UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Activity patters : their relation to the design of low income housing Fukui, June 1969

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1969_A8 F84.pdf [ 7.94MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0102303.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0102303-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0102303-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0102303-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0102303-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0102303-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0102303-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0102303-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0102303.ris

Full Text

ACTIVITY PATTERNS: THEIR RELATION TO THE DESIGN OF LOW INCOME HOUSING by JUNE FUKUI B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1%6 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the School of COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA MAY, 1969 In present ing th is thesis in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and Study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representa t ives . It is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of th is thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permission. Department of COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada MAY, 1969. ( i ) ABSTRACT The study hypothesizes that the working c l a s s have evolved a d i s t i n c t i v e l i f e s t y l e , i n terms o f s t a b l e and r e c u r r i n g a c t i v i t y and behaviour p a t t e r n s . I t i s argues t h a t thorough knowledge and understanding of these p a t t e r n s can p r o v i d e meaningful design requirements f o r the p l a n n i n g of new r e s i d e n t i a l areas or f o r the redevelopment of the present "grey" areas i n c e n t r a l c i t i e s . A review of l i t e r a t u r e p e r t i n e n t to the working c l a s s and low income housing suggested t h a t the housing p r i o r i t i e s o f the working c l a s s r evolve f i r s t around a t t a i n i n g home ownership and secondly around l o c a t i n g c onveniently near b a s i c contacts, t h a t i s , work, s t o r e s and f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s . Without an adequate supply of low income housing, the p o s s i b i l -i t i e s o f home ownership are n e g l i g i b l e . Thus, the t h e s i s i n v e s t i g a t e d two o b s t a c l e s h i n d e r i n g increases i n the low income housing supply. They a r e : ( l ) the h e s i t a n c y to accept non-convential c o n s t r u c t i o n techniques and (2) the l a c k o f governmental i n i t i a t i v e i n c r e a t i n g d i r e c t i ncreases t o low i n -come housing supply. I n general terms, i t i s suggested t h a t l a r g e s c a l e i n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d i n g w i l l p r o v i d e a promising s o l u t i o n t o the problem of high housing costs but a l s o t h a t , i n accepting mass system housing, the n e c e s s i t y o f thoroughly s t u d y i n g the people f o r whom the housing i s c o n s t r u c t -ed must be recognized. Innovative governmental programs, f o r example, the turn-key techniques, show p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f s a t i s f y i n g the high p r i o r i t y need of the working c l a s s , t h a t i s , t h e s e c u r i t y o f tenure or more simply, home ownership* The l i t e r a t u r e reviewed a l s o i n d i c a t e d that the l o c a t i o n a l preferences of the working c l a s s were dependent upon t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a v a i l a b i l i t y and costs t o work, the nearness t o employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s and the convenience t o soc-i a l , commercial and other l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s . These f a c t o r s a r e , t h e r e f o r e , considered important r e q u i s i t e s i n the l o c a t i o n o f low income housing* A study o f working c l a s s a c t i v i t y and behaviour i n v o l v e d an a p p r a i s a l o f t h e i r a t t i t u d e s and preferences. A short over-view of e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e i n v e s t i g a t i n g working c l a s s a t t i t u d e s i n the areas of the f a m i l y , t he home, the neighbourhood and consumer behaviour i s presented,, ( i i ) The primary analysis involved a detailed study of working class activities and behaviour. Basically four studies were used to document the stable and routine activity patters of the working class. The use of information culled from these studies i s subject to many limitations. However, i t i s f e l t that the material does indicate several spatially significant working class ac t i v i t y patterns. A comparison of acti v i t i e s and existing physical planning c r i t e r i a i s used to suggest the areas of compatability and conflict between the activities and the c r i t e r i a . The comparison also gives evidence of charact-er i s t i c working class activities that are not generally considered i n terms of the spatial arrangements that the activities suggest. It i s suggested that the descriptive evidence provided i s sufficient to indicate the distinctiveness of working class ac t i v i t i e s and behaviour. From a planning point of view, the implications derived from the spatial patterning of their activities suggest distinctive design c r i t e r i a for the planning of low income working class communities. To conclude, planning which focuses on integrating the surrounding neighbourhood and the local f a c i l i t i e s with the home area would accommodate the familiar activity patterns of the working class. i i i A CKNOWLEDGMENT My thanks extends to Dr. Robert C o l l i e r and Pr o f e s s o r Brahm Wiseman f o r t h e i r guidance, I am s i n c e r e l y g r a t e f u l to Mrs. N.J. Weir f o r her concern and f o r her u n f a i l i n g p atience i n t y p i n g the T h e s i s . (iv) TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE III INTRODUCTION. Nature o f Problem Or g a n i z a t i o n o f Thesis D e f i n i t i o n o f Terms The Hypothesis Some Considerations I I LOW INCOME HOUSING. Some Considerations Large Scale Housing and Industrialized Building Government Programs and Subsidies Locational Preferences WORKING CLASS: ATTITUDES AND PREFERENCES.. 2k The Family The Home The Neighbourhood Social Relationships Participation i n Organizations and Clubs Consumer Behaviour IV ACTIVITY ANALYSIS 36 Method of Investigation Limitations of Study Analysis and Summary Conclusion BIBLIOGRAPHY 51 APPENDIX 56 (v) LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1 A Comparison of B u i l d i n g Methods 10 2 Non-Farm Incomes and Family Incomes of NHA Borrowers f or New Housing, Canada, 1964 14 3 Car Ownership by Income Group: 1964 . 20 4 Car Ownership by Occupation Group: 1964 20 5 Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n on Selected Expenditures, By Occupation; 1964 ... 29 6 Expenditure Patterns by Occupation: 1964 20 7 A c t i v i t y - C r i t e r i a I n t e r a c t i o n Table. 42-43 8 Selected A c t i v i t y Expenditures by Income Groups: 1964 61-62 (vi) LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE I Housing P r i o r i t y S h i f t s 6 I I Percent of Employment i n C e n t r a l C i t i e s by Indu s t r y ^ CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. Nature of the Problem Problems of urban l i v i n g are not l i m i t e d t o the poor. I t has become apparent, however, t h a t the s t r e s s e s o f high rates o f unemployment, low wages, inadequate housing, poor s c h o o l i n g , neglect o f p u b l i c s e r v i c e s and the b i l k i n g o f merchants 1 have more aggravating and acute impact on the lower c l a s s . The s t r a t e g i e s f o r a l l e v i a t i n g these s t r e s s e s have been s t a t e d and r e s t a t e d i n a m u l t i t u d e o f ways. B a s i c a l l y , three programs are suggested, one i n v o l v e s a d i r e c t income change through p r o v i d i n g employment and/or r a i s i n g the n a t i o n a l minimum l e v e l o f income; another, i n v o l v e s p r o v i d i n g relevant s o c i a l and w e l f a r e s e r v i c e s ; and a t h i r d i n v o l v e s improving the s o c i a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e o f the neighbourhood i n which 2 the poor l i v e . These programs, i n one form or i n a combination of forms, e x i s t i n both Canada and the United S t a t e s , But, as Moynihan and others have p o i n t e d out " i t i s not i n any way p o s s i b l e f o r the problems of the American poor t o be solved i n i s o l a t i o n . We have got t o b u i l d a Great Soc i e t y t h a t r e s t s on the p r o v i s i o n s o f reasonable expectations f o r everyo not j u s t the poor, but f o r a l l o f the n o n - p r o f e s s i o n a l , non-managerial wag 3 workers of the n a t i o n . " The concern of t h i s t h e s i s i s t h i s group of non-p r o f e s s i o n a l , non-managerial wage workers, t h a t i s , the working class.. What a p p l i c a b i l i t y does the urban planner have, however, i n seeking s o l u t i o n s to the problems of lower income populations? The urban planner': r o l e , perhaps l e s s j u s t i f i a b l e i n the areas of e s t a b l i s h i n g economic and s o c i a l w e l f a r e p o l i c i e s , i s h i g h l y r e l e v a n t i n the area o f o p t i m i z i n g the p h y s i c a l environment. M e l v l n Webber s t a t e s , "Planning i n a democratic 1 S.M. M i l l e r , "The New Working C l a s s " , i n Blue C o l l a r World, ed.by A.B. Shostak and W. Gomberg, (Englewood C l i f f s : P r e n t i c e H a l l , 19< P.9. 2 S.M. M i l l e r , "The American Lower C l a s s e s : A T y p o l o g i c a l Approach" i n . B l u e , C o l l a r World, ed. by A.B. Shostak and W. Gomberg, p.18. D. Moynihan, "Three Problems i n Combating Poverty" i n Poverty i n America, ed, by, Margaret S. Gordon, (San F r a n c i s c o : Chandler P u b l i s h i n g Co., 1963) p . 3 L - 2 -society i s being seen as a process by which the community seeks to increase the individuals opportunities to choose for himself, including the freedom to consume the society's produce and the freedom to choose to be d i f f e r e n t " . ^ Broadly, t h i s above goal of freedom and choice defines the optimum physical environment. The attainment of t h i s goal, i n the author's opinion, requires acceptance of Bennet Berger's p l u r a l i s t approach, that i s , that more or less autonomous groups and neighbourhoods have formed and w i l l form on the basis of ethnicity and s o c i a l class.^ Planning for types of people with d i s t i n c t l i v i n g styles rather than for "faceless densities with a given amount of disposable income for house".^ w i l l be planning for people. In the words of Berger, "to plan cogently for optimal d i v e r s i t y i n tomorrow's urban world, we need the ethnographic s e n s i t i v i t y to describe the d i v e r s i t i e s 7 of urban behaviour and to discover the norms which constrain them". Characteristic of the above approach i s the disregard for planning decisions based on i n t u i t i o n and precedence. The type of planning that must be carried on to improve the p r o b a b i l i t y of creating Webber's community w i l l necessarily have to be based on detailed knowledge of the diverse groups i n our c i t i e s . The s p e c i f i c concern of t h i s thesis i s , thus, the a c t i v i t y and behaviour patterns of the working class and the physical environment. The thesis has two objectives: (1) to study the characteristics of the working class pertinent to t h e i r behaviour i n and t h e i r attitude towards the r e s i d e n t i a l area, (2) to translate these behavioural characteristics to planning and design c r i t e r i a . The aim of establishing planning c r i t e r i a i s not to achieve planned housing which s a t i s f i e s the present preferences of a group located i n a s p e c i f i c geographia area but to s a t i s f y those preferences of working class individuals and households who may s e t t l e i n a given area, namely, a working class area. These objectives are based on the premises that planning must i n large part be concerned with an objective appraisal of human a c t i v i t y patterns and that ^ M. Webber, "Comprehensive Planning and Social Responsibility", i n Urban Planning, ed. by Bernard Frieden, (New York: Basic Books,1968), p. 18. 5 B.Berger, "Suburbs, Subcultures and the Urban Future", i n Planning  for a Nation of C i t i e s , ed. by S.B. Warner, (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1966), p.160. 6 I b i d . 7 I b i d . , p.162. - 3 -g "consumer s a t i s f a c t i o n with housing...does not begin and end with a house" but does, indeed, extend to the surrounding neighbourhood* B. Organization of the Thesis The organization of the thesis i s designed within the following framework. In the following sections a discussion of the relevant terms, the derived hypothesis and some basic considerations w i l l be presented. The second chapter w i l l delve more deeply into the considerations which i t i s suggested have influenced the provision of low income housing. The l a s t chapters w i l l f i r s t explain the method by which the data on working class a c t i v i t i e s and behaviour has been collected and translated to planning c r i t e r i a . A discussion of the working class a c t i v i t y patternsand t h e i r design implications w i l l follow. C. D e f i n i t i o n of terms Included i n the low income category are: single persons earning $2,000, two person families earning $3,800, three or four person families earning $4,000, and f i v e or more person families earning $5,000. Parenthet-i c a l l y , i n 1961, 4 l per cent of the non-farm Canadian population was included 9 i n t h i s low income cut-off. The lower class i s generally divided into two sectors. The "poor" or lower lower class are those whose income i s less than $3,000. The income range of the working class or upper lower class f a l l s between $3,000 and $5,999. These figures are i n terms of 1961 d o l l a r s . A member of the working class i s considered to be a manual worker employed as a craftsman, foreman, s k i l l e d or u n s k i l l e d operator i n a factory or as a manual worker i n a service, transportation or primary industry. The l e v e l of education w i l l generally range from seven to eleven y e a r s . 1 1 g Cited Nathan Glazer, i n Urban Housing, ed. by William Wheaton, Grace Milgram, Margy E. Myerson, (New York: Free Press, 1966) p. 180. o Economic Council of Canada, The Challenge of Growth and Change, F i f t h Annual Review, (Ottawa, Queen's P r i n t e r , September, 1968), P.110, 1 0 N.K.Dhalla, These Canadians, (Toronto, McGraw-Hill, 1966), p.211. 1 1 I b i d . - 4 -D. The Hypothesis: Affected by a common set of factors, including education, income, family structure and occupation, the lower classes are characterized by 12 some d i s t i n c t s o c i a l behavioural patters. Many of the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s , represent p o s i t i v e adaptions to t h e i r available resources and to t h e i r peculiar environmental s i t u a t i o n . I t i s , thus, hypothesized that i n some  area of l i f e , the lower class, s p e c i f i c a l l y the working or "blue C o l l a r " class, have evolved d i s t i n c t i v e a c t i v i t y and behaviour patterns which can  provide meaningful design requirements for r e s i d e n t i a l planning. Para-phrasing Marc F r i e d , unless an accurate image of the working class population and t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l areas i s acquired, efforts at understanding working class goals or at guiding change i n working class communities are l i k e l y to 13 be misdirected. E. Some Considerations Guided by the above hypothesis, research regarding the value orient-ations and a c t i v i t i e s of the working class w i l l be carried out. The planning c r i t e r i a established w i l l e s s e n t i a l l y be requirements drawn from t h i s research. The c r i t e r i a , however, w i l l also be influenced by the following considerations: (1) The high costs associated with the provision of conventionally constructed single family housing suggest that large scale housing u t i l i z i n g i n d u s t r i a l -ized building techniques be incorporated i n a plan for low income housing. (2) In that private investment i n the high r i s k low p r o f i t housing market i s inadequate, governments might react to the housing shortage of the lower income groups by stimulating a c t i v i t y i n t h i s sector of the housing market. Government a c t i v i t y i n increasing home owner-ship opportunities for the lower income groups appears p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant. See, for example, Charles A. Valentine, Culture and Poverty, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968). Marc Fried and Peggy Gleicher, "Some Sources of Residential Satisfaction i n an Urban Slum", Journal of the American  I n s t i t u t e of Planners, (November, 1962), p.312. - 5 -The above considerations, i t i s thought, are requisite to increasing the supply of low income housing. As w e l l , a t h i r d consideration suggested by existing working class studies was: (3) The narrow housing choices open to low income groups necessitates greater consideration of the location of low income housing. Although spe c i f i c preferences f o r housing location do not dominate the housing choices made, several factors have influenced and w i l l influence the r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n of low income groups. Aside from the h i s t o r i c a l factors, the pertinent factors are considered to be: the desire to minimize transportation costs, the need to be accessible to the greates number and variety of jobs and the desire to be conveniently located near stores, friends and r e l a t i v e s and other l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s . CHAPTER I I LOW INCOME HOUSING Some Considerations Although the following table has been derived from studies of shanty slums i n developing countries, the concept involved appears applicable to the movement of r u r a l and immigrant people to large urban centers i n developed countries l i k e Canada and the United States. The studies, conducted by John Turner, concluded that "urban in-migrants have three p r i o r i t i e s by which they evaluate t h e i r l i v i n g requirements; ( l ) location, (2) land tenure and security, (3) amenity".'^4' FIGURE I HOUSING PRIORITY SHIFTS BRIDGEHEADER SQUATTER SUBSISTENCE 3 TIMES 8 TIMES INCOME FIGURE 1 The graph illustrates priority shifts that accompany increasing urbanization and affluence of urban migrants. Thre points on the income axis are particularly significant. The first, the subsistance level of income, is that poir where virtually the only priority for housing is LOCATION. The settler's shelter must be located in or near an ur-ban center, where food and jobs are most readily available. At approximately three times subsistence, the.urban set-tler's top priority becomes SECURITY and LAND TENURE, and he placed less emphasis on location. His statu; changes from Bridgeheader to Squatter and he moves out of the central area*. At eight times subsistence, AMENITY ' becomes the dominant priority and he begins to value significant commitments to his house. Source: Neal M i t c h e l l and Donald Turner, Squatter Housing:  C r i t e r i a for Development. Directions for P o l i c y . United Nations Seminar, (Information Document 19, 1967). Neal M i t c h e l l and Donald Ian Turner, Squatter Housing: C r i t e r i a for  Development, Directions for P o l i c y , (United Nations Seminar on Pre-fabrication of houses for Latin America, Information Document No.19, 1967), P.3. - 6 -- 7 -The thought i s that these p r i o r i t i e s s h i f t as the migrant becomes increasingly urbanized and affluent. To draw the analogy, l e t us compare those below the North American poverty l e v e l to the "bridgeheader", that i s } t h e recently arrived immigrant. These "poor" place high p r i o r i t y on location and w i l l , thus, accept "crowded and unsanitary conditions with high a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the urban core"."'"'' The working class with incomes below $5,000 would, with respect to t h i s system of p r i o r i t i e s , f a l l between the bridgeheader and the squatter - the emphasis on location begins to decline and a higher p r i o r i t y i s placed on security. Following, as the migrant gains economic security, amenity begins to become the more dominant p r i o r i t y . The suggestion i s , therefore, that housing for the low income working class must be looked at i n a way which f i r s t considers the security needs of the working class and secondly the loc a t i o n a l preferences. The problem of id e n t i f y i n g how the search for security i s demonstrated i n the attitudes and a c t i v i t i e s of the working class and of r e l a t i n g these attitudes and a c t i v i t i e s to the planning of working class r e s i d e n t i a l areas forms the basis of t h i s t h e s i s . In addition, however, a study of how low income housing can be adequately provided to ensure "decent housing for a l l ....people""^ i s needed. Without an adequate supply of low income housing the feeling of security gained by owning one's home or having a home i s hardly attainable. The following are suggested as factors which have i n h i b i t e d the provision of adequate low income housing: ( l ) the hesitancy to accept non-conventional housing construction techniques, (2) the lack of governmental i n i t i a t i v e i n promoting direct increases i n the low income housing supply. Two concerns of t h i s chapter are, therefore: one, an examination of large scale i n d u s t r i a l i z e d building as a technique f o r providing increased numbers of housing within the range of lower income groups, and two, some government programs and subsidy techniques which are aimed towards securing home ownership p o s s i b i l i t i e s for the lower income groups. A t h i r d concern of t h i s chapter deals with the second order p r i o r i t y , that i s , the l o c a t i o n a l preferences of the working class. I b i d . U.S.President, "Special Message to Congress on Housing and Community Development, March 10, 1961", cit e d i n Community  and Privacy, ed. by Chermayoff and C. Alexander, (Garden Ci t y : Anchor Books, 1965), p.29. - 8 -Large Scale Industrialized Building The shortage of decent low income housing can contribute to poverty by depriving many families of income they need for other purposes. Homes at lower costs must be made available so as not to force those i n the $3,000 to $5,000 income category to l i v e i n substandard housing or to pay a disprop-ortionate share of t h e i r income on housing. Land, the servicing of land, construction costs, f i n a n c i a l arrangements - a l l influence the f i n a l p r i c e of housing. Attempts at reducing or s t a b i l i z i n g increases i n these areas have involved government land assembly and servicing, large scale i n d u s t r i a l i z e d building, f i n a n c i a l arrangements involving insured loans and other subsidies. In terms of t h i s t h e s i s , the implications of large scale i n d u s t r i a l i z e d build-ing and government programs and subsidies are of greatest concern. Mass housing constructed by i n d u s t r i a l i z e d processes has created i n -creased opportunities for improving the r e s i d e n t i a l environment but also has raised new questions regarding housing design. I t i s proposed, therefore, that i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n as a solution for providing "quicker and cheaper construction and for housing a maximum of people i n a minimum of time" i s 17 desirable but only i f "appropriate consideration i s given to human needs". Because whole neighbourhood environments w i l l be l argely predetermined, the occupiers of large scale developments w i l l have no control other than that they have chosen or have been chosen to l i v e there. As CB. Wurster points out: "the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the decision makers to choose the right type of 18 dwelling for the people destined to l i v e i n i t i s greatly increased". I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i s not intended to "refer only to dry, pre-cast, 19 pre-formed, pre-engineered or pre-fabricated construction" but also to the co-ordination of a l l the sub-processes - the design, the production of _ ——— C. Rambert, "Man and the Large Machined Unit" i n Towards  Industrialized Building, Proceedings of the Third CIB Congress, (Amsterdam: Elsevier Publishing Company, 1 9 6 6 ) , p.428. 18 CB. Wurster, "Social Questions i n Housing and Community Planning", i n Urban Housing, ed. by William Wheaton, Grace Milgram, Margy E. Heyerson, (New York: Free Press, 1966) 19 "Systems Building: What i t r e a l l y means", Special Report No.9, Architectural Record, January, 1969, p.147. - 9 -components, t he o n - s i t e work - i n v o l v e d i n b u i l d i n g ; t o the r e d u c t i o n of labour by the use of mechanized and automated processes. The f o l l o w i n g apt summary i s provided by G. Bla c h e r e : "The equation: I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n = R a t i o n a l i z a t i o n + Mechanization + Automation i s a 20 fundamental one i n a l l endeavours to improve the b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r y " . I n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d i n g methods have o f f e r e d some promising s o l u t i o n s f o r the low income housing dilemma. C o l l i n s , f o r example, a f t e r studying mass pro d u c t i o n techniques developed i n European c o u n t r i e s , reported t h a t "the p o s s i b i l i t i e s and economics o f systems b u i l d i n g has long s i n c e been t e s t e d and proven on the other s i d e o f the A t l a n t i c and 21 p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r h i g h r i s e housing i n urban areas". What are some o f the p o t e n t i a l advantages o f i n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d i n g ? I t has been s t a t e d t h a t t o s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i o n of labour o r t o s u b s t a n t i a l l y reduce the manpower necessary to c a r r y out th e l a r g e s c a l e c o n s t r u c t i o n programs, e s p e c i a l l y the re d u c t i o n o f h i g h l y s k i l l e d s p e c i a l i z e d workmanship, can o n l y be r e a l i z e d v i a i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . The shortening o f b u i l d i n g time and the r e d u c t i o n o f working hours devoted t o o n - s i t e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the d w e l l i n g are two other p o s s i b l e advantages. The r e p e t i t i v e p r o d u c t i o n o f l a r g e numbers o f s i m i l a r components r a t h e r than unique components w i l l work t o decrease c o s t s . I f c o n s t r u c t i o n can be completed i n a s h o r t e r p e r i o d of time, then the len g t h o f time which the c a p i t a l i s t i e d up un p r o d u c t i v e l y can be reduced, and thus, reduce the costs o f b u i l d i n g . As w e l l , shortening o n - s i t e c o n s t r u c t i o n time w i l l reduce t h e dependence upon c l i m a t i c f a c t o r s . A f i n a l advantage i s the 22 p o s s i b i l i t y o f securing a standardized h i g h q u a l i t y r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t . The e f f i c i e n c y o f i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o n s t r u c t i o n i s borne out by the f o l l o w i n g examples. Russian data i n d i c a t e s t h a t as a r e s u l t o f ''reduction o f labour and m a t e r i a l consumption, weight o f b u i l d i n g s and c o n s t r u c t i o n 20 G. Bla c h e r e , "The Consequences o f the Open System on Design and I n t e g r a t i o n " i n Towards I n d u s t r i a l i z e d B u i l d i n g , p.238. 21 j.M. C o l l i n s , "A New Approach t o Urban Housing i n Canada", i n A r c h i t e c t u r e Canada, August, 1968, p.45. 22 G. Bl a c h e r e , "Report on I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n " , B u i l d i n g Research  and Documentation. (Amsterdam: E l s e v i e r P u b l i s h i n g Co.,1961), P.479. - 10 -time" i n d i c a t e d that i n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d i n g has been economically-advantageous. They s t a t e , "housing c o n s t r u c t i o n c a r r i e d out i n b i g complexes, r e s u l t s i n c u t t i n g down c o n s t r u c t i o n costs on the average o f 24 6 to 8 per cent". I n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d i n g methods i n East Germany have made i t " p o s s i b l e t o cut the average cost o f a f l a t roughly by 30 per cent 25 over a p e r i o d o f s i x years (196201968)" . The systems found most important were the l a r g e block system and the l a r g e p a n e l system. The f o l l o w i n g data provided i n d i c a t e s the increased p r o d u c t i v i t y a t t a i n e d : TABLE I A COMPARISON OF BUILDING METHODS Tradi t ional Large block Large panel b r i c k w o r k system system Productivity 1800 990 755 in average . ( including (including hours per prefabrication) prefabrication) dwelling Average time 10 months 7.5—8.5 5.5 months >-. required for per block month per per block erection o f 40 fiats block Weight per 380 k g 364 k g 323 k g cubic metre enclosed space Source: G. Herholdt, " I n d u s t r i a l i z e d P r e c a s t i n g and E r e c t i o n Techniques f o r Housing C o n s t r u c t i o n i n East German", i n Towards I n d u s t r i a l i z e d B u i l d i n g , p. 270, I n West Germany, "With a w e l l run p r o d u c t i o n p l a n t and continuous p r e - f a b r i c a t i o n o f components... 30 t o 40 d w e l l i n g s . . . u s i n g p r e - f a b r i c a t e d 26 concrete components have been erected i n a matter o f 22 weeks". 23 P. Gorbushin, S. Lazarewich, and B. Skorov, "Economic E f f i c i e n c y o f I n d u s t r i a l i z e d S t r u c t u r a l Designs of R e s i d e n t i a l , P u b l i c , and I n d u s t r i a l B u i l d i n g s i n the U.S.S.R.", i n Towards I n d u s t r i a l i z e d  B u i l d i n g , p. 289. I b i d . 24 25 G. Herholdt, " I n d u s t r i a l i z e d P r e c a s t i n g and E r e c t i o n Techniques f o r Housing Con s t r u c t i o n i n East Germany", i n Towards I n d u s t r i a l i z e d B u i l d i n g . p,270, 26 W. T r i e v e l , " P r e f a b r i c a t e d Component B u i l d i n g Methods and t h e i r L i m i t a t i o n s i n West Germany", i n Towards I n d u s t r i a l i z e d B u i l d i n g , P.313. - 11 -In comparison, "To carry out good and properly organized construction of the same sort and s i z e by other t r a d i t i o n a l methods, the time required i s at least 35 - 40 weeks for s i m i l a r buildings and under favourable con-d i t i o n s " . 2 7 The increased rate at which housing construction may be carried on can be noted i n the following American examples. Capsule Dwelling Inc., has constructed a 16 unit public housing project i n less than s i x weeks; the S t i r l i n g Homex Corporation has assembled the section of a townhouse at the rate of 1 every 45 minutes and thus can turn out an entire townhouse i n three hours; the San-Vel Corporation can erect prefabricated s h e l l s i n about 1 to 3 days and thus enable convential 28 construction of i t ' s i n t e r i o r protected from weather and vandalism. The recent HUD sponsored low cost experimental housing systems have resulted i n several promising proposals. For example, 591 square feet of l i v i n g space constructed of posts and panels of extruded asbestos cement assembled atop a concrete slab foundation can be constructed by CTX for about $6,000 (excluding land costs). The 676 square feet Dicker Stack-Sack home with walls composed of bags of concrete which have been submerged i n water, stacked and sprayed with a coating of cementatious material can be b u i l t for about $5,000 (exclusing land costs). The M i t c h e l l Framing System enables a 653.6 29 square foot house to be constructed for about $7,000 (excluding land costs). Labelled as "Tinkertoy Houses", Mitchell's units are based on a component system using four factory produced parts - a column, a cantilever beam, a t i e beam and a slab - that can be f i t t e d together on s i t e by unskilled workmen i n a variety of designs. The raw material used i s a lightweight "foam" concrete. Using t h i s system, i n Lancaster, Pennsylvania, a 1-bedroom u n i t , a 3-bedroom unit and a 5-bedroom unit demonstration project of 3590 square feet was b u i l t for a t o t a l cost of $40,000. Although the $11 per square foot 2 7 I b i d « "Instant Housing", Journal of Housing, No.9 (October 1968), p.468. Architectural Forum,(January/February, 1969), p,3. - 12 -cost does not put the houses within reach of the poorest low income fa m i l i e s , "with volume i t can drop down to about $8 per square foot, (say 2000 u n i t s ) " . 3 0 In the f i n a l analysis, however, the reports on i n d u s t r i a l i z e d building generally conclude that whether or not the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of building w i l l be a cheaper process than conventional methods depends on the programming and preparations and on the design. In Canada, for example, the slow acceptance of i n d u s t r i a l i z e d building has been attributed to such factors as: the lack of complete standardization of even the simplest building components and mod-ular construction; the lack of a f u l l understanding of the advantages of pre-fabrication and the lack of research and experimentation; the "hidden taxes", p r o v i n c i a l and federal sales taxes, on the materials at the manufacturing 31 stage which act to penalize prefabrication. On the other hand, i t was the conclusion of an American analysis of i n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d i n g that "large scale application of i n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d -ing systems i s not l i m i t e d by technological design or cost factos, but by 32 i n s t i t u t i o n a l constraints". Such i n s t i t u t i o n a l constraints are gradually being recognized. The United States Housing and Development Act of 1968, for example, "permits HUD to accept plans for large scale experimental housing projects put forth by public or private organizations that are capable of carrying them out". With the hope that " f i v e such projects w i l l not...produce a s i g n i f i c a n t stock of low cost housing,..they might lead-to new tested tech-33 nologies that can be applied on a national scale". As mentioned previously, from the proposals of eighty-eight builders, several experimental houses with-i n the $5,000 to $7,000 (excluding land costs) have been successfully b u i l t . 30 J Anthony J.Yudis, "Floating Concrete Can Save 30 Per Cent", (Boston Sunday Globe, July 7, 1968). 31 K. Holbeck, "Canadian Use of Precast Concrete Units", i n Towards Industrialized Building, p.273. 32 P h i l i p F. Polman, Vay Haverstine, Charles Szcespanski, Jack Warner, "Industrialized Building: A Comparative Analysis of European Experience", review i n Journal of Housing, July, 1968. 33 J J James Bailey, "Housing Yes, C i t i e s No", i n Architectural Forum, September, 1968, p.38. - 13 -Canada i s also beginning to recognize the need for government support. In the b r i e f presented by the Task Force on Housing for Urban Canada, the proposal that "the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of i n d u s t r i a l i z e d building on a further scale should be supported by further research funds, including the financing of p i l o t projects" was included i n the l i s t of recommend-ations concerning construction costs and techniques. Another major i n s t i t u t i o n a l constraint i s the li m i t a t i o n s and r e s t r i c t -ions imposed by the building codes. Building codes rarel y cover the new mat-e r i a l s used nor the various characteristics of the new s t r u c t u r a l components. The lengthy fight to build Project Phoenix, a low-cost housing scheme based on Neal Mitchell's "Framing System" i n Detroit, epitomizes the process one 3 5 must go through to get the approval of municipal building departments. Before a building permit can be issued, the safety of each new bui l d i n g tech-nique w i l l undoubtedly have to be thoroughly examined. This works to increase costs and i s thus a formidable obstacle. However, with the obvious interest of federal governments and with the construction of successful projects, (for example, the low cost housing development b u i l t i n Lancaster, Pennsylvania), the obstacles could conceivably disappear. What effect w i l l mass system housing have on the planning and design of low income housing i n North America? The answer to t h i s question, i t i s suggested, l i e s i n the approach architects have taken i n the design of the i n d i v i d u a l house. In planning a house, an architect's concern has been the l i s t of a c t i v i t i e s which the prospective occupant would want to carry on with-i n the space of the house, I d e a l l y , he would l e t the boundaries of space be delineated as a result of bounding the anticipated a c t i v i t i e s . The large scale and the increased rate of construction implied by mass system housing necess-i t a t e s a si m i l a r approach to the planning of t o t a l r e s i d e n t i a l communities. Intense thought must be given to "user" requirements. Design features of large scale low income housing have often emphasized "the generous amount of open space, a recreation and a community shelter", or "the landscaped pedest-r i a n mall". Yet, as i t i s pointed out by CB. Wurster, through learning how people move around, for what purpose, under varied l o c a l conditions and Report on the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development, January, 1969, (Ottawai Queers P r i n t e r ) , p.49» 3 5 "Phoeniz: Legend of Low Cost Housing Delays", Engineering News  Record. August 29, 1968, p.35» 36 Journal of Housing, January, 1968, p.10. - 14 -and with f u l l recognition of age-group and c u l t u r a l differences", i t should be possible to "envision new and more effective forms and com-37 binations of space and shelter". Government Subsidies and Programs Private investment i n the high r i s k low p r o f i t housing market has been inadequate and i t appears that governments must react to the low income housing shortage. Or as stated by William Ledbetter: "Building for those who cannot pay i s patently imprudent i n our c a p i t a l i s t society, and building so cheaply that those persons could afford to pay would only be erecting t o -morrow's slums...Some sort of government subsidized effort seems necessary 38 to provide decent housing for the low income group". I t has been suggested that the working class, the class with the upper income l e v e l of about $5 ,000, have been ignored i n government subsidy pro-grams. Their incomes, i t has been written, are too high f o r public housing but too low for private housing. For example, while 71 .4$ of the middle i n -come group, $ 6 , 0 0 0 - $10,000 were NHA borrowers i n 1967, only 10.956 of the 39 NHA borrowers were i n the $0 - $ 6 , 0 0 0 income range. TABLE 2 NON-FARM FAMILY INCOMES AND FAMILY INCOMES OF NHA BORROWERS FOR NEW HOUSING, CANADA, 1967 Family Income Per Cent within each p e r Cent NHA Income Group Borrowers $ 0 - 2 ,999 12.8 -3,000 - 3 ,999 7.7 .1 4,000 - 4 ,999 9.1 1.3 5,000 - 5,999 11.3 9.5 6,000 - 6 ,999 11.4 17.4 7,000 - 7 ,999 10.7 18.0 8,000 - 8,999 14.5 14.9 9,000 - 9,999 11.2 10,000 - 10 ,999 9.9 11,000 - 11,999 5.5 12,000 - 12,999 15.2 4 .9 13,000 - 13,999 2.3 14,000 - 14,999 1.5 15,000 - 7.3 3.5 Source; Central Housing and Mortgage, Canadian Housing Statistics,1967. 37 CB. Wurster, "Social Questions i n Housing and Community Planning", i n Urban Housing. ^ J i l l i a m H. Ledbetter, "Public Housing - A So c i a l Experiment" i n Law  and Contemporary Problems, V.32, September 1967, p.521. 39 Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation,Canadian Housing S t a t i s t i c s , -15 -Explorations into a variety of subsidy techniques have been more common i n the United States than i n Canada. Canada up to t h i s time has larg e l y been involved i n two areas only, that of government i n i t i a t e d and operated low income accommodation, and of insured lending provisions. As stated by Hellyer, the Minister i n charge of Housing, "with the possible exception of the *sweat equity* co-operative housing projects i n eastern Nova Scotia, the Task Force could f i n d no effective or organized system i n Canada whereby lower income families could aspire to home ownership"»^ As t h i s section i s interested i n investigating innovative government pro-grams and subsidy techniques aimed at providing housing and ownership oppor-t u n i t i e s for the working class, most of the discussion centers upon American examples. Some relevant American examples include The Model C i t i e s Program, the Turnkey techniques, and the l a t e s t 1968 Housing and Urban Development Act, T i t l e I . The Model C i t i e s Program, authorized i n 1966, provides supplement-ary funds to existing federal grant-in-aid programs. The hoped for r e s u l t was to create incentive for l o c a l concentration and co-ordination. The Federal requirements are supposedly designed so as to not r e s t r i c t the l o c a l program, and thus, enable such programs to meet unique l o c a l s i t u a t i o n s . The program i s largely concerned with the housing supply and i t s a v a i l a b i l i t y to a l l income l e v e l s . Various subsidy techniques are encouraged - "from straight"front-end" subsidy of a portion of the c a p i t a l cost of housing to various devices to subsidize a portion of the cost of taxes and interest".^''" As w e l l , the statute requires that c i t i e s make "maximum use of new and improved technology, including i n d u s t r i a l i z e d techniques". I t i s expected, too, that c i t i e s w i l l examine "building, housing and zoning regulations to assure that they do not necessarily impede the use of materials, methods and technical innovations that could lead to lower cost construction". The c i t i e s are also required to encourage c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and to make provisions f o r s o c i a l services i n t h e i r l o c a l programs. ^ Report on the Task Force on Housing and Urban Development, p.15 ^ Ralph H.Taylor, and George A. Williams, "Housing i n Model C i t i e s " , Law and Contemporary Problems V.32. Summer 1967, P.4C7. 4 2 I b i d . 4 3 I b i d . - 16 -Another group of techniques are the Turnkey programs. Turnkey I , introduced i n 1966, permits greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n and u t i l i z a t i o n of the means and knowledge of private enterprise i n producing the finished public housing, while Turnkey I I couples the Turnkey procedure with home ownership. Es s e n t i a l l y , the Turnkey procedure enables the l o c a l housing authority to make a contract with a private developer to buy a completed project which has been constructed on the developer's own land. The advantage of t h i s procedure i s that the time and expense involved i n acquiring a s i t e and developing the plans i s cut down. Burstein points out that the period from the approval of any application by the housing authority to the st a r t of construction can be cut down from over 3 to 4 years for the conventional method to 7 to 9 months for the Turnkey method",^1 The g i s t of Turnkey I I I i s that the l o c a l housing authority offers the lower income occupant the right to purchase the dwelling u n i t . I n i t i a l l y the occupant has only a lease purchase contract and not f u l l t i t l e but h i s right to purchase i s f u l l y protected i f he meets his obligations and main-tains his property. The security offered to the low income occupant l i e s i n the fact that the earned equity i s available to him should he wish or 45 be compelled to leave the project. In the 1968 Housing and Urban Development Act, a new program designed to provide home ownership opportunities for lower income households was introduced. The home ownership provision allows a subsidy which i s the "difference between 20 per cent of the home owner's income af t e r deducting $300 f o r each minor c h i l d and the monthly mortgage payment".^ Newly con-structed, reh a b i l i t a t e d and other existing housing are e l i g i b l e under t h i s program. An example of how the program w i l l work i s provided i n the follow-ing hypothetical case: "A family of four earning $4,800 a year buys a $14,000 house on a 35-year, 6^ 6 mortgage with a ^  Per cent premium for mortgage insurance. F i r s t the family deducts a $300 allowance f o r each of i t s two minor children, giving i t an "adjusted income of $ 4 , 2 0 0 . Then the family takes30$ of i t s adjusted income as the amount i t i s ^ Joseph Burstein, "New Techniques i n Public Housing", Law and  Contemporary Problems, V.32, Summer 1967, P.535 4 5 I b i d , , p.540. 46 B a i l e r , ''Housing - Yes, C i t i e s - No", p.37. -17 -r e q u i r e d t o pay on the mortgage ( i n c l u d i n g p r i n c i p a l ) , i n t e r e s t , t a x e s , insurance, and the mortgage, insurance premium): $840 a year o r $70 per month., But s i n c e the t o t a l r e q u i r e d monthly mortgage payment i s $116.52, and the f a m i l y pays o n l y $70, HUD pays the balance ($46.52), d i r e c t l y to the l e n d e r . The f a m i l y a l s o must make a down payment o f at l e a s t Under t h i s scheme, a f a m i l y w i t h an income of $3,000 should t h e o r e t i c a l l y be a b l e t o purchase a house c o s t i n g j u s t under $12,000. This cursory examination o f three American approaches to the housing problem o f the working c l a s s cannot be considered as o f f e r i n g t h r e e success-f u l s o l u t i o n s . Indeed, as l a t e as 1968, the Turnkey techniques had been t e s t e d by o n l y a handf u l of housing a u t h o r i t i e s . As w e l l , c r i t i c s o f the 1968 Housing and Urban Development l e g i s l a t i o n s t a t e t h a t the nature of the home ownership program and the d o l l a r s a v a i l a b l e l i m i t t h e b e n e f i t s l a r g e l y t o the $6,000 - $8,000 income group. How governments can int e r v e n e and accomplish t h e goal of p r o v i d i n g decent housing i s too complex t o r e c e i v e f u l l d i s c u s s i o n i n t h i s t h e s i s . The need f o r i n t e r v e n t i o n i s mentioned, however, t o p o i n t out the general l a c k o f government programs s p e c i f i c a l l y p r o v i d i n g f o r the $3,000 - $6,000 income group, L o c a t i o n a l Preferences Charles Abram's recommendation o f "tenant co-operatives and loans t o low income f a m i l i e s so that they could buy modest homes i n the suburbs A.8 at 0 t o 3 per cent i n t e r e s t " , i s not c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e l i v e s of those working c l a s s f a m i l i e s who " f i n d some advantage i n terms o f s o c i a l and economic s e c u r i t y by remaining c e n t r a l l y congregated". As long as they are economically i n s e c u r e , they see advantages i n l i v i n g at the congested center of the labour market. And as long as they are s o c i a l l y i n s e c u r e they tend t o congregate w i t h others i n the group w i t h which they are i d e n t i f i e d " . That greater c o n s i d e r a t i o n must be given t o t h e l o c a t i o n of low income housing i s proposed f o r the f o l l o w i n g reasons: l ) t o minimize t r a n s p o r t a t i o n $200." 47 47 I b i d . 48 Ledbetter, " P u b l i c Housing: A S o c i a l Experiment", p.300 49 Raymond Vernon, Anatomy o f a M e t r o p o l i s . (Garden C i t y : Doubleday and Co.Inc., 1959, p.167. - 1 8 -c o s t , 2 ) t o provide a c c e s s i b i l i t y t o the greatest number and v a r i e t y of jobs, 3 ) t o ensure p r o x i m i t y to d e s i r e d s o c i a l , commercial, r e c r e a t i o n a l , and educational f a c i l i t i e s . That the working c l a s s would f i n d i t advantageous t o be w i t h i n easy reach of t h e i r workplace has been p o i n t e d out i n s e v e r a l s t u d i e s . Gans' view i s that a housing program must provide " l i v e a b l e dwellings a v a i l a b l e t o the low income p o p u l a t i o n w i t h i n i t ' s p r i c e range and l o c a t e d near enough t o i t s places of employment so as not t o r e q u i r e unreasonable amounts of t r a v e l time and expenditures.'' 0 S i m i l a r i l y , C o l l i n s w r i t e s t h a t " q u i t e a s i d e from being a b l e to a f f o r d the i n i t i a l purchase o f a house at a l l , t h e added c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n cost t o the p l a c e o f employment... 51 cannot be i g n o r e d " . Vernon, i n h i s study o f the New York Region, found that those workers i n wharehousing, wholesaling and manufacturing jobs "more than higher p a i d workers have a strong i n c e n t i v e t o avoid a long and c o s t l y journey t o work 52 each day". He proposed t h a t the "upper end of the job h i e r a r c h y p r e f e r s low-density communities and accepts poor access, w h i l e the lower end l i v e s 53 i n high d e n s i t y communities w i t h good access". K a i n , a l s o , has noted the tendency t o "minimize j o i n t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and housing c o s t s " by l o c a t i n g near the workplace of one wage earner and i n an area w i t h good p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n " . ^ He w r i t e s , "higher income work-ers l e a n toward the f a s t e r and more expensive forms o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n w h i l e 55 the lower income workers more o f t e n use buses and r a p i d t r a n s i t " . ^° Herbert Gans, " S o c i a l and P h y s i c a l Planning f o r the E l i m i n a t i o n of Urban Poverty", i n Urban P l a n n i n g and S o c i a l P o l i c y , ed. by Bernard F r i e d e n , (New York, B a s i c Books, 1 9 6 8 ) p . 4 5 » 51 C o l l i n s , "A New Approach t o Urban Housing i n Canada", p.4 5 . 52 Vernon, Anatomy of a M e t r o p o l i s , p.238, ^ I b i d , , P-153 ^ J.Meyer, J . K a i n , M. Wohl, The Urban T r a n s p o r t a t i o n Problem, (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 5 ) . 5 5 I b i d . , p.140, - 19 -Studies have indicated that a c c e s s i b i l i t y to workplace i s an important concern. In a study of the "Workingman's Wife" i t was found that "the desire to l i v e near substantial people (down to earth people)" as a goal was second only i n importance to that of l i v i n g near the husband's work,^ In a survey undertaken by the Vancouver Housing Association, i t was indicated that "most of those who wished to move appeared to have l i t t l e pre-ference for one d i s t r i c t or another, provided i t was reasonably accessible 57 to the husband's work". In a l a t e r Clark Drive Study undertaken by the United Community Services of Greater Vancouver a simi l a r result was found. In t h i s area where the median income of the residents was $326 - $350 per month, i t was found that the "residents are attracted to and remain i n the study area because of i t s functional assets - central location and inexpen-sive family housing". This area i s "convenient both to downtown working areas and access routes to other areas of employment i n the central and 59 eastern parts of the Vancouver peninsula". The working class generally are not highly mobile. Paraphrasing Raymond Vernon, unlike the people with higher incomes they cannot afford two cars and thus are less able to l i v e i n sections of the suburbs f a r from urban centers and public transportation f a c i l i t i e s . The following Canadian figures indicate that ownership of even one car i s not a common pattern i n the $3,000 to $5,500 income group. On the average 54 per cent of those i n t h i s group are l i k e l y to own a car, while 77$ of those i n the $5,500 to $10,000 and over income group are l i k e l y to own a car, 56 L. Rainwater, R. Colman, G, Handel, Workingman's Wife, (New York: McFadden Books, 1962), p,l62. Vancouver Housing Association; Living i n Shared Accommodation, May, 1954, p.4. United Community Services Drive, March, 1967, p.4. 57 Vancouver Housing Association, Survey of Families with Children 58 United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area, Clark 5 9 I b i d . - 20 -TABLE 3 CAR OWNERSHIP BY INCOME GROUP; 1969 Income Group Number of families i n sample Percentage Car Owners Under $ 3 , 0 0 0 $ 6 , 0 0 0 Over $2,999 5,499 9,999 10,000 340 621 772 246 22 54 77 91 TOTAL 2,034 63 Sources Calculated from: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Urban Family Expenditures, No.62 - 527, p.28. TABLE 4 CAR OWNERSHIP BY OCCUPATION OF HEAD: 1964 Occupation Number of families i n sample Percentage car owners Managerial 423 83 Professional Technical C l e r i c a l 318 62.5 Sales Transportation and Communication 118 74 Services and Recreation 225 55 Craftsmen 482 74 Labourers 111 54 Not working 385 25 TOTAL 2,034 63 Source: Calculated from: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Urban  Family Expenditures, No.62-527, p.32. I t seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the desirable location for many of the working class households would be i n the inner or central parts of the c i t y because of the a v a i l a b i l i t y of public t r a n s i t services. How-- 21 -ever, i f a more -widely d i s p e r s e d system were created, then a l t e r n a t e l o c a t i o n s f o r low income neighbourhoods could be considered. I n the event of l a y o f f s and s t r i k e s which can a d v e r s l y a f f e c t the f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n o f the blue c o l l a r household, i t i s desirous t h a t the blue c o l l a r worker remain a c c e s s i b l e to many job o p p o r t u n i t i e s . Although i t has been noted t h a t economic a c t i v i t i e s and thus employ-ment o p p o r t u n i t i e s are tending t o d i s p e r s e t o p e r i p h e r a l areas, i t i s s t i l l suggested t h a t the concentration of blue c o l l a r jobs i n wharehousing, whole-s a l i n g and manufacturing p l a n t s and as w e l l i n p u b l i c s e r v i c e i s l i k e l y t o 60 remain i n the inner areas o f c i t i e s , A study undertaken by E. Kanwitt and A. E c k a r t t of employment trends i n l a r g e m e t r o p o l i t a n areas have s u b s t a n t i a t e d reports o f the p r o g r e s s i v e and r e l a t i v e d e c l i n e i n employment i n the c e n t r a l c i t i e s . But i n 1963, as F i g u r e 11 i n d i c a t e s , wholesalers i n the c e n t r a l c i t y s t i l l employed almost s i x out o f every t e n wholesale employees; s e r v i c e a c t i v i t i e s i n the c e n t r a l c i t y r e -mained r e l a t i v e l y s trong; over 50 per cent of those employed i n manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s worked i n the c e n t r a l c i t y , ^ 1 Thus, a s i g n i f i c a n t number o f blue FIGURE 11 PERCENT OF EMPLOYMENT IN CENTRAL CITIES BY INDUSTRY 100 < CO CO u_ O LU o 80 WHOLESALE TRADE SELECTED SERVICES/ - — x _ ''//if RETAIL TRADE 1954 1958 1953 Source j E.Kanwitt and Alma E c k a r t t , "Transportation I m p l i c a t i o n s of Employment Trends i n C e n t r a l C i t i e s and Suburbs", Highway- Research Record, No. 187, 1967, P.6. Vernon, Anatomy o f a M e t r o p o l i s , p. 238. ^ Edmond Kanwitt and Alma F. E c k a r t t , "Transportation I m p l i c a t i o n s of of Employment Trends i n C e n t r a l C i t i e s and Suburbs", Highway Research  Record, V.115, No.187, 1967, p. 1-14. - 22 -c o l l a r employment opportunities remain i n the central c i t i e s . I f the suburbanization of blue c o l l a r employment continues at the past rate, how-ever, greater consideration of the trend would need to be given i n the planning of r e s i d e n t i a l locations. Nevertheless, the d e s i r a b i l i t y of minim-i z i n g the journey to work and transportation costs and of locating near the greatest number and variety of jobs would not diminish, The importance of convenience to s o c i a l , recreational f a c i l i t i e s and to shopping areas and school i s indicated i n the following studies, Bracey, i n his comparative study of English and American rural-urban fringe neighbour-hoods, concluded that "the occupants of the low cost dwellings, i n both count-r i e s , l a i d greater emphasis on the proximity of shops and services than did those i n the higher priced dwellings who had greater mobility given by more 62 cars and fewer smaller children", Weiss, i n studying r e s i d e n t i a l location preferences, found that low income households put s i g n i f i c a n t importance on zq nearness to shopping and schools. The women of the West End, discussed i n Gans' study, the "Urban V i l l a g e r s " , preferred the closeness of the West End to the food stores of the North End, and the shopping and window shopping opportunities of the downtown r e t a i l area".^ 4 The respondents of the Clark Drive Survey, i n d i c a t -ed high s a t i s f a c t i o n (82,2%) with the shopping f a c i l i t i e s and with the bus service, ( 7 2 . 6 $ ) . ^ The respondents l i v e d within three to four blocks of the Commercial Drive shopping s t r i p and wihin two to three blocks of a main public t r a n s i t route, A broad planning c r i t e r i a suggested by the above discussion i s that the locations of working class r e s i d e n t i a l areas be largely determined with respect to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of public transportation f a c i l i t i e s , the concent-rations of blue c o l l a r employment, and the a c c e s s i b i l i t y , by modes of trans-portation other than the private automobile, to a variety of s o c i a l , recreat-i o n a l contacts, and to shopping areas, schools and churches, 62 H.E, Bracey, Neighbours, (Baton Rouge: Louisana University Press), P. 3 9 . i q Shirley F. Weiss, Consumer Preferences i n Residential Locations -A Preliminary Investigation of the Home Purchase Decision. Center for Urban and Regional Studies, I n s t i t u t e for Research i n Social Science, University of North Carolina at Chapel H i l l , March 15, 1966, 6 4 Herbert Gans, The Urban V i l l a g e r s . (New York, Free Press, 1962) p.20, 65 United Community Services of Greater Vancouver, Clark Drive, p.3. - 23 -Approaches to the dilemma of low income housing are many and varied. This chapter has attempted to examine three aspects: how low income housing may be constructed; under what types of governmental programs low income housing may be provided; where low income housing could be located. Such an examination appeared necessary i n order to place the s o c i a l and design emphasis on t h i s thesis within the frame-work of the large goal, that i s , the provision of adequate and decent housing for a l l income groups. CHAPTER I I I THE WORKING CLASS: ATTITUDES AND PREFERENCES From the beginning of time, communities have grown to meet the functional and psychological needs of i n d i v i d u a l s , families and s o c i a l groups. The physical form of each community reflected the psychological needs and the ^ hierachy of values of the c i t i z e n s . The number of low income housing units producedshouldbe less important than the requirement that any number produced must meet the s o c i a l and psych-o l o g i c a l needs of the people that w i l l have to l i v e i n them. I t i s the part-i c u l a r concern of t h i s thesis that working class r e s i d e n t i a l areas r e f l e c t working class needs. Security, i t i s proposed, i s the dominating need of the working class. Many investigators of the lower income class have concluded that s o c i a l , economic and physical insecurity i s a p r i n c i p a l force a f f e c t i n g the working class way of l i f e . Rainwater, f o r example, has pinpointed f i v e basic goals of the working class woman. The chief goal i s , indeed, stated to be the search for s o c i a l , economic and physical security. The remaining four goals are seemingly derived from t h i s f i r s t goal, they are: the drive for recognition and r e s p e c t a b i l i t y ; the escape from a heavy burden of household chores; the desire to decorate, to "pretty up" her world; the want of support and affect i o n 67 from people important to her, S i m i l a r i l y , Reisman reports that "coping with the i n s t a b i l i t y threats- becomes a dominant a c t i v i t y within the working class 68 family". The working class appear to share with the middle class, the desire to secure a better l i f e . Yet, as Duhl points out, "...the fact that lower ^ Leonard Duhl, "The Human Measure: Man and Family i n the Megalopolis", i n C i t i e s and Space, ed. by Wingo Lowden, (Baltimore: John Hopkin's Press, 1963), p.136. 67 Rainwater, Workingman's Wife, p,217. 68 S.M.Miller, Frank R.eisman., "The Working Class Subculture: a New View", i n Blue Collar World, ed. by A.Shostock, W.Gomberg, p.30. - 25 -income groups want increasingly to increase t h e i r incomes and l i v e more comfortably does not necessarily imply any great desire to change t h e i r 69 patterns of l i v i n g " . What i s the basis for working class insecurity? And how i s the search for security demonstrated i n the attitudes and behaviour of the working class? These two questions are the focus of the following section. The source of working class insecurity i s c h i e f l y economic. Although the working class i s considered to be the top l e v e l of the lower income group, t h i s group, Keyserling points out, i s quite often on the threshold of poverty. In the event of any adverse turn they are threatened. As has been discussed previously, the working class includes "...families with incomes less than $5,000 (1962 figures) but above the poverty l e v e l and unattached individuals with incomes below $2,500 but above the poverty l e v e l . . . " who, according to Keyserling, "are l i v i n g i n deprivation, especially as the average income of 70 these people f a l l s very far below $5 ,000 and $2 , 5 0 0 respectively". Important i n any consideration of the incomes of the working class i s the s t a b i l i t y or reg u l a r i t y of income. Although the working class i s consider-ed to be the stable portion of the urban labour force, t h e i r positions cannot be considered secure. They are aware that "a combination of automation, plant closures, occupational obsolescence and c y c l i c a l recession (can) generate short 71 and long term unemployment". The blue c o l l a r worker, Hurvitz reports, feels that he i s "the most exploited, the least secure and the least s i g n i f i c a n t 72 person i n the productive process". Causes of t h e i r economic insecurxty are thus rooted i n t h e i r past experience with l a y o f f s , s t r i k e s , reductions i n the hours of work, even i l l n e s s , which can unexpectedly cut o f f the regular income and push the i n d i v i d u a l or family below the poverty l i n e . 6 9 Duhl, "The Human Measure", p.136. 70 L. Keyserling, Keyserling Report - Poverty and Deprivations i n the  United States, Conference on Economic Progress, Washington, D.C., 1961, p.22. 71 John Leggett, Class. Race and Labourr Working Class Consciousness  i n Detroit, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968) p.177. 72 Nathan Hurvitz,"Marital Strain i n the Blue Collar Family", i n Blue  Collar World, ed. by A.Shostock and W. Gomberg, p.98. - 26 -I t has been suggested that the shortage of decent low income housing can contribute to greater f i n a n c i a l insecurity by depriving many families of income they need for other purposes. What can t h i s group afford for shelter? The 20 per cent of income c r i t e r i a would indicate something within the range of $80 to $90 per month for the family with an annual budget of $5,000 and $40 to $60 per month for the unattached person with a budget of $2 , 5 0 0 . Dhalla points out that about 44 per cent of the annual budget of $5,000 or less has to be devoted to 73 the two basic necessities, food and shelter. Thus, to have a place to l i v e and to eat, the working class family must expend approximately $180 out of a possible maximum of $400 per month. In t h i s example, then, the family i s l e f t with $220 per month to cover expenditures for clothing, personal health, education, transportation, maintenance of the home, re-creation and so on.* One begins to understand why the workingman's wife, when asked i f she would l i k e two additional free hours a day, t y p i c a l l y 7 4 answers, "Gee, I don't r e a l l y know. What can you do for free?" Attempts to answer the second question, "How i s the search for security demonstrated i n the attitudes and behaviour of the working class?", involves a general review of working class studies. For ease of discussion the following section i s divided into s i x sub-sections, they are: the family, the home, the neighbourhood, s o c i a l relationships, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n organiz-ations and clubs, and consumer behaviour. The Family Typically, the working class i s family centered. But the family of the working class can include the range of brothers, s i s t e r s , mothers and fathers of both sides of the marriage. A large part of t h e i r d a i l y a c t i v i t -i e s involve interaction with one or more of these family members. Kamorpvsky, for example, found that rel a t i v e s play some part i n almost a l l functions of family l i f e . They act i n the " s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the married couple"; they pro-vide "emotional support", as confidantes and as w e l l as companions i n recreat-io n ; they provide economic support either through direct f i n a n c i a l support either through direct f i n a n c i a l support or through sharing of l i v i n g accomm-75 odations and other material needs. ^ Dhalla, These Canadians, p . 2 l l . * A l s o see T a b l e d . Rainwater, Workingman's Wife, p.127. 75 M.Kamorovsky, Blue Collar Marriage,(New York,Vintage Books, 1962). p.238. This"frequent and intense contact", Gans has reported, "was more important 76 than any impersonal a c t i v i t y such as occupational achievement". Thus, although Rainwater reports that, "the modern working class couple i s more l i k e l y to have other couples as friends and s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n with these 77 friends i s more important than p a r t i c i p a t i o n with r e l a t i v e s " , the depend-ence on the family for support i n many aspects of t h e i r l i f e i s l i k e l y to remain strong. Children of the West End families, Gans writes, "are raised i n a house-78 hold that i s run to s a t i s f y adults f i r s t " . Finding s i m i l a r results i n t h e i r study, Reisman and M i l l e r have distinguished the working class family 79 as parent centered and controlled. Parents are not greatly i n t e r e s t e d i n the child's i n d i v i d u a l i t y . As Rainwater has found, they see more interest i n his behaviour, mianly i n terms of such broad categories as being good, not 80 getting i l l , getting along with others. The middle class mother, on the other hand, i s more l i k e l y to perceive her child's behaviour as complex and requiring understanding. The Home Home ownership i s valued as highly by the working class as i t i s by the middle class. But although i t i s argued that the working class, l i k e the middle class are fleeing to suburban housing, Rainwater states that t h i s "increased interest in...owning a home i n the suburbs involves attitudes and behaviour that s u p e r f i c i a l l y resemble those of the middle class but which 76 W.Michelson, "Social Insights to Guide the Design of Housing for Low Income Families", E k i s t i c s , V.25, A p r i l , 1968, p.252. 77 Gerald Handel and Lee Rainwater, "Persistence and Change i n Working Class L i f e Style", i n Blue Collar World, ed. by A. Shostok and W.Gomberg, p.40, 78 Gans, The Urban V i l l a g e r s , p.54. 79 1 7 M i l l e r , "The Working Class Subculture," p.30. 80 Rainwater, Workingman's Wife, p.101, - 2 8 -81 have quite different significance i n the two classes. The working class, he suggests, are l a r g e l y prompted by the desire to f l e e "from the 82 super-ordination and economic exploitation of landlords". The "privacy" they seek i s that which comes with owning, that i s , being no longer res-go ponsible to a landlord. Ownership of a house, then, has a different meaning to the working class. Gans has suggested that the middle class a l l o t t a higher value to housing and place greater emphasis on the status function of housing than does the working class. Owning a home makes the l i f e of the working class family somewhat further removed from marginal economic existence. The owned home i s an "investment". In contrast to those who choose to move to suburban areas i n t h e i r pursuit of home ownership, Rainwater found that a large number of working class women "wanted to avoid the c i t y ' s edge and i t s implications of physical i s o l a t i o n from other people than were attracted by whatever advantages such a location might possess". Comments often made by his respondents were: I don't drive for one thing - and i t i s awfully inconvenient. I'm more or less confined to the house because I've had my ^ children one after another and I don't have any transportation. The type of home desired by the working class can be described as modest. They seek "an adequate house i n terms of rooms for the family" and one which i s i n "reasonably good condition for they are w i l l i n g , i f necessary, 81 Handel, "Persistence and Change" i n Blue Co l l a r World, ed, by A. Shostack and W. Gomberg, p. 39. 8 2 I b i d . , p. 30. Bennett Berger, Working Class Suburb, (Berkley, University of Cal i f o r n i a Press, I 9 6 0 ) , p. 84. 8Zl Berger, Working Class Suburb, p. 83. Rainwater, Workingman's Wife, p.121. 86 Rainwater, Workingman's Wife,p. - 29 -to "put a great deal of 'do-it-yourself labour into improving i t s 88 condition". Several studies, notably those investigating Boston's West End, point out that the i n t e r i o r of working class homes show "evidence of considerable care and attention; t h e i r inhabitants improved and maintained them, undaunted by the physical shabbiness of the immediate 89 and general environment". As Rainwater points out, "working class women apparently can put up with "p l a i n " exteriors i f the i n t e r i o r of t h e i r home 90 i s w e l l applianced and neatly furnished". An examination of consumer expenditure patterns for the different s o c i a l classes does confirm that working class families put greater emphasis on the material furnishings i n the home than one might expect. TABLE 5 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION ON SELECTED EXPENDITURES BY OCCUPATION; 1964 Q EXPENDITURE OCCUPATION CATEGORIES "HIGH-STATUS" "LOW STATUS" 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 4.25 4.2 4.0 4.3 3.5 3.7 4.8 4.6 3.7 4.6 4.3 4.5 4.2 3.4 3.6 3.7 3.8 4.1 3.8 3.9 5.8 2.1 2,5 2.3 2.7 2.2 2.2 2.3 3.6 3.15 3.2 3.4 3.2 3.0 2.0 .7 .7 .7 .6 .6 .6 .9 1.3 .8 .7 .7 .7 .6 .2 3.25 4.3 4,3 •4.5 4.4 5.7 3.3 Household Operation Furnishings Equipment Medical Care Personal Care Recreation Reading Education Tobacco Alcohol Calculated from: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Urban  Family Expenditures, No.62-527, 1964, p. 32, Ibid . , p. 164. Chester Hartman, "Social Values and Housing Orientations", Journal of Social Issues, V.19, 1963, p. 117. Rainwater, Workingman's Wife, p. 182. I b i d . , p. 185. - 30 -The Neighbourhood A review of several studies points out the importance of the neigh-bourhood as an area offering both s o c i a l and physical safety. A good neigh-bourhood, for example, to the working class woman i s an "ordinary, f r i e n d l y 91 neighbourhood where she and her family can f e e l s o c i a l l y comfortable". Her outlook i s governed by the feeling that "the world beyond her doorstep 92 and neighbourhood...is f a i r l y chaotic and p o t e n t i a l l y catastrophic". A sim i l a r view of the working class i s expressed by Schorr, who i n describing t h i s group has coined the phrase, "block dweller". The block dweller, Schorr reports, does not " f e e l at home outside the neighbourhood perhaps not any-93 where farther than ten or twenty blocks from his home". This may p a r t l y be explained by the f i n a n c i a l constraint which reduces the opportunities to ex-plore the larger c i t y . I t has been noted, for example, that those with poorer education and lower income are even more l i k e l y to be immersed i n t h e i r neigh-bourhood. With respect to t h e i r attitudes towards the r e s i d e n t i a l l i v i n g envir-onment, Duhl reports that "the importance of a house close to other houses, gregariousness, an apparent absence of privacy and the presence of noise are but some of the needs of these people", Gans, s i m i l a r l y , states that "while they do not want to be l e f t alone, they are not averse to aural or v i s u a l 95 closeness of t h e i r neighbours". The working class seem to be more tolerant of the physical disorder of t h e i r surroundings. They want the comfort and safety found among people who are s i m i l a r to them. Satisfaction with t h e i r residence, for example, tends to be high among "people who had frequent con-tact with neighbours or a large extended family l i v i n g i n the same neighbour-96 hood...almost irrespective of objective apartment q u a l i t y " . 9 1 I b i d . , p. 185. 92 A l v i n Schorr, Slums and Insecurity, U.S.Department of Health Education and Welfare, Research Report No.l, 1966, p. 41. 9 3 I b i d . , 9 4 Duhl, "The Human Measure", i n C i t i e s and Space, ed. by Wingo Lowden, p. 38, 95 Gans, Urban V i l l a g e r s , p. 20, 9^ Hartman, "Social Values and Housing Orientations", p. 123« - 31 -Studies indicate that the external areas are used extensively and 97 casually. This i s i n contrast to the middle class. For t h i s group, "the boundary between the dwelling unit and the immediate environ i s quite sharp 98 and minimally permeable". To conclude, the important characteristics of the physical space i n the neighbourhood seems to be i t s f a m i l i a r i t y and i t s manageability. S o c i a l Relationships The s o c i a l relationships of the working class can be divided into two types, one involves friends and r e l a t i v e s ; the other, neighbours. There i s , as Suzanne K e l l e r points out, a d i s t i n c t difference between the two. Friends, ( t y p i c a l l y not neighbours), and r e l a t i v e s have been the sources of intimate s o c i a l relationships. This has been discussed previously i n the section on the family. Relationships with neighbours, i n contrast, have tended to be based on co-operation and mutual a i d . Ryan, for example, found that i n ans-wer to the question, "What are the main things that you expect of someone 99 else?", 60 per cent of his respondents indicated giving or receiving a i d . " This i s consistent with Rainwater's impression that "working class women very much want to "do unto others as you would have them do unto you".''"00 Other studies have concluded that although neighbourhood relationships may be characterized by a high rate of in t e r a c t i o n , they tend to remain casual, 9 7 I b i d . , p. 118. 98 Schorr, Slums and Insecurity, p. 4 2 , 99 Edward J . Ryan, "Personal Identity i n an Urban Slum", i n The  Urban Condition, ed. by L. Duhl, (New York, Basic Books, 1963) p. 146. 1 0 0 Rainwater, Workingman's Wife, p. 121,. - 32 -Good neighbours, i t has been said, are those "-who mind t h e i r own business so everything i s fine"."'' 0 1 A f i n a l view, expressed by Suzanne K e l l e r , i s that "neighbouring i s neither selective nor personal but rather a general-102 ized expression of attachment to the l o c a l area". P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Organizations and Clubs The attitude of the working class i s epitomized i n t h i s remark made by a wife of a blue c o l l a r worker: I t ' s hard to go any place when you have children. I can't afford to pay babysitters, and I'm not the type to go away and leave my husband alone with the children. My husband comes home t i r e d , and he's worked long hours so he doesn't l i k e to be l e f t with the children, That the working class i s characterized by minimal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n volun-tary clubs and organizations i s w e l l documented. As stated by Rainwater, " i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s with i n s t i t u t i o n s does not usually extend outside the family; i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with church, community or voluntary organizations are less f r e -quent and l i k e l y to be less s t a b l e " . 1 0 4 The variety of reasons for not j o i n -ing clubs or a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n organizations range from the very prag-matic - no time, no money, lack of transportation - to the more abstract -"club women are snooty", "too bashful and awkward".10'' Thus i t should be evident, the working class are not at a l l motivated towards formal p a r t i c i p a t i o n . They generally do not " f e e l they can handle the s i t u a t i o n and obtain benefits i n mental stimulation or make s o c i a l con-tributions ..."10^ 101 United Community Services of Greater Vancouver, Clark Drive, p. 3. 102 Suzanne K e l l e r , Urban Neighbourhoods, p. 80. 103 Rainwater, Workingman's Wife, p. 123. 1 0 4 Rainwater, "A Study of Personality Differences between Middle Lower Class Adolescents: The Szondi Test i n Culture - Personality Research", Genetic Psychology Monographs, V.54, August, 1956. 105 Rainwater, L., Workingman's Wife, p. 128. 1 0 6 I b i d . , p. 130. - 33 -Consumer Behaviour The d a i l y l i f e of the working class household i s a "constant struggle to meet the b i l l s for rent, groceries,a p a i r of shoes, a winter coat, the 107 T.V. set and the washing machine". Different values appear to govern the consumption choices of the working class. At le a s t , different use i s often made of the expenditure dollars by the working class income group than i s made by other income groups. The following table, which presents the expend-i t u r e patterns of the various occupation groups i n Canada indicates several differences. Expenditures for the four "necessities", food, shelter, clothing and transportation are on the top of the l i s t for a l l occupation groups. The working class, however, tends to spend more on food and less on shelter while those above the blue c o l l a r l i n e tend to place higher p r i o r i t i e s on shelter considerations* TABLE 6 PATTERNS OF FAMILY EXPENDITURE BY OCCUPATION OF HEAD; ALL FAMILIES AND INDIVIDUALS. ELEVEN CITIES. 1964 All classes 1 Managerial Professional and technical Clerical Sales Services and recreation Transportation and communication Craftsmen Labourers Not working Percentage distribution: 20.7 16.8 17.7 14.6 16.5 15.7 1 « . « 18.2 21.0 17.7 22.4 17.0 22.1 16.1 22.3 . 16.0 25.0 16.1 24.3 •'' 23.7 7.1 3.9 5.5 10.6 7.2 8.8 6.7 6.6 7.7 11.2 5.7 6.3 6.3 4.1 6.6 4.5 5.6 5.5 ' 4.8 6.9 .9 1.5 1.4 .8 .7 .5 .5 .7 .5 .6 3.2 2.9 2.6 2.6 3.2 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.0 5.1 4.0 4.2 4.3 4.1 4.3 4.3 4-0 3.5 3.7 4.8 4.3 4.2 5.1 '3. 7 3.7 4.3 4.6 4.5 4.2 3.4 1.2 3.2 1.1 3.1 1.0 4.1 1.1 2.5 1.0 2.8 1.2 3.1 1.2 3.3 1.4 3.1 1.1 3.1 1.0 2.4 8.6 8.7 8.6 9.0 9.4 9.1 8.3 8. 5 9. 8 7.1 12.1 12.6 12.4 12.7 10.2 10.6 12.7 13.9 11.6 7.7 10.1 10.2 10.5 10.3 8.2 8.5 11.4 12.0 9.6 5.5 5. 2 6.1 5.4 5.5 3.8 3.1 5.8 6.2 5.1 2.7 4.9 4.1 5.1 4.9 4.4 5.4 5.5 5.8 4.6 2.7 2.0 2.4 1.9 2.4 2.0 2.0 1.3 1.9 1.9 2.2 3.9 3.6 3.5 3.5 4.0 4.1 3.8 3.8 3.9 5.8 2.3 2.1 2. 1 2.6 2.4 2.7 2.3 2.2 2.2 2.3 3.2 3.8 3.5 3.0 3.3 3.4 3.2 3.2 3.0 2.0 .7 .6 .8 .7 .7 .6 .7 .6 .6 .9 .8 1.1 1.5 .6 1.0 .7 .7 . 7 .6 .2 Tobacco and alcoholic beverages 4.0 1.3 3.4 1.1 3.1 1.1 4.2 1.3 4.4 .9 4.5 1.2 4.3 1.3 4.4 1.4 5.7 1.2 3.3 2.1 Source: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Urban Family  Expenditures. No. 52 - 627, p. 32 , 1 0 7 Ibid..p. 288. - 34 -How do the lower income groups, s p e c i f i c a l l y those i n blue c o l l a r occupations, d i f f e r from other occupation groups i n the area of "luxury" spending? A noticeable difference i s that the working class places high p r i o r i t y on tobacco and alcoholic beverages and furnishings and home equip-ment, while those i n higher income occupations tend to place higher p r i o r i t y on household operation and furnishings and equipment. Another difference i s that recreation i s r e l a t i v e l y low i n the working class expenditure preferences while i t ranks high i n the expenditure preferences of the two top income occup-ations. Another pattern which can be drawn from t h i s table i s that generally education and reading receive few of the t o t a l consumer d o l l a r s . Rainwater's study of the "Workingman's Wife" presented s i m i l a r findings. Given a budget of $5,000, for example, working class women gave f i r s t p r i o r i t y to food and second p r i o r i t y to housing. Perhaps because the respondents of Rainwater's sample were women, the t h i r d p r i o r i t y was not given to transport-ation or tobacco and beverages, but to appliances and furniture. Consistent with the data provided by the Canadian s t a t i s t i c s , Rainwater found that "work-ing class women, by and large, place low p r i o r i t y on recreations and vacations 4.U- I* 108 as things to spend money on". The consumer behaviour of the working class appears strongly influenced by the "security" need. Buying one's own home i s highly desirable because 109 "making payments on a home i s an investment". and gives to the working class "a s a t i s f y i n g sense of release from marginal economic status..." Saving money " d i r e c t l y through savings, instead of providing future security through insurance" i s ch a r a c t e r i s t i c . Rainwater points out that they "do not seem to acquire any r e a l feelings of security through insurance" because " i t seems too distant and abstract". 1''" 1 That the working class "exhibit extremely narrow horizons i n t h e i r choices of shopping places" i s another product of t h e i r desire for s e c u r i t y " . 1 1 2 1 OA I b i d . , P. 182. 109 Berger, Working Class Suburbs, p. 84. 1 1 0 Rainwater, Workingman's Wife, p. 185. 1 1 1 I b i d . , p. 182. ^ I b i d . , p. 173. - 35 -In Chapter 2, the emphasis was on an examination of considerations pertinent to low income housing. I t was noted that the s t r i v i n g for security dominates the working class way of l i f e . With respect to housing aspirations, the security goal implied a strong desire for home ownership. Thus, i t was suggested that i n any consideration of low income housing, attention must be given to innovative techniques which could put the price of home ownership within the reach of $3,000 to $6,000 income group. The present chapter attempted to seek further into the implications of the security goal. The l i t e r a t u r e reviewed indicates that the s t r i v i n g for security has been a force i n guiding and setting a d i s t i n c t working class way of l i f e . The examination pointed out several characteristic working class a t t i t u d e s and preferences. In summary, the working class tends to place great-est concern upon the extended family and the conditions within the home; they tend to base s o c i a l relationships upon mutual aid and co-operation; they lack the desire to participate i n voluntary formal groups and associations: they generally lack attitudes that could be called s o c i a l l y mobile. That these attitudes are not e a s i l y changed has been noted by Bennet Berger and Herbert Gans. They concluded that a move to a suburban environment results i n few changes. J The changes that do occur, they state, tend not to be caused by the move to the suburbs but are instead i n d i c a t i v e of the reasons for the move. The following chapter, based upon the foundation of the previous two chapters, studies i n d e t a i l the a c t i v i t y and behaviour patterns of the working class. The reasoning behind the emphasis on a c t i v i t y patterns i s twofold: ( l ) although mass system housing and governmental programs aimed at home owner-ship are t e c h n i c a l l y and f i n a n c i a l l y f e a s i b l e , the r e s i d e n t i a l communities so created may not be s o c i a l l y adequate, and (2) understanding working class attitudes and preferences i s prerequisite to the planning and design of housing, however, the desires expressed i n surveys or opinion p o l l s may d i f f e r quite d r a s t i c a l l y from the actual patterns of l i v i n g . S. Chapin found t h i s i n his preliminary experimentation with time data i n the analysis of household a c t i v -i t i e s . Thus, the study of a c t i v i t y patterns i s directed towards suggesting s o c i a l l y adequate design c r i t e r i a and as w e l l , towards d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between conscious needs expressed i n surveys and the unconscious wants expressed i n the a c t i v i t i e s carried on. As w e l l , the examination of a c t i v i t y patterns w i l l , hopefully, answer questions about whether certain established planning and design c r i t e r i a are congruent with "the latent functions of behaviour that are i n t e g r a l 113 to the s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y of a group". B r o l i n , "Mass Housing", p. 66, CHAPTER IV Method of Investigation A popular method of making a study of a sub-population has been the attitude survey. The respondents are asked what they think about certain aspects of li v i n g and what are their preferences. The limitations of this method have been acknowledged. One problem, for example, i s said to stem from the d i f f i c u l t y i n differentiating from attitudes and opinions, Margaret Shaffer points out "attitudes are enduring, learned predispositions to behave i n a consistent way toward a given class of objects and situations" and are )eli« 115 thus "very d i f f i c u l t to change"."'"''"4 Opinions, on the other hand, are be efs, views or judgments and are "more fleeting and more amenable to change"," Most attitude studies, Shaffer continues, "have actually investigated opin-ions" and "predicting behaviour from an opinion survey often produces tenuous results,""'""''^ Some techniques which are more able to identify attitudes are: the projective techniques, the semi-projective game, time and activity budgets, participant observation and poll-type interviewing. Projective techniques, because the respondent cannot give a "right" answer and cannot forsee the response he thinks the researcher desires, i s especially suited to identify-ing attitudes. A well known example of the projective technique i s the word association method. The approach of the semi-projective game i s outlined by William Michelson, who writes, "when playing the game, people are forced to make a limited number of choices among elements whose relative importance the re-117 searcher i s attempting to judge".4" The actual involvment in the game may i n i t i a t e a more real-world decision. 114 Margaret T. Shaffer, "Attitudes, Community Values and Highway Planning", Highway Research Record, No.187, 1967, p. 56. 115 116 Ibid., p. 57. Ibid, 7 William Michelson, "Urban Sociology as an aid to Urban Physical Development: Some Research Strategies". Journal of the American  Institute of Planners, Ma^ch 1968, p, ICT; - 37- -The advantages of the time and a c t i v i t y budget technique l i e s i n the straightforward approach of e l i c i t i n g accurate descriptions of behaviour. As Stuart Chapin writes, "a form of a c t i v i t y analysis based on time accounts of the way people spend t h e i r time and move about i n a c i t y offers a means 118 of describing and eventually simulating l i v i n g patterns". Conscious wants are ea s i l y derived from surveys. The advantage of a c t i v i t y analysis, he states, i s the p o s s i b i l i t y of uncovering unconscious needs or non-articulated needs. The use of participant observation and p o l l type interviewing i s exem-p l i f i e d i n Herbert Gans study, "The Urban V i l l a g e r s " . This technique can pro-vide, as Michelson points out, "glimpses of the same data provided by time and a c t i v i t y budgets", that i s , information on the "quantitative and q u a l i t a t i v e 119 aspects of s o c i a l a c t i v i t y as w e l l as i t ' s s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n " . Brent C. B r o l i n and John Zei s e l i n the a r t i c l e , "Mass Housing: So c i a l Research and Design", suggest another method of s o c i a l research which i s i n some ways comparable to the participant observation technique. This method, i t i s stated, i s directed towards providing the architect with detailed i n f o r -120 mation about the "latent functions or subcultures other than his own". Their method involves a gathering of statements about the s o c i a l behaviour of inhabitants i n a given area. The statements, put forth as observations of sp e c i f i c behaviour cha r a c t e r i s t i c s , are translated into design requirements. An example of t h e i r technique i s as follows: 1. OBS: Teen-agers gather on corners near small stores. REQ: Areas for informal congregating outside and around commercial areas, 2. OBS: Young teen-age g i r l s take care of younger children on the streets. REQ: Adolescent g i r l s ' areas near children's play areas. 3. OBS: Both men and women use dress as a means of self-expression, spending much money on clothes, REQ: General v i s i b i l i t y among pedestrian, apartment, commercial, and recreational areas. -*-21 The observations and the requirements that refer to behaviour taking place i n the same physical setting are grouped together* This information, presented Stuart F.Chapin, " A c t i v i t y Systems and Urban Structure", Journal  of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, January, 1968, p. 17. 119 Michelson,"Urban Sociology as an Aid to Urban Physical Development: Some Research Strategies", p. 107. 120 Brent C.Brolin, John Z e i s e l , "Mass Housing: Social Research and Design", Architectural Forum, August 1968, p. 66. 1 2 1 I b i d . , p. 67, - 38 -to the archi t e c t , i s said to provide one method of helping the architect meet the s o c i a l needs of the inhabitants. As B r o l i n and Seizel w r i t e : "the physical environment may be altered, misused or not used at a l l - and the people may suffer psychological stress: to stop t h i s we would have the design-er understand the s o c i a l behaviour of those who are to l i v e i n his buildings and t r y to avoid putting up barriers to t h e i r way of l i f e i n the physical 122 environment". The method of investigation for t h i s thesis b a s i c a l l y follows Brolin's proposal. The objective of the research, as mentioned previously, i s to study the a c t i v i t y patterns of the working class, p a r t i c u l a r l y as they relate to the way i n which t h i s group sees and uses c i t y space, r e s i d e n t i a l space, home space and the variety of community f a c i l i t i e s . The suggestion i s that the basic mo-t i v a t i n g force of the working class i s the search for security and that t h i s goal colours t h e i r a c t i v i t y patterns. In order to establish or maintain stab-i l i t y within working class r e s i d e n t i a l areas, planning c r i t e r i a should emphasize the security need of the working class residents. The l i m i t a t i o n of time, did not allow o r i g i n a l f i e l d observation of the behaviour of a working class group i n a s p e c i f i c area. Instead, use of second-ary sources, that i s , past studies depicting the a c t i v i t i e s and attitudes of the working class households and individuals was made. The basic studies i n -cluded as sources of a c t i v i t y data were: "The Workingman's Wife, "Blue Collar Marriage", "The Urban V i l l a g e r s " , and "Working Class Suburb". (See Appendix C) Characteristic of a l l studies i s the absence of the s t r i c t use of attitude surveys. Observation techniques and projective techniques have been incorpor-ated i n the methodological approaches and thus provide much information about the attitudes held and the a c t i v i t i e s carried on by the working class. Deviating somewhat from the method proposed by B r o l i n and Z e i s e l , the steps of information c o l l e c t i o n and analysis were as follows: (a) from the previously mentioned studies of the working class relevant observations and statements dealing with the "day-i n , day-out" a c t i v i t i e s of working class households and i n -dividuals were chosen. Under the assumption that the expend-i t u r e patterns of the socio-economic classes would indicate the p r i o r i t i e s placed on selected a c t i v i t e s , expenditure data from the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s was used to supplement the observations taken from the working class studies. I b i d . . P. 70. - 3 9 — (b) the a c t i v i t i e s were then c l a s s i f i e d according to type and s p a t i a l occurrence. The a c t i v i t y c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system was borrowed from the work of F.S. Chapin. The s p a t i a l categories included the home, the r e s i d e n t i a l area, and the c i t y or outer world. (b) a selection of r e s i d e n t i a l planning c r i t e r i a was taken b a s i c a l l y from the "New Communities Project" of the Harvard Graduate School of Design, (c) The quantitative incidence of the working class a c t i v i t i e s per r e s i d e n t i a l c r i t e r i a and t h e i r interrelationships was determined. This approach, i t was f e l t , would help i n ide n t i f y i n g patterns of working class behaviour and a c t i v i t i e s . Also, i t was hoped that the nature and extent of the relationships between the "day-in and day-out" a c t i v i t y patterns and the urban s p a t i a l structure could be determined. Concurrent-l y the s p a t i a l consequences of each working class a c t i v i t y , i n terms of the physical c r i t e r i a , could be indicated. The analysis, thus, seeks to point out dominant working class a c t i v i t y and behaviour patterns; to specify those physical arrangements that might hamper a c t i v i t i e s i n the r e s i d e n t i a l area; to suggest some s p a t i a l arrangements which could work to accommodate working class a c t i v i t i e s * - 40 -li m i t a t i o n s of the Study The research design of t h i s thesis has many l i m i t a t i o n s . The three basic l i m i t a t i o n s i n the method of information c o l l e c t i o n and the analysis of the information are discussed below. In obtaining information about working class a c t i v i t i e s i t was consid-ered necessary to choose a c t i v i t y information which describedthe stable and regular ( i n terms of a d a i l y , monthly or yearly routine) a c t i v i t i e s . In that the studies were not of a comparable nature, the inconsistencies i n the a c t i v i t y information are evident. I f i t had been possible, a l l a c t i v i t y data would have included the following information: (a) the person or persons involved, (b) the sp e c i f i c place of occurrence, (c) the reason for the a c t i v i t y or the attitude towards the a c t i v i t y . Such information could indicate more r e l i a b l y the import-ance of the a c t i v i t y as w e l l as the s p a t i a l consequences of each a c t i v i t y pattern. The method of information c o l l e c t i o n would not l i k e l y meet the require-ments of o b j e c t i v i t y and quantification. The biases of the investigator could' not be s c i e n t i f i c a l l y controlled. Although an effort was made to report only those a c t i v i t i e s which were recorded i n two or more studies, t h i s was not always possible. Also, as t h i s study incorporated the findings of previous research studies, the li m i t a t i o n s of those studies are incorporated as w e l l . The results of the study do not provide a s t a t i s t i c a l basis for making generalizations. Each of the a c t i v i t y patterns delineated suggest new hypoth-eses which would need to be tested i n a systematic fashion before the planning c r i t e r i a for that a c t i v i t y pattern could be accepted. Although the approach of the thesis i s subject to the above l i m i t a t i o n s , i t i s considered that a true f i e l d study which rigorously delineates the nature of working class a c t i v i t y patterns i s highly useful i n that the planner can more readily r e l a t e the values and attitudes of the residents of an area to the physical characteristics of that area. As Chapin states, very often a great difference exists between the a c t i v i t y i t s e l f and the opinion towards the a c t i v i t y . -41 -Analysis and Summary Patterns of a c t i v i t y : What are the salient types of a c t i v i t i e s and where do they occur? The analysis of working class a c t i v i t i e s indicates the following patterns. The l o c i of working class a c t i v i t i e s (other than mandatory employment and school attendance) i s i n the home and i n a more lim i t e d way i n the streets and neighbourhood conmercial area,'. The home a c t i v i t i e s center i n the yard, the kitchen and i n whatever room the t e l e v i s i o n i s kept, generally the l i v i n g room. The characteristic a c t i v i t i e s revolve around work related to the main-tenance of the home and household, that i s , cleaning and cooking, caring for children, yard work, and home repairs; informal s o c i a l i z i n g with close friends and r e l a t i v e s ; family recreation, especially t e l e v i s i o n watching. The streets and sidewalks are used for casual gathering and s o c i a l i z i n g with neighbours and for playing. The neighbourhood commercial area ^  functions as a s o c i a l i z i n g and communication and information center as w e l l as a shopping, p a r t i c u l a r l y grocery shopping, center. These functions p a r t i c u l a r l y serve the working class woman and teen-ager who use the area almost d a i l y . A c t i v i t i e s into the outer world are few and are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y i n -formal and family or peer-group oriented. For example, a c t i v i t i e s i n c i t y or regional space include going for a pleasure drive with the family, shopping, spending time i n taverns, f i s h i n g and attending spectator sports or movies. A c t i v i t i e s do not include the more formal ventures as working v o l u n t a r i l y for service organizations, attending formal club meetings or going to plays. The working class are more l i k e l y to engage i n t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s on a week day or week-end basis rather than on vacation time. Vacation a c t i v i t i e s appear centered around the home or the home of r e l a t i v e s . Obstacles to working class a c t i v i t i e s : The obstacles facing the working class and which influence t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and behaviour often do not involve the physical arrangements of space but involve transportation a c c e s s i b i l i t y , time, money and knowledge. Yet, within t h i s framework of constraints can physical planning c r i t e r i a be established to better serve the a c t i v i t i e s of the working class? From the l i s t of suggested c r i t e r i a the following appear to c o n f l i c t with the l i s t of working class a c t i v i t i e s , c r i t e r i a 18: Establish c l e a r l y defined private and public domains* c r i t e r i a 38: Ensure that adjoining uses do not make the r e s i d e n t i a l areas public places. Working class studies repeatedly report the use of public space for establishing s o c i a l contacts, f o r play, and for congregating and exchang-ing information. Other studies report the overflow of home a c t i v i t i e s into the public space. I f the close proximity of the private home to public space and f a c i l i t i e s i s important, any physical barriers which separate the private home space from the public space could hamper the a c t i v i t i e s of the working class. Other l i s t e d c r i t e r i a which appear to have l i t t l e relevance to working class a c t i v i t i e s are: c r i t e r i a 12: Provide peripheral storage outside r e s i d e n t i a l area for second car. c r i t e r i a 17: Create a clear external housing image* c r i t e r i a 20: Provide v i s u a l green amenity throughout community, c r i t e r i a 32: Provide par k - l i k e passive open space for each block. These c r i t e r i a can be considered of very low p r i o r i t y for the following reasons. One out of s i x working class households w i l l perhaps own one car. The p o s s i b i l i t i e s of ownership of two cars w i l l be much lower. Rather than a clear external housing image the "working class woman look for economic security and signs of medium l e v e l economic r e s p e c t a b i l i t y 123 i n the exterior appearance of t h e i r homes". The external appearance of hous-ing tends to be of much lesser importance than the i n t e r i o r conditions. Providing yard space for gardening and yard work appears more relevant to working class a c t i v i t i e s than providing the v i s u a l green amenity. Although both, i f economically fe a s i b l e , would most l i k e l y be desirable, the f i r s t appears more considerate of the working class way of l i f e # The provision of park-like passive open space does not appear to f i t into the a c t i v i t y schema of the working class. Would people whose a c t i v i t i e s are mainly centered around the dwelling u n i t , the private yard, the st r e e t , Rainwater, Workingman's Wife, p. 196. ACTIVITY- CRITERIA INTERACTION TABLE 7 A c t i v i t y Number b „ ., a Cnt e r x a 1. Provide for communal in t e r a c t i o n i n the housing layout. 2. Provide maximum possible amenity for each household. 3. Accommodate ror varying needs of different lamily compositions. 4 . Provide a human scale for i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y i n housing design 5, Provide ease of growth for each housing u n i t , 6, Achieve compactness i n the o v e r a l l plan, 7, Prevent neighbourhood i s o l a t i o n , 8, Locate housing units i n close proximity to community service and f a c i l i t i e s , 9, Buffer housing from major auto t r a f f i c , 10. Average three minutes walk to l o c a l convenience shops. 11. Provide parking space for one car per dwelling unit plus v i s i t o r space parking. 12. Provide peripheral storage outside r e s i d e n t i a l area for second car. 13. Provide adequate sunny and sun protected areas for each dwelling u n i t . 14. Create safe play areas f o r children, 15. Provide privacy for each family. 16. Maximize d i v e r s i t y and choice of housing types for a l l people, 17. Create a clear external housing image. 18. Establish c l e a r l y defined public and private domains. 19. Allow equal access to recreation f a c i l i t i e s , 20. Provide v i s u a l green amenity throughout community, 21. Ensure manipulability of open space to meet i n d i v i d u a l and group needs. 22. Design areas f o r low maintenance costs. 23. Allow open space to serve multiple functions,, 24» Maximize f u l l use ef seen space at a l l times and climates, 25, Provide recreation for a l l ages, 26, Make v i s u a l l y apparent the a c t i v i t y allocated to an area, 27, Provide private open space with each housing u n i t , 28, Extend home l i f e into open space use. 29, Provide each r e s i d e n t i a l block with a large playground related to the school, 30, Minimize c o n f l i c t of auto t r a f f i c and outdoor recreation. 1. 2 3 : 4 , 5 j-, 7 $ 3 10 11 12 13 15 16 17)18 b.9] 1. 3 5 6 7 8 9 t o i i 12 14-15 16 17 18 19 20| 2.1 22 2 3 24 25 2 * 1 27 28 29 30 H O M E ' C E U T t e C D 2Q 21 22 2 3 ; 2 f 26 26 27 Z8 29 :3Q igI 32 33 ,3-41 So 3<o 3? R E S I D E N T I A L A£>£A C G U T E E k D . 38,39 J40 4 i 42143 4 5 46 47 149149 50 51 b 2 | 5 3 m 5 5 C I T Y CG.UTE.I2.GI> TABLE Continued A c t i v i t y Number C r i t e r i a 3 1 . Provide adequate storage and s h e l t e r w i t h r e c r e a t i o n spaces, 3 2 , P r o v i d e p a r k - l i k e p a s s i v e open space f o r each b l o c k , 33* Encourage i n i t i a t i v e , i n c e n t i v e and s e l f - d i s c o v e r y i n open space use, 3 4 , Encourage s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n through use of open space, 35, Provide a v a r i e t y o f a c t i v i t i e s f o r l e i s u r e hours, 36, Mix c h i l d and a d u l t a c t i v i t i e s , 37, P r o v i d e comprehensible access to r e c r e a t i o n spaces. 38, Ensure t h a t a d j o i n i n g uses do not make the r e s i d e n t i a l areas p u b l i c spa«es, 39, Pr o v i d e f o r s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n i n e x t e r n a l d e s i g n , 40, Ensure g r e a t e r u t i l i z a t i o n o f b a l c o n i e s , r o o f s and o u t s i d e c o r r i d o r s f o r work ., and r e c r e a t i o n use. 4-1-' Make p r o v i s i o n s f o r s h e l t e r , s e c u r i t y and l i g h t i n g t o make s i t e s .safe a t a l l times, 42, I n t e g r a t e i n t e r i o r and e x t e r i o r spaces, 43, Minimize d i s t a n c e from automobile t o d w e l l i n g u n i t , 44, P r o t e c t a g a i n s t adverse c l i m a t e when moving between p a r k i n g and the d w e l l i n g u n i t , a Adapted from; Robert D, Ka t z , Design o f the Housing S i t e , (Small Homes C o u n c i l - B u i l d i n g Research C o u n c i l , U n i v e r s i t y o f I l l i n o i s , Urbana, I l l i n o i s , 1966). Robert D. Katz, I n t e n s i t y o f Development and L i v e a b i l i t y o f M u l t i - F a m i l y  Housing P r o j e c t s , T e c h n i c a l Study T.S. 7.14 FHA No,509, (Washington, D.C,, F e d e r a l Housing A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , January, 1963), "New Communities: One A l t e r n a t i v e " , Graduate School o f Design, (Harvard U n i v e r s i t y , Cambridge, Massachusetts, June, 1968), For A c t i v i t y Schedule see Appendix A. - 1 r 2 4 10 1 -n 12 13 14 15 lh 17 j 1 ,9 20 21 22 \Z3 Z4 25 2i> Z7 28 Z3 30 J31 32. 33 1 — 1— 35 2b 37 3S 1*3 40 41 42 I I I I I I 4B 44145 4& 47 48 4? 50 6.1 52 .b"3 6>4 £5 40 * C L" ccu-rcce 3 1 . 32 33 !! 3 4 35 m 3 6 • 37 1 8 f 38 — • i § L 4 0 m • LL i ) I wm 41 • 42 m \ Lit 4* ! compatible c o n f l i c t i r g l a c k i n g 1 - 45 -and the commercial area use a park - l i k e passive open space? Would the benefits accruing from the open space equal the costs of providing the open space? Such questions become evident when one views space i n terms of the patterns of a c t i v i t i e s which generally take place. Some c r i t e r i a which are not included i n the l i s t presented but which would work to accommodate working class a c t i v i t i e s are discussed i n the following section. A c t i v i t i e s and s p a t i a l structure: A cursory study of Table 7 indicates the l i t t l e attention given by the "New Communities Project" on the a c t i v i t i e s centering around the home. That t h i s l e v e l of consideration was not included i n establishing p r i o r i t i e s for housing i n new communities i s l o g i c a l since the study was b a s i c a l l y concern-ed with the relationships among the houses, the houses and the r e s i d e n t i a l area, and the r e s i d e n t i a l area and the t o t a l community. The frequency and quali t y of home centered a c t i v i t i e s suggest, however, the importance of the home space to the working class. What c r i t e r i a could be suggested i n order to accommodate the home centered a c t i v i t i e s ? Some examples of the a c t i v i t i e s and t h e i r translations into planning c r i t e r i a are as follows: a c t i v i t y 1: Social a c t i v i t y takes place mainly i n the kitchen. I t i s also where the working class wife spends most of her time "working", c r i t e r i a : Allow easy access to kitchen from exterior space. Provide v i s u a l and auditory connection to the children's area, a c t i v i t y 14 and 20: Unless couples play cards or watch T.V, the men and the women separate and form two groups. Couples do not generally p a r t i c i p a t e i n j o i n t s o c i a l l i f e , c r i t e r i a : Provide separate s o c i a l areas for men and women. Another lack i n the c r i t e r i a presented i s the meagre consideration of a c t i v i t y which takes place i n the commercial area. Again, the frequency and quality of a c t i v i t y focused on the commercial areas suggests additional c r i t e r i a for low income r e s i d e n t i a l communities. For example, the fact that the working class wife confines most of her shopping to neighbourhood stores, -46 -that the working class wife combines s o c i a l i z i n g with shopping, that the working class teen-ager congregates on the street near stores and that the young children are often taken on the d a i l y shopping t r i p - suggests the following planning implications, (a) Locate housing units i n close proximity or connected to commercial areas, (b) Combine commercial areas with spaces suited for s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n for a l l age groups* (c) Provide spaces for informal gathering and play a c t i v i t y i n and around the commercial area, (d) Make i t possible for the commercial area to be v i s i b l e from the street, from other commercial areas and from the gathering areas. With regards to working class a c t i v i t i e s and the u t i l i z a t i o n of c i t y space and f a c i l i t i e s , the question, "Should the working class be encouraged to p a r t i c i p a t e i n c i t y or regional a c t i v i t i e s ? " i s raised. This question i s beyond the stated objectives of t h i s t h e s i s . I t can only be indicated that the use of c i t y or regional space revolves around shopping and recreational f a c i l i t i e s . And that the non-use of other f a c i l i t i e s may be linked with low automobile ownership, lack of money, lack of knowledge, lack of time and lack of i n t e r e s t . As a summary remark, i t i s suggested that by f i r s t accommodating f a m i l -i a r a c t i v i t y patterns and secondly by making some provision for alternative a c t i v i t i e s , i t w i l l make the t r a n s i t i o n to new and different l i v i n g patterns much easier for the lower income groups. - 47 -Conclusion: The hypothesis g u i d i n g the research s t a t e d t h a t because o f the d i s t i n c t i v e working c l a s s way o f l i f e , a studjr o f working c l a s s a c t i v i t y and behaviour p a t t e r n s would y i e l d d i s t i n c t i v e p l a n n i n g and design r e q u i r e -ments f o r ;irorking c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l communities. The l i t e r a t u r e p e r t i n e n t to the lower income groups suggested t h a t the c e n t r a l goal o f the working c l a s s has been s e c u r i t y . This s e c u r i t y goal was i n d i c a t e d t o be a major i n f l u e n c e i n the working c l a s s way of l i f e . I t was, thu s , considered important that a study on the p l a n n i n g and design of working c l a s s communities be cognizant of the f u l l i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the work-i n g c l a s s s e c u r i t y need. The survey o f l i t e r a t u r e f u r t h e r revealed t h a t a working c l a s s p r i o r -i t y stemming from t h e s e c u r i t y goal was home ownership. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of low income housing and as w e l l , t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y o f housing f o r owning r a t h e r than f o r r e n t i n g appeared t o be c r u c i a l i n f u l f i l l i n g the s e c u r i t y need of the working c l a s s . I t was, t h u s , proposed t h a t i n order to create an adequate supply o f low income housing, r e c o g n i t i o n and acceptance of i n d u s t r i a l -i z e d b u i l d i n g methods would be r e q u i r e d . The research on i n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d -i n g p o i n t e d out s e v e r a l advantages: (1) t h a t costs could be reduced as a r e s u l t o f a redu c t i o n i n b u i l d i n g time and i n the working hours devoted t o o n - s i t e c o n s t r u c t i o n , (2) t h a t the', length o f time t h a t the c a p i t a l i s t i e d up unprod-u c t i v e l y could be decreased w i t h the shortening o f b u i l d i n g time, (3) that the dependence upon c l i m a t i c f a c t o r s could be reduced w i t h the shortening of o n - s i t e c o n s t r u c t i o n time, (4) th a t the r e p e t i t i v e p r o d u c t i o n o f s i m i l a r components could decrease c o n s t r u c t i o n costs * and (5) t h a t the capacity f o r q u a l i t y c o n t r o l o f m a t e r i a l s and c o n s t r u c t i o n could be i n c r e a s e d . To p r o v i d e increased o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r home ownership, i t was suggest-ed t h a t i n n o v a t i v e government programs and s u b s i d i e s would need to be devised. A cursory study o f e x i s t i n g government programs i n d i c a t e d t h a t Canada has provided very l i t t l e f o r the working c l a s s income category. The N a t i o n a l Housing Act i n i t s i n s u r e d mortgage p r o v i s i o n s has been d i r e c t e d to the middle c l a s s income groups. The p u b l i c housing constructed under the Urban Renewal programs, on the other hand, has been d i r e c t e d mainly towards the under - 4 8 -$3,500 income group. The United States Federal programs provided greater insight into the range of p o s s i b i l i t i e s open to governments. The Model C i t i e s programs, the turn-key technique and the home ownership provisions of the HUD 1 9 6 8 l e g i s l a t i o n suggested several new approaches to the low income housing dilemma. The location of housing, although not a dominant concern i n the range of working class concerns, could not be neglected. Urban Family expenditure data pointed out that car ownership was not extensive and that generally the average working class family used public transportation to a greater extent than the average upper income family. From t h i s , i t was inferred that near-ness to work and convenience to public transportation f a c i l i t i e s are important considerations i n the planning of low income r e s i d e n t i a l communities. Other l i t e r a t u r e pointed out that the working class would place higher p r i o r i t i e s on a c c e s s i b i l i t y to employment, commercial f a c i l i t i e s and schools than on such amenities as privacy and open space. The information gathered from the studies was generally consistent with the view that the working class i s one of the diverse sub-populations of urban centers for whom some spec i f i c planning considerations, especially with regards to the r e s i d e n t i a l area, must be given. Working class households and individuals do hold characteristic a t t i t -udes and preferences with regards to t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l area. And although they may evaluate neighbourhoods i n various ways, the important physical feat-ures of the neighbourhood tend to involve whether they are comfortable or challenging, safe or dangerous, intimate or open, manageable or chaotic. The working class i s said to be one of the most conservative of the socio-economic groups. The desire for the f a m i l i a r , for the comfortable and for the safe tends to v e r i f y t h i s statement. In summary, the characteristic attitudes towards the home and the r e s i d e n t i a l area were found to be: (a) the desire of home ownership for the security gained, not for the increased status, (b) the desire for adequate l i v i n g space within the home, (c) the desire for comfort and convenience, and (d) the desire for connections, that i s , they do not wish to be i s o l a t e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y from k i n , friends or commercial and recreational f a c i l i t i e s . The information obtained about patterns of working class a c t i v i t i e s and behaviour suggest that the design process can be more responsive to what the working class not only want but also to what they do. That the p r i o r i t y - 49 -systems of the various socio-economic groups d i f f e r i s evident i n t h e i r expenditure patterns. The working class p r i m a r i l y focuses upon f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r goal for security, and thus any physical environment which aids i n establishing s t a b i l i t y within the community i s a necessity. One method of achieving t h i s s t a b i l i t y i s through accommodating the f a m i l i a r and routine a c t i v i t i e s . The planning of low income housing by studying the habitual a c t i v i t i e s appears especially relevant after one learns that c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y the working class tend not to participate i n neighbourhood organizations, or for that matter, any formally organized club or association. Delving more deeply, knowledge of the reasons for not joining and of the attitudes heid towards such clubs ane organizations w i l l help not only i n t r a n s l a t i n g the a c t i v i t y patterns to design c r i t e r i a but also i n suggesting ways of reaching the people and encouraging them to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the design and planning process. I f i t i s thought that planning for types of people with d i s t i n c t l i v i n g styles rather than for the s t a t i s t i c a l average i s desirable, the most effective arrangement would be to have basic a c t i v i t y and attitude data about the diverse sub-populations that make up the t o t a l urban population. Obtain-ing such measures of the behaviour of t y p i c a l occupants of r e s i d e n t i a l areas could with respect to t h e i r use of space and f a c i l i t i e s , o f f e r a basis for predicting land use decisions. There has been much emphasis placed on comparisons between "low income" l i f e styles and "middle income" l i f e s t y l e s . The emphasis has often been directed towards changing the values and attitudes of the low income class to those of the middle income group. An e x p l i c i t p o l i c y must be arrived at: does one accept the difference i n l i f e styles and the need to provide a variety of housing provisions, or does one provide housing which i s based on the p o l i c y of c u l t u r a l integration. This thesis concludes that planning p o l i c y should accept differences i n l i f e styles and should provide the variety of r e s i d e n t i a l communities which would accommodate the d i s t i n c t i v e patterns of a c t i v i t y and behaviour. Some proposed requirements derived from t h i s point of view are: ( l ) that the planning and design of low-income neighbourhoods be subject to c r i t e r i a which considers the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the consistent and regular a c t i v i t i e s and behaviour of the residents. - 50 -(2) that i n d u s t r i a l i z e d building methods be u t i l i z e d i n order to provide an adequate supply of housing and as well to put the cost of home ownership within the reach of the working class, (3) that greater government i n i t i a t i v e i n seeking solutions to the low-income housing problem be evidenced by a variety of imaginative programs especially suited to the circumstance of the low income groups, (4) that the location of low-income housing be determined i n terms of the location of blue c o l l a r employment, public transportation and commercial f a c i l i t i e s , (5) that the planning and design of low-income r e s i d e n t i a l areas be more considerate of the importance of home a c t i v i t i e s i n l i f e of the working class, (6) that the planning and design of low-income r e s i d e n t i a l areas recognize the unique uses made of the streets and commercial areas by the working class, and (7) that because working class p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning process i s hindered by t h e i r characteristic non-involvement i n organizat-ions or associations, especially neighbourhood c i v i c organizations, new approaches be studied which are considerate of t h i s character-i s t i c . A suggestion i s that the working class be more adequately represented i n the p o l i t i c a l process and as well be given easy access to the decision making bodies within c i t y governments. I t i s conceded that the exploratory nature of t h i s study has l e f t many questions which would require further research and analysis before adequate conclusions could be made. As mentioned previously, each of the suggested requirements point out new hypotheses which would need to be tested i n a systematic fashion before they could be accepted as planning c r i t e r i a for low income housing. I f planners are genuinely concerned with planning for people, the need to accommodate the l i f e styles of the diverse groups i n our c i t i e s must be given a higher p r i o r i t y i n the range of planning concerns. The numerous studies investigated i n the research of t h i s thesis point out that what the working class i s searching for i s a stable, family-centered l i f e within a fa m i l i a r r e s i d e n t i a l area. The planner's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s , thus, to concen-t r a t e on physical and s o c i a l settings which accommodate the nature of working class l i f e but which are also within the framework of the t o t a l c i t y . - 51 -SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY I , Books Berger Bennet M., Working Class Suburb. Berkley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, I960, Bott Elizabeth, Family and Social Network, London: Tavistock Publications, 1957. Caplovitz David, The Poor Pay More, New York: Free Press, 1963. Dhalla N.K., These Canadians, Toronto: McGraw H i l l , 1966. Duhl Leonard ed., The Urban Condition, New York: Basic Books, 1963. Economic Council of Canada, F i f t h Annual Review, Ottawa, Queen's Pr i n t e r , September, 1968. Freiden Bernard J , ed., Urban Planning and Social P o l i c y , New York: Basic Books, 1968, Gans Herbert, People and Plans, New York: Basic Books, 1968, •Gans Herbert, The Urban Condition, New York: Free Press, 1962, Goldstein B., Low Income Youth i n Urban Areas, New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1967. Harrington Michael, The Other America, Baltimore: Penquin Books, 1962. Hoover Edgar M., Vernon Raymond, Anatomy of a Metropolis, Garden City New York: Doubleday and Co., 1959. K e l l e r Suzanne, The Urban Neighbourhood, New York: Random House, 1968, Kamorovsky Mirra, Blue Collar Marriage, New York: Vintage Books, 1962. Meyer J.R., Kain J.F., Wohl M., The Urban Transportation Problem, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965, Rainwater Lee, And the Poor Get Children, Chicago: Quadrangle Books, I960, Rainwater Lee, Coleman R., Handel G,, Workingman's Wife, New York: McFadden Books, 1962, Shostak Arthur B., Gomberg William ed,, Blue Collar World, Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice H a l l , 1964. Valentine Charles A., Culture and Poverty, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1968, - 52 -Warner Sam Bass ed., Planning for a Nation of C i t i e s , Cambridge: MIT Press, 1966. Wilner Daniel, The Housing Environment and Family L i f e , Baltimore: John Hopkin's Press, 1962. Young Michael, Wilmott Peter, Family and Kinship i n East London, Hammondsworth, Middlesex England: Penguin Books, 1957. I I . A r t i c l e s Bailey James, "Housing-Yes, Cities-No", Architectural Forum, September 1968 , p. 37-39. Barnes Charles F., "Living Patterns and Attitude Survey", Highway Research Board, No. 187, 1967, p. 43-54. B e l l Wendell and Boat Marion D., "Urban Neighbourhoods and Informal Social Relations", American Journal of Sociology, v.63, January 1957, p. 391 - 398. Berger Bennet M., "Suburbs, Subcultures and the Urban Structure", i n Planning for a Nation of C i t i e s , Edited by Sam Bass. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1966, p. 143 - 162. B r o l i n Brent C , Ze i s e l John, "Mass Housing: Social Research and Design", Architectural Forum, July/August 1968, p. 66 - 71. Burstein Joseph, "New Techniques i n Public Housing", Law and Contemporary Problems, v. 32, No.3, Summer 1967, P. 528 - 549, Chapin Stuart F., " A c t i v i t y Systems and Urban Structure", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, v,34, 1968, p. 11 - 18, Cohen Albert K., Hodges Harold M., "Characteristics of the Lower Blue Collar Class". Social Problems, v. 10, Spring 1963, p. 313 - 334. C o l l i n s J.M. Anthony, "A New Approach to Urban Housing i n Canada", Architecture Canada, v. 8, August 1968, p. 43 - 45. Dotson Floyd, "Patterns of Voluntary Association Among Urban Working Class Families", American Sociological Review, v. 16, October 1951, p. 687 - 693. Duhl Leonard, "Planning and Poverty", Urban Condition. Edited by Leonard Duhl. New York: Basic Books, 1963. Duhl Leonard, "The Human Measure: Man and Family i n Megalopolis", C i t i e s and Space, Edited by Lowden Wingo. New York: John Hopkins Paperback, 1966, p. 133 - 154 . Fried Marc, "Functions of the Working Class Community", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, v. 33, March 1967, P* 90-102, - 53 -Fried Marc, "Grieving for a Lost Home", Urban Condition. Edited by Leonard Duhl. New York: Basic Books, 1963, Fried Marc and Gleicher Peggy, "Some Sources of Residential Satisfaction i n an Urban Slum", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of  Planners, November, 1962, p. 312. Gans Herbert, "Social and Physical Planning for the Elimination of Urban Poverty", Urban Planning and Social P o l i c y , Edited by B. Frieden. New York: Basic Books, 1968, p. 39 - 54. Godschalk David and M i l l s William E., "A Collaborative Approach to Planning through Urban A c t i v i t i e s " , Journal of the American  I n s t i t u t e of Planners,March 1968. Handel Gerald, Rainwater Lee, "Persistence and Change i n Working Class L i f e . Style", Sociology and Social Research, v.XLVIII, No.3, A p r i l 1964. Hartman Chester, "Social Values and Housing Orientations", Journal of S o c i a l Issues, v. 19, 1963, p. 113 - 131. Kanwitt Edmond L., and Eckartt Alma F., "Transportation Implications of Employment Trends i n Central C i t i e s and Suburbs", Highway Research Record, No.187, 1967, p. 1 - 14. Ledbetter William H., "Public Housing: A Social Experiment" Law and Contemp-orary Problems, v.32, No.3, September 1967, p. 490 - 529. Michelson William, "Social Insights to Guide the Design of Housing for Low Income Families", E k i s t i c s , v. 25, 1968, p. 252, Michelson William, "Urban Sociology as an aid to Urban Physical Development: Some Research Strategies", Journal of the American  I n s t i t u t e of Planners, March 1968, p. 105 M i l l e r S.M., and Reisman Frank, "The Working Class Sub-culture: A New View", Soc i a l Problems, v,9, Summer 1961, p. 86 - 97. Moynihan Daniel, "Three Problems i n Combatting Poverty", Poverty i n America, Edited by Margaret S. Gordon, San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1965, p, 39 - 46. P i e r i Margaret, "Marketing and Social Classes? An Anthropological View", Management Review, v . 3 9 , September I960, p. 45 - 48. P l a t t s R.E., "System Housing: The Shelter Industry i n Northern Europe',' Habitat, v. 11, No.3, p. 14 - 20. "Phoenix: Legend of Low Cost Housing Delays", Engineering News Record, August 29, 1968, p. 35 - 36 . Rainwater Lee, "Fear and the House-as-Haven i n the Lower Class", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, v. 32, January 1966, P. 32 - 37 . - 54 -Rainwater Lee, "A Study of Personality Differences Between Middle and Lower Class Adolescents: the Szondi Test i n Culture -Personality Research", Genetic Psychology Monographs, v. 54, August 1956, p. 3 - 86, Ryan Edward J . , "Personal Identity i n an Urban Slum", Urban Condition, Edited by Leonard Duhl. New York: Basic Books, 1963, Shaffer Margaret T., "Attitudes, Community Values and Highway Planning", Highway Research Record, No. 187, 1967, P. 55 - 61, Taylor Ralph, Williams George A., "Housing i n Model C i t i e s ^ , Law and Contemporary Problems, v. 32, No.3, Summer 1967, p. 397 - 408, "Turnkey Public Housing", Journal of Housing, no.l, 1968, p, 15 - 16, Wurster C.B., "Social Questions i n Housing and Community Planning", Urban Housing, Edited by William Wheaton, Grace Milgram, Margy E. Meyerson, (New York: Free Press, 1966) Webber M,., "Comprehensive Planning and Social Responsibility", Urban Planning and Social P o l i c y , Edited by B. Frieden, New York: Basic Books, 1968, p. 9 - 22, Yudis Anthony J . , "Floating Concrete can save 30$", Boston Sunday Globe, July 7, 1968, I I I , Reports, Pamphlets, Collections Chapin Stuart F., Time Budget and City Planning, A paper presented for presentation at the Time Budget Round Table discussions at the Sixth World Congress of Sociology held i n Evion, France, September 4 - 10, 1966. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Urban Family Expenditure, 1964, No.62 - 527. Hoyt Homer,Where the Rich and the Poor People Live, Urban Land I n s t i t u t e Technical B u l l e t i n No,55, Washington D.C, Urban Land I n s t i t u t e , 1966. International Council for Building Research Studies and Documentation, Towards Indus t r i a l i z e d Building, Amsterdam: Elsevier Publishing Company, 1966. Keyserling Leon, Keyserling Report: Poverty and Deprivation i n the United States, Conference on Economic Progress, Washington D.C,1961. Metropolitan Housing and Planning Council of Chicago, Interim Report on Housing the Economically Disadvantaged Groups i n the Population, 1960. M i t c h e l l Neal, and Turner Donald Ian, Squatter Housing: C r i t e r i a for Development, Directions for P o l i c y , United Nations Seminar on Prefabrication of Houses for La t i n America, Information Document No.19, 1967. - 55 -Report on the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development, January 1969, Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1969. Schorr A l v i n L., Slums and Insecurity, United States Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Research Report No.l, 1966, United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area, Clark Drive, March 1967-Vancouver Housing Association, "Survey of Families with Children L i v i n g  i n Shared Accommodation, May 1954, Weiss Shirley F., Consumer Preferences i n Residential Location - A Preliminary Investigation of the Home Purchase Decision, Center for Urban and Regional Studies, I n s t i t u t e for Research i n Social Science University of North Carolina at Chapel H i l l , March 15, 1966. - 56 -APPENDIX A Working Class A c t i v i t i e s Home Centered A c t i v i t i e s Child r a i s i n g and family a c t i v i t i e s : 1. The kitchen i s the main arena of s o c i a l a c t i v i t y and the f o c a l point of the working class wife's existence. 2. Hallways are often considered part of the l i v i n g space for play and for conversation, 3 . The working class home i s where the kids can mess i t up and where the whole family can have fun together without worrying about resultant damage to either house or people. 4. Watching T.V. i s a large part of the d a i l y routine and a necessity -i t keeps the children out of the mothers "hair" and i n a safe place. The l i v i n g room generally houses the T.V. They usually watch westerns and sports events, The working class spends a comparable percentage of t h e i r expenditure dollars on the t e l e v i s i o n as do higher income groups, 5. The three a c t i v i t i e s that take up the greatest proportion of the working-man's wife's time are homemaking, c h i l d rearing and husband servicing. Rarely does the working man's wife have paid help. 6. A frequent economic arrangement i s one of reciprocal a i d , that i s , of sharing the home, 7. The husband has his own tasks, f o r example, washing the car, repairing the house, puttering i n the garden, 8. The biggest change that comes with the changing of the seasons i s that i n summer they can stay outside i n the yard more often and i n winter they are forced to remain i n t h e i r houses, 9. The fourth a c t i v i t y mentioned by women as enjoying very much i s gardening. The working class wife sets aside Saturday as the day for working i n the yard. 10, Planning home improvements i s l i s t e d as a favorite a c t i v i t y of both men and women, 11, The husband does most of the repairing, etc.. around the house. The $3,000 - $5,499 income groups spends less on contract costs for repairs than do the top two income groups. Recreation: 12, Playing with children i s second only to T.V. watching as a favorite a c t i v i t y for both men and women* - 57 -13. Men get together to play card games other than bridge. Women hardly ever mention playing games l i k e Canasta or Bridge. 14. Dinner parties are rare to infrequent - the men sometimes go out to bring a pizza for l a t e evening refreshments. 15. Vacations are usually spent at home or at r e l a t i v e s . They are generally not devoted to t r a v e l but are spent on home projects. Vacations taken are not always family matters. The $5,500 - $10,000 and over income groups spends one-third to one-half more on vacations than the working class. 16. There i s generally a low l e v e l of interest i n reading or l i s t e n i n g to music. A r e l a t i v e l y small percentage of the dollars spent on reading material i s devoted to books or magazines. S o c i a l : 17. Relative and friend v i s i t i n g i s quite often part of the d a i l y routine and i s casual and informal. The form of v i s i t i n g i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y "popping i n " . The hostess might continue her work as she v i s i t s with her guests. 18. Unless couples play cards or watch T.V., the men and the women separate and form two groups. Couples do not generally participate i n a joint s o c i a l l i f e . 19. Social a c t i v i t i e s are quite r e s t r i c t e d to the r e l a t i v e s . Only r e l a t i v e s have meals together. Neighbours are usually not i n v i t e d into the house. Residential Area Centered A c t i v i t i e s Child r a i s i n g and family a c t i v i t i e s : 20. G i r l s over 10 years watch over the younger children on the street. 21. Adolescent boys are given considerable freedom to be outside without supervision. Shopping and Related A c t i v i t i e s : 22. The working class wife confines most of her shopping to those stores i n the neighbourhood where experience has taught her that she w i l l neither be "taken" nor ignored by the salespeople or the storekeeper. 23. Neighbourhood grocery shopping i s an everyday or at least two to three times a week a c t i v i t y , 24. The commercial establishments serve as communication centers. 25. Shopping i s combined with s o c i a l i z i n g - mostly i n small grocery stores. 26. Weather permitting, young children are taken to the main shopping street or park. - 58 -27, Teenagers frequent some of the stores, but most of them congregate on the corners near one of the variety stores or small grocery stores. There presence i s met with mixed feelings. Religious A c t i v i t i e s : 28, The t y p i c a l working class wife only goes to church occasionally, maybe once a month or just for the big holidays l i k e Easter and Christmas, 29, Many working class mothers send children to church every Sunday - even though they themselves do not go. 30, On Sunday mornings, the streets were f i l l e d with people who were v i s i t i n g with neighbours and friends before and after church. Recreation: 32. Children of a l l ages played on the street. 33. Most of the time teenagers had to meet on street corners, i n tenement hallways, settlement houses or i n and around the small soda shops and groceries that dot the areas. 34. Shopping i s considered a recreational a c t i v i t y . S o c i a l : 35. As they tend to i n v i t e only re l a t i v e s and close friends into the apartment much of the other d a i l y s o c i a l l i f e takes place i n the street, or at work, 36. Contacts with neighbours are spontaneous and extremely casual. There i s comparatively l i t t l e s i ngling out of intimate friends as i n the middle class manner. The tenants do not necessarily develop close neighbourly r e l a t i o n s . 37. The women apparently do quite a b i t of day time mutual v i s i t i n g . C i t y Centered A c t i v i t i e s Shopping and related a c t i v i t i e s : 38. Saturday i s the day the family goes on a major shopping expedition, 39. Shopping f o r clothes i s considered a favorite a c t i v i t y by the women, Educational and Cul t u r a l A c t i v i t i e s : 40. Only 2 out of 58 v i s i t e d a l i b r a r y , 41. There i s generally a low l e v e l of interest i n current events or i n c u l t u r a l subjects. The $3,000 - $5,4999 income group spend an average of only $2.00 a year on plays. - 59 -Recreational A c t i v i t i e s : 42. Spending time i n "taverns" i s a favorite a c t i v i t y of the men. Taverns seem to function as a men's club. The working class spends a greater percentage of t h e i r expenditure dollars on beer,in licensed premises than the upper income groups. 43. Men tend to "hang around together i n a bar or corner". The majority of the women do not have s o c i a l contact with t h e i r husbands work mates. 44. Going to a restaurant, going out to eat - i s mentioned as a favorite a c t i v i t y . Eating out more than l i k e l y means eating at a drive - i n restaurant. Whereas, the average working class family would spend $120 on eating out, the average middle class family would spend twice as much, $220, 45. Going to a movie, probably attending a dri v e - i n show, i s mentioned as a week-end a c t i v i t y . The average working class family spends a comparable amount on movies as the upper income f a m i l i e s . 46. Attending spectator sports, l i k e baseball or auto races, i s mentioned as a favor i t e a c t i v i t y . The average working class family spends as much on sport events as the average family i n the $5,500 - $9,999 income group, but much less than the $10,000 and over income group. 47. Fishing i s a favorite a c t i v i t y of the men and one which the lowest prestige group participates most i n , 48. Swimming i s an often mentioned favorite a c t i v i t y of both men and women. 49. R o l l e r skating i s the one a c t i v i t y involving special equipment i n which the low status g i r l s have a preponderance of participants. The average working class family spends ^ to ^  as much on equipment for sports and games as the average family i n the two top income groups. 50. In a l i s t of the ten favorite a c t i v i t i e s , d r i v i n g the car for pleasure or taking a ride out into the country i s mentioned. 51. The working class, by and large, place low p r i o r i t y on recreation and vacations as things on which to spend money. The average working class family may spend $18 for vacations, while the average family i n the $5,500 -$9,999 would spend $30 and i n the $10,000 and over, $126 Income Producing A c t i v i t i e s : 52. Women who work part-time have jobs i n restaurants, cafeterias, department stores, f a c t o r i e s . Or they do baby-sitting, o f f i c e cleaning or piece work at home. - 60 -Pa r t i c i p a t i o n i n Clubs and Organizations: . 53. Almost non-existent among the organized a c t i v i t i e s of these couples i s volunteer work or c i v i c improvement clubs. 54. Half the clubs -which the women belong to have to do with children -either the P.T.A. or a Scouting organization. 55. She has few outside int e r e s t s , she does not par t i c i p a t e much i n organized formal club a c t i v i t y . The average working class family spends a negligible amount on s o c i a l and recreation club dues-Source: Berger Bennet, Working Class Suburb. Caplovitz David, The Poor Pay More. Cohen Albert K, Hodges Harold M, "Characteristics of the Lower Blue Collar Class". Dotson Floyd, "Patterns of Voluntary Association Among Urban Working Class Families". Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Urban Family Expenditure Patterns.. Gans Herbert, The Urban V i l l a g e r s . Goldstein Bernard, Low Income Youth i n Urban Areas. Handel Gerald, Rainwater Lee, "Persistence and Change i n Working Class L i f e Style". Hartman Chester, "Social Values and Housing Orientations". Kamorovsky Mirra, Blue C o l l a r Marriage. Rainwater Lee, Workingman's Wife. Ryan Edward J . , "Personal Identity i n an Urban Slum". Schorr A l v i n , Slums and Insecurity, - 61 -APPENDIX B TABLE 8 SELECTED ACTIVITY EXPENDITURES BY INCOME GROUPS: 1 9 6 4 & Per Cent of Total Expenditures Income Group - $2900 $3O0O-$5499 $5500-$9999 $10000 + Av. Total Expenditure 2022,8 4569.5 7243.7 12616,4 Home Centered A c t i v i t i e s 1. Hobbies and Crafts .02 .03 ,06 ,06 2. T. V. .37 .38 .43 .34 3. Reading .81 ,69 .63 .61 a, % Newspapers 76,8 68.7 58,6 48,82 b, % Magazines 13.8 13.6 20.0 22,64 c. % Books 9.2 16,5 20.1 28.53 4. Support of Relatives 1.2 .8 .7 .7 5. Contract Cost for Repairs 9.3 .4 .5 .7 6, Paid Help 1.1 .2 .5 1.01 Calculated from: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Urban Family Expenditures, No.62-527, pp.60-75. - 62 -TABLE 8 Continued Income Group - $ 2 9 0 0 $ 3 0 0 0 - $ 5 4 9 9 $ 5 5 0 0 - $ 9 9 9 9 $ 1 0 0 0 0 + Av, Total Expenditure 2 0 2 2 . 8 4 5 6 9 . 5 7 2 4 3 . 7 1 2 6 1 6 . 4 City Centered A c t i v i t i e s 1 , Meals i n Eating Places other than at Work/School 2 . 1 3 2 . 7 3 . 1 5 . 1 2 . Beer on Licensed Premises . 5 . 4 . 3 . 2 3 . Liquor on Licensed Premises . 0 3 . 1 1 . 2 . 2 4 , Movies 2 . 2 . 3 . 2 . 3 5 . Plays . 0 4 . 0 5 ,06 . 1 4 6« Sports Events . 1 . 2 . 2 . 2 7 . S o c i a l and Recreation . 0 6 . 0 6 . 1 . 2 Club Dues 8 f Equipment for Games and Sports . 0 4 . 1 . 2 , 3 9 , Camping Equipment b ... . 0 5 , 1 , 1 1 0 . Special Lessons, eg. Music . 0 1 . 1 . 1 . 2 1 1 , Education . 3 . 6 . 7 1 .5 1 2 . Day Nurseries . 0 3 . 0 2 , 0 3 , 0 4 1 3 , Vacations . 5 . 4 . 6 1 . 0 b . . . - , 0 0 9 APPENDIX C A resume of studies used as sources of working class a c t i v i t y and behaviour patterns: Berger Bennet, Working Class Suburb. Bennet Berger's case study of the "Working Class Suburb", i s based on a sample of the 100 Ford workers who had moved to the San Jose suburban t r a c t with the relocation of the Ford Motor Company. The method of the study involved interviews which consisted of a schedule of 110 questions. The interviewing took place i n 1957, one year a f t e r the sample had moved to the suburbs. The interviews, l a s t i n g one hour, included as many members of the family as possible. The responses of the father were recorded for s t a t i s t i c a l purposes but as w e l l , the comments of the other members of the family were recorded. Gans Herbert, The Urban Villag e r s Herbert Gans describes the method used i n the study of West End, Boston as employing 6 major approaches: ( l ) using the West End's f a c i l i t i e s , (2) a t t -ending meetings, gatherings and public f a c i l i t i e s , (3) informally v i s i t i n g with neighbours and friends, (4) formally and informally interviewing community functionaries, (5) using informants, (6) observing. T o t a l l y , the study could be categorized as an observational study, however, various types of observat-i o n a l methods were used, Gans was, at times, a p a r t i c i p a t i n g observer but i n the capacity of a researcher, or at times, a true participant and s t i l l at other times, a non^participant observer. The observations and interviews were recorded as soon as possible i n a diary fashion. The l i m i t a t i o n of t h i s approach i s based on the i n a b i l i t y to systematically document the observations. Thus the behaviour patterns or attitudes reported cannot be said to be distributed throughout the population. The results do no possess a s t a t i s t i c a l basis for making generalizations with a known probable error. But Gans' opinion i s that "participant observation i s the only method I know that enables the researcher to get close to the r e a l i t -i e s of s o c i a l l i f e . I t s deficiencies i n producing quantitative data or more than made up for by i t s a b i l i t y to minimize the distance between the researcher and his subject of study". - 64 -Kamorovsky Mirra, Blue Collar Marriage. Mirra Kamorovskyfs study of 58 blue-collar marriages u t i l i z e d the case study method. This method involved a minimum of 6 hours (not continuous) with each family. The time was spent interviewing and observing both the husband and the wife i n t h e i r homes. The interviews were largely based on open-ended questions which had been t r i e d out i n 5 p i l o t interviews. In order to obtain a f u l l e r description of attitudes, including q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , l i n k s with other a c t i v i t i e s and depth of conviction, projective stories were used. The respondents were residents of two contiguous township forming a community with a t o t a l population of 50,000 located 5 miles from a major c i t y . Rainwater, Lee, Workingman's Wife. The methodological approach taken to study the "Workingman's Wife" involved 3 different interview forms. The main form of the interview u t i l -ized conversational type questions "which probed into the respondents s o c i a l behaviour and personal attitudes". The other type of questioning involved multiple choice objective questions which were devoted to getting at a more "objective measurement of attitudes about various s o c i a l forms and i n s t i t u t -ions". In both the l a s t 2 interviews forms projective questions - TAT pictures and sentence completions were used. As w e l l , questions involving an account-ing of a c t i v i t i e s , for example, the question "Describe your d a i l y routine'.',were included. The analysis presented i n t h i s book i s based on several research studies conducted over a series of years i n several different locations. The major source of data f o r analysis was a study of Blue Collar readers of Family Behaviour magazines i n 4 c i t i e s : Chicago, L o u i s v i l l e , Trenton and Tacoma, 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0102303/manifest

Comment

Related Items