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Local-level politics in a rural B.C. community : community life under the metropolis-satellite system Halverson, Douglas Andrew 1973

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LOCAL-LEVEL POLITICS IN A RURAL B.C. COMMUNITY: COMMUNITY L I F E UNDER THE METROPOLIS-SATELLITE SYSTEM  by  DOUGLAS ANDREW HALVERSON B.A. , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  MASTER OF ARTS  i n t h e Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1973  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the  L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e  and  study.  I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  be  granted by  the Head of my  I t i s understood t h a t copying or  of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be written  Department or  permission.  Department The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada  publication  allowed without  my  i  ABSTRACT  The  n a t u r e of l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n the  community of B e l l a C o o l a i s shaped by the  community to n a t i o n a l and  rural  the s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p of  i n t e r n a t i o n a l economy_ . s o c i e t y and  cul-  ture. Foremost, B e l l a C o o l a i s e c o n o m i c a l l y  a s a t e l l i t e i n that  (1) i t l a c k s l o c a l c a p i t a l and  (2) a l l the p r o d u c t s and  profit  the v a l l e y .  of l o c a l i n d u s t r y l e a v e  n e a r l y a l l the  I t i s not w i t h i n  the power  of the l o c a l community members to make major economic d e c i s i o n s . t h e r , they must c o n s t a n t l y  respond to e x t e r n a l  initiatives.  B e l l a Coola occupies a s a t e l l i t e p o s i t i o n i n regard formal  to  s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ' i n t h a t the community i t s e l f s u p p l i e s  the lowest l e v e l f u n c t i o n a r i e s and workers. c o n t r o l on major s o c i a l p o l i c y and  Ra-  I t s - members have  only no  implementation.  B e l l a C o o l a i s a c u l t u r a l s a t e l l i t e i n t h a t i t s members not  p a r t i c i p a t e i n the c r e a t i o n of the dominant c u l t u r e but  consume i t .  L o c a l i d e a l s of the  The  rather  good l i f e , music, a r t , drama,  t e c h n i c a l implements are a l l independent of l o c a l  to goals  and  creation.  s a t e l l i t e n a t u r e of B e l l a C o o l a a f f e c t s l o c a l  p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n (1) regard  do  that succeed and  level  (2)  leader-  s h i p and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The  political  goals  t h a t succeed i n B e l l a C o o l a are  that increase  access to the economic, s o c i a l , and  metropolis).  Successful  occupations that provide outside  the  community.  local level political the h i g h e s t  those  c u l t u r a l centre  leaders  (the  come from those  c o n t a c t w i t h persons and  institutions  ii  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Page NOTE ON METHOD I.  1  THEORETICAL INTRODUCTIONS The L o c a l Community i n Modern S o c i e t y Canada's S p e c i a l H i s t o r y i n Regard t o the M e t r o p o l i s S a t e l l i t e Model B e l l a Coolaaas a S a t e l l i t e The Impoverishment o f the Canadian S a t e l l i t e Community The Development o f the T h e s i s Conclusion  II.  A BACKGROUND-HISTORY  28 28 30 32 38 40 41  BELLA COOLA'S ECONOMY Introduction Agriculture Fishing L o g g i n g and M i l l i n g The Trades S a l e s and C l e r i c a l S e r v i c e s Teaching P u b l i c Works and U t i l i t i e s H o s p i t a l Work Government A g e n c i e s Tourism  IV.  14 17 17 21 25  OF BELLA COOLA  NaturalcEnvironment A b o r i g i n a l Settlement F i r s t Whites i n the V a l l e y The Formal O r g a n i z a t i o n o f the Norwegian Colony Settlement Pattern Non-Norwegian S e t t l e m e n t P o p u l a t i o n Changes i n t h e T w e n t i e t h Century III.  5  43 48 51 56 60 62 68 69 70 70 71  THE NATURE OF DAILY RELATIONS IN BELLA COOLA Introduction The I n t e g r a t i o n o f B e l l a Coola w i t h the M e t r o p o l i s The P o w e r - R e s t r i c t e d Community Overt I n t e r f e r e n c e from O u t s i d e I n t e r e s t s L i f e Styles D i s c r e p a n c i e s i n S c a l e o f S o c i a l Systems Small S i z e  72 72 73 77 78 81 86  iii  Page V.  THE INDIAN POPULATION Introduction P r e v i o u s E t h n o g r a p h i c Work E x t e n t of Contact P o i n t s o f Contact White A t t i t u d e s Towards I n d i a n s I r r e g u l a r White A t t i t u d e s Towards I n d i a n s I n d i a n Views o f the Whites The Economic F u n c t i o n o f the I n d i a n s i n B e l l a C o o l a The C u l t u r a l F u n c t i o n o f the I n d i a n s i n B e l l a C o o l a  VI.  VII.  89 90 91 91 94 97 97 98 101  THE LIMITS OF LOCAL-LEVEL POLITICAL ACTION IN BELLA COOLA Introduction The Great Example The C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f L o c a l - L e v e l P o l i t i c s i n B e l l a C o o l a L o c a l - L e v e l P o l i t i c a l Goals i n B e l l a C o o l a The C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of L o c a l - L e v e l P o l i t i c s as they Apply to the Great Example and C u r r e n t P r o j e c t s  105 106 112 116  L i m i t e d L o c a l P r e r o g a t i v e s and C a p i t a l Unimportance o f N a t i o n a l and P r o v i n c i a l P a r t i e s C o n d i t i o n s f o r Community Support Narrowness of P a r t i c i p a t i o n and L e a d e r s h i p C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f Leaders Factions i n Local-Level P o l i t i c s  119 123 124 126 130 133  SUMMARY AND  BIBLIOGRAPHY  CONCLUSIONS  119  138 148  iv  LIST OF TABLES  Page I  II  III  IV  V  Labour F o r c e i n Major O c c u p a t i o n s by Year f o r NonReserve P o p u l a t i o n — Whole Numbers and P e r c e n t a g e s f o r S e l e c t e d Dates from 1935 to 1968  44  Labour F o r c e i n Major Occupations by Year f o r Reserve P o p u l a t i o n — Whole Numbers and P e r c e n t a g e s f o r S e l e c t e d Dates, 1962 and 1968  45  Labour F o r c e i n Major Occupations by Year f o r A l l P o p u l a t i o n — Whole Numbers and Percentages f o r S e l e c t e d D a t e s , 1962 and 1968  '45  Labour F o r c e by D e t a i l e d O c c u p a t i o n a l Category, By Year, and by S e t t l e m e n t A r e a i n V a l l e y f o r Non-Reserve Popul a t i o n — Whole Numbers f o r S e l e c t e d Dates From 1935 to 1968  46  Labour F o r c e by D e t a i l e d O c c u p a t i o n a l Category, By Year f o r Reserve P o p u l a t i o n —  Whole Numbers  47  VI  The C a r e e r s o f Persons I n v o l v e d i n Farming i n 1968  49  VII  The C a r e e r s o f Persons I n v o l v e d i n the Trades i n At L e a s t One o f t h e Reported Y e a r s  63  The C a r e e r s o f Persons I n v o l v e d i n S a l e s and C l e r i c a l S e r v i c e s i n a t L e a s t One o f the Reported Years  63  VIII  V  LIST OF MAPS  Page  I  B r i t i s h Columbia  27  II  B e l l a Coola V a l l e y  39  III  B e l l a C o o l a Townsite  and I n d i a n V i l l a g e  39  vi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  I wish for  t o thank the C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing  the f e l l o w s h i p t h a t enabled me to undertake  Corporation  t h e f i e l d work f o r t h i s  thesis. I wish  t o thank the people o f B e l l a C o o l a whose h o s p i t a l i t y  a l l o w e d us t o gather t h e d a t a .  T h i s thanks  goes e s p e c i a l l y to those  i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s t o whom we grew e s p e c i a l l y c l o s e .  I know t h a t  the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f B e l l a C o o l a l i f e p r e s e n t e d i n t h i s t h e s i s sometimes d i f f e r s g r e a t l y from t h a t o f our B e l l a C o o l a f r i e n d s . found a h a r s h e r r e a l i t y t h a t I have f a i l e d aspects of l i f e  I wish  than d i d o u r f r i e n d s i n the V a l l e y , does not mean  to recognize —  there.  That I sometimes  and sometimes envy —  the p o s i t i v e  We remain g r a t e f u l f o r the kindness we r e c e i v e d .  t o thank Dr. M.M. Ames f o r i n i t i a l l y r e v i e w i n g my  r e s e a r c h p r o p o s a l and a s s i s t i n g me i n o b t a i n i n g the n e c e s s a r y f e l l o w s h i p . I  thank Dr. M.J.E. Kew f o r i n v a l u a b l e a s s i s t a n c e t o me i n g u i d i n g t h e  development o f t h e t h e s i s ' content as w e l l as s c r u p u l o u s l y e d i t i n g i t for  c l a r i t y o f language.  Dr. P. Marchak p r o v i d e d me w i t h  extremely  e d u c a t i v e c r i t i c i s m r e g a r d i n g t h e theory connected w i t h t h e t o p i c . have n o t always been a b l e to meet t h e s u g g e s t i o n s o f these Consequently,  the shortcomings  F i n a l l y I wish the work i n the f i e l d .  individuals.  o f t h i s t h e s i s i n no way r e f l e c t on them.  t o thank Mary Margaret  Gaye w i t h whom I d i d  She was a b l e t o a s s o c i a t e w i t h the women o f t h e  v a l l e y i n ways I c o u l d n o t . scene  I  Together we c o u l d c i r c u l a t e i n t h e s o c i a l  f a r more e a s i l y than would have been p o s s i b l e had I been a l o n e .  t h e s i s would n o t have been w r i t t e n w i t h o u t h e r h e l p .  The  1  NOTE ON METHOD  In 1970 I received a fellowship from Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation enabling a short period of f i e l d work i n B e l l a Coola, a small B r i t i s h Columbia community.  For three and a half months  during that summer I l i v e d with my wife i n that community i n order to gain some understanding of the ways i n which the people of the community organized themselves  to achieve s p e c i f i c goals.  I had a very limited knowledge of B e l l a Coola when I chose to make i t the s i t e of my work; I had two c r i t e r i a f o r my choice. F i r s t , residents of the s i t e had to i d e n t i f y i t as their prime community —  I did not want a "bedroom" settlement on the periphery of a major  c i t y , f o r example.  B e l l a Coola i s p h y s i c a l l y isolated from i t s neigh-  bours and i s not a short l i v e d company or camp town.  Second, the  community had to be small enough to allow me to obtain i n the short time available at least a f l e e t i n g knowledge of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of community members i n major l o c a l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s .  B e l l a Coola,  with a population of approximately 1,300 met this c r i t e r i o n . I wished to know how people i n Canada, without the presence of professional planners and p o l i t i c i a n s developed and pursued community goals. in particular.  At the time I was not concerned with the r u r a l community I simply thought i t would be easier to control the data  in a r u r a l community. P r i o r to entering the f i e l d I had surveyed some of the l i t e r ature of American community studies. Of s p e c i a l interest to me had  2  1 been Small Town i n Mass Society  which, while covering much more than  I aspired to cover, included nearly a l l the dimensions of interest to me.  I reread this towards the end of my f i e l d work; i t s influence on  the study i s apparent.  not u n t i l I began to order the material 2 that I had gathered that I became aware of the work of A.K. Davis and 3 A.G.  It was  Frank. The f i e l d data was  gathered i n a number of d i f f e r e n t ways.  We were constantly i n the r o l e of participant-observer.  Our own  close-  ness to the society of our study at times made t h i s a d i f f i c u l t r o l e to play.  We could not plead ignorance of rules of behavior  have, had we been proper " a l i e n s " . We  as we  could  could also not claim to be opin-  ionless on c e r t a i n questions. We never t r i e d to hide what we were i n the community to do. I did make a mistake of c i t i n g a p a r t i c u l a r project that had been undertaken some years ago as an example of the kind of thing we were looking i n t o .  Even though I stopped r e f e r r i n g to t h i s , we encountered  people up to the end of our stay who writing the book on the road." 1. 2.  3.  s a i d , "Oh you're the one who  is  I can only hope this did not f i l t e r  V i d i c h , Arthur J . and Bensman, Joseph, Small Town i n Mass Society; Class, Power and Religion i n a Rural Community, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968. Davis, Arthur K., "Canadian Society and History as Hinterland Versus Metropolis", i n Richard J . Ossenberg, E d i t o r , Canadian Society, Pluralism, Change and C o n f l i c t , (Scarborough: PrenticeH a l l , 1971), pp. 6-32. Also, "Urban Indians i n Western Canada: Implications for S o c i a l Theory and Social P o l i c y , " Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V o l . VI: Series IV: June 1968, pp. 217-228. Frank, Andre Gunder, Capitalism and Underdevelopment i n L a t i n America, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1967.  3  the information we were receiving. During our stay I kept a d a i l y journal. weeks.  I recorded our interactions with community i n the beginning As these became more and more and t h e i r content grew, the  daily journal of necessity became less comprehensive (though entries were often longer). tions, businesses.  I began to keep f i l e s on individuals, organizaI kept membership l i s t s and accounts of on-going  a c t i v i t i e s and projects.  Of a great a i d i n doing t h i s was  a set of  the community newspaper, The V a l l e y Echo, covering the f i v e years of i t s p u b l i c a t i o n . This gave me continuous information on the growth of various projects over the years of 1958  to 1963.  Interestingly enough  the names i n the news at that time were not much d i f f e r e n t from those people active i n community a f f a i r s today. questions of i n d i v i d u a l s .  F i n a l l y , I asked s p e c i f i c  Sometimes these were i n the form of a ques-  tionnaire, sometimes simply sandwiched i n amongst the small talk expected of one i n s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s .  I established a d e f i n i t e  anthropologist relationship with only a few i n d i v i d u a l s .  informant-  I always pre-  ferred volunteered information to e l i c i t e d information and kept track of what information was of what kind.  It was over dinners, cups of  tea, dropping i n , and talking i n the store or on the bridge that much of my material came across. It was not u n t i l my return from Bella Coola that I researched s t a t i s t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l materials on or relevant to B e l l a Coola i n any d e t a i l .  These materials are noted i n the thesis body. B e l l a Coola, 4 A Story of E f f o r t and Achievement was published shortly before I l e f t 4.  Kopas, C l i f f , B e l l a Coola; A Story of E f f o r t and Achievement, Vancouver, M i t c h e l l Press, 1970. :  4  to begin f i e l d work. length i n the thesis —  I became aware of the book —  which I quote at  while arranging accommodation i n B e l l a Coola.  I read i t on the t r i p into the Valley.  5  CHAPTER I THEORETICAL INTRODUCTIONS  The Local Community i n Modern Society To connect the quality of men's l i v e s with the population size and density of the community i n which they l i v e i s an ancient exercise.  Plato stated that the r o l e of the c i t i z e n i s related to the  material standard its  of l i v i n g of h i s community, i t s l e v e l of technology,  d i v i s i o n of labour and i t s population s i z e .  He said man was hap-  piest and healthiest i n small communities that met needs s u f f i c i e n t l y but without luxury, and that i l l health i n the i n d i v i d u a l and the society were the r e s u l t of large, highly developed human settlements. For Plato, imperialism was an e s s e n t i a l p o l i c y f o r highly developed 1 cities. Sentiments connecting  "good" with the small community con-  tinue on the f o l k l e v e l i n fables l i k e The Town Mouse and the Country Mouse.  The r u s t i c s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and secure country l i f e i s held to  be superior to the splendid but r e s t r i c t e d and r i s k f i l l e d l i f e of the city.  Within recent h i s t o r y however, the movements of men have not  shown much regard f o r such wisdoms.  The r u r a l proportion of Canada's 2 population dropped from 80 per cent i n 1871 to an estimated 26 per 3 cent i n 1966. The c i t i e s have been rapidly growing. Furthermore, 1. 2. 3.  Plato, Republic, A.D. Lindsay, Trans. London: J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1935, pp. 51-53. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census of Canada, 1951. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census of Canada, 1966.  6  the c i t y vices have come to the country i n many ways.  No longer sub-  s i s t i n g on blackbread and f o l k culture, the country man  imports much  of his food from the c i t y , r e l i e s on mass media for entertainment, and shares i h the anxieties of world p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s . It i s with this development i n mind that V i d i c h and Bensman's Small Town i n Mass Society becomes such an important book both i n the history of American sociology and i n community studies. V i d i c h and Bensman were adamant that Springdale be recognized as an i n t e g r a l part of "large-scale, bureaucratic mass society".  They  were proud that Small Town had helped "to abolish the notion that there i s a dichotomous difference between urban and r u r a l , sacred and A  secular,  mechanical and organic forms of s o c i a l organization".  Vidich and Bens-  man  the terms are  do not deny the existence of " r u r a l " and  used throughout the book.  "urban" —  They do deny their e f f i c a c y as explicators  of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l structure. Vidich and Bensman attempt to dispatch the dichotomy by documenting the eventual control of organizations, media, culture, professions, business, labour, and farm prices by the "mass society".  Mass  society, true enough, i s controlled from urban centres; but  control  does not originate i n the fact of urban existence as such.  And most  urban!tes are also powerless under i t s sway: .... I t was clear to us ... that the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , bureauc r a t i z a t i o n and dominance by large-scale organizations that A.  V i d i c h , Arthur J . and Bensman, Joseph, Small Town i n Mass Society: Class, Power and Religion i n a Rural Community, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968, p. v i i .  7  was the c o n t r o l l i n g condition for Springdale characterizes to an even greater degree the s i t u a t i o n of both urban society and the under-developed world. The only unique aspect of the Springdale condition was the p a r t i c u l a r way i n which Springdalers responded to i t . ^ Vidich's discussion i s very much c u l t u r a l i n nature. 6 develops the theory of contemporary  American community  by means of a  h i s t o r i c a l review of American i n s t i t u t i o n s and value systems. present mass society i s the accomplishment tion.  He  The  of the middle class revolu-  The revolution has permeated the c i t i e s and then spread from the  c i t i e s into the countryside. Various h i s t o r i c events such as mass higher education r e s u l t i n g from the G.I. Education B i l l have been cruc i a l i n i t s success.  The penetration i s s t i l l underway and uneven,  which accounts for communities showing d i f f e r ing degrees of the new middle class culture, according to V i d i c h . V i d i c h notes that the same mass society that has engulfed Springdale has also engulfed the underdeveloped world. The resident of the underdeveloped world finds himself i n the same p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s the centers of world power and c o n t r o l . For him nationalism, t r i b a l i s m and anti-westernism serve the same psychologically defensive purposes. However the psychological defenses of the inhabitants of the underdeveloped world are more vulnerable than those of the r u r a l dwellers within America because i n contrast they cannot f e e l pride i n the fact that they are a part of the agencies and i n s t i t u t i o n s that are defeating them.'' 8 This passage complements the stand of A.G. Frank  i n regard to underdev-  elopment. V i d i c h and Bensman describe the resultant culture and i n d i v i d u a l 5. Ibid. , p. x. 6. I b i d . , pp. 317-347. 7. Ibid. , p. x. 8. Frank, Andre Gunder, Capitalism and Underdevelopment i n L a t i n America, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1967.  8  psychology of underdevelopment; they do not describe the process.  In 9  Canada this process has been analyzed  i n Frank's terms by A.K. Davis.  Davis wishes to supplement the main currents of American sociology with a h i s t o r i c and m a t e r i a l i s t perspective. 10 a metropolis-hinterland  He argues that  model i s the most f r u i t f u l approach to ex-  p l a i n i n g the h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i a l development of Canada (and i t s l o c a l communities). processed"  Hinterland means c o l o n i a l areas that export mainly "semi-  extracted materials including people and labour.  Hinterland  populations consist of urban and r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t s , peasants, and other underclasses.  Metropolis means the centre of economic and p o l i -  t i c a l control which i s always located i n larger c i t i e s .  Davis describes  the upper-class governing e l i t e s of the metropolis-hinterland structure: Metropolis continuously dominates and exploits hinterland whether i n regional, national, c l a s s , or ethnic terms. But the forms and terms of domination change as a r e s u l t of confrontations .... Moreover, we recognize hierarchies of metropolis-hinterland r e l a t i o n s h i p s . As northern Saskatchewan i n c e r t a i n respects may be seen as an economic and p o l i t i c a l hinterland of southern Saskatchewan, so Saskatchewan, i t s e l f , i s i n large part a hinterland of eastern Canada; and Canada, of the United States. Needless to say, the United States likewise includes a complex network of hinterland or under-class groups, r e gions, marginal c o l o n i a l s , and so on.H  9.  10. 11.  Davis, Arthur K., "Canadian Society and History as Hinterland Versus Metropolis", i n Richard J . Ossenberg, E d i t o r , Canadian Society, Pluralism, Change and Conflict,(Scarborough: PrenticeH a l l , 1971), pp. 6-32. Also, "Urban Indians i n Western Canada: Implications f o r Social Theory and S o c i a l P o l i c y , " Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V o l . VI: Series IV: June 1968, pp. 217-228. I b i d . , 1971, pp. 12-13. I b i d . , 1971, p. 12.  9  In such a scheme changes of s o c i a l organization i n l o c a l , r u r a l or f r o n t i e r communities are not orthogenetic "progressions" along such scales as "more Gemeinschaft-like" to "more G e s e l l s c h a f t - l i k e " but rather are thorough-going adjustments of the l o c a l community to socioeconomic forces r e s u l t i n g from the opposition of interests between hinterland and metropolis groups.  Basic to the d i s t i n c t i o n between  metropolis and hinterland i s the fact that the former possesses power over p o l i t i c a l decisions throughout the metropolis-hinterland structure.  Furthermore, a l l normal a c t i v i t i e s within the metropolis-  hinterland structure benefit the metropolis more d i r e c t l y than the hinterland. Andre Gunder Frank, i n analysing the so-called underdevelopment of Latin America, has a r t i c u l a t e d the most general model of this type of r e l a t i o n s h i p .  Frank's "satellite" i s the equivalent of  hinterland, and the m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e structure of society i s an inevitable development of advanced world-wide capitalism. gests the following model:  Frank sug-  i n the centre i s the metropolis (the United  States and i t s governing classes) , around this are:, national and i n t e r national s a t e l l i t e s (the southern states and centres such as Sab Paulo, around each of these are further p r o v i n c i a l s a t e l l i t e s and these again have regional s a t e l l i t e s .  This continues to the lowest l e v e l —  each  s a t e l l i t e being i n turn the metropolis to a l e v e l below i t , u n t i l the system terminates with the peasant or other lowest underclass i n the 12 s a t e l l i t e region. 12.  The s o c i a l i s t world centred i n the U.S.S.R. may  Frank, op. c i t . , p. 146.  10  form a second m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e system according to Frank. 13  There  i s never a t h i r d world. The development of the world-wide m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e structure can be seen as a h i s t o r i c a l process — in s p e c i f i c cases. Chile and B r a z i l .  both i n general terms and  Frank, f o r example, has concerned himself with The development of the system i s the extension of  European capitalism, f i r s t commercial and then i n d u s t r i a l , throughout the  world.  This expansion was (and i s ) required i n order to supply the  needs of c a p i t a l i s t powers for expanding markets to allow the disposal of manufactures, the securing of materials and the investment of capital.  A c a p i t a l i s t power (metropolis) need not require these three  types of market at once.  When developing a home i n d u s t r i a l base, the  metropolis w i l l require markets mainly for disposal of manufactures and securing of raw and semi-raw materials.  In l a t e r stages of indus-  t r i a l development and c a p i t a l accumulation, the metropolis requires markets for c a p i t a l investment. It i s not within the scope of these introductory remarks to present a c r i t i q u e of t r a d i t i o n a l American economic theory i n regard to economic development.  I t must be acknowledged, however, that t r a d i t i o n a l  economic theory does not support the proposition that one country, i n being r e l i a n t on another country to buy i t s staples, to provide i t s manufactures and supply i t s c a p i t a l must become that second country's economic and p o l i t i c a l s a t e l l i t e . TT.  I b i d . , p. 147.  Paul A. Samuelson, whose Economics  11  in i t s various editions, has introduced two generations of North American u n i v e r s i t y students to the d i s c i p l i n e , states that under-development i s i n part the r e s u l t of " n a t i o n a l i s t i c b a r r i e r s to importing c a p i t a l 14 on terms acceptable to investors i n the advanced countries."  In the  t r a d i t i o n a l explanation, the impoverishment of underdeveloped countries arises not from an appropriation of surplus by developed c a p i t a l i s t countries but rather from problems i n regard to population, natural resources, c a p i t a l formation, and technology.  C a p i t a l formation i n the  underdeveloped countries i s low because of "(a) poverty,  (b) lack of a  bourgeois ethic stressing f r u g a l i t y and acquisitiveness, (c) q u a l i t a t i v e d i s t o r t i o n of saving outlets towards unproductive hoarding of precious objects and i d l e inventory and toward luxurious r e a l estate or money markets abroad, (d) emulation of consumption standards of advanced 15 nations," and the above mentioned n a t i o n a l i s t i c b a r r i e r s . Frank's thesis, Chile's backwardness was  Until  usually accounted for by r e f -  erence to feudal elements i n the economy. T r a d i t i o n a l economics appears to an outsider to be too modest in i t s claims concerning  the possible power that economic a c t i v i t i e s  can hold over p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l arrangements. has has 14. 15. 16.  Canadian nationalism  not halted foreign investment as yet. Foreign investment i n Canada 16 i Samuelson, n t e r f e r e d with p o l i c i e sAn . Introductory Analysis, 6th E d i Paul national A., Economics: t i o n , New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964, p. 774. I b i d . , p. 774. Godfrey, Dave and Watkins, Mel, Gordon To Watkins to You, A Documentary: The B a t t l e for Control of Our Economy, Toronto: New Press, 1970, pp. 204-246. These pages present documentation and argument in connection with the e f f e c t of American e x t r a t e r r i t o r i a l i t y on Canadian trade p o l i c i e s . They also o u t l i n e the development of the multinational corporation as means of avoiding n a t i o n a l i s t i c t a r i f f measures on foreign imports.  12  A further problem with the t r a d i t i o n a l explanation of economic underdevelopment i s the d e f i n i t i o n of development i t s e l f ,  B.F.  H o s e l i t z , a t r a d i t i o n a l theorist of economic growth, suggests that q u a l i t i e s that "might" be associated with economic development are " c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , c a p i t a l i s t i c s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , democratic government 17 and monotheistic r e l i g i o n . " His d e f i n i t i o n i s s u r p r i s i n g l y close to the ideals of h i s own country.  In terms of economy alone, Samuelson  i s even more d i r e c t : An underdeveloped nation i s simply one with r e a l per capita income that i s low r e l a t i v e to the present-day per capita income of such nations as Canada, the United States, Great B r i t a i n , and Western Europe generally. Usually an underdeveloped nation i s one regarded as being capable of substantial improvement i n i t s income l e v e l . ^ For  t r a d i t i o n a l economists therefore, the problem of economic  development consists of finding the means by which poor countries can come to resemble the nations of Western Europe and North America.  Im-  poverishment i s seen to r e s u l t from the un-American q u a l i t i e s of the poor country.  The various markets that advanced nations establish i n  underdeveloped countries must therefore be seen as h e l p f u l i n introducing the  necessary new American q u a l i t i e s into the developing country.  Con-  t r o l of these markets and appropriation of the p r o f i t s by the investors of the c a p i t a l does not seem to be a t r a d i t i o n a l concern.  I t i s the  economic a c t i v i t y i n i t s e l f which i s seen as important. Frank refutes the basic assumptions of this t r a d i t i o n a l analysis. 17. 18.  He states that underdevelopment i s not corrected by c a p i t a l investH o s e l i t z , Bert F., Sociological Aspects of Economic Growth, London: Free Press of Glencoe, 1960, p. 29. Samuelson, op. c i t . , p. 755.  13  19 merit from advanced nations  but  rather r e s u l t s from i t .  because the purpose i n c a p i t a l i s t investment t r i e s i s the making of p r o f i t . "for  This i s  i n underdeveloped coun-  (Not, as Samuelson c y n i c a l l y remarks  conscience sake ... (and because) ... history teaches us that 20  men do not always starve quietly";)  This p r o f i t i s appropriated from  the country of production by the c a p i t a l i s t investor.  As a consequence,  the introduction of foreign owned and controlled industries into a country w i l l not necessarily contribute to the c a p i t a l resources of that country, but can i n fact lead to a further weakening of the country's economic resources.  This appropriation of economic surplus  causes an increasing d i s p a r i t y i n regard to investment  c a p i t a l between  the investor country (metropolis) and invested-in country  (satellite).  But while the metropolis and s a t e l l i t e p o l a r i z e i n terms of the p o s s i b i l i t y of economic i n i t i a t i v e and control, they become increasingly integrated i n terms of actual functioning. The s a t e l l i t e becomes i n creasingly dependent on the metropolis f o r c a p i t a l and technology, as 21 well as c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l d i r e c t i o n .  Because the industry of  the s a t e l l i t e nation i s dependent on economic conditions outside the nation, i t suffers from booms and recessions unrelated to i t s own condition.  Control of the s a t e l l i t e w i l l s h i f t from metropolis to metropolis  in accord with metropolis actions. Transformations — such as the i n 19. Frank, "The Development of Underdevelopment," Monthly Review, No. 18 (September, 1966), p. 23. 20. Samuelson:,^op. c i t . , p. 7 5 4 . 21. Ivan I l l i c h has noted with d i s p a i r the place of honour Coca Cola has been given i n r u r a l Mexico.  14  d u s t r i a l revolution — 22 satellite.  can t r a v e l down the system from metropolis to  Frank, an economic h i s t o r i a n , u t i l i z e s the model i n analysing the actual impoverishment of L a t i n America through i t s connections with the world c a p i t a l i s t structure.  He argues that the income and food  consumption of r u r a l and urban low income groups has declined since 23 the 19th century. tory f o r Canada.  Davis has not detailed so complete an economic h i s He has, however, sketched an outline of Canadian  history as that of a s a t e l l i t e responding consecutively to French, 24 B r i t i s h and American Metropolises. Canada's Special History i n Regard to the M e t r o p o l i s - S a t e l l i t e Model We descendants of the Canadian pioneers often see Canada's development as r e s u l t i n g from the e f f o r t s of our forefathers to f i n d a better l i f e than Europe could provide.  In holding this romantic  view, which gives our grandparents' reminiscences the weight of h i s t o r y , we lose sight of the fact that they l e f t a Europe overpopulated due to newly developed technologies and entered a new world very much estab25 l i s h e d on the basis of mercantile monopoly. The B r i t i s h and French did not war i n North America for the glory of their kings or countries; 26 they warred f o r control of a valuable fur trade. While the r o l e of 22. 23. 24. 25.  26.  Frank, op. c i t . , p. 147. Ibid. , p. 109. Davis, op. c i t . , 1971, p. 16. Clark, S.D., "Social Organization and the Changing Structure of the Community", i n The Developing Canadian Community, Toronto: Univ e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1968, pp. 3-19. Innis, H.A., The Fur Trade i n Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964.  15  Canada's r a i l r o a d s i n securing the nation as a p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y  was  immense, the r a i l r o a d promoters were above a l l interested i n gaining a 27 p r o f i t on investment.  While i t i s true that the r a i l r o a d was  poli-  t i c a l l y inspired by the desire to stop American expansion into Western Canada, i t was B r i t i s h imperial monopolies that were being Canada, more economy.  preserved.  than the U.S.A., has developed as a s a t e l l i t e  In the United States, small scale entrepreneurial capitalism  developed out of a t h r i v i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l industry.  Settlement  on the  American f r o n t i e r was  largely an a f f a i r of private enterprise. Canada 28 did not begin with a strong a g r i c u l t u r a l base. Instead i t developed 29  e s p e c i a l l y strong staple trades — culture was  f i s h , f u r , lumber and wheat.  Agri-  developed i n a supportive role alone, u n t i l wheat became  the great staple i t s e l f at the turn of the 19th century.  Settlement  on  the Canadian f r o n t i e r was preceded or at least accompanied by agents 30 of the imperial church, economy and state.  In the early 19th  century  these were the Church of England, the Hudson Bay Company and The Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e .  The C.P.R. played the economic role on the  p r a i r i e s i n the l a t t e r part of the  century.  Whereas the American f r o n t i e r was  t y p i f i e d by strong localism,  and l o c a l History autonomy n mattersWealth, of government development, 27. considerable Myers, Gustavus, of iCanadian V o l . I, and Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Company, 1914. See e s p e c i a l l y pp. 150-337 noting the account of the Dunsmuir family a c t i v i t i e s on Vancouver Island, pp. 301-309. Also see Davis, A.K., op. c i t . , 1971, p. 8. 28. Clark, S.D., "The Limitations of C a p i t a l i s t Enterprise i n Canadian Society", i n The Developing Canadian Community, Toronto: Univers i t y of Toronto Press, 1968, p. 248. 29. Innis, H.A., op. c i t . , pp. 384-385. 30. Clark, S.D., "The Canadian Community and the American Continental System", i n The Developing Canadian Community, Toronto: Univers i t y of Toronto Press, 1968, p. 191.  16  the Canadian f r o n t i e r was w e l l integrated with the eastern domestic B r i t i s h metropolis powers.  and  While private enterprise c e r t a i n l y existed,  i t was carried on i n the shadow of extremely powerful B r i t i s h financed monopoly endeavours.  I t was dependent on these monopolies and t h e i r  f a c i l i t i e s for markets, transport to markets, loan c a p i t a l and supplies. Clearly then, Canada has developed as a s a t e l l i t e . s a t e l l i t e s go, i t has —  But as  especially since the turn of the century 31  lead a favoured existence.  —  In a l l but Quebec and Acadia primary set-  tlement was carried out by B r i t i s h subjects.  While the labour of these  early s e t t l e r s was no doubt exploited, i t s exploitation was generally free from r a c i a l l y based a g r i c u l t u r a l systems such as those.of L a t i n America.  Most Canadians could i d e n t i f y as part of the Imperial whole.  The country was young and r i c h ; the returns for the s e t t l e r s ' labour were high relative to potential returns i n the old country.  With the  decline of B r i t a i n as world metropolis following World War I, Canada s l i d e a s i l y into the American structure but the p r i v i l e g e d s a t e l l i t e p o s i t i o n remained.  The mass of Canadians kept an a t t r a c t i v e portion  of their labour's product.  By p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the exploitation of  further s a t e l l i t e s of the American metropolis — Vietnam (through arms manufacture) —  L a t i n American and  Canada was given an even more 32 favourable p o s i t i o n i n the m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e structure. 31. Segments of our population have not shared i n this favoured existence: among these we can count French-Canadians (especially i n the past), Metis, native Indians, and Asian immigrants. See Myers, op. c i t . , p. 35, regarding the condition of common people in Quebec i n the 17th century. See Davis, op. c i t . , 1968, regarding Indian and Metis l i f e i n the s a t e l l i t e . Also see Jorgensen, Joseph G., "Indians and the Metropolis" i n Wadell, J.O. and Watson, O.M. , editors, The American Indian i n Urban Society, L i t t l e Brown, 1971, for an application of the models to American Indians. 32. Davis, op. c i t . , 1971, p. 15.  17  B e l l a Coola as a S a t e l l i t e In this essay, the development of B e l l a Coola w i l l be r e garded within the terms of Frank's model.  The discussion of A.K.  Davis  regarding the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the model to Canada as a nation has centred on Ontario, Quebec and the p r a i r i e provinces.  As w i l l be outlined  below, B r i t i s h Columbia has been as deeply involved as a s a t e l l i t e i n the world c a p i t a l i s t system as has any region of Canada.  Today, follow-  ing a 20 year period of c a p i t a l - i n t e n s i v e development, i t i s deeply 33 integrated into the world metropolis —  the U.S.A.  B e l l a Coola i s a small, r u r a l community functioning on an economic base of forestry and f i s h i n g .  I t w i l l be argued below that  this community i s a s a t e l l i t e of the Vancouver f i n a n c i a l and domestic metropolis.  cultural  The thesis i s not one i n economic history however;  the mass of data w i l l be directed at c l a r i f y i n g the nature of s o c i a l l i f e i n such a community. The Impoverishment of the Canadian S a t e l l i t e Community One afternoon towards the end of our stay i n B e l l a Coola a logger-friend came by f o r coffee.  He had been o f f work with cramps for  two days but f e l t better that afternoon. men who was  had f i r s t s e t t l e d the V a l l e y .  a grandson of these  We  talked about the Norwegian  Our f r i e n d , i n h i s early twenties,  men.  He believes that humanity i s going downhill.  "I'm  as strong as my father, and he was a t h i r d as strong as my 33.  a third grandfather."  Shearer, Ronald A., "The Continuing International Monetary C r i s i s : A B r i t i s h Columbia Perspective", i n B.C. Studies, No. 13, (Spring 1972), p. 18. This whole special issue of B.C. Studies s u b t i t l e d "National Economic Issues: The View from the West Coast," i s of relevance to the question of B.C.'s s a t e l l i t e economy.  18  Recently, B e l l a Coola men have accelerated t h i s deterioration by marrying "weak blood".  His brother has married a French woman from a family  with a history of miscarriage and disease. The o l d men were r e a l l y strong. They b u i l t these houses i n the Valley with broad axes. The smallest broad axe has a 12 pound head and a 6 to 8 foot handle. They swung them 10 and 12 hours a day. A l o t of kids make fun of the old men. When my grandfather was r e a l l y old he used to come out by my uncle's barn when we were loading corn i n the s i l o . He'd look up and lose his balance. We'd laugh at him when he f e l l over and ask him what was wrong. He'd shake h i s cane at us. But now I know how strong those men were. They used to walk from here down to B e l l a Coola — i t was across the r i v e r i n those days, about 12 miles walk — to dance at the hotel once a month. After the dance they would walk home again and get here i n time to work. They did i t because they l i k e d to dance and you could only dance once a month. The ideal of "bigger and better" (the slogan of the B e l l a Coola F a l l Fair) co-exists i n B e l l a Coola with a b e l i e f that men i n s t i t u t i o n s are actually running down. the running down thesis.  and  Local evidence often supports  Although the homes of B e l l a Coola people are  undeniably more comfortable and luxurious than ever before, although the men  and women have a myriad of new labour saving devices, there i s  a deep f e e l i n g that the chance f o r " r e a l manhood" has passed.  The  feats of the f i r s t s e t t l e r s are not forgotten. Instead, they are made into a measure which no modern man can meet.  When a Valley  man  clears a f i e l d today people w i l l admire h i s work, but they w i l l usually note that the f i r s t s e t t l e r s did the same job by hand and horse.  Valley  people consider the present era one i n which men are unable to t r u l y work.  An ethos that s t i l l gives hard physical work a high moral p o s i t i o n  makes this s i t u a t i o n p a i n f u l and demoralizing.  To the l o c a l man,  the  19  ancestor-heroes of B e l l a Coola were building a world; the present men are merely l i v i n g i n a world. In Chapter VI below, the communityls construction of a d i f f i c u l t mountain road i s discussed at considerable length.  I suggest  the road project was a success because i t was the r e a l i z a t i o n of the greatest drive among the people — e s p e c i a l l y the metropolis.  connection with the outside world,  But more profoundly, i t was the l a s t joyous  creative success of the l o c a l community.  For the sons of the pioneers,  i t was the only event of their l i f e that came close to the mythic world building of their fathers.  I t s success was i n connecting B e l l a Coola  to the province; i t s deepest meaning was i n the c r e a t i v i t y of i t s building. The unique aspect of Canada as a s a t e l l i t e i s that i t s sate l l i t e r o l e has not resulted i n a great mass f i n a n c i a l impoverishment. Frank i s concerned with starvation i n Chile; we have no such concern here.  In fact we find ourselves concerned with those problems that  the c r i t i c s i n the heart of the Metropolis concern themselves with. How are we to have a way of l i f e that allows human worth and p o l i t i c a l control i n the face of an economic system that provides abundant material goods at the cost of i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y on the one hand and world 34 imperialism on the other?  Because of her s p e c i a l h i s t o r y , Canada's  impoverishment has been i n p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and psychological terms, rather than material terms. 34.  See William A. Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, New York: D e l l , 1962, quoted i n Davis, op. c i t . , 1971, p. 24.  20  The e f f e c t has been to weaken the development within the Canadian society of c a p i t a l i s t , urban, middle class s o c i a l values and forms of s o c i a l structure. Marx was not too wide of the mark as f a r as the development of capitalism i n Canada i s concerned. Compared to the United States, the population of Canada has been given no great opportunity to p a r t i c i p a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t types of economic endeavour. Capi t a l i s m came to Canada much more f u l l y grown, t y p i f i e d by large scale economic organization dependent upon outside c a p i t a l , and managerial and technical s k i l l . The p o s i t i o n occupied by the great mass of the Canadian population has been one largely peripheral to c a p i t a l i s t enterprise. In t h i s thesis I w i l l argue that this legacy continues i n B e l l a Coola.  I w i l l concentrate on the l i m i t s to l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s  that exist i n a community that i s on the periphery of c a p i t a l i s t p r i s e but f u l l y integrated into the system. centration are simple:  men  enter-  The reasons for this con-  are at t h e i r best when given the opportunity  to be creative i n t h e i r productivity.  P o l i t i c s , besides being goal-  oriented a c t i v i t y , i s the process by which a community directs and ulates creative productivity among members.  The  reg-  further p o l i t i c a l  power i s removed from the i n d i v i d u a l , the more reduced i s the opportuni t y for such c r e a t i v i t y . The more the technology, c a p i t a l , and  culture  originate outside the l o c a l community, the greater i s the l i k e l i h o o d of the i n d i v i d u a l becoming only a consumer instead of a creative p a r t i cipant i n culture.  This, I believe, i s the essense of the  separation  of prosperity and democracy i n the advanced m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e structure. The  It i s a concern over which only the p h y s i c a l l y secure can ponder.  threatened farmers and loggers of our hinterland would not f i n d i t  sensible.  35.  Harold Cardinal has stated Indians have no intention of  Clark, S.D.,  op. c i t . , p.  248.  21  trading native culture f o r white material well being.  Time w i l l reveal  i f he speaks f o r the majority of Indians.  The Development of the Thesis The material presented i n this essay begins i n Chapter II with a b r i e f history of B e l l a Coola. tive,  A h i s t o r y , B e l l a Coola:  This account i s i n no way  exhaus-  A Story of E f f o r t and Achievement has  been written by a long-time resident of the townsite.  Scholarly h i s -  t o r i c a l work concerning B e l l a Coola has not been published. The t h i r d chapter of the thesis discusses the economy of B e l l a Coola i n order to establish the community's s a t e l l i t e position in terms of economics. pations.  The discussion i s organized i n terms of occu-  I t i s not within the scope of this paper nor within my  i t i e s to present a f u l l economic analysis of the Valley.  abil-  The essential  statements the chapter seeks to v e r i f y are four i n number:  (1) The  economic base of the s a t e l l i t e i s owned and controlled by powers external to the s a t e l l i t e .  (2) Small time business enterprises i n the  s a t e l l i t e are prone to f a i l u r e . must nearly always be f i l l e d  (3) Jobs requiring technical s k i l l  from outside the s a t e l l i t e and at the d i s -  cretion of the metropolis power. leader are related.  (4) Occupation and success as a l o c a l  Local leaders are those who  through jobs are most  s k i l l e d i n dealing with the metropolis. Chapter IV examine some of the results of being a s a t e l l i t e on d a i l y r e l a t i o n s i n B e l l a Coola.  In this chapter the narrowness of  l o c a l prerogatives i s reviewed with the object being to v e r i f y that p o l i t i c a l control, l i k e economic control resides i n the metropolis i n  22  the m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e system. s a t e l l i t e i s given dimensions:  The;,impoverishment of l i f e i n the (1) The people of the s a t e l l i t e rea-  l i z e that t h e i r environment i s being irreparably altered decisions made i n the metropolis but are powerless protest.  through  to e f f e c t i v e l y  (2) The people of the s a t e l l i t e evaluate t h e i r behavior by  two sets of unattainable i d e a l s :  the behavior of t h e i r ancestors  (who  were not as integrated as themselves into the metropolis) and the behavior of metropolis dwellers. (3)  They are conscious of their f a i l i n g s .  The people of the s a t e l l i t e community are s o c i a l i z e d into r e l a t i v e l y  " p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c " relationships while they must deal with the metropolis in r e l a t i v e l y " u n i v e r s a l i s t i c " r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  That i s to say that the  resident of the s a t e l l i t e l i v e s his d a i l y l i f e i n a world where everyone i s known, where contacts are frequent, relationships enduring, and s t a tus superior to contract.  In dealing with the metropolis, such a  s o c i a l i z a t i o n i s a great disadvantage.  Local business enterprises run  on p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c lines cannot compete with e f f i c i e n t metropolis based business.  The i n a b i l i t y of s a t e l l i t e people to handle u n i v e r s a l i s t i c  relationships always leaves them at the advantage of the metropolis. (4) As a small unit i n a metropolis structure geared to large concentrations of population, the s a t e l l i t e community suffers an ongoing denial of public services and f a c i l i t i e s available as a matter of course in the metropolis p r o p e r . Chapter V examines the r o l e of the Indian population i n B e l l a Coola.  The Indian population of Canada c e r t a i n l y denies the general  rule that l i f e has been good i n spite of s a t e l l i t e status.  A.K.  Davis  23  has traced the relationship of the native Indian to the white s a t e l l i t e and the metropolis i n Canada.  He states that the Indian relationship  to white Canada i s one of apartheid, "not based on race, but on d i f f e r e n t i a l access to the complexes of property, wealth, organizational s k i l l s and technology that form the essential i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of modem urban i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s , both c a p i t a l i s t i c and  communistic.  The r a c i a l features of the Indian become a symbol f o r this lack of access, but are not the reason for i t .  In e f f e c t , the Indians of  Canada suffer i n extreme form from the same lackings that impoverish the white s a t e l l i t e community.  In Chapter V I suggest they serve two  functions i n regard to the white  community.  (1) The Indians of the  Canadian s a t e l l i t e serve as a " f o i l " for the whites.  They assure the  whites that there are people more peripheral to the metropolis than themselves.  (2)  They serve to stimulate the l o c a l economy through  introducing federal support money into the l o c a l economy.  This second  function i s dependent on federal law and would not follow i f federal aid  to Indians was not an i n s t i t u t i o n . Chapter VI of the thesis examines the nature of l o c a l - l e v e l  p o l i t i c a l action i n the s a t e l l i t e . Marc Swartz:  " P o l i t i c s " i s used as defined by  " p o l i t i c s ... refers to the events which are involved i n  the determination and implementation of public goals/or the d i f f e r e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of power with the group or groups concerned with the 37 goals being considered." "36\ 37.  As mentioned  above, the nature of p o l i t i c a l  Davis, A.K. , op. c i t . , 1968, p. 218. Swartz, Marc, Local-Level P o l i t i c s , Chicago: Company, 1968, p. 1.  Aldine Publishing  24  a c t i o n i n a community i s o f importance because  i t i s through  politics  t h a t the community d i r e c t s and r e g u l a t e s c r e a t i v e p r o d u c t i v i t y i n the community.  In Chapter VI we examine the k i n d s o f p o l i t i c a l  t h a t succeed.  We  ask who  l e a d s i n l o c a l p o l i t i c s and what suggest t h a t  actions relation-  s h i p the l e a d e r s have w i t h the m e t r o p o l i s .  We  politics  i n the s a t e l l i t e have s i x c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s :  (1) L i t t l e p o l i t i c a l  activity  can be pursued w i t h o u t p r e r o g a t i v e s o r c a p i t a l b e i n g g r a n t e d from the metropolis.  (2) N a t i o n a l and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s a r e n o t  important to l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s . government —  I t i s the m e t r o p o l i s power —  which i s i m p o r t a n t .  (3) Support  the  for local political  ac-  t i v i t i e s depends on how w e l l the p r o j e c t s e r v e s the m a j o r i t y g o a l o f i n c r e a s e d a c c e s s t o m e t r o p o l i s goods and l i f e i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s i s not widespread.  styles.  Most s a t e l l i t e p e o p l e a r e  c y n i c a l of o r not i n t e r e s t e d i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s . f a l l s t o those p e o p l e who  (4) P a r t i c i p a t i o n  (5) L e a d e r s h i p  a r e i n o c c u p a t i o n s a l l o w i n g them t o be  readily  a v a i l a b l e when community needs a r i s e and t y i n g them to the o u t s i d e world.  (6) L e a d e r s h i p i s f a c t i o n a l i z e d .  no means r e s t r i c t e d  T h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s by  t o s a t e l l i t e p o l i t i c s but does c o n t r i b u t e to i t s  i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s "in most c a s e s . Two of the t h e s i s .  p o t e n t i a l l y troublesome The  first  i s "middle-class".  to be c o n s i d e r e d (save where i t may author) as an a n a l y t i c c a t e g o r y . fashion. upon term.  terms a r e used i n the d i s c u s s i o n s  I t i s a term which was I have i n t e r p r e t e d  appear  I do not wish t h i s  i n a q u o t a t i o n from  term  another  I t i s used i n the most common-sense used  i n B e l l a C o o l a , but not a dwelt-  i t s use i n B e l l a C o o l a to mean " d e c e n t . "  25  I t i s generally used i n connection with a s t y l e of l i f e which takes for granted the purchase of substantial consumer goods for use i n a family household  situation.  The second troublesome  term i s e l i t e .  There i s i n fact a  group of leaders which have endured over the years i n B e l l a Coola. this sense,  they form an e l i t e .  In  But unlike the e l i t e s of the Metro-  p o l i s , this e l i t e i s devoid of power to direct the development of the community.  The e l i t e of B e l l a Coola has the closed "club" aspects of  the metropolis e l i t e s , i t generally has better access to the metrop o l i s than the rest of the population, but i t i s not a "power e l i t e " . In Chapter VII the material i s reviewed i n terms of Frank's model. Conclusion It should be noted that the concern of this thesis i s considerably d i f f e r e n t than that of Frank, who primarily sees physical s t a r vation, not just loss of democracy and personal worth as the eventual end of  unchecked c a p i t a l i s t appropriation. As I have already stated  and w i l l v e r i f y below, the d i a l e c t i c of material impoverishment has not developed i n B e l l a Coola as i n r u r a l Chilean settlements.  One of  the most fortunate yet vexing aspects of Canadian l i f e i s the general wealth of the country.  Although much r e a l poverty does e x i s t , i t i s a  poverty generally hidden.  A large middle-income segment of the popula-  t i o n gives most of the country an a i r of more than s u f f i c i e n c y . quently, discontent on the part of those who who  Conse-  are t r u l y poor, or those  aspire to move the country to goals other than mere physical comfort,  26  i s e a s i l y described as neurosis or subversion.  When, l i k e Davis, one  laments the loss of democracy i n favour of prosperity he sounds at the best preacherish.  More often he sounds l i k e a malcontent with no idea  of how r e l a t i v e l y well o f f he and h i s countrymen r e a l l y are.  This  essay i s an e f f o r t to give substance to the p o s i t i o n that Davis has articulated.  27  B r i t i s h Columbia  28  CHAPTER I I BACKGROUND-HISTORY OF BELLA COOLA  Natural Environment On the coast of B r i t i s h Columbia, 250 miles north of Vancouver, the B e l l a Coola Valley extends some seventy miles east through the coast range mountains from the head of North Bentinck Arm.  The valley  f l o o r varies from one to three miles i n width, being terminated to the north, south and east with steeply r i s i n g mountains.  The v a l l e y i s so  narrow, and the mountains are so high, that the sun does not penetrate for s i x weeks i n the winter. At the mouth of the v a l l e y p r e c i p i t a t i o n i s s u f f i c i e n t to produce a r a i n forest growth.  Further up the v a l l e y p r e c i p i t a t i o n  creases to produce an interior-type f o r e s t .  de-  The area was o r i g i n a l l y  covered with a r i c h mixed forest of cedar, spruce, hemlock, Douglas f i r and cottonwood.  The v a l l e y i s the only place on the coast north of  the Queen Charlotte Sound i n which Douglas F i r grows.  This i s testimony  to the long standing mildness and dampness of the v a l l e y climate. Aboriginal  Settlement  The f i r s t known human habitants of the v a l l e y were the B e l l a 1 Coola Indians. These Indians are l i n g u i s t i c a l l y Coast S a l i s h . They are however, separated from other Coast Salish by Kwakiutl t r i b e s . Y.  The  Mclllwraith, T.F. , The B e l l a Coola Indians, Toronto: The University of Toronto Press, 1948, V o l . 1, pp. 1-22. A l l references to the t r a d i t i o n a l B e l l a Coola Indians are from Mclllwraith unless otherwise s p e c i f i e d .  29  B e l l a Coola maintained a generally f r i e n d l y and active contact with their Kwakiutl (especially B e l l a Bella) neighbours.  Intermarriage 2  was common.  Each had influenced the c u l t u r a l patterns of the other.  When Alexander Mackenzie descended the v a l l e y i n July of 1793, he recorded the existence of Indian v i l l a g e s every few miles along the r i v e r .  The mythology of the B e l l a Coola explains that these  v i l l a g e s were established i n the beginning of human habitation — v i l l a g e being populated by the descendents  each 3 of one group of ancestors.  Mclllwraith records some 27 v i l l a g e s i t e s within the v a l l e y —  thirteen A of which were probably occupied at the time of Mackenzie's v i s i t .  M c l l l w r a i t h estimated the population of these v i l l a g e s of aboriginal B e l l a Coola to be i n "the thousands".  Wilson Duff estimates the B e l l a  Coola t r i b a l population i n 1835 to have been approximately 2,000. (By 5 this date of course, the decimation of the B.C. Indians had begun.) Contemporary l o c a l white estimates of the aboriginal population range from three to ten thousand people.  Without any doubt, we can assert  that the aboriginal population of the v a l l e y exceeded that of the pre6 sent day Indian and white populations together.  I t i s very probable  that i t was double today's population; i t could have been many times as large. Ibid. , pp. 19-22. 3. Ibid. , p. A. A. Ibid. , p. 5. 5. Duff, Wilson, The Indian History of B r i t i s h Columbia, V o l . 1 The Impact of the White Man, V i c t o r i a : P r o v i n c i a l Museum of B r i t i s h Columbia, 196A, p. 39. 6. The 1961 Census of Canada put the B e l l a Coola reserve and v a l l e y population at 1339 persons. Since then the labour force has shrunk by one-sixth — therefore we can say without too much r i s k of error that the population has not greatly increased. 2  30  The numerous v i l l a g e s were a l l situated i n places advantageous f o r summer f i s h i n g or comfortable wintering. The basic food of the B e l l a Coola was salmon. chan.  The second most important item was the oola-  The abundance of these f i s h i n B e l l a Coola waters enabled the  v a l l e y to support i t s r e l a t i v e l y dense population.  The salmon staple  allowed the B e l l a Coola the freedom of time to pursue a complex ceremonial l i f e and b u i l d up an extensive material culture.  In f a c t , the  salmon staple necessitated extensive "secondary" i n d u s t r i a l endeavours i n the form of highly engineered weirs.  The B e l l a Coola were accom-  plished at a l l the technical s k i l l s which t y p i f y North P a c i f i c coastal culture.  As the occupants of the separate v i l l a g e s , within the v a l l e y  saw themselves as unique p o l i t i c a l l y independent groups within the B e l l a Coola c u l t u r a l unity, so —  as a people of common origins and  culture —  a l l the B e l l a Coola saw themselves as separate from, but 7 xvithin, the greater coastal culture. F i r s t Whites i n the Valley The f i r s t white men entered the B e l l a Coola Valley as the result of the drive of the Canadian f u r trade and B r i t i s h sea explorations and trading.  Alexander Mackenzie, of the North West Company and  a L i e u t . Johnstone of Captain George Vancouver's expedition of 1792-94 v i s i t e d B e l l a Coola within s i x weeks of one another i n the summer of 1793.  7.  Both men were i n search of routes and contacts f o r trade.  M c l l l w r a i t h , op. c i t . , p. 12.  31  Mackenzie, when descending the v a l l e y i n 1793, noted the Indians possessed European manufactured daggers, as w e l l as European 8 i r o n , brass, and copper.  These, i t can be surmised, reached the B e l l a  Coola through their t r a d i t i o n a l trade with neighbouring Indian groups. B e l l a Coola contact with whites continued to be i n d i r e c t i n this fashion u n t i l the 1830*s. In 1833 the Hudson Bay Company (which had merged with the North West Company i n 1821) b u i l t a f o r t at B e l l a B e l l a from which to conduct more direct fur trade. Coola from 1836. traders in 1867  Trade boats c a l l e d regularly at B e l l a  It was not u n t i l the 1850's that a few  independent  established on-shore posts at B e l l a Coola and i t was only that the Hudson Bay Company established there.  This post was  sold to a private trader i n 1882. The B e l l a Coola Indians were heavily h i t by the great smallpox epidemic of 1862-64.  Coupled with various other diseases and simple  starvation through an i n a b i l i t y to properly organize f i s h i n g and gathering i n such an onslaught of sickness, the B e l l a Coola were almost quartered i n population. t r i b a l group.  The 1885 census records 450 persons i n the  L e g i s l a t i o n i n 1889 did away with a l l Indian rights to  v i l l a g e s i t e s up the v a l l e y , providing for one r e l a t i v e l y large (3,363 acres) reserve at the mouth of the r i v e r . 9 low of 249 persons i n 1929. 8. 9.  The population reached a  MacKenzie, Alexander, Voyages from Montreal, Toronto: George N. Morang and Company, L t d . , 1902 , p. 263. Duff, op. c i t . , p. 39. The 1916 Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia put the B e l l a Coola population at 218 persons. V o l . I, B e l l a Coola Agency, Table C.  32  By the time the Hudson Bay post was  established i n 1867,  the  white a c t i v i t y on the whole coast had changed from fur trading to serious colonization. Vancouver Island and ttie mainland had been organized as B r i t i s h colonies i n order to confirm B r i t i s h possession i n the face of American f r o n t i e r expansion.  The fur trade i n the colonies was  placed by a v a r i e t y of enterprises.  re-  Gold provided a major economic  stimulation, but f i s h i n g and canning, logging, and some agriculture became r e l i e d upon i n d u s t r i e s .  B e l l a Coola, however, removed from the  southern centres of a c t i v i t y , did not develop as a colonized centre u n t i l the end of the century. t i o n of the v a l l e y was  In the summer of 1894,  the white popula-  16 persons; only four of these —  one family  —  were permanent s e t t l e r s as d i s t i n c t from traders, missionaries, or wintering coastal workers.  The F i r s t White Colonization In the f a l l of 1894 i n the v a l l e y .  the f i r s t major white settlement  occurred  Eighty-four Norwegians from the American Mid-West ar-  rived under the leadership of t h e i r pastor, the Reverend C h r i s t i a n Saugstad. The 19th Century was  an e s p e c i a l l y troubled one f o r Norway.  An a g r i c u l t u r a l country with limited arable land and a population that was  to more than double within the century, the kingdom faced unemploy-  ment, lagging morale and often near famine.  Only domestic industry  existed i n the country before the 20th century, system had endured for centuries.  The l e g a l land tenure  It was not feudal, but rather con-  sisted of working freeholders and cotters.  The l a t t e r were usually  bound to the former by economic debt i n spite of t h e i r freedom from  33  the s o i l .  The r u r a l freeholding class had a long t r a d i t i o n of l o c a l  freedom and independence.  Through centuries of foreign domination  they had maintained the national culture.  The c o t t e r s , oppressed by  the severe labour requirements of ther leases, were generally antagoni s t i c to t h e i r free-holding landlords.  In 1850, movements within the  class were requesting that required services be r e s t r i c t e d to 11 hours 10 a day, f i v e days a week.  As the century progressed, population  pres-  sure s p l i t the freeholdings to sizes that could not support t h e i r c u l t i v a t o r s ; the cotter and labouring classes were growing with no increase i n available work. The emigration  of Norwegians to America began i n an organ-  ized manner i n the 1830's.  Before the turn of the 20th century over  one-half m i l l i o n people l e f t f o r the new world.  In the same period,  the population remaining i n Norway doubled from 1,051,318 to 2,097,328 persons. A few emigrants l e f t f o r America e a r l i e r i n the century. These letters  men began the phenomena of "American L e t t e r s " .  P r i o r to these  knowledge of America had been s l i g h t i n Norway.  The l e t t e r s  were hand copied hundreds of times and d i s t r i b u t e d informally into a l l the parishes of Norway.  Later, a number of books regarding l i f e i n  America became best s e l l e r s .  The state church and the government  blamed these l e t t e r s f o r the growing emigration. 10.  In f a c t , a l l the  Blegen, Theodore C , Norwegian Migration to America, N o r t h f i e l d , Minnesota: The Norwegian-American H i s t o r i a l Association, 1931, p. 7.  34  l e t t e r s did was provide, f o r the f i r s t time,knowledge of a way out of an untenable s i t u a t i o n at home. A man with one thousand d o l l a r s and f i v e children reasons as follows: one thousand dollars divided among f i v e children amounts to l i t t l e or nothing here i n this country. But i f I go to America, where there i s plenty of f e r t i l e land to be had for next to nothing, my l i t t l e c a p i t a l , combined with the industry of myself and my children, i s s u f f i c i e n t to furnish a l l of us an independent and s a t i s f a c t o r y p o s i t i o n . ^ The mass of Norwegian immigration to America occurred i n the l a t t e r half of the 19th century.  Generally landing i n New York, the  migrants, being predominantly a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , pressed on to the current f r o n t i e r . —  For the Norwegians, t h i s was  and more t y p i c a l l y —  f i r s t I l l i n o i s , and l a t e r  Wisconsin, Minnesota, and the Dakotas.  here was p l e n t i f u l , cheap and f e r t i l e compared to Norway. mate was strange. unstable.  Land  But the c l i -  Crops were d i f f e r e n t and the weather severe and  Though there i s l i t t l e debate that for the majority of emi-  grants the new world proved to be an improvement, both i n terms of material rewards and p o l i t i c a l freedom, a sense of economic and s o c i a l deprivation again arose: Rapid settlement of the country (Upper Middle West) and growth i n population were s u f f i c i e n t i n themselves to provide a steady stream of immigrants i n the westward movement. But to these impersonal factors the student must once again add a f o l k i s h element — the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n among those persons who f e l t , r i g h t l y or wrongly, that they were being cheated of a portion of the economic well-being and s o c i a l exhilarat i o n that they i d e n t i f i e d with America. Thus t h e i r opposit i o n was by no means limited to weather, plagues and Midwestern techniques of farming. They were c r i t i c a l of r a i l r o a d s , of grain buyers and speculators, of manufacturers and processors, and even l o c a l townsmen. They i d e n t i f i e d p o l i t i c i a n s , espec i a l l y those i n o f f i c e , with p r i v i l e g e and exploitation and 11.  I b i d . , p. 174.  35  occassionally used b i t t e r words i n denouncing them. More important than p o l i t i c s , however, was the s p i r i t of independence, defiance, and even r e b e l l i o n that frequently characterized the l e t t e r s finding t h e i r way into newspapers "back east". These l e t t e r s suggest, i n f a c t , that f o r some who l e f t Norway the search f o r freedom, i n a l l i t s unattainable richness and f u l l n e s s , did not end i n the Middle West. I t continued as a prime mover i n a regional migration that produced, i f not greater opportunity and s o c i a l advancement, at least a s t r i k i n g change i n the pattern of their l i v e s . Generally, the migration from the American mid-west was into the Puget Sound area of Washington State.  Norwegians had not entered  B r i t i s h Columbia i n the 19th century except as i n d i v i d u a l s .  However  the p r o v i n c i a l government was anxious to develop i t s hinterland through settlement and now made free land available to colonizing companies. The terms of such land grants were that, within a f i v e year period of settlement the colony must contain at least 30 f a m i l i e s .  The govern-  ment provided 160 acres of free land per homestead and a wagon road through the settlement.  Word of this opportunity reached the future  B e l l a Coola colonists i n Minnesota through l e t t e r s from a Norwegian curio c o l l e c t o r , B.F. Jacobsen.  As the American l e t t e r s provided  knowledge of an out for hard pressed Norwegians i n Europe, so these l e t t e r s provided knowledge of an a l t e r n a t i v e to the prevalent depression i n the mid-west.  For many of the c o l o n i s t s , the move to B e l l a  Coola was the second emigration of t h e i r l i f e .  The move to the isolated  coast of B r i t i s h Columbia however, did not answer the long-standing quest of the colonists f o r economic security and p o l i t i c a l "freedom". A Lower Mainland newspaper of the day t e l l s us:  12.  Bjork, Kenneth 0., West of the Great Divide: Norwegian Migration to the P a c i f i c Coast, 1847-1893, N o r t h f i e l d , Minnesota: The Norwegian-American H i s t o r i c a l Association, 1958, p. 20.  36  Not B u i l t for Pioneering. — Thirteen of the Norwegian sett l e r s who went to B e l l a Coola several weeks ago returned to V i c t o r i a on the Steam Boxowitz. They were d i s s a t i s f i e d with the place and awed by the d i f f i c u l t i e s to be overcome i n the settlement founded by the Government and quit .... One of the party s a i d : "The settlement f i r s t of a l l must have a road .... The underbrush i s so dense i n places that i t ( i s ) v i r t u a l l y impassable .... The best of the land i s only f a i r and a l o t of i t i s very poor .... Some of our party objected on account of the distance from market and the i s o l a t i o n from the rest of the world. Although the settlement .is sometimes referred to as a "co14 operative r e l i g i o u s U t o p i a " ,  the B e l l a Coola Colony was neither r e l i -  gious nor U t o p i a n beyond the norm of most Norwegian Lutherans at the time.  While s e t t l e r s at f i r s t bought manufactures and food-stuffs co-  operatively , this p r a c t i c e faded as quickly as a family centered economy could be  developed. The pastor of the congregation was Norwegian-born (as were  most colonists) but he was  educated for the ministry at Augsburg Sem-  inary i n Marshall, Wisconsin.  This seminary was  central i n the promo-  tion of the ideas which led to the founding of the minority position Lutheran Free Church three years a f t e r the founding of the colony. The B e l l a Coola congregation, though Saugstad himself was time, would j o i n this synod. for  dead by this  B r i e f l y , the Lutheran Free Church stood  a low-church atmosphere, and a congregational (as opposed to  synodal) authority. other-worldly.  The d a i l y l i f e of i t s membership was not e s p e c i a l l y  While the pleasures of the f l e s h might be r a i l e d against  in sermons, as much physical comfort and c i v i l i z e d " paraphernalia as 13. 14.  The B r i t i s h Columbian, New Westminster, December"10, 1894. N o r r i s , John, Strangers Entertained: A History of the Ethnic Groups of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver: Evergreen Press, 1971, p.127.  37  could be afforded was acceptable.  In the area of theology, much sep-  arated these Lutherans from the Anglicans, Methodists and Presbyterians of the coast, but there were few differences i n d a i l y l i f e .  Within 50  years of coming to the v a l l e y , the Lutheranism of the colony had v i r t u a l l y disappeared.  The congregation members had a f f i l i a t e d with the  United Church or l e f t organized r e l i g i o n altogether.  The Formal Organization of the Norwegian Colony The colony was established as an autonomous unit under the laws of B r i t i s h Columbia and i t s purpose stated i n i t s c o n s t i t u t i o n , was "to induce moral, industrious and l o y a l Norwegian farmers, mechanics and business men to come to B e l l a Coola and make t h e i r homes under the 15 laws of B r i t i s h Columbia."  There was no r e l i g i o u s r e s t r i c t i o n placed  on membership, although prospective colonists were to furnish " s a t i s factory evidence of good moral character ... (and) ... working a b i l i t y . " Liquor was not to be imported or used save f o r "sacramental, medical, mechanical, and chemical uses."  Government of the colony was by a c o l -  onial managing committee consisting of f i v e members — colonists who held land grants. family heads.)  elected by the  (In e f f e c t , this was sufferage f o r  Three of these members were the colony's president,  vice-president and secretary.  The president and secretary were also the  negotiating committee between the government and the colony. o f f i c e were one year. 15.  Terms of  The colony would hold one general meeting a year.  Kopas, C l i f f , B e l l a Coola: A Story of E f f o r t and Achievement, Vancouver: M i t c h e l l Press, 1970, p. 246.  38  Settlement Pattern The government of B r i t i s h Columbia, i n i t s agreement of immigration with the envoy Reverend Saugstad, offered each colonist a free quarter section of v a l l e y land.  The government also offered to  b u i l d a wagon road from the sea to the settled parts of the v a l l e y , on the condition that t h i r t y or more families permanently s e t t l e i n the valley.  Farm p l o t s i n accord with the 1892  land survey of the  B.C.  government were drawn by l o t . The Norwegian settlement took place mainly on the south side of the v a l l e y (often only the south side i s habitable) from the eastern l i m i t of the Indian Reserve (which straddles the f i r s t three miles of the mouth of the v a l l e y ) to about 18 miles upstream from the sea.  The major Norwegian centre was Hagensborg,  12 miles from the sea. There was no townsite at Hagensborg but simply a general store, church and school b u i l t along the v a l l e y road. the case.  Each family l i v e d on i t s own  of the v a l l e y .  In the spring of 1895,  160 acre  plot along the length  the government appropriated  $10,000 f o r roads and bridges i n the v a l l e y .  By the end of the summer,  the road had been extended 20 miles up the v a l l e y — through the s e t t l e d areas. about  This i s s t i l l  generally running  The population of Norwegians had grown to  220. Although not twenty miles i n length, the settled area was  too extensive to be e f f i c i e n t l y served by one church and especially one school.  The wagon road was never r e l i a b l e , for passage could be  p a i n f u l l y slow due to mud,  and bridges were prone to wash out.  As  soon as possible, therefore, schools, which could also serve as church  39  B e l l a Coola Valley-  B e l l a Coola Townsite and Indian V i l l a g e  40  and community buildings, were b u i l t at Lower B e l l a Coola (about 4 miles inland from the sea) and at Nutsatsum (about 6 to 8 miles above Hagensborg). centres.  Neither of these areas ever developed as townsites or shopping Land f o r community hall/schools/churches was donated by the  owner of the appropriately located quarter-section.  Doubtless the  convenience of having the f a c i l i t y close at hand was more than compensation for the l o s t square footage of land. It was not u n t i l 1904 that a townsite f o r whites was surveyed by the government at the mouth of the B e l l a Coola River.  This  townsite (destroyed by a flood i n 1924) was across the B e l l a Coola River from the present s i t e on the east side of the Necleetsconnay River. the new.  The old townsite shared the Indian townsite street grid as does The B e l l a Coola townsite was never the sole domain of the  Norwegians as the up-river settlement had been;. . The successor merchant to the H.B.C., the methodist missionary to the Indians, t h e i r families, and a few coastal labourers had preceded the Norwegians to B e l l a Coola, but stayed at the mouth of the r i v e r .  The new town became  a centre f o r persons not involved i n occupations u t i l i z i n g the land f i s h i n g , service and merchandizing.  —  However, men who became fishermen  also continued to l i v e i n the v a l l e y . Non-Norwegian Settlement One of the terms of colonization granted by the B r i t i s h Columbia government to the Norwegians on entering the v a l l e y was a reserve for Norwegians on a l l v a l l e y lands f o r f i v e years a f t e r colonization began.  This reserve ended i n 1899 and then various i n d i v i d u a l  41  immigrants of d i f f e r i n g origins arrived i n the v a l l e y .  In 1912-14 a  small colony of Seventh Day Adventists arrived and located upstream from the Norwegian area of settlement at F i r v a l e .  Later an immigration  of Mormons occurred, but they did not stake out any p a r t i c u l a r portion of the v a l l e y .  Over the l a s t 50 years settlement has occurred  out the v a l l e y where t e r r a i n permits.  through-  No areas (outside of the Indian  reserve) maintain an especially ethnic or r e l i g i o u s sectarian i d e n t i t y .  Population Changes i n the Twentieth Century The Canada Census of 1961 records a population for the v a l l e y of 1,339 persons —  444 of these l i v e d on the Indian reserve, 345 l i v e d  i n B e l l a Coola townsite, 413 i n Hagensborg, and the remainder through16 out the v a l l e y .  Of non-reserve  population, only 290 were reported  as Scandanavian; 481 persons gave t h e i r ethnic o r i g i n as B r i t i s h ; 106 as other European; and 18 as (native) Indian.  Furthermore, of the non-  reserve population, only 144 persons were reported as Lutheran, 122 were reported as Anglican, 415 as United Church of Canada, 62 as Roman Catholic, and 152 as other denominations.  English was reported as the  mother tongue of 819 of the v a l l e y ' s 895 non-reserve 90 of the v a l l e y ' s 895 non-reserve  population.  Only  population were recorded as "on-farm"  .residents. 16. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Unpublished Data Sheets by Enumeration Area, 1961 Census. Throughout the remainder of the t h e s i s , these three settlement areas: townsite, Indian v i l l a g e , and v a l l e y w i l l be referred to. When Valley i s c a p i t a l i z e d a l l settlements w i l l be referred to. When discussing the B e l l a Coola Valley population v i s - a - v i s the rest of the world, the residents of a l l settlements refer to themselves as "the Valley". In d i s cussing l o c a l issues, l o c a l people use v a l l e y to refer to the r u r a l population not l i v i n g on the townsite or v i l l a g e .  42  In a matter of 67 years a f t e r the establishment of the c o l ony the population had shifted from almost s o l i d l y Norwegian Lutheran farmers to "Canadians" of mixed o r i g i n and r e l i g i o n , English-speaking, and mainly "non-farm" i n residence and occupation.  43  CHAPTER I I I BELLA COOLA'S ECONOMY  Introduction The  p o p u l a t i o n o f the B e l l a C o o l a V a l l e y has  m i c a l l y on t h r e e i n d u s t r i e s :  a g r i c u l t u r e , f i s h i n g and  relied logging.  econoThe  f o l l o w i n g t a b l e s , compiled p e c t s of B e l l a Coola's  1.  from F e d e r a l v o t e r ' s l i s t s , summarize as1 labour force. T a b l e I summarizes the p a r t i c i -  The B e l l a C o o l a V a l l e y has always been t a b u l a t e d i n Canada's census within a larger D i s t r i c t . In the census o f 1961, B e l l a C o o l a and Hagensborg f e l l w i t h i n one enumeration a r e a , w h i l e F i r v a l e f e l l w i t h i n a second and the I n d i a n Reserve a t h i r d . S t a t i s t i c s Canada was a b l e to s u p p l y b a s i c demographic m a t e r i a l from the 1961 census f o r these areas — which do not appear as such i n the census publ i s h e d r e p o r t s . However, i t i s not p o s s i b l e to get such i n f o r mation f o r the e n t i r e h i s t o r y of the V a l l e y . An a l t e r n a t e , though not t o t a l l y s a t i s f a c t o r y - m e t h o d of g a i n i n g a t l e a s t o c c u p a t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n f o r a d u l t Canadian c i t i z e n s i n the V a l l e y l a b o u r f o r c e , has been from Government of Canada v o t e r s ' l i s t s . The v o l u n t a r y n a t u r e of entrance on the v o t e r s ' l i s t s c o u l d l e a d to u n d e r - r e p o r t ing. L i s t s are a v a i l a b l e from 1935 u n t i l the 1968 e l e c t i o n . In 1962, the l a b o u r f o r c e f o r the V a l l e y ( e x c l u d i n g the I n d i a n r e s e r v e ) was 309 persons a c c o r d i n g to the v o t e r s ' l i s t s . I t was 374 p e r sons a c c o r d i n g to the 1961 census. T h i s means about 80 per cent of the a d u l t s r e g i s t e r e d i n the census as workers r e g i s t e r e d to v o t e as members of the work f o r c e ( r a t h e r than as housewives or as r e t i r e d p e r s o n s ) . I believe — at l e a s t f o r 1961 — t h a t the m i s s i n g 20 per cent of the l a b o u r f o r c e from the v o t e r s ' l i s t s does not so much c o n s i s t of names not mentioned as i t does of wives who work but d i d not e n t e r an o c c u p a t i o n . A c c o r d i n g t o the 1961 census, the V a l l e y ' s female working f o r c e i s 83 persons i n s t r e n g t h . I t i s h i g h l y c o n c e n t r a t e d i n p r o f e s s i o n a l , s a l e s and c l e r i c a l s e r v i c e areas. I t i s not o f t e n d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n the s t a p l e i n d u s t r i a l o c c u p a t i o n s of the community. The v o t e r s ' l i s t s a r e s u p e r i o r to census s t a t i s t i c s i n t h a t they p r e s e n t not s t a t i s t i c a l compilat i o n s but a c t u a l l i s t s of names a t t a c h e d to o c c u p a t i o n s . It is p o s s i b l e to t r a c e o c c u p a t i o n a l c a r e e r s of i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s through them. The f o l l o w i n g v o t e r s ' l i s t s were u t i l i z e d i n c o m p i l i n g the T a b l e s : F o r 1935, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Skeena, R u r a l P o l l i n g D i v i s i o n Nos. 72, 73, 74; f o r 1945, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Skeena, R.P.D. Nos. 66, 67, 68; f o r 1953, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Skeena, R.P.D. Nos. 78, 80, 81; f o r 1962, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Skeena, R.P.D. Nos. 147, 148, 149, 150; f o r 1968, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Coast C h i l c o t i n , R.P.D. Nos. 10, 11, 12, 13.  Table I. Labour force In major occupations-by year for non-reserve population — and percentages for selected dates from 1935 to 1968.  Total Labour Force 1935  199  Farming  Fishing & Related Work  72  48  100.0% 1945  168  36.0% 57  100.0% 1953  307  1962  253  30 3.6%  0.7%  12.0%  11  30.0%  0.2%  12 23.0%  45  23  15.0% 91  7.8% 24  12.1%  21.0%  4.5%  8.7% 31  4.0%  35  15  27  20.0%  6.0%  9.4%  3.0%  41  10  29  Other  5.5%  2.4%  3.0% 10  58  1  11 3.5%  0.6%  29.0% 93  7 4  1  90  Trades  Sales & Clerical Services  0.0%  6.0%  3.0%  12.0%  0  10  2  Saw Milling  4.0%  8.0% 10  36  9 100.0%  13  23.0%  8.8%  8 1.0%  23.0% 70  27  309 100.0%  1968  38  12.1%  100.0%  2 24.0%  30.0% 37  Fish Canning  Logging & Related Work  whole numbers  30.0% 88  9.9%  35.0%  Table I I .  Labour force i n major occupations by year for reserve population — and percentages for selected dates, 1962 and 1968.  Total Labour Force 1962  Farming  93  Fishing & Related Work 61  100.0% 1968  5  Other 11  5.4%  1.1%  21 65.9%  402  Farming  Fishing & Related Work  27  97  100.0% 1968  1  Sales & Clerical Services  11.8% . 8  24.6%  9.5%  Labour force i n major occupations by year for a l l population — - whole numbers and percentages f o r selected dates, 1962 and 1968.  Total Labour . Force 1962  Trades  16.1%  56 100.0%  Saw Milling  15 65.6%  85  Table I I I .  Fish Canning  Logging & Related Work  whole numbers  338  7.0% 9  100.0%  Saw Milling  2  108  10  24.0% 86  3.0%  Fish Canning  Logging & Related Work  0.5% 1  25.0%  26.0%  28  24.0%  28 7.0%  2.5% 12  79 0.5%  Trades  31 3.5%  iSales & Clerical Services  102 7.0%  24 9.0%  Other 25.0% 96  7.0%  28.0%  1968  1962  o  > H»<ro o » ro cr o 0 oo H h »  H M  1953  1945  H "q * a o H -toro  o H- tu ro  H  > < f 01  M to  to  3 to  cr ro cr oro o o o o >i o o oo M  to  ii  1  0 0 H 0 >  Ul  H  si ^ >J  Ch  M  W  O CD i -  o H - oi H 11 W  ro  f  to  H  > <! ro  o  O  3  I— in  ro cr o  o o  0  1  H*  oo i-*  o ro o si NlO*CO  Ch to Ch CO  M 0 1  Ul H» O N M O > ^  ( 0 3 0 1 CO  1935  OO  Ul  0)  — I  Ch H» J> O O NI CO  0 1  co  ro  *s  o o ui  N  ch o .es  H In U  sj H H N M H IO J>  ui o o  Ul  £s h-> O  HOOUl  H §•  ro  w < T o t a l Labour Force Fanners  ro to  •r> o o «- Fishermen  O M  M  Occupations Supportive to F i s h i n g  to  o o  ro  Cannerymen  sj  o *• w Loggers  M  O !-• O  Occupations Supportive to Logging Sawmillers  IO  O O U  CO M  U  O O l-»  J> O O  IDHC0IO I O S I S I U I  to  to  UJ  Bella Coola Hagensborg Firvale TOTAL  "i H to H - a> n>  •-3  o o o o  M O O— I  H" O t-" O  O  O O O  IO O H  I—  M O O N  1-  O  W H O M  N H O P  Gov't. S e r Ul O  to  M *•  O  C O  *- O O  0 0  1  O O I ' -  Ul o u> to  t-  O O H Ul  Ul  H H W  ro  o o  SIH  IO  M  sl O  ** o  si  o  Ul l<  to to  OHMsl  Ul  H  UIOUIO  o o o o  to r o  M  H"  O  O *•  Ul O H"  UJ  JI-  M t—  1  ro  Teachers Other C i v i l Servants  u J>  Tradesmen  UJ si  Sales & Clerical  O H* O  Domestics  H" O O t-i  O  O O O  Non-Teaching School S t a f f  o o o o  M  O O M  Non-Medical Hosp. S t a f f  Ul Ul  WOMH  Ch M O U l  O  H*  o o o o Ul  1  Highways & Utilities  o o o o  ui o o ui  »0 H N  F i s h , Game, Forestry  Ul O CO >l  Ul H H Ul  Ch O O CT-  !-• o v i c e s f o r  O HOI Ul  si  o  Ul  Unspecified Labour  O si  Unspecified Engineers  Ul  o o o o Tourist  Services  t-*  Transportation  si O O si  Medical Hosp. S t a f f  ro  J>  O . H -  o «- o Other  Loggers Government Service Tradesmen Sales & Clerical Services Domestics  1962 93 56 5 15 l : 1 5  1  1968 85 51 5 : 21 1 1  Unspecified Labour  3 4  4 1  Medical Hospital Staff Other  Tourist Services  Non-Medical Hospital Staff  :  Non-Teaching School Staff  Occupations Supportive to Fishing  Fishermen  Total Labour Force  T a b l e V. Labour f o r c e by d e t a i l e d o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r y , by y e a r f o r r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n — numbers. whole  1 1  1 .  48  pation of the Valley labour force exclusive of Indians on the reserve by year i n major industries.  Table II summarizes the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of  the reserve population i n these industries. two populations.  Table III combines these  Table IV d e t a i l s occupation by year and by settlement  area i n raw numbers.  Table V presents t h i s same information for the  Indian reserve. If one could speak of a "natural" or obvious economic base for  the Valley, i t would be the salmon f i s h e r i e s .  base of the aboriginal population. pursued  the fur trade.  This was  the economic  The f i r s t Europeans i n the Valley  The f i r s t substantial white settlement was 2  sup-  posed to be a g r i c u l t u r a l . Agriculture The a g r i c u l t u r a l p o t e n t i a l of the Valley has always been subject to question.  The Norwegian s e t t l e r s of 1894 arrived to find  their "farms" i n heavy coastal forest. breaking.  The clearing job was back-  Once cleared, the farms s t i l l stood i n danger of flood, of  unpredictable drought or long periods of cloudiness and r a i n .  Despite  constant declarations by Valley boosters that B e l l a Coola i s fine a g r i c u l t u r a l country, the rewards have not been enough to keep the labour force on the farm.  By 1968, only 9 persons or 3.6 per cent of the white  labour force of the Valley reported farming (or ranching)as t h e i r occupation. No Indians reported as farmers. Fougner, Iver, "The Founding of B e l l a Coola" i n The Canadian Magazine, 1904, p. 524.  49  Farming, for the majority of B e l l a Coola people, i s not presently something to be considered as an occupation.  A l l of those people  reporting as farmers i n 1968 had reported as farmers i n some previous year.  (See Table VI, below.)  The majority reported as farmers i n 1945.  A l l men reported as farmers were middle-aged  or older.  It i s doubtful  i f any of these men make t h e i r complete l i v i n g o f f t h e i r farms.  Some  are on old age pension; others work at other jobs as they are available —  hence the occurrence of "mailman" and "millworker" midway i n the re-  ports of some i n d i v i d u a l s .  Table VI.  The careers of a l l persons involved i n Farming i n 1968. Each number across the top represents one i n d i v i d u a l . The blue shading indicates Farming. The pink shading indicates occupations i n the primary extractive industries — f i s h i n g and logging. 1  2  1968  : .  F  F  1962  - .  F  F  4  5  6  7  8  9  F  F  F  F  F  F  MM  F  F  L  F  F.  F  F  F  F.  L  Sm  F  F  F  F  La  F  F  3 :  F  1953  F  . F  1945  F  .  1935  f  Legend:  '  F tr  F, farmer; f , fisherman; L, logger; MM, mailman; Sm, sawmill work; La, Labouring; t r , trapping. (Source: Canada Voter's L i s t s , see footnote 1, Chapter I I I ) . Farming i n B e l l a Coola does not include vegetable gardening.  It i s more apt to consist of c a t t l e r a i s i n g with hay making on the side. There are a few orchards —  a l l of them older and not being maintained.  50  The only export product i s the occasional head of beef —  this would  occur i n d i r e c t l y through the Anahim Lake area. There i s l i t t l e l o c a l sale of l o c a l produce. that i s sold, i s done b y producer-to-consumer. stock government-inspected ple,  Local beef  A l l l o c a l stores must  beef which comes from Vancouver.  Many peo-  i n f a c t , i n order to gain a reduction on t h e i r meat expenses, buy  freezer-lots d i r e c t from Vancouver suppliers. Vegetables and f r u i t are also imported from Vancouver a r r i v i n g on the weekly steamer.  Many v a l l e y residents have substan-  t i a l vegetable gardens of their own. occurs p r i v a t e l y —  —  The only sale of such produce  generally i n connection with f r u i t .  Despite the small number of persons reporting as farmers i n the community, agriculture continues  to be a much talked of occupation.  E d i t o r i a l s i n the B e l l a Coola Courier of 1912 to 1917 and i n the Valley Echo 50 years l a t e r , repeat the message that l o c a l farmers, i n order to gain the l o c a l population's support, w i l l have to deal f a i r l y i n t h e i r merchandizing. verbally. 1970 —  At the time of the study, this message was  In the newspapers of the '50's and '60's —  and verbally i n  agriculture was presented as an industry that would outlive  forestry.  A Farmers I n s t i t u t e continues  to exist and as recently as  1958 had an attendance of AO people at i t s meetings. to  repeated  Occassional v i s i t s  the f a l l f a i r by p r o v i n c i a l a g r i c u l t u r a l o f f i c e r s stimulate rumours  that the government r e a l i z e s the v a l l e y ' s commercial a g r i c u l t u r a l potential.  51  Fishing The commercial salmon f i s h e r i e s had been established on the coast of B r i t i s h Columbia long before the settlement of B e l l a Coola. At the time of the Norwegian settlement there were two canneries i n Rivers I n l e t , the next i n l e t south on the coast.  A cannery at Namu, on  Fitzugh Sound, 60 miles southwest along Burke Channel from B e l l a Coola, 3  was also i n operation. u n t i l 1900.  There was no actual cannery at B e l l a Coola  By that time there were s i x canneries operating at Rivers 4  Inlet as w e l l as the one at Namu.  In 1900, the B e l l a Coola pack was  rather minor, consisting of 4,138 cases:  that of Namu and Rivers Inlet  5  plants amounted to over 80,000 cases. The Norwegian colonists entered the f i s h i n g industry from almost the beginning of t h e i r settlement.  While there was i n i t i a l l y  no commercial establishment at B e l l a Coola, the men soon found summer work i n coastal canneries and f i s h e r i e s elsewhere —  e s p e c i a l l y at Rivers  6  Inlet.  Fishermen worked f o r wages, using four-man Columbia s k i f f s  which were owned by the canning companies.  Oarmen received $40.00 a 7  month; netmen $60.00.  Free food was also included.  Norwegian men i n  the canneries earned from $50.00 to $100.00 a month as w e l l as free 8  food. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.  Work i n the f i s h e r i e s i n the early 1900's brought  Lyons, C i c e l y , Salmon, Our Heritage, Vancouver: 1969, p. 706. Ibid., p. 706. Ibid. , p. 706. Fougner, op. c i t . , p. 534. Kopas, C l i f f , op. c i t . , p. 262. Fougner, op. c i t . , p. 534.  i n more cash  M i t c h e l l Press,  52  than work on the wagon road at $1.00 a day —  the only other cash pay-  ing work yet available i n the Valley. The f i r s t canning company and cannery to be located i n B e l l a Coola was b u i l t i n 1900 by the man who had bought the Hudson Bay Company store and the younger brother of the owner of Namu cannery.  The cannery  was operated for only two years by the o r i g i n a l partners. The partnership f a i l e d as the working partner was sickened by f i s h and unable to oversee the operation.  I t was sold to B r i t i s h Columbia Packers Associa-  t i o n ( l a t e r to become B.C. Packers Ltd.) i n 1902 and became a net camp 9 for Namu i n 1935.  Namu by then was also owned by B.C. Packers L t d .  The second canning company and cannery, Tallheo, was b u i l t in 1917 by B.F. Jacobsen, a curio c o l l e c t o r who had o r i g i n a l l y drawn the Norwegian's attention to the Valley.  Jacobsen had eventually set-  tled i n the Valley, married, and joined the community.  The cannery  was financed by R.V. Winch and Co. Ltd., a prominent coastal firm at 10 the time, and very shortly became t h e i r outright property. In 1918, R.V. Winch and Co. L t d . became part of the newly incorporated Northern 11 B.C. Fish L t d . The early twenties were a period of depression i n world s a l mon markets.  Northern B.C. Fish collapsed i n 1923 due i n part to a  high spoilage rate i n t h e i r Namu pack and i n part to a demand for 12 immediate payment of debts due to the Royal Bank of Canada. The var9. 10. 11. 12.  Lyons, Ibid., Ibid. , Ibid. ,  op. c i t . , p. 680. p. 315. p. 330. p. 357.  53  ious plants of the corporation were leased or sold —  Tallheo was  leased and then sold i n 1926 to the Canadian Fishing Company L t d . , a 13 subsidiary of the American New England Fish Company. This was i n a period of expansion by that company which was to become one of the two major coastal firms. From 1923 to 1926 the company acquired twelve 14 existing canneries. Tallheo was operated by the Canadian Fishing 15 Company u n t i l 1947 when i t too became a net camp. There are three factors beyond the control of the f i s h e r man  i n the f i s h i n g industry:  the supply of f i s h , the supply of c a p i t a l  for equipment, and the supply of markets.  The history of f i s h i n g on  the coast has been a constant struggle to bring these three factors into an order that w i l l allow a r e l i a b l e income for fishermen, as w e l l as acceptable p r o f i t s for middlemen and operators. The need f o r high c a p i t a l investment has always existed i n the industry.  I n i t i a l l y i t was a problem of the operators.  They had  to find the means by which to b u i l d and operate the cannery, as well as advance credit to fishermen for gear and food —  with no hope  of a return on the pack (sold largely i n the east and B r i t a i n ) u n t i l 16 almost the beginning of the next season.  The canning operators were  constantly scrambling to maintain arrangements with bankers and brokers. With 13. 14. 15. 16.  mechanization i n the industry, the c a p i t a l requirements have Ibid., p. 357. I b i d . , p. 365. Ibid. , p. 480. M c K e r v i l l , H.W., The Salmon People, Sidney: Gray Publishing Ltd., 1967, p. 37.  54  steadily increased — not only i n the processing, but i n the harvesting 17 of f i s h . The process of increasing c a p i t a l i z a t i o n has been outlined by Deutsch et a l . : Technological change has given r i s e to three trends of growing importance: i ) a slow but nonetheless steady and perceptible trend towards larger scale operations at the primary f i s h i n g stage. The larger, more mechanized and better equipped vessels have been harvesting a larger share of the t o t a l f i s h catch year by year; i i ) a rapid trend towards larger-scale more centralized operations and consequent cons o l i d a t i o n of ownership and control i n the hands of a few large concerns at the processing stage of production; i i i ) a continual tendency towards over-investment, excessive numbers of fishermen, and consequently r e l a t i v e l y low incomes among a considerable number of primary producers i n the industry.-*-^ The community of B e l l a Coola has experienced a l l of these trends at work.  Despite the growing c a p i t a l input to the industry,  labour has only been reduced i n the most direct sense, for example, nets are no longer hauled i n by hand.  Some fishermen i n g i l l n e t t e r s do make  yearly earnings of $14,000 and more —  but these are the few with good  luck and the strength and courage to face the open sea f o r long unbroken periods of steady work.  The majority of fishermen, even working  solidly  throughout the season, have such low returns that f i s h i n g provides the lowest average wages of a l l B.C.'s primary industries.  B.C. fishermen  had an average income of $5,806 i n 1970 while workers i n the forest i n 19 dustries averaged $8,291 i n 1969. 17. 18. 19.  Ibid. , pp. 141-153. Deutsch, J . J . , Jamieson, S.M., Matuszewski, T.I., Scott, A.D., and W i l l , R.M., Economics of Primary Production i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Vol. 3, F i s h e r i e s , Vancouver: manuscript, 1959. P a c i f i c Region-Fisheries Service, Dept. of the Environment, An Analysis of Gross Returns from Fishing Vessels i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1969 and 1970. Vancouver, 1971, p. 45.  55  Of great importance to l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i s the forced removal of the fishermen from the community for much of June through September and longer for halibut fishermen.  Fishermen must f i s h  when the f i s h are running, and where the government conservation o r i t i e s designate.  auth-  A result of this i s the closure to fishermen of on-  going positions of authority or leadership i n the community. simply cannot attend meetings as r e a d i l y as others.  They  Fishermen generally  are not highly involved i n the community but rather pursue private family l i f e when ashore.  Their p o l i t i c a l concerns are attuned to a coastal or  i n d u s t r i a l l e v e l rather than that of the l o c a l community.  Historically,  and presently, the fishermen have not been a major factor i n B e l l a Coola's l o c a l p o l i t i c a l  life.  These observations  have only been made i n connection with the  white community.  The role of fisherman i n the Indian community may be  quite d i f f e r e n t .  Only 12 per cent of the white labour force was employed  in f i s h i n g i n 1968; 66 per cent of the Indian labour force was employed in f i s h i n g .  Perhaps when such a large part of the community i s involved  away from home, important decisions must wait their return. The men of B e l l a Coola who became involved i n canning rapidly f e l l to the f i n a n c i a l treacheries of the industry.  By the time the  f i s h e r i e s reached B e l l a Coola, high c a p i t a l investment — a b i l i t y of even B.C. f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s —  beyond the  was e s s e n t i a l .  In B e l l a  Coola, commercial fishing has always been an a c t i v i t y controlled from the outside.  56  Logging and M i l l i n g When B.F. Jacobsen b u i l t Tallheo cannery a few miles from B e l l a Coola i n 1917,  he imported lumber from Rivers Inlet —  sea miles to the south.  about  120  Logging operations and saw m i l l s had existed  i n the Valley on and o f f , but were scaled only to the most limited l o c a l market.  The Valley was  considered too distant from the m i l l s and mar-  kets of Vancouver to be of commercial use. In the 1930's a logging company from outside the community the Viking Timber Company —  operated b r i e f l y i n the Valley before run-  ning out of credit and going broke. —  —  The p a y r o l l creditors —  took over the assets and debts to operate as the Northern  Timber and M i l l s Association.  local  men  Co-operative  O r i g i n a l l y , some t h i r t y men were involved  i n the cooperative which combined both logging and a saw m i l l operation. A f i r e i n 1945  destroyed a large amount of equipment and much of the  land holdings were consequently  sold out to Northern Pulpwood, a subsi-  diary of Crown Zellerbach. In 1969  the lumber market outside the Valley had appeared so  uncertain that the operator and shareholders voted to cut production to a l e v e l that could be consumed l o c a l l y .  This amounted to so small a  production that i t became senseless to maintain the logging end of the operation —  logs were bought i n 1970  from Crown Zellerbach.  (1969, i n  the end, turned out to be a great year for small producers because of the s t r i k e s of the major production industry. missed t h i s boom.) only about $50,000.  Northcop m i l l however,  The company presently has a c a p i t a l investment of Even as early as 1960  i t was  experiencing trouble  57  gaining the c a p i t a l to meet forest service standards.  The operators  were unable to impress forestry o f f i c i a l s at Prince Rupert of the " c r i p p l i n g expense of two burners" which regulations required for their mill.  By 1970 only f i v e men (representing two families) were employed  and not f u l l - t i m e at that.  The logging part of the operation i s not  functioning and the m i l l i t s e l f has remained small, not located on water, and r e l i a n t on trucks to deliver logs and pick up lumber. By far the greatest logging operation i n the B e l l a Coola Valley i s that of Crown Zellerbach which came to the v a l l e y with i t s purchase of Northern Pulpwood.  Northern Pulpwood had entered the Valley  in 1948 i n order to cut for i t s Ocean F a l l ' s pulp m i l l .  Involvement  of the white labour force i n logging jumped from 10 persons (or 6 per cent) i n 1945 to 90 persons (or 29 per cent) i n 1953. By 1962, 93 persons (or 30 per cent) were involved i n logging.  Fishing meantime had  slumped from 70 persons (23 per cent of the labour force) i n 1953 to 36 (or 12 per cent) i n 1962.  (Including the Indian labour force i n  this accounting equalizes the two major trades. occupied  Logging and f i s h i n g each  a quarter of the labour force i n 1962. These proportions held  i n 1968, although the involvement of the Indian labour force i n logging rose to 24.6 per cent while that of the white labour force dropped to 23.0 per cent.) Crown Zellerbach's operation i n the Valley i s completely limited to logging, the trees being trucked down the Valley to booming grounds on s a l t water.  Usually, the operation employs 32 valley men.  (Crown Zellerbach's timber operation employs a t o t a l of 1,050 men on the  coast.)  58  The second largest operation i n the B e l l a Coola Valley i s that of A l l i s o n Logging.  It i s attached to no m i l l , and s e l l s i t s logs.  Based i n North Vancouver, i t was  incorporated i n 1923, but started i t s  v a l l e y operation a few years after Crown Zellerbach. 1967 had a c a p i t a l investment of $100,000 —  The company i n  most of that i n the B e l l a  Coola operation (the only operation i t presently i s carrying on). . It employs about 25 persons i n season.  A fourth company, Dean Logging,  also has i t s head o f f i c e i n North Vancouver, although the president i s a resident of the V a l l e y . the Valley but maintains  The company i s operating i n the i n l e t s outside  i t s camp at B e l l a Coola.  It employs ten  men.  The Valley has always had many small m i l l s and small logging operations —  often involving only one or two men.  At present, three  abandoned m i l l s are to be seen i n the Valley and more have been dismantled or overgrown. times and a new  Besides Northcop M i l l , a small shingle m i l l works sometwo-man lumber m i l l —  started production.  to cut small lumber —  has just  The new m i l l i s owner-operated by two newcomers  to the V a l l e y .  There are two small logger-contractors i n the Valley  at the moment.  They give employment to a variable number of men  —  never approaching the number employed by the larger operators. The logging industry also provides employment to a secondary group; private trucking contractors, mechanics, and forestry service officers.  The number of men  involved i n such categories varies —  but  i s usually around twelve i n number. Like f i s h i n g , the forest industry i s subject to strong cont r o l s from outside the Valley community.  These include p r o v i n c i a l  59  government r e s t r i c t i o n s on l a n d tenure and  c u t t i n g , w o r l d market  on the d i s p o s a l and  r e l a t i v e s c a r c i t y of  p r i c e of p r o d u c t s ,  to undertake the l o c a l o p e r a t i o n . has  and  limits capital  As i n f i s h i n g , t e c h n o l o g i c a l advance  i n c r e a s e d the need f o r c a p i t a l .  Even i n 1953,  i t was  no  longer 20  v i a b l e to m a i n t a i n  a logging operation with  l e s s than $60,000 c a p i t a l .  In the decade from 1955  to 1965  o p e r a t i n g on the 21 coast of B.C. f e l l by n e a r l y t w o - t h i r d s — from 300 t o 103. Employ22 ment was cut s l i g h t l y more than o n e - q u a r t e r — from 17,941 to 13,370. Average wages f o r those  i n v o l v e d i n t h i s aspect  from $3,733 per year mill  i n d u s t r y has  to $5,720 —  consequently  each employing^ more men m i l l s i n t o t a l had  the number o f s a w m i l l s  an i n c r e a s e of 53 per c e n t .  seen a s h i f t  F o r B e l l a Coola  of i t s l o c a l o p e r a t i o n s .  rose  The  I t s few  saw  to fewer but l a r g e r m i l l s ,  (although never employing as many as the  done) and p r o v i d i n g those  than s m a l l m i l l s had.  of the i n d u s t r y 23  smaller  employed a much h i g h e r wage  t h i s has meant the l o s s of most  remaining  m i l l s have not o n l y  failed  to f o l l o w the i n c r e a s e s i n wages brought by the c e n t r a l i z e d m i l l s they have i n c r e a s i n g l y f a i l e d to p r o v i d e  —  employment.  Other Occupations Outside  of f i s h i n g and  l o g g i n g , the V a l l e y has men  i n a wide  range of employment, n e a r l y a l l of which i s dependent to some extent  on  the economic base of those p r i m a r y i n d u s t r i e s .  20. 21.  22. 23.  D e u t s c h , op. c i t . , w r i t e s of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the s m a l l l o g g e r and saw m i l l e r , pp. 19-29. The S t a t i s t i c a l Record of the Lumber I n d u s t r y i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1950-1965. V i c t o r i a : Dept. of I n d u s t r i a l Development, T r a d e , and Commerce, 1968, pp. 6-7. Government of B r i t i s h Columbia, B.C. F i n a n c i a l and Economic Review Victoria: Department of F i n a n c e , 1972. C a r r o t h e r s , W.A., " F o r e s t I n d u s t r i e s of B r i t i s h Columbia", i n A.R.M. Lower, e d i t o r , The N o r t h American A s s a u l t on the Canadian F o r e s t , T o r o n t o : The Ryerson P r e s s , 1938, p. 252.  60  Tradesmen From the time of f i r s t settlement there was some s p e c i a l i z a tion i n trades.  Certain individuals were more expert at the erection  of cedar log houses, some men more accomplished  as smiths or mechanics.  Generally however, such trades were carried on i n connection with farming. By 1935, seven men tradesmen.  or 3.5 per cent of the white work force reported as  It was not u n t i l the 1953 report that a major increase i n  tradesmen appears.  This number has just about held constant since then.  (See Table I, above.) force was  In the 1968 report, even though the white labour  l i t t l e more than 80 per cent that of the previous two reports,  31 people (or 12.1 per cent of the labour force) reported as tradesmen. The majority of tradesmen i n B e l l a Coola are self-employed. In 1968 the Valley voters' l i s t s reported the following: electronics technicians, 1; pipe f i t t e r s , 7; contractors, 6.  mechanics, 14;  1; e l e c t r i c i a n s , 2; carpenters,  Table VII (on page 63 below) documents the careers  of persons who have been tradesmen at some time between 1935 and 1968 i n the v a l l e y .  ( A l l figures are for whites —  ported as a tradesman.  He did so i n 1962.)  only one Indian has ever reIn 1968 only 14 (or 45 per  cent) of the respondents claiming to be tradesmen had also reported as tradesmen i n 1962. Valley.  Seven persons (or 23 per cent) had not been i n the  Two persons (or s i x per cent) had been too young to be i n the  labour force.  Seven persons had held other occupations i n the Valley.  Of the 27 tradesmen of 1962, ployed as tradesmen i n 1968.  13 persons (or 48 per cent) were not  em-  In turn, of the 29 Valley tradesmen of  1953, 21 persons (or 72 per cent) were not employed as tradesmen i n 1962.  61  Of the 41 persons who were i n the Valley labour force as tradesmen i n more than one of the years reported, 21 (or s l i g h t l y more than 50 per cent) had spent at least one of these years employed i n logging, f i s h i n g , saw m i l l i n g or canning.  Only 8 (or 20 per cent) had  worked exclusively at their trade i n their period i n the Valley labour force. The flow of personnel from occupations i n primary  industries  to occupations i n the trades i s much stronger than the flow between any other occupational categories.  This i s p a r t i a l l y to be explained i n  the nature of the trades themselves. employers of tradesmen.  The primary industries are major  Tradesmen are i n a p o s i t i o n to know of good  openings i n primary industries and j o i n the force when they a r i s e . the same way,  In  an astute worker of the primary industries can see what  trades are i n demand and attempt to f i l l developing niches i n the trade market. More important, the close contact of tradesmen with primary i n d u s t r i a l workers allows each a view of the advantages of the other's occupation.  The tradesmen can see that logging and f i s h i n g can provide  at least a l i v e a b l e minimum wage and sometimes considerable income.  The  logger or fisherman can see that the trades, while offering less r e l i a b l e f i n a n c i a l returns, are r e l a t i v e l y safe and provide a hope of steady, " c i v i l i z e d " hours.  The loggers and non-owner fishermen look towards the  p o s s i b i l i t y of being one's own boss. t r a c t o r " i s at times very t h i n . sue one occupation —  The l i n e between "logger" and "con-  The equipment one might acquire to pur-  clearing land or hauling loads —  can e a s i l y be  62  used for small-scale logging. men  As market and work opportunities d i c t a t e ,  can s l i d e back and f o r t h between primary industries and the trades. In this respect the trades take on a supportive r o l e i n the  l o c a l economy receiving those persons that the main industries moment a r i l y do not require and at the same time maintaining and a v a i l a b i l i t y when needed.  t h e i r presence  The majority of tradesmen are not i n very  secure f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n s . There are three types of tradesmen i n the V a l l e y : who  have successfully run long-term businesses, those who  steadily employed by these men,  those  have been  and those persons referred to above who  move i n and out of the trades from the primary i n d u s t r i e s . Among the f i r s t two categories are^many of the community's leaders but from the l a s t there are  few.  Sales and C l e r i c a l Services S p e c i a l i s t s i n sales and c l e r i c a l services existed from the f i r s t period of settlement.  By 1935,  11 persons (or 5.5 per cent of  the white labour force) reported themselves i n such occupations. Table I, above;)  (See  Over the next 30 years the percentage of the work  force involved i n sales and c l e r i c a l services nearly doubled.  Unlike  the trades, however, this area of employment did not draw heavily from nor give heavily to the labour force of the primary i n d u s t r i e s . Table VIII, on page 63.)  Of those 29 persons who  (See  had been i n the Valley  labour force longer than one period of reporting, and reporting at least once i n sales and c l e r i c a l service occupations, only 7 (or 24 per cent) had worked i n logging, sawmilling or canning.  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Whereas 40 per cent of those persons  leaving trades but remaining i n the Valley turned to logging and f i s h i n g , no one leaving sales and c l e r i c a l services reported a change to these occupations. Sales and c l e r i c a l services, however, experience the heavy turnover of personnel prevalent i n trades.  Of those 23 persons involved  i n these occupations i n 1962, only 61 per cent remained i n 1968.  Of  the 15 persons involved i n 1953, only 53 per cent remained i n 1962. In turn, 30 per cent of 1945's labour force i n this area were s t i l l involved i n 1953. Along the road from B e l l a Coola to F i r v a l e one may  see a  number of abandoned commercial buildings; usually they are small, wooden and of  simple design.  Within the townsite of B e l l a Coola i t s e l f ,  abandoned commercial buildings seem to overshadow those i n operation. One complete side of the main street i s taken up with the yards and works of a l o c a l contractor. While he keeps his own small house, garden, and machinery sheds on the property, the s i t e i s dominated by a large, weathering, two-storey, wood-frame s h e l l .  Without windows or any  sort of protective covering, and now deteriorated beyond any hope of completion, this was o r i g i n a l l y to have been a h o t e l .  It i s for sale.  On the street side of h i s house, the contractor has erected a painting of  the B e l l a Coola of the future.  It shows the h o t e l , with i t s ambitious  dining lounge at the base of the mountain up which zigzags a steep road to a new townsite.  sub-division on a f l a t area some 1,000  feet above the present  Like the h o t e l , this development has only been started i n a  65  most rudimentary way —  roads have been cut through the s i t e with a Cat,  and a few survey stakes hammered down.  The same contractor has developed  another s i t e to the same extent i n a side v a l l e y opposite Hagensborg. The stimulus behind these projects and the explanation for the a v a i l a b i l i t y of f i n a n c i a l backing from Vancouver was a much touted plan for large pulp and lumber m i l l developments. possibilities —  At the time of the study these  a $100,000,000 development proposed by a Japanese firm  and a $80,000,000 one by Crown Zellerbach — debated i n the Valley.  were much discussed and  At the time of w r i t i n g , the projects appeared to  be s t a l l e d at the metropolis l e v e l . Even i f the corporations once again decide to go ahead, the contractor has already passed the point of l i k e l y success.  Valley ru-  mour suggested his debts were accumulating at a rate of "thousand's d o l l a r s a month".  of  He had been caught i n a cycle of B e l l a Coola business  that i s as old as the settlement.  Speculation based on promised  ment from outside, be i t a pulp m i l l or a r a i l r o a d other l o c a l businessmen and l e f t sad —  develop-  terminal, has ruined  i f bizarre —  scars on the Valley.  On the townsite, and less obvious than the h o t e l , are small businesses s i t t i n g i d l e :  a newly decorated dining lounge, vacant c l o t h -  ing shops, and two or three t o t a l l y empty buildings.  Unlike the contrac-  tor's business f a i l u r e s , these i d l e shops are very small i n s i z e . It should be noted however, that there are successful and long-standing merchants and businessmen i n the community.  The town-  s i t e supports two general stores (one a co-op), a car dealership, a small hotel and a couple of clothing stores.  A new movie theatre also appears  66  to be a success. businesses.  The upper v a l l e y too, has supported a few on-going  I t i s this small group of successful merchants that sup-  p l i e s many of the participants i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s . Lest we  leave a wrong impression, i t should be noted that  despite the vacant b u i l d i n g s , the town has enough substantial structure i n use to give an a i r of reasonable prosperity. while small, are neat and painted.  Most of the houses,  The general stores and motor deal-  ership have a well-maintained appearance.  What r e a l l y helps to give  the business section a look of prosperity however, are the government structures:  post o f f i c e , forestry b u i l d i n g , R.C.M.P. b u i l d i n g and l i -  quor store.  There i s also a new bank b u i l d i n g . The weaknesses of both l o c a l trades and sales businesses are  similar.  The  two most obvious reasons f o r f a i l u r e are lack of c a p i t a l  and lack of expertise.  A d d i t i o n a l l y , as attested by Valley people,  there i s often a saturation of sales and trade areas i n the Valley. I n i t i a l success;., of a venture seems to c a l l f o r t h imitators and the l o c a l market i s so small that t h i s p r o l i f e r a t i o n i s apt to s p e l l disaster for a l l .  At the;.time of the study, according  this problem was  a f f l i c t i n g the carpentry  to several informants,  trade.  Even when work i s a v a i l a b l e , lack of expertise has i t s effects.  Only a few of the Valley constructors and carpenters want to  take contracts; most prefer hourly work. kitchen cupboards put i n . i t was  outrageous.  A.B.  "One  fellow wanted some fancy  b i d $900 for the job and the man  He eventually ended up paying CD.  hour for the same job."  said  $2,000 at $5 an  67  One job, a simple kitchen remodelling being carried on while we were i n the V a l l e y , took at least two months.  Labour alone, at the  standard $5 an hour f o r 40-hour weeks, would have cost at least $1,900. Besides t h i s , the owner of the house often assisted the carpenter i n the work.  When a l o c a l man hired two carpenters from Vancouver to b u i l d  a new house, l o c a l carpenters were incensed. was  But the owner i n s i s t e d i t  the only way he could ensure a house to l i v e i n f o r the winter.  The house did go up i n not much more time than many B e l l a Coola kitchens. The importation of carpenters from Vancouver, while an affront to l o c a l tradesmen, was only an extension of the t r a d i t i o n of buying from outside the V a l l e y .  Even l o c a l carpenters must u t i l i z e  materials produced outside the community —  c e i l i n g and f l o o r t i l e s ,  hardware, veneers, e l e c t r i c a l f i x t u r e s , arborite and so on. are sometimes purchased  While these  through l o c a l merchants, i t i s common practice  to order them from large c i t y stores.  The brand names of large depart-  ment store appliances are common i n new V a l l e y kitchens and much of the f u r n i t u r e i s from the same source. The degree to which l o c a l merchants are by-passed i s d i f f i c u l t to determine.  Meat, clothing, appliances and automobiles are often  brought into the V a l l e y from outside by the white consumers.  The whites  are far more prone to buy outside the V a l l e y than the Indians, whom I suspect are the most constant patrons of l o c a l stores.  Considering that  l o c a l stores receive no shipping rate advantage over i n d i v i d u a l s , and that the volume of l o c a l business i s not enough to gain any substantially reduced wholesale p r i c e s , the v i a b i l i t y of any l o c a l business i s r e duced .  68  The Valley bakery closed In the summer of 1970 but no hardship was created, for Vancouver and Williams Lake bread i s readily a v a i l a b l e . The Valley dairy folded several years ago i n the face of regulations requiring high c a p i t a l investment. ensued.  Again, no obvious loss to the consumer  There i s a general b e l i e f amongst the people i n the Valley  that l o c a l business patronage means that money earned by loggers and fishermen w i l l stay i n the Valley and make the Valley more prosperous. But when i t comes to spending money, the bargains and v a r i e t y of the c i t y stores prove more a t t r a c t i v e .  No l o c a l s can match the credit  buying offered by the urban department stores.  The only advantage of  the l o c a l merchant i s ready a c c e s s i b i l i t y .  Teaching One of the occupational groups with the greatest growth i n the l a s t 30 years i s that of teachers and non-teaching s t a f f attached to schools.  From one teacher i n 1935, the educational s t a f f of the Valley  grew to twelve i n 1968 and continues  to increase.  chers are seldom l o c a l l y born or r a i s e d .  B e l l a Coola's tea-  They enter- the Valley as adults.  Often t h e i r B e l l a Coola job i s their f i r s t teaching p o s i t i o n .  Teachers  consequently bring up-to-date ideas and fashions from the urban centres where they have attended college or u n i v e r s i t y .  Even a f t e r l i v i n g i n  the Valley f o r years they continue to occupy a mediating p o s i t i o n between B e l l a Coola and urban culture, i n s t i t u t i o n s and friendship networks. The careers of persons involved i n teaching do not often cross occupational l i n e s within B e l l a Coola, although on a few occasions  69  this had been done.  Nevertheless the teaching group, more than any of  the Valley's other occupational groups has a very high turnover. was a 27 per cent turnover i n 1970. chers moved on.  There  The previous year 6 of the 12 tea-  For teachers, to leave teaching nearly always means to  leave the Valley. Some teachers have stayed i n the V a l l e y as permanent settlers.  Many of these teachers have teacher spouses.  Some female tea-  chers have husbands of high l o c a l status involved i n m i l l i n g , trades or sales.  As teachers are paid according to p r o v i n c i a l scales, they are  one of the wealthiest occupational groups i n the V a l l e y .  They possess  security, knowledge of the outside world, and ample time f o r extraoccupational p u r s u i t s . The core of teachers that stay on i n B e l l a Coola present a formidable source of l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y .  Public Works and U t i l i t i e s Public works and u t i l i t i e s employees have increased i n numbers the same as have teachers.  Within the V a l l e y the p r o v i n c i a l de-  partment of highways has expanded i t s operation to include dyke b u i l d ing and channel clearing i n the creeks.  An important d i s t i n c t i o n be-  tween the teachers and highway employees i s that the former are generally recruited from outside the V a l l e y ; the l a t t e r from within. Technically s k i l l e d employees i n these f i e l d s must, however, be recruited from outside B e l l a Coola.  70  Hospital Work A source of steady employment since the turn of the century has been the B e l l a Coola General H o s p i t a l . A United Church mission h o s p i t a l , i t i s financed by the government of B r i t i s h Columbia and by l o c a l taxes.  The l a s t provide $30,000 while p r o v i n c i a l funds contribute  approximately $200,000 y e a r l y .  The federal government pays a sum i n  l i e u of taxes f o r the Indian reserve population.  The 25 bed h o s p i t a l  has generally employed around a h a l f dozen medical s t a f f including a doctor ot two.  I t usually employs at least an equal number of non-  medical s t a f f .  The h o s p i t a l i s an employer considerably involved with  the Indian community.  In 1962 one of i t s nurses and three of i t s non-  medical s t a f f l i v e d on the reserve.  In 1968, at least two non-medical  s t a f f l i v e d on the reserve.  Government Agencies A small part of the population finds work i n c i v i l service jobs —  forestry and f i s h e r i e s o f f i c e r s , the Indian agent, R.C.M.P.  constables, Post Master and r u r a l route d r i v e r .  As a general r u l e , the  higher the t r a i n i n g or c e r t i f i c a t i o n requirements of work i n these f i e l d s , the more l i k e l y the personnel w i l l have been recruited from outside the community.  About 10 to 15 persons are employed i n these occupations at  any one time.  Only the f i s h e r i e s and forestry o f f i c e r s are d i r e c t l y  r e l i a n t on the existence of the primary industries f o r t h e i r work. for  a l l c i v i l servants come from p r o v i n c i a l or federal governments.  Wages  71  Tourism The t o u r i s t Industry involves few persons d i r e c t l y .  At the  time of the study, two motels, a h o t e l , and a guest lodge were operating but these employed small s t a f f s .  The Valley presently has at least one  lodge and a motel which are non-operating — mentioned above.  However another motel was under construction at the  time of the study. —  and the incomplete hotel  A l l of these enterprises have been l o c a l businesses  no chain-type motels are i n the V a l l e y . Only two men returned t h e i r occupation as "guide" i n 1968.  Some men however, work part-time at t h i s .  The rugged wilderness  area surrounding the Valley makes i t an excellent tourism, f i s h i n g and hunting s i t e .  Some of the shopkeepers —  accommodation proprietors —  and of course the guides and  carry on an extensive campaign to advertise  the Valley i n the urban centres of B.C. and i n the U.S.A.  I t i s hard  to estimate the value of the resultant tourism to the V a l l e y . people —  including some merchants —  Many  claim that t o u r i s t s and sports  fishermen now t r a v e l completely o u t f i t t e d and buy l i t t l e i n the V a l l e y . While the continued employment of a h a l f dozen or so persons i n the touri s t industry i s important, the f a i l u r e of small t o u r i s t businesses, and the small purchases from many camper-equipped t o u r i s t s , suggest that p r o f i t s from the industry are f a r from great.  Employment i n the t o u r i s t  industry i s similar to that i n the trades, sales and c l e r i c a l services. While a small core of successful men form a centre of the industry, the ranks swell and f a l l with personnel from outside the Valley and from the primary i n d u s t r i e s .  72  CHAPTER IV  THE NATURE OF DAILY RELATIONS IN BELLA COOLA  Introduction L i t t l e communities l i k e B e l l a Coola can give the appearance of extraordinary powerlessness and extreme dependence on the products, material and symbolic, of mass society. 1 as would V i d i c h and Bensman  I t i s e s s e n t i a l to r e i t e r a t e  that the people of B e l l a Coola are l i k e l y  no d i f f e r e n t i n t h i s regard from most North Americans. couldn't e s t a b l i s h a difference from this study.  We  certainly  I t i s the small pop-  u l a t i o n and geographic i s o l a t i o n of B e l l a Coola that make i t s l o c a l lack of autonomy stand out i n contrast to the myth of democracy and personal freedom we a l l hold to some degree.  Most people )of B e l l a Coola  do not see t h e i r l i v e s as morbid feasts on imported goods, marked by s t o r i e s of extraordinary exploitation by foreign timber barons.  Rather  they continue to centre on b i r t h s , weddings, family a f f a i r s , romances, school plays, community gossip, good fellowship, sickness, and death. It i s i n the pursuit of these ends that the material and symbolic products of the metropolis intrude. The labour, time, and s o c i a l value demands of the metropolis r e l e n t l e s s l y shape the world i n which these pursuits must take place. Integration of B e l l a Coola with the Metropolis The c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l integration of B e l l a Coola into the metropolis has been mentioned i n the discussions regarding the economy. 1.  Vidich and Bensman, op. c i t . , p. x.  73  In terms of the kind of world such an integration creates f o r B e l l a Coola i)  there are several considerations:  The Power-Restricted Community Everyone who has l i v e d i n the B e l l a Coola Valley any length  of time as a permanent resident sees B e l l a Coola as a d i s t i n c t community.  The B e l l a Coola population i s the "we".  The rest of the world  forms "theys" of various distances. To i d e n t i f y as a "we" around a geo2 graphic area i s not an extraordinary thing to do.  But, compared with  the "we" the Lower Mainland can a f f o r d , the "we" of B e l l a Coola i s t e r r i bly r e s t r i c t e d i n what i t i s free to do. Weak though the t i e may be, the men of a c i t y council which determines the routes of roads are part of the c i t y dweller's "we".  In B e l l a Coola, where road routes are set  by the p r o v i n c i a l government, there i s not even the i l l u s i o n of a connection. At the time of the study, a major topic of discussion i n the Valley was a lumber, pulp and paper complex to be b u i l t by one of a number of feared.  competing corporations. The new m i l l was both desired and  Valley people often said they personally did not want a m i l l  because i t would ruin the Valley with i t s smell and the increase i n l o g ging.  One person mentioned however, that i t would mean jobs.  Of most  importance, he said that his l i k e s and d i s l i k e s didn't r e a l l y matter for the people who l i v e i n the area "can't control whether the m i l l comes or not." 2. Robert Redfield discusses t h i s . See sepecially The L i t t l e Community. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1960, especially Chapter VIII, "A community within communities", pp. 113-131.  74  People i n B e l l a Coola wishing to a f f e c t t h e i r environment inevitably must dig i n their heels against a power (or powers) from outside the community.  The outside power i s always stronger than the  l o c a l community. The r e s u l t i n g sense of powerlessness r e l i e v e s l o c a l agents of metropolis corporations and i n s t i t u t i o n s of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r actions.  These l o c a l agents are usually —  cal birth —  part of the community "we".  by r i g h t of kinship or l o Such a case was  l o c a l superintendent of Crown Zellerbach.  that of the  Few people i n the Valley de-  nied that the logging he carried on i n Tweedsmuir Park was but they did not put the blame on him. said that the man  destructive,  On several occasions  had no power to make p o l i c y .  informants  I f he thought something  should not be done the most he could do would be to contact Vancouver and advise the head o f f i c e .  Although powerless, he was  seen as having a  vested i n t e r e s t , and was not contacted when protests against the company practices were planned. The p r o v i n c i a l Department of Highways provides three gradermen  to maintain the 300 miles of gravel, d i r t , clay and sand which makes  up the road to Williams Lake.  The road i s often i n t e r r i b l e condition.  It blows away when the weather i s dry, and washes away when i t i s wet. It i s the most talked about, and complained about, thing i n the V a l l e y . The Superintendent of Highways i s a l o c a l man who the Valley and whose father had the job before him. superintendent,  grew up i n  Like the logging  he i s held to be without f u l l authority and  therefore  without very much blame i n connection with the general state of the road.  75  In some cases i t i s obvious that h i s d i s c r e t i o n i s involved.  For ex-  ample, everyone knows i t i s the l o c a l highways superintendent who the dyking p r i o r i t i e s .  decides  When a person suffers as a r e s u l t of these p r i -  o r i t i e s , he f e e l s j u s t i f i e d i n c r i t i c i z i n g the l o c a l superintendent. The expressions of powerlessness of B e l l a Coola people therefore, are not unthought, untested j i n g l e s .  The people evaluate situations constantly  and assign the power to a l t e r them to persons inside or outside the Valley.  The fact simply i s that most often t h i s power l i e s outside of  B e l l a Coola. The operations of the B e l l a Coola Board of Trade exemplify the degree to which the Valley community must appeal to non-Valley powers in order to achieve l o c a l goals.  The Valley Echo carried a report on  the work of the Board of Trade i n the f i r s t 15 weeks of 1960 —  i t held  eleven board meetings averaging three hours each i n length and i t s ac3 t i v i t i e s included the following: 2 l e t t e r s sent to the federal government about the post o f f i c e . 15 l e t t e r s , 1 telegram, 2 phone c a l l s to the p r o v i n c i a l Premier and Department of Highways concerning the roads. 6 l e t t e r s to companies and outside groups promoting B e l l a Coola as a port, thanking them f o r or giving support. 1 l e t t e r to the l o c a l phone company. 2 meetings with the l o c a l phone company. 1 meeting with the Department of Transport concerning phone services. 1 b r i e f to the Department of Public Works concerning a breakwater at the wharf. 3 l e t t e r s to the Department of Transport concerning a sea plane landing base. 2 l e t t e r s to the Canadian Bank of Commerce concerning the opening of a branch i n B e l l a Coola. 3.  The f i l e s of the B e l l a Coola Board of Trade were destroyed i n a house f i r e i n 1969. This period i n 1960 reported i n the Valley Echo i s the only such document obtainable at the time of the study.  76  2 l e t t e r s to the Unemployment Insurance Commission concerning the f i l l i n g of a vacancy i n the l o c a l o f f i c e . 2 l e t t e r s to the p r o v i n c i a l Power Commission concerning the extension of power to F i r v a l e . 6 l e t t e r s concerning Tweedsmuir Park timber. 2 l e t t e r s concerning a C.B.C. booster s t a t i o n . 5 l e t t e r s to answer t o u r i s t s ' i n q u i r i e s . 1 l e t t e r to obtain a Highway Gazette from the Queen's P r i n t e r . 1 l e t t e r to an outside business p o t e n t i a l . 4 l e t t e r s to the B.C. Chamber of Commerce (mostly concerning the road. 1 l e t t e r to the Vancouver Board of Trade to pressure the Government f o r road improvements. 1 l e t t e r to the B.C.A.A. regarding the road. 1 l e t t e r to the manager of Crown Zellerbach at Ocean F a l l s asking him to pressure the government regarding the road. 2 l e t t e r s to the Department of Transport concerning the development of an a i r s t r i p . 1 l e t t e r to Frank Howard (the MP) concerning the developing of an a i r s t r i p . 1 phone c a l l to the Department of Transport concerning the developing of an a i r s t r i p . A study of incorporation including: 1 l e t t e r to the Department of Municipal A f f a i r s . 1 l e t t e r to the Department of Municipal A f f a i r s to acquire a copy of the Municipal Incorporation Act. 2 l e t t e r s to Mission seeking advice based on their experience with incorporation Work on a t o u r i s t folder (which the Valley Echo t e l l s us got a very good and singular review i n the Sun sports section). Sponsoring of a F a l l F a i r Queen candidate. A l l but four of these 72 items involved contact with agencies or persons outside the Valley —  43 being p e t i t i o n s to government agencies.  Most of the remainder were aimed at gathering support or information to add weight to the p e t i t i o n s . While the lack of p o l i t i c a l power i n the Valley leads to constant p e t i t i o n i n g i t also has the effect of actually and symbolically removing r e s p o n s i b i l i t y from the Valley.  When a federal or p r o v i n c i a l  "they" recognizes a p e t i t i o n and arranges f o r a service i n the V a l l e y ,  77  personnel required to operate that service l o c a l l y are of such a low bureaucratic l e v e l that they are not completely accountable for the service.  The service i s not e a s i l y seen as part of the Valley community  and problems concerning i t w i l l continue to be met by p e t i t i o n s to the higher outside a u t h o r i t i e s .  ii)  Overt Interference From Outside Interests Occasionally Valley interests and those of the outside agen-  cies come into d i r e c t , overt c o n f l i c t .  When a group of B e l l a Coola re-  sidents began to p e t i t i o n the property owners i n order to gain support for the paving of the V a l l e y road, a l l the employees of the major l o g ging company were c a l l e d together for a meeting i n the workshop. were t o l d not to sign f o r the road.  They  I f the road was paved the logging-  truck drivers would have to watch load l i m i t s and this would slow down productivity.  The company had s u f f i c i e n t power to induce employees who  had already signed up to run a f t e r the p e t i t i o n holder and have her remove t h e i r names. common. road.  Instances l i k e t h i s , however, do not appear to be  The company was successful only i n delaying the paving of the  It did not d i r e c t l y control enough of the Valley men  to stop i t .  Such overt interference leaves i t s most enduring mark on the minds of those men who  through i t are forced to admit t h e i r powerlessness.  Dur-  ing our period i n the Valley no one ever spoke e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y about Crown Zellerbach's presence. pany seemed to be "We  The most common attitude towards the com-  don't l i k e them here, but what can we do when  they provide so many jobs?"  78  iii)  L i f e Styles A major a c t i v i t y f o r many residents of B e l l a Coola —  c i a l l y older children and upwardly mobile adults — mass trends i n s t y l e and popular consumer goods.  espe-  i s to perceive There i s a consid-  erable lack of f i t between t h i s perception and the a b i l i t y of the l o c a l community to provide these new commodities.  The dominant l i f e - s t y l e s  of B e l l a Coola, therefore are those of mass society — on t e l e v i s i o n , i n magazines, and so on.  those portrayed  The d i s t i n c t i v e element i n  them i s the e f f o r t required to achieve them i n B e l l a Coola's economic and geographic s i t u a t i o n . A prominent Valley businessman's son, who had been to u n i v e r s i t y , c r i t i c i z e d the Valley people's preoccupation with the newest commodities.  He claimed that the " r e a l study" of B e l l a Coola should  be to record how people came to the Valley to "get away from i t a l l " and i n three generations were clammering to get back —  with the road,  through t e l e v i s i o n , and by acquiring "middle c l a s s " material goods. He claimed one would have to be clearing $1,500 a month i n B e l l a Coola i n order to import a l l the paraphernalia of a "middle c l a s s " household. He said a l o t of "just middle c l a s s " people i n B e l l a Coola would be a l o t higher i n class with the same money i n Vancouver.  Irrespective of  the soundness of h i s assertion, the cost of importing goods can be high. For example, three small b u l l e t lamps, purchased i n Vancouver cost a Valley woman seven d o l l a r s i n shipping charges —  four dollars t a x i  fare to the steamer terminal and three d o l l a r s i n f r e i g h t .  79  Overcoming these b a r r i e r s and presenting a "middle c l a s s " appearance i s the test and the sign of success i n the V a l l e y .  In  B e l l a Coola, to be "middle c l a s s " means to possess or have access to an array of goods and opportunities:  a "nice" home, two cars (or a car  and a pick-up), sometimes a boat, and holidays away from the V a l l e y . At  the time of the study, remodelled kitchens were very much the vogue.  Comparison was constant: room!"  "A's kitchen i s the same colour as B's bath-  "C's bathroom i s the smallest i n B e l l a Coola."  "D's house  i s not the nicest i n the V a l l e y , E's i s . " This dominant middle class i d e a l contrasts with a number of conflicting l i f e styles.  The f i r s t  of these i s the "pioneer farming  l i f e " which involves a great respect f o r hard labour with r u s t i c but wholesome rewards:  a long l i f e , good food, being-one's-own-boss, phy-  s i c a l toughness and, i n some cases only, r e l i g i o u s strength. and manufactured  goods are secondary.  Material  "We made our own fun," i s the  nostalgic r e f r a i n of those who l i v e d when t h i s s t y l e of l i f e was common. No one l i v e s this way today, although some households approach a f r a c tured version of i t .  They are however, generally too o l d , feeble, or  alone to exert the energy i t requires.  I f t h e i r children had kept this  l i f e - s t y l e , these people would now have a grandparental r o l e to play. But because their children have d r i f t e d away —  or have even l e f t the  Valley —  these people are forced to carry the role of producer into  old  They do this without much success and are considered to be  age.  eccentric and poverty s t r i c k e n .  Generally, they are.  80  A second alternate l i f e s t y l e T-T- and one very much urban i n origin —  i s that of the "back-to-the-earth" ecologyr-minded  the Valley population. to  segment of  I t i s pursued by people who came purposefully  the V a l l e y i n search of such a l i f e .  Important components of the  s t y l e are interests i n food production and processing, s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , and i n keeping industry and additional people out of the V a l l e y . In regard to manufactured goods, these people often show great contradict tions between t h e i r ideals and actual behavior.  Many of them have  fine new homes equipped with manufactured goods which help them to pursue t h e i r " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y " .  Several longr-standing school teachers  follow this s t y l e or orientation of l i f e . pears to espouse this l i f e s t y l e .  Only one Valley-born man ap-  I t i s r e a l l y quite minor and only  pursued by a handful of residents. S t i l l another l i f e s t y l e represented i n the V a l l e y i s that of the "good-time bachelor" affected mainly by single male workers.  This  may be but a t r a n s i t i o n a l phase of i n d i v i d u a l l i f e history abandoned on marriage o r at least with the a r r i v a l of children. of  The main expression  this s t y l e i s the willingness to spend money on l i q u o r and "good  times."  Housing and possessions, other than a truck or a car, are of  secondary importance.  Because most young people l i v e at home u n t i l  they marry or leave the V a l l e y , this i s generally a l i f e - s t y l e of^persons who come from the outside.  Those who pursue i t provide the young  unmarried people places to party and new acquaintances to party with. A l l save the "pioneer farmer" l i f e s t y l e have very much developed since the f i r s t  settlement of the V a l l e y , and are independent of  81  B e l l a Coola.  Even the "pioneer farmer" model was one developed i n the  American mid-west (and before then i n Europe).  The unwillingness of  the physical Valley to bend to this s o c i a l model was noted i n the d i s cussion of agriculture above.  As early as 1912 a r t i c l e s appeared i n  the B e l l a Coola Courier noting that residents were t i r e d of 18 years of pioneer hardship.  I t appears to have been a l i f e - s t y l e more appealing  i n the abstract than i n the r e a l i t y of l i v i n g . Discrepancy i n Scale of S o c i a l Systems As the people of B e l l a Coola s h i f t t h e i r dealings back and f o r t h between the l o c a l and outside s o c i a l systems they experience a 4 change i n scale (or complexity) of s o c i a l systems. This discrepancy ultimately  works to t h e i r disadvantage. According to Benedict, scale i s determined by the "number 5  and q u a l i t y of r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s " within a society.  Scale there-  fore i s independent of raw population. The important factor i n determining a large-scale society i s the existence of a large number of social roles.  Furthermore scale i s also affected by the q u a l i t y of  relationships between the people i n these r o l e s .  The majority of r e -  lationships of modern urban man are f l e e t i n g , lack i n t e n s i t y , and can be designated u n i v e r s a l i s t i c . The majority of relationships of a bush4. Scale or complexity i s a frequently used concept i n community studies. See e s p e c i a l l y Wilson, G. and M., An Analysis of S o c i a l Change Based on Observations i n Central A f r i c a , Cambridge: The University Press, 1954; Frankenberg, Ronald, Communities i n B r i t a i n : S o c i a l L i f e i n Town and Country, Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965 and Bened i c t , Burton, "The S o c i o l o g i c a l Aspects of Smallness" i n Problems of Smaller T e r r i t o r i e s , Commonwealth Papers, 10, London: Anthlone Press, 1967. 5. Benedict, op. c i t . , p. 45.  82  man are long-lasting, intense, and can be designated p a r t i c u l a r i s 6 tic. Without any question B e l l a Coola i s part of a large-scale society —  economically, p o l i t i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y a l l systems lead  into the metropolis sphere of mass society. very much " u n i v e r s a l i s t i c . " population  Yet within the l o c a l community, with i t s  so small and so geographically  small-scale society e x i s t .  These relationships are  defined, many a t t r i b u t e s of  Frankenberg, i n discussing r u r a l B r i t i s h  society c a l l e d such s o c i a l situations "face-to-face"  communities.  In face-to-face communities each i n d i v i d u a l i s related to every other i n d i v i d u a l i n his t o t a l network i n several ways. In an extreme case a man's father i s also his teacher, •j  *  his r e l i g i o u s leader, and his employer. The people of B e l l a Coola find themselves i n a s h i f t i n g world of scale.  The scale at a p a r t i c u l a r moment i s dependent on what elements  of society and economy are incorporated  (and to what degree they are i n -  corporated) into the metropolis society at that moment.  Social r e l a -  tions are governed i n accprd with t h i s . The d i f f i c u l t y t h i s presents to the people i n terms of l o c a l commercial and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s leaves B e l l a Coola open to further i n corporation into mass society.  For example, we can consider  and trade occupations as practiced i n the Valley.  the sales  Benedict argues that  successful i h d u s t r i a l development i s dependent on the existence of u n i 8 v e r s a l i s t i c relationships. Only i n such a society can jobs be assigned 6. I b i d . , p. 47. 7. Frankenberg, op. c i t . , p. 17. 8. Benedict, op. c i t . , p. 55.  83  on the basis of a b i l i t y .  L o c a l sales and trades are hardly the indus-  t r i a l development to which Benedict refers but i n cases such as B e l l a Coola's, h i s rule holds true.  For a businessman or tradesman to stay i n  business i n B e l l a Coola, he must provide h i s goods or services at a p r i c e competitive with those offered by metropolis interests and provide himself with enough p r o f i t to l i v e .  still  Because of the low volume  of l o c a l trade and the high costs of transportation such conditions f o r success demand tight business p r a c t i c e s .  But i t i s f a r more d i f f i c u l t  to cut o f f the telephone service of one's cousin or neighbour than that of a stranger. court —  I t i s not easy to take a l i f e - l o n g f r i e n d to small debts  e s p e c i a l l y when one knows the circumstances of h i s i n a b i l i t y to  meet a debt.  Local business, which must operate i n a u n i v e r s a l i s t i c  f i n a n c i a l world when facing i t s suppliers, must operate i n a p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c world when facing i t s consumers.  Bankruptcy i s always a threat.  Outside business however, operates i n a u n i v e r s a l i s t i c world both i n regard to suppliers and to consumers. t i v e to the personal problems of l o c a l debtors.  I t need not be so sensiI t can spread i t s  losses over a larger area than can l o c a l business, and weather economic slumps that destroy the l o c a l business community. In some cases the e f f i c i e n c y of services as well as t h e i r success as businesses can be hampered by the p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c nature of in-Valley r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  The l o c a l telephone company (now replaced by  B.C. Telephone) was owned and operated by a group of Valley f a m i l i e s . The system was an antiquated one.  A c e n t r a l operator serviced the whole  Valley from her kitchen w a l l switchboard.  Long distance c a l l s were r e -  84  layed from B e l l a Coola to Williams Lake and the province-wide system by people with units at the range l i m i t points f o r l o c a l c a l l s .  In common  with many Bella. Coola endeavors, the supply of c a p i t a l was a problem. One of the company d i r e c t o r s , i n a l e t t e r to the editor of the Valley Echo of February, 1959, said, "People should pay b i l l s and complaints would be heard a l o t more happily." Service could not be improved without revenues, but c l i e n t s f e l t they could be tardy i n making these " l o c a l " payments.  On the other hand, the owners apparently did not f e e l pressed  to provide better service.  The telephone was an issue between friends  and family, and friends and family can make do. Drawbacks exist but there are p o s i t i v e aspects too.  One of  the terms of contract i n the telephone service was that no c a l l s were to be placed a f t e r 9:00 p.m., board anyway.  but the central operator would answer the  And on Christmas Eve at midnight she would man the board  to l e t the people of the Valley greet one another. P a r t i c u l a r i s t i c relationships pervade l o c a l l i f e .  For ex-  ample, several Valley families are w e l l known for t h e i r "wildness" and drinking.  A member of one of these cannot obtain car insurance for  less than $300 a year although he has never had an accident to which the p o l i c e have been c a l l e d .  A c t u a l l y , the premium i s not out of l i n e  with what he and the Valley residents agree i s h i s t e r r i b l e d r i v i n g . car  His  i s dented on every corner; he drives fast and sometimes drinks at  the same time.  We f i r s t met him d r i v i n g drunkenly, backwards up a stone  strewn slope i n the middle of the crowded Anahim Stampede grounds.  While  85  insurance investigators i n the c i t y might by chance gather first-hand information on a prospective c l i e n t , the c l i e n t usually stands a good chance of keeping h i s anonymity.  In B e l l a Coola, the agents know the  reputation thoroughly of every prospective c l i e n t and h i s family.  Some  cannot buy insurance at any p r i c e i n the V a l l e y . The small-scale of l o c a l B e l l a Coola i s recognized by the residents who see themselves as "closely k n i t . "  But closeness does not  provide more s o c i a l harmony than i s found i n urban society.  Family  feuds invade non-familial areas of B e l l a Coola l i f e . For example, p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c relationships entered into the e f f o r t to stop the logging i n Tweedsmuir Park.  A meeting was c a l l e d by  a Valley committee which had arranged f o r a Vancouver " h o t - l i n e r " to come to B e l l a Coola, v i s i t the s i t e , and l i s t e n to community complaints.  One  of the organizers asked h i s son-in-law to contact h i s cousin regarding the meeting.  The son-in-law and cousin however, were both members of  the same l o c a l club, the cousin being i t s current president. Membership had been f a l l i n g and the son-in-law had been carrying on a prolonged argument with him over t h i s .  When asked to contact h i s cousin, there-  fore, the son-in-law had not done so.  At the l a s t moment someone d i d  inform the cousin of the meeting, which of course, he already knew about.  The cousin arrived at the meeting certain that the ecology group  was "out to get him", although he had no idea why this would be. He nearly stopped the meeting by p u l l i n g " e t h n i c i t y " , claiming the presentation read by one of the men was i n v a l i d because he was not of the Valley —  a Norwegian.  Yet the man who read the statement had been i n  86  the Valley fourteen years and was an active community member.  The  cousin accused Norwegians at the meeting of siding with outsiders, a l though he and the other Norwegians supported the p o s i t i o n that had been read.  The next day, the cousin refused to meet with the h o t - l i n e r ,  and he, while impressed with the problem, was unable to tape accounts of the u n i f i e d p o s i t i o n he needed and the committee wished to give. The whole a f f a i r f e l l f l a t because the p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c relationships were i n f l e x i b l e at a c r i t i c a l time. The immediate l i f e experience for most B e l l a Coola residents, therefore, i s one of small scale.  However, the r e a l s o c i a l network i n  which they are involved as a s a t e l l i t e , requires of them at times a ready ability  to carry on u n i v e r s a l i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  This i s a d i f f i c u l t  chore when s o c i a l i z i n g has been so much towards the p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c . There i s a "country c r i t i c i s m " that no one i s f r i e n d l y on the streets of Vancouver —  "they don't even say h e l l o " .  And r i g h t l y so.  The over-  extension of p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c relationships could create a p a i n f u l psychological s i t u a t i o n for the extender.  In B e l l a Coola, i t i s possible  to say " h e l l o " to everyone, i n fact i t i s d i f f i c u l t to extend anything but p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  Trusts and strong emotions go out  when they should not, and cost the Valley people money, power, and event u a l l y self-confidence.  Small Size The small population of the settlement has an effect on daily l i f e independent of smallness of scale. opment of  The small size prevents devel-  l o c a l services and f a c i l i t i e s which require a guaranteed min-  87  imum of usage above B e l l a Coola's a b i l i t y .  In some cases people are  forced to find such services outside the community —  there i s for i n -  stance, no dentist i n B e l l a Coola and residents must leave the Valley for dental service or wait for a t r a v e l l i n g dentist to a r r i v e . Other services require fixed f a c i l i t i e s from which to operate and cannot even be brought occasionally into the community. may  require d a i l y , frequent, a c c e s s i b i l i t y .  They also  The p r o v i n c i a l government,  for example, w i l l finance kindergartens where there are 25 children to a classroom and the l o c a l school board w i l l assume administrative ponsibility.  B e l l a Coola —  townsite and i n the v a l l e y —  including a l l families on the  res-  reserve,  usually has about 40 children of  kinder-  garten age and could support a government-financed kindergarten. P o t e n t i a l and actual attendance however, are not the same. In 1970,  only 20 kindergarten-aged children attended B e l l a Coola's  kindergarten.  P r i v a t e l y run and located on the townsite, i t was  established  o r i g i n a l l y to help "close the culture gap" between Indian and white c h i l dren before they reached Grade One. month.  T u i t i o n fees were set at $20  a  The Indian A f f a i r s Branch paid t h i s for the fourteen Indian c h i l -  dren i n attendance and the parents of the s i x white children paid t h e i r fees.  While the cost of the p r i v a t e l y supplied service kept some parents  from sending t h e i r c h i l d r e n , the wide dispersal of the population  through  the Valley made successful l o c a t i o n of the kindergarten d i f f i c u l t . matter where i t was  No  located, a large number of children would have to  t r a v e l substantial distances  to bring the enrollment to the required  25,  88  and there i s no government provision for busing kindergarten children. As a result of t h i s combination of factors, a form of government a s s i s tance available to most larger communities cannot be obtained i n B e l l a Coola.  89  CHAPTER V THE INDIAN POPULATION Introduction In the discussion of the economy of B e l l a Coola, I noted separation of reserve and non-reserve (See page 43  above.)  the  populations by S t a t i s t i c s Canada.  Throughout the essay only f l e e t i n g reference has  been made to the Indian population of the V a l l e y , although the  1961  Canada Census v e r i f i e s that one-third of the Valley population l i v e d on Reserve  — 444 persons of a t o t a l of 1,339.  There are several rea-  sons for this neglect. I entered the Valley to trace the workings of l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s and the l i n e s I followed never led to Indians.  I feel confi-  dent i n saying that the Indians of B e l l a Coola have no r o l e i n l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y beyond the reserve.  A d d i t i o n a l l y , information  regarding occupations on the B e l l a Coola reserve i s d i f f i c u l t to obtain. F i r s t , the B e l l a Coola and B e l l a B e l l a reserves are recorded as a unit by S t a t i s t i c s Canada.  Secondly the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia only  gained the p r o v i n c i a l franchise i n 1949 and the federal i n 1960  and  therefore there i s only a r e s t r i c t e d h i s t o r i c record of actual or declared occupations a v a i l a b l e from voters l i s t s . None of t h i s , however, can a l t e r the large p h y s i c a l presence of Indians i n the community.  The whites and the Indians of B e l l a Coola  l i v e side by side i n the townsite, they share the same public i n s t i t u t i o n s , they often work for the same employers.  And though community  leadership appears never to come from the Indian group, such a physical  90  presence c e r t a i n l y must be accompanied by economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l roles i n the community.  In connection with the m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e  model one would be tempted to f i t the Indians into the scheme as the furthest —  and most exploited —  satellite.  This was c e r t a i n l y the  case i n the h i s t o r i c fur trade era and so i t remains i n those parts of northern Canada where fur trading continues and the Indian i s i n a p o s i t i o n of furthest s a t e l l i t e , beyond the l o c a l white metropolis 1 agents —  the H.B.C. traders, church and government In B e l l a Coola  however, there i s l i t t l e d i r e c t exploitation  of Indian labour by the l o c a l white community. men  professionals.  and government employees who  The merchants and trades-  r e l y on the Indians as c l i e n t s , r e l y  on the l o c a l whites i n the same way.  The majority of both Indians and  Valley whites are i n the same p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s metropolis powers. Both groups f i s h and log for the same corporations.  In terms of eco-  nomics e s p e c i a l l y , the Indians are not a s a t e l l i t e of the B e l l a Coola white community.  In s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l terms however, the Indian group  does have a strong role to play i n B e l l a Coola's s a t e l l i t e p o s i t i o n . They serve to integrate the whole community more t i g h t l y into Canadian society and act as a " f o i l " to  protect the self-image of the whites.  This chapter w i l l elaborate on t h i s r o l e and explain i t s importance to the s a t e l l i t e model i n regards to B e l l a Coola. Previous Ethnographic Work The t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e —  especially r i t u a l a f f a i r s —  was  docu-  mented by T.F. Mcllwraith a f t e r f i e l d work carried on i n the early 1920's. Y.  Davis, op. c i t . , 1968, p.  219.  91  In 1954, a f i e l d worker for H.B. Hawthorn's Study of the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia spent a month i n the reserve v i l l a g e , documenting reserve resources, occupations, inter-group r e l a t i o n s , r e l i g i o n and degree of acculturation.  Such a time span necessitated an even more cursory view  than my own of the white community.  In the l a t e '60's there was con-  siderable interest i n the l i n g u i s t i c s of the B e l l a Coola Indians, however l i t t l e else has been done i n the realm of s o c i a l anthropology. This section, consequently, discusses the Indian population of B e l l a Coola i n narrow and one-sided terms.  I t o f f e r s some data on the white  view of the Indian, and my view of t h e i r economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l importance to the white community.  Extent of Contact On most days, for most whites i n B e l l a Coola, the Indians do not e x i s t .  Perhaps the same i s true i n reverse for the Indians with  the difference that they must go to the whites for most business and government services.  Most whites know the names and family member-  ships of many Indians, as w e l l as much of the reserve gossip (who has died, who had a party, who has violated a law, and so on).  However, they  seldom, i f ever, v i s i t i n one another's houses, they seldom go to the same p a r t i e s and theysseldom get together at the same meetings.  Points of Contact The B e l l a Coola Indian v i l l a g e shares the same paved street grid as the main white townsite of B e l l a Coola. above.)  (See Map 3, page 39  To one not f a m i l i a r with the Indian A f f a i r s Branch standard  92  housing designs, the t r a n s i t i o n from one settlement to the other would be quite unnoticeable.  Save f o r the parsonage, the Indian reserve has  no homes as substantial as the best on the townsite, but i t has many equal to the norm.  While i t has some badly decayed houses and yards,  so has the white townsite. has  I t i s not a shanty town.  l i t t l e i n the l i n e of public f a c i l i t i e s :  The Indian v i l l a g e  there i s a church  (once  Methodist, now United) , a sports h a l l (which i s a f a c i l i t y the whites l a c k ) , and a new friendship and c u l t u r a l centre, the House of Noomsk, which w i l l be discussed i n Chapter VI below. Residents of the reserve shop i n the townsite. erative store, they often work as c l e r k s .  In the coop-  In stores which are small  owner-operated enterprises they are customers.  Certainly the coopera-  t i v e store i s the centre of Indian a c t i v i t y on the townsite —  with In-  dian children playing and Indians' dogs lounging on the front walk. Residents of the reserve also r e l y on the general h o s p i t a l f o r both health care and employment. a water works —  I t i s the co-op and h o s p i t a l —  besides  that the Hawthorn study mentions i n a discussion of  the history of "working together" between Indian and white at B e l l a 2 Coola.  The l a b e l l i n g of the waterworks as a l o c a l Indian-white  t i v e project can be questioned.  coopera-  In the f i r s t place i t was o r i g i n a l l y  carried out as a federal duty by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. volvement of whites i n i t was minimal.  The i n -  Local t r a d i t i o n would have i t  as a fortunate piece of subversion: 2.  Hawthorn, H.B., et a l . , The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia: A Study of Contemporary S o c i a l Adjustment. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1 9 6 0 , p. 4 7 0 .  93  q  .... Much t a l k had been expended on plans for a pipe l i n e from Tatsquam F a l l s to the Indian v i l l a g e , to go right by the white v i l l a g e . While many of the d e t a i l s had been ironed out, the inevitable red tape, the unwinding of which was delayed since Ottawa and the f i n a l decree were a whole c o n t i nent away and the mails very slow,had not yet been unravelled. The Indian Agent was away on a t r i p to other v i l l a g e s i n the agency, and when he came back, the pipe l i n e had been l a i d and water was on tap not only i n the Indian v i l l a g e but also i n many of theihomes i n the white v i l l a g e ! A wily young white merchant, who stood high i n the respect of the Indians, talked them into laying the pipe l i n e s , not only across the r i v e r , but into the white v i l l a g e as w e l l . He ordered the pipe from Vancouver by telegram, and there was feverish d i g ging of ditches and j o i n i n g of pipes and when the Indian Agent came home the red tape had to be scrapped.  The hospital —  while w i l l i n g l y supported by whites and Indians — i s  an i n s t i t u t i o n with l i t t l e opportunity f o r l o c a l decision making. The three major spheres of contact are i n logging, f i s h i n g and school a c t i v i t i e s .  In 1968, 60 per cent of the reserve labour force  reported as fishermen (with another 6 per cent tendermen and net handlers —  see Tables I I and V on pages  45 and 47 above).  cent of the force reported as loggers. port as i n 1962 — 15 to 25 per cent.  The same year 25 per  This i s generally the same r e -  with the exception of an increase i n loggers from In 1968 there were nearly twice as many Indians as  whites reporting as fishermen (51 to 27).  There were not quite half as  many Indians as white loggers (21 to 49).  Indians, i n any event, are  well represented i n the primary i n d u s t r i e s .  I t i s through f i s h i n g , that  t h e i r connection with the cooperative movement was established. The schools of B e l l a Coola were integrated i n 1952 (with the exception of the f i r s t grade which remained separate f o r a few years).  3.  Kopas, op. c i t . , 1968, p. 272.  94  Every white c h i l d of B e l l a Coola, therefore, attends school with Indians at  least part of his l i f e .  Schools for the community are centralized,  the elementary school being a modern structure on the townsite and the modern high school located at Hagensborg.  Buses d e l i v e r v a l l e y , town-  s i t e , and v i l l a g e children to the two schools.  In the late 1950's,  faced with a need f o r more elementary school space, a small elementary school for the f i r s t grades was b u i l t adjoining the Hagensborg high school.  Geography makes t h i s an a l l white school. Of the s o c i a l events and public meetings we attended, In-  dians were present at the j o i n t annual meetings of the General Hospital and Red Cross; a few Indians were at the F i r s t of July p i c n i c —  but  remained p h y s i c a l l y quite separate; some were present at one of the fundr a i s i n g dances f o r the f a l l f a i r —  but sat close to one w a l l ; and a  few attended a gymkana, but did not mix with any whites save for a few bachelor "ranchers"  from up the v a l l e y .  play White teams at various sports.  F i n a l l y , Indian teams often  Indians were never at house parties  we attended, were never represented at the school board meetings, at plays, nor at most public dances.  Verbal and newspaper reports of  meetings over the years substantiate this observation. White Attitudes Towards Indians As suggested above, the primary impression given i n the ethnic r e l a t i o n s of B e l l a Coola i s that the Indians simply do not e x i s t .  Life  goes on quite s a t i s f a c t o r i l y without them, for most B e l l a Coola Whites. However, a f a i r l y consistent attitude towards the Indians of the Valley does exist ~  Indians are seen as a p r i v i l e g e d group which  95  pays no taxes, yet receives more government benefits than anyone else. They are thought to be "wards" of the state who are given things, yet are treated as f u l l c c i t i z e n s i n being allowed to vote anddrink. view i s that t h i s amounts to p r i v i l e g e , not equality.  The  " I f the Indians  were turned o f f the reserve and made to compete i n the world exactly as Whites do, they would regain t h e i r respect and be good successes  —  as the few that have l e f t the reserve to l i v e up-valley have shown," say many Whites. This view of the Indians as a group i s supplemented with a f a i r l y consistent view of i n d i v i d u a l Indian character. often spoken of as p o t e n t i a l l y threatening.  Indians are  For example, speaking of  the sports often played between Indian and White teams, one logger t o l d us that i f the Indian team does not win, the referee i s apt to end up with a beating. We participated i n a women's baseball game i n which t h i s sort of r i v a l r y and suspicion was c l e a r l y evident.  The game was at  the townsite and between the Indian V i l l a g e and Hagensborg teams. Hagensborg started out winning but f e l l behind halfway through due to poor p i t c h i n g . Both teams showed great d i s t r u s t of the other. Indians complained because the umpire was White.  The  The Hagensborg women  thought the Indian score was moving ahead too fast and since I«was keeping score for the Hagensborg team asked me to keep a check on the reserve score as w e l l . r o l l e d among  The Indian women would not throw back b a l l s that  them when they were waiting to bat because, they claimed,  the White women never picked up b a l l s for them.  The Hagensborg women  kept assuring one another they should not get angry because i t was only  96  a game and not worth i t .  Both sides were aware they should t r y t h e i r  hardest not to offend the other, but both sides d i d .  There were con-  t i n u a l short outbursts over points of rules or decisions. No r a c i a l comments were made. After the game one of the White teammates explained the s i t u a t i o n to us. got r e a l l y mad.  "I was r e a l l y scared of what they might do i f they Up here (Hagensborg) when we play i t ' s okay, but when  you play down there surrounded by them you r e a l l y have to be c a r e f u l . T h e y ' l l come right up and beat you up. The next time," she said joki n g l y , " I ' l l have to take a machete." While Indian and White children attend school together and play sports i n organized teams against one another, personal f r i e n d ships are not common. not acceptable.  Sexual contact between whites and Indians i s  Although rumours of i l l i c i t sexual a f f a i r s among  Whites are common, we never heard rumours of a f f a i r s involving l o c a l Whites and Indians.  Two marriages between l o c a l Whites and Indians  came to our attention. The White partners i n both these cases were considered quite wild and of low status; one of them being divorced, neither of them maintaining "middle c l a s s " l i f e s t y l e s . A male informant i n his early twenties complained lack of women i n the Valley available for dating.  about the  I knew there was a  nurses' residence on the townsite i n which up to half a dozen or so single women l i v e d .  I asked i f he ever dated these women. He said he  hadn't and he wouldn't.  "The nurses seem to think they have some mis-  sion to the Indians," he said. judice here, you're crazy.  " I f you think there i s n ' t r a c i a l pre-  Once a g i r l has been touched by an Indian,  97  she's a w r i t e - o f f . "  A second informant, a woman who had once been a  nurse i n B e l l a Coola, said that considerable scandal resulted from the marriage of White nurses to Indians i n the past. nurses were V a l l e y - r a i s e d .  None of these  They continue to work i n the h o s p i t a l .  Perhaps i t i s this connection that makes the h o s p i t a l and i t s board, and the Red Cross, such exceptionally integrated i n s t i t u t i o n s i n B e l l a Coola.  Irregular White Attitudes Towards Indians It would be most unjust to allow that the above views are a l l that exist i n the Valley.  They are the dominant views much ob-  jected to by certain White i n d i v i d u a l s .  Here i s a rebuttal given to  the opinion that there i s a p r i v i l e g e d status f o r Indians vis^-a-vis the state:  "The Indians are where they are and l i k e they are because  we took away everything they had to be proud of, and keep them on wel^ fare.  Like anyone on welfare too long, they now expect i t but s t i l l  ttsent i t because i t robs them of any self-esteem."  Indian Views of the Whites On this topic I can only r e f e r to Hawthorn's study of  1954.  "In ... B e l l a Coola ... the Indian community i s more active and has a higher degree of organization than the adjoining white community; t h i s , plus general prosperity, enables the Indians there to develop and keep up quite l i v e l y attitudes of s u p e r i o r i t y .  Their r e i t e r a t i o n of these 4  a t t i t u d e s , however, reveals the inward b a t t l e they are f i g h t i n g . " 4.  Hawthorn, op. c i t . , p. 600.  98  The Economic Function of the Indians i n the B e l l a Coola Valley Whites i n the Valley often complain that they have to support the Indian population through taxation.  The Indians, they maintain,  pay no taxes yet receive subsidization and welfare i n abundance. view i s simply untrue.  This  Indians do not pay a p r o v i n c i a l land or l o c a l  education tax, but, with the p r o v i n c i a l homeowner's grant of up to  $185,  and the r e l a t i v e l y low assessment value of most V a l l e y properties, taxes for  the Whites are very low —  often the minimum $1.00.  Indians pay  f u l l p r o v i n c i a l and federal income tax on a l l money earned o f f the reserve.  For the B e l l a Coola, this amounts to taxes on v i r t u a l l y a l l  money earned.  Indians pay f u l l p r o v i n c i a l sales tax and a l l hidden  federal sales taxes and t a r i f f charges.  In other words, with the ex-  ception of property tax i n some instances, the whites pay no more taxes than Indians. Indians do receive "free" health and educational services. The federal government i s responsible for the education of Indians. In many B.C.  communities separate day and/or r e s i d e n t i a l schools are  operated or supported.  In B e l l a Coola, i n 1952,  i n l i n e with a growing  trend, the Branch entered an agreement with the l o c a l school board to support an integrated school —  paying the Indian children's share of  construction cost and yearly t u i t i o n .  In 1962  (and population ratios  have not shifted s i g n i f i c a n t l y since) Indian children made up 43 per cent of school populations.  The federal government provided t u i t i o n  payments for 193 children of $150 each, or $28,950 i n t o t a l . At present the community has three centralized modern schools (elementary schools at B e l l a Coola and Hagensborg and a high school at  99  Hagensborg).  The f i r s t modern school i n the Valley (4 classrooms, gym-  nasium, and administrative area) was  constructed at Hagensborg i n  It was not u n t i l the '50's however, that extensive new undertaken. townsite.  In 1953 a new  1949.  development was  elementary school opened at B e l l a Coola  Classrooms were added i n 1955 and 1961.  school at Hagensborg expanded i n 1956 and  Likewise the high  1959.  While an increase of children and the coming to power of a new p r o v i n c i a l government i n 1952 may  have influenced t h i s spate of  school b u i l d i n g the a v a i l a b i l i t y of extra funds through the Indian school integration must have been an asset.  While i t i s true that  the Indian t u i t i o n money i s always accompanied by a student, i t could not be denied that the increase i n school s i z e , with funds readily provided, has benefitted the White population as much as the Indian  —  and provided each population with a d i v e r s i t y of education not previously possible.  A l o c a l newspaper report i n 1959  claimed no Valley students  had graduated from Grade 12 u n t i l that date.  Today high school gradu-  ation (especially for White students) i s increasingly common. Indian health care also contributes to the community as a whole.  As Indian health care i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the federal  government, h o s p i t a l costs i n a community are met by that government to the percentage of reserve-Indians i n the population. of the study, a new h o s p i t a l was  At the time  to be b u i l t i n B e l l a B e l l a ~  same regional d i s t r i c t as B e l l a Coola.  i n the  The economics of t h i s project  lay c l e a r the importance of Indians i n providing modern medical services f o r everyone on this part of the coast.  100  The hospital i s to cost about $1 m i l l i o n . automatically bear $600,000 of t h i s .  The province w i l l  (In B r i t i s h Columbia a 5 per cent  sales tax paid by Indians and a l l purchasers t h e o r e t i c a l l y provides f o r t h i s portion of hospital c a p i t a l cost.)  As 90 percent of the B e l l a  B e l l a patients are Indians, 90 per cent (or $360,000) of the remaining $400,000 (the d i r e c t users share) of the c a p i t a l cost w i l l be paid by the federal government.  The remaining $40,000 w i l l be paid by the tax-  payers of the Ocean F a l l s Regional D i s t r i c t —  the biggest of these  taxpayers being Crown Zellerbach. The p r o v i n c i a l Minister of Health had assured the B e l l a Coola doctor that the new hospital would not d i r e c t l y cost l o c a l c i t i z e n s "a n i c k e l " .  In B e l l a Coola the federal  share would be closer to 30 than 90 per cent of user costs, but the fact remains that modem hospitals f o r t h i s part of the coast are greatly assisted by an Indian presence.  The federal "handouts" to the Indians  that many Valley people c r i t i c i z e permit the building of f a c i l i t i e s they could not otherwise have, and with no increase i n t h e i r own taxes. Besides these r e l a t i v e l y straight-forward economic benefits, there i s extensive "spin-off" of money into the White community from various f i n a n c i a l a i d schemes of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch.  These  s p e c i a l programs are often c r i t i c i z e d by Valley Whites — assistance with f i s h i n g equipment, loans and grants f o r low cost housing — but i t i s the white merchants and mechanics who are the secondary c i a r i e s of such programs.  benifi-  The very individuals who c r i t i c i z e d the  a v a i l a b i l i t y of funds to the Indians, often would have been out of b u s i ness without them.  101  In regard to the White community, the Indian presence i n B e l l a Coola serves to better integrate the White community with the p r o v i n c i a l and national metropolis.  The Indians greatly a s s i s t the  entrance of metropolis-centred and developed medicine and educational values into the Valley.  The Indians bring c a p i t a l to the Valley i n  the form of s p e c i a l assistance programs, but t h i s c a p i t a l i s s p e c i f i e d to be spent on mainly metropolis goods —  engines, nets, building hard-  ware and materials. Some Whites i n the community are provided with l i v e l i h o o d s i n d e l i v e r i n g and i n s t a l l i n g these metropolis goods. The o v e r a l l e f f e c t i s not d i f f e r e n t from that of the primary industries; the Valley population l i v e s materially better, but develops increasing dependencies on the metropolis.  The Cultural Function of the Indians i n the B e l l a Coola Valley Beyond an economic r o l e , the Indians of B e l l a Coola have a s o c i a l position and a c u l t u r a l function important to the s o l i d a r i t y and self-esteem of the White community. In the eyes of many White Valley residents, the community of B e l l a Coola i s geographically on the very periphery of the White, urban and "decent" society.  In order to compensate, parents are concerned  that as f u l l as possible a range of urban experiences be made available. Children are generally w e l l supplied with manufactured  toys, s t y l i s h  c l o t h i n g , radios (though reception i s poor), and pre-recorded cassettes for tape recorders.  Few homes are without t e l e v i s i o n and when they  can be afforded, t r i p s to the Lower Mainland are undertaken.  This i s  done with a conscious, a r t i c u l a t e d purpose of not cheating or handicapping  102  the children.  As children approach high school graduation age, anxiety  increases concerning t h e i r future chances at work or further education. The Indians provide a c u l t u r a l f o i l f o r the White community i n regard to the Whites' own doubts about their performance v i s - a - v i s urban standards.  In the eyes of the Valley Whites, there may be unem-  ployment and underemployment amongst the whites, but i t never approaches that of the Indians.  Likewise, the Whites may often f i n d themselves  having to accept unemployment insurance and welfare — say, never as much as do the Indians.  but, the Whites  Likewise, i n the areas of edu-  cation, material wealth, and l i f e s t y l e i n general, the Indians provide a reassuring reference group f o r the Whites —  there i s at least one  group more peripheral than they. Those hidden fears of a people who have l i v e d on the f r o n t i e r for  three generations ( i n the case of the Norwegians, at least) f i n d a  r e a l i z a t i o n i n the Indians.  For example, though the Lutheran  church  i s no longer organized and the United Church i s not a strong pressure in the V a l l e y , the stern morality that has marked the Lutheran, Method i s t and Presbyterian churches endures i n many ways.  The townsite  would not pass a referendum allowing a liquor store u n t i l the early 1960's.  Even today, there i s no beer parlour.  The only place one can  buy liquor (other than i n the liquor store) i s at a restaurant 18 miles up-valley from the sea.  One, of course, must buy a meal as w e l l .  Although the o r i g i n a l colony was to be dry, liquor had preceeded the colonists as a trade item with the Indians.  When the con-  troversy over the liquor plebesites of the 1960's was raging, the Valley  103  Echo concluded an e d i t o r i a l with the comment:  "The o r i g i n a l s e t t l e r s  forbade l i q u o r i n the Valley, but were unable to enforce the ban them5 selves."  One of the major arguments of the "wets" i n the liquor con-  troversy was that the lack of l o c a l liquor outlets contributed to l o s t work time i n the Valley.  Liquor had to be purchased i n the case from  Vancouver or Williams Lake once a week. depot on the dock. dry again —  Orders were dispensed from a  Many men were not f i t for work u n t i l the Valley was  two or three days a f t e r delivery.  Today's l i q u o r store has made the supply flow more evenly and a connection between l o s t work time and drinking i s not so e a s i l y drawn.  The great majority of people contacted during this study openly  consumed l i q u o r .  I t was served at a l l house parties attended, and sold  at or brought to a l l public dances.  In the case of dances held i n  the Valley's largest community h a l l , i t was usually consumed i n the parking  l o t , as the management board of the h a l l continued to support  prohibition.  The people on this board, as the core of o l d Lutheran  and Methodist temperence followers, are a reminder to the community of the t r a d i t i o n a l view of liquor as wicked and overpowering. are joked about and accused of fostering hypocrisy — couraging "drinking behind the barn."  They  that i s , of en-  On the other hand, t h e i r p o s i -  t i o n leaves the majority of Valley people uneasy about the sometimes excessive use of l i q u o r .  Most faroiliesihave at least one a l c o h o l i c  member, and many have members or close friends k i l l e d or maimed through accidents or diseases connected to drinking.  The natterings of the old  grandparents are proved true?. ~5~. Valley Echo, V o l . 4, Number 8, January 1,  1962.  104  Not only i s the excessive use of liquor offensive to t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a l morals, i t i s connected i n the minds of most Valley people with camp l i f e .  The people of B e l l a Coola know that loggers and f i s h e r -  men, removed from c i v i l company, drink excessively to pass the time. But to the l o c a l whites, B e l l a Coola above a l l else must be a place of c i v i l company. It i s i n this respect that the Indians play an important c u l t u r a l role f o r the White community.  The Indians apparently drink d i f -  ferently than the whites; long p a r t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y following a death, may go on f o r days.  The repeated trek from reserve to l i q u o r store to  reserve does not go unnoticed by the Whites. apt  The Whites, who are most  to drink heavily and concentratedly on weekend nights, stock up  ahead of time, carrying the liquor from the store to t h e i r homes i n a car  or truck.  I t i s obvious to the Whites that i n connection with  liquor they break t r a d i t i o n a l morals and f a i l to l i v e up to the standards of "middle c l a s s " decency they cherish.  But most reassuring i s  the obvious fact that the Indians break t r a d i t i o n a l morality (even i f i t i s not their own t r a d i t i o n a l morality) and f a i l to l i v e up to the standards of middle class decency even moreso.  I t i s obvious to B e l l a  Coola's Whites that they are not the most peripheral men i n B.C.; the Indians put the Whites i n a p o s i t i o n r e l a t i v e l y close to the centre.  105  CHAPTER VI THE LIMITS OF LOCAL LEVEL POLITICAL ACTION IN BELLA COOLA  Introduction In this paper B e l l a Coola has been described as integrated with, yet on the margin of, North American, and s p e c i f i c a l l y B r i t i s h Columbian society.  We have argued that r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n areas v i t a l  to the l o c a l population usually rests outside that population. Many people i n B e l l a Coola however, speak of the community as one that "does things for i t s e l f " .  They o f f e r this description es-  p e c i a l l y when t e l l i n g of a l o c a l l y constructed road that connected the Valley to the p r o v i n c i a l i n t e r i o r i n 1953. This feat was covered by 1 p r o v i n c i a l news media i n terms of "the s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t community". We now wish to look at B e l l a Coola to see who i n the community holds t h i s view and to determine the l i m i t s the community of B e l l a Coola faces i n regard to "doing things f o r i t s e l f . " 2 of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l  We w i l l - a s k which kinds  actions succeed, and which f a i l .  F i n a l l y we w i l l  ask who leads i n l o c a l p o l i t i c s and what the connections are between l o c a l leadership and i n d i v i d u a l relationships with metropolis society. 1.  2.  See the Vancouver Sun, magazine section, July 21, 1955 and The V i c t o r i a C o l o n i s t , magazine section, September 22, 1968. The Vancouver Sun carried a s e r i a l i z e d feature by Pat Carney i n the February 13, 15, 17 issues of 1967. The term " P o l i t i c s " w i l l be used as defined by Marc Swartz: " p o l i t i c s ... refers to the events which are involved i n the determination and implementation of public goals/or the d i f f e r e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of power within the group or groups concerned with the goals being considered" i n Local-Level P o l i t i c s , Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1968, p. 1.  106  The Great Example Any extended discussion with B e l l a Coola residents concerning  l o c a l projects i s bound eventually to lead to t h e i r c i t i n g of the  great example of a l o c a l goal achieved:  the above-mentioned road con-  necting the B e l l a Coola Valley with the C h i l c o t i n Highway at Anahim Lake.  The project was a c t u a l l y carried out i n 1952 and  1953.  When the Norwegians f i r s t arrived i n B e l l a Coola, the physical  i s o l a t i o n of the Valley came as a surprise.  the colony was  They had r e a l i z e d  to be i n v i r g i n wilderness, but had not bargained f o r  wilderness to such an extent.  Within a month of a r r i v i n g , thirteen  s e t t l e r s l e f t because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of settlement.  These included 3  "the distance from market and the i s o l a t i o n from the rest of the world." The B e l l a Coola Courier, which published weekly from  1912  to 1917, constantly boosted the Valley as the natural s i t e for the western terminal of the P a c i f i c and Hudson's Bay Railroad. As early as 1912  there was  t a l k of the connection of the B e l l a Coola wagon road 4 with the Ashcroft road to the i n t e r i o r . The story i s t o l d by a man active i n the group that f i n a l l y saw the project completed. Theil930's saw the reawakening of interest i n a road connection with the rest of the province. At the beginning of the decade, a road survey was made on the route of the old pack t r a i l along the Hotnarko Creek and over the p r e c i p i c e , and for years the governments used the r e s u l t s of t h i s survey to point out that a road into B e l l a Coola was not possible or practical.  3. 4.  The B r i t i s h Columbian, New Westminster, December 10, 1894. B e l l a Coola Courier, V o l . 1, Number 6, October 19, 1912, p. 2.  107  But the B e l l a Coola populace r e f u s e d to accept t h i s v e r d i c t . Groups of c i t i z e n s , banded t o g e t h e r under one name or anot h e r , p e t i t i o n e d the government f o r a c t i o n . The L i b e r a l C l u b , the C o n s e r v a t i v e C l u b , the C i t i z e n s ' W e l f a r e League, the Businessmen's A s s o c i a t i o n a l l p r e s e n t e d t h e i r p l e a s and a l l met d e l a y s t h a t amounted to r e f u s a l s . Other t h i n g s t h a t these groups asked f o r were forthcoming — but a road out of B e l l a Coola? That was i m p o s s i b l e ! D u r i n g the 1930's the road westward from W i l l i a m s Lake had c r e p t another two s c o r e m i l e s n e a r e r the c o a s t .... Where wheels c o u l d go, t h a t s e t of t r a c k s was c a l l e d a road .... A t r u c k i n g s e r v i c e (was e s t a b l i s h e d ) from W i l l i a m s Lake to Anahim Lake and changed the p a t t e r n o f commerce. For f i f t y y e a r s r a n c h e r s from T a t l a Lake westward had looked to B e l l a C o o l a f o r t h e i r s u p p l i e s and huge pack t r a i n s kept t r a i l s open w i n t e r and summer .... Now ... a l l t r a d e east of the c r e s t of the Coast Range went to W i l l i a m s Lake, 210 m i l e s distance. The mountain w a l l s t h a t surrounded prison wall.  B e l l a C o o l a remained a  But to some the conquering o f t h a t b a r r i e r became almost an o b s e s s i o n . Logging companies w i t h i n B e l l a C o o l a v a l l e y b u i l t many m i l e s of good r o a d s , and were aware of the c o s t . They knew t h a t no community as s m a l l as B e l l a C o o l a c o u l d a f f o r d to b u i l d a road through those rugged mountains. Then a s m a l l pack horse t r i p by a couple of l o g g i n g bosses changed the whole p i c t u r e . (The bosses and t h e i r wives) h o l i d a y bound, d e c i d e d to go on a pack h o r s e t r i p , i n s t e a d of going to urban c e n t r e s or t o u r i s t r e s o r t s .... The f i r s t n i g h t out .... They t a l k e d (with t h e i r about the road — or dreams of a road.  hosts)  " I wish you would go up the Bunch Grass T r a i l , " ( t h e i r host e s s ) urged. " I t h i n k t h a t i s the n a t u r a l r o u t e f o r a road i n t o the v a l l e y . " They d i d t h i s and  reported:  "... t h e r e i s a road r o u t e through t h e r e .... In a month you c o u l d b r i n g a b u l l d o z e r road t o the r i m of the v a l l e y . That would l e a v e o n l y about a two m i l e gap b e f o r e the B e l l a Coola v a l l e y road c o u l d connect w i t h the r e s t of the roads of the province.  108  For a few months the f u s e t h a t t h i s s t o r y i g n i t e d burned slowly. Then a l l of a sudden t h e r e was some a c t i o n . A t r a i l was  blazed.  The next s t e p was to form a l o c a l branch of the Board of Trade w i t h the avowed purpose of b e d e v i l l i n g the p r o v i n c i a l government i n t o doing something about b u i l d i n g the road. A r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the B e l l a C o o l a D i s t r i c t Board of Trade was sent to Vancouver to the annual c o n v e n t i o n of the H i g h ways and T o u r i s t Bureau of the Vancouver Board of Trade. The u r g i n g s of the ( B e l l a Coola) Board of Trade reached a h i g h e r note i n about t h r e e weeks when (a member) guided (a) government e n g i n e e r ... i n a r a p i d , cowboy i n s p e c t i o n of the r o u t e , s t a r t i n g at Anahim Lake .... In a meeting w i t h the Board of Trade C o u n c i l (the engineer) s a i d , " I t i s indeed an easy matter to put a road through the f l a t j a c k - p i n e c o u n t r y r i g h t to the r i m of the v a l l e y . Coming down the s i d e of the mountain w i l l be expensive. In f a c t , the l a s t two m i l e s w i l l c o s t a h a l f m i l l i o n d o l l a r s ! " "what's a h a l f m i l l i o n d o l l a r s ? " the men of the C o u n c i l asked — and w e l l they might f o r such f i g u r e s were c e r t a i n l y beyond t h e i r personal experience. When i t seemed e v i d e n t t h a t the ( e n g i n e e r ' s ) t r i p was to be u n p r o d u c t i v e , some members of the Board of Trade c o u n c i l suggested t h a t perhaps the e n g i n e e r had r e a l l y s t a t e d i n h i s r e p o r t how c l o s e to s t r a i g h t up-and-down the l a s t two m i l e s were. And a t a C o u n c i l meeting road p r o s p e c t s were a g a i n reviewed. " I t doesn't l o o k as i f we're going to get even ar-survey t h i s summer," was the c o n c l u s i o n . "Maybe w e ' l l have t o b u i l d the road o u r s e l v e s . " S i x weeks l a t e r the Board of Trade sent a telegram t o the Department of P u b l i c Works, P r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , B.C. : " T h i s i s to a d v i s e t h a t we a r e going to s t a r t immediately b u i l d i n g the road from Anahim Lake to B e l l a Coola," I f t h i s s t a r t l i n g message caused any s t i r i n government c i r c l e s , i t was never known i n B e l l a C o o l a . "We've got a r o u t e the government doesn't know a n y t h i n g about, which i s necessary. I f we were b u i l d i n g a l o n g a known r o u t e , they'd s t o p us r i g h t away. W e ' l l s t a r t at Anahim Lake, take the easy going f i r s t and make a good i n i t i a l i m p r e s s i o n . I f we t a c k l e t h a t steep mountainside f i r s t we c o u l d be beaten b e f o r e we start."  109  A C h i l c o t i n wolf hunter was pressed into blazing a t r a i l from Anahim Lake to the Valley rim.  A cat and operator were hired for $100 a day  at T a t l a Lake. Rating the services of the machine, "man and a l l expenses found", were the Council of the B e l l a Coola Board of Trade. They had determination, hope and two hundred and f i f t y d o l l a r s in the bank — enough f o r two and a half days of operation. Forty-two days l a t e r bulldozer and crew were 32 miles out into the wilderness, with a road behind them. For 42 days the machine had worked 10 hours a day, unceasingly. Now, poised at the rim of a high v a l l e y only ten miles from the B e l l a Coola v a l l e y , i t l i f t e d i t s blade and started trudl-ing homeward. It was q u i t t i n g for the winter .... Now the die was cast, exploration to find the best way down the s i x thousand foot mountainside was pursued ....Holidays and weekends were spent on the mountainside from v a l l e y f l o o r to high horizon. While the "Cat" up on the plateau was pushing steadily toward the rim of the v a l l e y , search for a route down from the height was i n t e n s i f i e d . (The) superintendent for Northern Pulpwoods Ltd. moved around the Young Creek sector with the assurance and speed of a mountain goat." (He) ... took a government engineer part way up the Young Creek cut. He convinced the government engineer and the B e l l a Coola D i s t r i c t Board of Trade that the road could be brought down Young Creek from "the top" for ten thousand d o l l a r s . When the p o s s i b i l i t y of snow stopped road building "on top", plans were promoted to s t a r t from the bottom of the mountain. The f i r s t step was to apply to the government for a grant. "We have b u i l t 32 miles of road and have ten miles l e f t . Could we please have ten thousand dollars to f i n i s h the job?" Within three days came the answering telegram: "Ten thousand dollars has been deposited i n your account for use for future b i l l s i n your road b u i l d i n g . " The for (for was  Board of Trade knew they could use no portion of this money the payment of a forty-two hundred d o l l a r bulldozing account work on the plateau). They realized that the government at l a s t giving help even i f not a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t i n g .  110  What they d i d not know was that i n the o f f i c e o f the M i n i s t e r of P u b l i c Works the new M i n i s t e r , P.A. G a g l a r d i , l i s t e n e d to h i s Deputy M i n i s t e r , Evan S. Jones. I n the i n t e r i m between the b e g i n n i n g of the Board of Trade road e f f o r t and i t s a c t u a l a t t a c k on the w i l d e r n e s s b a r r i e r , a p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n had taken p l a c e , o u s t i n g a c o a l i t i o n government and p l a c i n g i n power the S o c i a l C r e d i t government under the l e a d e r s h i p of W.A.C. Bennett. P.A. G a g l a r d i was made M i n i s t e r i n Charge of Roads, and i t was he who would make d e c i s i o n s about the B e l l a C o o l a road. Deputy M i n i s t e r Evan Jones, who had been c h i e f c i v i l s e r v a n t i n the Department f o r a c o n s i d e r a b l e number o f y e a r s , had read the correspondence of the B e l l a C o o l a D i s t r i c t Board o f Trade. "They say they have found a new, easy r o u t e from the p l a t e a u to the v a l l e y f l o o r and can b u i l d a road t e n m i l e s f o r t e n thousand d o l l a r s . " "And they have a l r e a d y b u i l t a road f o r 32 m i l e s a t t h e i r own expense? Make arrangements f o r them to get the t e n thousand dollars." "May I suggest t h a t you r e s e r v e f i f t y thousand d o l l a r s f o r this project? They j u s t can't b u i l d a road through a mountain range f o r t e n thousand d o l l a r s . " "Make i t f i f t y thousand then," the M i n i s t e r s a i d t o h i s Deputy. " I f those p e o p l e are ready to h e l p themselves, we a r e ready to h e l p them!" The road work c o n t i n u e d .  The  Board would  run out o f money, make a r e -  quest f o r a f u r t h e r g r a n t , and r e c e i v e the funds.  A second c a t began to  work on the road from the B e l l a C o o l a end. S p r i n g was marked by endeavors to c o l l e c t enough money to pay p a s t b i l l s , and by strenuous e f f o r t s to f i n a l i z e the exact l o c a t i o n o f the road on the m o u n t a i n s i d e . The f i r s t was accomplished by a l o a n from c o u n c i l members, and the second by intensive search. A g a i n money problems a r o s e and were s o l v e d w i t h another g r a n t of ten thousand d o l l a r s from the p r o v i n c i a l government c o f fers. The amount advanced had now reached f i f t y thousand d o l l a r s , and s i n c e the budget f o r road b u i l d i n g had s u f f e r e d a p r o v i n c e - w i d e cut the B e l l a C o o l a D i s t r i c t Board of Trade c o n s i d e r e d they were v e r y f o r t u n a t e . The t e n thousand d o l l a r s was s p e n t . And t h e r e s t i l l remained a b a r r i e r of almost t h r e e thousand f e e t between the two machines.  Ill  Another t e l e p h o n e c a l l t o the Department o f P u b l i c Works was taken by Evan Jones, the Deputy M i n i s t e r . "Could we p l e a s e have some more money? T h i s time we would s e t t l e f o r f i v e thousand d o l l a r s . " "You o n l y have t w e n t y - e i g h t hundred f e e t t o go? you can get through f o r f i v e thousand d o l l a r s ? "  Are you s u r e  "Today," s a i d the Board o f Trade spokesman, "we.are s u r e of nothing. E v e r y bank o f g r a v e l we a t t a c k t u r n s out to be s o l i d rock." Two days l a t e r the r e p l y came. " S o r r y . No more money u n t i l next f i s c a l y e a r . Have p o s i t i v e l y s c r a p e d the bottom of the barrel." I t was a d i f f i c u l t p o s i t i o n . The next f i s c a l y e a r was n e a r l y seven months and a whole w i n t e r away. The two road ends, a measured 2800 f e e t a p a r t , f o r a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes might as w e l l have been the o r i g i n a l many m i l e s a p a r t . To stop now would mean l o s s o f impetus and the m e r c i l e s s tongues o f opponents to the p r o j e c t would make another s t a r t a matter of doub t . There was they would  no money f o r wages.  The Board of Trade t o l d the road workers  t r y to get money f o r them, but c o u l d not guarantee payment.  Machine owners, o p e r a t o r s , cook, l a b o r e r s a l l s t a y e d w i t h the j o b . G r o c e r i e s were d e l i v e r e d , as was f u e l o i l and a thousand d o l l a r s worth of powder, a l l bought on c r e d i t and faith. F i n a l l y , j o i n t l y the two b l a d e s (of the c a t s ) pushed the l a s t y a r d of r u b b l e over the edge; then, b a c k i n g up a few y a r d s , the machines advanced and touched t h e i r b l a d e s t o g e t h e r .... A mighty shout a r o s e .  The road had been  Everyone t h e r e knew t h a t now w i t h the r e s t o f the w o r l d .  completed!  B e l l a C o o l a had road c o n n e c t i o n  By t h i s time i t was e s t i m a t e d t h a t twenty thousand d o l l a r s worth of p l a n n i n g , management and s u p e r v i s i o n had been done f r e e of charge by the Board of Trade, augmenting the sum o f $4,000 c o l l e c t e d from the p u b l i c . Yes, i f n e c e s s a r y , they would pay the f i n a l $8,700. .... A l e t t e r came from the Deputy M i n i s t e r of Highways. "Would you be so k i n d as to send us d e t a i l e d b i l l s to the l a s t 2800 f e e t o f your r o a d . "  112  "By thunder, I'm sure g l a d we f i n i s h e d i t , " a Board o f Trade member spoke f o r h i s companions. " G a g l a r d i s t u c k h i s neck out f o r us. I t would have been p o l i t i c a l ammunition f o r h i s enemies' guns i f we had l e f t the two ends unconnected. And i f (the Deputy M i n i s t e r o f Highways) hadn't been p i t c h i n g f o r us, too, we would never have been a b l e t o b u i l d the r o a d . Now we're p a r t o f the World!"  The  C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Local-Level P o l i t i c s In o r d e r  in. B e l l a Coola, 1)  to appreciate  the workings o f l o c a l l e v e l  the f o l l o w i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s must be In B e l l a Coola,  and/or c a p i t a l t o c a r r y on.  ities  the s i t u a t i o n w e l l :  ... where p o l i t i c s  groups o u t s i d e  politics  recognized:  n e a r l y a l l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y moves out  of the V a l l e y a t some p o i n t i n order  tics fits  i n B e l l a Coola  to r e t u r n w i t h the p r e r o g a t i v e s  Swartz's d e f i n i t i o n o f l o c a l l e v e l  poli-  " L o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s o c c u r s i n commun-  i s incomplete i n the sense t h a t a c t o r s and  the range o f the l o c a l m u l t i p l e x  relationships are v i -  t a l l y and d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s o f the l o c a l 6 group."  Community goals  t h a t do n o t r e q u i r e such a procedure a r e usu-  a l l y s m a l l , and i n v o l v i n g l i t t l e  c a p i t a l or i n i t i a t i v e .  The most s u c -  c e s s f u l l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s i n t h i s sense a r e those who know the r i g h t c o n n e c t i o n s and the r i g h t way to connect w i t h the a u t h o r i t i e s e x t e r n a l to the V a l l e y . 2)  N a t i o n a l and p r o v i n c i a l p a r t y p o l i t i c s a r e n o t important  to l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s .  The V a l l e y s u p p o r t s s m a l l l o c a l p a r t y  organi-  z a t i o n s , b u t these a r e n o t seen as a u s e f u l c o n t a c t w i t h government o r opposition parties. 5. 6.  The V a l l e y i s o n l y a s m a l l p a r t o f v e r y  large  rural  Kopas, op. c i t . , s e l e c t e d paragraphs and p a r t s o f paragraphs, pp. 274-291. Swartz, op. c i t . , p. 1.  113  ridings.  While  f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c i a n s attempt  B e l l a C o o l a v o t e s w i t h f l a t t e r y and promises, h o l d s a b a l a n c e of power i n the r i d i n g s . d e a l of p o l i t i c a l l e v e r a g e .  to a t t r a c t  the community i n no  way  I t does not p o s s e s s a g r e a t  T h i s i s not to say t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s i n the  V a l l e y do not use t h e i r v o t e to g a i n l o c a l improvements.  (An example  of such a use was  the p a v i n g of the roads on the townsite and up  to  Nusatsum promised  by the S o c i a l C r e d i t c a n d i d a t e and c a r r i e d out  after  her e l e c t i o n . )  But  i n the f u n c t i o n i n g of o r g a n i z e d l o c a l - l e v e l  t i c s , p a r t i e s are not a f a c t o r . tics,  In connection with l o c a l - l e v e l  i t i s a case of B e l l a C o o l a c o n f r o n t i n g "the government".  polipoliIt  i s not a case of c o n f r o n t i n g a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . 3) on how  The  s t r e n g t h of support from the p o p u l a t i o n w i l l  depend  w e l l the p r o j e c t s e r v e s the m a j o r i t y g o a l of i n c r e a s e d access  to m e t r o p o l i s goods and l i f e  styles.  I f the c o n n e c t i o n i s c l e a r , com-  munity support w i l l be wide and dependable?., support w i l l not be 4) widespread.  I f the c o n n e c t i o n i s hazy,  constant.  P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n i s not I n i t i a t i o n and  s m a l l number of people.  l e a d e r s h i p of p r o j e c t s i s p r o v i d e d by a  (In v a r i o u s y e a r s t h i s number has  fluctuated  from 6 t o 12).  Secondary r i n g s of a c t i v e s u p p o r t e r s b r i n g s t h i s number  to 25 o r 30 men  and women a t the most.  o f f e r s some a s s i s t a n c e .  The  remainder  no p a r t i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l 5) who  A t e r t i a r y r i n g of s u p p o r t e r s —  and m a j o r i t y —  of people have  action.  Leadership i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s  falls  to those  people  are i n o c c u p a t i o n s a l l o w i n g them to be r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e when com-  munity needs a r i s e and t y i n g them to the o u t s i d e w o r l d .  Furthermore,  114  leaders  must p o s s e s s  "middle  class".  can  be  such  Direct  substituted  earlier  time  in  of  Logging  or  present  and  sawmill  leaders.  Fishermen  fishermen  and  men  tend  to  have  and  and  active (or  T h o s e p e o p l e who  support  projects  a l l  groups.  6) project. or  A l l leaders  There  come a p a r t  The  are  as  factions which  political  conservationist",  A  can  involved  The settlement for  the  area. over  townsite  pattern  Valley, If  the  an  of  both  issue  townsite. that  i n more and  in a  the  It  advantage  in  land  community  swimming p o o l  to  can  are  to  of  factions  the  obtain  abundant  i s located  in  been  primary  a  way  not the  community Some  to  come  active Valley  versus  in  i s be  or  cheaper  v a l l e y at  unite needs.  valley", people".  to  in  be  the It  in  in  their  advantage  also the  the  provided  located  v a l l e y has  and  every  sets.  service  majority.  from  which  their origins  project  These  wives.  factional desires  these  the  leaders.  however.  seem  some  with  in  some  educated)  a  the  at  person  leaders.  leaders,  have  When a  desire  always  Valley  provide  times  are  Valley  is primarily  "townsite  p l e b i s c i t e , the  i s more  married  the  "newcomers v e r s u s V a l l e y  t h a n one  community.  groups w i l l  comes  and  the  of  the  tertiary  fits  reasonably  outside  factions within  valley  outside  externally  seem most p r o m i n e n t  versus be  often  secondary  goal  "booster person  as  at  a l l supporters  d i v i s i o n s or  the  being  appear  Leadership  not  otherwise  and  to  tradesmen also  are  teacher  occupational  by  owners have  loggers  are  or  connections.  bosses  loggers  experience  l i f e ,  Teachers  and  wealth  connections  extensive  leader's  businessmen.  material  occupational  f o r by  the  experience  hands  sufficient  has  an  valley.  Hagensborg.  The  The  115  v a l l e y f a c t i o n l e a d e r s h i p group c l a i m e d they had the r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t board  "put" a v a l l e y man  on  as the B e l l a Coola V a l l e y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  i n o r d e r to keep a t o w n s i t e person  off.  The  townsite  faction  some o f the o l d e s t l e a d e r s and has heavy commercial l e a n i n g s .  contains The  v a l l e y f a c t i o n c o n t a i n s both o l d e r Norwegian l e a d e r s and newer l e a d e r s —  e s p e c i a l l y high school The b o o s t e r  teachers.  and c o n s e r v a t i o n i s t f a c t i o n s g e n e r a l l y , but  always, f o l l o w the t o w n s i t e and v a l l e y l i n e s . k i n d s of B o o s t e r s i d e o l o g y but  moral and m e r c a n t i l e .  are i d e n t i c a l i n a c t i o n s .  growth i s good and what i s r i g h t .  righteous.  To aim  Mercantile boosters  i n c r e a s e t h e i r own by  —  fortunes.  There are a c t u a l l y  not two  They d i f f e r i n motives  Moral boosters b e l i e v e that f o r " b i g g e r and b e t t e r " i s to  see any  do  growth as an o p p o r t u n i t y  to  ( T h i s p e r s o n a l i n c r e a s e can a l s o be viewed  the m e r c a n t i l e b o o s t e r as a moral i s s u e . )  Both types of  booster  equate growth i n d i v e r s i t y , s i z e of o p e r a t i o n s , or pure raw  numbers  of p o p u l a t i o n as p r o g r e s s .  and  The  c o n s e r v a t i o n i s t group p l a c e s h i g h v a l u e s  on the t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a l community, the n a t u r a l environment and what i t has  t r a d i t i o n a l l y a f f o r d e d over "growth".  a r e a , the f i s h ,  timber  and  The n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s of  game, are seen as ends i n themselves r a t h e r  than means by which to expand commerce o r "put B e l l a C o o l a on the Newcomers and V a l l e y people utilized  factions.  the  map".  a r e not s h a r p l y d e f i n e d o r h i g h l y  In Chapter IV, I r e f e r r e d to a man  u s i n g Norwegian  e t h n i c i t y i n o r d e r to j e o p a r d i z e the s u c c e s s f u l outcome of a meeting. Norwegian e t h n i c i t y l i e s submerged i n most c a s e s . a last  r e s o r t and o n l y i n d e f e n s i v e moves.  a r e so s p l i t  amongst themselves due  I t i s brought out  as  The Norwegian descendants  to o l d f a m i l y feuds  (some of which  116  predate the settlement) that Norwegian e t h n i c i t y would never make a f e a s i b l e constructive p o l i t i c a l base. On most projects, a l l factions w i l l not p a r t i c i p a t e .  Infre-  quently certain factions w i l l actually work against a project's completion. On some projects everyone w i l l work together.  In such cases, the mo-  tives of the various people involved w i l l d i f f e r . connecting  The mountain road  the Valley to the C h i l c o t i n Highway i s an example of t h i s .  To the boosters  i t was an important goal i n that i t made the Valley a  t o u r i s t spot and "put i t on the map".  To most conservationists, i t was  important as i t made i t easier to maintain r e l a t i o n s with friends and family i n Anahim Lake r e i n f o r c i n g the highly valued sense of community. Local-Level P o l i t i c a l Goals i n B e l l a Coola In the l a s t 10 years there have been at l e a s t 23 projects that were subject to some degree of l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . This l i s t i s by no means exhaustive,  but i t does include the projects  s t i l l mentioned at the time of the study: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.  The construction of a Post O f f i c e b u i l d i n g . The re-surveying and paving of the Highway. The construction of a breakwater for the f i s h i n g wharf and dredging of the dock area. The replacement of the l o c a l telephone and power company by B.C. Telephone and the B.C. Hydro Authority. The construction of a liquor store. The h a l t i n g of Tweedsmuir Park logging. The dredging and dyking of the r i v e r channel i n various places. The construction of a t e l e v i s i o n repeater station. The extension of the Hagensborg waterworks. The building of an a i r s t r i p . The construction of a class "C" park (with a swimming hole). The construction of a swimming pool. The construction of a dump. The construction of a new exhibition h a l l for the f a l l f a i r . The construction of a museum.  117  16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.  The construction of tennis courts. The publication of the Valley Echo (newspaper). A cleanup of the graveyard. The i n s t a l l a t i o n and operation of dock l i g h t s . The development of a s k i run with a tow rope. The construction of a shed for a f i r e t r u c k to serve the valley (not to serve the townsite or reserve). The construction of a friendship house on the reserve. The r a i s i n g of money for the h o s p i t a l through logging one-half m i l l i o n board feet of donated timber. Of a l l these projects, eight involved only l o c a l p e t i t i o n i n g  to government authorities.  Once these eight projects (numbered 1 to 8  on the l i s t ) had been accepted by the government, the only involvement l o c a l persons could possibly have would be as hired employees to carry out the r e a l i z a t i o n .  Six projects (numbered 9 to 14 on the l i s t ) i n -  volved both a p e t i t i o n to a government authority and l o c a l organization and labour.  volunteer  Six projects (numbered 15 to 20 on the l i s t )  did not require p e t i t i o n s outside the Valley.  Three projects (num-  bered 21 to 23 on the l i s t ) required the cooperation  of a l o c a l rep-  resentative of a government agency or metropolis-based corporation. They were however, b a s i c a l l y i n t e r n a l to the Valley i n development and completion.  For example, the f i r e truck to be housed i n the shed  (project number 21) was  owned by Northern Pulpwood.  Generally, the goals of the l a s t ten years have been achieved. Five of the " p e t i t i o n only" projects have been r e a l i z e d ; two have been p a r t i a l l y met. unachieved.  Only the h a l t i n g of logging i n Tweedsmuir Park remains  Valley p o l i t i c i a n s continue to fight for this issue.  of the " p e t i t i o n and l o c a l labour" projects have been completed. remaining two are nearly r e a l i z e d . have been r e a l i z e d .  Four The  Of the remaining nine projects, s i x  Three were never c a r r i e d through.  Altogether,  the  118  V a l l e y has completed  f o u r t e e n completed  p r o j e c t s , f o u r on-going o r p a r t i a l l y  p r o j e c t s , and t h r e e f a i l u r e s from t h i s  list.  I t would be wrong to say t h a t the h i g h number o f s u c c e s s e s over f a i l u r e s i s due t o the s e l e c t i v e memories o f l o c a l p e o p l e .  Both  l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s and p o l i t i c a l l y a p a t h e t i c B e l l a C o o l a r e s i d e n t s c i t e d i s u n i t y and incompletedness  as the b i g problem w i t h l o c a l  projects.  L o o k i n g at those p r o j e c t s that r e q u i r e d more l o c a l l e a d e r s h i p and t i c i p a t i o n than p e t i t i o n i n g six  (numbers 15 and 23 on the l i s t ) we  s u c c e s s e s and t h r e e f a i l u r e s .  par-  find  W i t h i n the s u c c e s s e s however, the  museum has not opened r e g u l a r l y s i n c e i t was  f i n i s h e d , the V a l l e y Echo  e v e n t u a l l y f o l d e d , and the r e s e r v e f r i e n d s h i p house (which took v e r y little  l a b o u r to e r e c t ) h a s now  been t u r n e d over to the I n d i a n s w i t h no  c o n t i n u i n g support from the w h i t e community. l i g h t s remain  as on-going  Furthermore,  Only the s k i run and  dock  l o c a l l y achieved p o l i t i c a l goals.  i n those p r o j e c t s r e q u i r i n g b o t h  petitioning  and l o c a l work, the c o m p l e t i o n u s u a l l y came s l o w l y , and w i t h many f a l s e starts.  To l i v e w i t h a p a r t i a l l y  y e a r s , or a p a r t i a l l y  f i n i s h e d swimming p o o l f o r over f o u r  f i n i s h e d park f o r t e n , l e a d s to a f e e l i n g o f r e -  l i e f , not accomplishment, on i t s c o m p l e t i o n . The  l o n g s t a t e of i n c o m p l e t i o n o f p r o j e c t s i s e x p l a i n e d i n  s e v e r a l ways by V a l l e y p e o p l e .  Those who  work a c t i v e l y a t p r o j e c t s  " t h e r e are too many t a l k e r s and not enough doers." "cannot  They say t h a t  say,  they  understand" what p e o p l e not i n v o l v e d i n community a f f a i r s do w i t h  t h e i r time.  I t does i n f a c t h o l d t h a t most p r o j e c t s e v o l v e to the  d i c t i o n of a s m a l l number of " d o e r s " . " d o e r s " are g e n e r a l l y overextended.  Perhaps as a r e s u l t of t h i s , Some men  complain o f h a v i n g a  juristhe meeting  119  of one  group o r another  every n i g h t .  more t h i n g s would get done, but where."  According  everyone i s busy running around  to some people,  interest  as i n t e r e s t i n the swimming p o o l grew. p o o l was  " I f t h e r e were fewer meetings,  But  every-  i n the t e n n i s c o u r t s waned;: i n t e r e s t i n the swimming  cut s h o r t by the d r i v e t o r a i s e funds f o r a T.V.  relay station.  Because of the s m a l l s c a l e of B e l l a Coola s o c i e t y , the f a l t e r i n g s i n v o l v e d i n the completion  o f p r o j e c t s a r e p u b l i c l y known.  The C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of L o c a l L e v e l P o l i t i c s to the Great Example and C u r r e n t P r o j e c t s We  Apply  can examine the Great Example i n terms of the c h a r a c t e r -  i s t i c s of l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s can  i n B e l l a C o o l a as They  i n B e l l a Coola.  compare c u r r e n t p r o j e c t s to the Great  At the same time  Example and  the l i s t  of  we char-  acteristics.  1)  In B e l l a C o o l a n e a r l y a l l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y moves out of the V a l l e y at some p o i n t i n o r d e r to r e t u r n w i t h p r e r o g a t i v e s and/or c a p i t a l carry  to  on. From the p e r i o d of the Norwegian s e t t l e m e n t  through the V a l l e y was government.  the wagon road  the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and p r o p e r t y of the  L o c a l involvement  the government r o u t e was  was  surveyed  to be o n l y as p a i d l a b o u r .  provincial However,  by crews from o u t s i d e the V a l l e y .  G e n e r a l l y , the o u t s i d e government crews worked i n the summer when cond i t i o n s were b e s t .  They were not o f t e n open to l o c a l s u g g e s t i o n s  roads were f r e q u e n t l y put became impassable i n the S p r i n g .  with  i n the l e a s t a p p r o p r i a t e of p l a c e s .  and  They  the a r r i v a l of r a i n i n the F a l l and w i t h f r e s h e t  E s p e c i a l l y i n the a r e a of the Nusatsum R i v e r , 15  miles  120  up the B e l l a C o o l a from the sea, l o c a l s have o f t e n had government road and b u i l d one.  t h e i r own  the B e l l a C o o l a .  of  the canyon.  The  official  gravel flood p l a i n before i t joins  r i v e r c o n s t a n t l y s h i f t s i t s bed w i t h i n t h i s  s i d e of the r i v e r to t h i s gorge  often impossible. area and b u i l d  flowing.  i t s own  risk.  The  was  provincial  it.  to  a low b r i d g e at whatever p o i n t s  At the time of the study, the f l o o d p l a i n  g r a v e l road through  was  dangerous  The b e s t l o c a l s o l u t i o n  the p o s s e s s i o n of Crown Z e l l e r b a c h who  year-round  plain.  always been to b r i d g e the r i v e r a t the mouth  the grades so poor, t h a t i n w i n t e r t r a v e l was  a c r o s s the f l o o d  the r i v e r was  a broad  road up e i t h e r  i n s p r i n g i t was  drive  in  The  government t a c t i c has  so rough, and and  b r i d g e downstream from the  The Nusatsum R i v e r comes down a narrow canyon, but i t opens out -  f o r the l a s t m i l e o r so i n t o  The  to abandon the  maintained  T h i s was  government was  a good  was  quality  used by l o c a l t r a f f i c completing  a permanent  b r i d g e and good q u a l i t y highway up both s i d e s o f the canyon a t the of  the  at  time  study. I n r e g a r d to the highways t h e r e f o r e , the l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n  had h i s t o r i c precedents own  hands.  highway  was  their  building: a l o n g a known r o u t e , they'd stop us  l a n d they b u i l t through was  had no r i g h t s at  construction into  However, they r e a l l y had no p r e r o g a t i v e s i n the a r e a of  I f we were b u i l d i n g away. The  f o r t a k i n g t h e i r c a r e and  t h i s time.  to t h i s l a n d . I t was  mainly p r o v i n c i a l parkland.  Tweedsmuir P a r k , however, was  b a r e l y known about o u t s i d e the a r e a .  p r e s e n t e d by government over  this.  right  Again,  they  not  endangered  No  challenge  121  Regarding prerogatives  therefore, we can say that the road  builders of B e l l a Coola had none and sought none once they had to go ahead with their project.  decided  They had, however, approached the  correct people i n the P r o v i n c i a l Department of Public Works before taking their own  action.  It was  only the exhaustion of these l e g i t i -  mate actions that led to the l o c a l , i l l e g i t i m a t e i n i t i a t i v e . The road over the mountains was  b u i l t for $58,000 i n provin-  c i a l government funds and $4,000 i n donations from the B e l l a Coola population.  This $4,000 amounts to a l i t t l e more than $3.00 a person  over the two year period of road b u i l d i n g .  Although the story of the  road as told above does not state i t , considerable e f f o r t went into r a i s i n g the much needed $4,000. raffles.  Local businessmen donated items to  The F a l l F a i r Association held benefit dances.  Even more im-  portant, the members of the Board of Trade made outright cash donations: X said "the only way we'll get this road i s by putting up the money ourselves." He slapped f i f t y dollars on the table of the Board of Trade and asked everyone to match him. But for a l l of this the Valley population could not accumulate within i t s own boundaries nearly enough c a p i t a l to b u i l d the road.  The  dis-  tance of B e l l a Coola from the seat of government had dulled the need for  legal prerogatives; i t had not affected the need for c a p i t a l . The main project of 1970 was  pool — 1966  the completion of a swimming  the community project to celebrate the p r o v i n c i a l centennial of  and the federal centennial of 1967.  For these centennial years  the p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments offered communities grants to b u i l d commemorative projects. 1963,  Based on a population estimate for June 1,  the grants followed a "per head" formula.  On the condition that  122  the l o c a l p e o p l e r a i s e d $1.40 f e r e d $1.00  and  per  c a p i t a , the f e d e r a l government o f -  the p r o v i n c i a l government $.60.  ernment added another $.40  per head grant  The  p r o v i n c i a l gov-  f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and  pro-  gramming . The grants.  B e l l a C o o l a V a l l e y committee r e c e i v e d $2,552.00 i n  O r i g i n a l l y , the V a l l e y people had  tributions —  or c l o s e to $7.00 a p e r s o n ( i n c l u d i n g r e s e r v e and  reserve populations). had  to meet w i t h  province  committee, i n o r d e r  The  house, and  b u i l t , and  l a b o u r ran out b e f o r e  t o i l e t s c o u l d be b u i l t  s h o r t p e r i o d , was  to b o l s t e r i t . discussed  Enough c a p i t a l was  p o o l i t s e l f was  years.  drained,  grants,  f i l l e d with  r a i s e d to get  an e n c l o s u r e ,  no  ( I n 1970,  the p r o j e c t was  for a  s a t unattended  source of c a p i t a l o u t s i d e the V a l l e y reactivated —  left  this w i l l  be  to l e a d e r s h i p , below.)  the 23 p r o j e c t s o u t l i n e d on pages 116  f i v e r e q u i r e d a b s o l u t e l y no t e r n a l to the V a l l e y o t h e r Five required dealings with  contact with  and  117  above, o n l y  a u t h o r i t i e s or agencies  ex-  than r e g u l a r b u i l d i n g standards a u t h o r i t i e s . f e d e r a l government a g e n c i e s .  these cases f e d e r a l c a p i t a l was p r o v i n c i a l agencies.  installed.  decks, changing  I t operated  r a i n water and  the  the p r o j e c t  f i l t e r i n g equipment  f o r the p o o l .  There was  i n regard Of  to o b t a i n the  non-  a p r o v i n c i a l r e g u l a t o r y committee which toured  However, money and  f o r two  The  f o r t h i s purpose.  underway.  pledged $11,061.31 i n con-  sought.  I n f o u r of  Eight required dealings  with  I n these e i g h t cases p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l was  One  project required dealings with  a f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l agency.  was  sought.  One  case r e q u i r e d d e a l i n g s w i t h  was  sought.  The  remaining case i n v o l v e d the U n i t e d  Crown Z e l l e r b a c h .  sought. Capital  Capital  Church H o s p i t a l .  123  No c a p i t a l was sought as the church h o s p i t a l was t h e r e c i p i e n t o f t h e products of the p r o j e c t .  2)  National level  and P r o v i n c i a l p a r t y  p o l i t i c s a r e not important t o l o c a l  politics. While l o c a l c l u b s  t i e s e x i s t i n the V a l l e y ,  o f n a t i o n a l and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l  they a r e n o t the avenues o f c o n t a c t  l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l p a r t i e s o r a g e n c i e s .  Credit party. that  The l e a d e r s  I t received  between  The road over the  mountains was s t a r t e d w h i l e the C o n s e r v a t i v e - L i b e r a l power i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  par-  c o a l i t i o n was i n  i t s support from the new S o c i a l  o f the committee f o r the road were n o t a t  time S o c i a l C r e d i t P a r t y  members.  The r i d i n g i n c l u d i n g the V a l l e y  d i d n o t e l e c t a S o c i a l C r e d i t member o f l e g i s l a t u r e i n t h e 1952 government.  ( I n f a c t , the r i d i n g c o n s i s t e n t l y sent a CCF-NDP member t o t h e  p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e u n t i l the mid-1960's.) Some Board of Trade members — 1950's onward —  were s t r o n g l y  e s p e c i a l l y from the l a t e  socialist i n provincial politics.  men worked w i t h o t h e r Board o f Trade members of S o c i a l C r e d i t  These  leanings.  D i v i s i o n s i n the Board of Trade were n o t and a r e n o t based on l o n g standing party  a f f i l i a t i o n s , but r a t h e r  as o u t l i n e d i n the d i s c u s s i o n  on i d e o l o g i c a l disagreements  of factions  above.  There was a time i n B e l l a C o o l a ' s p a s t when government p o s i t i o n s such as S u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f Highways f o l l o w e d filiations.  A change i n p a r t y  p o l i t i c a l party a f -  i n power was f o l l o w e d  by a change o f  Highways S u p e r i n t e n d e n t .  The e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a c i v i l  s i o n has v i r t u a l l y h a l t e d  this.  service  commis-  "Pork b a r r e l l i n g " does e x i s t however,  124  i n the form of e l e c t i o n promises.  As the V a l l e y i s unorganized  ter-  r i t o r y , a l l major p u b l i c works a r e c a r r i e d out by the p r o v i n c i a l government as r u r a l s e r v i c e s . done, they cannot  While l o c a l s can p e t i t i o n f o r work t o be  force issues.  The much p e t i t i o n e d - f o r p a v i n g o f t h e  t o w n s i t e s t r e e t s and v a l l e y highway became p a r t o f t h e p l a t f o r m of a S o c i a l C r e d i t c a n d i d a t e i n the m i d - s i x t i e s . gan.  A f t e r her e l e c t i o n the paving be-  Anahim Lake now has a d i e s e l e l e c t r i c g e n e r a t o r , which, a c c o r d -  i n g to l o c a l p e o p l e , was a product o f t h e same e l e c t i o n . as the working  of l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s  t i e s are not a f a c t o r .  i s concerned,  But as f a r  the p o l i t i c a l  par-  The V a l l e y committees always f a c e the o u t s i d e  governments as "spokesmen f o r a l l the V a l l e y . "  Party i s not o f t e n  referred to i n l o c a l dealings.  3)  The s t r e n g t h o f support from the p o p u l a t i o n w i l l  depend on how w e l l  the p r o j e c t s e r v e s the m a j o r i t y g o a l o f i n c r e a s e d a c c e s s t o m e t r o p o l i s goods and models. The  road over the mountains i s the g r e a t example o f a com-  munity endeavour i n B e l l a C o o l a because i t i s the m a t e r i a l r e a l i z a t i o n of the g r e a t e s t d r i v e among the p e o p l e .  Repeatedly  t h e people  speak  of the reason the road was s u p p o r t e d : ... because p e o p l e wanted t o be a b l e to get o u t . We were trapped h e r e . We c a l l i t the Freedom Road. I t got you out of the r u t . Everyone — w e l l 90 p e r cent of t h e V a l l e y — backed i t w h o l e h e a r t e d l y . Everyone has n o t been unanimous i n the same way ever s i n c e . Now some want a museum, some want a swimming p o o l . They don't g e t t o g e t h e r . But the road was wanted by everybody. And, U n t i l the road, a l o t o f p e o p l e had never been out o f the V a l l e y because i t was so e x p e n s i v e . I t was more j u s t knowing t h e r e was a way out than a n y t h i n g e l s e t h a t was i m p o r t a n t .  125  And, There was some d i s p u t e as t o where i t ( t h e road) s h o u l d go, but p e o p l e minimized t h i s because they wanted i t so bad and knew they had t o get t o g e t h e r to get a i d from the o u t s i d e . E v e r y t h i n g i n the V a l l e y was d i r e c t e d at the road — money from dances, r a f f l e s , and o u t r i g h t c o n t r i b u t i o n s . Even Crown Zellerbach contributed. The cook worked f o r f r e e and companies gave t h e i r men's l a b o u r . Although the V a l l e y p e o p l e only p r o v i d e d $4,000 o f the c a p i t a l cost o f the p r o j e c t , t h i s was a c o n s i d e r a b l e  sum f o r t h e V a l l e y a t t h a t  time.  L o g g i n g had j u s t s t a r t e d to g a i n momentum and cash was n o t i n s u r p l u s . In recent  projects,  the unanimity t h a t accompanied t h e b u i l d -  i n g o f the mountain road has been l a c k i n g . sest to equalling  The p r o j e c t  t h a t came c l o -  i t was the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a T.V. r e l a y s t a t i o n .  Because of the c o a s t a l mountains and the great serviced population  centres,  C o o l a was v e r y poor. nightfall. construct  distance  r a d i o and t e l e v i s i o n r e c e p t i o n  from  i n Bella  No e l e c t r o n i c r e c e i v i n g s e t s were u s e a b l e b e f o r e  I n the l a t e 1950's the Board o f Trade p e t i t i o n e d the CBC t o a T.V. b o o s t e r s t a t i o n which would s e r v i c e t h e V a l l e y .  p e t i t i o n was n o t met as the V a l l e y p o p u l a t i o n m e r i t the f e d e r a l expense.  The  was n o t l a r g e enough to  By the m i d - s i x t i e s ,  an a s s o c i a t i o n was formed  independent o f t h e Board o f Trade w i t h t h e g o a l o f b u i l d i n g a r e l a y s t a t i o n f o r the V a l l e y i f the f e d e r a l government would not. a s s o c i a t i o n charges an i n i t i a l $50 membership f e e . monthly f e e o f $7.50. b u i l d the s t a t i o n .  Enough s u b s c r i b e r s  These s u b s c r i b e r s  I t a l s o charges a  were o b t a i n e d i n the V a l l e y t o  have c o n t i n u e d t o s u p p o r t i t . The  f e d e r a l government does n o t b e a r any o f the s t a t i o n c o s t . "official"  relay  station.)  The T.V.  ( I t i s n o t an  126  The T.V. i s r e a l l y e x p e n s i v e to keep going. I f i t goes o f f , the V a l l e y r e s i d e n t s have to pay to f i x i t . W i t h i n h a l f an hour of i t s b e i n g back i n o p e r a t i o n a g a i n , everyone i n the V a l l e y knows .... The i t was  s t a t i o n was  responsible  such a s u c c e s s i n f a c t  f o r the f i n a n c i a l problems and  b u i l d i n g of the c e n t e n n i a l swimming p o o l . served  the m a j o r i t y  goals  models, the s t a t i o n was  of i n c r e a s e d  As  t h a t many p e o p l e long delay  in  claim  the  the p r o j e c t which b e s t  access to m e t r o p o l i s  goods  a b l e to g a t h e r most of the c a p i t a l i n the  and Valley  a v a i l a b l e f o r l o c a l p r o j e c t s i n the m i d - s i x t i e s . I n examining those p r o j e c t s on pages 116 required hold  considerable  true.  The  a swimming p o o l .  c o u r t s , a shed to s e r v e  graveyard.  The  to  completed p r o j e c t s have  o u t r i g h t f a i l u r e s have been  a f i r e engine, and  life  styles.  The  to s p o r t s which can be  which a l s o b e l o n g to the c o u n t r y .  a c l e a n i n g up of  swimming p o o l and  the  p o l i s s t a t u s system of goods.  The  s k i run, on the o t h e r hand,  I t was  a  leadership  are  de-  e n t r a n c e i n t o a metro-  success.  Participation in local-level political I n i t i a t i o n and  tennis courts  s o p h i s t i c a t e d i n an urban sense, but  mands a heavy investment i n consumer goods and  4)  above t h a t  None of these p r o j e c t s improves the V a l l e y ' s a c c e s s to met-  r o p o l i s goods and accessories  117  or c a p i t a l , t h i s r u l e c o n t i n u e s  most p o o r l y s u p p o r t e d of the  been a museum and tennis  l o c a l labour  and  a c t i o n i s not widespread.  of p r o j e c t s i s p r o v i d e d  by  a s m a l l number  of people. I t i s p o s s i b l e to p o i n t out w i t h i n B e l l a C o o l a the of men  who  handful  have been d e c i s i v e i n the d i r e c t i o n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s  has  127  taken over the p a s t twenty y e a r s .  These men  p o s i t i o n , and the community i s aware. political  s i t u a t i o n i n these  are c o n s c i o u s of  their  A V a l l e y l e a d e r d e s c r i b e d the  terms:  Most t h i n g s a r e s t a r t e d by one i n d i v i d u a l . There i s a group c l o s e to him t h a t work on these p r o j e c t s and t h e r e i s a wider group t h a t comes on s t r o n g a t f i r s t and f a d e s away. O f t e n i t i s the same people t h a t are i n a l l groups. Things work u n t i l the need passes and then fade o f f — f o r example, the coopera t i v e lumber company. P r o j e c t s X, Y, and Z a r e a l l w i t h i n the same group o f people. Mr. A.B. i s the i n s p i r a t i o n w i t h o u t which p r o j e c t X would f a i l . Mr. C D . i s the r a l l y i n g p o i n t f o r p r o j e c t Y. Mr. E.F. i s the o r g a n i z e r f o r p r o j e c t Z. About f i v e people do a l l the o r g a n i z i n g i n the V a l l e y . Other V a l l e y people d i d not have such a developed t h e o r y t o o f f e r : I don't know what these people who never do any community t h i n g s do w i t h t h e i r time. I t s u r e must be n i c e . (This i n f o r m a n t ' s husband was an e x c e e d i n g l y a c t i v e p r o j e c t worker.) The t r o u b l e w i t h p e o p l e i s t h a t no one w i l l do the work. When you o r g a n i z e a p r o j e c t they a l l fade away and expect you to do i t . For t h e r e are two  those people who  are not a c t i v e i n l o c a l l e v e l  politics  common a r t i c u l a t i o n s , i f a n y t h i n g i s a r t i c u l a t e d on the  subject at a l l .  The f i r s t  i s a r e f e r e n c e to "they".  swimming p o o l would be f i l l e d  When asked i f the  d u r i n g the summer a woman answered:  ... maybe i n t e n y e a r s . I t was supposed to be f i n i s h e d t h r e e y e a r s ago as a c e n t e n n i a l p r o j e c t . They r a n out of money. A second  type of answer —  s i s t s of " i t ' s In  a l lbull"  most f r e q u e n t l y from younger people — or "don't b e l i e v e i t " .  a sense the a t t i t u d e o f the n o n - p a r t i c i p a n t s can be  as a k i n d o f a l i e n a t i o n . cal  hands and c a p i t a l .  con-  seen  For c e r t a i n l y many p r o j e c t s do r e q u i r e more l o P a r t i c i p a t i o n , i t would appear, would be welcomed  by those a l r e a d y i n v o l v e d .  The  swimming p o o l , f o r example, l a n g u i s h e d  128  four years 1970 mum  f o r l a c k of l o c a l labour  and c a p i t a l .  only because a new committee w i l l i n g f i n i s h i n g s had taken charge.  I t f i n a l l y opened i n  to s e t t l e f o r temporary m i n i -  A good p a r t o f the l a b o u r  t o complete  the p o o l was s u p p l i e d by l o c a l boys s e r v i n g suspended sentences r e q u i r i n g community " s e r v i c e " . weeks o f opening.  The p o o l f a c e d a d a i l y t h r e a t of c l o s u r e w i t h i n  Those who had served  not have the time o r energy t o m a i n t a i n  on the b u i l d i n g committee d i d operations.  The w i f e o f one o f  the most a c t i v e community members (and an a c t i v e worker h e r s e l f ) r e peated how welcome new p a r t i c i p a n t s would be: The swimming p o o l needs l i f e guards r i g h t now and G.H. ( t o whom the l e a d e r s h i p o f the p r o j e c t had f a l l e n ) w i l l o n l y accept o u t - r i g h t v o l u n t e e r s . I . J . i s the o n l y r e a l l y q u a l i f i e d p e r s o n i n the V a l l e y . She has s a i d she w i l l teach and l i f e - g u a r d but w i l l not s u p e r v i s e the o p e r a t i o n . I don't see why some o f these p e o p l e who j u s t s i t around c o u l d n ' t do i t . However, what was r e a l l y b e i n g  asked f o r here  c a r r y out the schemes o f the s m a l l c o r e o f p o l i t i c i a n s . being  asked t o j o i n the " l e a d e r s c i r c l e " .  -were p e o p l e to They were n o t  They were b e i n g  asked t o  j o i n the t e r t i a r y o r a t t h e most secondary r i n g o f w i l l i n g workers — p o s i t i o n that o f f e r s l i t t l e v a l u e systems.  a  p r e s t i g e i n t r a d i t i o n a l V a l l e y or metropolis  When t h e m a j o r i t y o f B e l l a Coola people r e f e r to a "they"  t h a t c a r r i e s on l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s ,  t h e r e f o r e , they a r e acknowledging  the r e a l e x i s t e n c e o f a l e a d e r s h i p group t o which they do n o t belong. One r e s u l t o f t h i s i s that v o l u n t e e r s l e v e l f o r most p r o j e c t s a r e newcomers. w i l l i n g volunteers  a t the simple  working  Leaders endure f o r decades, but  are generally l e s s durable.  As soon as a new p e r s o n  moves i n t o t h e V a l l e y , he i s apt t o be approached t o work on p r o j e c t s . If  he shows any promise at a l l ,  the l o c a l s w i l l ask him to head a com-  129  mittee.  Generally he w i l l not succeed, and a l l but the rare bright  newcomers quickly f a l l from l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l involvement.  Those  that do succeed w i l l stay on to replenish the aging core. One exception to this general rule involves worthwhile charity drives.  A l o c a l man donated one-half m i l l i o n board feet of standing  timber to the h o s p i t a l .  Labour support was extensive for the project  of logging this timber.  This was a project that required planning  skills  many of the regular p o l i t i c i a n s lacked, i t was of short duration, and was an immediately obvious good w i l l goal. In connection with the mountain road, leadership became very much c r y s t a l i z e d i n that i t formed at that time a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y organized association — core —  the B e l l a Coola D i s t r i c t Board of Trade.  the directorate —  consisted of four logging operators  and supervisors), four businessmen, the l o c a l highways and a farmer. active.  The superintendent  The  (owners  superintendent,  of the major logging company was also  The mountain road was rather exceptional i n drawing such a large  core of workers.  The Board of Trade, outside of the directorate, included  most other l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c i a n s at the time.  The Board of Trade claims  the Valley donated $20,000 worth of planning besides  the $4,000 i n c a p i t a l .  Non-board members agree that this i s a f a i r assessment. the Board members who donated the time. on the project, most worked for wages.  I t was however,  While many Valley people worked The Board members and the occa-  s i o n a l worker ( l i k e the cook) worked for the accomplishment of the goal, and the people who ran the r a f f l e s and dances received no monetary r e wards.  The regular labourers, however, besides working for the goal,  130  worked for t h e i r material l i v i n g .  Involvement  i n the project f o r the  goal's sake therefore, was more widespread than usual but did not break the general rule of narrow p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  5)  Leadership i n l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s f a l l s to those people who are i n occupations allowing them to be readily available when community needs arise and tying them to the outside world.  Furthermore,  lea-  ders must possess s u f f i c i e n t material wealth to appear reasonably "middle c l a s s . " The leadership of the mountain road project was not representative of the Valley at that time.  One-third of the population i s Indian.  None of the directors of the Board of Trade were Indians.  A quarter of  the white labour force (and probably over half of the Indian labour force) were fishermen.  None of the directors were fishermen.  Logging, which  provided 29 per cent of the white labour force with work (and probably a smaller portion of the Indian labour force with work) was amply represented.  But the four men on the Board and involved i n logging were owners  and supervisors. No wage earning loggers were on the Board.  While four  of the ten directors were businessmen, only 4.5 per cent of the Valley labour force (not including the reserve which had no businessmen) was involved i n sales and c l e r i c a l services.  One director was a farmer.  Twelve per cent of the Valley labour force farmed.  The remaining director  was the Superintendent of Highways. A l l of these men were i n positions that allowed them to govern their own time.  I f they had to be at a meeting or event at a precise  time, they nearly always could make i t . ception of the farmer —  Furthermore —  with the ex-  these men were i n positions that had connected  them with the world ext e r i o r to the Valley.  Half of the men had been  131  born outside  the V a l l e y .  Of  the o t h e r s ,  s e v e r a l had  j o i n the armed f o r c e s i n the Second World War. perienced  left  They were the most  b r o k e r s the community had w i t h the m e t r o p o l i s .  bosses h e l d p o s i t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y i n the o c c u p a t i o n a l sequently  had  the s k i l l s of o r g a n i z a t i o n .  t h e i r l i v i n g by b r i n g i n g  The  t o r a t e ^members were a v e r y  special elite  to  ex-  logging  businessmen, who  conmade  to the V a l l e y ,  government.  The  direc-  t h a t , w h i l e not v o c a l i z i n g  t h e i r e l i t e n a t u r e , took command of the p r o j e c t and The  The  w o r l d and  the s e r v i c e s of the m e t r o p o l i s  knew the s t r u c t u r e of p r o v i n c i a l b u s i n e s s and  the V a l l e y  saw  i t through.  added p r e r e q u i s i t e of a "middle c l a s s " show of  w e a l t h i s an i n d i c a t o r to the l o c a l p e o p l e of the p o t e n t i a l  material  leader's  competence i n b u s i n e s s and work as w e l l as h i s normalcy i n w o r l d view. ai,.term used by V a l l e y p e o p l e a l t h o u g h not  " M i d d l e C l a s s " was As  extensively.  o u t l i n e d i n Chapter IV above, to be m i d d l e c l a s s i n B e l l a C o o l a means  to own  ( o r at l e a s t rent)  not be  run down or o v e r l y weathered.  The  y a r d s h o u l d be  The  house should  l e a s t one  be  a house t h a t i s kept i n good r e p a i r .  c l e a n and  t r i m , but  Preferably  i t should  be  It  should  painted.  needn't be h i g h l y c u l t i v a t e d .  equipped w i t h r e l a t i v e l y modern a p p l i a n c e s . .  modern c a r or l i g h t t r u c k i s a n e c e s s i t y —  At  a second c a r  or  pick-up i s b e t t e r . Since  the b u i l d i n g of the mountain road, many of the  p e r s o n n e l i n v o l v e d i n l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s have changed. have r e t i r e d . considerable  Some have moved from B e l l a C o o l a . c o n t i n u i t y i n the l e a d e r s h i p  the V a l l e y and  taken up  circle.  leadership positions.  The  actual  older  However t h e r e i s New  men  A group of  have  men still  entered  long-standing  132  s c h o o l t e a c h e r s i s e s p e c i a l l y important i n t h i s r e g a r d .  At the time o f  the mountain road c o n s t r u c t i o n , t e a c h e r s were j u s t b e g i n n i n g t o be o c c u p a t i o n a l presence i n the V a l l e y . though  t u r n o v e r was  s t i l l high —  By the time o f the study  —  a core o f t e a c h e r s had endured  V a l l e y l o n g enough to be w e l l known and a c c e p t e d as permanent  an  i n the  residents.  These people p r o v i d e d the l e a d e r s h i p f o r the e v e n t u a l c o m p l e t i o n o f the swimming p o o l .  They were a s t r o n g f o r c e i n the Board of Trade  the p r o g r e s s i v e p a r t o f t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n .  bolstering  These t e a c h e r s brought  with  them not o n l y p r a c t i c a l knowledge of the w o r l d e x t e r i o r to B e l l a C o o l a , but an above average knowledge o f m e t r o p o l i s and " g r e a t t r a d i t i o n " ture.  They dominate the p r e s t i g i o u s l i t t l e  Coola's guardians o f l i t e r a c y ,  t h e a t r e group.  they produced  f i v e y e a r s o f e x i s t e n c e i n the l a t e  'fifties  cul-  Being B e l l a  the V a l l e y Echo f o r i t s and e a r l y  'sixties,  and  m a i n t a i n e d a steady i d e o l o g i c a l b a r r a g e " i n t e n d e d to counter Time Magazine." When p r o j e c t s are taken on by people who t r o l o f t h e i r own  time, the p r o j e c t s f a i l .  reason f o r the i n i t i a l  l a c k s k i l l s and  T h i s i s o f t e n c i t e d as the  f a i l u r e o f the swimming p o o l p r o j e c t .  however, do not o c c u r too f r e q u e n t l y , as b i d s f o r important  Such e r r o r s leadership  p o s i t i o n s are not o f t e n made by people w i t h o u t such S j k i l l s and of time.  And when a p r o j e c t of importance  never sought  from such p e o p l e .  o f time were t o i n i t i a t e a major p r o j e c t , he would most l i k e l y  p l e of b e i n g " j u s t i s the f i r s t  freedom find  When V a l l e y " d o e r s " accuse some peo-  t a l k e r s " , they are b e i n g somewhat u n f a i r .  step i n  freedom  i s involved, leadership . i s  I f a p e r s o n w i t h o u t s k i l l s and  h i m s e l f unable to muster s u p p o r t .  con-  b r i n g i n g a p r o j e c t to r e a l i z a t i o n .  "Talking"  Many people  133  who " j u s t t a l k " a r e t r y i n g to r a i s e support not m e r i t response  6)  f o r "doing".  i n t h e form of v e r b a l and a c t u a l  They j u s t do  support.  A l l l e a d e r s and a l l s u p p o r t e r s a r e n o t a c t i v e i n every  project.  There are d i v i s i o n s o r f a c t i o n s w i t h i n the V a l l e y which u n i t e o r come a p a r t as the p o l i t i c a l g o a l f i t s Although  the f a c t i o n a l d e s i r e s o r needs.  the mountain road was the most unanimously  p r o j e c t e v e r undertaken  supported  i n B e l l a C o o l a , i t had i t s d e t r a c t o r s : .  To stop now would mean l o s s o f impetus, and the m e r c i l e s s tongues o f opponents would make another s t a r t a matter o f doubt. And  from v e r b a l i n f o r m a n t s , Everyone — w e l l 90 p e r cent o f the V a l l e y — whole-heartedly.  backed i t  And The road was t h e o n l y t h i n g t h a t everyone worked on and even t h a t hadn't been a l l t h a t unanimous. The mountain road appears  t o have been a s p e c i a l event i n B e l l a  C o o l a i n t h a t most d i f f e r e n c e s between i n t e r e s t groups i n the V a l l e y became i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l o r were overcome i n o r d e r t o c a r r y out the p r o j e c t . Still,  t h e r e were V a l l e y people  ( n o t o r g a n i z e d ) who opposed the p r o j e c t .  There were two grounds  f o r opposing  the road.  One was t h a t  i t would b r i n g too many people i n t o t h e V a l l e y and r u i n i t f o r the p e o p l e already l i v i n g  there.  This i s a p o s i t i o n that the strongest "conserva-  t i o n i s t " f a c t i o n members s u p p o r t . The road has brought no good. The p o p u l a t i o n has g o t t e n b i g g e r ; t h e r e a r e no more j o b s t o go around. T o u r i s t s don't b r i n g a n y t h i n g i n . The Board of Trade and t h e i r promotions are t o blame.  134  The  second  ground f o r o p p o s i t i o n was  t h a t some of the l e a d e r s o f the  road p r o j e c t were seen as h a v i n g p e r s o n a l g a i n g o a l s i n v o l v e d i n the road.  Merchants were e s p e c i a l l y open to t h i s a c c u s a t i o n : K.L. has done more harm t o t h i s community thai anyone e l s e . He.:-, hopes to b r i n g people i n so t h a t they w i l l go t o h i s s t o r e . It's  good f o r b u s i n e s s . The mountain road however, was  not a p r o j e c t of use o n l y to  b u s i n e s s " b o o s t e r s " or to the m a j o r i t y of r e s i d e n t s who creased c o n t a c t w i t h the o u t s i d e w o r l d .  wanted i n -  Mild "conservationists" with  f r i e n d s or f a m i l y i n the C h i l c o t i n o r i n t e r i o r c o u l d see the road as a means of s t r e n g t h e n i n g these bonds. B e f o r e (the road was b u i l t ) to v i s i t P r i n c e George you had to go a l l the way down to Vancouver and back up. I t c o s t so much — $40 a person. So i t was $80 r e t u r n , anyway. Now I f i l l up my tank f o r $4.75 and I can d r i v e up to Anahim Lake and back. You can go to Anahim f o r supper i f you want. The  road i s the Great Example of a l o c a l p r o j e c t i n the  minds of B e l l a C o o l a r e s i d e n t s because i t p r o v i d e d a good reason f o r the m a j o r i t y of p e o p l e i n a l l f a c t i o n s t o support i t . and v a l l e y f a c t i o n s s i m p l y melted  away.  saw  The mountain road was  t o be l o c a t e d i n a s p e c i f i c s e t t l e m e n t .  the road as " p u t t i n g B e l l a C o o l a on the map"  g e n e r a l development.  (b)  not  a  Boosters  and encouraging i t s  T o u r i s t s would be a b l e to d r i v e i n .  would be p a r t of "the w o r l d " .  M e r c a n t i l e B o o s t e r s saw  a p r o f i t on t h i s new  They a l s o saw  traffic.  Townsite  -Both groups would b e n e f i t  e q u a l l y from access to the o u t s i d e w o r l d . s e r v i c e or f a c i l i t y  (a)  Bella  Coola  a chance to make  an o p p o r t u n i t y t o r e g a i n  the west C h i l c o t i n as a t r a d e h i n t e r l a n d . (The west C h i l c o t i n had  turned to W i l l i a m s Lake w i t h the c u t -  t i n g through of the C h i l c o t i n Highway.  The mountain road however, has  135  not allowed B e l l a C o o l a merchants to r e g a i n t h i s market.  I n s t e a d , the  mountain road has made B e l l a C o o l a a minor p a r t of the W i l l i a m s Lake trade h i n t e r l a n d .  The V a l l e y newspaper i s now  the W i l l i a m s Lake T r i -  bune and as mentioned above, some people have g r o c e r i e s s h i p p e d s a l e s i n W i l l i a m s Lake supermarkets. narrow and it.  Because the mountain road i s  t w i s t i n g , v e h i c l e s of o n l y a l i m i t e d s i z e can pass  Logs and  B e l l a Coola —  timber cut e a s t of the c o a s t a l d i v i d e —  through  60 m i l e s  from  cannot be t r a n s p o r t e d t o the c o a s t f o r shipment, but  must go e a s t t o W i l l i a m s Lake.t r u c k s cannot  from  pass  through  L i k e w i s e , o i l and g a s o l i n e tanker  the mountains.  Anahim Lake, the market  which B e l l a C o o l a merchants would l i k e to s u p p l y , r e c e i v e s i t s p e t r o l e u m r  s u p p l i e s from W i l l i a m s Lake. permeation. The  second  The  first  The  road r e a l l y a l l o w s o n l y two  k i n d s of  i s t h a t o f i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y c a r s and t r u c k s .  i s t h a t o f medium s i z e f r e i g h t t r u c k s .  v e h i c l e , i t remains more economical  With t h i s scale of  to d r i v e from Vancouver  W i l l i a m s Lake t o the c o a s t than f r e i g h t up  through  the coast by steamer  and  d r i v e over the mountains to the p l a t e a u . ) Conservationists o n l y people  who.  had  any  (the opposing  tendency  f a c t i o n to b o o s t e r s ) were the  to oppose the road.  However, as  p l a i n e d above, a l l b u t the most extreme c o n s e r v a t i o n i s t s found  reason  to support the road i n the i n c r e a s e d access i t gave to the west (c) Newcomers and V a l l e y people had  felt isolated  f o r years.  t o g e t h e r wanted the road.  ex-  Chilcotin.  Valley  people  U s u a l l y newcomers were q u i c k to share  the  feeling. In like  r e c e n t p r o j e c t s the p l a y of f a c t i o n s has  continued.  the mountain road, r e c e n t p r o j e c t s have not gained "near  Un-  unanimous"  136  support. museum.  Such was the case of the graveyard cleanup  and the f i r s t  The graveyard cleanup was headed by t h e u n d e r t a k e r  and some  V a l l e y p e o p l e accused him o f h a v i n g o n l y a mercenary involvement. it  i s q u e s t i o n a b l e i f a c l e a n graveyard was going t o i n c r e a s e h i s b u s i -  ness.  As he had a monopoly on V a l l e y u n d e r t a k i n g , he d i d not need t h e  publicity.  Gossip however, claimed he d i d have b u s i n e s s m o t i v e s , and  support was n o t f o r t h c o m i n g . at  this  The u n d e r t a k e r was a r e l a t i v e newcomer  time, and V a l l e y people —  t h e i r graveyard! —  embarrassed a t t h e c o n d i t i o n o f  resented h i s i n i t i a t i v e .  The museum was i n i t i a l l y c o l o n i a l Norwegian f a m i l y .  built  a t Hagensborg by a son o f a  To h e l p meet the c o s t s he r a n i t as a  n i g h t c l u b and l a p i d a r y shop f o r t h e f i r s t y e a r . support  came f o r t h e p r o j e c t .  E x t e n s i v e community  I t took the form o f f r e e m a t e r i a l s ,  h a u l i n g and sawing, and e r e c t i o n . of  But  The museum was b u i l t  a t r a d i t i o n a l B e l l a C o o l a I n d i a n house.  The support g e n e r a l l y came  from the v a l l e y ^however, n o t from the t o w n s i t e . Although  a l o n g the l i n e s  The t o w n s i t e merchants  did  n o t support the p r o j e c t .  the Board o f Trade o f f e r e d money  for  the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a museum, the t o w n s i t e f a c t i o n claimed the  museum ( l o c a t e d at Hagensborg) was p r i m a r i l y a "rock shop". the museum f o l d e d .  Eventually  The b u i l d i n g , unused, was moved t o the I n d i a n r e s e r v e  where i t became a f r i e n d s h i p house.  The move was c a r r i e d on by the  K a i r o s Club, a U n i t e d Church group w i t h a membership based m a i n l y on the t o w n s i t e .  The f r i e n d s h i p house i s now c o n s i d e r e d a v o l u n t e e r  p r o j e c t o f t h i s group.  Another b u i l d i n g has been l o c a t e d i n t h e town-  s i t e and i s now the museum.  137  The v a l l e y  f a c t i o n succeeded  swimming p o o l l o c a t e d at Hagensborg.  i n h a v i n g the c e n t e n n i a l  In t h i s c a s e , however, where  f i n a n c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f the whole B e l l a C o o l a p o p u l a t i o n was  re-  q u i r e d f o r the c o m p l e t i o n o f the p r o j e c t as planned, t h i s s u c c e s s encased  a failure.  The  townspeople d i d not h e a v i l y support the p r o -  j e c t when they r e a l i z e d t h e i r c h i l d r e n would have to t r a v e l 12 m i l e s to get to i t . ple l i v i n g  The p o o l was  c l o s e to i t .  finally  completed  through the work of peo-  138  CHAPTER V I I SUMMARY AND  CONCLUSION  I l e f t B e l l a C o o l a s h a r i n g the b e l i e f of the p e o p l e I cont a c t e d t h e r e , t h a t the o r i g i n a l white s e t t l e r s had been  independent  o f f o r c e s e x t e r i o r to the V a l l e y , f u l l y b u i l d i n g t h e i r new as p o l i t i c a l ,  creative  community  men.  The economic d e p r e s s i o n , which i n much o f the N o r t h American c o n t i n e n t sent g r e a t waves of d i s t r e s s , both f i n a n c i a l and p e r s o n a l , over s o c i e t y as a whole and i n d i v i d u a l s s p e c i f i c a l l y , touched l i g h t l y on the B e l l a C o o l a p o p u l a t i o n . I n s u l a t e d by t h r e e hundred m i l e s of w i l d e r n e s s i n every d i r e c t i o n , shocks were s o f t e n e d by time and d i s t a n c e when they reached B e l l a C o o l a . The weekly m a i l , which a r r i v e d on the f a i t h f u l , f r i e n d l y Union Steamships v e s s e l every Thursday, c o u l d be t e n days o l d even the day i t arrived."*" Instead, Attuned a l s o to the v a r y i n g f o r t u n e s of the f i s h i n g f l e e t , B e l l a C o o l a s u f f e r e d d e p r e s s i o n o r enjoyed p r o s p e r i t y a c c o r d i n g t o the salmon run and almost d i s r e g a r d e d what was happening i n the o u t s i d e w o r l d . There was always game i n the f o r e s t , p o t a t o e s i n the f i e l d , and f u e l w i t h which to keep warm.^ But such a remembrance s k i p s over the major economic and s o c i a l f o r c e s t h a t a l l o w e d B e l l a C o o l a to become a community at 3 In Chapter I I above, encouraged  I briefly  reviewed  the c o n d i t i o n s i n Norway  t h e o r i g i n a l i m m i g r a t i o n of Norwegians to Mid-western  and f u r t h e r on to B e l l a C o o l a .  all.  that America  I t i s c l e a r t h a t the community of B e l l a  C o o l a i s not the r e s u l t o f simple a c t s o f w i l l on the p a r t o f i t s founders. 1. 2. 3.  These immigrants  were v i r t u a l l y  Kopas, op. c i t . , p. 269. I b i d . , p. 269. See pp. 32-33 above.  e j e c t e d from an o l d w o r l d economy  139  t h a t c o u l d i n no way  support  them.  Throughout the h i s t o r y of B e l l a  Coola,  the major t r e n d s i n the community have been s t i m u l a t e d from o u t s i d e the Valley. The life  e a r l y c o l o n i s t s of B e l l a C o o l a r a p i d l y a d j u s t e d  s t y l e t o t h e i r new  w e l l tuned  environment and economic s i t u a t i o n .  t o hard work and w i l l i n g  l a b o u r to e s t a b l i s h themselves. Norwegian f r e e h o l d e r .  their  They were  to i n v e s t s e v e r a l y e a r s of i n t e n s e  But  t h e i r model remained the w e l l - t o - d o  They were p i o n e e r s not f o r the l o v e of p i o n e e r i n g  and the r u s t i c l i f e , but i n hopes of becoming the most n o b l e s o r t men  t h e i r o l d w o r l d e x p e r i e n c e gave them knowledge o f .  a h a r d s h i p to them; they had never sought i s o l a t i o n and It in  B e l l a Coola  was  a freedom b o r n of h o p e l e s s  poverty. i s c e r t a i n l y t r u e t h a t the d e p r e s s i o n was  e a s i e r to s u r v i v e  a r u r a l s e t t i n g t h a t c o u l d s u p p l y the b a s i c needs of l i f e  t i o n from the urban cash economy. c o n t r o l l e d by  of  But  t h i s i s o l a t i o n was  the s a t e l l i t e community of B e l l a C o o l a .  in isola-  i n no  As Frank  way outlines  i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e system, i n times of  de-  p r e s s i o n i n the m e t r o p o l i s the s a t e l l i t e w i l l be f r e e r than i n times m e t r o p o l i s boom.  The m e t r o p o l i s does not have the e n e r g i e s or c a p i t a l to  focus on the s a t e l l i t e i n d i f f i c u l t p e r i o d s .  B e l l a Coola, t h e r e f o r e ,  must not be seen as the f r e e community l o c a l h i s t o r y would suggest It  has never had  of  this  Although  i tis.  freedom.  p r e s e n t e d by b o t h p r o v i n c i a l government and  b u s i n e s s as the nascent m e t r o p o l i s of the n o r t h c o a s t of B.C., never "took" as a b u s i n e s s or even a g r i c u l t u r a l c e n t r e . ernment s u r v e y o r moving through  provincial the colony  In 1904,  a gov-  the V a l l e y r e p o r t e d the " s e t t l e r s are not  140  4 v e r y prosperous y e t , f o r l a c k o f money and developed h o l d i n g s . " g r e a t hope o f the V a l l e y — C o o l a Farmers  as r e p o r t e d by a correspondent f o r the B e l l a  I n s t i t u t e t h a t same y e a r —  was  a pulp m i l l  to c e r t a i n l y  be b u i l t , and the c h o o s i n g o f B e l l a C o o l a as the t e r m i n a l f o r the Trunk P a c i f i c Railway.  The pulp m i l l was  was  f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l produce.  Grand  b u i l t , but a t Ocean F a l l s .  The r a i l w a y e v e n t u a l l y went to P r i n c e Rupert. l o c a l o f markets  The  There was  o n l y the most  The c o l o n y ' s c o n t i n u a t i o n  r e l i a n t on money earned through l a b o u r on the wagon road and i n  c o a s t a l f i s h i n g camps By 1912,  as o u t l i n e d i n Chapter I I I above.  the b e g i n n i n g o f the p u b l i c a t i o n o f the B e l l a C o o l a  C o u r i e r , V a l l e y l i f e had s e t t l e d i n t o a r e g u l a r p a t t e r n . items i n the C o u r i e r concerned hopes of t h i n g s t o come.  The main news They t o l d of a  promised r a i l w a y t e r m i n a l , p l a n s to s u b d i v i d e f o r the expected  urban  boom, p l a n s to e s t a b l i s h p r o f i t a b l e f a r m i n g , p o t e n t i a l mining d e v e l o p ments, a development  league to be formed.  And  at the same time the  paper r e c o r d s poor attendance at l o c a l s c h o o l board and o t h e r committee meetings, and complains-  of the l a c k o f power the l o c a l community has i n  d e a l i n g w i t h the p r o v i n c e .  The V a l l e y had become e c o n o m i c a l l y  on f i s h i n g e a r l y i n the c e n t u r y .  dependent  As t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances made i t s wood  r e s o u r c e s a c c e s s i b l e , the V a l l e y swung t o t h i s more rewarding  staple.  Always the involvement w i t h s t a p l e s has meant involvement w i t h n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s f o r B e l l a C o o l a . was  e x t r a c t e d i n i t s m o s t unprocessed  4.  Government o f B r i t i s h O f f i c i a l B u l l e t i n No. I b i d . , p. 117.  5.  N e a r l y always, the s t a p l e  form.  Columbia, A g r i c u l t u r e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 10. Victoria: K i n g s P r i n t e r , 1904, p. 117.  141  The members of B e l l a Coola's w h i t e community have from time to time attempted to e s t a b l i s h l o c a l i n d u s t r i e s . t a i l e d i n the above c h a p t e r s , these metropolis competitors. any  The  l e n g t h o f time have had  few t o be  i n d u s t r i e s have f a i l e d  s m a l l sawmills  imported  p o r a r i l y i n s h o r t supply i n the m e t r o p o l i s .  polis.  the men  as do modern attempts.  by  Although  their  under the p r e s e n t  always been the case. at the t u r n of the  through f o r e s t r y .  The century  b e i n g produced i n T h i s was  appropriated  c o r p o r a t i o n s which c o n t r o l the e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s -  Crown Z e l l e r b a c h i s not  the o n l y l o g g i n g company o p e r a t i n g  from the V a l l e y , i t i s the most r o b u s t , i t has b e s t l a n d h o l d i n g s , and  regime  Lack of l o c a l c a p i t a l c o n s t a n t l y h a r r a s s e d  through f i s h i n g and  the m e t r o p o l i s - b a s e d  tries.  In the e a r n i n g of  l o c a l endeavours y e t a s u r p l u s of c a p i t a l was  the V a l l e y —  varieties  o r lumber t h a t i s tem-  While t h i s c o n d i t i o n i s made more obvious  attempts to e s t a b l i s h l o c a l salmon c a n n e r i e s  these  t h a t have e x i s t e d f o r  of B e l l a C o o l a are o n l y f r e e to respond to the metro-  of Crown Z e l l e r b a c h i n the V a l l e y , i t has  failed  de-  t o match  c a r e f u l to c u t grades and  of lumber t h a t cannot be more cheaply  livings,  N e a r l y always, as  the b e s t equipment, the  the c o n t r o l on the l o c a l pulp market.  It is 6  c o n t r a c t e d to s u p p l y  the pulpwood market —  Ocean F a l l s m i l l .  l o g g i n g companies l e a d a f a r more p r e c a r i o u s e x i s t e n c e . v a t i o n , and p o l l u t i o n laws s e t by m e t r o p o l i s - b a s e d make i t d i f f i c u l t 6.  Local  Health,  conser-  provincial authorities  f o r s m a l l s c a l e l o c a l i n d u s t r i e s to o p e r a t e .  Local  In March o f 1973 the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia purchased the Crown Z e l l e r b a c h town and m i l l at Ocean F a l l s . T h i s was i n r e s ponse to the announced i n t e n t of Crown Z e l l e r b a c h to permanently c l o s e the o p e r a t i o n . The Crown Z e l l e r b a c h C o r p o r a t i o n claimed the m i l l was too i s o l a t e d to operate e c o n o m i c a l l y . The C o r p o r a t i o n w i l l c o n t i n u e t o supply pulpwood and market the p r o d u c t s of the m i l l .  142  dairying control  and  slaughtering are  requirements In  especially the  page  poverty  Within  Bella  showing not  of  the work  less  live  than  than  —  acute  the  model  Coola  to  that  i n great  but  But  do  The  likely  accounts  indicate  That  Bella  Coola  from  first  settlement  Coola  had  7.  and of  other  the  They  they  do  above,  the  base  of  the  have  average incomes  on  other  Coola  majority pays sufficient  insufficient  priorities  mat-  to  Bella the  of  regions.  closest  provide  —  I  satellite  Indians  on  mill.  i t s h o w s no  comes  do  poverty  of  near  However, or  local  Chapter  satellite  industry, which work,  small  (see  segment  above,  indicative  f o r e i g n (Crown Z e l l e r b a c h )  only  occupied  labour  Valley itself, While  province,  Indian  signs  with  trade.  Chile  the  Pollution  or  shabby  expenditures  economic d e p r i v a t i o n . Local  the  the  detailed  they  a  Columbia.  rural  fishing  health.  more  of  regulations.  Frank  material discomfort.  f o r c e i n the  their  as  A.G.  i s clearly  population  poverty,  health  to bankrupt  of  structure i n British similar  are  threatened  ) Bella  logging.  maintain  housing  9  to  Coola's  such  do  to  regard  capitalist  erial  have  impeded by  Bella  a  could  account  t h e r e was  integration  was  activity  satellite  i n the  Coola  m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s have  was  to  resource  definitely  minimal  and  turned  position vis-a-vis 7  for this.  fisheries no  rather than  In  offer  i n a  province  markets.  for other  satellite  metropolis  downward.  the beginning  world  suitable  the  improved  than  position  investment  Bella Within local to  the  low.  The t e r m s u n d e r w h i c h t h e P r o v i n c i a l G o v e r n m e n t a s s i s t e d t h e c o l o n y a r e o u t l i n e d o n p a g e 35 above. From the p r o v i n c i a l p o i n t of view, B e l l a C o o l a was j u s t one o f many c o l o n i e s e s t a b l i s h e d t o extend the development of the p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n .  143  It best  —  in this  a bakery,  logging  into  was  and  the  s t o r e s , and  lumber 8  Valley.  markets.  But  entered  industries.  By  based  quently  labouring primary  the  the  w e r e more and  than  locally  surplus  that  cretionary  income. With  the  produced  undersold  gained  the  i n the  the  a  the  metropolis, surplus  of  entered  men they  s t i l l  of  high-paying  in Valley  not  removed by  the  In  scale  offer.  so  lost  their  left  much  of than  previous  dis-  corporations metropolis  the  the  economic  the  8.  The m e t r o p o l i s - b a s e d V i k i n g L u m b e r Company f i r s t ..brought operation into being. I t was o n l y when d e p r e s s i o n i n the came, t h a t l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e was m o m e n t a r i l y rewarding.  Moreoften  a v a i l a b l e to way  oc-  much more  stores which  corporations  Extensive  satellite  incomes,  this  logging  fishing,  V a l l e y people.  goods were most  forest industry.  Conse-  industrial  metropolis-based  These  them.  Valley  surpassed  metropolis-based rise  metro-  farming,  produced  i n c r e a s i n g l y a v a i l a b l e to o f f e r e d by  the  extractive  large  thorough-going  world  Valley,  accompanied  could  to  metropolis  the  the  co-op  Zellerbach  oriented  c o n t r o l of  operations  becoming  local  obtainable,  subsistence  logging  The Crown  commencement o f  previous  accompanying  merchants.  surplus  the  although  entrance  goods were local  and  So  to  goods became  the  working  the  remaining  the  V a l l e y , and  after  of  d e v e l o p m e n t was  corporations  oriented  simultaneously.  the  these  industrialization  economic  over,  time  entrance  markets were  V a l l e y and  endeavours f l o u r i s h e d  among o t h e r s .  the  this  local  u n i o n s w e r e w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d and  previously  to  the  of  world  the wages r e c e i v e d  operations  curred  l i t t l e  When a p p r e c i a b l e  that  newspaper  company p r e - d a t e d  corporations  polis  early period  those  part  of  Valley  in  the metropolis  144  o r d e r to buy  m e t r o p o l i s produced goods —  of the wealth  l o c a l people  c a p i t a l poor.  consequently  In  spite  remained  f i n d t h e i r way  into  a  a bank, both of which p l a c e these funds i n m e t r o p o l i s -  c o n t r o l l e d investment The  funds,  the bank to a f a r g r e a t e r e x t e n t  the  development.  local belief  that follows t h i s fact i s that everything  p r o g r e s s i v e and m e a n i n g f u l must come from the m e t r o p o l i s . with i t s business  than  e s s e n t i a l p o i n t i s t h a t most l o c a l c a p i t a l i s not  available for local The  show, the V a l l e y has  Those s a v i n g s t h a t are accrued  c r e d i t union and  c r e d i t union.  o f t e n l u x u r y goods.  f a i l i n g s and broken dreams, t e s t i f i e s  local initiative is futile. commodities important  I t i s the m e t r o p o l i s  in life.  p o l i s i s the m a j o r i t y aim  constantly that  t h a t produces  To be more l i k e the people  of people  r e q u i r e d to s a t i s f y these v a l u e s  The V a l l e y ,  i n the s a t e l l i t e .  The  of the metrocommodities  cannot be l o c a l l y produced.  community must consume r a t h e r than c r e a t e c u l t u r e .  the  The  In c u l t u r a l  local develop-  ment, as i n economic development, the V a l l e y community can o n l y a d j u s t to the i n i t i a t i v e s of the  metropolis.  Because of t h i s r e l i a n c e on the m e t r o p o l i s , the most persons i n the community are those economic and and  r e l a t e to the m e t r o p o l i s .  There i s no  important  c u l t u r a l b r o k e r s who  know  l o c a l "bourgeoisie" or entre-  p r e n e u r i a l c l a s s ; t h e r e are o n l y l e a d i n g b r o k e r s . A.G.  Frank, i n d i s c u s s i n g the underdevelopment o f L a t i n America,  states that i n c r e a s i n g interconnectedness duces i n c r e a s i n g p o l a r i t y .  of m e t r o p o l i s and s a t e l l i t e  " T h i s t e n s i o n between the p o l e s becomes  pro-  sharper  u n t i l the i n i t i a t i v e and g e n e r a t i o n of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the system passes from the metropolis p o l e , where i t has been f o r c e n t u r i e s , to the  satellite  145  9 pole."  I f t h i s i s s o , then B e l l a C o o l a must y e t become f a r more i n t e -  g r a t e d w i t h the m e t r o p o l i s f o r the d i a l e c t i c t o work.  Little  from our study suggested such a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i s n a s c e n t . of  B e l l a C o o l a i n no way  satellite  s o c i a l order.  p o l a r i z a t i o n as such. or  The  people  r e l a t e t h e i r d i s c o n t e n t s to the m e t r o p o l i s They do not acknowledge a m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e  They see t h e i r d i s c o n t e n t s a r i s i n g v i s - a - v i s  another i s o l a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n .  one  L i k e the people o f S p r i n g d a l e , they  g e n e r a l l y i d e n t i f y w i t h "the agencies and i n s t i t u t i o n s 10 ing  evidence  t h a t are d e f e a t -  them." The one p o s s i b l e weak spot —  formation —  g r e a t e s t p o s s i b l e source o f t r a n s -  i n the p r e s e n t m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e s t r u c t u r e i s the ease  w i t h which i d e o l o g i e s o f s o c i a l change flow a l o n g s i d e consumer goods from m e t r o p o l i s t o s a t e l l i t e .  At the time the f i e l d work was  undertaken,  V a l l e y r e s i d e n t s c o n t i n u e d t o l o o k backward to the "freedom" and dence of t h e i r grandparents. l o n g i n g i s based on i l l u s i o n .  But, as suggested above, t h i s backward Furthermore,  t h e i r m a t e r i a l l i f e i s b e t t e r now- than e v e r : if  i t was  past.  to  indepen-  V a l l e y people a r e w e l l aware they would not be  interested,  p o s s i b l e , i n t r a d i n g t h e i r p r e s e n t p o s i t i o n f o r t h a t of the  They a r e l e f t w i t h a b e l i e f  the m e t r o p o l i s men  t h a t they are i n f e r i o r men, 11  they a r e , but t o t h e i r a n c e s t o r s .  not o n l y  While p o s s e s s i n g  such a s e l f - i m a g e , i t i s u n l i k e l y t h e i r l o c a l endeavours w i l l change from those o u t l i n e d i n t h i s essay.  A change i n s e l f - i m a g e c o u l d p o s s i b l y  result  from m e t r o p o l i s o r i g i n a t e d i d e o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n s o f the n a t u r e o f s o c i e t y 9. Frank, op. c i t . , p. 150. 10. V i d i c h , op. c i t . , p. x. 11. See pp. 17-19:-above.  146  and  the r i g h t s of men  i n society.  For example, i n B e l l a C o o l a a young  l o g g e r , never h a v i n g been s c h o o l e d i n w e l f a r e t h e o r y , but i n v o l v e d as a shop steward  f o r a m e t r o p o l i s based u n i o n , can t a l k of the need f o r i n -  c l u s i o n of d e n t a l s e r v i c e s b e s i d e s wage i n c r e a s e s i n a new ment.  The  union p r o v i d e s through  him  and o t h e r s l i k e him  which f a i r l y  s o p h i s t i c a t e d r e c e n t concepts  the V a l l e y .  The  and e x p e r i e n c e ,  work  an avenue on  i n worker's w e l f a r e can  long-term V a l l e y r e s i d e n t s , w i t h o n l y l o c a l can  Dnly  the m e t r o p o l i s .  Only  p o l a r i z a t i o n and  the u n d e r s t a n d i n g  enter  resources  p r o v i d e r e a c t i o n a r y e x p l a n a t i o n s of the  t i o n i n which they f i n d themselves.  posi-  A l t e r n a t e e x p l a n a t i o n s come from  i n t h i s r e s p e c t does g r e a t e r i n t e g r a t i o n l e a d to  s a t e l l i t e relationship.  t h a t c o u l d t r a n s f o r m the m e t r o p o l i s -  But n o t h i n g suggests  t h i s must or w i l l happen.  U n t i l such a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n does o c c u r , the community o f B e l l a w i l l not d i r e c t l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n i t s own itical  agree-  development.  Coola  Local-level  a c t i v i t y w i l l p r i m a r i l y s e r v e to u n i t e the s a t e l l i t e w i t h  pol-  the  metropolis. In t h i s paper I have attempted to demonstrate t h a t the metr o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e t h e s i s of A.G. viewing  Frank i s h e l p f u l and  relevant i n re-  the h i s t o r y and s o c i o l o g y of l o c a l Canadian communities.  t h e s i s i s g e n e r a l l y supported  from e t h n o g r a p h i c  m a t e r i a l I gathered i n  B e l l a C o o l a p r i o r to knowledge of t h i s approach. I gathered  a f t e r I had  The  Documentary m a t e r i a l s  embraced t h i s approach a l s o support  the  thesis.  C a p i t a l i s m i n C h i l e and B r a z i l have c e r t a i n l y l e d to a more extreme m a t e r i a l impoverishment"  than i n Canada.  T h i s d i f f e r e n c e i n degree,  however, does not i n v a l i d a t e the c l a i m t h a t B e l l a Coola's been a p p r o p r i a t e d by s u c c e s s i v e m e t r o p o l i s powers.  s u r p l u s has  Frank's  claim  147  t h a t the m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e s t r u c t u r e must r e s u l t i n p o l a r i z a t i o n and eventual  transformation  o f t h e s a t e l l i t e i s not f u l l y supported.  nomic and p o l i t i c a l power i s c e r t a i n l y p o l a r i z e d i n regard C o o l a b u t t e n s i o n between m e t r o p o l i s  to B e l l a  and s a t e l l i t e i s n o t apparent.  Perhaps the r e l a t i v e l y great p e r s o n a l m a t e r i a l wealth allowed C o o l a has p r e v e n t e d the t e n s i o n t h a t Frank p r e d i c t s . the  Eco-  i n Bella  Nothing:  suggests  t e n s i o n c o u l d not develop. I t i s i n t h i s regard  t h a t the m e t r o p o l i s - h i n t e r l a n d  of D a v i s f i t s B e l l a C o o l a b e t t e r than does Frank's scheme.  thesis  D a v i s ack-  nowledges t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f l o n g s t r e t c h e s of l a t e n t c o n f l i c t i n the system.  C o n f l i c t may be "outweighed by c o n d i t i o n s of p r o s p e r i t y 12  or by temporary a l l i a n c e s i n t h e f a c e o f l a r g e r c o n f r o n t a t i o n s . " 13 The  s p e c i a l h i s t o r y of Canada, as i l l u m i n a t e d by S.D. C l a r k ,  to a l a r g e degree f o r t h i s The  situation.  important l e s s o n from B e l l a C o o l a  i s t h a t men l i v i n g i n  an economic s a t e l l i t e s u f f e r many impoverishments o t h e r ones.  The m e t r o p o l i s  accounts  not only appropriates  than economic  the economic s u r p l u s , , b u t  removes c u l t u r a l c r e a t i v i t y , p o l i t i c a l power and i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - e s t e e m . I t i s i n these t h i n g s t h a t Canada as a N a t i o n - s a t e l l i t e t o the U n i t e d S t a t e s o f America s u f f e r s i t s g r e a t e s t l o s s e s .  And i t i s these  things  t h a t have always been t h e e s s e n t i a l components o f a human community.  12. 13.  D a v i s , op. c i t . , 1971, p. 12. See pp. 14-15 above.  148  BIBLIOGRAPHY  B e n e d i c t , B u r t o n , "The S o c i o l o g i c a l A s p e c t s of S m a l l n e s s " , i n Problems o f S m a l l e r T e r r i t o r i e s , Commonwealth P a p e r s , 10, London: A n t h l o n e P r e s s , 1967. 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