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Local-level politics in a rural B.C. community : community life under the metropolis-satellite system Halverson, Douglas Andrew 1973

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LOCAL-LEVEL POLITICS IN A RURAL B.C. COMMUNITY: COMMUNITY LIFE UNDER THE METROPOLIS-SATELLITE SYSTEM by DOUGLAS ANDREW HALVERSON B.A. , Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1973 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada i ABSTRACT The nature of l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n the r u r a l community of B e l l a Coola i s shaped by the s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p of the community to nati o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l economy_ .society and c u l -ture. Foremost, B e l l a Coola i s economically a s a t e l l i t e i n that (1) i t lacks l o c a l c a p i t a l and (2) a l l the products and nearly a l l the p r o f i t of l o c a l industry leave the v a l l e y . I t i s not within the power of the l o c a l community members to make major economic decisions. Ra-ther, they must constantly respond to external i n i t i a t i v e s . B e l l a Coola occupies a s a t e l l i t e p o s i t i o n i n regard to formal s o c i a l institutions' i n that the community i t s e l f supplies only the lowest l e v e l functionaries and workers. Its- members have no control on major s o c i a l p o l i c y and implementation. B e l l a Coola i s a c u l t u r a l s a t e l l i t e i n that i t s members do not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the creation of the dominant culture but rather consume i t . Local i d e a l s of the good l i f e , music, a r t , drama, and t e c h n i c a l implements are a l l independent of l o c a l creation. The s a t e l l i t e nature of B e l l a Coola a f f e c t s l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n (1) regard to goals that succeed and (2) leader-ship and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The p o l i t i c a l goals that succeed i n B e l l a Coola are those that increase access to the economic, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l centre (the metropolis). Successful l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c a l leaders come from those occupations that provide the highest contact with persons and i n s t i t u t i o n s outside the community. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page NOTE ON METHOD 1 I. THEORETICAL INTRODUCTIONS The Loc a l Community i n Modern Society 5 Canada's Special History i n Regard to the Metropolis-S a t e l l i t e Model 14 B e l l a Coolaaas a S a t e l l i t e 17 The Impoverishment of the Canadian S a t e l l i t e Community 17 The Development of the Thesis 21 Conclusion 25 II . A BACKGROUND-HISTORY OF BELLA COOLA NaturalcEnvironment 28 Abor i g i n a l Settlement 28 F i r s t Whites i n the Valley 30 The Formal Organization of the Norwegian Colony 32 Settlement Pattern 38 Non-Norwegian Settlement 40 Population Changes i n the Twentieth Century 41 I I I . BELLA COOLA'S ECONOMY Introduction 43 Agri c u l t u r e 48 Fishin g 51 Logging and M i l l i n g 56 The Trades 60 Sales and C l e r i c a l Services 62 Teaching 68 Publi c Works and U t i l i t i e s 69 Hos p i t a l Work 70 Government Agencies 70 Tourism 71 IV. THE NATURE OF DAILY RELATIONS IN BELLA COOLA Introduction 72 The Integration of B e l l a Coola with the Metropolis 72 The Power-Restricted Community 73 Overt Interference from Outside Interests 77 L i f e Styles 78 Discrepancies i n Scale of S o c i a l Systems 81 Small Size 86 i i i Page V. THE INDIAN POPULATION Introduction 89 Previous Ethnographic Work 90 Extent of Contact 91 Points of Contact 91 White Attitudes Towards Indians 94 Irregular White Attitudes Towards Indians 97 Indian Views of the Whites 97 The Economic Function of the Indians i n B e l l a Coola 98 The C u l t u r a l Function of the Indians i n B e l l a Coola 101 VI. THE LIMITS OF LOCAL-LEVEL POLITICAL ACTION IN BELLA COOLA Introduction 105 The Great Example 106 The C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Local-Level P o l i t i c s i n B e l l a Coola 112 Local-Level P o l i t i c a l Goals i n B e l l a Coola 116 The C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Local-Level P o l i t i c s as they Apply to the Great Example and Current Projects 119 Limited Local Prerogatives and C a p i t a l 119 Unimportance of National and P r o v i n c i a l P a r t i e s 123 Conditions for Community Support 124 Narrowness of P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Leadership 126 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Leaders 130 Factions i n Local-Level P o l i t i c s 133 VII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 138 BIBLIOGRAPHY 148 i v LIST OF TABLES Page I Labour Force i n Major Occupations by Year f o r Non-Reserve Population — Whole Numbers and Percentages fo r Selected Dates from 1935 to 1968 44 II Labour Force i n Major Occupations by Year for Reserve Population — Whole Numbers and Percentages f or Selected Dates, 1962 and 1968 45 III Labour Force i n Major Occupations by Year f or A l l Population — Whole Numbers and Percentages f or Selected Dates, 1962 and 1968 '45 IV Labour Force by Detailed Occupational Category, By Year, and by Settlement Area i n Val l e y f o r Non-Reserve Popu-l a t i o n — Whole Numbers f o r Selected Dates From 1935 to 1968 46 V Labour Force by Detailed Occupational Category, By Year f o r Reserve Population — Whole Numbers 47 VI The Careers of Persons Involved i n Farming i n 1968 49 VII The Careers of Persons Involved i n the Trades i n At Least One of the Reported Years 63 VIII The Careers of Persons Involved i n Sales and C l e r i c a l Services i n at Least One of the Reported Years 63 V LIST OF MAPS Page I B r i t i s h Columbia 27 II B e l l a Coola Valley 39 I I I B e l l a Coola Townsite and Indian V i l l a g e 39 v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation for the fellowship that enabled me to undertake the f i e l d work for t h i s t h e s i s . I wish to thank the people of B e l l a Coola whose h o s p i t a l i t y allowed us to gather the data. This thanks goes e s p e c i a l l y to those i n d i v i d u a l s and fami l i e s to whom we grew e s p e c i a l l y close. I know that the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of B e l l a Coola l i f e presented i n t h i s thesis sometimes d i f f e r s greatly from that of our B e l l a Coola friends. That I sometimes found a harsher r e a l i t y than did our friends i n the Valley, does not mean that I have f a i l e d to recognize — and sometimes envy — the p o s i t i v e aspects of l i f e there. We remain g r a t e f u l for the kindness we received. I wish to thank Dr. M.M. Ames f o r i n i t i a l l y reviewing my research proposal and a s s i s t i n g me i n obtaining the necessary fellowship. I thank Dr. M.J.E. Kew f o r invaluable assistance to me i n guiding the development of the thes i s ' content as we l l as scrupulously e d i t i n g i t for c l a r i t y of language. Dr. P. Marchak provided me with extremely educative c r i t i c i s m regarding the theory connected with the topic. I have not always been able to meet the suggestions of these i n d i v i d u a l s . Consequently, the shortcomings of t h i s thesis i n no way r e f l e c t on them. F i n a l l y I wish to thank Mary Margaret Gaye with whom I did the work i n the f i e l d . She was able to associate with the women of the va l l e y i n ways I could not. Together we could c i r c u l a t e i n the s o c i a l scene f a r more e a s i l y than would have been possible had I been alone. The thesis would not have been written without her help. 1 NOTE ON METHOD In 1970 I received a fellowship from Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation enabling a short period of f i e l d work in Bella Coola, a small British Columbia community. For three and a half months during that summer I lived with my wife in that community in order to gain some understanding of the ways in which the people of the community organized themselves to achieve specific goals. I had a very limited knowledge of Bella Coola when I chose to make i t the site of my work; I had two c r i t e r i a for my choice. F i r s t , residents of the site had to identify i t as their prime community — I did not want a "bedroom" settlement on the periphery of a major city, for example. Bella Coola i s physically isolated from i t s neigh-bours and is not a short lived company or camp town. Second, the community had to be small enough to allow me to obtain in the short time available at least a fleeting knowledge of the participation of community members in major local p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . Bella Coola, with a population of approximately 1,300 met this criterion. I wished to know how people in Canada, without the presence of professional planners and politicians developed and pursued com-munity goals. At the time I was not concerned with the rural community in particular. I simply thought i t would be easier to control the data in a rural community. Prior to entering the f i e l d I had surveyed some of the l i t e r -ature of American community studies. Of special interest to me had 2 1 been Small Town in Mass Society which, while covering much more than I aspired to cover, included nearly a l l the dimensions of interest to me. I reread this towards the end of my f i e l d work; i t s influence on the study is apparent. It was not u n t i l I began to order the material 2 that I had gathered that I became aware of the work of A.K. Davis and 3 A.G. Frank. The f i e l d data was gathered in a number of different ways. We were constantly in the role of participant-observer. Our own close-ness to the society of our study at times made this a d i f f i c u l t role to play. We could not plead ignorance of rules of behavior as we could have, had we been proper "aliens". We could also not claim to be opin-ionless on certain questions. We never tried to hide what we were in the community to do. I did make a mistake of citing a particular project that had been undertaken some years ago as an example of the kind of thing we were looking into. Even though I stopped referring to this, we encountered people up to the end of our stay who said, "Oh you're the one who is writing the book on the road." I can only hope this did not f i l t e r 1. Vidich, Arthur J. and Bensman, Joseph, Small Town in Mass Society;  Class, Power and Religion in a Rural Community, Princeton: Prince-ton University Press, 1968. 2. Davis, Arthur K., "Canadian Society and History as Hinterland Versus Metropolis", in Richard J. Ossenberg, Editor, Canadian  Society, Pluralism, Change and Conflict, (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1971), pp. 6-32. Also, "Urban Indians in Western Canada: Implications for Social Theory and Social Policy," Transactions of  the Royal Society of Canada, Vol. VI: Series IV: June 1968, pp. 217-228. 3. Frank, Andre Gunder, Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1967. 3 the information we were receiving. During our stay I kept a daily journal. I recorded our interactions with community in the beginning weeks. As these became more and more and their content grew, the daily journal of necessity became less comprehensive (though entries were often longer). I began to keep f i l e s on individuals, organiza-tions, businesses. I kept membership l i s t s and accounts of on-going acti v i t i e s and projects. Of a great aid in doing this was a set of the community newspaper, The Valley Echo, covering the five years of i t s publication. This gave me continuous information on the growth of various projects over the years of 1958 to 1963. Interestingly enough the names in the news at that time were not much different from those people active in community affairs today. Finally, I asked specific questions of individuals. Sometimes these were in the form of a ques-tionnaire, sometimes simply sandwiched in amongst the small talk ex-pected of one in social situations. I established a definite informant-anthropologist relationship with only a few individuals. I always pre-ferred volunteered information to e l i c i t e d information and kept track of what information was of what kind. It was over dinners, cups of tea, dropping i n , and talking in the store or on the bridge that much of my material came across. It was not un t i l my return from Bella Coola that I researched s t a t i s t i c a l and historical materials on or relevant to Bella Coola in any detail. These materials are noted in the thesis body. Bella Coola, 4 A Story of Effort and Achievement was published shortly before I l e f t 4. Kopas, C l i f f , Bella Coola; A Story of Effort and Achievement, Vancouver, Mitchell Press, 1970. : 4 to begin f i e l d work. I became aware of the book — which I quote at length in the thesis — while arranging accommodation in Bella Coola. I read i t on the trip into the Valley. 5 CHAPTER I THEORETICAL INTRODUCTIONS The Local Community in Modern Society To connect the quality of men's lives with the population size and density of the community in which they l i v e i s an ancient exercise. Plato stated that the role of the citizen is related to the material standard of livi n g of his community, i t s level of technology, i t s division of labour and i t s population size. He said man was hap-piest and healthiest in small communities that met needs sufficiently but without luxury, and that i l l health in the individual and the society were the result of large, highly developed human settlements. For Plato, imperialism was an essential policy for highly developed 1 c i t i e s . Sentiments connecting "good" with the small community con-tinue on the folk level in fables lik e The Town Mouse and the Country Mouse. The rustic self-sufficient and secure country l i f e i s held to be superior to the splendid but restricted and risk f i l l e d l i f e of the city. Within recent history however, the movements of men have not shown much regard for such wisdoms. The rural proportion of Canada's 2 population dropped from 80 per cent in 1871 to an estimated 26 per 3 cent in 1966. The ci t i e s have been rapidly growing. Furthermore, 1. Plato, Republic, A.D. Lindsay, Trans. London: J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1935, pp. 51-53. 2. Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census of Canada, 1951. 3. Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census of Canada, 1966. 6 the city vices have come to the country in many ways. No longer sub-sisting on blackbread and folk culture, the country man imports much of his food from the city, relies on mass media for entertainment, and shares ih the anxieties of world p o l i t i c a l conflicts. It i s with this development in mind that Vidich and Bensman's Small Town in Mass Society becomes such an important book both in the history of American sociology and in community studies. Vidich and Bensman were adamant that Springdale be recognized as an integral part of "large-scale, bureaucratic mass society". They were proud that Small Town had helped "to abolish the notion that there is a dichotomous difference between urban and rural, sacred and secular, A mechanical and organic forms of social organization". Vidich and Bens-man do not deny the existence of "rural" and "urban" — the terms are used throughout the book. They do deny their efficacy as explicators of social and p o l i t i c a l structure. Vidich and Bensman attempt to dispatch the dichotomy by docu-menting the eventual control of organizations, media, culture, profes-sions, business, labour, and farm prices by the "mass society". Mass society, true enough, is controlled from urban centres; but control does not originate in the fact of urban existence as such. And most urban!tes are also powerless under i t s sway: .... It was clear to us ... that the centralization, bureau-cratization and dominance by large-scale organizations that A. Vidich, Arthur J. and Bensman, Joseph, Small Town in Mass Society:  Class, Power and Religion in a Rural Community, Princeton: Prince-ton University Press, 1968, p. v i i . 7 was the controlling condition for Springdale characterizes to an even greater degree the situation of both urban society and the under-developed world. The only unique aspect of the Springdale condition was the particular way in which Springdalers responded to i t . ^ Vidich's discussion is very much cultural in nature. He 6 develops the theory of contemporary American community by means of a historical review of American institutions and value systems. The present mass society i s the accomplishment of the middle class revolu-tion. The revolution has permeated the c i t i e s and then spread from the citi e s into the countryside. Various historic events such as mass higher education resulting from the G.I. Education B i l l have been cru-c i a l in i t s success. The penetration i s s t i l l underway and uneven, which accounts for communities showing differ ing degrees of the new middle class culture, according to Vidich. Vidich notes that the same mass society that has engulfed Springdale has also engulfed the underdeveloped world. The resident of the underdeveloped world finds himself in the same position vis-a-vis the centers of world power and control. For him nationalism, tribalism and anti-westernism serve the same psychologically defensive purposes. However the psychological defenses of the inhabitants of the under-developed world are more vulnerable than those of the rural dwellers within America because in contrast they cannot feel pride in the fact that they are a part of the agencies and institutions that are defeating them.'' 8 This passage complements the stand of A.G. Frank in regard to underdev-elopment. Vidich and Bensman describe the resultant culture and individual 5. Ibid. , p. x. 6. Ibid., pp. 317-347. 7. Ibid. , p. x. 8. Frank, Andre Gunder, Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1967. 8 psychology of underdevelopment; they do not describe the process. In 9 Canada this process has been analyzed in Frank's terms by A.K. Davis. Davis wishes to supplement the main currents of American sociology with a historic and materialist perspective. He argues that 10 a metropolis-hinterland model is the most f r u i t f u l approach to ex-plaining the historical and social development of Canada (and i t s local communities). Hinterland means colonial areas that export mainly "semi-processed" extracted materials including people and labour. Hinterland populations consist of urban and rural proletariats, peasants, and other underclasses. Metropolis means the centre of economic and p o l i -t i c a l control which is always located in larger c i t i e s . Davis describes the upper-class governing elites of the metropolis-hinterland structure: Metropolis continuously dominates and exploits hinterland whether in regional, national, class, or ethnic terms. But the forms and terms of domination change as a result of con-frontations .... Moreover, we recognize hierarchies of metropolis-hinterland relationships. As northern Saskatchewan in certain respects may be seen as an economic and p o l i t i c a l hinterland of south-ern Saskatchewan, so Saskatchewan, i t s e l f , i s in large part a hinterland of eastern Canada; and Canada, of the United States. Needless to say, the United States likewise includes a complex network of hinterland or under-class groups, re-gions, marginal colonials, and so on.H 9. Davis, Arthur K., "Canadian Society and History as Hinterland Versus Metropolis", in Richard J. Ossenberg, Editor, Canadian  Society, Pluralism, Change and Conflict,(Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1971), pp. 6-32. Also, "Urban Indians in Western Canada: Implications for Social Theory and Social Policy," Transactions  of the Royal Society of Canada, Vol. VI: Series IV: June 1968, pp. 217-228. 10. Ibid., 1971, pp. 12-13. 11. Ibid., 1971, p. 12. 9 In such a scheme changes of social organization in local, rural or frontier communities are not orthogenetic "progressions" along such scales as "more Gemeinschaft-like" to "more Gesellschaft-like" but rather are thorough-going adjustments of the local community to socio-economic forces resulting from the opposition of interests between hinterland and metropolis groups. Basic to the distinction between metropolis and hinterland is the fact that the former possesses power over p o l i t i c a l decisions throughout the metropolis-hinterland struc-ture. Furthermore, a l l normal activities within the metropolis-hinterland structure benefit the metropolis more directly than the hinterland. Andre Gunder Frank, in analysing the so-called underdevel-opment of Latin America, has articulated the most general model of this type of relationship. Frank's "satellite" i s the equivalent of hinterland, and the metropolis-satellite structure of society i s an inevitable development of advanced world-wide capitalism. Frank sug-gests the following model: in the centre is the metropolis (the United States and i t s governing classes) , around this are:, national and inter-national satellites (the southern states and centres such as Sab Paulo, around each of these are further provincial satellites and these again have regional s a t e l l i t e s . This continues to the lowest level — each sa t e l l i t e being in turn the metropolis to a level below i t , u n t i l the system terminates with the peasant or other lowest underclass in the 12 sa t e l l i t e region. The socialist world centred in the U.S.S.R. may 12. Frank, op. c i t . , p. 146. 10 form a second metropolis-satellite system according to Frank. There 13 is never a third world. The development of the world-wide metropolis-satellite struc-ture can be seen as a hist o r i c a l process — both in general terms and in specific cases. Frank, for example, has concerned himself with Chile and Brazil. The development of the system is the extension of European capitalism, f i r s t commercial and then industrial, throughout the world. This expansion was (and is) required in order to supply the needs of capitalist powers for expanding markets to allow the disposal of manufactures, the securing of materials and the investment of capi-t a l . A capitalist power (metropolis) need not require these three types of market at once. When developing a home industrial base, the metropolis w i l l require markets mainly for disposal of manufactures and securing of raw and semi-raw materials. In later stages of indus-t r i a l development and capital accumulation, the metropolis requires markets for capital investment. It is not within the scope of these introductory remarks to present a critique of traditional American economic theory in regard to economic development. It must be acknowledged, however, that traditional economic theory does not support the proposition that one country, in being reliant on another country to buy i t s staples, to provide i t s manufactures and supply i t s capital must become that second country's economic and p o l i t i c a l s a t e l l i t e . Paul A. Samuelson, whose Economics TT. Ibid., p. 147. 11 in i t s various editions, has introduced two generations of North Ameri-can university students to the discipline, states that under-development is in part the result of "nationalistic barriers to importing capital 14 on terms acceptable to investors in the advanced countries." In the traditional explanation, the impoverishment of underdeveloped countries arises not from an appropriation of surplus by developed capitalist countries but rather from problems in regard to population, natural re-sources, capital formation, and technology. Capital formation in the underdeveloped countries is low because of "(a) poverty, (b) lack of a bourgeois ethic stressing frugality and acquisitiveness, (c) qualitative distortion of saving outlets towards unproductive hoarding of precious objects and idle inventory and toward luxurious real estate or money markets abroad, (d) emulation of consumption standards of advanced 15 nations," and the above mentioned nationalistic barriers. Until Frank's thesis, Chile's backwardness was usually accounted for by ref-erence to feudal elements in the economy. Traditional economics appears to an outsider to be too modest in i t s claims concerning the possible power that economic act i v i t i e s can hold over p o l i t i c a l and social arrangements. Canadian nationalism has not halted foreign investment as yet. Foreign investment in Canada 16 has interfered with national policies. 14. Samuelson, Paul A., Economics: An Introductory Analysis, 6th Edi-tion, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964, p. 774. 15. Ibid., p. 774. 16. Godfrey, Dave and Watkins, Mel, Gordon To Watkins to You, A Documen- tary: The Battle for Control of Our Economy, Toronto: New Press, 1970, pp. 204-246. These pages present documentation and argument in connection with the effect of American extraterritoriality on Canadian trade policies. They also outline the development of the multinational corporation as means of avoiding nationalistic t a r i f f measures on foreign imports. 12 A further problem with the traditional explanation of econo-mic underdevelopment is the definition of development i t s e l f , B.F. Hoselitz, a traditional theorist of economic growth, suggests that qualities that "might" be associated with economic development are "centralization, c a p i t a l i s t i c social relations, democratic government 17 and monotheistic religion." His definition i s surprisingly close to the ideals of his own country. In terms of economy alone, Samuelson is even more direct: An underdeveloped nation is simply one with real per capita income that i s low relative to the present-day per capita income of such nations as Canada, the United States, Great Britain, and Western Europe generally. Usually an underdev-eloped nation is one regarded as being capable of substantial improvement in i t s income l e v e l . ^ For traditional economists therefore, the problem of economic development consists of finding the means by which poor countries can come to resemble the nations of Western Europe and North America. Im-poverishment i s seen to result from the un-American qualities of the poor country. The various markets that advanced nations establish in underdeveloped countries must therefore be seen as helpful in introducing the necessary new American qualities into the developing country. Con-tr o l of these markets and appropriation of the profits by the investors of the capital does not seem to be a traditional concern. It is the economic activity in i t s e l f which is seen as important. Frank refutes the basic assumptions of this traditional analy-si s . He states that underdevelopment is not corrected by capital invest-17. Hoselitz, Bert F., Sociological Aspects of Economic Growth, London: Free Press of Glencoe, 1960, p. 29. 18. Samuelson, op. c i t . , p. 755. 13 19 merit from advanced nations but rather results from i t . This i s because the purpose in capitalist investment in underdeveloped coun-tries i s the making of profit. (Not, as Samuelson cynically remarks "for conscience sake ... (and because) ... history teaches us that 20 men do not always starve quietly";) This profit is appropriated from the country of production by the capitalist investor. As a consequence, the introduction of foreign owned and controlled industries into a country w i l l not necessarily contribute to the capital resources of that country, but can in fact lead to a further weakening of the coun-try's economic resources. This appropriation of economic surplus causes an increasing disparity in regard to investment capital between the investor country (metropolis) and invested-in country ( s a t e l l i t e ) . But while the metropolis and sa t e l l i t e polarize in terms of the possi-b i l i t y of economic i n i t i a t i v e and control, they become increasingly integrated in terms of actual functioning. The s a t e l l i t e becomes i n -creasingly dependent on the metropolis for capital and technology, as 21 well as cultural and p o l i t i c a l direction. Because the industry of the s a t e l l i t e nation is dependent on economic conditions outside the nation, i t suffers from booms and recessions unrelated to i t s own condi-tion. Control of the s a t e l l i t e w i l l shift from metropolis to metropolis in accord with metropolis actions. Transformations — such as the i n -19. Frank, "The Development of Underdevelopment," Monthly Review, No. 18 (September, 1966), p. 23. 20. Samuelson:,^op. c i t . , p. 754. 21. Ivan I l l i c h has noted with dispair the place of honour Coca Cola has been given in rural Mexico. 14 dustrial revolution — can travel down the system from metropolis to 22 s a t e l l i t e . Frank, an economic historian, u t i l i z e s the model in analysing the actual impoverishment of Latin America through i t s connections with the world capitalist structure. He argues that the income and food consumption of rural and urban low income groups has declined since 23 the 19th century. Davis has not detailed so complete an economic his-tory for Canada. He has, however, sketched an outline of Canadian history as that of a s a t e l l i t e responding consecutively to French, 24 British and American Metropolises. Canada's Special History in Regard to the Metropolis-Satellite Model We descendants of the Canadian pioneers often see Canada's development as resulting from the efforts of our forefathers to find a better l i f e than Europe could provide. In holding this romantic view, which gives our grandparents' reminiscences the weight of history, we lose sight of the fact that they l e f t a Europe overpopulated due to newly developed technologies and entered a new world very much estab-25 lished on the basis of mercantile monopoly. The British and French did not war in North America for the glory of their kings or countries; 26 they warred for control of a valuable fur trade. While the role of 22. Frank, op. c i t . , p. 147. 23. Ibid. , p. 109. 24. Davis, op. c i t . , 1971, p. 16. 25. Clark, S.D., "Social Organization and the Changing Structure of the Community", in The Developing Canadian Community, Toronto: Uni-versity of Toronto Press, 1968, pp. 3-19. 26. Innis, H.A., The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian  Economic History, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964. 15 Canada's railroads in securing the nation as a p o l i t i c a l reality was immense, the railroad promoters were above a l l interested in gaining a 27 profit on investment. While i t is true that the railroad was p o l i -t i c a l l y inspired by the desire to stop American expansion into Western Canada, i t was British imperial monopolies that were being preserved. Canada, more than the U.S.A., has developed as a s a t e l l i t e economy. In the United States, small scale entrepreneurial capitalism developed out of a thriving agricultural industry. Settlement on the American frontier was largely an a f f a i r of private enterprise. Canada 28 did not begin with a strong agricultural base. Instead i t developed 29 especially strong staple trades — f i s h , fur, lumber and wheat. Agri-culture was developed in a supportive role alone, u n t i l wheat became the great staple i t s e l f at the turn of the 19th century. Settlement on the Canadian frontier was preceded or at least accompanied by agents 30 of the imperial church, economy and state. In the early 19th century these were the Church of England, the Hudson Bay Company and The Royal Canadian Mounted Police. The C.P.R. played the economic role on the prairies in the latter part of the century. Whereas the American frontier was typified by strong localism, and considerable local autonomy in matters of government and development, 27. Myers, Gustavus, History of Canadian Wealth, Vol. I, Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Company, 1914. See especially pp. 150-337 noting the account of the Dunsmuir family activities on Vancouver Island, pp. 301-309. Also see Davis, A.K., op. c i t . , 1971, p. 8. 28. Clark, S.D., "The Limitations of Capitalist Enterprise in Canadian Society", in The Developing Canadian Community, Toronto: Univer-sity of Toronto Press, 1968, p. 248. 29. Innis, H.A., op. c i t . , pp. 384-385. 30. Clark, S.D., "The Canadian Community and the American Continental System", in The Developing Canadian Community, Toronto: Univer-sity of Toronto Press, 1968, p. 191. 16 the Canadian frontier was well integrated with the eastern domestic and British metropolis powers. While private enterprise certainly existed, i t was carried on in the shadow of extremely powerful British financed monopoly endeavours. It was dependent on these monopolies and their f a c i l i t i e s for markets, transport to markets, loan capital and supplies. Clearly then, Canada has developed as a s a t e l l i t e . But as satellites go, i t has — especially since the turn of the century — 31 lead a favoured existence. In a l l but Quebec and Acadia primary set-tlement was carried out by British subjects. While the labour of these early settlers was no doubt exploited, i t s exploitation was generally free from racially based agricultural systems such as those.of Latin America. Most Canadians could identify as part of the Imperial whole. The country was young and rich; the returns for the settlers' labour were high relative to potential returns in the old country. With the decline of Britain as world metropolis following World War I, Canada s l i d easily into the American structure but the privileged s a t e l l i t e position remained. The mass of Canadians kept an attractive portion of their labour's product. By participating in the exploitation of further satellites of the American metropolis — Latin American and Vietnam (through arms manufacture) — Canada was given an even more 32 favourable position in the metropolis-satellite structure. 31. Segments of our population have not shared in this favoured exis-tence: among these we can count French-Canadians (especially in the past), Metis, native Indians, and Asian immigrants. See Myers, op. c i t . , p. 35, regarding the condition of common people in Quebec in the 17th century. See Davis, op. c i t . , 1968, re-garding Indian and Metis l i f e in the s a t e l l i t e . Also see Jorgensen, Joseph G., "Indians and the Metropolis" in Wadell, J.O. and Watson, O.M. , editors, The American Indian in Urban Society, L i t t l e Brown, 1971, for an application of the models to American Indians. 32. Davis, op. c i t . , 1971, p. 15. 17 Bella Coola as a Satellite In this essay, the development of Bella Coola w i l l be re-garded within the terms of Frank's model. The discussion of A.K. Davis regarding the applicability of the model to Canada as a nation has cen-tred on Ontario, Quebec and the prairie provinces. As w i l l be outlined below, British Columbia has been as deeply involved as a s a t e l l i t e in the world capitalist system as has any region of Canada. Today, follow-ing a 20 year period of capital-intensive development, i t is deeply 33 integrated into the world metropolis — the U.S.A. Bella Coola is a small, rural community functioning on an economic base of forestry and fishing. It w i l l be argued below that this community i s a s a t e l l i t e of the Vancouver financial and cultural domestic metropolis. The thesis i s not one in economic history however; the mass of data w i l l be directed at clarifying the nature of social l i f e in such a community. The Impoverishment of the Canadian Satellite Community One afternoon towards the end of our stay in Bella Coola a logger-friend came by for coffee. He had been off work with cramps for two days but f e l t better that afternoon. We talked about the Norwegian men who had f i r s t settled the Valley. Our friend, in his early twenties, was a grandson of these men. He believes that humanity is going downhill. "I'm a third as strong as my father, and he was a third as strong as my grandfather." 33. Shearer, Ronald A., "The Continuing International Monetary C r i s i s : A British Columbia Perspective", in B.C. Studies, No. 13, (Spring 1972), p. 18. This whole special issue of B.C. Studies subtitled "National Economic Issues: The View from the West Coast," is of relevance to the question of B.C.'s s a t e l l i t e economy. 18 Recently, Bella Coola men have accelerated this deterioration by marry-ing "weak blood". His brother has married a French woman from a family with a history of miscarriage and disease. The old men were really strong. They built these houses in the Valley with broad axes. The smallest broad axe has a 12 pound head and a 6 to 8 foot handle. They swung them 10 and 12 hours a day. A lot of kids make fun of the old men. When my grandfather was really old he used to come out by my uncle's barn when we were loading corn in the s i l o . He'd look up and lose his balance. We'd laugh at him when he f e l l over and ask him what was wrong. He'd shake his cane at us. But now I know how strong those men were. They used to walk from here down to Bella Coola — i t was across the river in those days, about 12 miles walk — to dance at the hotel once a month. After the dance they would walk home again and get here in time to work. They did i t because they liked to dance and you could only dance once a month. The ideal of "bigger and better" (the slogan of the Bella Coola F a l l Fair) co-exists in Bella Coola with a belief that men and institutions are actually running down. Local evidence often supports the running down thesis. Although the homes of Bella Coola people are undeniably more comfortable and luxurious than ever before, although the men and women have a myriad of new labour saving devices, there is a deep feeling that the chance for "real manhood" has passed. The feats of the f i r s t settlers are not forgotten. Instead, they are made into a measure which no modern man can meet. When a Valley man clears a f i e l d today people w i l l admire his work, but they w i l l usually note that the f i r s t settlers did the same job by hand and horse. Valley people consider the present era one in which men are unable to truly work. An ethos that s t i l l gives hard physical work a high moral position makes this situation painful and demoralizing. To the local man, the 19 ancestor-heroes of Bella Coola were building a world; the present men are merely liv i n g in a world. In Chapter VI below, the communityls construction of a d i f -f i c u l t mountain road is discussed at considerable length. I suggest the road project was a success because i t was the realization of the greatest drive among the people — connection with the outside world, especially the metropolis. But more profoundly, i t was the last joyous creative success of the local community. For the sons of the pioneers, i t was the only event of their l i f e that came close to the mythic world building of their fathers. Its success was in connecting Bella Coola to the province; i t s deepest meaning was in the creativity of i t s building. The unique aspect of Canada as a s a t e l l i t e is that i t s sat-e l l i t e role has not resulted in a great mass financial impoverishment. Frank is concerned with starvation in Chile; we have no such concern here. In fact we find ourselves concerned with those problems that the c r i t i c s in the heart of the Metropolis concern themselves with. How are we to have a way of l i f e that allows human worth and p o l i t i c a l control in the face of an economic system that provides abundant material goods at the cost of individual creativity on the one hand and world 34 imperialism on the other? Because of her special history, Canada's impoverishment has been in p o l i t i c a l , social and psychological terms, rather than material terms. 34. See William A. Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, New York: Dell, 1962, quoted in Davis, op. c i t . , 1971, p. 24. 20 The effect has been to weaken the development within the Canadian society of capitalist, urban, middle class social values and forms of social structure. Marx was not too wide of the mark as far as the development of capitalism in Canada is concerned. Compared to the United States, the population of Canada has been given no great opportunity to participate in capitalist types of economic endeavour. Cap-italism came to Canada much more ful l y grown, typified by large scale economic organization dependent upon outside capital, and managerial and technical s k i l l . The position occupied by the great mass of the Canadian population has been one largely peripheral to capitalist enterprise. In this thesis I w i l l argue that this legacy continues in Bella Coola. I w i l l concentrate on the limits to local-level p o l i t i c s that exist in a community that is on the periphery of capitalist enter-prise but f u l l y integrated into the system. The reasons for this con-centration are simple: men are at their best when given the opportunity to be creative in their productivity. P o l i t i c s , besides being goal-oriented activity, i s the process by which a community directs and reg-ulates creative productivity among members. The further p o l i t i c a l power is removed from the individual, the more reduced is the opportun-ity for such creativity. The more the technology, capital, and culture originate outside the local community, the greater is the likelihood of the individual becoming only a consumer instead of a creative par t i -cipant in culture. This, I believe, is the essense of the separation of prosperity and democracy in the advanced metropolis-satellite struc-ture. It is a concern over which only the physically secure can ponder. The threatened farmers and loggers of our hinterland would not find i t sensible. Harold Cardinal has stated Indians have no intention of 35. Clark, S.D., op. c i t . , p. 248. 21 trading native culture for white material well being. Time w i l l reveal i f he speaks for the majority of Indians. The Development of the Thesis The material presented in this essay begins in Chapter II with a brief history of Bella Coola. This account is in no way exhaus-tive, A history, Bella Coola: A Story of Effort and Achievement has been written by a long-time resident of the townsite. Scholarly his-torical work concerning Bella Coola has not been published. The third chapter of the thesis discusses the economy of Bella Coola in order to establish the community's s a t e l l i t e position in terms of economics. The discussion is organized in terms of occu-pations. It is not within the scope of this paper nor within my a b i l -i t i e s to present a f u l l economic analysis of the Valley. The essential statements the chapter seeks to verify are four in number: (1) The economic base of the s a t e l l i t e is owned and controlled by powers ex-ternal to the s a t e l l i t e . (2) Small time business enterprises in the s a t e l l i t e are prone to failure. (3) Jobs requiring technical s k i l l must nearly always be f i l l e d from outside the s a t e l l i t e and at the dis-cretion of the metropolis power. (4) Occupation and success as a local leader are related. Local leaders are those who through jobs are most skilled in dealing with the metropolis. Chapter IV examine some of the results of being a s a t e l l i t e on daily relations in Bella Coola. In this chapter the narrowness of local prerogatives is reviewed with the object being to verify that p o l i t i c a l control, li k e economic control resides in the metropolis in 22 the metropolis-satellite system. The;,impoverishment of l i f e in the s a t e l l i t e is given dimensions: (1) The people of the s a t e l l i t e rea-l i z e that their environment is being irreparably altered through decisions made in the metropolis but are powerless to effectively protest. (2) The people of the s a t e l l i t e evaluate their behavior by two sets of unattainable ideals: the behavior of their ancestors (who were not as integrated as themselves into the metropolis) and the be-havior of metropolis dwellers. They are conscious of their failings. ( 3 ) The people of the s a t e l l i t e community are socialized into relatively "particularistic" relationships while they must deal with the metropolis in relatively "universalistic" relationships. That is to say that the resident of the s a t e l l i t e lives his daily l i f e in a world where everyone is known, where contacts are frequent, relationships enduring, and sta-tus superior to contract. In dealing with the metropolis, such a socialization is a great disadvantage. Local business enterprises run on particularistic lines cannot compete with efficient metropolis based business. The inability of s a t e l l i t e people to handle universalistic relationships always leaves them at the advantage of the metropolis. (4) As a small unit in a metropolis structure geared to large concen-trations of population, the s a t e l l i t e community suffers an ongoing denial of public services and f a c i l i t i e s available as a matter of course in the metropolis proper. Chapter V examines the role of the Indian population in Bella Coola. The Indian population of Canada certainly denies the general rule that l i f e has been good in spite of s a t e l l i t e status. A.K. Davis 23 has traced the relationship of the native Indian to the white s a t e l l i t e and the metropolis in Canada. He states that the Indian relationship to white Canada is one of apartheid, "not based on race, but on d i f f e r -ential access to the complexes of property, wealth, organizational s k i l l s and technology that form the essential institutional structure of modem urban industrial societies, both c a p i t a l i s t i c and communistic. The rac i a l features of the Indian become a symbol for this lack of access, but are not the reason for i t . In effect, the Indians of Canada suffer in extreme form from the same lackings that impoverish the white s a t e l l i t e community. In Chapter V I suggest they serve two functions in regard to the white community. (1) The Indians of the Canadian s a t e l l i t e serve as a " f o i l " for the whites. They assure the whites that there are people more peripheral to the metropolis than themselves. (2) They serve to stimulate the local economy through introducing federal support money into the local economy. This second function i s dependent on federal law and would not follow i f federal aid to Indians was not an institution. Chapter VI of the thesis examines the nature of local-level p o l i t i c a l action in the s a t e l l i t e . " P o l i t i c s " i s used as defined by Marc Swartz: "p o l i t i c s ... refers to the events which are involved in the determination and implementation of public goals/or the differen-t i a l distribution of power with the group or groups concerned with the 37 goals being considered." As mentioned above, the nature of p o l i t i c a l "36\ Davis, A.K. , op. c i t . , 1968, p. 218. 37. Swartz, Marc, Local-Level P o l i t i c s , Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1968, p. 1. 24 action i n a community i s of importance because i t i s through p o l i t i c s that the community d i r e c t s and regulates cr e a t i v e p r o d u c t i v i t y i n the community. In Chapter VI we examine the kinds of p o l i t i c a l actions that succeed. We ask who leads i n l o c a l p o l i t i c s and what r e l a t i o n -ship the leaders have with the metropolis. We suggest that p o l i t i c s i n the s a t e l l i t e have s i x c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : (1) L i t t l e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y can be pursued without prerogatives or c a p i t a l being granted from the metropolis. (2) National and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s are not important to l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s . I t i s the metropolis power — the government — which i s important. (3) Support f o r l o c a l p o l i t i c a l ac-t i v i t i e s depends on how w e l l the project serves the majority goal of increased access to metropolis goods and l i f e s t y l e s . (4) P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s i s not widespread. Most s a t e l l i t e people are c y n i c a l of or not interested i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s . (5) Leadership f a l l s to those people who are i n occupations allowing them to be r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e when community needs a r i s e and tying them to the outside world. (6) Leadership i s f a c t i o n a l i z e d . This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s by no means r e s t r i c t e d to s a t e l l i t e p o l i t i c s but does contribute to i t s ine f f e c t i v e n e s s "in most cases. Two p o t e n t i a l l y troublesome terms are used i n the discussions of the t h e s i s . The f i r s t i s "middle-class". I do not wish t h i s term to be considered (save where i t may appear i n a quotation from another author) as an a n a l y t i c category. I t i s used i n the most common-sense fashion. I t i s a term which was used i n B e l l a Coola, but not a dwelt-upon term. I have interpreted i t s use i n B e l l a Coola to mean "decent." 25 It is generally used in connection with a style of l i f e which takes for granted the purchase of substantial consumer goods for use in a family household situation. The second troublesome term is e l i t e . There is in fact a group of leaders which have endured over the years in Bella Coola. In this sense, they form an e l i t e . But unlike the elites of the Metro-polis, this e l i t e is devoid of power to direct the development of the community. The e l i t e of Bella Coola has the closed "club" aspects of the metropolis e l i t e s , i t generally has better access to the metro-polis than the rest of the population, but i t is not a "power e l i t e " . In Chapter VII the material is reviewed in terms of Frank's model. Conclusion It should be noted that the concern of this thesis i s consid-erably different than that of Frank, who primarily sees physical star-vation, not just loss of democracy and personal worth as the eventual end of unchecked capitalist appropriation. As I have already stated and w i l l verify below, the dialectic of material impoverishment has not developed in Bella Coola as in rural Chilean settlements. One of the most fortunate yet vexing aspects of Canadian l i f e is the general wealth of the country. Although much real poverty does exist, i t is a poverty generally hidden. A large middle-income segment of the popula-tion gives most of the country an air of more than sufficiency. Conse-quently, discontent on the part of those who are truly poor, or those who aspire to move the country to goals other than mere physical comfort, 26 is easily described as neurosis or subversion. When, like Davis, one laments the loss of democracy in favour of prosperity he sounds at the best preacherish. More often he sounds like a malcontent with no idea of how relatively well off he and his countrymen really are. This essay is an effort to give substance to the position that Davis has articulated. 27 B r i t i s h Columbia 28 CHAPTER II BACKGROUND-HISTORY OF BELLA COOLA Natural Environment On the coast of British Columbia, 250 miles north of Vancouver, the Bella Coola Valley extends some seventy miles east through the coast range mountains from the head of North Bentinck Arm. The valley floor varies from one to three miles in width, being terminated to the north, south and east with steeply rising mountains. The valley i s so narrow, and the mountains are so high, that the sun does not penetrate for six weeks in the winter. At the mouth of the valley precipitation is sufficient to produce a rain forest growth. Further up the valley precipitation de-creases to produce an interior-type forest. The area was originally covered with a rich mixed forest of cedar, spruce, hemlock, Douglas f i r and cottonwood. The valley i s the only place on the coast north of the Queen Charlotte Sound in which Douglas F i r grows. This is testimony to the long standing mildness and dampness of the valley climate. Aboriginal Settlement The f i r s t known human habitants of the valley were the Bella 1 Coola Indians. These Indians are l i n g u i s t i c a l l y Coast Salish. They are however, separated from other Coast Salish by Kwakiutl tribes. The Y. Mclllwraith, T.F. , The Bella Coola Indians, Toronto: The University of Toronto Press, 1948, Vol. 1, pp. 1-22. A l l references to the traditional Bella Coola Indians are from Mclllwraith unless other-wise specified. 29 Bella Coola maintained a generally friendly and active contact with their Kwakiutl (especially Bella Bella) neighbours. Intermarriage 2 was common. Each had influenced the cultural patterns of the other. When Alexander Mackenzie descended the valley in July of 1793, he recorded the existence of Indian villages every few miles along the river. The mythology of the Bella Coola explains that these villages were established in the beginning of human habitation — each 3 village being populated by the descendents of one group of ancestors. Mclllwraith records some 27 village sites within the valley — thirteen A of which were probably occupied at the time of Mackenzie's v i s i t . Mclllwraith estimated the population of these villages of aboriginal Bella Coola to be in "the thousands". Wilson Duff estimates the Bella Coola t r i b a l population in 1835 to have been approximately 2,000. (By 5 this date of course, the decimation of the B.C. Indians had begun.) Contemporary local white estimates of the aboriginal population range from three to ten thousand people. Without any doubt, we can assert that the aboriginal population of the valley exceeded that of the pre-6 sent day Indian and white populations together. It is very probable that i t was double today's population; i t could have been many times as large. 2- Ibid., pp. 19-22. 3. Ibid. , p. A. A. Ibid., p. 5. 5. Duff, Wilson, The Indian History of British Columbia, Vol. 1 The  Impact of the White Man, Victoria: Provincial Museum of British Columbia, 196A, p. 39. 6. The 1961 Census of Canada put the Bella Coola reserve and valley population at 1339 persons. Since then the labour force has shrunk by one-sixth — therefore we can say without too much risk of error that the population has not greatly increased. 30 The numerous villages were a l l situated in places advanta-geous for summer fishing or comfortable wintering. The basic food of the Bella Coola was salmon. The second most important item was the oola-chan. The abundance of these f i s h in Bella Coola waters enabled the valley to support i t s relatively dense population. The salmon staple allowed the Bella Coola the freedom of time to pursue a complex cere-monial l i f e and build up an extensive material culture. In fact, the salmon staple necessitated extensive "secondary" industrial endeavours in the form of highly engineered weirs. The Bella Coola were accom-plished at a l l the technical s k i l l s which typify North Pacific coastal culture. As the occupants of the separate villages, within the valley saw themselves as unique p o l i t i c a l l y independent groups within the Bella Coola cultural unity, so — as a people of common origins and culture — a l l the Bella Coola saw themselves as separate from, but 7 xvithin, the greater coastal culture. Fir s t Whites in the Valley The f i r s t white men entered the Bella Coola Valley as the result of the drive of the Canadian fur trade and British sea explora-tions and trading. Alexander Mackenzie, of the North West Company and a Lieut. Johnstone of Captain George Vancouver's expedition of 1792-94 visited Bella Coola within six weeks of one another in the summer of 1793. Both men were in search of routes and contacts for trade. 7. Mclllwraith, op. c i t . , p. 12. 31 Mackenzie, when descending the valley in 1793, noted the Indians possessed European manufactured daggers, as well as European 8 iron, brass, and copper. These, i t can be surmised, reached the Bella Coola through their traditional trade with neighbouring Indian groups. Bella Coola contact with whites continued to be indirect in this fashion unt i l the 1830*s. In 1833 the Hudson Bay Company (which had merged with the North West Company in 1821) built a fort at Bella Bella from which to conduct more direct fur trade. Trade boats called regularly at Bella Coola from 1836. It was not u n t i l the 1850's that a few independent traders established on-shore posts at Bella Coola and i t was only in 1867 that the Hudson Bay Company established there. This post was sold to a private trader in 1882. The Bella Coola Indians were heavily hit by the great small-pox epidemic of 1862-64. Coupled with various other diseases and simple starvation through an ina b i l i t y to properly organize fishing and gath-ering in such an onslaught of sickness, the Bella Coola were almost quartered in population. The 1885 census records 450 persons in the t r i b a l group. Legislation in 1889 did away with a l l Indian rights to village sites up the valley, providing for one relatively large (3,363 acres) reserve at the mouth of the river. The population reached a 9 low of 249 persons in 1929. 8. MacKenzie, Alexander, Voyages from Montreal, Toronto: George N. Morang and Company, Ltd. , 1902 , p. 263. 9. Duff, op. c i t . , p. 39. The 1916 Royal Commission on Indian Affairs in British Columbia put the Bella Coola population at 218 persons. Vol. I, Bella Coola Agency, Table C. 32 By the time the Hudson Bay post was established in 1867, the white activity on the whole coast had changed from fur trading to ser-ious colonization. Vancouver Island and ttie mainland had been organized as British colonies in order to confirm British possession i n the face of American frontier expansion. The fur trade in the colonies was re-placed by a variety of enterprises. Gold provided a major economic stimulation, but fishing and canning, logging, and some agriculture became relied upon industries. Bella Coola, however, removed from the southern centres of activity, did not develop as a colonized centre u n t i l the end of the century. In the summer of 1894, the white popula-tion of the valley was 16 persons; only four of these — one family — were permanent settlers as distinct from traders, missionaries, or wintering coastal workers. The Fi r s t White Colonization In the f a l l of 1894 the f i r s t major white settlement occurred in the valley. Eighty-four Norwegians from the American Mid-West ar-rived under the leadership of their pastor, the Reverend Christian Saugstad. The 19th Century was an especially troubled one for Norway. An agricultural country with limited arable land and a population that was to more than double within the century, the kingdom faced unemploy-ment, lagging morale and often near famine. Only domestic industry existed in the country before the 20th century, The legal land tenure system had endured for centuries. It was not feudal, but rather con-sisted of working freeholders and cotters. The latter were usually bound to the former by economic debt in spite of their freedom from 33 the s o i l . The rural freeholding class had a long tradition of local freedom and independence. Through centuries of foreign domination they had maintained the national culture. The cotters, oppressed by the severe labour requirements of ther leases, were generally antagon-i s t i c to their free-holding landlords. In 1850, movements within the class were requesting that required services be restricted to 11 hours 10 a day, five days a week. As the century progressed, population pres-sure s p l i t the freeholdings to sizes that could not support their cultivators; the cotter and labouring classes were growing with no increase in available work. The emigration of Norwegians to America began i n an organ-ized manner in the 1830's. Before the turn of the 20th century over one-half million people l e f t for the new world. In the same period, the population remaining in Norway doubled from 1,051,318 to 2,097,328 persons. A few emigrants l e f t for America earlier in the century. These men began the phenomena of "American Letters". Prior to these letters knowledge of America had been slight in Norway. The letters were hand copied hundreds of times and distributed informally into a l l the parishes of Norway. Later, a number of books regarding l i f e in America became best sellers. The state church and the government blamed these letters for the growing emigration. In fact, a l l the 10. Blegen, Theodore C , Norwegian Migration to America, Northfield, Minnesota: The Norwegian-American Historial Association, 1931, p. 7. 34 letters did was provide, for the f i r s t time,knowledge of a way out of an untenable situation at home. A man with one thousand dollars and five children reasons as follows: one thousand dollars divided among five children amounts to l i t t l e or nothing here in this country. But i f I go to America, where there i s plenty of f e r t i l e land to be had for next to nothing, my l i t t l e capital, combined with the industry of myself and my children, is sufficient to furnish a l l of us an independent and satisfactory p o s i t i o n . ^ The mass of Norwegian immigration to America occurred in the latter half of the 19th century. Generally landing in New York, the migrants, being predominantly agriculturalists, pressed on to the cur-rent frontier. For the Norwegians, this was f i r s t I l l i n o i s , and later — and more typically — Wisconsin, Minnesota, and the Dakotas. Land here was p l e n t i f u l , cheap and f e r t i l e compared to Norway. But the c l i -mate was strange. Crops were different and the weather severe and unstable. Though there is l i t t l e debate that for the majority of emi-grants the new world proved to be an improvement, both in terms of material rewards and p o l i t i c a l freedom, a sense of economic and social deprivation again arose: Rapid settlement of the country (Upper Middle West) and growth in population were sufficient in themselves to provide a steady stream of immigrants in the westward movement. But to these impersonal factors the student must once again add a folkish element — the dissatisfaction among those persons who f e l t , rightly or wrongly, that they were being cheated of a portion of the economic well-being and social exhilara-tion that they identified with America. Thus their opposi-tion was by no means limited to weather, plagues and Midwestern techniques of farming. They were c r i t i c a l of railroads, of grain buyers and speculators, of manufacturers and processors, and even local townsmen. They identified politicians, espe-c i a l l y those in office, with privilege and exploitation and 11. Ibid., p. 174. 35 occassionally used bitter words in denouncing them. More important than p o l i t i c s , however, was the s p i r i t of indepen-dence, defiance, and even rebellion that frequently charac-terized the letters finding their way into newspapers "back east". These letters suggest, in fact, that for some who lef t Norway the search for freedom, in a l l i t s unattainable richness and fullness, did not end in the Middle West. It continued as a prime mover in a regional migration that produced, i f not greater opportunity and social advancement, at least a striking change i n the pattern of their lives. Generally, the migration from the American mid-west was into the Puget Sound area of Washington State. Norwegians had not entered British Columbia in the 19th century except as individuals. However the provincial government was anxious to develop i t s hinterland through settlement and now made free land available to colonizing companies. The terms of such land grants were that, within a five year period of settlement the colony must contain at least 30 families. The govern-ment provided 160 acres of free land per homestead and a wagon road through the settlement. Word of this opportunity reached the future Bella Coola colonists in Minnesota through letters from a Norwegian curio collector, B.F. Jacobsen. As the American letters provided knowledge of an out for hard pressed Norwegians in Europe, so these letters provided knowledge of an alternative to the prevalent depres-sion in the mid-west. For many of the colonists, the move to Bella Coola was the second emigration of their l i f e . The move to the isolated coast of British Columbia however, did not answer the long-standing quest of the colonists for economic security and p o l i t i c a l "freedom". A Lower Mainland newspaper of the day t e l l s us: 12. Bjork, Kenneth 0., West of the Great Divide: Norwegian Migration  to the Pacific Coast, 1847-1893, Northfield, Minnesota: The Nor-wegian-American Historical Association, 1958, p. 20. 36 Not Built for Pioneering. — Thirteen of the Norwegian set-tlers who went to Bella Coola several weeks ago returned to Victoria on the Steam Boxowitz. They were dissatisfied with the place and awed by the d i f f i c u l t i e s to be overcome in the settlement founded by the Government and quit .... One of the party said: "The settlement f i r s t of a l l must have a road .... The underbrush is so dense in places that i t (is) v i r -tually impassable .... The best of the land is only f a i r and a lot of i t is very poor .... Some of our party objected on account of the distance from market and the isolation from the rest of the world. Although the settlement .is sometimes referred to as a "co-14 operative religious Utopia", the Bella Coola Colony was neither r e l i -gious nor Utopian beyond the norm of most Norwegian Lutherans at the time. While settlers at f i r s t bought manufactures and food-stuffs co-operatively , this practice faded as quickly as a family centered economy could be developed. The pastor of the congregation was Norwegian-born (as were most colonists) but he was educated for the ministry at Augsburg Sem-inary in Marshall, Wisconsin. This seminary was central in the promo-tion of the ideas which led to the founding of the minority position Lutheran Free Church three years after the founding of the colony. The Bella Coola congregation, though Saugstad himself was dead by this time, would join this synod. Briefly, the Lutheran Free Church stood for a low-church atmosphere, and a congregational (as opposed to synodal) authority. The daily l i f e of i t s membership was not especially other-worldly. While the pleasures of the flesh might be railed against in sermons, as much physical comfort and c i v i l i z e d " paraphernalia as 13. The British Columbian, New Westminster, December"10, 1894. 14. Norris, John, Strangers Entertained: A History of the Ethnic  Groups of British Columbia, Vancouver: Evergreen Press, 1971, p.127. 37 could be afforded was acceptable. In the area of theology, much sep-arated these Lutherans from the Anglicans, Methodists and Presbyterians of the coast, but there were few differences in daily l i f e . Within 50 years of coming to the valley, the Lutheranism of the colony had v i r -tually disappeared. The congregation members had a f f i l i a t e d with the United Church or l e f t organized religion altogether. The Formal Organization of the Norwegian Colony The colony was established as an autonomous unit under the laws of British Columbia and i t s purpose stated in i t s constitution, was "to induce moral, industrious and loyal Norwegian farmers, mechanics and business men to come to Bella Coola and make their homes under the 15 laws of British Columbia." There was no religious restriction placed on membership, although prospective colonists were to furnish "satis-factory evidence of good moral character ... (and) ... working a b i l i t y . " Liquor was not to be imported or used save for "sacramental, medical, mechanical, and chemical uses." Government of the colony was by a col-onial managing committee consisting of five members — elected by the colonists who held land grants. (In effect, this was sufferage for family heads.) Three of these members were the colony's president, vice-president and secretary. The president and secretary were also the negotiating committee between the government and the colony. Terms of office were one year. The colony would hold one general meeting a year. 15. Kopas, C l i f f , Bella Coola: A Story of Effort and Achievement, Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1970, p. 246. 38 Settlement Pattern The government of British Columbia, in i t s agreement of immigration with the envoy Reverend Saugstad, offered each colonist a free quarter section of valley land. The government also offered to build a wagon road from the sea to the settled parts of the valley, on the condition that thirty or more families permanently settle in the valley. Farm plots in accord with the 1892 land survey of the B.C. government were drawn by l o t . The Norwegian settlement took place mainly on the south side of the valley (often only the south side is habitable) from the eastern limit of the Indian Reserve (which strad-dles the f i r s t three miles of the mouth of the valley) to about 18 miles upstream from the sea. The major Norwegian centre was Hagensborg, 12 miles from the sea. There was no townsite at Hagensborg but simply a general store, church and school built along the valley road. This is s t i l l the case. Each family lived on i t s own 160 acre plot along the length of the valley. In the spring of 1895, the government appropriated $10,000 for roads and bridges in the valley. By the end of the summer, the road had been extended 20 miles up the valley — generally running through the settled areas. The population of Norwegians had grown to about 220. Although not twenty miles in length, the settled area was too extensive to be effic i e n t l y served by one church and especially one school. The wagon road was never reliable, for passage could be painfully slow due to mud, and bridges were prone to wash out. As soon as possible, therefore, schools, which could also serve as church 39 Bella Coola Valley-Bella Coola Townsite and Indian Village 40 and community buildings, were built at Lower Bella Coola (about 4 miles inland from the sea) and at Nutsatsum (about 6 to 8 miles above Hagens-borg). Neither of these areas ever developed as townsites or shopping centres. Land for community hall/schools/churches was donated by the owner of the appropriately located quarter-section. Doubtless the convenience of having the f a c i l i t y close at hand was more than compen-sation for the lost square footage of land. It was not un t i l 1904 that a townsite for whites was sur-veyed by the government at the mouth of the Bella Coola River. This townsite (destroyed by a flood in 1924) was across the Bella Coola River from the present site on the east side of the Necleetsconnay River. The old townsite shared the Indian townsite street grid as does the new. The Bella Coola townsite was never the sole domain of the Norwegians as the up-river settlement had been;. . The successor mer-chant to the H.B.C., the methodist missionary to the Indians, their families, and a few coastal labourers had preceded the Norwegians to Bella Coola, but stayed at the mouth of the river. The new town became a centre for persons not involved in occupations u t i l i z i n g the land — fishing, service and merchandizing. However, men who became fishermen also continued to live in the valley. Non-Norwegian Settlement One of the terms of colonization granted by the British Columbia government to the Norwegians on entering the valley was a re-serve for Norwegians on a l l valley lands for five years after coloniza-tion began. This reserve ended in 1899 and then various individual 41 immigrants of differing origins arrived in the valley. In 1912-14 a small colony of Seventh Day Adventists arrived and located upstream from the Norwegian area of settlement at Firvale. Later an immigration of Mormons occurred, but they did not stake out any particular portion of the valley. Over the last 50 years settlement has occurred through-out the valley where terrain permits. No areas (outside of the Indian reserve) maintain an especially ethnic or religious sectarian identity. Population Changes in the Twentieth Century The Canada Census of 1961 records a population for the valley of 1,339 persons — 444 of these lived on the Indian reserve, 345 lived in Bella Coola townsite, 413 in Hagensborg, and the remainder through-16 out the valley. Of non-reserve population, only 290 were reported as Scandanavian; 481 persons gave their ethnic origin as British; 106 as other European; and 18 as (native) Indian. Furthermore, of the non-reserve population, only 144 persons were reported as Lutheran, 122 were reported as Anglican, 415 as United Church of Canada, 62 as Roman Catholic, and 152 as other denominations. English was reported as the mother tongue of 819 of the valley's 895 non-reserve population. Only 90 of the valley's 895 non-reserve population were recorded as "on-farm" .residents. 16. Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Unpublished Data Sheets by Enumer- ation Area, 1961 Census. Throughout the remainder of the thesis, these three settlement areas: townsite, Indian village, and valley w i l l be referred to. When Valley is capitalized a l l set-tlements w i l l be referred to. When discussing the Bella Coola Valley population vis-a-vis the rest of the world, the residents of a l l settlements refer to themselves as "the Valley". In dis-cussing local issues, local people use valley to refer to the rural population not livi n g on the townsite or village. 42 In a matter of 67 years after the establishment of the col-ony the population had shifted from almost solidly Norwegian Lutheran farmers to "Canadians" of mixed origin and religion, English-speaking, and mainly "non-farm" in residence and occupation. 43 CHAPTER I I I BELLA COOLA'S ECONOMY Introduction The population of the B e l l a Coola Valley has r e l i e d econo-mica l l y on three i n d u s t r i e s : a g r i c u l t u r e , f i s h i n g and logging. The following tables, compiled from Federal voter's l i s t s , summarize as-1 pects of B e l l a Coola's labour force. Table I summarizes the p a r t i c i -1. The B e l l a Coola V a l l e y has always been tabulated i n Canada's census within a larger D i s t r i c t . In the census of 1961, B e l l a Coola and Hagensborg f e l l within one enumeration area, while F i r v a l e f e l l w i thin a second and the Indian Reserve a t h i r d . S t a t i s t i c s Canada was able to supply basic demographic material from the 1961 census for these areas — which do not appear as such i n the census pub-l i s h e d reports. However, i t i s not possible to get such i n f o r -mation f o r the e n t i r e h i s t o r y of the Valley. An a l t e r n a t e , though not t o t a l l y satisfactory-method of gaining at l e a s t occupational information for adult Canadian c i t i z e n s i n the V a l l e y labour force, has been from Government of Canada voters' l i s t s . The voluntary nature of entrance on the voters' l i s t s could lead to under-report-ing. L i s t s are a v a i l a b l e from 1935 u n t i l the 1968 e l e c t i o n . In 1962, the labour force for the V a l l e y (excluding the Indian reserve) was 309 persons according to the voters' l i s t s . I t was 374 per-sons according to the 1961 census. This means about 80 per cent of the adults registered i n the census as workers re g i s t e r e d to vote as members of the work force (rather than as housewives or as r e t i r e d persons). I b e l i e v e — at l e a s t for 1961 — that the missing 20 per cent of the labour force from the voters' l i s t s does not so much consist of names not mentioned as i t does of wives who work but did not enter an occupation. According to the 1961 census, the Valley's female working force i s 83 persons i n strength. I t i s highly concentrated i n p r o f e s s i o n a l , sales and c l e r i c a l ser-v i c e areas. I t i s not often d i r e c t l y involved i n the staple indus-t r i a l occupations of the community. The voters' l i s t s are superior to census s t a t i s t i c s i n that they present not s t a t i s t i c a l compila-tions but actual l i s t s of names attached to occupations. I t i s possible to trace occupational careers of i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s through them. The following voters' l i s t s were u t i l i z e d i n compiling the Tables: For 1935, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Skeena, Rural P o l l i n g D i v i s i o n Nos. 72, 73, 74; for 1945, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Skeena, R.P.D. Nos. 66, 67, 68; f o r 1953, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Skeena, R.P.D. Nos. 78, 80, 81; for 1962, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Skeena, R.P.D. Nos. 147, 148, 149, 150; for 1968, E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t of Coast C h i l -c o t i n , R.P.D. Nos. 10, 11, 12, 13. Table I. Labour force In major occupations-by year for non-reserve population — whole numbers and percentages for selected dates from 1935 to 1968. Total Labour Force Farming Fishing & Related Work Fish Canning Logging & Related Work Saw Milling Trades Sales & Clerica l Services Other 1935 199 100.0% 72 36.0% 48 24.0% 2 1.0% 8 4.0% 0 0.0% 7 3.5% 11 5.5% 41 20.0% 1945 168 100.0% 57 30.0% 38 23.0% 13 8.0% 10 6.0% 1 0.6% 4 2.4% 10 6.0% 35 21.0% 1953 307 100.0% 37 12.1% 70 23.0% 10 3.0% 90 29.0% 11 3.0% 29 9.4% 15 4.5% 45 15.0% 1962 309 100.0% 27 8.8% 36 12.0% 2 0.7% 93 30.0% 10 3.0% 27 8.7% 23 7.8% 91 30.0% 1968 253 100.0% 9 3.6% 30 12.0% 1 0.2% 58 23.0% 12 4.0% 31 12.1% 24 9.9% 88 35.0% Table II. Labour force in major occupations by year for reserve population — whole numbers and percentages for selected dates, 1962 and 1968. Total Labour Force Farming Fishing & Related Work Fish Canning Logging & Related Work Saw Milling Trades Sales & Clerical Services Other 1962 93 100.0% 61 65.6% 15 16.1% 1 1.1% 5 5.4% 11 11.8% . 1968 85 100.0% 56 65.9% 21 24.6% 8 9.5% Table III. Labour force in percentages for major occupations by year for a l l population — selected dates, 1962 and 1968. - whole numbers and Total Labour . Force Farming Fishing & Related Work Fish Canning Logging & Related Work Saw Milling Trades iSales & Clerical Services Other 1962 402 100.0% 27 7.0% 97 24.0% 2 0.5% 108 26.0% 10 2.5% 28 7.0% 28 7.0% 102 25.0% 1968 338 100.0% 9 3.0% 86 25.0% 1 0.5% 79 24.0% 12 3.5% 31 9.0% 24 7.0% 96 28.0% 1968 •-3 "i H to o H - a> n> H h » H > < ro M H» o » M to ro cr o 0 o 1 o 00 H 0> U J o o ui U H In U Ul O M * • to O CO *- O O Ch O O CT-»0 H N 1962 H "q * a o H - to ro H to 3 to M to ro cr o o o ii o oo M 01 Ul H» O N M O > ^ W Ul H si ^ >J Ch M O CD i -J> O O N O O U CO £s M h-> O H O O U l o o o o IO O H 00 Ul O CO >l O O H Ul SIH Ul H UIOUIO Ul M H" UJ O O *• Ul O H" JI-1953 o H- tu ro > < (0 f 01 3 01 CO ro cr o o o >i o OO H* 0) Ul I— o ro o si NlO*CO Ch H» J> O O NI CO O O l-» IO M O O I— I—1 O O I -' Ul o u> to Ul H H W IO M sl O Ul l-< to to o o o o Ul H H Ul Ch M O Ul 1945 o H - oi ro H 11 W H > <! ro f O 3 to I— in ro cr o 0 o 1 o oo i-* 01 Ch to Ch CO co ro *s to ch o to .es ui o o Ul H" O t-" O M O O N W H O M ** o to ro O H M s l o o o o H" O O t-i o o o o ui o o ui o o o o W O M H O HOI Ul 1935 Bella Coola Hagensborg Firvale TOTAL IDHC0IO I O S I S I U I T o t a l Lab-our Force sj H H N M H I O Fanners J> ro to •r> o o «- Fishermen O M M Occupations Supportive to Fishing to o o ro Cannerymen sj o *• w Loggers M O !-• O Occupations Supportive to Logging O O O O Sawmillers 1- O !-• o Gov't. Ser-vices for F i s h , Game, Forestry N H O P Highways & U t i l i t i e s t-1 O M t—1 Teachers ro o o ro Other C i v i l Servants si o u J> Tradesmen UJ si Sales & C l e r i c a l H * O H * O Domestics O O O O Non-Teaching School Sta f f M O O M Non-Medical Hosp. Staff Ul Ul Ul Ul Unspecified Labour si o O si Unspecified Engineers o o o o Tourist Services ro O . H - t-* Transporta-t i o n si O O si Medical Hosp. Staff J> o «- o Other H §• ro w < Table V. Labour force by detai l e d occupational category, by year f o r reserve population — whole numbers. Total Labour Force Fishermen Occupations Supportive to Fishing Loggers Government Service Tradesmen Sales & Clerical Services Domestics Non-Teaching School Staff Non-Medical Hospital Staff Unspecified Labour Tourist Services Medical Hospital Staff Other 1962 93 56 5 15 l : 1 5 : 1 3 4 1 1 1968 85 51 5 : 21 1 1 4 1 1 . 48 pation of the Valley labour force exclusive of Indians on the reserve by year in major industries. Table II summarizes the participation of the reserve population in these industries. Table III combines these two populations. Table IV details occupation by year and by settlement area in raw numbers. Table V presents this same information for the Indian reserve. If one could speak of a "natural" or obvious economic base for the Valley, i t would be the salmon fisheries. This was the economic base of the aboriginal population. The f i r s t Europeans in the Valley pursued the fur trade. The f i r s t substantial white settlement was sup-2 posed to be agricultural. Agriculture The agricultural potential of the Valley has always been subject to question. The Norwegian settlers of 1894 arrived to find their "farms" in heavy coastal forest. The clearing job was back-breaking. Once cleared, the farms s t i l l stood in danger of flood, of unpredictable drought or long periods of cloudiness and rain. Despite constant declarations by Valley boosters that Bella Coola is fine agri-cultural country, the rewards have not been enough to keep the labour force on the farm. By 1968, only 9 persons or 3.6 per cent of the white labour force of the Valley reported farming (or ranching)as their occu-pation. No Indians reported as farmers. Fougner, Iver, "The Founding of Bella Coola" in The Canadian Maga- zine, 1904, p. 524. 49 Farming, for the majority of Bella Coola people, is not pre-sently something to be considered as an occupation. A l l of those people reporting as farmers in 1968 had reported as farmers in some previous year. (See Table VI, below.) The majority reported as farmers in 1945. A l l men reported as farmers were middle-aged or older. It is doubtful i f any of these men make their complete livi n g off their farms. Some are on old age pension; others work at other jobs as they are available — hence the occurrence of "mailman" and "millworker" midway in the re-ports of some individuals. Table VI. The careers of a l l persons involved in Farming in 1968. Each number across the top represents one individual. The blue shading indicates Farming. The pink shading indicates occu-pations in the primary extractive industries — fishing and logging. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1968 : . F F : F ' F F F F F F 1962 - . F F MM F F L F F . 1953 F . F F F F F. L Sm 1945 F . F F F F F 1935 f La F F tr Legend: F, farmer; f, fisherman; L, logger; MM, mailman; Sm, sawmill work; La, Labouring; t r , trapping. (Source: Canada Voter's Li s t s , see footnote 1, Chapter III). Farming in Bella Coola does not include vegetable gardening. It is more apt to consist of cattle raising with hay making on the side. There are a few orchards — a l l of them older and not being maintained. 50 The only export product is the occasional head of beef — this would occur indirectly through the Anahim Lake area. There is l i t t l e local sale of local produce. Local beef that is sold, i s done b y producer-to-consumer. A l l local stores must stock government-inspected beef which comes from Vancouver. Many peo-ple, in fact, in order to gain a reduction on their meat expenses, buy freezer-lots direct from Vancouver suppliers. Vegetables and f r u i t are also imported from Vancouver — arriving on the weekly steamer. Many valley residents have substan-t i a l vegetable gardens of their own. The only sale of such produce occurs privately — generally in connection with f r u i t . Despite the small number of persons reporting as farmers in the community, agriculture continues to be a much talked of occupation. Editorials in the Bella Coola Courier of 1912 to 1917 and in the Valley  Echo 50 years later, repeat the message that local farmers, in order to gain the local population's support, w i l l have to deal f a i r l y in their merchandizing. At the time of the study, this message was repeated verbally. In the newspapers of the '50's and '60's — and verbally in 1970 — agriculture was presented as an industry that would outlive forestry. A Farmers Institute continues to exist and as recently as 1958 had an attendance of AO people at i t s meetings. Occassional v i s i t s to the f a l l f a i r by provincial agricultural officers stimulate rumours that the government realizes the valley's commercial agricultural po-tential. 51 Fishing The commercial salmon fisheries had been established on the coast of British Columbia long before the settlement of Bella Coola. At the time of the Norwegian settlement there were two canneries in Rivers Inlet, the next inlet south on the coast. A cannery at Namu, on Fitzugh Sound, 60 miles southwest along Burke Channel from Bella Coola, 3 was also in operation. There was no actual cannery at Bella Coola unt i l 1900. By that time there were six canneries operating at Rivers 4 Inlet as well as the one at Namu. In 1900, the Bella Coola pack was rather minor, consisting of 4,138 cases: that of Namu and Rivers Inlet 5 plants amounted to over 80,000 cases. The Norwegian colonists entered the fishing industry from almost the beginning of their settlement. While there was i n i t i a l l y no commercial establishment at Bella Coola, the men soon found summer work in coastal canneries and fisheries elsewhere — especially at Rivers 6 Inlet. Fishermen worked for wages, using four-man Columbia skiffs which were owned by the canning companies. Oarmen received $40.00 a 7 month; netmen $60.00. Free food was also included. Norwegian men in the canneries earned from $50.00 to $100.00 a month as well as free 8 food. Work in the fisheries in the early 1900's brought in more cash 3. Lyons, Cicely, Salmon, Our Heritage, Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1969, p. 706. 4. Ibid., p. 706. 5. Ibid. , p. 706. 6. Fougner, op. c i t . , p. 534. 7. Kopas, C l i f f , op. c i t . , p. 262. 8. Fougner, op. c i t . , p. 534. 52 than work on the wagon road at $1.00 a day — the only other cash pay-ing work yet available in the Valley. The f i r s t canning company and cannery to be located in Bella Coola was built in 1900 by the man who had bought the Hudson Bay Company store and the younger brother of the owner of Namu cannery. The cannery was operated for only two years by the original partners. The partner-ship failed as the working partner was sickened by fish and unable to oversee the operation. It was sold to British Columbia Packers Associa-tion (later to become B.C. Packers Ltd.) in 1902 and became a net camp 9 for Namu in 1935. Namu by then was also owned by B.C. Packers Ltd. The second canning company and cannery, Tallheo, was built in 1917 by B.F. Jacobsen, a curio collector who had originally drawn the Norwegian's attention to the Valley. Jacobsen had eventually set-tled in the Valley, married, and joined the community. The cannery was financed by R.V. Winch and Co. Ltd., a prominent coastal firm at 10 the time, and very shortly became their outright property. In 1918, R.V. Winch and Co. Ltd. became part of the newly incorporated Northern 11 B.C. Fish Ltd. The early twenties were a period of depression in world s a l -mon markets. Northern B.C. Fish collapsed in 1923 due in part to a high spoilage rate in their Namu pack and in part to a demand for 12 immediate payment of debts due to the Royal Bank of Canada. The var-9. Lyons, op. c i t . , p. 680. 10. Ibid., p. 315. 11. Ibid., p. 330. 12. Ibid., p. 357. 53 ious plants of the corporation were leased or sold — Tallheo was leased and then sold in 1926 to the Canadian Fishing Company Ltd., a 13 subsidiary of the American New England Fish Company. This was in a period of expansion by that company which was to become one of the two major coastal firms. From 1923 to 1926 the company acquired twelve 14 existing canneries. Tallheo was operated by the Canadian Fishing 15 Company until 1947 when i t too became a net camp. There are three factors beyond the control of the fisher-man in the fishing industry: the supply of f i s h , the supply of capital for equipment, and the supply of markets. The history of fishing on the coast has been a constant struggle to bring these three factors into an order that w i l l allow a reliable income for fishermen, as well as acceptable profits for middlemen and operators. The need for high capital investment has always existed in the industry. I n i t i a l l y i t was a problem of the operators. They had to find the means by which to build and operate the cannery, as well as advance credit to fishermen for gear and food — with no hope of a return on the pack (sold largely in the east and Britain) u n t i l 16 almost the beginning of the next season. The canning operators were constantly scrambling to maintain arrangements with bankers and brokers. With mechanization in the industry, the capital requirements have 13. Ibid., p. 357. 14. Ibid., p. 365. 15. Ibid. , p. 480. 16. McKervill, H.W., The Salmon People, Sidney: Gray Publishing Ltd., 1967, p. 37. 54 steadily increased — not only in the processing, but in the harvesting 17 of f i s h . The process of increasing capitalization has been outlined by Deutsch et a l . : Technological change has given rise to three trends of growing importance: i) a slow but nonetheless steady and perceptible trend towards larger scale operations at the primary fishing stage. The larger, more mechanized and bet-ter equipped vessels have been harvesting a larger share of the total fish catch year by year; i i ) a rapid trend towards larger-scale more centralized operations and consequent con-solidation of ownership and control in the hands of a few large concerns at the processing stage of production; i i i ) a continual tendency towards over-investment, excessive num-bers of fishermen, and consequently relatively low incomes among a considerable number of primary producers in the industry.-*-^ The community of Bella Coola has experienced a l l of these trends at work. Despite the growing capital input to the industry, labour has only been reduced in the most direct sense, for example, nets are no longer hauled in by hand. Some fishermen in gillnetters do make yearly earnings of $14,000 and more — but these are the few with good luck and the strength and courage to face the open sea for long unbroken periods of steady work. The majority of fishermen, even working solidly throughout the season, have such low returns that fishing provides the lowest average wages of a l l B.C.'s primary industries. B.C. fishermen had an average income of $5,806 in 1970 while workers in the forest i n -19 dustries averaged $8,291 in 1969. 17. Ibid. , pp. 141-153. 18. Deutsch, J.J., Jamieson, S.M., Matuszewski, T.I., Scott, A.D., and Will, R.M., Economics of Primary Production in British Columbia, Vol. 3, Fisheries, Vancouver: manuscript, 1959. 19. Pacific Region-Fisheries Service, Dept. of the Environment, An  Analysis of Gross Returns from Fishing Vessels in British Columbia, 1969 and 1970. Vancouver, 1971, p. 45. 55 Of great importance to local-level p o l i t i c a l activity i s the forced removal of the fishermen from the community for much of June through September and longer for halibut fishermen. Fishermen must fish when the fis h are running, and where the government conservation auth-orities designate. A result of this i s the closure to fishermen of on-going positions of authority or leadership in the community. They simply cannot attend meetings as readily as others. Fishermen generally are not highly involved in the community but rather pursue private family l i f e when ashore. Their p o l i t i c a l concerns are attuned to a coastal or industrial level rather than that of the local community. Historically, and presently, the fishermen have not been a major factor in Bella Coola's local p o l i t i c a l l i f e . These observations have only been made in connection with the white community. The role of fisherman in the Indian community may be quite different. Only 12 per cent of the white labour force was employed in fishing in 1968; 66 per cent of the Indian labour force was employed in fishing. Perhaps when such a large part of the community is involved away from home, important decisions must wait their return. The men of Bella Coola who became involved in canning rapidly f e l l to the financial treacheries of the industry. By the time the fisheries reached Bella Coola, high capital investment — beyond the ab i l i t y of even B.C. financial interests — was essential. In Bella Coola, commercial fishing has always been an activity controlled from the outside. 56 Logging and Milling When B.F. Jacobsen built Tallheo cannery a few miles from Bella Coola in 1917, he imported lumber from Rivers Inlet — about 120 sea miles to the south. Logging operations and saw mills had existed in the Valley on and off, but were scaled only to the most limited local market. The Valley was considered too distant from the mills and mar-kets of Vancouver to be of commercial use. In the 1930's a logging company from outside the community — the Viking Timber Company — operated br i e f l y in the Valley before run-ning out of credit and going broke. The payroll creditors — local men — took over the assets and debts to operate as the Northern Co-operative Timber and Mills Association. Originally, some thirty men were involved in the cooperative which combined both logging and a saw m i l l operation. A f i r e in 1945 destroyed a large amount of equipment and much of the land holdings were consequently sold out to Northern Pulpwood, a subsi-diary of Crown Zellerbach. In 1969 the lumber market outside the Valley had appeared so uncertain that the operator and shareholders voted to cut production to a level that could be consumed locally. This amounted to so small a production that i t became senseless to maintain the logging end of the operation — logs were bought in 1970 from Crown Zellerbach. (1969, in the end, turned out to be a great year for small producers because of the strikes of the major production industry. Northcop m i l l however, missed this boom.) The company presently has a capital investment of only about $50,000. Even as early as 1960 i t was experiencing trouble 57 gaining the capital to meet forest service standards. The operators were unable to impress forestry o f f i c i a l s at Prince Rupert of the "crippling expense of two burners" which regulations required for their m i l l . By 1970 only five men (representing two families) were employed and not full-time at that. The logging part of the operation is not functioning and the m i l l i t s e l f has remained small, not located on water, and reliant on trucks to deliver logs and pick up lumber. By far the greatest logging operation in the Bella Coola Valley i s that of Crown Zellerbach which came to the valley with i t s purchase of Northern Pulpwood. Northern Pulpwood had entered the Valley in 1948 in order to cut for i t s Ocean Fall's pulp m i l l . Involvement of the white labour force in logging jumped from 10 persons (or 6 per cent) in 1945 to 90 persons (or 29 per cent) in 1953. By 1962, 93 per-sons (or 30 per cent) were involved in logging. Fishing meantime had slumped from 70 persons (23 per cent of the labour force) in 1953 to 36 (or 12 per cent) in 1962. (Including the Indian labour force in this accounting equalizes the two major trades. Logging and fishing each occupied a quarter of the labour force in 1962. These proportions held in 1968, although the involvement of the Indian labour force in logging rose to 24.6 per cent while that of the white labour force dropped to 23.0 per cent.) Crown Zellerbach's operation in the Valley is completely limited to logging, the trees being trucked down the Valley to booming grounds on salt water. Usually, the operation employs 32 valley men. (Crown Zellerbach's timber operation employs a total of 1,050 men on the coast.) 58 The second largest operation in the Bella Coola Valley is that of Allison Logging. It is attached to no m i l l , and sells i t s logs. Based in North Vancouver, i t was incorporated in 1923, but started i t s valley operation a few years after Crown Zellerbach. The company in 1967 had a capital investment of $100,000 — most of that in the Bella Coola operation (the only operation i t presently is carrying on). . It employs about 25 persons in season. A fourth company, Dean Logging, also has i t s head office in North Vancouver, although the president is a resident of the Valley. The company is operating in the inlets outside the Valley but maintains i t s camp at Bella Coola. It employs ten men. The Valley has always had many small mills and small logging operations — often involving only one or two men. At present, three abandoned mills are to be seen in the Valley and more have been dismantled or overgrown. Besides Northcop M i l l , a small shingle m i l l works some-times and a new two-man lumber m i l l — to cut small lumber — has just started production. The new m i l l is owner-operated by two newcomers to the Valley. There are two small logger-contractors in the Valley at the moment. They give employment to a variable number of men — never approaching the number employed by the larger operators. The logging industry also provides employment to a secondary group; private trucking contractors, mechanics, and forestry service officers. The number of men involved in such categories varies — but is usually around twelve in number. Like fishing, the forest industry is subject to strong con-trols from outside the Valley community. These include provincial 59 government r e s t r i c t i o n s on land tenure and c u t t i n g , world market l i m i t s on the disposal and p r i c e of products, and r e l a t i v e s c a r c i t y of c a p i t a l to undertake the l o c a l operation. As i n f i s h i n g , technological advance has increased the need f o r c a p i t a l . Even i n 1953, i t was no longer 20 v i a b l e to maintain a logging operation with l e s s than $60,000 c a p i t a l . In the decade from 1955 to 1965 the number of sawmills operating on the 21 coast of B.C. f e l l by nearly two-thirds — from 300 to 103. Employ-22 ment was cut s l i g h t l y more than one-quarter — from 17,941 to 13,370. Average wages f o r those involved i n t h i s aspect of the industry rose 23 from $3,733 per year to $5,720 — an increase of 53 per cent. The saw m i l l industry has consequently seen a s h i f t to fewer but larger m i l l s , each employing^ more men (although never employing as many as the smaller m i l l s i n t o t a l had done) and providing those employed a much higher wage than small m i l l s had. For B e l l a Coola t h i s has meant the loss of most of i t s l o c a l operations. I t s few remaining m i l l s have not only f a i l e d to follow the increases i n wages brought by the c e n t r a l i z e d m i l l s — they have increasingly f a i l e d to provide employment. Other Occupations Outside of f i s h i n g and logging, the V a l l e y has men i n a wide range of employment, nearly a l l of which i s dependent to some extent on the economic base of those primary i n d u s t r i e s . 20. Deutsch, op. c i t . , writes of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the small logger and saw m i l l e r , pp. 19-29. 21. The S t a t i s t i c a l Record of the Lumber Industry i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1950-1965. V i c t o r i a : Dept. of I n d u s t r i a l Development, Trade, and Commerce, 1968, pp. 6-7. 22. Government of B r i t i s h Columbia, B.C. F i n a n c i a l and Economic Review V i c t o r i a : Department of Finance, 1972. 23. Carrothers, W.A., "Forest Industries of B r i t i s h Columbia", i n A.R.M. Lower, e d i t o r , The North American Assault on the Canadian Forest, Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1938, p. 252. 60 Tradesmen From the time of f i r s t settlement there was some specializa-tion in trades. Certain individuals were more expert at the erection of cedar log houses, some men more accomplished as smiths or mechanics. Generally however, such trades were carried on in connection with farming. By 1935, seven men or 3.5 per cent of the white work force reported as tradesmen. It was not u n t i l the 1953 report that a major increase in tradesmen appears. This number has just about held constant since then. (See Table I, above.) In the 1968 report, even though the white labour force was l i t t l e more than 80 per cent that of the previous two reports, 31 people (or 12.1 per cent of the labour force) reported as tradesmen. The majority of tradesmen in Bella Coola are self-employed. In 1968 the Valley voters' l i s t s reported the following: mechanics, 14; electronics technicians, 1; pipe f i t t e r s , 1; electricians, 2; carpenters, 7; contractors, 6. Table VII (on page 63 below) documents the careers of persons who have been tradesmen at some time between 1935 and 1968 in the valley. (All figures are for whites — only one Indian has ever re-ported as a tradesman. He did so in 1962.) In 1968 only 14 (or 45 per cent) of the respondents claiming to be tradesmen had also reported as tradesmen in 1962. Seven persons (or 23 per cent) had not been in the Valley. Two persons (or six per cent) had been too young to be in the labour force. Seven persons had held other occupations in the Valley. Of the 27 tradesmen of 1962, 13 persons (or 48 per cent) were not em-ployed as tradesmen in 1968. In turn, of the 29 Valley tradesmen of 1953, 21 persons (or 72 per cent) were not employed as tradesmen in 1962. 61 Of the 41 persons who were in the Valley labour force as tradesmen in more than one of the years reported, 21 (or slightly more than 50 per cent) had spent at least one of these years employed in log-ging, fishing, saw milling or canning. Only 8 (or 20 per cent) had worked exclusively at their trade in their period in the Valley labour force. The flow of personnel from occupations in primary industries to occupations in the trades is much stronger than the flow between any other occupational categories. This is partially to be explained in the nature of the trades themselves. The primary industries are major employers of tradesmen. Tradesmen are in a position to know of good openings in primary industries and join the force when they arise. In the same way, an astute worker of the primary industries can see what trades are in demand and attempt to f i l l developing niches in the trade market. More important, the close contact of tradesmen with primary industrial workers allows each a view of the advantages of the other's occupation. The tradesmen can see that logging and fishing can provide at least a liveable minimum wage and sometimes considerable income. The logger or fisherman can see that the trades, while offering less reliable financial returns, are relatively safe and provide a hope of steady, " c i v i l i z e d " hours. The loggers and non-owner fishermen look towards the possibility of being one's own boss. The line between "logger" and "con-tractor" is at times very thin. The equipment one might acquire to pur-sue one occupation — clearing land or hauling loads — can easily be 62 used for small-scale logging. As market and work opportunities dictate, men can slide back and forth between primary industries and the trades. In this respect the trades take on a supportive role in the local economy receiving those persons that the main industries momen-ta r i l y do not require and at the same time maintaining their presence and availability when needed. The majority of tradesmen are not in very secure financial positions. There are three types of tradesmen in the Valley: those who have successfully run long-term businesses, those who have been steadily employed by these men, and those persons referred to above who move in and out of the trades from the primary industries. Among the f i r s t two categories are^many of the community's leaders but from the last there are few. Sales and Clerical Services Specialists in sales and c l e r i c a l services existed from the f i r s t period of settlement. By 1935, 11 persons (or 5.5 per cent of the white labour force) reported themselves in such occupations. (See Table I, above;) Over the next 30 years the percentage of the work force involved in sales and c l e r i c a l services nearly doubled. Unlike the trades, however, this area of employment did not draw heavily from nor give heavily to the labour force of the primary industries. (See Table VIII, on page 63.) Of those 29 persons who had been in the Valley labour force longer than one period of reporting, and reporting at least once in sales and c l e r i c a l service occupations, only 7 (or 24 per cent) had worked in logging, sawmilling or canning. 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Whereas 40 per cent of those persons leaving trades but remaining in the Valley turned to logging and fishing, no one leaving sales and c l e r i c a l services reported a change to these occupations. Sales and c l e r i c a l services, however, experience the heavy turnover of personnel prevalent in trades. Of those 23 persons involved in these occupations in 1962, only 61 per cent remained in 1968. Of the 15 persons involved in 1953, only 53 per cent remained in 1962. In turn, 30 per cent of 1945's labour force in this area were s t i l l involved in 1953. Along the road from Bella Coola to Firvale one may see a number of abandoned commercial buildings; usually they are small, wooden and of simple design. Within the townsite of Bella Coola i t s e l f , abandoned commercial buildings seem to overshadow those in operation. One complete side of the main street i s taken up with the yards and works of a local contractor. While he keeps his own small house, gar-den, and machinery sheds on the property, the site is dominated by a large, weathering, two-storey, wood-frame shell. Without windows or any sort of protective covering, and now deteriorated beyond any hope of completion, this was originally to have been a hotel. It is for sale. On the street side of his house, the contractor has erected a painting of the Bella Coola of the future. It shows the hotel, with i t s ambitious dining lounge at the base of the mountain up which zigzags a steep road to a new sub-division on a f l a t area some 1,000 feet above the present townsite. Like the hotel, this development has only been started in a 65 most rudimentary way — roads have been cut through the site with a Cat, and a few survey stakes hammered down. The same contractor has developed another site to the same extent in a side valley opposite Hagensborg. The stimulus behind these projects and the explanation for the avail-a b i l i t y of financial backing from Vancouver was a much touted plan for large pulp and lumber mil l developments. At the time of the study these pos s i b i l i t i e s — a $100,000,000 development proposed by a Japanese firm and a $80,000,000 one by Crown Zellerbach — were much discussed and debated in the Valley. At the time of writing, the projects appeared to be stalled at the metropolis level. Even i f the corporations once again decide to go ahead, the contractor has already passed the point of li k e l y success. Valley ru-mour suggested his debts were accumulating at a rate of "thousand's of dollars a month". He had been caught in a cycle of Bella Coola business that is as old as the settlement. Speculation based on promised develop-ment from outside, be i t a pulp m i l l or a railroad terminal, has ruined other local businessmen and l e f t sad — i f bizarre — scars on the Valley. On the townsite, and less obvious than the hotel, are small businesses sitti n g idle: a newly decorated dining lounge, vacant cloth-ing shops, and two or three totally empty buildings. Unlike the contrac-tor's business failures, these idle shops are very small in size. It should be noted however, that there are successful and long-standing merchants and businessmen in the community. The town-site supports two general stores (one a co-op), a car dealership, a small hotel and a couple of clothing stores. A new movie theatre also appears 66 to be a success. The upper valley too, has supported a few on-going businesses. It i s this small group of successful merchants that sup-plies many of the participants in local-level p o l i t i c s . Lest we leave a wrong impression, i t should be noted that despite the vacant buildings, the town has enough substantial structure in use to give an a i r of reasonable prosperity. Most of the houses, while small, are neat and painted. The general stores and motor deal-ership have a well-maintained appearance. What really helps to give the business section a look of prosperity however, are the government structures: post office, forestry building, R.C.M.P. building and l i -quor store. There is also a new bank building. The weaknesses of both local trades and sales businesses are similar. The two most obvious reasons for failure are lack of capital and lack of expertise. Additionally, as attested by Valley people, there is often a saturation of sales and trade areas in the Valley. I n i t i a l success;., of a venture seems to c a l l forth imitators and the local market is so small that this proliferation i s apt to spell disaster for a l l . At the;.time of the study, according to several informants, this problem was a f f l i c t i n g the carpentry trade. Even when work is available, lack of expertise has i t s ef-fects. Only a few of the Valley constructors and carpenters want to take contracts; most prefer hourly work. "One fellow wanted some fancy kitchen cupboards put i n . A.B. bid $900 for the job and the man said i t was outrageous. He eventually ended up paying CD. $2,000 at $5 an hour for the same job." 67 One job, a simple kitchen remodelling being carried on while we were in the Valley, took at least two months. Labour alone, at the standard $5 an hour for 40-hour weeks, would have cost at least $1,900. Besides this, the owner of the house often assisted the carpenter in the work. When a local man hired two carpenters from Vancouver to build a new house, local carpenters were incensed. But the owner insisted i t was the only way he could ensure a house to l i v e in for the winter. The house did go up in not much more time than many Bella Coola kitchens. The importation of carpenters from Vancouver, while an af-front to local tradesmen, was only an extension of the tradition of buying from outside the Valley. Even local carpenters must u t i l i z e materials produced outside the community — ceiling and floor t i l e s , hardware, veneers, e l e c t r i c a l fixtures, arborite and so on. While these are sometimes purchased through local merchants, i t i s common practice to order them from large city stores. The brand names of large depart-ment store appliances are common in new Valley kitchens and much of the furniture i s from the same source. The degree to which local merchants are by-passed i s d i f f i -cult to determine. Meat, clothing, appliances and automobiles are often brought into the Valley from outside by the white consumers. The whites are far more prone to buy outside the Valley than the Indians, whom I suspect are the most constant patrons of local stores. Considering that local stores receive no shipping rate advantage over individuals, and that the volume of local business is not enough to gain any substantially reduced wholesale prices, the v i a b i l i t y of any local business i s re-duced . 68 The Valley bakery closed In the summer of 1970 but no hardship was created, for Vancouver and Williams Lake bread i s readily available. The Valley dairy folded several years ago in the face of regulations requiring high capital investment. Again, no obvious loss to the consumer ensued. There i s a general belief amongst the people in the Valley that local business patronage means that money earned by loggers and fishermen w i l l stay in the Valley and make the Valley more prosperous. But when i t comes to spending money, the bargains and variety of the city stores prove more attractive. No locals can match the credit buying offered by the urban department stores. The only advantage of the local merchant i s ready accessibility. Teaching One of the occupational groups with the greatest growth in the last 30 years i s that of teachers and non-teaching staff attached to schools. From one teacher in 1935, the educational staff of the Valley grew to twelve in 1968 and continues to increase. Bella Coola's tea-chers are seldom locally born or raised. They enter- the Valley as adults. Often their Bella Coola job is their f i r s t teaching position. Teachers consequently bring up-to-date ideas and fashions from the urban centres where they have attended college or university. Even after l i v i n g in the Valley for years they continue to occupy a mediating position between Bella Coola and urban culture, institutions and friendship networks. The careers of persons involved in teaching do not often cross occupational lines within Bella Coola, although on a few occasions 69 this had been done. Nevertheless the teaching group, more than any of the Valley's other occupational groups has a very high turnover. There was a 27 per cent turnover in 1970. The previous year 6 of the 12 tea-chers moved on. For teachers, to leave teaching nearly always means to leave the Valley. Some teachers have stayed in the Valley as permanent set-tl e r s . Many of these teachers have teacher spouses. Some female tea-chers have husbands of high local status involved in milling, trades or sales. As teachers are paid according to provincial scales, they are one of the wealthiest occupational groups i n the Valley. They possess security, knowledge of the outside world, and ample time for extra-occupational pursuits. The core of teachers that stay on in Bella Coola present a formidable source of local-level p o l i t i c a l activity. Public Works and U t i l i t i e s Public works and u t i l i t i e s employees have increased in num-bers the same as have teachers. Within the Valley the provincial de-partment of highways has expanded i t s operation to include dyke build-ing and channel clearing in the creeks. An important distinction be-tween the teachers and highway employees i s that the former are generally recruited from outside the Valley; the latter from within. Technically skilled employees in these fields must, however, be recruited from out-side Bella Coola. 70 Hospital Work A source of steady employment since the turn of the century has been the Bella Coola General Hospital. A United Church mission hospital, i t is financed by the government of British Columbia and by local taxes. The last provide $30,000 while provincial funds contribute approximately $200,000 yearly. The federal government pays a sum in l i e u of taxes for the Indian reserve population. The 25 bed hospital has generally employed around a half dozen medical staff including a doctor ot two. It usually employs at least an equal number of non-medical staff. The hospital i s an employer considerably involved with the Indian community. In 1962 one of i t s nurses and three of i t s non-medical staff lived on the reserve. In 1968, at least two non-medical staff lived on the reserve. Government Agencies A small part of the population finds work in c i v i l service jobs — forestry and fisheries officers, the Indian agent, R.C.M.P. constables, Post Master and rural route driver. As a general rule, the higher the training or certification requirements of work in these f i e l d s , the more lik e l y the personnel w i l l have been recruited from outside the community. About 10 to 15 persons are employed in these occupations at any one time. Only the fisheries and forestry officers are directly reliant on the existence of the primary industries for their work. Wages for a l l c i v i l servants come from provincial or federal governments. 71 Tourism The tourist Industry involves few persons directly. At the time of the study, two motels, a hotel, and a guest lodge were operating but these employed small staffs. The Valley presently has at least one lodge and a motel which are non-operating — and the incomplete hotel mentioned above. However another motel was under construction at the time of the study. A l l of these enterprises have been local businesses — no chain-type motels are in the Valley. Only two men returned their occupation as "guide" in 1968. Some men however, work part-time at this. The rugged wilderness area surrounding the Valley makes i t an excellent tourism, fishing and hunting site. Some of the shopkeepers — and of course the guides and accommodation proprietors — carry on an extensive campaign to advertise the Valley in the urban centres of B.C. and in the U.S.A. It is hard to estimate the value of the resultant tourism to the Valley. Many people — including some merchants — claim that tourists and sports fishermen now travel completely outfitted and buy l i t t l e in the Valley. While the continued employment of a half dozen or so persons in the tour-i s t industry i s important, the failure of small tourist businesses, and the small purchases from many camper-equipped tourists, suggest that profits from the industry are far from great. Employment in the tourist industry i s similar to that in the trades, sales and c l e r i c a l services. While a small core of successful men form a centre of the industry, the ranks swell and f a l l with personnel from outside the Valley and from the primary industries. 72 CHAPTER IV THE NATURE OF DAILY RELATIONS IN BELLA COOLA  Introduction L i t t l e communities like Bella Coola can give the appearance of extraordinary powerlessness and extreme dependence on the products, material and symbolic, of mass society. It i s essential to reiterate 1 as would Vidich and Bensman that the people of Bella Coola are li k e l y no different in this regard from most North Americans. We certainly couldn't establish a difference from this study. It is the small pop-ulation and geographic isolation of Bella Coola that make i t s local lack of autonomy stand out in contrast to the myth of democracy and per-sonal freedom we a l l hold to some degree. Most people )of Bella Coola do not see their lives as morbid feasts on imported goods, marked by stories of extraordinary exploitation by foreign timber barons. Rather they continue to centre on births, weddings, family af f a i r s , romances, school plays, community gossip, good fellowship, sickness, and death. It is in the pursuit of these ends that the material and symbolic pro-ducts of the metropolis intrude. The labour, time, and social value de-mands of the metropolis relentlessly shape the world in which these pursuits must take place. Integration of Bella Coola with the Metropolis The cultural and social integration of Bella Coola into the metropolis has been mentioned in the discussions regarding the economy. 1. Vidich and Bensman, op. c i t . , p. x. 73 In terms of the kind of world such an integration creates for Bella Coola there are several considerations: i) The Power-Restricted Community Everyone who has lived in the Bella Coola Valley any length of time as a permanent resident sees Bella Coola as a distinct com-munity. The Bella Coola population i s the "we". The rest of the world forms "theys" of various distances. To identify as a "we" around a geo-2 graphic area is not an extraordinary thing to do. But, compared with the "we" the Lower Mainland can afford, the "we" of Bella Coola i s t e r r i -bly restricted in what i t i s free to do. Weak though the t i e may be, the men of a city council which determines the routes of roads are part of the city dweller's "we". In Bella Coola, where road routes are set by the provincial government, there is not even the i l l u s i o n of a connec-tion. At the time of the study, a major topic of discussion in the Valley was a lumber, pulp and paper complex to be built by one of a number of competing corporations. The new m i l l was both desired and feared. Valley people often said they personally did not want a m i l l because i t would ruin the Valley with i t s smell and the increase in log-ging. One person mentioned however, that i t would mean jobs. Of most importance, he said that his likes and dislikes didn't really matter for the people who l i v e in the area "can't control whether the m i l l comes or not." 2. Robert Redfield discusses this. See sepecially The L i t t l e Community. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1960, especially Chapter VIII, "A community within communities", pp. 113-131. 74 People in Bella Coola wishing to affect their environment inevitably must dig i n their heels against a power (or powers) from outside the community. The outside power is always stronger than the local community. The resulting sense of powerlessness relieves local agents of metropolis corporations and institutions of responsibility for their actions. These local agents are usually — by right of kinship or l o -cal birth — part of the community "we". Such a case was that of the local superintendent of Crown Zellerbach. Few people in the Valley de-nied that the logging he carried on in Tweedsmuir Park was destructive, but they did not put the blame on him. On several occasions informants said that the man had no power to make policy. If he thought something should not be done the most he could do would be to contact Vancouver and advise the head o f f i c e . Although powerless, he was seen as having a vested interest, and was not contacted when protests against the company practices were planned. The provincial Department of Highways provides three grader-men to maintain the 300 miles of gravel, d i r t , clay and sand which makes up the road to Williams Lake. The road is often in terrible condition. It blows away when the weather is dry, and washes away when i t i s wet. It i s the most talked about, and complained about, thing in the Valley. The Superintendent of Highways is a local man who grew up in the Valley and whose father had the job before him. Like the logging superintendent, he is held to be without f u l l authority and therefore without very much blame in connection with the general state of the road. 75 In some cases i t is obvious that his discretion i s involved. For ex-ample, everyone knows i t is the local highways superintendent who decides the dyking p r i o r i t i e s . When a person suffers as a result of these p r i -o r i t i e s , he feels j u s t i f i e d in c r i t i c i z i n g the local superintendent. The expressions of powerlessness of Bella Coola people therefore, are not unthought, untested jingles. The people evaluate situations constantly and assign the power to alter them to persons inside or outside the Valley. The fact simply is that most often this power l i e s outside of Bella Coola. The operations of the Bella Coola Board of Trade exemplify the degree to which the Valley community must appeal to non-Valley powers in order to achieve local goals. The Valley Echo carried a report on the work of the Board of Trade i n the f i r s t 15 weeks of 1960 — i t held eleven board meetings averaging three hours each in length and i t s ac-3 t i v i t i e s included the following: 2 letters sent to the federal government about the post office. 15 letters, 1 telegram, 2 phone calls to the provincial Pre-mier and Department of Highways concerning the roads. 6 letters to companies and outside groups promoting Bella Coola as a port, thanking them for or giving support. 1 letter to the local phone company. 2 meetings with the local phone company. 1 meeting with the Department of Transport concerning phone services. 1 brief to the Department of Public Works concerning a break-water at the wharf. 3 letters to the Department of Transport concerning a sea plane landing base. 2 letters to the Canadian Bank of Commerce concerning the opening of a branch in Bella Coola. 3. The f i l e s of the Bella Coola Board of Trade were destroyed in a house f i r e in 1969. This period in 1960 reported in the Valley Echo is the only such document obtainable at the time of the study. 76 2 letters to the Unemployment Insurance Commission concerning the f i l l i n g of a vacancy in the local office. 2 letters to the provincial Power Commission concerning the extension of power to Firvale. 6 letters concerning Tweedsmuir Park timber. 2 letters concerning a C.B.C. booster station. 5 letters to answer tourists' inquiries. 1 letter to obtain a Highway Gazette from the Queen's Printer. 1 letter to an outside business potential. 4 letters to the B.C. Chamber of Commerce (mostly concerning the road. 1 letter to the Vancouver Board of Trade to pressure the Gov-ernment for road improvements. 1 letter to the B.C.A.A. regarding the road. 1 letter to the manager of Crown Zellerbach at Ocean Falls asking him to pressure the government regarding the road. 2 letters to the Department of Transport concerning the dev-elopment of an air st r i p . 1 letter to Frank Howard (the MP) concerning the developing of an air st r i p . 1 phone c a l l to the Department of Transport concerning the developing of an air strip. A study of incorporation including: 1 letter to the Department of Municipal Affairs. 1 letter to the Department of Municipal Affairs to acquire a copy of the Municipal Incorporation Act. 2 letters to Mission seeking advice based on their experi-ence with incorporation Work on a tourist folder (which the Valley Echo t e l l s us got a very good and singular review in the Sun sports section). Sponsoring of a F a l l Fair Queen candidate. A l l but four of these 72 items involved contact with agencies or persons outside the Valley — 43 being petitions to government agencies. Most of the remainder were aimed at gathering support or information to add weight to the petitions. While the lack of p o l i t i c a l power in the Valley leads to constant petitioning i t also has the effect of actually and symbolically removing responsibility from the Valley. When a federal or provincial "they" recognizes a petition and arranges for a service in the Valley, 77 personnel required to operate that service locally are of such a low bureaucratic level that they are not completely accountable for the ser-vice. The service i s not easily seen as part of the Valley community and problems concerning i t w i l l continue to be met by petitions to the higher outside authorities. i i ) Overt Interference From Outside Interests Occasionally Valley interests and those of the outside agen-cies come into direct, overt conflict. When a group of Bella Coola re-sidents began to petition the property owners in order to gain support for the paving of the Valley road, a l l the employees of the major log-ging company were called together for a meeting i n the workshop. They were told not to sign for the road. If the road was paved the logging-truck drivers would have to watch load limits and this would slow down productivity. The company had sufficient power to induce employees who had already signed up to run after the petition holder and have her remove their names. Instances l i k e this, however, do not appear to be common. The company was successful only in delaying the paving of the road. It did not directly control enough of the Valley men to stop i t . Such overt interference leaves i t s most enduring mark on the minds of those men who through i t are forced to admit their powerlessness. Dur-ing our period in the Valley no one ever spoke enthusiastically about Crown Zellerbach's presence. The most common attitude towards the com-pany seemed to be "We don't like them here, but what can we do when they provide so many jobs?" 78 i i i ) Life Styles A major activity for many residents of Bella Coola — espe-c i a l l y older children and upwardly mobile adults — is to perceive mass trends i n style and popular consumer goods. There i s a consid-erable lack of f i t between this perception and the a b i l i t y of the local community to provide these new commodities. The dominant li f e - s t y l e s of Bella Coola, therefore are those of mass society — those portrayed on television, in magazines, and so on. The distinctive element in them i s the effort required to achieve them in Bella Coola's economic and geographic situation. A prominent Valley businessman's son, who had been to uni-versity, c r i t i c i z e d the Valley people's preoccupation with the newest commodities. He claimed that the "real study" of Bella Coola should be to record how people came to the Valley to "get away from i t a l l " and in three generations were clammering to get back — with the road, through television, and by acquiring "middle class" material goods. He claimed one would have to be clearing $1,500 a month in Bella Coola in order to import a l l the paraphernalia of a "middle class" household. He said a lot of "just middle class" people in Bella Coola would be a lot higher in class with the same money in Vancouver. Irrespective of the soundness of his assertion, the cost of importing goods can be high. For example, three small bullet lamps, purchased i n Vancouver cost a Valley woman seven dollars in shipping charges — four dollars taxi fare to the steamer terminal and three dollars in freight. 79 Overcoming these barriers and presenting a "middle class" appearance i s the test and the sign of success in the Valley. In Bella Coola, to be "middle class" means to possess or have access to an array of goods and opportunities: a "nice" home, two cars (or a car and a pick-up), sometimes a boat, and holidays away from the Valley. At the time of the study, remodelled kitchens were very much the vogue. Comparison was constant: "A's kitchen i s the same colour as B's bath-room!" "C's bathroom i s the smallest in Bella Coola." "D's house is not the nicest in the Valley, E's i s . " This dominant middle class ideal contrasts with a number of conflicting l i f e styles. The f i r s t of these is the "pioneer farming l i f e " which involves a great respect for hard labour with rustic but wholesome rewards: a long l i f e , good food, being-one's-own-boss, phy-si c a l toughness and, in some cases only, religious strength. Material and manufactured goods are secondary. "We made our own fun," i s the nostalgic refrain of those who lived when this style of l i f e was common. No one lives this way today, although some households approach a frac-tured version of i t . They are however, generally too old, feeble, or alone to exert the energy i t requires. If their children had kept this l i f e - s t y l e , these people would now have a grandparental role to play. But because their children have drifted away — or have even l e f t the Valley — these people are forced to carry the role of producer into old age. They do this without much success and are considered to be eccentric and poverty stricken. Generally, they are. 80 A second alternate l i f e s t y l e T-T- and one very much urban in origin — i s that of the "back-to-the-earth" ecologyr-minded segment of the Valley population. It is pursued by people who came purposefully to the Valley in search of such a l i f e . Important components of the style are interests in food production and processing, self-sufficiency, and in keeping industry and additional people out of the Valley. In regard to manufactured goods, these people often show great contradict tions between their ideals and actual behavior. Many of them have fine new homes equipped with manufactured goods which help them to pursue their "self-sufficiency". Several longr-standing school teachers follow this style or orientation of l i f e . Only one Valley-born man ap-pears to espouse this l i f e s t y l e . It is really quite minor and only pursued by a handful of residents. S t i l l another l i f e s t y l e represented in the Valley i s that of the "good-time bachelor" affected mainly by single male workers. This may be but a transitional phase of individual l i f e history abandoned on marriage or at least with the arr i v a l of children. The main expression of this style i s the willingness to spend money on liquor and "good times." Housing and possessions, other than a truck or a car, are of secondary importance. Because most young people li v e at home u n t i l they marry or leave the Valley, this i s generally a l i f e - s t y l e of^per-sons who come from the outside. Those who pursue i t provide the young unmarried people places to party and new acquaintances to party with. A l l save the "pioneer farmer" l i f e s t y l e have very much devel-oped since the f i r s t settlement of the Valley, and are independent of 81 Bella Coola. Even the "pioneer farmer" model was one developed in the American mid-west (and before then in Europe). The unwillingness of the physical Valley to bend to this social model was noted in the dis-cussion of agriculture above. As early as 1912 articles appeared in the Bella Coola Courier noting that residents were tired of 18 years of pioneer hardship. It appears to have been a l i f e - s t y l e more appealing in the abstract than in the reality of l i v i n g . Discrepancy in Scale of Social Systems As the people of Bella Coola shift their dealings back and forth between the local and outside social systems they experience a 4 change in scale (or complexity) of social systems. This discrepancy ultimately works to their disadvantage. According to Benedict, scale i s determined by the "number 5 and quality of role relationships" within a society. Scale there-fore i s independent of raw population. The important factor in deter-mining a large-scale society i s the existence of a large number of social roles. Furthermore scale i s also affected by the quality of relationships between the people in these roles. The majority of re-lationships of modern urban man are fleeting, lack intensity, and can be designated universalistic. The majority of relationships of a bush-4. Scale or complexity is a frequently used concept in community stu-dies. See especially Wilson, G. and M., An Analysis of Social Change  Based on Observations in Central Africa, Cambridge: The University Press, 1954; Frankenberg, Ronald, Communities in Britain: Social  L i f e in Town and Country, Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1965 and Bene-dict, Burton, "The Sociological Aspects of Smallness" in Problems of Smaller Territories, Commonwealth Papers, 10, London: Anthlone Press, 1967. 5. Benedict, op. c i t . , p. 45. 82 man are long-lasting, intense, and can be designated particularis-6 t i c . Without any question Bella Coola i s part of a large-scale society — economically, p o l i t i c a l l y and socially a l l systems lead into the metropolis sphere of mass society. These relationships are very much "universalistic." Yet within the local community, with i t s population so small and so geographically defined, many attributes of small-scale society exist. Frankenberg, in discussing rural British society called such social situations "face-to-face" communities. In face-to-face communities each individual i s related to every other individual in his total network in several ways. In an extreme case a man's father i s also his teacher, •j * his religious leader, and his employer. The people of Bella Coola find themselves in a shifting world of scale. The scale at a particular moment is dependent on what elements of society and economy are incorporated (and to what degree they are i n -corporated) into the metropolis society at that moment. Social rela-tions are governed in accprd with this. The d i f f i c u l t y this presents to the people in terms of local commercial and p o l i t i c a l affairs leaves Bella Coola open to further i n -corporation into mass society. For example, we can consider the sales and trade occupations as practiced in the Valley. Benedict argues that successful ihdustrial development i s dependent on the existence of uni-8 vers a l i s t i c relationships. Only in such a society can jobs be assigned 6. Ibid., p. 47. 7. Frankenberg, op. c i t . , p. 17. 8. Benedict, op. c i t . , p. 55. 83 on the basis of a b i l i t y . Local sales and trades are hardly the indus-t r i a l development to which Benedict refers but in cases such as Bella Coola's, his rule holds true. For a businessman or tradesman to stay i n business in Bella Coola, he must provide his goods or services at a price competitive with those offered by metropolis interests and s t i l l provide himself with enough profit to l i v e . Because of the low volume of local trade and the high costs of transportation such conditions for success demand tight business practices. But i t is far more d i f f i c u l t to cut off the telephone service of one's cousin or neighbour than that of a stranger. It is not easy to take a life-long friend to small debts court — especially when one knows the circumstances of his i n a b i l i t y to meet a debt. Local business, which must operate in a universalistic financial world when facing i t s suppliers, must operate in a particular-i s t i c world when facing i t s consumers. Bankruptcy is always a threat. Outside business however, operates in a universalistic world both in regard to suppliers and to consumers. It need not be so sensi-tive to the personal problems of local debtors. It can spread i t s losses over a larger area than can local business, and weather economic slumps that destroy the local business community. In some cases the efficiency of services as well as their success as businesses can be hampered by the particularistic nature of in-Valley relationships. The local telephone company (now replaced by B.C. Telephone) was owned and operated by a group of Valley families. The system was an antiquated one. A central operator serviced the whole Valley from her kitchen wall switchboard. Long distance calls were re-84 layed from Bella Coola to Williams Lake and the province-wide system by people with units at the range limit points for local c a l l s . In common with many Bella. Coola endeavors, the supply of capital was a problem. One of the company directors, in a letter to the editor of the Valley  Echo of February, 1959, said, "People should pay b i l l s and complaints would be heard a lot more happily." Service could not be improved with-out revenues, but clients f e l t they could be tardy in making these "loc a l " payments. On the other hand, the owners apparently did not feel pressed to provide better service. The telephone was an issue between friends and family, and friends and family can make do. Drawbacks exist but there are positive aspects too. One of the terms of contract in the telephone service was that no calls were to be placed after 9:00 p.m., but the central operator would answer the board anyway. And on Christmas Eve at midnight she would man the board to let the people of the Valley greet one another. Particularistic relationships pervade local l i f e . For ex-ample, several Valley families are well known for their "wildness" and drinking. A member of one of these cannot obtain car insurance for less than $300 a year although he has never had an accident to which the police have been called. Actually, the premium is not out of line with what he and the Valley residents agree is his terrible driving. His car is dented on every corner; he drives fast and sometimes drinks at the same time. We f i r s t met him driving drunkenly, backwards up a stone strewn slope in the middle of the crowded Anahim Stampede grounds. While 85 insurance investigators in the city might by chance gather first-hand information on a prospective client, the client usually stands a good chance of keeping his anonymity. In Bella Coola, the agents know the reputation thoroughly of every prospective client and his family. Some cannot buy insurance at any price in the Valley. The small-scale of local Bella Coola i s recognized by the res-idents who see themselves as "closely knit." But closeness does not provide more social harmony than i s found in urban society. Family feuds invade non-familial areas of Bella Coola l i f e . For example, particularistic relationships entered into the effort to stop the logging in Tweedsmuir Park. A meeting was called by a Valley committee which had arranged for a Vancouver "hot-liner" to come to Bella Coola, v i s i t the sit e , and liste n to community complaints. One of the organizers asked his son-in-law to contact his cousin regarding the meeting. The son-in-law and cousin however, were both members of the same local club, the cousin being i t s current president. Member-ship had been f a l l i n g and the son-in-law had been carrying on a prolonged argument with him over this. When asked to contact his cousin, there-fore, the son-in-law had not done so. At the last moment someone did inform the cousin of the meeting, which of course, he already knew about. The cousin arrived at the meeting certain that the ecology group was "out to get him", although he had no idea why this would be. He nearly stopped the meeting by pulling "ethnicity", claiming the presen-tation read by one of the men was invalid because he was not of the Valley — a Norwegian. Yet the man who read the statement had been in 86 the Valley fourteen years and was an active community member. The cousin accused Norwegians at the meeting of siding with outsiders, a l -though he and the other Norwegians supported the position that had been read. The next day, the cousin refused to meet with the hot-liner, and he, while impressed with the problem, was unable to tape accounts of the unified position he needed and the committee wished to give. The whole affair f e l l f l a t because the parti c u l a r i s t i c relationships were inflexible at a c r i t i c a l time. The immediate l i f e experience for most Bella Coola residents, therefore, i s one of small scale. However, the real social network i n which they are involved as a s a t e l l i t e , requires of them at times a ready a b i l i t y to carry on universalistic relationships. This i s a d i f f i c u l t chore when socializing has been so much towards the part i c u l a r i s t i c . There is a "country criticism" that no one i s friendly on the streets of Vancouver — "they don't even say hello". And rightly so. The over-extension of particularistic relationships could create a painful psy-chological situation for the extender. In Bella Coola, i t i s possible to say "hello" to everyone, in fact i t is d i f f i c u l t to extend anything but particularistic relationships. Trusts and strong emotions go out when they should not, and cost the Valley people money, power, and even-tually self-confidence. Small Size The small population of the settlement has an effect on daily l i f e independent of smallness of scale. The small size prevents devel-opment of local services and f a c i l i t i e s which require a guaranteed min-87 imum of usage above Bella Coola's a b i l i t y . In some cases people are forced to find such services outside the community — there is for i n -stance, no dentist in Bella Coola and residents must leave the Valley for dental service or wait for a travelling dentist to arrive. Other services require fixed f a c i l i t i e s from which to operate and cannot even be brought occasionally into the community. They also may require daily, frequent, accessibility. The provincial government, for example, w i l l finance kindergartens where there are 25 children to a classroom and the local school board w i l l assume administrative res-ponsibility. Bella Coola — including a l l families on the reserve, townsite and in the valley — usually has about 40 children of kinder-garten age and could support a government-financed kindergarten. Potential and actual attendance however, are not the same. In 1970, only 20 kindergarten-aged children attended Bella Coola's kindergarten. Privately run and located on the townsite, i t was established originally to help "close the culture gap" between Indian and white c h i l -dren before they reached Grade One. Tuition fees were set at $20 a month. The Indian Affairs Branch paid this for the fourteen Indian c h i l -dren in attendance and the parents of the six white children paid their fees. While the cost of the privately supplied service kept some parents from sending their children, the wide dispersal of the population through the Valley made successful location of the kindergarten d i f f i c u l t . No matter where i t was located, a large number of children would have to travel substantial distances to bring the enrollment to the required 25, 88 and there is no government provision for busing kindergarten children. As a result of this combination of factors, a form of government assis-tance available to most larger communities cannot be obtained in Bella Coola. 89 CHAPTER V  THE INDIAN POPULATION Introduction In the discussion of the economy of Bella Coola, I noted the separation of reserve and non-reserve populations by Statistics Canada. (See page 43 above.) Throughout the essay only fleeting reference has been made to the Indian population of the Valley, although the 1961 Canada Census verifies that one-third of the Valley population lived on Reserve — 444 persons of a total of 1,339. There are several rea-sons for this neglect. I entered the Valley to trace the workings of local-level p o l i t i c s and the lines I followed never led to Indians. I feel confi-dent in saying that the Indians of Bella Coola have no role in lo c a l -level p o l i t i c a l activity beyond the reserve. Additionally, information regarding occupations on the Bella Coola reserve is d i f f i c u l t to obtain. F i r s t , the Bella Coola and Bella Bella reserves are recorded as a unit by Statistics Canada. Secondly the Indians of British Columbia only gained the provincial franchise in 1949 and the federal in 1960 and therefore there is only a restricted historic record of actual or de-clared occupations available from voters l i s t s . None of this, however, can alter the large physical presence of Indians in the community. The whites and the Indians of Bella Coola liv e side by side in the townsite, they share the same public i n s t i t u -tions, they often work for the same employers. And though community leadership appears never to come from the Indian group, such a physical 90 presence certainly must be accompanied by economic, social and cultural roles in the community. In connection with the metropolis-satellite model one would be tempted to f i t the Indians into the scheme as the furthest — and most exploited — s a t e l l i t e . This was certainly the case in the historic fur trade era and so i t remains in those parts of northern Canada where fur trading continues and the Indian is in a position of furthest s a t e l l i t e , beyond the local white metropolis 1 agents — the H.B.C. traders, church and government professionals. In Bella Coola however, there is l i t t l e direct exploitation of Indian labour by the local white community. The merchants and trades-men and government employees who rely on the Indians as clients, rely on the local whites in the same way. The majority of both Indians and Valley whites are in the same position vis-a-vis metropolis powers. Both groups fish and log for the same corporations. In terms of eco-nomics especially, the Indians are not a s a t e l l i t e of the Bella Coola white community. In social and cultural terms however, the Indian group does have a strong role to play in Bella Coola's s a t e l l i t e position. They serve to integrate the whole community more tightly into Canadian society and act as a " f o i l " to protect the self-image of the whites. This chapter w i l l elaborate on this role and explain i t s importance to the s a t e l l i t e model in regards to Bella Coola. Previous Ethnographic Work The traditional l i f e — especially r i t u a l affairs — was docu-mented by T.F. Mcllwraith after f i e l d work carried on in the early 1920's. Y. Davis, op. c i t . , 1968, p. 219. 91 In 1954, a f i e l d worker for H.B. Hawthorn's Study of the Indians of B r i - tish Columbia spent a month in the reserve village, documenting reserve resources, occupations, inter-group relations, religion and degree of acculturation. Such a time span necessitated an even more cursory view than my own of the white community. In the late '60's there was con-siderable interest in the linguistics of the Bella Coola Indians, how-ever l i t t l e else has been done in the realm of social anthropology. This section, consequently, discusses the Indian population of Bella Coola in narrow and one-sided terms. It offers some data on the white view of the Indian, and my view of their economic, social and cultural importance to the white community. Extent of Contact On most days, for most whites in Bella Coola, the Indians do not exist. Perhaps the same is true in reverse for the Indians with the difference that they must go to the whites for most business and government services. Most whites know the names and family member-ships of many Indians, as well as much of the reserve gossip (who has died, who had a party, who has violated a law, and so on). However, they seldom, i f ever, v i s i t in one another's houses, they seldom go to the same parties and theysseldom get together at the same meetings. Points of Contact The Bella Coola Indian village shares the same paved street grid as the main white townsite of Bella Coola. (See Map 3, page 39 above.) To one not familiar with the Indian Affairs Branch standard 92 housing designs, the transition from one settlement to the other would be quite unnoticeable. Save for the parsonage, the Indian reserve has no homes as substantial as the best on the townsite, but i t has many equal to the norm. While i t has some badly decayed houses and yards, so has the white townsite. It is not a shanty town. The Indian village has l i t t l e in the line of public f a c i l i t i e s : there is a church (once Methodist, now United) , a sports h a l l (which i s a f a c i l i t y the whites lack), and a new friendship and cultural centre, the House of Noomsk, which w i l l be discussed in Chapter VI below. Residents of the reserve shop in the townsite. In the coop-erative store, they often work as clerks. In stores which are small owner-operated enterprises they are customers. Certainly the coopera-tive store i s the centre of Indian activity on the townsite — with In-dian children playing and Indians' dogs lounging on the front walk. Residents of the reserve also rely on the general hospital for both health care and employment. It is the co-op and hospital — besides a water works — that the Hawthorn study mentions in a discussion of the history of "working together" between Indian and white at Bella 2 Coola. The labelling of the waterworks as a local Indian-white coopera-tive project can be questioned. In the f i r s t place i t was originally carried out as a federal duty by the Indian Affairs Branch. The i n -volvement of whites in i t was minimal. Local tradition would have i t as a fortunate piece of subversion: 2. Hawthorn, H.B., et a l . , The Indians of British Columbia: A Study  of Contemporary Social Adjustment. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1 9 6 0 , p. 4 7 0 . 93 .... Much talk had been expended on plans for a pipe line from Tatsquam Falls to the Indian village, to go right by q the white village. While many of the details had been ironed out, the inevitable red tape, the unwinding of which was de-layed since Ottawa and the f i n a l decree were a whole conti-nent away and the mails very slow,had not yet been unravelled. The Indian Agent was away on a trip to other villages in the agency, and when he came back, the pipe line had been laid and water was on tap not only in the Indian village but also in many of theihomes in the white village! A wily young white merchant, who stood high in the respect of the Indians, talked them into laying the pipe lines, not only across the river, but into the white village as well. He ordered the pipe from Vancouver by telegram, and there was feverish dig-ging of ditches and joining of pipes and when the Indian Agent came home the red tape had to be scrapped. The hospital — while willingly supported by whites and Indians — is an institution with l i t t l e opportunity for local decision making. The three major spheres of contact are in logging, fishing and school a c t i v i t i e s . In 1968, 60 per cent of the reserve labour force reported as fishermen (with another 6 per cent tendermen and net handlers — see Tables II and V on pages 45 and 47 above). The same year 25 per cent of the force reported as loggers. This i s generally the same re-port as in 1962 — with the exception of an increase in loggers from 15 to 25 per cent. In 1968 there were nearly twice as many Indians as whites reporting as fishermen (51 to 27). There were not quite half as many Indians as white loggers (21 to 49). Indians, in any event, are well represented in the primary industries. It i s through fishing, that their connection with the cooperative movement was established. The schools of Bella Coola were integrated in 1952 (with the exception of the f i r s t grade which remained separate for a few years). 3. Kopas, op. c i t . , 1968, p. 272. 94 Every white child of Bella Coola, therefore, attends school with Indians at least part of his l i f e . Schools for the community are centralized, the elementary school being a modern structure on the townsite and the modern high school located at Hagensborg. Buses deliver valley, town-s i t e , and village children to the two schools. In the late 1950's, faced with a need for more elementary school space, a small elementary school for the f i r s t grades was built adjoining the Hagensborg high school. Geography makes this an a l l white school. Of the social events and public meetings we attended, In-dians were present at the joint annual meetings of the General Hospital and Red Cross; a few Indians were at the Fir s t of July picnic — but remained physically quite separate; some were present at one of the fund-raising dances for the f a l l f a i r — but sat close to one wall; and a few attended a gymkana, but did not mix with any whites save for a few bachelor "ranchers" from up the valley. Finally, Indian teams often play White teams at various sports. Indians were never at house parties we attended, were never represented at the school board meetings, at plays, nor at most public dances. Verbal and newspaper reports of meetings over the years substantiate this observation. White Attitudes Towards Indians As suggested above, the primary impression given in the ethnic relations of Bella Coola is that the Indians simply do not exist. Life goes on quite satisfactorily without them, for most Bella Coola Whites. However, a f a i r l y consistent attitude towards the Indians of the Valley does exist ~ Indians are seen as a privileged group which 95 pays no taxes, yet receives more government benefits than anyone else. They are thought to be "wards" of the state who are given things, yet are treated as fullccitizens in being allowed to vote anddrink. The view is that this amounts to privilege, not equality. "If the Indians were turned off the reserve and made to compete in the world exactly as Whites do, they would regain their respect and be good successes — as the few that have l e f t the reserve to liv e up-valley have shown," say many Whites. This view of the Indians as a group i s supplemented with a fa i r l y consistent view of individual Indian character. Indians are often spoken of as potentially threatening. For example, speaking of the sports often played between Indian and White teams, one logger told us that i f the Indian team does not win, the referee is apt to end up with a beating. We participated in a women's baseball game in which this sort of rivalry and suspicion was clearly evident. The game was at the townsite and between the Indian Village and Hagensborg teams. Hagensborg started out winning but f e l l behind halfway through due to poor pitching. Both teams showed great distrust of the other. The Indians complained because the umpire was White. The Hagensborg women thought the Indian score was moving ahead too fast and since I«was keeping score for the Hagensborg team asked me to keep a check on the reserve score as well. The Indian women would not throw back balls that rolled among them when they were waiting to bat because, they claimed, the White women never picked up balls for them. The Hagensborg women kept assuring one another they should not get angry because i t was only 96 a game and not worth i t . Both sides were aware they should try their hardest not to offend the other, but both sides did. There were con-tinual short outbursts over points of rules or decisions. No raci a l comments were made. After the game one of the White teammates explained the situation to us. "I was really scared of what they might do i f they got really mad. Up here (Hagensborg) when we play i t ' s okay, but when you play down there surrounded by them you really have to be careful. They'll come right up and beat you up. The next time," she said jok-ingly, " I ' l l have to take a machete." While Indian and White children attend school together and play sports in organized teams against one another, personal friend-ships are not common. Sexual contact between whites and Indians i s not acceptable. Although rumours of i l l i c i t sexual affairs among Whites are common, we never heard rumours of affairs involving local Whites and Indians. Two marriages between local Whites and Indians came to our attention. The White partners in both these cases were considered quite wild and of low status; one of them being divorced, neither of them maintaining "middle class" l i f e styles. A male informant in his early twenties complained about the lack of women in the Valley available for dating. I knew there was a nurses' residence on the townsite in which up to half a dozen or so single women lived. I asked i f he ever dated these women. He said he hadn't and he wouldn't. "The nurses seem to think they have some mis-sion to the Indians," he said. "If you think there isn't r a c i a l pre-judice here, you're crazy. Once a g i r l has been touched by an Indian, 97 she's a write-off." A second informant, a woman who had once been a nurse in Bella Coola, said that considerable scandal resulted from the marriage of White nurses to Indians in the past. None of these nurses were Valley-raised. They continue to work in the hospital. Perhaps i t is this connection that makes the hospital and i t s board, and the Red Cross, such exceptionally integrated institutions in Bella Coola. Irregular White Attitudes Towards Indians It would be most unjust to allow that the above views are a l l that exist in the Valley. They are the dominant views much ob-jected to by certain White individuals. Here i s a rebuttal given to the opinion that there is a privileged status for Indians vis^-a-vis the state: "The Indians are where they are and like they are because we took away everything they had to be proud of, and keep them on wel^ fare. Like anyone on welfare too long, they now expect i t but s t i l l ttsent i t because i t robs them of any self-esteem." Indian Views of the Whites On this topic I can only refer to Hawthorn's study of 1954. "In ... Bella Coola ... the Indian community is more active and has a higher degree of organization than the adjoining white community; this, plus general prosperity, enables the Indians there to develop and keep up quite l i v e l y attitudes of superiority. Their reiteration of these 4 attitudes, however, reveals the inward battle they are fighting." 4. Hawthorn, op. c i t . , p. 600. 98 The Economic Function of the Indians in the Bella Coola Valley Whites in the Valley often complain that they have to support the Indian population through taxation. The Indians, they maintain, pay no taxes yet receive subsidization and welfare in abundance. This view is simply untrue. Indians do not pay a provincial land or local education tax, but, with the provincial homeowner's grant of up to $185, and the relatively low assessment value of most Valley properties, taxes for the Whites are very low — often the minimum $1.00. Indians pay f u l l provincial and federal income tax on a l l money earned off the reserve. For the Bella Coola, this amounts to taxes on virt u a l l y a l l money earned. Indians pay f u l l provincial sales tax and a l l hidden federal sales taxes and t a r i f f charges. In other words, with the ex-ception of property tax in some instances, the whites pay no more taxes than Indians. Indians do receive "free" health and educational services. The federal government is responsible for the education of Indians. In many B.C. communities separate day and/or residential schools are operated or supported. In Bella Coola, in 1952, in line with a growing trend, the Branch entered an agreement with the local school board to support an integrated school — paying the Indian children's share of construction cost and yearly tuition. In 1962 (and population ratios have not shifted significantly since) Indian children made up 43 per cent of school populations. The federal government provided tuition payments for 193 children of $150 each, or $28,950 in total. At present the community has three centralized modern schools (elementary schools at Bella Coola and Hagensborg and a high school at 99 Hagensborg). The f i r s t modern school in the Valley (4 classrooms, gym-nasium, and administrative area) was constructed at Hagensborg in 1949. It was not u n t i l the '50's however, that extensive new development was undertaken. In 1953 a new elementary school opened at Bella Coola townsite. Classrooms were added in 1955 and 1961. Likewise the high school at Hagensborg expanded in 1956 and 1959. While an increase of children and the coming to power of a new provincial government in 1952 may have influenced this spate of school building the availability of extra funds through the Indian school integration must have been an asset. While i t i s true that the Indian tuition money is always accompanied by a student, i t could not be denied that the increase in school size, with funds readily pro-vided, has benefitted the White population as much as the Indian — and provided each population with a diversity of education not previously possible. A local newspaper report in 1959 claimed no Valley students had graduated from Grade 12 u n t i l that date. Today high school gradu-ation (especially for White students) is increasingly common. Indian health care also contributes to the community as a whole. As Indian health care is the responsibility of the federal government, hospital costs in a community are met by that government to the percentage of reserve-Indians in the population. At the time of the study, a new hospital was to be built in Bella Bella ~ in the same regional d i s t r i c t as Bella Coola. The economics of this project lay clear the importance of Indians in providing modern medical ser-vices for everyone on this part of the coast. 100 The hospital i s to cost about $1 million. The province w i l l automatically bear $600,000 of this. (In British Columbia a 5 per cent sales tax paid by Indians and a l l purchasers theoretically provides for this portion of hospital capital cost.) As 90 percent of the Bella Bella patients are Indians, 90 per cent (or $360,000) of the remaining $400,000 (the direct users share) of the capital cost w i l l be paid by the federal government. The remaining $40,000 w i l l be paid by the tax-payers of the Ocean Falls Regional District — the biggest of these taxpayers being Crown Zellerbach. The provincial Minister of Health had assured the Bella Coola doctor that the new hospital would not directly cost local citizens "a nickel". In Bella Coola the federal share would be closer to 30 than 90 per cent of user costs, but the fact remains that modem hospitals for this part of the coast are greatly assisted by an Indian presence. The federal "handouts" to the Indians that many Valley people c r i t i c i z e permit the building of f a c i l i t i e s they could not otherwise have, and with no increase in their own taxes. Besides these relatively straight-forward economic benefits, there is extensive "spin-off" of money into the White community from various financial aid schemes of the Indian Affairs Branch. These special programs are often c r i t i c i z e d by Valley Whites — assistance with fishing equipment, loans and grants for low cost housing — but i t is the white merchants and mechanics who are the secondary benifi-ciaries of such programs. The very individuals who c r i t i c i z e d the availa b i l i t y of funds to the Indians, often would have been out of busi-ness without them. 101 In regard to the White community, the Indian presence in Bella Coola serves to better integrate the White community with the provincial and national metropolis. The Indians greatly assist the entrance of metropolis-centred and developed medicine and educational values into the Valley. The Indians bring capital to the Valley in the form of special assistance programs, but this capital i s specified to be spent on mainly metropolis goods — engines, nets, building hard-ware and materials. Some Whites in the community are provided with livelihoods in delivering and installing these metropolis goods. The overall effect i s not different from that of the primary industries; the Valley population lives materially better, but develops increasing dependencies on the metropolis. The Cultural Function of the Indians in the Bella Coola Valley Beyond an economic role, the Indians of Bella Coola have a social position and a cultural function important to the solidarity and self-esteem of the White community. In the eyes of many White Valley residents, the community of Bella Coola is geographically on the very periphery of the White, urban and "decent" society. In order to compensate, parents are concerned that as f u l l as possible a range of urban experiences be made available. Children are generally well supplied with manufactured toys, stylish clothing, radios (though reception i s poor), and pre-recorded cassettes for tape recorders. Few homes are without television and when they can be afforded, trips to the Lower Mainland are undertaken. This is done with a conscious, articulated purpose of not cheating or handicapping 102 the children. As children approach high school graduation age, anxiety increases concerning their future chances at work or further education. The Indians provide a cultural f o i l for the White community in regard to the Whites' own doubts about their performance vis-a-vis urban standards. In the eyes of the Valley Whites, there may be unem-ployment and underemployment amongst the whites, but i t never approaches that of the Indians. Likewise, the Whites may often find themselves having to accept unemployment insurance and welfare — but, the Whites say, never as much as do the Indians. Likewise, in the areas of edu-cation, material wealth, and l i f e style in general, the Indians provide a reassuring reference group for the Whites — there i s at least one group more peripheral than they. Those hidden fears of a people who have lived on the frontier for three generations (in the case of the Norwegians, at least) find a realization in the Indians. For example, though the Lutheran church is no longer organized and the United Church is not a strong pressure in the Valley, the stern morality that has marked the Lutheran, Metho-dist and Presbyterian churches endures in many ways. The townsite would not pass a referendum allowing a liquor store u n t i l the early 1960's. Even today, there is no beer parlour. The only place one can buy liquor (other than in the liquor store) i s at a restaurant 18 miles up-valley from the sea. One, of course, must buy a meal as well. Although the original colony was to be dry, liquor had pre-ceeded the colonists as a trade item with the Indians. When the con-troversy over the liquor plebesites of the 1960's was raging, the Valley 103 Echo concluded an editorial with the comment: "The original settlers forbade liquor in the Valley, but were unable to enforce the ban them-5 selves." One of the major arguments of the "wets" in the liquor con-troversy was that the lack of local liquor outlets contributed to lost work time in the Valley. Liquor had to be purchased in the case from Vancouver or Williams Lake once a week. Orders were dispensed from a depot on the dock. Many men were not f i t for work un t i l the Valley was dry again — two or three days after delivery. Today's liquor store has made the supply flow more evenly and a connection between lost work time and drinking i s not so easily drawn. The great majority of people contacted during this study openly consumed liquor. It was served at a l l house parties attended, and sold at or brought to a l l public dances. In the case of dances held in the Valley's largest community h a l l , i t was usually consumed in the parking l o t , as the management board of the hall continued to support prohibition. The people on this board, as the core of old Lutheran and Methodist temperence followers, are a reminder to the community of the traditional view of liquor as wicked and overpowering. They are joked about and accused of fostering hypocrisy — that i s , of en-couraging "drinking behind the barn." On the other hand, their posi-tion leaves the majority of Valley people uneasy about the sometimes excessive use of liquor. Most faroiliesihave at least one alcoholic member, and many have members or close friends k i l l e d or maimed through accidents or diseases connected to drinking. The natterings of the old grandparents are proved true?. ~5~. Valley Echo, Vol. 4, Number 8, January 1, 1962. 104 Not only i s the excessive use of liquor offensive to tradi-tional local morals, i t is connected in the minds of most Valley people with camp l i f e . The people of Bella Coola know that loggers and fisher-men, removed from c i v i l company, drink excessively to pass the time. But to the local whites, Bella Coola above a l l else must be a place of c i v i l company. It i s in this respect that the Indians play an important cul-tural role for the White community. The Indians apparently drink d i f -ferently than the whites; long parties, especially following a death, may go on for days. The repeated trek from reserve to liquor store to reserve does not go unnoticed by the Whites. The Whites, who are most apt to drink heavily and concentratedly on weekend nights, stock up ahead of time, carrying the liquor from the store to their homes in a car or truck. It i s obvious to the Whites that in connection with liquor they break traditional morals and f a i l to l i v e up to the stan-dards of "middle class" decency they cherish. But most reassuring is the obvious fact that the Indians break traditional morality (even i f i t i s not their own traditional morality) and f a i l to live up to the standards of middle class decency even moreso. It is obvious to Bella Coola's Whites that they are not the most peripheral men in B.C.; the Indians put the Whites in a position relatively close to the centre. 105 CHAPTER VI THE LIMITS OF LOCAL LEVEL POLITICAL ACTION IN BELLA COOLA Introduction In this paper Bella Coola has been described as integrated with, yet on the margin of, North American, and specifically British Columbian society. We have argued that responsibility in areas v i t a l to the local population usually rests outside that population. as one that "does things for i t s e l f " . They offer this description es-pecially when t e l l i n g of a locally constructed road that connected the Valley to the provincial interior in 1953. This feat was covered by 1 provincial news media in terms of "the self-sufficient community". holds this view and to determine the limits the community of Bella Coola faces in regard to "doing things for i t s e l f . " We will-ask which kinds 2 of local p o l i t i c a l actions succeed, and which f a i l . Finally we w i l l ask who leads in local p o l i t i c s and what the connections are between local leadership and individual relationships with metropolis society. 1. See the Vancouver Sun, magazine section, July 21, 1955 and The Vic- toria Colonist, magazine section, September 22, 1968. The Vancouver  Sun carried a serialized feature by Pat Carney in the February 13, 15, 17 issues of 1967. 2. The term " P o l i t i c s " w i l l be used as defined by Marc Swartz: " p o l i -tics ... refers to the events which are involved in the determination and implementation of public goals/or the differential distribution of power within the group or groups concerned with the goals being considered" in Local-Level P o l i t i c s , Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1968, p. 1. Many people in Bella Coola however, speak of the community We now wish to look at Bella Coola to see who in the community 106 The Great Example Any extended discussion with Bella Coola residents concern-ing local projects i s bound eventually to lead to their citing of the great example of a local goal achieved: the above-mentioned road con-necting the Bella Coola Valley with the Chilcotin Highway at Anahim Lake. The project was actually carried out in 1952 and 1953. When the Norwegians f i r s t arrived in Bella Coola, the physi-cal isolation of the Valley came as a surprise. They had realized the colony was to be in virgin wilderness, but had not bargained for wilderness to such an extent. Within a month of arriving, thirteen settlers l e f t because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of settlement. These included 3 "the distance from market and the isolation from the rest of the world." The Bella Coola Courier, which published weekly from 1912 to 1917, constantly boosted the Valley as the natural site for the western terminal of the Pacific and Hudson's Bay Railroad. As early as 1912 there was talk of the connection of the Bella Coola wagon road 4 with the Ashcroft road to the interior. The story i s told by a man active in the group that f i n a l l y saw the project completed. Theil930's saw the reawakening of interest in a road connec-tion with the rest of the province. At the beginning of the decade, a road survey was made on the route of the old pack t r a i l along the Hotnarko Creek and over the precipice, and for years the governments used the results of this survey to point out that a road into Bella Coola was not possible or practical. 3. The British Columbian, New Westminster, December 10, 1894. 4. Bella Coola Courier, Vol. 1, Number 6, October 19, 1912, p. 2. 107 But the B e l l a Coola populace refused to accept t h i s v e r d i c t . Groups of c i t i z e n s , banded together under one name or ano-ther, p e t i t i o n e d the government for action. The L i b e r a l Club, the Conservative Club, the C i t i z e n s ' Welfare League, the Businessmen's Association a l l presented t h e i r pleas and a l l met delays that amounted to r e f u s a l s . Other things that these groups asked for were forthcoming — but a road out of B e l l a Coola? That was impossible! During the 1930's the road westward from Williams Lake had crept another two score miles nearer the coast .... Where wheels could go, that set of tracks was c a l l e d a road .... A trucking service (was established) from Williams Lake to Anahim Lake and changed the pattern of commerce. For f i f t y years ranchers from T a t l a Lake westward had looked to B e l l a Coola for t h e i r supplies and huge pack tra i n s kept t r a i l s open winter and summer .... Now ... a l l trade east of the crest of the Coast Range went to Williams Lake, 210 miles distance. The mountain walls that surrounded B e l l a Coola remained a prison w a l l . But to some the conquering of that b a r r i e r became almost an obsession. Logging companies within B e l l a Coola v a l l e y b u i l t many miles of good roads, and were aware of the cost. They knew that no community as small as B e l l a Coola could a f f o r d to b u i l d a road through those rugged mountains. Then a small pack horse t r i p by a couple of logging bosses changed the whole p i c t u r e . (The bosses and t h e i r wives) holiday bound, decided to go on a pack horse t r i p , instead of going to urban centres or tour-i s t r esorts .... The f i r s t night out .... They talked (with t h e i r hosts) about the road — or dreams of a road. "I wish you would go up the Bunch Grass T r a i l , " ( t h e i r hos-tess) urged. "I think that i s the natural route for a road into the v a l l e y . " They d i d t h i s and reported: "... there i s a road route through there .... In a month you could bring a bulldozer road to the rim of the v a l l e y . That would leave only about a two mile gap before the B e l l a Coola v a l l e y road could connect with the rest of the roads of the province. 108 For a few months the fuse that t h i s story i g n i t e d burned slowly. Then a l l of a sudden there was some action. A t r a i l was blazed. The next step was to form a l o c a l branch of the Board of Trade with the avowed purpose of b e d e v i l l i n g the p r o v i n c i a l govern-ment into doing something about b u i l d i n g the road. A representative of the B e l l a Coola D i s t r i c t Board of Trade was sent to Vancouver to the annual convention of the High-ways and Tourist Bureau of the Vancouver Board of Trade. The urgings of the ( B e l l a Coola) Board of Trade reached a higher note i n about three weeks when (a member) guided (a) government engineer ... i n a rapid, cowboy inspection of the route, s t a r t i n g at Anahim Lake .... In a meeting with the Board of Trade Council (the engineer) sai d , " I t i s indeed an easy matter to put a road through the f l a t jack-pine country r i g h t to the rim of the v a l l e y . Coming down the side of the mountain w i l l be expensive. In f a c t , the l a s t two miles w i l l cost a h a l f m i l l i o n d o l l a r s ! " "what's a h a l f m i l l i o n d o l l a r s ? " the men of the Council asked — and w e l l they might for such figures were c e r t a i n l y beyond t h e i r personal experience. When i t seemed evident that the (engineer's) t r i p was to be unproductive, some members of the Board of Trade council sug-gested that perhaps the engineer had r e a l l y stated i n h i s re-port how close to s t r a i g h t up-and-down the l a s t two miles were. And at a Council meeting road prospects were again reviewed. " I t doesn't look as i f we're going to get even ar-survey t h i s summer," was the conclusion. "Maybe we'll have to b u i l d the road ourselves." Six weeks l a t e r the Board of Trade sent a telegram to the Department of Public Works, Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , B.C. : "This i s to advise that we are going to s t a r t immediately b u i l d i n g the road from Anahim Lake to B e l l a Coola," I f t h i s s t a r t l i n g message caused any s t i r i n government c i r -c l e s , i t was never known i n B e l l a Coola. "We've got a route the government doesn't know anything about, which i s necessary. If we were b u i l d i n g along a known route, they'd stop us r i g h t away. We'll s t a r t at Anahim Lake, take the easy going f i r s t and make a good i n i t i a l impression. I f we tackle that steep mountainside f i r s t we could be beaten before we s t a r t . " 109 A Chilcotin wolf hunter was pressed into blazing a t r a i l from Anahim Lake to the Valley rim. A cat and operator were hired for $100 a day at Tatla Lake. Rating the services of the machine, "man and a l l expenses found", were the Council of the Bella Coola Board of Trade. They had determination, hope and two hundred and f i f t y dollars in the bank — enough for two and a half days of operation. Forty-two days later bulldozer and crew were 32 miles out into the wilderness, with a road behind them. For 42 days the machine had worked 10 hours a day, unceasingly. Now, poised at the rim of a high valley only ten miles from the Bella Coola valley, i t l i f t e d i t s blade and started trudl-ing homeward. It was quitting for the winter .... Now the die was cast, exploration to find the best way down the six thousand foot mountainside was pursued ....Holidays and weekends were spent on the mountainside from valley floor to high horizon. While the "Cat" up on the plateau was pushing steadily toward the rim of the valley, search for a route down from the height was intensified. (The) superintendent for Northern Pulpwoods Ltd. moved around the Young Creek sector with the assurance and speed of a mountain goat." (He) ... took a government engineer part way up the Young Creek cut. He convinced the government engineer and the Bella Coola District Board of Trade that the road could be brought down Young Creek from "the top" for ten thousand dollars. When the possibility of snow stopped road building "on top", plans were promoted to start from the bottom of the mountain. The f i r s t step was to apply to the government for a grant. "We have built 32 miles of road and have ten miles l e f t . Could we please have ten thousand dollars to finish the job?" Within three days came the answering telegram: "Ten thousand dollars has been deposited in your account for use for future b i l l s in your road building." The Board of Trade knew they could use no portion of this money for the payment of a forty-two hundred dollar bulldozing account (for work on the plateau). They realized that the government was at last giving help even i f not actively participating. 110 What they did not know was that i n the o f f i c e of the M i n i s t e r of P u b l i c Works the new M i n i s t e r , P.A. Gaglardi, l i s t e n e d to hi s Deputy M i n i s t e r , Evan S. Jones. In the interim between the beginning of the Board of Trade road e f f o r t and i t s actual attack on the wilderness b a r r i e r , a p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n had taken place, ousting a c o a l i t i o n government and pla c i n g i n power the S o c i a l Credit government under the leadership of W.A.C. Bennett. P.A. Gaglardi was made Ministe r i n Charge of Roads, and i t was he who would make decisions about the B e l l a Coola road. Deputy Minis t e r Evan Jones, who had been chief c i v i l servant i n the Department for a considerable number of years, had read the correspondence of the B e l l a Coola D i s t r i c t Board of Trade. "They say they have found a new, easy route from the plateau to the v a l l e y f l o o r and can b u i l d a road ten miles f o r ten thousand d o l l a r s . " "And they have already b u i l t a road for 32 miles at t h e i r own expense? Make arrangements for them to get the ten thousand d o l l a r s . " "May I suggest that you reserve f i f t y thousand d o l l a r s f o r t h i s project? They j u s t can't b u i l d a road through a mountain range for ten thousand d o l l a r s . " "Make i t f i f t y thousand then," the Minis t e r said to h i s Deputy. " I f those people are ready to help themselves, we are ready to help them!" The road work continued. The Board would run out of money, make a r e -quest for a further grant, and receive the funds. A second cat began to work on the road from the B e l l a Coola end. Spring was marked by endeavors to c o l l e c t enough money to pay past b i l l s , and by strenuous e f f o r t s to f i n a l i z e the exact l o c a t i o n of the road on the mountainside. The f i r s t was ac-complished by a loan from co u n c i l members, and the second by intensive search. Again money problems arose and were solved with another grant of ten thousand d o l l a r s from the p r o v i n c i a l government cof-f e r s . The amount advanced had now reached f i f t y thousand d o l -l a r s , and since the budget for road b u i l d i n g had suffered a province-wide cut the B e l l a Coola D i s t r i c t Board of Trade considered they were very fortunate. The ten thousand d o l l a r s was spent. And there s t i l l remained a b a r r i e r of almost three thousand feet between the two machines. I l l Another telephone c a l l to the Department of Public Works was taken by Evan Jones, the Deputy M i n i s t e r . "Could we please have some more money? This time we would s e t t l e for f i v e thousand d o l l a r s . " "You only have twenty-eight hundred feet to go? Are you sure you can get through f o r f i v e thousand d o l l a r s ? " "Today," said the Board of Trade spokesman, "we.are sure of nothing. Every bank of gravel we attack turns out to be s o l i d rock." Two days l a t e r the reply came. "Sorry. No more money u n t i l next f i s c a l year. Have p o s i t i v e l y scraped the bottom of the b a r r e l . " It was a d i f f i c u l t p o s i t i o n . The next f i s c a l year was nearly seven months and a whole winter away. The two road ends, a measured 2800 feet apart, for a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes might as well have been the o r i g i n a l many miles apart. To stop now would mean loss of impetus and the merciless tongues of op-ponents to the project would make another s t a r t a matter of doub t. There was no money for wages. The Board of Trade t o l d the road workers they would t r y to get money f o r them, but could not guarantee payment. Machine owners, operators, cook, laborers a l l stayed with the job. Groceries were delivered, as was f u e l o i l and a thousand d o l l a r s worth of powder, a l l bought on c r e d i t and f a i t h . F i n a l l y , j o i n t l y the two blades (of the cats) pushed the l a s t yard of rubble over the edge; then, backing up a few yards, the machines advanced and touched t h e i r blades together .... A mighty shout arose. The road had been completed! Everyone there knew that now B e l l a Coola had road connection with the rest of the world. By t h i s time i t was estimated that twenty thousand d o l l a r s worth of planning, management and supervision had been done free of charge by the Board of Trade, augmenting the sum of $4,000 co l l e c t e d from the p u b l i c . Yes, i f necessary, they would pay the f i n a l $8,700. .... A l e t t e r came from the Deputy Minis t e r of Highways. "Would you be so kind as to send us d e t a i l e d b i l l s to the l a s t 2800 feet of your road." 112 "By thunder, I'm sure glad we f i n i s h e d i t , " a Board of Trade member spoke for h i s companions. "Gaglardi stuck h i s neck out f o r us. I t would have been p o l i t i c a l ammunition for h i s enemies' guns i f we had l e f t the two ends unconnected. And i f (the Deputy Minist e r of Highways) hadn't been p i t c h i n g for us, too, we would never have been able to b u i l d the road. Now we're part of the World!" The C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Local-Level P o l i t i c s i n B e l l a Coola In order to appreciate the workings of l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s in. B e l l a Coola, the following c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s must be recognized: 1) In B e l l a Coola, nearly a l l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y moves out of the Valley at some point i n order to return with the prerogatives and/or c a p i t a l to carry on. Swartz's d e f i n i t i o n of l o c a l l e v e l p o l i -t i c s f i t s the s i t u a t i o n w e l l : "Local l e v e l p o l i t i c s occurs i n commun-i t i e s ... where p o l i t i c s i s incomplete i n the sense that actors and groups outside the range of the l o c a l multiplex r e l a t i o n s h i p s are v i -t a l l y and d i r e c t l y involved i n the p o l i t i c a l processes of the l o c a l 6 group." Community goals that do not require such a procedure are usu-a l l y small, and invo l v i n g l i t t l e c a p i t a l or i n i t i a t i v e . The most suc-c e s s f u l l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s i n t h i s sense are those who know the r i g h t connections and the r i g h t way to connect with the au t h o r i t i e s external to the Valley. 2) National and p r o v i n c i a l party p o l i t i c s are not important to l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s . The Val l e y supports small l o c a l party organi-zations, but these are not seen as a useful contact with government or opposition p a r t i e s . The Val l e y i s only a small part of very large r u r a l 5. Kopas, op. c i t . , selected paragraphs and parts of paragraphs, pp. 274-291. 6. Swartz, op. c i t . , p. 1. 113 r i d i n g s . While f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c i a n s attempt to a t t r a c t B e l l a Coola votes with f l a t t e r y and promises, the community i n no way holds a balance of power i n the r i d i n g s . I t does not possess a great deal of p o l i t i c a l leverage. This i s not to say that i n d i v i d u a l s i n the Valley do not use t h e i r vote to gain l o c a l improvements. (An example of such a use was the paving of the roads on the townsite and up to Nusatsum promised by the S o c i a l Credit candidate and c a r r i e d out a f t e r her election.) But i n the functioning of organized l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i -t i c s , p a r t i e s are not a f a c t o r . In connection with l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i -t i c s , i t i s a case of B e l l a Coola confronting "the government". I t i s not a case of confronting a p o l i t i c a l party. 3) The strength of support from the population w i l l depend on how w e l l the project serves the majority goal of increased access to metropolis goods and l i f e s t y l e s . I f the connection i s c l e a r , com-munity support w i l l be wide and dependable?., I f the connection i s hazy, support w i l l not be constant. 4) P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l a ction i s not widespread. I n i t i a t i o n and leadership of projects i s provided by a small number of people. (In various years t h i s number has fluctuated from 6 to 12). Secondary rings of active supporters brings t h i s number to 25 or 30 men and women at the most. A t e r t i a r y r i n g of supporters o f f e r s some assistance. The remainder — and majority — of people have no part i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l action. 5) Leadership i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s f a l l s to those people who are i n occupations allowing them to be r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e when com-munity needs a r i s e and tying them to the outside world. Furthermore, 114 l e a d e r s m u s t p o s s e s s s u f f i c i e n t m a t e r i a l w e a l t h t o a p p e a r r e a s o n a b l y " m i d d l e c l a s s " . D i r e c t o c c u p a t i o n a l c o n n e c t i o n s o u t s i d e o f t h e V a l l e y c a n b e s u b s t i t u t e d f o r b y e x t e n s i v e e x p e r i e n c e o u t s i d e t h e V a l l e y a t some e a r l i e r t i m e i n t h e l e a d e r ' s l i f e , o r b y b e i n g m a r r i e d t o a p e r s o n w i t h s u c h e x p e r i e n c e o r p r e s e n t c o n n e c t i o n s . L e a d e r s h i p i s p r i m a r i l y i n t h e h a n d s o f b u s i n e s s m e n . T e a c h e r s a n d t r a d e s m e n a l s o p r o v i d e some l e a d e r s . L o g g i n g a n d s a w m i l l b o s s e s a n d o w n e r s h a v e a t t i m e s b e e n c o m m u n i t y l e a d e r s . F i s h e r m e n a n d l o g g e r s a r e n o t o f t e n p r i m a r y l e a d e r s . Some f i s h e r m e n a n d l o g g e r s a r e a c t i v e a s s e c o n d a r y l e a d e r s , h o w e v e r . T h e s e men t e n d t o h a v e t e a c h e r ( o r o t h e r w i s e e x t e r n a l l y e d u c a t e d ) w i v e s . T h o s e p e o p l e who s u p p o r t p r o j e c t s i n a t e r t i a r y way s e e m t o come f r o m a l l o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p s . 6) A l l l e a d e r s a n d a l l s u p p o r t e r s a r e n o t a c t i v e i n e v e r y p r o j e c t . T h e r e a r e d i v i s i o n s o r f a c t i o n s w i t h i n t h e V a l l e y w h i c h u n i t e o r come a p a r t a s t h e p o l i t i c a l g o a l f i t s t h e f a c t i o n a l d e s i r e s o r n e e d s . T h e f a c t i o n s w h i c h s e e m m o s t p r o m i n e n t a r e " t o w n s i t e v e r s u s v a l l e y " , " b o o s t e r v e r s u s c o n s e r v a t i o n i s t " , a n d " n e w c o m e r s v e r s u s V a l l e y p e o p l e " . A p e r s o n c a n b e i n v o l v e d i n m o r e t h a n o n e o f t h e s e s e t s . T h e t o w n s i t e a n d v a l l e y f a c t i o n s h a v e t h e i r o r i g i n s i n t h e s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n o f t h e c o m m u n i t y . When a s e r v i c e i s t o b e p r o v i d e d f o r t h e V a l l e y , b o t h g r o u p s w i l l d e s i r e t h e p r o j e c t b e l o c a t e d i n t h e i r a r e a . I f a n i s s u e comes t o p l e b i s c i t e , t h e v a l l e y h a s t h e a d v a n t a g e o v e r t h e t o w n s i t e . I t c a n a l w a y s o b t a i n a m a j o r i t y . I t a l s o h a s a n a d v a n t a g e i n t h a t l a n d i s m o r e a b u n d a n t a n d c h e a p e r i n t h e v a l l e y . T h e c o m m u n i t y s w i m m i n g p o o l i s l o c a t e d i n t h e v a l l e y a t H a g e n s b o r g . The 115 v a l l e y f a c t i o n leadership group claimed they had "put" a v a l l e y man on the regional d i s t r i c t board as the B e l l a Coola V a l l e y representative i n order to keep a townsite person o f f . The townsite f a c t i o n contains some of the oldest leaders and has heavy commercial leanings. The v a l l e y f a c t i o n contains both older Norwegian leaders and newer leaders — e s p e c i a l l y high school teachers. The booster and conservationist f a c t i o n s generally, but not always, follow the townsite and v a l l e y l i n e s . There are a c t u a l l y two kinds of Boosters — moral and mercantile. They d i f f e r i n motives and ideology but are i d e n t i c a l i n actions. Moral boosters believe that growth i s good and righteous. To aim for "bigger and better" i s to do what i s r i g h t . Mercantile boosters see any growth as an opportunity to increase t h e i r own fortunes. (This personal increase can also be viewed by the mercantile booster as a moral issue.) Both types of booster equate growth i n d i v e r s i t y , s i z e of operations, or pure raw numbers of population as progress. The conservationist group places high values on the t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a l community, the natural environment and what i t has t r a d i t i o n a l l y afforded over "growth". The natural resources of the area, the f i s h , timber and game, are seen as ends i n themselves rather than means by which to expand commerce or "put B e l l a Coola on the map". Newcomers and V a l l e y people are not sharply defined or highly u t i l i z e d f a c t i o n s . In Chapter IV, I r e f e r r e d to a man using Norwegian e t h n i c i t y i n order to jeopardize the successful outcome of a meeting. Norwegian e t h n i c i t y l i e s submerged i n most cases. I t i s brought out as a l a s t resort and only i n defensive moves. The Norwegian descendants are so s p l i t amongst themselves due to old family feuds (some of which 116 predate the settlement) that Norwegian ethnicity would never make a feasible constructive p o l i t i c a l base. On most projects, a l l factions w i l l not participate. Infre-quently certain factions w i l l actually work against a project's completion. On some projects everyone w i l l work together. In such cases, the mo-tives of the various people involved w i l l d i f f e r . The mountain road connecting the Valley to the Chilcotin Highway is an example of this. To the boosters i t was an important goal in that i t made the Valley a tourist spot and "put i t on the map". To most conservationists, i t was important as i t made i t easier to maintain relations with friends and family in Anahim Lake reinforcing the highly valued sense of community. Local-Level P o l i t i c a l Goals in Bella Coola In the last 10 years there have been at least 23 projects that were subject to some degree of local-level p o l i t i c a l activity. This l i s t i s by no means exhaustive, but i t does include the projects s t i l l mentioned at the time of the study: 1. The construction of a Post Office building. 2. The re-surveying and paving of the Highway. 3. The construction of a breakwater for the fishing wharf and dredging of the dock area. 4. The replacement of the local telephone and power company by B.C. Telephone and the B.C. Hydro Authority. 5. The construction of a liquor store. 6. The halting of Tweedsmuir Park logging. 7. The dredging and dyking of the river channel in various places. 8. The construction of a television repeater station. 9. The extension of the Hagensborg waterworks. 10. The building of an air strip. 11. The construction of a class "C" park (with a swimming hole). 12. The construction of a swimming pool. 13. The construction of a dump. 14. The construction of a new exhibition h a l l for the f a l l f a i r . 15. The construction of a museum. 117 16. The construction of tennis courts. 17. The publication of the Valley Echo (newspaper). 18. A cleanup of the graveyard. 19. The installation and operation of dock lights. 20. The development of a ski run with a tow rope. 21. The construction of a shed for a firetruck to serve the valley (not to serve the townsite or reserve). 22. The construction of a friendship house on the reserve. 23. The raising of money for the hospital through logging one-half million board feet of donated timber. Of a l l these projects, eight involved only local petitioning to government authorities. Once these eight projects (numbered 1 to 8 on the l i s t ) had been accepted by the government, the only involvement local persons could possibly have would be as hired employees to carry out the realization. Six projects (numbered 9 to 14 on the l i s t ) i n -volved both a petition to a government authority and local volunteer organization and labour. Six projects (numbered 15 to 20 on the l i s t ) did not require petitions outside the Valley. Three projects (num-bered 21 to 23 on the l i s t ) required the cooperation of a local rep-resentative of a government agency or metropolis-based corporation. They were however, basically internal to the Valley in development and completion. For example, the f i r e truck to be housed in the shed (project number 21) was owned by Northern Pulpwood. Generally, the goals of the last ten years have been achieved. Five of the "petition only" projects have been realized; two have been partially met. Only the halting of logging in Tweedsmuir Park remains unachieved. Valley politicians continue to fight for this issue. Four of the "petition and local labour" projects have been completed. The remaining two are nearly realized. Of the remaining nine projects, six have been realized. Three were never carried through. Altogether, the 118 Valley has fourteen completed pr o j e c t s , four on-going or p a r t i a l l y completed p r o j e c t s , and three f a i l u r e s from t h i s l i s t . I t would be wrong to say that the high number of successes over f a i l u r e s i s due to the s e l e c t i v e memories of l o c a l people. Both l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s and p o l i t i c a l l y apathetic B e l l a Coola residents c i t e d i s u n i t y and incompletedness as the b i g problem with l o c a l p rojects. Looking at those projects that required more l o c a l leadership and par-t i c i p a t i o n than p e t i t i o n i n g (numbers 15 and 23 on the l i s t ) we f i n d s i x successes and three f a i l u r e s . Within the successes however, the museum has not opened re g u l a r l y since i t was f i n i s h e d , the V a l l e y Echo eventually folded, and the reserve friendship house (which took very l i t t l e labour to erect)has now been turned over to the Indians with no continuing support from the white community. Only the s k i run and dock l i g h t s remain as on-going l o c a l l y achieved p o l i t i c a l goals. Furthermore, i n those projects r e q u i r i n g both p e t i t i o n i n g and l o c a l work, the completion usually came slowly, and with many f a l s e s t a r t s . To l i v e with a p a r t i a l l y f i n i s h e d swimming pool f o r over four years, or a p a r t i a l l y f i n i s h e d park for ten, leads to a f e e l i n g of r e -l i e f , not accomplishment, on i t s completion. The long state of incompletion of projects i s explained i n several ways by Va l l e y people. Those who work a c t i v e l y at projects say, "there are too many talk e r s and not enough doers." They say that they "cannot understand" what people not involved i n community a f f a i r s do with t h e i r time. I t does i n fact hold that most projects evolve to the j u r i s -d i c t i o n of a small number of "doers". Perhaps as a r e s u l t of t h i s , the "doers" are generally overextended. Some men complain of having a meeting 119 of one group or another every night. " I f there were fewer meetings, more things would get done, but everyone i s busy running around every-where." According to some people, i n t e r e s t i n the tennis courts waned;: as i n t e r e s t i n the swimming pool grew. But i n t e r e s t i n the swimming pool was cut short by the drive to r a i s e funds for a T.V. relay s t a t i o n . Because of the small scale of B e l l a Coola society, the f a l t e r i n g s i n -volved i n the completion of projects are p u b l i c l y known. The C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Local Level P o l i t i c s i n B e l l a Coola as They Apply  to the Great Example and Current Projects We can examine the Great Example i n terms of the character-i s t i c s of l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s i n B e l l a Coola. At the same time we can compare current projects to the Great Example and the l i s t of char-a c t e r i s t i c s . 1) In B e l l a Coola nearly a l l p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y moves out of the V a l l e y  at some point i n order to return with prerogatives and/or c a p i t a l to  carry on. From the period of the Norwegian settlement the wagon road through the V a l l e y was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and property of the p r o v i n c i a l government. Local involvement was to be only as paid labour. However, the government route was surveyed by crews from outside the V a l l e y . Generally, the outside government crews worked i n the summer when con-d i t i o n s were best. They were not often open to l o c a l suggestions and roads were frequently put i n the l e a s t appropriate of places. They became impassable with the a r r i v a l of r a i n i n the F a l l and with freshet i n the Spring. E s p e c i a l l y i n the area of the Nusatsum River, 15 miles 120 up the B e l l a Coola from the sea, l o c a l s have often had to abandon the government road and b u i l d t h e i r own bridge downstream from the o f f i c i a l one. The Nusatsum River comes down a narrow canyon, but i t opens out -for the l a s t mile or so into a broad gravel flo o d p l a i n before i t j o i n s the B e l l a Coola. The r i v e r constantly s h i f t s i t s bed within t h i s p l a i n . The government t a c t i c has always been to bridge the r i v e r at the mouth of the canyon. The road up ei t h e r side of the r i v e r to t h i s gorge was so rough, and the grades so poor, that i n winter t r a v e l was dangerous and i n spring i t was often impossible. The best l o c a l s o l u t i o n was to drive across the flo o d area and b u i l d a low bridge at whatever points the r i v e r was flowing. At the time of the study, the flood p l a i n was i n the possession of Crown Zellerbach who maintained a good q u a l i t y year-round gravel road through i t . This was used by l o c a l t r a f f i c at i t s own r i s k . The p r o v i n c i a l government was completing a permanent bridge and good q u a l i t y highway up both sides of the canyon at the time of the study. In regard to the highways therefore, the l o c a l population had h i s t o r i c precedents for taking t h e i r care and construction into t h e i r own hands. However, they r e a l l y had no prerogatives i n the area of highway b u i l d i n g : I f we were b u i l d i n g along a known route, they'd stop us r i g h t away. The land they b u i l t through was mainly p r o v i n c i a l parkland. Again, they had no r i g h t s to t h i s land. Tweedsmuir Park, however, was not endangered at t h i s time. I t was barely known about outside the area. No challenge was presented by government over t h i s . 121 Regarding prerogatives therefore, we can say that the road builders of Bella Coola had none and sought none once they had decided to go ahead with their project. They had, however, approached the correct people in the Provincial Department of Public Works before taking their own action. It was only the exhaustion of these l e g i t i -mate actions that led to the local, illegitimate i n i t i a t i v e . The road over the mountains was built for $58,000 in provin-c i a l government funds and $4,000 in donations from the Bella Coola population. This $4,000 amounts to a l i t t l e more than $3.00 a person over the two year period of road building. Although the story of the road as told above does not state i t , considerable effort went into raising the much needed $4,000. Local businessmen donated items to raffles. The F a l l Fair Association held benefit dances. Even more im-portant, the members of the Board of Trade made outright cash donations: X said "the only way we'll get this road is by putting up the money ourselves." He slapped f i f t y dollars on the table of the Board of Trade and asked everyone to match him. But for a l l of this the Valley population could not accumulate within i t s own boundaries nearly enough capital to build the road. The dis-tance of Bella Coola from the seat of government had dulled the need for legal prerogatives; i t had not affected the need for capital. The main project of 1970 was the completion of a swimming pool — the community project to celebrate the provincial centennial of 1966 and the federal centennial of 1967. For these centennial years the provincial and federal governments offered communities grants to build commemorative projects. Based on a population estimate for June 1, 1963, the grants followed a "per head" formula. On the condition that 122 the l o c a l people raised $1.40 per capita, the federal government of-fered $1.00 and the p r o v i n c i a l government $.60. The p r o v i n c i a l gov-ernment added another $.40 per head grant for administration and pro-gramming . The B e l l a Coola V a l l e y committee received $2,552.00 i n grants. O r i g i n a l l y , the V a l l e y people had pledged $11,061.31 i n con-t r i b u t i o n s — or close to $7.00 a person (including reserve and non-reserve populations). The committee, i n order to obtain the grants, had to meet with a p r o v i n c i a l regulatory committee which toured the province f o r t h i s purpose. Enough c a p i t a l was raised to get the project underway. The pool i t s e l f was b u i l t , and f i l t e r i n g equipment i n s t a l l e d . However, money and labour ran out before an enclosure, decks, changing house, and t o i l e t s could be b u i l t f o r the pool. I t operated for a short period, was drained, f i l l e d with r a i n water and sat unattended for two years. There was no source of c a p i t a l outside the Valley l e f t to b o l s t e r i t . (In 1970, the project was reactivated — t h i s w i l l be discussed i n regard to leadership, below.) Of the 23 projects outlined on pages 116 and 117 above, only f i v e required absolutely no contact with a u t h o r i t i e s or agencies ex-t e r n a l to the V a l l e y other than regular b u i l d i n g standards a u t h o r i t i e s . Five required dealings with f e d e r a l government agencies. In four of these cases federal c a p i t a l was sought. Eight required dealings with p r o v i n c i a l agencies. In these eight cases p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l was sought. One project required dealings with a f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l agency. C a p i t a l was sought. One case required dealings with Crown Zellerbach. C a p i t a l was sought. The remaining case involved the United Church H o s p i t a l . 123 No c a p i t a l was sought as the church h o s p i t a l was the r e c i p i e n t of the products of the project. 2) National and P r o v i n c i a l party p o l i t i c s are not important to l o c a l  l e v e l p o l i t i c s . While l o c a l clubs of nationa l and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l par-t i e s e x i s t i n the Valley, they are not the avenues of contact between l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l and federal p a r t i e s or agencies. The road over the mountains was started while the Conservative-Liberal c o a l i t i o n was i n power i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I t received i t s support from the new S o c i a l Credit party. The leaders of the committee for the road were not at that time S o c i a l Credit Party members. The r i d i n g including the Va l l e y did not e l e c t a S o c i a l Credit member of l e g i s l a t u r e i n the 1952 govern-ment. (In f a c t , the r i d i n g c o n s i s t e n t l y sent a CCF-NDP member to the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e u n t i l the mid-1960's.) Some Board of Trade members — e s p e c i a l l y from the l a t e 1950's onward — were strongly s o c i a l i s t i n p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c s . These men worked with other Board of Trade members of S o c i a l Credit leanings. D i v i s i o n s i n the Board of Trade were not and are not based on long-standing party a f f i l i a t i o n s , but rather on i d e o l o g i c a l disagreements as outlined i n the discussion of factions above. There was a time i n B e l l a Coola's past when government p o s i -tions such as Superintendent of Highways followed p o l i t i c a l party a f-f i l i a t i o n s . A change i n party i n power was followed by a change of Highways Superintendent. The establishment of a c i v i l service commis-sion has v i r t u a l l y halted t h i s . "Pork b a r r e l l i n g " does e x i s t however, 124 i n the form of e l e c t i o n promises. As the Vall e y i s unorganized t e r -r i t o r y , a l l major public works are car r i e d out by the p r o v i n c i a l gov-ernment as r u r a l s e r v i c e s . While l o c a l s can p e t i t i o n for work to be done, they cannot force issues. The much p e t i t i o n e d - f o r paving of the townsite st r e e t s and v a l l e y highway became part of the platform of a S o c i a l Credit candidate i n the mid-sixties. A f t e r her e l e c t i o n the paving be-gan. Anahim Lake now has a d i e s e l e l e c t r i c generator, which, accord-ing to l o c a l people, was a product of the same e l e c t i o n . But as f a r as the working of l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s i s concerned, the p o l i t i c a l par-t i e s are not a f a c t o r . The Val l e y committees always face the outside governments as "spokesmen f or a l l the V a l l e y . " Party i s not often referred to i n l o c a l dealings. 3) The strength of support from the population w i l l depend on how well the project serves the majority goal of increased access to metropolis  goods and models. The road over the mountains i s the great example of a com-munity endeavour i n B e l l a Coola because i t i s the material r e a l i z a t i o n of the greatest drive among the people. Repeatedly the people speak of the reason the road was supported: ... because people wanted to be able to get out. We were trapped here. We c a l l i t the Freedom Road. I t got you out of the rut. Everyone — w e l l 90 per cent of the Va l l e y — backed i t wholeheartedly. Everyone has not been unanimous i n the same way ever since. Now some want a museum, some want a swimming pool. They don't get together. But the road was wanted by everybody. And, U n t i l the road, a l o t of people had never been out of the Valle y because i t was so expensive. I t was more j u s t knowing there was a way out than anything else that was important. 125 And, There was some dispute as to where i t (the road) should go, but people minimized t h i s because they wanted i t so bad and knew they had to get together to get aid from the outside. Everything i n the Valley was directed at the road — money from dances, r a f f l e s , and outright contributions. Even Crown Zellerbach contributed. The cook worked f or free and companies gave t h e i r men's labour. Although the Vall e y people only provided $4,000 of the c a p i t a l cost of the p r o j e c t , t h i s was a considerable sum for the V a l l e y at that time. Logging had j u s t started to gain momentum and cash was not i n surplus. In recent p r o j e c t s , the unanimity that accompanied the b u i l d -ing of the mountain road has been lacking. The project that came c l o -sest to equalling i t was the establishment of a T.V. relay s t a t i o n . Because of the coastal mountains and the great distance from serviced population centres, radio and t e l e v i s i o n reception i n B e l l a Coola was very poor. No e l e c t r o n i c r e c e i v i n g sets were useable before n i g h t f a l l . In the l a t e 1950's the Board of Trade p e t i t i o n e d the CBC to construct a T.V. booster s t a t i o n which would service the Val l e y . The p e t i t i o n was not met as the Valley population was not large enough to merit the fe d e r a l expense. By the mid- s i x t i e s , an as s o c i a t i o n was formed independent of the Board of Trade with the goal of b u i l d i n g a relay s t a -t i o n f o r the Vall e y i f the fede r a l government would not. The T.V. assoc i a t i o n charges an i n i t i a l $50 membership fee. I t also charges a monthly fee of $7.50. Enough subscribers were obtained i n the Vall e y to b u i l d the s t a t i o n . These subscribers have continued to support i t . The fed e r a l government does not bear any of the s t a t i o n cost. (It i s not an " o f f i c i a l " r e lay station.) 126 The T.V. i s r e a l l y expensive to keep going. I f i t goes o f f , the V a l l e y residents have to pay to f i x i t . Within h a l f an hour of i t s being back i n operation again, everyone i n the V a l l e y knows .... The s t a t i o n was such a success i n fact that many people claim i t was responsible for the f i n a n c i a l problems and long delay i n the b u i l d i n g of the centennial swimming pool. As the project which best served the majority goals of increased access to metropolis goods and models, the s t a t i o n was able to gather most of the c a p i t a l i n the Valley a v a i l a b l e for l o c a l projects i n the mid-sixties. In examining those projects on pages 116 and 117 above that required considerable l o c a l labour or c a p i t a l , t h i s r u l e continues to hold true. The most poorly supported of the completed projects have been a museum and a swimming pool. The outright f a i l u r e s have been tennis courts, a shed to serve a f i r e engine, and a cleaning up of the graveyard. None of these projects improves the Valley's access to met-ro p o l i s goods and l i f e s t y l e s . The swimming pool and tennis courts are accessories to sports which can be sophisticated i n an urban sense, but which also belong to the country. The s k i run, on the other hand, de-mands a heavy investment i n consumer goods and entrance into a metro-p o l i s status system of goods. I t was a success. 4) P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c a l action i s not widespread. I n i t i a t i o n and leadership of projects i s provided by a small number  of people. It i s possible to point out within B e l l a Coola the handful of men who have been decisive i n the d i r e c t i o n l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s has 127 taken over the past twenty years. These men are conscious of t h e i r p o s i t i o n , and the community i s aware. A V a l l e y leader described the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n these terms: Most things are started by one i n d i v i d u a l . There i s a group close to him that work on these projects and there i s a wider group that comes on strong at f i r s t and fades away. Often i t i s the same people that are i n a l l groups. Things work u n t i l the need passes and then fade o f f — for example, the cooper-ati v e lumber company. Projects X, Y, and Z are a l l within the same group of peo-ple. Mr. A.B. i s the i n s p i r a t i o n without which project X would f a i l . Mr. CD. i s the r a l l y i n g point for project Y. Mr. E.F. i s the organizer for project Z. About f i v e people do a l l the organizing i n the Valley. Other Valley people did not have such a developed theory to o f f e r : I don't know what these people who never do any community things do with t h e i r time. I t sure must be nice. (This informant's husband was an exceedingly active project worker.) The trouble with people i s that no one w i l l do the work. When you organize a project they a l l fade away and expect you to do i t . For those people who are not a c t i v e i n l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s there are two common a r t i c u l a t i o n s , i f anything i s a r t i c u l a t e d on the subject at a l l . The f i r s t i s a reference to "they". When asked i f the swimming pool would be f i l l e d during the summer a woman answered: ... maybe i n ten years. I t was supposed to be f i n i s h e d three years ago as a centennial project. They ran out of money. A second type of answer — most frequently from younger people — con-s i s t s of " i t ' s a l l b u l l " or "don't believe i t " . In a sense the a t t i t u d e of the non-participants can be seen as a kind of a l i e n a t i o n . For c e r t a i n l y many projects do require more l o -c a l hands and c a p i t a l . P a r t i c i p a t i o n , i t would appear, would be welcomed by those already involved. The swimming pool, f or example, languished 128 four years for lack of l o c a l labour and c a p i t a l . I t f i n a l l y opened i n 1970 only because a new committee w i l l i n g to s e t t l e f o r temporary mini-mum f i n i s h i n g s had taken charge. A good part of the labour to complete the pool was supplied by l o c a l boys serving suspended sentences requiring community "service". The pool faced a d a i l y threat of closure within weeks of opening. Those who had served on the b u i l d i n g committee did not have the time or energy to maintain operations. The wife of one of the most active community members (and an active worker h e r s e l f ) re-peated how welcome new p a r t i c i p a n t s would be: The swimming pool needs l i f e guards r i g h t now and G.H. (to whom the leadership of the project had f a l l e n ) w i l l only accept out-right volunteers. I . J . i s the only r e a l l y qual-i f i e d person i n the Valley. She has said she w i l l teach and li f e - g u a r d but w i l l not supervise the operation. I don't see why some of these people who ju s t s i t around couldn't do i t . However, what was r e a l l y being asked for here -were people to carry out the schemes of the small core of p o l i t i c i a n s . They were not being asked to j o i n the "leaders c i r c l e " . They were being asked to j o i n the t e r t i a r y or at the most secondary ri n g of w i l l i n g workers — a p o s i t i o n that o f f e r s l i t t l e prestige i n t r a d i t i o n a l V a l l e y or metropolis value systems. When the majority of B e l l a Coola people r e f e r to a "they" that c a r r i e s on l o c a l - l e v e l p o l i t i c s , therefore, they are acknowledging the r e a l existence of a leadership group to which they do not belong. One r e s u l t of t h i s i s that volunteers at the simple working l e v e l for most projects are newcomers. Leaders endure f o r decades, but w i l l i n g volunteers are generally less durable. As soon as a new person moves into the V a l l e y , he i s apt to be approached to work on projects. I f he shows any promise at a l l , the l o c a l s w i l l ask him to head a com-129 mittee. Generally he w i l l not succeed, and a l l but the rare bright newcomers quickly f a l l from local-level p o l i t i c a l involvement. Those that do succeed w i l l stay on to replenish the aging core. One exception to this general rule involves worthwhile charity drives. A local man donated one-half million board feet of standing timber to the hospital. Labour support was extensive for the project of logging this timber. This was a project that required planning s k i l l s many of the regular politicians lacked, i t was of short duration, and was an immediately obvious good w i l l goal. In connection with the mountain road, leadership became very much crystalized in that i t formed at that time a constitutionally organized association — the Bella Coola District Board of Trade. The core — the directorate — consisted of four logging operators (owners and supervisors), four businessmen, the local highways superintendent, and a farmer. The superintendent of the major logging company was also active. The mountain road was rather exceptional in drawing such a large core of workers. The Board of Trade, outside of the directorate, included most other local-level politicians at the time. The Board of Trade claims the Valley donated $20,000 worth of planning besides the $4,000 in capital. Non-board members agree that this i s a f a i r assessment. It was however, the Board members who donated the time. While many Valley people worked on the project, most worked for wages. The Board members and the occa-sional worker (like the cook) worked for the accomplishment of the goal, and the people who ran the raffles and dances received no monetary re-wards. The regular labourers, however, besides working for the goal, 130 worked for their material li v i n g . Involvement in the project for the goal's sake therefore, was more widespread than usual but did not break the general rule of narrow participation. 5) Leadership in local level p o l i t i c s f a l l s to those people who are in occupations allowing them to be readily available when community  needs arise and tying them to the outside world. Furthermore, lea- ders must possess sufficient material wealth to appear reasonably  "middle class." The leadership of the mountain road project was not represen-tative of the Valley at that time. One-third of the population is Indian. None of the directors of the Board of Trade were Indians. A quarter of the white labour force (and probably over half of the Indian labour force) were fishermen. None of the directors were fishermen. Logging, which provided 29 per cent of the white labour force with work (and probably a smaller portion of the Indian labour force with work) was amply represen-ted. But the four men on the Board and involved in logging were owners and supervisors. No wage earning loggers were on the Board. While four of the ten directors were businessmen, only 4.5 per cent of the Valley labour force (not including the reserve which had no businessmen) was involved in sales and c l e r i c a l services. One director was a farmer. Twelve per cent of the Valley labour force farmed. The remaining director was the Superintendent of Highways. A l l of these men were in positions that allowed them to govern their own time. If they had to be at a meeting or event at a precise time, they nearly always could make i t . Furthermore — with the ex-ception of the farmer — these men were in positions that had connected them with the world ext erior to the Valley. Half of the men had been 131 born outside the Valley. Of the others, several had l e f t the V a l l e y to j o i n the armed forces i n the Second World War. They were the most ex-perienced brokers the community had with the metropolis. The logging bosses held p o s i t i o n s of authority i n the occupational world and con-sequently had the s k i l l s of organization. The businessmen, who made th e i r l i v i n g by bringing the services of the metropolis to the V a l l e y , knew the structure of p r o v i n c i a l business and government. The d i r e c -torate ^members were a very s p e c i a l e l i t e that, while not v o c a l i z i n g t h e i r e l i t e nature, took command of the project and saw i t through. The added p r e r e q u i s i t e of a "middle c l a s s " show of material wealth i s an i n d i c a t o r to the l o c a l people of the p o t e n t i a l leader's competence i n business and work as w e l l as h i s normalcy i n world view. "Middle Class" was ai,.term used by V a l l e y people although not extensively. As outlined i n Chapter IV above, to be middle class i n B e l l a Coola means to own (or at least rent) a house that i s kept i n good r e p a i r . I t should not be run down or overly weathered. Preferably i t should be painted. The y a r d s h o u l d be clean and trim, but needn't be highly c u l t i v a t e d . The house should be equipped with r e l a t i v e l y modern appliances.. At l e a s t one modern car or l i g h t truck i s a necessity — a second car or pick-up i s better. Since the b u i l d i n g of the mountain road, many of the actual personnel involved i n l o c a l l e v e l p o l i t i c s have changed. The older men have r e t i r e d . Some have moved from B e l l a Coola. However there i s s t i l l considerable continuity i n the leadership c i r c l e . New men have entered the V a l l e y and taken up leadership p o s i t i o n s . A group of long-standing 132 school teachers i s e s p e c i a l l y important i n t h i s regard. At the time of the mountain road construction, teachers were j u s t beginning to be an occupational presence i n the Valley. By the time of the study — though turnover was s t i l l high — a core of teachers had endured i n the Val l e y long enough to be w e l l known and accepted as permanent residents. These people provided the leadership f or the eventual completion of the swimming pool. They were a strong force i n the Board of Trade b o l s t e r i n g the progressive part of that organization. These teachers brought with them not only p r a c t i c a l knowledge of the world e x t e r i o r to B e l l a Coola, but an above average knowledge of metropolis and "great t r a d i t i o n " c u l -ture. They dominate the prestigious l i t t l e theatre group. Being B e l l a Coola's guardians of l i t e r a c y , they produced the V a l l e y Echo for i t s f i v e years of existence i n the l a t e ' f i f t i e s and early ' s i x t i e s , and maintained a steady i d e o l o g i c a l barrage "intended to counter Time Maga-zine." When projects are taken on by people who lack s k i l l s and con-t r o l of t h e i r own time, the projects f a i l . This i s often c i t e d as the reason for the i n i t i a l f a i l u r e of the swimming pool project. Such errors however, do not occur too frequently, as bids for important leadership pos i t i o n s are not often made by people without such S j k i l l s and freedom of time. And when a project of importance i s involved, leadership . i s never sought from such people. I f a person without s k i l l s and freedom of time were to i n i t i a t e a major pr o j e c t , he would most l i k e l y f i n d himself unable to muster support. When Vall e y "doers" accuse some peo-ple of being " j u s t t a l k e r s " , they are being somewhat u n f a i r . "Talking" i s the f i r s t step i n bringing a project to r e a l i z a t i o n . Many people 133 who " j u s t t a l k " are tr y i n g to r a i s e support for "doing". They j u s t do not merit response i n the form of verbal and actual support. 6) A l l leaders and a l l supporters are not active i n every project. There are d i v i s i o n s or factions within the Vall e y which unite or  come apart as the p o l i t i c a l goal f i t s the f a c t i o n a l desires or needs. Although the mountain road was the most unanimously supported project ever undertaken i n B e l l a Coola, i t had i t s detractors:. To stop now would mean loss of impetus, and the merciless tongues of opponents would make another s t a r t a matter of doubt. And from verbal informants, Everyone — well 90 per cent of the Vall e y — backed i t whole-heartedly. And The road was the only thing that everyone worked on and even that hadn't been a l l that unanimous. The mountain road appears to have been a s p e c i a l event i n B e l l a Coola i n that most differences between i n t e r e s t groups i n the Vall e y became inconsequential or were overcome i n order to carry out the project. S t i l l , there were Valley people (not organized) who opposed the project. There were two grounds f o r opposing the road. One was that i t would bring too many people into the Val l e y and ru i n i t for the people already l i v i n g there. This i s a p o s i t i o n that the strongest "conserva-t i o n i s t " f a c t i o n members support. The road has brought no good. The population has gotten bigger; there are no more jobs to go around. Tourists don't bring anything i n . The Board of Trade and t h e i r promotions are to blame. 134 The second ground for opposition was that some of the leaders of the road project were seen as having personal gain goals involved i n the road. Merchants were e s p e c i a l l y open to t h i s accusation: K.L. has done more harm to t h i s community thai anyone else . He.:-, hopes to bring people i n so that they w i l l go to h i s store. I t ' s good for business. The mountain road however, was not a project of use only to business "boosters" or to the majority of residents who wanted i n -creased contact with the outside world. Mild "conservationists" with friends or family i n the C h i l c o t i n or i n t e r i o r could see the road as a means of strengthening these bonds. Before (the road was b u i l t ) to v i s i t Prince George you had to go a l l the way down to Vancouver and back up. I t cost so much — $40 a person. So i t was $80 return, anyway. Now I f i l l up my tank for $4.75 and I can drive up to Anahim Lake and back. You can go to Anahim f o r supper i f you want. The road i s the Great Example of a l o c a l project i n the minds of B e l l a Coola residents because i t provided a good reason for the majority of people i n a l l factions to support i t . (a) Townsite  and v a l l e y factions simply melted away. -Both groups would benefit equally from access to the outside world. The mountain road was not a service or f a c i l i t y to be located i n a s p e c i f i c settlement. (b) Boosters saw the road as "putting B e l l a Coola on the map" and encouraging i t s general development. To u r i s t s would be able to drive i n . B e l l a Coola would be part of "the world". Mercantile Boosters saw a chance to make a p r o f i t on t h i s new t r a f f i c . They also saw an opportunity to regain the west C h i l c o t i n as a trade hinterland. (The west C h i l c o t i n had turned to Williams Lake with the cut-t i n g through of the C h i l c o t i n Highway. The mountain road however, has 135 not allowed B e l l a Coola merchants to regain t h i s market. Instead, the mountain road has made B e l l a Coola a minor part of the Williams Lake trade hinterland. The Valley newspaper i s now the Williams Lake T r i - bune and as mentioned above, some people have groceries shipped from sales i n Williams Lake supermarkets. Because the mountain road i s narrow and twisting, vehicles of only a l i m i t e d s i z e can pass through i t . Logs and timber cut east of the coastal divide — 60 miles from B e l l a Coola — cannot be transported to the coast for shipment, but must go east to Williams Lake.- Likewise, o i l and gasoline tanker trucks cannot pass through the mountains. Anahim Lake, the market which B e l l a Coola merchants would l i k e to supply, receives its rpetroleum supplies from Williams Lake. The road r e a l l y allows only two kinds of permeation. The f i r s t i s that of i n d i v i d u a l family cars and trucks. The second i s that of medium s i z e f r e i g h t trucks. With t h i s scale of v e h i c l e , i t remains more economical to drive from Vancouver through Williams Lake to the coast than f r e i g h t up the coast by steamer and drive over the mountains to the plateau.) Conservationists (the opposing f a c t i o n to boosters) were the only people who. had any tendency to oppose the road. However, as ex-plained above, a l l but the most extreme conservationists found reason to support the road i n the increased access i t gave to the west C h i l c o t i n . (c) Newcomers and Va l l e y people together wanted the road. V a l l e y people had f e l t i s o l a t e d f or years. Usually newcomers were quick to share the f e e l i n g . In recent projects the play of factions has continued. Un-l i k e the mountain road, recent projects have not gained "near unanimous" 136 support. Such was the case of the graveyard cleanup and the f i r s t museum. The graveyard cleanup was headed by the undertaker and some Valley people accused him of having only a mercenary involvement. But i t i s questionable i f a clean graveyard was going to increase h i s b u s i -ness. As he had a monopoly on Va l l e y undertaking, he did not need the p u b l i c i t y . Gossip however, claimed he did have business motives, and support was not forthcoming. The undertaker was a r e l a t i v e newcomer at t h i s time, and Va l l e y people — embarrassed at the condition of t h e i r graveyard! — resented h i s i n i t i a t i v e . The museum was i n i t i a l l y b u i l t at Hagensborg by a son of a c o l o n i a l Norwegian family. To help meet the costs he ran i t as a night club and lapidary shop for the f i r s t year. Extensive community support came for the project. I t took the form of free materials, hauling and sawing, and erection. The museum was b u i l t along the l i n e s of a t r a d i t i o n a l B e l l a Coola Indian house. The support generally came from the v a l l e y ^however, not from the townsite. The townsite merchants did not support the project. Although the Board of Trade offered money for the construction of a museum, the townsite f a c t i o n claimed the museum (located at Hagensborg) was p r i m a r i l y a "rock shop". Eventually the museum folded. The b u i l d i n g , unused, was moved to the Indian reserve where i t became a friendship house. The move was c a r r i e d on by the Kairos Club, a United Church group with a membership based mainly on the townsite. The friendship house i s now considered a volunteer project of t h i s group. Another b u i l d i n g has been located i n the town-s i t e and i s now the museum. 137 The v a l l e y f a c t i o n succeeded i n having the centennial swimming pool located at Hagensborg. In t h i s case, however, where f i n a n c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the whole B e l l a Coola population was re-quired f o r the completion of the project as planned, t h i s success encased a f a i l u r e . The townspeople did not heavily support the pro-j e c t when they r e a l i z e d t h e i r c h i l d r e n would have to t r a v e l 12 miles to get to i t . The pool was f i n a l l y completed through the work of peo-ple l i v i n g close to i t . 138 CHAPTER VII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION I l e f t B e l l a Coola sharing the b e l i e f of the people I con-tacted there, that the o r i g i n a l white s e t t l e r s had been independent of forces e x t e r i o r to the V a l l e y , f u l l y b u i l d i n g t h e i r new community as p o l i t i c a l , creative men. The economic depression, which i n much of the North American continent sent great waves of d i s t r e s s , both f i n a n c i a l and personal, over society as a whole and i n d i v i d u a l s s p e c i f i -c a l l y , touched l i g h t l y on the B e l l a Coola population. Insu-l a t e d by three hundred miles of wilderness i n every d i r e c -t i o n , shocks were softened by time and distance when they reached B e l l a Coola. The weekly mail, which arri v e d on the f a i t h f u l , f r i e n d l y Union Steamships vessel every Thursday, could be ten days old even the day i t arrived."*" Instead, Attuned also to the varying fortunes of the f i s h i n g f l e e t , B e l l a Coola suffered depression or enjoyed prosperity accord-ing to the salmon run and almost disregarded what was happening i n the outside world. There was always game i n the f o r e s t , potatoes i n the f i e l d , and f u e l with which to keep warm.^ But such a remembrance skips over the major economic and s o c i a l forces that allowed B e l l a Coola to become a community at a l l . 3 In Chapter II above, I b r i e f l y reviewed the conditions i n Norway that encouraged the o r i g i n a l immigration of Norwegians to Mid-western America and further on to B e l l a Coola. I t i s c l e a r that the community of B e l l a Coola i s not the r e s u l t of simple acts of w i l l on the part of i t s foun-ders. These immigrants were v i r t u a l l y ejected from an old world economy 1. Kopas, op. c i t . , p. 269. 2. I b i d . , p. 269. 3. See pp. 32-33 above. 139 that could i n no way support them. Throughout the h i s t o r y of B e l l a Coola, the major trends i n the community have been stimulated from outside the Valley. The early c o l o n i s t s of B e l l a Coola r a p i d l y adjusted t h e i r l i f e s t y l e to t h e i r new environment and economic s i t u a t i o n . They were w e l l tuned to hard work and w i l l i n g to invest several years of intense labour to e s t a b l i s h themselves. But t h e i r model remained the well-to-do Norwegian freeholder. They were pioneers not for the love of pioneering and the r u s t i c l i f e , but i n hopes of becoming the most noble sort of men t h e i r old world experience gave them knowledge of. B e l l a Coola was a hardship to them; they had never sought a freedom born of hopeless i s o l a t i o n and poverty. I t i s c e r t a i n l y true that the depression was easier to survive i n a r u r a l s e t t i n g that could supply the basic needs of l i f e i n i s o l a -t i o n from the urban cash economy. But t h i s i s o l a t i o n was i n no way c o n t r o l l e d by the s a t e l l i t e community of B e l l a Coola. As Frank outlines i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e system, i n times of de-pression i n the metropolis the s a t e l l i t e w i l l be freer than i n times of metropolis boom. The metropolis does not have the energies or c a p i t a l to focus on the s a t e l l i t e i n d i f f i c u l t periods. B e l l a Coola, therefore, must not be seen as the free community l o c a l h i s t o r y would suggest i t i s . I t has never had t h i s freedom. Although presented by both p r o v i n c i a l government and p r o v i n c i a l business as the nascent metropolis of the north coast of B.C., the colony never "took" as a business or even a g r i c u l t u r a l centre. In 1904, a gov-ernment surveyor moving through the Valley reported the " s e t t l e r s are not 140 4 very prosperous yet, for lack of money and developed holdings." The great hope of the Valley — as reported by a correspondent f o r the B e l l a Coola Farmers I n s t i t u t e that same year — was a pulp m i l l to c e r t a i n l y be b u i l t , and the choosing of B e l l a Coola as the terminal f or the Grand Trunk P a c i f i c Railway. The pulp m i l l was b u i l t , but at Ocean F a l l s . The railway eventually went to Prince Rupert. There was only the most l o c a l of markets for a g r i c u l t u r a l produce. The colony's continuation was r e l i a n t on money earned through labour on the wagon road and i n coastal f i s h i n g camps as outlined i n Chapter I I I above. By 1912, the beginning of the p u b l i c a t i o n of the B e l l a Coola  Courier, V a l l e y l i f e had s e t t l e d into a regular pattern. The main news items i n the Courier concerned hopes of things to come. They t o l d of a promised railway terminal, plans to subdivide for the expected urban boom, plans to e s t a b l i s h p r o f i t a b l e farming, p o t e n t i a l mining develop-ments, a development league to be formed. And at the same time the paper records poor attendance at l o c a l school board and other committee meetings, and complains- of the lack of power the l o c a l community has i n dealing with the province. The Va l l e y had become economically dependent on f i s h i n g early i n the century. As technological advances made i t s wood resources ac c e s s i b l e , the Valley swung to this more rewarding staple. Always the involvement with staples has meant involvement with nation a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l corporations f o r B e l l a Coola. Nearly always, the staple was extracted i n itsmost unprocessed form. 4. Government of B r i t i s h Columbia, A g r i c u l t u r e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, O f f i c i a l B u l l e t i n No. 10. V i c t o r i a : Kings P r i n t e r , 1904, p. 117. 5. I b i d . , p. 117. 141 The members of B e l l a Coola's white community have from time to time attempted to e s t a b l i s h l o c a l i n d u s t r i e s . Nearly always, as de-t a i l e d i n the above chapters, these industries have f a i l e d to match metropolis competitors. The few small sawmills that have existed for any length of time have had to be c a r e f u l to cut grades and v a r i e t i e s of lumber that cannot be more cheaply imported or lumber that i s tem-p o r a r i l y i n short supply i n the metropolis. In the earning of t h e i r l i v i n g s , the men of B e l l a Coola are only free to respond to the metro-p o l i s . While t h i s condition i s made more obvious under the present regime of Crown Zellerbach i n the V a l l e y , i t has always been the case. The attempts to e s t a b l i s h l o c a l salmon canneries at the turn of the century f a i l e d as do modern attempts. Lack of l o c a l c a p i t a l constantly harrassed these l o c a l endeavours yet a surplus of c a p i t a l was being produced i n the V a l l e y — through f i s h i n g and through f o r e s t r y . This was appropriated by the metropolis-based corporations which control the e x t r a c t i v e indus-t r i e s . Although Crown Zellerbach i s not the only logging company operating from the V a l l e y , i t i s the most robust, i t has the best equipment, the best land holdings, and the c o n t r o l on the l o c a l pulp market. I t i s 6 contracted to supply the pulpwood market — Ocean F a l l s m i l l . Local logging companies lead a f a r more precarious existence. Health, conser-vation, and p o l l u t i o n laws set by metropolis-based p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s make i t d i f f i c u l t f o r small scale l o c a l i n d u s t r i e s to operate. Local 6. In March of 1973 the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia purchased the Crown Zellerbach town and m i l l at Ocean F a l l s . This was i n res-ponse to the announced in t e n t of Crown Zellerbach to permanently close the operation. The Crown Zellerbach Corporation claimed the m i l l was too i s o l a t e d to operate economically. The Corporation w i l l continue to supply pulpwood and market the products of the m i l l . 142 d a i r y i n g a n d s l a u g h t e r i n g a r e i m p e d e d b y h e a l t h r e g u l a t i o n s . P o l l u t i o n c o n t r o l r e q u i r e m e n t s h a v e t h r e a t e n e d t o b a n k r u p t t h e s m a l l l o c a l m i l l . I n r e g a r d t o t h e m o d e l o f A.G. F r a n k ( s e e C h a p t e r I a b o v e , e s p e c i a l l y p a g e 9 ) B e l l a C o o l a i s c l e a r l y a s a t e l l i t e n e a r t h e b a s e o f t h e c a p i t a l i s t s t r u c t u r e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . H o w e v e r , i t s h o w s no m a t -e r i a l p o v e r t y s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f r u r a l C h i l e o r o t h e r s a t e l l i t e r e g i o n s . W i t h i n B e l l a C o o l a ' s p o p u l a t i o n t h e I n d i a n s e g m e n t comes c l o s e s t t o s h o w i n g s u c h p o v e r t y , b u t a s d e t a i l e d a b o v e , t h e I n d i a n s o f B e l l a C o o l a do n o t l i v e i n g r e a t m a t e r i a l d i s c o m f o r t . T h e y do p r o v i d e t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e w o r k f o r c e i n t h e f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y , w h i c h o n t h e a v e r a g e p a y s l e s s t h a n l o g g i n g . B u t t h e y do w o r k , a n d t h e y d o h a v e i n c o m e s s u f f i c i e n t t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r h e a l t h . T h e s i g n s o f p o v e r t y — i n s u f f i c i e n t o r s h a b b y h o u s i n g — a r e m o r e l i k e l y i n d i c a t i v e o f p r i o r i t i e s o n o t h e r e x p e n d i t u r e s t h a n a c u t e e c o n o m i c d e p r i v a t i o n . L o c a l a c c o u n t s i n d i c a t e m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s h a v e i m p r o v e d w i t h f o r e i g n ( C r o w n Z e l l e r b a c h ) a c t i v i t y r a t h e r t h a n t u r n e d d o w n w a r d . T h a t B e l l a C o o l a o c c u p i e d a s a t e l l i t e p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s t h e p r o v i n c e 7 f r o m f i r s t s e t t l e m e n t c o u l d a c c o u n t f o r t h i s . I n t h e b e g i n n i n g B e l l a C o o l a h a d o n l y l a b o u r i n t h e f i s h e r i e s t o o f f e r w o r l d m a r k e t s . W i t h i n t h e V a l l e y i t s e l f , t h e r e was no r e s o u r c e s u i t a b l e f o r o t h e r t h a n l o c a l t r a d e . W h i l e B e l l a C o o l a was d e f i n i t e l y i n a s a t e l l i t e p o s i t i o n t o t h e p r o v i n c e , i n t e g r a t i o n was m i n i m a l a n d m e t r o p o l i s i n v e s t m e n t l o w . 7. T h e t e r m s u n d e r w h i c h t h e P r o v i n c i a l G o v e r n m e n t a s s i s t e d t h e c o l o n y a r e o u t l i n e d o n p a g e 35 a b o v e . F r o m t h e p r o v i n c i a l p o i n t o f v i e w , B e l l a C o o l a was j u s t o n e o f many c o l o n i e s e s t a b l i s h e d t o e x t e n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . 143 I t was i n t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d t h a t l o c a l e n d e a v o u r s f l o u r i s h e d b e s t — a b a k e r y , s t o r e s , a n d n e w s p a p e r among o t h e r s . T h e l o c a l c o - o p l o g g i n g a n d l u m b e r company p r e - d a t e d t h e e n t r a n c e o f C r o w n Z e l l e r b a c h 8 i n t o t h e V a l l e y . B u t l i t t l e o f t h i s d e v e l o p m e n t was o r i e n t e d t o w o r l d m a r k e t s . When a p p r e c i a b l e w o r l d m a r k e t s w e r e o b t a i n a b l e , m e t r o p o l i s c o r p o r a t i o n s e n t e r e d t h e V a l l e y a n d g a i n e d c o n t r o l o f t h e e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r i e s . B y t h e t i m e t h e s e c o r p o r a t i o n s e n t e r e d t h e V a l l e y , m e t r o -p o l i s b a s e d u n i o n s w e r e w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d a n d a c c o m p a n i e d t h e m . C o n s e -q u e n t l y t h e w a g e s r e c e i v e d a f t e r t h e commencement o f l a r g e s c a l e l o g g i n g o p e r a t i o n s w e r e m o r e t h a n t h e p r e v i o u s s u b s i s t e n c e f a r m i n g , f i s h i n g , l a b o u r i n g a n d l o c a l l y o r i e n t e d l o g g i n g o p e r a t i o n s c o u l d o f f e r . E x t e n s i v e p r i m a r y i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n a n d b e c o m i n g a t h o r o u g h - g o i n g s a t e l l i t e o c -c u r r e d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . So a l t h o u g h t h e men o f t h e V a l l e y l o s t much o f t h e e c o n o m i c s u r p l u s t o t h e m e t r o p o l i s , t h e y p r o d u c e d s o much m o r e t h a n p r e v i o u s l y t h a t t h e r e m a i n i n g s u r p l u s s t i l l s u r p a s s e d t h e i r p r e v i o u s d i s -c r e t i o n a r y i n c o m e . W i t h t h e e n t r a n c e o f m e t r o p o l i s - b a s e d i n d u s t r i a l c o r p o r a t i o n s t o t h e V a l l e y , a n d t h e a c c o m p a n y i n g r i s e i n V a l l e y i n c o m e s , m e t r o p o l i s p r o d u c e d g o o d s b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y a v a i l a b l e t o V a l l e y p e o p l e . M o r e -o v e r , t h e g o o d s w e r e o f f e r e d b y m e t r o p o l i s - b a s e d s t o r e s w h i c h o f t e n u n d e r s o l d l o c a l m e r c h a n t s . T h e s e g o o d s w e r e m o s t a v a i l a b l e t o t h o s e w o r k i n g i n t h e h i g h - p a y i n g f o r e s t i n d u s t r y . I n t h i s way t h e p a r t o f t h e e c o n o m i c s u r p l u s n o t r e m o v e d b y t h e c o r p o r a t i o n s l e f t t h e V a l l e y i n 8. T h e m e t r o p o l i s - b a s e d V i k i n g L u m b e r Company f i r s t ..brought t h e o p e r a t i o n i n t o b e i n g . I t was o n l y w h e n d e p r e s s i o n i n t h e m e t r o p o l i s came, t h a t l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e was m o m e n t a r i l y r e w a r d i n g . 144 order to buy metropolis produced goods — often luxury goods. In s p i t e of the wealth l o c a l people show, the V a l l e y has consequently remained c a p i t a l poor. Those savings that are accrued f i n d t h e i r way into a c r e d i t union and a bank, both of which place these funds i n metropolis-c o n t r o l l e d investment funds, the bank to a f a r greater extent than the c r e d i t union. The e s s e n t i a l point i s that most l o c a l c a p i t a l i s not a v a i l a b l e f or l o c a l development. The l o c a l b e l i e f that follows t h i s fact i s that everything progressive and meaningful must come from the metropolis. The V a l l e y , with i t s business f a i l i n g s and broken dreams, t e s t i f i e s constantly that l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e i s f u t i l e . I t i s the metropolis that produces the commodities important i n l i f e . To be more l i k e the people of the metro-p o l i s i s the majority aim of people i n the s a t e l l i t e . The commodities required to s a t i s f y these values cannot be l o c a l l y produced. The l o c a l community must consume rather than create culture. In c u l t u r a l develop-ment, as i n economic development, the Valley community can only adjust to the i n i t i a t i v e s of the metropolis. Because of t h i s r e l i a n c e on the metropolis, the most important persons i n the community are those economic and c u l t u r a l brokers who know and r e l a t e to the metropolis. There i s no l o c a l "bourgeoisie" or entre-preneurial c l a s s ; there are only leading brokers. A.G. Frank, i n discussing the underdevelopment of L a t i n America, states that increasing interconnectedness of metropolis and s a t e l l i t e pro-duces increasing p o l a r i t y . "This tension between the poles becomes sharper u n t i l the i n i t i a t i v e and generation of transformation of the system passes from the metropolis pole, where i t has been for centuries, to the s a t e l l i t e 145 9 pole." I f t h i s i s so, then B e l l a Coola must yet become f a r more i n t e -grated with the metropolis for the d i a l e c t i c to work. L i t t l e evidence from our study suggested such a transformation i s nascent. The people of B e l l a Coola i n no way r e l a t e t h e i r discontents to the metropolis-s a t e l l i t e s o c i a l order. They do not acknowledge a m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e p o l a r i z a t i o n as such. They see t h e i r discontents a r i s i n g v i s - a - v i s one or another i s o l a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n . Like the people of Springdale, they generally i d e n t i f y with "the agencies and i n s t i t u t i o n s that are defeat-10 ing them." The one possible weak spot — greatest possible source of trans-formation — i n the present m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e structure i s the ease with which ideologies of s o c i a l change flow alongside consumer goods from metropolis to s a t e l l i t e . At the time the f i e l d work was undertaken, Valley residents continued to look backward to the "freedom" and indepen-dence of t h e i r grandparents. But, as suggested above, t h i s backward longing i s based on i l l u s i o n . Furthermore, Valley people are well aware t h e i r material l i f e i s better now- than ever: they would not be interested, i f i t was p o s s i b l e , i n trading t h e i r present p o s i t i o n f or that of the past. They are l e f t with a b e l i e f that they are i n f e r i o r men, not only 11 to the metropolis men they are, but to t h e i r ancestors. While possessing such a self-image, i t i s u n l i k e l y t h e i r l o c a l endeavours w i l l change from those outlined i n t h i s essay. A change i n self-image could possibly r e s u l t from metropolis originated i d e o l o g i c a l explanations of the nature of society 9. Frank, op. c i t . , p. 150. 10. V i d i c h , op. c i t . , p. x. 11. See pp. 17-19:-above. 146 and the r i g h t s of men i n society. For example, i n B e l l a Coola a young logger, never having been schooled i n welfare theory, but involved as a shop steward for a metropolis based union, can t a l k of the need for i n -c l u s i o n of dental services besides wage increases i n a new work agree-ment. The union provides through him and others l i k e him an avenue on which f a i r l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d recent concepts i n worker's welfare can enter the Valley. The long-term V a l l e y residents, with only l o c a l resources and experience, can D n l y provide reactionary explanations of the p o s i -t i o n i n which they f i n d themselves. Alternate explanations come from the metropolis. Only i n t h i s respect does greater i n t e g r a t i o n lead to p o l a r i z a t i o n and the understanding that could transform the metropolis-s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p . But nothing suggests t h i s must or w i l l happen. U n t i l such a transformation does occur, the community of B e l l a Coola w i l l not d i r e c t l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n i t s own development. L o c a l - l e v e l p o l -i t i c a l a c t i v i t y w i l l p r i m a r i l y serve to unite the s a t e l l i t e with the metropolis. In this paper I have attempted to demonstrate that the met-r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e thesis of A.G. Frank i s h e l p f u l and relevant i n re-viewing the h i s t o r y and sociology of l o c a l Canadian communities. The thesis i s generally supported from ethnographic material I gathered i n B e l l a Coola p r i o r to knowledge of t h i s approach. Documentary materials I gathered a f t e r I had embraced t h i s approach also support the t h e s i s . Capitalism i n Chile and B r a z i l have c e r t a i n l y l e d to a more extreme material impoverishment" than i n Canada. This difference i n degree, however, does not i n v a l i d a t e the claim that B e l l a Coola's surplus has been appropriated by successive metropolis powers. Frank's claim 147 that the m e t r o p o l i s - s a t e l l i t e structure must r e s u l t i n p o l a r i z a t i o n and eventual transformation of the s a t e l l i t e i s not f u l l y supported. Eco-nomic and p o l i t i c a l power i s c e r t a i n l y p o l a r i z e d i n regard to B e l l a Coola but tension between metropolis and s a t e l l i t e i s not apparent. Perhaps the r e l a t i v e l y great personal material wealth allowed i n B e l l a Coola has prevented the tension that Frank p r e d i c t s . Nothing: suggests the tension could not develop. It i s i n th i s regard that the metropolis-hinterland thesis of Davis f i t s B e l l a Coola b e t t e r than does Frank's scheme. Davis ack-nowledges the p o s s i b i l i t y of long stretches of lat e n t c o n f l i c t i n the system. C o n f l i c t may be "outweighed by conditions of prosperity 12 or by temporary a l l i a n c e s i n the face of la r g e r confrontations." 13 The s p e c i a l h i s t o r y of Canada, as illuminated by S.D. Clark, accounts to a large degree for t h i s s i t u a t i o n . The important lesson from B e l l a Coola i s that men l i v i n g i n an economic s a t e l l i t e s u f f e r many impoverishments other than economic ones. The metropolis not only appropriates the economic surplus,, but removes c u l t u r a l c r e a t i v i t y , p o l i t i c a l power and i n d i v i d u a l self-esteem. I t i s i n these things that Canada as a N a t i o n - s a t e l l i t e to the United States of America su f f e r s i t s greatest losses. And i t i s these things that have always been the e s s e n t i a l components of a human community. 12. Davis, op. c i t . , 1971, p. 12. 13. See pp. 14-15 above. 148 BIBLIOGRAPHY Benedict, Burton, "The S o c i o l o g i c a l Aspects of Smallness", i n Problems  of Smaller T e r r i t o r i e s , Commonwealth Papers, 10, London: Anthlone Press, 1967. Bjork, Kenneth 0., West of the Great Divide: Norwegian Migration to the  P a c i f i c Coast, 1847-1893, N o r t h f i e l d Minnesota: The Norwegian-American H i s t o r i c a l A ssociation, 1958. Blegen Theodore C., Norwegian Migration to America, N o r t h f i e l d Minnesota: The Norwegian-American H i s t o r i c a l A ssociation, 1931. Carrothers, W.A., "Forest Industries of B r i t i s h Columbia", i n A.R.M. Lower, e d i t o r , The North American Assault on the Canadian Forest, Toronto': The Ryerson Press, 1938. Clark, S.D. The Developing Canadian Community, Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1968. 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M c l l l w r a i t h , T.F. , The B e l l a Coola Indians, Toronto: The Uni v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1948. MacKenzie, Alexander, Voyages from Montreal, Toronto: George N. Morang and Company, Ltd., 1902. M c K e r v i l l , H.W. , The Salmon People, Sidney: Gray Publishing Ltd., 1967. Myers, Sustavus, History of Canadian Wealth, Vol. I, Chicago: Charles H. Kerr and Company, 1914. Morris, John, Strangers Entertained: A History of the Ethnic Groups of  B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver: Evergreen Press, 1971. Red f i e l d , Robert, The L i t t l e Community, Chicago: The Uni v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1960. 150 Samuelson, Paul A., Economics: An Introductory Analysis,. 6th E d i t i o n , New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964. Shearer, Ronald A., "The Continuing International Monetary C r i s i s : A B r i t i s h Columbia Perspective", i n B.C. Studies, No. 3 (Spring 1972). Swartz, Marc, Local-Level P o l i t i c s , Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1968. Wilson, G. and M., An Analysis of S o c i a l Change Based on Observations i n  Central A f r i c a , Cambridge: The University Press, 1954. V i d i c h , Arthur J . and Bensman, Joseph, Small Town i n Mass Society: Class,  Power and Reli g i o n i n a Rural Community, Princeton: Princeton Uni-v e r s i t y Press, 1968. 

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