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A cultural geography of northern Foxe Basin, N.W.T. Crowe, Keith Jeffray 1969

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A CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY OF NORTHERN FOXE B A S I N , NW.T. by KEITH JEFPRAY CROWE B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I960 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Geography We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1969 i i In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s thesis f o r scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Geography The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date October 1969. i i i ABSTRACT The shallow post glacial sea of northern Foxe Basin contains a large walrus herd. Complemented by other game resources, the herd has supported human settlement for about four thousand years. During sequent occupance of the region by different prehistoric hunting cultures there was adaptation to changes i n climate, game resources and land forms. Despite variations i n environment, there was remarkable continuity in the coastal settlement pattern. From a "core" area of relatively dense and permanent settlement, concentric areas decreased in v i a b i l i t y towards the regional margins, where adverse ice conditions were a major deterrent to settlement. Whaling fleets visited the regions adjacent to northern Foxe Basin from about 1840 to 1910. Although the region i t s e l f was barred to whaling ships by pack ice, the whole Melville-Borden culture territory, including northern Foxe Basin, suffered from the social and ecological disequilibrium caused by whaling activity. At the end of the whaling era the r i f l e and whaleboat had been added to the hunting technology, but the population of the region was reduced. In the 1930's the establishment of a mission and later a trading post i n the core area.brought new focus to settlement i n the region. Immigration from neighbouring regions, and natural increase i n the population resulted in expansion of settlement. Following a period of experimentation, population distribution stabilized i n a series of contiguous areas, each supporting an ecological and economic i v unit. The trapping and hunting settlement of the "camp system" adhered closely to the ancient regional pattern. Although the camp system appeared to be a return to the prehistoric subsistence equilibrium, technological innovation threatened the game resources, and the proceeds of fur sales could not meet the consumer demand of a growing population. The construction of defence establishments, commencing in 1 9 5 5 * broke the long isolation of northern Foxe Basin. Government activity In the region increased through the 1 9 6 0 ' s and subsidy became the economic base of the region. In 1 9 6 6 the federal government introduced a large-scale rental housing scheme, which precipitated the collapse of the hunting settlement system. Igloolik and Hall Beach changed from being service centres serving dispersed regional settlements, to nodal centres of tutelage, containing almost the entire population of the region. The Iglulingmiut Eskimos entered a radically different phase of social and economic transition, and are now attempting to work out a compromise between traditional and superimposed social forms. The Iglulingmiut, i n the relative isolation of their region, have been able to absorb change slowly, u n t i l recently. Their sense of identity, their symbiotically-based social structure and hunting tradition are sources of strength and pride. Compared to many other Eskimo groups they appear well prepared to meet future changes. Much w i l l depend, however, on the willingness of government planners to build upon existing cultural foundations, and to proceed at a pace which permits Eskimo participation. V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Research i n r e g i o n a l geography draws upon the time and knowledge of many people. I am indebted to more i n d i v i d u a l s than can be l i s t e d here, but my p r i n c i p a l debts are owed to: At I g l o o l i k ; Corporal W. Donahue, R.C.M.P. and h i s w i f e Pat. Father L. F o u r n i e r of M i s s i o n St. Etienne, Mr. Jim Haining, Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r . Rev. Noah Nassuk, Anglican M i n i s t e r . Messrs. J . Uyara, P. Kunnuk, E. Kunnuk, J . Angutautuk, N. Kamanerk and S. Itukshardjuak. In Ottawa and elsewhere; Mr. G. Anders, author of the I g l o o l i k Area Survey, and my f i e l d companion. Mr. D. B i s s e t , former Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r , H a l l Beach. Mr. B. Lewis, former School P r i n c i p a l , I g l o o l i k . Mrs. L. C l a r k , Community Teacher, H a l l Beach. Miss M. S t . H i l a i r e and Miss Halfpenny, former A d u l t Educators a t H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k . Messrs. K. Honda and F. F u j i k i , authors o f a re p o r t on the Ussuakjuk Eskimos. Mrs. Eiko Peche, who t r a n s l a t e d from the Japanese. A s p e c i a l debt i s owed to Messrs. A.J. Kerr , C h i e f o f the Northern Science Research Group, and A.D. Simpson, Superintendent of A d u l t Education, A r c t i c D i s t r i c t f o r making f a c i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e to me f o r completion of the t h e s i s . Mr. P. Usher, Research O f f i c e r vrith the Northern Science Research Group,gave me valu a b l e a d v i c e . Dr. J.K. Stager, A s s o c i a t e P r o f e s s o r o f Geography a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, supervised the pr e p a r a t i o n of the t h e s i s w i t h a blend of encouragement and c r i t i c i s m . Dr. J.L. Robinson, former Head o f the Department of Geography, UT.'B.C., o f f e r e d d e t a i l e d advice f o r the r e v i s i o n of d r a f t s . v i TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION . Location of the northern Foxe Basin region Previous studies of the region . . Nature and scope of the study . . . . x i Method and chapter outline . . . . . . x i i Chapter I I I I I I IV SETTLEMENT AND REGIONAL:.ENVIRONMENT.. Physiography Oceanography Ice Conditions . W i l d l i f e Concentricity of Settlement Boundaries of Settlement . Summary . . . . Page 2 3 5 6 11 14 14 SEQUENT OCCUPANCE FROM PREHISTORIC TIME TO EARLY CONTACT 19 Time Before Man Pre-Dorset People Dorset People Thule (Eskimo) People Pre-contact Eskimos . Summary CHANGES IN POPULATION AND LOCATION, 1823 - 1966 Population Size Population Dis t r i b u t i o n . . . . THE CAMP SYSTEM - ECONOMIC AND ECOLOGICAL DIVISIONS WITHIN THE REGION Ussuakjuk, a case study . . . . THE ATROPHY OF AN ECOLOGY . . . . Agents of Contact 1822 - I960 The Changing Resource Base Technological Change Subsistence to Subsidy Society and Settlement Religion . Authority . Summary . 19 22 27 30 32 41 47 47 57 . 65 . 76 . 94 . 95 . 98 . 103 . 108 . 113 . 116 . 119 . 121 v i i CHAPTER P a § e VI NEW COMMUNITIES, 1968 127 Igloolik . . . . . . . 127 Hall Beach 131 DEWline Sites 131 Rental Housing Scheme . . . . . 132 Transformation of the Settlement Pattern . . 137 Agencies of Tutelage . . . . . . 138 The Eskimo Position . . . . . . 152 VII SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS . ' . . . . -16^ BIBLIOGRAPHY . 167 APPENDIX - Glossary of Eskimo Words . . . . . . 175 LIST OF MAPS Map Page 1. Location of Northern Foxe Basin Region . . . . 1 2. Physical Characteristics of the Region . . . . 4 1 3. Game Distribution . . . . . . . 13 4. Maximum Post-Glacial Marine Submergence . . . . 21 5. Jens Munk Archeological Site . . . . . . 25 6. Pre-Dorset and Dorset Sites . . . . . . 29 7. Thule and Pre-Parry Eskimo Sites . . . . . 33 8. Foxe Basin and Neighbouring Modern Centres . . . 37 9. Changes in Pattern of Settlement, 1921-1968 . . . 58 10. Approximate Camp Areas, 1930-1966 . . . . . 6 7 11. The Country of the Ussuakjuk People . . . . 75 12. Wintering Sites of an Iglulingmiuk, 1935-1968 . . Ilk 13. Camp Settlement by Religious A f f i l i a t i o n . . . 117 14. Sketch Map of Igloolik Community 128 15. Sketch Map of Hall Beach Community 130 v i i i LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1 . Comparative U p l i f t o f North-West and North-East Foxe B a s i n 23 2 . Graph o f Po p u l a t i o n , 1800-1968 49 3 . P o p u l a t i o n Pyramid, Ussuakjuk, 1965 . . . . 78 4 . P l a n o f A i p i l e e l s ; Karngmak . . . . . 83 5 . Graph o f Seasonal Cyc l e , Ussuakjuk People . . . 86 6 . Approximate Atrophy and Adoption o f Technology . . 102 7 . Average P r i c e s P a i d to I g l u l i n g m i u t , Fur and Ivory 1920-67 105 8 . Sketches o f Implements, S u r v i v a l s o f Ancient Technology 107 9 . Sources o f Income, Eskimos of Northern Foxe B a s i n . . 110 10 . Community Organizations, I g l o o l i k , 1967-1968 . . 139 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1 . Game Species K i l l e d by One Hunter, 1965 - 1966 . . I l l 2 . Family Movements, 1949-1965 . 116 3 . Houses Provided f o r Eskimos by Federal Government, 1962-1967 134 4 . Comparative p o p u l a t i o n s , Kadlunat and Eskimos, by Agencies and Centres, March 1968 . . . . 157 ix: LIST OF PLATES Plate Page 1. Escarpment, Jens Munk Island . . . . . . 9 2 . The Offshore Lead, Parry Bay, i n May . . . . 9 3 . Male Walrus K i l l e d on Loose Ice . . . . . 15 4. Polar Bear Skins Drying, Igloolik . . . . 15 5 . Thule Dancing-Ring, North Ooglit Island . . . 40 6 . Thule House Ruin, North Ooglit Island . . . . 40 7 . Eskimo Women of Igloolik, drawn by G.F. Lyon, 1882 . 42 8. Interior of Kaernerk's Karngmak, 1963 . . . . 55 9 . Interior of Aivilingmiut Snowhouse, 1921 . . . 55 1 0 . Skinning a Caribou . . . . . . . 71 11. Hauling Walrus from Shore Lead . . . . . 71 1 2 . Spearing Fish at Weir, 1962 97 1 3 . Javagiak at Hall Beach with Bladder Darts, 1966 . . 97 14. Merkoktuit and Serparpik at Pingerkalik, May 1926 . 123 1 5 . Kadlutsiak with her Son Samuilly at Ussuakjuk, 1963 . 123 1 6 . Delegates to the Housing Conference, Igloolik, 1967 . 136 1 7 . One-bedroom House of Type Built 1965-1966 . . . 136 18. Three-bedroom Rental House . . . . . . 150 1 9 . Panoramic View of Igloolik Looking Seaward . . . 160 2 0 . Panoramic View of Hall Beach Looking Inland . . . 160 INTRODUCTION Location of the Northern Foxe Basin Region This study concerns the region situated between the 67th and 71st parallels of latitude north; the ?4th and 89th meridians of longitude west. The main population centre, Igloolik, i s about 1.750 miles of Toronto, Ontario. Map 1 shows the location of the region i n relation to southern Ontario, Map 8 shows adjacent regions and centres of population, to which occasional reference i s made i n the text. The boundaries of the northern Foxe Basin region coincide closely with those of the Igloolik Administrative Area, an administrative unit of the federal Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. This coincidence of regional boundaries f a c i l i t a t e d the gathering of st a t i s t i c a l data. The region has two nodal communities, located approximately in the centre of the region. The two communities are Hall Beach, adjacent to a DEWline station and airport, and Igloolik, the administrative capital, 60 miles to the north. Previous Studies of the Region The physiography and biology of northern Foxe Basin have been well documented i n articles, monographs and reports during the past thirty years. The eclectic accounts of Parry, 1821-23, and the multi-disciplinary reports of the F i f t h Thule Expedition 1921-24, x i give detailed insight into the entire regional ecology during early contact. Meldgaard's work i n archeology between 1 9 5 4 and 1 9 6 5 has prodded a history of prehistoric sequent occupance. Daraas' study of Eskimo kinship 1 9 6 0 - 6 1 , contains much data on the size and distribution of population in northern Foxe Basin. An economic survey of the region by Anders, i n 1 9 6 5 » completes the l i s t of substantive works. A l l studies i n physical and social science precede the sudden termination, i n 1 9 6 6 , of the traditional settlement pattern. Nature and Scope of the Study Northern Foxe Basin i s a shallow sea containing a large walrus herd and other sea mammals. For about 4 , 0 0 0 years its coasts were settled by people of successive hunting cultures. During the long history of sequent occupance there has been striking continuity in the cultural landscape, cultural history and cultural ecology of the region. Despite accelerating social and economic change, the general isolation of the region permitted a pattern of dispersed hunting settlement to persist u n t i l 1 9 6 6 . In that year the provision of government housing in two nodal communities gave the coup de grace to the ancient settlement pattern. This study attempts to build upon existing knowledge of northern Foxe Basin, examining the symbiosis of people and land throughout known history, with location as the dependent variable. Two principal problems provided the themes of the thesis. The f i r s t i s continuity in size and shape of settlement during changes in the physical x i i and cultural environment. The second i s the effects of complete social and spatial change since 1 9 6 6 . The region has marked characteristics and long history. It i s an excellent theatre for the study of interaction between people, their culture and their regional resources. Although i t i s important that the region be studied as a contribution to knowledge, there i s a need for the application of social science to regional problems. There are almost a thousand Eskimo inhabitants of northern Foxe Basin. They have lived collectively through radical change i n their society and ecology. It i s hoped that this thesis w i l l f a c i l i t a t e understanding of the Iglulingmiut and their land. Only through deep understanding of their past can rational guidance be given for their future. Method The study i s based on f i e l d work done by the writer while engaged i n an "Area Economic Survey" for the Industrial Division, Northern Administration Branch, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, during the summer of 1 9 6 5 . A subsequent f i e l d t r i p was made to northern Foxe Basin i n July 1 9 6 6 . Other data has been gathered by research i n the l i b r a r i e s of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, and the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Ottawa. Sustained correspondence has been maintained with residents of the region since completion of the f i e l d work. The writer has also drawn upon data and experience gathered during four years of residence and six years of travel i n the Arctic. x i i i Most of the f i e l d enquiry was conducted i n the Eskimo language, and a brief glossary of Eskimo terms i s included as an appendix to the thesis. The orthography used i s not an attempt to improve on any existing system, but seeks to represent Eskimo sounds as accurately as possible to readers whose f i r s t language i s English. The contents of the thesis by chapters are as follows* Chapter I The core, periphery and limits of the region are identified i n terms of potential f o r settlement by hunters. The c r i t e r i a are drawn from the symbiotic relationship of climate, landforms, marine conditions, wildlife and human technology. Chapter II Archeological and glaciological findings are used and compared in tracing the past gl a c i a l emergence of the region. The characteristics of settlement are examined during sequent occupance through prehistoric time and f i r s t contact. Chapter III Major patterns of growth and distribution of the Eskimo population are analysed f o r the period of gradual contact and the increased contact of recent decades. Fluctuations i n size and distribution of population are related to Intrusion by non-Eskimo influences into the regional ecology. Chapter IV The eastern Arctic camp system of settlement by social and economic units i s examined In the context of northern Foxe Basin. The annual cycle of one typical camp group i s described i n detail, as a record, and to provide a basis for understanding of succeeding chapters. Chapter V The workings of the process of change are traced through the spheres of technology, resource use, economy and social organization, using the yardstick of the settlement pattern. Accumulative change i s shown to have led up to the centripetal movement of 1966. xi.v. Chapter VI Igloolik and Hall Beach are studied as service centres whose roles changed from regional service to a dispersed population, to tutelage centres f o r a nodal population. The adaptation of Eskimo hunting society i s discussed i n the context of a subsidized regional economy. Chapter V I I The theme of long continuity broken by sudden change i s summarized, and recommendations are made for a use of human and other regional resources that w i l l benefit the Eskimo population. 1 Map 1 2 CHAPTER I SETTLEMENT AND THE REGIONAL ENVIRONMENT In the arctic there are none of the conditions which have made for protracted settlement elsewhere i n the world - no oases, no intersection of important trade routes, no f e r t i l e deltas. The hunters of what i s now the Canadian Arctic, like hunting peoples everywhere, made l i t t l e demand upon the stone, earth and vegetation of their land. They scattered for the most part, moving with the seasons and the game they hunted. The story of their occupation of various regions i s written sparingly i n l i t t l e piles of weathered stone and in buried artifac t s . The northern Foxe Basin region contains evidence of continued human occupance over some forty centuries.^" People of several neo-Eskimo and Eskimo cultures have succeeded each other at favourite sites along an arc of the Foxe Basin coast. Few, i f any Arctic regions have such an ancient and definite pattern of human settlement. This chapter shows the principal physical and biotic conditions which permitted and shaped man's occupance. Physiography Some thirty physiographic divisions have been identified within the region, but these have l i t t l e significance for discussion of 2 the regional ecology. The divisions do however, indicate the physiographic variety of the region, from the pond-strewn coastal lowlands to the lo f t y fiords of the northeast and the bouldery uplands of Melville Peninsula. The islands of Foxe Basin, over one hundred of them^are almost a l l i n the northern half of the basin. Most of them average less than a hundred feet i n elevation, and are gravelly, with sparse vegetation. 3 The more central islands are d i f f i c u l t to reach by sea because of heavy floating ice at a l l seasons. The largest of them, Prince Charles Island, i s about 6 , 0 0 0 square miles in area, but i t i s so f l a t and low that i t 3 was unknown to cartographers u n t i l 1948. Only a few Eskimos are known 4 to have visited the island, and probably most of i t did not emerge from the sea u n t i l the end of the Dorset period.^ The land mass of the region i s an approximate horseshoe some 7 0 0 miles in length, comprised of Melville Peninsula and the western slope of Baffin Island. The horseshoe begins at the Barrow River i n the south west, and ends in the v i c i n i t y of Wordie Bay in the south-east. About two-thirds of the region i s glaciated plateau and upland, between 5 0 0 and 1 , 5 0 0 feet above sea-level. The curve of this upland around the shallow water of Foxe Basin i s the essence of the regional character. From a crescent of coastal settlements hunters of successive cultures worked the resources of sea, land and river. Oceanography The maximum depth of water recorded i n northern Foxe Basin Is about 5 5 0 feet, at the mouth of Gifford Fiord. Excluding this extreme, the average depth i s less than 1 5 0 feet, decreasing annually due to 6 continuing isostatic u p l i f t . The shallow marine water i s ideal for molluscs, and for the walrus and bearded seal that feed upon them. The attractiveness of the Foxe Basin waters to these two marine mammals has been a prime factor in determining the pattern of human settlement. There are two important sea-currents, one flowing eastward through Fury and Hecla Strait into Foxe Basin. It moves south close to the east coast of Melville Peninsula at about four knots. A counter -clockwise current ci r c l e s in northern Foxe Basin, and together with windj: to 5 and tide, i t moves pack ice at a l l seasons among the islands. Where the western arc of the current joins the one from Fury and Hecla Strait, an open lead i s maintained close to shore, and about one hundred miles long. This lead, giving access to walrus and seal for shore based hunters, i s the true focus of settlement within the region. Ice Conditions During the summer months loose ice moves eastward through Fury and Hecla Strait into Foxe Basin, where much of i t stays. I t i s perhaps an equal asset and l i a b i l i t y to hunters and marine mammals. Foxes and people are said to have used wind-blown ice to reach the Islands. Bearded seals and walrus use ice pans on which to rest, and the heavy ice cover of the Basin, averaging between 20% and 70% according to the o mildness of the summer , has protected the walrus herd from over -exploitation. Heavy masses of ice, carried against the land near Cape Penrhyn, break off the landfast ice, making hunting or travelling d i f f i c u l t . . Other aggregations of rough ice may run aground and freeze in the bays, spoiling the environment for seals and men. The shoreward movement of ice masses in the Cape Penrhyn area has helped to discourage settlement and to make the area a regional margin. An increase i n year-round ice cover during the cold cycle of the eighteenth century may have reduced the number of whales frequenting northern Foxe Basin, and thus have brought about the decline of the Q whale-based Thule culture. 7 In this century the pack ice of the region has impeded navigation, and supply ships were unable to reach the Igloolik Hudson's Bay post from 1941 to 1946.,,.. The post had to be closed, and this had a marked effect on the settlement pattern of the region.; , 6 The landfast ice, at i t s May maximum, extends from the coast almost everywhere seaward up to ten miles. For seven months of the year i t offers the easiest and fastest sled routes between settlements around the coastal crescent. A l l winter long, walrus and seal can be hunted at the edge of the fast ice, and in spring seals are taken at breathing or basking holes closer to land. Until the 1930's the Eskimos of northern Foxe Basin b u i l t villages of snow houses on the fast ice, near to the edge of the ice - often called the "floe edge" hunting ground. Wildlife In terms of a v a i l a b i l i t y of game, and variety of species, the region has been excellent f o r hunters of several cultures, judging from the evidence of ancient middens and more recent records. The number of Greenland whale skulls around Thule sites indicate that these whales were common to the region. A probable change in ice conditions and subsequent depredation by commercial whalers i n southern Foxe Basin have made Greenland whales rare, but a l l other main species have survived i n northern Foxe Basin. Walrus were probably important even to the Thule whale hunters, and have been a constant i n determining settlement by people of a l l cultures. Although walrus were dangerous prey, they were relatively easy to stalk, and when taken they offered large quantities of meat, f a t for lamps, ivory for tools and skins for roofing or dog-food. Increased boat-traffic and hunting pressure have driven the walrus from Richards Bay and other former haunts, eastward to the less accessible islands. 10 The existing herd i s estimated at from four to five thousand. Landfast ice i s most important to the ringed seal population. In sheltered bays, and i n areas of low t i d a l range, the landfast ice i s 7 of even t h i c k n e s s and lon g d u r a t i o n . . Here the female s e a l s can make b i r t h l a i r s , and the young s e a l s grow under optimum c o n d i t i o n s . The B a f f i n I s l a n d coast of northern Foxe Basin has many bays, and i n the west, a t l e a s t , the daily- t i d a l range i s f o u r f e e t . I f McLaren's summer and w i n t e r a v a i l a b i l i t y i n d i c e s are combined, the northern Foxe B a s i n environment f o r r i n g e d s e a l ranks second among regions of the eastern A r c t i c ."^ Although r i n g e d s e a l p r e f e r to a v o i d contact w i t h walrus, and stay c l o s e r to the f a s t i c e , they are an important resource i n the core area. T h e i r numbers beyond t h i s area have permitted settlement away from the core, as a t Agu Bay where there are no walrus. Ringed s e a l are u b i q u i t o u s i n the r e g i o n , but are now most numerous i n the under -e x p l o i t e d area of Fury and Hecla S t r a i t , where groups of up to e i g h t surround the many b r e a t h i n g holes i n s p r i n g . The p r a c t i c e of s e a l i n g a t "blow-holes", where f a s t t i d a l c u r r e n t s keep open water a l l w i n t e r , has a f f e c t e d the settlement p a t t e r n . Such holes permitted settlement away from the main f l o e edge, though s t a r v a t i o n might r e s u l t i f the hole f r o z e over d u r i n g a severe w i n t e r . They e x i s t a t the eastern end of Fury and Hecla S t r a i t , the western entrance to Murray Maxwell Bay, and i n the p e r i p h e r a l l o c a t i o n s o f B e r l i n g u e t I n l e t and Clarke Sound. Caribou s t i l l range over most o f the re g i o n away from the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centres. U n t i l t h i s century they were speared as they 12 swam to Jens Munk I s l a n d from Siorarsuk P e n i n s u l a , and the t a l u n stone hunting b l i n d s may s t i l l be seen a t the base of Amitioke P e n i n s u l a , o r the head o f Steensby I n l e t . Caribou are s a i d to have abandoned Rowley I s l a n d a f t e r a wi n t e r of heavy, c r u s t e d snow e a r l y i n the 1 9 t h century, 13 and never returned. ^ The meat of the carib o u i s p r e f e r r e d by most Eskimos to any 8 other kind, and i n a region where the annual mean wind c h i l l i s approximately that of Saskatoon i n January, caribou skin clothing was 14 necessary to the survival of hunting people. Because of the mobility of caribou, and (until recently) their wide distribution, this resource did not " p u l l " settlement away from the coastal core. The one possible exception i s the P i l i n g Bay Area, inhabited during at least two centuries by groups who relied heavily on caribou meat, and whose fortunes varied drastically with the movements of the herds. The bearded seal or ukjuk thrives i n shallow, mollusc-bearing water and amid floating ice - conditions which exist i n northern Foxe Basin, particularly in the core area. Bearded seal are important out of proportion to their numbers as a source of extremely strong skin line, boot-leather, meat and fat. During 1965 about 150 bearded seals were shot in the region,^"^ and they have been yet another important element in the total game resource that supported human settlement. Parry noted that during the dark winter months bearded seal, hunted at breathing holes or the floe-edge, were the principal source of meat for the Eskimos of I g l o o l i k . ^ There are lake trout in several lakes within the region, and torn cod are jigged by children i n spring through the sea ice. Neither of these species, however, has any real place in the hunting ecology compared to arctic char. Char are distributed throughout the region, with some noteworthy exceptions. The Barrow River, f o r instance, i s barred to migrating char by a 90 foot f a l l near the sea, and this increases the marginal character of that area for settlement. Because of the general av a i l a b i l i t y of char, the spring and summer fishing did not disrupt the settlement pattern, though in certain marginal areas fishing was done to create winter stocks. A* the Mogg Bay, Saputing and other f i s h weirs, a 9 P L A T E 2 - The offshore lead in May, Parry Bay , (photo T . Fu j i k i ) A s a h i Shimbun 1963 10 thousand f i s h might be speared in one day and cached for human or dog 17 food. Needles of fox-bone have been found in the houses of the earliest inhabitants of the region, and the skins were used for clothing prior to the era of commercial trapping.: Because of the even distribution of foxes within the region, and the adherence of the Iglulingmlut Eskimos to hunting rather than trapping, fox-trapping brought no appreciable change i n the land-use and settlement pattern. Polar bears are s t i l l ubiquitous along the coast of the region, though rarely seen near the two main centres, Hall Beach and Igloolik. Because of their relatively small numbers and their mobility, they were not generally a factor i n the location of settlement, but have always been important as prestige game, and as a source of meat, clothing or bedding. The Agu Bay hunters, being on the verge of country with a large polar bear population, traded an average of fifteen skins a year during the mid 1960's. This was about half the regional total, and at a time when sealskin prices were low, i t made polar bear an important factor i n 18 the survival of the Agu settlement. Although ptarmigan and sea birds provided a welcome change of diet, and formerly skins for clothing, they are ubiquitous within the region and were not a locational factor during the trapping era, with one possible exception. The area at the mouth of Gifford Fiord was settled after 1930 by a small group of indifferent hunters, and being rather f a r away from the best walrus hunting this group made exceptionally heavy use 19 of sea birds i n their diet. Rabbits, weasels, wolverines, wolves and the ground squirrels of Melville Peninsula a l l added variety to diet or clothing, but they were minor species in relation to long term survival and to location of settlement. 11 Concentricity of Settlement The area from Siorarsuk Peninsula i n the north (see Map 2) to Cape Jermain i n the south has an accumulation of ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s favourable to settlement by human hunters. The pre v a i l i n g westerly wind and the south-setting sea current maintain a long open lead close to the land, a t t r a c t i v e to walrus, bearded seal and ringed seal. Sea birds arrive early at the lead, and i n summer they are p l e n t i f u l on the ponds of the coastal lowland. Caribou were formerly taken a l l along the coast and can s t i l l be hunted a day or two's journey inland. The gently-sloping beaches of limestone shingle are i d e a l f o r hauling out boats, f o r pitching tents or digging storage p i t s . The beaches r i s e high enough from the sea on eastern M e l v i l l e Peninsula to give a leeward location f o r houses or tents. The low t i d a l range and offshore wind usually gives smooth f a s t i c e , and with the low r e l i e f , there i s l i t t l e deposit of deep, soft snow by eddying winds. Moving out from the "core area", the area of next Importance f o r settlement has been the north-eastern part of Foxe Basin, around the mouth of Steensby I n l e t . Here the ic e conditions are l e s s favourable f o r sea t r a v e l and walrus-hunting, but seal and walrus can be taken,and caribou can s t i l l be hunted at the coast. The head of Steensby I n l e t was a favourite area f o r summer f i s h i n g and caribou hunting, and a winter sled route passed through, l i n k i n g the Eclipse Sound and Foxe Basin regions. Fury and Hecla S t r a i t , with i t s winter "blow holes" and excellent spring sealing, has several settlement s i t e s . L t . Reid of 20 Parry's party saw two old houses i n Whyte I n l e t i n 1823, and during t h i s century Eskimo fa m i l i e s have wintered i n various parts of the s t r a i t . Parry noted however that the s t r a i t was rarely inhabited i n summer, and t h i s has been true of more recent settlement. The area on the whole has 12 been an important seasonal adjunct to the I g l o o l i k "core", rather than a viable a l l - y e a r area. The P i l i n g Bay area supported a large peripheral settlement during Parry's v i s i t , and has been occupied intermittently since. Because sea-mammal hunting i s often hampered by adverse i c e , wind and tide conditions, settlement at P i l i n g was always based on f i s h and caribou to a degree higher than elsewhere i n the region. Fluctuations i n the a v a i l a b i l i t y of caribou, coupled with poor sealing conditions, have brought frequent starvation to the P i l i n g communities. The Agu Bay area i s outside the crescent of settlement i n northern Foxe Basin, but during the period of known human occupation i t has been economically and ethnographically a part of the region. Because of good sealing and an adequate balance of other resources, t h i s area can be classed i n the "second degree" of importance f o r settlement, despite the lack of walrus. Two other small settlement s i t e s have been occupied, at least during recorded time, but both are at a stage s t i l l further removed i n permanence and i s o l a t i o n from the core area. Garry Bay, with i t s islands and indentations, offers an area of sheltered f a s t ice,, i n the otherwise bleak west coast of M e l v i l l e Peninsula. The ic e and summer water of Garry Bay are protected from the constant pack i c e of Committee Bay, and from the onshore winds. Fishing i s good i n the r i v e r s that drain to the bay, and caribou are p l e n t i f u l inland. Summer camps and occasional year round settlements have been made i n various locations within the Bay. The second " t h i r d degree" location i s on the very margin of the region, on the kayak or sled route which follows a series of long narrow lakes from Agu Bay to the head of Admiralty I n l e t . Tremblay found a small group of Eskimos who had wintered here, r e l y i n g heavily on f i s h , some 14 21 caribou and occasional seal from the blow-hole i n Eclipse Sound. The Boundaries of Settlement On M e l v i l l e Peninsula the rugged Barrow Peninsula with i t s deeply-incised Barrow River and i t s ice-battered coast, forms the southern boundary of settlement i n the region. T r a f f i c between the region and Repulse Bay moved by sled or boat along the coast, or inland by sled between Parry Bay and Lyon I n l e t . The extreme westerly boundary of the region i s the f l a t Berlinguet P l a i n , beyond Agu Bay. The p l a i n i s dotted with many shallow ponds among moraine ridges,and there are few caribou. The coast i s exposed to the pr e v a i l i n g wind, with few indentations to permit development of f a s t i c e . The h i l l s of B a f f i n Island, traversed only by occasional caribou hunters, form the northern and eastern boundary of the region. Sled routes pass through the h i l l s along the Gi f f o r d River, the head of Steensby I n l e t , and Rowley River. South of P i l i n g Bay the conditions f o r sea mammal hunting become very poor, with miles of offshore shallows and a t i d a l range of 22 over 25 feet. The p l a i n inland i s f l a t and swampy i n summer, bleak and exposed i n winter, tfordie Bay constitutes the l i m i t even of seasonal settlement, but there are o l d routes by sea and land from there to N e t s i l l i n g Lake, and thence to Cumberland Sound. Summary The shallow water and pre v a i l i n g currents i n northern Foxe Basin have made a very favourable environment f o r bearded seal, walrus and formerly the Greenland whale. Conditions f o r ringed seal, caribou 15 P L A T E 4 - Polar Bear skins drying, Igloolik. (photo, K. Crowe) 1966 16 and other game have also been good, and the combination of positive location factors has permitted sustained, r e l a t i v e l y dense human settlement by hunters i n a "core" area from the eastern end of Fury and Hecla S t r a i t to Parry Bay. Away from the core the variety of game species decreases, and general hunting conditions are l e s s favourable. A second degree of settlement with smaller numbers and with l o c a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i s discernible i n such areas as Agu Bay, Steensby I n l e t and P i l i n g Bay. Certain i s o l a t e d areas o f f e r enough advantages i n terms of game available and favourable ice conditions to permit a t h i r d degree of small and sporadic settlement, as at Garry Bay. Permanent settlement by peoples of prehi s t o r i c cultures and by modern hunters a l i k e does not appear to have been possible away from the coast, and the inland h i l l s have constituted a boundary due to lack of resources, rather than as a physiographic obstacle. The r e a l b a r r i e r to expansion of settlement within the region has been the variety of adverse i c e conditions found i n eastern Foxe Basins around Cape Penrhyn on eastern M e l v i l l e Peninsula, along the west coast of the Peninsula and the east coast of the Gulf of Boothia. 17 FOOTNOTES •*-J. Meldgaard, "Prehistoric Culture Sequence", Selected papers of the 5th International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological  Sciences, Philadelphia, 1956. 2 J . Brian B i r d , M. Marsden et a l , McGill University, Montreal, Collated reports f o r the Rand Corporation, numbers RM 2837: - PR and RM  2706-1-PR, January 1963 3 J.K. Fraser, "Discovery of Two Islands i n Eastern Foxe Basin A r c t i c C i r c u l a r , 1-3. 1948 - 50, p. 73. 4 Mr. Jack Uyara of I g l o o l i k t o l d the writer that a hunter was blown to Prince Charles Island on f l o a t i n g i c e , and Mr. Noah Piugatuk relates that his grandfather hunted caribou there. "'with an average i s o s t a t i c u p l i f t of about 3 feet per century (elaborated i n Chapter 3 ) i a " d a mean height of l e s s than 50 feet above sea l e v e l , the greater part of the i s l a n d probably emerged a f t e r 200 A.D. 6 E.M. Grainger and J.G. Hunter, Station L i s t 1955 - 1958, Calanus Series No. 20, Montreal, Fisheries Research Board of Canada, 1963. 7 P. Freuchen, "Mammals", Report of the 5th Thule Expedition, 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. 2 Nos. 5 and 6, 1935. p. o l : G.M. Rousseliere, Eskimo, December 1955, Vol. 38, p. 18. 8 Canadian Hydrographic Service, P i l o t of A r c t i c Canada, 1959, Queens Pri n t e r , figures 7 and 8; also Department of Transport Meteorological Branch A e r i a l Ice Observation Booklet C-l-R 4080, ICE - 15, July 28, 1964. 9 For s p e c i f i c reference to the " L i t t l e Ice Age", see W.E. Taylor J r . , "An Archeological Perspective on EskimoEconomy", Antiquity, Vol. 15, 1966, p 117. 1 0A.¥. Mansfield, "The Walrus i n Canada's A r c t i c " , Canadian Geographical Journal, Vol. 72, March 1966, p. 90. i : Lr.A. McLaren, "The Economics of Seals i n the Eastern Canadian  A r c t i c , Montreal, Fisheries Research Board of Canada, A r c t i c Unit C i r c u l a r No. 1, November 1958, p. 32 and 33. 18 T. Mathiassen, Report on the Expedition, Report of the 5th Thule Expedition, 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. No. 1. 1927, p. 55. •^Fraser, op. c i t . , p. 15. 1Z*M.K. Thomas, and D.W. Boyd, "Wind C h i l l i n Northern Canada" The Canadian Geographer, No. 10, 1957, p. 35. "^G. Anders, Northern Foxe Basin, An Area Economic Survey, Ottawa, In d u s t r i a l D i v i s i o n , Northern Administration Branch, Department of Northern Affair's'& National Resources, 1965, p. 40. 16 W.E. Parry, Journal of Second Voya-ge f o r Discovery of a North-West Passage, London, Murray, 1824, Appendix, p. 337. 17 P. Schulte, The Flyi n g P r i e s t Over the A r c t i c , New York, Harper, 1940, p. 26l . W. Donahue, R.C.M.P. Game Reports, I g l o o l i k , 1965 to 1968. 19 The tendency of t h i s group, well known i n the region, was noted by W.G. Ross i n "The I g l o o l i k Eskimo", Scottish Geographical  Magazine, No. 76, I960, p. l 6 l . 2 0 P a r r y , 0 £ . c i t . , p. 38I 21 A. Tremblay, Cruise of the Minnie Maud, Quebec 1921, p. 95. 22 N.J. Campbell & A.E. C o l l i n s , "Recent Oceanographic A c t i v i t i e s of the A t l a n t i c Oceanographic Group i n the Eastern A r c t i c " , Progress Report No. 69 of the A t l a n t i c Coastal Station, Ottawa, Fisheries Research Board of Canada, May 1958, p. 33. 19 CHAPTER II SEQUENT OCCUPANCE FROM PREHISTORIC TIME TO EARLY CONTACT The known history of human occupance i n northern Foxe Basin goes back about four thousand years. Up to the time when Europeans f i r s t arrived, the region had supported three distinct cultures and a fourth was developing. Melville Peninsula was i n a l l likelihood a>main route for migrations that peopled northern Baffin Island, Ellesraere Island and Greenland. The major movements, emanating from the southwest, brought new cultures to northern Foxe Basin, but each culture group adhered quite closely to a pattern of settlement having i t s focus around the norths west coast and the walrus herd. The known evidence of artifacts, bones and dwellings, l i k e the accuracy of folklore, decreases as we go back in time. The earliest inhabitants of the region may have been as advanced, as numerous and as widespread as the Eskimos met by Parry, but we have Insufficient data to prove this. The existing evidence indicates a slight spread of settlement away from the core with each succeeding culture, and a general progression i n material culture. Whether or not such expansion and evolution took place, the outstanding feature of early human settlement i n northern Foxe Basin appears to be continuity i n numbers, distribution, and i n broad terms, of culture. This chapter w i l l attempt to show how human occupance, based on relatively constant resources, progressed over changes in time, climate and to a lesser extent, land forms. The Time Before Man The end moraine systems of Baffin Island and Melville Peninsula 2 0 demarcate the ice sheet of the late Wisconsin Period which in i t s Cockburn Phase some 9 , 0 0 0 to 1 0 , 0 0 0 years ago, centred over Foxe Basin. 1 Gradually the centre of ice dispersal moved east to Baffin Island, and some 8 , 0 0 0 years ago the sea inundated the Basin to a depth, i n the north west, of about 5 0 0 f e e t . 2 The waning ice persisted longer on Baffin Island and projected into the waters of Foxe Basin on the eastern side. I t then retreated to the heads of the fiords and bays of the Baffin Island coast.^ It i s probable that f i n a l deglaciation of the eastern l i t t o r a l took place about 5 , 0 0 0 to 6 , 0 0 0 years ago. Ice lobes resisted the encroachment of the sea, so that maximum marine submergence was approximately 3 5 0 feet, considerably 4 less than on Melville Peninsula. J.D. Ives has used the radiocarbon dates of five marine Mollusc samples to draw a preliminary curve of post-glacial land u p l i f t i n north east Foxe Basin, beginning 6 , 7 2 5 i 2 5 0 years before present. The mollusc dates Indicate rapid u p l i f t of about 2 5 feet per century, slowing to a rate of approximately 1 . 5 feet per century over the past 4 , 0 0 0 years, and continuing now."* A similar pattern of emergence i s shown for northwest Foxe Basin by Meldgaard, who has examined radio-carbon dates for artifacts l e f t by three successive cultures.^ Heldgaard's figures show a total u p l i f t for the pre-Dorset period of some 7 . 5 feet per century, slowing during the Dorset culture to some 2 . 5 feet per century, and accelerating slightly in the Thule - modern period to a rate of about 3 . 2 5 feet. The graph (Fig. l ) shows an apparent anomaly, as the area f i r s t deglaciated, the north western Foxe Basin, i s shown to have emerged almost 2 , 0 0 0 years later than the north east. Much more definite f i e l d evidence i s needed, as Ives has 21 Baffin Island M A X I M U M POST-GLACIAL MARINE  S U B M E R G E N C E , FOXE B A S I N N W.T after Ives & Andrews 1 9 6 3 , Sim 1 9 6 0 . Miles 50 50 100 Map k 22 stressed, before the postglacial prehistory of the region i s known with any degree of certainty. With the present evidence, however, of perched boulders; undisturbed ground-marine; strand lines; molluscs! bones and artifacts, a comprehensive picture can be made of man occupying an emerging land. Today the houses of the prehistoric inhabitants have risen well above and away from the sea they once bordered. The Eskimos name for Hall Lake, as Mathlessen pointed out in 1922, i s Tasiuyak, meaning "looks l i k e g a lake", a common name for marine inlets with narrow entrances. The river flowing from the lake i s called Ikerasak, meaning a t i d a l s t r a i t . Eskimo tradition asserts that a kayak could at one time be paddled into Hall Lake through the st r a i t . Henry Collins, writing i n 1956» expressed his belief that new discoveries i n the study of marine submergence would resolve an apparent conflict with archeological theory concerning the Hudson Bay l i t t o r a l , and 9 would substantiate an earlier date for the arrival of pre-Dorset man. If we include the Foxe Basin within the Hudson Bay l i t t o r a l , then the correlation of evidence from glaciology and archeology has proven Collins to be right. The distinctive raised beaches of northern Foxe Basin are in effect chronological steps, yielding evidence that early man, preceded by animal l i f e , followed the retreat of the glaciers and took up residence around a new sea. The Pre-Dorset People Our knowledge of the earliest human Inhabitants of the region derives almost entirely from the work of Jorgen Meldgaard. He has called the pre-Dorset culture of northern Foxe Basin the Sarqaq culture, after similar discoveries i n western iSreenland. 1 0 FEET ABOVE PRESENT HIGH TIDE LEVEL 0 1000 2.000 3,000 4.000 5.000 YEARS BEFORE PRESENT 24 The remnants of Sarqaq material culture indicate o r i g i n s i n the west and a f f i n i t i e s with the older Alaskan and Siberian mesollthic c u l t u r e s . 1 1 Radio carbon dating of bones and a r t i f a c t s shows that they probably arrived i n the region about 2,000 B.C., to b u i l d three, perhaps four, settlements on t i n y emerging Islands or on points of land. From t h e i r e a r l i e s t houses the Sarqaq hunters probably looked out over waters about 150 feet deeper than they are today. As the land rose, succeeding generations b u i l t houses at lower elevations, close, to the sea. (Map 5) Although no evidence of Sarqaq boats or sleds has been found, the obvious preference of these hunters f o r a waterside loc a t i o n makes i t l i k e l y that i c e and water transport were both used. F l i n t , soapstone and iron pyrites are a l l to be found i n northern Foxe Basin, and were used by the Sarqaq people. F l i n t was used f o r shaping bone tools, and f o r weapon points. P y r i t e s were probably used, as i n l a t e r cultures, f o r making f i r e f o r the round, oil-burning lamps of soapstone. The Sarqaq houses had central f i r e p l a c e s of f l a t stone, perhaps an indication of r e l a t i v e l y mild conditions which permitted the use of t u r f or brush as f u e l . The middens of Sarqaq settlements contain bones of animals common to the region now. With bows and arrows, with harpoons very much l i k e contemporary ones, and with the probable help of dogs, the Sarqaq 12 hunters k i l l e d caribou, seal, fox and walrus. Meldgaard believes that walrus were important i n the Sarqaq economy,1^ and the three proven s i t e s are grouped around what even today, i s the best area f o r walrus hunting. The largest known settlement of Sarqaq time i s on Jens Munk Island, where 108 houses are grouped within a radius of one half mile, (see Map 5) A l l the houses are on the westward slope of a point, looking seaward, and the number of contiguous houses at lower l e v e l s indicates .a HOUSE RUINS, SARQAQ, CULTURE " • " , DORSET CULTURE OLD BEACH RIDGES OF GRAVEL COAST LINES AT THE CLOSE OF FOUR CULTURE STAGES: (27m), MIDDLE SARQAQ ' (22m), LATE SARQAQ (I9m), EARLY DORSET (6m) , FINAL DORSET ROCKS 26 large community i n terms of an A r c t i c hunting ecology. ; Such a concentration of population was probably made possible by p l e n t i f u l game resources, and perhaps by co-operative s o c i a l organization. The two other proven settlements on I g l o o l i k Island and South Calthorpe Island are smaller, and do not cover a f u l l time span of the culture as the Jens Munk s i t e does. Without more exhaustive research and radio carbon dating i t i s impossible to say which houses were occupied contemporaneously at each l e v e l , and f o r how long each house was occupied before i t became too noisome and too f a r from the sea. The size of houses, the general pattern of settlement and the technology of the Sarqaq do not appear to d i f f e r greatly from those of succeeding cultures r i g h t upo to the present century. I f a technology and resource base general to the history of the region are assumed, and the possible number of Sarqaq houses occupied contemporaneously i s considered, a very tentative estimate would put the maximum Sarqaq population of northern Foxe Basin a t about 200. The exact fate of the Sarqaq people i s not known. According to the archeological evidence there may have been a break i n occupance of the region between them and t h e i r Dorset culture successors, but le s s than 100 years. Whether physical contact between the two peoples was made or not, l i t t l e of the Sarqaq culture appears to have been transmitted to the Dorset people. The decline i n workmanship of Sarqaq implements towards the end of t h e i r period may have been the r e s u l t of i s o l a t i o n and stagnation. 27 The Dorset People The Dorset culture may have evolved with the a i d of new ideas and techniques diffused from Alaska, or from the prehistoric Indian cultures of the Great Lakes. Archeologists are not yet agreed on the o r i g i n s , hut whether by evolution, d i f f u s i o n or migration a new way of l i f e replaced the Sarqaq culture i n northern Foxe Basin about 8G0 B..G. Certain elements of the Sarqaq culture, such as the needle, stone lamp, harpoon head and micro blade appear i n the Dorset culture, but i n d i f f e r e n t forms, probably indigenous. The bow and arrow do not a appear i n Dorset technology, perhaps another in d i c a t i o n of a complete culture break. Other elements were Dorset innovations, including the barbed f i s h spear, sledge shoe of countersunk bone, snowknife and i c e -16 creeper t i e d underfoot. The number of a r t i f a c t s developed f o r hunting over i c e and snow indicates an adaptation to the increasingly cold climate of Dorset period. C ; The Dorset hunters experimented with cutting t o o l s of s l a t e , but returned to the use of f l i n t f o r gouging holes and shaping points. The s i t e s are r i c h i n carvings, personal ornaments and evidence of shamanistic r e l i g i o n , none of which appear i n the Sarqaq remains. The explanation may l i e i n the greater degree of decay i n Sarqaq a r t i f a c t s , but i t may also indicate a superior exploitation of resources which permitted a r t i s t i c and religous development. Eskimo legends go back to the l a t e r stages of Dorset culture, and i n many d e t a i l s substantiate the archeological findings. The stories describe the Dorset people as Toonit, a physi c a l l y powerful people l i v i n g i n rectangular stone houses with f r o n t a l f i r e p l a c e s , or i n walled skin tents. The Toonit hunted caribou, using bone tipped spears, and harpooned seal at breathing moles, crouching f o r warmth over small o i l lamps. Having no dogs, they hauled walrus on short sleds, but despite 28 t h e i r strength they were l e s s truculent than the Thule encroachers. Nine Dorset s i t e s have been proven i n northern Foxe Basin, and as many others are i d e n t i f i e d i n current Eskimo f o l k l o r e . Most of them are grouped around the core walrus-hunting area, and each Sarqaq settlement has an adjacent Dorset settlement at a lower elevation. Generalizations have been made of the impact by the organized and te c h n i c a l l y superior Thule people upon the Dorset inhabitants of 17 northern Foxe Basin. The size of the largest Dorset settlements, however, c a l l s f o r caution against assuming that the Dorset people lacked numbers and s o c i a l organization. *• At Alamgnak, f o r instance, the largest lft prehistoric settlement known i n the eastern A r c t i c , 208 houses have been found, i n d i c a t i n g an average construction rate of 11 or 12 per century. The largest Thule settlement i n the region, at Quarman Point, has only 12 houses. For the Dorset culture, as with the Sarqaq, the degree of population movement between settlement s i t e s , and the length of occupance of i n d i v i d u a l houses, are unknown quantities. Acknowledging that the Dorset period was longer by some eight centuries, the size and extent of.; Dorset settlement s t i l l appears greater than that of the Sarqaq period. The s o c i a l organization portrayed i n Dorset a r t and r e l i g i o u s symbols appears to have been better developed than i n the previous culture, and the maximum population during the Dorset period may tent a t i v e l y be estimated between 250 and 300. The Dorset people may have had to reduce the size of t h e i r settlements as they adapted to the increasing cold of t h e i r period. The houses at Alarngnak become smaller towards the end of the occupation, and modifications appear, probably to meet the demands of a colder climate. 1^ Perhaps at t h i s time there was some dispersement out from the core area, P R E — D O R S E T & D O R S E T M 7 ^ S I T E S r 7 WW~1J 3 •8 ON J U ,• • I) P R E - DORSET S I T E S . 1. KALAGUSERK 2 . KAPUIVIK" 3. KAERSUIT £ 4. NUVUIT DORSET SITES".. 5 . T A S E R K J U A G U S E R r 6 . . I K E R A S A K 7- OOGLIT 8 . ERIKSMriTCOVIS: 9. ALARNGNAK 1 0 . ARNGNAKOATSHAT fi> rf? IT. NUVULIK. • ^ l " 12.. K A L A G U S E R r s . ~ I T . ABVADJAK. ^ 14. A L A R N G N A K J U r ('^  15- KAERSUIT 1 6 . SHARTUX. 17. KAPUIVIE" 1 8 . . TASIUYAP TAIMA. 19. KARNGMAMINIL. 2 0 ; IPIUTir 2 1 - F E E L I X -B SOURCE.. MELDGAARD.. SOURCE. ROUSSELIERE; ARNGNAKJUAB:.. MELDGAARD.. ROUSSELIERE. MELDGAARD.. ROWLEY' . ROUSSELIERE. MELDGAARD. ROUSSELIERE.. MELDGAARD.. ROUSSELIERE.-KUTOIU. ROUSSELIERE;. too m i l e s 30 though t h i s may have been a r e s u l t of pressure from the Thule people. During the closing centuries of the Dorset period, despite a general trend towards increasing severity of the climate, a temporary 20 amelioration occurred, about 900 to 1100 A.D. Immigrants of Alaskan o r i g i n moved during the period of r e l a t i v e mildness, and between 1100 and 1200 A.D. arrived i n northern Foxe Basin. These were the d i r e c t ancestors of the modern Eskimo. Both f o l k l o r e and archeology show that the new comers were able to displace or absorb the Dorset people. After some co-existence and c u l t u r a l exchange, the Dorset culture ceased to ex i s t i n the region by about 13Q0 A.D. The Thule (Eskimo) People The Eskimos of I g l o o l i k r e f e r to the Thule stone houses as those of t h e i r shivudleet, or ancestors, and the Eskimo words written down by Middleton at Wager Bay i n 17^2 are s t i l l i n use, i n d i c a t i n g roots 21 back into the Thule period. The Thule people had to adapt t h e i r culture to an increasingly severe climate i n northern Foxe Basin, and appear to have learned the use of snow knives and snow houses from the Dorset hunters. The o r i g i n a l Thule technology was r i c h i n i t s e l f , including the use of kayak and umiak, harpoon f l o a t and drogue f o r whale and walrus, bow and arrow, bow d r i l l , b i r d dart and bolas. Mathiassen found implements of native copper and 22 meteoric i r o n i n the Thule houses of Repulse Bay, probably carried from further west.,. The Thule settlements are e a s i l y discerned by a t r a v e l l e r i n northern Foxe Basin. The whale-rib r a f t e r s of t h e i r houses were taken by l a t e r Eskimos f o r use as sled shoeing, but the walls of stone and t u r f s t i l l show on the skyline. Great whale s k u l l s l i t t e r the ground near the houses, 31 looking incongruous where the emergence of the land, has place them hundreds of yards inland. Exploitation of the Greenland whale resource did not bring about any change i n the regional pattern of settlement. The Thule people b u i l t close to the old Sarqaq and Dorset v i l l a g e s , staying close to the east coast of M e l v i l l e Peninsula, where the year-round open water probably exceeded that of the present day. Despite the emphasis on whale hunting, the Eskimo, as Taylor has pointed out, was "rarely a neat s p e c i a l i s t , hemmed into a murderously 23 narrow ecological niche". The Thule middens and a r t i f a c t s show that they harvested a l l game resources to some degree. Walrus, seal, caribou, f i s h and birds were a l l exploited. The possession of dog teams must, as with l a t e r Eskimos, have f a c i l i t a t e d the pursuit of diff e r e n t species f o r considerable distances from the permanent settlements. The rapid spread of the Thule culture through the A r c t i c was probably due i n large measure to dog team transportation. As with t h e i r Eskimo descendants, the Thule people probably maintained more frequent communications with other regions than had been possible f o r the older on cultures. This factor complicates estimates of the population of northern Foxe Basin during Thule time, f o r as at the time of Parry's v i s i t , a high proportion of the population might have moved between Foxe Basin, Repulse Bay and Eclipse Sound. The eleven Thule v i l l a g e s of northern Foxe Basin are small. During four or more centuries of Thule culture, no single s i t e accumulated more than twelve houses, and the average i s about s i x . I t seems doubtful that the Thule population of the region esrer exceeded 250. The Thule culture of northern Foxe Basin changed by degree 32 from the "classic" umiak and whale hunting model to a form transitional between Thule and Central Eskimo culture. Damas has suggested that an almost total lack of wood for umiaks probably accounted for the dispersal oh from sedentary Thule villages, but this prompts one to ask how whale hunting was carried on during the centuries prior to dispersion. There has been t a c i t agreement among writers that the Greenland whale i t s e l f 25 disappeared from northern Foxe Basin, but Eskimo stories are told of whales hunted from kayaks before Parry's v i s i t , and at the beginning of the present century. 2^ The essential transition from Thule to modified Central Eskimo culture appears to have been made during a period of extreme cold i n the 17th century. The heavy ice cover that no doubt resulted may have forced many whales to leave the waters of the region, and would i n any case have made the use of skin umiaks d i f f i c u l t and hazardous. The decreasing depth of the sea may have been another factor i n the decline in numbers of Greenland whales. The Pre-Contact Eskimos The Eskimos that Parry met i n Foxe Basin i n 1822 s t i l l occupied the old Thule houses occasionally, and b u i l t similar ones. The Thule kayak and heavy harpoon were used i n the walrus hunt, and the material culture sustained was richer than that of other Central Eskimo groups, particularly those further west. The people of northern Foxe Basin were part of a larger li n g u i s t i c and cultural group inhabiting the regions now known as Pond Inlet, Arctic Bay, Repulse Bay and Wager Bay. Although any one group would be identified by i t s region of residence, travel between the regions was very frequent, and most of the adults Parry knew had lived i n several or T H U L E & P R E P A R R Y E S K I M O S I T E S \ J SITE. 1. PITOKAK 2. TASERKJOAGUSERK 3. ANANOIAKJUr 4. TIKERAE [ 5 . AMI TDK \ 6. KRTNGAErUAK 7. OOGLITJAKJOE 8. KARNGMAT 9. SHAHARAYAK 10. 00GLIT 11. KRINGMIKTOGTIE 12. PIN GER KALIS 13- ALARUGHAK 14. IGLULIK 15. UNGALUYAT 16. ARTTGNAKO AT3H AT MATHIASSEN. " 17. MAYUKTOLIS PARRY. 18. KAPumK: MELDGAARD. 19- KAERSUIT: PARRY.. 20.. KARNGMAMIKIL- KUNNU.. 21. KATGEUYAK MATHIASSEN.. 22. MAKER STOE n ft 23. ISLUKJUAT. MATHIASSEN.., 24. KANGER3SHIM AYUX. KUNNU. 25. NUVUIT: MATHIASSEN... 26. IRKRIT; HALL.. 27- KRINGAKJUAK. MASKING. 28. PEELIE PARRY. 29. ISSINGUT: ROUSSELIERE., , 30. SHIORARKJOX. 11 H 31- NAUYAGULUIT n n 32.. IKALUIP. ASIA.. it n a s i miles 34 a l l of the main locations. Ungerdlak of Repulse Bay, who had met Parry, was able i n 1866 27 to draw for Hall a most accurate map of north eastern Foxe Basin. The whole linguistic and cultural group did not, and do not have a collective name for themselves. For the purposes of c l a r i t y i n this thesis, the entire linguistic and cultural groupo w i l l be referred to as the Melville Borden group, and the people who inhabit northern Foxe Basin w i l l be called the Iglulingmiut. The term'pre-contact' must be used with qualification i n the case of the Iglulingmiut. During the eighteenth century at least six separate voyages had been made to the southwestern border of the region 28 by captains of the B r i t i s h Navy and the Hudson's Bay Company. Parry found f i l e s , copper kettles and an axe i n use by Eskimos - obtained, he thought, from the trading post at Churchill. He saw a woman's knife 29 made from a sawblade marked "Wild and Sorby", and on the Calthorpe Islands he found glass beads i n a stone house... Eskimo visitors to Igloolik from Pond Inlet rode a sleigh with cross-pieces made of barrel staves, obtained from whalers sailing out of Leith or Hull. Most of the manufactured a r t i c l e s that preceded Parry however, were acquired indirectly, and his was the f i r s t European group Jo make prolonged contact with the Iglulingmiut. His armourer made knives for them, and they were introduced to a variety of novelties, including 30 flogging and pet cats. In general, however, Parry's disciplined crews made l i t t l e impact upon native culture, compared to the whalers a few decades later. The Iglulingmiut used a complex technology to exploit every resource in their region.* Large dog teams were rare i n the Arctic prior to the introduction of r i f l e s , but Lyon noted teams of eight to ten dogs 3 5 In excellent condition. The dogs were fed largely on walrus hide, which had few other uses, and the meat was thus conserved for human consumption. The sleds of the Iglulingmiut were about eight feet long - the maximum possible using whalebone and the few pieces of driftwood that reached the region through barter. Parry notes that umiaks were known 32 to the Iglulingmiut, but were not used, perhaps because of the lack of wood. Two kinds of kayak were used by the Eskimos of the region. One was an inland type, resembling the present day Keewatin kayak of caribou skin. These were used on inland lakes and rivers, for travel and for spearing swimming caribou. The inland type was already passing out of use - perhaps the atrophy of a Barren ground heritage no longer needed by a people possessing r i c h sea resources, and with few navigable inland waterways.v Taboos governed the use of kayaks, and a special jacket of eider duck skin was worn by the paddlers. The bird dart was thrown from kayaks,using a throwing board, and the heavy whaling harpoon was used for walrus, thrown from a greater distance. Kayaks were often lashed together in groups during the pursuit of whale and walrus. The Iglulingmiut had perfected> technique s t i l l used i n the region, of hunting walrus as they broke through new thin ice to breathe while feeding. The unique regional character of this way of hunting i s illustrated by the story of a murderer who fle d from vengence at Pond Inlet near the end of the 18th century, taking several families with him. They travelled via the Steensby Inlet route and bu i l t winter homes at Issingut, i n the south west point of Koch Island. Although one woman who bad lived at Igloolik explained the technique of hunting walrus through thin ice, 3 6 the men were reluctant to t r y i t . Most of the party starved and the s i t e 33 has not been occupied since. Bows and arrows were used, traps of stone and bone, and a variety of lances and harpoons f o r d i f f e r e n t game or conditions. Dogs carried packs during the summer expeditions inland f o r caribou. Musk ox had formerly occupied M e l v i l l e Peninsula, but had been exterminated or driven south of Rae Isthmus. Caribou, geese and bears were a l l k i l l e d close to I g l u l i k during Parry's v i s i t . In general, game resources were more than adequate f o r the Iglulingmiut, and Parry, l i k e l a t e r v i s i t o r s , noted gluttony as the chief vice of the people, the men i n p a r t i c u l a r eating to the point of i n s e n s i b i l i t y . The Eskimos of northern Foxe Basin had three main v i l l a g e s , i n addition to many seasonal camp s i t e s . The two largest were the v i l l a g e at I g l u l i k (several miles east of the modern settlement of I g l o o l i k ) and Pingerkalik, a few hours journey away. Both v i l l a g e s had permanent houses with skin roofs, but early i n the new year the populations moved to snow houses on the f a s t i c e f o r walrus hunting. Parry described one house made completely of i c e blocks, b u i l t shortly a f t e r freeze up.-^ With the mobility c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the pre-contact Eskimos, most of the Iglulingmiut moved to Repulse Bay when Parry f i r s t arrived there during the summer of 1821. He counted 219 Eskimos during the winter of 1821 - 22, a figure which included most of the Iglulingmiut and the Aivilingmiut of Repulse Bay. The following winter was spent by Parry and h i s men aboard the ships Fury and Hecla?frozen into the i c e of Turton Bay, I g l o o l i k Island. 37 Foxe Basin & Neighbouring Modern Centres A p p r o x i m a t e F o r m e r C u l t u r e B o u n d a r y , M e l v i l l e - B o r d e n E s k i m o s S c a l e 1 • • zrzJiL«J!= 1 5 0 S m i l e s Map 8 38 At I g l u l i k 155 Eskimos l i v e d a l l winter near Parry's ships. 36 During that time there were 9 b i r t h s and 18 deaths. Ten v i s i t o r s came from the settlement at P i l i n g Bay - the t h i r d major settlement of the region. Prom Parry's notes and from the subsequent pattern of population at P i l i n g Bay, i t i s probable that about s i x f a m i l i e s , or 30 people, l i v e d there. The t o t a l Iglulingmiut population i s the spring of 1823 would therefore be about 175* The remains of the older cultures indicate a former population considerably greater than that of the Iglulingmiut of Parry's time. Certainly the resources of the region could support more people, and the causes of underpopulation appear to have been c u l t u r a l . The Iglulingmiut were part of a kinship group embracing several regions,and were not bound to northern Foxe Basin by any pa r t i c u l a r l o c a l l o y a l t y . There was no trading post or other regional focus other than the a t t r a c t i o n of the core walrus hunting area. The people came and went from and to the v i l l a g e s of t h e i r r e l a t i v e s north and south, and any one year the population might gain or lose 20 percent by the movement of a few fa m i l i e s . Damas has suggested that the low r a t i o of children to adults among the Iglulingmiut i n 1823 may r e f l e c t i n f a n t i c i d e as well as low 37 fecundity among the women. Parry d i d not record any knowledge of in f a n t i c i d e , but blamed the lack of increase on deaths due to v i s c e r a l troubles brought on by gluttony. Since he and Lyon make repeated reference to the gorging of meat among the Iglulingmiut, h i s observation regarding the lack of population increase may wel l be accurate. I t i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the r e l a t i v e wealth of resources i n northern Foxe Basin that Eskimos, so often associated with pr i v a t i o n , should l i t e r a l l y eat themselves to death! From the northern to the southern margins of the Melville-Borden 39 c u l t u r a l area was about 600 miles, t r a v e l l e d frequently by members of the group.o Small groups of the Melville-Borden people l i v e d at Wager Bay, at the head of Committee Bay and i n the Clyde I n l e t area on the east coast of B a f f i n Island. The Clyde I n l e t people were known to the Iglulingmiut as the "Seardlermiut", Parry's s p e l l i n g of the name that meant "people of the place opposite". Manning has proposed that t h i s term designated the people of Bray and Rowley Islands, which l i e i n the same easterly 38 d i r e c t i o n from I g l o o l i k , and are both c a l l e d Shadlerk i n Eskimo. The islands were occasionally inhabited by Iglulingmiut, however, and i t i s un l i k e l y that any people so l i t t l e known as the "Seardlermiut" could have l i v e d there. The settlement pattern of the Iglulingmiut followed cl o s e l y that of the three previous cultures, with noticeable concentration around the core area. Despite the apparent drop i n population from that of e a r l i e r cultures, the Iglulingmiut during the early 1 9 t h century expanded settlement well beyond the core, to an extent greater than the Dorset expansion. The evolution of small group hunting rather than Thule type communal hunting, and the mobility afforded by dog teams, may have permitted small family groups to experiment with new locations within the region. The Iglulingmiut maintained l i n k s with people beyond the Melville-Borden c u l t u r a l t e r r i t o r y . Legends l i k e that of Ayuki describe journeys and feuds as f a r as Chesterfield I n l e t . The I t k r e l i t or Chipewyan Indians, were known to the Iglulingmiut, and an uneasy r e l a t i o n -ship was maintained with the Netsllingmiut Eskimos whose country bordered the Melville-Borden t e r r i t o r y west of Committee Bay. The Nesilingmiut, who l a t e r moved east and into Melville-Borden land, were feared f o r t h e i r ^ 40 P L A T E 5 - Thu le Dancing r ing, North Oogl ik Is land, (photo. K. Crowe) 1965 P L A T E 6 - Thu le House ru in, North Oogl ik Is land, {photo, K . Crowe) 1965 41 truculence and propensity f o r witchcraft. Boas recorded stories among the Eskimos of Cumberland Sound that r e f l e c t a generally f r i e n d l y relationship with the Iglulingmiut, and i l l u s t r a t e the marginal character of the country between the two group t e r r i t o r i e s . From the "outpost" settlement at Mirage Bay on N e t s i l l i n g Lake, parties t r a v e l l e d to northern Foxe Basin on four occasions during the 19th century, and one group spent three prosperous years i n the P i l i n g Bay area. Kutukuk, a leader from the N e t s i l l i n g settlement, v i s i t e d Bray Island by kayak about 18?0 and found an occupied stone house. Two of the expeditions suffered from hunger, but one woman, Amarok, who Boas reports died of starvation, reached I g l u l i k . There she married an Iglulingmiut, Inukee, and t o l d her story to H a l l i n I867. The 300 mile journey of her party by umiak from N e t s i l l i n g to Ikpik Bay vi a the Koukdjouak River, had taken eight days, with poor going over extensive tide f l a t s . The umiaks were portaged over the isthmus of 39 Baird Peninsula. Summary A study of the sequent occupance of northern Foxe Basin by pre-contact peoples reveals two salient features. F i r s t i s the variety and richness, judged by A r c t i c standards, of game resources, with the walrus herd as a prime factor. Second i s the temporal and s p a t i a l continuity i n human settlement, made possible by the s t a b i l i t y of the game resources. The pattern of concentrated settlement around the eastern end of Fury and Hecla S t r a i t and the northeast coast of M e l v i l l e Peninsula*, indicates that sea mammals were p l e n t i f u l , and conditions f o r human hunters were favourable throughout 4,000 years of the regional ecology. The pattern survived physical changes i n the depth of the sea, changes i n 42 43 climate and ic e conditions. I t remained e s s e n t i a l l y the same despite the di f f e r e n t technologies employed by successive c u l t u r a l groups, and perhaps because of the adaptations made by each group to physical change of the environment. I t i s not known whether the Sarqaq or Dorset people maintained the extensive extra-regional contacts of the pre-contact Eskimo, but i t i s apparent that movement of population did not b l u r the outlines of the region. Travel between regions was made along a few p r i n c i p a l routes which pierced i n each case a "no mans land" of scanty game resources or poor hunting conditions. Besides continuity i n areal pattern, i t appears that the size of the human population of northern Foxe Basin remained roughly the same during sequent occupance. Any serious quantitative study would require f a r more research, but from the present evidence I t seems that the ecological balance of the region, using non-mechanical technology, favoured a population of 2 0 0 to 2 5 0 . During the hundred years a f t e r Parry's v i s i t to northern Foxe Basin, the more accessible outer regions of the Melville-Borden t e r r i t o r y underwent extensive changes, due largely to the v i s i t s of whaling crews. The technological and demographic changes affected northern Foxe Basin, but i n the r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n of the region the culture observed by Parry continued without essential change,and the ancient settlement pattern persisted. 44 FOOTNOTES "*"G. Falconer et a l , "Major end moraines i n Eastern and Central Ar c t i c Canada", Geographical B u l l e t i n , V o l . 7, No. 2, 1965, p. 147. 2 Victor W. Sim, "Maximum post- g l a c i a l marine submergence i n northern M e l v i l l e Peninsula", A r c t i c , Vol. 13, No. 3 , p. 191. 3 J.D. Ives and J.T. Andrews, "Studies i n the physical geography of North Central B a f f i n Island, N.W.T.", Geographical B u l l e t i n , No. 19, May 1963, p. 5 . 4 J.D. Ives, "Deglaciation and land emergence i n North Eastern Foxe Basin, N.W.T.", Geographical B u l l e t i n , No. 21, 1964, p. 57. "£p_. c i t . , p. 62 ^Jorgen Meldgaard, Prehistoric Culture Sequence", Selected  Papers of the 5 t h International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological  Sciences, Philadelphia, September 1 - 9 , 1956, p. 588 - 591. 7 J.D. Ives, op_. c i t . , p. 6 3 . Q T, Mathiassen, Material Culture of the I g l u l i k Eskimos, Report of the 5 t h Thule Expedition 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. 6 , 1927, p. 7 3 . 9 H.B. C o l l i n s , "Archeological research i n the North American A r c t i c " , A r c t i c Research, Special Publication No. 2 of the A r c t i c Institute of North America, December 1955» P« 192. 10 op. c i t . , p. 590 1 1 I b i d , p. 591. 12 Jorgen Meldgaard, "On the formative period of the Dorset Culture", Technical Paper No. 11 of the A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of North America, December 1962, p. 9 5 . 45 13 Personal communication. "^Jorgen Meldgaard, "Origin and evolution of Eskimo cultures in the Eastern Arctic", Canadian Geographical Journal, February I960, p. 75 . "^Meldgaard, 1962, op_. c i t . , p. 9 2 . 16 Ibid, p. 96 . ^G. Anders, Northern Foxe Basin, An Area Economic Survey, Ottawa, Industrial Division, Northern Administration Branch, Department of Northern Affairs & National Resources, 1965, p. 50 . 18 Meldgaard, 1956, op_. c i t . , p. 588. 19 Meldgaard, I960, o£. c i t . , p. 6 9 . 20 W.E. Taylor Jr., "Hypotheses on the origin of Canadian Thule culture", American Antiquity, Vol. 28, No. 4, April 1963, p. 462. 21 A. Dobbs, An Account of the Countries Adjoining Hudson's Bay, London, J. Robinson, The Golden Lion, Ludgate Street, 1744, p. 203 . ^ 22 op. c i t . , p. 130. 23 op. c i t . , p. 119. 24 D. Damas, Iglulingmiut Kinship and Local Groupings, Ottawa, National Museum of Canada, Bulletin No. 196» Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, 1963, p. 31 . 25 Anders, op_. c i t . , p. 50 . 26 G.M. Rousseliere, Eskimo, December 1955, P. 18. 27 rJ.E. Nourse, (Ed) Narrative of the 2nd Arctic Expedition  Made by Charles Francis Hall, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1879. 46 P.D.Baird, "Expeditions to the Canadian A r c t i c " The Beaver, June 1949, p. 45. 29 op. c i t . , p. 503 G. F. Lyon, The Private Journal of etc., Londom, Thomas Davidson Whitefriars, 1824, p. 288. 31 I b i d , p. 349. 32 op. c i t . , p. 413. 33 Rousseliere, op_. c i t . , December 1954, Vol. 34, p. 9. 34 H. Morley,(Ed) Parry's Third Voyage, London, Cassel, 1889, p. 188. 35 Parry, op_. c i t . , p. 285. 3 6 I b i d , p. 408 37 op. c i t . , p. 20. T.H. Manning,"Eskimo Stone Houses i n Foxe Basin" A r c t i c , Vol. 3, No. 2, August 1950, p. 110. 39 F. Boas, The Central Eskimos, Lincoln, Un. of Neberaska Press, 1964, p. 24. 47 CHAPTER I I I CHANGES IN POPULATION AND LOCATION. 1823 - 1966 Between Parry's departure from Foxe Basin i n 1823 and the introduction of the low-rental housing scheme f o r Eskimos i n 1966, the Iglulingmiut were affected by changes i n economic a c t i v i t y , r e l i g i o n and government. Direct contact with the i n d u s t r i a l world was s l i g h t during the 1 9 t h century, and f o r the f i r s t half of the 2 0 t h century, the old settlement pattern, based on a hunting ecology, persisted. A concise analysis of one and a half centuries of socio-economic change i s d i f f i c u l t even i n the r e l a t i v e s i m p l i c i t y of an A r c t i c region. The measurable stages and e f f e c t s of t r a n s i t i o n must be reconciled with the causal process i t s e l f as i t works at d i f f e r e n t rates, and i n d i f f e r e n t related spheres such as custom, trade and technology. This chapter w i l l examine the two most measurable aspects of t o t a l change - population size and d i s t r i b u t i o n . Population size Although the marine "core" and the physical margins of northern Foxe Basin re t a i n a f i x e d regional character, the Eskimo population between 1823 and 1965 moved across the regional boundaries. The significance of population changes within the northern Foxe Basin region can only be studied i n the context of the Melville-Borden Eskimo group t e r r i t o r y . Manning has deduced from Parry's notes that i n 1823 the t o t a l Melville-Borden population was about 5 4 0 . 1 Parry's estimate of the northern groups was tentative, and the addition of the small P i l i n g Bay 48 settlement, omitted by him, does not c a l l for a revision of Manning's figure. In the mid-nineteenth century Hall saw 42 women at Iglulik, and 2 counted 23 snowhouses. The text indicates that he counted only women, but i f the ratio of adults to children (2 to l ) and males to females ( l to l . l l ) noted by Parry i s added, a total of 126 seems l i k e l y . This shows a decline since Parry's count. The whaling ships then at Repulse Bay probably drew population away from northern Foxe Basin. Hall refers to the inducements of 3 employment and trade offered to Eskimo families by the whalers. He also mentions the av a i l a b i l i t y of liquor which contributed to a general decline in the Eskimo population by the end of the century., Diseases introduced by the whalers were another probable cause of population decline, and Rae recorded the death by influenza of 21 Eskimos at 4 Iglulik, as early as 1846. One whaling captain, Captain Comer, was greatly interested i n the a f f a i r s and well-being of the Eskimos. His detailed count of 1898 reports 102 Aivilingmiut, the Repulse Bay branch of the Melville-Borden group. This total includes eight of the so-called Kinipitungmiut of Chesterfield Inlet.^ The inclusion shows the general f l u i d i t y of dialect and kin-group boundaries, particularly in the presence of extrinsic factors such as the whalers. The reports made by low on the f i r s t government patrol were compiled from the logs of various whaling captains, and these were some times contradictory. Low's figures for 1903 show 144 Eskimos at Pond Inlet, 40 at Arctic Bay, 138 between Fullerton and Repulse Bay, and 60 6 at Igloolik. Captain Comer confirmed the Igloolik count, and added that this group was not increasing. If, as seems l i k e l y from Comer's notes, j i R.C.M.P. MALAURIE CALDER — CO TREBAOL S ROBINSON KERR MATHIASSEN MURRAY LOW COMER HALL PARRY 0 a ;> H M o » 0 oo to to I CO tr1 M I tt 0 0 H Z 0 T r 6+7 5 0 there was only one settlement l n northern Foxe Basin, then the region had l o s t population to a degree not indicated during prehistoric time, (see F i g . 2) Low noted that a branch of the Melville-Borden group, the Sinermiut of Committee Bay, had been absorbed i n t o the N e t s i l i k people, who were spreading east. He observed a disproportionate death-rate among the Eskimos f o r children fathered by the whalers, due perhaps to neglect. He also noted the probable contribution of s y p h i l i s to a decline i n numbers of the Melville-Borden group. The R.N.W.M.P. reports of 1906 mention the abandonment of a Scottish whaling station at I g l o o l i k , but Eskimos who l i v e d i n the area a t that time do not remember any depot i n northern Foxe Basin, and the report probably refers i n c o r r e c t l y to the Pond I n l e t whaling station. Constable S e l l e r s reported 125 I g l o o l i k people trading to Captain Mutch 7 at Pond I n l e t - double the figure given by Comer f o r 1903. S e l l e r s probably included the A r c t i c Bay group i n t h i s count, and rather than assume a large migration to northern Foxe Basin between 1903 and 1906, i t seems reasonable to accept Comer's figures. S e l l e r s describes the I g l o o l i k people as being of l i g h t e r b u i l d , l i g h t e r complexion and more European i n features than other Eskimos, but such impressions vary according to the Individuals seen, the clothing of the season, and the predisposition of the observer. Captain Murray, a whaler, reported to the R.N.W.M.P. a t o t a l of 271 Eskimos who were i n v i t e d aboard h i s ship near Repulse Bay, at 8 Christmas i n 1906. The t o t a l included 9 people from Fullerton, and 20 who had been e x i l e d to Vansittart Island f o r cannibalism during a famine at Wager Bay. Murray also mentions 40 N e t s i l i k Eskimos camped at 5 1 Milakshusitak, near Repulse Bay. He described them as a bold and sturdy people - characteristics that were probable factors i n their intrusion into Melville-Borden territory. The estimates of population made by Arthur Tremblay i n 1913 for 9 the Melville-Borden group are unrealistic, but he witnessed the April exodus from Igloolik of people to trade at Pond Inlet or in a few oases, at Repulse Bay. Mathiassen saw the same seasonal movement, and made the f i r s t serious count of population for the four regions. Mathiassen's party counted 1 6 5 Avilingmiut at Repulse Bay, 146 Iglulingmiut in Foxe Basin, and a combined total for Pond Inlet and Arctic 10 Bay of 1 9 3 . Damas was able to corroborate Mathiassen's count during his kinship study of the Iglulingmiut, 1 1 and a comparison with Parry's figure i s interesting. The proportion of children i n the Melville-Borden population wa considerably lower in 1922 than i n 1822, roughly 1 child to 2 adults. This would appear to support Mathiassen's belief that drink, syphilis and social disorientation during the whaling 'boom' had caused a decrease i n the whole group population. The figures cited by Low, Comer and the R.N.W.M.P. indicate that there had been such a decline, but by the time of Mathiassen's census the Melville-Borden population was in general increasing, (see Fig. 2) Mathiassen's figures both for the Iglulingmiut and the total group are slightly less than Parry's. A Hudson's Bay Company post was b u i l t on Southampton Island i n the 1920's, and Eskimos from many regions were induced to migrate there. Several families from Igloolik went to Southampton Island, but Aiyilingmlut migrants to northern Foxe Basin more than made up this loss of population. Today there i s l i t t l e contact between the ex-Iglulingmiut of Southampton Island and their relatives i n the home region. 1 2 52 The patrols of the R.C.M.P. i n 1927 and 1929 produced no f u l l census of northern Foxe Basin, though Inspector Wilcox counted 83 people 13 i n two of several settlements mentioned, and saw huge quantities of meat cached. Constable Margetts, i n 1929, commented that the natives of Foxe Basin and Admiralty I n l e t came to the Pond I n l e t post only once a year 14 because of t r a v e l l i n g conditions. The 1931 Canadian census i s vague f o r Foxe Basin, but Mr. W. Kerr of Ottawa made the police patrol i n 1930, and counted some 55 snowhouses i n three settlements of northern Foxe B a s i n . T h i s indicates a population of between 220 and 260, and the continuing increase within the region r e f l e c t s a probable recovery from the extraneous p u l l f actor of whaling f l e e t s . In 1939 the Hudson's Bay Company opened a trading post a t I g l o o l i k , at the mouth of Turton Bay, where Parry had wintered. The migration of several f a m i l i e s to northern Foxe Basin from Repulse Bay, Chesterfield I n l e t and A r c t i c Bay was probably a response to the opening of a store i n a resource-r i c h region. 1^ The 1941 census, which Robinson has questioned, shows 709 17 people i n the Melville-Borden t o t a l , and 349 Iglulingmiut. The trading post closed i n 1943 due to adverse i c e conditions, and did not reopen u n t i l 1947. A population count made by the Roman Catholic missionary at I g l o o l i k i n June 1945 showed f i v e main groups t o t a l l i n g 238 people. Another count made on August 31 , 1949 showed 301 people i n eleven 18 settlements. The apparent sharp drop i n population from 1941 to 1945 shown i n F i g . 2 , and the slow r i s e from 1945 to 1949, were probably due to the closure of the store. The compensating r i s e i n population elsewhere i n the Melville-Borden t e r r i t o r y seems to confirm t h i s . The 1949 figure included 99 Eskimos who had immigrated to northern Foxe Basin a f t e r 1922. Daraas has pointed out that apart from immigration 5 3 the indigenous population of Iglulingmiut almost doubled between 1 9 2 2 and 1 9 4 9 . He a t t r i b u t e s most of t h i s increase to the medical help given by the missionaries and traders, together with the i s o l a t i o n of the region, 1 9 which may have i n h i b i t e d the spread of contagious diseases. The period between 1 9 2 2 and 1949 was one of return to regional ecology, though with new elements, and i n that sense can be compared to the time of Parry's v i s i t . In addition to the positive factors mentioned by Damas, i t i s possible that the atrophy of the l i m i t i n g practices of overeating, and perhaps i n f a n t i c i d e , also contributed to the increase i n population. More fa m i l i e s moved into northern Foxe Basin a f t e r the store was re-established. Motor driven whaleboats made walrus hunting safer and easier. The walrus of Repulse Bay had been decimated during the whaling era, and f o r the Aivilingmiut, whose name means "people of the walrus area", the good hunting i n northern Foxe Basin may have been a strong p u l l factor. In 1 9 5 9 - 6 0 Malaurie recorded a t o t a l of 4 9 1 people 2 0 i n northern Foxe Basin, comprising 1 0 6 f a m i l i e s . The Netsilingmiut had begun to move into Repulse Bay during the whaling period, and having l i t t l e or no experience i n walrus hunting, the lo s s of that resource would probably not prevent them from continued migration. The 1 9 6 7 R.C.M.P. disc l i s t shows Netsilingmiut migrants to be the majority of 1 5 1 people at Repulse Bay. Excluding the Netsilingmiut enclave, the t o t a l Melville-Borden population i n 1 9 6 7 was 1 , 3 7 3 including 680 Iglulingmiut. Whaling f l e e t s wintered i n the north of the Melville-Borden t e r r i t o r y i n Eclipse Sound, and i n the south, i n Roes Welcome Sound. The l a t t e r f l e e t was the most numerous and had the greatest effect upon the Eskimo population, both i n terms of numbers and migration. The whalers offered employment, trade and novelty. They disrupted 5 4 the various regional ecologies and the seasonal rhythms of the Eskimos. Once the centripetal force of the whaling f l e e t disappeared there was a gradual reversion to a balanced population within various regions of the Melville-Borden territory. New centripetal forces appeared however, none as dramatic i n effect as the whaling fl e e t , but they were to bring about a new degree of regional identity and hegemony. The Roman Catholic mission at Igloolik began i n 1 9 3 1 , and as I t became established within the social pattern of i t s convert families, became an increasingly strong centripetal force In settlement.- Such a force could not sustain settlement, but i t was f a c i l i t a t e d by plentiful resources and the complimentary forces of a trading post and later, government administration. The establishment of the Hudson* s Bay Company post at Igloolik i n 1 9 3 9 marked the beginning of a new kind of regional identity. The post, complemented by the mission, became a service centre f o r the Iglulingmiut. The attraction of a service centre i n a region with ample game resources brought some immigration to northern Foxe Basin, and the growth of similar service centres i n other regions reduced the degree of inter-regional movement that had been common. After 1 9 5 6 new elements were added to the centripetal quality of the service centre. The DEWline station was the nucleus for a centre at Hall Beach; the nursing stations, administrative offices and the Anglican Mission became additional focal influences within the old regional hunting and settlement pattern. In northern Foxe Basin immigration and natural Increase played an approximately equal part i n determining the growth of population between 1 9 2 0 and 1 9 5 0 . By 1 9 5 0 the main immigration had ended, and natural increase became the single impressive factor. By natural increase alone 55 P L A T E 9 - Interior of A i v i l i ngmiu t Snowhouse, 1921. (photo, Publ ic A r c h i v e s of Canada) 56 the regional population doubled in the 15 years from 1950 to 1965. The story of decimation of population through introduced disease and vices i s familiar from the western Arctic and the Pacific. Since about 1900 the decimation phase in northern Foxe Basin has been replaced by processes similar those observed in developing countries. Infanticide and gorging, i f they were in fact controls on population growth, were gradually abandoned in the face of new moral and ethical codes. Despite the general richness of game resources, occasional deaths by starvation had been a control element i n northern Foxe Basin, 21 particularly i n peripheral areas. With improved communications and welfaare f a c i l i t i e s , the incidence of starvation decreased, ending in 1948. 22 23 Both Parry i n 1822 and Mathiassen in 1923 commented on the low number of births among the Iglulingmiut, and the high proportion of infant deaths. In view of the present degree of fecundity i t seems l i k e l y that infanticide, concealed from observers, rather than a low rate of f e r t i l i t y , was responsible. Poor diet lowers f e r t i l i t y , but this does not appear to have been a factor i n northern Foxe Basin, and both 24 2*; Parry and Rousseliere related old age among the Iglulingmiut to an abundance of meat. In addition to the medical care given by the missionary and the trader during the 1930's, 40's and 50's, the hospital at Chsterfield Inlet cared for patients from northern Foxe Basin, and the f i r s t evacuation by 26 a i r was made i n 1938. Deaths by accident, disease and childbirth were reduced by the use of these f a c i l i t i e s , and the nurses now resident at Hall Beach have further reduced the medical limits on population growth. The Eskimo custom of breast feeding children for several years has been changed by the increased use of bottle feeding, permitting more frequent conceptions. Public health teaching and medical care have reduced 57 infant mortality, and children, li k e old and disabled people^have become assets as recipients of allowances. Population Distribution Reliable censuses of the Eskimo population of northern Foxe Basin were few u n t i l the mid point of the present century-. Four censuses that are accurate with respect to numbers and location have been juxtaposed on Map 9» 'but they are not separated by equal periods of time. The following summary i s intended to amplify the movements of population that are apparent from the maps. The information on sites occupied between censuses was obtained from a variety of written accounts, and from Eskimos of the region. 1822 - 1922 A century elapsed between the censuses of Parry and Mathiassen, but as we have seen, the population of northern Foxe Basin at each count was about the same. The Iglulik site, being the best all-round location, continued to have the largest village. The pingerkalik site immediately south of Iglulik, had settlement as i n Parry's time. No comment seems necessary on the Steensby Inlet and Parry Bay settlements, since these were favourite sites before Parry's time, only slightly less strategic i n terms of walrus and other game than the Iglulik area. The P i l i n g Bay settlement was not occupied between 1970 and 1922,. perhaps because of i t s uncertain hunting conditions and history of 27 starvation. The "blow-hole" at the eastern end of Fury and Hecla Strait had attracted settlement, but was again deserted. Garry Bay, an isolated but f a i r l y attractive site, had been settled, and Tremblay recorded settlement at Agu Bay i n 1911 and 1913. 58 Mathiassen.Winter 1921-22 ^ Trebaol, June 1949 ^-J Damas, Jan-May 1961 ) y Q% Donahue, January 1968 ) CHANGES IN THE PATTERN OF SETTLEMENT. NORTHERN FOXE BASIN 1921-1968. 1-20 21-40 41-60 6h80 81 100 2-300 400 + w „ o c c u p i e d ^ 0 0 ^| ^ Q between Map 9 59 The move to Agu Bay,which was to become more permanent, represents a d i s t i n c t break i n the pre-contact pattern, and may have been a' res u l t of the a c q u i s i t i o n of r i f l e s , which f a c i l i t a t e d sealing, enabling people to leave the r e l a t i v e security of the walrus area. During the whaling era, which had only ended a few years before Mathiassen's census, movement between I g l u l i k and Repulse Bay was probably frequent. . An overland sled t r a i l meets the sea ic e at the ancient Pitokak s i t e i n Freuchen Bay, f o r north of there the broken sea ic e and the inland h i l l s make t r a v e l d i f f i c u l t . The Pitokak settlement of 1922 was perhaps p a r t l y influenced by i t s proximity to the whaling f l e e t , and i t was abandoned a few years l a t e r . 1922 - 1949 Between Mathiassen's and Trebaol's population counts, the subsistence hunting economy of the Iglulingmiut continued, and i n f a c t regained some of the equilibrium l o s t during the whaling era. New elements entered the economy however, f o r now trading posts bought fox skins and sold the whaleboats which became the nucleus f o r new hunting u n i t s , t i e d by kinship and function. The increase i n population,along with modifications i n the economy?expanded settlement out from the core area. Several marginal s i t e s were t r i e d , and some 70 people wintered at Ingnerit i n the north-east, i n 29 1941. In 1942 the police moved a group of Iglulingmiut away from P i l i n g Bay,where they had wintered almost solely on the proceeds of caribou hunting. The police believed that people and dogs eating caribou meat alone would soon decimate the herds.^° In 1949 there was death by starvation at the single family camp of Kaershukat, north of P i l i n g , and no further settlement of the eastern coast was attempted.^ 1 The core area gained i n population, and the Parry Bay settlement 60 at the southern end of the great offshore lead, r i v a l l e d I g l o o l i k in: size As w i l l be discussed i n succeeding chapters, changes i n leadership and other so c i o l o g i c a l factors were often as important as l o g i s t i c and economic factors i n determining the permanence and size of settlements. 1949 - 1961 The marginal east coast of Foxe Basin was uninhabited during t h i s period, except f o r seasonal camps, and the steady growth of population was absorbed mainly i n the hunting settlements of the core area, parfcieularly i t s southern extremity. The administrative centre of I g l o o l i k by now exceeded i n size the old Eskimo v i l l a g e several miles away, but as yet the smaller administrative centre of H a l l Beach, near the DEWline radar s i t e , had not attracted many fa m i l i e s . The Agu Bay settlement (which consisted of several seasonal camps i n one area), had become permanent, based on a sealing economy and powered canoes rather than the walrus and whaleboat crew pattern of the settlements of Foxe Basin. 1961 - 1968 During t h i s short period the t o t a l population increased by some k0%, with a very small proportion of immigration. U n t i l 1966 the pattern of settlement established during the 1950*s continued, though with a s l i g h t l o s s to the administrative centres of I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach. The sealskin 'boom* of the early 1960's resulted i n considerable investment i n canoes and outboard motors, and i n a few hunting settlements, i n small mechanical snow vehicles. These items of technology loosened the hegemony of the whaleboat - owning leaders, and introduced a l e v e l of c a p i t a l i z a t i o n that the hunting economy could not maintain. n,. As s o c i a l and economic pressures were steadily working towards 61 the atrophy of hunting settlements, the government provided subsidizedO rental housing on a large scale at I g l o o l i k and H a l l B e a c h , precipitating a major movement of people to the administrative centres, and the v i r t u a l abandonment of a l l other settlements. 62 FOOTNOTES T.H. Manning, "Notes on the Coastal Dis t r i c t of the Eastern Barren Grounds & Melville Peninsula from Igloolik to Cape Fullerton", Geographical Journal, February 194-3, XXVI, p. 103. 2 , , J.E. Nourse, (Ed) Narrative of the 2nd Arctic Expedition Made by Charles Francis Hall, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1879, p. 301. 3 op. c i t . , p. 101. Also confirmed by W.G. Ross, "American Whaling i n Hudson Bay; The voyage of the Black Eagle, 1866-1867", Canadian Geographical Journal, December 1967, Vol. LXXV No. 6, p. 202. 4 Dr. J. Rae, Expedition to the Shores of the Arctic Sea, 1846 - 47, London, Boone, I850, p. 121. "'Franz Boas, The Eskimos of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay, Bulletin No. 15 of the American Museum of Natural History, 1901, p. 7. Mr. John Ayaruak of Rankin Inlet informed the author that the name Kinipi.tungmiut "the wet people", was recorded through the misunderstanding by a whaling captain, and the false name was used later by Boas. ^A.P.Low, Cruise of the Neptune, Ottawa, Government Printing Office, 1906, p. 134. 7 L.E. Sellars, "Patrol Report, Fullerton to Lyon Inlet, May 1, 1906", R.N.W.M.P. Reports, p. 116-127. 8Ibid, p. 222 0 'A. Tremblay, Cruise of the Minnie Maud, Quebec, 1921, p. 129. 10 T. Mathiassen, Material Culture of the Iglulik Eskimos, Report of the 5th Thule Expedition 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. 6, No. 1. 11 D. Damas, Iglulingmiut Kinship and Local Groupings, Ottawa, National Museum of Canada Bulletin No. 196, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, 1963, p. 23. 63 12 Details of the Iglulingmiut movement are to be found i n A. Thiberts "Le Journal Quotidien d'un Esquimau de l' I s l e Southampton, 1926- 27 . Anthropologica No. 1, 1955, PP. 144-148, also his Journal de 1'Esquimau Makik, Southampton Island 1925-1931"> Vol. 2, No. 2 , i 9 6 0 , pp. 190 - 211, and Vol 3 . No. 1, 1961, pp. 95 - HO. 13 Inspector Wilcox Patrol Report, Pond Inlet to Foxe Basin -1927- 28, R.C.M.P. Reports, p. 74 . 14 Ibid, Constable Margetts patrol Pond Inlet to Foxe Basin, February 26 to April 7, 1929, p. 77 . 15 W. Kerr, personal communication. 16 Damas, op_. c i t . , p. 26-27. 17 J.L. Robinson, "Eskimo Population i n the Canadian Eastern Arctic", Canadian Geographical Journal, Sept. 1944, p. 129. 18 From the records of Mission St. Etienne, Igloolik. 19 Damas, op_. c i t . , p. 28. 20 Jean Malaurie, "Preliminary Report from an Anthropological Mission for Demographic and Economic Research carried out in Igloolik, N.W.T. Dis t r i c t Canada", Ottawa, Unpublished manuscript, Northern Co-ordination & Research Centre, Northern Affairs & National Resources, 1962, p. 7. 21 Starvation and at times cannibalism were known in: 1820 at Anangiakjuk (igloolik) Rousseliere and Mathiassen 1840 at Ipiutik (Peelik) Boas 1846 at Igloolik Rae -1873 at Tugak (Pond Inlet) Tremblay 1905 at Inuktokvik (Pond Inlet/lgloolik) Freuchen and Tremblay 1906 at Wager Bay R.N.W.M.P. 1922 at Shimig (Admiralty Inlet) Tremblay and Freuchen 1948 at Peelik " ' Manning 22 Parry, op_. c i t . , p. 492. 23 Mathiassen, op_. c i t . , p. 15 - 21 64 ?4 Parry, op. c i t . , p. 305. OK G.M. Rousseliere, Eskimo, March 1957, p. 4 . 26 P. Schulte, The Fly i n g P r i e s t Over the A r c t i c , New York, Harper, 1940, p. 242. 27 There was starvation at I p i u t i t i n 1840, and the l a s t confirmation of settlement at Peelik, 1870, i s i n Freuchen, Mammals, Report of the 5 t h Thule Expeditions 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. 2 Nos. 4 and 5, 1935, p. 127. 28 Tremhlay, op_. c i t . 2 W^.G. Ross, "The I g l o o l i k Eskimos", Scottish Geographical  Journal, No. 76 , I960, p. 160. ^°J.K.Fraser, "The voyage of the C.G.M.V. Nauya to Foxe Basin i n 1949", A r c t i c C i r c u l a r , Sept. 1950, pp. 26-31 . 31 Ibid. 65 CHAPTER IV THE CAMP SYSTEM - ECONOMIC AND ECOLOGICAL DIVISIONS WITHIN THE REGION The preceding discussion of population growth and movement was concerned with the theatre of the Melville-Borden territory and the northern Foxe Basin region. If the scale of enquiry i s made larger however, a series of sub-regions or areas can be identified i n northern Foxe Basin. These have some physical identity, but i n the main they are distinguished as the hunting te r r i t o r i e s of particular Eskimo groups from the 1930's to the 1960's. The division of arctic regions into hunting and trapping areas by economic and kinship groups was common to the Canadian Eastern Arctic i n the f i r s t half of this century. The areas and the social groupings often resembled or duplicated those of pre-contact time, but there were innovations i n technology and economy. The settlement subdivisions and social groupings of the fur trading era were almost universally described by the label "the camp system". The camp system governed the spatial and social a c t i v i t y of the Iglulingmiut during 35 years, and i t shaped the ethos of Eskimos now grappling with new semi-urban problems. For this reason alone i t i s worthy of examination. David Damas has studied the camps of Iglulingmiut with especial reference to kinship patterns, 1 but on the whole the camp system, now defunct, has received surprising l i t t l e attention from social scientists. The camp system varied i n the Arctic from region to region, but in general the following c r i t e r i a were common: l ) A membership of two to twelve nuclear families based on kinship and economic co-operation, often with a whaleboat as the co-operative focus. 6 6 2) A decision maker, the Issumatak or Angayukak, called by whitemen "the camp boss". 3 ) A blend of pre-contact subsistence hunting and a simple cash economy based on the fur trade. 4) A number of recognised but loosely defined hunting areas, served by a trading post. W.G. Ross has suggested that the grouping of settlements i n northern Foxe Basin i s a result of innate understanding of conservation 2 principles. Whether innate, learned during centuries of hunting, or just common sense, the distribution of camps did place each settlement group i n an area which offered a f u l l range of animal species and a f u l l cycle of seasonal a c t i v i t i e s . Damas has proposed that access to the walrus resource brought certain camps i n northern Foxe Basin to the status of villages, at a 3 cultural level closely resembling the class Thule or Neo Eskimo. Certainly the terra 'camp' may be inappropriate for the villages Damas described i n I960 and 1 9 6 1 , with their stone and turf houses. The main village at the eastern end of Igloolik Island was home to several whaleboat units, and i t s influence "spilled over" into other camp In general, however, the camp system of northern Foxe Basin from 1 9 3 0 to 1 9 6 6 adhered f a i r l y closely to the Eastern Arctic prototype. No r i g i d boundaries can be drawn for the camp areas but an approximate division of the region can be made, and Map 1 0 shows seven areas. The seven are similar to those proposes by Malaurie, and have been refined from the five described by Anders.^ The ephemeral Pi l i n g Bay settlement i s added, but not described i n the narrative. In each case the description of resources i s based on conditions during the early 1 9 6 0 * s and the p> xi M o 6 8 6 population figures are those recorded by Damas, 1 9 6 0 - 6 1 . Agu Bay The Agu Bay area i s the only one of the seven without walrus. Seals, necessary for lamp-fuel, are plentiful, and maullrkpok sealing at breathing holes was continued longer i n this area than others. Without the need for group walrus-hunting by boat or at the floe edge, the Agu Bay group separated during some winters to alternative sites i n Agu Bay, Kimaktok Peninsula, Crown Prince Frederick Island and Dybol Harbour. For caribou the Agu people moved mainly on to northwest Melville Peninsula, sometimes combining the move with spring or summer sealing at Garry Bay. Bear hunting, particularly i n the uninhabited area northwest of Agu Bay, was an important source of income, and since foxes follow the bears, trapping was good. White whale, and occasionally narwhal, frequent the western end of Fury and Hecla Strait, and were a valuable source of dog food to the Agu group. Fishing i s good i n the rivers of Agu and Garry Bays, and while bearded seal are not plentiful as i n the eastern end of the Strait, the Agu hunters were well supplied with skins f o r lines and boats. The Agu Bay group were a loosely-knit kinship unit, mainly immigrants from Admiralty Inlet, where game was scarce. In 1 9 6 0 / 6 1 they numbered 4 3 . Though they had no whaleboat, this group enjoyed a favourable ratio of population to resources, and hardship was rare. Igloolik Island This area i s the most complex of the seven. It includes the eastern half of Fury and Hecla Strait, where bearded-seal hunting i s good i n spring around the island of Shaglarkjuk (Amherst Island). The campsites 69 of Kakalik and Maneetok, on the north and south shores respectively of the eastern end of the strait, are near the winter sealing 'hole' off Ormond ; Island, and both locations are favourable for seals and white whales in summer. The east shore of Igloolik Island i s a centuries-old vantage point for walrus hunting? bearded seal are numerous north and south of Igloolik Island, and this l o c a l i t y has a f a i r incidence of ringed seal, bears, white whale and birds. A small lake on Igloolik Island i s fished during the winter for lake trout, and there are substantial char runs i n the rivers of Mogg and Quilliam Bay. Caribou were formerly found inland from the north shore of Fury and Hecla Strait, but from about 1950 caribou hunting was concentrated inland from Hooper Inlet on Melville Peninsula, and well beyond the area to Steensby Inlet. Caribou hunting was often combined with fox trapping, and despite the relative smallness of the area, i t produced a 7 disproportionately high percentage of the regional fox-fur take. Two main groups occupied the area during the trapping era 1930 - I 9 6 0 , divided roughly along kinship and religious lines. The most numerous group was the Roman Catholic one, whose main winter camp was at Krikiltakjuk on the eastern end of Igloolik Island. This group included several whaleboat crews, and occupied the sites i n Fury and Hecla Strait. The other group was Anglican, based at the Igloolik settlement. Immigrants to the region made up a large percentage of the group, and Anders appears incorrect i n his suggestion that the Catholic camp at Krikiltakjuk constituted an attempt to gain a foothold i n Anglican -g dominated hunting ground. If anything, the reverse was true, and Anglicans were the latecomers. The Anglican group, based furthest away from the winter 70 f l o e edge, made l e s s use of walrus, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the walrus were depleted or driven from Hooper I n l e t i n the 1940*s. Both the Catholic and Anglican groups included i n d i v i d u a l trappers and hunters who remained generally independent of the whaleboat crews, p a r t i c u l a r l y when canoes and outboard motors became common. Both groups also included a high proportion of incompetent hunters and others who f o r various reasons stayed near the welfare f a c i l i t i e s of I g l o o l i k . In 1960/61 the t o t a l population of the I g l o o l i k Island area was 163. At l e a s t two-thirds of these l i v e d by hunting and trapping, and the resources of the area were being depleted. Sevigny Point This small area includes an old f i s h i n g s i t e at the entrance to G i f f o r d Fjord, and access to small caribou herds on either side of the Fjord. Summer sealing i s good o f f Sevigny Point, and the area shares with the I g l o o l i k area access to the winter sealing hole near Ormond Island. The potential f o r trapping, white whale and bearded seal hunting i s good, but the area, squeezed i n between two other longer-established camp areas, i s small. The area was rare l y a s i t e of permanent settlement u n t i l the 1950's, when migrants from Repulse Bay began to winter at Nauyaguluit (Sevigny Point). The winter f l o e edge and the northern l i m i t of walrus were some 30 miles away, and the Sevigny Point group were frequently i n need of meat and f a t . Fish, geese and ducks were used more than i n other areas, and although the camp-population was r a r e l y higher than the 22 people counted i n 1960/61, t h i s area was only marginal i n v i a b i l i t y . 71 P L A T E 10 - Skinning Ca r i bou . (photo, D. B i sse t ) 1962 P L A T E 11 - Hau l ing walrus from shore lead . (photo T . F u j i k i , A s a h i Shimbun) 1963 72 Jens Munk Island Cape Elwyn on Jens Munk Island, and the Calthorpe Islands were each occupied during a l l the prehistoric culture phases. A strong camp group settled i n t h i s area during the 1940's. By kinship and hunting area t h i s camp group was the most d i s t i n c t and homogeneous of the region. The winter camp at Kapuivik on Cape Elwyn was close to the f l o e edge, and the spring walrus hunt was generally carried out by boat from the Kaersult camp on the southernmost of the Calthorpe Islands. The f l o e edge around the south and west Jens Munk Island gives good sealing, and the narrows at the western entrance to Murray Maxwell Bay are open f o r sealing throughout some winters. Hunting at aglus f o r whitecoats, and uktuk hunting l a t e r i n the spring, i s especially good i n the f a s t i c e of Murray Maxwell Bay. White whale pass through the area i n small groups, and bearded seal are p l e n t i f u l enough f o r l o c a l needs. Large colonies of eider duck and other seabirds nest on the islands of the area. Caribou were occasionally k i l l e d on Jens Munk Island, but most hunts were made north of Murray Maxwell Bay and occasionally f a r to the southeast on Baird Peninsula, a r e l a t i v e l y unexploited "no mans land". Fishing was done mainly i n spring at the lake and r i v e r draining Skeoch Bay, and l a t e r i n the summer at the mouths of r i v e r s flowing into Murray Maxwell Bay. Fox trapping and caribou hunting journeys were made throughout the winter from Kapuivik, but i n summer the group dispersed to three or four separate s i t e s . Occasional winter trapping and sealing camps were made by members of the group on Sioraksuk Peninsula on the north shore of Murray Maxwell Bay. In 1960/61 the Jens Munk group had 63 people i n two closely associated kin-groups, owning three large boats. With the possible 7 3 exception of caribou, this area had a favourable ecological balance. Steensby Inlet The area of Steensby Inlet and the northeast coast of Foxe Bain as far south as Eqe Bay has a history of occupation back to pre -Dorset time, and the Manerktok site, on an i s l e t off the north coast of Koch Island, remained occupied from Mathiassen's census of 1 9 2 2 to 1 9 6 6 . The Iglukjuat camp group was established about 1 9 ^ 5 when a a group of hunters acquired a whaleboat. Iglukjuat i s only 1 5 miles from Manerktok across the st r a i t , and the two camps were closely associated. Winter camps were occasionally made near the mouth of Rowley River, reiving mainly on summer supplies of walrus and seal, or i n Grant Suttie Bay, where the distance to the floe edge i s about equal to that from Iglukjuat and Manerktok. In winter this area lacks the favourable current of the more westerly "walrus" camps, and open leads are less common, restricting the winter catch. The area i s rarely completely ice-free i n summer, and walrus follow the ice north of Koch Island; but the ice, currents and winds combine to make hunting by boat d i f f i c u l t . Spring and winter sealing i s adequate, and caribou, found mostly east of Steensby Inlet, are more numerous than i n any other area. Wolves, associated with the caribou, were valuable for thelfc skins as trade items. Bears, bearded seals, white whales, and foxes are common in the caribou country at the head of Steensby Inlet. The nearby Baffin Island coast has numerous good f i s h streams. The Iglukjuat-Manerktok group numbered 3 7 i n 1 9 6 0 / 6 1 . Their area i s the least accessible from Igloolik due to moving ice throughout 74 much of the year. These ice conditions have occasionally meant poor walrus hunting and resultant hardship for men and dogs. In general however, the game resources of the area are varied and abundant. The fortunes of the group declined largely through want of leadership. Foster Bay The territory and the group membership for this area were the most f l u i d of the seven. From the ancient Pingerkalik site of Parry's and Mathiassen's time, settlement moved to Akungnerk in Foster Bay. Following conversion to Christianity there was a division along denomination lines. In 196o/6l the Foster Bay group was distributed among three main winter sites, Kringmiktogvik being the largest. The small camp of Nuksangnakjuk was some six miles west, and the "shanty town" of Napakut about six miles south, adjacent to the administrative centre of Hall Beach. The Foster Bay group comprised both Anglicans and Catholics, linked by an inter-religious marriage, but in general operating separate whaleboat units. The Catholic a f f i l i a t i o n s were primarily north with the Igloolik Island Catholics while among the Anglicans there was interaction with the all-Anglican group to the south i n the Parry Bay area. The area had the best year-round walrus-hunting conditions of the region, offshore from Pingerkalik and Hall Beach. The North Ooglit Islands were an excellent spring outpost for walrus, ringed seal and bearded seal. The lake-dotted plain inland has many birds in summer, and caribou hunting was usually successful north and west of Hall Lake. Fish were taken by net and spear in the Ikarktorlak and Shagvak rivers flowing into Foster Bay, and trap-lines generally ran inland around and 7 5 T H E C O U N T R Y O F T H E U S S U A K J U K P E O P L E SCALE 10 20 30 40 MILES Map 1 1 $6 north of H a l l Lake. Following the construction of the DEWline i n 1955 and 1956, the Foster Bay area became the route f o r constant boat, dog-sled and snow-vehicle t r a f f i c between I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach. The pressure on game resources increased,and the area became l e s s viable as a d i s t i n c t u n i t of human occupance based on hunting and trapping. The population of i t s three winter settlements i n 1960/61 was 97. Parry Bay The study of t h i s camp group has been expanded into a detailed essay i n c u l t u r a l geography, an intimate case study that may provide the reader with a deeper understanding of hunting l i f e i n northern Foxe Basin during the early 1960*s. The insi g h t s may f a c i l i t a t e the reading of subsequent chapters and the account i t s e l f w i l l record a discontinued way of l i f e . The s t a t i s t i c s of population are taken from the actual B.C.M.P. disc l i s t of 1965, but the seasonal a c t i v i t i e s have been generalized f o r the period i960 to 1965. The names of the group have been substituted to preserve privacy. The Ussuakjuk camp group hunt along a coastline of about one hundred and f i f t y miles, sharing the northern part of t h e i r t e r r i t o r y with another clo s e l y related group - the two groups, i n f a c t , come together f o r the two summer months. The general area i s one occupied during pre-contact and early contact time by the Amitogmiut, the group named a f t e r the Amitioke Peninsula (so mispelled on the maps). The Ussuakjuk winter camp group of recent years was founded by one energetic hunter who attracted a number of f a m i l i e s . With marriage i n and out of the group and f o r a variety of other reasons, the number and i d e n t i t y of fa m i l i e s has changed by the year 77 or season. The leader and one or two 'core' f a m i l i e s have remained at Ussuakjuk, and the average population over some twenty-years has been about t h i r t y - f i v e . For most of the year the landscape, both sea and land, i s white.. In the Ussuakjuk area there are no high h i l l s or c l i f f s to break the monotony, and l i k e the yearly cycle of w i l d l i f e and seasons, the landscape i s unmathematical. There are no straight l i n e s , no r i g h t angles, no regular punctuations of time, space or sound. Hundreds of people within the region are known intimately - t h e i r bodies and mannerisms - the land too, i s intimately known. In a world where there i s apparently l i t t l e to explore, speculation has l i t t l e value, and i n fact., i t i s unmannerly to ask questions. The winter v i l l a g e i s on the point of land c a l l e d Ussuakjuk or " l i t t l e penis", on the south shore of Parry Bay. There i s a small hut f o r storing f u r s , and the houses are of scrap wood obtained from the DEWline garbage dump. They are p a r t i a l l y banked with peat, and by mid -winter w i l l be almost buried i n snow. The roofs are of canvas over a s l i g h t l y arched wooden frame, with moss between. The walls are papered with newspaper and magazine paper stuck on with f l o u r paste, and l i g h t * ;< comes from a small overhead window of p l a s t i c sheeting. A low bed-platform across the rear of the house, measurimg about seven by thirteen feet, accommodates from s i x to ten people, l y i n g naked under a variety of skin and c l o t h covers, i n a prescribed order according to sex, age and degree of kinship to the family. The houses are heated by blubber-lamps, by people and occasionally by primus stoves. During the dark days and nights, the blubber-lamp gives a l i g h t s u f f i c i e n t f o r much of the d a i l y round, but f o r card-playing and more i n t r i c a t e sewing or carving, candles are used, and 78 POPULATION PYRAMID USSUAKJUK 1965 — 60 MALE — 50 40 AGE IN YEARS — 30 — 20 10 00 FEMALE 3 2 1 1 2 3 NUMBERS Total population 35. Active hunters 9 F i g . 3 79 naptha lamps when supplies are on hand. The a i r i n the houses i s usually thick with cigarette smoke and kudlik smoke, and there i s incessant coughing. The houses grow cold during the night when the kudlik goes out, and ten of the people i n the camp have spent months or years with tuberculosis i n hospitals of the south. Each house offers about twenty-five square feet of l i v i n g space per person, and this i n the coldest of climates. Privacy i s impossible, and with dogs roaming i n packs outdoors i t i s unpleasant and dangerous to defecate anywhere but i n the houses in winter-time. Everyone uses the cans that serve as chamber pots - even the young woman reading the scriptures during the Sunday gathering may c a l l for the pot and carry on with the r e c i t a l . The cramped space of tents and karngmat dictates ways of sitting, of eating, sleeping and in some respects of thinking. Only three of the Ussuakjuk children have been to school - one term at Igloolik. They cannot count beyond ten, and they remember l i t t l e of their encounter with books that show father with a briefcase, or with the awesome 'please and thank you* of the kadlunat. The g i r l s of the camp begin at an early age to assume household tasks, and expect to marry early. Unless they marry one of the few employed young men, they anticipate another tent or karngmat with their place on the right as one enters, the traditional corner of the woman of the house. The boys learn the art of the hunt which i s both l i v i n g and recreation, the most worthy thing a man can do. There are sewing machines, transistor radios and record-players at Ussuakjuk, but by the standards of most Canadians i n 1965, material needs are few. Pood i s the ovdr-rlding concern, i t i s the only truly communal property, i f cigarettes are Included. Tea i s one of the few 80 store foods that must l a s t f o r use each day between trading journeys. Sugar i s s t i l l regarded and used as an exotic item - when Annanack returns from spending h i s pension cheques, an a l l - n i g h t gossip party ensues, and cup a f t e r cup i s heaped with sugar, saturating the tea, u n t i l h i s whole bag i s gone. The people s t i l l enjoy the s h e l l f i s h from the stomachs of walrus, or the skin of hindfUppers. New caribou-horn, the grubs of warble-fly, and the eyeballs of seals, are other d e l i c a c i e s . The order of food preferred by one of the group, A i p i l e e , i s : caribou...rabbit...char...eider duck... 19 seal,,,ptarmigan...bearded seal...bear...walrus. No great shock of t r a n s i t i o n has come upon the people of Ussuakjuk;? so f a r . There are centuries behind the patterns of l i f e i n t i n y houses or i n great space outdoors. There are centuries behind the deep interdependence of people i n an unmeasured world. The settlements have l i n e a r streets, houses with separate places f o r eating, sleeping, t o i l e t , b i r t h and death. The l i f e of the settlements i s regulated; with clock, calender, radio and balance-sheet. The move from Ussuakjuk to "urban" l i f e w i l l bring changes hard to a r t i c u l a t e f o r the people, hard to i d e n t i f y f o r observers, but extremely important. In t h i s camp of t h i r t y - f i v e people, the r e l a t i v e youth of the family heads i s ref l e c t e d i n the absence of second-generation f a m i l i e s , f o r there are no married sons or sons-in-law to form an extended family unit under the authority of the oldest hunter. The number of active hunters i s one per two-point-eight others - a favourable r a t i o . Three boys are of an age to marry, but t h e i r absence on bride service i n other camps would be balanced by the a r r i v a l of the husbands of the three marriageable g i r l s . The population of Ussuakjuk has a s l i g h t l y higher r a t i o of adults to^,children under sixteen years old, than does that of the region as a whole. 81 In 1 9 6 5 , the population of the camp, by fam i l i e s , was as follows: Family 1 ; Fapak, aged 40, family-head. Tukilkee, 371 wife Aivingoyak, 2 0 , son (In hospital with tuberculosis, 1 9 6 4 - 6 5 ) Monamee, 1 8 , son Kilabvak, 1 7 , son Merkotikulu, 14, son Pameolik, 1 1 , daughter Kudluguktok, 6 , daughter Tuktu, 2 , son Papak i s the camp leader, strong, active, humorous and ac q u i s i t i v e . He owned a whaleboat and engine, but l o s t i t i n the i c e i n 1 9 6 4 . He has ordered a similar, boat through the government subsidy scheme, to be delivered i n the f a l l , He has a canoe and an.-eighteen horse-power outboard motor; a winter house or karngmat1 a summer tent, and with h i s sons, two sleds and twenty dogs. He i s one of the most successful fox trappers of the region, and has on hi s own i n i t i a t i v e used seal nets f o r several years. His kinship connections with the area, h i s a b i l i t y and character, plus the favourable number of grown sons i n his family, are the factors making him the recognized issumatak or general leader of the Ussuakjuk group. Family 2 : A i p i l e e , aged 3 3 , family head Uviluk, 3 4 , wife Immerkotailak 1 6 , daughter Pakoyak, 1 2 , son Komoaktok, 8, daughter Akpaliakjuk, 5 , son Inusilk, 4 , daughter 82 Alpilee i s second i n prestige and authority; an average hunter, but a catechist and intel l e c t u a l . This family i s the only one of the group which has not lost children through tuberculosis or other disease. Aipilee has a winter house, a summer tent, a sled and sixteen dogs. He prizes a metric tape measure, obtained from a DEWline employee, with which he pretends to measure walrus. His wife Uviluk i s a sister of Papak, and this, with more distant kinship ties, i s the main reason f o r Aipilee's membership of the group. As i s sometimes the case, the daughter Komoaktok i s singled out for especially favourable treatment by parents, receiving the best choice of food, g i f t s and clothing. Family 3 Annanack, aged 62, family-head Papigaitok 17» foster-son Supuyuk 14, daughter This family l i v e i n Aipilee's house, as Annanack i s Aipilee's adoptive father. The old man was partially disabled when he lost his toes due to frostbite, and he receives a monthly pension which i s an important part of the group income, making up for Annanacks rather low status. He has few children, and even before his accident, was not a well-known hunter. He has been widowed twice - his second wife survived starvation and cannibalism in 1948, but died during the measles epidemic of 1962. She was the mother of Supuyuk. Within the dual household, Supuyuk performs certain duties for her father and step-brother, but receives poor treatment from Uviluk, the woman of the house. 83 ( turf wall shelf ./. ) bed platform o o o o wife's place bench -chamber -pots- •CD blubber lama wooden floor X i spare bed & storage watex storage ^rum^^ o door food & harness window over door snowporch c P L A N O F A I P I L E E ' S K A R N G M A R SCALE IN FEET a f t e r Honda & F u j i k i F i e . 4 84 aged 37, family-head 3 3 , w i f e 1 7 , daughter 1 3 , daughter 1 0 , daughter 5 , adopted son 1, son 27, b r o t h e r o f I k a l u k j u a k I k a l u k j u a k immigrated from A r c t i c Bay, H i s marriage to Tu k i l k e e ' s cousin g i v e s him the s t a t u s o f b r o t h e r - i n - l a w to Papak, i n I g l u l i n g m i u t terms. The succession o f daughters i n h i s f a m i l y e x p l a i n s h i s adoption o f a son. (The in c i d e n c e o f adoptions i n the Ussuakjuk group i s r a t h e r low by Eastern A r c t i c standards). I k a l u k j u a k i s a c h e e r f u l man, and an e x c e l l e n t r i f l e - s h o t . He has a home-made s k i f f ; a w i n t e r house; summer t e n t , s l e d arid f o u r t e e n dogs. Family 4 : I k a l u k j u a k , N i n g i u a p i k , Anahatuk, Keenainak, P u d l a t , Tiriganeak, A l a , U l i m a u t a l i k , T i t a n a r k , aged 4 5 , family-head Pogutak, 4 4 , w i f e P i t s i o l a r k , 19, son Nauyuyakvik 17, daughter Amearut, 9, son Ugaq, 5 , daughter Kagitak, 6 , adopted son Komangapik, 2, son T i t a n a r k and h i s wife are both o r i g i n a l l y from Pond I n l e t . He i s i n poor h e a l t h , and having no capable sons o f hunting age ( P i t s i o l a r k i s mentally r e t a r d e d ) , T i t a n a r k c o n t r i b u t e s l i t t l e t o the group hunting and tr a p p i n g . He i s a g i f t e d mechanic, however, and owns an eighteen horse-power 8 5 outboardinmotor. He has a sled, a summer tent and eleven dogs. His wife i s an outgoing woman, one of a clan with high prestige, and despite the r e l a t i v e poverty of the family, her tent i s host to v i s i t o r s to the camp more often than that of Tukilkee, who i s l e s s hospitable. This family wintered during 1 9 6 4 - 6 5 i n the karngmat belonging to a r e l a t i v e , Mittuksalik, who had gone to l i v e at H a l l Beach. The annual cycle of a c t i v i t y f o r the people of Ussuakjuk varies a l i t t l e from year to year according to Ice conditions, the number and health of the members of the group, the movements of w i l d l i f e , and the economy. The environment sets firm l i m i t s upon such v a r i a t i o n , and the essentials - walrus; seal; caribou; fox; winter and summer, boat and sled remain the same. A t y p i c a l year during the 1960's might be summarized as follows: January The group are l i v i n g i n karngmat at Ussuakjuk. The days are e n t i r e l y dark, or at l e a s t sunless: with ample walrus meat cached, there i s l i t t l e incentive to hunt at the f l o e edge several miles east. For the most part the men v i s i t the caches at Tikerak to the north, and at Ingnertok, on t h e i r way to the trapllnes that extend along the eastern shore of H a l l Lake. Papak has a l i n e inland from Ussuakjuk to Sarcpa Lake, where u n t i l 1 9 6 3 , when the s i t e closed, he was sure of dog food at the garbage dump of a small DEWline s i t e . He v i s i t s t h i s l i n e twice while the moonlight i s good, and brings back caribou from caches made the previous f a l l . The women clean and sew skins taken recently or remaining from the f a l l hunt, and the men carve i n stone or i n ivory taken V 7 ' ^ the year before l a s t . 86 A N N U A L C Y C L E U S S U A K J U K C A M P SOURCES. THICKNESS OF IOK. . .DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORT CIRCULARS * 3711, * 9 l 8 , 4153, 3537. MEAN MONTHLY TEMPERATURES.. .DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORT M E T ' L BRANCH, HALL BEACH. ESKIMO M O N T H S . . . T . M A T H I A S S E N , THE MATERIAL C U L T U R E . . . 1928. BIRTHS. . .FROM 1965 DISC L I S T , ALL BIRTHS SINCE 19*1. USSUAKJUK PATTERN IS ALMOST IDENTICAL TO THE REOIONAL ONE. F i g . 5 87 February Trapping continues, and about mid-month a caribou hunt i s made up the Jenness River, Inukshukjuak. The men spend two nights in snow houses, and with two teams bring i n fifteen caribou. A l l the hunters wear caribou clothing i n this cold month, and the women stay indoors but for occasional v i s i t s . Even the children seldom play outdoors, they tumble from hut to hut i n l i t t l e groups, according to age. March The sun has returned, showing bri e f l y each day, and the seals under the ice of the bay are hunted at their breathing holes, with several men and dogs, forcing the seal to use the one hole where the hunter waits. Later i n the month, dogs are used to smell out the aglus under ice-slabs or drifted snow, where new-born seals can be taken. The wind has blown from the north-east for two days, bringing pack ice against the floe edge, and the men go out, finding walrus. Two walrus are k i l l e d , but the wind shifts, blowing the loose ice out to sea, and the party are almost set a d r i f t . For the rest of the month the traps along the coast are the main focus of activity. April Light and darkness are equal now, but-the cold i s s t i l l enough to permit piaksaut or ice sheathing on the sled irons. Some sealing and walrus hunting i s done at the floe edge, and a few jftktuk or basking seals are stalked and shot. A caribou hunt i s made inland up the river that flows into Naulingiyakvik lake, and when the teams return, three of them travel north along the coast. Caribou meat i s picked up at the farthest cache, near Ingnertok. I t i s the tastiest f a l l meat, to be sold to employed Eskimos at Igloolik. A few carvings are sold to DEWline employees at Hall Beach, and at the Hudson's Bay Company store at Igloolik fox skins are traded. The family allowances 88 f o r the whole camp, and Annanack's pension, have accumulated since the December t r i p , and the three teams return with good loads. Only one woman accompanies the teams as f a r as H a l l Beach, to see the nurse there and wait f o r the teams to return from I g l o o l i k . Titanark and a few of the older boys stay behind at Ussuakjuk, where they hunt seal, close the t r a p l i n e s , and bring home a few of the eider ducks that are a r r i v i n g at the f l o e edge. May This the best month f o r uktuk sealing. Papak and A i p i l e e prefer to s t a l k as do most Iglulingmiut hunters - creeping up to the seal with no cover. Ikalukjuak uses the screen often, but although he i s usually successful, the I g l o o l i k way i s as good when done expertly. A three day walrus hunt i s made, with the biggest canoe hauled on a sled to the f l o e edge ( made i n d e f i n i t e by d r i f t i n g i c e ) . Five walrus and a female ukjuk with young are k i l l e d , and on the return journey Pakitjuk, the weak 'whipping dog' of A i p i l e e ' s team, i s crushed under the sled and l e f t to die. Squawducks and sea-pigeons are massed along the f l o e edge, with other seabirds waiting f o r the coastal ponds to clear. Another caribou hunt i s made towards the Barrow (Kugaluk) River, and Papak sets his seal net i n a b i g crack in-the i c e of the bay, a mile from the camp. Ulimautalik and Monamee k i l l an adult bear that, l i k e them, was stalking seals. June During t h i s month Annanack and h i s foster-son make t h e i r usual journey by sled to I g l o o l i k . The old man follows the custom of e a r l i e r time, and d i s t r i b u t e s most of h i s purchases to each household on h i s return. This i s a busy month,but there i s no caribou 89 hunting a f t e r the f i r s t week, f o r the snow i s melting o f f the land, and the young caribou are being born. The seabirds are nesting around ponds, and the falcons,longspurs and other land birds have arrived Papak takes several seals i n h i s net u n t i l the i c e closes the, ; crack completely, and he must hope to retrieve the net l a t e r . Basking seals are k i l l e d every day, and t h i s i s the time f o r the boys to learn the a r t . The f l o e edge has moved closer to camp, and walrus, ringed seal or bearded seal are brought home during a one day hunt. Oneone hunt, Ikalukjuak sees a dead walrus f l o a t i n g among the d r i f t i c e . He retrieves i t by harpooning i t with a bladder dart, and finds that i t i s one that he wounded two days ago. By mid-June the i c e i s breaking up, and the whole camp moves by dog team to the summer s i t e at Tikerak, about twenty miles north. Normally,, the whaleboat i s stored there during the winter, but i t was l o s t i n a storm l a s t f a l l . At Tikerak the Ingnertok f a m i l i e s j o i n the Ussuakjuk group. Of the four f a m i l i e s from Ingnertok, Kaerolik i s Annanack*s foster-son, P i t i t s e r a k i s a cousin of Papak through adoption, and h i s son has married an older woman, the recent widow of Kongasirut, an Ussuakjuk man who died of tuberculosis. She has four children, making the t h i r d family^and the fourth i s that of Keenainak, who owns a canoe and outboard motor. The Ingnertok group t h i s year t o t a l s twenty-three people, s i x of whom are active hunters. Kaerolik owns the whaleboat used by the group, and he i s the leader i n most respects, though P i t i t s e r a k , who owns the engine, i s close i n s e n i o r i t y and authority. The two camps work together during the summer hunt f o r walrus and sealmeat. Papak i s usually the o v e r a l l leader, but t h i s year he must be content to work with a canoe rather than a whaleboat. The char are running out of the lake behind Tikerak, and nets are set through the ice 90 near camp. The children, who have been jigging f o r sculpins and torn-cod, now have bigger game, and some f i s h are speared f o r sport. The ptarmigan are moving i n fl o c k s inland, and there i s always someone walking i n to camp with a white bundle of birds. July In t h i s month, and i n August, the wind sets from the north, completing the removal of shore-ice. Newly separated ice i s constantly moving south along the coast, but t h i s flow may be interrupted a t any time i f the wind blows steadily from the east f o r a few days. This season of moving ice, i s the best time f o r walrus and bearded seal hunting and the hunters t r a v e l as f a r a f i e l d as the Kingukshat, or Manning Islands. In previous years caches were made at Quarman Point, but l a s t year too much meat was taken by the men of H a l l Beach, and t h i s years caches w i l l be made close to home. Fish nets are set near the r i v e r mouth, and the red f l e s h of s p l i t f i s h i s hanging everywhere i n the camp. The eider ducks are nesting and eggs are added to the larder. This i s the time of year when most babies are bom to the Iglulingmiut, and Aip i l e e * s wife has a son. August I t i s now three months since the main shopping t r i p to I g l o o l i k , The whaleboat and two canoes are taken f o r the summer trading, and t h i s time three women and f i v e children go along, to v i s i t at H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k . Two young dogs go into the whaleboat, promised to Kananginak at H a l l Beach. With v i s i t i n g and hunting along the way, the round t r i p takes s i x days. The men l e f t behind'hunt walrus and bearded seal u n t i l the wind takes a l l the ic e f a r out to the east; then they concentrate on ringed seal, shot i n open water. The ic e i s s t i l l well out when the trading party 91 returns, and three canoes go up the Aigotadlik River as f a r as the rapids. Prom there the party goes inland with pack-dogs after caribou. Twelve caribou, including two bulls s t i l l with new horns i n velvet, are k i l l e d , and a l l that cannot be carried back to the canoes i s cached under stones. September The long days are ending, and the seabirds begin to gather along the coast, preparing for the f l i g h t south. The pack-ice moves in again, and there i s another intensive spell of walrus hunting. The coats of the caribou are now at their best for clothing, and another hunt i s made with pack-dogs inland from the old campsite at Krlngakjuak. As with a l l the hunts this year the caribou are seen i n small bands, never more than twenty together. On this hunt twelve are k i l l e d , and most of the meat i s cached, to be collected when sledding i s resumed. The supply-ships are at Hall Beach and Igloolik, but only Keenainak, who needs cash, goes to help with the unloading. Papak's new boat arrives, and i s stored at Igloolik, to be launched there next summer. The other men continue to hunt, and as ice begins to "form i n the small bays, the two groups separate, the Ussuakjuk people returning by boat to their winter si t e . Some repairs are made to the karngmat, and by the time the snow comes each family i s settled i n , with the women working on the skin -v. clothing and bedding for the coming winter. October Just before the mating season of the caribou another hunt i s made on foot from Ussuakjuk, while the older men hunt walrus by boat. For about two weeks after the walrus hunt the ice forms in the bay, not thick enough to bear sled t r a f f i c , but too thick for boating from camp. The wind blows strongly at this time, and but for short caribou-hunts activity slows after a busy summer. 92 November The hay i c e i s now thick enough to t r a v e l on, and about four miles offshore walrus are feeding, breaking through the new i c e to breathe. The men practice the p a r t i c u l a r l y l o c a l a r t of the region, harpooning and shooting the walrus as they break through. The trapping season opens, and the l i n e s are set out along the coast, or up the inland routes where caribou may be seen. The snow i s deep enough fo r sled t r a v e l , and the l a s t caribou hunt of the year i s made i n from Anangiakjuk, south of the Jenness River. December There i s no shortage of meat, f o r the summer hunt was good -unlike 1963, when winds kept the whole of Parry Bay blocked with i c e , and the dogs had l i t t l e food by spring. With caches f u l l at Ussuakjuk and Tikerak, there are only two short t r i p s to the f l o e edge early i n the month. Papak and Titanark, while r e t r i e v i n g a walrus, are blown out to sea, and have a d i f f i c u l t time working t h e i r way back against wind and skim ice forming o f f the f l o e edge. A few days before Christmas, A l p i l e e , Papak, Kilabvak and Titanark take t h e i r teams to I g l o o l i k to trade. Titanark's f i v e year old daughter Ugak has an abscessed tooth, and goes with the party to H a l l Beach, looked a f t e r by her older s i s t e r Nauyuyakvik. A i p i l e e ' s sled i s decrepit, and at I g l o o l i k he makes a new one before returning home. Rather than make do with second-hand orssrap material, he buys the specially-sawed twenty-foot wooden runners and steel sheathing from the store, at a cost of over one hundred d o l l a r s . The party stay at I g l o o l i k f o r the Christmas church service and the dancing, before the hundred and f o r t y mile journey home through t w i l i g h t that w i l l end t h e i r year. 93 FOOTNOTES D. Damas, Iglulingmiut Kinship and Local Groupings, Ottawa, National Museum of Canada Bulletin No. 196, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, 1963. 2 tf.G. Ross, "The Igloolik Eskimos", Scottish Geographical  Journal, No. 76, I960, p. 154. 3 op. c i t . , p. 32. Jean Malaurie, "Preliminary Report from an Anthropological Mission f o r Demographic and Economic Research carried out i n Igloolik, N.W.T. Di s t r i c t Canada", Ottawa, Unpublished manuscript, Northern Co-ordination & Research Centre, Northern Affairs & National Resources. Anders, Northern Foxe Basin, An Area Economic Survey, Ottawa, Industrial Division, Northern Administration Branch, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, 1965t pp. 57 -67. 6 pj>. c i t . , pp. 71 - 97. C^amp groups usually sold fur communally. Of 46 individual Eskimos selling furs i n 1964, the 10 most successful were from the Igloolik Island area. Q op. c i t . , p. 6 4 . 9 'Damas, oj>. c i t . , p. 27. K. Honda and T. Fuji k i , Report on the l i f e of the Eskimos i n the Canadian Arctic, Tokyo, Asahl Shimbun, 1963, p. 73. 9 4 CHAPTER V THE ATROPHY OF AN ECOLOGY The history of human settlement i n northern Foxe Basin p r i o r to about 1800 has one p r i n c i p a l constant - a general long-term equilibrium between people and the animal resources which sustained them. As Sonnenfeld has pointed out, the p r e - r i f l e hunting technology of the Eskimos established i t own l i m i t s of resource-use, a control as effective as that of the environment.^ Two main elements of disequilibrium entered the ecology of northern Foxe Basin early i n the 1 9 t h century. One was the adoption of manufactured (imported) items of technology, and the other,integration into an externally based cash economy. Technological Innovation expanded production of f u r and meat towards or beyond the l i m i t s of the resource base, and the increasing cost of consumer goods couldnnot be met from the sale of hunting produce. Compared to other A r c t i c regions such as Ungava or the Mackenzie Delta, the ecological balance of northern Foxe Basin survived f o r a long time - a century and a half a f t e r i n i t i a l contact, To some observers the camp system of the 1 9 3 0 ' s to early 1960's appeared to be a v a l i d and viable socio-economic system based on a regional ecology. Damas i n h i s prediction f o r the future of camp settlement omits the "revolution of r i s i n g 2 expectation" and i n March 1956 the following note was given to an o f f i c i a l v i s i t i n g I g l o o l i k from Ottawa: "So f a r these people have not been greatly affected by the DEWline. Mr. has purposely not encouraged them to take employment. This i s one of the areas where very few problems a r i s e . These people obtain a l l the country food they need and continue to l i v e a quite primitive existence. Walrus have always been very numerous i n t h i s area, but i t would be inter e s t i n g to know i f there are any reports of any decline i n t h i s resource i n recent years" 3 9 5 Despite the appearance o f e q u i l i b r i u m , the hunting economy, settlement p a t t e r n and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e were almost c e r t a i n l y doomed by the t e c h n o l o g i c a l and economic elements mentioned e a r l i e r . The two preceding chapters have d e a l t w i t h p a t t e r n s e a s i l y d i s c e r n e d and measured - the d e c l i n e and growth o f po p u l a t i o n ; the expansion and c o n t r a c t i o n o f settlement, and a system o f t e r r i t o r i a l s u b - d i v i s i o n . T h i s chapter w i l l examine more c l o s e l y the process of change, w i t h p a r t i c u l a r reference to settlement p a t t e r n s . The a n a l y t i c a l model r e q u i r e s an u n r e a l f r a c t i o n i n g o f the u n i v e r s a l i t y t h a t i s change, but w i t h the l i m i t a t i o n s o f method i n mind one can f o l l o w changes i n the settlement p a t t e r n o f I g l u l i n g m i u t v i a changes i n t h e i r m a t e r i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l c u l t u r e . Agents o f Contact, 1823 - I960 The I g l u l i n g m i u t had contact w i t h whalers outside t h e i r r e g i o n , but f o r a century a f t e r P a r r y ' s departure, recorded v i s i t s t o northern Foxe B a s i n by white man were few. H a l l reached I g l u l i k i n 1867 and 1868, and Tremblay i n 1 9 1 3 . The formidable i c e packs discouraged whalers and whales from the r e g i o n , and delayed contact w e l l i n t o the 20th century. The whaling s h i p s were mostly American and B r i t i s h , and Norwegian e x p l o r e r s posed a l a t e r t h r e a t to Canadian sovereignty i n the A r c t i c A rchipelago. Nominal t i t l e was acq u i r e d by Canada i n 1880, and i n 1903 the f i r s t a r c t i c p a t r o l was made by the S.S.Neptune. A p o l i c e post was e s t a b l i s h e d a t F u l l e r t o n on the south west margin o f M e l v i l l e - B o r d e n Eskimo t e r r i t o r y . I n t e r m i t t e n t p o l i c e p a t r o l s were made to southern M e l v i l l e P eninsula u n t i l 1922, when the f i r s t Eastern A r c t i c P a t r o l was made. The P a t r o l o f 1923 reached P i n g e r k a l i k i n northern Foxe B a s i n w i t h a crew o f p o l i c e , surveyors, doctors and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , but no permanent post was e s t a b l i s h e d . Lavoie and Tremblay o f the A r c t i c 96 patrol made longer contact in 1910 and 1913. sledging south from Arctic Bay. The patrol post at Pond Inlet was established i n 1922, and from there annual patrols visited northern Foxe Basin. Nokadlak, who k i l l e d a trader, was apprehended near Igloolik and tried at Pond Inlet. Captains Spicer and Comer sailed close to Hall Beach near the end of the 19th century, and the Danish 5th Thule Expedition spent three years, from 1921 to 1924, i n south and north Foxe Basin, i n 1927 and 1928 the Putnam and MacMillan expeditions ships visited the Hall Beach area briefly, and Father Bazin of the Abvadjak mission wrote of an unidentified schooner that visited Igloolik in 1933.^ The B r i t i s h Canadian Arctic Expedition spent the years 1937 and 1938 i n the region, and one member, Graham Rowley, returned in 1939 to do archeological work at Abvadjak. Another member, T.H. Manning, sailed with his wife around the entire Basin i n 1940. Canon Turner of Moffet Inlet visited the region in 1938 and in 1941 by dog-team. In the lat t e r year the Eskimo population were given identification discs, and entered the Canadian s t a t i s t i c a l scene. Throughout the war there was l i t t l e communication between northern Foxe Basin and the outside world. The Hudson's Bay Company and Roman Catholic Mission boats visited Igloolik intermittently during the late 30's, but from 1940 to 1947 no ship could navigate through the ice. The Roman Catholic misson pilot, Father Schulte, made mercy f l i g h t s to firetic Bay and Igloolik in 1938, to be followed by others during the war years, when the mission acquired a transceiver set. The Roman Catholic hospital at Chesterfield Inlet had been treating the Igloolik Eskimos since 1931. but ice conditions delayed u n t i l after 1945 the tuberculosis campaign of the federal health authorities - a campaign that helped to stem a high death rate,but had adisjunctlve effect on Eskimo families when one or both married couples were taken to southern sanatoria for extended stays. 97 P L A T E 12 - Spearing fish at weir, 1962 (photo D. Bisset) P L A T E 13 - Javagiak at Hall Beach with bladder darts 1966 (photo K. Crowe) 98 Between 1945 and 1955 a s e r i e s o f s c i e n t i f i c e x p e d i t i o n s were made to northern Foxe B a s i n , i n c l u d i n g the c r u i s e s o f the resea r c h v e s s e l s , Nauya and Calanus. Two American i c e - b r e a k e r s i n 1948 made the f i r s t l a r g e v e s s e l passage o f Fury and Hecla S t r a i t from the G u l f o f Boothia, and In 6 1956 the Canadian v e s s e l Labrador made the passage westward. From 1822 t o 1955 v i s i t o r s t o northern Foxe B a s i n from outside the A r c t i c were few i n number and i n f r e q u e n t i n appearance. From 1931 to 1955 there were never more than three r e s i d e n t whitemen. The accumulative e f f e c t o f the contacts may have had l o n g term s o c i o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s , but up to 1955 i t had not a p p r e c i a b l y a f f e c t e d the hunting ecology and the p a t t e r n of d i s p e r s e d camp settlement. In 1955» ' 5 6 and '57 the DEWline was b u i l t , c r e a t i n g s i x modern communities w i t h a i r - s t r i p s from east to west ac r o s s northern Foxe B a s i n . Several Eskimo f a m i l i e s came to the r e g i o n from the western A r c t i c as DEWline employees, b r i n g i n g w i t h them the a t t i t u d e s and h a b i t s of the"more a c c u l t u r a t e d " Eskimo. A f t e r some i n s t a n c e s o f p r o s t i t u t i o n , the abuse of l i q u o r and the i l l e g a l s a l e of i v o r y , Eskimos other than the few employees were banned from DEWline b u i l d i n g s , and i n general the di s p e r s e d camp system was not immediately a f f e c t e d . Despite the l a c k o f immediate s o c i a l o r a r e a l e f f e c t , the s i z e , n o v e l t y and pr o d i g i o u s wealth of the DEWline must have had a great impact on the I g l u l i n g m i u t . Some fundamental change i n the psyche o f the Eskimo was i n e v i t a b l e . A f t e r i 9 6 0 the growth of two a d m i n i s t r a t i v e communities a t H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k brought a great i n c r e a s e i n c u l t u r a l and economic contact, and the camp ecology went i n t o s w i f t d e c l i n e . The Changing Resource Base Before the 1 9 t h century the only major e f f e c t o f hunting In 99 northern Foxe Basin was the extinction of musk-ox on M e l v i l l e Peninsula. The whaling captains employed t h e i r own fiflemen and supplied Eskimos with r i f l e s i n order to obtain meat, f u r s and ivory. In 1867 the ship Black Eagle took on board at Repulse Bay 20 tons of walrus, musk-ox, and caribou 7 8 meat. In 1903 the U.S.S. Era took 350 musk-ox hides, and the A r c t i c 1 5 0 . 9 Captain Comer, i n 1905 took 38 musk-ox hides and 11 Greenland Whales. The slaughter of game by or f o r the whalers took place on the periphery of northern Foxe Basin, but the region v/as affected. By about 1930 the migration of caribou across Rae Isthmus had ended, 1 0 and the shortage of game i n Repulse Bay was a key fact o r i n the emigration of Aivilingmiut to northern Foxe Basin. R i f l e s were f i r s t acquired by the Iglulingmiut about 1 8 4 0 , but 11 i t was not u n t i l 1900 that they had e n t i r e l y displaced bows. The whalers sold r i f l e s f o r furs , and Superintendent Moodie of the R.N.W.M.P. c i t e d a case where a $ 1 0 . 0 0 gun was sold f o r $ 7 5 0 . 0 0 worth of furs . Use of r i f l e s meant journeys beyond the region f o r ammunition u n t i l the I g l o o l i k store was b u i l t , and b u l l e t s f o r muzzle loaders were occasionally made of soapstone. The new need f o r skins and ivory as a r t i c l e s of trade made f o r increased use of game resources. Eskimo hunters with r i f l e s could and did k i l l more caribou than had been possible with spears and arrows. The caribou 14 herds which remained on M e l v i l l e Peninsula were greatly reduced, and i n 1937 the Iglulingmiut were so short of caribou skin clothing that f a m i l i e s migrated to the marginal east coast of Foxe Basin, where caribou at least 15 were p l e n t i f u l . In 1953 the Hudson's Bay Company imported skins to the region from Baker Lake f o r sale to Iglulingmiut. 1^ By 1 9 2 5 s t e e l spring fox traps were f a s t replacing stone deadfalls and other primitive traps. Fox furs were replacing walrus ivory as a major 100 item of trade, and had to he taken to Pond I n l e t or Repulse Bay u n t i l 1939 (when the I g l o o l i k store opened). Damas has pointed out that the Iglulingmiut never trapped as d i l i g e n t l y as, say, the Holman Islanders, and that once the i n i t i a l investment i n whaleboats was made, the economic 17 emphasis was on meat hunting. Despite i t s small r o l e r e l a t i v e to some other regions, fox trapping "became the economic base of Eskimo l i f e from about 1920 to at least 1950• I t was the raison d'etre of the trading posts, and provided f o r the purchase of r i f l e s , boats, stoves, canvas and an increasing number of other goods. Although fox trapping potential varied l i t t l e within the region, the r e l a t i v e l y scarce d i s t r i b u t i o n of foxes required more dispersion of settlement than did sea-mammal hunting. The increased emphasis on winter trapping was a fa c t o r i n the expansion of camp settlement during 1930's and 1 9 4 0 's. Despite some early experimentation with r i f l e - t r a p s , maulirkpok sealing at breathing holes declined i n importance i n favour of the shooting of uktuk seals basking on the i c e . Increased y i e l d s of seal through the use of r i f l e s may have been the chief f a c t o r permitting settlement of the Agu Bay area, where walrus are rare. Whether on the i c e , at the f l o e edge or from boats, many more seals could be struck by r i f l e f i r e than by harpoon, and the t o t a l y i e l d of seal meat or seal skin was raised. Losses by sinking or the escape.of wounded weals increased greatly i n the process. Anders has estimated that the regional seal potential was under-used by 18 some 25% i n 1 9 & 5 . F u l l use, however, assumes an even d i s t r i b u t i o n of hunting throughout the region, and Eskimo informants noted a general decline i n the population of both ringed and bearded seals near the camps of the "core" area. Although the sale of raw f u r and ivory was l i m i t e d by l e g i s l a t i o n 101 a f t e r 1 9 1 3 , the k i l l i n g of walrus f o r ivory continued, and i n 1931 an act was passed on "behalf of the Department of Fisheries prohibiting the export of unworked ivory from the N.W.T. The Iglulingmiut resumed subsistence hunting f o r walrus, but the number of hunters increased, and the wastage of walrus shot without being harpooned was considerable. Freuchen commented 19 on the waste of walrus i n 1923 and i n 1966 Mansfield estimated losses by 20 sinking at J>0% of a l l k i l l s . The walrus whose numbers made boat crossing of Hooper I n l e t dangerous were driven from there or exterminated by 1 9 4 8 , and settlement on the i s l a n d of Abvadjak ended as a r e s u l t . The main herd i n northern Foxe Basin was protected to a consider-able extent by f l o a t i n g i c e . Anders calculation of the permissible 22 2 3 sustained y i e l d d i f f e r s from those of Loughrey and Mansfield, who indicate over-predation since about 1 9 5 6 . Whether or not the r a t i o of human population to walrus population was favourable to hunters i n theory, i n f act the frequency of walrus i n the main settlement areas decreased steadily a f t e r 1955 due to increased hunting pressure and boat t r a f f i c . With the proceeds of fox-trapping, hunters could buy r i f l e s and boats, and with increased k i l l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y of walrus, could feed large dog teams, which i n turn f a c i l i t a t e d t r a v e l along trap l i n e s . No accurate count of dogs i n northern Foxe Basin was made p r i o r to 1 9 6 5 , but teams increased i n size from the 8 to 10 of Lyon's time to 16 or 17 i n the 1 9 2 0 ' s and 1930's. As Damas has suggested, there may have been occasional d i v i s i o n of teams between father and son as more wood became available f o r sleds. This would make team size a doubtful c r i t e r i o n of t o t a l dog population. 2^ Despite epidemics i n 1936 and 1 9 4 9 , the dog population probably had a long term increase, and i n 1965 the writer counted about 730 dogs owned by 100 f u l l time hunting f a m i l i e s . The year round d a i l y average of meat consumed by a sled dog was 102 INLAND KA 1850 I YAK 1900 I 1950 I BOW BIRD- DART KAYAK STONE TRAP FAMILY SNOWHOUSE SKIN TENT STONE & BONE HOUSE SKIN FLOAT BLADDER DART RIFLE SPRING TRAP CANVAS TENT PRIMUS WHALEBOAT INBOARD DRU APPROXIMATE ATROPHY & ADOPTION IN TECHNOLOGY M FLOAT OUT BOARD HOUSE SKIDO O 1825 1875 1925 F i g . 6 103 about 2 l b s , and the same was tame of the Iglulingmiut u n t i l about 19651 This rule of thumb figure agrees with B i s s e t t ' s estimate f o r the region i n 2 5 26 1963 and with Usher's calculations f o r Coppermine - Holman Eskimos. Bisseti-- wrote that 8 5 to 90% of Iglulingmiut food requirements were obtained through hunting walrus, seal and caribou. Using the 1965 population figures f o r people and dogs, the meat requirement f o r that year was 8 8 5 , 5 0 0 l b s . Anders table shows 7 9 8 , 9 0 0 l b s a c t u a l l y obtained. His figure shows a possible increase i n the harvest of a l l species, up to a t o t a l of 27 9 8 8 , 9 0 0 l b s . The above t o t a l regional sustained y i e l d i s based on t o t a l game reserves, and does not take into account a c c e s s i b i l i t y to settlement at the time. I t i s based too, on resources that i n 1 9 6 5 were s t a t i c , compared to a burgeoning human population. In terms of the r a t i o of people to meat available, the game resources of northern Foxe Basin were marginal by 1 9 6 5 . igveral years before 1 9 6 5 the need f o r cash input had made the subsistence economy into a subsidy economy. Technological Change In the p r e - r i f l e days, groups of men, women and children cooperated at goose drives and caribou drives, or to frighten seals into r i s i n g at one central breathing hole. With the use of r i f l e s , hunting became more and more a male specialty. The introduction of f i s h nets reduced the incidence of group f i s h i n g with spears at the shaputit dams. Men with bigger dog teams and longer sleds could "work" a hunting area r a d i a l l y from a central camp, and the use of primus stoves meant that the stone kudlik lamp coud be l e f t , with i t s female tender, at the sajae camp. The decrease i n the a v a i l a b i l i t y of caribou skins coupled with changes i n fashion, meant that fewer women were equipped with skin 104 travelling clothes. Dressed i n duffle cloth, they stayed home during the coldest months. The distinctive pouched hoot of the Melville-Borden culture group was adapted for sled travel, for the women could draw her foot up into the pouch for warmth while riding. This type of boot went out of use during the 1930's. The summer family expeditions inland with pack dogs were replaced by marine expeditions i n whaleboats to the islands to collect birds eggs, but i n general the changes in technology and clothing increased the sedentary role of women and children. From observations made by the writer in northern Foxe Basin and other Arctic regions, the misery experienced by underclad camp families may well have been one unarticulated reason for abandonment of the camp system. The substitution of manufactured clothing for caribou skin, enforced by circumstances or done by choice, was probably a main reason f o r the abandonment of snowhouses as winter quarters on the sea ice. Walrus hunting at sea had usually been carried out by men i n pO kayaks lashed together for safety. With the advent of wooden whaleboats, a new form of group hunt developed, under the leadership of one man who usually owned a l l or part of the boat. The boats increased yields of walrus meat, and ice permitting, could carry enough supplies i n the f a l l to see a remote camp through the winter. Whaleboats were a key element in the expansion of camp settlement during three decades. The f i r s t boats entered the region i n the late 1920's2 During the 1940's the Jens Munk Island and Iglukjuat camps were established 30 by families with newly acquired boats. In the f a l l of 1965 there were 12 whaleboats or boats of similar size distributed i n the camps of northern Foxe Basin, though three were unfit for use. During the 1950's, canoes and outboard motors became a new 105 i. A V E R A G E P R I C E S PAID TO IGLULINGMIUT. FUR A N D IVORY . 1 9 2 0 - 1967-Sources— Harington. Cantley Anders. Donahue. F i g . 7 106 technological element i n northern Foxe Basin. By 1 9 6 5 there were 38 canoes and 4 4 outboard motors owned by Eskimos i n the region. Roughly half of these were operated from H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k , the remainder from camp. The innovative role of the powered canoe seems to have been overlooked by students of recent A r c t i c developments. The speed of the canoes powered by outboard motors, and the p o s s i b i l i t y of r i v e r navigation, greatly increased the d a i l y range of hunters, at l e a s t under adequate i c e and wind conditions. From one to three men can launch and land almost any canoe, and i f carried on a sled to the f l o e edge, a canoe extends the boating season to 6 or 7 months ( i n Foxe Basin) compared to 3 months f o r whaleboats. Powered canoes a f t e r about 1955 permitted Individual hunting familie s or pairs of men to operate on an annual cycle independent of the whaleboat crew camps. A few f u l l time hunters began to l i v e i n t h i s way, v i s i t i n g various camp t e r r i t o r i e s from t h e i r home bases at I g l o o l i k or H a l l Beach. Wage earning Eskimos did the same on weekends and during holidays, or provided the c a p i t a l and operating money f o r a r e l a t i v e to hunt f u l l time by canoe i n exchange f o r meat. Anders has commented on the expense of canoe hunting i n terms of 31 gasoline used, shots wasted and time spent cruising. Heavy outboard motor t r a f f i c i n any area also drives away seals, walrus and sea birds. The camp era ended too quickly f o r the f u l l e f f e c t s of powered canoes to be measured. I t appears however that the high cost of canoe operation, the adverse effect of the motors on w i l d l i f e , and the challenge to the whaleboat-based communities would have been another powerful force f o r disequilibrium. The mechanic sled, or skidoo as i t i s usually c a l l e d , a f t e r the f i r s t successful model, made i t s f i r s t appearance i n northern Foxe Basin i n 1 9 6 3 . By 1965 s i x skidoos were owned by Iglulingmiut, only one of them by 107 ITEMS OF TECHNOLOGY IM USE AT U S S U A K J U K .1965 F i g . 8 108 a f u l l time hunter. The camps closed before the effect of skidoos upon hunting settlement could be assessed. Modifications i n housing hadd l i t t l e or no effect on settlement u n t i l 1966. Canvas replaced skins as roofing or l i n i n g i n karngmat houses or snowhouses, but the karngmat i n particular survived as a house form u n t i l the close of the camps. Scrap wood, mainly from the DEWline, influenced house construction i n favour of "whlteman's style" housing, but again no location factor was involved. Minor items of technology survived unchanged from Parry's time, (see Pig. 6 and 7, Plates 12 and 13) and other artifacts were substituted, for example the ten gallon drum in place of a sealskin f l o a t . As with housing, these changes were minor in terms of the settlement pattern, but they i l l u s t r a t e the continuity of the hunting culture up to 1966. Subsistence to Subsidy The whaling era was characterized by i n s t a b i l i t y in population movement, game harvesting and commodity prices. With the establishment of Hudson's Bay Company trading posts during the 1920*s and 1930's, the Iglulingmiut were able to return to a modified version of the ancient regional pattern of ac t i v i t y and settlement. Rifles and whaleboats, the two most significant items i n the "new" ecology, were easily acquired i n terms of fox furs, the currency of the arctic In the early twentieth century. Damas has shown that i n the 32 mid 1920's a whaleboat cost about 85 fox furs - relatively easy for a small group of hunters to trap. In the mid 1960's the boat with i t s essential motor would cost about 230 furs.*^ After the i n i t i a l capital outlay for a boat, the Iglulingmiut before 1950 had low operational costs, and tended to settle the camp areas 109 by hunting rather than trapping poten t i a l . Trapping was always a factor, however, and the post manager exerted what pressure he could to increase fu r production. In 1945 Family Allowances were introduced, followed within a few years by other pensions and allowances. The camps now had regular sources of Income which made them s t i l l more independent of trapline location and f u r price fluctuations. Old, disabled and very young Iglulingmiut now became assets to the hunting settlements rather than the l i a b i l i t i e s that they had often been with an unsubsidized economy. U n t i l the 1 9 5 0 ' s the demand f o r consumer goods was small. The trading post carried l i t t l e except r i f l e s , traps, ammunition, gasoline, tea, f l o u r , tobacco, sled-timber, matches and cl o t h . The Iglulingmiut maintained a balance of payments i n terms of f u r exported and goods imported. Figure 9 shows no subsidy f o r 1 9 4 0 . - 41. This state of equilibrium was threatened by a creeping increase i n the use of consumer good. From 1 9 3 5 to 1966 an average of 4 4 children per year attended the Chesterfield school from I g l o o l i k . From I960 the federal hostel and day school at I g l o o l i k had steadily expanded, and i n the f a l l of 1 9 6 4 the f i r s t students went to the vocational t r a i n i n g school i n C h u r c h i l l , Manitoba. Even more than the inmates of hospitals, these students learned s k i l l s , tastes and aspirations incompatible with the t r a d i t i o n a l ones; t h e i r needs could not be met from the f u r economy. In 1 9 5 6 , when the Iglulingmiut were being a c t i v e l y discouraged from taking DEWline employment i n order to preserve t h e i r s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t hunting way of l i f e , almost half of t h e i r consumer needs were met by d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t subsidy from government. The b r i e f sealskin "boom" of 1962 to 1964 resulted i n investment i n both luxury goods and hunting equipment, such as bigger outboard motors. The end of the boom l e f t the economy s t i l l further out of equilibrium. 110 1 5 0 0 0 0 MO-B O -120 110 1 0 0 0 0 0 90-80 70-60-5 0 0 0 0 40-30-20-10-0 0 0 0 0 S O U R C E S O F I N C O M E E s k i m o s of N'th'n F o x e B a s i n C R A F T S S O C I A L A S S I S T A N C E W A G E S A L L O W A N C E S & P E N S I O N S F U R S G] T O T A L • i 1 5 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 50 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1940-41 1959-60 1964 1965-66 Sources - Ma/au ri e. Anders. Donahue. Fig. 9 I l l One example may i l l u s t r a t e the situation of most f u l l time hunters and trappers i n 1 9 6 5 : Towkee has been f a i r l y consistent in f i l l i n g i n game report forms for the R.C.M.P. Like most Eskimos of his generation, jhis numerical concepts are inexact, and during some months he forgot to f i l l i n the form. Nevertheless the following table gives a f a i r l y accurate picture of the resources of his camp area, and the emphases dictated by his equipment, his group and his personal Inclination.34 TABLE 1 Month Caribou Ukjuk Jar seal Fox Wolf Walrus Bear Whale July 1 / 6 5 1 2 1 3 - - -Aug 2 3 6 6 - 3 -Sept 2 0 1 4 - -Oct - 1 8 - - -Nov - - - - - -Dec - - - 4 - - - -Jan 7 - 1 - - - -Feb 11 - - 1 l - -Mar 9 1 2 1 - - - -Apr 4 - - - i -May 2 - 2 - - -June 3 0 / 6 6 - - 5 - - -77 11 41 - 6 5 -This hunter k i l l e d more than the regional average of caribou, as his camp i s in the area nearest to caribou herds. He hunted with a small group consisting of his fifteen year old son and another married hunter. They had only a canoe with a small motor, and did no walrus hunting that year. The fox cycle that year was at a low p o i n t . ^ His total income for the year, with his son, was: Fur sales 5 5 0 . 0 0 Family Allowance 4 3 2 . 0 0 Social Assistance 2 7 7 . 0 0 Stevedoring 141 . 00 1,400 .00, or 2 0 0 . 0 0 f o r each member of the family. 112 In addition to l i v i n g expenses of h i s family (seven including himself), the hunter was making payments on the canoe, which he purchased i n 1965 following the wreck of h i s whaleboat. The loss of the whaleboat was a major misfortune, but not an uncommon one i n the i c e - f i l l e d waters of the region. In 1 9 6 5 - 6 6 , poor fox-trapping was general throughout the region, and the example given above i s a f a i r representation of the economic dilemma of most camp Eskimos i n northern Foxe Basin. The minimum yearly v cash requirement f o r f u e l ; food; tobacco; ammunition and equipment-maintenance was about $ 1 , 7 5 0 during the 1960's f o r a family of f i v e l i v i n g i n camp. The minimum per capita income needed was therefore $ 3 5 0 , much more than the actual average of $205 from 1959 to 1 9 6 5 . Even i f the Iglulingmiut had money enough f o r ammunition, meat and skins f o r subsistence l i v i n g , t h i s did not s a t i s f y other tastes acquired or thrust upon them. With better organized and more d i l i g e n t l y - pursued trapping, the gap between regional " r e a l " income and the cost of imported goods might have been closed b r i e f l y . This however, would have meant a decrease i n meat-hunting f o r human consumption, and a corresponding increase i n reliance on store food and clothing. Thus the s p i r a l would have taken another turn. Hunting and trapping from dispersed camp locations could not continue, but movement to the settlements of H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k has not r e a l l y solved theseconomic problem. Almost a l l the wages shown f o r 1 9 6 4 and 1 9 6 5 i n Figure 9 were earned on the construction of Eskimo housing, a short term and subsidized source of income. The regional economy, apart from a minor output of c r a f t s and furs, has become one of taking i n i t s own washing. 1 1 3 Society and Settlement  Kinship The i s o l a t i o n of northern Foxe Basin was disturbed slowly and l a t e . Once the store at I g l o o l i k was established, contact even with the other regions of the c u l t u r a l - l i n g u i s t i c t e r r i t o r y was reduced. The immigrants of the early fur-trade days joined the Iglulingmiut whole, and today there are few "foreign" Eskimos i n the region compared to most others. Iglulingmiut society i s s t i l l d i s t i n c t , i t s functioning and shaped around a network of kinship t i e s . Damas discerned two important structural elements i n the society, the ungayuk relationships of a f f e c t i o n and co-operation, and the narlaktok relationships of seniority and 37 obedience. Within these two sets of roles there are universal and complex systems of marriage, adoption and economic a c t i v i t y . A l l facets of the s o c i a l system i n t e r r e l a t e , and the part each person plays i n society i s defined i n f a i r l y exact terms. On the whole, status and role are determined by sex, age and a b i l i t y , and i n most situations an Iglulingmiut knows exactly who he or she can and should be ! l f a m i l i a r with, give orders to, or a s s i s t . The avoidance-relationships are s t i l l observed though to a lessening degree, and a woman interpreting f o r an adult educator i n 1 9 6 7 was loathe to pass on i n s t r u c t i o n to her adult 3 8 brother. Arranged marriage i s s t i l l prevalent among the Iglulingmiut, and 39 assisted suicide has been recent. In keeping with the trend of s o c i a l change i n other f o l k societies, technological innivation has been accepted fa s t e r than new s o c i a l forms. The recent termination of the camp era and the i n s t r u c t i o n of children In "Western" ways, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n boarding schools, w i l l probably reduce the strength of kinship i n the s o c i a l and economic system. 114 Map 12 115 A large family was an asset to any camp leader. Sons especially, ensured extra, hands i n the group economy, and a l l children might make useful a l l i a n c e s , through marriage, f o r reciprocal exchange "between camps. Travellers or v i s i t o r s moving within the region were sure of lodging, dog-food and other assistance from t h e i r extended or near k i n . By 1962 however, some marriageable g i r l s were reluctant to marry into camp famil i e s , preferring l i f e i n the administrative centres, 40 and young men had to seek brides beyond the region. Movement within the region between established camp areas - and occasionally to new "outpost" areas - was common throughout the camp settlement era, i . e . 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 6 5 . These were some of the most common reasons f o r movement: 1 ) Customary bride-service of one or more years given by a young man to h i s wife's immediate family. 2 ) Attachment to a strong leader, a wage earner, a boat crew or an older r e l a t i v e - sometimes on command. 3) Movement to better hunting and trapping. 4) Movement away from an area following hardship or disaster. 5) Grouping of related f a m i l i e s , or dispersal through quarrels. 6 ) Wage-employment at DEWline s i t e s or the two main settlements. 7) Loss of wife or husband. Mapl2 shows the movements of one immigrant family, perhaps more unsettled than most. The following table i l l u s t r a t e s the degree of movement by Iglulingmiut f a m i l i e s i n general: 1 1 6 TABLE 2 TABLE OF FAMILY MOVEMENTS ACCORDING TO LOCATIONS SHOWN ON 1949(Mission) and 1965 (RCMP) CENSUSES Anglican Catholic Total Families shown on 1949 census 44 3 2 7 6 Stayed at same site 1949-65 6 9 1 5 Stayed i n same general area 10 17 27 Moved to another area within region 24 10 3L Families added by marriage etc. since 1949 20 17 37 Families added since 1949 by immigration 1 3 8 21 Total families added 1949-65 33 2 5 28 The table shows the relatively sedentary nature of the "old Igloolik" Catholic families close to the core of the region. On the whole, however, mobility was high, and even the sedentary period mentioned by Damas from 1 9 3 0 to 1940, was f a r from absolute.**1 The families shown in the table averaged several moves between the two census dates. Religion Conversion to Christianity had a lasting effect upon the social organization and spatial distribution of the Iglulingmiut. In 1 9 2 9 the Roman Catholic mission came to Pond Inlet, where the priest met the Abvadjak group from northern Foxe Basin. Conversions were made, and i n 1 9 3 1 Father Bazin moved to the island of Abvadjak to begin the regional mission. The influential woman Attagutarluk 42 was baptized by him i n 1 9 3 1 » her husband Itukshardjuak i n 1 9 4 0 . Both Umik, the forerunner of the Anglican church i n northern Foxe Basin, and Itukshardjuak the Roman Catholic convert were strong leaders, and conversion of their adherents divided the Eskimo society into two distinct factions, a new and permanent separation of the Iglulingmiut. The sheltered site at Ikpiakjuk, i n Turton Bay on Igloolik Island, had not been used as a winter village since Dorset time, but the Roman Catholic mission was moved there from Abvadjak in 1 9 3 7 , so as to be N O R T H E R N F O X E B A S I N S E T T L E M E N T BY R E L I G I O U S A F F I L I A T I O N 1965 80 o s c a l e e 118 closer to the main Eskimo hunting camps. The Anglican missionary from Pond Inl e t paid occasional v i s i t s to the region, and i n 1959 the Reverend Noah Nassuk, an Iglulingmiut, "became resident minister at Ikpiakjuk, ( i g l o o l i k ) . About 60% of the Eskimo population of the region are Anglican, the remainder Catholic. Within the settlement, u n t i l the introduction of larger-scale r e n t a l housing, two nodes of population centred around the two missions. In the region at large, the p r i n c i p a l settlements adhered to a pattern i n which Catholic camps were closest to Ikpiakjuk, extending south to H a l l Beach and west halfway up Fury and Hecla S t r a i t . The Anglican camps were further out, along, three r a d i a l arms from Ikpiakjuk to Agu, Iglukjuak and Ussuakjuk. (see Map 1 3 ) Immigration to the region adhered to the area described according to the r e l i g i o u s persuasion of the migrants. The reasons f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n of camps by r e l i g i o u s adherence was i n part because the o r i g i n a l Roman Catholic converts were a large, powerful family group who had, before conversion, occupied the Abvadjak and I g l o o l i k area. Another, l e s s important reason was that the Catholic missions have usually encouraged proximity to church and p r i e s t . The Anglican camps had a greater percentage of immigrants to the region, people who had to occupy peripheral hunting grounds. Decentralization was f a c i l i t a t e d by the Anglican i n s t i t u t i o n of native catechists, who conducted prayers i n camp. This position was often, though not always held by the p r i n c i p a l man, or issumatak of the camp Religious d i v i s i o n a f f e c t s the s o c i a l and geographical mobility of the Eskimos. Religious endogamy i s the rule, thus reducing by half the number of potential marriage a l l i a n c e s , and the number of camps at which a t r a v e l l e r can f i n d k i n , or a migrant can s e t t l e . The attendance of Catholic children at the boarding school of Chesterfield I n l e t from 1955 was an 1 1 9 educational and geographical link with other regions not shared by the Anglican groups. While travelling with members of one persuasion i n 1 9 6 5 » the author was often told anecdotes derogatory to the other group. Despite the social and spatial limitations imposed upon the Iglulingmiut by religious division, things go more smoothly than i n many other parts of the Arctic similarly s p l i t . A strong sense of regional Identity and former kinship ti e s help to maintain cooperation between the two factions, and there are several firm friendships that ignore the religious difference. Local leadership of both groups has tended towards ecumenical rather than factional attitudes. Authority The Catholic missionaries were in residence i n the region for twenty-four years before the DEWline came, and the Hudson's Bay Company post managers for thirteen years. The former had a slight centripetal effect on the pattern of population, the l a t t e r a more pronounced centrifugal effect, but neither posed a threat to the cultural security of the Eskimos - defined by Plucke as "the a b i l i t y of the group 43 to c6pe with i t s environment'.* Indeed, i t was during the period when priest, trader and Eskimos lived together in isolation that native leadership and socio-economic organization reached the highest degree of the whole contact period. The "king" Itukshardjuak made the major decisions for a l l members of his large village at Abvadjak, and was able to send meat when outlying communities such as the one at Steensby Inlet, were i n need. His widow Attagutarluk continued the organization of group activity, keeping a record in syllabic script of each man's hunt, and "taxing" a l l - even the mission - to provide a communal working capital of food for people and dogs.^ 120 The degree of authority exercised by the "King and Queen", or at least the number of people gathered under that authority, was not equalled i n the other main aggregates, but the Eskimo society functioned well at.', the four l e v e l s of organization discerned by Damas - nuclear family, extended family, whaleboat crew and v i l l a g e . At H a l l Beach, employment with the nursing station, and l a t e r with the administrative post, was the nucleus of two quasi-camp groups, Catholic and Anglican respectively. In these two groups authority was shared i n some respects by the two employing agencies, who by virtue of t h e i r functions became involved i n economic, moral and l o c a t i o n a l decisions. Wage-earning at the two agencies, or DEWline employment, further changed the status system within the kin-group. Thus the young employee might l i v e i n a modern house and be primarily within an advanced exchange economy; h i s uncle might be wholly within the t r a d i t i o n a l subsistence economy, and new problems of status and cooperation arose. A p a r a l l e l s i t u a t i o n emerged at I g l o o l i k , where the Hudson's Bay 6ompany recruited i t s help from the Anglican Eskimo group, and workers at the Catholic mission formed the nucleus of a second Catholic group. In 1960-61 the Anglican "camp" numbered 40 people, including employee of the Department of Northern A f f a i r s , Authority was shared with the two employing agencies who supplied.some housing and f u e l , and who were a source of wood and other a r t i c l e s . The Anglican group also used the Hudson's Bay Company boat f o r t h e i r hunts, bringing the store manager into the conduct of the hunt and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of gains. The t i t l e issumatak was applied to the store manager, passing to the area administrator when he took control of welfare issues, statutory allowances and the mechanical plant. The t i t l e however, had a s p e c i f i c meaning embracing the Eskimo-white complex of the 121 entire community. Within the Anglican Eskimo kinship group the Anglican deacon was the issumatak and the l i f e of the group was co-existent but e s s e n t i a l l y separate from that of the "establishment". Wage income was adjunctive to the " r e a l " business of hunting and of sharing the catch. The Roman Catholic group at I g l o o l i k i n 1 9 6 1 - 6 2 numbered 5 4 , and two boats were owned. Like the Anglicans, the Catholic kinship group included several pensioners, but had only one employed member, a part-time helper at the mission. This group was therefore closer to hunting-camp economy and authority than the neighbouring one, and more autonomous. The p r i e s t exercised some authority, but of a type closer to the native pattern than that of the other white residents, not being founded on control of material resources. Summary During the long period of l i m i t e d contact p r i o r to 1 9 4 5 , and during the DEWline construction phase, there was no profound change i n the I g l o o l i k region Eskimos as subsistence hunters, adhering to an ancient settlement-pattern, and i n possession of a workable s o c i a l system rooted f i r m l y i n t r a d i t i o n . Innovations i n technology, economy, r e l i g i o n and the degree of control by o f f i c i a l Canada were assimilated into or modified the t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e , but d i d not appear to threaten i t s i.form. or meaning. By the mid 1 9 5 0 's however, decreasing i s o l a t i o n , expanding population and growing consumer needs were making the hunting settlements untenable. During the 1960's, the administrative and l e g a l machinery of government made increasing inroads into native autonomy. Construction brought money into new prominence, and the employment disrupted seasonal 122 groupings and hunting a c t i v i t i e s . A i r c r a f t patrols to the camps extended the influence of the administrative centres, and more frequent v i s i t s to the centres from camps became necessary f o r medication, trading and t r a v e l out of the region. Improved medical care boosted the rate of population increase i n the c l a s s i c manner of underdeveloped countries, and together with more Eskimos, more southern Canadians took t h e i r places i n the so c i a l f a b r i c of the northern Foxe Basin. They came as residents f o r a few years, or as part of a bewildering succession of s c i e n t i s t s , physical and s o c i a l , of jou r n a l i s t s and o f f i c i a l s , each one an agent of change. In these l a t t e r years of accelerated change, e f f o r t s were made to adapt Eskimo t r a d i t i o n a l structures to the demands of modern settlement l i f e and to a cash economy. The Eskimo Council, the Community Development Fund, and the Co-operative were operating with some success i n the two steadily growing centres, when the Rental Housing Scheme brought s o c i a l revolution and the end of an era. 123 P L A T E 14 - Merkhohtuit , leader of the P ingerka l i k group, and h is wife Serpapik, May 1926 (photo by L . T . Burwash, in I.A. & N . D . L ibrary) P L A T E 15 - Kad lu ts iak & her son Samuel l i May 1963 (photo T . F u j i k i , A s a h i Shimbun) 124 FOOTNOTES J. Sonnenfeld, "Changes i n an Eskimo Hunting Technology, An Introduction to Implement Geography", Annals of the A.A.G., No. 5 0 ( 2 ) , June I 9 6 0 , p. 1 8 3 . 2 D. Damas, Iglulingmiut Kinship and Local Groupings, Ottawa, National Museum of Canada, B u l l e t i n No. 1 9 6 , Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources, 1 9 6 3 , p. 3 1 . 3 F i l e 2 0 1 - 1 , Northern Administration & Lands Branch, Ottawa, March 14, 1 9 5 6 . 4 R.A.J. P h i l l i p s , "The Eastern A r c t i c P a t r o l " , Canadian  Geographical Journal, May 1 9 5 7 , p. 5 . ^P. Schulte, The Flyi n g P r i e s t Over the A r c t i c , New York, Harper, 1 9 4 0 , p. 2 6 1 . ^N.J. Campbell, and A.E. C o l l i n s , Recent Oceanographic A c t i v i t i e s  Of the A t l a n t i c Oceanographic Group i n the Eastern A r c t i c , Ottawa, Progress Report No. 69 of the A t l a n t i c Coastal Station, Fisheries Research Board of Canada, May 1 9 5 8 . 7 W.G. Ross, "American Whaling i n Hudson Bay, The Voyage of the Black Eagle", Canadian Geographical Journal, December 1 9 6 7 , Vol. 7 5 , No. 6 , p. 2 0 3 . 8J.D. Moodie, R.N.W.M.P. Reports, 1 9 0 6 - 1 6 , p. 6 . 9 L.E. S e l l e r s , "Patrol, Fullerton to Lyons I n l e t " , R.N.W.M.P. Reports, 1 9 0 6 - 1 6 , p. 124. 10 T. Manning, "Notes on the Coastal D i s t r i c t of the Eastern Barren Grounds & M e l v i l l e Peninsula from I g l o o l i k to Cape Fullerton", Geographical Journal, February 1 9 4 3 , p. 1 0 3 . 11 T. Mathiassen, "Report on the Expedition", Report of the 5 t h Thule Expedition, 1921-24, Copenhagen, 1 9 2 7 , Vol. 1 , p. 5 5 . J.D. Moodie, op_. c i t . , p. 1 1 . 125 ^F. Boas, "The Eskimos of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay", Bulletin 15_ of the American Museum of Natural History, 1901, p. 469. (Contains notes by Captain Comer). 14 Manning, pj>. c i t . , p. 103. 1 5 J b i d . 16 G. Anders, Northern Foxe Basin, An Area Economic Survey, Ottawa, Industrial Division, Northern Administration Branch. Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, 1965, P. 32. 17 0 £ . c i t . , p. 29. 18 o£. c i t . , p. 134. 19 P. Freuchen, "Mammals", Report of the 5th Thule Expedition, 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. 2, Nos. 4 and 5, 1935, p. 242. 20 A.W. Mansfield, "The Walrus i n Canada's Arctic", Canadian  Geographical Journal, Vol. LXXII, No. 3, March 1966, p. 95. 2 1Schu»e, c i t . , p. 261. 22op_. c i t . , p. 134 23 A.G. Loughrey, "Preliminary Investigation of the Atlantic Walrus", Wildlife Management Bulletin No. 14. Ottawa, Canadian Wildlife Service, Department of Northern Affairs & National Resources, 1954, p. 38. Loughrey's increment rate for management purposes i s 15%t Mansfield's (op. c i t . , p. 95), i s 6§#, based on deeper research. 24 , op. c i t . , p. 26. 25 D. Bissett, "Recent Changes in the Li f e of the Iglulik Eskimos',' The Albertan Geographer, No. 1, 1964 - 65, p. 13. 26 P.J. Usher, Economic Basis and Resource Use of the Coppermine -Holman Region, N.W.T., Ottawa, Northern Co-ordination & Research Centre-65-2, Department of Northern Affairs & National Resources, 1965, pp. 188-190. 27 op. c i t . , p. 134. 126 28 J. Uyara and other old Eskimos have witnessed this: personal communication. 29 W. Kerr, personal communication. 30 Damas, op_. c i t . , p. 27. ^122- c i t . , p. 83. 3 2o£. c i t . , p. 24. 33 The estimate for the 1960's i s based on prices used at Pangnirtung and Coral Harbour, and i s supported by Jenness' study Eskimo  Administration in Canada, Technical Paper No. 14, Arctic Institute of North America, 1964, p. 104. 3** The name of the informant i s withheld to ensure a measure of privacy. 35 Personal communication. 3^ Calculated with the author i n 1967 by five classes of Eskimo students at Churchill, representing many Eastern Arctic regions, including Igloolik. The answers f e l l within a range of $1,750 and $1,850. Damas, o£. c i t . , p. 48. 38M. St. Hilaire, personal communication. 39 The la s t case recorded was i n 1962. **°Jean Malaurie, "Preliminary Report from an Anthropological Mission for Demographic and Economic Research carried out i n Igloolik, N.W.T. Di s t r i c t Canada". Ottawa, Unpublished manuscript, Northern Co-ordination & Research Centre, Northern Affairs & National Resources, 1962, p. 7. 41 22' P« 32. G.M. Rousseliere, "Monica Ataguvtaluk, Queen of Igloolik", Eskimo, March 1950, Vol. 16, and September 1955. PP. H-14. 43 A. Flucke, "Whither the Eskimo", North, Jan. - Feb. 1963, p. 18. 44 W. Kerr, personal communication. G.M. Rousseliere, op_. cit.-1 2 ? CHAPTER VI NEW COMMUNITIES. 1968 The modern settlement of I g l o o l i k dates back to the 1930's, and the H a l l Beach settlement to 1957» when the nursing station was b u i l t . Since 1962 the two communities have changed considerably due to new construction and a steady i n f l u x of Eskimos from the camps of the region. Some 400 Eskimos have come to l i v e i n I g l o o l i k or H a l l Beach during the past three years. Almost a l l of them have r e l a t i v e l y modern housing, and both communities are e s s e n t i a l l y new i n terms of si z e , character and functions. The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to outline the government housing scheme c h i e f l y responsible f o r the emergence of the present v i l l a g e s ; to discuss changes i n the regional symbiosis, and to assess the effects of quasi-urban l i f e upon the Iglulingmiut. The following overview i s included to provide the setting i n which socio-economic change i s taking place. I g l o o l i k The v i l l a g e of I g l o o l i k , as shown on the site-plan, borders a small bay on the north-west shores of Turton Bay, I g l o o l i k Island. I t i s known i n Eskimo as Ikpiakjuk. The gravel of former beaches r i s e s evenly inland to some 800 feet i n elevation at the widest part. A b e l t of marshy tundra separates the beach from a limestone escarpment that shelters the v i l l a g e from pr e v a i l i n g northwesterly winds. The f i r s t buildings were located near the sea a t the centre of the bay-shore, where the beach i s widest and the gradient l e a s t . Subsequent construction has extended the v i l l a g e inland and along the beach to north and south. Most of the 100-odd buildings are on the coarse, well-drained M A P S C A L E 200 400 600 800 FEET © ESK IMO HOUSING © L A N D . STAFF HOUSING ® SCHOOL HOSTELS © N U R S I N G STATION © BULK OIL T A N K S © A N G L I C A N CHURCH © HUDSON'S BAY CO. STORE © R .CM.POL ICE BUILDINGS*' © A D M I N I S T R A T I O N OFF ICE ® R .C. C H U R C H @ CO-OP BUILDINGS © R.C. M I SS ION © I . A . & N . D . G A R A G E S @ & @ ESKIMO HOUSES © FEDERAL DAY SCHOOL 129 shingle.:: or gravel, with about 4 , 0 0 0 feet separating the northern and southern extremes of the v i l l a g e . The t o t a l population i n March 1968 was about 4 3 0 . 1 E l e c t r i c a l power i s supplied to the whole community by d i e s e l generators operated by the federal Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development. Bulk o i l storage tanks supply heating o i l , and other s p i r i t f u e l s are stored i n drums. Garbage and sewage are taken onto the bay i c e , o r to a coastal dump during the summer months. Several small lakes within a radius of f i v e miles are the source of most of the water and i c e used. The carrying and delivery i s done by tracked vehicles. The bay provides shallow and sheltered anchorage f o r some two months of the year, though loose pack-ice i s a threat at any time. Occasionally, as i n 1 9 6 7 , i c e conditions i n Turton Bay and Hooper I n l e t prevent supply ships from reaching I g l o o l i k . A i r c r a f t can land on the sea ice close to the v i l l a g e from l a t e November to mid-June, and a landing s t r i p f o r l i g h t planes has been made one mile north of I g l o o l i k , between the escarpment and the beach. Mail, small f r e i g h t and passenger t r a f f i c leave the region from . I g l o o l i k v i a H a l l Beach, some 60 miles south. Transportation includes plane, snow vehicle, dog team, canoe and longliner. During breakup and freeze up, a combination of land, i c e and water transport may be used. The B e l l Telephone Company maintains a l o c a l telephone system and a regular radio telephone l i n k to the outside world v i a the DEWline system. Telegrams are sent or received through the Hudson's Bay Company transceiver, and the Area Administrator maintains a regular radio schedule with the nursing station a t H a l l Beach. The RCMP and the Roman Catholic mission also have regular radio contact with t h e i r colleagues i n other communities. S K E T C H M A P O F H A L L B E A C H Ml <»7-» 300 F E E T O MINING COY. BUILDING (D ESKIMO 3 - BEDROOM HOUSES ( D ANGLICAN CHURCH (£) NURSING STATION (D HUDSON'S BAY co. STORE (?) SCHOOL (D I.A.& N.D. WAREHOUSE (D TRANSIENT CENTRE ® R.C . CHURCH ® IGLOOLIK CO-OP BUILDING ® ESKIMO 3-BEDROOM HOUSES ® POWER HOUSE 131 Hall Beach The administrative and residential village of Hall Beach, called Shanarayak i n Eskimo, i s situated on a straight, unindented part of the east coast of Melville Peninsula. The community i s linear i n form, confined to a shingle "beach that slopes up to a maximum elevation of about 30 feet, and ends some 400 feet inland at the commencement of a f l a t , marshy plain. As at Igloolik, the shingle provides excellent building sites, but the Hall Beach location i s much more bleak and exposed. The population in March 1968 was about 260, and a total of some 60 buildings extend roughly 3,000 feet along the beach. The conditions for small boat landings and anchorage are good except i n high winds, and early in spring canoes can easily be taken to the shore lead close by. El e c t r i c a l power i s supplied by the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, and a local telephone system i s linked to the Fox Main DEWline base one mile south. Water and ice are taken from several small lakes close to the village. Sewage and garbage are disposed of as at Igloolik. Heating o i l i s delivered i n barrels at present, but the 2 construction of bulk o i l storage i s planned. Small a i r c r a f t equipped with floats or skis use a lake near the Fox Main a i r s t r i p , which i s i t s e l f suitable for most standard transport ai r c r a f t . Scheduled commercial passenger f l i g h t s go to Montreal, and the Federal Electric Corporation f l i e s DEWline staff regularly to Winnipeg. DEWline Sites The Nordair passenger a i r l i n e route between Resolute Bay and Frobisher Bay, via Hall Beach, i s aligned roughly north-west and south-east. I t i s intersected at Hall Beach by the DEWline axis, east-north-east and west-south-west. The DEWline sites, from west to east, are: 1 3 2 Cape Sibbald Sarcpa Lake H a l l Beach Rowley Island Bray Island Longstaff B l u f f (Cam. 5) fCam. F) now closed (Fox Main) (Fox 1 ) (Fox A) now closed (Fox 2 ) The outlying s i t e s employ several Eskimo fa m i l i e s , most of them Iglulingmiut or related Avilingmiut. There i s l i t t l e contact between these s i t e s and the v i l l a g e s of I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach. The Fox Main s i t e i s the regional DEVfline headquarters, and the entrepot f o r the entire region. Fox Main has both sea-docking and a i r c r a f t hangar f a c i l i t i e s . The t o t a l establishment includes employees of the Nordair a i r l i n e , Department of Transport radio and weather technicians, and employees of the American Federal E l e c t r i c Corporation manning the DEWline. Numerous transients pass through Fox Main, but the s t a f f of the various organizations usually t o t a l s about 1 0 0 , almost exclusively male. Some seven Eskimos are permanent employees at Fox Main, and l i v e there with t h e i r f a m i l i e s i n government-owned housing. Most of them are Iglulingmiut, and have strong s o c i a l and economic t i e s with the people of H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k . 3 The Kadlunat residents of Fox Main are self-contained i n terms of entertainment and accommodation, l i v i n g largely indoors i n modules. A f a i r amount of s o c i a l and business exchange takes place however, with the Kadlunat of H a l l Beach, and the a i r p o r t i s a common ground. Although two communities are d i s t i n c t , H a l l Beach e x i s t s because of the Fox Main s i t e . The possession of f a c i l i t i e s f o r heavy sea and a i r transport may make H a l l Beach an eventual r i v a l to I g l o o l i k as the regional ' c a p i t a l ' . The Rental Housing Scheme of the Federal Government In previous chapters the decreasing v i a b i l i t y of the hunting and 133 trapping economy has been stressed. When the market f o r sealskins collapsed a f t e r 1964, very l i t t l e incentive was needed f o r Eskimo f a m i l i e s to move to the "bright l i g h t s " of H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k . That incentive was supplied by the implementation of a comprehensive housing scheme - a scheme that i s perhaps equal to the federal day school programme i n i t s massive potential f o r change. Ever since government a c t i v i t y i n the Canadian A r c t i c increased i n the wake of the DEWline, there has been concern over the condition of Eskimo housing. Some of the comments made have focussed on the (disparity between Eskimo snowhouses, tents and shacks on one hand, and the r e l a t i v e l y good housing provided f o r non-Eskimo residents, on the other. Public health a u t h o r i t i e s concentrated on the absolute shortcomings of Eskimo housing, and a report published i n I960 gave graphic i l l u s t r a t i o n of a dreadful Infant and neo-natal mortality rate, of tuberculosis and related diseases, a l l related c l o s e l y to wretched housing. The shack dwellings b u i l t from construction waste were a p a r t i c u l a r threat to health, hygiene and human dign i t y . Government action was taken to improve conditions and to counter c r i t i c i s m . Beginning i n 1959, the federal government provided housing on a slowly increasing scale through a s a r l e t y of f i n a n c i a l arrangements. On October 12th, 1965, a bold new programme was approved allowing some 1,560 houses to be sent to Eskimo communities over a f i v e year period. The c a p i t a l cost would be $12,500,000, and the cost of operation and administration almost $2,000,000. The r e n t a l housing scheme incorporated a l l those habitable houses that were provided under previous schemes, I t i s designed to provide adequate housing f o r Eskimos who f o r the most part cannot pay f o r both c a p i t a l cost and upkeep of a house. Rents are scaled according to the 134 a b i l i t y of the tenant to pay, and the rental agreement includes the provision of basic furniture, e l e c t r i c i t y ; water or i c e ; f u e l o i l , disposal of sewage and garbage. For those who do not want to rent i n d e f i n i t e l y , the scheme has a b u i l t - i n c r e d i t system towards eventual ownership, and there are mortgage and loan arrangements f o r Eskimos who want to purchase houses d i r e c t l y from government or private sources. With the exception of s t a f f housing f o r Eskimo employees, the t o t a l number of houses provided f o r Eskimos at H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k i s as follows:'' TABLE 3 Year Design Floor area I g l o o l i k H a l l Beach 1962 Rigid-frame 192 sq. f t . 2 1 1962 No. 370 288 II 11 L\# 2 1963 No. 370 288 II llll 1 1 1964 No. 370 288 II II 2 1 1965 No. 424 384 II II 29 10 1966 No. 439 700 II II 12 7 1966 No. 436 700 II II 12 7 1967 No. 439 700 II II 4 1 1967 No; 436 700 II II 4 70 1 31 *includes one house b u i l t at Nauyaguluit camp. The housing scheme to date provides about 70 square feet per person. The standard i s thus f a r below that of Canadian middle-class homes, but superlative i n the l i g h t of previous conditions, and considering the heavy subsidy and the remoteness ©f th© E©fi©a. The rental housing scheme has brought most of the Iglulingmiut quickly from a domestic environment of t i n y dwellings of sod, canvas and fafe¥> of s e a l - o i l lamps and communal sleeping platforms, to one of separate rooms, e l e c t r i c a l outlets, tables and chairs. As a tenant the Eskimo takes on new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and learns new concepts. The scale of his community increases tenfold i n size and complexity. 135 Thus, an essential part of the housing scheme i s the development of l o c a l government. To f a c i l i t a t e the emergence of representative local governmentkthe scheme provides f o r a gradual transfer of management from an administrator to an executive elected by the Eskimo tenants from among t h e i r number. The group w i l l determine rents, carry out maintenance and negotiate the services. A Housing Association i s formed as soon as houses are ordered, and the executive begins i t s work under the tutelage of the area administrator. A programme of adult education i s part of the housing scheme, much of i t paid f o r by a grant made by the Central Martgage and Housing Corporation. In the I g l o o l i k region housing education began l a t e i n 1 9 6 5 , and continued u n t i l 1 9 6 8 . The programme included several phases, as follows: Phase 1 . Explanation of the nature and intent of the housing scheme. Preliminary a l l o c a t i o n of houses and election of housing-management o f f i c e r s . Phase 2. Education f o r f a m i l i e s i n housekeeping, hygiene, budgeting and general maintenance. Phase 3 . Continuing guidance of the housing management committee. Phase 4. Training of l o c a l women to carry on the home -management teaching. Although the education that was part of the "crash programme" i s completed i n a l l i t s phases, communal education continues i n many ways. The housing scheme was the precipitant f o r dras t i c change i n almost every aspect of Iglulingmiut l i f e . 136 P L A T E 17 - One-bedroom house, type bui l t 1965-66 (photo K. Crowe) 137 Transformation of the Settlement Pattern The themes of culture area, c u l t u r a l landscape, c u l t u r a l history and c u l t u r a l ecology have teen e x p l i c i t thus f a r i n t h i s study of 6 northern Foxe Basin. These are the elements of c u l t u r a l geography and they are predicted on a relationship, however sophisticated, between man and land. U n t i l the 1960's, the relationship between the Eskimos of northern Foxe Basin and t h e i r land was simple and profound. The physio-graphic region, the b i o t i c region and the sett l e d or c u l t u r a l region were almost synonymous. I g l o o l i k , and to a lesser degree H a l l Beach, were what Fried 7 has c a l l e d "outpost Service Settlements". They served the camp population of the region much as a small town might serve the farmers around i t . The Eskimo populated and harvested t h e i r region. Service settlements existed because of the people, who i n turn l i v e d according to regional resources. The f a m i l i e s of Agu Bay and Ussuakjuk were at home i n t h e i r camps, they looked "inward" a t the central service settlements. The movement of dispersed r u r a l populations into regional centres i s world-wide, and i n most instances i s strongly Influenced by technological change i n the use of regional resources. Despite such concentrations of population, however, the regions s t i l l e x i s t as regions, producing f o r the urban centres and being served by them The two centres of northern Foxe Basin do not e x i s t to process the resource-wealth of the region. The rental housing scheme i s extraneous to the regional symbiosis, but i n the absence of a viable economy, i t i s the only choice f o r the Eskimos. For the f i r s t time i n t h e i r history they look "outward" at t h e i r region. 138 The l i v e d - i n and lived-from region i s greatly reduced, perhaps to be extended again i n new forms. For the present the c u l t u r a l landscape and the stage f o r the enactment of Iglulingmiut a f f a i r s are confined almost e n t i r e l y to two centres, and the coast between them. Agencies of Tutelage With the occupation of government-owned housing by Eskimos, and the decline i n the native economy, the settlements of I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach have changed i n function. U n t i l the mid-1960's they existed, to paraphrase one d e f i n i t i o n of an urban centre, "to provide goods and 8 services to people who l i v e outside the urban boundaries". Like a l l communities of the Eastern A r c t i c , much of the service given was p a t e r n a l i s t i c and controlled from outside the region, but the accent was on essential services rather than socio-economic change. In t h e i r study of Eskimo l i f e i n Frobisher Bay, John and Irma 9 Honigmann referred to "people under tutelage". The Eskimos of I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach are more homogeneous i n culture than those of Frobisher Bay, and t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n s are as yet stronger. Nevertheless they are very much a people under tutelage. The primary function of the new communities i s the business of conscious s o c i a l change. Even a casual v i s i t o r to I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach can discern a clear d i v i s i o n of the community into the Iglulingmiut, who constitute the raw material of change, and half a dozen agencies or organizations that i n i t i a t e and control much of i t . The agencies are discussed here i n terms of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r roles, using an imaginary d i v i s i o n of the community into a series of overlapping pyramids, the apex of each being an agency. Figure 10 i l l u s t r a t e s the concept f o r I g l o o l i k , but i t i s two dimensional. I t cannot convey the very important reciprocal action between C o m m u n i t y O r g a n i z a t i o n s . I g l o o l i k 1967-68 140 the agencies, the role of Kadlunat wives and children, or a host of other tangible and intangible relationships. The Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development This Department, represented at I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach by the combined establishment of its.Northern Administration Branch, i s a r e l a t i v e late-comer to the region, but i t i s the most pervasive and powerful of a l l the agencies. This situation i s recognized i n the use of the term angayukak or chief, by Eskimos when re f e r r i n g to the administrator. The s t a f f , headed by an area administrator, operates the schools, power-plants and Eskimo housing. I t employs the greatest number of permanent and seasonal Eskimo workers. The movement of Eskimo patients and trainees i n and out of the region i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of IA&ND, and a newly-appointed s o c i a l worker administers s o c i a l assistance and statutary allowances. The area administrator i s also responsible f o r three types of organization which were conceived as vehicles f o r s e l f government by Eskimos. The area administrator and h i s s t a f f handle the greater part of the cash-flow into the region. Their establishment i s the chief medium of dir e c t and incidental tutelage. Now that the Eskimo population i s concentrated near the schools, school attendance i s s i m i l a r to that of southern Canada, including about f i f t y children at the boarding school at Chesterfield I n l e t , and four at the vocational school, C h u r c h i l l . In terms of Eskimo p a r t i c i p a t i o n , there i s no equivalent as yet of the southern home and school or parent-teachers associations. Several g i r l s from the region have trained as classroom assistants, but there are no Eskimos with f u l l teacher q u a l i f i c a t i o n . About s i x young adult Eskimos from the region took vocational t r a i n i n g i n various provinces during the winter of 1967/68. 141 A. The Housing Association The tenants of government low-rental housing at I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach comprise two housing associations, and the members elect an executive on the basis of one representative per ten houses. When incorporated, the executive has the l e g a l power to c o l l e c t rents, contract services, allocate and r e q u i s i t i o n housing and perform other management functions. The H a l l Beach association i s embryonic as yet, and the I g l o o l i k executive i s slowly taking up i t s duties. The f r u i t i o n of the Housing Association management-role w i l l require a grasp of several new concepts such as rent and detailed accounting. I t w i l l also require a transfer of funds and equipment, since both are controlled at present by the government o f f i c e r s . In 1967 I g l o o l i k was host to Eskimo delegates from several other regions, at a housing conference which lasted one week. The theme of education f o r housing occupance and management, used the housing scheme at I g l o o l i k as i t s model. B. The Eskimo Council A second organization sponsored and guided by the area Administrator i s the Eskimo Council, an elected group intended to be a voice f o r Eskimo residents i n community a f f a i r s . The council i s not incorporated and wields r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e power, but under the auspices of the Council of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , l o c a l by-laws have been put into effect. One example concerned the perennial northern problem of dog-control. The I g l o o l i k Council i n s t i t u t e d a system of "ransoms", and anyone catching a wandering dog could keep i t unless the owner paid a fee to the catcher. The two Eskimo councils of H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k were represented i n A p r i l 1968 at a conference of a l l B a f f i n Region councils i n Frobisher Bay. In keeping with the trend i n such t r a n s i t i o n a l communities 142 as Port Chlmo and Frobisher Bay, i t i s l i k e l y that the present councils of northern Foxe Basin, constituted on an ethnic basis, w i l l give way to councils representative of the entire community. C. The Community Development Fund In-1964 a Community Development Fund was set up by the (then) Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources. The fund provides money with which Eskimo councils, under the guidance of the administrator, can plan and execute l o c a l projects of construction or economic development. The main purpose of the fund i s to stimulate community development and Eskimo,leadership, but i t i s also an ingredient of the subsidized economy. A committee of the Eskimo council plans and executes projects i n each community, but I g l o o l i k , where the administrator i s based and population i s greatest, has been by f a r the most active i n using the fund. In the f i s c a l year 1967-1968 H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k were allocated $1,000 and $9,000 respectively, and a report f o r the period A p r i l 1966 to January 10 1967 showed the following projects a t I g l o o l i k : 1) Community clean-up 2) Provision of summer water supply by pipe from lake 3) Repair to community dog food shed 4) Continuing garbage c o l l e c t i o n 5) Repair and upkeep of dog corrals and chains 6) Repair and maintenance of o i l ranges i n Eskimo housing 7) Relocation of dog corrals to sea-ice and back 8) Summer char f i s h i n g project f o r older men 9) Community walrus hunt, using co-op boat on contract 10) Extension of temporary power l i n e 11) Salvage of crate lumber a f t e r cargo season 12) Winter i c e supply 13) Winter f i s h i n g project D. Indian and Northern Health Service Another d i r e c t arm of federal government i n the region i s the Indian and Northern Health Service of the Department of National Health and Welfare. The service operates nursing stations at H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k , and the c l i n i c s are as i n southern Canada, tutelage as well as service centres. 143 Eskimo culture has not been greatly concerned with health, hygiene or f i r s t - a i d , and with a large Eskimo population now a t hand, the nurses are kept busy by constant cases of impetigo and s i m i l a r troubles. I r o n i c a l l y , the frequency of such ailments prevents the nurses from expanding t h e i r public health work. The t r a i n i n g of Eskimo community health workers should increase both the tutelage role of the nurses, and the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of l o c a l Eskimos i n the provision of health services. Although informal t r a i n i n g has been given to Eskimo assistants i n the nursing stations, there are no q u a l i f i e d nurses or technicians. Some Iglulingmiut Eskimos,, g i r l s have recently taken vocational t r a i n i n g as ward-aides, and may return to work i n t h e i r home region. E. The R.C.M.P. The t h i r d federal service i s the I g l o o l i k detachment of the Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e . In common with most a r c t i c police posts, the duties of the o f f i c e r i n northern Foxe Basin have been di f f u s e . Crime was rare during the hunting-camp period, and deviance was usually controlled, condoned or concealed by Eskimo society. Much of the work of the police, and t h e i r educational r o l e , was concerned with hunting and trapping, with the care of dogs and w i l d - l i f e management. In the new communities, the juxaposition of Eskimo l e g a l concepts and mores with those of urban Canada brings an increase i n the tutelage role of the p o l i c e . Early i n 1968 the community newspaper - i t s e l f a product of the new era - published educational a r t i c l e s written by the police, on safety i n boats, and on the i l l e g a l nature of trespass i n vacant houses. 1 1 Dog-team t r a v e l and the need f o r interpreting services are now decreased, while s o c i a l or community problems are i n t e n s i f i e d . In r e f l e c t i o n of the change, the Eskimo special constable has not yet been replaced 144 f o l l o w i n g r e t i r e m e n t , and a Kadluna constable j o i n e d the detachment i n 19&7• Hon Government Agencies o f Tutelage A. The Hudson's Bay Company The Hudson's Bay Company opened a new store a t H a l l Beach i n 1967, making two w i t h i n the r e g i o n . The I g l o o l i k s t o r e was o r i g i n a l l y b u i l t f o r the f u r - t r a d e . Fur s a l e s to the Hudson's Bay Company s t i l l account f o r roughly one qua r t e r o f the Eskimo cash income, but most of the remainder o r i g i n a t e s from the f e d e r a l government. Of t h i s h e a v i l y s u b s i d i z e d cash flow, w e l l over h a l f moves through the two s t o r e s o f the Hudson's Bay Company."^ As a business concern, the Hudson's Bay Company has no d i r e c t i n t e r e s t i n education f o r s o c i a l change, though some managers have permitted a d u l t educators to use the s t o r e s f o r demonstrations o f budgeting and buying. Much l e a r n i n g a l s o takes place through the t r a d i n g pirocess, and through exposure o f the Eskimos to an i n c r e a s i n g v a r i e t y o f consumer goods. Both s t o r e s employ Eskimo c l e r k s and general workers. From the precedent s et a t Baker Lake i t i s probable t h a t Eskimos completing school w i l l be e l i g i b l e f o r more s e n i o r p o s i t i o n s . . The p o i n t has o f t e n been made th a t a p r i v a t e t r a d i n g company takes money out of r e g i o n a l c i r c u l a t i o n , and w i t h i t goes o p p o r t u n i t y f o r Eskimo involvement. T h i s i s t r u e , but the Hudson's Bay Company s t o r e s i n I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach are the most t a n g i b l e examples to the Eskimos of the impersonal, competitive and e f f i c i e n t business world. Since t h i s business world i s a major p a r t o f the "Canadian f a c t " to be faced by Eskimos, the exemplary value o f the Hudson's Bay Company should not be overlooked. 145 B. The Roman Catholic Mission The Oblate p r i e s t s of the Mission St. Etienne have been resident at or near I g l o o l i k since 1931. Before the opening of the federal day-school the p r i e s t s taught some lay subjects, and prepared students f o r the boarding school at Chesterfield I n l e t . The pr i e s t s are fluent i n the Eskimo language, and without the d i s t r a c t i o n of fa m i l i e s of t h e i r own, have perhaps the most, insight of a l l the Kadlunat residents into the Eskimo culture. Eskimo parishioners contributed labour and s k i l l to the building of a stone church at I g l o o l i k - an example of how forces within the native culture can be harnessed or directed towards goals ori g i n a t i n g from outside the region and the t r a d i t i o n a l value system. In keeping with the general policy of the Oblate missionaries, the p r i e s t at I g l o o l i k has been concerned with economic development, and i n i t i a t e d the I g l o o l i k Co-operative. C. The Anglican Mission The Anglican mission at I g l o o l i k i s i n the charge of an Eskimo minister, an IglulingmiuR. An Eskimo r e l a t i v e i s the catechist f o r the Ha l l Beach section of the parish, where a new church was b u i l t i n 1 9 6 7 . The leadership of the Anglican church i n the region i s strong, but the leaders are representatives of the contemporary Eskimo culture, and the tutelage given i s aimed at c u l t u r a l survival rather than the transformation i m p l i c i t i n the work of the Kadlunat agencies. The church women's group, and the election of church o f f i c e r s are two examples of part i c i p a t i o n by Eskimo parishioners. Like the Oblate mission, the influence of the Anglican mission goes beyond the parish to the whole community, p a r t i c u l a r l y The Eskimo community, where there i s a common ground of language and kinship. 146 D. The Pentecostal Mission A Pentecostal missionary began construction of a church at Ha l l Beach i n 1968, but f i e l d work by the writer ended before the effects 13 of a t h i r d mission could be noted. E. The Co-operative The I g l o o l i k Co-operative i s d i f f e r e n t from the other agencies i n that i t i s not the f i e l d unit of a d e f i n i t e organization based i n southern Canada. The Co-op was i n i t i a t e d by the Oblate missionary with the endorsement of the Northern Administration Branch of federal government. I t s current membership includes both Anglican and Roman Catholic Eskimos, also several Kadlunat members who have l e f t the region. The federal government continues to give guidance to the co-op, and the Co-operative Union of Canada has provided management t r a i n i n g . With the a i d of government loans and some bargain purchases of surplus DEWline equipment, the co-operative has b u i l t up an impressive inventory of machinery, buildings and boats, though there were a series 14 of t r a g i c losses i n the spring of 1968. The gross income of the co-operative comes from contracts f o r stevedoring, house-erection or municipal services; from boat rentals and charters; from the sale of furs and carvings; from r e t a i l store s a l e s , ^ a bakery and post-office. The majority of co-op members are Catholic Eskimos, and the t o t a l membership i s less than half the adult population of the region. Both these factors l i m i t the role of the co-op i n community a f f a i r s , but i t i s p o t e n t i a l l y the most effe c t i v e vehicle of socio-economic t r a n s i t i o n f o r the Eskimo society. Through the co-operative at I g l o o l i k and the one proposed by some Eskimos of H a l l Beach, adult Eskimos could achieve a maximum p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the two staple economic a c t i v i t i e s - the re -al l o c a t i o n of government funds, and the export of furs and handicrafts. 147 The pan-Eskimo aspects of the co-operative movement are also important to socio-economic progress. The writer was present at a conference of Eskimo co-operatives i n which delegates from I g l o o l i k spent several days i n an interchange of knowledge and ideas,with representatives from eight other 16 communities. The work of the co-operative includes trapping and hunting, and the use of f a m i l i a r s k i l l s blended with the market economy i s one of the 17 18 educational strengths of the organization. Vallee and Fournier have commented on the p a r a l l e l s between co-operative ideology and structure, and the t r a d i t i o n a l kinship systems. The p a r a l l e l s are there, but a co-operative i s a business, and the February 1968 issue of the I g l o o l i k newspaper contained a plea f o r co-op members to pay t h e i r debts. F. Newspaper The newspaper, the Midnight Sun, or Nipishuilak, i s one of several now being published i n the eastern A r c t i c , I t was originated as a volunteer a c t i v i t y by teachers, with some expenses paid by the Community Development Fund. An Eskimo translator prepares a l l material f o r publication i n English and Eskimo. Subscriptions are sold to make the paper f i n a n c i a l l y independent. Newsletters from neighbouring regions are published regularly, and the paper contains a miscellany of news, anecdotes, advertisements and o f f i c i a l announcements. Despite the i n i t i a l flavour of exhortation by the control agencies, the newspaper i s increasingly a neutral forum of community opinion. G. The Community Association Another community endeavour that i s r e l a t i v e l y independent of ethnic and agency control i s the Community Association. The manager of 148 the Hudson's Bay Company store has been active i n the association, and i t s functions were i n i t i a l l y held i n federal government buildings. The proceeds of various entertainments go to purchase f a c i l i t i e s f o r the association, and the degree of Eskimo control and pa r t i c i p a t i o n i s high. H. Scouts and Guides The Scout and Guide movement has been active i n I g l o o l i k f o r several years, and as early as 1965 scouts attended a jamboree i n Ontario. A scout troop was begun i n H a l l Beach i n 1 9 6 7 . The leaders of the troops and packs may be from any of the Kadlunat agencies, but the continuity of the movement i s hampered by the frequent changes of s t a f f among the agencies. So f a r , no Eskimo adult has taken over a leadership r o l e , but some have taught t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s such as snow-house construction, to scout classes - a change from the former father and son learning si t u a t i o n . I. Youth Group A youth group was begun i n 1967 by Kadlunat residents of I g l o o l i k to involve Eskimo young people who face boredom and lack of function i n the new communities. The group i s to some extent a transmitter of the 'pop* culture of southern Canada, but i t involves young Eskimos i n planning, and i s important i n i t s tutelage of the teenagers. Summary Seven major organizations have been reviewed, and seven minor organizations subsidiary to, or independent of, the major ones. These fourteen are the only formally - constituted i n t e r e s t groups i n the two communities, and without exception they are from outside the regional lk-9 Eskimo t r a d i t i o n . In communities where the Eskimo population outnumbers the Kadlunat by more than seventeen to one, not one of the fourteen organ-i z a t i o n s was created by Eskimos. The Eskimo patterns of authority and function from pre-contact time up to the decline of the hunting and trapping camps, were equal i n complexity and ef f i c i e n c y to the modern agencies of I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach. They evolved, howeve^as answers to a s p e c i f i c regional l i f e i n which cause and effect worked simply, and the old wisdom was valuable. Under the new conditions imposed by urban l i f e , the former patterns cannot survive i n t a c t . I t i s not surprising, i n view of the dramatic entry of the Iglulingmiut into "urban" l i f e , that no formal, purely Eskimo power -structure has yet emerged. Among the ex i s t i n g agencies there i s evidence of increasing p a r t i c i p a t i o n by Eskimos. The Anglican mission i s the best example, and the Co-operative i s a close second.. A special index would have to be worked out i n order to assess the r e l a t i v e degree of Eskimo control and pa r t i c i p a t i o n f o r a l l a c t i v i t i e s . Among the subsidiary organizations, the Community Association, the newspaper, the Councils and the Housing Associations appear to represent a descending order of Eskimo p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The analysis of the success of Kadlunat - sponsored socio-economic groupings i s a sociological matter, and deserves rigorous treatment. Certain pr i n c i p l e s however, do appear to have operated i n northern Foxe Basin. The Anglican mission i s the only formal structure completely "manned" by Eskimos. I t s ideology and raison d'etre are comprehensible. I t s l o c a l leader q u a l i f i e s by the t r a d i t i o n a l c r i t e r i a of character, hunting a b i l i t y and kinship l i n k s . The co-operative and economic obligations of membership are simple and discernable i n terms of the t r a d i t i o n a l forms. P L A T E 18 - 3-bedroom rental house. (photo M . Halfpenny) 1968 151 The Co-operative, as has been mentioned, i s concerned with the exploitation of l o c a l resources, using t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s . Older people have been able to contribute knowledge and s k i l l s to f i e l d or handicraft work. The adult management group have learned to handle the mechanical equipment, and young adults with formal t r a i n i n g have kept accounts. The general ideology of the co-op movement and the l o c a l economic a c t i v i t i e s are sensible i n Eskimo terms, and there has been a strong core of leadership based on kinship and r e l i g i o u s t i e s . The obvious present l i m i t a t i o n of the co-operative i s the lack of an Eskimo leader, or leaders, with adequate education, entrepreneurial s k i l l and knowledge of the outside commercial world. The Community Association and the newspaper deal e s s e n t i a l l y with day to day l o c a l business. They are detached from the partisan major agencies, and by scope and philosophy they permit Eskimo^participation. A dance or f i l m show can be planned and carried out, and the proceeds collected, without Kadlunat involvement. The newspaper gives Eskimos a unique opportunity to comment p u b l i c l y on the new order, as when one elderly correspondent equated schooling with a l o s s of a l l sense of shame among 19 g i r l s . Both the association and the newspaper, however, are s t i l l dependent f o r t h e i r existence on Kadlunat supervision. The Eskimo Council has been successful i n dealing with some problems that have been community-wide, and amenable to solution using l o c a l resources. Dog control, and advice on the administration of s o c i a l assistance, are two examples. The council i s sanctioned i n such matters, by both the Kadlunat and Eskimo groups, and there i s l i t t l e technical or economic complexity. The use of the Community Development Fund by a committee of the 152 Council, and the operation of the Housing Association have serious handicaps as channels of tutelage and self-government. The id e o l o g i c a l base of both schemes i s complex i n terms of Eskimo experience, and r e a l economic control i s exercised by unknown people outside the region. Both programmes operate under the veto power of the area administrator, whose duties require him to o s c i l l a t e continually between an authoritarian management role and a permissive developmental one. The equipment available f o r either programme must be borrowed from Indian A f f a i r s or rented from another agency. The use of the Community Development fund has given Eskimo leaders valuable experience and t r a i n i n g i n the planning and conduct of separate short-term projects, but i t remains an adjunct to the area administrator's establishment, and cannot have separate existence under present conditions. The housing management programme was planned as a slow, long term process of evolution towards comprehensive l o c a l government by Eskimos. The scheme i s too new f o r analysis i n terms of success or f a i l u r e , but i f i t i s to have the enthusiastic and successful p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Eskimos as tenants and managers, several changes In emphasis appear to be necessary. The Eskimo Position The preceding account of the formal s o c i a l and economic groupings concentrated deliberately on the educational and manipulative role of these power-groups v i s - a - v i s the Eskimos. But with a vigorous Eskimo majority i n I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach, there i s obviously a busy s o c i a l network apart from the councils, clubs and poster-decked waiting rooms. The employed Eskimos of the days before the housing scheme did not form a special-status group i n the way that Vallee observed i n Baker Lake. The role of c u l t u r a l - l i n g u i s t i c go-between was not highly developed, 153 and they remained closely oriented to the land, with economic membership of hunting groups. Iglulingmiut society i s s t i l l "camp" society trans-planted, and hunting a b i l i t y i s s t i l l the ultimate measure of a man's status. Hunting continues from the v i l l a g e bases, even though i t i s diminishing i n t o t a l . The camp groups that have moved to I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach during the past two years re t a i n much of t h e i r former patterns of co-operation and leadership, but i n the t r a n s i t i o n a l atmosphere and r e a l i t y of the v i l l a g e s , these groups appear to be disintegrating or realigning. Leader-ship e x i s t s i n the ex-camp or extended family u n i t s . On a more incl u s i v e scale i t i s exercised by older men who are senior i n an i l a g i i t or large kindred group. At an even higher l e v e l of integration, the new communities have an informal group of "elders", This "council of elders" may be d i f f e r e n t l y constituted f o r d i f f e r e n t problems, but i n general i t i s representative of the entire Iglulingmiut people and t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l law. In one instance a group of older Sskimps.visited one man to remonstrate with him f o r excessive drinking, and the man carried his 20 bottles to the p r i e s t to be broken. The elders have a variety of l i n k s with t h e i r k i n on the formal councils, and i n one or two instances are represented d i r e c t l y . Almost a l l questions of importance are relayed from the formal councils back through the various consultive l e v e l s of the " c o v e r t " or t r a d i t i o n a l authority structure, and the decisions thus r e f l e c t the t o t a l Eskimo community. The following study i l l u s t r a t e s some aspects of the leadership structure i n three formal Kadlunat - sponsored organizations. 2 1 1 5 4 Organization 1 Housing Executive H a l l Beach A - Elected leader, aged 3 5 . Self-taught i n English and mechanics. Long time DEWline employee, now employed by agency at H a l l Beach. Brother of B. B - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 3 0 . Self-taught i n English and mechanical work. Son of i n f l u e n t i a l camp and r e l i g i o u s leader. Employed by a Kadlunat agency. Also o f f i c e r of council. C - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 4 3 . Good average hunter, no formal education. Organization 2 Co-operative I g l o o l i k A - Elected leader, aged 42. A capable mechanic, hunter and carver. No formal education other than a course i n mechanics. O r i g i n a l l y an immigrant, with few k i n - t i e s , but strong church a f f i l i a t i o n . B - Elected second-in-command, aged 28. No formal education but well t r a v e l l e d and competent i n both "camp" and "settlement" s k i l l s . Strong k i n - t i e s within settlement. C - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 45. Enjoys prestige of physical strength, descent from a famous leader, and s k i l l i n hunting or t r a v e l l i n g . No formal education. D - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 41 . No formal education, but i s respected hunter and p i l o t , with close k i n - t i e s to B and C. E - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 40. No formal education. Former camp-leader, with k i n - t i e s to B, C and D, and former camp-partner of C. F - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 64. No formal education. Son of famous woman leader, and head of large kin-group. Related closely to a l l except A. Organization 3 Eskimo Council H a l l Beach A - Elected leader, aged 3 4 . Self taught i n English, f a i r hunter and long-time employee of Kadlunat agency. Has extensive kin connections. B - Elected second-in-command, aged 58. No formal education. Former leader of camp group, known f o r astuteness. C - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 45. Capable hunter, no formal education. D - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 3 0 . No formal education but self-taught i n English and mechanical work. Son of i n f l u e n t i a l leader who was formerly an elected o f f i c e r . Employed by a Kadlunat agency. 155 E - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 3 6 . No formal education. Formerly second i n authority of a camp group. Capable hunter, strong church a f f i l i a t i o n . F - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 3 0 . No formal education. Is a capable hunter. G - Elected o f f i c e r , aged 3 8 . No formal education. Was formerly leader of small camp group. Is also member of church council. The three l i s t s of elected o f f i c e r s represent two communities, and organizations with d i f f e r e n t functions i n the economic sense or i n relationships with Kadlunat. The constitution of each i s l i k e l y to change from year to year, but despite these reservations, some patterns can be abstracted. a) There i s i n a l l three a de f i n i t e choice of men who are old enough to have proved themselves as parents and hunters, and who, though they have no formal education, have learned enough to "get along" with the Kadlunat. I f the two oldest men are excluded from the calculation, the average age of the remainder of the three groups i s 3 7 . b) Old men, while respected i n t r a d i t i o n a l matters, are less apt to understand the new duties required of formal groups, and while there are several young men who have attended school, they are untried i n t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s and low i n seniority or maturity. Both the 'elder statesmen' and the younger educated men are, i n practice, consulted when necessary. c) The H a l l Beach Council has four Catholics to three Anglicans, and the Housing Executive i s a l l Catholic, despite a majority of Anglicans i n the community. This suggests that kinship and r e l i g i o u s considerations come second to an a b i l i t y i n terms of modern management, or as a " c u l t u r a l broker". d) The Co-operative o f f i c e r s have d e f i n i t e r e l i g i o u s and 156 i kinship homogeneity,' r e f l e c t i n g the Catholic majority i n membership. Since the co-operative has a greater degree of choice i n i t s a c t i v i t i e s than the council or housing executive, i t s o f f i c e r s may be chosen with l e s s regard f o r interpretive a b i l i t y v i s - a - v i s the Kadlunat agencies. Of sixteen elected leaders shown i n the preceding l i s t s , only three have permanent wage employment. The sample i s important, as i t r e f l e c t s the position of the Eskimo adults i n terms of education, incomes and power. Table 4 shows some 33 permanently employed Eskimos at Igloolik» H a l l Beach and Foxe Main, compared to 125 Kadlunat. With a population r a t i o of roughly 5 Eskimos f o r each Kadluna, there are almost 4 Kadlunat employees f o r each employed Eskimo. In terms of comparative income the inversion of the r a t i o i s increased. The t o t a l annual income of the Kadlunat, exclusive of f u e l , lodging etc., i s very roughly $ 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 , and 22 that of the employed Eskimos about $ 1 3 0 , 0 0 0 . With acfew exceptions, the regional job-structure has absorbed as many as i t can of the adult, unschooled Eskimo group. The f i r s t gsneration of school-educated Iglulingmiut i s just entering the employment f i e l d , but even here there i s no simple solution. Hot a l l of the educated young adults return to the region from the schools "outside", but those that do, f i n d that most of the northern jobs require special t r a i n i n g and experience well beyond t h e i r reach. In future, Eskimo students w i l l no doubt reach progressively higher l e v e l s of professional and technical training, but even i f every permanent position i n the region were f i l l e d immediately by Eskimos t h i s would barely create f u l l employment. The future of education f o r the Iglulingmiut, and the economic future, are beyond the scope of t h i s study. Projections are hazardous i n the absence of comprehensive planning - i n the three years that have elapsed since Anders' economic survey of the region, the closure of the 157 TABLE 4 Comparative population, Kadlunat and Eskimo, by agencies and communities, March 1968 (approximate) Settlement I g l o o l i k Employed Employed Agency Kadlunat Eskimo H, B, C, . 2 3 R. C M. P. 2 -Anglican Church - 1 R.C. Church 3 1 Co-op - 2 I. A. & N. D. 8 7 I. & N.H. S. 2 2 17 1 6 " Total Kadlunat 28 Total Eskimo "530" H a l l Beach H. B. C. I. A. | N. D. I. & N. H. S. 3 3 _2_ 8 2 5 _2_ 9 10 230 Fox Main F. E. C. D. 0. T. Nordair 100 100 38 Eskimo Camps 30 Total, excluding 125 33 138 728 remote DEWline s i t e s 158 hunting camps and the commencement of the rental housing scheme have negated 23 most of h i s recommendations. None of the remainder have been implemented. The immediate problem, and probably f o r more than another decade, i s the continuing adaptation of the whole Iglulingmiut people to l i f e at the centre of t h e i r region, to imported forms of s o c i a l organization, and to an economy that has a touch of A l i c e i n Wonderland. In sum,this i s a problem of acculturation. One of the most valuable insights f o r analysis of the Eskimo 24 position i n c u l t u r a l change i s that of C.C. Hughes. He has divided human techniques of adaptation to environment into "reactive" and "creative" strategies of control. The t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo strategy, with a primitive technology i n a severe environment, had to be one of reactive adaptation. The possession of firearms and other technological aids during several decades brought a s l i g h t increase incenvironmental control, but not enough to change the basic approach to l i f e . The concept of reactive adaptation i s one important clue to the often-quoted pragmatism and fatalism of the Eskimo. In the context of acculturation and adaptation to l i f e i n H a l l Beach and I g l o o l i k , the concept helps to explain why adaptation proceeds quickly i n some spheres and slowly i n others. When a man becomes expert with a skidoo, i t i s an adaptive reaction to a single observable phenomena of immediate eff e c t . The same man i s u n l i k e l y to plan an academic career f o r his children, despite explanation of long-term benefits. The response cannot be j u s t i f i e d i n the immediate reactive context and c u l t u r a l Eskimo experience, Saul Arbess has recorded how one Eskimo community co-operative used t h e i r organized power to exert pressure f o r d i r e c t welfare assistance, thus using a creative long-range i n s t i t u t i o n i n a reactive or short-range 2 5 way. Despite the usefulness of the adaptation concept, i t i s patently 159 i n s u f f i c i e n t to explain the spectrum of human motivation. I f Eskimos are not involved with the future, neither are they embedded i n t h e i r past. There are few crocodile tears f o r the old days, no i n s t i t u t i o n s perpetuating history, and as yet no r e v i v a l movements of the type f a m i l i a r i n Indian reserve communities. I t may be, as the Honigmann's have argued, that such 26 an orientation to the present i s propitious f o r change. I t i s important that the nature of t r a d i t i o n a l Iglulingmiut culture be understood, not f o r the purpose of preserving i t i n a limbo of sentiment, but to ensure that change i s e f f i c i e n t and e f f e c t i v e rather than u t t e r l y destructive. In the t r a d i t i o n a l culture may l i e the clues to d i f f i c u l t i e s with an interpreter, to the alcoholism of a young Eskimo just out of school or the apparent i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of an elected executive. A.P. Flucke, i n "Whither the Eskimo", l i s t e d eloquently the changes that Eskimos'will almost c e r t a i n l y have to make i n order to become 27 contributors to, rather than wards of, government. The l i s t of changes includes a reversal of attitudes to plays learning} diet} hygiene, time and economy - almost every facet of l i f e . Without questioning the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of many such changes, i t i s worth pausing to consider what i s being asked of the Eskimo people. The changes l i s t e d above took western man about t h i r t y thousand years, and the process continues. No primitive hunting people has success-f u l l y completed t h i s t r a n s i t i o n during the recent century or so of modernization. No immigrant or victim of p o l i t i c a l brainwashing i s required to undergo such a complete transformation. P u l l integration into modernity means that the Eskimos must pass as a people, even i n t h e i r own homeland, through "culture shook". 161 FOOTNOTES 1R.C.M.P. census of January 1 9 6 8 , amended. 2From Department of Indian A f f a i r s & Northern Development engineering f i l e s . ^ Like Vallee, I have chosen to use the term 'Kadlunat', s i g n i f y i n g those of the general southern Canadian way of l i f e , rather than other l a b e l s such as 'non-Eskimo', or 'white'. 4 Eskimo Mortality and Housing, Ottawa, Indian & Northern Health Services, Department of National Health & Welfare, and Northern Administration Branch, Department of Northern A f f a i r s & National Resources, I 9 6 0 . From Department of Indian A f f a i r s & Northern Development housing and engineering f i l e s , and from f i e l d count. ^P.L. Wagner and M.W. Mikesell, Readings i n Cultural Geography, University of Chicago Press, 1 9 6 2 , p. 1 . 7 J . Fried, "Settlemt Types and Community Organization i n Northern Canada", A r c t i c , Vol. 1 6 , No. 2 , June 1 9 6 3 , p. 9 8 . 8 H.M. Mayer, 'Geography and Urbanism', Chapter i n Readings i n Urban Geography, H.M. Mayer & C.F. Kohn, University of Chicago Press, 1 9 5 9 , P. 7 . 9 John J . & Irma Honigmann, Eskimo Townsmen, Canadian Research Centre f o r Anthropology, University of Ottawa, 1 9 6 5 , p. 1 5 7 . 10 From the Community Development Fund F i l e , Northern Administration Branch, Department of Northern A f f a i r s & National Resources. 1 1The Midnight Sun, I g l o o l i k , February and March 1 9 6 8 . 12 Based on the annual reports by the Area Administrator and R.C.M. Po l i c e . Since two trading concerns are operating i n the region, no figures f o r either business are disclosed i n t h i s report. 1 3 M. Halfpenny, personal communication, May, 1 9 6 8 . 162 14 On May 1 3 , 1 9 6 8 , the Co-operative store and Post Office turned down, with most of the business f i l e s . Later that month, the president of the co-operative was drowned when the bulldozer he was dr i v i n g broke through sea-ice. ^5 The co-operative store at H a l l Beach closed l a t e i n 196? because of the opening of the new Hudson's Bay Company store. ^ A t Frobisher Bay, March 1 9 6 8 . 17 F.G. Vallee, "Notes on the Co-operative Movement and Community Organization i n the Canadian A r c t i c " , paper presented, to the American Association f o r the Advancement of Science, Section *H', Montreal 3 0 / 1 2/64, p. 6 . L. Fournier, "Arctic Co-operatives, Some Observations", Eskimo, Vol. 6 5 , September 1 9 6 3 , p. 1 3 . 1 9 The Midnight Sun, February, 1 9 6 8 . 20 B. Lewis, personal communication. 21 The d e t a i l s of the three organizations are from the Co-operative f i l e s , Ottawa, May 1 9 6 8 , from Miss M. Halfpenny, personal communication May 1968, and the writer's personal knowledge of the people involved. 22 The d e t a i l s of Eskimo and Kadlunat sal a r i e s are from f i l e s i n the case of federal government employees, and from estimates made on personal communication with other employing agencies or employees. 23Anders, op_. c i t . , pp. 1 2 1 - 1 3 0 . 24 C.C. Hughes, "Observations on Community Change i n the North: An Attempt at Summary", Anthropologica, Vol. V, No. 1 , 1 9 6 3 , p. 7 6 . 25 •^ S.E. Arbess, Social Change and the Eskimo Co-operative at  George River, Quebec, Ottawa, Northern Co-ordination & Research Centre, Department of Northern A f f a i r s & National Resources August 1 9 6 6 . 26 op. c i t . , p. 240. 27 A.F. Flucke, "Whither the Eskimo", North, Jan - Feb I963. 163 CHAPTER VII SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS The preceding chapters have "built upon the theme of northern Foxe Basin as a d i s t i n c t region of human occupance. Under conditions of primitive subsistence the region has supported a series of populations s i m i l a r i n culture and s t r i k i n g l y uniform i n d i s t r i b u t i o n . The Iglulingmiut Eskimos retained the essential culture and d i s t r i b u t i o n a l pattern of prehistoric times during one and a half centuries of c u l t u r a l contact and economic change. By 1966, the "push" factor of a government housing scheme completed a s i g n i f i c a n t change from dispersed to central population. The Iglulingmiut possess a d i s t i n c t culture, with a comprehensive kinship system of co-operative and s o c i a l control, based on an ancient regional symbiosis. In the new settlements the t r a d i t i o n a l culture co-exists with forms imported from the southern Kadlunat world, and metamorphosis i s taking place. There i s a high degree of pride and sense of c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y among the Iglulingmiut, and leadership i s both strong and progressive within the l i m i t s of i t s comprehension. Relative to many other a r c t i c communities, I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach have been lucky i n the s t a b i l i t y and calibre of the Kadlunat population. Given a comprehensive and acceptable plan f o r the future of the region, the Iglulingmiut are equipped to survive change without demoralization. I t appears that planning by federal or t e r r i t o r i a l government w i l l continue to be a prime factor i n the l i v e s of the Iglulingmiut f o r several decades at least. In view of the growing s o c i a l and economic malaise of many Eskimo communities, i t i s axiomatic that such planning be 164 guided by a new philosophy. The government a c t i v i t i e s which have most profoundly affected the Eskimo s o c i a l structure and ecology have been fragmentary. No comprehensive long term plan has yet been a r t i c u l a t e d f o r the development of the Canadian A r c t i c , p a r t i c u l a r l y with respect to i t s indigenous people. Planning and action has been governed by l o g i s t i c a l , administrative and p o l i t i c a l needs rather than those of the Eskimo population. The advice of competent s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and of experienced f i e l d workers has never received more than token consideration. The rental housing scheme, f o r a l l i t s virtues, was conceived and executed without regard f o r the economic and s o c i a l matrices of the affected regions. There i s abundant evidence from a l l over the world that where primitive or f o l k s o c i e t i e s are i n t r a n s i t i o n , the superimposition of one-dimensional "solutions" i s disastrous. In the l i g h t of preceding observations, several areas of action are recommended here to the Federal or T e r r i t o r i a l Governments. The action might be taken within a new plan of regional development, or within the current day to day operation of the communities. 1. ADULT EDUCATION Because of the s i g n i f i c a n t and sudden termination of the regional camp economy, the adult Eskimos could benefit from a careful explanation, i n t h e i r own language, of the present, and probable future, r e a l i t i e s . I f the nature of the s h i f t from t r a d i t i o n a l to subsidized l i f e were better understood, i t i s l i k e l y that the proven adaptive capacity of the Iglulingmiut could function more e f f i c i e n t l y . The economic alternatives of l o c a l development and relocation 165 could be discussed, and community leaders of both sexes would benefit from c a r e f u l l y explained v i s i t s to southern Canada. Such experience would give them better understanding of the many extra-regional sources of change, and the type of world f o r which t h e i r children mast be prepared. The essential matter would be to make the Eskimo society as a whole more aware of. i t s status i n t r a n s i t i o n a l and quasi-experimental communities. 2, HOUSING MANAGEMENT Much of the potential f o r l o c a l government i s l o s t to the present housing management groups because of confusion with the administrative complex. To give the housing scheme a d i s t i n c t i d e n t i t y and c r e d i b i l i t y , the entire machinery of management - executive meetings, book-keeping, house a l l o c a t i o n and maintenance, could be divorced unequivocally from the school, welfare and economic development functions. Such separation would e n t a i l increased guidance and ins t r u c t i o n , but i t would permit Eskimo housing o f f i c e r s and employees to function i n clear-cut roles. An increase i n Eskimo control of housing maintenance would probably bring proportionate increase i n costs, but present expenditures on d i r e c t welfare could be diverted into the healthier channels of employment and t r a i n i n g 3. GAME HARVESTING Despite the worthwhile attempts made through the Community Development fund and other l o c a l programmes, the abandonment of dispersed camps has l e f t a gap between the potential and actual use of game resources. Without c a p i t a l , many residents of I g l o o l i k and H a l l Beach are unable to 166 secure s u f f i c i e n t game or f i s h . They have l i t t l e s k i l l i n selecting a di e t of store food, l i t t l e preference f o r such a di e t , and i n most cases 1 an inadequate income f o r purchasing food. A community-wide programme of meat and f u r harvesting could be sponsored and underwritten by government. The co-operative resources could be included on contract bases. Such a scheme could ensure an adequate d i e t f o r community residents, provide meaningful and f a m i l i a r work f o r hunters now underemployed, and materials f o r handicrafts. The process of planning, execution, storage, d i s t r i b u t i o n and accounting could involve Eskimo adults over a wide range of age and education, approximating the t r a d i t i o n a l hierarchy of meaningful roles. The programme might reduce welfare costs s u f f i c i e n t l y to pay f o r i t s e l f . In any event, the long term benefits i n terms of community morale would probably j u s t i f y the attempt. Like the two other recommendations, the suggestion f o r game-harvesting i s based on the idea of maximum involve-ment of Eskimos i n the handling of government subsidy, minimum wastage of l o c a l human and animal resources, and the concept of a society changing i n i t s own image. 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"Preliminary Investigation of the Atlantic Walrus1,' I "... :;:  Wildlife Management Bulletin No. 14, Ottawa, Canadian Wildlife Service, Department of Northern Affairs & National Resources, 1 9 5 9 . Mansfield, A.W. The Walrus in the Canadian Arctic,Montreal, Circular No. 2 , Fisheries Research Board of Canada, Arctic Unit, January 1 9 5 9 . Seals of Arctic and Eastern Canaday Ottawa, Bulletin No. 1 3 7 , Fisheries Research Board of Canada, 1 9 6 3 . Mathiassen, T. Archeology of the Central Eskimos, Report of the F i f t h Thule Expedition, 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. 4 , 1 9 2 7 . Material Culture of the Iglulik Eskimos, Report of the F i f t h Thule Expedition, 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. 6 , No. 1, 1 9 2 8 . Contributions to the Geography of Baffin Land and Melville Peninsula, Report on the F i f t h Thule Expedition, 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. 1, No. 3 , 1 9 2 8 . McLaren, I.A. The Economics of Seals i n the Eastern Canadian Arctic, Montreal, Circular No. 1, Fisheries Research Board of Canada, Arctic Unit, November, 1 9 5 8 . The Biology of the Ringed Seal in the Eastern Canadian Arctic, Ottawa, Bulletin No. 118, Fisheries Research Board of Canada, Arctic Unit, 1 9 5 8 . 1 7 4 Rasmussen, K. I n t e l l e c t u a l Culture of the I g l u l i k Eskimos, Report of the F i f t h Thule Expedition, 1921-24, Copenhagen, Vol. 7 , No. 1, 1 9 2 9 . Sergeant, D. The Biology of Hunting Beluga or White Whale i n the Canadian A r c t i c , C i r c u l a r No. 8 , Fisheries Research Board of Canada, 1 9 6 2 . Usher, P.J. Economic Basis and Resource Use of the Coppermine-Holman  Region, N.W.T., Ottawa, Northern Co-ordination & Research Centre 6 5 - 2 , Department of Northern A f f a i r s & National Resources, 1 9 6 5 , PP. 1 8 8 - 1 9 0 . Vallee, F.G. Kabloona and Eskimo In the Central Keewatin, Ottawa,r.Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, Department of Northern A f f a i r s & National Resources, May 1 9 6 2 . Vanstone, J.W. The Economy and Population S h i f t s of the Eskimos of Southampton Island, Ottawa, Northern Co-ordinati:on:and Research Centre, Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources, 1 9 5 9 . Unpublished Materials Malaurie, J.N. Preliminary Report from an Anthropological Mission f o r Demographic and Economic Research Carried out i n I g l o o l i k N.W.T. D i s t r i c t , Canada, Ottawa, Northern Co-ordination & Research Centre, Department of Northern A f f a i r s & National Resources, 1 9 6 2 , Unpublished manuscript. Usher, P.J. "Current Research Problems i n Cultural Geography i n the Canadian A r c t i c " , Unpublished Paper, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, A p r i l l 1 1 , 1 9 6 5 . Wight, A.P. "Game Report, I g l o o l i k " , Ottawa, F i l e 1 0 0 0 - 1 3 8 , Northern Administration Branch, Department of Northern A f f a i r s & National Resources, June 1 9 6 2 . Donahue, W. R.C.M.P. Game Reports, I g l o o l i k , 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 6 8 . 175 APPENDIX Glossary of Eskimo Words Several orthographies are In use f o r the representation of Eskimo words. Each r e f l e c t s to some extent the mother-tongue of i t s originator, and may require the reader to learn new symbols. Without claiming any improve-ment on e x i s t i n g systems, I have attempted here to represent the sounds most accurately f o r the reader whose f i r s t language i s English. Wherever my imperfect knowledge of the Eskimo language permits, I have included the meaning of Words. The names of l o c a l i t i e s , lakes etc., begin with c a p i t a l s , and personal names are underlined. Abvadjak..... a s i t e a t the eastern end of the Coxe Islands. aggiatjut 'squaw ducks', people born i n summertime. aglu a seals l a i r i n the i c e . Agu 'facing windward', a s i t e i n Foss Fjord, Agu Bay. Aivilingmiut 'people of the walrus-place', of Repulse Bay area. Aigotadlik or Ayugotadlik......a r i v e r flowing to Parry Bay. a k h i t g i t 'ptarmigan', people born wintertime. Akimanerk. Dybol Harbour Akudlerk .'the middlemost', Committee Bay. Akvisiokvik ..........'whale hunting place', a few miles south of Pinger Point. Alarngnak. 'the sort of place where one turns from the wind', Arlagnuk Point. Alarngakjuk ' the l i t t l e sort of place where one turns from the wind', s i t e of Hopkins I n l e t . Angmarktaktok. 'receives or gets f l i n t ' , iiofcth shore of Murray Maxwell Bay Amarok ' w o l f , a woman from Cumberland Sound. amaut pouch and hood f o r baby-carrying parka. Amitok ' i t i s t h i n , narrow', Amitoke Peninsula. Anangiakjuk ' l i t t l e dung-fly', Cape Jermain. Anangilik 'has dung-flies', s i t e on east coast of Agu Bay. Angmarkjuak. ..'big f l i n t ' , Island i n mouth of Steensby I n l e t . angayukak chief, leader. angakok shaman. Akungnerk camp on west side of Foster Bay. anauligarnerk .ball-game. Arngnakbatshat 'old women', a s i t e at the southwest point of I g l o o l i k Island. Attagutarluk a leading Iglulingmiut woman, 'the Queen'. atiaujarnerk a game resembling 'tag'. Aukanakjuak 'the b i g unfrozen place', a s t r a i t west of Ormond Island. Aukanakjuk 'the l i t t l e unfrozen place*, s t r a i t between Jens Munk Island and Siorarsuk Peninsula. Ayuki. 'undefeatable', Eskimo f o l k hero. Iblaurarluk 'big womb', an Eskimo of Rowley Island before Parry's v i s i t . Iglukjuat 'big houses', s i t e a t Cape Thalbitzer. igunak meat beginning to decompose. Iglulingmiut the people of I g l u l i k . I g l u l i k 'has houses', s i t e at the eastern end of I g l o o l i k Island. 176 Ikaluit 'the fishes', site at Cape G r i f f i t h . Ikarktoriak .....'crossing place', river and lake draining into Foster Bay. Ikerasak 'a strait' the Ikerasak River. Ikoik... 'a steep talus slope*, a site near the mouth of Drewry River Ikpikjuak 'a big talus slope', a lake south-west of Parry Bay Ikpigatjuit ' l i t t l e steep talus slopes', site on west side of Steensby Inlet, Ikpiakjuk 'pocket, or bag', Eskimo name for Igloolik Bay. Ikpikeetukjuak 'the big place with few slopes', a river mouth in Steensby Inlet. I l a g i i t large kin group. I l l u i l i k 'inland or mainland', Prince Charles Island. I l i g l i a k a point south of Hall Beach. Ingnerit. 'pyrites, firestones', Ignerit Point. Inuktogvik 'place of cannibalism', Inuktorfik Lake. Inukshukjuak 'the big stone man', Jenness River. Inukshukat 'stone men', head of Jenness River, (caribou cairns) Ingnertok. ' strikes f i r e ' , Ingnertok Point. Ip i u t i t 'the handles', 'the strings', isthmuses of Baird and Amitioke Peninsula. I r k r i t 'corners of the mouth', Eqe Bay. Issingut 'appears smoky', south west point of Koch Island. issumatak thinker, leader. Issuktok * s i l t y water', IsortoqUFiordth. Itidjariak 'portage place', Point Elizabeth. I t k r e l i t 'people with lice-eggs*, Chipewyan Indians. Ivisaraktok Ivisarak Lake. ivalu sinew, used for thread. Itukshardjuak an Eskimo leader, 'the King'. Kabvialuk ..'the big wolverine', point on north shore of Parry Bay. kadlunat 'eyebrow people', whitemen and people of modern culture. Kaersuit .....' the rocks', South Calthorpe Islands. Kaershukat 'rocky', camp site, east coast of Ikpik Bay. katgek a dance house. Katgeuyak.V. 'looks lik e a dance house', site on north coast of Koch Island. Kaglilik .....'has trousers', site on west side of Steensby Inlet. k a r t i l i k heavy harpoon with 'breaking' foreshaft. Kakalik 'has h i l l s ' , camp on north-east coast of Fury and Hecla Strait. Kalaguserk 'the lesser hump, or sore', h i l l behind Igloolik. Kangerkshimayuk 'leads inland, or i s truncated' mouth of Rowley River. Kapuivik ' harpooning place *, Cape Elwyn. Karngmat 'houses of stone, turf and bone', at Quarman Point. Karngmaminil...; 'ancient houses*, north-central Rowley Island. kau walrus hide. kayak one man skin boat. kiligvak string figure, of mammoth. Kimaktok 'ulu handle', Kimakto Peninsula. Kinipitungmiut........name used by Low and party to describe the people of Chesterfield Inlet, early 1900's. Kingukshat or Kingmigashut Manning Islands. 17? Kogarluk 'the b i g r i v e r ' , the Barrow River. Kokjuak 'the great r i v e r ' Koukdjuak River and another flowing into Steensby I n l e t . kraurut 'thingnfor the forehead', a bone or brass headband. Kridlak 'a tear i n c l o t h i n g 1 , Eskimo who led a party by dogteam from north B a f f i n to Greenland. Kringmiktogvik 'place where dogs died', Nugsanarsuk Point. Kringakjuak 'big nose', a point i n Parry Bay. Krikilktakjuak 'great i s l a n d ' . K r i k i l r a k j u k ' l i t t l e i s l a n d ' , at east side of I g l o o l i k Island, also Deer Island. K r i k i l k t a r l u k 'big i s l a n d ' , Foley and Crown Prince Frederick Islands. kudlik blubber lamp. Maneetok 'rough land', head of Richards Bay. Manerktok 'gets moss f o r lampwick', Maneetok Island. Maulirkpok hunts seals at breathing holes. Mayuktolik 'place of going up'(fish), Whyte I n l e t . M i t i l i k 'has eider ducks', i s l a n d of Sevigny Point. Napakut... 'something erect', camp north of H a l l Beach. Napvak 'a crack' lake at head of Barrow River. napariat handles of caribou horn, at rear of sled. Narnguak ' l i k e a stomach, a snowdrift', Naguaq Lake. narlaktok obeys, l i s t e n s . Nauyaguluit 'the s i l l y or bad seagulls', Sevigny Point N e t s i l i k 'has seals', N e t s i l l i n g Lake. Also generic name f o r the people west of the Iglulingmiut. nerrigak contents of caribou or other animals stomach. N i g l i v i k t u k s i t e on east side of Jens Munk Island. Nerglingnaktok . . ' l i k e l y to have Canada geese*, Neerlonakto Island. Nugsangnakjuk camp on south side of Foster Bay. (the map i s i n error here nugluktak game of putting rods into holes i n bone. Nuvuit 'points of land', Cape Jensen. Nuvukjakjukulu 'the nice l i t t l e point', on east coast of Agu Bay. Okkosifeshalik 'has stone f o r pots', Wager Bay. o o g l i t islands or beaches where walrus haul out. Ooglitjakjuk 'the l i t t l e ooglit'. South Ooglit Islands. padleriak ivory toggle on dog harness, permitting quick release f o r bear hunting. Peelik 'has something', P i l i n g Lake. Piakshaut Ice sheathing on sled runners. Pingerklik place of mounds, Pinger Point. Pitokak 'old thing' camp near Cape Wilson. Puyaktok 'greases', Eskimo murdered i n 1906. Sarqaq 'distant landscape', location i n West Greenland, where pre-Dorset culture was found, shaputit stone f i s h weirs. Shadlerk..... 'the most opposite', Rowley, Bray and Southampton Islands. Sharlerkjuak main t r a i l to Repulse Bay from Parry Bay. Shartuk 'thin or f l a t ' , east side of Caps Konig. Shanarayak. '.the apparent flank', shoreline of H a l l Beach. Shadlermiut 'people of the most opposite place', Rowley, Bray and Southampton Islands. Shagvak rapids or f a l l s , i . e . Saccpa Lake. Shaglarkjuk Amherst Island. 178 Shadliaguserk 'the secondary one facing', Liddon Island, (also c a l l e d Shadierjuak). shaniruak large ivory toggle fastening dog-traces to main trace. Shimig 'a plug', Ormond Island, and a small i s l a n d i n Easter Sound. Shinak 'sweet', a lake draining to the Barrow River. shivudleet ancestors. Sigdjeriak 'shore b i r d ' , (Boas' spelling) woman from Cumberland Sound. Shiorarkjuk 'fine sand', Tern Island, and a camp on mid west side of Siorarsuk Peninsula, talun stone caribou ambushes. Taserkjuaguserk 'the lesser b i g lake' lake near Cape Penrhyn. Tasiuyap taima ' the end of what looks l i k e a lake' inside coast of Murray Maxwell Bay. Tasiuyak 'looks l i k e a lake', H a l l Lake. Tariuyak 'appears to be sea', upper part of Steensby/ I n l e t . Tikerak 'looks l i k e an index finger' . point at base of Amitioke P e n i n s u l a . Tikerakjuk, 'looks l i k e a l i t t l e index finger', Tikerasuk Point. tivayuk wife-exchange dance. Toonit legendary pre-Eskimos, Dorset people. Toonitjuat the b i g Toonit. tuglerak s t i c k f o r p l a i t i n g h a i r round. Tununerk...- 'place facing most away', Pond In l e t area. Tununerguserk 'lesser place facing most away', A r c t i c Bay area. ulu woman' s knife. Uadlinerk P i l i n g Bay area. umiak woman's boat of skins, (now any boat) . umigek stone trap (Freuchen's s p e l l i n g ) . ungayuk i s attached to, or fond of someone. uktuk a basking seal. ukjuk squareflipper or bearded seal. ukserk ivory fastener at end of dog trace. Ungaluyat 'looks l i k e stone shelters', old s i t e east side of Turton Bay. Ungerdlat ..sausage-like bundles of walrus meat, wrapped i n hide. Ussuatjuk ' l i t t l e penis', point near Cape Jermain. Uyara 'a stone' Mr. J . Uyara of I g l o o l i k . • Uyaragmiut 'people of stones' campsite near Cape Jermain. y'apak modern Iglulingmiut woman's parka with pouch. 

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