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Creative writer in politics : George Orwell's Burmese days : a study of imperialism at the local level Slater, Ian David 1973

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THE CREATIVE WRITER IN POLITICS: GEORGE ORWELL'S BURMESE DAYS -A STUDY OF IMPERIALISM AT THE LOCAL LEVEL by IAN DAVID SLATER B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE REQUIREMENTS MASTER PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF FOR THE DEGREE OF OF ARTS i n the Department of P o l i t i c a l Science We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1973 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of P o l i t i c a l Science The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada June 13, 1973 ABSTRACT This study examines George Orwell's contribution to our under-standing of imperialism and to p o l i t i c a l writing in general. The basic assumptions of the study are that for a creative writer plot performs essentially the same function as model-building does for the p o l i t i c a l scientist and the role of the imagination i s paramount both in the drawing of a novelist's picture of environment and in a social scien-t i s t ' s selection of variables. To show how a creative writer can offer the student of po l i t i c s an unusual perspective of various systems of government (in this case, imperialism), the study draws upon concrete examples from Orwell's novel Burmese Days and other of his related writings to il l u s t r a t e a number of p o l i t i c a l science's theoretical concepts. The study is also concerned with showing how Orwell was a pace-setter, as i t were, in rejecting jargon as a means of expression and instead pressing vigorously, particularly in his description of imperi-alism in Burmese Days, for a straightforward yet imaginative prose in describing p o l i t i c a l as well as other events. The study assumes that Orwell's plea is echoed in a succeeding generation by others such as Landau and asserts that Burmese Days has either rendered many of imperi-alism's more harmful cliches impotent or has at least exposed them to closer scrutiny. At the same time, despite Orwell's often vehement denunciation of imperialism, i t i s assumed that there is implicit in the dialogue of some of his characters a recognition that while the system of uninvited foreigners exploiting and governing another people's country may be morally repugnant, in the light of an all-embracing and privacy-invading industrialism British imperialism may have been the least offensive kind of such exploitation. The study argues that our understanding of the motivations for group behaviour may, in some cases such as imperialism, be best pursued through more intensive studies of individuals within the group rather than by investing a l l of our attention in observing the collective action of the group. The study has evolved not from the notion that a creative writer can ever replace the perhaps more disciplined approach of the social sciences in understanding our world, but that he can significantly aid the academic world in il l u s t r a t i n g i t s theoretical concepts. Finally, i t is the overriding conclusion of this study that the moderately experi-mental nature of i t s juxtaposition of social science theory and f i c t i o n is mutually beneficial to both the social scientist and the student of literature in offering them new perspectives in their respective fields of interest. i v . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v INTRODUCTION 1 USE OF IMAGERY 10 IMPERIALISM AND EXPLOITATION 15 PATRON-CLIENT RELATIONSHIPS 23 POLITICAL POWER 34 INDIVIDUAL ALIENATION, GROUP PRESSURE AND THE CLUB 36 IMPERIALISM AND PROGRESS 44 THE SECRET WORLD - IMPERIALIST GUILT 48 SUBJECT EXPECTATION AND OFFICIAL AUTHORITY 55 CLASS AND IMPERIALISM 59 THE WOMEN AND DEPENDENCE IN BURMESE DAIS 63 CONCLUSION 74 FOOTNOTES 77 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 98 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Professor Alan Cairns for his helpful suggestions in the preparation of this thesis and my wife, Marian, whose typing and grammatical skills have augmented her overall and invaluable support to me in my studies. It is only when you meet someone of a different culture from yourself that you begin to realize what your own beliefs really are. —George Orwell. 1. INTRODUCTION George Orwell (1903-50) has been c a l l e d the "conscience of h i s generation" of w r i t e r s , a t i t l e which I f e e l sure he would have t y p i c a l l y dismissed, not so much from h i s sense of modesty but q u i t e simply because there were so many other consciences around at that time (the mid-t h i r t i e s ) .^ Even so, although the t i t l e and others l i k e i t may have sprung to mind from a bel a t e d g e n e r o s i t y on the part of h i s admirers and c r i t i c s a l i k e i t does represent, I t h i n k , a widespread b e l i e f that O r w e l l , even i n h i s e a r l i e r works, which were not p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l - r e c e i v e d , somehow stood above h i s contemporaries who, l i k e h i m s e l f , voiced t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n against what they b e l i e v e d were the i n j u s t i c e s of t h e i r time.; In r e t r o s p e c t i t does not appear that i t was h i s prose s t y l e which made him stand out from other s o c i a l c r i t i c s . Indeed many, i t seemed, shared c r i t i c Q.D. L e a v i s ' c o n c l u s i o n that from an examination of h i s novels during the t h i r t i e s "Mr. Orwell must have wasted a l o t of energy t r y i n g to be a n o v e l i s t , " and " I t h i n k I must have read three or four novels by him and the only impression those dreary books l e f t on 2 me was that nature d i d n ' t intend him to be a n o v e l i s t . " What d i d make Orwell g r a d u a l l y stand out, I b e l i e v e , was an e a r l y d e c i s i o n to s e t t l e , not without some nagging r e s e r v a t i o n s (such as l a t e r r e f e r r i n g to himse l f 3 somewhat d e r i s i v e l y as "a s o r t of pamphleteer"), that b a s i c t e n s i o n between s u b j e c t i v e and o b j e c t i v e r e p o r t i n g which a f f l i c t s most w r i t e r s . The c o n f l i c t was l a r g e l y r e s o l v e d i n favour of a s t r o n g l y perceived s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Orwell's growing d i s d a i n f o r w r i t e r s who d i d not share t h i s broad, a l b e i t i l l - d e f i n e d , sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was expressed i n the New English Weekly i n 1936 where he wrote: 2 . On the l a s t occasion when Punch produced a genuinely funny j o k e , which was only s i x or seven years ago, i t was a p i c t u r e of an i n t o l e r a b l e youth t e l l i n g h i s aunt that when he came down from the U n i v e r s i t y he intended to ' w r i t e . ' 'And what are you going to w r i t e about, dear?' h i s aunt enquires. 'My dear aunt,' the youth r e p l i e s c r u s h i h g l y , 'one doesn't w r i t e about anything, one j u s t , w r i t e s . ' " Whether or not he was e n t i r e l y c o r r e c t i n h i s a n a l y s i s , Orwell goes on to say, This was a p e r f e c t l y j u s t i f i e d c r i t i c i s m of current l i t e r a r y cant. At that time, even more than now, a r t f o r a r t ' s sake was going strong . . . 'art has nothing to do w i t h m o r a l i t y ' was the favour-i t e slogan. . . . To admit that you l i k e d or d i s l i k e d a book because of i t s moral or r e l i g i o u s tendency, even to admit n o t i c i n g that i t had a tendency, was too vulg a r f o r words. That Orwell b e l i e v e d h i s time was not s u f f i c i e n t l y c i v i l i z e d f o r w r i t e r s to c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y a f f o r d themselves the luxury of " a r t f o r a r t ' s sake" i s evidenced i n h i s a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l piece Why I Write (1946) i n which he s a i d , "In a pea c e f u l age I might have w r i t t e n ornate or merely d e s c r i p t i v e books, and might have remained almost unaware of my p o l i t i c a l l o y a l i t i e s . In the same a r t i c l e he wrote that the " s t a r t i n g p o i n t " of h i s w r i t i n g was'"always a f e e l i n g of p a r t i s a n s h i p , a sense of i n j u s t i c e " and w h i l e confessing that he was incapable of w r i t i n g "even a long maga-zine a r t i c l e , i f i t were not a l s o an a e s t h e t i c experience"^ he l i s t s e a r l i e r among the "four great motives f o r w r i t i n g " that of " P o l i t i c a l purpose - using the word ' p o l i t i c a l ' i n the widest p o s s i b l e sense," d e s c r i b i n g t h i s purpose as a " d e s i r e to push the world i n a c e r t a i n d i r e c -t i o n , to a l t e r other people's idea of the kind of s o c i e t y that they should s t r i v e a f t e r " and adds that "the o p i n i o n that a r t should have nothing to do w i t h p o l i t i c s i s i t s e l f a p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e . " ^ F i n a l l y he ends Why I Write w i t h the c o n v i c t i o n that " l o o k i n g back through my work, I see that i t i s i n v a r i a b l y where I lacked a political- purpose that I wrote l i f e l e s s 3 . books and was betrayed i n t o purple passages, sentences without meaning, g decorative a d j e c t i v e s and humbug g e n e r a l l y . " S t i l l , though Orwell's v o i c e may have been r a i s e d a gainst " a r t f o r a r t ' s sake," he was of course not the f i r s t to do so nor to give h i s pen over to w r i t i n g from a sense of i n j u s t i c e "because there i s some l i e 9 that I want to expose, some f a c t to which I want to draw a t t e n t i o n . " For, as Raymond Williams suggests a f t e r reading Orwell's essay, Writers and Leviathan, which deals w i t h the a l l - p e r v a s i v e i n f l u e n c e of contem-porary p o l i t i c s on l i t e r a t u r e , "One might never remember the E n g l i s h nov-e l i s t s from Dickens and E l i z a b e t h G a s k e l l to George E l i o t and Hardy" who were very much "aware of 'the enormous i n j u s t i c e and misery of the world' and who i n d i f f e r e n t ways made l i t e r a t u r e from j u s t t h i s experience.""'"^ Even remembering such w r i t e r s , however, the question remains: why i s Orwell s t i l l regarded as not only probably the most important p o l i t i c a l w r i t e r ( i n terms of f i c t i o n ) of h i s own time but as one.of the " f i n e s t prose w r i t e r s of any E n g l i s h age"?"''"'" The major reason f o r h i s success, I t h i n k (and t h i s i s what I hope to show i n the f o l l o w i n g pages), i s that O r w e l l , l a r g e l y through h i s vigorous r e j e c t i o n of j a r g o n , h i s outstanding honesty i n c r i t i c i z i n g h i s own p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s as w e l l as o t h e r s ' , and perhaps above a l l by h i s meticulous choice of f r e s h metaphor, developed an e x t r a o r d i n a r y a b i l i t y to reduce the b i g p o l i t i c a l problems of h i s day, and thus perhaps of most days, down to the concrete events and to i n t e r p r e t them i n terms of personal (often i n t e n s e l y personal) everyday experience and so could s i m p l i f y complex is s u e s without making them appear s i m p l i s t i c . In these ways he has, I b e l i e v e , not only c o n t r i b u t e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the common currency of despair (e.g., "Big Brother," "Newspeak," 4. "Doublethink") but has enabled us to see p o l i t i c s as a man-to-man, r a t h e r than a conceptual, r e l a t i o n s h i p so that we may diagnose, through the help of more v i v i d imagery, some of the more general problems of p o l i t i c s . Furthermore, w h i l e unashamedly s t a t i n g h i s b i a s yet being d e t e r -mined to r e t a i n an unbiased eye, he began, I th i n k (by a c t i n g out h i s b e l i e f that "the more one i s conscious of one's p o l i t i c a l b i a s , the more chance one has of a c t i n g p o l i t i c a l l y without s a c r i f i c i n g one's a e s t h e t i c 12 and i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e g r i t y " ) , to make i t acceptable, even r e s p e c t a b l e perhaps, to approach the study of p o l i t i c s w i t h moral c o n v i c t i o n r a t h e r than w i t h amoral i n t e l l e c t u a l i t y . He s a i d i n e f f e c t that a man who st u d i e s p o l i t i c s can, among other t h i n g s , be angry yet t r u t h f u l and even u s e f u l i n p u t t i n g things r i g h t or at l e a s t i n making them b e t t e r than they are. In support of the above, i t i s my i n t e n t i o n to show how, as a c r e a t i v e w r i t e r , George Orwell has c o n t r i b u t e d to our knowledge of imper-i a l i s m and c e r t a i n r e l a t e d aspects and f o r t h i s purpose I w i l l be p r i m a r i l y c o n s i d e r i n g h i s second n o v e l , Burmese Days, f i r s t p ublished i n 1934 a f t e r (as E r i c B l a i r ) he had l e f t the Indian Imperial P o l i c e (serving i n Burma) i r i 1928 and i n 1933 had begun using the name of George 13 Orwell. I t w i l l of course be necessary to look a t some of h i s other works as w e l l , seeing how h i s ideas progressed, r e f l e c t i n g what we might p r o p e r l y c a l l h i s p o l i t i c a l maturation. With t h i s i n mind I have not assumed that the reader i s e s p e c i a l l y f a m i l i a r w i t h Orwell's works. Burmese Days i n some ways i s a t y p i c a l of the main body of h i s work i n s o f a r as i t r e l i e s , h e a v i l y on what might reasonably be c a l l e d the " n a t u r a l i s t i c " metaphor r a t h e r than the "mechanistic" metaphor which was o f t e n present i n h i s l a t e r novels such as The Road to Wigan Eier (which 5. contains the f i r s t broad statement regarding Orwell's "ba s i c p o l i t i c a l 14 p o s i t i o n " ) and of course Nineteen Eighty-Four where the imagery of the machine.is savagely and d e p r e s s i n g l y dominant. Having s a i d t h i s , however, does not i n t e r f e r e w i t h our viewing Burmese Days as a h i g h l y p o l i t i c a l novel which, w h i l e r e f l e c t i n g a fundamental m o r a l i s t p o s i t i o n i n regard to i m p e r i a l i s m , a l s o r e f l e c t s the l a t t e r as an i n t e n s e l y per-sonal experience which, as I hope to show, permeates not only the nine-t o - f i v e l i f e of a c o l o n i a l bureaucrat but the twenty-four-hour-a-day, seven-day-a-week e x i s t e n c e of a l l those who come i n contact w i t h i t . I f The Road to Wigan Pier i s a statement of Orwell's "ba s i c p o l i t i c a l p o s i -t i o n " then Burmese Days i s , I b e l i e v e , a statement of Orwell's b a s i c p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n on i m p e r i a l i s m and most of what he thought was wrong, and sometimes r i g h t , w i t h i t . A f t e r h i s i m p e r i a l i s t experiences Orwell r e p o r t s how h i s "thoughts turned toward the E n g l i s h working c l a s s " " ^ and he became obsessed w i t h what he considered almost a s o c i a l duty to become i n t i m a t e l y aware of c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s before t a c k l i n g l a r g e r problems of s o c i a l reform."*"^ He wrote of how he wanted to "submerge myself, to get r i g h t down among the oppressed""*"^ i n order to " e x p i a t e " the "immense weight 18 of g u i l t " he had accumulated during h i s time as an I m p e r i a l P o l i c e O f f i c e r i n Burma, and he noted, I t was the f i r s t time that I had ever been r e a l l y aware of the work-ing c l a s s , and to begin w i t h i t was only.because they s u p p l i e d an analogy. They were the symbolic v i c t i m s of i n j u s t i c e , p l a y i n g the same pa r t i n England as the Burmese played i n Burma. " Convinced that i m p e r i a l i s m was the n a t u r a l extension and propagator of c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s and a l l the s o c i a l e v i l s which emanated from these 20 d i f f e r e n c e s , Orwell continued to s t r i p the t r a d i t i o n a l imagery a s s o c i a t e d 6. w i t h i m p e r i a l i s t ventures (e.g. "The White Man's Burden") u n t i l we f i n a l l y see i m p e r i a l i s m i n i t s highest and u g l i e s t form i n the f a c e l e s s d i c t a t o r s h i p of B i g Brother and the " s u p e r - s t a t e s " of E u r a s i a , E a s t a s i a and Oceania i n Nineteen Eighty-Four where whole populations are reduced to s l a v e r y and where wars over "disputed t e r r i t o r i e s " make f o r a "bot-21 tomless reserve of cheap la b o u r . " 22 The theme of i m p e r i a l i s m as an " u n j u s t i f i a b l e tyranny," a master-slave, r i c h - p o o r r e l a t i o n s h i p (see page 16) i n which not only do unwanted f o r e i g n e r s p r a c t i c e " d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t e x p l o i t a t i o n of the c o l -23 oured peoples" but a l s o p r a c t i c e i t upon the p r o l e t a r i a t of t h e i r own race threads i t s way through a l l of Orwell's work, manif e s t i n g i t s e l f as being e i t h e r c o l o n i a l (Burmese Bays), indigenous (The Road to Wigan Pier) or g l o b a l (Nineteen Eighty-Four) i n nature. And i n s o f a r as Burmese Days was where he f i r s t confronted the problem of i m p e r i a l i s m head on i n true f i c t i o n a l form (Down and Out in Paris and London was much more a documen-t a r y than a commentary though i t i s sometimes s a i d to be h i s f i r s t n o v e l ) , i t seems to me appropriate to begin any study of h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n s to our understanding of p o l i t i c s from that p o i n t i n time. Before e n t e r i n g i n t o a d i s c u s s i o n of Burmese Days I t h i n k i t appropriate to make some general remarks regarding the a u t h e n t i c i t y of a f i c t i o n w r i t e r ' s work as compared w i t h that of a p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t . The o v e r r i d i n g reason, i t seems, that the study of s o - c a l l e d f i c t i o n a l works (the h o v e l , f o r example) i s pursued outside the mainstreams of p o l i t i c a l s c i e n ce i s very simply that a c r e a t i v e w r i t e r ' s work i s seen l a r g e l y as one of imagination and that even i f the author has bothered to i n v o l v e h i m s e l f i n some measure of e m p i r i c a l research i t i s s t i l l h i s imagination which i s viewed as the most u n r e l i a b l e f a c t o r and i n e v i t a b l e 7. v a r i a b l e of h i s work. The dominant r o l e of imagination i n a c r e a t i v e w r i t e r ' s work, such as Orwell's Burmese Days, may indeed be cause f o r some s k e p t i c i s m on the part of academics but as Spegele suggests i n F i c t i o n and Polit-ical Theory, Both s c i e n t i s t and n o v e l i s t share the advantage and disadvantage of model-building: t h e i r models both i l l u m i n a t e and d i s t o r t r e a l i t y . And, j u s t as i n science models are r e j e c t e d because they appear clumsy, f a r - f e t c h e d or improbable, so, too, some novels are regarded as d i d a c t i c (and t h e r e f o r e u n r e l i a b l e ) or as2^ embodying i m p l a u s i b l e d e s c r i p t i o n s of characters and s i t u a t i o n s . Spegele goes on to say, however, that w h i l e " s c i e n t i f i c hypotheses are r e j e c t e d on the b a s i s of f a l s i f y i n g evidence . . . n o v e l i s t s ' models 25 can only be r e j e c t e d because we are convinced they are i n a u t h e n t i c . " I n s o f a r as my i n t e n t i o n i n t h i s t h e s i s i s to argue that George Orwell's work, mainly the d i d a c t i c novel Burmese Days, can c o n t r i b u t e to but not replace the work of the p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t , i t seems unnecessary to belabour the above p o i n t s beyond saying that i t does seem important at the outset to o f f e r some in f o r m a t i o n regarding George Orwell's f a m i l -i a r i t y w i t h h i s m a t e r i a l . E r i c B l a i r (Orwell's o r i g i n a l name) was born i n 1903 at M o t i h a r i i n I n d i a where h i s f a t h e r worked :in the Opium Department of the Indian C i v i l S e r v i c e . At one time h i s p a t e r n a l grandfather served i n the Indian Army w h i l e h i s maternal grandfather had been both a teak merchant and r i c e grower i n Burma. When he was e i g h t B l a i r went to England and was educated t h e r e , winning a s c h o l a r s h i p to Eton which he l e f t i n 1922 to join>the Indian Imperial P o l i c e at Rangoon. He served as a p o l i c e o f f i c e r i n Burma u n t i l 1927 when he r e s i g n e d , g r e a t l y d i s i l l u s i o n e d by h i s f i r s t - h a n d experience of i m p e r i a l i s m . I t should be noted that while 8. Orwell's f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h h i s m a t e r i a l i s s e l f - e v i d e n t (and t h i s i s not meant to suggest that f i r s t - h a n d experience i s n e c e s s a r i l y s u p e r i o r to astute observation from a f a r ) and so suggests a measure of a u t h e n t i c i t y i n h i s work, the novel i s at times nevertheless d i d a c t i c and r e f l e c t s the f a c t that Orwell p l a i n l y "hated the i m p e r i a l i s m I was s e r v i n g w i t h 26 a b i t t e r n e s s which I probably cannot make c l e a r . " The more vehement a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t passages are tempered, however, by a tone of commiser-a t i o n as when he w r i t e s : He had no t i e w i t h Europe now, except the t i e of books. For he had r e a l i z e d that merely to go back to England was no remedy f o r l o n e l i n e s s ; he had grasped the s p e c i a l nature of the h e l l that i s reserved f o r Anglo-Indians. Ah, those poor p r o s i n g o l d wrecks i n Bath and Cheltenham! Those tomb-like boarding-houses w i t h Anglo-Indians l i t t e r e d about'in a l l stages of decomposition, a l l t a l k i n g and t a l k i n g about what happened i n Boggleywalah i n '88! Poor d e v i l s , they know what i t means to have l e f t one's heart i n an a l i e n and hated c o u n t r y . ^ And again w h i l e F l o r y , our a n t i - h e r o , "had come so to hate them [the E n g l i s h of the Ea s t , the sahib log] from l i v i n g i n t h e i r s o c i e t y , that he was q u i t e incapable of being f a i r to them" Orwell nevertheless notes that a f t e r a l l , the poor d e v i l s are no worse than anybody e l s e . They lead unenviable l i v e s ; i t i s a poor bargain to spend t h i r t y y e a r s , i l l - p a i d , i n an a l i e n country, and then come home w i t h a wrecked l i v e r and a pine-apple backside from s i t t i n g i n cane c h a i r s , to s e t t l e down as the bore of some second-rate Club.28 F i n a l l y , I hope to make the poi n t t h a t i f most of Orwell's characters i n Burmese Days appear to be stereotypes of r a t h e r extreme i m p e r i a l i s t views t h i s i s not so much a negative measure of Orwell's imaginative powers as, I would argue, an e s s e n t i a l l y accurate r e f l e c t i o n of the system of i m p e r i a l i s m and how i t f o r c e s people ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the ex-29 p l o i t e r s ) to conform to a b u r e a u c r a t i c a l l y imposed set of norms and the e x p l o i t e d to seek refuge i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s such as those which 9. contemporary p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s have r e f e r r e d to as p a t r o n - c l i e n t t i e s . The main characters i n the s t o r y are F l o r y , a young timber mer-chant of about t h i r t y - f i v e whose youth seems to have been sapped by the t r i a l s of l i v i n g i n Kyauktada, a small and f a i r l y t y p i c a l Upper Burma town,.that had not changed g r e a t l y between the days.of Marco Polo and 1910, and might have s l e p t i n the Middle Ages f o r a century more i f i t had not proved a convenient spot f o r a r a i l w a y terminus. In 1910 the Government made i t the headquarters of a d i s t r i c t and seat of Progress - i n t e r p r e t a b l e as a block of law courts . . . a h o s p i t a l , a school and one of those huge, durable j a i l s which the E n g l i s h have b u i l t everywhere between G i b r a l t a r and Hong Kong.30 In a d d i t i o n to F l o r y the only other Europeans i n the p o p u l a t i o n of four thousand-odd are the heavy-set, middle-aged Macgregor, Deputy Commissioner of Kyauktada d i s t r i c t ; Mr. Lackersteen, a middle-aged, a l -c o h o l i c manager of a timber f i r m ; h i s w i f e , whose complaints against the n a t i v e s are as frequent as Macgregor's anecdotes; W e s t f i e l d , the s o l d i e r l y and moustachioed D i s t r i c t Superintendent of P o l i c e ; Maxwell, the young Forest Ranger w i t h a blood l u s t ; and E l l i s , another timber merchant whose dialogue i s n e a r l y always o f f e n s i v e and whose vehemence against the n a t i v e s i s never ending. L a t e r i n the novel we see the a r r i v a l of the Lackersteens' n i e c e , E l i z a b e t h , and V e r r a l , an arrogant young c a v a l r y o f f i c e r . The p l o t r e v o l v e s about a n a t i v e magistrate's (U Po Kyin) attempt to g a in favour i n the eyes of h i s B r i t i s h s u p e r i o r s and to thereby make himself e l i g i b l e f o r membership i n the h i t h e r t o a l l - w h i t e Kyauktada Club. In order to do t h i s , however, U Po K y i n must f i r s t r i d h i m s e l f of an u n w i t t i n g competitor, Dr. Veraswami, an Indian doctor and good f r i e n d of John F l o r y , the timber merchant. U Po Kyin's scheming i s o f t e n i n -spired by a clumsy kind of inventiveness such as using an ex-mistress of Flory's to publicly disgrace him before the eyes of Elizabeth Lacker-steen whom Flory f a l l s in love with and plans to marry. Flory's plans of a reinvigorated l i f e with Elizabeth, however, are dashed, as are Dr. Veraswami's hopes of joining the Club, by U Po Kyin's intrigue. Superficially this is the structure of the story but of course many other factors are involved such as the oppressive tropical climate, an element which some p o l i t i c a l scientists would recognize as part of a "geographic approach to p o l i t i c s , " that is insofar as "the facts of geography are clearly among those that influence many kinds of p o l i t i c a l 31 decisions." Also Flory's love-hate feelings about Burma in general and his special hatred of imperialism and what i t does to people im-prisoned by i t (both rulers and ruled) play their part i n causing the sensitive man to lose the battle and, in the f i n a l and consummate alien-ation from his original environment, to commit suicide. USE OF IMAGERY It would be an unwarranted assumption to suggest that Orwell's use of imagery in Burmese Days reflects the care with which he approached i t s later use (and displayed his obvious maturation as a writer), say in Nineteen Eighty-Four, but I have assumed that his imagery i s impor-tant to our understanding of imperialism as gained through his f i r s t novel for while greater care with use of metaphor and the like may have come with age i t would, I think, be equally erroneous to assume that he cared l i t t l e or nothing for i t when he wrote his f i r s t novel. In either case, however, one should not underrate Orwell's over-a l l contribution not only to p o l i t i c a l writing (and here I include the w r i t i n g s of p o l i t i c a l science as w e l l as p o l i t i c a l r e p o r t i n g ) but to the language i n g e n e r a l , through the care he showed i n s e l e c t i n g imagery which would most a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t h i s conceptions of p o l i t i c s . In Burmese Days, f o r example, i t i s the constancy of the n a t u r a l i s t i c met-aphor which i s important to my mind and not so much whether the i n d i -v i d u a l reader agrees or disagrees w i t h Orwell's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of im-p e r i a l i s m and i t i s t h i s constancy which, i n s o f a r as i t r e f l e c t s h i s < r e f u s a l to mix metaphors, o f f e r s an a l t e r n a t i v e to the haphazard or un-w i t t i n g k i n d of acceptance of current p o l i t i c a l l y o r i e n t a t e d metaphors which M a r t i n Landau discusses i n h i s recent work, P o l i t i c a l Theory and P o l i t i c a l Science. Warning us of the temptation to mix metaphors and our w i l l i n g n e s s to t r a n s p o r t images from one d i s c i p l i n e i n t o another without p r o p e r l y examining t h e i r a p p l i c a b i l i t y Landau notes how a d e c i s i v e i f gradual change from the Newtonian, or "mechanistic," image of the universe to the more "or g a n i c " or n a t u r a l i s t i c image of the Darwinian concept of nature r e s u l t e d i n the i n f u s i o n of new b i o l o g i c a l l y - b a s e d metaphors i n t o the language of p o l i t i c a l science and how t h i s i n f u s i o n gave way to new models which, because "a change i n image i s a change i n 32 method . . . profoundly a f f e c t the 'received axioms' of the p a s t . " In support of h i s view Landau c i t e s Wilson's " r i n g i n g p r o t e s t " that government i s not a machine, i t i s a l i v i n g t h i n g . I t f a l l s not under the theory of the u n i v e r s e , but under the theory of organic l i f e . I t i s accountable to Darwin, not to Newton. I t i s modified by i t s environment, n e c e s s i t a t e d by i t s t a s k s , shaped to i t s func-t i o n s by the sheer pressure of l i f e . 3 3 I n Burmese Days O r w e l l , i n h i s use of the n a t u r a l i s t i c r a t h e r than the mechanistic image i n d e s c r i b i n g i m p e r i a l i s m demonstrates, I t h i n k , not only a b e l i e f i n the importance of environment amid the change from the 12. Newtonian t o D a r w i n i a n a p p r o a c h i n a l l s c i e n c e s b u t what Van Dyke i n p a r t i c u l a r s e e s as a p e c u l i a r l y M a r x i s t h i s t o r i c a l a pproach w h e r e i n h i s t o r y i s v i e w e d as a " b e i n g w i t h l i f e p r o c e s s e s t h a t a r e r e g u l a t e d by l a w s beyond human c o n t r o l . " " ^ Landau a l s o a r g u e s how t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e m i s a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e m e c h a n i s t i c metaphor and Newton's methods o f r e a s o n i n g i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e s t u d y o f p o l i t i c s was l a r g e l y " m e c h a n i s t i c i n f o r m , and 35 m o r a l i n c h a r a c t e r " w h e r e i n t h e arguments o f e x p e r i e n c e were c o n s i d -e r e d s u b o r d i n a t e t o t h e arguments o f l o g i c . But he s a y s , "The D a r w i n -i a n metaphor o v e r t h r e w a l l o f t h i s , " and under i t s i n f l u e n c e t h e r e emerged a "new e m p i r i c a l temper" t o g e t h e r w i t h a p r a g m a t i c and e v o l u -t i o n a r y a p p r o a c h , an ap p r o a c h w h i c h i n Burmese Days c o n c l u d e s w i t h t h e s u r v i v a l o f t h e f i t t e s t , l e a s t s e n s i t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s , what we w o u l d now c a l l an example o f " S o c i a l D a r w i n i s m . " "The f a c t became t h e t h i n g ; " Landau w r i t e s , " t h i s was t h e g o a l o f t h e new p r a g m a t i s t and of t h e gen-36 e r a t i o n t h a t f o l l o w e d . " One o f t h e f o l l o w i n g g e n e r a t i o n was George O r w e l l whose p a s s i o n f o r e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h and r e f l e c t i o n s upon t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f h i s own l i f e seemed more s t r o n g l y t h a n t h o s e o f most t o r e -f l e c t a g r o w i n g t e n d e n c y t o t r u s t e x p e r i e n c e b e f o r e l o g i c . I t i s p r e -c i s e l y f o r t h i s r e a s o n I ' t h i n k t h a t O r w e l l ' s The Road to Wigan Pier has been h e r a l d e d by some n o t o n l y as a " m a s t e r p i e c e " b u t as a b a s i c document 37 i n t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y o f t h i s c e n t u r y . And i t was t h e e x p e r i e n c e of s e e i n g i n h i s Burmese Days "a d u l l , d e c e n t p e o p l e , c h e r i s h i n g and 38 f o r t i f y i n g t h e i r d u l l n e s s b e h i n d a q u a r t e r o f a m i l l i o n b a y o n e t s " and h e a r i n g such f i r s t - h a n d remarks as "Of c o u r s e we've no r i g h t i n t h i s b l a s t e d c o u n t r y a t a l l . O n ly now we're h e r e , f o r God's sake l e t ' s s t a y h e r e " w h i c h f i n a l l y l e d h i m t o a s s e r t t h a t " t h e t r u t h i s no modern man, i n h i s heart of hearts, believes that i t i s r i g h t to invade a f o r -39 eign country and hold the population down by fo r c e . " From the very beginning of the book Orwell uses n a t u r a l i s t i c metaphors and imagery to create the atmosphere of evolutionary growth -of struggle. We are t o l d l a t e r that t h i s jungle where "creepers were huge, l i k e serpents" could be "so dense . . . that one's eyes were 40 oppressed by i t , " and are almost constantly made aware that climate and vegetation play an important part not only i n changing and mould-ing a man p h y s i c a l l y (more r a p i d l y than, say, i n England) but i n form-ing h i s outlook, h i s p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s and, f i n a l l y , h i s behaviour. As Flory walked down to the e l i t e s ' (the whites') club the heat throbbed down on one's head with a steady, rhythmic thump-ing l i k e blows from an enormous b o l s t e r . . . In the borders beside the path swaths of English flowers - phlox and larkspur, hollyhock and petunia - not yet s l a i n by the sun, r i o t e d i n vast s i z e and richness. The petunias were huge, l i k e trees almost. There was no lawn, but instead a shrubbery of native trees and bushes - gold mohur trees l i k e vast umbrellas of blood-red bloom, frangipanis with creamy, s t a l k l e s s flowers, purple b o u g a i n v i l l e a , s c a r l e t hibiscus and the pink Chinese rose, b i l i o u s - g r e e n crotons, feathery fronds of tamarind. The clash of colours hurt one's eyes i n the glare.^1 Amid t h i s luxuriant growth, t h i s u n d i s c i p l i n e d r i o t of colour, t h i s disorder, which r e f l e c t s nature's over-indulgence, there occurs a concomitant sapping of a man's w i l l , a lack of d i s c i p l i n e one might say which i s at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y r e f l e c t e d , i t seems, i n Flory's increas-ing degeneracy, h i s g i n - s w i l l i n g before breakfast, h i s r e f u s a l to shave and the gradual erosion of h i s i n t e g r i t y , p a r t l y measured by h i s grow-42 ing reluctance to speak " s e r i o u s l y on any subject whatever." His behaviour' constitutes a kind of personal r e v o l t against order, an-order so often mirrored i n the a r t i f i c i a l l y created and highly ordered p o l -i t y ; a r e v o l t which can f i n d no other way of expressing i t s e l f beneath the omnipresent s t a r e of the f e l l o w i m p e r i a l i s t s than by a s l o v e n l i n e s s which at once v u l g a r l y a s s e r t s both the remnants of i n d i v i d u a l i s m and a d e s i r e to be at one w i t h the immediate environment, an environment which i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the growth of an un r e s t r a i n e d j u n g l e . The n a t u r a l i s t image continues to a s s e r t i t s presence and even a f t e r redeeming h i s e a r l i e r cowardice of f a i l i n g to support Rangoon's d i r e c t i v e that a n a t i v e member ( i n t h i s case h i s f r i e n d , Dr. Veraswami) be admitted to the Club F l o r y f r a n t i c a l l y asks E l i z a b e t h j u s t before h i s s u i c i d e , "Do t r y and understand. Haven't I t o l d you something of the l i f e we l i v e here? The s o r t of h o r r i b l e d e a t h - i n - l i f e ! The decay, 43 the l o n e l i n e s s , the s e l f - p i t y ? " ( I t a l i c s mine.) The important p o i n t here i s that Orwell presents h i s s t o r y i n terms of a n a t u r a l i s t i c image, without n e c e s s a r i l y equating i m p e r i a l i s m w i t h some vast p l a n t , a j u n g l e perhaps, which r e l e n t l e s s l y s t r a n g l e s a l l who stand i n i t s onward t h r u s t f o r t e r r i t o r y (though i t should be noted that at times Orwell's use of metaphor i n drawing a n a l o g i e s , say between the j u n g l e and i m p e r i a l i s m , i s so p e r s i s t e n t i n Burmese Bays that what Landau c a l l s the "as i f " p r o p o s i t i o n does indeed seem to have become the " ' i t i s ' statement of supposed f a c t , " ^ [see p. 22] p a r t i c u l a r l y when he suggests ways i n which an i n d i v i d u a l ' s behaviour may be a c t u a l l y caused by the j u n g l e environment. [See above, pp. 10-14]. In s h o r t , the j u n g l e - o r i e n t a t e d metaphors used to describe the o v e r a l l s t r u c t u r e of i m p e r i a l i s m cease to be models on the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , as i n F l o r y ' s case, and i n s t e a d a c t u a l l y become an e x p l a n a t i o n o f , r a t h e r than a way of c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g , the i n d i v i d u a l i m p e r i a l i s t ' s behaviour.) Only r a r e l y does he use a mechanistic metaphor and r e f e r to i m p e r i a l i s m as represented by the B r i t i s h Empire as-"the machine"^ or as a " d e v i c e " ^ and even then F l o r y ' s question: " W e l l , doctor, and how are things? How's the B r i t i s h Empire? Sick of the p a l s y as u s u a l ? " and Veraswami's r e p l y that the p a t i e n t i s s u f f e r i n g from "septicaemia, p e r i t o n i t i s and p a r a l y s i s of the g a n g l i a " b e l y the mechanistic f o r m . ^ Despite the humourous undercurrent of such conversation F l o r y i s very s e r i o u s when he once more r e v e r t s to the n a t u r a l i s t i c image and b i t t e r l y r e f e r s to "Pox B r i t t a n i c a " which he sees as a pax only f o r "the money-lender and 48 the lawyer." With these words i n mind I t h i n k i t worthwhile to d i g r e s s somewhat from our c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of the use of imagery i n the novel and to make some general remarks concerning what Orwell saw as the constant and unchanging r e l a t i o n s h i p between the term " i m p e r i a l i s m " and the prac-t i c e of o u t r i g h t economic e x p l o i t a t i o n . IMPERIALISM AND EXPLOITATION Iii' M a r x i s t terms i t would be f a i r , I t h i n k , to say that Orwell saw i m p e r i a l i s m as a world c o n d i t i o n i n which the "government and the s t a t e . . . were c l a s s instruments, employed to p r o t e c t and promote the i n t e r e s t s of those i n c o n t r o l - under c a p i t a l i s m , the b o u r g e o i s i e . . . e x p l o i t i n g others economically and oppressing them p o l i t i c a l l y " by developing " p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s and r e l i g i o u s and moral p r i n c i p l e s 49 as r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s and j u s t i f i c a t i o n s of i t s c l a s s i n t e r e s t s . " Indeed long before Orwell reached Burma i t c e r t a i n l y d i d seem that some d i s t o r t i o n of o r i g i n a l motives had taken.place i n the Englishman's r a t i o n a l e f o r c o l o n i z a t i o n . I t was C l i v e who, under no i l l u s i o n that trade c o n s t i t u t e d the only reason f o r the B r i t i s h presence, wrote to the d i r e c t o r s of the East I n d i a Company ten years a f t e r Plassey that "to do any act by an e x e r t i o n of the E n g l i s h power which can be e q u a l l y done by the nabob, would be throwing o f f the mask and d e c l a r i n g the Company soubah [governor] of the prov i n c e . " " ^ ( I t a l i c s mine.) Thus there was, even i n a man who saw trade as England's paramount concern i n I n d i a , a dual r e a l i z a t i o n that p o l i t i c a l power, overt or otherwise, was e s s e n t i a l to the s u c c e s s f u l long-range i n t e r e s t s of B r i t i s h trade and that the maintenance of such power had best proceed under guise. R i g h t l y or wrongly Orwell recognized the p r o f i t motive as the major reason, i f not the s o l e one, f o r the white man's e x p l o i t a t i o n of the East"'"'" and through F l o r y and h i s n a t u r a l i s t i c imagery he both describes and gives vent to the o v e r s i m p l i f i e d , post-Boer War, Hobsonian view that at root i m p e r i a l i s m was'nothing more than "the endeavour of the great c o n t r o l l e r s of i n d u s t r y to broaden the channel f o r the flow of 52 t h e i r surplus wealth." A l s o , l i k e Hobson, Orwell saw i m p e r i a l i s m as l a r g e l y a p a r a s i t i c venture of the upper c l a s s e s undertaken to create jobs f o r t h e i r sons as w e l l as to maintain and increase t h e i r power at home and has F l o r y describe the i m p e r i a l i s t s as c o n s t i t u t i n g "a k i n d 53 of up-to-date, h y g i e n i c , s e l f - s a t i s f i e d l o u s e . " And, presaging h i s sustained and s p i r i t e d a t t a c k upon one of the most pervasive metaphors of h i s time, Orwell d e c r i e d what he b e l i e v e d to be the guise of the "slimy white man's burden humbug" ( i t a l i c s mine) which, he suggests, perpetuates "the l i e that we're here to u p l i f t our poor b l a c k brothers i n s t e a d of to rob them" and "corrupts us i n ways you can't imagine" which i n turn leads to "an e v e r l a s t i n g sense of being a sneak and a l i a r that torments us and d r i v e s us to j u s t i f y ourselves n i g h t and day." He concludes that the i m p e r i a l i s t s ' awareness of t h i s c o n d i t i o n i s "at 54 the bottom of h a l f our b e a s t l i n e s s to the n a t i v e s . " Orwell proceeds, l a t e r i n the book, to give us examples of how the moral hypocrisy of i m p e r i a l i s m (though he d i d b e l i e v e that there was a time when B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l i s m "was not e n t i r e l y d e s p i c a b l e " ) c o r -rupts F l o r y and has him s i g n a n o t i c e at the Club postponing d i s c u s s i o n of the p o s s i b i l i t y of e l e c t i n g a n a t i v e ( h i s f r i e n d , Veraswami) to the 56 Club. F l o r y i s ashamed of the l a t t e r a c t i o n but nevertheless at the time he succumbs to the temptation of what he e a r l i e r describes as the "kind of spurious good f e l l o w s h i p between the E n g l i s h and t h i s country . . . hanging together, we c a l l i t . I t ' s a p o l i t i c a l n e c e s s i t y " and adds, "Of course d r i n k i s what keeps the machine g o i n g . I t i s s i g -n i f i c a n t , I t h i n k , that Orwell's r e v e r s i o n to the mechanistic image of government as a machine comes at the b i t t e r moments of a l i e n a t i o n when, as i n h i s essay, Shooting an Elephant, he d i s c o v e r s "the hollowness and f u t i l i t y of the white man's dominion i n the East." I t i s at such times, 58 when Orwell sees the i m p e r i a l i s t merely as an "absurd puppet," that the mechanistic image i s evoked and i t i s the p o l i t i c a l puppet which l i s t e n s to Veraswami say to him, " I f t r u l y you disapporve of the B r i t i s h Empire, you would not be t a l k i n g of i t p r i v a t e l y here. You would be p r o c l a i m i n g from the housetops. I know your ch a r a c t e r , Mr. F l o r y " and i t i s the p o l i t i c a l puppet again who answers, Sorry, doctor . . . I haven't the guts. I "counsel ignoble ease" . . . I t ' s s a f e r . You've got to be a pukka sahib or d i e , i n t h i s country. In f i f t e e n years I've never t a l k e d honestly to anyone except you. My t a l k s here are a s a f e t y - v a l v e , a l i t t l e Black Mass on the s l y . I t i s F l o r y ' s acute awareness of h i s own g u i l t (which I w i l l d i scuss l a t e r ) and the hypocrisy of the whole community i n general which lead him to spend as much time among the n a t i v e s as he can and to con-fess to E l i z a b e t h during t h e i r v i s i t to the bazaar that " I t r y - j u s t 60 sometimes, when I have the pluck - not to be a pukka s a h i b . " And i t 18. i s during t h i s v i s i t a l s o that he counters E l i z a b e t h ' s charge that "These people must be absolute savages" by sa y i n g , "Oh no! They're 61 h i g h l y c i v i l i z e d ; more c i v i l i z e d than we are, i n my o p i n i o n , " and comments that the Chinese, i n p a r t i c u l a r , are "very democratic i n t h e i r 62 ideas. I t ' s best to t r e a t them more or l e s s as equals." These are the kinds of comments which to my mind suggest that u n l i k e many other i m p e r i a l i s t s at that time he saw no d i r e c t or even i n d i r e c t c o r r e l a t i o n between C h r i s t i a n i t y and c i v i l i z a t i o n i n much the same way as he remained unconvinced, again u n l i k e many other i m p e r i a l i s t s , that "modern-progress" 6 3 and " c i v i l i z a t i o n " were interdependent. Instead he pined f o r some golden U t o p i a i n the t i m e of Thibaw when he i m a g i n e s that a more p r i m - -i t i v e , uncommercial and there f o r e morally s u p e r i o r s o c i e t y was i n e x i s -tence. Such " a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t " a t t i t u d e s of F l o r y m i r r o r Orwell's c o n v i c t i o n (the theme of Keep the A s p i d i s t r a Flying) and that of many other s , I would suggest, that success i n one's career, which i s i n e v i t -a b l y , i f wrongly, measured by the world at l a r g e i n m a t e r i a l terms, 64 i s always concomitant w i t h commercial e x p l o i t a t i o n . And indeed i t seems that t h i s a t t i t u d e might go par t way at l e a s t i n e x p l a i n i n g how, i n the language of the L e f t p a r t i c u l a r l y , " i m p e r i a l i s m " and " e x p l o i t a t i o n " have become synonymous. (See below, p. 55.) This does not mean that i n Burmese Days Orwell a t t a c k s only those t r a d i t i o n a l , o f t e n m i s s i o n a r y - i n s p i r e d , idioms and metaphors which had o f t e n been used to j u s t i f y i m p e r i a l i s m as a moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the white man, f o r he a l s o r i d i c u l e s , through frequent exposure, those c l i c h e s which were almost pu r e l y derived from an amoral and n o n - r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f i n the white man's a l l - r o u n d p h y s i c a l and mental s u p e r i o r i t y i n the n a t u r a l order of things ( S o c i a l Darwinism). Examples of t h i s abound throughout the novel as when Mrs. Lackersteen i r r i t a b l y p r o c l a i m s , R e a l l y I t h i n k the l a z i n e s s of these servants i s g e t t i n g too shock-i n g . We seem to have no authority over the n a t i v e s nowadays, w i t h a l l these d r e a d f u l Reforms, and the i n s o l e n c e they l e a r n from the newspapers. In some ways they are g e t t i n g almost as bad as the lower c l a s s e s at home," (also see below, p. 59). or when E l l i s vehemently a s s e r t s , "The only p o s s i b l e p o l i c y i s to t r e a t 66 'em l i k e the d i r t they are . . . We are the masters." E l i z a b e t h d i s -plays her sense^of s u p e r i o r i t y when upon F l o r y ' s p o i n t i n g out to her that s t a t i s t i c a l l y i t i s r e a l l y more natural to have a brown s k i n than a 67 white one she concludes, "You do have some funny i d e a s . " In any event i t i s important to note that Orwell was one of the f i r s t to warn not only the p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t as Landau does but p o l i t -. ' 68 i c a l w r i t e r s at l a r g e that "once you have the habit" ( i t a l i c s mine) of using phrases invented by someone e l s e ( l i k e "white man's burden1') w i t h -out examining the appropriateness of the image then " i f thought corrupts language, language can a l s o corrupt thought" because "a bad usage can spread by t r a d i t i o n and i m i t a t i o n , even .among people who should and do 69 know b e t t e r . " And when you t h i n k of something a b s t r a c t [such as i m p e r i a l i s m ] you are more i n c l i n e d to use words from the s t a r t , and unless you make a conscious e f f o r t to prevent i t , the e x i s t i n g d i a l e c t w i l l come rushing i n and do the job f o r you, at the expense of b l u r r i n g or even changing your meaning.^0 I t h i n k one must acknowledge, however, that i n c o n s t a n t l y r e f l e c t i n g the Hobsonian b e l i e f that economic i m p e r i a l i s m was synonymous w i t h imper-71 i a l i s m Orwell no doubt succumbed i n part at l e a s t to that " h a b i t " which he warned us about, one which, as Landau warns, "makes us t h i n k 72 the l i k e n e s s obvious." And i t i s true that the l i k e n e s s i n t h i s instance between economic i m p e r i a l i s m and i m p e r i a l i s m tended to exclude the p o s s i b i l i t y of s i n c e r i t y amongst those who d i d espouse what was claimed to be the moral o b l i g a t i o n of the white man's burden. Nevertheless , despite the excessive scorn which the "white man's burden" now r e c e i v e s , the fac t that nowadays the phrase can no longer be used to camouflage the p r o f i t motive, however smal l or large a part i t p layed , i s due very much to those l i k e Orwel l who were prepared to attack what they saw as the h a b i t u a l invocat ion of the metaphor. With t h i s i n mind one could argue that Orwel l ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n to E n g l i s h prose i n general took the form of an unre lent ing at tack on the phrases of pretence, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the sphere of p o l i t i c s where he be l i eved such phrases were used l a r g e l y i n the "defence of the i n -defens ible" which for him inc luded the "continuance of B r i t i s h r u l e i n I n d i a , the S t a l i n i s t purges and deportat ions and the dropping of the atom bombs on Japan." Orwell argued that such act ions could "be defended, but only by arguments which are too b r u t a l f or most people to face . . . thus p o l i t i c a l language has to cons i s t l a r g e l y of euphemism, ques t ion-74 begging and sheer cloudy vagueness," a vagueness which together with "sheer incompetence i s the most marked c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of modern E n g l i s h prose , and e s p e c i a l l y of any k ind of p o l i t i c a l w r i t i n g . B y way of example, he noted i n 1946 how "defenceless v i l l a g e s are bombarded from the a i r , the inhabi tants dr iven out in to the countrys ide , the c a t t l e machine-gunned, the huts set on f i r e with incendiary b u l l e t s : t h i s i s 76 c a l l e d pacification." Aware of a propensi ty to v i o l a t e h i s own r u l e s of w r i t i n g Orwel l was to view "the huge dump of worn-out" and "incompat-i b l e metaphors"^ or what Landau l a t e r c a l l e d the "confusion of d i f f e r e n t models" with a larm, r e a l i z i n g that they could lead to what Landau c a l l s 78 "contradic tory r e s u l t s . " And he observed that such a phrase as "the hammer and the a n v i l " i s "now always used with the i m p l i c a t i o n that the a n v i l gets the worst of i t " w h i l e n o t i n g that " i n r e a l l i f e i t i s always 79 the a n v i l that breaks the hammer, never the other way about." Noting h i s eagerness to make the p o i n t one can be excused f o r t h i n k i n g t h a t Orwell's essay on P o l i t i c s and the English Language and h i s dialogue i n Burmese Days are somewhat tendentious, yet when one sees, f o r example, i n Merton's Social Theory and Social Structure (despite the otherwise l u c i d prose) how the h i t h e r t o impersonal image of the "machine" has been used so that the author can c o n f i d e n t l y w r i t e , In our p r e v a i l i n g impersonal s o c i e t y , the machine, [ p o l i t i c a l machine] through i t s ; l o c a l agents, f u l f i l l s the important s o c i a l function of humanizing and personalizing a l l manner of assistance to those i n n e e d , 8 0 one r e a l i z e s , I t h i n k , that Orwell's concern bears re p e a t i n g . The above, however, i s not so much a c r i t i c i s m of any one i n d i v i d u a l , i n t h i s case Merton, as a commentary upon what seems to be the general w i l l i n g n e s s or tendency of s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , among ot h e r s , to condone the continued use and acceptance of i n a p p r o p r i a t e metaphors. Having s a i d t h i s i t i s important to understand t h a t w h i l e O r w e l l i n h i s novels as elsewhere underscored h i s a t t a c k on g i b b e r i s h ( p a r t i c u -l a r l y i n Politics and the English Language) by w r i t i n g s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d E n g l i s h h i s a t t a c k , I t h i n k , should not be taken as one upon what i s commonly r e f e r r e d to as the " j a r g o n " of the s o c i a l s ciences. In t r u t h , of course, the meaning of jargon i s " g i b b e r i s h or meaningless words and phrases" but i t i s p r e c i s e l y through the h a b i t of using the word " j a r -gon" so o f t e n when we mean "terminology" that i t i s p o s s i b l e to miscon-str u e Orwell's a t t a c k as one against "terminology." The l e s s o n he teaches us i s that the use of terminology should always be a h i g h l y con-scious a c t , p a r t i c u l a r l y when, as Landau p o i n t s out, so much terminology i s imported wholesale from one d i s c i p l i n e to another. Thus h o p e f u l l y h a b i t w i l l not r e s u l t i n a b l u r r i n g of p r e s i s i o n i n analogy a l l o w i n g what Landau r e f e r s to as the "'as i f p r o p o s i t i o n " becoming an " ' i t i s ' 81 statement of supposed f a c t . " (See above, p. 14.) The previous reference to the hammer and a n v i l i s a case i n po i n t where, through sheer h a b i t , the analogy has not only been b l u r r e d but q u i t e simply turned on i t s head. A more recent example of how word meanings can s u f f e r over time appears i n the January, 1972 is s u e of Comparative Pol-ities where, i n t h e i r a r t i c l e P o l i t i c a l Clientelism and Development: A Preliminary Analysis, Lemarchand and Legg, n o t i n g an obvious c o n t r a -d i c t i o n i n terms, w r i t e , "Indeed, i f one i s to subscribe to the argument advanced by F a l l e r s and Lombard, f e u d a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s can only o b t a i n among equals ( i . e . , among n o b l e s ) . " In w r i t i n g Burmese Days O r w e l l , w e l l aware as we s h a l l see of the dangers of l i v i n g w i t h the l i e s of unconscious propaganda o r , i f you l i k e , the slogans of i m p e r i a l i s m , warned of a time to come when " a l l the gramophones would be p l a y i n g the 82 same tune." (See p. 40, n. 158.) This warning of course became the c e n t r a l t h r u s t of h i s l a t e r and b e t t e r known works but i t i s i n Burmese Days, I t h i n k , that he f i r s t r a i s e s f e a r s that through our surrender to i n v e r t e d and d i s t o r t e d analogy we may l e a r n to t o l e r a t e the most f l a g -rant and i l l e g i t i m a t e i m p o s i t i o n of power. I t i s necessary to bear the above i m p l i c a t i o n s of Orwell's a t t a c k on "jargon" i n mind as we examine how Burmese Days a f f o r d s a "common l a b o r a t o r y , " as i t were, f o r a l l s p e c i a l i s t s i n the s o c i a l s c i -ences to examine, a l a b o r a t o r y which i s described i n . f o r t h r i g h t language and so not one i n which ( f o r example, as Lemarchand and Legg p o i n t out) "the f i e l d of c l i e n t a g e r e l a t i o n s [U Po K y i n and h i s c o - c o n s p i r a t o r s ] has tended to become the exclusive preserve of sociologists and anthro-pologists" nor i n which "professional boundaries continue to raise major 8 3 obstacles i n the way of meaningful i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y dialogue." Again this approach of studying a novel i n the b e l i e f that events described by the author r e f l e c t common p o l i t i c a l phenomena and serve as a labora-tory i n which theoretical concepts can be examined and perhaps evalu-ated i s not an attempt to denigrate professional terminology but, being based on the author's own experience and observation, the novel, i t seems, does allow s p e c i a l i s t s to.set their theoretical lenses at a common foc a l length as i t were and to see i n , say, a "colonial s i t u a -t i o n " where the difference between "two types of personality i s greater probably, than i n any other" whether the images gained from the creative 84 writer's account f i t their models and i f not, why not. This i s n ' t to suppose that the author i s necessarily correct but he at least offers a new way of looking at the phenomenon of, for example, patron-client relationships i n imp e r i a l i s t Burma and for some readers this account may i n fact be the closest thing to being there. And i f Simon Bolivar i s correct i n claiming that "To understand menvand revolutions you must 85 observe them at close range" then "judge them at a great distance" the very least which Orwell can offer us are his first-hand observations of an impe r i a l i s t ' s l i f e i n Burma. PATRON-CLIENT RELATIONSHIPS The character of U Po Kyin and his relationship to the community of Kyauktada can, I believe, be seen as a case study i n patron-client relationships. U Po Kyin represents the corrupt bureaucrat with i n i t i a -t i v e who, through denunciations of his colleagues and selective bribery, manages to develop a high l e v e l of what p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s and others would today c a l l " s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . " At the age of seventeen he had been working " i n the s t i n k i n g l a b y r i n t h of the Mandalay bazaars" and "when he was twenty a lucky stroke of b l a c k m a i l put him i n possession of four hundred rupees and he went to Rangoon and bought h i s way i n t o a Govern-86 ment c l e r k s h i p . " While t h i s was a d i f f e r e n t k i n d of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y than was afforded i n t r a d i t i o n a l Burma where the sangha (Buddhist priesthood) provided a ladder to p o s s i b l e f i n a n c i a l success to a l l 87 c l a s s e s , i t was nevertheless a m o b i l i t y which, together w i t h other b e n e f i t s , depended l a r g e l y on the t r a d i t i o n a l patron. U Po K y i n recog-n i z e s t h i s f o r example when he c o r r e c t l y prophesies that once F l o r y 88 i s d i s c r e d i t e d then so i s Veraswami, not because F l o r y a f f o r d s Vera-swami s o c i a l m o b i l i t y through f i n a n c i a l patronage but because i n many ways he provides the more important patronage of p r e s t i g e , thus con-f i r m i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l f a c t of l i f e i n Burma, that "A government o f f i -89 cer of whatever rank could f a l l when h i s patron f e l l ; " U Po Kyin's behaviour, however, does not n e c e s s a r i l y lend weight to the view of those l i k e James Scott who w r i t e s that "nominally modern i n s t i t u t i o n s such as bureaucracies and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i n Southeast A s i a are o f t e n thoroughly penetrated by i n f o r m a l p a t r o n - c l i e n t networks 90 that undermine the formal s t r u c t u r e of a u t h o r i t y . " On the c o n t r a r y , de s p i t e h i s penchant f o r b r i b e r y and c o r r u p t i o n , U Po K y i n seems to support the s t r u c t u r e of the bureaucracy (though i t c e r t a i n l y i s n ' t as modern perhaps as the bureaucracy which Scott discusses) and i s outraged by the suggestion that J am r e b e l l i n g a g i n s t the Government? I - a Government servant of t h i r t y years' standing! Good heavens, no! . . . 1 should have thought even a f o o l would have seen that I am r a i s i n g t h i s r e b e l l i o n merely i n order to crush i t . . . Do you r e a l i z e that the Governor of Burma w i l l very probably p i n an Order on my b r e a s t f o r my l o y a l a c t i o n i n t h i s a f f a i r ? ^ ! In s h o r t , U Po K y i n , having a t t a i n e d great wealth under the B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l i s t system, has a stake i n that system ( c o l o n i a l i s m being the system and "resource base" he has known best) and has no i n t e n t i o n of undermining that which allows him a r e l a t i v e l y f r e e hand i n n a t i v e a f f a i r s . To the reader of Burmese Days i t may seem u n l i k e l y , or even i n c r e d i b l e , that U Po Kyin's b r i b e r y and c o r r u p t i o n would not have been known to the B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y Deputy Commissioner Mac-gregor, who must t h e r e f o r e e i t h e r have condoned i t u n o f f i c i a l l y and/or looked the other way. However, Orwell had, i t seems, taken i n t o account a f a c t l a t e r reported by the B r i b e r y and Corruption Enquiry Committee i n 1940 that "the s t a r t l i n g aspect of c o r r u p t i o n during B r i t i s h r u l e i s that the s u p e r i o r o f f i c e r s were so l i t t l e aware of i t and scant e f f o r t was made to c o n t r o l what went on between t h e i r subordinates and the 92 p u b l i c . " A l s o U Po Kyin's a b i l i t y to take b r i b e s fromYboth s i d e s and 93 then to decide the case on " s t r i c t l y l e g a l grounds" would s u r e l y not have su r v i v e d the outrage of unhappy l i t i g a n t s had not the " s t r i c t l y l e g a l grounds" r e f l e c t e d what James Guyot r e f e r s to as "the t r a d i t i o n a l f l e x i b i l i t y of p r i n c i p l e and v a r i e t y of p r a c t i c e " and "the o l d prac-94 t i c e s of co-operation and compromise." In s h o r t , to give U Po K y i n h i s due, what Orwell r e f e r s to as corrupt p r a c t i c e s i n general may very l a r g e l y have r e f l e c t e d the o l d way and not the new B r i t i s h way which was o f t e n at odds w i t h time-honoured methods of dispensing j u s -t i c e and, as Myrdal p o i n t s out, g i f t s and t r i b u t e s "sanctioned i n pre-c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y " may continue i n the form of what we erroneously c a l l and perhaps as Orwell (through F l o r y ) has erroneously c a l l e d ( i n 95 a Western moral sense) a " b r i b e . " And so when contemporary p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s a l s o c l a i m that " p o l i t i c i a n s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s who e x p l o i t t h e i r o f f i c e i n t h i s way [through b r i b e r y ] to reward c l i e n t s w h i l e v i o l a t i n g the formal norms of p u b l i c conduct are3 of coursej acting 96 corruptly, ( i t a l i c s mine) i t becomes important, to note whether or not the "norms of p u b l i c conduct" are l o c a l and t r a d i t i o n a l , or imported 97 norms. Furthermore U Po Kyin's apparent i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y to o f f i c i a l enquiry was p a r t l y provided ( a l b e i t u n w i t t i n g l y ) by what F l o r y describes as "perhaps the most important of a l l the Ten Precepts of the pukka sahib . . . not to entangle oneself i n 'native' q u a r r e l s . . . Even to know the r i g h t s and wrongs of a ' n a t i v e ' q u a r r e l i s a l o s s of p r e s t i g e . " This a s s e r t i o n i s s i g n i f i c a n t I t h i n k i n that Orwell adds that "most of t h i s , [ i . e . c o r r u p t i o n , i l l e g a l taxes and even proceeds of r o b b e r i e s ] of course, was known to everyone except U Eo Kyin's o f f i c i a l s u p e r i o r s 99 ('no B r i t i s h o f f i c e r w i l l ever b e l i e v e anything against h i s own men.')" One could w e l l argue, I t h i n k , that Macgregor's re l u c t a n c e to i n t e r f e r e w i t h the n a t i v e s according to the sacred i m p e r i a l i s t precept may have been i n f a c t the r i t u a l i z a t i o n of a t a c i t understanding by many i m p e r i -a l i s t s that a gap between the t r a d i t i o n a l Burmese and the new B r i t i s h way must perfo r c e e x i s t and that the most pragmatic s o l u t i o n a v a i l a b l e , at l e a s t f o r the time bei n g , was to give people l i k e U Po K y i n wide d i s c r e t i o n a r y power (which he o b v i o u s l y had) to deal w i t h l o c a l n a t i v e matters of f a i r l y minimal importance (at l e a s t to the B r i t i s h ) . This ;would c e r t a i n l y be one argument i n favour of l e s s e n i n g what we now c a l l the " c u l t u r a l shock" and h o s t i l e r e a c t i o n s which n a t i v e s may d i s p l a y (such as t h e i r p o t e n t i a l l y v i o l e n t demand that E l l i s be handed over to them f o r punishment) i n the face of a confusing new system of j u s t i c e . In short the Macgregors of Burma and Colonel Blimps of Empire may not have been as s t u p i d or as i n s e n s i t i v e to n a t i v e problems as we are o f t e n l e d to b e l i e v e and t h e i r r e l a t i v e n o n - i n t e r f e r e n c e i n l o c a l n a t i v e disputes may indeed have expressed a c e r t a i n wisdom gained from e a r l i e r c o l o n i a l experiences when white men were not o f f i c i a l s but wanderers and adventurers who found i t prudent to l e t n a t i v e s p r a c t i s e t h e i r own laws, as f a r as a white man's s a f e t y allowed. In the sense that U Po K y i n d e l i v e r e d the B r i t i s h law, at l e a s t to some degree, to the n a t i v e i n h a b i t a n t s of Kyauktada, he was no doubt a c t i n g , i n Scott's terms, as a "broker j 1 ^ ^ as w e l l as a patron to a l a r g e number of c l i e n t s i n c l u d i n g such f i g u r e s as Ba S e i n , the head c l e r k of the Deputy Commissioner's o f f i c e , and H l a Pe, the apprentice c l e r k whom he uses to undermine Veraswami's and F l o r y ' s r e p u t a t i o n and to r a i s e the s h o r t - l i v e d r e b e l l i o n which he crushes. Again i t was a case of the i n d i v i d u a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r i n t e r p r e t i n g "western concepts of the r u l e of law, a b s t r a c t j u s t i c e , and impersonal a u t h o r i t y which under-gird e d B r i t i s h guardianship i n Burma" which "ran counter to t r a d i t i o n a l h a b i t s of accommodation and compromise i n the a r b i t r a t i o n of disputes""*"^ and made U Po Kyin's presence so necessary to the n a t i v e s . Through h i s a c t i o n s the a b s t r a c t , i m p a r t i a l B r i t i s h law which they d i d not understand at l e a s t became p a r t i a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d and personal and could be explained i n t r a d i t i o n a l terms. Thus U Po K y i n demonstrates to us that through knowledge of the B r i t i s h system, i n s o f a r as l o c a l j u d i c i a l a f f a i r s are concerned, he has 102 what Scott r e f e r s to as a "resource base of Patronage," namely h i s m a g i s t e r i a l a u t h o r i t y which, through e n f o r c i n g the B r i t i s h l e g a l code, he may see as the extension of a t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e p r o v i d i n g s e c u r i t y and w e l l - b e i n g to the c l i e n t . This allows him to be not only a patron but a broker as w e l l and confirms Scott's view, I t h i n k , that "such a r o l e combination i s not only p o s s i b l e " but may i n f a c t be " e m p i r i c a l l y 103 q u i t e common." Indeed i t has been argued, c o n v i n c i n g l y I t h i n k , that what has l e d western s t u d i e s to concentrate more on comparative a n a l y s i s (between western and underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s ) of c o r r u p t i o n i s the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t much of what western s c h o l a r s p r e v i o u s l y r e f e r r e d to as c o r r u p t i o n may have been more of a brokerage a c t i o n i n the same way, f o r example, as the e a r l y American bosses bridged the gap between immi-104 grants and a new and o f t e n confusing bureaucracy. Such a r e a l i z a t i o n tends to l e s s e n , I t h i n k , some of the more v i r u l e n t moral i n d i g n a t i o n against underdeveloped co u n t r i e s which may have both prevented and c o l -oured some research i n t o the area and which may, at the other extreme, a l s o lead i n t o the k i n d of amoral c o s t - b e n e f i t a n a l y s i s which we see appearing of l a t e . I n any case the n o t i o n that the presence of imported western l e g a l codes i n underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s i s c e n t r a l to the western con-cept of c o r r u p t i o n , a n d tends to prevent r e c o g n i t i o n of the t r a d i -t i o n a l norms of the country under i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s obvious from Orwell's treatment (through F l o r y ) of U Po K y i n whom he p l a i n l y sees as being an out-and-out corrupt o f f i c i a l w i t h l i t t l e or no redeeming q u a l i t i e s . He i s seen as being so t o t a l l y e v i l that one suspects Orwell l i t e r a l l y threw the l e g a l book at him. The "resource base of patronage" which U Po K y i n has to o f f e r may of course come from o u t r i g h t coercion although Scott argues against t h i s by assuming that people l i k e U Po K y i n would not use f o r c e alone to o b t a i n favours and s e r v i c e s f o r f e a r of eventual r e p r i s a l (an a c t i o n which the n a t i v e s demonstrate they are p l a i n l y capable of during the s h o r t - l i v e d and a b o r t i v e u p r i s i n g ) . Furthermore, Scott argues that the s i n g u l a r , most d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e of p a t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s the sense of " r e c i p r o c i t y " " ' " ^ (a mutual understanding and v a l u i n g of each other's s e r v i c e s ) . To counter S c o t t ' s argument, however, i t can be c o n v i n c i n g l y demonstrated, I t h i n k , that U Po K y i n does use o u t r i g h t c o e r c i o n i n h i s o f f i c i a l and u n o f f i c i a l c a p a c i t y (such as not paying h i s servant, Ba T a i k , any wages " f o r he was a convicted t h i e f whom a 108 word would send to p r i s o n " ) . I n p o l i t i c a l science terminology such a " p a t r o n - c l i e n t dyad" i s the m a n i f e s t a t i o n of a "personal s e c u r i t y mechanism" and forms the b a s i s f o r a " c l u s t e r " of such t i e s which i n 109 turn c o n s t i t u t e the p a t r o n - c l i e n t "pyramids" which, because of "the persistence of marked inequalities in the control of wealthy status and power," may e i t h e r support or challenge the growth of p o s t - c o l o n i a l 110 democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s . And i f we are tempted from t h i s to conclude that Ba Taik i s a s p e c i a l case we should note that any of the presents which are o f f e r e d i n the hope of f u t u r e favours are done so, i t seems, not j u s t because of a f f e c t i o n , but because of the i m p l i c i t t h r e a t of U Po Kyin's author-i t y i n dispensing the whiteaman's law."'""'"''" This might suggest (contrary to Scott's b e l i e f that " a f f e c t i v e " t i e s can o f t e n p r e v a i l over " i n s t r u -mental" t i e s ) that i t i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y i n an indeterminate number of cases that n a t i v e o f f i c i a l s would ever take pains to e s t a b l i s h r e l a t i o n -ships w i t h c l i e n t s which would depend more on a "durable bond of genuine 112 mutual devotion" than on the i m p l i c i t t h r e a t of c o e r c i o n . C e r t a i n l y i n Burmese Days U Po K y i n i s only r e a l l y l i k e d by h i s w i f e and at times even her a f f e c t i o n i s outraged as she i s q u i e t l y appalled by her hus-113 band's "unscrupulous behaviour." Thus i f "the l o c a l i z a t i o n of power [as i n Kyauktada] i s i n many senses as s t r i k i n g a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of contemporary as of t r a d i t i o n a l Southeast A s i a " and i f indeed "as u n i t s of p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e , patron-c l i e n t c l u s t e r s not only t y p i f y both l o c a l and n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s i n Southeast A s i a " and are " a l s o as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the area's contem-114 porary p o l i t i c s as of i t s t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c s " i t would appear that t h e . i m p l i c a t i o n s of U Po Kyin's use of c o e r c i o n , and of " i n s t r u m e n t a l " r a t h e r than " a f f e c t i v e " t i e s , would prove u s e f u l i n understanding the ki n d of personal l o y a l t i e s which may threaten the v i a b i l i t y of democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s should the formal s t r u c t u r e of such i n s t i t u t i o n s f a i l to o f f e r commensurate rewards through, say, n a t i o n a l i s t i c appeals. And i f , as Myrdal p o i n t s out, "the s i g n i f i c a n c e of c o r r u p t i o n i n A s i a i s h i g h l i g h t e d by the f a c t that wherever a p o l i t i c a l regime has crumbled -i n P a k i s t a n and Burma f o r ins t a n c e . . . a major and o f t e n d e c i s i v e cause has been the prevalence of o f f i c i a l misconduct""'""'""' and that r e -search on c o r r u p t i o n i n South A s i a i s strenuously thwarted and th e r e -116 f o r e avoided some estimate of the p o t e n t i a l of p a t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a -t i o n s h i p s to perpetuate and encourage what we would c a l l " c o r r u p t " p r a c t i c e s may al s o a i d us i n assessi n g a democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s chances of s u r v i v a l . Of course the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of p a t r o n - c l i e n t t i e s l i k e those between U Po Kyi n and Ba Sein (such as grouping them together f o r party support during e l e c t i o n s ) may al s o e x p l a i n how patrons who attempt to buy o f f the e l e c t o r a t e may be seen not as the harbingers of democracy's demise but as p r a c t i c a l men whose a c t i o n s are both a r e c o g n i t i o n of the i n e v i t a b l e advance of a democratic s p i r i t and p o l i t y and an attempt to 117 come to terms w i t h and p r o f i t by i t i n a time-honoured way. A l s o i t seems to me that the extent of what we c a l l the "ver-118 t i c a l l i n k s " of p a t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s important i n attempts to measure the degree to which c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of a u t h o r i t y i s f e a s i b l e , f o r i f an o f f i c i a l has extensive i n d i r e c t power, l i k e U Po K y i n (who demonstrates such power through h i s a b i l i t y to r a i s e and crush a r e b e l -l i o n , not so much through a small " c l u s t e r " of " f a c e - t o - f a c e " r e l a t i o n -ships as by i n d i r e c t c o n t r o l through h i s c l e r k , Ba S e i n ) , such an o f f i -c i a l may be a b l e , indeed i t would be i n h i s own i n t e r e s t , to counteract higher c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l by strengthening or at l e a s t m a i ntaining h i s i n d i r e c t p a t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The existence of U Po K y i n suggests a p a r t i c u l a r l y dangerous case, f o r w h i l e such an o f f i c i a l could be s t r i p p e d of a u t h o r i t y by the D i s t r i c t Commissioner or Rangoon, h i s great wealth, acquired through " c o r r u p t i o n , " means that even i f h i s o f f i c i a l a u t h o r i t y i s withdrawn or c u r t a i l e d from above, h i s wealth remains a "resource base" and would provide a challenge to l o c a l o f f i c i a l s t r y i n g to implement p o l i c i e s which may, through design or otherwise, undermine U Po Kyin's power and thus h i s p r e s t i g e . In s h o r t , w h i l e the "periphery" or the " f a i r - w e a t h e r " s e c t i o n of h i s f o l l o w i n g might f a l l o f f should some of h i s o f f i c i a l a u t h o r i t y be rescinded by greater c e n t r a l i z a t i o n the "core" of h i s c l i e n t e l e would s t i l l remain because of the existence of what Scott would c a l l a " m u l t i p l e x " bond, t h a t i s , U Po Kyin's a b i l i t y to provide more than one s e r v i c e to h i s c l i e n t s , namely economic "inducements" i n 119 a d d i t i o n to p o l i t i c a l " s a n c t i o n s . " U Po Kyin's p o s i t i o n i n the com-munity a l s o suggests how, because of the breakdown i n communal ownership of land and e x p l o i t a t i o n of i t by i m p e r i a l i s t companies such as the ones F l o r y , Lackersteen and E l l i s work f o r , the "value of p a t r o n - c l i e n t l i n k s 120 i n c r e a s e d " because of the patron's a b i l i t y to p r o t e c t the indigenous pop u l a t i o n from what we may c a l l "un-brokered" e x p l o i t a t i o n i n matters beyond the p u r e l y governmental l e v e l . In any event such r e l a t i o n s h i p s seem to have become more marked s i n c e the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , p a r t i c u l a r l y as e l e c t i o n s have become more commonplace."'"^"'' I t could be suggested t h a t such s p e c u l a t i o n surrounding U Po Kyin's p o s i t i o n as a patron-broker i n Kyauktada may be s t r e t c h i n g a p o i n t . However, i f an analogy may be allowed I would argue that i f U Po Kyin's k i n d of i n f l u e n c e can be thought of as a p i n p r i c k i n the e l a s t i c band of government c o n t r o l then should that band be suddenly s t r e t c h e d by e x t r a o r d i n a r y demands of the e l e c t o r a t e such a p i n p r i c k may q u i c k l y enlarge and s e r i o u s l y threaten the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the government's ad-m i n i s t r a t i o n i n a time of c r i s i s . Apart from these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s the most important f a c t f o r p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s to note i s that U Po K y i n , u n l i k e the patrons of tvad-itiondl s o c i e t y , i s a patron formed as a young man under the i n f l u -ence of the B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and i t s attendant bureaucracy. That i s , he learned h i s t r a d e , as i t were, w i t h i n the c o l o n i a l experience, as many patrons, perhaps most patrons today, have done. In s h o r t , he was a product of i m p e r i a l i s m i n s o f a r as i t and not the t r a d i t i o n a l mar-ket place c o n s t i t u t e d h i s resource base. In a d d i t i o n he was a b e n e f i c i a r y r a t h e r than a v i c t i m of i m p e r i a l i s m , having gained promotion and s o c i a l p o s i t i o n through working w i t h i n the i m p e r i a l i s t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e . At t h i s p o i n t , a f t e r our d i s c u s s i o n of p a t r o n - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n -s h i p s , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g , and c e n t r a l to my n o t i o n of how f i c t i o n can a i d p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e , to r e f e r the reader to Scott's a r t i c l e , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s and P o l i t i c a l Change in Southeast Asia, i n which Scott o f f e r s a t h e o r e t i c a l framework f o r what Orwell a c t u a l l y d e s c r i b e s , namely, the unenviable s i t u a t i o n of the t y p i c a l c l i e n t i n l e s s developed n a t i o n s . Since he l i v e s i n an environment of s c a r c i t y , competition f o r wealth and power i s seen as a zero-sum contest i n which h i s l o s s e s are another's gain and v i c e - v e r s a . His very s u r v i v a l i s c o n s t a n t l y threatened by the c a p r i c e of nature and by s o c i a l f o r c e s beyond h i s c o n t r o l . In such an environment, where subsistence needs are paramount and p h y s i c a l s e c u r i t y u n c e r t a i n , a modicum of p r o t e c -t i o n and insurance can o f t e n be gained only by depending on a sup e r i o r who undertakes p e r s o n a l l y to provide f o r h i s own c l i e n t s . Operating w i t h such a s l i m margin, the c l i e n t p r e f e r s to minimize h i s l o s s e s - at the cost of h i s independence - r a t h e r than to max-imize h i s gains by t a k i n g r i s k s he cannot a f f o r d . When one's phys-i c a l s e c u r i t y and means of l i v e l i h o o d are problematic, and when recourse to law i s u n a v a i l a b l e or u n r e l i a b l e , the s o c i a l value of a personal defender i s maximized.-'-^2 One might add that the competition between Dr. Veraswami and U Po K y i n f o r membership i n the Club though waged w i t h much l e s s d eter-mination and without i l l e g a l a c t i v i t y by the doctor who was not, s t r i c t l y speaking, a patron i n the sense that he d i d not take b r i b e s both r e f l e c t s the k i n d of competition f o r resources which Scott t a l k s about and i l l u s -t r a t e s how men who may be patrons on one l e v e l may indeed be c l i e n t s (to the i m p e r i a l i s t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ) at another l e v e l . C e r t a i n l y the Club i n p a r t i c u l a r was h i g h l y regarded as a "resource base" by both na-t i v e notables. Veraswami laments, " I f only I were a member of your Eu-ropean Club! I f only! • How d i f f e r e n t would my p o s i t i o n be!" Perplexed, F l o r y asks why and the doctor r e p l i e s , My f r i e n d , i n these matters [ h i s t r y i n g to prevent U Po K y i n from r u i n i n g h i s r e p u t a t i o n ] p r e s t i g e i s s everything . . . and you do not know what p r e s t i g e i t gives to an Indian to be a member of the European Club . . . In the Club p r a c t i c a l l y he iss a European . . . I should be f o r t h w i t h invulnerable.1^3 Meanwhile U Po K y i n views p o s s i b l e e l e c t i o n to the Club as "the very h i g h -est honour an O r i e n t a l can a t t a i n to . . . the g r e a t e s t achievement of my l i f e ! " 1 2 4 POLITICAL POWER We have already seen how the white man's r e c o g n i t i o n of the need of p o l i t i c a l power as a guarantor of l u c r a t i v e trade i n I n d i a dates back as f a r as C l i v e . In t h i s connection Orwell has F l o r y c i t -i n g the Club as "the s p i r i t u a l c i t a d e l , the r e a l seat of the B r i t i s h 125 power" and, i n t y p i c a l l y b l u n t f a s h i o n , has him arguing w i t h Ver-aswami (who i s the proponent of B r i t i s h s u p e r i o r i t y which he sees en-gendered i n men l i k e C l i v e ) , a s s e r t i n g that the " B r i t i s h Empire i s simply a device f o r g i v i n g trade monopolies to the E n g l i s h " and that "the o f f i c i a l holds the Burman down w h i l e the businessman goes through 126 h i s pockets." Thus i n f i c t i o n a l form Orwell seems to be p r a c t i s i n g 12 what some p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s would c h a r a c t e r i z e as the "Power Approach" to the study of p o l i t i c s , t h i s being one which sees the s t r u g g l e f o r power i n a community as the s o l e or major focus of i n t e r e s t . Indeed when W e s t f i e l d r e l u c t a n t l y admits to E l l i s that he can't b r i b e witnesses anymore or c a r r y out t o r t u r e of suspects because the B r i t i s h p o p u l a t i o n 128 has "got to keep our own bloody s i l l y laws" he t e s t i f i e s p l a i n l y , I t h i n k , to what Van Dyke r e f e r s to i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the power approach as those "elements of power i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the v i c t i m " (the Burmese i n t h i s case), namely " h i s h a b i t s , p r o p e n s i t i e s , r u l e s and p r i n c i p l e s , " which being even p a r t i a l l y taught, or forced,, upon him by the possessor of power i r o n i c a l l y help to "determine the extent of the power of the w i e l d e r . " Indeed Van Dyke makes s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same poin t that Orwell d i d p r e v i o u s l y , namely that Gandhi's a b i l i t y to r e s i s t B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t y f o r so long and so s u c c e s s f u l l y i n I n d i a r e s t e d l a r g e l y upon the " p r i n -129 c i p l e s to which B r i t a i n was committed," and that " i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how Gandhi's methods could be a p p l i e d i n a country where opponents of the regime disappear i n the middle of the night and are never heard - . ..130 of again. In Burmese Days Orwell however adds yet another dimension to the st r u g g l e f o r , or perhaps more a c c u r a t e l y the maintenance o f , "pukka sahib" power, f o r w h i l e the i m p e r i a l i s t motives of p r o f i t (and to a much l e s s e r e x t ent, c i v i l i z i n g ) are l a i d bare Orwell draws, i n the characters of Maxwell and W e s t f i e l d , p a r t i c u l a r l y the former, the p i c t u r e of a simple l u s t f o r power, a d e s i r e f o r c o n t r o l devoid of any other end, showing how " i n s p i t e of the paramount importance of economic c o n d i t i o n s . . . they w i l l not e x p l a i n why c o l o n i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n i s d i f f e r e n t from ex-p l o i t a t i o n pure and simple" and that " i t i s not greater p r o f i t , but 131 s a t i s f a c t i o n s the value of which cannot be entered i n the books" which sometimes prompt men to become i m p e r i a l i s t s . In Maxwell i t i s the t h r i l l and excitement of e x e r c i s i n g what could be c a l l e d " c a r t e blanche" a u t h o r i t y i n areas as yet unspoiled by the c o n s t r a i n t s of a more advanced c i v i l i z a t i o n . This does not mean that i m p e r i a l i s t s of the Maxwell type wantonly opposed a l l the o f f i c i a l " c i v i l i z e d " r e s t r a i n t s which tended to moderate t h e i r behaviour but i t does suggest that they perceived t h e i r r o l e i n Burma not as f u r t h e r i n g the cause of Empire or t h e i r personal f i n a n c i a l g a in but simply as a means to adventure wherein 132 they could e x e r c i s e d i r e c t power over others. In t h i s they d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the l i k e s of Macgregor who, de s p i t e h i s fundamental 133 h o s t i l i t y to the democratic i d e a , was at l e a s t an i m p e r i a l i s t who b e l i e v e d i n something more than merely making money and having the freedom to e x e r c i s e power over the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n and d i d at l e a s t see some value i n imposing order, thus p r o v i d i n g a sense of secu-r i t y , i f not equal j u s t i c e , to a l l . While on the subject of power i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g , I t h i n k , to consider how F l o r y ' s a l i e n a t i o n from the i m p e r i a l i s t system i s perhaps at r o o t the m a n i f e s t a t i o n of an i n a b i l i t y , u n l i k e Maxwell and W e s t f i e l d , to l i v e o u t s i d e the comforting r e s t r i c t i o n s and r u l e s of a more indus-t r i a l i z e d s o c i e t y ( i . e . , B r i t a i n ) . For r a t h e r than seeing the " c a r t e blanche" of i m p e r i a l i s m o f f e r i n g him freedom, as i t does Maxwell, i t only seems to o f f e r him the nagging i n s e c u r i t y and tension brought about by never r e a l l y knowing whether one i s doing the r i g h t t h i n g i n a system which one has long s i n c e r e j e c t e d as being morally wrong and which i s devoid of many of the s e c u r i t y - a s s u r i n g customs of home such as those which allow you p r i v a t e c o n s o l a t i o n among f r i e n d s as a balm f o r the 134 i m p r o p r i e t i e s of your p u b l i c behaviour. (See below, p. 53;) In any case Orwell's concern f o r the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a l i e n a t i o n i n the s t r u g g l e f o r power f i r s t murmured i t s presence i n Burmese Days and l a t e r thundered i t s omnipresence i n forming the overwhelming "focus of i n t e r e s t " of Nine-teen Eighty-Four. INDIVIDUAL ALIENATION, GROUP PRESSURE AND THE CLUB F l o r y ' s sense of a l i e n a t i o n i s l a r g e l y a r e s u l t of the k i n d of dubious progress which he sees spawned by i m p e r i a l i s m w h i l e the f a c t that t h i s sense becomes overwhelming ( s u i c i d e ) f o r the s e n s i t i v e man i s seen by Orwell as very l a r g e l y the r e s u l t of succumbing to the "pukka 135 sahib"'s code, a code so corrupt that i t must i n e v i t a b l y produce the a l i e n a t i o n of any e s s e n t i a l l y moral man (whether he i s s e n s i t i v e or not) and by moral here I mean simply a man who sees a subject people con-s c i o u s l y e x p l o i t e d by another race who b e l i e v e themselves to be s u p e r i o r i n a l l ways to those they e x p l o i t - a race of e x p l o i t e r s who above a l l cannot "admit that we're thieves and go on thieving without any hum-136 137 bug." And in Flory's counselling of "ignoble ease" he expresses the fear of being alienated from his fellows which he believes, to some degree, permeates a l l the white men's lives, a fear which forces them to keep acting out the five chief beatitudes of the pukka sahib, namely: Keeping up our prestige, The firm hand (without the velvet glove) , We white men must hang together, Give them an inch and they'll take an e l l , and Esprit de Corps^-^ whether his fellows really agree with the code or not. The observance of such a code can produce people who, like Flory (with his birthmark being the physical symbol of alienation), hide 139 the latter in varying degrees beneath the Club rituals of apparent normalcy and who, in their effort to avoid censure from the rest of the white community, become permanent captives of their conscious hypocrisy 140 by being forced to wear a "mask" (or opt out as Flory did in commit-ting suicide) and so appear to us as stereotypes. And the pressure to conform to the group's views which i s exerted upon Flory by "a number of persons who communicate with each other often over a span of time, and who are few enough so that each person is able to communicate with 141 a l l the others, not at second hand . . . but face-to-face i s exactly the kind of "cognitive dissonance" situation which Verba discusses in Small Groups and P o l i t i c a l Behaviour. It is a prime example of "exper-ments" which Verba suggests may show how "the external pressure that the group places on the individual derives from the threat posed by deviant 142 opinions to the attainment of the group goal," a goal which i n Burmese Days i s white security through continued control over the indigenous pop-u l a t i o n . Verba's contention that i n order to avoid inner group c o n f l i c t " d e c i s i o n a l process [such as i n f o r m a l consensus] w i l l tend to be such as to prevent overt c o n f l i c t s from coming to the s u r f a c e " and "formal 143 v o t e s , f o r i n s t a n c e , w i l l be avoided" seems w e l l s u b s t a n t i a t e d during one of the c l i m a c t i c scenes i n the book when, f i n a l l y faced w i t h F l o r y ' s i n t r a n s i g e n c e on the i s s u e of c o n s i d e r i n g Dr. Veraswami f o r membership -a h o t l y debated i s s u e which no doubt the group r e a l i z e s i s q u e s t i o n i n g t h e i r values - the f i n a l formal c a l l f o r the b l a c k and white v o t i n g b a l l s by an enraged E l l i s i s o b v i o u s l y not a measure of normal democratic procedures through which "overt d i s p u t e " i s s t u d i o u s l y avoided but i s a measure of abnormal response (at l e a s t i n the Club) and the seriousness 144 w i t h which the e x t e r n a l t h r e a t to the ' s o l i d a r i t y of the group" i s regarded. Even the c a r e f r e e and g e n e r a l l y i r r e s p o n s i b l e Mr. Lackersteen, who has no r e a l sympathy w i t h the B r i t i s h R a j , nevertheless h i g h l y values group s o l i d a r i t y and because of t h i s , as yerba suggests, he ( l i k e most i n the Club) i s one of those who f a i l "to express views that disagree w i t h 145 the m a j o r i t y . " In t h i s regard i t seems e s p e c i a l l y true i n Burmese Days that "attachments to f a c e - t o - f a c e groups may l e s s e n the impact of 146 the o v e r a l l p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e on the i n d i v i d u a l . " That i s , the Club might w e l l provide the newcomer from England w i t h a f a m i l i a r k i n d of atmosphere which a f f o r d s him not only an opportunity to d i s s i p a t e a c e r -t a i n amount of " c u l t u r a l shock" but an o r g a n i z a t i o n i n which each member r e i n f o r c e s the others' views of the o u t s i d e ( e s p e c i a l l y t h e i r view of the n a t i v e s ) and so i s able to j u s t i f y a c t i o n s and b e l i e f s which i n d i -v i d u a l l y he might f e e l d i s t i n c t l y uncomfortable w i t h . For example, F l o r y admits to h i m s e l f that the n a t i v e s can i n f u r i a t e you and elsewhere Orwell can harbour a s e c r e t wish of d r i v i n g a bayonet through a Burmese p r i e s t ' s g u t s . 1 4 ^ Such " a f f e c t i v e " responses must u l t i m a t e l y a f f e c t those a c t i v -i t i e s which Verba and others have c a l l e d " i n s t r u m e n t a l " a c t i v i t i e s but i n d i v i d u a l g u i l t i s assuaged by a s h a r i n g of the perceived need to keep the' n a t i v e s i n t h e i r p l a c e as a way of maintaining group s e c u r i t y ; thus j u s t i f y i n g the u l t i m a t e b l u n t r e l i a n c e upon a "quarter of a m i l l i o n bay-148 onets." In t h i s sense I am sure that Verba would see the r i t u a l i z e d p r e j u d i c e s of the Club as s e r v i n g "supportive f u n c t i o n s " to the " l a r g e r 149 p o l i t i c a l system." Verba a l s o notes that the p r o p o s i t i o n that s a t i s f a c t o r y a f f e c t i v e t i e s w i t h i n the primary group w i l l l e a d to behaviour on the part of the i n d i v i d u a l that supports the l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l system f i n d s c o n f i r m a t i o n i n a number of s t u d i e s that l i n k r a d i c a l behaviour w i t h the absence of such t i e s . 1 5 0 F l o r y ' s behaviour i s extremely r a d i c a l , ending i n s u i c i d e , and i s p l a i n l y viewed as the r e s u l t of h i s i n a b i l i t y to support the l a r g e r , home-based system i f not through the t o t a l absence of such t i e s then at l e a s t through the growing weakness of them.1"*1 And as the leader of the group which t r i e s to impose i t s w i l l on F l o r y , Macgregor, the D i s t r i c t Superintendent, i s , I b e l i e v e , an i n t e r e s t i n g example of what some p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s would r e f e r to as an " i n s t r u m e n t a l l e a d e r " i n that h i s a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n the group seems to stem much more from h i s o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n and h i s access to higher e x t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y than 152 from h i s " a f f e c t i v e " appeal. In any case, the example of F l o r y i n Burmese Bays should, I t h i n k , o f f e r an a l t e r n a t i v e , or at l e a s t an a i d , to the researcher who, f o l l o w i n g Verba's advice, seeks to create small groups i n experimental l a b o r a t o r i e s to study the r e a c t i o n s to i n f o r m a l group pressure. Orwell 153 "extraneous v a r i a b l e s " may not be the same as those considered by 40, other students of small group behaviour but at l e a s t they may provide a model based on personal experience."'"^ 4 I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t the sum of Orwell's examples of i n d i v i d -uals caught up by the i m p e r i a l i s t venture and the k i n d of Club pressures which they are both the authors and s u b j e c t s of i s an image of people l i v i n g i n what a p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t would recognize as a c o n d i t i o n of "actor dispensability" wherein an " a c t i o n i s one that would have been performed by any a c t o r i n the same s i t u a t i o n or r o l e [of i m p e r i a l i s t ] . " " ' " ^ This i s true even of F l o r y who, d e s p i t e h i s i n d i v i d u a l i s m , i s neverthe-l e s s a l l but i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e i n a h i g h l y r o u t i n i z e d e x i s t e n c e . In a r r i v i n g at t h i s c o n c l u s i o n we must r e c a l l how Orwell has c o n s i s t e n t l y used the n a t u r a l i s t i c image to convey the almost oppressive dominance of the p h y s i c a l environment among other things i n s o c i a l i z i n g the i n -habitants''""^ and to convey the h e l p l e s s n e s s of the i n d i v i d u a l against a system which, i n the o c c a s i o n a l mechanistic image a l s o , could be seen as an impersonal g i a n t , s t r a n g l i n g moral and p h y s i c a l f i b r e by the sheer weight of precedent and expectation. Despite the emergence of st e r e o t y p e s , however, O r w e l l , l a r g e l y through constancy of image, gives us a p i c t u r e of i m p e r i a l i s m not as a moribund e n t i t y doomed to d e s t r u c t i o n amid a sea of b u r e a c r a t i c i n -e f f i c i e n c y but rather as a living, growing t h i n g whose e x t r a o r d i n a r y a b i l i t y to d e l i n e a t e and form i t s f u t u r e r e s t s , through i t s stereotypes,,-upon i t s w i l l i n g n e s s to draw more h e a v i l y upon t r a d i t i o n than upon inno-v a t i o n . This seems p a r t i c u l a r l y important to me i n that Orwell's l a t e r c o n t r i b u t i o n to our understanding of t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m appears i n t u r n to draw h e a v i l y upon h i s b e l i e f that the stereotypes would triumph and that the k i n d of "world i n which every word and thought i s censored" and where "your o p i n i o n on every subject of any conceivable importance i s d i c t a t e d f o r you by the pukka sahib's code"^"^ would grow unimpeded and through f o r c e culminate i n the massive, all-embracing spectre of 1984; a spectre made p o s s i b l e , I would suggest, through the p r o l i f e r a -158 t i o n of the "gramophone mind" of C l u b - l i k e e x i s t e n c e wherein group pressure would be c o n t i n u a l l y m o b i l i z e d to f o r c e the i n d i v i d u a l i n t o a c c e p t i n g , and adhering t o , the o f f i c i a l l i n e . In t h i s regard i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that Woodcock i n The Crystal S p i r i t wrote how the r u l i n g e l i t e of Burmese Days d i f f e r s from that of Nineteen Eighty-Four " i n one important r e s p e c t , " namely that " i t main-t a i n s i t s s o l i d a r i t y not by p h y s i c a l power, but s o l e l y by the s t r e n g t h 159 of an amazingly i n f l e x i b l e p u b l i c o p i n i o n . " Given the above i t . i s h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g that Orwell uses Club a c t i v i t y as the fulcrum about which the fortunes of a l l the major char-a c t e r s see-saw. Rather than the t e n t a t i v e romance between F l o r y and E l i 2 abeth and the t h i r d partner i n the t r i a n g l e , V e r r a l l , being the domina-t i n g c o n f l i c t the l a t t e r i s comprised of the endless wrangle, not i n working hours i t should be noted but i n the o f f - h o u r s , at the Club. Or-w e l l a l s o saw and shows us that the Club was, i n the words of James Guyot, the place where "many of the important a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c i s i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those a f f e c t i n g the b i g B r i t i s h f i r m s , were made i n an en-160 vironment f r e e from the r e s t r a i n t s of formal b u r e a u c r a t i c r o u t i n e . " And d e s p i t e the o b j e c t i o n s of those l i k e E l l i s who contended that the government i n Rangoon had "no r i g h t to d i c t a t e to us when we're o f f duty," government business was never f a r away as when the government d i r e c t i v e was forwarded suggesting that " i n those Clubs where there are no n a t i v e members, one at l e a s t should be co-opted,""'"^"'" demonstrating q u i t e c l e a r l y , I b e l i e v e , how the Club i n the i m p e r i a l i s t s t r u c t u r e was considered by the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y i n Rangoon as an appendage of i t s o f f i c i a l establishment and f u n c t i o n s , i n much the same way as Deutsch sees "the neighborhood pub" as an example of how i n the United Kingdom "a great d e a l of government i s c a r r i e d out by a l l s o r t s of v o l u n t a r y 162 a s s o c i a t i o n s . " Indeed, d e s p i t e f i e r c e i n i t i a l o p p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the Club, U Po K y i n i s f i n a l l y e l e c t e d to the Club by government order. Dr. Veraswami's b e l i e f that membership i n the Club would mean 16 3 that he was " p r a c t i c a l l y " a European and U Po Kyin's b e l i e f that i t 164 was the "highest honour an O r i e n t a l can a t t a i n t o " are a l s o not only c e n t r a l to the p l o t of the novel but testimony to^iwhat Guyot much l a t e r described as one of the "two" remaining " b a r r i e r s to complete Western-i z a t i o n , " namely that "the Burman was not the equal of an Englishman i n h i s own country and he f e l t i t s t r o n g l y " and that "Burmese members of the I.C.S. [Indian C i v i l S e r v i c e , which covered Burmese a d m i n i s t r a t i o n u n t i l 1937] could not j o i n Pegu or Gymkhana clubs." 1^ >~* This f e e l i n g of white s u p e r i o r i t y which i s recorded w i t h depres-s i n g , almost monotonous, frequency i n Burmese Days was not, of course, confined to B r i t i s h possessions during the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d and o f t e n manifested i t s e l f i n n o n - B r i t i s h c o l o n i e s i n remarkably s i m i l a r ways. As w i t h E l l i s and Lackersteen, the timber merchants i n Kyauktada, Geertz, i n h i s "community" study of Modjukuto i n Indonesia, notes how there was a s i m i l e r "plantation-based e x p a t r i a t e community" where the whites were masters i n a country they d i d not understand and to which they d i d not, whatever they might say, r e a l l y wish to belong . . . There was the t i g h t l i t t l e h i e r a r c h i c a l world of p a t r i c i a n c i v i l servants c l u s t e r e d around the D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r ' s grande maison and attempting, a l i t t l e w i s t f u l l y perhaps, to s u s t a i n the c u l t u r e of a n o b i l i t y without the power of a n o b i l i t y . 1 ^ One can h a r d l y be charged w i t h exaggerating the comparison i n t h i n k i n g of the Club i n Kyauktada as the grand house w i t h Macgregor as the stand-i n f o r the Dutch D i s t r i c t O f f i c e r . The p o s i t i o n of the Club as an echo chamber of more or l e s s o f -f i c i a l p o l i c i e s i s w e l l presented by Orw e l l and by showing how the need f o r " i n t e r e s t a r t i c u l a t i o n " was at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y catered f o r i n the white community and how the n a t i v e s ' need to express t h e i r wants and de s i r e s was e f f e c t i v e l y shut out (causing the Burmese to r e s o r t to v i o -lence) , he lends p a r t i c u l a r credence, I t h i n k , to l a t e r statements 168 of s c h o l a r s who recorded how the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e " s t e e l frame" s t r u c -ture of i m p e r i a l i s m based, as we have already seen,, on "Western concepts of t h e . r u l e of law, a b s t r a c t j u s t i c e and impersonal a u t h o r i t y . . . so r a t i o n a l l y designed i n terms of the purposes of government showed l i t t l e c o m p a t i b i l i t y w i t h the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of the province i t governed. Indeed the example of Dr. Veraswami as the l o c a l government medical o f f i c e r can be viewed as an example of how "the medical p r o f e s -s i o n at l a r g e was dominated by Indians," and the animosity between him and U Po K y i n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n view of the f a c t that they meet only once i n the n o v e l , r e f l e c t s , i n pa r t at l e a s t , Guyot's c o n c l u s i o n that "the r e l a t i o n s between areas of those s e r v i c e s dominated by Indians and other s e r v i c e s were n a t u r a l l y i n f l u e n c e d by the f e a r and contempt Burmese f e l t f o r Indians--elsewhere i n s o c i e t y , The only common bond between these two races seems to be the awe which they accord the white man's i n s t i t u t i o n s except that w h i l e U Po K y i n respects the Club as a poten-t i a l source of c o n s o l i d a t i n g h i s wealth and i n c r e a s i n g h i s p r e s t i g e , Veraswami a l s o reveres the Club as the apex of the B r i t i s h c i v i l i z a t i o n and presence which, he b e l i e v e s , "at i t s very worst i s s f o r us an advance . . . they construct roads, they i r r i g a t e d e s e r t s , they conquer famines, they b u i l d s c h o o l s , they set up h o s p i t a l s , they combat plague." IMPERIALISM AND PROGRESS F l o r y , of course, does not agree f o r as long as he b e l i e v e s that i m p e r i a l i s m i s no more than economic e x p l o i t a t i o n i n d i s g u i s e he does not equate progress w i t h e i t h e r i m p e r i a l i s m or modernization, always mak-ing a d i s t i n c t i o n , i t seems, between what we would c a l l economic growth and what we might c a l l p o l i t i c a l development. Veraswami, d i s t r e s s e d at h i s f r i e n d ' s vehement at t a c k s upon "Pox B r i t t a n i c a " argues that w h i l e i t i s c e r t a i n l y true that F l o r y and the others are i n Burma to t r a d e , the Burmese could not be l e f t to trade f o r themselves and asks, Can they make machinery, s h i p s , r a i l w a y s , roads? They are h e l p l e s s without you. What would happen to the Burmese f o r e s t s i f the E n g l i s h were not here? They would be s o l d immediately to the Japanese, who would gut them and r u i n them. Instead of which, .in your hands, a c t u a l l y they are improved. F l o r y r e p l i e s , Bosh, my dear doctor . . . Look at our schools - f a c t o r i e s f o r cheap c l e r k s . We've never taught a s i n g l e u s e f u l manual trade to the Indians. We've even crushed v a r i o u s i n d u s t r i e s . Where are the Indian muslins now? Back i n the f o r t i e s or thereabouts they were b u i l d i n g sea-going ships i n I n d i a , and manning them as w e l l . Now you couldn't b u i l d a seaworthy f i s h i n g boat there. I n the eighteenth century the Indians cast guns that were at any r a t e up to the Euro-pean standard. Now a f t e r we've been i n I n d i a a hundred and f i f t y y e ars, you can't make so much as a brass c a r t r i d g e - c a s e i n the whole c o n t i n e n t . I l l F l o r y ' s a t t i t u d e was echoed i n what Huntington was to r e f e r to as the "overwhelming p e s s i m i s t i c " view of s o c i a l theory of the nineteen t h i r t i e s which contrasted sharply w i t h the l a t e r b e l i e f , i n the f i f t i e s , that modernization i s e s s e n t i a l l y p r o g r e s s i v e and t h a t w h i l e "the c o s t s and pains of the p e r i o d of t r a n s i t i o n [from t r a d i t i o n a l to modern s o c i -e t i e s ] , p a r t i c u l a r l y i t s e a r l y p h a s e s , a r e g r e a t . . . t h e achievement of a modern s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic o r d e r i s w o r t h them" and t h a t " m o d e r n i z a t i o n i n t h e l o n g r u n enhancesThuman w e l l - b e i n g , c u l t u r a l l y • " 1 7 3 and m a t e r i a l l y . F l o r y , r e j e c t i n g t h i s t h e s i s w h i c h was e s s e n t i a l l y Veraswami's 174 v i e w , c o n s i s t e n t l y argues a g a i n s t e q u a t i n g " m o d e r n i t y w i t h v i r t u e " and t h e n o t i o n t h a t a k i n d of p o l i t i c a l development, a growth i n s e c u -r i t y and j u s t i c e , has t a k e n p l a c e t h r o u g h the r e p l a c e m e n t o f "apathy and s u p e r s i t i t i o n " w i t h B r i t i s h " l a w and o r d e r . W h i l e he does n o t deny t h a t "we m o d e r n i z e t h i s c o u n t r y i n c e r t a i n ways" he t a k e s note of some p o s s i b l e e f f e c t s o f what we might n o w x c a l l t h e i m p o s i t i o n of a w e s t e r n s u p e r s t r u c t u r e when he s t a t e s , B e f o r e we've f i n i s h e d w e ' l l have wrecked t h e whole Burmese n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e [ w h e r e i n Burmese l i f e was a l m o s t e n t i r e l y " c e n t e r e d round the B u d d h i s t r e l i g i o n and t h e m o n a s t i c o r d e r " ] 1 7 6 , . We're n o t c i v i l i z i n g them, nwe' r e o n l y r u b b i n g our d i r t on t o them. Where's i t g o i n g t o l e a d , t h i s u p r u s h o f modern p r o g r e s s , as y o u c a l l i t ? . . . I t h i n k t h a t i n two hundred y e a r s a l l t h i s . . . w i l l be gone - f o r e s t s , v i l l a g e s , m o n a s t e r i e s , pagodas, a l l v a n i s h e d . 1 ^ 7 I n d e e d , F l o r y ' s p e s s i m i s t i c v i s i o n i s r e f l e c t e d i n F u r n i v a l ' s a c c o u n t of how v i l l a g e s were c u t up i n t h e i n t e r e s t o f " a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i f o r -m i t y " and how, f o r example, "between 1909 and 1919 t h e number of headmen d e c l i n e d by o v e r . 2 , 0 0 0 . " 1 7 8 I t h i n k i t f a i r t o s a y t h a t t h r o u g h s u c h passages as t h o s e j u s t q u o t e d O r w e l l was a l r e a d y s e e i n g t h e d a r k o u t l i n e s o f Nineteen Eighty-Four ( a l l o w i n g f o r t h e l a t e r i n f l u e n c e of Zamyatin's We on t h e concep-179 t i o n o f Nineteen Eighty-Four) and b e g i n n i n g h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o what H u n t i n g t o n d e s c r i b e s as t h a t p a r t of t h e p e s s i m i s t i c v i s i o n o f t h e t h i r t i e s w h i c h saw " t h e breakup of human community, t h e a t t e n u a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s v a l u e s , t h e d r i f t i n t o a l i e n a t i o n and anomie, t h e t e r r i f y i n g emergence of a mass s o c i e t y . " I t i s w i t h such a v i s i o n that F l o r y p r e d i c t s how there w i l l be pink v i l l a s f i f t y yards apart; a l l over those h i l l s , as f a r as you can see, v i l l a a f t e r v i l l a , w i t h a l l the gramophones p l a y i n g the same tune. And a l l the f o r e s t s shaved f l a t - chewed i n t o wood-pulp f o r the News of the World, or sawn up i n t o gramophone c a s e s . 1 8 1 ( I t a l i c s mine.) And where, as Orwell was l a t e r to w r i t e i n a preface to Animal Farm, "to exchange one orthodoxy f o r another i s not n e c e s s a r i l y an advance," and when "the enemy i s the gramophone mind, whether or not one agrees 182 w i t h the record that i s being played at the moment." ( I t a l i c s mine;) Or w e l l , expressing what Huntington describes as the b e l i e f that "at some po i n t . . . western h i s t o r y went o f f the t r a c k , and a s p e c i a l process s t a r t e d " which " l e d c o n s i s t e n t l y and i r r e v e r s i b l y down the steep h i l l 183 to mass p o l i t i c s , world wars, the purge t r i a l s , and Dachau" (the oppressive themes of Nineteen Eighty-Four), notes the irreversibility of the change i n that p a r t of Burmese Days which, describes Flory's. r e c a l l to the j u n g l e of h i s d i s c o n t e n t . On the b r i n k of r e t u r n i n g home, " p i n i n g f o r England" and the s e c u r i t y of the known, he f i n d s a cable w a i t i n g f o r him at Colombo and so modernization, through the te l e g r a p h , has condemned him to the c a p t i v e r o l e of i m p e r i a l i s t , of doing what he no longer wants 184 to. I t was i n The Lion and the Unicorn, 1941, that Orwell elaborated on the i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y of modern progress and wrote, T h i r t y years ago the Blimp c l a s s was already l o s i n g i t s v i t a l i t y . . the t h i n g that had k i l l e d them was the tele g r a p h . In a narrowing wo r l d , more and more governed from W h i t e h a l l , there was every year l e s s room f o r i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e . Men l i k e C l i v e , Nelson, Ni c h o l s o n , Gordon would f i n d no place f o r themselves i n the modern B r i t i s h Empire. By 1920 [the p e r i o d of Burmese Days] n e a r l y every i n c h of the c o l o n i a l empire was i n the g r i p of W h i t e h a l l . . . the one-time empire b u i l d e r s were reduced to the s t a t u s of c l e r k s , b u r i e d deeper and deeper under mounds of paper and red tape. In the e a r l y twenties one could see, a l l over the Empire, the o l d e r o f f i c i a l s , who had known more spacious days, w r i t h i n g impotently under the changes . . . and what was true of the o f f i c i a l world was true a l s o of the commercial. The great monopoly companies swallowed up hosts of p e t t y t r a d e r s . ^ ^ ^ In Burmese Days the e f f e c t s of the telegraph and the c e n t r a l i z a -t i o n i t helped b r i n g (an example of the machine's i n f l u e n c e upon p o l i t i -c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ) are demonstrated by W e s t f i e l d ' s comment on E l l i s ' pro-p o s a l to keep the n a t i v e s down by f o r c e : "Hopeless, o l d chap . . . q u i t hopeless. What can you do w i t h a l l t h i s red tape t y i n g your hands? . . a l l t h i s paper-chewing and c h i t - p a s s i n g . O f f i c e babus are the r e a l 186 r u l e r s of t h i s country now." In view of these comments against the growing o r g a n i z a t i o n of i m p e r i a l i s m i t seems that although the telegraph brought increased cen-t r a l i z a t i o n and thus p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r c l o s e r l i a i s o n between adminis-t r a t o r s and head o f f i c e , the element of what I w i l l c a l l " i n - t h e - f i e l d " i n i t i a t i v e was l o s t (see above, n; 185) and t h i s negated the advantages of increased understanding and shows, I t h i n k , that Orwell i n t h i s case (as opposed to h i s s t r i c t l y economic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of imperialism) es-pouses a d i s t i n c t l y un-Marxian view, namely that the laws of h i s t o r i c a l development are not n e c e s s a r i l y against the r u l i n g c l a s s , but on the contrary favour them, f o r although increased communication may provide the means o f , say, developing a lower c l a s s consciousness i t s i m u l t a -neously strengthens W h i t e h a l l ' s a b i l i t y to p l a y "Big Brother." While on the subject of r e a c t i o n to increased c e n t r a l i z e d con-t r o l , an important c o r o l l a r y to W e s t f i e l d ' s complaint t h a t "[we've] got to keep our own s i l l y bloody laws" i s that i n the face of decreasing d i s c r e t i o n a r y powers, l a r g e l y brought on by advances i n the means of communication, a nod, as i t were, i s being given to the theory of i n d i s -c r i m i n a t e t e r r o r i s m which i n i t s tone of "much b e t t e r hang wrong f e l l o w than no f e l l o w " and "never mind, promise you a couple of chaps s h a l l 188 swing f o r i t . Two corpses against t h e i r one - best we can do," a r -gues that i n the long run i n d i s c r i m i n a t e and d i s p o r p o r t i o n a t e punishment f o r Maxwell's murder i s more e f f i c i e n t i n terms of teaching the n a t i v e s a l e s s o n than r i s k i n g the p o s s i b l e f a i l i n g s of a more i m p a r t i a l j u s t i c e . With t h i s rather v i n d i c t i v e , short-term a t t i t u d e i n mind I t h i n k i t a d v i s a b l e to question c e r t a i n recommendations f o r g i v i n g l e s s d i s -c r e t i o n a r y power to o f f i c i a l s as a way of f i g h t i n g c o r r u p t i o n i n d e v e l -189 oping n a t i o n s , f o r , p a r a d o x i c a l l y , l e s s d i s c r e t i o n a r y power might mean that o f f i c i a l s l i k e W e s t f i e l d (coloured as w e l l as w h i t e ) , w h i l e remain-ing w i t h i n the l i m i t s of the new law, would r e a c t to n a t i v e disobedience i n an even more v i o l e n t manner than b e f o r e , t h i s being t h e i r way of manifes t i n g t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n at having t h e i r p r i o r freedom of i n i -t i a t i v e c u r t a i l e d . Furthermore, the law might w e l l be a p p l i e d i n such a u n i v e r s a l f a s h i o n as to ignore a case surrounded by s p e c i a l circum-stances, and thus f a i l to make any d i s t i n c t i o n between law and j u s t i c e . THE SECRET WORLD - IMPERIALIST GUILT The r e l u c t a n c e to discus s o f f i c i a l p o l i c y caused Orwell t o ; w r i t e i n The Road to Wigan Pier that every Anglo-Indian was haunted by a sense of g u i l t which he u s u a l l y concealed because merely to be overheard making a s e d i t i o u s remark may damage h i s career. A l l over I n d i a there are Englishmen v h o ; s e c r e t l y loathe the system of which they are p a r t , and j u s t o c c a s i o n a l l y , when they are q u i t e c e r t a i n of being i n t h e / r i g h t company, t h e i r hidden b i t -terness overflows. He goes on to r e c a l l a n i g h t i n Burma aboard a t r a i n when he met a str a n g e r , a white educational o f f i c e r , and how, a f t e r each, had decided "that the other was 'saf e , ' " they t a l k e d f o r hours i n the darkness, damning the Empire, but adds that " i n the haggard morning l i g h t when the t r a i n crawled i n t o Mandalay, we parted as g u i l t y as any adulterous 190 couple." F l o r y ' s tragedy of course i s caused by the absence of " r i g h t company" even though Dr. Veraswami a f f o r d s temporary r e l i e f to an overburdened conscience. Orwell's d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s i n c i d e n t i s e s p e c i a l l y r e v e a l i n g when one t h i n k s of how, i n Burmese Bays, d e s p i t e the d i v i s i o n of the whites i n t o two main p a r t s ( f i r s t , the c i v i l servants l i k e Macgregor, W e s t f i e l d the P o l i c e O f f i c e r , Maxwell the D i v i s i o n a l Forest O f f i c e r , and secondly, the entrepreneurs l i k e E l l i s , Lackersteen and F l o r y ) , a l l of them behave as i f they had the same occupation, that of a bureaucrat Even F l o r y who " i r r i t a t e s the others by saying . . . some B o l s h i e t h i n g sometimes," and e s p e c i a l l y annoys E l l i s who considers him "a b i t too 191 B o l s h i e f o r my t a s t e " nevertheless c l i n g s to the Club and d i s p l a y s no h e s i t a t i o n i n s i d i n g w i t h the Europeans when the Club i s besieged by n a t i v e s clamouring f o r E l l i s who, through a f i t of v i o l e n t temper, has i n d i r e c t l y caused a Burmese boy to be b l i n d e d . I t was as i f i n t h e i r everyday existence i n Kyauktada "none of them thought to blame E l l i s , the s o l e cause of t h i s a f f a i r " and " t h e i r common p e r i l seemed, 192 indeed, to draw them c l o s e r together f o r awhile." Their i n s t i n c t i v e banding together f o r s e c u r i t y and t h e i r c o n t i n u a l r e l u c t a n c e to jeopar-d i z e that s e c u r i t y by questioning t h e i r very presence i n a f o r e i g n country also t e s t i f i e s to F l o r y ' s c o n v i c t i o n , expressed e a r l i e r i n the n o v e l , that " l i v i n g and working among O r i e n t a l s would t r y the temper of a s a i n t , " and "how a l l of them, the o f f i c i a l s p a r t i c u l a r l y , knew what i t was to be b a i t e d and i n s u l t e d . . . by y e l l o w faces . . . f u l l of 193 that maddening contempt." 50. Thus Orwell argues that the l i f e of an imperialist moulds you, whether you like i t or not, into a straight-jacket of conformity and in his view i t seems that no matter how independently you start out, the pressures and needs of mutual-dependence as a way of guaranteeing a modicum of security and simple companionship make escape from the resul-194 ting " s t i f l i n g , stultifying world" a l l but impossible - so much so that when Flory can no longer stand i t he shoots himself. In the terminology of the social sciences Orwell's description of the role of the Club i s , I think, a good example of how (using func-tionalist terminology) "large areas of behaviour are controlled by norms and role prescriptions" and how when the individual internalizes the values of the system [imperialism] and considers them [the five beatitudes of pukka sahibdom] sacred or not open to question, and . . . is motivated to perform his role in the manner expected of him, that system may be said to be well integrated.195 Flory, torn between the dictates of conscience and the inclina-196 tion to live "with the stream of l i f e , not against i t " gravitates between being a well and poorly "integrated" part of the imperialist system. The pressures of "routinized" or "institutionalized" (the Club) existence f i n a l l y force him to leave the other characters' well-integrated and "socially homogeneous environment" which is "more conducive to e l i t -197 i s t than pluralist p o l i t i c s " and his suicide is the f i n a l act, and is indeed the culmination of his alienation against the system. In short, he f i n a l l y rebels totally against what some functionalists would 198 c a l l the "normative expectations" of his environment. With this i n mind i t is relevant to note that when Guyot in his Bureaucratic Transfor-mation in Burma describes how "the normal bureaucratic pressure to con-form was reinforced by isolation from the mainstream of l i f e back home and by awareness of the s u p e r i o r i t y of the i n s t i t u t i o n s the guardians sought to e s t a b l i s h i n a l e s s c i v i l i z e d l a n d " ( i t a l i c s mine) he acknowl-199 edges Burmese Bays as an example of t h i s very phenomenon. One should not f o r g e t , however, that F l o r y ' s a l i e n a t i o n was not s o l e l y that sweeping k i n d of pessimism which we a s s o c i a t e , f o r i n s t a n c e , w i t h C o l i n Wilson's " o u t s i d e r " ^ ^ or w i t h Winston Smith i n Nineteen Eighty-Four. That i s , i t was an a l i e n a t i o n brought about more by the i m p l i c i t , and at times e x p l i c i t , e x i s t e n c e of a r a d i c a l - c o n s e r v a t i v e or r i g h t - l e f t chasm between F l o r y and h i s white contemporaries r a t h e r than a t o t a l disenchantment w i t h the whole of s o c i e t y and mankind. Further I would argue that F l o r y ' s a l i e n a t i o n i l l u s t r a t e s spe-c i f i c a l l y the extreme t e n s i o n which can r e s u l t between two fundamentally d i f f e r e n t approaches to or world views of p o l i t i c s , that i s , between what E.H. Carr r e f e r s to as the "utopian" view, h e l d by he who "gives paramount emphasis to h i s wishes or normative standards," and who "be-l i e v e s i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of g i v i n g e f f e c t to h i s w i l l , changing the 201 course that events would have taken i n the absence of h i s e f f o r t (e.g., i n supporting Dr. Veraswami's nomination and having the p o l i c e 202 f i r e over the heads of the n a t i v e s i n s t e a d of at them); and secondly, the " r e a l i s t " view, h e l d by he who "gives paramount emphasis to prac-t i c e " and who "analyses a predetermined course of events which he i s 203 powerless to change" (e.g., F l o r y ' s c o n v i c t i o n that i n a hundred years i m p e r i a l i s m w i l l have caused " f o r e s t s , v i l l a g e s , monasteries, pa-204 godas" to have "vanished"). In Carr's scheme of things F l o r y must s u r e l y be seen as being t o r n between these two types, v y i n g , a l b e i t un-c o n s c i o u s l y at times, somewhere between the Utopian, who i s the L e f t i s t , 205 and the R e a l i s t of the Right. C e r t a i n l y he i s the only one who, w h i l e saying some B o l s h i e things sometimes (perhaps r e f l e c t i n g man's c o n t r o l i n h i s t o r y ) , i s nevertheless convinced that nature's way w i l l p r e v a i l over the most planned and ordered i n t e r v e n t i o n of man and that 206 "the trees w i l l avenge themselves." In a s i m i l a r sense ( i . e . of being t o r n between the "Utopian" and " R e a l i s t " p o s i t i o n s ) F l o r y ' s a l i e n a t i o n shows how the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of Kyauktada, l i k e any other, "often presents i t s e l f as composed of a moral and a f a c t u a l , a normative and an i n s t i t u t i o n a l , l e v e l " or what Dahrendorf c a l l s " i n the d o u b t f u l terms of Marx, a s u p e r s t r u c t u r e and a substratum." Dahrendorf warns us, however, that even though the i n v e s t i g a t o r [ i n t h i s case, Orwell] i s f r e e to choose which of these l e v e l s he wants to emphasize more s t r o n g l y [ i n F l o r y ' s case, the moral or normative l e v e l ] . . . he may be w e l l - a d v i s e d , i n the i n t e r e s t of c l a r i t y . . . not to s t r e s s one of these l e v e l s to the e x c l u s i o n of the other.207 That Burmese Days i s an example of two ways of l o o k i n g at the world (the "Utopian" or " R e a l i s t " view of s o c i e t y ) i s evidenced by the many statements i n both dialogue and n a r r a t i o n which support the two w i d e l y c o n t r a s t i n g p o s i t i o n s . For w h i l e F l o r y at times b e l i e v e s that "one should l i v e w i t h the stream of l i f e , not against i t " and that " i t would be b e t t e r to be the t h i c k e s t - s k u l l e d pukka sahib who ever hiccuped over 'Forty years on,' than to l i v e s i l e n t , alone, c o n s o l i n g oneself i n 208 s e c r e t , s t e r i l e worlds" he a l s o b e l i e v e s that i t ' s b e s t , f o r example, 209 f o r the whites to t r e a t the Chinese "more or l e s s as equals." At the same time O r w e l l , i n the r o l e of n a r r a t o r , seems to despair of any hope of harmony between races when "the r e a l backbone of the despotism i s not the o f f i c i a l s but the Army" which alone makes i t p o s s i b l e f o r "a d u l l , decent people" to go on " c h e r i s h i n g and f o r t i f y i n g t h e i r d u l l n e s s behind 210 a quarter of a m i l l i o n bayonets." F l o r y ' s r e a c t i o n to these incompatible views i s to create a cave of s i l e n c e , a secret world inhabited by h i s outraged sense of morality, a morality f i r m l y embedded i n a Utopian v i -sion of what ought to be and one which i s constantly seeking refuge from the harsh r e a l i t i e s of the more r e a l i s t i c side of h i s nature. Accord-i n g l y Orwell argues that while i n England we " s e l l our souls i n p u b l i c , " secure i n the knowledge that one can always "buy them back i n p r i v a t e , among pur f r i e n d s , " i n Burma th i s i s not the case, and he suggests that one's hypocrisy i s e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y d i f f i c u l t to bear when "even f r i e n d -ship can hardly e x i s t when every white man i s a cog i n the wheels of , „. „211 despotism. However, despite the contrast and tension between Flory's p r i -vate world and the harsher r e a l i t y (with i t s coercive elements) about him Orwell, I think, shows us how the s t a b i l i t y of the i m p e r i a l i s t structure (and I would suggest therefore many l e s s coercive p o l i t i c a l systems) owes much to the propensity of i t s o f f i c i a l s and home popula-t i o n to accommodate both world views at the same time. That wealth and s t a b i l i t y at home demanded a wilting blend of the two views i s made clear i n The Road to Wigan Pier where Orwell writes that, despite the hollow r e t o r t s of the L e f t against imperialism, " i n the l a s t r e s o r t , the only important question" f o r everyone i s "Do you want the B r i t i s h Empire to hold together or do you want i t to disintegrate? And at'the bottom of h i s heart no Englishman, l e a s t of a l l the kind of person who i s witty about Anglo-Indian colonels, does want i t to d i s i n t e g r a t e " f o r "the high standard of l i f e we enjoy i n England depends upon our keeping a t i g h t hold on the Empire, p a r t i c u l a r l y the t r o p i c a l portions of i t such 212 as India and A f r i c a . " Again Orwell brings us down to earth and gives a concrete example of what i s r e a l l y , i n the end, a p o l i t i c a l act when he says (admittedly through some exaggerations) that although i t i s wrong that m i l l i o n s of Indians must l i v e at near s t a r v a t i o n to s a t i s f y the B r i t i s h standard of l i v i n g , nevertheless "you acquiesce i n i t every 213 time you step i n t o a t a x i or eat a p l a t e of s t r a w b e r r i e s and cream." This suggests then that the consumer needs of B r i t i s h s o c i e t y (which, d e s p i t e i t s c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s , i s r e l a t i v e l y harmonious w i t h i t s com-monly shared i n t e r - c l a s s t r a d i t i o n s and toler a n c e s ) may w e l l support a p o l i c y abroad which i t s masses would never t o l e r a t e at home, f o r although the question of i m p e r i a l i s m may be considered a l a r g e and c o n t r o v e r s i a l moral i s s u e by some i n d i v i d u a l s i t remains, f o r the mass, a matter of m u l t i f a r i o u s needs and d e s i r e s (such as wanting s t r a w b e r r i e s ) which i n -d i v i d u a l l y do not t r o u b l e the consumers' conscience even though the f u l -f i l l m e n t of such needs and d e s i r e s may only be p o s s i b l e through the co-e r c i o n of a f o r e i g n p r o l e t a r i a t . And i n Burmese Days, by showing how normative values (rather than pu r e l y consumer needs and d e s i r e s ) at the Club, f o r example, form the b a s i s of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d p o l i c y , Orwell demonstrates how easy i t i s f o r a whole group (with the exception of F l o r y ) to pass from a c o n d i t i o n of almost passive acquiescence i n t o one of v i n d i c t i v e and whole-hearted support f o r something as e x c e p t i o n a l l y 214 harsh and coe r c i v e as Dyer's treatment of the n a t i v e s at A m r i t s a r r Woodruff, i n The Men Who Ruled India, describes how "Amritsar 215 c i t y from A p r i l 10th to the 12th was i n the hands of a mob" and how Bri g a d i e r - G e n e r a l Dyer, who a r r i v e d on the 11th, forbade p u b l i c meet-in g s . The p o p u l a t i o n d e f i e d the order and subsequently Dyer ordered h i s troops to f i r e i n t o a c i v i l i a n crowd, k i l l i n g over three hundred people and wounding about one thousand. His a c t i o n , which was fo l l o w e d by h i s order that "any In d i a n " passing through a c e r t a i n area "must crawl along the s t r e e t where an E n g l i s h woman, a missionary teacher, had 216 been attacked by the mob and l e f t f o r dead," was f i e r c e l y debated, not so much i n I n d i a but at home where many of those who, as Orwell p o i n t s out, depended so much upon the f r u i t s of i m p e r i a l i s m h e l d him to account and were r e f e r r e d to by E l l i s as "those cowards i n England" who had "something to answer f o r . . . . Even Mr. Macgregor, who detested bloodshed and m a r t i a l law, shook h i s head at the name of Dyer. 'Ah, poor man! S a c r i f i c e d to the Paget M.P.s. W e l l , perhaps they w i l l d i s -217 cover t h e i r mistake when i t i s too l a t e J 1 , 1 At t h i s p o i n t i t should be noted that some of Orwell's statements about mass support f o r i m p e r i a l i s m and h i s tendency to t h i n k of i m p e r i -a l i s m as being more or l e s s synonymous w i t h e x p l o i t a t i o n (see above, p. 19) and always t u r n i n g a p r o f i t r a t h e r than (as others have claimed) being an economic burden on the home country, i n v o l v e sweeping assump-t i o n s , to say the l e a s t , and i n v i t e a s c r u t i n y which i s beyond the scope and i n t e n t i o n s of t h i s study. The importance, however, of r e p o r t i n g F l o r y ' s perhaps r a t h e r s i m p l i s t i c assumptions about the nature of impe-r i a l i s m (although moderately challenged by Veraswami) i n t h i s study i s that they presumably r e f l e c t both the f r u s t r a t i o n s and confusion of a s e n s i t i v e i n d i v i d u a l undergoing a c r i s i s of i d e n t i t y when confronted by the pukka sahib's code i n the outposts (and not i n the head o f f i c e s ) of empire. SUBJECT EXPECTATION AND OFFICIAL AUTHORITY I t i s a p p r o p r i a t e , having mentioned F l o r y as an example of a man t o r n between the i n d i v i d u a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e v e l s of behaviour, to consider f o r a moment a l a t e r essay of O r w e l l ' s , Shooting an Elephant, which was prompted by the author's own experience as a P o l i c e O f f i c e r i n Moulmein, Lower Burma. The c o n c l u s i o n of the essay i n which Or w e l l d e s c r i b e s how he was c a l l e d upon to execute an o l d elephant who had tem-p o r a r i l y gone berserk and destroyed some n a t i v e property i s a good ex-ample of how the s e c r e t world of the i n d i v i d u a l and the requirements of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i m p e r i a l i s m o f t e n clashed. Orwell w r i t e s : A l l I knew was that I was stuck between my hatred of the empire I served and my rage a g a i n s t the e v i l - s p i r i t e d l i t t l e beasts who t r i e d to make my job impossible. With one part of my mind I thought of the B r i t i s h Raj as an unbreakable tyranny, as something clamped down, i n saecula saecutorum, upon the w i l l of p r o s t r a t e peoples; w i t h another p a r t I thought that the g r e a t e s t j o y i n the world would be to d r i v e a bayonet i n t o a Buddhist p r i e s t ' s guts. O r w e l l adds that " f e e l i n g s l i k e these are the normal by-products of i m p e r i a l i s m , ask any Anglo-Indian o f f i c i a l , i f you can catch him o f f d u t y . " 2 1 8 (See above, p. 48.) Orwell then proceeds to describe a process which I regard as a concrete example of not only the t e n s i o n which e x i s t s between i n d i -v i d u a l standards and i n s t i t u t i o n a l requirements but of what Dahrendorf r e f e r s to as "the important d i f f e r e n c e between power and a u t h o r i t y , " namely that "whereas power i s e s s e n t i a l l y t i e d to the p e r s o n a l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s , a u t h o r i t y i s always a s s o c i a t e d w i t h s o c i a l p o s i t i o n s or r o l e s " and that w h i l e the demagogue has power over the masses to whom he speaks or whose a c t i o n s he c o n t r o l s . . . the c o n t r o l of the o f f i c e r over h i s men, the manager,over h i s workers, the c i v i l servant over h i s c l i e n t e l e is authority, because i t exists as an expectation independent of the specific person occupying the p o s i t i o n , 1^9 ( i t a l i c s mine.) The example of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r "actor d i s p e n s a b i l i t y " i s found as we read how O r w e l l , going to f i n d the by now passive elephant, i s followed by an ever-growing crowd and although he i n i t i a l l y decides that he ought not to destroy the elephant wo i s " p e a c e f u l l y e a t i n g . . . l o o k i n g no more dangerous than a cow," upon l o o k i n g around a t the "immense crowd, two thousand at the l e a s t and growing every minute" he suddenly r e a l i z e s that I should have to shoot the elephant a f t e r a l l . The people expected i t of me and I had got to do i t . . . and i t was at t h i s moment, as I stood there w i t h the r i f l e i n my hands, that I f i r s t grasped the hollowness, the f u t i l i t y of the white man's dominion i n the East. Here was I , the white man w i t h h i s gun, standing i n f r o n t of the unarmed n a t i v e crowd - seemingly the l e a d i n g actor of the p i e c e ; but i n r e a l i t y I was only an absurd puppet pushed to and f r o by the w i l l of those y e l l o w faces behind. Orwell thus argues that "when the white man turns t y r a n t i t i s h i s own freedom that he de s t r o y s " and that " i n every c r i s i s he has got to do 220 what the 'natives' expect of him." ( I t a l i c s mine.) I t i s the id e a that the white man destroys h i s own freedom (or at the very l e a s t that i m p e r i a l i s m i s a two-way s t r e e t ) which i s h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s passage and not only adds to Dahrendorf's idea that e x p e c t a t i o n "independent of the s p e c i f i c person" separates pure power from a u t h o r i t y but a l s o shows how the "dominant" party's a c t i o n i n an a u t h o r i t a r i a n r e l a t i o n s h i p can not only be i n f l u e n c e d by s u b j e c t s ' " e x p e c t a t i o n " but can a c t u a l l y be constrained and even-changed i n t o a gesture of p a r t i a l s u b j e c t i o n r a t h e r than of dominance, thus c o n t r i b -u t i n g to those f a c t o r s which i n some cases, Dahrendorf c l a i m s , may even make i t " e m p i r i c a l l y . . . not always easy to i d e n t i f y the border l i n e 221 between domination and s u b j e c t i o n . " I t should be mentioned here that w h i l e Orwell's example of "actor d i s p e n s a b i l i t y " r e f l e c t e d the unconscious dominance, i n many cases, of a subject's e x p e c t a t i o n over the strong personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r o l e - p l a y e r ( i n t h i s case an a s s i s t a n t d i s t r i c t o f f i c e r ) , i t seems that such d i s p e n s a b i l i t y was o f t e n embraced, i f not planned, by h i g h - l e v e l i m p e r i a l i s t a d m i n i s t r a t o r s as a means of l i m i t i n g the d i s c r e t i o n a r y powers of subordinates i n the f i e l d , thereby assuring a large measure of stability.through creating for the administration what one writer has referred to as "a continuity 222 of influence independent of their [the administration's] personnel." In any event when Orwell concludes his essay by wondering "whether any of the others grasped that I had done i t [shot the elephant] solely to avoid looking like a fool" he has succeeded once again in crystallizing several p o l i t i c a l adumbrations into one intensely personal and easily understood experience. While Burmese Days inculcates the same kinds of observations regarding authority as does Shooting an Elephant, the former concentrates more upon the overwhelming imperialist belief in the efficacy of the coercive approach to solving the problems of society. By way of a social manifestation of this predominant belief i n coercion Orwell shows us how in Burma (and India) there was "dichotomy of positions of author-223 i t y " to a far less degree than i n England for while an English top c i v i l servant at that time may have been the subject of.authority i n , say, a local church committee, in Burma the imperialist structure by and large always placed him on top of the social ladder according to how much, authority he could o f f i c i a l l y exercise. And even i f i t can be argued that the Club in Burma contained a "dichotomy of positions of authority" the fact remained that the Club (see above, p. 42) was the social ex-tension of o f f i c i a l attitudes and policy and being such i t s members were certainly not willing subjects insofar as the general populace was concerned, and i f occasionally they did find themselves somewhat bound by the constraints of the general population's expectations i t was seldom, i f ever, to the same degree that their counterparts i n England were. It was as i f everyone in the Club was of the same class. In any event O r w e l l , i t seems, d i d not see what we might c a l l a " p l u r a l i t y of 224 competing dominant aggregates" among the white s o c i e t y of Empire, or at l e a s t not as many as there were at home i n England. CLASS AND IMPERIALISM Orwell's Burmese experience was an important i n f l u e n c e on h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the reasons f o r and the nature of c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . In The Road to Wigan Pier he a s s e r t s that most of the white men i n Burma were not of the type who i n England would be c a l l e d "gentlemen," but except f o r the common s o l d i e r s and a few nondescripts they l i v e d l i v e s a p propriate to "gentlemen" - had servants , that i s , and c a l l e d t h e i r evening meal "dinner" - and o f f i c i a l l y they were regarded as being a l l of the same class ( i t a l i c s mine) and as F l o r y says they are a l l " e x - o f f i c i o , or r a t h e r e x - c o l o r e , a good 226 f e l l o w . . . i t i s an honourary rank." Indeed i t i s E l i z a b e t h Lacker-steen who, on her way to Burma, t e s t i f i e s to the absence of the k i n d of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s one would expect i n England and how, on the c o n t r a r y , i r r e s p e c t i v e of t h e i r background at home, the m a j o r i t y of whites assumed a one c l a s s stance; and how simply being white meant that " i t was almost 227 as n i c e as being r e a l l y r i c h , the way people l i v e d i n I n d i a . " But i t i s l e f t to Mrs. Lackersteen to express what f o r Orwell was to become the dominant theme of h i s l a t e r c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the nature of c l a s s 228 d i f f e r e n c e s when she says of the n a t i v e s , "In some ways they are get-229 t i n g almost as bad as the lower c l a s s e s at home." The "analogy" between n a t i v e s and the E n g l i s h "working c l a s s " appears to have s e r i o u s l y i n f l u e n c e d many i m p e r i a l i s t perceptions of non-white communities through-230 out the B r i t i s h c o l o n i e s . And i t i s t h i s analogy which l e d Orwell to w r i t e l a t e r that the " E n g l i s h working c l a s s . . . were the symbolic 60. v i c t i m s of i n j u s t i c e , p l a y i n g the same par t i n England as the Burmese 231 played i n Burma." E l i z a b e t h i s ob v i o u s l y used by Orwell to t y p i f y the c u l t u r a l shock experienced by the E n g l i s h , p a r t i c u l a r l y the middle-c l a s s , when they f i r s t encountered another c u l t u r e . In t h i s regard i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that Orwell b e l i e v e d that white people d i d not f i n d the Burmese p h y s i c a l l y r e p u l s i v e , n o t i n g that even "white men who had the most v i c i o u s colour p r e j u d i c e " were q u i t e w i l l i n g to be^'p'hysically 232 i n t i m a t e " w i t h the Burmese and, r a t h e r than colour emphasis, he placed much more emphasis on our developed sense of smell as the b a s i s f o r much r a c i a l and c l a s s hatred. This i s evidenced by E l i z a b e t h ' s r e -v u l s i o n at the n a t i v e smells during her v i s i t to the bazaar. And although we see how she i s r e v o l t e d by the odours (and t a s t e ) of the n a t i v e s ' food r a t h e r than by t h e i r body odours i t i s c l e a r that she as s o c i a t e s the un-f a m i l i a r smells w i t h an i n f e r i o r people. When she asks F l o r y , f o r exam-p l e , "What i s that d r e a d f u l s m e l l l i k e f i s h ? " and i s t o l d that i t i s "only a k i n d of sauce they make out of prawns" a f t e r the l a t t e r are b u r i e d 233 and dug up s e v e r a l weeks l a t e r , she comments, "How a b s o l u t e l y h o r r i b l e . " And again, a f t e r being repulsed by what she perceives to be the d i r t y ways of the Chinese and t h e i r u n c i v i l i z e d customs, such as f o o t - b i n d i n g 2 and making t e a which " t a s t e s e x a c t l y l i k e e a r t h , " she concludes t h a t 233 236 not only are they ' d i s g u s t i n g " people but "savages" as w e l l . I t should a l s o be mentioned here t h a t intimacy w i t h the n a t i v e s , w h i l e not so r e p u l s i v e to the white men (at l e a s t as long as i t was white men w i t h n a t i v e women and not n a t i v e men w i t h white women), was r e j e c t e d by the white women and w h i l e Mrs. Lackersteen l i v e s i n fear 237 of being raped by "a pro c e s s i o n of j e t - b l a c k c o o l i e s " E l i z a b e t h be-l i e v e s that "only a very low k i n d of man would . . . have anything to 238 do w i t h n a t i v e women." To simply i n f e r from E l i z a b e t h ' s experience i n the bazaar that the n o t i o n of c l a s s and r a c i a l d i f f e r e n c e i s based s o l e l y upon p h y s i c a l r e v u l s i o n i s - I t h i n k to s t r e t c h the c r e d i b i l i t y of j u s t one example beyond reasonable bounds, but when one discovers the emphasis which Orwell placed on what we might c a l l q u i t e normal p h y s i c a l r e v u l s i o n ( i . e . smell) as an i n d i c a t o r of c l a s s and r a c i a l b i a s , h i s scenes i n Burmese Days must, I t h i n k , be seen i n a d i f f e r e n t l i g h t . Such i n c i -dents cannot simply be dismissed as the s t i l l warm r e c o l l e c t i o n s of a n o v e l i s t i n d u l g i n g i n a process of c a t h a r s i s , f o r i n The Road to Wigan Pier which appeared ten years a f t e r he had l e f t Burma Orwell v i v d l y r e -c a l l s h i s p o s t i n g to a B r i t i s h regiment i n Burma n o t i n g that w h i l e "a s o l d i e r i s probably as i n o f f e n s i v e , p h y s i c a l l y , as i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r a male white person to be" he nevertheless found them o f f e n s i v e , confes-s i n g that " A l l I knew was that i t was lower-olass sweat that I was. : r 239 s m e l l i n g , and the thought of i t made me s i c k . " Indeed Orwell t e l l s us w i t h u t t e r c o n v i c t i o n that the " r e a l s e c r e t of c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s i n the West" can be "summed up i n four f r i g h t f u l words which people nowadays are chary of u t t e r i n g , but which, were bandied about q u i t e f r e e l y i i n my childhood. The words were: The lower classes smell ."^^ Orwell pressed the p o i n t arguing that "race-hatred . . . even d i f f e r e n c e s of moral code, can be got over; but p h y s i c a l r e p u l s i o n can-not. You can have an a f f e c t i o n f o r a murderer or a sodomite, but you cannot have an a f f e c t i o n f o r a man whose breath s t i n k s - h a b i t u a l l y 241 s t i n k s ; I mean." I n t e l l e c t u a l l y speaking t h i s k i n d of approach to c l a s s and r a c i a l c o n f l i c t may w e l l be considered r e p u l s i v e i t s e l f and g r o s s l y c i m p l i s t i c but i f we can suspend our f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h and ex-p e c t a t i o n of North American hygiene f o r a moment Orwell may indeed have 242 a p o i n t . C e r t a i n l y w h i l e Madison Avenue may not r e l e g a t e the pos-sessors of body odour to a lower c l a s s such people are very d e f i n i t e l y portrayed as being s o c i a l l y repugnant even, I suggest, to those of us who take d e l i g h t e d offence at the i n a n i t i e s of the t e l e v i s i o n commer-c i a l . In any case the.point here i s that Orwell once again reduces the . theory of c l a s s s t r u c t u r e to a very concrete, personal ( a l b e i t unpleas-ant) -experience, perhaps modifying and at l e a s t c h a l l e n g i n g any h i g h -mindedness which may obscure some of the i m p l i c a t i o n s of our l e s s redo-l e n t r e a l i t y . Orwell's freedom to speculate upon the r o l e of smell i n c l a s s outlook and indeed i n the formation of c l a s s s t r u c t u r e suggests a b a s i c d i f f e r e n c e between the c r e a t i v e w r i t e r and the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t , namely that w h i l e the former may have more l i c e n c e to make what are perhaps s o c i a l l y o f f e n s i v e and c o n t r o v e r s i a l statements the l a t t e r , even i f he i s no more concerned w i t h a e s t h e t i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n s than the c r e a t i v e w r i t e r , i s probably bound more by the conventions of academic r e s p o n s i -b i l i t y which may very w e l l censure him should he give v o i c e to such "gut" r e a c t i o n s . Perhaps t h i s r e s t r a i n t i s r i g h t and proper, perhaps not, but i n any event i t may mean that s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s are prevented from say-ing c e r t a i n t h i n g s , and i f they do say them they do so at f a r greater p e r i l than the c r e a t i v e w r i t e r who, improperly or not, does not seem to be h e l d as r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s views; views, i n c i d e n t a l l y , which perhaps because of a l e s s e r p r o f e s s i o n a l stake i n what he says, a c r e a t i v e w r i t e r i s allowed to change w i t h more frequency than I t h i n k an academic com-munity, p r o p e r l y or improperly, allows. In any event, O r w e l l , i n d i s -cussing the r o l e of smell i n the formation and perpetuation of c l a s s d i f -f e rences, may d i r e c t a p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t ' s , i f not other s o c i a l s c i e n -t i s t s ' , a t t e n t i o n to a f a c t o r which he seldom bothers to observe ( f o r whatever reason) i n c l a s s r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n general and i n i m p e r i a l i s m i n p a r t i c u l a r . THE WOMEN AND DEPENDENCE IN BURMESE DAYS There i s only one n a t i v e woman of any r e a l consequence i n Bur-mese Days and that i s Ma Hla May, F l o r y ' s m i s t r e s s whom he l a t e r d i s -misses when he i s a t t r a c t e d to E l i z a b e t h Lackersteen. Apart from Ma Hla May's r o l e as U Po Kyin's puppet i n b r i n g i n g about F l o r y ' s d i s g r a c e , she i s an i n t e r e s t i n g character i n s o f a r as she i s a good example not only of how the n a t i v e s were so o f t e n thought of as c h i l d r e n by the 243 whites (and the condescending a t t i t u d e s t h i s gave r i s e to) but of what Mannoni i n Prospero and Caliban r e f e r s to as the high degree of dependence of some n a t i v e peoples upon t h e i r r u l e r s and the f e e l i n g s of acute i n s e c u r i t y and resentment which are of t e n engendered upon the 244 breakdown of such dependence r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The dependence of c e r t a i n n a t i v e peoples upon the white man i s seen by Mannoni as an extension of the n a t i v e s ' e x t r a o r d i n a r y (by European standards) dependency upon t h e i r own s o c i a l group. This de-pendency a f f o r d s the n a t i v e a measure of s e c u r i t y i n h i s s o c i e t y and the world beyond ( i n much the same way as a sense of s e c u r i t y was pro-vided f o r the white man by h i s club) but i f t h i s s o c i a l u m b i l i c a l cord 245 i s a b r u p t l y severed the i n d i v i d u a l i s l e f t f e e l i n g u t t e r l y abandoned. This i n t u r n , argues Mannoni, r e s u l t s not only i n resentment but can lead to outbreaks of v i o l e n c e , which are not so much the m a n i f e s t a t i o n of disappointments r e s u l t i n g from r i s i n g expectations but rather a mea-sure of the fear which confronts a people when the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of government (or at l e a s t more than they had previously) are suddenly given to them. By way of i l l u s t r a t i o n he notes how "a P a r i s i a n news-paper said that i t was inconceivable that the Malagasies should have revolted against the suppression of forced labour and the indigenat system" adding that l o g i c a l l y , of course, i t seems absurd, but p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y i t can-not be dismissed as e a s i l y . The s i t u a t i o n was i n t o l e r a b l e to the Malagasies because, i n s p i t e of the objective s e c u r i t y i t offered them, i t roused i n them subjective f e e l i n g s of abandonment and g u i l t . They f e l t abandoned because they could no longer be sure of authority. C e r t a i n l y i t could be argued, I think, that i n the s h o r t - l i v e d r e b e l l i o n i n Burmese Days Orwell poses questions for the psychologist as w e l l as the p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t when (as Mannoni notes i n Madagascar) he shows how "men could have courted death i n conditions of combat un-247 b e l i e v a b l y unfavourable to them." I t i s important to recognize that Orwell's rather cursory treatment of the r e b e l l i o n and the generally condescending terms which are used to describe i t unwittingly r e v e a l , I think, a b e l i e f that to the whites at l e a s t i t i s a rather enigmatic a f f a i r - almost c h i l d i s h i n i t s i n c r e d i b l e naivety - and so we tend to dismiss i t as l i t t l e more than a l i t e r a r y device to demonstrate U Po Kyin's propensity f o r e v i l and the native's c h i l d i s h s i m p l i c i t y . I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t , however, that Orwell, presumably drawing h e a v i l y on 248 h i s experience i n Burma, notes almost i n passing that U Po Kyin 249 employs a clever magician - 'a c i r c u s conjurer" - to help him i n staging the r e b e l l i o n . This i s , I b e l i e v e , part of the answer to how "men could have courted death i n conditions of combat unbelievably unfavourable to them" f o r , as i n Mannoni's study of the much l a r g e r r e -b e l l i o n s i n Madagascar, the presence of a weiksa or magician or "invented t a l e s which they would never have put f a i t h i n f o r an i n s t a n t i n normal 250 times" r e v e a l s an e x t r a o r d i n a r y consciousness on the part of the n a t i v e s of t h e i r g e n e r a l l y subservient p o s i t i o n i n the Empire and a con-comitant w i l l i n g n e s s , or need to r e b e l i n the face of overwhelming odds; a need to express f e e l i n g s of i n s e c u r i t y and abandonment r a t h e r than to acquiesce i n the continuance of B r i t i s h r u l e . In s h o r t , the presence of the weiksa i s a r e c o g n i t i o n that the n a t i v e s harbour a high purpose rat h e r than a dim i n t e l l i g e n c e . Orwell's f a i l u r e to explore the apparent g u l l i b i l i t y of the r e b e l l i o u s n a t i v e s r e f l e c t s , I t h i n k , the ignorance of the white man who could not grasp the simple f a c t that l i f e was probably j u s t as-pre-cious to the n a t i v e as to the white man and, more i m p o r t a n t l y , that some-th i n g much deeper than the promise of a few m a t i e r a l rewards would be needed to s t i r men to face death. As Mannoni suggests, the question we have to ask o u r s e l v e s , once having recognized that "a r e b e l l i o n r e q u i r e s a vast output of [psychic] energy," i s "Where can i t [the energy] have f b..251 come from? No doubt much of the energy f o r r e b e l l i o n i n those days emanated from the widespread d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s of the Burmese during what has been c a l l e d t h e i r darkest p e r i o d (excepting, of course, the years of a c t u a l war, namely 1 8 2 4 - 6 , 1852 and 1885) . . . from 1919 , when the Govern-ment of I n d i a Act was passed, to 1930 , when a peasants' r e b e l l i o n broke out against the whole might of B r i t i s h r u l e ^ 5 ^ and which was a l s o the period of Orwell's novel. We have already noted how the characters i n Burmese Days, p a r t i c u l a r l y Mrs. Lackersteen and Mr. Macgregor, recognized that " j u s t before the war, they [the n a t i v e s ] were so nice and r e s p e c t f u l " but how a l l t h i s was changing as the "dem-253 o c r a t i c s p i r i t " was "creeping i n . " But what we need to know more about and what Burmese Days does not t e l l us, though i t suggests i t , i s to what degree d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s w i t h B r i t i s h r u l e were the r e s u l t s of the r i s i n g expectations inherent i n the democratic s p i r i t and how much d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n was engendered through the threat of increased freedoms. In t h i s regard i t i s worth remembering Mannoni's statement that when Europeans t e l l them they w i l l gain nothing from independence, but r a t h e r the c o n t r a r y , they are wasting t h e i r time; the Malagasies know i t already. With a Malagasy government i n power there would be more a r b i t r a r i n e s s , more c o r r u p t i o n , more f o r c e d labour, heavier taxes, and so on. P o l i t i c a l oppression would be g r e a t e r , p e n a l t i e s would be more severe. A l l t h i s they know, but i t does not deter them. 254 Perhaps the Burmese case i s s i m i l a r and the reason f o r the mass of people supporting a p o l i t i c a l i d e a l l i k e that of "independence" i s that though they d i d not r e a l l y know what i t or " n a t i o n a l i s m " meant i n terms of increased r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of government, they might have f o l -lowed a m i l i t a n t m i n o r i t y more from a strong sense of interdependence w i t h i n t h e i r own s o c i e t y than from a sense of thwarted p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the government of t h e i r country. Indeed, i n The Unknown Orwell Stansky and Abrahams note that as a r e s u l t of the Montagu-Chelmsford proposals recommending greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Indians i n government, the thought, or the hope, was that the gr a n t i n g of Dyarchy would s a t i s f y n a t i o n a l i s t a s p i r a t i o n s , whatever they might be - the i d e a of "independence" had not been s t r o n g l y brought f o r t h except by a small m i l i t a n t Burmese m i n o r i t y , and i t had s c a r c e l y centered i n t o the c a l c u l a t i o n s of the B r i t i s h . Then, as i f echoing Mannoni's c o n c l u s i o n s , they write": I n any event, the hoped-for r e s u l t was not achieved. As o f t e n happens when an i m p e r i a l power grants some measure of p o l i t i c a l freedom to i t s s u b j e c t s , the r e s u l t was only to make i t c l e a r e r to them that they were not t r u l y and f u l l y governing themselves: they were s t i l l a subject people.^55 In a s i m i l a r f a s h i o n the authors note e a r l i e r how p a r a d o x i c a l l y , i t was the very attempts of the B r i t i s h government to l i b e r a l i z e i t s own a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and to allow the Burmese v o i c e to be heard that made Orwell more conscious than he probably would have been otherwise of the Empire as a system i n which he could not continue to p a r t i c i p a t e and keep h i s s e l f - r e s p e c t . ^ 5 6 Returning to the case of Ma Hla May i t can h a r d l y be claimed that she i s aware of any p o l i t i c a l purpose or m o t i v a t i o n i n her beha-v i o u r but i t can be s a i d , I t h i n k , that she e x h i b i t s acute f e e l i n g s of i n s e c u r i t y i n the l o s s of F l o r y as a patron. Insofar as c a s t - o f f l o v e r s are expected i n most s o c i e t i e s , I suppose, to e x h i b i t some f e e l i n g s of h u r t , abandonment, and perhaps even i n s e c u r i t y , I doubt that Ma H l a May's behaviour could normally be considered e s p e c i a l l y i n d i c a t i v e of any s p e c i a l dependence tendencies w i t h i n her s o c i a l group. However, 257 the f a c t t h a t she i s not i n l o v e w i t h F l o r y would seem to p l a c e her h y s t e r i c a l o u t b u r s t s , as when "she l a y p r o s t r a t e i n f r o n t of him . . . as though before a god's a l t a r , " w e l l beyond normal expectation (at l e a s t a European's e x p e c t a t i o n ) . Yet even the s e n s i t i v e F l o r y who l i s t e n s to her beg, "Take Ma H l a May back. I w i l l be your s l a v e , lower 258 than your s l a v e . Anything sooner than turn me away" and whom we would expect to be most capable of understanding t h i s c r y i n g need of dependence, f a i l s to perceive the r e a l nature of the woman's (and not the c h i l d ' s ) f e a r of abandonment. Instead he o f f e r s the t y p i c a l o c c i -dental's panacea by t e l l i n g her, "You must go home, and l a t e r I w i l l send you money.11 F i n a l l y abandoned, Ma Hla May c r i e s , "How can I l i v e 259 a f t e r t h i s d i s g r a c e ? " and i n her b i t t e r resentment becomes a w i l l i n g t o o l of U Po K y i n and wreaks a savage p s y c h o l o g i c a l vengeance upon F l o r y i n the church. On the subject of dependence r e l a t i o n s h i p s P h i l i p Mason, i n h i s foreword to Mannoni's book, p o i n t s out how s e v e r a l phrases such as "the n a t i v e s are never g r a t e f u l " are t y p i c a l of the European c o l o n i z e r ' s v i s i o n of the n a t i v e . With Mrs. Lackersteen's b e l i e f that "young men w i l l not come out here any longer to work a l l t h e i r l i v e s f o r i n s u l t s 260 and i n g r a t i t u d e " being f a i r l y t y p i c a l of the white community's view of the n a t i v e s i n Kyauktada, i t i s worth n o t i n g Mannoni's observation that "we have to teach. European c h i l d r e n to be g r a t e f u l , and even then there i s an element of hyp o c r i s y i n i t , f o r the c h i l d cannot r e a l l y l e a r n g r a t i t u d e u n t i l he has a t t a i n e d a c e r t a i n independence." And he notes f u r t h e r that "the word f o r 'thank you' (mishoatra) i s spoken by the donor as w e l l as by the r e c i p i e n t i n Madagascar; the same i s true 261 among European c h i l d r e n . " The Europeans i n Kyauktada, i t seems, regard the n a t i v e s as l i t t l e more than c h i l d r e n p a r t l y because'they, l i k e European c h i l d r e n , do not n a t u r a l l y express g r a t i t u d e but r a t h e r express the a t t i t u d e that "you have done something f o r me which you were under no o b l i g a t i o n to do: t h e r e f o r e I am yours and you may command me 262 but on the other hand I expect you to look after.me." - The danger of t h i s s i m i l a r i t y of behaviour between European c h i l d r e n and the n a t i v e s , however, i s that European a d u l t s e x t r a p o l a t e from t h i s s i m i l a r i t y and thereby create the erroneous concept of the a d u l t n a t i v e as l i t t l e more than a p h y s i c a l l y overgrown c h i l d . This s i t u a t i o n i s made worse of course when the n a t i v e , as i n the case of Ma HIa May, not only f a i l s to show g r a t i t u d e f o r g i f t s r e c e i v e d ( l i k e 263 a European c h i l d ) but demands them. But even as she screams at him 264 i n the church, a s k i n g , "Where i s the money you promised me?" i t i s not the cry of a c r e d i t o r but of someone's unassuaged i n s e c u r i t y , one to whom payment of rupees i s the l a s t v e s t i g e of dependence upon another who once provided her not only w i t h food, p h y s i c a l s h e l t e r , and sexual f u l f i l l m e n t but w i t h an emotional umbrella - a sense of c o n t i n u i t y f o r the unknown f u t u r e . Another phrase which Mason mentions as being t y p i c a l of the 265 c o l o n i z e r , " I never t r u s t a servant who speaks E n g l i s h , " and which i s echoed by E l l i s ' pronouncement that " I can't s t i c k servants who t a l k 266 E n l g i s h , " demonstrates, I t h i n k , how the European's r e a c t i o n to any suggestion of e q u a l i t y through language i s not so much a f e a r of equal-i t y , measured by l i n g u i s t i c s k i l l , as an u n w i l l i n g and indeed repressed r e c o g n i t i o n that the " u n g r a t e f u l " n a t i v e i s not, a f t e r a l l , a groping c h i l d but an i n t e l l i g e n t b i l i n g u a l a d u l t . This i n t u r n , I suggest, makes the European f e e l insecure and prompts him to suppress the n a t i v e s ' expression of t h e i r i n t e l l i g e n c e l e s t i t s presence challenge or threaten the white man's b e l i e f i n h i s r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y . F i n a l l y , the importance of the dependence r e l a t i o n s h i p s of many n a t i v e peoples (see below, n. 245) e x p l a i n s , I t h i n k , why the presence and perhaps even growth i n p o s t - c o l o n i a l times of the k i n d of patron-c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s evident i n Burmese Days continues. For, d e s p i t e d r i v e s f o r n a t i o n a l i s m , there s t i l l appears to be a r e l u c t a n c e on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p a r t to seek e i t h e r any s u b s t a n t i a l autonomy or s o c i a l a l l e -giance beyond h i s immediate s o c i a l group. Further I would suggest that i t i s l a r g e l y the na t i v e ' s r e l u c t a n c e to seek autonomy (often c a l l e d l a c k of i n i t i a t i v e by the whites) which c a l l s i n t o s e r i o u s question Orwell's b e l i e f that i t i s s o l e l y m i l i t a r y f o r c e which p r o t e c t s the whites. That i s , I tend to b e l i e v e Mannoni's c o n c l u s i o n that though the whites "made 70. a show of b e l i e v i n g i n m i l i t a r y f o r c e ; they knew i n s t i n c t i v e l y , and b a r e l y c o n s c i o u s l y , where t h e i r s t r e n g t h l a y - i n a c e r t a i n 'weakness' 267 of p e r s o n a l i t y on the part of the Malagasies [Burmese]" namely the "network of dependencies" i n which they (the whites) played so l a r g e a p a r t . A network of which the whites were conscious enough when, f o r example, Macgregor, unarmed and l o o k i n g out upon the angry and poten-t i a l l y v i o l e n t mob of n a t i v e s , pronounces, "No . . . We must go o u t s i d e . 268 I t ' s f a t a l not to face them!" Orwell's treatment of the women i m p e r i a l i s t s i n Burmese Days i s , I t h i n k , p o l i t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h a t , along w i t h F l o r y ' s f e a r of nominating Veraswami f o r Club membership, i t s t r o n g l y a t t e s t s * to what Bachrach and Baratz r e f e r to as the dynamics of non-decision mak-. ing, that i s , "the extent to which and the manner i n which the status-quo o r i e n t a t e d persons and groups i n f l u e n c e those community values and those p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . . . which tend to l i m i t the scope of 269 a c t u a l decision-making to 'safe' i s s u e s " and how, as Dahrendorf p o i n t s out, c e r t a i n "groups or aggregates can be i d e n t i f i e d which do not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the e x e r c i s e of a u t h o r i t y other than by complying w i t h given commands or p r o h i b i t i o n s . " 2 ' 7 ^ I n t h i s sense the Club seems to be a p e r f e c t example of how 271 "organization [ a l b e i t i n f o r m a l ] i s the mobilization of bias" w i t h i n the white community of Kyauktada, e s p e c i a l l y when Orwell has so c l e a r l y o u t l i n e d the s p e c i f i c "values and b i a s e s that are b u i l t i n t o the p o l i t -i c a l system" so that students of i m p e r i a l i s m can f i r s t make "the d i s -t i n c t i o n between important and unimportant i s s u e s , " a d i s t i n c t i o n which (agreeing w i t h Bachrach and Baratz) I t h i n k cannot be made " i n t e l l i g e n t l y i n the absence of . . . the dominant values and.the p o l i t i c a l ' m y t h s , r i t u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s " of a community. Once having noted the domi-nant values of a community, expressed almost every day at the Club, the admission of a n a t i v e member, f o r example, takes on an importance which c a t a p u l t s i t from what the above authors would c a l l a " r o u t i n e " to "key" 272 p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n . As an example of e x e r c i s i n g a u t h o r i t y through (pukka sahib) p r o h i b i t i o n s Mrs. Lackersteen's a u t h o r i t y and i n f l u e n c e over much of Mr. Lackersteen's a c t i o n i s exerted through her "burra memsahib" expec-t a t i o n s and these almost s o l e l y c o n d i t i o n her husband's behaviour, so much so that h i s dialogue always seems a s l i g h t l y drunken echo of norms which h i s w i f e shares w i t h the other memb ers of the Club. E a r l y i n the n o v e l , complaining, as we have already seen, of the l o s s of some pre-war h u m i l i t y on the part of the n a t i v e s , Mrs. Lackersteen laments, "We seem to have no authority over the n a t i v e s nowadays, w i t h a l l these 273 d r e a d f u l Reforms, and the i n s o l e n c e they l e a r n from the newspapers." Then to E l l i s ' r e j o i n d e r that "we don't want n a t i v e s poking about i n here. We l i k e to t h i n k there's s t i l l one place'where we're f r e e of them," Mr. Lackersteen echoes h i s w i f e ' s f e e l i n g of s u p e r i o r i t y over the n a t i v e s , g r u f f l y adding, "Hear, hear!" and l a t e r he assures h i s f e l l o w Club members that they can "count on me to b l a c k b a l l the l o t 274 of 'em [the n a t i v e s ] . " Mr. Lackersteen's behaviour away from the Club i s decidedly d i f f e r e n t , however, and at camp he has no o b j e c t i o n to a l e g i o n of Burmese women fr e q u e n t i n g h i s t e n t . This i s not meant to suggest that i n t e r r a c i a l f o r n i c a t i o n i s at a l l incompatible w i t h race p r e j u d i c e or even race hatred but to show how the r e s t r a i n t which he f e e l s o b l i g e d to e x e r c i s e both i n the presence of h i s w i f e and i n the i n s t i t u t i o n of the Club t e s t i f i e s to "the extent to which . . . status-quo o r i e n t a t e d persons and groups i n f l u e n c e . . , community v a l -275 ues" and more s p e c i f i c a l l y how the Club had s o l i d i f i e d the f e e l i n g s of race p r e j u d i c e i n t o an immovable, or at l e a s t h i g h l y r e s i l i e n t , p o l i c y 276 of the ten precepts of the pukka sahib. The r e s u l t i s that Lacker-steen' s comments are reduced to l i t t l e more than "Hear, hear!" w i t h oc-c a s i o n a l b u r s t s of o r i g i n a l i t y exhausting themselves i n such s i l l y phrases as "Hear, hear! . . . Keep the b l a c k swabs out of i t . Esprit de Corps and a l l t h a t . " As Orwell notes, Mr. Lackersteen could always be r e p l i e d [ s i c ] upon f o r sound sen-timents i n a case l i k e t h i s . In h i s heart,he d i d not care and never had cared a damn f o r the B r i t i s h R a j , and he was as happy d r i n k i n g w i t h an O r i e n t a l as w i t h a white man; but he was ready w i t h a loud 'Hear, hear!' when anyone suggested the bamboo f o r d i s r e s p e c t f u l servants or b o i l i n g o i l f o r N a t i o n a l i s t s . He p r i d e d himself that though he might booze a b i t and a l l t h a t , dammit he was l o y a l . I t was h i s form of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . ^ 7 His w i f e ' s expectations i n t u r n were based upon the prohibitions and expectations which she had i n h e r i t e d from others l i k e "our b u r r a sahib at Mandalay" who warned of the n a t i v e s ' " i n s u l t s and i n g r a t i t u d e , " pro-c l a i m i n g "that i n the end we s h a l l simply leave I n d i a . . . . We s h a l l j u s t go. When the n a t i v e s come to us begging us to s t a y , we s h a l l say, 'No, you have had your chance, you wouldn't take i t . Very w e l l , we 2 78 s h a l l leave you to govern y o u r s e l v e s . ' " With regard to Bachrach and Baratz's p o i n t concerned w i t h non-decision-making i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Mrs. Lackersteen d i d not nag her husband, she simply made i t known that she h e l d c e r t a i n u n a l t e r -able b e l i e f s about the n a t i v e s and expected her husband to support these views at a l l times. In t h i s context Mr. Lackersteen i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a l l those i m p e r i a l i s t s who r e a l l y d i d n ' t care about p o l i t i c s at a l l but who perpetuated some of i m p e r i a l i s m ' s e v i l s f o r no other reason 7 3 . than they were a f r a i d of t h e i r wives, and who, i n t h e i r constant eagerness to get out i n t o camp, t e s t i f i e d to t h e i r having " t i r e d of the r e s t r a i n t s of c i v i l i z e d l i f e " ( i n t h i s case represented by Mrs. Lackersteen and C l u b ) , seeking "a more g e n i a l home among la w l e s s [or 2 80 at l e a s t l e s s r e s t r a i n e d ] b a r b a r i a n s . " I t i s i n the p r e s e n t a t i o n of such characters that I t h i n k Orwell has made a c o n t r i b u t i o n to our understanding of how i m p e r i a l i s m , i n h i s time, produced s o c i a l as w e l l as p o l i t i c a l stereotypes. And i t i s the r e s t r a i n t placed upon the Mr. Lackersteens by t h e i r k i n d of wives and by a l l the Clubs i n the Empire which formed the cement of Empire at the grass r o o t s ; that non-decision-making process which, entrusted to the "gramophone mind," would not question t r a d i t i o n a l norms and so guaran-teed t h e i r r e l a t i v e l o n g e v i t y . F l o r y i s only too conscious of the p o s s i b i l i t y , never f a r away i n the outposts of Empire, of f a l l i n g v i c t i m through l o n e l i n e s s to an " i n n e r / secret l i f e " and perpetuating i t and indeed making i t worse beneath the d e b i l i t a t i n g power of someone l i k e Mrs. Lackersteen, "some damned memsahib, y e l l o w and t h i n , scandalmongering over c o c k t a i l s , making k i t - k i t w i t h the s e r v a n t s , l i v i n g twenty years i n the country without l e a r n i n g a word of the language," a memsahib who, through s i -l e n t c o e r c i o n prevents her husband from even u t t e r i n g l e t alone prac-t i s i n g h i s c a p a c i t y f o r t o l e r a n c e . Instead, through the medium of the e v i l eye, she c a j o l e s him i n t o supporting her supremacist philosophy. Indeed i t i s the f i n a l despair of the book that r a t h e r than E l i z a b e t h becoming someone who would help F l o r y "to l i v e w i t h nothing hidden, 281 nothing unexpressed" she ends up as yet another d u l l stereotype of i m p e r i a l i s m . Her servants l i v e i n t e r r o r of her, though she speaks no Burmese. She has an exhaustive knowledge of the C i v i l L i s t , gives charming l i t t l e d i n n e r - p a r t i e s and knows how to put the wives of subordinate o f f i c i a l s i n t h e i r places - i n s h o r t , she f i l l s w i t h complete suc-cess the p o s i t i o n f o r which Nature had designed.her from the f i r s t , t h a t of a b u r r a memsahib. O A CONCLUSION F i n a l l y , i t i s the emergence of stereotypes from Orwell's ex-perience i n Burma which o f f e r s an e a r l y i n d i c a t i o n of h i s l a t e r world view of the r i c h versus the poor and i t i s the novel's p e s s i m i s t i c though no doubt exaggerated pronouncement t h a t , d e s p i t e i n d i v i d u a l ex-ceptions l i k e F l o r y (or Winston Smith i n the l a s t n o v e l , Nineteen Eighty-Four), i t i s the biparous, i m p e r i a l i s t - t o t a l i t a r i a n brotherhood which i n the end w i l l triumph. As one w r i t e r has noted, Orwell shows how there can be "no com-283 promise w i t h i m p e r i a l i s m . " In p a r t i c u l a r I t h i n k that Burmese Days shows us how sometimes an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p r i d e , m a n i f e s t i n g i t s e l f i n the " s e c r e t world" of conscience, i s not s u f f i c i e n t to counteract the g u i l t of w i l l f u l h y p o c r i s y i n the o u t s i d e world and how i n "the 'golden 284 p e r i o d ' of i m p e r i a l r u l e " the u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s to the stereotyped i m p e r i a l i s t code of behaviour ( a l t e r n a t i v e s which were almost c e r t a i n to be branded as p a r t of the a n t a g o n i s t i c , creeping 285 "democratic s p i r i t " ) sometimes l e d to personal tragedy which made no d i f f e r e n c e to the system because pervading the system was a sense that no one, a b s o l u t e l y no one, was i r r e p l a c a b l e . This assumption of "actor d i s p e n s a b i l i t y " among i m p e r i a l i s t s o f t e n created i n a d d i t i o n to a f e e l i n g of e s p r i t de corps an overwhelming f e e l i n g of t o t a l submersion i n an even s l i g h t l y deviant i n d i v i d u a l ; a f e e l i n g so oppressive that i t l e f t such a person w i t h two a l t e r n a t i v e s , e i t h e r to c a p i t u l a t e t o t a l l y to the system or to t o t a l l y withdraw. P a r t i a l withdrawal was seen as being p r a c t i c a l l y i m p o s sible. I t i s t h i s l a t t e r which I b e l i e v e gave b i r t h to Orwell's haunting f e a r o f , and l a t e r obsession w i t h , t o t a l i -t a r i a n i s m : the u l t i m a t e triumph, not of e v i l m i n o r i t i e s (as amongst the white p o p u l a t i o n of Kyauktada) but of the mass, the p e t t y i m p e r i a l i s t s of s e l f - i n t e r e s t , the gramophone minds to whom the sense of s e c u r i t y i s guaranteed by the growth of order and threatened by the deviant i n d i v i d -u a l who r e f l e c t s t h e i r own f e a r s , doubts, and i m p e r f e c t i o n s . P a r a d o x i c a l l y Burmese Days1 s u c c e s s f u l e x p l i c a t i o n of the w i l l i n g stereotype i s made p o s s i b l e through Orwell's f o c u s s i n g upon the most i n d i v i d u a l - or most deviant - member of a group. This technique, I t h i n k , deserves more a t t e n t i o n than i t has perhaps r e c e i v e d among those s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s whose study of the group r e s t s h e a v i l y upon c o l l e c -t i v e a c t i o n s r a t h e r than the s i n g l e a c t o r i n a group. And w h i l e Burmese Days no doubt r a i s e s more' questions than i t can answer about i m p e r i a l i s m , at the very l e a s t i t s treatment of F l o r y ' s i m p e r i a l i s t imprisoned per-s o n a l i t y and what we l e a r n from t h i s r e i n f o r c e s , I t h i n k , Mannoni's b e l i e f that ( i n p o l i t i c s as elsewhere) the idea of a c o l l e c t i v e consciousness i s h a r d l y admissable, f o r i t i s r e a l l y a c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n terms. The c o n t r a d i c t i o n might perhaps be l e s s g l a r i n g i f we were to speak more l o o s e l y of a c o l l e c t i v e psyche. But we must not a l l o w ourselves to be deceived by a metaphor; the c o l l e c t i v e psyche [and a c t i o n ] can only be apprehended through i n d i v i d u a l s ; at most i t i s the group aspect of the i n d i v i d u a l psyche.286 In F l o r y ' s case Orwell shows us how an i n d i v i d u a l psyche st r u g g l e d against c o l l e c t i v i s t norms and i n so doing attacked some of the most dec e p t i v e , i f now well-worn, metaphors of i m p e r i a l i s m ; metaphors which no longer obscure our v i s i o n of i m p e r i a l i s m p r e c i s e l y because they have been ex-amined and at least partially exposed through such works as Burmese Days. Hopefully throughout this study I have demonstrated that the moderately experimental nature of i t s juxtaposition of social science theory and f i c t i o n i s mutually beneficial to both the social scientist and the student of literature in offering them new perspectives i n their respective fields of interest. FOOTNOTES 1. The Orwell Reader, s e l e c t e d and w i t h an i n t r o d u c t i o n by Richard H. Rovere (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1956), p. x v i i . 2. K e i t h A l d r i t t , The Making of George Orwell (London: Edward A r n o l d , 1969), p. 19. 3. George O r w e l l , Why I Write, i n The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell, ed. by S. Orwell and I. Angus, I (Harmond-sworth: Penguin Books [ i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Seeker and Warburg], 1968), p. 26. 4. O r w e l l , The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters, I , pp. 288-89. 5. O r w e l l , Why I Write, I , p. 26. 6. Ibid. , p. 28. 7. Ibid. , p. 26. 8. Ibid. , p. 30. 9. Ibid. , p. 28. 10. Raymond W i l l i a m s , Orwell (London: Wm. C o l l i n s & Co. L t d . , 1971), p. 35. 11. George Woodcock, The Crystal S p i r i t (Harmondsworth, England: Pen-guin Books, 1967), preface. 12. O r w e l l , Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters, I, p. 28. 13. W i l l i a m s , Orwell, p. 11. 14. Ibid. , p. 12. 15. George O r w e l l , The Road to Wigan Pier (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books [ i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Seeker and Warburg], 1962), p. 130. 16. O r w e l l , Road to Wigan Pier, pp. 130-31. 17. Ibid. , p. 130. 18. Ibid. , p. 129. 19. Ibid. , p. 130. 20. Ibid. , pp. 139-41. 21. George O r w e l l , Nineteen Eighty-Four (Harmondsworth, England: Pen-guin Books [ i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Seeker and Warburg], 1954), p. 152. 22. George O r w e l l , The Road to Wiagn Pier, p. 126. 78. 23. In h i s essay Toward European Unity i n The Collected Essays3 Jour-nalism and Letters of George Orwell, V o l . IV, p. 427, Orwell w r i t e s , "Imperialism. The European peoples, and e s p e c i a l l y the B r i t i s h , have long owed t h e i r high standard of l i f e to d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t e x p l o i t a t i o n of the coloured peoples" but i n The Road to Wigan Pier, p. 130, as already noted (see n. 19) he saw the E n g l i s h working-class as the "sym-b o l i c v i c t i m s of i n j u s t i c e , p l a y i n g the same part i n England as the Bur-mese played i n Burma," adding that " i n Burma the i s s u e had been q u i t e simple. The whites were up and the b l a c k s were down, and t h e r e f o r e as a matter of course one's sympathy was w i t h the b l a c k s . I now r e a l i z e d that there was no need to go as f a r as Burma to f i n d tyranny and e x p l o i t a -t i o n . Here i n England, down under one's f e e t , were the submerged working c l a s s , s u f f e r i n g m i s e r i e s which i n t h e i r d i f f e r e n t way were as bad as any O r i e n t a l ever knows." In h i s essay Not Counting Niggers i n The Collected Essays3 Journalism and Letters of George Orwell, V o l . I , p. 435, Orwell w r i t e s , "What we always f o r g e t i s that the overwhelming bulk of the B r i t i s h p r o l e t a r i a t does not l i v e i n B r i t a i n , but i n A s i a and A f r i c a . " In The Crystal S p i r i t , p. 71, Woodcock notes that "though the i d e n t i t y of the v i c t i m s changed, the e s s e n t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p remained the same. Orwell continued to view s o c i e t y according to the i m p e r i a l i s t model he had observed i n Burma. Instead of seeing an England populated by people of the same race, d i v i d e d as i t always has been i n t o a number of merging c l a s s e s and subclasses between which i n d i v i d u a l s could pass w i t h considerable m o b i l i t y , he tended always to see i t i n the simpler terms of a c o l o n i a l w orld, a world of master race and subject r a c e . " 24. Roger D. Spegele, " F i c t i o n and P o l i t i c a l Theory," Social Research, XXXVIII (Spring, 1971), p. 114. 25. Spegele, " F i c t i o n and P o l i t i c a l Theory," p. 115. 26. O r w e l l , The Road to Wigan Pier, p. 126. 27. George O r w e l l , Burmese Days (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books [ i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Seeker and Warburg], 1967), p. 69. 28. Ibid., p. 65. 29. See Anthony Downs, Inside Bureaucracy (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown, and Company, 1966), pp. 24-31. For the purposes of t h i s study the word "Bureau-cracy" i s used to denote a l a r g e o r g a n i z a t i o n , i n t h i s case the B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , i n which formal r e l a t i o n s h i p s among members dominate i n f o r m a l ones and where members work f u l l - t i m e and are s e l e c t e d mainly on a "merit" b a s i s though ethnic background plays a v i t a l r o l e . Most impor-tant of a l l to t h i s study i s that "outputs" of the i m p e r i a l i s t a d m i n i s t r a -t i o n , l a r g e l y coming through Rangoon, cannot be d i r e c t l y evaluated i n economic terms o r , as Downs would say, by " e v a l u a t i n g t h e i r outputs i n r e l a t i o n to the costs of the inputs used to make them" (p. 30) (though the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c l e a r l y aids other o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n the p r i v a t e sector i n seeking economic g a i n ) . This c o n d i t i o n tends to make the degree to which a c o l o n i a l c i v i l servant conforms to and does not question e x i s t i n g p o l i c y the s o l e y a r d s t i c k of h i s achievement. 30. Ibid. , p. 17. 31. Vernon Van Dyke, P o l i t i c a l Science; A Philosophical Analysis (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1960), pp. 128-29. 32. M a r t i n Landau, P o l i t i c a l Theory and P o l i t i c a l Science: Studies in the Methodology of P o l i t i c a l Inquiry (New York, Macmillan Company), p. 92. 33. Ibid. , p. 93. 34. Van Dyke, P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 120. 35. Landau, P o l i t i c a l Theory and P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 97. 36. Ibid. , p. 99. 37. Rovere, The Orwell Reader, p. xv. 38. O r w e l l , Burmese Days , p. 66. I t h i n k Orwell places too much emphasis on the presence of the Army as the s o l e d e t e r r e n t to n a t i v e h o s t i l i t y (see above, p. 69). 39. O r w e l l , The Road to Wigan Pier, p. 126. 40. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 157. 41. -Ibid. , p. 18. 42. Ibid. , p. 66. 43. Ibid. , p. 262. 44. Landau, P o l i t i c a l Theory and P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 228. 45. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 37. 46. Ibid. , p. 38. 47. Ibid. , p. 35. 48. Ibid. , p. 39. 49. Van Dyke, P o l i t i c a l Science: A Philosophical Analysis, p. 168. 50. Hugh T i n k e r , " S t r u c t u r e of the B r i t i s h I m p e r i a l H e r i t a g e , " i n Asian Bureaucratic Systems Emergent from the B r i t i s h Imperial Tradition, ed. by Ralph B r a i b a n t i (Durham, N.C.: Duke U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1966), p. 23. 51. H. Alan C. C a i r n s , i n The Clash of Cultures (New York: F r e d e r i c k A. Praeger, 1965), p. 228, shows how Orwell's b e l i e f was shared by some A f r i c a n c o l o n i a l i s t s r e c o r d i n g The Bulawayo Sketch's comment of J u l y 20, 1895 that "the .''main.reason we a r e - a l l here i s to make money and l o s e no time about i t . " 1 He also notes how "an examination of that same press [local press] i n the f i r s t six years of the l i f e of the new colony- re-veals almost no concern whatever for the welfare of the Africans." Earlier Cairns records how "this economic emphasis was especially pro-nounced in the propagandistic support for imperial policies in the eighties and nineties," The Clash of Cultures, p. 222. 52. Richard Koebner and Helmut D. Schmidt, Imperialism: the Story and Signifieanoe of a P o l i t i c a l Word 1840-1960 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1964), p. 253. 53. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 40. 54. Ibid., p. 37. 55. Orwell, Collected Essays3 Journals and Letters, I, p. 184. 56. Orwell, Burmese Days, pp. 139440. 57. Ibid. , p. 37. 58. George Orwell, Shooting an Elephant, in Inside the Whale and Other Essays (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books [in association with Seeker and Warburg], 1957), p. 95. 59. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 41. 60. Ibid. , p. 118. In a particularly revealing passage i n The Un-known Orwell, Stansky and Abrahams are a l l but describing Flory when they write of Orwell (then Bl a i r ) : "But i f i n public he conformed to what was expected of him at Headquarters and the Club, in private he could indulge his eccentricities. Beadon, who came out to see him one day when he was liv i n g at Insein, found his house a shambles, with 'goats, geese, ducks and a l l sorts of things floating about downstairs. Beadon, who prided himself on his own neat house, was 'rather shattered and suggested to Blair that perhaps he might bear down on his houseman. The suggestion was shrugged aside: he quite liked the house as i t was. Beadon changed the subject - was i t true, as he had heard, that Blair was attending services in the native churches? Yes, i t was true; i t had nothing to do with 'religion,' of course, but he enjoyed conversing with the priests in 'very high-flown Burmese' (Beadon's phrase); and he added in his sardonic (or leg pulling) way that he found their con-versation more interesting than that he was forced tp l i s t e n to at the Club. Whereupon he took Beadon off for a farewell drink - at the Clubl before he set off for Rangoon." (Italics mine.) See pp. 193-94, The Unknown Orwell.) 61. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 123. 62. Ibid. , p. 124. 63. For an interesting account of how commerce alone, rather than Christianity, could sometimes be seen as the harbinger of c i v i l i z a t i o n in Africa, see Cairns, The Clash of Cultures, pp. 222-47. 64. In The Crystal Spirit, p. 89, Woodcock notes how i n The Road to Wigan Pier O r w e l l , t a l k i n g about h i s immediate p o s t - i m p e r i a l i s t days, wrote, "At that time f a i l u r e seemed to me the only v i r t u e . Every sus-p i c i o n of self-advancement, even to 'succeed' i n l i f e to the extent of making a few hundreds a year, seemed to me s p i r i t u a l l y u g l y , a species of b u l l y i n g . " (See page 130, The Road to Wigan Pier.) 65. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, pp. 27-28. Macgregor's comment on p. 28 th a t "Those days are gone f o r e v e r , I am a f r a i d " not only laments the passing of e a s i e r times f o r the c o l o n i a l and, I t h i n k , the advances i n communication but i s a l s o an e a r l y i n d i c a t i o n of how Orwell viewed the f i r s t world war as the passing of an era of h i g h personal s e c u r i t y , a theme which coloured much of h i s work, p a r t i c u l a r l y Coming Up For Air (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books [ i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Seeker and Warburg], 1962), p. 107, where he w r i t e s how, during the pre-war days, although c o n d i t i o n s were o f t e n hard, the people nevertheless had "a f e e l i n g of s e c u r i t y , even when they weren't secure . . . a f e e l i n g of c o n t i n u i t y . A l l of them knew they'd got to d i e , and I suppose a few of them knew they were going bankrupt, but what they d i d n ' t know was that the order of things could change." And l a t e r he w r i t e s , "People who i n a normal way would have gone through l i f e w i t h about as much tendency to t h i n k f o r themselves as a suet pudding were turned i n t o B o l s h i e s j u s t by the war." (See Coming Up For Air, p. 123.) F l o r y , i f not an example of such a B o l s h i e , c e r t a i n l y has n e i t h e r ' a f e e l i n g of s e c u r i t y " nor "a f e e l i n g of c o n t i n u i t y . " (See above, p. 45.) Mac-gregor's comment can a l s o be seen as an i n d i c a t i o n of how the white man's f a i l u r e to manage h i s own a f f a i r s so as to prevent the holocaust and savage i n e f f i c i e n c y of world war no doubt encouraged the n a t i v e s to be more demanding both i n terms of t h e i r personal and n a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n s . For the analogy between "lower c l a s s e s at home" and the n a t i v e s see above, p. 59. 66. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 30. 67. Ibid. , p. 113. I t i s worthy of note that the Englishman's sense of s u p e r i o r i t y over the n a t i v e s was perpetuated by what John A t k i n s i n George Orwell (London: John Calder, 1954), p. 74, r e f e r s to as a " l a r g e number of minor f a l l a c i e s , most i n t e r e s t i n g of which i s the sunstroke f a l l a c y , to which Orwell a l l u d e s s e v e r a l times." For an example of t h i s and how h a l f - c a s t e s t r i e d d esperately and p a t h e t i c a l l y to compensate f o r t h e i r i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n i n both the i m p e r i a l i s t and Burmese s o c i e t y see Burmese Days, p. 116, where, among other t h i n g s , Orwell has F l o r y saying to E l i z a b e t h , "You see, Eurasians of that type - men who've been brought up i n the bazaar and had no education - are done f o r from the s t a r t . The Europeans won't touch them w i t h a s t i c k , and they're cut o f f from e n t e r i n g the lower-grade Government s e r v i c e s . There's nothing they can do except cadge, unless they chuck a l l p r e t e n s i o n to being Europeans. And r e a l l y you can't expect the poor d e v i l s to do t h a t . Their drop of white blood i s the s o l e asset they've got. Poor F r a n c i s , [a Eurasian] I never meet him but he begins t e l l i n g me about h i s p r i c k l y heat - bosh, of course, but people b e l i e v e i t . I t ' s the same w i t h sunstroke. They wear those huge t o p i s to remind you that they've got European s k u l l s . A k i n d of coat-of-arms. The bend s i n i s t e r , you might say." E l i z a b e t h comments that the two Eurasians "looked a w f u l l y degenerate types, didn't they? So t h i n and weedy and c r i n g i n g ; and they haven't got at a l l honest faces'' and says she has heard that " h a l f -castes always i n h e r i t what's worst i n both r a c e s . " (See Burmese Days, p. 116-17.) In 1944 i n the October 20 e d i t i o n of Tribune O r w e l l , i n h i s column "As I P l e a s e , " g e n e r a l l y debunked the n o t i o n that the r i s k of sunstroke i s greater f o r the European than the n a t i v e , n o t i n g t h a t "the f i n a l blow was the discovery that the t o p i , supposedly the only p r o t e c t i o n against the I n d i a n sun, i s q u i t e a recent i n v e n t i o n . The e a r l y Europeans i n I n d i a knew nothing of i t . In s h o r t , the whole t h i n g was bunkum." Orwell went on to ask "But why should the B r i t i s h i n India,have b u i l t up t h i s s u p e r s t i t i o n about sunstroke? Because an endless emphasis on the d i f f e r e n c e s between the ' n a t i v e s ' and y o u r s e l f i s one of the necessary props of i m p e r i a l i s m . You can only r u l e over a subject race, e s p e c i a l l y when you are i n a small m i n o r i t y , i f you honestly b e l i e v e y o u r s e l f to be r a c i a l l y s u p e r i o r , and i t helps t o -wards t h i s i f you can b e l i e v e that the subject race i s biologically d i f f e r e n t . There were q u i t e a number of ways i n which Europeans i n I n d i a used to b e l i e v e , without any evidence, that A s i a t i c bodies d i f -f e r e d from t h e i r own. Even q u i t e c o n s i d e r a b l e anatomical d i f f e r e n c e s were supposed to e x i s t . But t h i s nonsense about Europeans being sub-j e c t to sunstroke, and O r i e n t a l s not, was thesmost cherished super-s t i t i o n of a l l . The t h i n s k u l l was the mark of r a c i a l ^ s u p e r i o r i t y , [ or, i n the Eurasians' case, the mark of e q u a l i t y at l e a s t ] and the p i t h t o p i was a s o r t of emblem of i m p e r i a l i s m . " (See p. 301, Col-lected Essays, Journalism and'Letters of George Orwell, V o l ; I I I . ) 68. O r w e l l , P o l i t i c s and the English Language, i n Inside the Whale and Other Essays (England: Penguin Books [ i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Seeker and Warburg], 1957), p. 150. 69. Ibid. , p. 154. 70. Ibid. , p. 156. 71. Although i t seems that t r a d i t i o n a l l y we have tended to a s s o c i a t e the word " i m p e r i a l i s m " w i t h economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of non-whites, Koebner and Schmidt, i n Imperialism, pp. 248*49, note how i t was i r o n i c a l l y the Boer War, a c l a s h between w h i t e s , which "made the word [i m p e r i a l i s m ] an i n t e r n a t i o n a l slogan i n Europe" g i v i n g " r i s e to the world-wide m i s i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n of the Boer War as a c a p i t a l i s t p l o t , " an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which "became the b a s i s of a l l subsequent t h e o r i e s of i m p e r i a l i s m . " 72. Landau, P o l i t i c a l Theory and P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 81. 73. H. A l a n C. C a i r n s , i n The Clash of Cultures, p. 198, p o i n t s out how some c o l o n i z e r s i n f a c t b e l i e v e d that trade (though not n e c e s s a r i l y e x p l o i t a t i v e trade) was very much a necessary t o o l of C h r i s t i a n progress, and how to L i v i n g s t o n e , f o r example, trade seemed to be "an e t h i c a l r a t h e r than an economic concept." 74. O r w e l l , Inside the Whale and Other Essays, p. 153. 75. O r w e l l , Inside the Whale and Other Essays, p. 145. 76. I n P o l i t i c s and the English Language i n Inside the Whale and Other Essays, p. 153, Orwell gives some e x c e l l e n t examples of bad usage and makes the poin t t h a t the constant " i n v a s i o n of one's mind" by a ready-made phrase "anaesthetizes a p o r t i o n of one's b r a i n . " 77. O r w e l l , Politics and the English Language, p. 146. 78. Landau, P o l i t i c a l Theory and P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 227. 79. O r w e l l , Inside the Whale and Other Essays, p. 146. 80. Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, F i r s t r e v i s e d e d i t i o n (Glencoe, 111.: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963), p. 74. 81. Landau, P o l i t i c a l Theory and P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 228. 82. O r w e l l , Burmese Lays, p. 40. 83. Lemarchand and Legg, " P o l i t i c a l C l i e n t e l i s m and Development: A P r e l i m i n a r y A n a l y s i s , " Comparative P o l i t i c s , IV (January, 1972), p. 150. 84. My b e l i e f that the novel can serve as a l a b o r a t o r y r e f l e c t s my acceptance of Mannoni's statements that "the p e r s o n a l i t y [ F l o r y ' s say] represents, not the species and l i n e , but the s o c i a l group and the f a m i l y - the l a t t e r as human environment and not as genetic source" and that "the best way to approach c e r t a i n problems of c o l l e c t i v e psy-chology i s , i n s t e a d of studying the s o c i a l group from the o u t s i d e , to seek i t s inner r e f l e c t i o n i n the s t r u c t u r e of p e r s o n a l i t i e s t y p i c a l of the [ i m p e r i a l i s t ] group." (0. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban, t r a n s , by P. Powesland [New York: F r e d e r i c k A. Praeger, 1956], pp. 25-26.) 85. C l i f f o r d Geertz, The Social History of an Indonesian Town (Cam-b r i d g e , Massachusetts: M.I.T. P r e s s , 1965), p. 13. 86. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 6. 87. James F. Guyot, "Bureaucratic Transformation i n Burma," i n Asian Bureaucratic Systems Emergent from the B r i t i s h Imperial Tradition, ed. by Ralph B r a i b a n t i (Durham, N.C.: Duke U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1966), p. 373. 88. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 248. 89. James F. Guyot, "Bureaucratic Transformation i n Burma," i n 'Asian Bureaucratic Systems Emergent from the British Imperial Tradition, ed. by Ralph B r a i b a n t i (Durham, N.C.: Duke U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1966), p. 373. 90. James C. S c o t t , " P a t r o n - C l i e n t P o l i t i c s and P o l i t i c a l Change i n Southeast A s i a , " American P o l i t i c a l Science Review (March, 1972), p. 92. 91. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, pp. 132-33. 92. Guyot, Buveauovatic Transformation in Burma, p. 360. 93. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 6. 94. Guyot, Bureaucratic Transformation in Burma, p. 366. 95. Gunnar Myrdal, "The Soft S t a t e , " i n Asian Drama, V o l . I I (New York: Random House, 1968), p. 948. 96. S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , p. 98. 97. The widespread p r a c t i c e of respected o f f i c i a l s i n non-white com-munities accepting g i f t s as p a r t of t h e i r o f f i c i a l duty i s f u r t h e r sup-ported by Mannoni i n h i s study of c o l o n i z a t i o n i n Prospero and Caliban, p. 157, where he describes how "Malagasy c h i e f s of cantons, f o r i n s t a n c e , are capable of e n f o r c i n g the r u l e s w i t h the s t r i c t e s t p r e c i s i o n and even pedantry, w h i l e at the same time a l l o w i n g themselves to be i n f l u e n c e d by personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s , s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , and the s m a l l but frequent g i f t s which they accept without the s l i g h t e s t f e e l i n g of dishonesty." 98. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 75. 99. Ibid. , p. 7. 100. S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , p. 95. 101. Guyot, Bureaucratic Transformation in Burma, p. 360. 102. S c o t t , Patron-Client Relationships, p. 97. 103. S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , p. 96. 104. James C. S c o t t , "The A n a l y s i s of Corruption i n Developing Nations, Comparative Studies in Society and History, I I (June, 1969), p. 317. 105. An example of t h i s type of a n a l y s i s i s J.S. Nye's a r t i c l e , "Corrup t i o n and P o l i t i c a l Development: A Cost-Benefit A n a l y s i s , " American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, LXI (June, 1967), pp. 417-27. 106. S c o t t , The Analysis of Corruption, pp. 318-19. 107. S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , p. 93. 108. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 8. 109. For a d i s c u s s i o n of these terms see S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , pp. 96-102. 110. S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , p. 101. 111. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, pp. 6-8. 112. For a d i s c u s s i o n of " a f f e c t i v e " versus " i n s t r u m e n t a l " t i e s see S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , pp. 94-98. 113. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 133. 114. S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i e s , pp. 101-102. 115. Myrdal, Asian Drama, p. 937. 116. Ibid. , p. 938. 117. S c o t t , The Analysis of Corruption, p. 332. 118. S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , p. 101. 119. For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of these terms see S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , pp. 99-100. 120. S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , p. 103. Scott w r i t e s : "As the communal land c o n t r o l l e d by the v i l l a g e dwindled, as o u t s i d e r s came i n c r e a s i n g l y to own land i n the v i l l a g e , and as the v i l l a g e r s i n c r e a s -i n g l y worked f o r non-kin, the value of p a t r o n - c l i e n t l i n k s increased f o r a l l concerned." 121. S c o t t , Patron-Client P o l i t i c s , p. 110. 122. Ibid. , p. 102. 123. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, pp. 44-45. 124. Ibid. , p. 135. 125. Ibid.,, p. 17. 126. Ibid. , p. 38. 127. For a general d i s c u s s i o n of the power approach see Van Dyke, P o l i t i c a l Science, pp. 140-44. 128. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 228. 129. Van Dyke, P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 143. 130. O r w e l l , Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters, IV, p..529. 131. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban, pp. 203-204, and see above, n. 120. 132. In Prospero and Caliban, p. 204, Mannoni gives a f a s c i n a t i n g account of such m o t i v a t i o n by d e s c r i b i n g how "there was once a law i n E t h i o p i a according to which a c r e d i t o r might attach h i s debtor to him by means of a chain. Thsu they were both i n e x a c t l y the same s i t u a t i o n , but i n t h i s s u t u a t i o n the debtor was to be p i t i e d , ,,whereas the c r e d i t o r , on the other hand, gains some s a t i s f a c t i o n . " Mannoni adds that " t h i s i l l u s t r a t e s , i n i t s pure s t a t e , the s a t i s -f a c t i o n of the master who owns a s l a v e " and how "even though i t concerns a c r e d i t o r , no economist can e x p l a i n i t , " concluding that " i t i s e s s e n t i a l , however, to take t h i s s o r t of pleasure i n t o account i n any attempt to understand what i s c o l o n i a l about a c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n . " Closer to Bur-mese Days, Mannoni a l s o notes how many a European, f i n d i n g i t almost im-p o s s i b l e to " s a c r i f i c e the s a t i s f a c t i o n of being absolute masters," (p. 203) has e l e c t e d to accept f i n a n c i a l l o s s as a cost of h i s continued power. 133. Macgregor's comment i n Burmese Days, p. 28, that " I am a f r a i d there i s no doubt that the democratic s p i r i t i s creeping i n , even here" r e f l e c t s not only Orwell's but Hobson's f i r m l y - h e l d b e l i e f that "the antagonism w i t h democracy d r i v e s to the very r o o t s of Imperialism as a p o l i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e " and the l a t t e r ' s concern that despotism abroad w i l l . i n e v i t a b l y corrupt p o l i t i c s at home. J.A. Hobson, Imperialism: A Study (3rd r e v i s e d ed., 5th impression; London: George A l l e n and Unwin L t d . , 1954), p. 145. 134. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 66. 135. Ibid. , p. 66. 136. Ibid. , p. 37. 137. Ibid. , p. 41. 138. Ibid. , p. 181. 139. A l d r i t t , The Making of George Orwell, p. 22. 140. For Orwell's use of t h i s term and i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s see O r w e l l , Inside the Whale and Other Essays, p. 95. 141., George C. Homans, The Human Group (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1950), p. 1. 142. Sidney Verba, Small Groups and P o l i t i c a l Behavior - A. Study of Leadership (New J e r s e y : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961), p. 24. 143. Ibid. , p. 27. For an i n t e r e s t i n g d i s c u s s i o n of group pressure on the i n d i v i d u a l see Verba, ch. I I , The Primary Group and P o l i t i c s , pp. 17-60. 144. Verba, Small Groups and P o l i t i c a l Behavior, p. 28. 145. Ibid. , p. 29. 146. Ibid. , p. 53. 147. O r w e l l , Inside the Whale and Other Essays, p. 92. 148. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 66. 149. Verba, Small Groups and P o l i t i c a l Behavior, p. 54. 150. Ibid. , p. 58. 151. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 69. "He [ F l o r y ] had no t i e w i t h Europe now, except the t i e of books . . . There was, he saw c l e a r l y , only one way out. To f i n d someone who would share h i s l i f e i n Burma - but r e a l l y share i t , share h i s i n n e r , s e c r e t l i f e . . . a f r i e n d , that was what i t came down t o . " 152. For i m p l i c a t i o n s of these terms see Verba, Small Groups and P o l i t i c a l Behavior, pp. 142-60. 153. Verba, Small Groups and P o l i t i c a l Behavior, p. 61. For Orwell's o b j e c t i o n to the use of the word "extraneous" see P o l i t i c s and the Eng-lish Language, i n Inside the Whale and Other Essays, p. 147. 154. In Small Groups and P o l i t i c a l Behavior, p. 61, Verba asks,. " I f the p o l i t i c a l system cannot be s t u d i e d 'on the scene' by the experimen-t a l method, can the researcher create h i s own m i n i a t u r e p o l i t i c a l pro-cess i n the l a b o r a t o r y ? " adding that i n such a s i t u a t i o n "the s o c i a l o b j e c t i o n s to the manipulation of the p o l i t i c a l process do not apply" and that "cut o f f from the u n c o n t r o l l a b l e b u s t l e and f l u x of the p o l i t -i c a l process, the experiments can create the s i t u a t i o n he wants." I am not suggesting here that Orwell's observations nor the small group behaviour were divorced from the " b u s t l e and f l u x of the p o l i t i c a l pro-cess" but that the s i t u a t i o n i n Kyauktada was r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e so that behaviour before the war, f o r example, was not l i k e l y to be s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t from that immediately a f t e r the war, the l a t t e r being described by Orwell i n Burmese Days, p. 64, as "a storm beyond the h o r i z o n " during which time Burma, "the hot, blowsy country, remote from danger, had a l o n e l y , f o r g o t t e n f e e l i n g . " 155. Fred I . Greenstein, Personality and P o l i t i c s (Chicago: Markham Pub. Co., 1969), pp. 46-47. 156. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 68. 157. Ibid, , p. 66. 158. In Burmese Days, p. 40, Orwell t a l k s of " a l l the gramophones p l a y i n g the same tune." This image, symbolic of the e f f e c t s of mass c u l t u r e , was to reappear throughout h i s work. (See above, n. 82.) 159. In The Crystal S p i r i t , p. 76, Woodcock, r e f e r r i n g to the pukka sahib's code as described by Orwell i n Burmese Days, a l s o w r i t e s that "these i n j u n c t i o n s sound very much l i k e the code of a s e c r e t order, and the white s o c i e t y of Upper Burma, as O r w e l l p o r t r a y s i t , i s the e a r l i e s t prototype of the r u l i n g e l i t e of Oceania which he described fourteen years l a t e r i n Nineteen Eighty-Pour ." 160. Guyot, Bureaucratic Transformation in Burma, p. 374. 161. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 221. 162. K a r l Deutsch, "The performance of P o l i t i c a l Systems," i n Deutsch, P o l i t i c s and Government': How People Decide Their Fate (New York: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1970), p. 214. I t should be noted, however, that "the.neighborhood pub" analogy here i s limited i n that Deutsch did not claim that the B r i t i s h government considered pubs ah appendage of o f f i -c i a l establishments or ever seriously used the pub to implement i t s orders 163. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 45. '-"> 164. Ibid. ,-yp. 135. 165. Guyot, Bureaucratic Transformation in Burma, p. 374. 166. Geertz, The Social History of an Indonesian.Town, pp. 5-6. 167. Orwell, Burmese Days, pp. 232-33. 168. Guyot, Bureaucratic Transformation in Burma, p. 357. For f u r -ther discussion of the administrative frame i n which the " d i s t r i c t o f f i c e r was the key member of the structure" see pp. 354-84. 169. Guyot, Bureaucratic Transformation in Burma, p. 360. (See above, p. 24.) 170. Ibid. , p. 380. 171. Orwell, Burmese Days, pp. 40-41. 172. Ibid. , p. 39. 173. Samuel P. Huntington, "The Change to Change1: Modernization, Development and P o l i t i c s , " Comparative Politics, I I I ( A p r i l , 1971), p. 290. I t should be noted that after the immediate post-independence era of many of the newly emerging nations, the optimism of the f i f t i e s has given way to a return to pessimism i n the seventies and indeed the relationship between the terms "modernization" and " p o l i t i c a l development" i s now being seriously re-examined. (See R.S. Milne's a r t i c l e "The Over-developed Study of P o l i t i c a l Development," Canadian Journal of Political Science, V (December, 1972), pp. 560-68. 174. Ibid. , p. 294. 175. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 39. 176. J.S. F u r n i v a l l , Colonial Policy and Practice (New York: New York University Press, 1956), p. 12. 177. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 40. 178. F u r n i v a l l , Colonial Policy and P r a c t i c e , pp. 74-75. 179. In The Crystal Spirit, pp. 168-70, Woodcock mentions how Orwell " f r e e l y " (p. 168) admitted the influence of Zamyatin's novel We on Nine-teen Eighty-Four but notes that while there are undoubtedly "many points of resemblance between the two books there are "some important differences and one of these i s t h a t whereas Zamyatin was "preoccupied w i t h the mechanical problems" of i n s t i t u t i n g a t o t a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t y O r w e l l , who " d i d not have a s c i e n t i f i c mind," was much more concerned w i t h the " c u l -t u r a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l means of tyranny," (pp. 169-70). 180. Huntington, "The Change to Change," p. 290. 181. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 40. 182. George O r w e l l , "The Freedom of the P r e s s , " Time Literary Sup-plement (September 15, 1972), p. 1039. 183. Huntington, "The Change to Change," p. 290. 184. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, pp. 67-68. 185. George O r w e l l , The Lion and the Unicorn i n Collected Essays3 Journalism and Letters, V o l . I l l , pp. 93-94. Contrary to Orwell's above comments, ,R.V. Kubicek i n The Administration of Imperialism: Joseph Chamberlain at the Colonial Office (Durham, N.C.: Duke U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969), p. 30, a s s e r t s that "Technological i n n o v a t i o n i n communications di d not change i m p e r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n the 1890s e i t h e r i n gathering and disseminating i n f o r m a t i o n , f o r m u l a t i n g and implementing p o l i c y , or modifying o r g a n i z a t i o n and procedure" and notes that "The telegraph as a medium of communication i n t h i s stage of development [the 1890s] made the o f f i c e [ C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ] more a c u t e l y aware of the need to support r a t h e r than curb or d i r e c t the a c t i o n s of the man on the spot" (p. 32). He adds that although the use of the telegraph " a c c e l e -rated the pace of some aspects of d e c i s i o n making i t had not supplanted the mailed despatch as the c h i e f focus of o f f i c e b u s i n e s s " n o t i n g that "by 1893 i t [the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e ] handled an average of 6 telegrams an o f f i c i a l day compared to 138 l e t t e r s and despatches" w h i l e "a decade l a t e r the f i g u r e s were 20 and 315 r e s p e c t i v e l y " (p. 31). I t may be true that Orwell overestimated the impact of the t e l e -graph during the 1890s and f i r s t decade of the twentieth century when he claimed "the Blimp c l a s s was already l o s i n g i t s v i t a l i t y " (see above) but i n view of the ever i n c r e a s i n g number of despatches both to and from Whitehall and the much more e f f i c i e n t t e l e g r a p h , and l a t e r telephone, communication systems Orwell's p o i n t about there being l e s s room f o r i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e because of increased communications i s probably v a l i d f o r the p e r i o d a f t e r 1911 (which he was t a l k i n g about i n the pas-sage quoted above). I t should a l s o be remembered that Burmese Days deals w i t h an even l a t e r p e r i o d , that i s during the nineteen twenties, when communications had improved g r e a t l y due to the f i r s t world war. In any event Kubicek's comment that "the telegraph . . . made the o f f i c e more a c u t e l y aware of the need to support r a t h e r than curb or d i r e c t the a c t i o n s of the man on the spot" i s made about a p e r i o d during which the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e experienced an acute s t a f f shortage as reported i n 1903 by F r e d e r i c k Graham, C o l o n i a l O f f i c e a s s i s t a n t under-s e c r e t a r y who wrote (p. 29, The Administration of Imperialism), "During the l a s t seven years i t has been impossible to discharge the work of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e promptly and thoroughly. This i s p r i m a r i l y due to the f a c t that w h i l e . . . the volume of work has increased s t e a d i l y and r a p i d l y , the increase of the s t a f f has always been behind i t . " In view of t h i s statement I would suggest that W h i t e h a l l ' s w i l l i n g n e s s "to support r a t h e r than curb or d i r e c t the a c t i o n s of the man on the spot" perhaps had more to do w i t h the s t a f f shortage at that time - there were, f o r example, only 113 i n the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n 1903 (p. 27, The Administration of Imperialism) - than w i t h any conscious determination not to i n t e r f e r e w i t h subordinate c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those i n the f a r t h e s t f l u n g outposts such as Kyauktada. 186. O r w e l l , Burmese Bays, pp. 30-31. 187. Ibid. , p. 228. 188. Ibid. , p. 227. 189. See recommendations of Santhanam Committee, Myrdal, Asian Drama, I I , p. 955. 190. O r w e l l , The Road to Wigan Pier, p. 127. 191. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 32. 192. Ibid., p. 235. The scene i n which E l l i s canes the Burmese boy almost c e r t a i n l y owes something to the f o l l o w i n g i n c i d e n t as described by Dr. Maung H t i n Aung: "One afternoon, at about 4 P.M., the suburban r a i l w a y s t a t i o n of Pagoda Road was crowded w i t h schoolboys and under-graduates, and B l a i r came down the s t a i r s to take the t r a i n to the M i s s i o n Road S t a t i o n , where the e x c l u s i v e Gymkhana Club was s i t u a t e d . One of the boys, f o o l i n g about w i t h h i s f r i e n d s , a c c i d e n t a l l y bumped against the t a l l and gaunt Englishman, who f e l l h e a v i l y down the s t a i r s . B l a i r was f u r i o u s and r a i s e d the heavy cane that he was c a r r y i n g , to h i t the boy on the head, but checked h i m s e l f , and s t r u c k him on the back i n s t e a d . The boys pr o t e s t e d and some undergraduates, i n c l u d i n g myself, surrounded the angry Englishman . . . The t r a i n drew i n and B l a i r boarded a f i r s t - c l a s s 1 c a r r i a g e . But i n Burma, u n l i k e I n d i a , ' f i r s t - c l a s s c a r r i a g e s were never taboo to n a t i v e s , and some of us had f i r s t - c l a s s season t i c k e t s . The argument between B l a i r and the under-graduates continued. F o r t u n a t e l y , the t r a i n reached M i s s i o n Road S t a t i o n without f u r t h e r i n c i d e n t , and B l a i r l e f t the t r a i n . " (See p. 188, The Unknown Orwell). 193. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 33. 194. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 66. 195. Harold Kaplan, Urban P o l i t i c a l Systems: A Functional Analysis of Metro Toronto (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1967), p. 5. 196. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 67. 197. Kaplan, Urban P o l i t i c a l Systems, pp. 156-57. 198. In Urban P o l i t i c s , p. 5, Kaplan w r i t e s how "Parsons describes the content of a r o l e not i n terms of the incumbent's behavior but i n terms of the normative expectations surrounding the incumbent." 199. Guyot, Bureaucratic Transformation in Burma, p. 368. 200. At the beginning of C o l i n Wilson's The Outsider (London: V i c t o r Gollancz L t d . , 1956) t h i s t o t a l disenchantment w i t h the world i s revealed i n a s e c t i o n of dialogue from Bernard Shaw's John Bull's Other Island, Act IV, which runs as f o l l o w s : "Broadbent: . . . I f i n d the world q u i t e good enough f o r me - r a t h e r a j o l l y p l a c e , i n f a c t . Keegan: . ( l o o k i n g at him w i t h q u i e t wonder): You are s a t i s f i e d ? Broadbent: As a reasonable man, yes. I see no e v i l s i n the world -except, of course, n a t u r a l e v i l s - that cannot be reme-die d by freedom, self-government and E n g l i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s I t h i n k so,r,not because I am an Englishman, but as a matter of common sense. Keegan: You f e e l at home-in the world then? Broadbent: Of course. Don't you? Keegan: (from the very depths of h i s n a t u r e ) : No." 201. Van Dyke, P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 177. 202. O r w e l l , Burmese Bays, p. 244. 203. Van Dyke, P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 177. 204. O r w e l l , Burmese Bays, p. 40. 205. Van Dyke,, P o l i t i c a l Science, p. 177. Van Dyke gives a concise yet general d e s c r i p t i o n of Carr's "utopian" and " r e a l i s t . " 206. O r w e l l , Burmese Bays, p. 40. 207. R a l f Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict in I n d u s t r i a l Society (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1959), p. 160. 208. O r w e l l , Burmese Bays, p. 67. 209. Ibid. , p. 124. 210. Ibid., p. 66. (See above, p. 69.) 211. Ibid., p. 66. Note the mechanistic image at a time of a l i e n a t i o n 212. O r w e l l , The Road to Wigan Pier, pp. 139-40. Further c r i t i c i s m of the L e f t was made i n Orwell's essay on Rudyard K i p l i n g i n which he wrote: " A l l l e f t - w i n g p a r t i e s i n the h i g h l y i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s are at bottom a sham, because they make i t t h e i r business to f i g h t against something which they do not r e a l l y wish to destroy. They have i n t e r n a -t i o n a l i s t aims, and at the same time they s t r u g g l e to keep up a standard of l i f e w i t h which those aims are incompatible. We a l l l i v e by robbing A s i a t i c c o o l i e s , and those of us who are 'enlightened' a l l maintain that those c o o l i e s ought to be set f r e e , but our standard of l i v i n g , and hence our 'enlightenment,' demands that the robbery s h a l l continue." (See p. 219, Collected Essays3 Journalism and Letters of George Orwell, V o l . I I . ) In The Lion and the Unicorn, Orwell wrote: "In England there i s only one S o c i a l i s t p a r t y that has ever s e r i o u s l y mattered, the Labour Pa r t y . I t has never been able to achieve any major change, because except i n p u r e l y domestic matters i t has never possessed a genuinely independent p o l i c y . I t was and i s p r i m a r i l y a p a r t y of the trade unions, devoted to r a i s i n g wages and improving working c o n d i t i o n s . This meant that a l l through the c r i t i c a l years i t was d i r e c t l y i n t e r -ested i n the p r o s p e r i t y of B r i t i s h c a p i t a l i s m . In p a r t i c u l a r i t was i n t e r e s t e d i n the:maintenance of the B r i t i s h Empire, f o r the wealth of England was drawn l a r g e l y from A s i a and A f r i c a . The standard of l i v i n g of the trade-uriion workers, whom the Labour P a r t y represented, depended i n d i r e c t l y on the sweating of Indian c o o l i e s . At the same time the Labour P a r t y was a S o c i a l i s t P a r t y , using S o c i a l i s t phraseology, t h i n k -i n g i n terms of an old-fashioned a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s m and more or l e s s pledged to make r e s t i t u t i o n to the coloured races. I t had to stand f o r the 'independence' of I n d i a , j u s t as i t had to stand f o r disarmament and 'progress' g e n e r a l l y . Nevertheless everyone was aware that t h i s was nonsense." (See p. 113, Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell, V o l . I I . ) 213. O r w e l l , The Road to.Wigan Pier, p. 140. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that i n regards to A f r i c a Cairns makes e s s e n t i a l l y the same p o i n t i n The Clash of Cultures, p. 247, where he w r i t e s : "The slave t r a d e , which so a p p a l l e d western observers, was.partly a r e f l e c t i o n of the demands of western c i v i l i z a t i o n f o r i v o r y to grace the piano keyboards and d r e s s i n g t a b l e s of m i d d l e - c l a s s homes." 214. O r w e l l , Burmese Bays, p. 31. 215. P h i l i p Woodruff, The Men Who Ruled India: The Guardians (Lon-don: Jonathan Cape, 1963), I I , p. 240. 216. Ibid. , p. 241. 217. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 31. 218. O r w e l l , Inside the Whale and Other Essays, p. 92. The use of phrases l i k e "saecula saeculorum," i t might be noted, contravenes Or-w e l l ' s l a t e r n o t i o n t h a t "bad w r i t e r s , and e s p e c i a l l y s c i e n t i f i c , p o l i t i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l w r i t e r s , are n e a r l y always haunted by the n o t i o n that L a t i n or Greek words are grander than Saxon ones" though of course Orwell w r i t e s that i f we look back on h i s essay P o l i t i c s and the English Language, p. 154, we are c e r t a i n to f i n d "that I have again and again committed the very f a u l t s I am p r o t e s t i n g a g a i n s t . " The p o i n t I wish to make here i s that Orwell's a t t r a c t i o n to such phrases, d e s p i t e h i s h i g h l e v e l of consciousness about them, t e s t i f i e s to the d i f f i c u l t y of shaking our " h a b i t " of surrendering to ready-made phrases. 219. Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict, p. 166. 220. Orwell, Inside the Whale and Other Essays, p. 95. 221. Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict, pp. 170-71. Although Dahrendorf i s discussing a more modern and complex society than that discussed i n Burmese Days, I do not believe that the line i s sometimes as d i f f i c u l t to discern as he states. The important.point here, I think, i s that the ruled simply have more of an effect upon the rulers than we might previously have imagined. 222. Cairns, The Clash of Cultures, p. 245. 223. Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict, p. 171. 224. Ibid. , pp. 171-72. 225. Orwell, The Road to Wigan Pier, p. 124. 226. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 32. 227. Ibid. , p. 92. 228. In The Road to Wigan Pier, pp. 120-34, Orwell gives a detailed account of how strong his Burmese experience proved to be in his view of, and determination to investigate, the English working class. 229. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 28. 230. In The Clash of Cultures, p. 92, Cairns notes the existence of the same analogy i n imperialist Africa and also mentions that "the most explicit indication of the denial of equality of rac i a l and cul-tural status i s seen in the very widespread comparison of the African to a child." (See above, p. 68.) 231. Orwell, The Road to Wigan Pier, p. 130. 2321 Ibid. , p. 124. 233. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 121. 234. Ibid. , p. 124. 235. Ibid. , p. 126. 236. Ibid. , p. 123. 237. Ibid. , p. 131. 238. Ibid. , p. 117. Mannoni in Prospero and Caliban, p. I l l , sug-gests that such feelings result from "repressed tendencies towards sadism, rape, or incest" which both "frightens and fascinates us" and are "projected on to others" in an effort to r i d ourselves both of fear and guilt. The only explicit- case of repressed sexuality coming to the surface i n Burmese Days, I think, occurs during the hunting t r i p (pp. 149-65) when E l i z a b e t h t r e m b l e s w i t h e x c i t e m e n t b e f o r e t h e k i l l and upon b e i n g t o l d about F l o r y ' s t i g e r s h o o t she " w r i g g l e d h e r s h o u l d e r - b l a d e s a g a i n s t t h e c h a i r . I t was a movement t h a t she made sometimes when she was d e e p l y p l e a s e d . She l o v e d F l o r y , r e a l l y l o v e d h i m , when he t a l k e d l i k e t h i s . The most t r i v i a l s c r a p o f i n f o r m a t i o n about s h o o t i n g t h r i l l e d h e r . " (Burmese Days, p. 153.) 239. O r w e l l , The Road to Wigan Pier, p. 125. 240. Ibid. , p. 112. 241. Ibid. .. 242. M a n n o n i , a l t h o u g h he says t h a t s m e l l does n o t f i g u r e i n any p r e j u d i c e t h e M a l a g a s y may have a g a i n s t t h e w h i t e c o l o n i a l , f o r example, does m e n t i o n t h a t t h e l a t t e r ' s s m e l l i s c r i t i c i z e d by t h e n a t i v e s . I n any e v e n t i t i s most d e f i n i t e l y n o t i c e d and c r i t i c i z e d . (See Prospero and Caliban, p. 117.) 243. T h i s a n a l o g y w i t h c h i l d r e n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t i n t h e number o f t i m e s Ma H l a May i s r e f e r r e d t o as "a d o l l . E a r l y i n t h e n o v e l O r w e l l d e s c r i b e s h e r as b e i n g " l i k e a d o l l , w i t h h e r o v a l , , s t i l l f a c e t h e c o l o u r of new c o p p e r , and h e r n a rrow e y e s ; an o u t l a n d i s h d o l l and y e t a g r o t e s q u e l y b e a u t i f u l one." L a t e r , upon s e e i n g Ma H l a May f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e , E l i z a b e t h L a c k e r s t e e n e x h i b i t s s u r p r i s e , commenting, "Oh, i s that what Burmese women a r e l i k e ? They are queer l i t t l e c r e a -t u r e s ! . . . T hey're j u s t l i k e a k i n d o f D u t c h d o l l , a r e n ' t t h e y ? " A g a i n when E l i z a b e t h isi d e s c r i b i n g Ma H l a May t o h e r aunt she d e p i c t s h e r as "such a queer l i t t l e t h i n g - she'was a l m o s t l i k e a d o l l w i t h h e r round y e l l o w f a c e and h e r b l a c k h a i r screwed up on t o p . " (See Burmese Days, pp. 50, 84, and 95.) 244. F o r an e x t r e m e l y i n t e r e s t i n g and, I t h i n k , p e r c e p t i v e a c c o u n t o f t h e s e dependence r e l a t i o n s h i p s see C h a p t e r I I I , The Threat of Aban-donment, i n Prospero and Caliban, pp. 61-88. 245. I n Prospero and Caliban, Mannoni d e s c r i b e s how " t h e most im p o r -t a n t f a c t o r i n M a l a g a s y f a m i l y l i f e i s a body o f customs o r b e l i e f s , c o h e r e n t , . f i r m , and d e e p - r o o t e d , g e n e r a l l y known b y t h e name o f a n c e s t o r w o r s h i p , o r t h e c u l t of t h e dead." (See p. 49, Prospero and Caliban.) He c a u t i o n s us a g a i n s t assuming " w i t h t h e broadmindedness we b e l i e v e t o be a p r o d u c t o f c i v i l i z a t i o n , t h a t 'every c o u n t r y h a s i t s customs,' and t h e M a l a g a s y w i l l echo us i n one o f h i s p r o v e r b s " w a r n i n g t h a t t o us (Europeans) "customs a r e s i m p l y p r e j u d i c e s towards which, we may be t o l e r a n t o r i n d u l g e n t , whereas t o t h e M a l a g a s y t h e y a r e l i t e r a l l y l i f e -g i v i n g ; t h e y a r e t h e b a s i s o f h i s w h ole e x i s t e n c e and n o t mere e c c e n -t r i c i t i e s f o r w h i c h he must be p a r d o n e d . " (See p. 55, Prospero and Caliban.) Mannoni does n o t c o n f i n e h i s examples o f dependency and f e a r o f abandonment t o t h e M a l a g a s i e s b u t r e p o r t s how C o n g o l e s e p a t i e n t s demands f o r c o m p e n s a t i o n a f t e r b e i n g t r e a t e d by d o c t o r s were r e g a r d e d as s h o c k i n g r e v e r s a l s o f t h e " ' n o r m a l ' s i t u a t i o n " ' ( i . e . o f European e x p e c t a t i o n s ) , b u t how a s t r o n g dependency was e s t a b l i s h e d when t h e " c u r e d man s a y s to t h e d o c t o r : 'Your h e r b s c u r e d me. You are now my white man. Please to give me a k n i f e , 1 and he adds, 'T shall always come to beg of you.1" (See p. 45, Prospero and Caliban.) He a l s o records how a Mr. Wil l i a m s wrote of a F i j i a n p a t i e n t who, once having asked f o r , and being given, food, "deemed himself a t l i b e r t y to beg anything he wanted, and abuse me [Williams] i f I refused h i s unreasonable request. . ... Again, an i n j u r e d man.was t r e a t e d , but when he was refused something he had asked f o r he 'showed h i s sense of o b l i g a t i o n by burning down one of the captain's drying-houses, con-t a i n i n g f i s h to the value of three hundred d o l l a r s . ' " (See p. 45, Pros-pero and Caliban.) 246. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban, p. 136. 247. Ibid. , p. 134. 248. See above, n. 26. 249. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 182. See a l s o p. 106. 250. Ibid. 252. Maung H t i n Aung, "George Orwell and Burma," i n The World of George Orwell, ed. by Miriam Gross (London: Weidenfeld and N i c o l s o n , 1971), p. 20. -253. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 28. 254. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban, p. 134. 255. Stansky and Abrahams, The Unknown Orwell, p. 172. 256. Ibid. , p. 170. 257. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 148. 258. Ibid. , p. 147. 259. Ibid. , p. 148. 260. Ibid., p. 31. 261. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban, p. 44. 262. Ibid., p. 10. 263. Ibid., p. 122. 264. Ibid. , p. 258. 265. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban, p. 44. 266. O r w e l l , Burmese Days, p. 25. 267. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban, p. 87. 268. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 233. 269. Peter Bachrach and Morton S. Baratz, "Two Faces of Power," in A p o l i t i c a l P o l i t i c s , ed. by Charles A. McCoy and John Playford (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1967), p. 157. 270. Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict in I n d u s t r i a l Society, p. 171. 271. E.E. Schattschneider, The Semi-Sovereign People (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), p. 71. Quoted in Bachrach and Baratz, Two Faces, of Power, p. 150. 272. Ibid. , p. 152. 273. For examples of a "burra memsahib's" outlook and behaviour see Burmese Days, pp. 27-28 and 272. 274. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 29. 275. Bachrach and Baratz, Two Faces of Power, p. 157. 276. In Burmese Days, Orwell writes that "(perhaps'the most important of a l l the Ten Precepts of the pukka sahib)" is "not to entangle oneself in 'native' quarrels." (See p. 75.) 277. Ibid. , p. 222. 278. Ibid. , p. 31. 279. U Po Kyin was very much aware of this fact and sent one of his anonymous letters to Mrs. Lackersteen recognizing "the power of European women." (See Burmese Days, p. 130.) 280. Cairns, The Clash of Cultures, pp. 226-27. Cairns writes: "The problem which bedevilled the missionary attitude to colonization and com-merce was the dichotomy between the desire for communities of God-fearing white Christians and the fear that i n fact future settlements of whites could be conspicuously deficient in men possessed of the Christian char-acteristics described by Thomson." (The Clash of Cultures, p. 226.) Though Kyauktada is in Burma one cannot help but think that this small settlement i s an example of what the missionaries in Africa were afraid of, particularly as i t i s partly exemplified in the lackadaisical char-acter of Mr. Lackersteen and the vindictiveness of E l l i s who i s generally enraged by the possibility that the natives might think that they are equal to the whites and so exclaims, "What bloody fools we were ever to l e t those missionaries loose in this country! . . . Teaching bazaar sweepers they're as good as we are." (See Burmese Days, p. 26.) 281. Orwell, Burmese Days, p?j, 69. .282. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 272. The fate of Elizabeth is partic-ularly interesting when one reads in Prospero and Caliban that "At least one element in this feminine racialism i s over-compensation for an i n -f e r i o r i t y complex similar to that of nouvelle-riahes in Europe, whose relations with their domestic servants and social inferiors bear the stamp of over-compensation. There is undoubtedly some sexual tinge to i t too: the white woman is constantly trying to impress i t on the white man's unconscious that there can be no possible comparison between her-self and the Malagasy [native] woman. As for her attitude to the Mala-gasy man, the power of issuing tyrannical orders to him no doubt satis-fies her unconscious urge to dominate a male figure." (See Prospero and Caliban, p. 116.) 283. R.W. Sutherland, Jr., "The P o l i t i c a l Ideas of George Orwell: A Liberal's Odyssey in the Twentieth Century" (unpublished Ph.D. disser-tation, Duke University, 1968 - on Microfilm by Microfilm, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1969), p. 43. 284. Stansky and Abrahams, The Unknown Orwell, p. 171. 285. Orwell, Burmese Days, p. 28. 286. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban, p. 132. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY A l l d r i t t , K e i t h . The Making of George Orwell. London: Edward A r n o l d , 1969. A t k i n s , John. George Orwell. London: John Calder, 1954. 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