman, who was mentioned  i n Chapter I as being  the schoolmaster chosen by a Montreal committee in 1773» requested Haldimand i n 1779 f o r a license as a Protestant schoolmaster similar to that granted to Tanswell, because  6l he too was having f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y .  The monthly  account f o r February 1778 of children educated in Pullman's school shows the reason f o r t h i s request.  About 100  children's names, French, English and Jewish, were shown on  57 the l i s t .  The  with r e a d i n g the h i g h e s t .  parents were charged so much per  subject,  and w r i t i n g having the lowest f e e s , and  Latin  The accounts of quite a number of the  ents were i n a r r e a r s i n c l u d i n g t h a t of the A n g l i c a n Chabrand De L i s l e .  Therefore,  a l i c e n s e as a P r o t e s t a n t  the a t t r a c t i o n o f  schoolmaster and  the  par-  minister,  obtaining  subsequent  remuneration from the government would be q u i t e strong, i t was  f o r the members of the  committee, f o r such f i n a n c i a l  support would help to keep t h e i r school However, no and  such allowance was  h i s f i n a n c i a l d i s t r e s s grew.  On  going.  granted to Pullman, August 3, 1780,  p l a c e d a n o t i c e i n the Quebec Gazette s t a t i n g t h a t could  i n s t r u c t "young Gentlemen and L a d i e s  he he  i n Reading,  W r i t i n g and  A r i t h m e t i c , t a k i n g the g r e a t e s t Gare with  M o r a l s " but  t h a t he a l s o could provide  furnished." income had  In 1782  as  "funerals  their  completely  he wrote again to Haldimand t h a t h i s  decreased because a number of L o y a l i s t s had  opened s c h o o l s , and  "Your P e t i t i o n e r s ' S c h o l l a r s Decreased.  As a r e s u l t , h i s income could not  support h i s l a r g e  family  which c o n s i s t e d of a ninety-one year o l d mother, a wife f o u r small c h i l d r e n . p l a c e him  He asked Haldimand, t h e r e f o r e ,  to  i n "some o f f i c e as c l e r k " ; with the p e t i t i o n he  submitted a t a b l e devised various  and  c u r r e n c i e s being  t o c a l c u l a t e the value used, which he  C l e r k ' s Best Assistant."°^ Haldimand f a v o r e d  of  c a l l e d "The  the Cash  I t i s not known whether or  t h i s plea of a d i s t r e s s e d but  not  well-regarded  5a schoolmaster.  Perhaps one needed contact with an o f f i c i a l  high i n the government c i r c l e s i n order to obtain a license.  Owen Bowen received a license as a schoolmaster  i n Montreal i n 17$4 a f t e r writing to Haldimand requesting "some Employment either as Commissary, Storekeeper, or Schoolmaster, or any other o f f i c e my Recommendation from S i r John Johnson may merit . . . having a Wife and Child to provide for."^5 As mentioned by Pullman i n his p e t i t i o n , the number of schoolmasters i n Quebec had been increasing with the coming of the L o y a l i s t s , and t h i s was evident by the increase in advertisements in the Quebec Gazette.  Tanswell had made  the claim to Haldimand that h i s was the f i r s t English Academy.  But two years before the founding of Tanswell s !  Academy, Belmont Fortune A.B. had inserted a notice on August 2 9 , 1776 i n the Quebec Gazette regarding the opening of his Quebec Academy.  He offered c l a s s i c a l and p h i l o -  sophical studies for the "ordinary price of' Schools i n England, one Guinea per Quarter and one Guinea entrance money."  The school was to be open from seven i n the morn-  •ing t i l l one i n the Afternoon, a f t e r which he would teach "Young l a d i e s at t h e i r respective Dwellings." Separation of the sexes seemed to be practised i n educating g i r l s and boys.  Tanswell, i n the notice advertis66  ing h i s Academy and Boarding School in 177$  stated that  "young Ladies were taught i n a separate apartment."  Two  59 years l a t e r Tanswell opened a separate school f o r young l a d i e s "to study r e a d i n g , w r i t i n g , a r i t h m e t i c , orthography, French and E n g l i s h Grammar, Geography, H i s t o r y , dancing and public b a l l s . "  During t h i s period a number of a d v e r t i s e -  ments appeared f o r g i r l s ' boarding and day-schools which emphasized embroidery and needlework.  The U r s u l i n e Convent  was s t i l l the favored place to send daughters of government o f f i c i a l s , merchants and the m i l i t a r y .  About one t h i r d of  the names recorded on the Ursuline r e g i s t e r between  1776-  1780 were E n g l i s h , and a l i t t l e l e s s than h a l f between 1780-1785.  68  Schoolmasters appeared i n the newer areas where the L o y a l i s t s gathered i n Quebec.  As mentioned e a r l i e r ,  Machiche was one of the main L o y a l i s t centres of t h i s period.  Josiah Cass was employed and paid by the govern69 ment from 1778 as schoolmaster here. In 1778 John Grant was requested by the i n h a b i t a n t s of Three R i v e r s to open a school t h e r e , and he wrote to Haldimand requesting a 70 license.  There were schoolmasters at the other L o y a l i s t  centres of S t . J o h n ' s , S o r e l and the Gaspe, though i t  is  doubtful that at these centres anything more than a l i m i t e d 71 education was p r o v i d e d . Printing A c t i v i t i e s . W i l l i a m Brown, p r i n t e r of the Quebec Gazette, cont i n u e d to p u b l i s h primers or alphabets.  In 1785  records  60 show that he sold wholesale 2,600 Alphabets or Primers, some of which were in a French e d i t i o n . H e . a l s o broadsides containing the alphabet and  printed  spelling.  In  1775  Governor Carleton bought such broadsides, showing himself to be somewhat of an ambitious parent f o r his three children 73  were a l l under two years of age. ^ The school population  at t h i s time was  too small to  support l o c a l publication of textbooks, so that imported books to instruct children (and adults) i n the three were s t i l l very much needed.  A notice on November 2,  R's 1775  appeared i n the Quebec Gazette stating the books on sale at the printing o f f i c e , these books having been imported from England. These were: Family and School Bibles . . . Dilworth's and Dyche's S p e l l i n g books, French and English D i c t i o n a r i e s , Grammars', Loughton's English Grammar, Ready Reckoners, a Variety of Children's Books. Quebec Library. It must be remembered that as yet there was l i b r a r y i n the province.  However, on January 7,  no  1779  a  notice appeared in the Quebec Gazette stating that a subs c r i p t i o n had been started f o r establishing a Public Library, "an I n s t i t u t i o n so p e c u l i a r l y useful i n t h i s Country," for the c i t y and d i s t r i c t of Quebec.  The  subscription l i b r a r y  in which the members were charged a yearly subscription rate was  a feature of town l i f e i n eighteenth century England.  61  The trustees of the Quebec Library, composed of French and English, gave d e t a i l s regarding t h e i r proposed l i b r a r y  75 several weeks a f t e r the f i r s t notice had appeared.  The  fees were set at £ 5 f o r entrance and £ 2 annually; "no books contrary to Religion, or good Morals w i l l be permitted."  The Library was to minister to the l i t e r a r y  needs of both the French and English, Haldimand supporting t h i s venture because The Ignorance of the natives of t h i s colony having been i n my apprehension, the p r i n c i p a l cause of t h e i r misbehaviour and Attachment of Interests evidently injurious to themselves. . . . I hope (the Scheme) w i l l greatly tend to promote a more perfect c o a l i t i o n of sentiment and union of Interests between the old and new subjects of the Crown than has hitherto subsisted.7o The person to whom he was writing here was Richard Cumberland, a London playwright who acted as agent f o r the province.  With h i s l e t t e r to Cumberland, he forwarded a  l i s t of books which he asked to be purchased, requesting also that others be recommended f o r the purpose.  However,  because of the war, i t was d i f f i c u l t to obtain French books; H a l d i m a n d , as a r e s u l t , refused to open the Library u n t i l  77 such books a r r i v e d . ' In 1783, the Library, housed i n a room of the Bishop's Palace, was opened to the public, a f t e r a set of new rules and conditions had been prepared by the trustees and approved by the subscribers.  Open twice a week, from ten  t i l l two o'clock, the Library would have "near 2,000 useful  62 and entertaining books before the end of the ensuing year."^ A l i s t of books i n the Library i n 1783 show the following 79 volumes. Johnson's Dictionary, Chesterfield's Letters, Pilgrim's Progress, Young's Night Thoughts, the Spectator, the Guardian, Rapin's English History, Book's Voyages, Rousseau's E l o i s e , Telemarque, H i s t o i r e Chinoise, Esprit des Croissades, Lettres de Fernand Cortes, Histoire Ancienne par R o l l i n , Grammaire Anglaise et Francaise, Dictionnaire de Commerce, Dictionary of the Arts & Sciences, Smith's Housewife, The Devil on S t i c k s , V o l t a i r e ' s Essay on Universal History, Dictionnaire de Cuisine. 7  The l i b r a r y ' s catalogue i n 1785 showed the inclusion of 1,000 French and 800 English books, mostly 80  eighteenth  century works.  century, the  By the end of the eighteenth  c o l l e c t i o n contained  the "best s e l l e r s of London and P a r i s ,  including the works of the philosophical r a d i c a l s , but l i t t l e of American, and nothing of l o c a l o r i g i n .  x  There  may have been other attempts to open l i b r a r i e s i n t h i s period, but l i t t l e information e x i s t s on the subject. Marcel Trudel, the French Canadian h i s t o r i a n , states that Fleury Mesplet, the .printer whom Franklin brought to Montreal, dp  opened a small public l i b r a r y i n 1776.  The Gazette du  Commerce et L i t t e r a i r e founded by Mesplet and Valentin Jautard  i n June 1778 and which existed only f o r a year  before both editors were thrown into prison by Haldimand for  l i b e l , carried a notice of another l i b r a r y on J u l y 1,  177$.  According to the notice, a colonel of the twenty-  seventh regiment had opened a regimental l i b r a r y with  the works of Corneille, Racine, Moliere and V o l t a i r e . Haldimand had hoped to promote closer EnglishFrench r e l a t i o n s through a b i l i n g u a l l i b r a r y ; i n t e r marriage, however, was s t i l l providing a l i n k between the two races.  Between 1776 and 1785, of the 361 marriages  recorded at Christ Church i n Montreal, a l i t t l e less than a t h i r d (103).were between those bearing French and English names.^3 Contributions of the L o y a l i s t s . The addition of the L o y a l i s t s to the existing English-speaking population meant that English-speaking culture gained a firmer foothold i n the province.  The  L o y a l i s t migration had increased the number of Englishspeaking individuals i n Quebec considerably, t h e i r number t r i p l i n g from  3>000  from 1774 to 1784.^  to approximately  9>000  over the years  One must not overlook the fact also  that the B r i t i s h garrison i n Quebec was increased during the War; such defence forces gave additional numerical support to the English-speaking population.*^ The L o y a l i s t s also added to the r a c i a l d i v e r s i f i cation of the English-speaking community i n Quebec, f o r now were added Germans, Indians and Negroes.  80  The Loyalists  increased the number of English-speaking families i n the province, an important f a c t o r i n the future p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l development of the province.  Undoubtedly these  64  L o y a l i s t s passed on to t h e i r families certain a t t i t u d e s , one of which would be the adherence to English-speaking i n s t i t u t i o n s and above a l l , l o y a l t y to the B r i t i s h Grown. The Protestant Church expanded and became further divers i f i e d with the appearance of Methodist, Quakers, Tunkers and Mennonites. way  The Anglican Church gained very l i t t l e by  of support with two new  congregations being formed, one  at Sorel and the other at Cataraqui.  But even though the  L o y a l i s t s did not a l l belong to the same church, they were Protestant i n background so that t h e i r appearance in Quebec increased the r e l i g i o u s dichotomy of the province which had begun a f t e r the Conquest with the introduction of the Protestant Church into hitherto Roman Catholic t e r r i t o r y . The demands for Protestant schools increased with the increase of English-speaking children i n Quebec.  A few  more private schools appeared with the coming of L o y a l i s t schoolmasters  whose careers i n the province i l l u s t r a t e the  d i f f i c u l t i e s besetting Protestant education there. L o y a l i s t schoolmasters,  These  as well, must have reinforced  L o y a l i s t attitudes towards B r i t i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t h e i r pupils, the future e l i t e of Lower Canada. The L o y a l i s t s were not a uniformly educated group and did not add anything to the l i t e r a r y capacity of the 87  English-speaking population.  However, the increased  English-speaking population i n Montreal was to lead to the founding of another paper in the province, the Montreal  65 Gazette i n 17#5,  The Quebec Library  had opened the same  year with the purpose of promoting "a union of  Interests"  between the two c u l t u r a l groups i n the province.  However,  i t should be emphasized that i t was Haldimand, not the L o y a l i s t s , who  were instrumental in starting up the i n s t i t u -  tion. Hitherto the English-speaking community had been urban i n background, but the. Loyalists introduced a r u r a l element to i t s e t t l i n g as they d i d i n the backwoods of the upper reaches of the St.. Lawrence.  Even the physical  appear-  ance of these Loyalist settlements d i f f e r e d from Frenchspeaking settlements.  The Loyalists brought with them the  d i s t i n c t i v e style of eighteenth century c l a s s i c a l American architecture,  giving r i s e to a basic vernacular  building  t r a d i t i o n not only i n Quebec but Ontario and the Haritimes. As well, Loyalist farms d i f f e r e d in appearance from French Canadian farms because seigneurial  tenure was not used i n  dividing the land along the upper St. Lawrence, so that there was an absence of the long, narrow farm s t r i p s so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the lower St. Lawrence.  The  had, i n f a c t , increased the agitation against  Loyalists seigneurial  tenure, p a r t i c u l a r l y as a great number had settled on farms.^ The terms of the Quebec Act had been so formulated to win the allegiance  of the French Canadians by o f f e r i n g  them what Carleton f e l t they wanted, the assurance of the perpetuation of t h e i r cultural i n s t i t u t i o n s .  During the  66 American Revolution the French Canadians d i d have the opport u n i t y of becoming the fourteenth s t a t e , but they d i d not j o i n the r e b e l s . be s u c c e s s f u l .  In t h i s respect the Quebec Act proved to However, the B r i t i s h Government and Carleton  had not foreseen the increase i n English-speaking  popu-  l a t i o n and the r e s u l t i n g discontent with an act framed f o r a French-speaking p o p u l a t i o n .  The L o y a l i s t s had no thought  of a s s i m i l a t i n g French-Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n s , f o r had they not cherished E n g l i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s to such an extent that they had given up t h e i r homes?  This f a c t the B r i t i s h Govern-  ment could not deny, so the only answer was to give the• L o y a l i s t s what they wanted, and l e t the French Canadians keep what they had.  L o y a l i s t h o s t i l i t y to French c u l t u r a l  i n s t i t u t i o n s was to lead to the c r e a t i o n of Upper Canada in  1791. The C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Act of 1791 d i d not repeal the  Quebec A c t , but only the section which pertained to the form of government.  A l a t e r o r d e r - i n - c o u n c i l provided f o r  the a c t u a l d i v i s i o n of the Province of Quebec into Upper and Lower Canada.  Both provinces were granted an elected  Assembly, an appointed second chamber and an executive council.  While the L o y a l i s t s were s a t i s f i e d , the  of Lower Canada were n o t .  merchants  Their m i n o r i t y status was accentu-  ated by the cleavage of the L o y a l i s t areas from that of the r e s t of Quebec.  Nor were the long-sought commercial laws  of England introduced i n t o Quebec.9°  Thus the l e g a l system  67 i n t e n s i f i e d the h o s t i l i t y of English-speaking towards French-speaking  individuals  population of Lower Canada, just  as the Quebec Act had, and before that the Proclamation of  1763.  Conclusion. If Quebec had become the fourteenth state, Frenchspeaking Canadians would have become part of the American "melting-pot," and thus assimilated into the mainstream of American national development.  Whether or not Quebec  in t h i s case would have become another Louisiana i s one of those unanswerable questions of history*s " i f s " and "buts." Instead, however, French-speaking  Canadians remained as a  r a c i a l - c u l t u r a l bloc, the B r i t i s h Government f e e l i n g that t h i s was the way to win their a l l e g i a n c e . During the PostConquest era, an English-speaking bloc was being formed, to which the coming of the L o y a l i s t s gave numerical strength. Thus, English-speaking culture gained a firmer foothold i n Quebec as a result of t h i s consequence of the American Revolution.  The educational influences cited i n the previous  chapter, the English-speaking family, the Protestant Church, the English-speaking private school, English-speaking apprenticeship and the English-speaking newspaper developed further from 1775 to 1785,  with the l e g a l system accentuating  c u l t u r a l differences between the French and English. In  the next chapter, we s h a l l take a look at the expanding nature of the English-speaking community.  CHAPTER I I I THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING COMMUNITY OF MONTREAL AS REFLECTED IN THE PRESS 1785-1800. The English-speaking population of Quebec by 1785 had grown from the handful of merchants, tradesmen and government o f f i c i a l s who had followed on the heels of the conquering B r i t i s h army into a larger, somewhat more d i v e r s i f i e d group a f t e r the i n f l u x of the L o y a l i s t s .  The  choice facing immigrants anywhere entering a country with established i n s t i t u t i o n s i s to either assimilate these i n s t i t u t i o n s or create t h e i r own.  The course to be followed  by the English-speaking inhabitants of Quebec had been chosen by 1800. Formation of English-Speaking Communities. In Post-Conquest Quebec r e l i g i o n and language divided the English-speaking newcomers from the conquered inhabitants of New France, making i t d i f f i c u l t f o r the Anglophones to  adopt the existing French way of l i f e .  As a r e s u l t , the  Anglophones began to develop t h e i r own way of l i f e , ' t h e i r own interests and a c t i v i t i e s i n the urban areas where they had settled because of t h e i r mercantile pursuits.  In other  words, English-speaking communities began to evolve i n the towns of Quebec, Montreal, Three Rivers and Sorel. It should be stated at t h i s point that a community i s defined  70 here as a geographic area, whose inhabitants share similar interests and pastimes.  The formation of English-speaking  communities i n Quebec helped the development of Englishspeaking culture because the English language was used in the conduct of community l i f e . The chief source of information regarding the clubs, s o c i e t i e s , amusements and contemporary problems of the English-speaking community of Quebec i s found in the newspapers of the day, the Quebec Gazette, the Montreal Gazette, then l a t e r the Quebec Herald and M i s c e l l a n y . I n p a r t i c u l a r , i t i s the Montreal Gazette, which through i t s advertisements reveals the d a i l y way of l i f e of the English-speaking community i n Montreal, the town which was to become the stronghold of the Anglophone i n the years to come.  As a r e s u l t ,  i t i s the community l i f e of Montreal which i s described in t h i s chapter. Founding of Montreal Gazette. The Montreal Gazette f i r s t appeared on August 2 5 , 1785, a proposal f o r i t s publication having been c i r c u l a t e d prior to t h i s issue containing the reason f o r establishing  such a paper.  "There i s scarce a Dominion i n Europe  that has not i t s Gazette, why country have i t ' s own."  should not t h i s extensive  Fleury Mesplet, the editor and  p r i n t e r , had been born i n Lyons, France, emigrating l a t e r to America where he practised his trade as a printer in  71 Philadelphia.  He came to the a t t e n t i o n of Benjamin  F r a n k l i n a f t e r Congress had issued i n s t r u c t i o n s i n February, 1776 to the Commissioners of the American army that a p r i n t e r should be sent with them to e s t a b l i s h a f r e e press i n the country.^  Mesplet accompanied F r a n k l i n to Montreal but  decided to remain a f t e r the American forces withdrew, because of lack of money.  In June of 1776 he was arrested  i n Montreal as an American sympathizer and imprisoned f o r t w e n t y - s i x days. A f t e r h i s b r i e f imprisonment, Mesplet set up h i s p r i n t i n g business i n Montreal; h i s press p r i n t e d the  first  book i n M o n t r e a l , the Reglement de l a C o n f r e r i e , f o r the Seminary of S t . S u l p i c e . ^  In a j o i n t venture with advocate  V a l e n t i n J a u t a r d , Mesplet produced La Gazette du Commerce et L i t t e r a i r e i n 1778, chapter.  already mentioned i n the previous  J a u t a r d , who was the e d i t o r , proceeded to attack  r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l issues i n the paper; as a consequence, Carleton ordered both Jautard and Mesplet to leave the country.  S i r Frederick Haldimand who succeeded Carleton  suspended the order f o r banishment, only to have both men arrested i n 1779 f o r a l i b e l l o u s a r t i c l e c a l l e d "Tant p i s , 5  tant mieux" i n which Haldimand's government was attacked. Mesplet spent three years, three months without t r i a l i n the Montreal j a i l , escaping i n 17$2 with the help of the authorities.^  However, i t was not u n t i l a couple of years  72 a f t e r peace had been declared that Mesplet undertook once more to print a newspaper, t h i s time both i n French and English.  In o u t l i n i n g the format of the paper, Mesplet  promised the inclusion of l i t e r a r y news, as well as monthly news from America and Europe.  The Montreal Gazette con-  tinued to follow the format outlined by Mesplet i n succeeding  years.  Format of Montreal Gazette. Foreign news was found on pages one and two, reprinted from papers sometimes as much as s i x months o l d .  A delay .  in the a r r i v a l of a ship, of course, meant a delay i n the a r r i v a l of foreign newspapers.  Occasionally there might be  a description of some l o c a l event, such as the a r r i v a l of Prince William i n the early f a l l of 1787. But on the whole, there was very l i t t l e reference to l o c a l happenings  because  such news would have circulated by word of mouth before the appearance of the weekly paper.  Mesplet's o r i g i n a l assertion  that " a l l Persons may get inserted g r a t i s , Productions either instructive or entertaining" l e d to the establishment of  Poet's Corner, l a t e r called Parnassian Flowers, which  appeared with the advertisements on pages three and four. Mesplet adhered to h i s promise of publishing items of  general benefit and interest to h i s readers.  He devoted  some space on March 13, 1787 to publishing news of an i n t e r e s t i n g discovery which he thought would be of "general  73  u t i l i t y to t h i s province."  F i r e s were a common disaster  of the period but "the method of paying-over wood or Iron Plates with Coal-Tar" would "be useful f o r doing over the Timber-roofs of Houses" and provide "an additional security against F i r e . "  In the following issue, coal t a r was  recommended as being "good f o r the ravages of sea-worms." Readers took advantage of o f f e r i n g helpful advice as w e l l . During the famine winter of 1788-89 a l e t t e r from "A Friend to the Poor" on December 4» 1788 pointed out a substitute for  bread, a European vegetable weed called Mangel .Wurzel  whose "leaves are l i g h t e r than spinach, with an asparagus f l a v o r and the roots are l i k e parsnips." Readership of Montreal Gazette. The readers of the Montreal Gazette were not confined to Montreal.  Two months after i t s f i r s t  the newspaper was offered to Quebec readers who  appearance, could obtain  copies from a merchant near t h e i r Post Office and to readers at  Three Rivers who  could apply f o r i t at the Post O f f i c e .  Mesplet needed an expanding subscriber's l i s t because he was struggling with debt during these early days of the paper, and did in fact have h i s p r i n t i n g press seized by the S h e r i f f , Edward William Gray, f o r debt i n November, 1785.  One expression of public attitude to the new  paper  came i n a l e t t e r from !'01d C i t i z e n , " who wrote that he could not but lament the fact of "not having had sooner a public  74  P r i n t " and called f o r support of the paper as long as i t did  not contain "Party Disputes or anything i l l i b e r a l or  ill-natured."  9  The merchants formed the main body of the Englishspeaking group i n Montreal, and undoubtedly were the chief supporters of the newspaper, which in turn did r e f l e c t t h e i r interests as well as t h e i r f i n a n c i a l s t r a i t s .  In t h i s  period almost every merchant;.of importance was  threatened  with bankruptcy and ruin as a result of the Cochrane s u i t .  1 0  During 1 7 8 5 and 1 7 $ 6 frequent notices appeared i n the Montreal Gazette about the settlement of the estates of various merchants, advising creditors to apply to the t r u s t ees before a certain date. The interests of L o y a l i s t readers were also r e f l e c t e d in the paper; the f i r s t  issue printed the " P e t i t i o n of  Agents i n the English House of Commons f o r the Compensation of L o y a l i s t s . "  Throughout the following months and  years, references are found to these claims f o r compensation i n the paper, either through reprints of items i n London papers or through notices by the Office of American Claims established in,Montreal.  The granting of the claims  to half-pay o f f i c e r s meant more business f o r Montreal merchants.  One enterprising merchant, a Mr. Small, published  a long l i s t of h i s available stock i n the issue following the announcement of the granting of the c l a i m s .  11  75  Physical Aspects of the Community. The part of Montreal where the majority of Englishspeaking merchants l i v e d was the area closest as possible to the harbour, p a r t i c u l a r l y the o l d market-place, now Place Royale.  Thus, i t was i n t h i s area where the English-  speaking community of Montreal centred i t s a c t i v i t i e s .  In  i t s physical appearance, t h i s community bore a d i s t i n c t i v e character, f o r the dwellings of the merchants were b u i l t from stone, while the houses of the French were made from wood.  The advertisements i n the Montreal Gazette give us  a picture of the stone dwellings and furnishings of the merchants.  Such stone dwellings were considerably more  f i r e p r o o f than wood and thus useful f o r the storage of valuable f u r s .  Benjamin Frobisher's house, stores and  gardens were offered f o r sale a f t e r h i s death.  There was a  Stone building consisting of a Laundry and Stabling f o r three Horses . . . The store b u i l t with stone very conveniently situated f o r shipping of wheat, at one end of which are two Rooms f i t t e d up as a dwelling House. 13 Simon McTavish, the richest man i n Montreal, had an exceedingly comfortable establishment as a description of the i n t e r i o r furnishings of h i s house offered f o r sale a f t e r h i s death reveal. For Sale . . . The entire elegant and genteel Household furniture, Plate, Linen, China and other e f f e c t s . . . comprising Mahogany four post Bedspreads with Printed Cotton .. . . Feather Beds and Bedding, Mattrasses, Window Curtains, Mahogany Chest Drawers, Book Case, Sideboard, Dining, Card and Pembroke Tables, handsome Chairs, Horsehair Seats, Pier and  76 other Glasses, Wilton and Scotch Carpets, a Forte Piano, a large Hand Organ with four Barrels and a good tuned Harpsichord . . . useful Kitchen f u r n i ture . . . -a Phaeton with Double brass Harness, a cover'd Calash, Carrioles and Carts, an elegant Buzalo Stove . . . a pair Handsome Bay Horses and a very good Cow.14 Popularity of Auctions. Auctions were a popular method of disposing of a r t i c l e s used not only i n the fur trade but f o r home consumption, such as furs, wines, l i q u o r , tobacco and dry goods.  Many auction notices mention the sale of Madeira  and Teneriffe Wines, which was an interesting development of Canada's trade with southern Europe, and c h i e f l y with 15  Barcelona, where Canada's surplus wheat found a market. As well as wine, the returning vessels brought f r u i t .  This  would account f o r the occasional notice of the sale of lemons or lemon juice i n the paper. The dry goods mentioned i n the following advertisement indicate the variety and extent of such imports which would lead William Smith, Chief Justice of Quebec, to write his wife that "the Ladies dress here much as i n England when I left i t . " To be sold f o r ready money at Edw. W. Gray. A large and general Assortment of Dry Goods, consisting of Cloths, Bath Cottings, Ratte ens, Flannels, Baize, Cadis, Beaver and F e l t Hats . . . Worsted Stockings, Swan-skins, S i l k , Lady's S i l k and Stuff Shoes, Ironmongery, Double Canada Staves . . .17 1 6  77 The opening of the shipping season in.March and i n A p r i l had a rejuvenating effect upon the isolated province, f o r the f i r s t ships would bring mail, newspapers (items from which would appear henceforth i n the Montreal  Gazette)  and, of course, merchandise, long l i s t s of which would be published in the paper.  One  such l i s t  shows such diverse  items as: . . . tea and coffee, o l i v e s , mangoes, cheese, knives and forks, guitar and harpsichord s t r i n g s . 1 ° Assemblies,  Clubs, Coffee Houses.  Notices of assemblies, which gave Montreal's society an opportunity to parade i t s e l f  in imported f i n e r y , appeared  in the paper during the winter months.  Assemblies  were held  f o r t n i g h t l y , ostensibly f o r conversation, supper and  dancing.  Membership was limited to those considered to belong to the upper-class with the managers selecting those persons they considered e l i g i b l e to a t t e n d . ^ Perhaps the most popular meeting place f o r the various s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s of the English-speaking group i n Montreal was at Mr. Frank's Vauxhall, an  establishment  modelled a f t e r the famous Vauxhall in London.  Mr. Frank's  had "a very good Assembly room and a pretty good garden."^0 The following i s an example of the type of offered there:  entertainment  78 Several .musicians from Europe intend to give . . . a concert of Vocal and Instrumental Music at Mr. John Franks Vauxhall. After the Concert a B a l l . To begin at 8 . . . Tickets | 1 . 2 1  In 17#8,  Mr. Frank's Vauxhall went out of operation,  his furniture being seized, then sold the following year 22 f o r debt.  However, he did open another establishment,  t h i s time on Notre Dame Street, i n the year that his Vauxh a l l was closed.  The grounds of Vauxhall passed to Joseph  Frobisher who-made i t the site of the Beaver Club. are c o n f l i c t i n g reports regarding Vauxhall.  There  An English  v i s i t o r was somewhat c r i t i c a l of i t . Bachelor's Club (met) at Vauxhall, kept by one Franks, a Jew, about a mile from town. We were 42 in Company. .. . .Mr. Frobisher i s President. . . . The dinner was poorly served up f o r such a large company. The bottle went around f r e e l y . 3 2  The Montreal Gazette had only praise f o r Vauxhall. Sunday being St. Andrew's Day, the Junior Sons of St. Andrew gave a Supper at Vauxhall . Several v i s i t o r s . . . declared they never saw an entertainment better l a i d out, or the dishes better dressed than they experienced on t h i s occasion. 4 2  Aside from Vauxhall, the coffee houses, of which Sullivan's was the most popular i n the 1780's, served as a meeting ground f o r English-speaking inhabitants and t h e i r clubs though There's nothing but smoking, drinking of porter and playing at backgammon going on here. . . . Everybody pays so much whether they drink anything or not. ^ The Englishman i s said to have his clubs, and t h i s was true of the Englishman i n Montreal, f o r by the 1780's  79 there were a number of clubs i n existence. The Beaver Club, founded i n 1785, was intended f o r f u r traders both French and English, who had spent one. winter at least i n the North.  Junior Sons of St. Andrew were young men  or serving as clerks to merchants i n the c i t y .  acting  The Montreal  Society was a debating society, the " P r i n c i p a l intention being the accustoming of youth to public speaking and to a habit of r e f l e c t i o n and enquiry into subjects."  The  Agriculture Society, perhaps the most prestigious of these groups, wanted "to improve and advance the agriculture of t h i s country by introducing the best method of c u l t i v a t i n g 27 the land i n order to produce good grain."  The members  were requested to make helpful remarks and observations "regarding the defects they may perceive i n the agriculture of t h e i r respective neighborhoods."  Lord Dorchester was  patron of the society, S i r John Johnson, vice-president of the Montreal branch.  The directors were two members of the  seigneurial class, Joseph de Longueil and Paul Roch de Saint-Ours, and two members of the English merchant group, Joseph Frobisher and John Fraser. mentioned  Other groups which are  in the Montreal Gazette are the Friendly and  Benevolent Society, the Free and Accepted Masons and the Brethren of Canada Society.  L i t t l e i s known about the  a c t i v i t i e s of these groups, with the exception of the l a s t one.  The Brethren of Canada Society was reported i n the  80 Montreal Gazette*^ as having commemorated the anniversary of Prince William's v i s i t to Quebec by an assembly, royal salute, drinks and toasts. Theatrical L i f e . The assembly rooms at the coffee houses were used by v i s i t i n g t h e a t r i c a l groups, in the absence of a proper theatre.  A t h e a t r i c a l notice shows "a Company of Comedians  from the Island of Jamaica under the d i r e c t i o n of Messrs. Allen, Bentley and Moore" using "Mr. Levy's Assembly Room" for t h e i r t h e a t r i c a l presentation of "a celebrated Comedy written by Dr. Goldsmith call'd "The Mistakes of a Night."  "She Stoops to Conquer" or  This play was to be preceded  by  a Prologue given by Mr. A l l e n . After the Play a Dance c a l l e d LaPolonese by Mr. B e l l a i r . To which w i l l be added a Farce called "The Wrangling Lovers or Like Master Like Man. . . . Doors opened at 6 o'clock, Performance begins at seven. . . . It i s requested that servants be sent at Half past Five to keep the places . . . The managers most r e s p e c t f u l l y request of those Ladies (who w i l l be present) that they w i l l be so very oblidging to l a y aside t h e i r Hoops and Hats when they attend there, the smallness of the House rendering i t necessary such a request should be made, that a greater number of Ladies and Gentlemen may be accommodated each evening with more ease. The l a d i e s were asked not to be offended at t h i s request f o r removing t h e i r hats and hoops. As i t i s the Fashion at a l l Theatres i n Europe f o r the Ladies to appear in the Boxes without Hats.-*  81  In the same issue there was another notice stating that the opening of the theatre was being postponed because the company had to remove a l l t h e i r effects from a house threatened of a merchant.  by a f i r e which had started i n the hangar When the t h e a t r i c a l season f i n a l l y got  under way, the following plays were produced: MoliereF i e l d i n g ' s "The Miser," Fielding's play based on Moliere's L'Avare; a comedy called the "Suspicious Husband"; "Henry IV"; "Othello," as well as a play "celebrated" then but obscure today, "Douglas."  Some performances were designated  as benefits for the various actors and actresses i n the company.  There was also a "Benefit for the Poor."  The play  for t h i s performance was appropriately "The Tragedy of the Orphan" at which was collected " 1 2 6 , 2 s h i l l i n g s and 1 penny,"•^ the money then being turned over to the Protestant Church. The varied fare of a night at the theatre i n t h i s period can be seen by the programme f o r the f i n a l night of t h i s t h e a t r i c a l group.  I t included the "celebrated tragedy  Douglas" and Mr. Bentley w i l l play a Concerto on the Harpsichord with a f a v o r i t e Rondo, Lectures Serious, Comic and S a t y r i c , Lectures on Heads; i n between a Hornpipe; (the evening to end with) a pantomine Dance The Sportsmans Revels.32 Prior to the appearance of the Company of Comedians i n Montreal, the Montreal Gazette had printed an extract  82 from the Albany Gazette, a p e t i t i o n against a t h e a t r i c a l performance t h e r e . ^  The argument i n the p e t i t i o n was that  the theatre was "incompatible with v i r t u e . "  A reply to the  p r i n t e r i n the defense of the theatre appeared below the p e t i t i o n with the words: Why should the exhibition of Tragedies and Comedies be any more discountenanced than taverns, dancing Assemblies, card-playing, b i l l i a r d s , gambling? Quite possibly there had been some controversy i n Montreal with regard to the morality of the theatre. However, the Company of Comedians l e f t behind a good impression, a notice being inserted by Mesplet i n the paper, when they had l e f t f o r Quebec, that the group had provided "very r a t i o n a l amusement," and had earned "universal approbation" for t h e i r conduct from the c i t i z e n s of Montreal. Medical Matters. Other interests of the Montreal reader are r e f l e c t e d in the advertisements of the Montreal Gazette.  Medical  matters were a concern of the times, for there was a shortage of q u a l i f i e d medical p r a c t i t i o n e r s i n the pro35 yince, and those there were charged high prices.  Home  medical manuals must have found a ready market; notices of these f o r sale at the printer's were found often i n the paper.  One disease which had reached near epidemic propor-  tions i n the 1780's was s y p h i l l i s ,  though i t was referred  83  to then as Murray's Bay Disease or by corruptions of the same.3^  The p r i n t i n g o f f i c e sold the following:  Remarks on the Distemper generally known by the Name of the Molbay Disease . . . c h i e f l y intended f o r the use of the c l e r i c a l and other gentelemen r e s i d i n g i n the Country by Robt. Jones-Surgeon.37 To regulate the practice of medicine i n Quebec an ordinance was passed "to prevent persons p r a c t i s i n g Physic and Surgery i n the Province of Quebec and Montreal without  og a Licence."-'  Candidates wishing to obtain a license had  to appear before a commission who qualifications.  would examine t h e i r  A l e t t e r to the editor from such a can-  didate claimed that the ordinance would "give b i r t h to many e v i l s i n the place of one."-^  9  The board before which  candidates appeared "have not found s i x (among 50 candidates) that have possessed decent knowledge."  He f e l t that the  severity of the board would lead to a shortage of medical men  i n the country, and force the populace to resort to  "quacks or simples" . . . " c h i e f l y Germans, the excrement and remains of that army so dearly bought by our Sovereign" and who would give "inadequate advice f o r 1 s h i l l i n g . " He asked that the judges " l e t Mercy blunt the flaming Sword of J u s t i c e . " Despite,the accusations that medical men were overcharging, an assistant surgeon to the Hotel Dieu, a J . Rowand, i n advertising the apothecary shop he was setting up, stated that:  84 Poor people who bring a C e r t i f i c a t e of t h e i r Character and Indigence, from the P r i e s t of the Parish, where they reside, s h a l l be furnished with advice and medicines Gratis.40 Interest in Poor. An interest i n the poor was a concern of the eighteenth century as we have seen i n Chapter I.  The Montreal  Gazette reported on various acts of charity performed i n the c i t y . Acted at Spectacle H a l l , a Benefit f o r the r e l i e f of the poor Voyageurs, t h e i r Widows and Orphans. The expences of the Evening being deducted, the money w i l l be put into the hands of two respectable c i t i z e n s of t h i s town, members of the Beaver Club, to be put into the stock they have already begun f o r that purpose.41 The Junior Sons of St. Andrew were commended by "A Friend to Humanity" f o r c o l l e c t i n g over &4 heard about a moving case of n e e d . ^  a f t e r they had  The money was to go  to the support of an indigent schoolmaster, Mr. Gunn "forme r l y an expert Clerk at Quebec, afterwards a Merchant on the River Chambly, of unblemished  character but unfortunate". . .  He supports a wife and f i v e small children on the scanty pittance afforded by teaching seven or eight scholars, and lodges in the upper,part of that bleak tenement facing the ramparts . . . where h i s wife (now i n child-bed) surrounded by penury, exhibits a spectacle of poignant distress.43 The Montreal Society was reported as having discussed the topic of "Would the erecting of Public Workhouses throughout the province be the most proper method of employing the Poor, i f so, what should be the most elegible plan  85 f o r the establishment of such a house i n M o n t r e a l . " ^ A n o t i c e i n s e r t e d by the church wardens of C h r i s t Church, r e f e r r e d to i n the Montreal Gazette as the  Protestant  Church, showed the t y p i c a l manner i n which the community d e a l t with orphaned c h i l d r e n i n the eighteenth century. . . . an Orphan Boy of Eight Years of Age i n t h i s P a r i s h w i l l be bound out u n t i l he s h a l l a r r i v e at the age of twenty-one.45 Protestant Church A c t i v i t i e s . More space i s devoted to Protestant Church a c t i v i t i e s than C a t h o l i c i n the newspaper.  U n t i l December, 1789 the  Protestant congregation had no church of i t s own, having used the R e c o l l e t Church when the s o c i e t y was not occupying it.  From the evidence on hand, i t would appear that a l l  Protestants worshipped together under Rev. DeLisle from May 1787 to 1790, a f t e r Rev. Bethune, the P r e s b y t e r i a n m i n i s t e r , had l e f t . ^ "  6  Lord Dorchester f i n a l l y granted the  Protestants the use of a former J e s u i t church.  A notice  appeared i n the paper warning that subscribers who had not p a i d f o r t h e i r pews would not have the p r i v i l e g e "of drawing 47 f o r Pews i n the s a i d Church."  A week l a t e r , the news-  paper mentions that Rev. D e L i s l e was to be presented w i t h a key to C h r i s t Church Chapel by members, J o s . Thos. Forsyth and John A. G r a y . ^  Frobisher,  i t i s not known how  l a r g e the congregation was at C h r i s t Church, nor i f a l l of  86 the 2,000 Protestants i n Montreal attended  there.^  Montreal merchants were also active i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s centering around the commercial a c t i v i t y of the province and the repeal of the Quebec Act.  The  Montreal  Gazette helped to promote such interest by p r i n t i n g l e t t e r s to the editor and a r t i c l e s on the subject.  But not a l l  readers sympathized with the endeavors of the merchant class; one reader, signing himself "Verax" t r i e d to i n c i t e the seigneurial class to take action against the coming Constitutional Act.'  50  A few issues l a t e r he touched upon  the i n f l u x of Americans i n the province. The great increase there has been of l a t e years of those Americans commonly c a l l e d Yankees points them out as proper objects of a jealous attention. It i s a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of theirs to be discontented with the established form of government. He described Americans as being of two  types.  One upright and honest and those who at the beginning of the American troubles were men of desperate or no fortunes but who at the c l o s i n g of the war have r e a l i z e d handsome fortunes f o r pretended losses. . . . by fraud they have secured t h e i r situations.51 P o l i t i c a l Ties. P o l i t i c a l d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , however, did not lead the Montreal merchant group to consider methods such as revolut i o n , the events of the following years were to show.  They  were e s s e n t i a l l y a group l o y a l to His Majesty's Government. Loyalty t i e s with Great B r i t a i n had been strengthened, by the v i s i t of Prince William Henry ( l a t e r William IV) to  87 Quebec i n the f a l l of 17$7.  In Poet's Corner we f i n d  the following: On these bleak shores to see so great a guest, Excites new Loyalty i n Every B r i t a i n ' s breast.5  2  The fact that the Brethren of Canada Society celebrated the anniversary of Prince William Henry's v i s i t ^ to the province c e r t a i n l y indicates tenacious allegiance on the part of the club members.  When o f f i c i a l confirmation  came that George I I I had regained his health, Montreal rejoiced. In the evening of the same day the c i t y was b r i l l i a n t l y illuminated and an universal joy seemed conspicuous among a l l ranks of His Majesty's Loyal Subjects.54 The Female Reader. Other aspects of the period revealed by the study of the paper show that the English-speaking female reader was both l i t e r a t e and vocal.  A flirtation  on paper between the  two sexes was started by a l e t t e r from "Old Batchelor" who designated himself as being t h i r t y - e i g h t years o l d . and one of the oddest and most unhappy fellows nt; I've been TWISTED and TWIRLED about by the " S a l l y Lovefun" wrote a reply, and asked Mr. Mesplet to  "print and thus oblidge your constant Female Readers."  She asks the bachelor . . . where i s the joy of l i v i n g on the earth, without. having any one place i n i t that he can c a l l his home?5°  88 In a poem e n t i t l e d "Maids P e t i t i o n , " the author laments the fact that widows are o f f e r i n g the maidens of Montreal too much competition. l e t we (poor fools) can't have the freedom To get good men, how'er we need 'em.57 There are several notices found i n a similar vein to  the following, dealing with wives who have deserted t h e i r  husbands.  However, there are no such notices pertaining to  husbands that have deserted t h e i r wives. Certain differences and disputes have arisen between my wife and myself . . . My wife has robbed my house and l e f t i t in a clandestine manner. 58 He requests that she return home, ". . . o r otherwise I s h a l l deal with her as the law d i r e c t s . " Another glimpse into the marital l i f e of the period appears i n Poet's Corner i n "An Epitaph on a Termagant Wife Written by her Husband."^ Beneath t h i s rugged stone doth l i e , The rankest scold that e'er did d i e . 60  and i n "The' Female Complaint." How hard on woman i s the marry'd state I Whether the man she weds, the love or hate. Mingling of French and English. Despite the fact that the English-speaking resident of Montreal was beginning to acquire a community l i f e that in time would divorce him s o c i a l l y from the French-speaking Canadian, the two groups did have to mingle i n matters of  $9 common concern, such as f i r e - f i g h t i n g . P r e s i d e n t of "The  Amable De Bonne,  Committee f o r managing f i r e - e n g i n e s "  requested a f t e r a d i s a s t r o u s f i r e had l e v e l l e d the house of A. Foucher t h a t a l l c i t i z e n s co-operate i n sending t h e i r s e r v a n t s and w a t e r - c a r t s t o f u t u r e f i r e s . tradesmen,  such as Theophile Drouin who  and Sugar Plumbs," were French Canadian,  As w e l l many-  s o l d "Wax  Candles  and would depend  on E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g patronage. Though most of the p r i v a t e s c h o o l t e a c h e r s and  tutors  a d v e r t i s i n g i n the Montreal Gazette had E n g l i s h names, t h e r e was '  the o c c a s i o n a l French name.  M. Duplessy informs the P u b l i c that he teaches F l u t e , C l a r i n e t , Bassoon, Hautboy, French-horn, V i o l i n and any M u s i c a l I n s t r u c t i o n s . He proposes t o teach French l i k e w i s e . 6 3 L o u i s Dulongpre  a d v e r t i s e d that because  parents had  been complaining about the disadvantages " a t t e n d i n g the E d u c a t i o n of young L a d i e s i n t h i s Country" he was  opening a  boarding s c h o o l where he would t e a c h : Reading, W r i t i n g , A r i t h m e t i c , French and Music, Dancing, Drawing, Needlework.64  English,  He would take no more than s i x t e e n p u p i l s and L a d i e s under seven or above 14."  The fee was  26  "no  Guineas  per annum p a i d q u a r t e r l y "Boarding and Washing i n c l u d e d . "  90 English Patronage of the Arts* Dulongpre's fame today r e s t s not i n the  boarding  school he advertised here but for the fact that he was  one  of the three well-known a r t i s t s of the period who practised in Montreal.  The l a t e eighteenth century has been des-  cribed as a period i n which "a golden age of native painting"  was dawning i n Quebec, Montreal and other v i l l a g e s and  towns along the St. Lawrence.  Undoubtedly the a r t i s t i c  development of t h i s period proceeded from the economic fifi  climate;  the wealthy class of merchants in Montreal  money to embellish t h e i r surroundings things of l i f e . "  with the " f i n e r  As a r e s u l t , "painters prospered  1780's i n Quebec as never before i n Canada," to  had  the patronage of the Anglophones.  i n the  l a r g e l y due  Thus, French influence  was f e l t i n the c u l t u r a l a r t i s t i c l i f e of the Englishspeaking community. Background of French-Canadian A r t i s t s . Dulongpre, born at Saint-Denis just outside of P a r i s , is supposed to have painted more than 3>500 o i l and pastel 68 portraits. In November, 1789 he painted scenery f o r the 69  l o c a l theatre.  7  Another a r t i s t , Louis-Chretien de Heer  was an A l s a t i a n who  had settled i n Montreal by 1783.  He  painted p o r t r a i t s i n Quebec i n o i l and p a s t e l , did landscapes of a l l kinds, as well as giving lessons i n landscape  91 painting, and also, i n Montreal, drawing lessons to young 70 ladies.  Canadian-born  Francois Beaucourt, who had studied  in France, then had v i s i t e d Russia and Germany before returning to Montreal, i s best known f o r h i s sensuous "Portrait of a Negro Slave" and p o r t r a i t of "Mme. d i t Desrivieres."  Trottier  His a r t i s t i c v e r s a t i l i t y i s i l l u s t r a t e d  in the following advertisement appearing i n the Montreal Gazette on June 4, 1792: Beaucourt, Canadian Painter Member of the Academy of Painting, Sculpture, and C i v i l and Naval Architecture of Bordeaux Begs leave to inform the amateurs of those a r t s , that he paints P o r t r a i t s in o i l ; also executes h i s t o r i c a l and landscape painting. He undertakes to paint t h e a t r i c a l scenery. Having made geometrical and a e r i a l perspective his study, he has met with considerable encouragement i n several c i t i e s of Europe. He understands the art of ornamenting, i n the newest s t i l e and taste, apartments, by painting to imitate either architecture, basor e l i e v o s , flowers or the arabesque s t i l e . He w i l l undertake to teach a few students i n any branch of drawing, agreeable to t h e i r wish and t a s t e . William von Moll Berczy, famous today f o r h i s family p o r t r a i t s of the period, had moved to Montreal by the end of the eighteenth century.  Francois Baillairge" i s another  well-known a r t i s t who painted i n Quebec a f t e r returning from 71  his studies i n Paris in 1781.  Merchant interest was to  extend also to establishing a fund f o r a public l i b r a r y , ? d i r e c t o r s of which were i n i t i a l l y James McGill and James Walker; the l i b r a r y opened on May 2,  1796.  2  92 Existence of Slavery. Beaucourt's p o r t r a i t of a negro slave bespoke of the existence of negroes i n Post-Conquest Quebec.  In the  society of the 1780 s and 90's i n Montreal, there was a ?  need f o r servants; some of these servants were s l a v e s . ^ William Smith, writing to his wife, lamented the fact that there were "but 304 Slaves i n the whole Province.  I am  every Day confirmed i n the propriety of two or three good "7k black Slaves. He f e l t slaves were superior to the "American Whites" because they were more dependable, . . . and you know that the American Whites are as wild as the Deer of t h e i r Forests.75 A number of notices did appear i n the Montreal Gazette with regard to the sale of negroes and also with regard to runaway slaves. To be sold by Private Sale; A Mulatto, of about 21+ years o l d , just arrived from Detroit; has had the small Pox, speaks good English and French. Jos. Ray To be sold . . . A Stout, healthy Negro man about 28 years of age, i s an excellent Cook, and very f i t f o r working on a Farm. Enquire at the Printer.77 In another case, the slave had run away from his master, who offered a reward of Five Pounds, describing the runaway as "strong made" and "speaking English and French perfectly."'''  8  Other notices that appear i n the  Montreal Gazette are a reminder that the death sentence was used f o r a wide variety of offences.  93 Fred Large executed f o r House-breaking. He suffered and exhorted the Spectators to r e f r a i n from bad company, which he said was the occasion of h i s being brought to t h i s ignominious Death.79 U t i l i t a r i a n Services of the Montreal Gazette. Advertisements of a general u t i l i t a r i a n nature also appeared intermittently i n the paper.  The Post Office  inserted notices explaining the complicated steps f o r sending a l e t t e r to England or the Continent.  Or there  were notices such as the following which give the reader of today glimpses of the past. Bark Canoes lodged and taken care of at a reasonable rate at Pennifeau's Hangar.°0 Found - A Lady's Martin Muff about 10 weeks ago between the Jesuit's Church and the Pump.°l For Sale - 191 pairs of Snowshoes.^2 The P r i n t i n g Office of the newspaper had a shop where one could purchase not only books and pamphlets printed by Mesplet, but such items as sealing wax, sandboxes, backgammon tables and pewter chests.  However, the  Montreal Gazette did have i t s f i n a n c i a l struggles, f o r the newspaper business was not a l u c r a t i v e one i n t h i s period. Unfortunately, one does not know what the c i r c u l a t i o n f i g u r e s were, nor how many of i t s readers were English and how many French.  Then, too, not a l l of the English-speaking  inhabitants of Montreal could read, though, here again, no figures are a v a i l a b l e . ^  94  Urban Growth and the Newspaper. The fact that Montreal now had a newspaper did indicate a step in urban growth.  It i s worthwhile to  note the p a r a l l e l in development i n the eighteenth century between towns in England where the merchants predominated, such as B r i s t o l , Liverpool and Newcastle, and Montreal. English h i s t o r i a n Dorothy Marshall in describing such English towns ^ has pointed out that "as the c i t i z e n s grew 8  in wealth and education they came to demand not only a higher standard of cleanliness, with adequately paved, drained and lighted streets but also a convenient assembly h a l l , a subscription l i b r a r y , possibly a p r i n t i n g press and l o c a l newspaper, bookshops, and often a L i t e r a r y and Philosophical Society."  Such a pattern seemed to be true  with regard to Montreal, with the exception that the p r i n t ers served as a bookshop, and the L i t e r a r y and Philosophical Society did not appear t i l l the early part of the nineteenth century. Conclusion. The English-speaking community of Montreal by  1800  had organized a variety of s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s , such as clubs, s o c i e t i e s , assemblies and occasional t h e a t r i c a l presentations where the Anglophone could use and hear h i s mother tongue.  Two Protestant churches, the Anglican and  95 the Presbyterian,^ were now f i r m l y established and 5  around these further s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s centred, such as fund-raising.  The Anglophone, nevertheless, was not cut  o f f from communication with the Francophone, f o r t h i s occurred i n the a r t s , i n the area of mutual c i v i c  concern,  some club groups and i n commercial a c t i v i t i e s . However, i t would be erroneous to give the impression that the English-speaking community was a united group during the Post-Revolutionary period.  As we have seen i n  the l e t t e r from "Verax," h o s t i l i t y towards colonials who came after the Revolution, as compared with those before, did e x i s t .  There was also considerable animosity between  what was known as the French party, composed c h i e f l y of English-speaking members who supported a conciliatory p o l i c y towards the French, and the English party, those who wished to see the r i g h t s of Englishmen i n use i n Quebec. However, a f t e r the granting of an Assembly to Lower Canada in 1791, a step which gave the French increased p o l i t i c a l power, the various English-speaking factions began to unite i n defense of t h e i r own interests so that by 1800, the terms English party and French party had l o s t t h e i r original  connotation.  Thus, by 1#00 the English-speaking community had become more of a cohesive whole united by similar s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l and commercial interests; i t s f o c a l  96 point was the commercial  section of town.  The Montreal  Gazette helped to promote these various a c t i v i t i e s by p u b l i c i z i n g them, thus acting as an agency of communication p a r t i c u l a r l y as the population grew.  While the quality of  English used i n the newspaper was not of any p a r t i c u l a r merit, the fact remains that the newspaper did help to promote the continued use of the English-language i n the Englishspeaking community.  The English language was kept a l i v e  also by reason of the fact that the education of the young was conducted i n English.  A great number of advertisements  regarding day schools, boarding schools and tutors appeared in the Montreal Gazette during t h i s period, as well as i n the Quebec Gazette and the Quebec Herald and Miscellany. In the next chapter we shall examine the education of English-speaking children i n Quebec from 17#5  t  o  1800.  CHAPTER IV ENGLISH CANADIAN FAMILY LIFE AND EDUCATION 1785-1800 In Chapter III we have seen how the seeds of English-speaking culture were sown i n Montreal between 1785  and 1800, the town which in time was to become the  commercial centre of Quebec as well as the home of the Anglophone.  A way of l i f e was evolving f o r the English-  speaking resident there and in Quebec of which the mainstays were the English language and the Protestant r e l i g i o n . The English language was to be kept a l i v e in Quebec by the fact that i n addition to English being spoken in clubs, s o c i e t i e s , assemblies and churches, the English language was used i n the education of the young.  Though  English-speaking schools were not p l e n t i f u l , the very fact that they existed at a l l promoted the use of English in an a l i e n culture.  Since schools were so few and higher  education non-existent, English-speaking parents, interested i n providing t h e i r children with an education, sought ways of coping with the situation i n this period, as we s h a l l see i n t h i s chapter.  98 The French and English Family, Of the English-speaking  family i t s e l f i n the Post-  Conquest period we know very l i t t l e , English Canadian historiography concerning religious  i t s e l f with the p o l i t i c a l and  issues of the times.  We do know of the French  Canadian family that t h i s was a period of great natural increase, "the revenge of the cradle."  The French popu-  l a t i o n at the time of the Conquest had numbered around 60,000; by 1788 the t o t a l population of Quebec was about 130,000, of which around 21,000 spoke English as t h e i r native tongue, a t h i r d of these located below the mouth of the Ottawa.  1  Thus, i n twenty-five  population had nearly doubled i t s e l f .  years, the French However, the propor-  t i o n of French to English varied, depending on the area. In the o l d parts of the province outside the towns, the proportion of French to English was f o r t y to one, f i f t e e n to one i f the towns were included, and f i v e to one i n the whole province. The family l i f e of the French Canadian was strengthened i n the Post-Conquest period, f o r . . . locked i n r u r a l parishes and i n t h e i r family groups, a new orientation was thus given to family l i f e . . . a group withdrawn into i t s e l f , strongly structured, but capable of helping i t s members i n t h e i r f i g h t f o r personal and c o l l e c t i v e survival.2 We do not know the effect of the Post-Conquest era on English-speaking  family l i f e , that i s , what the effect of  99 being a m i n o r i t y group had on the f a m i l y .  Nor do we know  the s i z e of the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g f a m i l y o r whether i t i n c r e a s e d i n s i z e through t h i s p e r i o d .  We  do know, though,  t h a t E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g parents d i d show concern f o r the education of t h e i r  children.  Anglo-French F a m i l y . However, something  i s known o f the b i c u l t u r a l  b i l i n g u a l family, which made i t s appearance  i n this  In the space of' t h i r t y - f i v e y e a r s , from 1766  and  period.  to 1800,  of  the 913 marriages r e c o r d e d i n the r e g i s t e r s of G h r i s t  Church  and the Scotch P r e s b y t e r i a n Church, 285 were marriages i n which one of the p a r t i e s bore a French name, or n e a r l y in three.^  one  The Canadian women of Quebec were d e s c r i b e d by  Frances Brooke  as being "handsomer" than those o f New  York  and p o s s e s s i n g "the D e s i r e t o make p l e a s u r e t h e i r o n l y business."^"  C e r t a i n l y they must have appeared q u i t e a p p e a l -  ing to the m i l i t a r y and merchant c l a s s who  formed the  back-  bone o f the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g community, which i n i t s e a r l y years d i d l a c k the presence of marriageable P r o t e s t a n t girls. A number of merchants married French Canadian b r i n g i n g about  i n M o n t r e a l , what A. M. Lower has  girls  called,  5  an Anglo-French s o c i e t y .  In. 1793  Simon McTavish at the  age of f o r t y - t h r e e married Marie Marguerite C h a b o i l l e z  100  the eighteen year o l d daughter of Charles Jean Baptiste C h a b o i l l e z , a French t r a d e r .  The ceremony was performed i n  the S t . G a b r i e l Church, though McTavish, l i k e others who had married French wives maintained a pew i n the French church f o r h i s w i f e . McTavish was f o l l o w i n g the precedent set by other merchants.  James M c G i l l was married to Charlotte G u i l l i m i n ,  widow of Joseph Amable T r o t t i e r d i t D e s r i v i e r e s , by Rev. DeLisle i n 1776.  Though no f a m i l y was born out of t h i s  union, M c G i l l adopted as h i s own, the four c h i l d r e n from h i s w i f e ' s previous marriage.?  M c G i l l , though belonging to  the A n g l i c a n church, d i d give a c o n t r i b u t i o n to the S t . G a b r i e l Church b u i l d i n g fund, as w e l l as c o n t r i b u t i n g to the French church.  W i l l i a m Grant, deputy r e c e i v e r - g e n e r a l  of Quebec i n 1777, was married to Marie Catherine Deschambault, Dowager Baronness of L o n g u e u i l , by Rev. D e L i s l e i n 1770, though no c h i l d r e n r e s u l t e d from t h i s union e i t h e r .  In 1781 h i s nephew David married h i s w i f e ' s  daughter by a previous marriage; the barony, a v a l i d c o l o n i a l t i t l e , e v e n t u a l l y passed i n t o a Scotch line.  Protestant  8  Thomas C o f f i n , the New England L o y a l i s t mentioned i n Chapter I I married M a r i e - M a r g u e r i t e , daughter of Godfrey de Tonnancour, i n 1786,  the marriage being performed by the  Anglican m i n i s t e r , then repeated by a C a t h o l i c p r i e s t .  101 C o f f i n b u i l t a Roman Catholic church on h i s seigneury, though he himself remained a Protestant.  9  One of h i s  eleven children followed the Catholic r e l i g i o n , and started a French branch to the family.  John Neilson, who succeeded  to the ownership of the Quebec Gazette i n 1797 and l a t e r became one of the Reform leaders of Lower Canada also married a French Canadian. As Lower observes, the children of i n t e r - r a c i a l marriages tended to follow either one of the culture groups, "thus preventing a genuinely b i c u l t u r a l society from emerging" though as he points out, they didn't lose a l l contact with the opposite r a c e .  1 0  Apart from these i n t e r -  r a c i a l f a m i l i e s , i t would appear that bilingualism was quite common with the English group "who f o r the most part (are) well acquainted with the French  language."  11  Anglo-Indian Family. There was another type of i n t e r - r a c i a l family i n Quebec, the product of union between fur-traders and Indian girls.  The position of these Indian wives, as ¥. S. Wallace  has pointed out  was "anomolous" f o r i n most cases they had  been married "according to the custom of the country" and not by a minister. The question was raised as to the v a l i d i t y of these marriages, especially since many of the traders took English wives as well a f t e r they had returned  102  to Quebec.  There was also the question of the status of  the children, whether or not they were i l l e g i t i m a t e .  Some  of the traders did bring back t h e i r Indian families with them s e t t l i n g in small v i l l a g e s in Glengarry or near Montreal.  David Thompson, the explorer, who  had married the  half-breed daughter of an early trader, Patrick Small, did s e t t l e f o r a while around Terrebonne, though i t appears 13 that t h i s move was not successful.  J  Occasionally, the  trader would bring back only h i s children.  A baptismal  entry i n the r e g i s t e r of St. Gabriel Church i n 1 7 9 $ reads: "James, son of Cuthbert Grant, Indian trader, aged seven years, mother unknown." ^" 1  Illegitimacy. Illegitimacy seemed to have been f a i r l y common i f we are to believe a t r a v e l l e r ' s observations at the turn of the century. For a small society l i k e that of Canada, the number of u n f a i t h f u l wives, kept mistresses and g i r l s of easy v i r t u e , exceed in proportion those of the old country, and i t i s supposed that i n the towns more children are born i l l e g i t i m a t e l y than i n wedlock.15 The t r a v e l l e r observed that on the Caughnawaga reserve there were a number of fair-complexioned children being raised a f f e c t i o n a t e l y by Indian women, these adopted children the i l l e g i t i m a t e o f f s p r i n g of white parentage. ° It i s d i f f i c u l t to make a generalization as to  how  103 i l l e g i t i m a t e children were treated by t h e i r natural fathers. treatment.  In one case we have the hint of very generous Richard Dobie, one of the p r i n c i p a l merchants  in Montreal, made very l i b e r a l provisions in the marriage contract of h i s granddaughter, Ann Grant, to Samuel Gerrard. Ann's father, John Grant, had married Dobie's i l l e g i t i m a t e 17 daughter, Ann Freeman.  Dobie, "desirous of contributing  to the support of t h e i r family expenses as well as providing f o r the said Ann  Grant and the children she may  have  by the said intended marriage "gave the couple a house and l o t which he owned "to have, hold and enjoy the same or the Rents and p r o f i t s thereof." Infant M o r t a l i t y . Though there are no figures f o r infant mortality, one  can presume that i t was a f a i r l y common family occur-  rence and that l i f e was a precarious state f o r the young even t i l l adulthood.  Of Simon McTavish's f i v e children,  one died i n infancy, h i s other four children dying in t h e i r twenties i n England.  The  sorrow that parents must  have f e l t when one of t h e i r children died i s exemplified i n the following excerpt of a l e t t e r written by Jonathan Sewell, Chief Justice of Lower Canada, to his brother Stephen.  104 I have been v i s i t e d by an a f f l i c t i o n one of the severest which could have befallen me i n t h i s world by the death of my dear, dear darling c h i l d Helen . . . She came to her end by the Croup with the Symptoms of which we were unacquainted and suffered to get to that height which became incurable believe me, my dearest Brother, she was an angel of a c h i l d possessed of an incomparable beauty and sense which would have . . . as great i n a c h i l d many years older than h e r s e l f . At the age of 2g years she was the l i f e of our family and an entertaining companion.19 Parental R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . As mentioned  i n the previous chapter a shortage of  q u a l i f i e d medical p r a c t i t i o n e r s existed i n the province which l e d to the popularity of medical self-help books advertised i n the Montreal Gazette. i l l n e s s e s thus rested on the family.  The onus f o r diagnosing John Neilson sent  his wife two such volumes recommending she read the t r e a t i s e on " l e s maladies de gens du monde," as he was sending her the books to guide her i n t r e a t i n g children "qui est de l u plus grande." Epidemics were d i f f i c u l t to keep out of the towns because of the invariable i n f l u x of troops, an example of such being a severe typhus epidemic i n 1799 at Montreal 21  and Quebec.  The over-heated houses l e d Thomas Anburey  to observe: How pernicious t h i s must be on the constitution e s p e c i a l l y of the young children, who are continually going i n and out of heated rooms into the snow and upon the ice.22 Vaccination came to Lower Canada at the turn of the  105 nineteenth century; two  children were vaccinated i n 1801  with what was thought to be the f i r s t vaccination in America.^ Parental r e s p o n s i b i l i t y extended to education i n t h i s period, despite the fact that the various governors from the time of Murray on had received royal instructions regarding government promotion of education. instructions i n 1763  Murray's  had read, i n order that the Church of  England be established i n Quebec and the inhabitants "induced to embrace the Protestant Religion" land should be set aside f o r the support of Protestant ministers and 2.L  schoolmasters.  As well, schoolmasters from England  who  wished to keep school i n the province f i r s t had to obtain a l i c e n s e from the Lord Bishop, as was mentioned i n Chapter I.  It would appear, however, that these  stipulations  regarding l i c e n s i n g were not abided by, probably because 2 5  schools and masters were so few. '  As we saw in Chapter I,  the government did begin to make a contribution to the support of several schoolmasters which by 1790 amounted £ 200 a year. 26 However, t h i s support was hardly enough to give " a l l possible Encouragement" to Protestant schools in the province. How  to Educate English-Speaking  Children?  What could the English-speaking parents do to see that t h e i r children received an education?  They could,  106 f i r s t of a l l , teach t h e i r children themselves, a necess i t y i f the family l i v e d i n one of the outlying s e t t l e ments.  John Nairne who  had s e t t l e d i n the Murray Bay  region a f t e r the Conquest had books sent over from Scotland so that he could continue the upbringing of his younger 27 children at home.  A number of alphabets were being  printed in Quebec from the time of the Conquest by William Brown, the printer of the Quebec Gazette.  In 176*5 he  printed 2,600 alphabets or primers, some of which were a 2$ French E d i t i o n .  Broadsides with the alphabet and  were being sold as well in t h i s period.  spelling  Governor Carleton  is said to have bought these i n 1775 f o r his three children who were two, one and two months, showing himself to be somewhat of an ambitious  parent.  29  If the English-speaking parent were affluent enough, he could afford to have a tutor f o r h i s children, which Carleton as Lord Dorchester d i d .  William Smith's description  of the Dorchester family in 1787 gives us an interesting look at an upper-class family i n which tutors were used. Lord Dorchester i s very attentive to William t r e a t i n g •him as i f he was 10 Years older than he i s , and thus teaching him to behave up to that age. . . . I never knew the Point of Education so much an Object in any other Family. The eldest son i s but 14, and a l l of them t a l k L a t i n , German and French as they do English, and learnt at that by Rote having Masters f o r the Purpose.30 Children could be sent away f o r t h e i r education, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f a university education was desired since  107 there was no university i n the province.  John Nairne sent  his older children to Scotland for such an education; Malcolm Fraser who had settled i n the Riviere du Loup area sent h i s fourth son to Edinburgh University to become a doctor.  However, much closer than the B r i t i s h Isles were  the educational i n s t i t u t i o n s of the United States.  A  number of parents did send their children to nearby states f o r an education "a necessity which at present c e r t a i n l y exists and to which I know some worthy & prudent parents r e l u c t a n t l y submit."-^  Aaron Hart, a Jewish merchant who  had settled i n Three Rivers, sent h i s two youngest  sons to  32  Philadelphia to study English i n 1790.  The Washington  Academy of Albany advertised i n the Montreal Gazette on March 1, 1787  t r y i n g to recruit pupils from Montreal, and  perhaps they d i d .  They had  a Master f o r every 30 Latin and one f o r every English scholar. (The School) taught Reading, Writing, English, Grammar, Arithmetic, Bookkeeping, Geography . . . The t u i t i o n fee f o r the above was f i v e pounds a year "and one load of Wood.  For those taking L a t i n and Greek, £ 8"  and one load." Protestant Education, 1790* However, there were schools in Quebec, both French and English, to which the English-speaking parent could send h i s children.  In 1790  Lord Dorchester asked the  108 various educational i n s t i t u t i o n s to report on their schools, pupils and curriculum, and i t i s from t h i s report, f o r warded to the home government, that we are able to get a picture of what exactly there was i n the province at t h i s time."^ In Quebec the Catholic seminary offered elementary and secondary i n s t r u c t i o n to l a y students.  Four or f i v e  English names do appear on the class l i s t s ; possibly these were the children of b i l i n g u a l f a m i l i e s .  English-speaking  youths were admitted on the same terms as the French; Protestants, however, were excused from r e l i g i o u s exercises.-  3  An I r i s h p r i e s t , Edmund Burke, who had come to Canada i n 1786  was d i r e c t o r of the seminary.  Education offered here  was of a c l a s s i c a l nature with L a t i n , philosophy and rhetoric stressed. The College of Montreal instructed students on the elementary and secondary l e v e l i n French, English, Latin, geography, arithmetic, rhetoric and philosophy.  Four  English names appear on the class l i s t s of the college, only one i n the petite ecole.  In the "L'Ecole  Anglaise"  of the College only one English name appears i n the fourteen l i s t e d so that one presumes i t s chief a t t r a c t i o n was to French students wishing to learn the English language.^  6  The' Ursuline Convent continued to be fashionable f o r the government-merchant class of Quebec to send t h e i r  109 daughters.  The annalist of the Ursulines comments f r e -  quently during t h i s period on the fact that at times, as in 1779,  "Nous avons beaucoup de pensionnaires, tant  anglaises que francaises."37 Lady Dorchester favored the nuns with her patronage; she h e r s e l f had been raised i n the French court at N  Versailles.  When she indicated the desire that her daugh-  ter should take lessons i n French and in embroidery from the nuns, authorization for t h i s was obtained from Bishop Briand.  As a r e s u l t , the young countess was admitted  daily,  f o r two or three hours, i n order to perfect French, Lady Dorchester accompanying her because she enjoyed the company of the French teacher.-^  8  Though no s p e c i f i c date i s given by the Ursuline annalist, English education was introduced, i t would appear, around the turn of the century by two English-speaking Catholic nuns, Mothers Mary-Louisa McLaughlin and Elizabeth Dougherty. The time was past when English-speaking pupils were content to learn French only in the Convent, nor could the French pupils afford to be ignorant of English.39 In the town of Quebec there were s i x Protestant schoolmasters, possibly those who  had o f f i c i a l sanction  because of a license, f o r as the advertisements of the Quebec Gazette show, there were others who up as schoolmasters or mistresses.  set themselves  Montreal had four  no  Protestant teachers, Three Rivers but one Protestant teacher because the other master had changed h i s r e l i g i o n . The summary found from pages 111-114 i s compiled from the reports of the Protestant schoolmasters to Dorchester i n 40 1790. From these reports of the schoolmasters in Quebec i t would appear that two of them, John Fraser and Thomas Burrows, were operating the equivalent of dame schools. William Sargeant and John Jones offered some p r a c t i c a l subjects beyond the three R s, f  such as navigation and  cation, useful in a maritime and garrison town.  fortifi-  Daniel  Keith and James Tanswell, since they taught the "dead languages," extended instruction into the secondary or grammar school l e v e l , though because p r a c t i c a l subjects were offered as well, t h e i r schools were closer to being academies. Mr. Tanswell wrote to Dorchester that he would be w i l l i n g to give any assistance " i n d i s p e l l i n g the dark clouds of Ignorance that hang over t h i s country"^" was t r y i n g to do just that.  1  and he  About a month and a h a l f  p r i o r to the report, he had placed a notice i n the Quebec Herald and Miscellany  regarding his intention of increasing  "the number of his Free Scholars" to twelve because "the times are so hard."  Preference, he stated, would be  given to those in government service whose salaries  "may  not be adequate to the exigencies of a large family."  TABLE I SUMMARY OF PROTESTANT SCHOOLMASTERS' REPORTS, 1790.  Teacher  Age  No. of Students  Fees  Subjects Taught  QUEBEC James Tanswell ( £ 100 Government Salary) (1 Assistant)  46  25 (Poor 12) 15-20 evening scholars. Ages 12-14.  16/8 currency to ^1.3.4 per quarter  Reading, Writing, A r i t h metic, English, French, Latin, Mathematics, Geography, Astronomy.  Daniel Keith (1 Assistant  31  32 (Some poor) Ages 8-17.  4-6 guineas per annum  Reading, Spelling, Engl i s h , Writing, A r i t h metic, Book-keeping, Geometry, Mensuration, Trigonometry, Algebra, the Globes, L a t i n , Greek, French.  William Sargeant  34  11 8-17.  Not mentioned.  Reading, Writing, A r i t h metic,. Geometry, Algebra, Geography, Navigation, Trigonometry, Land surveying, F o r t i f i c a t i o n .  John Jones (2 Assistants)  35  53 (Some poor) Ages 5-16.  20 s h i l l i n g s currency to two guineas per quarter  Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar, P r a c t i c a l Mathematics, Navigation. -  Ages  TABLE I  Teacher  Age  John Fraser  56  Thomas Borrows  30  Total  No. of Students 18  Ages 4-16 41 Ages 3-13 195  (continued)  Fees  Subjects Taught  15 s h i l l i n g s per quarter  Reading, W r i t i n g , Arithmetic.  1/6 to 2 s h i l l i n g s per month  Reading, W r i t i n g , Arithmetic.  MONTREAL W i l l i a m Nelson (1 A s s i s t a n t )  Finlay Fisher ( £ 50 Government Salary)  39  48 Ages 5-16  42 Ages 6-19  Reading, W r i t i n g , E n g l i s h and French - 1 guinea per quarter. Arithmetic - l g . Dead Languages 2.  E n g l i s h , French, L a t i n , Greek, A r i t h m e t i c , Bookkeeping, Geometry, Surveying, Trigonometry, Geography, N a v i g a t i o n , Astronomy, A l g e b r a . Reading, W r i t i n g , A r i t h m e t i c , Book-keeping, E n g l i s h , French, L a t i n , Geometry, Geography, N a v i g a t i o n , Surveying.  TABLE I (continued)  Teacher Owen Bowen  Age  39  No. of Students  25 Ages -L-22  William Gunn  53  17 (1 Poor) Ages 4-19  Fees  Subjects Taught  A dollar f o r each scholar  Reading, Writing, Spell i n g , P r a c t i c a l and Theoretical Arithmetic.  5 shillings per subject  Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Mathematics, Book-Keeping ( i n French and English), Grammar.  146  Total  THREE RIVERS Joseph Brown  36  11  John Craig Morris  29  15  10 s h i l l i n g s per quarter. 7/6 f o r reading only.  Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Book-keeping i n English and French.  4 shillings per month f o r arithmetic. 3/6 reading.  Arithmetic, Reading.  TABLE I (continued)  Teacher  No. of Students  Age  Fees  Subjects Taught  WILLIAM HENRY Alexander Bisset  22  43 Ages  6-10  2/6 "for the f i r s t or common branches" LACHINE  Mr. Gentle  -  12 L'ASSOMPTION  Mr. McCulloch  25 GASPE  Hobson (£ 25 Government Salary) Total of Scholars in Protestant Schools  25  451  English, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Bookkeeping, Mensuration, Surveying.  115 Perhaps he knew of the intended investigation into education and wanted to enlarge h i s enrolment to indicate he was f u l f i l l i n g his role as the only salaried Protestant teacher of Quebec.  Of h i s evening school he had advertised  that "Nothing but French w i l l be spoken by school Gentlemen who are studying that Language & vice versa."  Quite  possibly these "school Gentlemen" were i n business during the day and needed French f o r t h i s  purpose.  Mr. Keith was the f i r s t master to introduce public examination  into the province; one such examination  was  reported by the Quebec Herald and Miscellany i n glowing terms.^  The examination had begun at 11 and continued  t i l l three. Those i n the English department read with much understanding and accuracy. . . . A numerous class translated Telemaque very e a s i l y and without h e s i t a t i o n . . . . The eight Latin classes were severally examined and exhibited p a r t i c u l a r specimens of improvement. . . . The three upper classes deserve every mark of praise not only f o r t h e i r general knowledge of the language but for t h e i r ready application of the rules of Syntax and Prosody. One or two Gentlemen also read the Greek Testament and Homer's I l i a d with great f a c i l i t y . . . . It afforded much s a t i s f a c t i o n to see t h e i r writing a l l neat and elegant; and their Cyphering books without a blot . . . The writer f e l t that the examination should take three days so that "the u t i l i t y of the teachers would be a  more generally known and more highly valued. who  Bishop I n g l i s  v i s i t e d Mr. Keith's school four months a f t e r t h i s  wrote, "The boys performed t o l e r a b l y . " ^ Dorchester, Mr. Keith explained why  In writing to  h i s enrolment  at t h i s  116  time was lower than normal.  It was due, he stated, to  the fact that many of h i s pupils had l e f t the previous summer, having been thought q u a l i f i e d to enter business. He could have admitted students ""from the Lower Schools in Town, i f I had Thought proper to admit them before 46  their•terms."  Mr. Keith himself appeared to have been  a L o y a l i s t , f o r he had been i n the province f o r f i v e years In the course of i t I have met with many d i f f i c u l t i e s from untoward Children, indulgent Parents and Precarious payments.47 Mr. Jones pointed out i n his report that of h i s f i f t y - t h r e e students, thirteen were French; Mr. Fraser 48 that he had been teaching i n Quebec since the Conquest. Apparently a small army school, the Royal A r t i l l e r y School existed i n Quebec under Mr. Borrows, though one cannot t e l l from his l i s t where h i s pupils had come from, that i s i f they were a l l children of the m i l i t a r y , or i f only boys attended. Rev. DeLisle, i n submitting the reports of the schoolmasters of Montreal, stated that Mr. Nelson's school was the most popular " h i s a b i l i t i e s and long experience place him i n the f i r s t rank among the t e a c h e r s . " ^  Mr.  Nelson wrote that the fees f o r the school "were fixed by a Committee of Gentlemen of the f i r s t a b i l i t i e s and d i s t i n c t i o n " a f t e r the school had been moved from Three Rivers.''  0  Mr. Nelson, having found the expenses of runnin  the school a burden "which reduced the Master to the  117  absolute necessity of dissolving the school at the l a s t public examination,"  was  saved from doing t h i s by a sub51  s c r i p t i o n raised f o r him.  S i r John Johnson, Rev.  DeLisle, Joseph Frobisher and Alexander Henry were some of the parents who  sent t h e i r children to his school.  The Montreal Gazette reported favorably on the public examination  at his school.  "The Boys of 1 2 and 13 i n  c l a s s i c a l knowledge evinced a progress much superior to 52 their years.  M>  In Montreal, Mr. Nelson and Mr. Fisher offered academy-type i n s t r u c t i o n , while Mr. Bowen and Mr. Gunn more elementary-type.  In the other towns, the school  masters offered l i t t l e beyond elementary education.  Rev.  Veyssiere commenting on schools i n Three Rivers wrote that there were many parents there who  wanted to send  53 t h e i r children to school, but were incapable of paying. Mr. Bissett at William Henry was described as being "very i n f i r m " by Rev. Doty; while only seventeen children attended school, there were "not less than one hundred and twenty Protestant children most of which are growing up in ignorance." ^ 5  Doty suggested that as a l l schools  "should be Nurseries for the Church as well as f o r the State" every Protestant school should be under the inspect i o n of Protestant ministers, the procedure used i n Great B r i t a i n and Nova Scotia in order to assess the r e l i g i o u s q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of the schoolmasters  before c e r t i f i c a t i n g  118 them. The  o v e r a l l impression  the s c h o o l s i n Quebec was  r e c e i v e d from the r e p o r t on  the need f o r i n c r e a s e d govern-  ment a i d t o the schoolmasters, reduced to  by masters thus e n a b l i n g more c h i l d r e n to be  school.  was than  so t h a t f e e s could be  The  sent  c u r r i c u l u m o f f e r e d by the v a r i o u s masters  v a r i e d ; some of the schools appeared to be l i t t l e "dame s c h o o l s " run by masters.  more  Others had a more  v a r i e d c u r r i c u l u m , though one wonders when l o o k i n g at the wide range of s u b j e c t s o f f e r e d as to what depth they were entered i n t o . i n the French  When compared to the i n s t r u c t i o n o f f e r e d i n s t i t u t i o n s , the i n s t r u c t i o n i n these  p r i v a t e s c h o o l s was  e s s e n t i a l l y of a much more p r a c t i c a l  nature f o r those whose probable commercial l i f e  of the  career would be i n the  province.  F i f t y years l a t e r , C h r i s t o p h e r Dunkin i n d e s c r i b ing  to C h a r l e s B u l l e r the e d u c a t i o n a l s i t u a t i o n i n Lower  Canada wrote t h a t the reason education was moted i n the Post-Conquest years was  not being  pro-  because of the American  Revolution. The spread of such an e d u c a t i o n . . . would have been incompatible with the maintenance o f the system which i t was then the great o b j e c t o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o perpetuate i n Canada.55 Governors Murray and C a r l e t o n saw  the  colony's  f u t u r e as being French, r a t h e r than E n g l i s h i n c h a r a c t e r ; t h e way  Murray c a r r i e d out the P r o c l a m a t i o n  o f 1763  and  119 Carleton's favoring of the Quebec Act show t h i s .  It was  better for the peace of the province and Great B r i t a i n to t r y to ignore the small English-speaking group i n Quebec, i f at a l l possible, and concentrate upon winning the allegiance of the French.  However, a f t e r the American  Revolution, the English-speaking population of Quebec had grown to the extent that i t was no longer possible to ignore t h e i r clamorings f o r the rights of Englishmen. Jesuit Estates and Protestant Education. The whole problem of education i n the province  was  thrust into the fore in the spring of 1787 by a communique from London, not on education i t s e l f , but on the Jesuit Estates.  Amherst had resumed h i s request, f i r s t made a f t e r  the Conquest, f o r the Jesuit Estates as a reward f o r having conquered the country. New  The size of Jesuit property i n  France, over h a l f a m i l l i o n acres of land along the  St. Lawrence, was great enough to excite the imagination of those who  wanted these lands over the next one hundred  years a f t e r the Conquest, f o r f i n a l settlement only came in 1888.  56  The Jesuits had acquired their property in New France to support t h e i r missionary work and the education of y o u t h . T h e r i g h t of the Jesuits to preserve t h e i r property was guaranteed  under A r t i c l e XIV of the A r t i c l e s  of Capitulation, while A r t i c l e XXXV permitted them to  120 dispose of t h e i r estates themselves. solved by the Pope i n 1773;  The order was d i s -  the J e s u i t s i n Canada adminis-  tered t h e i r estates u n t i l 1800, when the l a s t one d i e d . Meanwhile, an o r d e r - i n - c o u n c i l dated November 9>  1770  was passed i n London a l l o w i n g Amherst everything except the colleges and chapels i n Quebec, Montreal and Three R i v e r s , though Amherst was to compensate the fathers.  5 8  dispossessed  However, the c a r r y i n g out of the order was  held up by the fact that the attorney and s o l i c i t o r  general  maintained they could not obey the order because they lacked an authentic d e s c r i p t i o n of the e s t a t e s .  Amherst  t r i e d again i n March, 1779 then waited t i l l a f t e r the war was over before resuming h i s e f f o r t s .  An o r d e r - i n - c o u n c i l  dated August IB, 1786 stated that an " u p - t o - d a t e "  des-  c r i p t i o n was necessary to put the grant i n t o e f f e c t and that an i n q u i r y should be held i n the p r o v i n c e . On May 31, 1787 Dorchester appointed a committee the C o u n c i l , composed  of Chief J u s t i c e Smith, the  of  chair-  man, Thomas Dunn, Adam Mabane, Henry C a l d w e l l , W i l l i a m Grant, J . G. Chaussegros de L e r y , Paul Roc de S t . Ours, Francois Baby and Lecorapte Dupre, to report on education i n the p r o v i n c e .  However, the f i r s t meeting of the commit-  tee wasn't t i l l November 26, 1789 because Chief J u s t i c e Smith had been conducting an i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the p r o v i n c e .  But as soon as the order  f o r the i n v e s t i g a t i o n into the J e s u i t Estates became known  121 in Quebec, both French and English Canadians raised the point that the revenue of the estates should be used f o r education, not f o r Amherst's gain. The Bishop's Plan f o r a:.:University. At t h i s time, Charles I n g l i s , newly consecrated Bishop of Nova Scotia to whose charge was also added Newfoundland, P. E. I. and Quebec, sent Lord Dorchester a plan f o r a university before he l e f t f o r Canada.  "It is  universally allowed that youth i s the properest time f o r having the p r i n c i p l e s of r e l i g i o n and virtue, as well as those of science, impressed on the mind," wrote Inglis to 59 Dorchester.  Bishop Inglis himself had been a teacher at  one point in h i s career, having taught i n the Free School f o r German children at Lancaster, Pennsylvania. County Donegal i n 1734,  Born in  I n g l i s was tutored by h i s father  and had learned English, Latin, Greek and Hebrew.  In  1757  he had been sent to the church school in Pennsylvania. He returned to England a year l a t e r to be ordained as a deacon and p r i e s t , a f t e r which he was sent out to the Thirteen Colonies again, t h i s time to Dover, Delaware. Eight years l a t e r he was appointed assistant to the rector of T r i n i t y Church, New York.  During the Revolution, he  showed himself to be a staunch supporter of the Crown, a fact which l e d the rebels to declare him g u i l t y of high treason and to confiscate his property.  122 His plan f o r a u n i v e r s i t y showed a blend of r e l i g i o n and science and was to d i f f e r from the one submitted  by  Smith l a t e r on in t h i s inclusion of r e l i g i o n . It w i l l be expected and i t seems indispensably necessary that, where a number of youths are collected f o r the purpose of education, they should be called together twice a day to prayers; on Sunday, especially they should attend divine worship.°1 The study of botany and agriculture he believed were important  to include i n the u n i v e r s i t y because of  what these sciences had done f o r Sweden converting i t s barren wastes into f e r t i l e f i e l d s .  As a r e s u l t , he recom-  mended that the u n i v e r s i t y should be located in the  country.  He also mentioned the salaries he f e l t the president and three professors should receive, recommended texts, and. ages f o r admitting students.  But he did i n s i s t on the  Anglican character of educational i n s t i t u t i o n s in the province, and because of t h i s he was 62 disunity.  blamed f o r creating  Dorchester, on the other hand, wanted theology  excluded from the l i s t of subjects and clergymen from teaching i n such an i n s t i t u t i o n .  excluded  There were two  reasons for Dorchester's a t t i t u d e , the f i r s t being that he did not want to upset the French Catholic population, in p a r t i c u l a r the clergy, at a time when revolution was i n the a i r , and, secondly, he himself was not p a r t i c u l a r l y favorable to the Anglican Church.  Both of these reasons  are suggested in the following l e t t e r written by Inglis a f t e r an interview with Dorchester  i n 1789.  123  His d i s p o s i t i o n i s generous and his p r i n c i p l e s l i b e r a l ; these perhaps are carried to excess so as to make too l i t t l e d i s t i n c t i o n between the National Church and other denominations. The Canadians gave some help to him i n defending Quebec against the Rebels, which strongly attaches him to them. The Chief Justice i s a Presbyterian and being c o n f i d e n t i a l with h i s Lordship, and h i s prime minister as i t were, hence a p r e d i l e c t i o n i n favor of Dissenters.63 The "Prime M i n i s t e r ' s " Plan. William Smith, "the prime minister," was  like  I n g l i s a L o y a l i s t . H e was the son of William Smith, a judge of the court of King's Bench f o r New York.  Educated  at Yale College, he too chose to follow the l e g a l profession to become the Chief Justice of New York i n 1780. After the evacuation of New York, Smith accompanied chester, then Carleton, to England i n 1783, l a t e r , he became Chief Justice of Quebec.  Dor-  Three years Unlike I n g l i s ,  Smith, a Presbyterian, wanted to exclude r e l i g i o n from education as h i s plan showed. Smith, as chairman of the committee, proposed free parochial primary schools, a system of free secondary schools which would include p r a c t i c a l subjects such as bookkeeping and surveying, supported by l o c a l assessments, and a non-sectarian u n i v e r s i t y p a r t l y endowed by some of Ac  the Jesuit estates. '  Haldimand's l i b r a r y was to be taken  over f o r the new u n i v e r s i t y , to be housed i n the Jesuit College at Quebec.  Smith thought that such a university  would make Quebec the i n t e l l e c t u a l c a p i t a l of B r i t i s h  124 North America, a t t r a c t i n g perhaps even American because of "the o p p o r t u n i t y of a c q u i r i n g one u n i v e r s a l languages o f E u r o p e . "  students,  of the most  0 0  A month a f t e r the p l a n had been submitted whole c o u n c i l , Dorchester  ordered  to the  that the r e p o r t be p r i n t e d  i n both languages and be d i s t r i b u t e d i n the p r o v i n c e means of t h e m a g i s t r a t e  and  parish clergy.°7  by  What the  r e a c t i o n of the i n h a b i t a n t s i n the province to t h i s r e p o r t was  i s not known, but the o p i n i o n of the c l e r g y i s .  Hubert, the bishop because i t was had  of Quebec, was  non-sectarian.  He  Mgr.  against i t c h i e f l y i n s i s t e d t h a t the time  not yet come f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g a u n i v e r s i t y .  He  thought i n s t e a d t h a t e v e r y t h i n g p o s s i b l e should be done to encourage the s t u d i e s a l r e a d y being c a r r i e d on i n the C o l l e g e o f Montreal and  i n the Seminary of Quebec.  He  f a v o r e d a t h i r d p l a c e of i n s t r u c t i o n f o r the youth of the p r o v i n c e by the r e s t o r a t i o n of the J e s u i t ' s C o l l e g e i n 68 Quebec which might e v e n t u a l l y grow i n t o a u n i v e r s i t y . Smith, a f t e r r e a d i n g t h i s l e t t e r , a p p a r e n t l y  changed  h i s o p i n i o n somewhat about the p r o j e c t of e s t a b l i s h i n g a u n i v e r s i t y comparable to those i n Europe, as he f e l t i t might a f t e r a l l be extravagant  f o r the p r o v i n c e .  He  thought a c o l l e g e o r academy, n o n - s e c t a r i a n , might, be alternative.  an  He proposed, t h e r e f o r e , a c o r p o r a t i o n which  would i n c l u d e both P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c clergymen, be c r e a t e d to promote such an i n s t i t u t i o n . ^ 0  The  committee  125 concluded i t s work, making the following resolutions. 1) It would be advantageous to establish a collegiate i n s t i t u t i o n f o r the teaching of the l i b e r a l arts and sciences & that instruction should be l e f t to the respective communions. 2) Incorporation of a society to establish such a school, whose charter would provide against sect a r i a n teaching.'' 0  French Proposals. Another project f o r higher education was introduced in 1790  by the members of the Seminary of St. Sulpice and  a number of laymen.  They petitioned f o r a charter to  create a college to be called Dorchester College and under the inspection of the Crown f o r the teaching of the humani t i e s , mathematics, engineering, c i v i l law in Montreal. The name of the Duke of Clarence was  substituted when the  governor declined the honour; the p e t i t i o n was sent to 71  the council who  referred i t to the home government.  On the other hand, French support f o r a non-sectarian state university came i n the p e t i t i o n of October 31,  1790  which had the signatures of sixty French Canadians includ72  ing  the coadjutor Bishop B a i l l y de Messein.  A Montreal  lawyer,. Simon Sanguinet, had l e f t property worth four or f i v e hundred pounds a year f o r the endowment of such a university.  Lord Dorchester forwarded the various reports  on education in the province to the home government.  He  wrote that he f e l t a university was needed "to give energy  126  to the c u l t i v a t i o n of the higher branches of science"; theology should be excluded "to give the greatest degree of advantage to a l l classes."  Parliamentary  regulations  were needed f o r the management of the schools under the university.  Temporary aid for education was  indispensable;  he suggested that the S. P. G. and S. P. C. K. active i n the Thirteen Colonies, might now  turn t h e i r attention  northward.^ These grand plans and visions, however, came to naught i n Great B r i t a i n ; Dorchester received a l e t t e r from the secretary of state on March 7, 1791 stating that the disposal of the estates and the founding of the university could not be considered u n t i l the Constitutional Act passed.^  But, even then, a l l that happened was  was  Amherst's  f a i l u r e to get what he had been promised. Public Interest i n Education. Education,  however, s t i l l continued to be a popular  topic f o r discussion in the province f o r the Englishspeaking population.  The Montreal Society debated "Whether  a Public or Private Education may youth."  tend most to benefit  The result of the debate, reported in the Montreal  Gazette on September 6, 1791 was that " i t was  clearly  shown that public education was  i n f i n i t e l y more advanta-  geous than a private education."  Six months l a t e r , the  Montreal Society debated "What plan of education may  be  127 most f o r the advantage of the r i s i n g generations i n t h i s country."  The Montreal Gazette reported on March 15,  1792 that The importance of t h i s Question occasioned a numerous House, formed of some of the f i r s t and most respectable C i t i z e n s . The Question was t r e a t e d by several members i n the manner which a subject of i t s great moment r e q u i r e d . They c l e a r l y made i t appear that the l i t t l e improvements h i t h e r t o made i n the P r o v i n c e , by the natives i n the Country was owing to t h e i r ignorance to remedy which they recommended as the best plan of Education f o r the r i s i n g generations "that there be P a r o c h i a l Schools e s t a b l i s h e d Throughout the Country and that a Grammar School be i n s t i tuted i n each Town." A l e t t e r from* Caractacus"in the Montreal Gazette v  on A p r i l 18, 1793 d e a l t with the problem of a t t r a c t i n g and keeping "men who have r e a l l y and bona f i d e received a r e g u l a r c l a s s i c a l and a r i t h m e t i c a l Education, with L i t e r a r y l e i s u r e " as schoolmasters i n the p r o v i n c e .  "The precarious  income of day Schools" l e d these men to leave the province " t o f i n d a residence, where the people look upon Educating the r i s i n g Generation as a business of the f i r s t importance." Bishop Mountain, w r i t i n g to Lord Dundas i n 1793» the year of h i s appointment to the see of Quebec, summed up the educational s i t u a t i o n to then.  The plan of the  Committee of the Council f o r i n t r o d u c i n g an extensive system of Education appears to have f a i l e d by attempting too much at once. We are perhaps not yet r i p e f o r such an i n s t i t u t i o n . But, as introductory to i t , good Gramr Schools should be e s t a b l i s h e d and encouraged i n Quebec, i n Montreal and i n Kingston . . . but the allowance of 200 a year  128 made by Government f o r such purposes has been so unfortunately applied by our former Governors as to produce no good effect whatever.75 But despite the absence of o f f i c i a l action, there s t i l l continued to be popular interest i n education. Robert Tait advertised i n the Montreal Gazette on February $,  1 7 9 6 that he was starting . . . a course of o r i g i n a l Lectures on Education Domestic and Public . . . and on the History of Learning with i t s progress, decline, r e v i v a l and the probable causes which retard i t s present progress. On Domestic Education a variety of Particulars w i l l be discussed, highly interesting to Parents of children i n p a r t i c u l a r and to society in general. In the second part w i l l be pointed out in p a r t i c u l a r i t s tendency to form good Citizens, l o y a l Subjects and to Qualify Youth f o r the most eminent Stations i n Society.  The advertisement  i s interesting i n i t s stress on the  u t i l i t a r i a n aspects of education and in the view that education was carried on i n the home as well as at school. The occasion was also the f i r s t on which anyone had ventured to teach the history of education i n the country. Some discussion on the education of women appeared in the various newspapers of the times.  " F l o r i z e l " in a  l e t t e r to the editor of the Quebec Herald and Miscellany questioned the v a l i d i t y of the opinion of a Mr. Knox whose essay "On the s e n s i b i l i t y of men to the charms of the female mind, cultivated with p o l i t e and s o l i d L i t e r a ture" he had read.  " F l o r i z e l " f e l t that  Nature seems to have designed that the happiness of women should consist i n objects considerably d i f f e r e n t from those which constitute the f e l i c i t y of man. He was destined f o r enterprise, she f o r the calm of domestic life.76  129 In another l e t t e r ' ' he expressed  the view that  women would f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to leave the pages of Cicero and Demosthenes, and to attend the caprices of an infant, whose language i s tears and whose rhetoric i s squalling. His views that nature had created man superior to woman brought a sharp reply "By a Lady."'''  8  Her l e t t e r i s a  revealing commentary on the education of g i r l s at that period for g i r l s were committed to i l l i t e r a t e teachers, and as i l l i t e r a t e school mistresses, ignorant of manners, books and men . . . With these tyrants they are cooped up i n a room, confined to needlework, deprived of exercise . . . schooled in f r i v o l i t y . (Boys) were instructed i n sciences and languages, and rendered f a m i l i a r with the best authors, by which they may refine t h e i r t a s t e . Thus i t i s the united f o l l y of parents which has brought on so wide a d i s t i n c t i o n of the sexes; not the impartial wisdom of the Creator. A month l a t e r another l e t t e r appeared giving a sketch of modern female education, pointing out how a r t i f i c i a l i t was, with the great stress on fashion. The sophistication of the age i s a point of attack i n Poet's Corner by "Junius."  In a poem "A Comparison" he writes  But who i n t h i s degenerate age Dares attack the fashion's rage Our youth The F r i z e u r now with nicest care Curls -toupies-and crapes the hair From Town b e l l s quick the madness passes, And seizes on the country lasses, Who leave t h e i r work to t r y to please, Nor butter churn-nor press the cheese Nor card the wool-nor, spin the taw; But headlong into fashion go.79  130 Bishop Mountain and Protestant  Education.  The "so intimate and obvious a connection between the Education of youth and the General State of Public SO Morals"  was pointed out i n a l e t t e r by Bishop Mountain  to Lieutenant-Governor Robert Shore Milnes in' 1799. Mountain, whose see was Quebec for over t h i r t y years, was a person who had considerable influence on educational developments i n the province.  He himself had a s o l i d  educational background which had f i t t e d him f o r his position in the church.  Born i n Norfolk, England he had been  educated at Caius College, Cambridge (B.A. 1774, M.A. 1777, and D.D. i n 1793).  Besides a number of sermons and 81  charges, he had published Poetical Reveries i n 1777. Mountain had not become disheartened by the lack of action to the various educational schemes brought forth in 1790.  He himself made a proposal to Dorchester i n  1795 that English Protestant schoolmasters be placed i n every parish to teach English free and writing and a r i t h 82 metic at low fees.  He hoped that such a measure would  bring the English and French together i n time, and win over the l a t t e r to Protestantism.  However, Dorchester  here again did nothing with the proposal.  Mountain wrote  to the Duke of Portland, Secretary of State, Home Department, that i f he were on the Executive Council  131 i t w i l l forward my endeavors f o r the advancement of Religion & Education i n t h i s Country; Since i t i s only with the advice of the Executive Council that Lord Dorchester takes any steps in the regulation of Schools.°3 In November, 1795  Mountain f i n a l l y received his  warrant to s i t on the Executive Councils of Upper and Lower Canada.  But, the educational picture did not improve  immediately, Mountain explaining to Inglis that those in power "are often unnaccountable and most perversely i n d i f ferent to t h i s s u b j e c t . " ( e d u c a t i o n ) T h i s reference, of course, was to Lord Dorchester who  was not so much  i n d i f f e r e n t to education, for he himself as a parent  was  very concerned with his children's education as we have seen, but aware of the p o l i t i c a l - r e l i g i o u s issues involved in formulating an educational policy f o r the province. However, Lieutenant-Governor Milnes was more h o s t i l e to the French Canadians than previous governors, and thus more amenable to Mountain's educational proposals, the chief aim of which, was to secure the l o y a l t y of the French Canadians by a n g l i c i z i n g them through education.  In a  gr  l e t t e r to Milnes, he again outlined his plan. that a good grammar school was needed and  He  felt  to i n v i t e able masters from England by the L i b e r a l i t y of the Endowment. It may not be improper to state here that there i s already at Quebec a respectable school which offers the means of instruction to those who are designed f o r more active professions or for the pursuits of Trade and commerce i n which together with the lower Branches of Education are taught the Latin language, mathematics and navigation by a master well q u a l i f i e d f o r the task he has undertaken.""  132  To overcome "the E v i l s " which arose from the lack of a "community of Language" the children of the Canadians should be taught the English language.  He  suggested,  therefore, that English schoolmasters, employed by the government, should be placed i n the c i t i e s , towns and v i l l a g e s to teach "the English Language g r a t i s . . . and writing & arithmetic when required at an easy rate."  A  Committee of the whole Council considered the Bishop's 87  paper and recommended the adoption of i t s proposals. Milnes forwarded  the Bishop's paper and the Council's  recommendation to the Duke of Portland, who with them.  f u l l y agreed  Portland, i n turn, authorized the payment from  p r o v i n c i a l revenue, of masters to teach the English language in free schools.  He f e l t that one or two grammar schools  would be adequate f o r the time being, but he hoped that a college or university would be necessary in the future.  88  Royal I n s t i t u t i o n f o r the Advancement of Learning. In 1801, the Speech from the Throne in Lower Canada c a l l e d upon the assembly to make Mountain's proposals into law.  Thus came into being the Royal I n s t i t u t i o n f o r the  Advancement of Learning which was to be controlled by the governor, lieutenant-governor, Anglican bishop, the chief j u s t i c e and the speaker of the Assembly. d i r e c t i o n , free primary and secondary set  Under t h i s body's  schools were to be  up; two royal grammar schools in Quebec and  Montreal  were also proposed.  Several amendments to the  original  b i l l were added which made a l l church schools or private i n s t i t u t i o n s independent, and the creation of any Royal I n s t i t u t i o n school i n any parish dependent upon the w i l l of the majority of the  inhabitants. ^ 8  Thus, with the founding of the RIAL, Englishspeaking education in Quebec was footing.  established on a surer  For the period of our study, though, English-  speaking education was few private schools  dependent to a large degree on the  in Quebec and the  English-speaking  family i t s e l f , and on the apprenticeship dealt with i n the next chapter.  system which i s  CHAPTER V APPRENTICESHIP AND THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING CHILD 1760-1800 The private schools described i n the previous chapter were f o r the children of parents who could a f f o r d to pay a fee, though a few free scholars were often admitted.  But, what of those English-speaking children whose  families d i d not belong to the economic e l i t e of the period?  Did these children grow up ignorant of the  essentials of the English language?  How d i d they receive  a t r a i n i n g to f i t them f o r t h e i r role i n l i f e as minor tradesmen or servants? Background of Apprenticeship System. R. F. Seybolt has stated that i n colonial New England and New York "the apprenticeship system took care of the entire problem of public elementary during the colonial period.""**  education  Canadian research on  apprenticeship f o r English-speaking children i n PostConquest Quebec appears to be non-existent; indeed, apprenticeship contracts themselves are d i f f i c u l t to 2 locate.  Hence, a general survey of apprenticeship i s  necessary•before considering indentures r e l a t i n g to the period under survey here.  135 It should be stated from the outset that apprenticeship of French-speaking  children was governed by French  c i v i l law and w i l l not be discussed here, except f o r a few b r i e f comments.  When English-speaking s e t t l e r s came to  Quebec i n the Post-Conquest years they brought with them and n a t u r a l l y used English law f o r public contracts such as apprenticeship.  In the l a s t chapter, we have seen how  language and r e l i g i o n complicated the educational question. The existence of two types of law, one French, one English, produced two systems of apprenticeship. Under the French system, prospective apprentices were to have reached twelve years of age, but not be over eighteen i n order to be apprenticed.^  The reason f o r t h i s  was the b e l i e f that before he was twelve, the c h i l d was not capable of following a serious occupation.  The duration  of apprenticeship i n France varied from three to seven years, but i n Montreal the period was generally three years, r a r e l y more than four or f i v e years. The practice of apprenticeship i n England had been based on the English guild and municipal l e g i s l a t i o n of the thirteenth and fourteenth century.  By 1400, apprentice-  ship came gradually to be adopted as the most usual method of entering a c r a f t , and was practised by most guilds and required by most towns.* ' Apprenticeship indentures of 1  t h i s period bore the essential features of l a t e r  indentures  in the eighteenth century found i n Colonial America and  136  Post-Conquest Quebec.  These were: 1) that the apprentice  bound himself to l i v e with his master f o r a certain period 2) that the apprentice promised to serve him  of years; diligently; secrets;  3) obey h i s reasonable  4) keep his  commands;  5) protect him from injury by others;  6) abstain  from such games as dice and cards and the haunting of taverns; matrimony;  7) neither to commit fornication nor contract 8) not to absent himself from his master's  service without permission.  The master, i n h i s turn,  promised to instruct the boy i n his trade, and give him bed, board and clothing.  G i r l s were admitted  into the  c r a f t s even such as carpenters, wheelwrights and clockmakers under the same conditions that regulated the practice f o r boys. As Seybolt has pointed out,  5  apprenticeship had  been generally practised throughout medieval England, though i t s regulation was subject to l o c a l v a r i a t i o n s . The Statute of A r t i f i c e r s , 1 5 6 2 , however, made apprenticeship into a national system, codifying the numerous laws on the employment of servants and apprentices.  The Poor  Law of 1 6 0 1 must be discussed, as well as the Statute of A r t i f i c e r s , i n a treatment of apprenticeship.  Under t h i s  Act of 1 6 0 1 , two or three or four householders and church wardens were appointed overseers of the poor, one of t h e i r duties being "the setting to work such children of a l l those parents s h a l l not . . . be thought able to keep and  137 maintain t h e i r children."  The overseers could bind any-  such children as apprentices, a boy t i l l he was 24 years of  age, a g i r l t i l l she was 21 or to marriage. In 1767  to  the term f o r parish apprentices was changed  read "for seven years only or u n t i l the age of 21 years"  and i n 1778  another Act stated that no apprentice should 7  be bound a f t e r 21 years of age.  The difference between  Poor Law apprenticeship and i n d u s t r i a l apprenticeship was the fact that the purpose of the former was not so much to  teach the apprentice a trade as to "bind him out" to a  person who would maintain him.  A l l apprenticeships or  bindings to be l e g a l had to have the consent of two Justices of  the Peace.  Seybolt found that these laws were irregu9  larly  administered.  Apprenticeship i n the Thirteen Colonies. The system of apprenticeship as established by the Statute of A r t i f i c e r s was brought to the American colonies; however, a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of apprenticeship i n the colonies was the fact that there was no uniformity of o b s e r v a n c e . I n New  England, the adoption of one  important  aspect of English practice, the public enrollment of indentures, was  carried on from the beginning of settlement."  The indentures could be i n written or printed form, though by the end of the seventeenth general use.  century, the l a t t e r was in  The indentures were usually signed by the  138 apprentice in the presence of witnesses and acknowledged before public authority, as, for example, the mayor or Justices of the Peace.  The term of service, as in Great  B r i t a i n , was not to be completed u n t i l the apprentice had reached 21 and had served at least seven years, though there were instances of shorter terms.  Unlike the practice  in Great B r i t a i n , g i r l s were apprenticed u n t i l they were IB or married. Apprentices did run away, in which case the master would advertise, give a description of the apprentice and o f f e r a reward.  When the apprentice was brought back, he  was obliged to serve a longer time than prescribed in the indenture.  Masters who maltreated t h e i r apprentices or  did not provide adequate maintenance and trade instruction were fined by the town and the apprentice bound over to 13  another master, as was the English custom.  J  The characteristic feature of colonial apprenticeship indentures, as compared to those of Great B r i t a i n , was the provision made for rudimentary  education, that i s ,  reading, writing and cyphering to the rule of three.  In  the case of g i r l s , only reading and writing were to be taught.  Masters, because they themselves were often  i l l i t e r a t e , had to send children to school in order to have t h i s obligation f u l f i l l e d .  Because apprentices could  not be spared during the day, evening schools were opened for them in New  York; the provision f o r sending the  139 apprentice to evening school was written into the indentures Apprenticeship could also be considered as a community welfare i n s t i t u t i o n f o r poor children, orphans and illegitimate offspring.  This aspect of apprenticeship,  as set up under the English Poor Law of 1601 was carried out i n the colonies.  Parish apprentices, on the whole,  came from a lower s o c i a l class than trade apprentices and were less l i k e l y to become part of the family c i r c l e i n t h e i r -master s household. 1  Orphan g i r l s were usually  apprenticed to receive instruction i n p l a i n sewing and "housewifery"  and reading and w r i t i n g .  The English Poor  Law apprenticeship system f a i l e d to provide s u f f i c i e n t i n s t r u c t i o n i n the trades, and l e d to the establishment i n 15 the eighteenth century of workhouses and charity schools. Such then was the general background of the apprentice ship system which was brought by English-speaking s e t t l e r s to Post-Conquest Quebec.  Apprenticeship of English-  speaking children did exist from the early years of the Conquest, as we can see from the following, though the indentures examined i n t h i s chapter are those dated from 1780 to 1800.  lo  The Quebec Gazette on July 5, 1764 carried  the following notice.  140 Wanted: as an Apprentice to the Printing Business, an ingenious Boy, about 14 Years old, who can be well recommended; i f he can read, write and should be able to make himself understood, i n both French and English, he w i l l be more acceptable....Brown & Gilmore Apprenticeship Compared: Quebec and New York. The following i s a t y p i c a l  indenture of the Province  of New York i n the colonial period and comparing i t with a Montreal indenture of the Post-Conquest period we s h a l l see that there are many s i m i l a r i t i e s . This Indenture Witnesseth that Thomas H i l l about twelve years of Age with the Consent of William Hollins h i s father i n Law hath put himselfe and by these presents doth v o l u n t a r i l y and of h i s own free w i l l and accord put himselfe Apprentice unto Christopher G i l l i a r d , Cordwainer i n the C i t y of New York i n America f o r the space and Term of seaven years Commencing from the date hereof and a f t e r the manner of an Apprentice to serve from the Fourteenth day of May one thousand seaven hundred and f i v e u n t i l l the f u l l Term of seaven years be Compleat and Ended during a l l which Term the said Apprentice h i s said Master and Mistress during the aforesaid Term i n the Cordwainer's Trade f a i t h f u l l y s h a l l serve h i s secrets keep h i s lawful Commands gladly Every where Obey he s h a l l doe no damage to h i s said Master nor see to be done by Others without l e t t i n g or giving Notice thereof to h i s said Master he s h a l l not waste h i s said Master's goods nor lend them unlawfully to any, he s h a l l not Committ Fornication nor Contract Matrimony within the said Term a t t Cards, Dice or any other unlawfull Game he s h a l l not play whereby h i s said Master may have damage with h i s own goods nor the goods of others during the said Term without Lycense from h i s said Master he s h a l l neither buy nor s e l l he s h a l l not absent himselfe day or night from his fester's service without h i s leave nor haunt Ale houses, Taverns or Playhouses but in a l l things as a f a i t h f u l Apprentice he s h a l l behave himselfe toward his said Master and a l l h i s During the said Term and the said Master during the said Term s h a l l f i n d and provide unto the said Apprentice s u f f i c i e n t meat  141  drinke Appareil Lodging and washing f i t t i n g f o r an Apprentice and give unto h i s said Apprentice two new suits of Appareil the one f o r working days the other for Sundays and holy days and to Instruct and teach his said Apprentice i n seaven years to read and write English and i n the Cordwainter's Trade according to his A b i l i t y and f o r the true performance of a l l and every the said Covenants and Agreement either of the said parties bind themselves to the other by these presents. In Witness whereof they have interchangeably put t h e i r hands and seals t h i s fourteenth day of May i n the t h i r d Year of the Reign of our sovereign Lady Anne by the Grace of God Queen of England, Scotland and France and Ireland etc: Anno Domini one thousand seaven hundred and f i v e Thomas H i l l sealed signed and delivered i n the presence of us John Sheppard David V i l a n t New Yorke May ye 14th 1705 Acknowledged by the within named Thomas H i l l to be his voluntary Act and Deed. (Signed) William Peartree, Mayor.17 The Montreal indenture reads as follows: This Indenture Witnesseth, That I, Corneiles Hurley hath put himself and by these Presents, doth volunt a r i l y , and of h i s own free W i l l and Accord, put Himself Apprentice to Thomas Swan of Montreal Merchant a f t e r the Manner of an Apprentice to serve him from the Day of the Date hereof, f o r , and during, and to the f u l l End and Term of Six Years & one Month next ensuing. During a l l which Term, the said Apprentice his said Master f a i t h f u l l y s h a l l serve, h i s Secrets keep, his lawful Commands every where r e a d i l y obey. S h a l l do no Damage to h i s said Master nor see i t to be done by others, without l e t t i n g or giving notice thereof to h i s said Master s h a l l not waste h i s said Masters Goods, nor lend them unlawfully to any. He s h a l l not commit Fornication, nor contract Matrimony within the said Term. At Cards, Dice, or any other unlawfuly Game, he s h a l l not play, whereby his said Master may have Damage. With his- own Goods, nor the Goods of others, without Licence from h i s said Master s h a l l neither buy nor s e l l . He s h a l l not absent himself Day nor Night from h i s said Masters Service without h i s Leave: Nor haunt Ale-houses, Taverns, or Playhouses; but i n a l l things behave himself as a f a i t h f u l Apprentice ought to do, during the said term. And the said Master s h a l l use the utmost of h i s Endeavour to teach or cause to be taught or instructed the said Apprentice reading, Writing and Arethmatic and procure and provide f o r  142 him s u f f i c i e n t Meat, Drink, Wearing Apparel, Lodging and Washing, f i t t i n g f o r an Apprentice, during the said Term of Six Years and one Month and at the expiration of the said Term a Compleat Suit of Clothes, and l i n e n suitable over and above t h i s then wearing Apparel. And f o r the true Performance of a l l and singular the Covenants and Agreements aforesaid, the said Parties bind themselves each unto the other f i r m l y by these Presents. In Witness whereof, the said Parties have interchangeably set t h e i r Hands and Seals hereunto. Dated the f i r s t Day of May in the Twenty fourth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the t h i r d King of Great B r i t a i n etc. Anno Domini, One Thousand Seven Hundred and eighty three. (Signed) Thomas Swan, J . G. Beek, Notary Public, witnessed" by William Mooney, J . L a v a l l e e . 1 8  Both these indentures, though they d i f f e r in time and place, bear a s i m i l a r i t y to one another, though there are some minor differences in phraseology and terms.  In  each case, the apprentice bound himself to serve h i s master f o r a period of years, promised to serve h i s master f a i t h f u l l y , keep h i s secrets and obey h i s lawful commands, do no damage, neither waste or lend h i s master's goods, nor commit f o r n i c a t i o n or matrimony.  The apprentice was  to keep away from cards, dice and taverns and not to absent himself from h i s master without permission.  In  return the master promised to provide the apprentice with some instruction, as well as food, lodging, clothing arid washing, and at the expiration of the term, new  clothing.  One difference i n the terms of the two i s the fact that the New  York indenture i s f o r seven years, the  Montreal indenture f o r s i x years, one month.  Though the  143 age of the Montreal apprentice i s not mentioned, he  was  probably around f i f t e e n f o r the term of service, i t would appear from other records, was always t i l l the age of twenty-one f o r boys or eighteen f o r g i r l s .  The New  York  master promised to teach the apprentice h i s trade as well as to read and write English, while no mention of teaching a trade was made in the Montreal indenture.  Possibly t h i s  was due to the fact that the Montreal master was a merchant and what the apprentice's duties were to be, included reading, writing and record-keeping, a l l of which would be covered under the master's obligation of having "to teach or cause to be taught or instructed the said Apprentice reading, writing and arithmetic."  The other difference  i s that the New York apprentice received two suits of clothing, while the Montreal apprentice received one "Compleat Suit of Clothes and l i n e n . " English-Speaking Apprenticeship in Montreal. Over t h i r t y - s i x Montreal indentures similar to the one quoted above were examined f o r t h i s present study, of which about a f i f t h were f o r g i r l s .  These indentures  were found mainly in the c o l l e c t i o n of records of two notaries, John Gerbrand Beek and Peter Lukin i n the Archives 18 of the Superior Court i n Montreal.  The purpose of the  study was to compare features of these indentures with those in New  England discussed e a r l i e r and in p a r t i c u l a r  144  to f i n d out i f any provisions were made f o r the teaching of the English language to English-speaking apprentices. As i n New  England, there was public enrollment of  records with some public o f f i c i a l .  The Montreal  indentures  were signed sometimes by one notary public, sometimes by two.  In addition to ,the specimen indenture, four a d d i t i o n a l  indentures dealt with apprenticeship to a merchant.  Other  apprentices were bound to a blacksmith, shoemaker, hatter, t a i l o r , ship's master, b a r r i s t e r , hairdresser, gunsmith, cabinet maker and joiner, clerk, carpenter, silversmith, innkeeper,  soap b o i l e r , the North West Company, or to a  master as a servant.  I f the servant was under twenty-one,  then t h i s was not considered the same as a case of indentured servitude, an example of which w i l l be given l a t e r 19 on i n the chapter. While the length of apprenticeship was usually upon the basis of the number of years to twenty-one for boys (or simply stated " t i l l  21") and to eighteen f o r  g i r l s , there were a couple of exceptions.  Ten year old  Samuel Madders was bound to innkeeper Thomas Sullivan f o r nine years, and f i f t e e n year old Richard Pattinson to 20 merchant J . A. Gray for three years. Considerable variation appeared i n the clause dealing with the clothing a master gave to the apprentice at the expiration of the indenture.  T r a d i t i o n a l l y the  apprentice received two suits of clothing, one f o r Sundays  145 21 and another f o r weekdays.  However, in only one instance 22  did t h i s hold true of the Montreal..indentures.  But,  i t should be pointed out that t h i s was not a regional p e c u l i a r i t y , f o r many New York indentures frequently mentioned only one suit of clothing, as was the case i n 23 .hi; Montreal. In two cases, no mention of clothing to be 24 given at the end of the term was made at a l l . ' The wearing apparel was not always provided d i r e c t l y by the master.  In one case, the father was paid twenty  guineas to see that his son was provided with clothes dur25 ing h i s apprenticeship.  7  In another instance, the father  was to provide a l l the necessary wearing apparel the f i r s t year, after which the master would.  The father and  master several years l a t e r , in an amendment to the o r i g i n a l indenture agreed to have the apprentice board at his father's house, for which the master would pay f i v e 27 l i n g s per week.  shil-  Perhaps i t was more convenient occasion-  a l l y f o r a master to have the apprentice board out.  In  the indenture of William Lindsay to Robert Armour, Merchant, dated November 18, 1814 the apprentice was paid F i f t y pounds, f o r the Second year Sixty pounds, f o r the Third Year 70 pounds, f o r the fourth Year Eighty pounds, f o r the f i f t h Year Ninety pounds and for the l a s t Years Service one hundred and twenty pounds Current Money of the Province . . . out of which said Sums the said Apprentice i s to f i n d and provide for himself Board, Lodging and a l l other Necessaries without any Claim on h i s said Master for the same.28  146 However, other indentures found ten years l a t e r s t i l l had apprentices l i v i n g with t h e i r masters. It would appear from a study of three other indentures that parental r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was increasing i n another respect towards the nineteenth century. printed i n d e n t u r e ,  29  the parent  In a  agreed  that i f the said apprentice s h a l l elope from his said Masters service, that the said Father s h a l l s t r i c t l y and d i l i g e n t l y make search for and when found, convey him back to his said Master.30 The fact that t h i s was not just a special clause in one p a r t i c u l a r indenture i s indicated by the fact that the indenture was printed i n t h i s way.  Another printed  indenture, i n addition to the above clause, had written in a s t i p u l a t i o n that two men (one of whom was the father) should act as bondsmen f o r the apprentice's good behavior. They were also to make good any Damage the said Master may eventually suffer by reason of the misconduct of the said apprentice.31 That the masters were finding the obligations of apprenticeship d i f f i c u l t to bear i s indicated i n the following p e t i t i o n dated February 23, 1802 of "sundry Master 32 Tradesmen and others of the City of Quebec.  ,T>  They com-  plained That from the peculiar situation and customs of the Province they are under the necessity of taking Apprentices without Fee, at an age when they are unable to provide f o r themselves, and belonging to Parents i n penurious circumstances, and that the Petitioners engage to board, lodge and cloath them, and often to  147  give them a certain portion of education necessary to enable them to follow the business f o r which they are intended with advantage to themselves, over and above learning t h e i r trade. That when such Apprentices arrive at an age and are i n a condition to be of Service to the Petitioners they absent themselves from t h e i r employment without the P e t i t i o n e r s being able to f i n d any e f f i c i e n t remedy i n Law to oblige them to f u l f i l l t h e i r respective indentures or engagements. The p e t i t i o n mentions that the masters were giving apprentices some education over and above what they needed f o r t h e i r trade.  This was a reference, no doubt, to the  fact that masters agreed i n a number of cases and following the New  England custom to teach apprentices reading  and writing and i n the case of boys, arithmetic as w e l l . The provision in the Montreal indentures covering such education was stated i n several ways, as "cause him (the apprentice) to be taught reading, writing and arithmetic"-^ or "allow unto the said Apprentice proper Schooling in reading, writing & arethmat i c k s " - ^ or " F i t t i n g such an apprentice with a suitable education f o r such a calling."35 In another  case  the said Master likewise consents and agrees to allow the said apprentice time to learn and be taught i n the art of reading, writing and cyphering i n the common rules which s h a l l be at the care and charge of h i s said uncle.36 The master of an eight year old boy was to "allow him two whole Years schooling i n his present infant Years when he may  be most apt to benefit of i t . " - ^  On the other  hand, in the case of a boy apprenticed to the master of a  148  ship bound f o r London, h i s father and guardian promised to reimburse the master f o r whatever he had been obliged to pay "at London or elsewhere f o r School Lodging and Board as well as f o r the extra Cloathing said Apprentice s h a l l 38  have occasion f o r during the time of h i s Studys."  J  In another indenture the father, Reverend DeLisle, promised to pay Thomas Walker, the b a r r i s t e r to whom h i s son was apprenticed an Apprentice fee of F i f t y guineas i n three several notes payable on the f i f t e e n t h day of May next, one t h i r d on the f i f t e e n t h day of May next, one t h i r d on the f i f t e e n t h day of January . . . and the remaining one t h i r d on the Twentieth day of June. 3 9 However, the l a s t two cited indentures were not t y p i c a l of those examined f o r t h i s study.  In indentures  where provision f o r schooling was mentioned, i t should be noted that the master was to have the apprentice taught or allow him time to do so. Where the apprentice went' to obtain such schooling i s not known.  In New York colonial  indentures stated that the apprentice was to go to evening school, but no mention was made of t h i s i n any of the Montreal indentures.* ' 1  0  One reason f o r t h i s could be that  there were no night schools i n Montreal f o r many years. But as mentioned i n the previous chapter, there were one or two day schools which simply taught the three R's, and most probably the apprentice would go to a school such as this. That apprentices were i l l i t e r a t e often can be seen  149  by the fact that half of them signed t h e i r indentures with an X; about a f i f t h of t h e i r parents did likewise.  Though  a l l s i x g i r l s could not sign t h e i r name, two were to be taught reading and writing, and one, only reading. not in every case where the apprentice was there provision f o r his education.  Thus,  illiterate  was  That the i l l i t e r a t e  apprentice did receive the rudiments of an education i s indicated i n one indenture where a sixteen year o l d apprent i c e used an X, but four years l a t e r when the a r t i c l e s were annulled, he could sign his name.^  1  Special clauses or provisions were often written into the Montreal  indentures, but such practice was  not  unusual i n colonial indentures. John DeLisle, a notary, promised that in case of sickness or other accident by reason whereof the said Andrew Meziere may be disabled from serving because of sickness (that he would provide) and allow unto the said Andrew Meziere a nurse and pay the Charges of such Doctors and Apothecaries as s h a l l be necessary during such sickness.42 In return the apprentice, Andrew Meziere, had  certain  obligations to keep r e l a t i v e to h i s master's work. . . .he, the said Andrew Meziere s h a l l and w i l l from time to time and at a l l time, well and t r u l y account for a l l such monies, stamps and other things as shall come to his hands by the delivery order, appointment or f o r the use on account of h i s said Master. 43 An apprentice clerk in the Northwest Company (and there must have been a number of such apprentices in the f l o u r i s h i n g fur trade) promised  150 to Serve and go from hence whenever thereunto required in any part of the Indian or Interior Countries where they carry on Trade, as he the said Apprentice Clerk from time to time s h a l l be ordered and directed by them or such person or persons as s h a l l there represent t h e i r persons or the Northwest Company.44 In.another case, the g i r l apprentice was "to be Instructed i n the Protestant Religion of the Church of /, 5  England" as well as to be taught "housewifery."  '  A young  boy, apprenticed to Rev. L&.Lisle as a servant was to be taught the catechism i n addition to reading and writing.4° A g i r l apprenticed to a shoemaker to learn  "housewifery"  was to receive a Bible at the end of her apprenticeship.47 Monetary reward was sometimes given at the end of service id  and could vary from 100 pounds to two guineas.  It was  common practice for a master to equip the apprentice with (  a set of tools relevant to his trade when h i s term expired. An apprentice to a merchant was to receive ten pounds of spice-*'-' while a g i r l apprenticed to an innkeeper i n "housewifery" was to receive "a Good Milk Cow and a B i b l e . " ^  A  shoemaker was to permit h i s apprentice the free t o l e r a t i o n of h i s Religious Duty's and to allow the Sundays and the four p r i n c i p a l feast days during each year for that purpose.52 The one omission from the indentures that appears frequently i s the clause stating that the apprentice would "not committ Fornication nor contract Matrimony within the said Term."  Thus i t would appear that by 1800 the  regulations governing apprenticeship were loosening. But,  151 the important feature of the indentures, with regard to t h i s p a r t i c u l a r study, i s the fact that the clause requiring masters to provide t h e i r apprentices with the rudiments of an elementary English appeared frequently and also continued to appear i n the years subsequent to 1800. Occasionally French-speaking  boys were apprenticed  to English-speaking masters, and i n these cases, the indenture would be a French t r a n s l a t i o n of the English form. In one case, innkeeper Thomas S u l l i v a n promised to provide his apprentice with some education either i n French or English Et l e d i t Maitre feru tous ses e f f o r t s pour "a son Metier et profession et denseigner au enseigner et i n s t r u i r e r l e d i t apprentis, a e c r i r e et chifre jusqu's l a re'gle de t r o i s , langue Francais ou Anglais. 53  I'instruir faire lire, en l a  The apprenticeship indentures that have been d i s cussed to t h i s point are those dealing with voluntary apprenticeship.  As mentioned e a r l i e r , parish apprentice-  ship also existed, though no indentures, unfortunately, were found.  Parish apprenticeship involved the binding  out of orphaned Protestant children by the church wardens. An example of t h i s was seen i n the l a s t chapter when the church wardens of the Protestant church advertised i n the Montreal Gazette that an eight year o l d boy would be bound out t i l l he was twenty-one.^ The Protestant congregation had been concerned  with  the care of the poor and needy members from the time i t  had been formed.  152  55  One of i t s members was appointed "The  Guardian of the Poor" to look a f t e r the disbursement of the Poor Fund and Protestant orphan c h i l d r e n .  As soon as  such c h i l d r e n were able to undertake a p p r e n t i c e s h i p , they were bound out to various t r a d e s .  The church paid any v  necessary fees and the Guardian kept watch over the 56  apprentices and also over t h e i r masters. Thus, apprenticeship d i d serve as a means of p r o v i d ing education of the barest sort to those who could not a f f o r d p r i v a t e school f e e s . The Sunday School was making i t s appearance at t h i s time i n England, having been introduced by Robert Raikes i n the 1780's, and was o f f e r i n g the masses an opportunity to l e a r n how to r e a d .  Several l e t t e r s on the "Use and  Disadvantage of Sunday Schools" appeared ±n the Quebec Herald and M i s c e l l a n y i n 1790.  One l e t t e r condemned the  " f a l l a c i o u s promises of advantage" from the Sunday S c h o o l , and questioned whether the lower classes would become "more i n d u s t r i o u s , more v i r t u o u s , more happy because of r e a d i n g . Learning cannot secure i t s possessors from Indolence, from 57  v i c e and much l e s s from m i s e r y . " ^ ' Despite t h i s argument against a Sunday S c h o o l , W i l l i a m Langhorn placed the f o l l o w i n g advertisement i n the Montreal Gazette on June 1 7 , . 1 7 9 3 . j  153  . . . and f o r the convenience of those who have no l e i s u r e time from t h e i r ordinary employment, he w i l l teach a Sunday school, a plan which has proved of such great u t i l i t y in London, he hopes w i l l be attended with equal good consequences here. No more i s known of Langhorn's Sunday school, but undoubtedly when the Sunday school was established i n Quebec, i t did serve to further perpetuate the English language. Indentured Servitude and Slavery. Apprenticeship was a source of cheap labour during t h i s time, as was  indentured servitude and slavery.  The  differences between apprenticeship, indentured servitude and slavery are simply differences of degree, the indentured servant was a temporary slave.  There was a need  for the bound servant and the slave by the well-to-do English-speaking family to perform the various chores of d a i l y , domestic l i f e .  Such servants could speak English,  though they might be of French background.  The  indenture  of the English-speaking bound servant d i f f e r e d from that of the apprentice in that the bound servant was  over  twenty-one, and his indenture contained no provision f o r trade education as we can see i n the following example. John Palmer, Soldier i n His Majesty's S i x t i e t h Regiment of Foot now getting h i s Discharge who did and hereby doth of his own free w i l l and accord Bind and engage himself to David Alexand Grant of the Island of Ste. Helen -.• . . with him as a M i l l e r Millwright or in whatever other Capacity to dwell, continue and serve from the day of the date hereof u n t i l l the f u l l End and Terme of Five Years from thence next ensuing and f u l l y to be Compleat and ended during a l l which  154  said Term of f i v e Years the said John Palmer him the said David Alexander Grant to the utmost of his S k i l and power well and F a i t h f u l l y s h a l l Serve as well as a M i l l e r , Millwright or i n whatever other Capacity he the said David Alexander Grant or such Person or Persons representing his Person s h a l l from time to time and at a l l times hereafter during the said Term of f i v e Year thinks f i t and necessary to employ him the said John Palmer and at such place or places as he the said David Alexander Grant or h i s aforesaid s h a l l think proper to appoint; his Secrets keep his Lawful commands everywhere gladly do hurt to his said Master he s h a l l not do nor w i l l i n g l y Suffer to be done by others, but the same to his power s h a l l l e t or forthwith give Notice thereof to h i s said Master or his aforesaids, the Goods of his Master he s h a l l not Imbezil or Waste nor Lend them without h i s consent to any, from the said Service he s h a l l not at anytime by day or night depart or absent himself without leave but i n a l l things as a Good and F a i t h f u l Servant, s h a l l and w i l l demean and behave himself towards the said David Alexander Grant and a l l such as s h a l l represent his person. ?  And i n consideration of the Premises the said David Alexander Grant also present did and hereby doth f o r himself h i s Heirs executors and Administrators, Covenant Promise and agree to .and with the said John Palmer that he the said David Alexander Grant s h a l l and w i l l f i n d and Provide for h i s said Servant Meat Drinks and Lodging and also well and t r u l y pay or cause to be paid unto the said Servant the Sum of Twelve pounds Province Currency Yearly and every Year during the said Term of Five Years, as the same s h a l l become due—And whereas the said David Alexander Grant was obliged to advance f o r and unto the said John Palmer the Sum of Twenty pounds currency afores'd toward the obtaining of his discharge It i s agreed upon by and between the said Parties that the Sum of Four Pounds s h a l l be Stopped out of his the said John Palmers Wages during the said Term of f i v e Years towards the reimbursement of the said Sum to be advanced. And For the True-performance hereof the said Parties did and hereby do Bind themselves the one to the other firmly by these present, under the Penalties of the Laws. Thus, done and passed at Montreal aforesaid i n the o f f i c e of John Gerbrand Beek one of the said Notaries on the Twenty second day of A p r i l i n the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty eight and Signed by the said Parties and Notaries a f t e r being duly read. John Palmer  155  Slavery had existed i n New France though the importing of Negro slaves into New France had never become a 59  f l o u r i s h i n g trade.  More popular as a source of cheap  labour were " l e s panis," a term f o r the Pawnee Indians 60  from the Arkansas region captured i n French-Indian wars. Such slaves, f o r t h i s i n fact was t h e i r status, cost l e s s than the Negro slave and could accommodate themselves to the rigorous climate of New France better than the Negro slave. Undoubtedly a number of Negro slaves were brought in by f l e e i n g L o y a l i s t s as part of t h e i r property, and the sale of Negro slaves did c o n t i n u e . ^  The following i s a  b i l l of sale f o r a s i x year old mulatto boy called Dick, by a New York farmer to a gentleman at Lachine, and serves as a reminder to us today that there were c h i l d slaves i n that period. Before the underwritten Notaries residing in the City of Montreal in the Province of Quebec Persona l l y came and appeared Benjamin Hammond of Saratoga in the State of New York Farmer who v o l u n t a r i l y declared that f o r and i n Consideration of the Sum of Thirty pounds Quebec Currency to him i n hand paid by Mr. Paul Larcheveque d i t LaPromenade of Lachine Gentleman the receipt whereof i s hereby acknowledged, To have bargained Sold Delivered and by these presents doth bargain S e l l and deliver unto the said Paul Larcheveque a Certain Mulatto Boy aged Six Years named Dick. To have and to hold the said Mulatto Boy named Dick unto him the said Paul Larcheveque his Executors administrators and assigns Forever f r e e l y and quietly and he the said Benjamin Hammond for himself his executors and administrators the said Mulatto Boy named Dick unto the said Paul Larcheveque h i s executors & administrators against  156 him the s a i d Benjamin Hammond and against a l l and every other person or persons whatsoever s h a l l and w i l l warrant and forever defend, by these presents having put the said Paul Larcheveque i n f u l l possession by d e l i v e r i n g the same unto him and by v i r t u e of these presents Thus done and passed at Montreal i n the o f f i c e of John Gerbrand Beek on the Eleventh day of January i n the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and eighty S i x . Benjamin Hammond, J . G. Beek. B. D e l i s l e 0 2  There was some r e a c t i o n i n Quebec against slavery as an i n s t i t u t i o n .  The p o s i t i o n of the Negro i n Montreal  s o c i e t y s t i r r e d the heart of one humanitarian reader of the Montreal Gazette.  In a long poem e n t i t l e d "The Negro's  Complaint" he asks, "Has he (God) b i d you buy and s e l l us? That Negro servants and panis ran away as f r e q u e n t l y as apprentices d i d can be seen by a p e t i t i o n "from sundry persons i n Montreal" who asked that when a Negro servant or panis deserts h i s owner's s e r v i c e , i t s h a l l be l a w f u l to proceed against him or her i n the manner d i r e c t e d and provided f o r against Apprentices and Servants i n England and Great B r i t a i n A b i l l to a b o l i s h slavery was introduced i n t o the Assembly of Lower Canada i n 1793, but f a i l e d to pass. S l a v e r y , t h u s , remained t i l l 1833 when the Parliament of Great B r i t a i n abolished i t . Conclusion. In conclusion we can say that the influence of New England on apprenticeship i n Post-Conquest Quebec was quite strongly f e l t .  In p a r t i c u l a r , the clause r e q u i r i n g masters  157 to provide the apprentice with the rudiments of an  elementary-  education was an important feature of these indentures. While not a l l English-speaking apprentices i n Quebec had the benefit of such a clause, nevertheless, a number of lower class English-speaking children, whose parents could not afford to send them to fee-paying private schools did learn to read and write English.  In the early part of the  nineteenth century, monitorial schools were to provide another means of teaching the masses how  to read.^* " 1  How-  ever, t i l l that time, apprenticeship did constitute the only means whereby an elementary and trade education  was  made available i n the English language to others besides the economic e l i t e in the province.  Thus, English-speaking  apprenticeship, by providing a t o t a l vocational education in English f o r the lower-middle important  and working class, i s an  educational influence in the development of  English-speaking culture i n Post-Conquest Quebec.  CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION English-speaking culture would never have developed to the extent i t had by 1800 i f i t had not been f o r the educational influences of the English-speaking family, the Protestant church and clergy, English-speaking private schools, the newspaper, the l e g a l system, the apprentice system and the English-speaking community.  A l l of these  helped to keep the English language a l i v e i n an a l i e n atmosphere.  As we have seen the English-speaking inhabit-  ants of Quebec had come from a variety of p l a c e s — t h e Thirteen Colonies, England, Scotland, Ireland and the Continent.  Among them were a handful of representatives  from r a c i a l groups such as the Jewish, Negro and Indian. Yet by 1800 these English-speaking inhabitants, despite the difference i n the land of t h e i r o r i g i n a l and r a c i a l background, were thought of as one group, as Isaac Weld observed. The p r i n c i p a l people i n the town are either English, Scotch, I r i s h or t h e i r descendants, a l l of whom pass f o r English with the French inhabit ants. Influence of the English-Speaking  Family.  The family i s the basic unit of any society. The Conquest saw the introduction of the English-speaking family into a French-speaking  province.  We know very l i t t l e , i f  159 anything at a l l , of the English-speaking family i n PostConquest Quebec and many questions about i t remain unanswered.  Was i t nuclear or extended?  I f the l a t t e r , were  apprentices and slaves considered part of the household? How large was the family group, either nuclear or extended? What was the birthrate as compared to the French-speaking family? However, the fact remains that there were Englishspeaking families from the early years of the Conquest in Quebec and that such families used English as t h e i r language of communication.  Thus, the children of English-  speaking s e t t l e r s were brought up regarding English as t h e i r native tongue, not French.  The parents, after i n t r o -  ducing t h e i r children to the English language, looked to English-speaking schools to develop t h e i r children's further education.  Because there was an absence of such  schools an enterprising group of Montreal parents, many of whom were merchants, sought to organize t h e i r own school. The very fact that the English-speaking family did not disappear i n the Post-Conquest period, or become a b i l i n g u a l , b i c u l t u r a l family indicates a measure of strength within i t .  Undoubtedly, the L o y a l i s t s added to t h i s inherent  strength, supporting as they did English-speaking tions.  institu-  Thus, the English-speaking family was. a major  influence i n the development of English-speaking culture.  160 Influence of Protestant Church and Clergy. The English-speaking inhabitants by 1800  supported  2  a variety of Protestant  churches f o r there were Anglican,  Presbyterian, Quaker and Methodist Jewish as w e l l .  congregations, and  However, in a l l , with the exception of  the Jewish, English was the language of communication. It was the Anglican-Church, however, which became associated in the minds of most people with Protestant-English a c t i v i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the f i e l d of education.^ The S. P. G. gave the f i r s t start to Protestant education in the province by i t s support of a charity school i n the early years of the Conquest.  The Society  was also to contribute to the support of Anglican clergy who  played an active role in the development of Protestant  education i n Post-Conquest Quebec.  The calibre of the  clergymen themselves was to improve with the years, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the coming of the L o y a l i s t s though recruitment of q u a l i f i e d clergymen was to remain a problem f o r some 5 years to come. However, Quebec's two Anglican bishops in t h i s period, Bishop Inglis and Bishop Mountain, did have some educational influence i n the province because of t h e i r interest i n the promotion of Protestant education. p a r t i c u l a r , Bishop Mountain deemed i t extremely  In  necessary  f o r the future unity of the province to overcome the drawbacks which arose from the lack of a "community of Language."  161 He f e l t that d e f i n i t e steps should be taken to see that the children of the French Canadians should be taught the English language.  As a r e s u l t , the Royal I n s t i t u t i o n f o r  the Advancement of Learning came into being i n 1801. However, the schools of the RIAL became associated with Protestantism by the Roman Catholic population as J . B. Meilleur, l a t e r Superintendent  of Schools i n Lower Canada,  writing in Le Canadien ( August 29, 1838)  explained.  Les maisons d'e6oles royales, a i n s i , occupees furent bient6t converties en autant de chappelles de proselytisme fanatique ou, sous un pretexte specieux d'enseignement populaire on o f f r a i t gratuitement a l a r e l i g i o n des Canadiens 1'injure et l ' i n s u l t e . De cet etat de choses, i l r6sulta que ceux-ci, dans l a crainte de protestantisme et de l'erreur ne voulurent point r&cevoir 1'instruction que leur o f f r a i e n t l e s i n s t i t u t e u r s de semblables ecoles, et ne r e t i r e r e n t , par consequent, aucun avantage de leur existence. While i t did not turn French Canadians into Englishspeaking subjects, the RIAL did help English-speaking s e t t l e r s to set up schools, as can be seen by the various petitions from s e t t l e r s i n the Eastern Townships in the f i r s t decade of the nineteenth century.^  The RIAL may  also be credited with having founded two,  short-lived  Grammar schools, one in Montreal and one in Quebec, i n 1816,  and which Bishop Mountain had long recommended i n  his o r i g i n a l proposals on education. Another Anglican clergyman, John Strachan, must be mentioned in connection with education i n Quebec. fame as a schoolmaster  i n the Kingston area was  His  such as  162 to a t t r a c t p u p i l s from M o n t r e a l , f o r Joseph Frobisher makes a reference i n h i s Diary to s e t t i n g o f f to  Strachan's  school i n Cornwall w i t h about fourteen Quebec boys, 9 ing h i s grandson.  includ-  Strachan's a r i t h m e t i c book t i t l e d  A Concise Introduction to P r a c t i c a l A r i t h m e t i c f o r the Use of Schools was i t s e l f published i n M o n t r e a l .  1 0  Strachan influenced E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g education i n Quebec i n another way, by persuading James M c G i l l to leave a bequest i n 1813 to the RIAL, . . . upon c o n d i t i o n that the s a i d Royal I n s t i t u t i o n f o r the Advancement of Learning do and s h a l l , w i t h i n the space of ten years, to be accounted from the time of my decease, erect and e s t a b l i s h , or cause to be erected and e s t a b l i s h e d . . . an U n i v e r s i t y or College f o r the purpose of education, and the advancement of l e a r n i n g i n t h i s P r o v i n c e , w i t h a competent number o f Professors and Teachers, to render such establishment e f f e c t u a l and b e n e f i c i a l f o r the purposes i n t e n d e d . H However, i t was not t i l l 1829 that M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y came into actual being. Bishop Mountain and another clergyman, Alexander Spark, who o f f i c i a t e d i n Quebec at S t . Andrew P r e s b y t e r i a n , deserve mention f o r t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the l i t e r a r y world.  Both men have received r e c o g n i t i o n f o r the q u a l i t y  of t h e i r sermons, though Mountain's only Canadian p u b l i c a t i o n was a thanksgiving sermon published i n Quebec i n 1799.  Sparks, who came to Quebec i n 1780 from S c o t l a n d ,  has been c a l l e d "a profound scholar and an e x c e l l e n t w r i t e r . ' From 1792 to 1794,  i n a d d i t i o n to h i s c l e r i c a l d u t i e s ,  Spark supervised the Quebec Gazette,  and also edited the  163 Quebec Magazine,  a journal which made i t s appearance  monthly and which borrowed i t s material from European and American periodicals; i t s only o r i g i n a l writing was on a g r i c u l t u r a l matters. The fact that the Protestant Church became establ i s h e d i n Post-Conquest Quebec meant that now there was an alternative to Roman Catholicism i n the province.  Thus,  the r e l i g i o u s l i f e of the Anglophone' could proceed i n the English language., as could the s o c i a l l i f e with church groups.  identified  Several i n f l u e n t i a l Protestant clergy-  men of the period, Bishops I n g l i s , Mountain and Strachan were spokesmen f o r English-speaking education and gave d i r e c t i o n to the English-speaking community i n t h i s respect. The Protestant Church provided an important  cornerstone  in the building of English-speaking culture. Influence of English-speaking Private Schools. The English-speaking private schools were another educational influence i n helping to develop Englishspeaking culture, f o r regardless of the calibre of education they provided, the fact that English was used i n these schools i s important.  The quality of these schools  depended, i n no large degree, upon the schoolmasters i n charge.  The American Revolution increased the quantity of  schoolmasters  i n the province, and i n a few instances,  the quality.  The important point to make about L o y a l i s t  164  schoolmasters  i s that they must have reinforced Loyalist  attitudes i n t h e i r pupils, p a r t i c u l a r l y adherence to English i n s t i t u t i o n s and t r a d i t i o n s . However, not a l l English-speaking children went to English-speaking schools, as we have seen.  English-  speaking g i r l s of well-to-do families were sent to the Ursulines. from 1795  A l i s t of boarders at the Ursuline Convent to 1800  shows a l i t t l e l e s s than half the g i r l s  bearing English names.  In addition, a few English-  speaking boys attended French i n s t i t u t i o n s .  However, boys,  i f they intended to follow a merchant's profession, would benefit more from the private schools where a more p r a c t i c a l type of education was offered, as compared to that of the French collegesclassiques. Parents also sent t h e i r children to schools out of the province, such as Strachan's  school in Upper Canada,  and out of the country, p a r t i c u l a r l y to the United States. Because of  a lack of a university in the province, some  pupils were sent abroad f o r such an education. past, i t has been h i s t o r i c a l fashion to  In the  underestimate  English-speaking, private school education i n Post-Conquest Quebec.  Yet such schools played an important role i n  keeping the English language a l i v e i n Quebec.  165 Importance of English-Speaking  Apprenticeship.  Because the private schools were expensive,  only  the well-to-do and a handful of "free" scholars were able to attend.  However, apprenticeship d i d serve as a means  of providing the poorer children i n the community with a rudimentary  education i n the reading, sometimes writing  (in the case of boys) of the English language as part of t h e i r vocational t r a i n i n g .  It would appear that by and  large English-speaking children were apprenticed to English-speaking masters so that l i k e r e l i g i o n , l i k e the private schools, apprenticeship was a d i v i s i v e force i n society, helping to s p l i t the inhabitants of Quebec into two language groups. Influence of the Newspapers. The newspapers of the period were an educational influence by helping to promote English as a source of communication.  The English-speaking inhabitants of Quebec  saw English i n the printed form, an undoubted stimulus to the language because of the lack of other printed material i n English.  Readers, also, did have the oppor-  tunity to submit l e t t e r s , poems and essays to the papers and while e f f o r t of t h i s nature was not s i g n i f i c a n t from the l i t e r a r y point of view, i t was s i g n i f i c a n t as an outlet f o r the expression of the written English language.  166  The  Quebec G a z e t t e and M o n t r e a l G a z e t t e d i d p u b l i s h alman-  a c s , w h i c h , l i k e the newspaper, were an i n s t r u m e n t o f i n f o r m a l education. '' 1  The  Quebec and M o n t r e a l l i b r a r i e s  were e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h i s p e r i o d , and w h i l e not f l o u r i s h i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s , c o u l d be s a i d t o have had an  educational  i n f l u e n c e i n as much as l i b r a r i e s are r e p o s i t o r i e s of knowledge, and  a l s o make known t o t h e i r r e a d e r s  l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n of the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g Importance of the L e g a l  the  peoples.  System.  C o n s t i t u t i o n a l enactments o f the p e r i o d  established  a b i c u l t u r a l l e g a l system which h e l p e d t o promote the o f the E n g l i s h language i n Quebec and, French language.  C a r l e t o n , had  F r e n c h and  English-speaking  The  o f c o u r s e , the  Government o f f i c i a l s , i n p a r t i c u l a r  Murray and  gether.  use  r e a l i z e d a t an e a r l y date t h a t c u l t u r e s would not f u s e t o -  Quebec A c t , by g i v i n g l e g a l s a n c t i o n  to  c e r t a i n c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s o f the F r e n c h , aroused i r e of English-speaking  inhabitants.  The  the  l e g a l compromise  e s t a b l i s h e d by the Quebec Act o f the use o f E n g l i s h c r i m i n a l law and F r e n c h c i v i l law t h u s meant the c o n t i n u e d use two  languages i n the l e g a l system.  Act was was  The  of  Constitutional  an attempt t o s o l v e the problem of whether Quebec  t o be E n g l i s h o r French by s e v e r i n g the L o y a l i s t -  s e t t l e d p a r t from the p r o v i n c e However, the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g  and  c r e a t i n g a new  province.  i n h a b i t a n t s l e f t i n the major  167 centres of M o n t r e a l , Quebec and Three Rivers were not pleased w i t h t h i s move, as i t weakened t h e i r p o s i t i o n s t i l l more as a m i n o r i t y group. The p o s i t i o n of the E n g l i s h language as the o f f i c i a l language of the l e g i s l a t u r e was challenged by the French s h o r t l y a f t e r the new l e g i s l a t u r e opened i n 1792.  The  measure f i n a l l y adopted by the Assembly a f t e r much debate stated that a l l b i l l s should be put into both languages by the c l e r k before being read, though members d i d have the r i g h t to bring i n b i l l s i n t h e i r own language.  In  the case of b i l l s touching on c r i m i n a l law, the E n g l i s h t e x t should be considered l e g a l xvhile the French t e x t was l e g a l i n the case of b i l l s d e a l i n g w i t h c i v i l law. b i l i n g u a l i s m became an accepted procedure i n 1792, f u l l l e g a l status was not a t t a i n e d t i l l  Thus, though  1867.  It i s beyond the scope of t h i s study to show a l l the r a m i f i c a t i o n s of a b i l i n g u a l , b i c u l t u r a l l e g a l system. The point to be made here i s that the l e g a l system gave the Anglophones another opportunity to use E n g l i s h i n the d a i l y course of t h e i r l i v e s . . The English-Speaking Community. During the Post-Conquest p e r i o d , English-speaking immigrants began to s e t t l e i n c e r t a i n areas of the p r o v i n c e , i n p a r t i c u l a r , the towns.  Evidence i n d i c a t e s that such  s e t t l e r s l i v e d i n c e r t a i n sections of these towns, as f o r  168 example i n Montreal  where the harbour area was f a v o r e d  by the merchants because of t r a d e .  Unfortunately,  f i g u r e s are not a v a i l a b l e f o r Montreal  census  t o i n d i c a t e what  s t r e e t s i n p a r t i c u l a r were f a v o r e d by E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g residents. and  However, such f i g u r e s a r e a v a i l a b l e f o r Quebec  i t s suburbs i n the 1790's, as a r e s u l t o f an enumer-  a t i o n by t h e Roman C a t h o l i c Church o f the Quebec p a r i s h t o a s c e r t a i n the number of t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s .  (See Table II.)  As we can see, t h e P r o t e s t a n t s concentrated i n the Upper and Lower Towns, with a g r e a t e r shown f o r the former.  mainly  preference  A handful of Protestants l i v e d i n  the o u t l y i n g areas of S t . Roch, S t . Jean, Anse des Meres and  Banlieu.  Tables I I I and IV are breakdowns of the a c t u a l  s t r e e t s i n the Upper and Lower Towns i n t o the number o f 18 P r o t e s t a n t s and Roman C a t h o l i c s l i v i n g on them i n 1795. Of the t h i r t y - o n e s t r e e t s i n Upper Town t h e r e were two on which no P r o t e s t a n t s l i v e d , and f i v e on which o n l y one  P r o t e s t a n t was i n d i c a t e d .  Approximately  i n d i c a t e d 699 P r o t e s t a n t s l i v e d on f i v e  h a l f o f the  streets—Des  Cazernes, De Buade, Des J a r d i n s , S t . L o u i s and S t . S t a n i s l a s , with P r o t e s t a n t s forming the m a j o r i t y on a l l of these  s t r e e t s with the exception o f S t . S t a n i s l a u s where  t h e r e was an equal number of P r o t e s t a n t s and C a t h o l i c s . In Lower Town, P r o t e s t a n t s l i v e d on every one of the f o u r teen s t r e e t s , though on no s t r e e t were they i n the m a j o r i t y . A little  l e s s than h a l f the P r o t e s t a n t s l i v e d on the  169 TABLE I I RECAPITULATION GENERALE DU DENOMBREMENT DE LA FAROISSE DE QUEBEC. COMMENCE LE 5 JUIN 1795 ET^ FINI LE 20 NOVEMBRE, MEME ANNEE  Noms et nurne'ros des rues  Nombre Nombre des des p a r o i s - commusiens nians  Nombre des protestans  Haute-Ville  2114  1426  699  Basse-Ville  2011  1383  501  Fauxbourg S t . Roch  789  491  40  Fauxbourg S t . Jean  981  568  27  Anse des Meres  122  Banlieue  348  Somme t o t a l e de 1795  6365  71 224  4163  15 77 1359  170  TABLE I I I RECAPITULATION DE LA HAUTE-VILLE  Noms et numeros des rues  Nombre Nombre des des parois- commusiens nians  Ste. Famille St. Georges Laval Du Rempart St. Joseph  126 7$  St. Frangois • St. Flavien Nouvelle St. Joachim Couillard  120 76 34  Nombre des protestans  90 55 40 31  24 8 1  1  87  70 47 24 20 56  90  69  54  41  91  39  59  19 23  1  2$  De l a Fabrique Des pauvres St. Stanislas Des Anges Ste. Ursule  134  Ste. Helene Des Cazernes D Auteuil Ruettes des Ursulines St-Jean  13 12 22 31 217  7 11 15 143  16 5 3 100  De Buade Des Jardins Ste. Anne St-Louis Des Carrieres  71 32 146 105  54 20 107 83  65 26 61  St. Denis Ste. Genevieve Sans nom Des Grisons Du Mont Carmel Maisons detachees des rues  57 111 15 22  32 66  1 14  75  9  8 7 60  1 4 12  2114  1426  699  f  Somme totale de 1795  63 50  69  24  45 34 47  93 6  18  9  40 36 34 33 26  96 13  171 TABLE IV RECAPITULATION DE LA BASSE-VILLE  Noms et numero s des rues  Nombre Nombre des des p a r o i s - commusiens nians  Nombre des protestans  De l a Montagne De Buade Sous l e f o r t Champlain Du C u l de sac  143 7 132 356 56  98 6 97 240 3$  65 2 36 91 9  Du Cap au Diamant Notre-Dame P l a c e du Marche Du S a u l t au Matelot St. Pierre  87 77 40 540 132  57 60 30 348 111  19 58 15 33 106  De l a C a n o t e r i e St. Charles St. Nicolas De l ' a n c i e n C h a n t i e r  142 191 77 31  95 131 52 20  8 25 23 11  Somme t o t a l e de 1795  2011  13$3  501  172  streets of De La Montagne, Notre Dame, St. Pierre, and Champlain. Who streets?  were the English-speaking residents of these The following are some of the occupations of the  residents of De Buade i n 1795:- 9 caterer, watchmaker, L  merchant, lawyer, shoemaker, tobacconist, judge, surgeon and butcher.  On St. Louis l i v e d the Attorney-General,  Jonathan Sewell, a canteen-keeper, the  surgeon-general,  a carpenter, Judge James Monk, Counsellor James Dunn, and the widow of William Smith. two  Indications are from these  streets that s t r i c t s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n with regard  to residence had not occurred, though St. Louis was favored by the e l i t e .  The common denominator of these residents,  however, was not t h e i r s o c i a l background but t h e i r l i n g u istic  background—English. Thus, the formation of English-speaking communities  was taking place during the Post-Conquest period, that i s to say, the r e s i d e n t i a l sharing of a certain location with like-minded individuals, those who speaking culture. community leaders.  adhered to English-  There were also what one might term During his stay i n the town of Quebec  from 1791 to 1794 the Duke of Kent could be regarded as a figurehead of the Quebec English-speaking community. Jonathan Sewell, l a t e r Chief Justice of Quebec, who  played  the v i o l i n in the Duke's amateur band was to be singled out as the leader of the English-speaking minority by  173 French Canadians d u r i n g the t r o u b l e d times of the e a r l y nineteenth  century.  U n t i l the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l A c t , as we have seen, the English-speaking u n i t e d group.  i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h e province were not a  However, a f t e r the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l changes  o f 1791, t h i s group r e c e i v e d the m a j o r i t y o f appointments t o the E x e c u t i v e and L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l s while speaking  French-  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s were i n the m a j o r i t y i n t h e  Assembly.  The i n c r e a s i n g p o l i t i c a l importance of the  Assembly l e d to the c l o s i n g up o f p a r t y d i v i s i o n s amongst the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  The E n g l i s h -  speaking r e s i d e n t s of Quebec were f u r t h e r u n i t e d by shari n g a common a t t i t u d e towards t h e American and then Revolutions.  French  Many of them had s u f f e r e d p e r s o n a l l o s s e s  d u r i n g the American R e v o l u t i o n which had uprooted from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e  them  i n the T h i r t e e n C o l o n i e s .  A f t e r the outbreak o f the French R e v o l u t i o n , and the f e a r o f a s i m i l a r upheaval spreading t o the former  French  colony, the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g m i n o r i t y were apprehensive "democratic  clamour."  through another -i  ,  of  They d i d not want t o have t o go  r e v o l u t i o n i n t h e i r newly-adopted home-  21  land.  An i n d i c a t i o n of the f e a r o f the spread of the French R e v o l u t i o n t o Quebec was the formation of the L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n of Montreal  i n J u l y of 1794.  was t h e Chairman, with a number o f both  James M c G i l l English-speaking  174  individuals,  i n c l u d i n g Jonathan  members on t h e committee.  S e w e l l , and French-speaking  The group d e c l a r e d  That we h o l d i n t h e utmost abhorrence t h e s e d i t i o u s attempts l a t e l y made by wicked and d e s i g n i n g men, i n c i r c u l a t i n g f a l s e and inflammatory w r i t i n g s , i n e x c i t i n g by f a l s e news, the dread o f our f e l l o w s u b j e c t s a g a i n s t the powers of our Government and t h e laws. That we w i l l j o i n t l y and i n d i v i d u a l l y use our utmost endeavours t o m a i n t a i n our present c o n s t i t u t i o n ; to g i v e t h e e x e c u t i v e government a v i g o r o u s and e f f e c t u a l support; t o counteract the e f f o r t s o f s e d i t i o u s men; to d e t e c t and b r i n g them t o l e g a l and exemplary punishment; to suppress t h e beginnings o f a l l tumults and every e x e r t i o n t h a t may be made, on whatever p r e t e n c e , to d i s t u r b t h e p u b l i c t r a n q u i l i t y . And we do d e c l a r e o u r d e t e r m i n a t i o n s t e a d f a s t l y t o take a l l such steps f o r those l o y a l purposes, as a r e o r may be w i t h i n our power, f o r the maintainence o f the laws and the support o f the Government under which we happily l i v e . 2 2 The E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g community i n Quebec and i n Montreal became u n i t e d i n time by language, education, customs, economics and p o l i t i c s . almost  say. t h a t a community s p i r i t  E n g l i s h language.  religion, One c o u l d  arose f e d upon the  Thus the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g community  i n the urban areas o f Quebec p l a y e d an extremely role  important  i n the n u r t u r i n g o f E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g c u l t u r e .  Conclusion. It  i s not the purpose  o f t h i s study t o d e s c r i b e  E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g c u l t u r e i n d e t a i l , though c e r t a i n f e a t u r e s o f i t have become obvious.  E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g c u l t u r e had  as i t s b a s i s t h e E n g l i s h language.  I t was supported t o a  175 great extent by an e l i t e c l a s s of merchants, P r o t e s t a n t i n r e l i g i o u s background, who  evolved a way  themselves i n Quebec t h a t was speaking  culture.  Educational  of l i f e f o r  d i s t i n c t i v e from  French-  i n f l u e n c e s of both an  i n s t i t u t i o n a l and n o n - i n s t i t u t i o n a l nature  helped to l a y  the b a s i s of t h i s c u l t u r e by promoting the use of E n g l i s h i n the p r o v i n c e .  The  English-speaking  f a m i l y , the  Prot-  estant church and  i t s c l e r g y , the newspapers, p r i v a t e  s c h o o l s , the a p p r e n t i c e s h i p system, the l e g a l system  and  the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g  the  community encouraged the use of  E n g l i s h language, to the extent t h a t c u l t u r e has present  English-speaking  s u r v i v e d i n Quebec to t h i s day though i t s  p o s i t i o n i s somewhat p r e c a r i o u s . In the p e r i o d from 1760  to 1800,  English-speaking  immigrants e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r r o o t s i n Quebec, and f o r t h e i r English-speaking  descendants, Quebec i s t h e i r homeland  as i t i s f o r French-speaking i n h a b i t a n t s .  Can  be a bond among people where c u l t u r e i s not? cannot be answered  now.  geography This  question  FOOTNOTES INTRODUCTION P r e l i m i n a r y Report o f the Royal Commission on B.ilingualism and B i c u l t u r a l i s m (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1966), p. 83. :  o  The Report of the Royal Commission on B i l i n g u a l i s m and B i c u l t u r a l i s m (2 v o l s . : Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1967). I, General I n t r o d u c t i o n . -'Dr. C h a r l e s E l wood, i n the D i c t i o n a r y o f S o c i o l o g y (H. P. F a i r c h i l d , e d i t o r ; L i t t l e f i e l d Adams, 1964) has given the f o l l o w i n g s o c i o l o g i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n : C u l t u r e i s a c o l l e c t i v e name f o r a l l b e h a v i o r p a t t e r n s s o c i a l l y a c q u i r e d and s o c i a l l y t r a n s m i t t e d by means o f symbols; hence a name f o r a l l the d i s t i n c t i v e achievements of human groups, i n c l u d i n g not o n l y such items as language, tool-making, i n d u s t r y , a r t , s c i e n c e , law, government, morals and r e l i g i o n , but a l s o t h e m a t e r i a l instruments o r a r t i f a c t s i n which c u l t u r a l achievements are embodied and by which i n t e l l e c t u a l c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s are g i v e n p r a c t i c a l e f f e c t s , such as b u i l d i n g s , t o o l s , machines, communication d e v i c e s , a r t o b j e c t s , e t c . The s c i e n t i f i c meaning o f t h e term i s , t h e r e f o r e , q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from i t s p o p u l a r connotation. I t i n c l u d e s a l l t h a t i s l e a r n e d through i n t e r communication. I t covers a l l language, t r a d i t i o n s , customs and i n s t i t u t i o n s . As no human groups have ever been known t h a t d i d not have language, t r a d i t i o n s , customs, and i n s t i t u t i o n s , c u l t u r e i s the u n i v e r s a l , d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f human s o c i e t i e s . ^The Report o f t h e Royal Commission on B i l i n g u a l i s m and B i c u l t u r a l i s m , I , General I n t r o d u c t i o n . Society p. 14.  ^Bernard B a i l y n , E d u c a t i o n i n the Forming o f American (New York: V i n t a g e Books, C a r a v e l l e E d i t i o n , I960),  Dorothy M a r s h a l l , E n g l i s h People i n t h e E i g h t e e n t h Century (London: Longman, Greens, 1956), p. 105 d i s c u s s e s the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e of e i g h t e e n t h century England. 7 'The geographic area t h a t t h i s study l i m i t s i t s e l f to i s the a r e a o f present day Quebec, though t e c h n i c a l l y speaking Post-Conquest Quebec ( a f t e r the Quebec A c t ) comp r i s e d the area of present day Quebec and O n t a r i o . The Post-Conquest p e r i o d t r a d i t i o n a l l y extends from 1760 t o 1791, the date t h a t the o l d p r o v i n c e of Quebec became  177 Lower Canada, though here i t has been extended to 1800 f o r the whole p e r i o d bears the same c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . CHAPTER I -"-Governor Murray's J o u r n a l of the Siege of Quebec, September 18, 1759 to May 25, 1760 (Toronto: Rous and  Mann L t d . , 1939), p. 7.  ^Robert Campbell, A H i s t o r y o f the Scotch P r e s b y t e r ian Church, S t . G a b r i e l S t r e e t , Montreal (Montreal: W. Drysdale and Company, 1887), p. 23.' ^Marius Barbeau, The Kingdom of the Saguenay (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada L t d . , 1936), pp. 34-50. Both Nairne and F r a s e r (whose J o u r n a l on the Conquest of Canada i s well-known) p e t i t i o n e d Murray to grant them l a n d which had f a l l e n i n t o the hands of the Crown around La Malbaie. The question as to what s i d e o f the shore each was to r e c e i v e was s e t t l e d when the two tossed a c o i n . Nairne obtained the l a n d around Murray Bay, F r a s e r , the l a n d around R i v i e r e du Loup. One of F r a s e r ' s g r a n d c h i l d r e n was John McLoughlin, C h i e f F a c t o r at V i c t o r i a . ^A. L. Burt, The Old Province of Quebec, The C a r l e t o n L i b r a r y No. 37 (2 v o l s . ; Toronto: McLelland Stewart L t d . , 1968), I, p. 92. 5  and  I b i d . , p. 9 2 .  "Adam S h o r t t and Arthur G. Doughty, Documents R e l a t i n g to the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l H i s t o r y of Canada 17591791 (2 .vols.; Ottawa, 1918), I I , P e t i t i o n t o the Commons, Nov. 12, 1774, p. 593. PAC, Co. 4 2 , 2, Quebec B, Murray to H a l i f a x , March 3, 1765. a°Aaron Hart was commissary o f f i c e r to the t r o o p s of S t . J e f f r e y Amherst; s e t t l i n g w i t h him at Three R i v e r s was Samuel Judah. It has been s a i d of Hart t h a t he was supposed to have been the w e a l t h i e s t man i n the B r i t i s h Empire o u t s i d e of the B r i t i s h I s l e s . (See B. G. Sack, H i s t o r y of the Jews i n Canada (Montreal: Harvest House, 1965), p. 45. These f i r s t Jews from the T h i r t e e n C o l o n i e s were mainly of Spanish and Portuguese o r i g i n . Marriages between the Jews and G e n t i l e s i n these e a r l y years were common occurrences i n M o n t r e a l . The f i r s t Jewish cong r e g a t i o n was founded i n Montreal In 1768; the f i r s t 7  178 synagogue was e r e c t e d i n 1777. The Jewish p o p u l a t i o n of Montreal, while s m a l l , was an important p a r t of the E n g l i s h speaking community because of the f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n they o c c u p i e d . David David was one of the founders of the Bank o f Montreal, and became d i r e c t o r i n 1818. ( I b i d . , pp.  44-72.) p.  10$.  "^Marshall, E n g l i s h People  1 0  S h o r t t and  i n the E i g h t e e n t h  Century,  Doughty, op. c i t .  - P a u l Monroe, A Textbook i n the H i s t o r y of E d u c a t i o n l o r k : Macmillan Co., 1 9 2 2 ) , p. 436. 1]  (New  1 2  Ibid.  3 w . S. Wallace, ed., The Macmillan Canadian Biography, 3rd edition, 1963. 1  D i c t i o n a r y of  H . C. Barnard, A Short H i s t o r y of E n g l i s h E d u c a t i o n From 1760 to 1944 ( U n i v e r s i t y of London Press L t d . , 1947) p. 2. Unless otherwise s t a t e d , the f o l l o w i n g account of English education on pp. 9-13 i s drawn from t h i s book pp. 2-31. H  P A C , MG17, I n t r o d u c t i o n to the J o u r n a l of the S.P.G., (unpublished manuscript), pp. 1 - 2 . 15  l 6  Ibid.  1 7 T r i n i t y C o l l e g e A r c h i v e s , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, Report Box 1774-1779, " I n s t r u c t i o n s f o r the C l e r g y Employed by the S.P.G. upon t h e i r Admission by the S o c i e t y , " p. 10. - ^ T r i n i t y C o l l e g e A r c h i v e s , S.P.G. Report Box-1757-58, "A Sermon Preached before the Incorporated S o c i e t y f o r the S.P.G. i n F o r e i g n P a r t s ; At T h e i r A n n i v e r s a r y Meeting, Feb. 24, 1758 by the Right Reverend James, Lord Bishop of G l o u c e s t e r " (London: Owen & H a r r i s o n , 1758). M . G. Jones, The C h a r i t y School Movement (Cambridge P r e s s , 1 9 3 8 ) , p. 3 . Miss Jones has w r i t t e n the d e f i n i t i v e book on t h i s movement. She d e s c r i b e s the e i g h t e e n t h century as "the age o f benevolence" with the c h a r i t y school the f a v o r i t e form of benevolence. 1 9  B a i l y n , Education i n the Forming o f American S o c i e t y , p. 6 3 . 2 0  179  N o r a h S t o r y , ed., The Oxford Companion to Canadian H i s t o r y and L i t e r a t u r e (Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967), P. 3 5 5 . Apparently the f i r s t e d i t i o n o f the book appeari n g i n 1809 had been c o r r e c t e d by someone i n order to improve the E n g l i s h . x  ed. p.  22As c i t e d i n Mason Wade, The French Canadians, r e v . (2 v o l s . ; Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1968), I, 57.  23James M c G i l l , as w e l l as s e v e r a l other A n g l i c a n merchants c o n t r i b u t e d t o the b u i l d i n g fund o f S t . G a b r i e l Church. Campbell, A H i s t o r y of the Scotch P r e s b y t e r i a n Church, p. 106.  2^A. R. M. Lower, Canadians In the Making Longmans, Green & Co., 1958), p. 96. 1963  25A. C. T. White, The S t o r y of Army E d u c a t i o n (G. G. Harrop. & Co. L t d . , 1963), p. 18. 2 6  1791  (Toronto:  B u r t , The Old P r o v i n c e of Quebec, I, p.  90.  27Hilda Neatby, Quebec, The R e v o l u t i o n a r y Age (Toronto: McLelland and Stewart, 1966), p. 4 5 . %bid.,  p.  77.  29ibid.,  p.  76.  30lbid.,  p.  76.  2  3 1 l b i d . , p.  1643-  1760-  76.  Brooke, The H i s t o r y of Emily Montague, g e n e r a l e d i t o r , Malcom Ross (Toronto: McLelland & Stewart, 1961), p. 61. 3 2 p  r  a  n  c  e  s  3 3 p A C , Murray L e t t e r Book 3 , pp. 241-43, as c i t e d i n the Report of the A r c h i v e s of Quebec (RAQ) 1948-49, "Church and S t a t e Papers," p. 309.  hn Netten, The A n g l i c a n Church: I t s I n f l u e n c e on the Development of E d u c a t i o n i n the P r o v i n c e of Quebec from 1760 to 1900, unpublished Master's t h e s i s , Bishop's U n i v e r s i t y , 1965, I n t r o d u c t i o n . • ^ C l a s s i f i e d Digest o f the S.P.G., p. Sept. 14,  ario Archives, 1763.  C042/I,  136.  Murray t o Egremont,  180 3?Quebec Gazette,  Sept. 13, 1761.  %>AC, Q, V o l . 49, p. 343. Montmollin and V e y s s i e r e were Swiss w h i l e D e L i s l e was from southern France. 3  3 % o r a number of y e a r s , the P r o t e s t a n t congregations d i d not have t h e i r own churches, but used Roman C a t h o l i c premises. No doubt t h i s was due t o the small number o f P r o t e s t a n t s i n the p r o v i n c e who, u n t i l t h e i r numbers were g r e a t e r , could not support the c o n s t r u c t i o n c o s t s of new churches, i n Quebec, A n g l i c a n s e r v i c e s were h e l d i n t h e R e c o l l e t Church from 1764-1796, and the J e s u i t Church 1796-1804. The C a t h e d r a l o f Holy T r i n i t y was begun i n 1799-1800, and consecrated i n 1804. Anglican services i n Montreal were h e l d i n the Chapel o f the U r s u l i n e s 1763, Chapel of t h e H o t e l Dieu 1767, Chapel o f the R e c o l l e t s 1782, The J e s u i t Church was given t o the Church o f England i n 17^9 by the Crown and re-named C h r i s t Church. In Three R i v e r s A n g l i c a n s e r v i c e s were h e l d i n a former R e c o l l e t Church. RAQ 1946-47, " H i s t o r i c a l Records o f the Church o f England i n t h e Diocese o f Quebec," pp. 204-6. 4°RAQ 1948-49,  "Church and S t a t e Papers," p. 299.  W-Campbell, A H i s t o r y o f the P r e s b y t e r i a n Church, p. 22. No i n f o r m a t i o n was found about Rev. Henry's background. However, Rev. John Bethune who was t o become t h e f i r s t m i n i s t e r of the S t . G a b r i e l Church (1786-37) had been educated a t King's C o l l e g e , Aberdeen. . 4 2 . D. C l a r k , The S o c i a l Development o f Canada ( U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1942), p. 3, s t a t e s t h a t the l a c k o f s u f f i c i e n t clergymen, as w e l l as s c h o o l t e a c h e r s and medical p r a c t i t i o n e r s was a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e of the Canadian f r o n t i e r communities. Thus, the E n g l i s h speaking community i n Montreal, as w e l l as Quebec, c o u l d be thought o f as going through the stages o f xvhat could be termed "Pioneer" development i n a f o r e i g n l a n d . I t should a l s o be p o i n t e d out t h a t De L i s l e conducted the A n g l i c a n s e r v i c e s i n French, because h i s E n g l i s h was inadequate. This was g i v e n as one of the reasons .for the P r e s b y t e r i a n s e v e n t u a l l y s t a r t i n g up t h e i r own church. (PAC, Q, v o l . 49, p. 343). S  43Murray, op. c i t . , p. 29. Also A. C. T. White i n The S t o r y o f Army Education 1643-1963, p. 22, w r i t e s t h a t "on overseas s e r v i c e s i x women s e l e c t e d by l o t , accompanied the regiment as camp-followers."  181 N e o n a t e de V a u d r e u i l , t h e g o v e r n o r o f New F r a n c e a n d commander o f t h e F r e n c h t r o o p s s i g n e d t h e A r t i c l e s o f C a p i t u l a t i o n w i t h t h e B r i t i s h commander i n N o r t h A m e r i c a , G e n e r a l J e f f r e y A m h e r s t o n S e p t . 8, 1760. S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , Amherst e s t a b l i s h e d B r i t i s h r u l e by p r o c l a m a t i o n , then himself l e f t t h e province. He l e f t m i l i t a r y a d m i n i s t r a t o r s i n charge o f each o f t h e t h r e e m i l i t a r y d i s t r i c t s , M u r r a y i n Quebec, Thomas"Gage i n M o n t r e a l a n d R a l p h B u r t o n i n Three R i v e r s . I n 1763 Gage s u c c e e d e d A m h e r s t i n New Y o r k a s C o m m a n d e r - i n - C h i e f , B u r t o n t o o k o v e r Mont r e a l a n d H a l d i m a n d was i n c h a r g e o f T h r e e R i v e r s . Though t h e P e a c e o f P a r i s , c e d i n g Canada t o B r i t a i n was s i g n e d i n F e b r u a r y 1763, c i v i l g o v e r n m e n t was n o t i n a u g u r a t e d u n t i l A u g u s t 1 0 , 1 7 6 4 . S e e H i l d a N e a t b y , Quebec, The R e v o l u t i o n a r y A g e , 1760-1791, p p . 6-30. in  ^ C l a s s i f i e d D i g e s t o f t h e R e c o r d s o f t h e S.P.G. F o r e i g n P a r t s , 1701-1900, P. 136T  46c. E. P a s c o e , Two H u n d r e d Y e a r s o f t h e S.P.G., 1701-1900,(2 v o l s . ; L o n d o n , 1901), I , p . 138. 47N a c t u a l number o f t h e t o t a l number o f P r o t e s t a n t c h i l d r e n i n t h e c o l o n y c a n be f o u n d , i f i n d e e d t h e number exists. 0  4%". H e n r y J o h n s o n , A B r i e f H i s t o r y o f C a n a d i a n E d u c a t i o n ( T o r o n t o : McGraw H i l l o f Canada L t d . , 1968), pp. 8-10. 4 9  Ibid.,  p . 9.  M. D. G., L e s U r s u l i n e s de Quebec C. D a r v e a u , 1866), p . 205.  (Quebec:  In 1763 t h e S i s t e r s o f t h e C o n g r e g a t i o n r e - o p e n e d the s m a l l c o u n t r y s c h o o l s such a s a t P o i n t e - a u x - T r e m b l e s a n d L a c h i n e . However, i t was n o t u n t i l 1769 t h a t t h e i r s c h o o l i n L o w e r Town, Quebec, was r e - o p e n e d a f t e r an i n t e r ruption of t e nyears. K. D. H u n t e , The D e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e S y s t e m o f E d u c a t i o n i n Canada E a s t 1841-1867, unpubl i s h e d M a s t e r ' s t h e s i s , M c G i l l , 1962, p . 1 1 . 5 1  C O  k.  L . P. A u d e t , L e S y s t e m e S c o l a i r e de l a P r o v i n c e de Quebec (6 v o l s . ; Q u e b e c , L a v a l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1951), I I , p. 1 2 1 . J  ^A. M. D. G., G l i m p s e s o f t h e M o n a s t e r y : A B r i e f S k e t c h o f t h e H i s t o r y o f t h e U r s u l i n e s o f Quebec f r o m 1739 t o 1839 (Quebec: C. D a r v e a u , 1875), p . 124. 5  182 54-Frances Brooke, op. c i t . , p . 25. 5 5  Ibid.  5°PAC, S. P. G. J o u r n a l , MG 18, C S e r i e s , Box 1, Quebec, Sept. 1, 1761. The Reverend f e l t that the tender age of the students (the eldest was eleven) was the best s e c u r i t y against the teachings of the nuns. U r s u l i n e s , p . 205-6. The A n n a l i s t of the U r s u l i n e s makes the comment that i n s p i t e of the prejudices of the p e r i o d , Rev. Brooke had the courage to send h i s daughters to the U r s u l i n e boarding s c h o o l . ( I b i d . , p . 211). ?  59pAC, S. P. G. J o u r n a l , op. c i t . Ibid.  6 0  01  Quebec Gazette, Sept. 13,  1764.  °^Shortt & Doughty, C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Documents 17591791, I , p . 181. ° I b i d . , p . 191-2. 3  ^ A l b e r t L evesque, La D u a l i t e C u l t u r e l l e au Canada (Montreal: Levesque, 1959), p . 29, w r i t e s of t h i s p e r i o d : "Les 70,000 colons f r a n c a i s du Canada formaient l e germe d'une ' n a t i o n ' c ' e s t a d i r e une societe c u l t u r e l l e et p o l i t i q u e sous l e signe d'une Langue commune." °5AS  quoted i n Wade, The French Canadians, I , p . 55.  66shortt and Doughty, Documents R e l a t i n g to the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l H i s t o r y of Canada, 1759-1791, I , Presentments of the Grand Jury of Quebec, Oct. 16, 1764, p . 213. °7lbid.. Sept. 13, 1764. No such school f o r the poor was e s t a b l i s h e d f o r the 1760-1800 p e r i o d . Instead s e v e r a l poor students were admitted " f r e e " i n various private schools. 6^Some parents may have been short of money at t h i s t i m e . Many merchants had suffered f i n a n c i a l losses during Pontiac's rebellion. 69pAC, RG1, E l , Part I I , Minutes of the C o u n c i l , Memorial of P a t r i c k McClement, A p r i l 9, 1766, p . 143.  133 70Quebec Gazette, Sept. 22, 1766. P a t r i c k Mc Clement appeared to know o n l y E n g l i s h while De Coine knew I t a l i a n , French, Spanish and Low Dutch. 7 1  I b i d . , Nov.  13,  1766.  72pAC, R G 4 , B 3 0 , V o l . 2, No. 1. Quebec, J u l y 4 , 1768. " E n g l i s h i n h a b i t a n t s of Quebec p r a y i n g t h a t John F r a s e r be appointed schoolmaster of Quebec C i t y . " 73sept. 1,  1768.  74 rhis c u r r i c u l u m was t y p i c a l of others which s c h o o l masters a d v e r t i s e d . The blend of the c l a s s i c a l and p r a c t i c a l , w i t h the s t r e s s on mathematics would f i t i n t o the needs o f a m e r c a n t i l e community. By 1769,'both James Jackson a n d John F r a s e r were both r e c e i v i n g government salaries. PAC, RG1, E l , C, P a r t I, Accounts Jan. 25, 176$ t o Feb. 15,- 1770. r  75pAC, RG4, B30, V o l . 2, No. 2, "School Committee o f Montreal p r a y i n g f o r a i d t o an E n g l i s h school taught by John Pullman," Jan. 6 , 1774. 7 6  Ibid.  77 i b i d . 7 lbid. g  79Quebec Gazette, Dec. 6,  1764.  M a r i e Tremaine, Canadian Imprints 1751-1800 U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto P r e s s , 1952), I n t r o d u c t i o n . 8 0  ^ W i l l i a m Brown was a Scot from P h i l a d e l p h i a who had been induced by a Quebec merchant, W i l l i a m L a i n g , whom he had met i n S c o t l a n d , to come t o Quebec and s t a r t a j o u r n a l t h e r e . J . M. LeMoine, P i c t u r e s q u e Quebec (Montreal: Dawson B r o t h e r s 1882), p. 28. ^ Q u e b e c Gazette, June 21, £3lbid., October 31, 8  1791,  1764.  1776.  4 s h o r t t and Doughty, C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Documents I, p. 205.  ° Neatby, Quebec: The Revolutionary'Age, p. 5  49.  1759-  184 8 o  p.  229.  Shortt  and D o u g h t y , C o n s t i t u t i o n a l D o c u m e n t s , I,  °?Reginald C o u p l a n d , The Quebec A c t ( O x f o r d : P r e s s , 1925), p. 51.  Clarendon  °°As q u o t e d i n a b o v e . ^ H i l d a N e a t b y i n Quebec: The R e v o l u t i o n a r y Age, p. 54, p o i n t s o u t t h a t M u r r a y ' s o r d i n a n c e o f S e p t e m b e r 17, 1764 "by s p e c i f i c a l l y i n t r o d u c i n g E n g l i s h l a w , a n d , by i m p l i c a t i o n , a l l o w i n g t h e p a r a l l e l a p p l i c a t i o n o f Canadian l a w , t h u s s a n c t i o n e d t h e two l e g a l s y s t e m s i n one community." 8  9°Hilda N e a t b y i n The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f J u s t i c e U n d e r t h e Quebec A c t ( M i n n e a p o l i s : The U n i v e r s i t y o f M i n n e s o t a P r e s s , 1937) h a s e x a m i n e d t h i s l e g a l s i t u a t i o n a d m i r a b l y a n d s h o u l d be c o n s u l t e d f o r f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n . 9 1 l n " R e p o r t Upon t h e Laws a n d C o u r t s o f J u d i c a t u r e i n t h e P r o v i n c e o f Quebec," made by Guy C a r l e t o n a n d W i l l i a m Hey (Quebec, S e p t e m b e r 1 5 , 1769) t h e a u t h o r s made t h e s t a t e m e n t t h a t i t was t h e i r b e l i e f t h a t B r i t i s h l a w s w o u l d n o t have a n y e f f e c t i n t h e c o u n t r y " t i l l E n g l i s h S c h o o l s a r e a p p o i n t e d , t h e E n g l i s h Language t a u g h t and C i r c u l a t e d t h r o u g h t h e P r o v i n c e , a n d t h e r i s i n g Generations o f Canadians i n v i t e d t o a s s i m i l a t e themselves t o E n g l i s h Manners and Customs." i o n s h o u l d be made a t t h i s p o i n t o f t h e appearance i n t h i s p e r i o d o f t h e b i l i n g u a l f a m i l y , t h e r e s u l t o f i n t e r - m a r r i a g e between t h e F r e n c h and E n g l i s h . F r o m 1766 t o 1775 t h e marriage r e g i s t e r o f C h r i s t Church C a t h e d r a l , M o n t r e a l showed l i o m a r r i a g e s o f w h i c h f o r t y e i g h t o r a l i t t l e l e s s t h a n h a l f were m a r r i a g e s i n w h i c h e i t h e r one o r t h e o t h e r p a r t n e r h a d a F r e n c h name. B u l l e t i n des Recherches H i s t o r i q u e s "Les Marriages mixtes a M o n t r e a l , " V o l . 3 1 , 1925, p p . 8 4 - 8 6 . 9 3 i t m i g h t seem r a t h e r p r e s u m p t u o u s t o make s u c h a statement i n t h e absence o f d e f i n i t e records o f indentures f o r E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g c h i l d r e n i n t h e p e r i o d f r o m 1760 t o 1775* However, t h e u n c e r t a i n l e g a l s i t u a t i o n o f t h e p e r i o d may a c c o u n t f o r t h i s . The Quebec G a z e t t e , J u l y 5, 1764 d i d a d v e r t i s e f o r an a p p r e n t i c e t o t h e p r i n t i n g b u s i n e s s "an i n g e n i o u s B o y , a b o u t 14 y e a r s o l d . " A s w e l l , t h e p a p e r d i d a d v e r t i s e (May 14, 1767) t h a t a p p r e n t i c e i n d e n t u r e s w e r e sold at i t s office. 94'The E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g i n Chapter I I I .  c o m m u n i t y w i l l be d e a l t  with  185 CHAPTER I I ^-Debates o f the House o f Commons i n the Year 1774 on t h e B i l l For Making More E f f e c t u a l P r o v i s i o n F o r the Government o f the P r o v i n c e o f Quebec, J . Wright, ed. TLondon: Ridgway, P i c c a d i l l y , 1839), p. 11. I b i d . , p. 57.  2  3 I b i d . , p. 103. As mentioned i n Chapter I, these f i g u r e s appear t o be on the low s i d e . 4 I b i d . , p. 103. 5 I b i d . , p. 102. 6  I b i d . , p. 109.  ?The T h i r t e e n C o l o n i e s found the d e n i a l o f an Assembly i n t o l e r a b l e as i t appeared t o them as another example o f the a u t o c r a t i c behaviour o f the Mother Country towards i t s c o l o n i e s . The e x t e n s i o n o f the boundaries of Quebec the c o l o n i s t s saw as an attempt t o prevent t h e i r own expansion westward. °As quoted i n Jean B r u c h e s i , H i s t o i r e Du Canada (Montreal: E d i t i o n s Beauchemin, 1959), p. 326. i c t o r C o f f i n , The P r o v i n c e o f Quebec and the E a r l y American R e v o l u t i o n ( B u l l e t i n o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f Wis-eons i n , Madison, 1896), p. 533. l ^ I b i d . , pp. 534-5. C o f f i n a l s o p o i n t s out that when the French a g a i n took over the colony they found the c o l o n i s t s had l o s t "the r e c o l l e c t i o n o f France." •^As 1 2  quoted  i n above, p. 539.  I b i d . , p. 537.  13Gustave L a n c t o t , Canada and The American R e v o l u t i o n 1774-1783, t r a n s . Margaret M. Cameron (Toronto: C l a r k e , Irwin & Co. 1967), p. 216. ^Ibid.,  p. 41.  1 5 l b i d . , p. 74. l6i,tfade, The French Canadians, p. 68.  186 17 'The g a r r i s o n at S t . John's, i t should be noted, d i d hold out a g a i n s t Montgomery f o r 45 days. 18  °Chapter I I I has more d e t a i l s on M e s p l e t . A m e r i c a n f o r c e s withdrew on June 14 from S o r e l , June 15 from Montreal, June 17 from Chambly, and June 18 from S t . John's. (Mason Wade, op. c i t . , p. 72. 19  3 u r t , The Old P r o v i n c e o f Quebec. I I , p. 3. S i r John Johnson had been a u t h o r i z e d t o r a i s e a b a t t a l i o n . Detachments o f the corps were s t a t i o n e d at Lachine, P o i n t e ^Claire and S t e . Anne. The Royal Highland Emigrants were s t a t i o n e d a t La Chenaye, Terrebonne, R i v i e r e du Chene. (G. F. G. S t a n l e y , Canada's S o l d i e r s , r e v . ed.; Toronto: Macmillan Company of Canada, I960), p. 116. 2 0  2 1  I b i d . , p. 3.  22 I b i d . , p. 78. 3 . A l f r e d Jones, The L o y a l i s t s o f Massachusetts (London: The S a i n t Catherine P r e s s , 1930), p. 94. 2  E  ^ B u r t , op. c i t . , p. 82. The L o y a l i s t f a m i l i e s made use o f the batteaux, Schenectady o r Durham boat i n order to get from Lake Champlain t o the Montreal r e g i o n . They a l s o used t h e batteaux t o make t h e i r way from t h i s r e g i o n up t h e S t . Lawrence t o Kingston and t h e Bay o f Quinte. These batteaux were b u i l t a t Lachine and were supposed t o carry four or f i v e f a m i l i e s . "Twelve boats c o n s t i t u t e d a b r i g a d e , and each brigade had a conductor with f i v e men i n each, one o f whom s t e e r e d . " (Egerton Ryerson, The L o y a l i s t s of America, Toronto: W i l l i a m B r i g g s , 1880), I I , p. 205. 2  5Rae S t u a r t , Jessup's Rangers as a F a c t o r i n L o y a l i s t Settlement (M. A. T h e s i s , Queen's U n i v e r s i t y 1937, The O n t a r i o Department of P u b l i c Records and A r c h i v e s , 1961), p. 56. 2  2 6  2  lbid.,  p. 59.  ? A s c i t e d i n above, p. 83.  E . A. Cruikshank, ed., The Settlement o f t h e U n i t e d Empire L o y a l i s t s on the Upper S t . Lawrence and Bay o f Quinte i n 1784, A Documentary Record (Toronto: O n t a r i o h i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y R e p r i n t 1966), p. 174. Rev. J . Doty i n w r i t i n g t o the S. P. G. i n London, January 15, 1783 estimated t h e number of P r o t e s t a n t E n g l i s h f a m i l i e s a t 746. "At Quebec, 250, a t Montreal 160, a t Yamachiche 50, a t 2 8  187 S t . John's 5 0 , at Three R i v e r s 26, at Goteau du- Lac 4 0 , at 3 o r e l 40, at Ghambly 40, at B e r t h i e r 20, Vercheres, B o u c h e r v i l l e , Point aux Trembles below M o n t r e a l , at L a c h i n e , Pointe C l a i r e , L'Assomption and I s l e Jesu about a dozen f a m i l i e s at each p l a c e , at La P r a i r i e and S a u l t au R e c o l l e t . a few f a m i l i e s . " See RAQ, 1948-49, "Church and S t a t e Papers," p. 329. 2  ^ B u r t , op. c i t . ,  p.  79.  3°Ibid. • ' I b i d . , p. 80. Burt draws h i s i n f o r m a t i o n from the r e c o r d s of s i x hundred L o y a l i s t s whose cases were examined and the r e s u l t s p u b l i s h e d . 3 C l a s s i f i e d Digest of the Records of the S.P.G. i n F o r e i g n P a r t s , p. 139. 2  33lbid. 34ibid. Hessian mercenaries had been employed by the B r i t i s h government d u r i n g the American R e v o l u t i o n . Egerton Ryerson's c r i t i c i s m of them t h a t they "proved to be i n f e r i o r to the B r i t i s h s o l d i e r s , were not r e l i a b l e , d e s e r t e d i n l a r g e numbers, and plundered everywhere, w i t h out regard to L o y a l i s t s or D i s l o y a l i s t s " was a t y p i c a l o p i n i o n of the Hessians. (Ryerson, op. c i t . , p. 73.) Stephen F. Gradish i n "The German Mercenaries i n North America During the American R e v o l u t i o n , a Case Study," Canadian J o u r n a l of H i s t o r y , IV, No. 1, March 1969, pp. 22-46, takes a t w e n t i e t h century look at them. Gradish e x p l a i n s that the term "Hessian" was used i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y to d e s c r i b e a l l Germans, and t h a t the s t o r i e s about the b r u t a l i t y and r a p a c i t y of these t r o o p s were sometimes t r u e , sometimes f a l s e , (p. 24) The B r i t i s h , short of t r o o p s , had looked around f o r mercenaries to help them out. In the s p r i n g of 1776, General Adolph von R i e s d e l of Brunswick landed at Quebec with 2,200 Brunswick and Hesse-Hanover r e g u l a r s ; 2,000-more j o i n e d them i n September, (pp. 29-31) U n t i l the end of 1778, the number of German t r o o p s equaled t h a t of the B r i t i s h , but i n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, from 1779 to 178*1 the Germans outnumbered them, (p. 31) The a u t h o r i t i e s , Gradish e x p l a i n s f u r t h e r , wanted to put the German mercenaries i n a bad l i g h t , i n order to r e c e i v e more a i d from Great B r i t a i n . Hence, i t was to t h e i r advantage t h a t such s t o r i e s be c i r c u l a t e d about the Hessians. 3 5 c i a s s i f i e d D i g e s t , p. 3°Ibid., p.  142.  142.  188  3 7 R e p o r t . o f t h e P u b l i c A r c h i v e s 1889, R e l i g i o n i n Canada," p. 4$.  "State o f  38 I t should be r e c a l l e d from Chapter I that t h e P r e s b y t e r i a n s had been a t t e n d i n g t h e A n g l i c a n s e r v i c e s conducted by Rev. D e L i s l e . p  39'RAQ  1948-9, "Church and S t a t e Papers," p. 324.  kO]? ed Land on, Western Ontario and the American F r o n t i e r , C a r l e t o n L i b r a r y S e r i e s No. 34 (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart, 1967), pp. 116-123. RAQ 1946-47, " H i s t o r i c a l Records o f the Church o f England i n the Diocese;of Quebec," p. 206. Montmollin, D e L i s l e and DeVeyssiere continued t o be the m i n i s t e r s o f Quebec, Montreal and Three R i v e r s . r  41  R A Q 1948-49, "Church and S t a t e Papers," p. 48.  T C A , S.P.G. Report Box 1770-71, pp. 22-23. The r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n of the F o r t Hunter Mohawks continued i n Quebec. T h e i r l o g house, b u i l t by C o l o n e l D a n i e l C l a u s , t h e deputy superintendent o f Canadian Indians d u r i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d , was used not o n l y f o r a church, but a l s o as a s c h o o l . The c h i l d r e n were " c a r e f u l l y i n s t r u c t e d " by a F o r t Hunter Indian, Paulus Sahonwadi. (TCA, S.P.G. Report 1731-32, pp. 47-48.) C o l o n e l Claus wrote a short primer f o r these Indians "as i t has h i t h e r t o been the method with the Indian schoolmasters t o teach the alphabet by means o n l y of l i t t l e manuscript scraps of paper." (Ibid.) 42  43;Lady Simcoe, upon h e a r i n g Mr. S t u a r t preach, remarked t h a t he preached "One o f the most impressive and best sermons I have ever heard." M. Q. I n n i s , ed., Mrs. Simcoe's D i a r y (Toronto: Macmillan o f Canada, 1965), p. 154. H i s t h i r d son James was e v e n t u a l l y t o become C h i e f J u s t i c e f o r Lower Canada while another son was t o become Bishop o f Toronto. See A. H. Young, The Reverend John S t u a r t o f Kingston and h i s Family (Kingston: Whig P r e s s , n/d) f o r a g e n e a l o g i c a l study of the S t u a r t f a m i l y . Mr. S t u a r t has been d e s c r i b e d as a magnificent l o o k i n g man, s i x f o o t f o u r inches t a l l and commonly known as "the l i t t l e gentleman." P h i l i p C a r r i n g t o n , The A n g l i c a n Church i n Canada (Toronto: C o l l i n s , 1963), p. 41. 44a  e p o r  t of the P u b l i c A r c h i v e s 1889,  Archivist's  note. 45pAC, MG21, V o l . 74, Haldimand Papers, B. s e r i e s , l e t t e r from Rev. J . S t u a r t t o Captain Mathews, Nov. 28, 1781  189 ^Report  of the  Public  A r c h i v e s 1889,  Archivist's  notes. P A C , MG21, B s e r i e s , V o l . 1?8, Haldimand, Dec. 17, 1781.  p.  P A C , MG21, B s e r i e s , V o l . 158, S t u a r t to Haldimand, Nov. 27, 1782.  pp.  47  48  Oct.  49pAC, MG21, 6, 1784.  B series, Vol.  75-2,  257,  Stuart  to  281-283,  S t u a r t to Mathews,  ^ S t u a r t had been r e c e i v i n g 50 pounds a year from the government while F i s h e r and C h r i s t i e had each r e c e i v e d 25 pounds. PAC, B s e r i e s , V o l . 217, P e t i t i o n of F i n l a y F i s h e r , June 15, 1733. Ibid.  5 1  52 MG21. B series, Vol. mand, June 20, 1780. P A C  73,  ^ Q u e b e c Gazette, November 19, 54PAC, MG21, mand, J u l y , 1732. 5 5  Ibid.  5 6  Ibid.  5  B series, Vol.  73,  Tanswell to  Haldi-  1778. Tanswell to  Haldi-  7roid.  5 0 p . c i t . , Tanswell to Haldimand, J u l y 14,  1783.  9pp. c i t . , Tanswell  I784.  8  s  o Q  to Haldimand, March 21,  C a n a d i a n A r c h i v e s Report 1889,  Archivist's  note.  P A C , MG21, B s e r i e s , V o l . 217, p e t i t i o n of John Pullman and the I n h a b i t a n t s of M o n t r e a l , January, 1779. 6l  6 U n i v e r s i t y of M o n t r e a l , Baby C o l l e c t i o n , Monthly Account of c h i l d r e n educated i n the E n g l i s h S c h o o l , Feb. 18, 1778. The p e t i t i o n mentioned above c a r r i e d the s i g n a t u r e s of a number of parents whose c h i l d r e n were i n the s c h o o l — R i c h a r d Dobie, A l e x . Henry, Thomas Walker, J . Lemoine, H e r t e l de R o u v i l l e , Lawrence Ermatinger as w e l l as t h a t of D e L i s l e and D a n i e l C l a u s . 2  °3PAC,  Pullman,  MG21, 1782.  B series, Vol.  217,  P e t i t i o n of John  190 Ibid.  6 4  6 5 P A C , MG21, B s e r i e s , V o l . 75-2, mand, Sept. 2 7 , 1784. °°Quebec Gazette, Nov.  19,  Bowen to H a l d i -  1778.  ° 7 l b i d . , May 25, 1780. U r s u l i n e s , pp. 242-46. 69 ruikshank, The Settlement of the U n i t e d Empire Loyalists, p. 52. Cass had been born i n C o n n e c t i c u t , been a farmer i n C h a r l o t t e County, New York, j o i n e d Burgoyne i n 1777 and a f t e r Saratoga had escaped to Canada. He was e v e n t u a l l y to s e t t l e i n the township of Hawkesbury. C  P A C , MG21,  70  p. 5  7 .  B s e r i e s , V o l . 214,  Grant to Haldimand,  7lReport of the P u b l i c A r c h i v e s 1889, A r c h i v i s t ' s note. "The Rev. Mr. Gilmore i s r e c e i v e d as schoolmaster at S t . John's and the E n g l i s h i n h a b i t a n t s there have made a s u b s c r i p t i o n f o r him of £ 48 a year." PAC, B s e r i e s , 138, Major Gen. De R i e s d e l to Haldimand, S o r e l , March 13, 1783. The Quebec E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l allowed Benj.amin Hobson £ 25 f o r one year as schoolmaster at C a r l y l e , Bay of C h a l e u r s , Oct. 5, 1785. PAC, Quebec Executive C o u n c i l , D, P t . 1, p. 204. T r e m a i n e , Canadian  72  Imprints 1751-1800, p.  213.  73Ibid. 7 M a r s h a l l , E n g l i s h People 258. 4  p.  ^ Q u e b e c Gazette, Jan. 21, 76pAC, MG21,  B66,  i n the E i g h t e e n t h Century, 1779.  Haldimand to Cumberland, March 2,  1779. 77  W  ade, The French Canadians, p. 79. 73"Rules & Laws of the t h Quebec L i b r a r y , " as quoted i n 7^"Rules Tremaine, op. c i t . , p. 408. 79 ' Lemoine, P i c t u r e s q u e Quebec, p. Wade, op. c i t . , p. 79. y  8o  46.  191 ^ T r e m a i n e , op. c i t . , p. 408. The Quebec L i b r a r y was not an o v e r n i g h t success. A n o t i c e appeared on December 1, 1778 i n the Quebec H e r a l d and M i s c e l l a n y s t a t i n g t h a t the L i b r a r y was i n debt "and that some g e n t l e men have n e g l e c t e d the advantages o f i t s i n s t i t u t i o n , by w i t h h o l d i n g t h e i r promised support." By 1792, the L i b r a r y c o n s i s t e d of 2443 volumes, o f which 1211 were i n E n g l i s h , and 1209 i n F r e n c h , 23 i n Greek and L a t i n . Fifty-nine volumes had been donated by Rev. B e r t r a n d R u s s e l l i n 1789 "to a p r o t e s t a n t c o l l e g e , School or Seminary when such f o u n d a t i o n s h a l l take p l a c e at Quebec." (Catalogue o f E n g l i s h and French Books i n the Quebec L i b r a r y , Quebec: Samuel N e i l s o n , 1792.) The L i b r a r y was f i n a l l y taken over by the L i t e r a r y and H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y of Quebec where the books are now. °*Marcel T r u d e l , L ' I n f l u e n c e de V o l t a i r e au Canada ( F i d e s : Montreal, 1 9 4 5 ) , I, p. 49. ^ B u l l e t i n des Recherches H i s t o r i q u e s , "Les marriages mixtes a M o n t r e a l , " V o l . 31, 1925, pp. 84-86. word of e x p l a n a t i o n .should be given as to how t h i s f i g u r e was produced. As s t a t e d i n Chapter I, the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g i n h a b i t a n t s numbered 3,000 by 1774. As given i n Chapter I I , the number o f L o y a l i s t s showing as s e t t l e d by 1784 i n the o l d p r o v i n c e of Quebec 5,628. ^5G. F. G. S t a n l e y , Canada's S o l d i e r s , g i v e s a d e s c r i p t i o n o f these f o r c e s i n October, 1782. "At Quebec, t h e r e was a detachment o f the Royal A r t i l l e r y , the 4 4 t h Regiment and the g r e n a d i e r company of the 31st. The remainder o f the 31st and Regiment of P r i n c e F r e d e r i c k were q u a r t e r e d i n the p a r i s h e s west and east of Quebec a l o n g the n o r t h shore o f the S t . Lawrence. At Three R i v e r s t h e r e was a detachment o f the Regiment o f Specht, and i n the v i l l a g e s along Lac S t . P i e r r e the Germans . . . At S o r e l t h e r e was a detachment o f the Royal A r t i l l e r y , the Regiment o f R i e s d e l and two companies o f the Regiment o f Rhetz. One detachment of Jessup's Rangers were q u a r t e r e d i n blockhouses on the Yamaska R i v e r and another detachment at Dutchman's P o i n t . The 2 9 t h Regiment and Roger's The King Rangers were at S t . Jean and Chambly. The 53rd Regiment was at I s l e aux Noix. The b a t t a l i o n o f Barner was q u a r t e r e d at S t . S u l p i c e , Repentigny, L'Assomption. The 1 s t B a t t a l i o n of the KRRNY was at Terrebonne and I s l e J e s u s . The 34th Regiment was Quartered i n Montreal and vicinity. At the Upper P o s t s , i n c l u d i n g Niagara, had g a r r i s o n e d the 8th or King's Regiment, 2nd B a t t a l i o n o f the Royal Yorkers and B u t l e r ' s Rangers. Capt. Herkimer's bateau men were at Coteau du Lac and Oswego." (p. 126) Immediately a f t e r the war, Imperial f o r c e s were reduced  192  t o l e s s than 2 , 0 0 0 but d i d f l u c t u a t e i n accordance w i t h defence needs. C a n a d i a n h i s t o r i o g r a p h y has n o t p a i d enough a t t e n t i o n t o t h e d i f f e r e n c e s e x i s t i n g among t h e L o y a l i s t s . A. E. M o r r i s o n , "New Brunswick: t h e l o y a l i s t s and t h e H i s t o r i a n s , " J o u r n a l o f Canadian S t u d i e s , V o l . 3 , No. 3j .August, 196S, pp. 39-49 examines t h i s p o i n t w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e New Brunswick L o y a l i s t s . He w r i t e s t h a t " e a r l y w r i t e r s have t r e a t e d t h e L o y a l i s t s a s honourable and v i r t u o u s p e o p l e . " (p. 39) o u  J a m e s J . and Ruth Talman, "The Canadas 1763-1812," L i t e r a r y H i s t o r y o f Canada, ed. C a r l F. K l i n c k (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto P r e s s , 1965), p. 83. 87  ^ A l a n Gowans, B u i l d i n g Canada, An A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r y o f Canadian L i f e (Toronto: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y 8  P r e s s , 1966), pp. 4 2 - 4 3 . 89  k couple o f examples o f L o y a l i s t p r o t e s t a g a i n s t s e i g n e u r i a l t e n u r e a r e g i v e n h e r e . On Dec. 1 9 , 1786 t h e m a g i s t r a t e s o f t h e s e t t l e m e n t o f L o y a l Rangers a t New Oswegatchie had asked f o r l a n d s "by Grants f r e e from any S e i g n i o r a l c l a i m s o r any o t h e r incumbrances whatever, t h e K i n g ' s Q u i t r e n t excepted." They a l s o wanted t h e county system, t h e encouragement o f t h e Gospel and t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f s c h o o l s . ( S h o r t t and Doughty, C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Documents, 1759-1791, I I , 945.) A few days l a t e r on Dec. 22, 1786 t h e m a g i s t r a t e s o f t h e townships o f C a t a r a q u i had w r i t t e n t o S i r John Johnson making a number o f r e q u e s t s f o r t h e w e l f a r e o f t h e community. One r e q u e s t was the d e s i r e f o r t e n u r e o f l a n d s t h e same a s i n t h e r e s t o f Canada and t h e o t h e r was f o r more s c h o o l s . Rev. S t u a r t ' s s c h o o l a t C a t a r a q u i was n o t much use t o those i n o u t l y i n g a r e a s . ( I b i d . , p. 942.) y  The o n l y c o n c e s s i o n t o E n g l i s h l a w i n Lower Canada was t h e r i g h t o f r e c e i v i n g g r a n t s o f p u b l i c l a n d i n f r e e hold tenure.  193 CHAPTER -III •'•The Quebec Gazette p r i n t e d a great many government o r d i n a n c e s , which, while they do r e f l e c t the concerns of the p e r i o d , are not as r e v e a l i n g o f the d a i l y l i f e o f the E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g reader as the m a t e r i a l which appeared i n the Montreal Gazette. The Quebec Herald and M i s c e l l a n y , a u s e f u l m i r r o r of the times, had but a two year e x i s t e n c e , from November, 1788 to J u l y , 1791. ^ " P r o p o s a l For the Establishment of a new Gazette, E n g l i s h and French under the T i t l e , o f the M o n t r e a l Gazette." No date of p u b l i c a t i o n appears on t h i s sheet. ^R. W. McLachlan, " F l e u r y M e s p l e t , . t h e - F i r s t P r i n t e r at M o n t r e a l , " T r a n s a c t i o n s of the R o y a l S o c i e t y of Canada, V o l . 12, Part I, 1906, p. 203. 4 l b i d . , p.  206.  5  I b i d . , p.  211.  6  I b i d . , p.  213.  ?W. H. K e s t e r t o n , A H i s t o r y of J o u r n a l i s m i n Canada, C a r l e t o n L i b r a r y No. 36 (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart L t d . , 1967), p. 6, d e s c r i b e s the r o l e of the pioneer p r i n t e r i n t h i s way. ®The s h e r i f f bought the press h i m s e l f , and from t h i s time on, Mesplet l e a s e d i t from him. McLachlan, op. c i t . , p.  216.  . ^Montreal Gazette, Sept. 29, 1785, Continuing r e f e r e n c e s to the newspaper s h a l l i n c l u d e the date and only.  year  •^A. M. Lower i n " C r e d i t and the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l A c t , " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review, V o l . 6, 1925, pp. 123-141, d i s c u s s e s the complicated background of t h i s s u i t . Also H i l d a Neatby i n Quebec: The R e v o l u t i o n a r y Age (pp. 184-86) from which the f o l l o w i n g account i s taken. Hon. John Cochrane was the agent sent out by a London f i r m of merchants, H a r l e y and Drummond, whom the Treasury employed to see t h a t the commander-in-chief i n Quebec was s u p p l i e d with l a r g e amounts of ready money t h a t he would o c c a s i o n a l l y need. The cheapest way t o do t h i s was t o draw i n a l l the spare cash i n the colony by s e l l i n g b i l l s on London t o merchants who every f a l l had t o make r e m i t t a n c e s amounting to hundreds of thousands of pounds. Cochrane became i n v o l v e d i n s e l l i n g some b i l l s on c r e d i t t o be p a i d o f f i n the course of the year, which, however, many of the  194 merchants d i d not. The upshot of the matter e v e n t u a l l y was a s u i t launched by Haldimand a g a i n s t Cochrane f o r r e c o v e r y of the debts, which, i t had been d i s c o v e r e d , were not t e c h n i c a l l y due t o the Crown a t a l l , but Cochrane personally. In August, 1783 the f i r s t judgement was g i v e n f o r Haldimand with the r e s u l t t h a t many of the small merchants went backrupt i n order to pay t h e i r debts. n  Jan.  1 2  17,  1788.  S e p t . 14,  !3Aug. 7,  1786.  1788.  !4june 23, 1791. A number of s p e l l i n g e r r o r s appeared q u i t e r e g u l a r l y i n the advertisements of the Montreal Gazette, because of Mesplet's own inadequate E n g l i s h . Such e r r o r s have been reproduced i n the advertisements quoted i n t h i s chapter, f o r they i l l u s t r a t e the q u a l i t y of the E n g l i s h language reproduced i n the paper, Another reason why ' s i c ' has not been used to i n d i c a t e such e r r o r s i s t h a t the number of such e r r o r s , and consequently the number of ' s i c s ' i n t e r f e r e s with the c o n t i n u i t y i n r e a d i n g the advertisements. B u r t , The Old P r o v i n c e of Quebec, I I , p.  1 5  171.  S. Smith, D i a r y and S e l e c t e d Papers, ed. L. F. S. Upton, (2 v o l s . , Toronto: Champlain S o c i e t y ,  1963  and 1965), I I , p. 195. 17  N o v , 17,.1735.  i a  J u n e 12,  1788.  A. C o l l a r d , Montreal Yesterdays (Toronto: Longmans, Canada L t d . , 1962), p. 31• An-assembly was an e i g h t e e n t h century term f o r a r e c e p t i o n and was a f e a t u r e of s o c i a l l i f e not o n l y in.Quebec, but the T h i r t e e n C o l o n i e s and England. The assembly opened with the minuet, before going on to popular country dances. Q u e b e c t o C a r o l i n a 1785-86, Being the T r a v e l D i a r y and Observations of Robert Hunter J r . , a Young Merchant of London, eds. L, B. Wright & M. T i n g l i n g (San Marino, C a l i f . , 1943), 35. 2Q  21  A u g u s t 31,  1786.  E . Z. M a s s i c o t t e , " H o t e l l e r i e s , Clubs et Cafe's a. M o n t r e a l I 7 6 O - I 8 5 O , " Royal S o c i e t y of Canada, V o l . 22, 1 9 2 8 , p. 4 2 . 2 2  195 23  Hunter, op. c i t . , p. 4 1 . M a s s i c o t t e , op. c i t . , has w r i t t e n o f the Bachelors Club that i t met i n Mansion House a l s o used by the M o n t r e a l Assembly, p. 4 7 . 24  December  ^Hunter, 26  2  4 , 1788. op. c i t . , p. 3 3 .  S e p t e m b e r 6, 1791'.  7November 12, 1789.  2 8  Ibid.  ^September 18, 1788.. M a s s i c o t t e , op. c i t . , p. 4 4 , has d e s c r i b e d t h i s club founded i n 1786 as " l a premiere s o c i e t e s e c r e t e de langue francaise." However, S c o t s , French and French-Canadians' belonged t o i t ; the club e x i s t e d f o r t e n y e a r s . A Greybeards Club was founded i n 1794, s i m i l a r to such a club i n S c o t l a n d , ( i b i d . , p. 46) H i l d a Weatby i n Quebec: The R e v o l u t i o n a r y Age mentions that Masonic Lodges had appeared i n Quebec and Montreal i n the s i x t i e s . The Veteran's Club was composed o f "gentlemen" who had served a t Quebec i n 1775-76, and who dined t o g e t h e r t o c e l e b r a t e t h e defence of Quebec, (p.230) 30March 16, 1786. 3 1 j i y 5^ 1786. this period. u  3 2 j i y 13, u  S e v e r a l c u r r e n c i e s were i n use i n  1786.  3 F e b r u a r y 2 3 , 1786. 3  3 4 j u l y 10, 1786. Part  35shortt & Doughty, C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Documents 1759-1791, I I , p. 918. 3°Burt, The Old P r o v i n c e of Quebec, I I , p. 1 8 8 .  37june 3 , 1 7 8 8 . 3%>rinted i n t h e Montreal Gazette, August 14, i n E n g l i s h , French, German.  ^November 6, 1788. 40j  u n e  2 8 , 1787.  ^ F e b r u a r y 2 4 , 1791.  1788  196 4 December 6, 2  1787.  43Ibid. Mr. Gunn d i d not disappear from the pages of the Montreal Gazette a f t e r t h i s . On October 27, 1791 he i n s e r t e d an ad regarding h i s i n t e n t i o n of keeping night s c h o o l . C a p i t a l i z i n g on h i s background as a clerk he was going "to teach p a r t i c u l a r l y Arithmetic and Bookk e e p i n g . " In h i s spare time he offered to keep books e i t h e r i n French or E n g l i s h . A somewhat s i m i l a r a d v e r t i s e ment regarding h i s night school appeared i n the paper on November 1, 1792, s t a t i n g that though i t was over a " p u b l i c house" there was no communication between the two areas. 1792.  ^December 13,  4%ay 19, 1791. "A Committee of Managers f o r the Benefit of the Poor" was set up i n 1789 by the C h r i s t Church congregation. ( J . I . Cooper, The Blessed Communion, Archives Committee of the Diocese of Montreal, I960, p.24.) 46campbell, A H i s t o r y of the Scotch Presbyterian Church, p . 39. 4 November 5, 7  1789.  4%ovember 12, 1789. These three merchants also contributed to the b u i l d i n g fund of S t . G a b r i e l Church. (Campbell, op. c i t . , p. 106.  49pascoe, Two Hundred Years of the SPG 1701-190Q,. p . 143, gives these f i g u r e s . At Quebec there were "not so many." 5 0  A p r i l 7, 1791.  .  ,  5^May 5, 1791. This showed that the English-speaking inhabitants of Montreal were not a p a r t i c u l a r l y united group at t h i s time. 52  September 13,  1787.  ^Mentioned i n t h i s chapter on p . 9. 54May 21,  1789.  ^September 1, 56March 9,  1785.  1786.  57january 17, 1788.  197 5 A p r i l 3, 1788. g  ^September 22, 1785. J a n u a r y 27,  6 o  1791.  6l  December 13, 1787.  o2  December 4, 1788.  6 3  0 c t o b e r 26,  1786.  ^ F e b r u a r y 24, 1791. 65 j . R u s s e l l Harper, P a i n t i n g i n Canada ( U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s , 1967), p. 53. 6 6  Ibid.  °7ibid. %he Quebec Gazette, A p r i l 10, 1794, p r i n t e d h i s advertisement f o r m i n i a t u r e or p a s t e l work t o be c a r r i e d out a t D i l l o n ' s Hotel.6  ^^Harper, op. c i t . , p. 7 0  I b i d . , p.  57.  78.  7 1 l b i d . , p. 53. 7 2  F e b r u a r y 26,  1796.  73indentured s e r v i t u d e  w i l l be d e a l t with i n Chapter V.  74smith, Diary and S e l e c t e d Papers, I I , p. 202. 75ibid.  A possible reference  76August 24, 1786. 7 7 A p r i l 16, 1789. ^September 29,  1785.  7-9 tober 13, 1785. 0c  8 0  .  8 1  August 13, 1.789. April  24, 1788.  t o indentured  servants.  198 8 2  M a r c h 20,  1786.  83 ^Frank Dawson Adams, A H i s t o r y of C h r i s t Church C a t h e d r a l Montreal (Montreal: Burton's L i m i t e d , p. 13 mentions the l a r g e number of persons s i g n i n g w i t h an x i n the r e g i s t e r s o f the church. These were m i l i t a r y r e g i s t e r s and p o s s i b l y the x's were those of the p r i v a t e s o l d i e r s Adams mentions as s i g n i n g these r e g i s t e r s .  194177  ^-Dorothy M a r s h a l l , E n g l i s h People i n the E i g h t e e n t h Century, pp. 257-260. "The R e c o l l e t Church was i a n s i n 1791.  o f f e r e d to the P r e s b y t e r -  CHAPTER IV  l fhese f i g u r e s and the ones f o l l o w i n g are g i v e n i n B u r t , The Old P r o v i n c e of Quebec, I I , p. 195. r  p  P h i l i p p e Garigue, "Family L i f e , " L ' A s s o c i a t i o n canadienne des educateurs de langue f r a n c a i s e : F a c e t s of French Canada (Montreal: E d i t i o n s Fides,'1967), p. 343.  3  B u l l e t i n des Recherches H i s t o r i q u e s , "Les marr i a g e s mixtes "a M o n t r e a l , " V o l . 31, 1925, pp. ^Frances Brooke, The H i s t o r y of E m i l y Montague (London: J . Dodsley, 1769), p. 36.  84-85.  5  Lower, Canadians i n the Making,  p.  108.  M a r j o r i e W i l k i n s Campbell, The Northwest Company (Toronto: Macmillan Co. of Canada L t d . , 1957), pp. 76-77. ^ F r a n c o i s born 1764, Marie Josephe 1766, E l i z a b e t h i f 6 7 , Thomas H i p p o l y t e 1769.  3 Lower, op. c i t . , p. l b i d . , p. I b i d . , p.  9 1 Q  106. 108.  106.  Marie  199 Isaac Weld, T r a v e l s through the S t a t e s of North •America and the P r o v i n c e s of Upper and Lower Canada d u r i n g the Years 1795, 1796, and 1797 (London: John S t o c k d a l e , 1799), p. 180. The French "have an unconquerable a v e r s i o n to l e a r n E n g l i s h , and i t i s very r a r e t o meet with any person amongst them t h a t can speak i t i n any manner, but the E n g l i s h i n h a b i t a n t s a r e , f o r the most p a r t , w e l l acquainted w i t h the French language." 1  p  W. S. Wallace, The P e d l a r s from Quebec and Other Papers on the Nor-Westers (Toronto: Ryerson P r e s s , 1954)> p. 65. Fur .trader W i l l i a m M c G i l l i v r a y ' s m a r i t a l l i f e i s an example of t h i s . M c G i l l i v r a y married a Cree g i r l Susan who had t w i n boys, Simon and Joseph, by him. The baptismal r e c o r d s of C h r i s t Church, Montreal, show t h a t these boys were c h r i s t e n e d t h e r e , w i t h Alexander Mack e n z i e and Joseph F r o b i s h e r as g o d f a t h e r s . Not l o n g a f t e r t h i s , M c G i l l i v r a y married a white woman, though he continued to m a i n t a i n h i s Indian f a m i l y , g i v i n g a l l h i s M e t i s c h i l d r e n h i s name and probably sending the twins to boarding school i n M o n t r e a l . (Walter O'Meara, Daughters of the Country, New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1968, p. 259.) XC  W a l l a c e , op. c i t . , p. 68. Wallace s t a t e s that Thompson's h a l f - b r e e d sons "turned out b a d l y . " Thompson had married h i s wife " a f t e r the f a s h i o n of the Northwest" when she was f o u r t e e n . They were married f o r 56 y e a r s , and had s i x t e e n c h i l d r e n . (O'Meara, op. c i t . , p. 257) 1 3  1 4  I b i d . , p.  69.  l^As c i t e d i n Noel Owens, T r a v e l L i t e r a t u r e of the Canadas 1768-1838 (Unpublished Master's t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1 9 5 6 ) , p. 6 5 . Adams, A H i s t o r y of C h r i s t Church C a t h e d r a l , s t a t e s t h a t r e c o r d s o f the church show t h a t a number of the c h i l d r e n who were b a p t i z e d were i l l e g i t i m a t e , (p. 14)  l°0wens, op. c i t . , p. 59. 17w. S. Wallace, ed., Macmillan D i c t i o n a r y of Canadian Biography (Toronto: Macmillan Co., of Canada, 1963, 3rd ed.), p. 278. Samual Gerrard became a p a r t n e r i n the f i r m of Parker, Gerard and O g i l v y , l a t e r Gerrard, G i l l e s p i e and Company, one of the f i r m s which f i n a n c e d the XY Co. He was a l s o one o f the founders of the Bank of M o n t r e a l . Ann Grant, w h i l e h e r s e l f not i l l e g i t i m a t e , d i d come from such a background.  200 18 U n i v e r s i t y of M o n t r e a l , Baby C o l l e c t i o n , ' M a r r i a g e Contract of Samuel Gerrard and Ann Grant, October 31, 1792. x o  P A C , S e w e l l Correspondence, MG23, G l l - 1 0 , V o l . 4, J . S e w e l l t o S. S e w e l l , February 20, 1806. 19  PAC,. N e i l s o n Papers, L e t t e r s Received MG24, Mrs. John N e i l s o n S r . , John N e i l s o n t o Mrs. N e i l s o n , J u l y 31, 179$. 20  21  0wens, op. c i t . , p. 76.  T h o s . Anburey, With Burgoyne from Quebec, ed. Sydney Jackman, (Toronto: M a c m i l l a n o f Canada, 2 2  .  1963), p.77.  2  30wens, op. c i t . , p. 76.  ^ S h o r t t & Doughty, C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Documents 17591791, P a r t I , pp. 191-92. 2  T . R. Millman, Jacob Mountain, F i r s t Lord Bishop of Quebec ( U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto P r e s s , 1947), p. 168. 2 5  2 6  R e p o r t o f the P u b l i c A r c h i v e s 18$9,  p. 52.  27Marius Barbeau, The Kingdom of the Saguenay (Toronto: Macmillan Co. of Canada L t d . , 1939), p. 33. 28 j:remaine, Canadian Imprints 1751-1300, p. 463. r  29ibid., p. 13. 30The D i a r y and S e l e c t e d Papers o f C h i e f J u s t i c e W i l l i a m Smith 1784-1793 (2 v o l s ; Toronto: The•Champlain S o c i e t y , 1963, 1965), I I , p. 194. ^ M i l l m a n , Jacob Mountain, p. 170. •^Raymond D o u v i l l e , Aaron Hart ( T r o i s R i v i e r e s : E d i t i o n s du Bien P u b l i c , 1933), p. 103. 33pAC, MG11, Q 48-2, p t . 2, Documents R e l a t i v e t o the Promoting o f the Means o f E d u c a t i o n , 606-677. 3^Burt, The O l d P r o v i n c e o f Quebec, I I , p. 35pAC, op. c i t . , 3 6  Ibid.,  635-640.  p. 647.  174.  201 3 7  A . M. D. G., Les U r s u l i n e s De Quebec, p.  38A. 3 9  m  >  d <  g  #  )  I b i d . , p.  239.  Glimpses o f the Monastery, I I I , p.  133.  203.  40pAC, Documents R e l a t i v e t o Education,  pp. 651-677.  op. c i t . ,  41Ibid., p. 656. 4 Quebec Gazette, 2  September 9, 1790.  43Q ebec Herald and M i s c e l l a n y , November 4, 1790. U  4 4 i b i d . , March 16, 1789. and  45pAC Calendar 1912, I n g l i s Papers, "Correspondence J o u r n a l s of Bishop I n g l i s , " J u l y 30, 1789, p. 240.  4°PAC, Documents R e l a t i v e t o Education, p. 658.  op. c i t . ,  4 7 l b i d . , p. 659. 4"3The Quebec Herald and M i s c e l l a n y , December 22, 1788 c a r r i e d a r e p o r t o f an examination by Rev. Mr. Montmollin o f Mr. Jone's s c h o o l . "The examination commenced with the f o l l o w i n g l i n e s spoken by a b e a u t i f u l boy of f o u r years o l d . . . We t h i n k i t our duty t o observe the whole of the examination a f f o r d e d a p l e a s i n g and an u n i v e r s a l s a t i s f a c t i o n . " John F r a s e r * s name has been mentioned i n Chapter I .  49pAC, Documents  R e l a t i v e t o Education,  p.  665.  5 0 i b i d . , . 667. p  S l l b i d . , p.  668.  5 M o n t r e a l Gazette, 2  January 7, 1790.  53pAC, Documents R e l a t i v e t o Education,  p. 674.  54ibid., p. 676. 55PAC, RG4, B30, Vol.'14, p. 5, Dunkin's Report t o Duller. T h i s r e p o r t , 377 pages l o n g , dated New Haven County, N. S., June 10, 1839 p r o v i d e d the m a t e r i a l which B u l l e r used i n Lord Durham's r e p o r t .  202 5 % . C. Dalton i n The J e s u i t s ' E s t a t e s Question 1760-1888 ( U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1968) d e a l s a b l y with the t a n g l e d s i t u a t i o n and should be c o n s u l t e d f o r further reference. b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n o f the J e s u i t s ' r o l e i n education was made i n Chapter I . SSfiurt, The Old P r o v i n c e of Quebec, I I , p.  173.  59pAC, M G 2 3 , Correspondence of C h a r l e s I n g l i s , V o l . I, I n g l i s to Dorchester, December 27, 1787, pp. 2729, as quoted i n J . W. Netten, The A n g l i c a n Church: I t s I n f l u e n c e on the Development of Education i n the Province o f Quebec from 1760-1900 (Unpublished Master's T h e s i s , Bishop's U n i v e r s i t y , 1965), pp. 46-47. A n  Frank Dawson Adams, A H i s t o r y of C h r i s t Church C a t h e d r a l , Montreal (Montreal: Burton's L i m i t e d , 1941), p. 118. OJ  -PAC, I n g l i s to D o r c h e s t e r , op. c i t .  6 2  Netten,  op. c i t . , p.  57.  3PAC, MG23, C6, #1(5-6) No. Quebec, 1789. 6  1, I n g l i s  Papers,  -A. L . Burt i n The Old P r o v i n c e of Quebec, I I , 1 3 6 , mentions t h a t "there i s a d o u b t f u l t r a d i t i o n , which accords with h i s t i m i d i t y of c h a r a c t e r and h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l cast of mind that he could not decide whether to support the B r i t i s h or American cause u n t i l 1773." 6Z)  ^Dalton, 66  The J e s u i t s ' E s t a t e s Question, p.  48.  Wade, The French Canadians, p. 8 5 .  67Burt, op. c i t . , II, 176. 68 6 9  D a l t o n , op. c i t . , p.  T  I Ibbiidd.. , p.  49.  50.  70lbid. 7!Burt, op. c i t . ,  72  I i , p.  177.  B  a i l l y had been t u t o r t o Dorchester's c h i l d r e n . Hence, one reason f o r h i s support of Smith's p l a n .  203 '^Report o f the P u b l i c A r c h i v e s 1890, Q49, 10, 1790, No. 6 7 , Dorchester to G r e n v i l l e . 7 / f  B u r t , op. c i t . ,  November  I I , p. 178.  M i l l m a n , Jacob Mountain, p. 170. Bishop Mountain does not make i t c l e a r why he d i d not f e e l t h a t Jt 200 a year, having been a p p l i e d t o s a l a r i e s , was not s a t i s f a c t o r y . 7 5  ^ Q u e b e c H e r a l d & M i s c e l l a n y , January 1 7 , 1790. Ibid.,  January 31, 1790.  %bid.,  February 7, 1791.  7 7  7  7  9 M o n t r e a l Gazette, May 29,  1788.  P A C , Q s e r i e s , V o l . 84, pp. 185-190, Mountain to M i l n e s , O c t . 19, 1799 as quoted i n Netten, op. c i t . , 80  pp. 71-74. 8 1  p. 534. 82  W a l l a c e , Macmillan D i c t i o n a r y o f Canadian  Biography,  Wade, The French Canadians, p. 103.  3pAC,  8  Q s e r i e s , V o l . 74, p. 364, Mountain as quoted i n Netten, op. c i t . , p. 64.  to P o r t l a n d ,  4Quebec Diocesan A r c h i v e s , S e r i e s C, V o l . I , p. 181, Mountain t o I n g l i s , September 16, 1798 as quoted i n Netten, op. c i t . , p. 69. 8  P A C , Q s e r i e s , V o l . 84, pp. 185-90, Mountain t o M i l n e s , October 19, 1799 as quoted i n Netten, op. c i t . , 85  pp. 71-74. 86  "Mountain 8 7  does not s t a t e who t h i s master was.  M i l l m a n , Jacob Mountain, p. 171.  * Ibid. d  *9Wade, The French Canadians, p. 104.  204 CHAPTER V F. S e y b o l t , Apprenticeship and Apprenticeship Education i n C o l o n i a l New England and Mew York (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , l y i y ) , p . iuy. o  This i s the personal experience of the w r i t e r who has c a r r i e d on a search f o r apprenticeship documents i n the P u b l i c Archives of Canada and the Archives of the Superior Court, M o n t r e a l . ^ B u l l e t i n des Recherches H i s t o r i q u e s , "Apprenticeship i n New F r a n c e , " 1939, V o l . 44, p. 3©4. 4-The f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of apprenticeship England i s drawn from Seybolt, pp. 1-21. ^Seybolt,  in  op. c i t . , p. 15.  ° S e y b o l t , op. c i t . , as quoted on p .  20.  7Ibid. 8  Ibid.  9  I b i d . , p. 2 1 .  B. M o r r i s , Government and Labour i n E a r l y America (New York: Octagon Books, 1965), p . 31. U S e y b o l t , op. c i t . , p . 23. 1 2  M o r r i s , op. c i t . , p .  367..  13 e y b o l t , op. c i t . , p . 32. S  l ^ I b i d . , p . 95. Seybolt found 108 indentures which contained such p r o v i s i o n s f o r sending apprentices to evening schools. l ^ M o r r i s , op. c i t . , p .  384.  E x t ensive search of n o t a r i a l records d i d not any indentures f o r the period 1760-1780. l 6  disclose  1 7 " C i t y of N . Yorke Indentures of Apprenticeship, Feb. 19, 1694 to Jan. 29, 1707, p. 135" as c i t e d i n Seybolt, op.  cit.,  18  A  pp. 87-89.  few indentures were found i n the records of Edward W i l l i a m Gray. I t should be pointed out also that t h i s study does not lend i t s e l f to a s t a t i s t i c a l approach because of too many v a r i a b l e s .  205 ^ % I o r r i s , op. c i t . , p. 20  384.  A r  chives o f the S u p e r i o r Court of Montreal, J . G. Beek, Indenture of Madders to S u l l i v a n , January 19, 1788, and Indenture of P a t t i n s o n to Gray, A p r i l 3, 1788. l M o r r i s , op. c i t . . p. 384. 2  P.  2 2  L u k i n , Indenture of F r a s e r t o Sanford, June 27,  1797. • ^ C o l l e c t i o n o f the New York H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , Indentures of A p p r e n t i c e s , October 21, 1718 to August 1727, pp. 111-199.  1909, 7,  4 j . G. Beek, Indenture of F e r r i e s to Hamilton, November 9, 1781 and Indenture of Sarah Dolson to P i a t t , February 4, 1788. 2  J . G. Beek, Indenture of D e L i s l e to Walker, A p r i l  2 5  1790. 2 o  P.  L u k i n , Indenture of Luck to Campbell, J u l y 3 1 ,  7lb id., The amendment added to the above was October~oT~l803. 2  2  22,  %ound  1797.  dated  i n J . G. Beek's r e g i s t e r of the same date.  9'Two o f the Montreal indentures were on a p r i n t e d  2  form.  30p. L u k i n , Indenture of F r a s e r to Sanford, H a t t e r , June 28, 1797. 31p. L u k i n , Indenture of P a t r i c k Kane to John McCutcheon, Carpenter, March 5, 1796. 3 M o n t r e a l C i v i c L i b r a r y , J o u r n a l of the House of Assembly of Lower Canada from January 11 to A p r i l 5. 1802. (Quebec: J . N e i l s o n ) , p. 124. 2  33J. G. Beek, Indenture of John M i d d l e t o n to D a n i e l Bridge, H a t t e r , January 7, 1791. 34J. G. Beek, Indenture of W i l l i a m Bean to John M i r c l e , Shoemaker, December 17, 1789. 35p, L u k i n , Indenture of Simon F r a s e r to Ephraim S a n f o r d , H a t t e r , June 28, 1797. 36p. L u k i n , Indenture of P e t e r McDougald to Duncan F i s h e r , Shoemaker, June 27, 1794.  206 37  L u k i n , Indenture o f A r c h i b a l d Kidd to Samuel Park, A p r i l 28, 1795. The a p p r e n t i c e was a b l e t o sign h i s own name to the document. 33j. . Beek, Indenture o f Joseph F e r r i e s t o Hugh Hamilton, S a i l i n g Master, November 9, 1781. T h i s indenture was cut i n h a l f w i t h indented edges, t h e master keeping one h a l f and the a p p r e n t i c e the o t h e r , a custom o r i g i n a t i n g from the Middle Ages. G  3 9 j . G. Beek, Indenture o f George D e L i s l e t o Thomas Walker, B a r r i s t e r , A p r i l 22, 1790. l l e c t i o n s o f the New York H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , Indentures o f A p p r e n t i c e s , 1718-1727. T y p i c a l would be the f o l l o w i n g : . . . and the s a i d Master s h a l l g i v e t o the S a i d A p p r e n t i c e t h r e e Months S c h o o l i n g Every Year a f t e r Christmas t o l e a r n t o Read and Write a t t Night S c h o o l i n g at the Charge of the s a i d Master. (Indenture o f John Wood t o J a c o l b u s Quick, Cordwinder, October 6, 1718, p. 115.) J . G. Beek, Indenture o f Hugh McMullen, Servant, to Thos. S c h i e f f e l i n , August 1, 1788. 4 1  Indented  B a b y C o l l e c t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of M o n t r e a l , A r t i c l e s of Agreement indented August 16, 1792 between John W i l l i a m D e L i s l e , E s q . and Andrew M e z i e r e . 4 2  43 I b i d . 4 4 j . Q. Beek, Indenture of John Clarke to McTavish, F r o b i s h e r and Company, Agents f o r t h e Northwest Company, January 17, 1800. Fox,  4 5 j . G. Beek, Indenture o f Winkey Dolson t o James Innkeeper, A p r i l 22, 1788.  46 j . G. Beek, Indenture of Samuel Nealor t o Reverend D. C. D e l i s l e , May 10, 1788. J . G. Beek, Indenture o f E l i z a b e t h Waldin t o W i l l i a m C l a r k e , May 18, 1789. 4 7  4 J o h n C l a r k e , a p p r e n t i c e d t o the North West Company (op. c i t . , ) was to r e c e i v e 100 pounds; Samuel Madders, a p p r e n t i c e d to innkeeper Thomas S u l l i v a n (Beek, January 19, 1788) was to r e c e i v e 2 guineas. 8  49John T i p p l e , Master C o r d i n e r , promised Ebert Welden a complete s e t o f shoemaker t o o l s . (Beek, Indenture o f Ebert Welden t o John T i p p l e , Cordiner, May 1, 1789.)  207 ek, Indenture of P h i l l i p p Merchant, June 23, 1794.  Ohle t o Levy M i c h a e l s ,  eek, Indenture o f Mary Weidin t o Simon C l a r k e , Innkeeper, February 2, 1789. 5 Luk i n , indenture o f David Wood t o John Horner, Shoemaker, November 17, 1794. 2  53 " ^ L u k i n , Indenture o f Toussaint Gordon t o Thos. S u l l i v a n , August 10, 1792. ^ M o n t r e a l Gazette, May 19, 1791. 55Adams, A H i s t o r y o f C h r i s t Church C a t h e d r a l , p. 69. 5 Ibid. 6  57Quebec H e r a l d and M i s c e l l a n y , March 23, 1790. 5 Beek, B i n d i n g o f John Palmer t o D. A. Grant, A p r i l 22, 1788. 8  59seguin, La C i v i l i s a t i o n T r a d i t i o n n e l l e De L'Habitant Aux 17e et I8e s i e c l e s , p. 255. 6 Q  I b i d . , p. 256.  6 l W i l l i a m Smith mentioned that there were 304 slaves when he was w r i t i n g t o h i s wife i n t h e 17$0's. Chapter I I I g i v e s examples o f such s a l e s . 62  6 3  Beek,. Sale of Negro boy Dick, January 11, 1786. M o n t r e a l Gazette, June 11, 1789.  4j i s o f the House o f Assembly of Lower Canada, A p r i l 19, 1799. 6  o  u  r  n  a  65 ^See G. W. Spragge, M o n i t o r i a l Schools In the Canadas 1810-1845, D. Paed t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto, 1935 f o r f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n . r  208 CHAPTER VI Isaac Weld, T r a v e l s Through the S t a t e s of North America and the P r o v i n c e s o f Upper and Lower Canada, during; The years 1795, 1796, and 1797 (London: John S t o c k d a l e . 1799) Pi 1 8 0 . M e n t i o n should be made here o f the a d d i t i o n a l wave o f E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g immigrants from New England i n t o the h i t h e r t o u n s e t t l e d area o f the E a s t e r n Townships d u r i n g the 1790*s. Though sometimes r e f e r r e d to as the " l a t e L o y a l i s t s " these s e t t l e r s appeared t o have come l e s s f o r p o l i t i c a l reasons, than f o r the o f f e r of new l a n d . One u n f l a t t e r i n g d e s c r i p t i o n o f such s e t t l e r s was given by Rev. Lorenzo Dow, a Methodist c i r c u i t r i d e r on a t r i p t o the Dunham and Memphremagog Lake a r e a . "The people i n t h i s p a r t o f the country were the o f f s c o u r i n g o f t h e e a r t h , some having r a n h i t h e r f o r debt, others t o a v o i d p r o s e c u t i o n f o r crimes, and a t h i r d c h a r a c t e r had t o accumulate money." As quoted i n R. G. Moore, H i s t o r i c a l Sketches o f the Churches i n the Cowansville-Dunham P a s t o r a l Charge, 1962, p. 13* I t should be p o i n t e d out t h a t i n 1791 the term P r o t e s t a n t was a p p l i e d o n l y t o the Church o f England. C o n s i d e r a b l e debate was t o go on i n the 19th century over the meaning o f the word " P r o t e s t a n t , " w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o a p r o v i s i o n i n the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Act which s e t a s i d e oneseventh o f the Crown grants f o r the support o f a P r o t e s t a n t c l e r g y . Fred Landon, Western Ontario and the American F r o n t i e r , C a r l e t o n L i b r a r y No. 3 4 (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart L i m i t e d , 1967), p. 72. In t h i s study, the term P r o t e s t a n t i s a p p l i e d t o a l l n o n - C a t h o l i c churches. 2  T h e f i r s t Methodist c i r c u i t r i d e r i n the Township of Dunham came around 1798 from NI, Mass., Vermont and C o n n e c t i c u t . Moore, op. c i t - . , p. 11. L i t t l e e l s e has been found on the a c t i v i t y of the Methodists i n t h i s p e r i o d i n Quebec. Quite p o s s i b l y Methodism d i d not come t o e s t a b l i s h i t s e l f i n the p r o v i n c e t i l l the t u r n o f the century, f o r i n Upper Canada the f i r s t r e g u l a r Methodist preacher, W i l l i a m Losee, only came i n 1790. Landon, op. c i t . , p. 73. There must have been a number o f Quakers i n the p r o v i n c e t o have brought about "An Act f o r g r a n t i n g Indulgences to the People c a l l e d Quakers" i n 1793. Instead o f having to swear an oath, Quakers were allowed to s u b s t i t u t e "do Solemnly S i n c e r e l y and t r u l y d e c l a r e and A f f i r m . " I f they produced a c e r t i f i cate from t h e i r q u a r t e r l y meetings, they were exempt from m i l i t a r y duty. 3  209 ^Netten, The A n g l i c a n Church: I t s I n f l u e n c e on the Development o f Education i n the P r o v i n c e of Quebec 17601900, I n t r o d u c t i o n . The S o c i e t y i n a memorial to the E n g l i s h Government i n 1807 s t a t e d t h a t the c l e r g y who succeeded best were " n a t i v e Americans" but the supply of such was d i f f i c u l t " f o r want of proper e d u c a t i o n . " C l a s s i f i e d Digest o f the Records of• the S.P.G. i n F o r e i g n F a r t s , pp. 143-44. 5  °Inglis was more s u c c e s s f u l w i t h - h i s education e f f o r t s i n Nova S c o t i a where he e s t a b l i s h e d an Academy i n 1788. PAC, RG4, B30, V o l . 2, Nos. 15, 16, 33, 37. Real Boulianne, The French Canadians under the Royal I n s t i t u t i o n f o r the Advancement of L e a r n i n g (unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , M c G i l l , 1966) r e - a s s e s s e s the e f f e c t of the RIAL on the French Canadians. 7  8  p.  Johnson, A B r i e f H i s t o r y of Canadian E d u c a t i o n ,  17.  ^ O n t a r i o A r c h i v e s , Strachan Papers, D i a r y o f Joseph F r o b i s h e r l 8 0 7 - l 8 l 0 . August 4, 1808. His grandson had run away from another s c h o o l . T o r o n t o P u b l i c L i b r a r y , A Concise I n t r o d u c t i o n to P r a c t i c a l A r i t h m e t i c f o r the Use of S c h o o l s , by the Rev. John Strachan (Montreal: Nahum Mower, 1809). Strachan g i v e s as one of h i s reasons f o r d e v e l o p i n g h i s " e x p e d i t i o u s " method of t e a c h i n g a r i t h m e t i c the f a c t t h a t "loung men coming from a d i s t a n c e at a very c o n s i d e r a b l e expence are anxious t o get forward as f a s t as p o s s i b l e . " 1 0  A s quoted i n M. S. MacSporran, James M c G i l l , (unpublished Master's thesis), M c G i l l , 1948, p. 202. Strachan wrdte of h i s i n t e r e s t i n a u n i v e r s i t y t o Dugald Stewart, a S c o t t i s h p h i l o s o p h e r , i n the winter of 1814. "There i s another s u b j e c t i n which I want your a i d and I s h a l l be g r a t e f u l f o r your o p i n i o n . A c o l l e g e or U n i v e r s i t y has l o n g been a desideratum among the F r i e n d s of the Canadas to which the French as w e l l . a s E n g l i s h youth might have f r e e access with the p e r f e c t freedom as to r e l i g i o n . In such a p l a c e , the a r t s & S c i e n c e s might be taught with e f f e c t and the young men both French and E n g l i s h mixing t o g e t h e r a g r e a t e r c o r d i a l i t y would be promoted between the two n a t i o n s the language of the. Conquerors would g r a d u a l l y o b t a i n the ascendency and the country become what alone can render i t r e a l l y v a l u a b l e t o ,the Crown an E n g l i s h colony. Nor would i t be thought necessary as i t too o f t e n was before the war i:L  210 t o send our Youth to complete t h e i r Education i n the S t a t e s where they l e a r n very l i t t l e more than anarchy i n P o l i t i c s , and i n f i d e l i t y i n r e l i g i o n . . . . A F r i e n d o f mine has l e f t a c o n s i d e r a b l e l e g a c y to found a C o l l e g e i n Lower Canada and Govt, may be induced to a s s i s t i n f u l f i l l i n g h i s i n t e n t i o n s ... . I am a p a r t y to my F r i e n d s w i l l and a t r u s t e e to the l e g a c y . " As quoted i n The John Strachan L e t t e r Book: 1812-1834, ed. G. W. Spragge (Toronto: The Ontario H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , 1946) p. 58. 12 K l i n c k , ed., L i t e r a r y H i s t o r y of Canada ( U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto P r e s s , 1965), p. 87. 1 3  Ibid.  1 4 L e s U r s u l i n e s , pp. 249-50. Guy F r e g a u l t , Canada: the War of the Conquest, t r a n s . M. Cameron (Toronto: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1969), p. 246 w r i t e s that the U r s u l i n e s adapted themselves to a B r i t i s h s o c i e t y . At the t u r n of the n i n e t e e n t y century, two U r s u l i n e s , Mothers Mary-Louisa McLoughlin and E l i z a b e t h Doughery were given the f i r s t r e g u l a r c l a s s e s to teach i n E n g l i s h . As the A n n a l i s t of the U r s u l i n e s e x p l a i n s , "The time was past when E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g p u p i l s were content to l e a r n French only i n the Convent, nor could the French p u p i l s a f f o r d to be ignorant of E n g l i s h . " Glimpses of the Monastery, p. 203. 15The almanac has been d e s c r i b e d as being "the most widely read l i t e r a r y p r o d u c t i o n i n C o l o n i a l America" and as p l a y i n g a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the education of the American people." Robt. T. S i d w e l l , " W r i t e r s , Thinkers and Fox-Hunters," E d u c a t i o n a l Theory i n the Almanacs of Eighteenth Century C o l o n i a l America," H i s t o r y of Education Q u a r t e r l y , F a l l 1968, V o l . V I I I , No. 3, pp. 275-286. i t i s d i f f i c u l t to say whether or not Canadian almanacs had the same e f f e c t . Two almanacs l o c a t e d f o r t h i s present study i n the B i b l i o t h e q u e S a i n t - S u l p i c e , M o n t r e a l , one p u b l i s h e d i n 1784 by W i l l i a m Brown and another i n 1792 by Samuel N e i l s o n , gave f a c t u a l i n f o r m a t i o n with regard to the s e r v i c e s of the v a r i o u s towns, e.g. n o t a r i e s . l°Wade, The  French Canadians, p.. 96.  R A Q 1948-49, " V i s i t e Generale De 1795," p. 1 0 5 . 17  l ^ I b i d . , p. 76 and 1 9  Ibid.,  pp.  70-2.  p.  90.  Quebec 5 J u i n  211 ^ S e w e l l became S o l i c i t o r General i n 1793 , A t t o r n e y General i n 1795. J u s t before a c o n c e r t , S e w e l l , h e a r i n g o f the attempted a s s a s i n a t i o n o f George I I I wrote an a d d i t i o n a l verse to God Save the King which.was to be c a r r i e d overseas and d e l i v e r e d at Drury Lane Theatre i n 1798 by no l e s s a personage than S h e r i d a n . S e w e l l , an extremely able lawyer, was a l s o an a u t h o r i t y on French Canadian law. . During the 1820's, he was V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of the L i t e r a r y and P h i l o s o p h i c a l S o c i e t y . 21  S i r James C r a i g who became governor i n 1807, has been accused.of a "Reign of T e r r o r " by French-Canadians because of h i s attempt t o q u e l l "democratic clamour" i n the Assembly. He removed key f i g u r e s from o f f i c e and gave v e r b a l rebukes to the Assembly. 22  p.  258.  RAQ 1948-49, " L ' A s s o c i a t i o n Loyale De M o n t r e a l , "  212 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY (Manuscript) P u b l i c A r c h i v e s of Canada RG1 ( E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l Minute Books 1764-1791). Minute Books Quebec L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l 1764-1791. RG4 ( C i v i l and P r o v i n c i a l S e c r e t a r i e s ' O f f i c e ) . Canada East 17o0-1867:•School Records 1768-1839. 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U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto P r e s s , 1942.  Toronto:  Coffin, Victor. The P r o v i n c e of Quebec and the E a r l y American R e v o l u t i o n . Madison: B u l l e t i n o f the Univers i t y o f Wisconsin, 18*96. C o l l a r d , . E. A. Montreal Y e s t e r d a y s . Canada L t d . , 1962.  Toronto: Longmans  Cooper, J . I . The Blessed Communion. The O r i g i n s and H i s t o r y o f the Diocese o f Montreal 1760-1960. Montreal: A r c h i v e s Committee of t h e Diocese of M o n t r e a l , I960. Coupland, R e g i n a l d S i r . Press, 1925.  The Quebec A c t .  Oxford,  C r e i g h t o n , D. The Empire o f the S t . Lawrence. Macmillan Company of Canada, 1956.  Clarendon  Toronto:  217 D a l t o n , R. C. The J e s u i t s ' E s t a t e s Question 1760-1885. Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto Press, 1968. Dorland, A. G. A H i s t o r y o f the S o c i e t y o f F r i e n d s i n Canada. Toronto: Macmillan Company o f Canada, 1927. F r e g a u l t , Guy. Canada: the war o f the conquest. Transl a t e d by Margaret M . uameron. T o r o n t o : uxrord U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969. Harper, J . R u s s e l l . Painting; i n Canada. U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto Press, 196'/.  Toronto:  Hubbard, R. H. The Development o f Canadian A r t . Queen's P r i n t e r , 1963.  Ottawa:  I n n i s , H. A. The F u r Trade i n Canada, U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto P r e s s , 1962.  Toronto:  r e v . ed.  Jessup, E. Rae. "Jessup's Rangers as a F a c t o r i n L o y a l i s t Settlement." P u b l i s h e d M. A. T h e s i s , Queen's U n i v e r s i t y 1937, The Ontario Department o f P u b l i c Records and A r c h i v e s , 1961. K e s t e r t o n , W. H. A H i s t o r y o f J o u r n a l i s m i n Canada. C a r l e t o n L i b r a r y No. 36. Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart.Ltd., 1967. Johnson, F. Henry. A B r i e f H i s t o r y o f Canadian E d u c a t i o n . Toronto: McGraw H i l l o f Canada L t d . , 1968. Jones, E. A l f r e d . The L o y a l i s t s o f Massachusetts. London:-The S a i n t Catherine Press, 1930. Landon, F r e d . Western Ontario and the American F r o n t i e r . C a r l e t o n L i b r a r y No. 34. Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d and Stewart L t d . , 1967. LeMoine, J . M. P i c t u r e s q u e Quebec. B r o t h e r s , 1$E2.  Montreal: Dawson  Levesque, A l b e r t . La D u a l i t e C u l t u r e l l e au Canada. Montreal: Levesque, 1959. Lower, A. R. M. Canadians In the Making. Longmans, Green and Company, 1958.  Toronto:  Millman, T. R. Jacob Mountain, F i r s t Lord Bishop o f Quebec. U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto Press, 1947. Monroe, P a u l . A Textbook i n the H i s t o r y o f E d u c a t i o n . New York: Macmillan Company, 1922.  218 Neatby, H i l d a . The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of J u s t i c e Under the Quebec A c t . M i n n e a p o l i s : U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota Press, 1937. . Quebec: The R e v o l u t i o n a r y Age, 1760-1791. Toronto: McLelland and Stewart, 1966. Wish, Cameron, ed. The French Canadians, 1759-1766. Conquered? Half-Conquered? L i b e r a t e d . Issues i n Canadian H i s t o r y S e r i e s . Toronto: Copp C l a r k , 1966. * O u e l l e t , Fernand. H i s t o i r e Economique Et S o c i a l e Du Quebec 1760-1850. M o n t r e a l : E d i t i o n s F i d e s . Pascoe, C. F. Two London: 1901.  Hundred Years o f the S.P.G. 1701-1900.  P e r c i v a l , W. P. Across the Years, A Century of E d u c a t i o n i n the P r o v i n c e of Quebec. M o n t r e a l : Gazette P r i n t i n g Co. L t d . , 1946. P h i l l i p p s , C. E. The Development of Education i n Canada. Toronto: W. J . Gage and Co. L t d . , 1957. Reaman, G. Elmore. The T r i a l of the Huguenots i n Europe, the U n i t e d S t a t e s , South A f r i c a and Canada. Toronto: Thos. Alexander L t d . , 1963. Ryerson, E g e r t o n . The L o y a l i s t s of America and t h e i r Times. 2 v o l s . Toronto: W i l l i a m B r i g g s , 1880. Sack, B. G. H i s t o r y of the Jews i n Canada. Harvest House, 1965.  Montreal:  Seguin, Robert L i o n e l . La C i v i l i s a t i o n T r a d i t i o n n e l l e De L'Habitant Aux 17e et I8e s i e c l e s . Ottawa: F i d e s ,  IWT.  :  '  S t a n l e y , G. F. G. Canada's S o l d i e r s . Company of Canada, I960.  •  Toronto: Macmillan  S t o r y , Norah, ed. The Oxford Companion to Canadian H i s t o r y and L i t e r a t u r e . Toronto:. Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1967. Tremaine, M a r i e . Canadian Imprints 1751-1800. U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto P r e s s , 1952.  Toronto:  T r u d e l , M a r c e l . . L ' I n f l u e n c e de V o l t a i r e Au Canada. M o n t r e a l : F i d e s , 1945.  219 Wade, Mason. -The French Canadians. Company o f Canada L t d . , 1956.  Toronto: Macmillan  Wallace, W. S., ed. The Macmillan D i c t i o n a r y o f Canadian Biography. 3 r d e d i t i o n , Toronto: Macmillan Company of Canada, 1963. _______ The.; P e d l a r s from Quebec and Other Papers - on the Nor'Westers. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1954. Young, A. H. The Reverend S t u a r t and H i s F a m i l y . K i n g s t o n : Whig P r e s s , n/d. The f o l l o w i n g books on American and B r i t i s h h i s t o r y have suggested p o s s i b l e p a r a l l e l s i n Canadian h i s t o r y , which have not h i t h e r t o been e x p l o r e d . American B a i l y n , Bernard. E d u c a t i o n i n the Forming o f American Society-. New l o r k : Vintage booKs, ±ybu. Bridenbaugh, C a r l and J e s s i c a . Rebels and Gentlemen. New York: Oxford Press, 1965. Jernegan, M. C. L a b o r i n g and Dependent C l a s s e s i n C o l o n i a l America, 1607-1783. New York: Ungar,  I960.  M o r r i s , R. B. Government and Labour i n E a r l y America. New York: Octagon Books, 19o5. O'Meara, W a l t e r . Daughters o f the Country. Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1968.  New York:  S e y b o l t , R. F. A p p r e n t i c e s h i p and Apprenticeship' Educat i o n ' i n C o l o n i a l New England. New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , 1917. Wade, R. C. The Urban F r o n t i e r . U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959.  Cambridge: Harvard  British A l t i c k , R. D. The E n g l i s h Common Reader, a S o c i a l H i s t o r y o f the Mass Reading P u b l i c 1800-1900. Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago Press, 1957. Jones, M. G. The C h a r i t y School Movement. U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1938.  Cambridge:  220 M a r s h a l l , Dorothy. E n g l i s h People i n the E i g h t e e n t h Century. London: Longman Greens, 1956. White, A. C. T. The S t o r y of Army Education 1643-1963. G. G. Harrop & Co. L t d . , 1963'. The D i a r y of a Country Parson: The Reverend James Woodford. E d i t e d by John B e r e s f o r d . London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press. REPORTS Report of the Royal Commission on B i l i n g u a l i s m and Biculturalism. P r e l i m i n a r y Report, 1966. Book I: The O f f i c i a l Languages, 1967. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1966-67. Report  of the Royal Commission of I n q u i r y on Education  i n the Province of Quebec.  5 vols.  Quebec: 1963-66.  UNPUBLISHED THESES Calam, John. "An H i s t o r i c a l Survey of Boarding Schools and P u b l i c School D o r m i t o r i e s i n Canada." M. A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1962. Hunte, K. D. "The Development of the System of E d u c a t i o n i n Canada East 1841-1867." M. A. T h e s i s , M c G i l l , 1962. Netten, John. "The A n g l i c a n Church: I t s I n f l u e n c e on the Development of Education i n the Province of Quebec from to M. A. T h e s i s , Bishop's,  1760  1900."  1965.  Owens, N. A. S. " T r a v e l L i t e r a t u r e As a Commentary on Development ,in the Canadas, M. A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1957.  I763-I838."  Rennie, H. L. " H i s t o r y of E d u c a t i o n i n the E a s t e r n Towns h i p s . " M. A. T h e s i s , Bishop's, 1930. Rexford, 0. B. "Teacher T r a i n i n g i n the Province ,of Quebec. A H i s t o r i c a l Study up to M. A. T h e s i s , McGill, 1936.  1857."  Spragge, G. W. " M o n i t o r i a l Schools In the Canadas 18.101845." D.Paed. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 1935.  221 Woodley, E. C. "The H i s t o r y of Education i n the P r o v i n c e of Quebec." M. A. T h e s i s , M c G i l l , 1932. ARTICLES B u l l e t i n des Recherches H i s t o r i q u e s . "Les marriages mixtes a M o n t r e a l . " V o l . 31, 1925, pp.84-86. " A p p r e n t i c e s h i p i n New France." V o l . 44, 1938, p. 364. Gradish, Stephen. "The German Mercenaries i n North America During the American R e v o l u t i o n , A Case Study." Canadian J o u r n a l of H i s t o r y . V o l . 4, No. 1, March 1969, pp.22-46. Kenney, J . F. "The P u b l i c Records of the Province o f Quebec 1763-1791." T r a n s a c t i o n s o f the Royal S o c i e t y of Canada, V o l . 35, 1940, pp. 87-133. Lower, A. R. M. " C r e d i t and the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l A c t . " Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review. V o l . 6, 1925, pp. 123-141. M a s s i c o t t e , E. Z. " H o t e l l e r i e s , Clubs et Cafes a Montreal 1760-1850," T r a n s a c t i o n s o f the Royal S o c i e t y of Canada, V o l . 22, 1928, pp. 37-62. McLachlan, R. W. " F l e u r y Mesplet, the F i r s t P r i n t e r a t Montreal." T r a n s a c t i o n s of the Royal S o c i e t y of Canada.  V o l . 12, 1906, pp. 197-223.  M o r r i s o n , A. E. "New Brunswick: the l o y a l i s t s and the h i s t o r i a n s . " J o u r n a l o f Canadian S t u d i e s . V o l . 3, No. 3, August, 1968, pp. 39-49"  

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