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UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Han Yu and his ku-shih poetry Schmidt, Jerry D. 1969

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HAN YU AND HIS KU^SHIH POETRY by Jerry D. Schmidt B.A., University of California Berkeley, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department . o f Asian Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 1969 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e H e a d o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f A s i a n Sfairiipa T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a February 1, 1970 i ABSTRACT Although Han Y_ is already famous as a great prose writer in Chinese literature, few Western scholars seem to be aware of the depth and originality of his poetry. This thesis is an attempt to shed some light on Han Ytf's immense contributions to Chinese verse in order to correct this one-sided view of Han Y_ which most scholars have. By way of introduction, a short biography of Han Y„ has been prepared from the traditional historical sources and modern Chinese and Japanese materials. Also included is a short review of Han Y_'s thought with particular reference to his attitudes toward Buddhism to correct the misconception that he was completely hostile to the Indian religion. Even though the thesis is mainly concerned with Han's poetry, his prose style cannot be ignored because of i t s importance to his poetry and Chinese literature in general. Han Y_fs poetry is distinguished by the strangeness of i t s language and the consistent breaking of old rules of prosody. The fu device is found to be particularly prominent, and the writer's penchant for the composing of narrative verse is quite unique in China. The source of much of the weird subject material of Han Ytf's verse is the mythology of the Chinese peasant, and Han's poetry is quite atypical in the predominance of an absurd humor never observed before in the Chinese tradition. Han's absurd humor is the key to his philosophy of l i f e : a good-humored resignation to an inavoidable fate. The origin of the weirder aspects of Han Ytf's poetry is hard to account for, and after an examination of possible sources in l i t e r a t i verse i t is concluded that Han owes much to the non-literatus and folk tradition in Chinese literature. Han i i Ytt was the center of one of the most important poetic movements in mid-T'ang times, and a school consisting of Li Ho, Meng Chiao, Lu T'ung, Ma Yi, Liu Ch'a, and others gathered about him and were a l l influenced by him to varying degrees. Although his contributions to Chinese poetry were nearly forgotten in late T'ang times, Ou-yang Hsiu and others renewed interest in his works, and as a result, he was one of the major sources of inspiration for the tremendous creativity of northern Sung poetry. Because of his boldness in writing verse, Han Ytt was not always popular with Chinese c r i t i c s , and he was frequently attacked for the prose-like quality of his poetry and the strangeness of i t s subject matter. However, many c r i t i c s approved of his innovations, and we find that most of the adverse criticism comes' from highly conservative authors. i i i T A B L E OF CONTENTS I. Han Ytt and his Ku-Shih Poetry II. List of Titles III. Footnotes IV. Translations V. Bibliography 1 Han Yu, whose .courtesy name' was T*ui-chih, was born in the year 768 at the western capital Ch*ang-an. Han*s father is described in the Old T*ang History as being without fame or position, but he was once Magistrate of Wu-ch*ang and was highly praised by the famed poet Li Po in a tablet com-posed by Li in commemoration of his able administration.1 Han*s uncle Han Yun-ch*ing'once held the post Attendant Gentleman of the Board of Rites, so i t seems that the family belonged to the lower landlord class and was at least f a i r l y well off .2 However, Han*s claim to be related to the i l l u s -trious. Han family , of Ch*ang-li i s completely unfounded, since Han*s ancestors came from Nanyang County of modern Honan and seem to have no blood ties with the more famous clan of the same (Surname.3 . Han was the fourth son of h i s family,, and since h i s father, Han Chung~ch*ing, passed away in 770., the responsi-b i l i t y of raising Han passed to h i s elder brother Han Hui. When the prime minister Yuan Ts'ai lost his power., Hui was demoted .to a post in Shao-chou,'and the family accompanied him to his new place of work.^ Hah Y1i was only fourteen years old when Hui followed his father to the grave at the early age of forty-two. Hui*s wife, Lady Cheng, led the children back to Loyang after a number of d i f f i c u l t i e s arising from a rebellion in the army, and for the remainder of Han*s youth, she was responsible for rearing him. Han*s biographies t e l l us that he commenced his • 2 education at the age of seven and due to his great applica-tion soon mastered the Confucian classics and the various non-Confucian philosophical literatures. While s t i l l young he was attracted to the scholars Tu-ku Chi and Liang Su, who Were advocates of a return to ancient ideals and unr-doubtedly influenced his later accomplishments in the f i e l d of ancient prose writing,5 During this stay i n the capital, Han Ytl also met people who were to influence his style of poetry,,, the most significant of whom was Meng Chiao, who was the closest friend of Han Ytl during his entire life.6 The ambition of a l l young men of the gentry class was an o f f i c i a l career, and so in 792 Han Ytl took and passed t n e chln-shlh examination. This i n i t i a l success was of l i t t l e use to him,, however, for although he was highly lauded by Cheng Ytl-ch*lng and addressed three letters to the prime minister,? he was unable to obtain any office in the central government. Embittered by this defeat, Han l e f t the capital to seek his fortune and eventually oecupied a post as military advisor to Tung Chin, the f i r s t job he had ever held, although he was already twenty-nine years old. He worked in,an extremely repressive atmosphere in Ta Liang, for the military governors were virtual dictators over their regions, levying taxes and conscripting soldiers at w i l l . In 799 Tung Chin died and Han Ytl was on the road sending his coffin back to Loyang when the army revolted and murdered the temporary commander Lu Ch*ang-ytlan, a personal friend of Han. Concerned for the safety of his wife and children, Han 3 • f i r s t returned to the camp to escort them to safety and then continued his trip back to the capital.8 ..' Shortly afterwards, Han l e f t the capital to occupy a similar position as military advisor in Ning-Wu, but in 801 he quit this post when he was appointed to his f i r s t job in the central government., Broad Scholar of the Four Gates, Two years later he was promoted to Imperial Secre-tary of Investigation and acquired a reputation for outspoken-ness and honesty. However, honesty i s rarely appreciated in p o l i t i c s , and upon angering the emperor Te Tsung, he was de-moted to Magistrate of Yang-shan County, far off in the wilds of Kuangtung province.9 ' . ..• ' Upon the death.of Te Tsung and the accession ofi Shun Tsungin 805, Han was forgiven for his crimes and allowed to, return to Ch*ang-an to assume the position of Kuo-tzu Broad Scholar. Before Shun Tsung had come to the throne, an o f f i c i a l named Wang Shu-wen had befriended the young prince and now that Wang received the imperial favor, a coterie of progressive scholars such as Wei Chih-yih, L14 Wen, Liu Tsung-yuan, and Liu Ytl-hsi gathered about him. Han Yu was opposed to their policies, and when the eunuchs took advantage of Wang Shu-wen*s retirement due to his mother*s funeral, Han was on the winning side of a conflict which l e f t many prominent officials- dead or e x i l e d . 1 0 After the stormy events of the year 805, Han was transferred from Ch*ang-an to Loyang, occupying the same post he had before. However, his slow rise to power soon began, and by the year 810 he had been given the highly desirable post of Magistrate of Honan County. During his stay in the east, Han Ytt got to know a number of people on whom he exerted a tremendous influence such as the poets Lu'T'ung and L i Ho.H His stay in Loyang soon came to an end, for he was promoted to a higher job in the central government at Ch*ang-an. Nevertheless, Han's return to the capital was not completely auspicious, for a year later he was the victim of slander and was demoted to his former post of Kuo-tzu Broad Scholar. His defence of himself in the "Explanation of the Advancement of Study"12 made certain powers in the government take note of his plight, for he was soon advanced , to work in the Academy of History. When f i f t y years old, Han became.a close friend of the powerful prime minister, p»ei Tu, and served as a military commander under him in the highly successful campaign that put&down the rebellion in Huai Hsi started by Wu Htlan-chi. Because of the high quality of Han*s leadership, he was exalted to the powerful post of Attendant Gentleman of the Board of Punishments.*3 Han*s new found glory was not to last for long, however, for his outspokenness was once again to be the cause of disaster for Him. In 819 Hslen Tsung was informed that the pagoda at the Dharma Gate Monastery in Feng Hsiang had a finger bone of the Buddha, and desirous of attaining the merit that follows from the worshipping of r e l i c s , the em-peror ordered that preparations be made for elaborate cere-monies to welcome the Buddha bone into the capital city. 5 Han Ytl was highly disturbed by the vast expenditures for the lavish celebrations and the superstitious excesses of the people, and i n his righteous indignation he sent up a memorial to the emperor in. which he violently attacked the Buddhist religion.-^ Hsien Tsung was enraged and after being dissuaded from beheading Han decided to exile him to the malarial region of Ch'ao-chou i n the deep south of China. After, a few months i n Ch'ao-chou Han was transferred to the more hospitable Yuan-chou i n modern Kiangsi province. To Han Ytl's good fortune, the emperor Hsien.Tsung was assass-inated by the eunuch Ch1en Hung-chih, and after an absence of less than two years he was returned to the capital with the enviable post of Attendant Gentleman of the Board of War. i n the second year of the new emperor Mu Tsung* s reign, re- . bellion broke out i n Chen-chou, and after several expeditions failed to subdue the rebels,, Han was sent forth and succeeded in persuading their leader Wang T'ing-ts'ou to refrain from further h o s t i l i t i e s . As a result of this great accomplishment, Han's position advanced one step further i n the government, and i n 822 he was made Attendant gentleman to the Board of O f f i c i a l s , 1 ^ The next year further honors were given him and he became Governor of the Capital. In the summer of 8 2 ^ , Han Yu became seriously i l l and was forced to retire from a l l of the posts which he occupied i n order to recuperate at his v i l l a i n Ching-an. On the second of December of that year Han Ytl passed away at his v i l l a at the age of f i f t y -seven years, and posthumously received the post Exalted 6 Scribe of the Board of Rites with the t i t l e Duke of Literature. E-rcer since the victory of Neo-Confucianism in. Sung times, Han Ytl has been celebrated for his attack against Buddhism. His position as a saint i n the neo-Confucian orthodoxy i s best expressed i n his eulogy found i n the New  T'ang; History of Ou-yang Hsiuj "From the Chin dynasty through the Sui, while Buddhism and Taoism were being conspicuously practiced, the Sagely Way was perpetuated only by a thread, and the various Confucian scholars relied on orthodox ideas merely as a support for the weird and supernatural, Han Y t l , . alone, i n his grief, quoted the sages i n order to fight the delusions of the world. Although he suffered abuse and derision, he met a l l failures with renewed vigor, i n the beginning no one believed him, but f i n a l l y he became renowned during his age. Formerly Mencius refuted Motzu, but he was separated from Confucius by only two hundred years. Han Y t l , who was separated from Confucius by more than a thousand years, rejected the two schools of Buddhism and Taoism. In discarding the decadent and returning to the orthodox, his success was equal and his energy double that of Mencius."1? The most famous incident i n Han's campaign against Buddhism was his violent attack against the emperor Hsien Tsung's welcoming of a r e l i c of the Buddha into the capital Ch'ang^an, for which he was banished to southern China. Again the New T'ang History gives us the background to this event: "Hsien Tsung sent an ambassador to Feng-hsiang to meet 7 the Buddha bone, and after i t had been kept in the For-bidden City for three days i t was sent to the Buddha's temple. Princes, nobles, scholars, and commoners ran: about praying and chanting, even imitating foreign customs by scorching their bodies, giving up their wealth, and crowding the highways, Han Y t l , having heard of this, found i t very hateful ahd sent up a memorial remonstrating in the strongest terms."-^ In his memorial Han Ytl attacked Buddhism along several lines. One of the most important of his arguments is that the Buddhist religion i s of foreign origin and, thus, destructive to the Chinese way of l i f e ; "I beg leave to say that Buddhism i s merely a foreign religion. From the time of the Yellow Emperor to Y t l , Wen, and Wu the rulers a l l enjoyed a long l i f e and the people were happy. At their time China did not yet have Buddhism, and they were not this way because they served the Buddha. Only by the time of Han Ming Ti did we have Buddhism, and he was on the throne only eighteen years. After his time destruc-tion and disorder continued, and the reigns were not long. From the Sung, Ch'i, Liang, Ch'eh, and T'o Pa Wei dynasties, as the rulers served Buddhism even more respectfully, their reigns became even shorter, and only Liang Wu Ti was on the throne forty-eight years. Even he gave up his body three times to serve the Buddha and did not use live animals for the sacrifices i n the ancestral temples, eating only one meal of vegetables and f r u i t a day. Afterwards he was 8. attacked by Hou Ching and starved to death i n T'ai Ch'eng, his nation being subsequently destroyed. He served the Buddha to seek fortune but a l l he obtained was disaster."-^ The argument which Han Ytl i s advancing against the foreign origin of Buddhism was encountered by the religion in the earliest times, for already in the Moutzu L i Huo Lun (circa 225-250) we find the following attempt to dispel such anti-foreign viewst "Books are not necessarily the words of Confucius; a remedy i s not necessarily prepared by Pien Ch'iao. I f a book i s i n accord with what i s just, one follows i t . If a medicine cures, i t i s good. The superior man accepts a l l that i s good to sustain his body."^c HstlnsChi, an opponent of Buddhism at i t s height under the Liang dynasty, carried the anti-foreign argument farther than anyone before him by maintaining that the religion i s frankly seditious because of i t s propogation of foreign doc-trines and i t s attempt to r i v a l the imperial household i n 21 the splendor of i t s monasteries. Thus, Han Ytl's opposi-tion to Buddhism on the grounds that i t was of foreign origin was nothing new to the Chinese intellectual scene, and was most l i k e l y a view shared by a f a i r number of his contemporaries. The second reason which Han Ytl set forth i n his memorial to attack Buddhism was the religion's encouragement of asceticism and other worldly practices: "How could your sagely intelligence believe in such things? However, the common people are foolish, being easy to delude and d i f f i c u l t 9 to enlighten, and i f they see your majesty behave i n this way, they w i l l say that you sincerely serve the Buddha. Then they w i l l proclaimj "The Emperor i s a great sage and he believes i n Buddhism with his whole heart, so why should we, who are commoners, spare our bodies or our lives? Then they w i l l singe their heads and burn their fingers in groups of tens and hundreds, and they w i l l loosen their clothes and scatter their money from morning to evening, constantly vying to imitate one another." 2 2 In this passage we find a typical expression of the Confucianist attitude toward superstitious practices and striving after other-worldly things, which finds i t s origin in Confucius* famous dictum "Respect sp i r i t s and ghosts, but keep far away from them," Particularly repugnant to the Confucians were such Indian practices as mutilation of* the body and the casting away of wealth, which not only offended reason "but were also a serious breach of f i l i a l piety. Hence, once again we find that Han Ytl's attack i against Buddhism superstition belonged to a long tradition of Chinese rationalism. The third and last argument which Han advanced i n his memorial was that Buddhism i s harmful to the economic and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the country. He obviously believed that Liang Wu Ti's support of Buddhism, which entailed such actions as the emperor giving himself up to a monastery to be ransomed by the court, imperiled the s t a b i l i t y of the government and wasted huge sums of money with the f i n a l 10 result that the Liang dynasty f e l l before the onslaught of Hou Ching's army. Han i s careful not to mention the large amount of wealth squandered by Hsien Tsung i n the ceremony for welcoming the Buddha bone, but he i s very specific i n his condemnation of the waste of wealth among the common people i n their mad rush to worship the r e l i c . However, the most serious economic damage done to the community by Buddhism was the burden placed upon society in supporting the large community of monks and nuns. In his "Yuan Tao" Han Ytl explores this problem most f u l l y t "For each family growing grain there are now six consuming i t ; for each family producing utensils there are now six using them; for each family engaged in trade, six others take their profits. Is i t surprising then that the people are reduced to poverty and driven to theft?" 2^ Such an argument was not completely ungrounded either, for the costs of maintaining the largely unproductive clergy and constructing lavish temples and monasteries were very taxing to a society that had scarcely recovered from the* ravages of the An Lu-shan Rebellion. The picture of Han Ytl as an inveterate foe of the Buddhist religion found in most accounts of his l i f e i s not the entire story of his attitudes toward the Indian religion. After reading his "Memorial on the Buddha Bone" most people would be inclined to infer that he would never defile himself with contact from the religion, but when one reads his poetic works, he i s startled to find that many of 11 his verses are addressed to Buddhist monks. Most amazing of a l l i s that our author was apparently on very good terms with the monks whom he made the object of his writing and often praised them for learning and literary a b i l i t y . Thus, in his "Sending off Monk Hui" he writes the following: "Master Hui i s a man of the Buddha, Yet he i s not a trammeled person. At fifteen he loved mountains and water; Superior to others, he l e f t family and friends. He removed his cap and clipped his hair? His flying footsteps leaving only the dust of his tracks." And i n the same poem: "A river f i s h cannot live i n a pool; A wild bird Is hard to tame i n a cage. Though I am not of the western religion, I love your wildness and purity. The most fascinating of a l l the poems which Han Ytt addressed to monks i s his "Sending off Monk Ch'eng Kuan," a work which has stirred much controversy among Chinese scholars for reasons we shall soon discuss. The il l u s t r i o u s monk Ch*ehg Kuan was born i n 738 and after leaving home at the age of eleven was ordained as a monk i n 758. He was versed i n a l l the Buddhist sutras but specialized In the Avatamsaka Sutra (Hua Yen Chlng) and in 796 was invited to Ch'ang-an to help i n a new translation of this sutra by the emperor Te Tsung. Ch»eng Kuan was honored by a l l succeeding 12 emperors and was given a number of high t i t l e s by the rulers. After writing extensive commentaries on Avatamsaka doctrine, he died in 8 3 8 , and was later named as one of the patriarchs of the Hua-yen Sect, a worthy successor to the famed monk Pa Tsang.2-5 The controversy over Han Ytl*s work i s that we cannot be absolutely sure that the Ch'eng Kuan Han Yu wrote i t for i s actually the same person as the famous Hua-yen master,, because according to one commentator there may have been as many as four Ch'eng Kuan's alive at the time that Han Ytl wrote his poem (800), although another scholar thinks that, there were only two. One other argument against Han's poem being addressed to the famous Ch'eng Kuan i s that Han does not offer the respect due to a monk that i s highly revered by the imperial house, and hfcs desire to have Ch'eng Kuan follow an o f f i c i a l career seems to be quite strange, because the monk already had a number of high t i t l e s i n the central government.2^ When reading the criticism regarding Han's work, one has the vague feeling that the Confucian scholars offering their opinions find i t very urgent to disassociate their idol from any relation to the famous Hua-yen master Ch'eng Kuan. Since there may have been more than one Ch'eng Kuan in China i n the year 800, and Han does not pro-vide us with any biographical details in his poem, i t i s , of course, impossible to be absolutely sure for whom Han Ytl wrote his work, but the arguments against his association 13 with the famous Ch'eng Kuan are rather empty. There seems no reason why Han Yu would be overly p o l i t e to a member of a heterodox r e l i g i o n no matter how much he respected him fo r his great learning, and the o f f i c i a l positions granted the monk could hardly have conformed to Han Ytl's d e f i n i t i o n of a successful Confucian p o l i t i c a l career. In addition, Han's d e s c r i p t i o n of Ch'eng Kuan as an old man with ex-tremely unusual physical features corresponds with other accounts of hi s weird p h y s i c a l appearance. 2? Whether or not we can ever i d e n t i f y Han Ytl's Ch'-eng Kuan f o r sure, "Sending, o f f Monk Ch'eng Kuan" i s extremely v i t a l to our understanding of Hah Ytl's seemingly ambivalent attitude toward the Buddhist r e l i g i o n : "For what purpose did Buddhism come from the the West? Busy, busy the men between the Four Seas race about. They b u i l d towers, construct p a v i l i o n s , which cut the Milky Way; Who i s to stop them from glorying i n the grandeur and beauty? Later the monk Sangha appeared on the banks of the Huai and Ssu; Under him the power of Buddhism became even greater and more remarkable. Ytleh merchants and barbarian traders would escape t h e i r bodily sins, Ik So they f i l l e d their boats with jade of immeasurable value. . The pure Huai has no waves and i s level as a mat; , Temple railings and p i l l a r s rise up reddening half the heavens. Fire burns, water turns, and the earth is swept empty, Towering and lofty, the pagoda rises three. hundred feet high. Its reflection sinks to the bottom of the lake, and dragons flee in fright; At day there are no clouds, and i t straddles the vacant, azure sky. I beg to ask what person planned and built i t ? It was the monk-Ch'eng Kuan, who thus became widely famed. Formerly I followed the army beneath Ta Liang, And noble and brave men always f i l l e d my house. They said that although Ch'eng Kuan is a member of the church, . There i s no equal to him today In talent for public office. Later there came a summons from Hstl-chou, And there I met so many guests that I can't recall their names. People said that Chleng Kuan is a poet. 15 And the whole table competed in reciting his fresh lines of verse. I sighed to the wind that I coyrld not see him, I wished to win him to Confucianism and give him a scholar's cap. As I passed my time in loneliness at the end of f a l l i n Loyang, Knock! Knock! I heard what I thought was a woodpecker pecking at the door. There was a monk who had come to v i s i t so I called him to come in, His forehead was like a hidden rhinoceros horn, and hl.s cheekbones: jutted out. But, alas! He was already old, and no more of use, So I sat and peered at his divine frame, sobbing i n vain. When the Grand Protector of Lin Huai f i r s t arrived at his commandery, He dispatched a local man to send his greetings. He loves and honors unusual men, who are d i f f i c u l t to meet, So please go and send my best regards to him." In this poem Han praises the character and literary a b i l i t y of the monk but maintains a certain aloofness through-out. We should particularly note the tone in such a line as "They said that although Ch'eng Kuan i s a member of the 16 church there Is no equal to him today i n talent f o r public o f f i c e . " Han Ytl does not accept Ch'eng Kuan as a Buddhist monk per se, but sees him as a po t e n t i a l o f f i c i a l serving i n a Confucian bureaucracy. That such an attitude was t y p i c a l with Han can be seen i n hi s r e l a t i o n to the poet Chiac Tao, who was a Buddhist monk under the name Wu Pen when Han f i r s t met him, but was persuaded by the master to have himself defrocked and enter the public service.2 9 Han had succeeded i n converting his close f r i e n d Chia Tao to Confucianism, but he bewails the fact that Ch'eng Kuan i s already too old to serve i n the government and as one of the leading monks of the middle T'ang would not be l i k e l y to desert the Buddhist sangha. Since Han has been severely censured by some c r i t i c s , f o r his seemingly contradictory r e l a t i o n to Buddhism, i t would be best f o r us to explore a few of hi s motives f o r hi s actions. F i r s t of a l l , we should note that Han Ytl's l a s t poem to a monk other than h i s fr i e n d Chia Tao was that written to Master Wen Ch'ang i n 806, f u l l y thirteen years before his memorial to Hsien Tsung, and, thus, i t i s quite conceivable that his opposition to Buddhism did not become so b i t t e r u n t i l his l a t e r years. Chronological considerations aside, the most plausible reason f o r Han Ytl's association with monks i s that during middle T'ang times Buddhism was s t i l l a very strong i n t e l l e c t u a l and aesthetic force i n Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n . Han Yu was a man who appreciated I n t e l l e c t and would, thus, be drawn to monks with great 17 accomplishments, always with the hope that he could perhaps persuade them to abandon their otherworldly views and use their talents for the benefit of society at large. Fan Te-Yti has effectively answered those c r i t i c s who would malign Han for his friendship with the Buddhist communitys "Li Yen-j en c r i t i c i z e d Han Ytl saying that he had already eliminated the unorthodox doctrines and that he should not be intimate with the disciples of Buddha or compose poems or essays praising them, but this i s because he had not examined Han Ytl's intentions. What Han hated was Buddha but not the monks. Buddha was the founder of the. religion and, thus, could be hated, but some people are monks be-cause they have' no means of living , while others are monks because they are without knowledge. They are to be pitied, not hated. His intention was to love monks but to expose, Buddhism. When did he ever praise the religion?"3° Han Ytl's humane attitude toward those of a different persuasion thanhhimself i s d i f f i c u l t for Westerners to understand with their long history of religious persecution and perhaps, even d i f f i c u l t for later Confucian scholars to fathom. Now that we have considered the anti-Buddhist element i n Han Ytl's thought, let us investigate his more positive attempts at a revival of the Confucian Way. The most complete exposition of Han Ytl's views on Confucian revival i s to be found i n his essay "Yuan Tao," the central point of which i s Han's formulation of the old Chinese 18 concept Tao. Such a "rectification of names" was of the utmost urgency, for according to Han the concept Tao had been grossly distorted by the two heresies Taoism and Buddhism. To the Taoists, Tao was a shapeless force which had given rise to the universe but which was completely devoid of any moral or social values. The Sage was to live i n harmony with this Tao and, thus, achieve complete freedom from the restrictions of material existence. The Buddhist term Tao was a translation of the Sanskrit Marga, which like the Chinese Tao means 'path' or 'road.' The Buddhist Marga usually applies to the asfryamarga or'eight-fold noble path* to salvation, which unlike the Taoist Tao i s a path of moral discipline that leads one to the ultimate extinction of the material Self (nirvana). Both the Buddhist and Taoist concepts of Tao were totally opposed to Confucian ideals, for the liberation of oneself from social restraints or the extinction of ones being are completely divorced from the essential qualities of Humanity (Jen) and Righteousness (Yi). According to Han, "By b e l i t t l i n g Humanity and Righteousness, Laotzu did not destroy them. ^ Saying that Heaven i s small because one i s watching Heaven while si t t i n g in a well, does not make Heaven small. He took geniality to be Humanity and loneness to be Righteousness, and, thus, i t i s only natural that he be l i t t l e d them, That which he called the Way was considered the Way by him, but i t i s not what I c a l l the Way. It was precisely this lack of Humanity and Righteousness 19 which made Taoism and Buddhism unsuited for any form of orderly society, a goal which could only be achieved through Confucianism. After a l l ( i t was the Confucian sage kings who rescued the people from a condition no better than wild beasts, teaching them how to make shelters, sew their own clothes, and protect themselves from fierce animals and their fellow men. The whole apparatus of government was dependent upon the Confucian Tao, and even the class structure had come into existence to benefit the mass of the people.3 2 Thus, only the Tao of Confucianism with i t s Humanity and Righteousness could be a foundation for the making of a stable society. A l l of this i s scarcely original i n Confucian thought and most of the ideas which Han Yu expounds about the con r cept Tao had been well formed as early as Chou and Han times, but Han's somewhat daring concept of the transmission of the Confucian Tao i s different from earlier accounts and of the utmost significance to later Juist thinkers. In accordance with most Chinese intellectuals, Han pictures an ideal antifuity i n which the simple peasants were watched over by the great Confucian sage kings, whp were both rulers and Confucian scholars at the same time. This golden age was followed by an age of silver i n which the rulers of the empire no longer lived according to the Confucian principles and the only true vessels of the way, Confucius and Mencius, failed to put their doctrine into practice because they were without thrones. With Mencius the orthodox transmission came to an end, and the thinker Hstlntzu, who i n earlier times was considered more orthodox than Mencius, Is rele-gated to a minor position as a man who attempted to transmit the Confucian Way hut was not quite up to the task. Even such famed Han Confucian scholars as Yang Hsiung are slighted by Han as being totally incapable of continuing the great tradition of Confucius, Mencius, and the sage kings.33 When we come down to the end of the Han dynasty, we have reached the dark: ages of Confucianism. Moists, Tabists, and foreign Buddhists spread their e v i l doctrines over the face of China and succeed not only i n deluding the masses but aalso i n seducing the Confucian scholars them-selves I "Alas! Even i f the men of later times desired to li s t e n to the doctrines of Humanity, Righteousness, Way, and Virtue, from whom could they hear them? The Taoists said, •Confucius i s the disciple of our master.' The Buddhists said, 'Confucius i s the disciple of our master.• Con-fucian! sts, accustomed to listening to their words, were delighted at their extravagance and b e l i t t l i n g themselves said, 'Our master said so once,'"3^ The North-South period was:an age in which the Confucian doctrine became so cor-rupted by unorthodox and foreign influences that the True Way of the Sage was lost to the men of the times. Finally, we arrive to the present middle T'ang era when the fearless hero of true Confucianism, Han Ytl, has risen up single-handed to attack the e v i l forces of heresy. 21 Han YU assumes the role of sole i n h e r i t o r of the Confucian t r a d i t i o n , which had ceased to e x i s t more than two thousand years before h i s time with the death of Confucius. By a return to the Confucian concept of a Tao imbued with Humanity and Righteousness and a complete elimination of non-Chinese and non-Juist elements, Han Y1A expected to return to the golden age of Yao and Shun where r u l i n g the empire was as easy as "turning over ones palm." Han Ytl's conception of the transmission of Confucianism was cer-t a i n l y highly presumptuous oh h i s own part, but was of the utmost influence on the l a t e r h i s t o r y of Confucianism i n the T'ang and Sung dynasties. Considerably more important than Han Ytl's c o n t r i -bution to Chinese thought were his e f f o r t s toward a reform i n Chinese prose s t y l e , and, i n fact,.Han's ku-wen prose movement has been more responsible f o r his fame than any of h i s other accomplishments. To understand Han Ytl's prose reform movement we should f i r s t b r i e f l y review the h i s t o r y of Chinese prose writing. Unfortunately, to this day the f i c t i o n i s preserved by many hist o r i a n s of Chinese l i t e r a t u r e that no prose worthy of mention was written be-tween the end of the Han dynasty and the time of Han Ytl. One often reads that Han "revived prose from the decadence of the eight dynasties" and that i n the process of doing so, he completely obli t e r a t e d the t r a d i t i o n of p'1en-wen, which i s i n v a r i a b l y described as a corrupt and immoral l i t e r a r y form. A c t u a l l y the period from the end of the 22 Han until middle T'ang was one of great achievements in prose writing, and the gradual development of the p'ien-wen style i s one of the most exciting features of this age.35 P'ien-wen originated during the early years of North-South Period when Chinese prose authors were beginning to break out of the narrow confines of earlier prose composition, which was largely restricted to government documents, historic a l works, and philosophical discourses. Prose was now used as a vehicle of individual expression, and the height of p'1en-wen development i s typified by such men as Ytl Hsin ( 5 1 3 - 5 8 1 ) , whose prose-poems, funerary essays, letters, and descriptive essays have never been surpassed for their depth of feeling and perfection of literary form. Even the ascendancy of the house of T'ang did not alter the popularity of this form with the l i t e r a t i , and the Four Literary Giants of the Early T'ang, Wang Po, Yang Chiung, Lu Chao-lin, and Lo Pin-wang, besides being the most famous poets of their time, were masters of the p'ien-wen style. In fact, a l l the way un t i l the age of Han Ytl and Liu Tsung-ytlan, p'ien-wen continued to be the dominant prose form, and even the most famous ku-wen author of Sung times, Su Shin,-wrote many fine pieces in this style.3^ The original meaning of the word p'ien i s a 'pair of horses,' and this pairing or parallelism i s the charac-t e r i s t i c feature of p'ien-wen. The desired effect was that each pair of lines be made exactly grammatically parallel. For example, in Wang Po's "Preface to King T'eng's Pavilion" 23 the line "Puddle waters exhausted, the cold lakes purified" i s perfectly matched by the following line "Mist rays con-gealed, the evenings mountains purple."37 Another dominant characteristic of p'ien-wen i s that most lines are either four or six characters long, although lines of different length are permitted to break up the monotony. Last of a l l .p'len-wen frequently employs rhyme, which i s determined by the same rules which governed the regulated verse. This type of highly restricted prose writing led to a style i n which one had to carefully polish his lines i n order to f i t into the patterns allowed. Thus, i t was almost obligatory to use the shorthand of literary allusion and to refine the language to a point which might seem excessively f l o r i d by Western li t e r a r y standards. Such a form of writing was more advantageous for private expression than clear argu-mentation as required i n p o l i t i c a l documents or expository prose, and i t seems that at times the authors of p'ien-wen delighted In mystifying their readers for no good purpose other than a show of their learning. Han Ytl was not the f i r s t of Chinese authors to see the necessity of a drastic break with the past tradition of prose writing. As early as the beginning years of the T'ang dynasty Wang T'ung wrotes "To speak of literature without speaking of Principle (LI), i s the same as not having any literature i n the world. How then can the Tab of the Kings arise?"3$ During the period before the An Lu-shan Rebellion, the ku-wen or ancient prose movement 24. gained further momentum, ~and in the writingscf the scholars Li Hua and Hsiao Ying-shih we already find many of the ideas behind the prose reform later advocated by Han Ytl. In the essays of Li and Hsiao we find three major concepts that influenced the later development of the ancient prose style, (1) modelling of a l l prose writing on the style of the Confucian classics, (2) the use of literature as a vehicle for the Confucian Tao, and (3) preference for simplicity in prose in contrast to the ornate compositions of the North-South Period.39 After the disorder caused by the An Lu-shan Rebellion, a number of authors continued the work of Li and Hsiao, the most important of whom was Tu-ku Chi,. who happened to be a teacher of Han Ytl as we have already mentioned. Tu-ku Chi continued to espouse most of the principles formulated by L i and Hsiao, but he is to be credited with eliminating the excessive severity of their styles.^° Thus, we see that when Han began to write his ancient prose essays, the ku-wen movement already had a long history, and there was l i t t l e that he could contribute to i t s theory. In most respects he agrees to the tenets of Li Hua and Hsiao Ying-shih; his love of the Confucian classics as literary models i s equal to theirs: "At f i r s t , I did not dare to look at any books other than those of the Three Ages and the two Han dynasties, and I did not dare to entertain any ambitions different from the sages. When seated I was as i f I had forgotten something, and when walking as i f I were lost."4'-1-Han Ytl also agreed with the other ku-wen writers that the principal purpose of prose writing i s to express the Tao of the only true philosophy, Confucianism« "The reason for study i s to practice Tao, and the purpose of literature i s to express Principle."**' 2 The sentence "Literature i s the vehicle of the Way" has become the slogan of neo-Confuclanists ever since the time of Han Y t l . Han's preference for the simple language of.pre-Han times i s frequently encountered i n his prose essaysi "The reason why I have my ambitions on the ancients, i s not only because their language i s good, but also because I love their Tao. ..43 In other words, the Chou thinkers did not let the f l o r i d language of such men as the p'ien-wen writers get in the way of clear expression of the Confucian Tao The importance of Han Ytl's ku-wen prose writings does not l i e in any novel ideas which he formulated but i n the technical brilliance of his style. In his desire to return to the classical purity of the Confucian canon, Han Ytl writes in. a language highly unusual by T'ang standards. As would be expected, he almost completely ignores the new terminology which came into being with the introduction of Buddhism at the end of Han, and largely confines himself to the vocabulary of the Thirteen Classics. In his distaste for the works of the p'1en-wen style, he usually avoids rare or obscure words, and this elimination of superfluous 26 vocabulary makes him one of the easiest prose essayists to read in Chinese literary history. The sentence structure of Han Ytl's prose also shows his debt to the writers of Chou and early Han times. He entirely eliminates the p'1en-wen parallelism and rhyme with the result that his sentences are of a varying length, which i s determined by meaning rather than the dictates of literary a r t i f i c e . The earlier parallel-prose style found sentence particles burdensome in that they interfered with the neat parcelling off of the sentence, but in his essays Han follows the practice of the classical writers, who used the particles to divide up the sentence, and, thus, render the meaning clearer. Finally, Han only infrequently employs allusion in his prose, a practice which frees the reader from puzzling over the meaning of each line as he frequently must with works i n p'len-wen style. The result of a l l of these innovations i s a relatively plain prose which makes up for what i t lacks in literary adornment with i t s great clarity. Since the purpose of prose i s to act as a vehicle for the Confucian Tao, the bulk of Han Ytl's works are occupied with propaganda efforts on behalf of Confucian doctrine. Insuch works as his "Ytlan Tao" or "Memorial on the Buddha Bone" he is concerned with defining the prin-ciples of Confucianism and defending the school of thought Lh, from i t s enemies, Buddhism and Taoism. Other works 27 address themselves to more specific problems involved in the Confucian occupation of ordering and governing society; the "Cheng Ch*en Lun" discusses the role of the remonstrating o f f i c i a l s i n c r i t i c i s i n g the faults of the government^ while the "Shih Shuo" examines the problem of finding a proper teacher for oneself.^ The personal correspondence of Han i s not even free of his missionary act i v i t i e s on behalf of Confucianism; his letter "In Answer to Ch'eh Shang"^? expounds the theory of good Confucian writing and his "Preface to Sending off the Buddha Master Wen-ch'ang" exhorts the mbnli to return to a productive Confucian l i f e . ° Only occasionally as In his "Sacrifice to the Crocodiles" does Han write anything other than didactic prose.^ When attempting to evaluate the success of Han Ytl's experiments with prose form, we are handicapped by our modern tendency to dislike works which are so clearly propagandists as those of Han Ytl. Han's essays do not have the breadth of subject matter of the later ku-wen writers such as Ou-yang Hsiu and Su Tung-r-po, and when we tire of his Confucian message we often tend to be blinded to the beauties of his prose style. Han's prose Is surely In a transitional stage in which he has already l e f t behind the severity of L i Hua and Hsiao Ying-shih but has not quite advanced to the depth of vision of the northern Sung writers. Yet even at his most didactic, he frequently has a power rarely encountered i n prose writing, as when he 28 reviles the Buddhist heresy in his "Memorial of the , Buddha lone" or pleads i n his self-defense in the ''Explanation of the Advancement of Study." By sweeping away the tradition of p'ien-wen and putting l i f e into the severity of ku-wen, Han Ytl had prepared the way for even greater accomplishments i n later ages. Despite the great Influence which Han Ytl had upon T'ang and Sung Confucian thinkers and the bold new prose style which he developed, the most original contribution which he made to Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n l i e s i n the revolu-tionary poetic style which he invented. Although the Chinese poetic tradition has been one of the most conser-vative in the world, there have been a number of important breaks with the past in i t s history, and the Ytlan Ho literary movement which Han Ytl led was certainly one of the most radical departures from past tradition. Through the use of unusual language, new poetic forms, and weird subject matter, Han Ytl opened up a whole new territory of poetry for later writers. One of the unusual characteristics of the language which Han Ytl employs in his poetry i s the great contradic-tion in levels of usage. On one hand, there are occasional words which must have come from the colloquial language. For example, in his "Poem of the Two Birds" we find the compound k'ou t'ou which means 'mouth* and i s s t i l l used i n this way in modern Mandarin, being constructed in the same way as such words as shiht'ou, hou t'ou, and ch'ien t'ou.50 29 The use of the meaningless s u f f i x t' ou would have been avoided by e a r l i e r Chinese poets, but when Han requires a word to f i l l out a l i n e or supply a rhyme, he i s quite w i l l i n g to choose words from the c o l l o q u i a l language. In the same poem we also observe another unusual use of the word t ' ou as a measure f o r c a t t l e and dragons. I t i s not generally the practice of Chinese writers to use measure words i n shih poetry, although they are frequent enough i n prose. More s i g n i f i c a n t than Han's occasional use of colloquialisms i s h i s love f o r language that would have been considered improper or even vulgar i n poetry. In his "After Heading the Miscellaneous A f f a i r s of Tung-fang Shuo" he uses the word nlao which can be p o l i t e l y trans-la t e d 'urinate,' a word scarcely poetic by any conventional literary, standards and when used i n connection with Han Wu T i not very f l a t t e r i n g to the imperial household.-51 In h i s "I Reprimand the Malaria Demon" he describes the disease, i n a l l of i t s gory d e t a i l s , depicting the demon as making h i s l i v i n g " i n the midst of vomit and diarrhoea," while h i s "On F i r s t Eating Southern Food" i s f u l l of f o u l stenches and profuse sweat.^ His masterpiece of shocking language i s "Poem of the Lunar E c l i p s e " where the toad devours and then vomits heavenly bodies, f o r which crime he i s torn to shreds while s t i l l a l i v e . ^ One would search i n vain f o r such uns e t t l i n g language used by any poet before Han Ytl's time. 30 Another characteristic of Han Ytl's language that has been vigorously c r i t i c i z e d i s his penchant for rare words that were not current in the vocabulary, of T'ang times. In defense of our author we should say that in most of his poems his vocabulary does not exceed that of the average reader of wen-yen literature, and i t i s strange that Chinese c r i t i c s attack Han when they praise a man such as Hsieh Llng-yun who i s truly a challenge to the reader's memory of unusual words. Nevertheless, one must admit that a number of Han Ytl's best poems are written i n a language which had been culled by diligent study of the, Shuo-Wen and the most ancient literature. One excellent example of this i s Han's "Lunar Eclipse" in which the blnome pel shlh has one of i t s few occurences i n Chinese literature and a number of the other words are a great strain upon the reader's recollection.55 His poem "Fire on Mount Lu-hun" i s famous for i t s use of about fifteen different words'for the color red, many of which were totally out of use by T'ang times. Lines twelve through fifteen are typical of Han's penchant for unusual words» Tigers, bears, tailed deer, boars, even monkeys and apes, Water dragons, iguanas, tortoises, f i s h , and ; sea turtles, Ravens, owls, buzzards, falcons, pheasants, wild geese, and f i e l d chicken, Scalded, roasted, stewed, baked; how can they run or fly? 31 In reading such passages one i s uncomfortably reminded of the Han fu at the height of i t s absurdity. In addition to his originality in the use of language, Han Ytl made a number of contributions i n the area of poetic form. In the earlier T'ang period, the ltl-shlh or regulated verse was brought to perfection and much of the best work up to the middle T'ang was done i n this form. Han Ytl wrote i n both the ancient and regulated style, but he went against the prevailing trends by spending most of his efforts in the ancient style. One sign of this i s that of the ten chtlan of his collected poems only two are i n regulated style, and although his chtleh-chtl and some of his ltl-shlh are well written, they cannot compare with his ku-shlh i n originality. The lu-shih with a l l of i t s restrictions was most li k e l y too narrow a form for Han Ytl to express his genius. Even more important than Han Ytl's shift of accent to the ancient form i s his contribution in the area of llen-chtl or linked verses. In this form one poet would write two lines and another poet would complete the quatrain with two more lines. Almost a l l of these works were com-posed by two people, but occasionally three or even more would lend their talents to the joint enterprise. Han i s not to be credited with the invention of the llen-chtl, be-cause something like i t existed as early as the Han dynasty, and some of the earlier T'ang poets also experimented with i t , but prior to his time no one developed the potentialities 32 of the lien-chtl to the degree that Han Ytl did. 57 In chtlan eight of his collected works we find eleven llen-chu, most of them written in collaboration with Meng Chlao but a number of them written with the help of other scholars such as Chang Ch'e, Chang Chi, L i Hsi-chlh, and L i Cheng-feng. The f i r s t thing that strikes one about these poems is that they are much longer than anything written in this genre before; Han Ytl and Meng Chlao*s "South of the City" i s three hundred and six lines long, which would certainly make i t one of ithetmost immense poems in the history of Chinese literature.58 In style these poems dif f e r considerably from much of Han Ytl*s work, in that they are characterized by a more f l o r i d language and denser poetical line, most li k e l y because they were composed during drinking parties and were looked upon as a form of competition between the writers. One question about these poems that has bothered c r i t i c s for a long time i s the part that Han Ytl had i n the writing of the portions ascribed to the other authors. The principal person who collaborated with Han in their com-position was Meng Chiao, and due to the rather uniform style of the works some have been tempted to suggest that Han went over his friend's contributions and altered them to suit his own taste before recording the poems. The opposite opinion i s expressed by Huang T'ing-chient "Hstl Shih-£h'uan asked Huang T'ing-chien: 'People say that Meng Chiao's linked verses are not what he would have ordinarily written, and 33 they suspect that they were glossed over by Han Y t l . ' Huang T" ing- chi en repliedt 'How could have Han Ytl embellished Meng Chiao? It would be more reasonable to say that Meng Chiao embellished Han Y t l . '"59 Huang T'ing-chien's opinion settled the question for, most later Chinese c r i t i c s , but i t i s extremely probable tha^t his decision was more based on his well-known dislike for Han Ytl's verse than on any c r i t i c a l evidence. In any case, uniformity in style i n the linked verses of Meng Chiao and Han Ytl could be better explained by the close cooperation between authors that worked in this literary medium and the limitations of the conditions under which the works were written. The linked verse was a poetic f ormatypical of the T'ang dynasty, and much of the other verse of Han Ytl differs from earlier creations i n form. The vast majority of ku-shlh written i n T'ang times were either of the five or seven character variety with only rare appearance of six and four character verses. Han Y t l , on the other hand, gave great emphasis to the four character type of poetry, which origin-ated with the Book of Songs but was written only infrequently after the rise of the five and seven character type in the Chien-an literary period. In his "Sagely Virtue of the Ytlan-ho Period" Han Ytl u t i l i z e d the four character form to create a work considered by many c r i t i c s to be the greatest tour de force of his career as a poet. This work is the longest four character poem in Chinese literature, consisting 3k of two hundred and f i f t y - s i x lines. The author ex p l i c i t l y states in his preface that no other poetic form i s suitable to "record the cultural, martial, and spiritual sageliness of the Son of Heaven and to be a warning to the common people to be transmitted without end." The revival of old forms that had fallen into disuse for the purposes of the modern age is typical of the innovations which Han made in poetic form. Besides such creative archaism Han Ytt altered the stanza forms of the ku-shih to produce new variations i n t the number of words i n each line. Since the Chien-an period and the influence of Ts'ao Chih and his associates the un-eveness in the number of words i n each line had been largely eliminated in Chinese verse. Although yueh-fu poetry of the T'ang dynasty was sometimes written with lines of unequal length, the variations i n number of char-acters are usually quite predictable, an example being the frequent addition of the phrase 'chlin pu chlen' ('don't you see?') wherever there i s a need for a change in line length.6 1 When we read Han Yu's ku-shih, we often find a very erratic stanza pattern, which superficially resembles the poetry of the Han dynasty but is quite unconnected to the musical considerations of the early yueh-fu poetry. One excellent example of this tendency i s Han's "Lunar Eclipse" where lines of three, four, five, seven, and even nine characters are hopelessly jumbled together so that one frequently has d i f f i c u l t i e s in even determining where the 35 62 . punctuation marks belong. Another even more erratic work i s the "Ballad, of Oh! Master Tung" where the lines vary from three to nine characters, but the pattern i s even more unpredictable because there are fewer instances of adjacent lines having the same number of words, destroy-ing any help that symmetry of form might give the Western reader of the unpunctuated text.^3 Another way in which Han Ytl's poetic line differs from that of his predecessors i s in the placement of caesura. This i s an extremely important matter, for i n poetry as d i f f i c u l t to understand as that of China the point of division i n the line i s very often useful in de-termining the grammatical structure and, thus, the sense of the line. In traditional five character poetry the practice i s to s p l i t the line into two characters i n front with three, characters behind. Thus, i n Li Po's famous poem "Drinking Alone Beneath the Moon," the caesura i n the f i r s t line "hua chien i hu chiu" ("within the flowers a pot of wine") occurs between the f i r s t two words "hua chien" and the last three " i hu chlu,*'^ However, Han Ytt frequently writes lines in which the arrangement i s exactly reversed with three characters i n front and two in back as i n his poem "On Meng Chiao Losing his Son," where we find the following linei "Hsien wen ytl erh ch'ien" ("Worthy ones change when they hear advice.")65 j n this line the f i r s t three words "Hsien wen ytl" belong together, with the two words "erh ch'ien" following, although the break should actually come after, "wen" according to earlier rules of prosody. Occasionally one even encounters lines in which there i s one word in front with four words following, as in the highly erratic "Reading a Book at the South of the City" where such lines as "nai i lung i chu" occur i n which the "nai" i s separate from the words which come after i t . ^ ^ In a poetic tradition as conservative as the Chinese, such a break with the accepted practice was very serious, and down un t i l the present time, Han Ytl has been damned by c r i t i c s for his Ignoring of the rules of caesura. In addition to the original poetic form of Han's verse, his sentence structure i s quite new i n Chinese literature. Chinese poetry has usually been renowned for the,tightness of structure of the poetic line, and this has been accomplished by a poetic grammar which allowed the poet to eliminate a l l superfluous words, and by the practice of literary allusion which enabled him to compress his thought into a minimum of space. Han's poetic line runs completely counter to this whole tradition. His line i s typified by the l i b e r a l use of sentence particles, which were used as,sparingly as possible by most earlier writers. The result i s that his verse resembles his ku-wen essays, in that most of i t i s clearly punctuated by a profusion of grammar words and interjections. The reader of his works i s not confronted by the dense undergrowth of words of a Hsieh Ling-yiln or: a Tu Fu, and the sense of the line i s i n f i n i t e l y easier to construe. 37 The Western reader can readily appreciate Han's use of grammatical particles to render the meaning of his poetry clearer, but ihe question of literary allusion i s not so easy for us to discuss. Even the easiest of poets such as. Po Chu-yi uses li t e r a r y allusion, and even the simplest of references can baffle the foreign reader who has just embarked oh his exploration of Chinese literature. In Han Ytl's poems we s t i l l run up against a f a i r number of allusions, but they are no where as perverse as the kind employed by such a poet as Tu Fu, who seems to have ex-pected his readers to not only have a complete command of , a l l earlier literature but also.to be intimately familiar • with the p o l i t i c a l events of his age. Even when Han does indulge i n the lite r a r y puzzle of allusion, one i s fre-quently happy to find that a complete knowledge of the re-ference i s not necessary for a f a i r understanding of the line, as i s the case with another great poet, T'ao Ch'ien. Just as .with T'ab Ch'ien, Han's use of a more open poetic line and his dislike of excessive allusion r i d his poetry of the denseness and f l o r i d l t y of many Chinese writers and give:-: i t a fluency rarely matched i n lite r a r y history. In the long history of Chinese liter a r y criticism there has always been a great interest i n the devices used by poets to write their verse. In his Shih P'in or Ranking of Poetry Chung Jung formulated the concept of hslng, p i , and fu as being the three principle methods of writing verset "There are three meanings of poetryt one i s called 38 hslng, one p_l, and one fu. When the writing i s already ended and there i s something remaining i n the meaning, that i s c a l l e d hslng ('arising'). To r e l y on things to make c l e a r ones inner feelings i s called, p_i_ ('comparison'). To write d i r e c t l y of things and to lodge ones words i n things i s c a l l e d f u ('elaboration'). I f one uses only; hslng and p i then the defect w i l l be that his meaning i s too deep, and i f the meaning i s too deep, then the words are lame. I f one uses only the fu form, then the defect i s that the meaning w i l l be t r i v i a l , and i f the meaning i s t r i v i a l , then the w r i t i n g w i l l be diffuse,"&7 The c o n f l i c t between the p_i and hslng device on the one hand and the Tu device on the ether has presented a problem to every Chinese poet since the Shlh Chlng. The i d e a l Is to combine a l l three methods together, but i n f a c t most shlh writers tended to make more use of p_i and hslng than fu i n t h e i r poetry, and anyone who has read enough shih w i l l agree with Chung Jung that the meaning i s frequently too deep fo r comprehension. Han Ytl's poetry d i f f e r s from the established t r a d i t i o n of shih w r i t i n g In that the f u element i s d e f i n i t e l y more important than usual, many of h i s best ku-shih depending upon f u techniques f o r t h e i r elaboration. For example, i n h i s "On Meng Chiao Losing a Son" there i s a discussion of the dangers of bearing children which'is developed by l i s t i n g the various examples of u n f i l i a l creatures such as f i s h , wasps, owls, and vipers and describing the ways i n which t h e i r 39 offspring bring disaster to their parents. In most earlier poetry one would expect two lines using a lite r a r y allusion to one animal, but through the fu technique Han has expanded the passage into eight lines. In the "Poem of the Two Birds" there i s a remarkable fu passage where the phrase "If you do not stop the two birds from singing" i s repeated four times with a different dire result added in each instance,^9 and i n his "I Reprimand the Malaria Demon" the author describes four different medical special-i s t s and the noxious methods they employ to r i d their un-fortunate patients of the disease.'''0 Perhaps the most successful use of the fu method i s i n Han's "Lunar Eclipse" where the author runs through a l i s t of various heavenly j . o f f i c i a l s and describes, their failure in carrying out the duty of repelling the demon toad.''71 Never before had such extensive fu passages occurred i n Chinese shlh poetry, and Han Ftl's b r i l l i a n t use of the fu technique i s yet another sign of his break with traditional methods of writing poetry. One of the most striking characteristics of Han Ytl's poetry i s his frequent use of narration particularly i n the poems of the ancient style. Narrative poetry may not seem strange i n a culture which has produced the I l i a d and Oddysey of more recently Paradise Lost, but China never had an epic tradition like that of Europe and India, and narra-tive poetry of any kind was a rarity in Chinese literature. There are, of course, a few exceptions; a few of the early ytleh-fu poems such as "K'ung Ch'tleh Tung Nan Fei" and the 40 "Mu Lan T z ' u " were w r i t t e n to t e l l a s t o r y , but these works r e p r e s e n t o n l y a f r a c t i o n of the grea t mass of Chinese v e r s e . , The use of n a r r a t i v e i s most c e n t r a l t o - t h e d e v e l o p -ment of many of the l o n g e r k u - s h i h of Han Y t l , and many of the works are not mere s t o r i e s but w e l l - d e v e l o p e d dramat ic p i e c e s . I n f a c t , Han Y t l was q u i t e s k i l l e d i n u s i n g the common dramat ic d e v i c e s of (1) development of a c r i s i s , (2) h e i g h t e n i n g of the t e n s i o n , and (3) f i n a l r e s o l u t i o n of the C r i s i s , I n the "Poem of the Two B i r d s " two s u p e r n a t u r a l b i r d s come from a f o r e i g n s h o r e , and an urgent s i t u a t i o n develops i n which the o r d e r l y processes of the u n i v e r s e are threatened by the s i n g i n g of the b i r d s . The t e n s i o n i s he ightened by the l o n g f u passage i n which the L o r d of Thunder d e s c r i b e s the d i s a s t r o u s consequences, t h a t w i l l r e -s u l t i f God does not stop the b i r d s from t h e i r d e s t r u c t i v e song. F i n a l l y , God a s s e n t s , and the c r i s i s i s r e s o l v e d when the b i r d s are i m p r i s o n e d i n separate p l a c e s . f Z The poem. "On Meng Chiao L o s i n g a Son" i s a l s o c o n s t r u c t e d a l o n g s i m i l a r l i n e s w i t h a c r i s i s which a r i s e s from the g r i e f o f . Meng Chiao over l o s i n g h i s c h i l d . The s p i r i t s of the e a r t h take p i t y on him and in form God of h i s p l i g h t , and a f t e r -another f u s e c t i o n i n which God d i s c u s s e s the problems of r e a r i n g c h i l d r e n , the problem i s h a p p i l y r e s o l v e d by Meng Chiao t a k i n g cheer i n the s p i r i t t o r t o i s e ' s m e s s a g e . • -The f u l l e s t development of Han Y t l ' s dramat ic s k i l l i s found i n h i s " L u n a r E c l i p s e " i n which, the c r i s i s i s the s w a l l o w i n g kl of the moon by the demon toad. Ly T'ung seeks to move the powers above and after enumerating the faults of the heavenly guardians, succeeds i n causing God to destroy the monster that plagues the world. ^  In a l l of these works Han Y11 creates poems i n which a l l of his talents for narration of high dramatic quality reach a level never before achieved i n Chinese poetry. One of the most common names that Chinese literary c r i t i c s give to the kind of poetry that Han Ytl and his friends wrote i s kuai-t'i shih or 'poetry of weird form,* and even the accidental reader would most li k e l y agree that European literature has few works that can competeein strangeness with Han's creations. But the word !Ruai which is applied to Han's poetry connotes even more than something out of the ordinary, for one frequently finds i t used when describing the phenomena of the s p i r i t world, a realm truly beyond the limits of our everyday experience. Han Ytl's otherworldly weirdness i s what distinguishes him most clearly from the merely unusual In occidental or Chinese literature. To better understand Han Ytl's place i n Chinese literature, i t would be best to briefly review the place of the weird and supernatural i n the intellectual and literary history of China. The unearthly was definitely beyond the concern of the early Confucian!sts, for with the exception of certain omens, there are very few supernatural phenomena recorded i n Confucius* Analects, Mengtzu,or Hstl-fcttiyt) and the later mixture of Hn-yang thought with Confucianism in the Han period by such thinkers as Tung Chung-Shu was a serious departure:from orthodox Eonfucianism in the opinion of Han and. his contemporaries". ^ Thus, in the earliest times the weird and other-worldly were almost the complete monopoly of Taoists, a l -though Motzu also defended the belief in ghosts. The Chuangtzu and Llehtzu are- f u l l of tales about events beyond the realm of ordinary experience, and the later religious Taoist movement of Ko Hung and K'ou Ch'ien-chih became greatly absorbed i n the world of spirits and ghosts. With the introduction of Buddhism in late Han times the Chinese were further exposed to the mythological tradition of India, which deeply enriched the already existing stock of legends and superstitions. The mythology of Taoism and Buddhism permeated most of the literature of the North-South period, and although poetry tended to keep more free of such influences, the genre of yu-hsien shlh or 'poems on wanderings among the immortals' became very popular among the l i t e r a t i . There was a great interest in recording strange and unnatural events, which resulted i n scholars vying to create com-pilations of weird tales such as the Sou Shen Chi (Record  of an Enquiry into the Spiritual), Ling Kuel Chih (Monograph  on Spirits and Devils), etc. One of these compendia Hou Sou Shen Chi (Continuation of a Record of an Inquiry into'  the Spiritual) was attributed to such a hero of Confucian scholars as T'ao Ytlan-ming. Although the interest i n k3 such works never died down completely i n China, i t i s no coincidence that there was a great revival of interest in ch'uan-ch'l tales during Han. Ytl's time, and one of the poet's closest friends, Shen Ya-chih, wrote such stories as "The Record of a Strange Dream" and "Record of a Dream of Ch'in."?? The craze for tales on supernatural topics in T'ang times led to the writing of large collections of these works, such as."The Record of the Mysterious and Weird" by the prominent statesman Niu Seng-ju and a con-tinuation of this by L i Pu-yen.?^ When Han Ytl wrote poems about weird subjects, he was no doubt reflecting a much wider interest i n super-natural things during middle T'ang times. Other than Han Ytl's poetry the, most important reflection of this interest in upper class literature i s the ch'uan-ch'l tale, a liter a r y tradition which most l i k e l y affected Han Ytl's interest i n the supernatural. Although a serious scholar such as Han would not be l i k e l y to discuss his reading of such frivolous literature as the ch'uan-ch'1, such a poem as his "After Reading the Miscellaneous Affairs of Tung-fang Shuo" was possibly inspired by his reading of a story about the Han poet, whose famous antics made him a favorite among tale writers, the earliest example being the Han Wu  Ti Nel Chuan7^ Han's work "Record of a Dream" may also be influenced by.the ch'Uan-ch'1 tradition, for the strange experiences of dream l i f e and particularly encounters with immortals in dreams were favorite topics of the T'ang 44 novella writers. 1 However, much 'f Han Ytl's interest i n the super-natural was influenced by the ch * uan^ch'1 short stories, we should not ignore the major differences between his poems and the tales of the T'ang dynasty. The majority of tales which survive from this period were extremely finely polished works with more attention given to form and style than effective narration, which compels one to say that they s t i l l had close connections with the more aristocratic literary conventions of early T'ang. Han Ytl'! poetry i s quite the opposite i n style, one of i t s most striking features being the disdain for the literary forms of earlier Chinese verse. In addition, the authors of the ch'uan-ch'1 frequently managed to attach some romantic element to their interest i n the supernatural, and even wrote about love affairs between mortals,^° i n Han Ytl's poetry one cannot even find the slightest hint of an interest in romantic love, a theme which was not f u l l y developed u n t i l late T'ang times in poetry. The most important source of the weird and super-natural i n Han Ytl's verse was not the aristocratic ch'uan- ch' 1 tradltlon, but rather the superstitions of the common people of China. In fact, one of Han Ytl's most original contributions to Chinese poetry was his u t i l i z a t i o n of popular beliefs, for prior to his time, few poets delved into this rich storehouse of literary material. The M Ch'u Tz'u, of course, contains many elements of the mythology of southern China,^1 but since the beliefs of Ch'u were foreign to the cultured peoples of the north, relatively l i t t l e use was made of the Ch'u mythological material by later poets. The authors of the Han f u were almost entirely concerned with the imperial court, and even in the North-South period when popular Taoism began to influence upper class poetry,: most Taoist references were limited to stereotyped images of immortals and their paradises. Even the poetry of L i Po, which uses religious Taoism as i t s theme, i s largely restricted to the aristocratic practices of alchemy and the search for Immortality. When we come down to middle T'ang times, we find that poets of the New Ytleh-fu Movement displayed some interest i n peasant beliefs, but usually their main purpose was to ridicule the super-stitions of the lower classes and not to use them as 8 ? source material for their poetry. Han Ytl's treatment of popular superstition i s com-pletely opposed to the practices of the New Ytleh-fu poets, for although he made fun of religious Taoiam in such poems as his " G i r l of Mount Hua" and "The Son of Family X", his dominant approach i s to use peasant beliefs as raw material for his poetry. Thus, theprimitive belief that lunar eclipses are caused by a giant toad which swallows the moon^provides him with the framework around which to build his masterpiece "Poem of the Lunar Eclipse," 83 and super-stitions about owls are the main topic of his two works, 46 "The Tame F o x " 8 2 4 , and "The S i c k 0 w l , " 8 5 w h i l e shamanis t i c b e l i e f s about dream t r a v e l i n the l a n d of the immortals afre the s u b j e c t of h i s "Record of a Dream." 8 6 Never before had any Chinese poet e x p l o r e d the realm of p o p u l a r b e l i e f s as e x t e n s i v e l y and w i t h as much sympathy as Han Ytl . I n f a c t , the e n t i r e s e t t i n g of most of the poems i s the crude v i s i o n of the u n i v e r s e most l i k e l y h e l d by the m a j o r i t y of the lower c l a s s e s of T ' a n g t i m e s . Heaven above i s r u l e d over by the b e n e f i c e n t T ' l e n Kung or Duke of H e a v e n , 8 ? who Is a T 'ang c o u n t e r p a r t of the modern T ' l e n Lao Ye or Old Man.Heaven, and the f o u r d i r e c t i o n s of the s k i e s are guarded by t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e s p i r i t ; ' b e a s t s . 0 0 The ground below i s under the charge of the T i C h ' i , 8 % ' ; w h i l e the H s i Wang Mu has her e x t e n s i v e domain i n the w i l d • r e g i o n s of west China .90 V a r i o u s s u p e r n a t u r a l an imals such as the t o r t o i s e and b l a c k b i r d m a i n t a i n communications be-tween heaven and e a r t h,^1a n d God f r e q u e n t l y expresses h i s wishes to men below by a grea t v a r i e t y of o m e n s . ^ I t i s good t h a t there are so many b e n e f i c i a l gods and s p i r i t s , f o r they must keep i n check the hos t of demons and e v i l beasts which t h r e a t e n the e x i s t e n c e of mankind and even the u n i v e r s e . But a l t h o u g h the power of the gods i s g r e a t , e v e r y t h i n g i s under the sway of M i n g , t h a t i n e x o r a b l e f a t e which l a y s low both the weakest man and the most m a j e s t i c . of gods. The most s t a r t l i n g t h i n g about t h i s peasant v i s i o n of the u n i v e r s e which f i n d s e x p r e s s i o n i n Han Yt l ' s p o e t r y »7 i s t h a t Kan i s the l i t e r a r y f i g u r e of China whom we would l e a s t expect to use such m a t e r i a l . H i s l o v e of peasant s u p e r s t i t i o n i s a lmost i m p o s s i b l e to e x p l a i n i f one i s m a i n l y f a m i l i a r w i t h h i s prose e s sa ys , as most Chinese readers a r e , f o r i n these works he emerges as a r i g i d , p u r i t a n i c a l C o n f u c i a n , who h e a r t i l y agrees w i t h Confuc ius* famous dic tum to " r e s p e c t demons and s p i r i t s but s tay f a r from them." S u r e l y a "man of the people" such as Po Cht l -y i would be more expected to use p o p u l a r b e l i e f s i n h i s p o e t r y than the $our C o n f u c i a n Han 3H1. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i f we make a c a r e f u l survey of h i s prose w o r k s , we f i n d a number of p i e c e s which may e n l i g h t e n us about h i s i n t e r e s t s . i n the w o r l d of s p i r i t s , the most important b e i n g h i s " S a c r i f i c e to the C r o c o d l l e s " 9 3 and " T a b l e t on the S p i r i t of the South Seas"9k a l o n g w i t h a few minor works about s a c r i f i c e s to s p i r i t s . I t might seem p u z z l i n g why a C o n f u c i a n s c h o l a r would w r i t e such prose e s s a y s , but a l l d i f f i c u l t i e s d i s a p p e a r when one r e a l i z e s t h a t a l l of these works have a v e r y grea t re levance to the w e l f a r e of the empire . " S a c r i f i c e to the C r o c o d i l e s " was w r i t t e n to r e l i e v e the people of a r e g i o n d i s t a n t f rom-the c o u r t of the harm done to them and t h e i r l i v e s t o c k by v i c i o u s c r o c o d i l e s , an a c t which would s u r e l y enhance the p r e s t i g e of the i m p e r i a l house i n an a r e a n o r m a l l y hard to keep under c o n t r o l . "The T a b l e t on the S p i r i t of the South Seas" i s i n t i m a t e l y connected w i t h the i m p e r i a l c u l t , f o r the purpose of t h i s work i s the enfeoffment of the god of the South Seas, an act which would make hiVn subservient to the Son of Heaven thereby increasing the glory of the central government. Thus, i n order to gain the respect of the people it was necessary for the various minor gods and spirits to work. in harmony with the government,, and Han Ytl's interest i n popular cults in these prose essays i s quite proper for a Confucian gentleman who wishes to serve the best interests of the state. In addition to i t s connection with the imperial court, popular belief had another great significance to Han Ytl. Until,his time the mythologies of Buddhism and, Taoism had been the two most important sources for imagina-tive material i n Chinese verse, for the serious nature of Confucianism was i l l adapted to the flights of fancy so dear to a poet. However, Han Ytl was violently opposed to the corrupting influence of the foreign religion Buddhism, and even Taoism was seen as a very unhealthy influence upon Chinese'life. Oh the' other hand, there were many primitive beliefs among the peasants which had obviously existed long before they were perverted by unorthodox thought. In his search for the weird arid supernatural, Han would be reluctant to make use of Taoism of Buddhism, for his s t r i c t Confucianism forbade that, but he could and did delve into the huge body of peasant beliefs which were s t i i l largely "pure" of the evil, influence of non-Confucian religions. ' Popular mythology was the primary origin of most of the weird creatures and events recorded i n Han's verse, but k9 Han's f e r t i l e imagination supplied many details which are completely his own invention. The main subject of one of his weirdest works, "Poem of the Two Birds," does not originate in either the literary tradition of earlier times or the beliefs of the common people,95 Although . such a completely original composition i s the exception rather than the rule, Han Ytl's imagination heightens the weirdness of his works even when the original source i s known to us. For example, the belief in the malaria demon is of popular-:origins, and his poem on the subject i s 06 connected with the "Nine Songs" of the Ch'u Tz'u, 7 but by twisting the poem into one of s p i r i t exorcism instead of the spirit-beckoning of the originals, he creates a , work far weirder than any of the raw materials which go into i t s making. Even such an everyday experience as eating as described in his "On F i r s t Eating Southern Food" can be turned into a bizarre adventure with the use of peasant food lore and much individual Inventiveness.9? Despite the strangeness of Han Ytl's verse, his works do not repel the reader mainly because of their often very humorous mood, a t r a i t which i s unfortunately missing In most of the great poetry of both East and West. In fact, due to their very infrequent mention of Chinese humor, i t seems that most occidental writers hold the view that the Asians are capable of l i t t l e more than an occasional Inscrutable smile, but when we examine the Chinese literary tradition we find the exact opposite to 50 be t r u e . I n the e a r l i e s t t imes , even the Confucians were not averse to a chuck le now and a g a i n , and the v a r i o u s s a t i r i c a l passages of Mencius were o b v i o u s l y in tended to e l i c i t l a u g h t e r . However, the Confuc ians were on the whole a r a t h e r s e r i o u s l o t , and most of Chou humor seems to have been the p r o p e r t y of T a o i s t s such as Chuangtzu, whose spoofs on Confuc ianism do not f a i l to have an e f f e c t on us more than two thousand years a f t e r they were w r i t t e n . Wi th the North-South p e r i o d humorous l i t e r a t u r e reached a h i g h p o i n t i n the S h i h Shuo H s l n Y u , which was compiled a t the c o u r t of L i u Y i - c h ' i n g and c o n s i s t e d of anecdotes about famous s c h o l a r s of l a t e Han and e a r l y Nor th-South times.98 Toward the end of t h i s age s c h o l a r s began making c o l l e c t i o n s of t h e i r f a v o r i t e Jokes , such as the now f r a g -mentary H s i a o L i n (Grove of Jokes) and C h ' i Yen Lu (Record  of Smiles) .99 From t h i s time onward authors cont inued to gather p o p u l a r jokes and p u b l i s h .them i n s i m i l a r c o l l e c t i o n s or as p a r t of t h e i r p i c h i (notebooks) ; However, up to the time of Han Ytl humor i n upper c l a s s p o e t r y had been q u i t e r e s t r i c t e d i n i t s scope. One approach t h a t might b e . c a l l e d Confuc ian i s t y p i f i e d by the works of Po Cht l -y i where i n such poems as h i s "Wife of the S a l t Merchant" b i t i n g ye t humorous s a t i r e d e l i v e r s an a t t a c k a g a i n s t c o r r u p t i o n and o p p r e s s i o n . 1 0 0 The second approach i s t y p i c a l l y T a o i s t i n i t s a p p e a l to the l o v e of w i l d n e s s i n u s , as we can see from a 51 few lines i n Tu Fu's early poem, "The Eight Immortals of Drink": ' Ho Chih-£hang rides his horse like he's riding a boat; His eyes foggy, he f a l l s into a well and sleeps under water. Li Chih drinks three quarts before he attends court; On the road he meets a wine cart, and his mouth runs with s a l i v a . " 1 0 1 Prior to mid-T'ang times the Confucian and Taoist variety of humor were the most dominant ones in Chinese l i t e r a t i poetry. Although Han Ytl uses both of these forms of humor in his own verse, his greatest specialty i s a brand of humor which one might best describe as absurd or whimsical. In his poem "On Meng Chiao Losing a Son" we are confronted with the absurd image of a clumsy tortoise who plays the part of messenger of the gods as he f l i e s through heaven and afterwards crashes headlong through Meng Chiao's window to deliver God's m e s s a g e . I n his "On F i r s t Eating Southern Food" one laughs at the whimsy of a poem i n which the snake which i s to be eaten turns on the eater and chases him about the room.10^ Han's poem "After Reading the Miscellaneous Affairs of Turig-fang Shuo" presents the pic-ture of a stupid Hsi Wang Mu with cloddish guards who guffaw at the destructive pranks of Tung-fang Shuo, an image 52 ironically at variance with the traditional radiantly beautiful Queen Mother of the W e s t . A n d i n the "Satire on Snoring" the snoring of a Buddhist monk i s compared to the anguished cries of sinners i n the deepest h e l l . 1 0 ^ In a l l of these works, we find the same exaggeration and whimsy which gives rise to an absurb humor never before found in Chinese literature. At times, however, this absurd humor takes on a touch of the macabre. In Han's work "Falling Teeth" we laugh at the image of a man whose teeth have nearly a l l fallen out, but after the f i r s t impression of mirth, we note the tragedy in the poem.10^ The aging process sym-bolized by the f a l l i n g of teeth i s not something normally joked about in T'ang and pre-T'ang times, and, i n fact, the terror of old age and death i s a favorite topic of the poets of the North-South period. The death of children ("On Meng Chiao Losing a Son"),10"^ the scourge of malaria ("I Reprimand the Malaria Demon"),poisonous snakes that turn on those who would eat them ("When I Fi r s t Ate Southern F o o d " ) , a n d snores that sound like the piteous cries of damned sinners ("Satire on Snoring"), are scarcely topics which one would expect tojappear in ordinary j o k e s . 1 1 0 When we read these works we experience a lingering feeling of uneasiness which stays with us long after the laughter dies away, for Han Ytl i s a master at that subtle combina-tion of both tragedy and comedy which distinguishes great authors of a l l cultures. 53 . . Han Ytl's tragic humor gives us the essential clue we need to understand his view of the universe. The world that lives i n the works of Han Ytl i s f i l l e d with e v i l forces that threaten on a l l sides. One of the most horrible forms of this e v i l i s the host of supernatural monsters which continually threaten the orderly existence of mankind and the universe i t s e l f . A huge monstrous toad bypasses a l l the safeguards of heaven and swallows the moon ("Lunar Eclipse"), 1-'- 1 while two birds threaten the continuation of a l l the natural cycles of the universe ("Poem of the Two B i r d s " ) , 1 1 2 The natural environment Itself i s inhospitable to mankind, and the bitter cold of early spring threatens to destroy a l l l i v i n g creatures ("I Complain of the Cold"). 1 Minor e v i l creatures lurk everywhere? owls glare e v i l l y in the dark of night ("Tame Fox"), 1 1^ and the malaria demon spreads plague among the people ("I Reprimand the Malaria Demon".)..11-' Mankind is also infected by the evils of the universe; ignorant and vain people depend upon the mysteries of the Taoist superstitions ("The G i r l of Mount Hua"), 1 1^ and some are so foolish as to be willing to starve i n the mountains to gain an enlightenment impossible to obtain ("The Son of Family X"). 1 1? The p o l i t i c a l system i s so corrupt that good men such as Master T'ung must suffer the humiliation of poverty and lowly position throughout their entire lives ("Ballad of Oh! Master T"ung"). 1 1 8 Even the gods themselves such as the Queen Mother of the West and Duke of Heaven are subject to the same pettiness as the 5k miserable wretches who inhabit the loathsome earth under their command.1"^ The most terrifying aspect of this e v i l i s that i t i s impossible for man to either alter i t or escape from i t , for a l l are controlled by an inexorable Fate. God argues that he cannot help Meng Chiao i n his grief, for everything i n the world i s fated and the Gods are without power ("On Meng Chiao Losing a Son"), 1 2 0 and even a being as noble as the moon is incapable of escaping the disgrace of being swallowed and vomited up by a monster toad ("Lunar E c l i p s e " ) . 1 2 1 Man, of course, i s even more subject to the dictates of Ming, and although he has gained the approbation of God, Master Tung finds the path to o f f i c i a l success completely barred to himself ("Ballad of Ohf Master T'ung") 1 2 2 Even Kan Ytl himself helplessly watches the irreversible f a l l i n g out of his teeth, which symbolizes to him the in-evit a b i l i t y of his death. 1 2 3 What made the doctrine of Ming even more terrifying to Han Ytl was that he did not believe i n the traditional escapes open to earlier Chinese, The Taoist refuge of celestial paradises and the e l i x i r of immortality i s a' fraud; the g i r l of Mount Hua cannot rescue the people who lavish so much wealth on her,,and the immortal whom Han meets i n his dream is an imposter, incapable of giving his disciples the secrets of longevity and taking advantage of their reverence for him ("Record of a Dream").12^ Buddhism is of. no use to those who would escape the sorrows of the 55 world, and Han finds i t so despicable that he rarely mentions the religion i n his poetry. What then is the path open to the man who would hope to preserve his sanity amid the horrors of l i f e , as Han obviously did during his long and productive lite r a r y career? The only answer which seems satisfactory to Han is good-humored resignation. When Meng Chiao*s son died Han Yu did not send himaa poem of sympathy but rather a work which was designed to make him l a u g h . H a n knows that his years are limited but he finds the f a l l i n g of his teeth to be highly amusing and even tries to spread the mirth to his family.^6 Even the e v i l forces which threaten the universe seem comical; although the giant toad attempts to destroy the moon, Han Ytl's description of i t as an oafish creature with a stomach bulging with celestial bodies turns the hideous creature into a comical character. 1^? The two birds which would destroy the order of the universe are also ludicrous animals, chirping away a l l the way u n t i l the end of the w o r l d . T h e corruption of mankind i s viewed humorously, for who can f a i l to laugh at the ignorant rabble who crowd about the temple of the g i r l of Mount Hua1^9 o r the vainness of the man who retires to the mountains to seek immortality ("Son of Family X")?-^ Although the world i s a corrupt,and e v i l place i t Is s t i l l a hilarious spectacle. Han Ytl did not need the escapes of Taoist tranquility of Buddhist extinction to rise above 56 the terrors of existence, for he i s able to confront existence with a laugh. Although Han Ytl was an extremely original writer, he owes much to the long tradition of poetic writing prior to the T'ang dynasty. The two earliest mainstreams of Chinese literature are represented by the Shih Ching and Ch'u Tz'u, and since each of these collections i s quite different from the other and each had a long line of descendants i n Chinese literature, i t would be best to ascertain what the influence of these literary traditions were upon Han Ytl. Although i t i s d i f f i c u l t to make ar-bitrary divisions between the Shih Ching and Ch'u Tz'u literary traditions in China, i t i s quite possible to trace their direct line of descent well into the North-South period, when the introduction of Indian influence through Buddhism further complicated the picture. The Shih Ching traditionwas the inspiration of the early folk songs of Chou and Han times, which in turn gave rise to the whole literature of shih poetry of later eras. On the other hand, the Ch'u Tz'u developed into the Han fu, which was the dominant form of serious poetry i n the Han dynasty, and which evolved into the short fu so important to the literature of the North-South period. By the time we reach the T'ang dynasty the shih and sao traditions be-come less easy to separate, but, nevertheless, they con-tinued to exert the greatest influence upon Chinese l i t e r a -ture. , 5 7 Ones/ immediate impulse would be to ascribe Han Ytl to the Shih Ching tradition, for most of his poetic writing i s in. the shih form, but we have already noted that i n his techniques his poetry varies enormously from the standard of shih writing i n earlier periods. Although i t i s absurd to make hair-splitting divisions, one can safely conclude that Han owed more to the sao style of poetry i n China than any other writer of shih verse. Han's quest for unusual language bears a strange resemblance to the philo-logical excesses of Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju and the host of fu writers that followed him i n later Han times. When Han breaks through the limits of normal shih stanza patterns, one has the impression that he i s searching for a quality more akin to the prose-like fu of the North-South period. We have already shown his constant use of the fu technique in. shih poetry, where he rivals the Han poets in his tendency to run through a long l i s t of the objects he wishes to describe. In his interest i n the unusual and grotesque Han Ytl greatly resembles the poets of the Ch'u  Tz'u, and i t i s highly significant that much of the strange world of the sao poets was drawn from the mythology of the common people of Ch'u much as Han Ytl's weird universe was inspired by the superstitions of the T'ang peasants. Even Han's view of the world around him seems somewhat influenced by the sao poets, for although they failed to see any humor i n the universe, they would agree with Han about the e v i l monsters which l i e in wait for luckless human beings. . ' 58 More than any other shih poet before, Han Ytl absorbed the influence of the sao writers and created an ideal compromise between the Shih Ching and Ch'u Tz'u traditions In Chinese literature. There i s l i t t l e i n the shih poetry written from the end of Han through the early T'ang which seems to have had any marked influence upon the works of Han Ytl. This whole period of liter a r y history was regarded as one long dark age by our author, as can be seen i n his rejection of i t s prose standards i n his ancient prose movement. Particu-l a r l y distasteful to him was the important position which the foreign "heresy" Buddhism had i n this age, and yet when one reads Han Htl's works, one suspects that he received much from the great flood of Sanskrit materials, which was translated into Chinese from the late Han onward. Han never admits any knowledge of the Sanskrit tradition, so we must search beneath the surface to discover whatever contact he had with Chinese Buddhist literature. The most positive evidence that Han knew something of Chinese Buddhist translations Is provided by his celebrated work, "PoemL of the Southern Mountain," which has always infuriated conservative c r i t i c s for i t s flouting of the rules of Chinese verse writing.-^l one of the most daring innovations i n this poem i s the use of the word huo 'some' at the beginning of fifty-one successive lines to describe the shapes of the various mountains i n the Nanshan Range. Such a device would have been severely censured i n even a 5 9 prose essay, but In shih poetry, where a l l repetition of words was studiously avoided, i t was outrageous. Nowhere i n the verse of the Chinese l i t e r a t i can we find a precedent to such a usage, but i n Buddhist trans-lations of Sanskrit works, this device i s not completely avoided. One of the best examples of repetitions of the word huo at the beginning of each line i s found i n T'an-wu-ch'an's translation of Asvaghosa's Buddhacarita (Fo-Suo-Hsing Tsuan), where In the "Chapter on the Destruc-tion of Devils" the translator uses the word huo over f i f t y times at the head of each line to describe the various kinds of demons which swarm about Gautama to disturb him from his m e d i t a t i o n . 2 Such a monotonous sequence of words was no doubt occasioned by a passage i n the original Sanskrit i n which the word kascit or kacit occurred i n each line, although In Sanskrit poetry the word kascit did not have to be placed at the beginning of each line as in Chinese, due to the greater f l e x i b i l i t y of word order i n Sanskrit.*33 The extensive use of the word hup i n Chinese translations of Buddhist work i s , of course, not limited.to the Buddhacari ta, and another work in which such tendencies are to be observed i s Shih Ch'a Nan T'o's translation of the Avatamsaka Sutra during the Northern Chou dynasty, which i s of extreme interest when we recall Han Ytl's possible associations with the Avatamsaka master Ch'eng Kuan.-^^ j n none of Han's works does he admit to having read any 60 Buddhist translations, so that i t w i l l most l i k e l y be impossible to trace d e f i n i t e l y his relationship with the r e l i g i o n , but i f we take into account his warm friendship . with a number of Buddhist monks and the evidence to be found i n his "Poem of the South Mountains" we are quite j u s t i f i e d i n asserting that the Buddhist l i t e r a t u r e of China had some influence upon the poetry which he wrote. Possibly even more important i n i t s influence upon the poetry of Han Yu than the Buddhist translations was the great mass of popular l i t e r a t u r e i n s p i r e d by the Buddhist r e l i g i o n and secular t r a d i t i o n s . I t i s highly unfortunate that the only pieces which remain from the f o l k t r a d i t i o n survive from f a r - o f f Tun Huang, f o r as Waley implies i n his work on pien-wen there was most l i k e l y a very extensive body of f o l k l i t e r a t u r e composed i n each area of China, and the Tun Huang material has been preserved only because of the favorable climate i n northwestern China.135 Thus, when we attempt to trace what possible influence f o l k l i t e r a t u r e had upon Han Ytl we are not only handicapped by his upper class attitudes which prevented him and other Chinese l i t e r a t i from even mentioning pien-wen but also by an almost t o t a l lack of the actual materials which may have inspired him. Nevertheless, i f we take the Tun Huang materials as representative of the whole f o l k tradition i n China, as they very l i k e l y were, we can observe t h e i r possible influence on the verse of Han Ytl. We have already noted 61 the complete absence of precedent for the prosy poetic line of Han Ytl among the l i t e r a t i poets of China, and i t i s no mere accident that the pien-wen materials closely resemble Han Ytl's line in their looseness achieved by the use of particles, repetition, and advoidance of literary allusion. In the "Mu-lien Pien Wen" the long descriptive passages i n verse of the various hells which Maudgalyana passes through in the search of his mother, are not only typical of Indian kavya literature but also strangely similar to the fu passages already found to be a. typical feature of Han Ytl's verse. 136 A l l of pi en-wen poetry i s basically narrative i n style as i s the long Verse of India, and the existence of a large body of popular narrative poetry may help to explain the otherwise insoluble tendency of Han Ytl to go against the mainstream of Chinese upper class literature by using his longer ku-shih as a vehicle of narration. At a time when the court poets of China were writing about maidens languishing i n the harem, the pi:en-wen poets were already displaying the interest i n the weird and supernatural which was later so dominant i n the poetry of Han Ytl's school, and when we peruse the Buddhist miracle pieces or such a secular work as "The Wizard Yeh Ching Neng," we perceive that the folk poets of early T'ang times could very well have played a part i n the formation of middle T'ang tastes.137 We have already shown how important folk beliefs were in Han Ytl's verse, and after a study of the pien-wen i t i s very tempting, indeed, to 6 2 propose that some of the subject matter of Han's verse which i s not derived from l i t e r a t i sources actually comes from some long lost product of Chinese folk' poetry. Last of a l l , Han Ytl's use of humor as a dominant element i n his verse i s d i f f i c u l t to explain without reference to works written outside the mainstream of upper class poetry. It is well known that previous Chinese poets such as T'ao Ch'ien, Tu Fu, and L i Po were not completely lacking in a sense of humor, but the all-important role which humor has i n the works of Han Ytl can only make us look outside the mainstream of Chinese literature to Buddhist monks such as Han Shan and folk works typified by the "Swallow and the Sparrow" where the humorous treatment i s much broader than anything found in the literatus tradition. It i s unfortunate that a l l of the evidence which , we present for the influence of the pi en-wen writers upon Han Ytl's school poses problems which w i l l probably remain insoluble forever. Unless new manuscripts come to light i n areas in eastern China, a rather unlikely event, we w i l l never know what the specific stories were which inspired Han, and even then we would be severely limited by his own failure to illuminate us as to the sources for his revolu-tionary poetic style. Perhaps, Han himself was not f u l l y conscious himself of the folk traditions whjch had moulded his literary outlook, and when he picked up his brush to create a new poem, he may not have recalled the joy which he f e l t as a boy sitting in the city market absorbing every word of the i l l i t e r a t e poetry of an itinerant story-teller. 63 Now that we have examined the various possible n o n - l i t e r a t i sources f o r the poetry, of Han Ytl, i t would he best that, we attempt to discover what influences the upper class t r a d i t i o n of Chinese verse had upon the weird verse of Han with p a r t i c u l a r reference to the period immediately preceding the mid-T'ang age. The so-called Sheng T'ang period of Chinese l i t -erature which came before the time of Han was dominated by three p r i n c i p a l poets; Wang Wei, L i Po, and Tu Fu, and, thus, we must decide which of these three writers, i f any, exerted the greatest influence oh the poetry of the Yuan Ho period. We can almost immediately eliminate Wang Wei and h i s followers from the competition, f o r the kind of Buddhist nature poetry which they wrote i s b a s i c a l l y a descendant of the shan-shui verse of such North-South period authors as Hsleh Ling-ytln and i n style and subject matter bears absolutely no resemblance to the products.of Han Ytl and his school. A better case might be made for L i Po as an an-cestor of the Ytlan Ho s t y l e . His unrestrained and some-times humorous verse along with h i s i n t e r e s t i n alchemy and the immortals s u p e r f i c i a l l y resembles Han Ytl's penchant f o r humor and popular mythology. Nevertheless, we have already shown how the absurd brand of humor which char r acterizes Han Ytl i s considerably d i f f e r e n t from the form of humor to be found among the Taoists, and by no stretch of the imagination could we possibly envision Han Ytl 64 p l a y i n g the r o l e of a w i l d , a l c o h o l i c L i P o . Even more i m p o r t a n t , L i P o ' s I n t e r e s t s i n the immortals are q u i t e f a r removed from Han 's f a s c i n a t i o n w i t h p o p u l a r mythology, f o r a l c h e m i c a l concerns of L i Po are l a r g e l y d e r i v e d from the y u - h s l e n s h i h of the Nor th-South p e r i o d , a t r a d i t i o n which was of a r i s t o c r a t i c o r i g i n and , t h u s , t o t a l l y u n -connected to the f o l k l o r e which Han l o v e d so d e a r l y . L a s t of a l l , on s t y l i s t i c grounds a lone L i Po had l i t t l e i n f l u -ence upon Han, f o r we f i n d t h a t L i ' s poems r a r e l y d e v i a t e from the accepted p o e t i c forms of h i s age. The o n l y one of our three Shehg T 'ang authors whom we can prove had some form of s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e upon the Yuan-Ho movement of Han Yu i s C h i n a ' s most famous p o e t , Tu P u . I n h i s Ou P e l Sh ih Hua the famous C h ' i n g h i s t o r i a n and poet Chao Y i e l a b o r a t e d upon h i s t h e s i s t h a t Tu Fu was most important to the form of p o e t r y which Han Ytl developed! "By the time, of Han Ytl , L i Pp and Tu Fu were a l r e a d y before h i m , so a l t h o u g h he t r i e d h i s hardes t to make a change, he was not a b l e to open up a new p a t h . The o n l y p l a c e he c o u l d develop from were the w e i r d e r a s -pec ts of Tu F u ' s v e r s e , so he f i x e d h i s a t t e n t i o n on t h e s e , i n order to open a new r o a d , and e s t a b l i s h h i s Own s ty le ."139 The i m p l i c a t i o n i n Chao Y l ' s statement i s , of c o u r s e , t h a t L i Po and Tu Fu had exhausted a l l of the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r the c r e a t i o n of great p o e t r y , so the o n l y t h i n g Han. c o u l d do was make an attempt a t w e i r d e f f e c t s . Chad Y l ' s sent iments about the o r i g i n s of the 65 Han Ytl s t y l e have been echoed by a number of s c h o l a r s s i n c e h i s time and i t i s no s u r p r i s e t h a t A . C . Graham h i m s e l f agrees w i t h Chao t h a t the l a t e v e r s e of Tu Fu i s the depar ture p o i n t f o r the p o e t r y of a l l p o s t - A n Lu-shan Chinese l i t e r a t u r e . 1 ^ 0 I t i s not my wish to r e f u t e t h i s h i g h l y q u e s t i o n a b l e t h e s i s of Graham about the o r i g i n of the p o e t r y which cameafter Tu F u , but i t would be bes t i f we examine more c l o s e l y the debt which Han and h i s f r i e n d s owed to Tu F u . P r o b a b l y the most famous work of Tu Fu i s h i s " P e i Cheng S h i h " or "Poem on a T r i p to the N o r t h " i n which he d e s c r i b e s the d e s t r u c t i o n spread throughout the Chinese c o u n t r y s i d e due to c i v i l war and ends w i t h a moving r e u n i o n w i t h h i s f a m i l y a f t e r p a s s i n g through many h a r d s h i p s . T h i s poem i s not o n l y i n t e r e s t i n g to us because of i t s grea t fame, but a l s o because i t bears c e r t a i n resemblances to the work of Han Ytl and h i s s c h o o l . I n Tu F u * s " P e i Cheng S h i h " we can a l r e a d y see h i n t s of the u n c o n v e n t i o n a l ! t y of p o e t i c form which l a t e r was to become so dominant i n Ytlan-ho t i m e s . A l t h o u g h the r u l e s of caesura had been broken by o ther Chinese poets before Tu F u , i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t a l r e a d y i n h i s v e r s e we commonly f i n d l i n e s of the three - two p a t t e r n which we d i s c o v e r e d i n Han ' s work. But more important than t h i s i s t h a t Tu F u ' s " P e i Cheng S h i h " i s b a s i c a l l y a l o n g n a r r a t i v e poem about the authors exper iences i n time of war, and we have a l r e a d y remarked about the comparat ive 66 lack of long narrative verse in China before the time of Han Ytl.. It i s such deviations from traditional poetical form which made Chao Yi and other scholars such as Graham conclude that Tu Fu was•the father of the mid-T'ang style. However, when we more closely examine such a representative work as "Pel Cheng Shih" we come to realize the great gulf which separates the creations of Tu Fu from .those of Han Ytl. Even i n matters of poetic form the Innovations of Tu Fu presage l i t t l e of what Han Ytl attempted. The "Pel Cheng Shih" i s written in the strictest of feu'-shih form, with a l l rhymes and stanza patterns i n complete . agreement with what was dictated by traditional prosodic rules, and, in fact, i t would be d i f f i c u l t to find poems of Tu Fu which deviate far from the accepted standard of his age, except for lapses i n caesura. As far as Tu Fu's use of narration i s concerned, i t i s nowhere near as s k i l l -f u l as that of Han Ytl, for Tu Fu was s t i l l encumbered by the cumbersome, aliusion-studded line of the North-South period, and, thus, the flow of his story i s lost to the reader who must ponder about the meaning of each line before going onto the next. Tu.Fu had not yet discovered the ideal combination of prose and poetry in his poetic line, which was so effective in the narrative verse of Han Ytl. More important than differences in poetic form were the. diametrically opposite interests of the two poets Tu Fu and Han Ytl. Tu Fu has always been renowned for his humanism, which expressed i t s e l f In his sincere compassion for the 67 people of a l l classes who suffered from the ravages of the An Lu4shan Rebellion. Thus, a great number of Tu Fu's works describe the piteous fate of young men driven to war or of peasants who must s e l l t h e i r children i n order to stave o f f starvation. In Tu Fu's works one finds constant expression of his love f o r the r u l i n g dynasty and his hope that conditions can return to normal and the people l i v e once again i n peace and prosperity. Nothing could be further from the concerns of Han Yu. We can f i n d rare examples of poems i n which he ex-presses compassion f o r those victimized by oppressive rul e r s or v i c i o u s warfare, such as h i s "Pien-chou Luan" or "The Disorder at Pien-chou, , , J- C but i n very few of his works do we even f i n d a glimmer of s o c i a l concern akin to that of Tu Fu. To Han YU the weird creatures and demons, which roamed the earth were i n f i n i t e l y more i n t e r e s t i n g than the empty b e l l y of a peasant. Although both Tu Fu and Han Ytl were pessimistic and shared the b e l i e f i n an ordained fate common to the Chinese of T'ang, there were also great differences i n t h e i r out-look on l i f e as expressed i n t h e i r poetry. Although Tu Fu obviously believed that the world could be set r i g h t by the proper emperor guided by able ministers, he was s t i l l subject to the larg e l y unrelieved pessimism current i n Chinese poets from at r-least the North-South period. Although Tu Fu was capable of a hearty laugh i n his e a r l i e s t verse, as h i s h a i r began to grow white and h i s teeth f a l l out, he 68 was overwhelmed by the•same d i s m a l c o m p l a i n i n g a l r e a d y found i n the " N i n e t e e n A n c i e n t Poems" of Han t i m e s .^3 One c o u l d never c l a i m t h a t Han Ytl was b u b b l i n g w i t h the optimism which animates much o f the p o e t r y of n o r t h e r n Sung t i m e s , but a t l e a s t he has a l r e a d y moved away from the u n r e l i e v e d g r i p i n g which i s so annoying i n some e a r l i e r Chinese verse and even i n the p o e t r y of Han ' s f r i e n d Meng C h i a o . Although Han ' s t e e t h were f a l l i n g o u t , he c o u l d s t i l l manage a l a u g h , arid the o c c a s i o n of the death of Meng C h i a o ' s son d i d not send him i n t o a f i t of t e a r s as might have been expected i n e a r l i e r t i m e s . Han Ytl and Tu Fu are both t r a g i c p o e t s , but. Han Ytl c o u l d a t l e a s t s m i l e w h i l e he s u f f e r e d . A l l t h a t has been s a i d above, should make c l e a r t h a t we cannot accept Chao Y l ' s or Graham's t h e s i s about the p o s i t i o n of Tu Fu i n l a t e T 'ang l i t e r a t u r e w i t h o u t the s t r o n g e s t of r e s e r v a t i o n s . One cannot deny t h a t Han Ytl grabbed onto some of the more o r i g i n a l f e a t u r e s of Tu F u ' s p o e t i c form i n c r e a t i n g h i s own v e r s e , but the two, poets are so d i f f e r e n t from each o ther t h a t i t seems i m p o s s i b l e to say much more than t h i s . That Tu Fu was the p r i m a r y poet t h a t l e d to the New Ytleh-f u Movement of Po Cht l -y i i s obvious to a l l t h a t have read P b ' s w o r k s , but to c l a i m t h a t he a l s o i n s p i r e d Han Yt l ' s k u a i - t ' i s h i h ' i s / d i f f i c u l t to' m a i n t a i n . Han Yt l ' s p o e t i c movement came from n o n - l i t e r a t i sources and h i s own f e r t i l e i m a g i n a t i o n . The Yuan Ho p e r i o d i n which Han Ytl wrote much of 69 h i s verse i s one of the most complex ages i n the d e v e l o p -ment of Chinese l i t e r a t u r e , f o r we f i n d t h a t there were a t l e a s t two v e r y d i s t i n c t p o e t i c movements f l o u r i s h i n g , a t the same t i m e . The f i r s t of these was the New Y u e h - f u Movement, which centered around Po C h t l - y i , who i s bes t known f o r h i s p o e t r y of s o c i a l p r o t e s t , i n which he r e a l -i s t i c a l l y d e s c r i b e d the p l i g h t of the peasants i n p o s t -An L u - s h a n R e b e l l i o n C h i n a and b i t t e r l y c r i t i c i z e d the upper c l a s s e s who ground them i n t o p o v e r t y . S t y l i s t i c a l l y , Po moved away from the ponderous manner of Tu Fu and modeled h i s works on the s imple f o l k p o e t r y of the l a t e H a n . 3 ^ Yuan Chen, u s u a l l y c o n s i d e r e d next i n importance to Po C h t l - y i i n the New YJ&eJk-fu Movement and a c l o s e f r i e n d of h i s , wrote many of h i s poems i n d i r e c t i m i t a t i o n of the s t y l e p ioneered by P o , a l t h o u g h i n some of works , the e r r a t i c p r o s o d i c p a t t e r n s and the unusual s u b j e c t mat ter show t h a t he was a t l e a s t somewhat i n f l u e n c e d by the same s p i r i t t h a t produced w r i t e r s such as Ham. Y t l . C h a n g C h i , a l s o one of Po C h u - y i ' s most i n t i m a t e f r i e n d s , made few i n n o v a t i o n s i n the New YjCteh-fu s t y l e of P o , but s t r a n g e l y enough kept up a warm f r i e n d s h i p , w i t h Han Ytl and h i s a s s o c i a t e s . D e s p i t e Han ' s h i g h regard f o r Chang, he does not seem to have absorbed any i n f l u e n c e from the old^i b l i n d p o e t , and, i n g e n e r a l , we can say t h a t Hah and h i s c o t e r i e had v e r y l i t t l e i n common w i t h the authors of the New Yt leh- fu Movement, A man as i n f l u e n t i a l i n the government and l i t e r a r y ?o affairs such as Han Yu could not f a i l to attract a very-large following of l i t e r a t i , i n the course of his o f f i c i a l career Han befriended a large number of highly.educated men, although many of these were obviously l i t t l e influenced by their association with him, a notable example being Chang Chi, whom we have already mentioned. Not a l l of the writers of the middle T'ang period were influenced by a l l aspects of his lite r a r y innovations, and for many authors his labors in the area of prose reform were more significant than his poetical achievements. The most famous example of such a writer i s Liu Tsung-ytlan, who was probably stimulated by the ku-wen style of Han Yu but does not seem to have been very Impressed by Han's unorthodox poetry, continuing to write i n a style very, much his own. Other of Han's friends, who further developed the ku-wen movement, l e f t l i t t l e poetry behind; among them were such prose essayists and Confucian revivalists as Huang-fu Shih and L i Ao along with the ch'uan-ch'1 story writer Shen Ya-chih. Although Han's innovations in prose writing found many followers in middle T'ang, his *poetry also played an important part i n the literature of the times, and the group of poets who centered around him comprised the second important literary movement of mid-T'ang times. Among those usually l i s t e d as being of Han Ytl's movement are Meng Chiao, Lu T'ung, Chia Tao, Liu Ch'a, Ma Yi, and occasionally Li Ho. Both Liu Ch'a and Ma Yi unmistakably belonged to Han Ytl's l i t e r a r y group, but unfortunately l i t t l e of their poetry has 71 survived, and although what remains i s of excellent quality, thepaucity of materials does not seem to justify any ex-tended research. 1^ Chiao Tao, who was a Buddhist monk whom Han Ytl convinced to return to the l a i t y , has been shown to have l i t t l e i n common with Han Y t l , although he was a close associate of the master after Meng Chiao's death, and his greatest importance l i e s i n his influence on late T'ang nature poetry, a topic of l i t t l e relevance to Han Ytl's l i t e r a r y movement.Altogether three major poets, Meng Chiao, Lu T'ung, and L i Ho remain in our l i s t , and since they were a l l deeply influenced by Han Ytl, we shall discuss their debt to him in more detail. The poet who has fared best with traditional Chinese c r i t i c s among those of Han Ytl's coterie i s Meng Chiao. He was the oldest of the group, born at Wu K'ang in 7 5 1 i seventeen years before Hah Ytl himself. Meng was Han's closest friend, and more of Han's verse i s addressed to him than any other person.' Like most of Han's friends, Meng was of a very poor background, and since he did not pass the chin-shih examination until he was f i f t y , he was prevented from occupying anything but minor posts during , his old age. His family l i f e was equally disappointing, for none of his children outlived him, most of them dying only a few weeks after birth. He preceded his friend Han to death by ten years, passing away i n poverty in S l ^ . 1 ^ 8 Typical of his work i s Meng's second poem in a series of fifteen entitled "Autumn Thoughts": .72. "The autumn moon's face t u r n s to i c e ; An o l d wanderer, my w i l l i s exhausted. The c o l d dew d r i p s , d e s t r o y i n g my dreams; The .harsh wind brushes my bones c o l d . On my bed are p r i n t e d the marks-of d i s e a s e ; I n my b e l l y my sorrows t u r n and t w i s t . My b r e a s t , f i l l e d w i t h doubt , can r e l y on n o t h i n g ; I l i s t e n e m p t i l y , f o r no reason a t a l l . The c a t a l p a , w i t h e r e d , towers above; 1^ 9 I t . sounds and resounds l i k e mournfu l p l u c k i n g . " I n t h i s work Meng C h l a o ' s use of d a r i n g and unusual language i s s i m i l a r to much of what we have a l r e a d y found i n Han Yt l . Such l ine ' s as " the harsh wind brushes my bones c o l d " a l -though not t e r r i b l y unusual by Western s t a n d a r d s , would have been c o n s i d e r e d v u l g a r by most e a r l i e r Chinese w r i t e r s . The s u b j e c t , autumn, i s a l s o common enough i n e a r l i e r w r i t i n g s , but Meng C h i a o ' s d e s c r i p t i o n of the season suggests s i n i s t e r q u a l i t i e s never before encountered i n Chinese v e r s e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , Meng's p o e t r y i s q u i t e d i s t i n c t i v e from H a n ' s and c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s i n n o v a t i v e . On the whole , he observes a l l of the r u l e s of, a n c i e n t Chinese prosody,- f o r there are no d a r i n g depar tures from accepted s tanza p a t t e r n s and rhyme schemes. H i s s u b j e c t mat ter I s l a r g e l y l i m i t e d to . the more t r a d i t i o n a l t o p i c s , and there are no poems i n which he at tempts any form of n a r r a t i o n . Meng C h i a o ' s b i t t e r exper iences i n o f f i c i a l l i f e and the e a r l y . l o s s of h i s 73 children seem to have prevented him from being infected by Han Ytl's humor, and his continual laments become ex-tremely wearisome, a fact which brought down the scorn of Su Shih who was greatly i r r i t a t e d by Meng Chiao's "cold cic>a<da's cry." The result of this was that the more pedantic c r i t i c s of post-Sung times usually considered Meng to be a much better poet than Han or the other members of his group. A c r i t i c of the twentieth century would most li k e l y reverse their verdict, and yet we must f u l l y re-cognize the great importance of the elder Meng i n paving the way for the s t i l l more daring experiments of Han Ytl in unusual language. The poet Lu T'ung was the closest in style to Han Ytl among the authors of their literary movement. Going under the name of Ytl-Ch'uantzu or Scholar of Jade River, he was born in Fan-yang at an undetermined date. He spent his. youth as a hermit i n the mountains, and even after moving to Loyang he continued to live in abject poverty, kept alive with rice given to him.by some monks who lived next door. At this time Han Ytl was Commander' of Honan and became close friends with Lu T'ung, supposedly because he admired his high moral character. Lu T'ung remained i n obscurity even after befriending Han, for he never was able to pass in the examination system. In 835 he had the misfortune of being caught, eating dinner i n the house of Wang Yai, one of the conspirators i n the Kan-lu Rebellion, and was executed by having a n a i l driven into his head. 7k His means of death was as ironic as many of the events of his l i f e , for his only son's name was T'len,Ting which i s a homonym for the expression meaning 'to drive.a n a i l ' i n Chinese. -^ O A l l Lu T'ung l e f t behind him was a small collection of poetry. The work which Lu T'ung i s most famous for i s his "Lunar Eclipse," which served as a model for Han Ytl's poem of the same t i t l e . 1-51 This work, which i s one of the .most obscure creations of Chinese literature, was greatly influenced by Han Ytl's experiments i n new verse. His poetic form i s even more bizarre than Han's with lines varying, greatly in the number of. characters which they contain and the rhymes not terribly clear. The fu method of description which had been used sparingly in earlier poetry i s employed i n the same manner as in Han Ytl's ku- shih, and although the narrative thread i s sometimes lost in the complexities of the elaboration, i t i s nonetheless quite prominent. In his work Lu T'ung, too, seems to take great delight in the bizarre, and significantly his subject matter i s drawn entirely from folk tradition. The same grim humor which we find with Han Ytl permeates the work, and the hostile universe of middle-T'ang times threatens / on every side. lhe conclusion which one might draw from a reading of the "Lunar Eclipse" i s that Lu T'ung was a mere pale reflection of the admittedly greater poet Han Ytl. Realizing that Lu T'ung took many of his ideas from Han, we must, 75 however, admit that he developed some of Han Yu's most original traits even further than the master himself dared, and for this reason alone he deserve* a higher position i n Chinese literature thanithe label "freakish curiousity" which Graham and others would give him.-^2 i n fact, when we read Lu T'ung*s complete works, we are captivated by the author's great understanding of the humor of nature . which seems to have evaded most earlier Chinese shan-shui poets. We find a whole series of chueh chu i n which the animals and plants of a garden plead with their master to take them along when he moves,^ 53 and another work en-t i t l e d the "Song of the Dragonfly" which i s typical of Lu T'ung's understanding of the irony of nature.^5^ The most creative member of Han Ytt's movement besides the master himself was Li Ho, who was a grandson of King Cheng of the T'ang imperial line. Born in 791, Li was supposedly able to compose excellent verses by the time he was seven years old. Despite his relation to the emperor, Li Ho never was allowed to take the chlh-shih examination, because i t was claimed that be doing so he would break the taboo on his father's name L i 6 h i h — 5 u , and, thus, he never could occupy any important posts in the central government. The disappointment of his desires for an o f f i c i a l career and his naturally f r a i l body sesamed to have combined to bring him to an early grave at the age of twenty-six i n 817.155 It seems rather strange that most Chinese c r i t i c s 76 have f a i l e d to see L i H o ' s ex tremely important debt to Han Ytl , and the ignorance of t h i s has. made many of them c l a s s i f y him w i t h the l a t e T 'ang poets L i Shang-y in and Tu Mu.1^6 T h i s , of c o u r s e , i s i m p o s s i b l e on mere c h r o n o l o g i c a l grounds, s ince when L i Ho d i e d , L i Shang-y in was o n l y f o u r years o l d , and Han Ytl s t i l l l . h a d e i g h t more v e r y f r u i t f u l years of h i s l i f e l e f t . A l t h o u g h , L i H o ' s more ornate s t y l e i n f l u e n c e d the w r i t i n g of l a t e T ' a n g t i m e s , h i s morbid concern w i t h death and the t e r r i f y i n g aspec ts of the s u p e r n a t u r a l i s extremely d i f f e r e n t from the l a t e T 'ang i n t e r e s t i n romantic l o v e . J u s t the t i t l e s of h i s poems b e t r a y h i s c l o s e r e -l a t i o n s h i p to Han Yt l ' s l i t e r a r y movement, f o r a v e r y l a r g e number of them are addressed to f r i e n d s of Han Ytl , p a r t i c u -l a r l y the a n c i e n t prose master Huang-fu S h i h . Han Yt l ' s p a s s i o n a t e defense of L i H o ' s r i g h t to take the c h i h - s h i h examinat ion i n the " H u i Pien"157 and a number of l a u d a t o r y remarks about Han Ytl and h i s f r i e n d s i n L i H o ' s verse show t h a t the two authors had a v e r y h i g h o p i n i o n of each o t h e r . I f we are to b e l i e v e the account i n the C h l h - Y e n L i Ho met Han Ytl and Huang-fu Sh ih when he was o n l y seven years old? "When L i Ho was seven years o l d , h i s fame shook the c a p i t a l because of both h i s l o n g and s h o r t c o m p o s i t i o n s . A t t h a t time Han Ytl and Huang-fu Shih read h i s works and were s u r p r i s e d , s i n c e they d i d not know of him y e t . There-f o r e , they s a i d to each o t h e r i ' I f he i s an a n c i e n t , then we do not know of h im; but i f he i s a modern man, why i s i t 77 that we do not know him yet?' It happened that someone told them of Li Chin-su's whereabouts, and so Han and Huang-fu rode together to his house in order to request a v i s i t with his son. When they had arrived and L i Ho came out with his hair tied up and robe on, they did not believe i t , and so put him to the test by having him com-pose a poem on the spot. Li Ho received their command happily and holding the paper and wetting his writing brush, was as i f no one was by his side. He entitled the work *The Exalted Chariot Passed by.*.... Both of the gentlemen were so startled that they commanded him to return with them to their homes riding together on the two horses on which they had come. h 158 Although the present poem which we possess of the same t i t l e could not have been written when L i was seven years old, i t s t i l l i s testimony to the great re-spect he had to Han Ytl I His flowery gown i s woven with kingfisher feathers, green as a leek; Golden rings press on his reigns, rocking, ding-a-ling. The sound of horses' hooves resounds i n my ears, rumble, rumble, When he enters my gate and dismounts, b r i l l i a n t as a rainbow. They say he i s the Talent of the Eastern Capital, 78 And the Great Duke of Prose Writing. The twenty-eight lunar mansions are lined i n his breast, While the Primal Essence flashes out from within. Before the imperial palace he writes poems, fame reaching the heavens; His writing brush supplements Creation, beside him Heaven i s without merit. A scholar with broad brows, I am moved by the autumn tumbleweed, For who could know that such dry grass could be revived by his spring wind? Today I droop my wings hoping to ride with this Heavenly Gander, And i n the future I w i l l not be shamed to be a snake changed into a dragon.^59 In this work we have a picture of a young poet who i s dazzled by the achievements of Han Ytt at the height of hl)S career as poet, pol i t i c i a n , and essayist. Such deep ad-miration would undoubtedly leave a deep mark on the mind of a young a r t i s t who s t i l l had not formed his own poetic style. The influence of Han was f e l t i n most areas of Li's poetic creation. The frequent use of eccentric poetic form by Han led to further adventures i n this direction by L i Ho, for not only did he adopt the irregular stanza forms 79 common i n Han's w r i t i n g s but a l s o experimented w i t h a rhyme system which r e f l e c t e d the p r o n u n c i a t i o n of h i s day r a t h e r than the a r b i t r a r y r u l e s l a i d down by the e a r l i e r exper t s on p r o s o d y . 1 ^ 0 The s u b j e c t mat ter of h i s p o e t r y ' a l s o d i s p l a y s Han Yt l ' s l o v e of the w e i r d , and i n h i s ab-s o r p t i o n w i t h shamanism and o ther p o p u l a r s u p e r s t i t i o n s , he r e f l e c t s Han Yt l ' s researches i n t o the mythology of the lower c l a s s e s . I n L i Ho the b e l i e f i n an e v i l and i n e s -capable f a t e became a demonic obsess ion w i t h death and the s i n i s t e r f o r c e s i n the w o r l d . A l l of these common p o i n t s should not make us i g n o r e the d i f f e r e n c e s between these two grea t p o e t s . L i Ho d i d not take to the p r o s y l i n e and the n a r r a t i v e s t y l e of Han Ytl, and the extremely f l o r i d , a l l u s i o n - s t u d d e d l i n e s which he produced were d e f i n i t e l y a f o r e r u n n e r f o r the k i n d of p o e t r y w r i t t e n by L i S h a n g - y i n and h i s f o l l o w e r s . Most important of a l l , there were b a s i c d i f f e r e n c e s of out -l o o k i n the two p o e t s , f o r L i Ho c o u l d see no humor i n the t e r r o r s of the u n i v e r s e ; f o r him the e v i l tha t l u r k e d everywhere was a c o n t i n u a l nightmare of h o r r o r and a n g u i s h . A f t e r the death of Han Ytl and h i s group, there was a d r a s t i c s h i f t i n the p o e t i c t a s t e s of the people of T ' a n g , and, i n g e n e r a l , the works of l a t e T 'ang and F i v e D y n a s t i e s p e r i o d owe l i t t l e to Han Yt l ' s movement. L i S h a n g - y i n , Wen- T ' i n g - y t l n , and other major authors of t h i s p e r i o d turned away from both the s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m of the New Ytleh-fu . Movement Po Cht l -y i and Yuan Chen and the s u r r e a l i s t i c 80 kuai-t'i shlh of Han Ytl and his group to write poems which' aimed at a highly polished and ornamented style largely concerned with the subject of love between the sexes. During the last years of the T'ang dynasty, authors also tended to write more in the newly introduced tz'u form, a style which culminated i n the poets of the Hua Chien Chi, who sang.of love and particularly the pangs of sorrow ex-perienced by those separated from their lovers. This new direction in Chinese literature did not end with the esta-blishment of the Sung dynasty, and for the f i r s t few years i t seemed that the innovations of Han Ytl'sprose and poetry had fallen upon fallow- ground, for the authors of the early Sung Hsi-k'un style, such as Yang Yi, wrote highly ornate verses in imitation of L i Shang-yin and won o f f i c i a l l 6 l promotion with their polished p'ien-wen essays. However, there soon developed dissatisfaction with the over-refined lite r a r y fashions of the late T'ang period, and Wang Ytl-ch'eng (95^-1001) launched a sharp attack against the effete verse which was so popular in his time,-^2 Nevertheless, Wang Ytl-ch'eng was not quite up to the task of demolishing the older tradition, and i t was not unt i l the rise of the new poetry under Ou-yang Hsiu ( 1 0 0 7 - 1 0 7 2 ) , Mei Yao-ch'en ( 1 0 0 2 - 1 0 6 0 ) , and Su Shun-ch'in (1008-104-8) : , among others that the early Sung style completely disappeared. The history of the literary renaissance of northern Sung times i s very closely connected with the rediscovery of the poetry and prose of Han Ytl i n the early years of the 81 dynas ty . A f t e r the d i s o r d e r s of the F i v e Dynast ies and the genera l n e g l e c t of Han Ytl , h i s c o l l e c t e d works had become a r e l a t i v e l y r a r e book. L u c k i l y , p r i n t i n g became widespread d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , and Han Yt l ' s works were rescued from o b l i v i o n a f t e r b e i n g f i r s t set to type by the ku-wen advocate Mu H s i u (979-1032). ^ 3 A f t e r h i s time both L i u K ' a i and Sung C h ' i among other we l l -known s c h o l a r s of the e a r l y Sung advocated a r e t u r n to ku-wen and the overthrow of the bankrupt p ' i e n - w e n t r a d i t i o n , but i t was not u n t i l Ou-yang H s i u ' s propaganda campaign on h i s b e h a l f tha t Han Ytl began to exer t h i s grea t i n f l u -ence upon Sung l i t e r a t u r e . I n Ou-yang H s i u ' s account of h i s " d i s c o v e r y " of Han Ytl we can s t i l l f e e l some of the i n t e n s e excitement which Han s t i r r e d among s c h o l a r s of the new l i t e r a r y movement} "When young, I l i v e d a t Han-t u n g , which was v e r y i s o l a t e d and w i t h o u t s c h o l a r s . My f a m i l y was so poor we had no book c o l l e c t i o n , but i n Chbu-nan there was a r i c h M i s t e r L i whose son Y e n - f u had a p a r t i c u l a r love f o r s c h o l a r s h i p . Shen s t i l l a young boy, I f r e q u e n t l y v i s i t e d t h e i r home to p l a y and saw t h e i r o l d books s t o r e d i n broken cases on the w a l l , so I opened them and found the C o l l e c t e d Works of Han Ytl i n s i x f a s c i c l e s w i t h m i s s i n g pages a l l out of o r d e r . I begged M r . L i to take the book home, and upon r e a d i n g i t I found h i s works to be profound and s t i r r i n g , but inasmuch as I was s t i l l young, I was not a b l e to comple te ly fathom i t s meaning, s e e i n g o n l y t h a t i t was extremely e n j o y a b l e . A t t h i s time 82 the works of Yang YI became the p o p u l a r s t y l e , and those who mastered them passed the examinat ions , spread t h e i r fame about , and were a b l e to boast of t h e i r own renown i n the w o r l d . I was g o i n g to take my c h i n - s h i h examinat ion and was w o r k i n g on the s h i h and f u of the Board of R i t e s . When I was seventeen I took the p r o v i n c i a l examinat ions and was r e j e c t e d by the o f f i c e r s i n charge . Reading the Works of Han Ytl a g a i n , I s a i d s i g h i n g to m y s e l f : ' S c h o l a r s ought to come as f a r as he d i d and go no f a r t h e r . * Thus, I was d i s p l e a s e d w i t h the ways of my age and s e e i n g t h a t I d i d not have any l e a r n i n g , I f r e q u e n t l y thought to my-s e l f t h a t i t would be p e t t y s t r i v i n g f o r me to seek the c h l h - s h l h degree f o r a s a l a r y to care f o r my p a r e n t s . I should bend my e n t i r e e f f o r t s to s t u d y i n g h i s essays and, t h u s , repay him f o r h i s former e f f o r t s . Seven years l a t e r I o b t a i n e d my c h l h - s h l h degree and w i t h i t a post a t Loyang. Y i n S h i h - l u and h i s companions were a l l t h e r e , , and so we a l l wrote a n c i e n t prose t o g e t h e r . We uncovered v a r i o u s C o l l e c t e d Works of Han Y u , supplementing them, and searched f o r o l d e d i t i o n s i n p e o p l e ' s homes, c o l l a t i n g them. L a t e r , a l l of the s c h o l a r s of the w o r l d g r a d u a l l y leaned toward the a n c i e n t prose s t y l e and H a n ' s works be-came p o p u l a r . S ince a l l of t h i s about t h i r t y years have p a s s e d / ' W By the death of Ou-yang H s i u , ku-wen was e s t a b l i s h e d as the most popular , prose form among Sung s c h o l a r s . There are two p r i n c i p a l reasons why Ou-yang H s i u was a b l e to achieve his great success i n reviving interest i n the lit e r a r y creations of Han Ytl. F i r s t of a l l , he was a consummate master of ku-wen prose himself, the inspiration Of Han Ytl allowing him to write some of the most a r t i s t i -cally perfect essays found i n Chinese literature. Even more important than his literary s k i l l , however, was his extremely successful p o l i t i c a l career in the central government and his control of the examination system, which enabled him to enforce his literary tastes upon the scholars who wished o f f i c i a l positions in the government. Thus, any Chinese scholar who wished to achieve social and financial success was obliged to adopt the ku-wen style, which was at that time popular with the examiners. In his a b i l i t y to force his lite r a r y views upon Chinese officialdom Ou-yang Hsiu frbrms a contrast with Han Ytl, who because of his relatively low position in the govern-ment was incapable of assuring that i h i s theories on prose writing would become practiced .by the l i t e r a t i . The result of Ou-yang Hsiu's actions on behalf of the ku-wen movement determined the entire course of prose writing throughout the northern Sung period, and a number of worthy successors continued to develop ancient prose writing. Su Hstln, Su Ch'e, Su Shih, Wang An-shih, and Tseng Kung created a great variety of works which i n many cases had an even greater literary value than the composi^ tipns of Han Ytl himself. ,Ku-wen was used i n most h i s t o r i -cal composition also, the most famous examples being 84 Ou-yang Hsiu's New T'ang History and Ssu-ma Kuang's mon-umental Tzu Chlh T'ung Chien, while i n the f i e l d of p h i l -osophy Chu Hsl used ku-wen to express his new formulation of Confucianism. I t was not u n t i l the Sung.dynasty that Han Xtt's labors toward prose reform bore t h e i r f r u i t . Of course, the Sung scholars could not ignore the poetry of the man who was t h e i r i d o l i n prose s t y l e . The poetic revolution led by Ou-yang sHsiu, Mei Yao-ch'en, and Su Shun-ch'in owes a great deal to the groundwork l a i d by Han Ytl and h i s fellow poets. A l l of these poets express t h e i r love of Han Ytl's verse i n t h e i r prose works, but the greatest tribute which they paid him was by imitat i n g his poems. The poem "Demon Cart" by Ou-yang Hsiu i s c l e a r l y derived from such works as the "Poem of the Two Birds" or the "Lunar Ec l i p s e . " "On the twenty-eighth day of September, i n autumn of the s i x t h year of Chia Yu? The heavens were melancholy without l i g h t , and the moon didn't even come but. Float i n g clouds covered the sky, and the galaxy of stars disappeared; Raising ones hands toward the void was l i k e rubbing lacquer. : While the heavens were dark and the earth black, there came a thing; I did not see i t s form, But only heard i t s sound. 85 At f i r s t i t was s h r i l l and cutting, Suddenly high and suddenly low. Then abruptly like the Jade Lady tuning here jade pipes; The pipes were all'mneven, not sounding in unison. Then squeak! ! !! squeak!! !! As i f something were being crushed or pulled. It was like a hundred chariots of Chlangchou, Turning wheels, whirling axles going rumble!! rumble!! Noisy looms spinning at night on the Brocade River, A flock of geese swooping up from an island of rush flowers. I asked, *What sound is this?*' And at f i r s t I could not find the cause. The old maid snuffed out the lamp and called the children; She said, 'This i s a demon bird without equal or match. It i s called the demon wagon,8 And at night i t carries a hundred demons soaring through the void. Although i t s sound i s small, i t s body i s very large, 86 With wings like cart wheels and a row of ten heads. Ordinary birds have but one head, And yet they can already chirp! chirp! This bird's ten heads have ten mouths; In each mouth.is inserted a tongue connected to a throat. Each mouth has i t s own.voice, . So a thousand voices resound hunderfold in answer to one another. Formerly Duke Chou who lived in Eastern Chou, Hated hearing this bird, despising i t as his enemy. So at night he bade Master T'ing lead his subordinates, And with bent bow drive i t out of China; He shot at i t three times, but could not hi t . Then Heaven sent the Heavenly Hound f a l l i n g from the skies; Ever since the Heavenly Hound bi t off a head, Black blood has flowed from the severed neck, And since that time three thousand years have passed. 87 At day i t hides, at night comes out, just like the owls Whenever there i s darkness, i t comes from beyond the horizon, But i f i t ever sees the light of f i r e i t plummets with fright. At times i t s dripping blood defiles the ground below, And whatever house i t f a l l s r o n , that house is surely ruined!' When I heard her words, I was startled and yet skeptical, So I prayed for i t to. f l y by quickly and not harm us. I thought how vast heaven and earth are That the principles behind things great and small are not known. Fortune and disaster come from men and not from things, For even a snake with two heads can be auspicious. So. I called the maid to light up the lantern's flame, Roll up the curtains, open the windows, and freshen our room. In a while the clouds dispersed, and the myriad stars came out; 88 The night was calm, and the bright moon shined forth, i t s pure l i g h t . " - ^ In "Demon Cart" Ou-yang Ksiu has given us an imitation of Han Ytl's style which is s t i l l suffused with his own great originality. In this poem i t appears that Ou-yang was trying to outdo Han in the irregularity of his poetic form, the stanza pattern being one of the. most unusual i n Chinese literature. He abandons the dense poetic line of Yang Yi and his school for the prosy narrative style of Han Ytl and his friends. Ou-yang takes a great delight in the unortho-dox nature of his subject matter, and he underlines that i t is taken from popular lore by having the old maid t e l l about popular superstitions concerning the demon bird. The result of such treatment i s a work in the best tradition of the kuai-t'i Shih. The similarities between "Demon Cart" and Han's works should not abscure the very real differences in approach between the northern Sung authors and Han Ytl, even when they are consciously trying to imitate him. When Han wrote his poetry, China was wracked by internal disorder, and the l i t e r a t i had long been under the influence of the pessimism of North-South period thought. However, when Ou-yang Hsiu wrote the "Demon Cart" China was at peace internally and the materialistic, life-affirming philosophy of neo-Confucianism was beginning to take hold among,Chinese in-tellectuals. Add to this Ou-yang Hsiu's very successful p o l i t i c a l career, and the extremely optimistic view of l i f e 89 expressed i n his poetry i s readily explicable. The Sung dynasty and i t s writers met with many crushing defeats, but on the whole they had a much happier view of the world than did the melancholy-prone poets; of T'ang. Thus, Ou-yang Hsiu does not agree with Han Ytl and his contemporaries about the inescapable inev i t a b i l i t y of Fate, for he .states clearly that "disaster and fortune come from men and not from things." He hints that he i s skeptical about the existence of the demon bird, and he i s , thus, careful to have the ignorant maid t e l l of the superstitions about the monster. He challenges the demon by t e l l i n g the maid to light the lamp and r o l l up the curtains, demonstrating that he neither believes the peasant superstitions nor fears the e v i l forces of the universe. When the clouds disperse and the moon returns i n a l l of i t s radiant glory, one i s reassured that a l l i s right with the universe. Unlike Han Y t l , Ou-yang Hsiu does nc-t despair over his fate nor does he depend upon the intervention of some supernatural force to resolve the problems of the world. In his optimistic view of the universe, he i s capable as a rational human being of solving, a l l d i f f i c u l t i e s that arise. In addition to poetry that was written in imitation of. Han Ytl's verse, most of the works of the poetic revolution of northern Sung times show the effects of the pioneering efforts of Han Ytl. A l l that one must do i s look at the description of a hawk devouring a pigeon in such a poem as "The Lone Hawk on the Buddha Pavilion of the Hall of Universal 90 Purity" by Mei Yao-ch'en, and he can immediately recognize the innovations of Han Ytl; "Alone on the peak of the roof, he tore and rended i t to his heart's desire. He plucked the meat, ripped out the l i v e r , discarding the intestines." Such shocking language had never appeared i n Chinese verse prior to Han Yu*s time, and although Mei Yao Ch'en's poem is extremely different from anything in Han's collected works, he owes much to the T'ang writer. If one looks through the collected works of the early northern Sung poets, the t i t l e s of the poems alone t e l l him that this poetry i s much broader in scope than anything written before Yuan Ho times. Such works as "The Earthworm," 1 6 7 "My Son Hsiu Shu's Head L i c e , " 1 6 8 and "In Mourning for a White Chicken" l 69.by Mei Yao Ch'en, or "I Hate Mosquitoes" 1 7 0 and "The O l i v e " 1 7 1 by Ou-yang Hsiu are only a few among the many poems written about subjects that would not have been considered poeticmaterial by any poet before Han Yu broadened the range of Chinese verse. As Yoshikawa has noted, humor i s one of the most important characteristics of Sung shih-style poetry, and there can be l i t t l e doubt that the brand of whimsical humor frequently encountered in the works of such writers as Ou-yang Hsiu or Mei Yao-ch'en owes a considerable debt to the weird sense of humor which animates the best of Han Ytl's poetry. The glee with which the Sung poets describe the weirder creations of the animal kingdom or the unusual phenomena of nature i s no doubt in part derived 91 from works i n which Han Ytl makes poetry out of owls and lunar*eclipses. By widening the scope of Chinese poetic writing, Han Ytl l a i d the foundation f o r the s t a r t l i n g c r e a t i v i t y of Sung poets. No Chinese poet has caused quite as much contro-versy among Chinese c r i t i c s as Han Ytl. The great Ming poet and c r i t i c , Wang Shih-chen v i o l e n t l y attacked Han's verse* "Han Y11 didn't understand anything about w r i t i n g poetry, and the reason why the men of Sung times c a l l e d him a great writer i s because of his prestige o n l y . " 1 ? 2 Many other c r i t i c s just as vehemently defended Han Ytl's daring experiments i n new verse. One of these, the Ch'ing writer Yeh Hsieh said, "T'ang poetry was the greatest change since the eight dynasties, and Han Ytl was the greatest change i n T'ang poetry. His power, i s great, and his thoughts daring. Towering above a l l , he was the an-cestor to l a t e r poets, Su Shun-ch'in, Mei Yao-ch'en, Ou-yang Hsiu, Su Shih, Wang An-shih, and Huang T'ing-chien were a l l inspir e d by Han Ytl." 1 7 3 The issue of the im-portance of Han Ytl's poetry i n Chinese l i t e r a t u r e has not been s e t t l e d down to the present day, and one finds that modern Chinese c r i t i c s disagree v i o l e n t l y over the poetic worth of h i s writings. When we examine the adverse c r i t i c i s m of Han Ytl's verse we f i n d that i t centers around two of the most char-a c t e r i s t i c features of his poetry. The f i r s t of these q u a l i t i e s which met with opposition i s the rather prose-like 9 2 quality of much of Han Ytl's best ku-shih. Already by the northern Sung dynasty Huang T" ing-chien was attacking this characteristic of Han Ytl's verse: "Poetry and prose each has i t s own form *.. . Han Ytl made prose into poetry 174 so his works are not skilled." ' Nevertheless, not a l l Sung c r i t i c s agreed with this opinion of Huang T'ing-chlen, and. when the Sung polymath Shen Kua expressed a similar opinion, he met with a quick rebuff: "Shen Kua, Ltl Hui-ch'ing, Wang Ts'un-chung, and L i Chi-fu were discussing poetry at night i n the study during the Chih-p'ing period' (1064-68). Shen Kua said: 'Han Ytl's poems are just prose with rhymes stuck in, and although they may be powerful and rich, they just aren't poetry.' Li Chi-fu replied: "Poetry ought to be just this way. I say that there are no poets equal to Han Y t l . ' . . . . Thereupon the four men argued back and forth, and for a long time could reach no decision," 1 7^ Thus, the argument about Han's use of prose methods i n poetry has continued on down into the twentieth century. In addition to being c r i t i c i z e d for i t s prose-like qualities, Han Ytl's verse was violently attacked because of the weirdness of i t s language and subject matter. Wang Fu-chih, the famous early Ch'ing philosopher, c r i t i c , and poet, summarized much of the criticism of Han Ytl by his contemporaries: "Han Y t l , employing narrow rhymes, strange words, ancient sentences, and dialect language, could boast of his cleverness in f i t t i n g a poem together. 93 He certainly was very clever, but as far as feeling i s concerned, he was entirely without accomplishments. His poems are drinking riddles and nothing more."1?^ However, some c r i t i c s did not follow the majority in their ridicule of the strangeness of Han Ytl's verse, and Yeh Hsiebblasted those, who opposed Han Ytl's reforms i n versej "Vulgar scholars say that Han Ytl greatly altered the style of Han, Wei, and Ascendant T'ang, and cackling away they disapprove of .this. How are they different from one who lives i n the hole of an earthworm and being used to hearing i t s long c a l l , i s startled when he hears the ringing of a giant bell,..,Han said that he. strove to do away with old cliches, thinking that the cliches of the times were very harmful and yet vulgar scholars happily worship the old cliches which Han Ytl cursed, thinking them to be secrets to be taught to one another. Is not this pitiable?" 1?''' Thus the battle over the weird language and subject matter of Han's poetry has continued down un t i l modern times. Although i t i s Impossible to resolve a conflict that has been raging on and off for over a thousand years, a twentieth century westerner i s greatly tempted to add his own evaluation of Han Ytl's poetry to the huge mass of criticism already existing. The principal argument advanced against Han Ytl's verse by unfavorable c r i t i c s i s that i t does not read like "poetry," that i s , i t does not conform to the standards of poetry developed by Chinese writers prior to middle T'ang times. Thus, the criticism against Han Ytl i s based largely on the conservative argument that something which departs too widely from the norm of the past i s unacceptable. The strongest opponents of Han Ytl's innovations were the poets and c r i t i c s of the f i r s t two-thirds of the Ming dynasty, which was a period noted for i t s conservatism and imitation of antiquity in not only poetry but other arts such as painting and calligraphy., In fact, such conservatives as Han's inveterate foe, Wang Shih-chen advocated a return to the style of the Ascendant T'ang and scornfully dismissed most of the verse written after that time. It was inevitable that such authors would reject the originality in form and subject matter which was characteristic of Han's writing. On the whole, one finds that those c r i t i c s who approved of Han's adventures i n the realm of poetry were themselves innovators and frequently among the most original poets of their age. Such Ch'ing poets as Yuan Mei and Chao Yi regarded Han Ytl very highly, possibly because they too were opposed to the s t i f l i n g effects of Chinese conservatism in the arts and attempted to break out of the narrow limits in which the conservative poetry of their age was written. Such writers as Ytlan Meisand Chao Yi no doubt f e l t great pleasure when reading the works of a man who battled against the same tendency to slavish imitation of the ancients which they themselves were fighting. In conclusion, i t seems very d i f f i c u l t for a modern Westerner to side with the literary conservatives of Ming 95 times in their attack against Kan Ytl's verse. The argu-ment that poetry i s not good i f i t i s does not conform to ancient standards has been long discredited in our c i v i l -ization just as i t was by Ch'ing and modern Chinese poets, and even those who find Han Ytl's verse d i f f i c u l t to appreciate cannot f a i l to acknowledge his extreme originality. List of O f f i c i a l Titles Magistrate of Wu C h ' a n g ^ y\ Attendant Gentleman of the Board of R i t e s ^ j ? Broad Scholar of the Pour Gates lu? -£ Imperial Secretary of Investigation ^  j g^ j&J Magistrate of Yang Shan JL V /^' ^ Kuo-rtzu Broad Scholar.j\ 7 ^ —— . m 114 Magistrate of Honan County - — yt-. A Attendant Gentleman of the Board of Punishments yvj -g-J?/?. 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Wang Hal J_ ^ Wang Ytl-ch'eng ^ (^ ^ We,i Chih-yi ^ Wen Ch'ang > W u K * a n s \. k Wu Ytlan-chi ^  ^ Yang Chiung | | ^ Yang Hsiung jfo ^ Yang Shan ^ Yang Yi Yeh Hsieh-fg; 0% yu-hsien shih ^  ^ Ytl, Ch'uan-tzu ^  } )j |_ Ytl Hsin j £ ' f l Ytlan Hoi. ^ c Ytlan Chou ^ uj Yttan Tao 4 i Yuan Ts'ai ^,.-J# Yueh-fu ^ TRANSLATIONS FOOTNOTES Note: To save space complete entries on each work cited have been reserved for the bibligfaphy. 1. Li Po, Chilian 13, p. 13.. 2. Harada Norio,. p. 11. 3. ibid., p. 12. 4» op. c i t . 5. Liu Hstf, chuan 160, p. 3497. • 6. Harada Norio, p. 14. 7. Han Yu (I), chuan 3, pp. 89-95. 8. Harada Norio, p. 15. 9. Ou-yang Hsiu and Sung C V i , chi2an 176, p. 4050. 10. Harada Norio, pp. 17-18. 11. Ch'ien Chi-po, chtfan 5, p. 107 and 109. 12. Han Yfl ( l ) , chuan 1, pp. .25-28. 13. Ou-yang Hsiu and Sung Ch'i, chtfan.176, p. 4051. 14. Han Ytl. (1), chflan 8, p. 354-356. 15. Ou-yang Hsiu and Sung Ch'i, chuan 176, p. 4052. 16. Liu Hsu, chiaan 176, p. 4051.. 17. Ou-yang Hsiu and Sung Ch'i, chuan 176, p. 4052. 18. ibid., chiHan 176, p. 4051. 19. •• Han Yfl (1), chi9an 8, p. 354. 20. ". Seng Yu comp., chi2an 1, Taisho 52, 2bc. 21. Ch'en, Kenneth, p. 185. 22. Han Yu (1), chflan 8, p. 354. ' 23. ibid., chflan 1, p. 7. 24. • Han Y« 7(2), chuan 2, p. 91. 25. Ch'en, Kenneth, p. 315. 26. Quoted in Hah Yu (2), chuan 1, p. 61. 27. Ch'en, Kenneth, p. 315. 28. Han Yu (2), chflan 1, p. 62. 29. Ou-yang Hsiu and Sung Ch'i, Chilian 176, p. 4052. 30. P'an'Te-ytl, chtlan 8, p. 5. 31. Han Ytl (1), chtlan 1, p. 8. 32. ibid., chtlan 1, p. 9. 33. ibid., chtlan 1, p. 10. 34. ibid., chtlan 1, p. 8. . 35. . See Cheng Chen-to, vol. 2, pp. 233-34. 36. There are many p'1en-wen works scattered throughout Su Shih's collected prose; for example, "Ch'i Chiao Cheng Chou I Cha-tzu i n Su Shih (1), chtlan 34, p. 218. 37. Wang Po, chtlan 5i P. 49. 38. Wang T' 1 ung., Chilian 1, p. 4. . 39. Lo Ken-tse, vol. 2 , P. 123. 40. Pulleybiank (1), P . 87. 41. Han Ytl (1), chtlan 3, P. 99. 42. ibid,, chtlan 4, P. 152. 43. ibid., chtlan 3, P. 102. 44. ibid., chtlan 1, P. 7. 45.: ' i b i d . , chtlan 2, •P. 62. 46. . ib i d . , chtlan 1, P.- .24. 47. i b i d . , chtlan 3, P. 123. 48. ibid., chtlan 4, P. 147. 49. ibi d . , chtlan 8, P. 329. 50. Han Ytl (2), chtlan 7, P. 364. 51. ibid., chtlan 8, P. 396. 52. ibid., chtlan 3, P. 123. 53. ibid., chtlan 11, p. 501. 54. ibid., chuan 7, p. 326. 55. ibid., chuan 7, P. 326. 56. ibid., chuan 6, p. 299. 57. Three early examples of linked verses are to be found in Pad Chao, chtlan 4, pp. 171-173. 58. Kan Yu (2), chlian 5, p. 214. 59. ' Hu Tzu, chuan 18, p. 117.. 60. Han Yu (2),chtlan6, p. 273. 61. For example Po Chtl-yi uses this device i n his "The White-Haired Man from Shang-yang," Po Chtl-yi, chuan 3. P. 31. 62. Han Yu ( 2 ) , chtlan 7, P. 326. 63. ibid., chtlan 1, p. 38. 64. Li Po, chtlan 23, p. 108. 65. Han Ytl ( 2 ) , chtlan 6, p. 293. 66. ibid., chtlan 9, p. 445. 67. Chung Jung, chtlan 1, p. 4. 68. Han Ytl (2), chtlan 6, p. 293. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 75. Feng Yu-lan, vol. 2, p. 411. 76. Lu Hstln, p. 52. 77. Edited from Shen Ya-ch'js complete works and other sources in Wang Kuo-yuan ed. 78. Both of these works are now found scattered throughout the T'al P'lng Kuang Chi, Li Fang et a l . ibid., chtlan 7, P. 364. ibid., chtlan 3, P. 124. ibid., chtlan 7, P. 326. ibid., chtlan 7, P. 364. ibid., chtlan 6, P. 293. ibid., chtlan 7, P. 326. 79. Pan Ku attributed, p. 1, but not i n present version. 80. Probably the most famous example of the romantic T'ang novella i s the Ylng-ying Chuan by Ytlan Chen to be found i n L i Fang et. a l . , chuan-488. 81. See Hawkes pp. 35-36 f o r a discussion of the mytholog-i c a l background of the Ch'u Tz'u. 82. An example of such a poem would be Po Chtl-yi's "The Dragon of the Black Lake" i n Po Chtl-yi, p. 44. 83. Han Ytl (2 ), chtlan 7, P. 84. i b i d . , chtlan 2, p. 116. 85. i b i d . , chtlan 9» P. 451. 86. i b i d . , chtlan 6, p. . 283.' 87. i b i d . , chtlan 6, p. 293. 88. i b i d . , chtlan 7» P. 326. 89. i b i d . , chtlan 6, p. 293. 90. i b i d . , chtlan 8, p. 396. 91. . i b i d . , chtlan 6, p. 293. 92. i b i d . , chtlan 1, p. 38. 93. Han Ytl ( i ) , chtlan 8, P. 9k. i b i d . , chtlan 7» P. 280. 95. Han Ytl ( 2), chtlan 7, P. 96. i b i d . , chtlan 3f P. 123. 97. i b i d . , chtlan 11, p. 501. 98. Lu Hstln, p. 7k. 99. . i b i d . , PP. 79-83. 100. Po Chtl-•yi, P. kk. 101. Tu Fu, chtlan 1, p. 89. 102. Han Ytl (2), ; chtlan 6, p. 103. i b i d . , chtlan 11, p . 501. 104.. i b i d . , chtlan 8, P. 396.. 105. i b i d . , chtlan 6, P. 289. 106, i b i d . , chtlan 2, P. 81. 107. i b i d . , chtlan 6, P. 293. 108. i b i d . , chtlan 3, P. 123. 109. i b i d . , chtlan 11 . P . 501. 110. i b i d . , chtlan 6, P. 289. 111. i b i d . , chtlan 7, P. 326. 112. i b i d . , chtlan 7, P. 364. 113. i b i d . , chtlan P. 75. 114. i b i d . , chtlan 2, P. 116. 115. i b i d . , chtlan 3, P. 123. 116. i b i d . , chtlan 11 . P . 482. 117. i b i d . , chtlan 7. P. 3^5. 118. i b i d . , chtlan 1» P» 38. 119. i b i d . , chtlan 8, P. 396. 120. i b i d . , chtlan 6, P. 293. 121. i b i d . , chtlan 7, P. 326. 122. i b i d . , chtlan 1, P. 38. 123. i b i d . , chtlan 2, P. 81. 124. i b i d . , chtlan 6, P. 283. 125. i b i d . , chtlan 6, P. 293. 126. i b i d . , chtlan 2, P. 81. 127. i b i d . , chuan 7, P. 326. . 128. i b i d . , chtlan 7, P. 364. 129. i b i d . , chtlan 11 . P. 482 .• 130. i b i d . , chtlan 7, P. 3^5. 131. ibid.,- chtlan 4, p, 194.' 132. T'an Wu Ch'an t r . , Taisho, 4, 25c. 133. Jao Tsung-yi, pp. 98-101. 134. An example i s in Shih Ch'a Nan T'o, Taisho, 10, 74bc. 135. Waley, Arthur (1), p. 241. 136. Wang Chung-min et a l . , pp. 714-756. 137. i b i d . , chtlan 2, pp. 216-231. 138. ibid . , chtlan 3» pp. 249-262. 139. 'Chao Yi, chtlan 31 P. 28. 140. Graham, A.C., p. 39. 141. Tu Pu, chlian.4, pp. 183-185. 142. Han Ytl (2), chtlan 1, p. 35. 143. A particularly famous example of this tendency in Tu Fu's late verse i s his highly emotional "On Climbing the Tower of Ytleh-yang" in Tu Fu, chtlan 19, P. 702. 144. Cheng Chen-to, pp. 356-359. 145. An excellent ,example i s Ytlan's highly unusual work, "The Tao of Man is Short," in Ytlan Chen, chtlan 23, p. 85. 146. See P'eng Ting-shui et a l . ed., Ch'uan T'ang Shih, chtlan 14 for remaining works of L i Ch'a and Ma Yi. 147. Aral Ken, pp. 52-95.' 148... Ch'ien Chi-po, chtlan 5. PP. 99-102. 149. Meng Chiao, chtlan 4, p. 1. 150. Hsin Wen-gang, chtlan 5» P. 7^.' 151. Lu T'ung, chtlan 1, p." 2. 152. Graham, A.C, p. 81. 153. Lu T'ung, chtlan 1, p. 6. 15^ . ibid., chflan 2, p. 14. 155. Hsin Men-fang, chtlan 5, p. ?6. 156. Liu Ta-chieh, vol. 2, p. 515. 157. Han Ytl ( 1 ) , chtlan 1, p. 3^. 158. Wang Ting-pao, chtlan 10, p. 116. 159. Li Ho, chtlan 4 , p. 15^. 160. Pulleyblank, Edwin G. (2), p. 5. 161. Yoshikawa, p. 49-52. 162. ibid., p. 56-59. 163. Lo Ken-tse, vol. 3» P. ^ 5 . 164. Ou-yang Hsiu, chtlan 23, pp. 536. 165. ibid., chtlan 9» P. 60. 166. Mei Yao-ch'en, chtlan 11, p. 7. 167. ibid., chtlan 25 , p. 6. 168. ibid., chtlan 27, p. 6. 169. ibid., chtlan 1, p. . 2 . 170. Ou-yang Hsiu, chtlan 3» P. 19. 171. ibid., chtlan 4 , p. 29. 172. Wang Shih-chen, p. 173. Yeh Hsieh, chtlan 1, p. 5 . 17^. Ch'en Shih Tao, p. 2. 175. Hui Hung, chiHan 2, p. 10. 176. W,ang Fu-chih, chtlan 1, p. 5 . 177. Yeh Hsieh, chtlan 1, p. 5 . 178. Waley, Arthur (2), p. 43. 179. 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H S @' H 3 i ®4 5t U M, M # ^2 a r # a s s i i EI^ ^ ' * I E M ^ M. K ^* a # ^ M B j§ ^ ^ .^aStWiJiia ;^ -A-f fB^p aStl £ •ft # s.^ 1 W ^ m# J&H " wafe ^ B *t» ^  it. 0* »fr mm mm f\. &m * » MM 2 . BS. « ^. *W Ml ft® H 9 I * 8 B , ^ (1?^ - f f « J H #. ^ * m « * zm * I E .ffcg 1856,^ 1.. ]fg a*fen ±»t£niifiE'^ R:*3 s^g fewl'^g' .#fi-^F .-^ $m j®. "fa *etU ,_5j.,r^  : His ^ S f f ©0 *fi M J S l ] . * S 5 , ' # k 4JW i**"-^ ' isffi©fs«s5.:^'ftp4***t^rein" fes-#3--*ioi^wft jf sc* —y.gg » . H : , ^ fesn & ® R S « i * fflsl-i* .f^ *':-,'s ' mm fait gifi:"®^  a ^ . ^ ^ m& mv-aim fi;,;!;. mm WW mm Hii'i ia)K (llflf S i A 7J<. M Hi ^ «. A * m I B J S * *^  # A-s' |b as* ft-j: ten. f r l i *'<S S t f J : 3 t A JlfclH: Sit 'B llfct* a s sa"f- tajg i « B i g me ft-ft-Wis m : i 1 96 The Ballad of Oh! Master Tung 4 The Huai River 2 rises in the T'ung Po Mountains;3 It races far to the east a thousand miles, never stopping. The Pei River comes out at i t s side,'1'' But i t can't go a thousand miles, For i t enters the Huai's current after a hundred. In Shou-chou is the county An-feng;5 In the Chen Ytlan period of T'ang,6 A country man, Tung Shao-nan, Lived as a recluse there, practicing righteousness. The prefect didn't recommend him, So the emper&r never heard of his fame. Rank and salary never came to his gate; Outside there were only o f f i c i a l s , Who came daily to collect rend and demand money. Oht Alas! Master Tung Went out to plow at dawn, And returned to read the ancients* books at night. He didn't get any rest a l l day, For sometimes he cut wood in the h i l l s , And sometimes fished in the streams. He entered the Mtchen to cook tasty morsels, And ascended.the h a l l to ask his parents' health. His father and mother were not worried; His wife and children did not sigh, Oh!. Master Tung was loving and f i l i a l , 97 • But he was not famed among men. Only Old Man Heaven knew of him,7 And sent down good omens a l l the time. In their home was a mother dog that went out to find food, So hens came to feed her puppies. Peck, peck, they picked up insects and ants in the courtyard, But when the puppies wouldn't eat, they cackled sadly. They hesitated long, refusing to leave, And used their wings to shelter the pups, waiting the p mother's.return. Ah! Master Tung Who is a match for you? In this age Husband and wife mistreat each other, younger and elder brother are,enemies. They feed on their prince's salary, Yet make their parents sad. Why are you so different from them? Ah! Master Tung, no one i s a match for you! 98 This work (799) i s a strange mixture of the Con-fucian ideal of f i l i a l piety and. popular religious beliefs about omens. The Chinese l i t e r a t i always idealized the / virtuous man who lived alone, unrecognized by those i n power and not seeking high position for himself. Although i t seems dubious that Han Y1A took the superstitions In this poem seriously, he very l i k e l y saw a parallel between Tung Shao-nan's frustration at not being able to serve i n the government and his own frustration in o f f i c i a l l i f e . 1. Tung Shao-nan, a recluse in Shou-chou acquired his chin-shih degree, but never held any high public office. 2. The Huai River arises in the T'ung Po Mountains and after receiving water from the Ju, Ying, and Fei Rivers passes through Anhui and Kiangsu provinces. In T'ang times i t emptied toward the east into the ocean, but after a change in course of the Yellow River, i t now accumulates inland and eventually flows into the Yangtze through a number of channels. 3. The T'ung Po Mountains are located in modern T'ung Po countyy in Honan province. 4. The Fei River arises in Hofei county of Anhui province, and one branch of i t flows into the Huai River. 5. Shou-chou was f i r s t set up in Sui times and continued under T'ang in modern Anhui province. An-feng county .is near present Huo Ch'iu county in Anhui. 99 6. Chen Ytlan (True Principal) reign period of Te Tsung lasted from 780-804. 7. Old Man Heaven i s the God of popular Chinese religion. 8. This is similar to a story about a certain Kuo Shih-chtln, who was so f i l i a l that dogs and pigs ate together and ravens and magpies nested together, thus, demonstrating that God was pleased by the harmony of his household. Pel Shih, "Hsiao Yi Chuan." -g-fl? m& &fx im vim T S .$5 is » mm - p K # #R *ff£ JH& i i ® ^iH SB* j$S . Wilt i^lij «A ^ Sfctfs• ' fii-^  i^M *ns ^ JST ft ' JSUST -fa mm mm \ \irH m. Baa &m S I T ^ fiw mi mm fs;A &± gg'. % WT •! 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R0 ^ Fft; TOSfe ffitft &$& aU W« M *-K-fSIS g ' ^ S A Km | i * - T 5Sfc K-fiJ m £® vim f^0 1 2c ^ i t * jR' *m »Rsas ^ ^ ste i..f! .ap-' fl- JRA ^  jt'JM tb% MiC tyW ^ ^ ffgl Sil »Hi fiEilr f> >i5 3tS A 3^1 mat >fiif M islii j^ffl ft* 5$ s i fflis fij -mju Sid fif i i c 2 © ma #2.®ft f§ |g ^ *W0 Wimk %% 2 * flf 'It ^ SL'H-IH- ®jj xvimn ^ maja-y/ ic. ®s ±%- -uift n . •jg mm t£ .a-nt ^  00 ^  js#^iit 31 #-32JUJ-^ 9&«r&*sisa If lit d-|»]0 if;® )1 feiifc vim m's w& mm Mut 100 I Complain of the Cold The four seasons are equally divided;1 One season can't monopolize the others. Yet the Great Cold snatches away Spring's turn, And the God of Winter i s not r e s t r a i n e d . 2 The Spring God slackens his nets;3 A f r a i d to f l e e , he stands by shyly. Deep down i n the Yellow Springs, The young, sprouts die while s t i l l curled and pointed. Grasses and trees don't grow again, And the hundred flavors lose t h e i r taste. A f i e r c e whirlwind s t i r s the universe, I t s keen blade cutting and piercing. Though we say sun and moon are exalted, They cannot revive t h e i r ravens and toads.^ When Hsi Ho sends the sun out,^ He i s apprehensive and f i r s t looks around. The Flaming Emperor^ along with Ghu Jung,? Huffing and puffing, can't warm one another. And at such a time as th i s, How can I receive t h e i r gracious l i g h t ? My f l e s h grows scales and armor, And my clothes f e e l l i k e knife and s i c k l e . The a i r i s so cold my nose can't smell; My blood's frozen, so my fingers can't pluck. I pour boiled s p i r i t s down my throat, 101 Yet my mouth feels like i t ' s stuck with tongs. When I take up spoon and chopsticks to eat, They hit my fingers like a bamboo comb. Hearing the oven, I feel no heat, Though I've added blazing coals several times. Reaching for hot water is of no use, So what value are floss and .silk? Tiger and panther st i f f e n i n their caves; Dragons and serpents die in seclusion. The planet Mars i s lost in i t s orbit,^ And the six dragon's mustaches go bald from the ice. Within the vast and limitless universe,9 I fear a l l liv i n g things w i l l be destroyed. Chirp! Chirpt The small sparrow by the window Does not know he i s small and insignificant. He raises his head and cries, looking to Heaven; A l l he desires i s to extend his l i f e a moment. Best that he die by the shot of a crossbow, Then he can be warmed by baking and boiling. I f the phoenix emperor himself cannot survive, You sparrows are certainly not important. The rest of the wriggling and squirming creatures Will a l l die; for who w i l l pity them? And I am supposed to be most intelligent of a l l , - ^ Yet I can't give shelter to them. So sad that I am stirred to anger and sighing, I cannot quiet the five v i t a l organs. At midnight I stand by the wall; 102 How freely my tears f l o w s 0!, Heaven, pity those without crime! Favor us by taking a look; L i f t up your cap-tassles and take out your ear plugs For harmony the plum and salt are best; Let the noble and able be daily advanced; And dismiss the haughty and crafty. Make a wind to blow away the vapor of death; Let a l l be opened up as i f a curtain were raised. The hanging i c i c l e s w i l l melt and f a l l , And the morning rays w i l l enter the eaves. Snow and frost w i l l suddenly melt, The earth's veins f e r t i l e and smooth. Why let only the orchids proper?^-2 Help the mugwort and rushes, too. I w i l l Tialk by flowers lustrous i n the sun, And s i t by branches gently swaying i n the wind. If, 0 Heaven, you can do this, I ' l l be happy even i f I die. 103 Astfwith a l l of Han's works, this poem, which was composed i n 803, may possibly be a p o l i t i c a l allegory, the cold weather representing powerful ministers who have seized authority not belonging to them, which results in disaster for the empire. But since there i s a long tradition of poems lamenting the cold weather i n Chinese poetry, i t is more lik e l y that this poem i s concerned with the personal disappointments of the author and his pessimistic view of the h o s t i l i t y of nature to man and beast. 1. "Imperial Heaven has evenly divided the four seasons." Ch'u Tz'u. 2:1 Ch'uan Suo i s the god of winter and the grandson of the Yellow Emperor. 3. T'ai Ha:© i s the god of the three spring months. k. The raven i s the bird of the sun (black sunspots), and the toad resides on the moon. 5. Hsi Ho i s the charioteer of the sun. 6. Yen Ti i s another name for Shen Nung, mythical emperor of China and also ruler of the summer months. 7. Chu 5ung, who was another ancient emperor, was the god of f i r e and also presided over the summer months. 8. "Ying Huo (Mars) i s called the f i r e of the south." Shih-Chi, "T'len Kuan Shu." 9. Ta pao or, l i t e r a l l y 'The Great Wrapper' i s another word for the universe, 10. "Man i s the most spiritual of the myriad things." Shu Ching. 10k 11. The crowns of ancient Chinese rulers had'tassles hanging down from them, which i n this case block God's vision, so that he cannot see the plight of the world. The erh kuang or jade earplugs were a common ornament among the nobility of Chou times, Judging from the frequent references in the Shih Ching and would quite effectively block out God's hearing of the complaints of his subor-dinates . 12. Orchids are the most noble of plants hii China, and are frequently used in, the Ch'u Tz'u to symbolize men of high character. 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W its SftW- ^ it. mpi ©tie f,g H1?a Wim rga $,-}} ikm UliS 3If1.= * 3 r f e — ii% p$ rift* ftrn- -fit *na %Hx'a ^ v;m 5^. /•i'W fic W : E tgffS TFT 7l*M ^-K ±^ eJtiM It E . fist--i-.fc; , 4 , i i ; 0 ©^t :;. jg: M* H. i ma a; S T * J i i i W g !?K 4 i£ '. * ^ Hi) ^ i i ag'ffl i5jjr ten; ft'R-R siii iu$ SHJcji fli^ fii|i-2 Mtft: SrAIIg - i ® m->;- see sss ^IS: jitai ai« «^ s$*; Wfifc XS 5 : ^ S i f J S 1 -iff i s f i # 5 ^ 5 ? ' -tm - f ^ H t ; KlSJ ^ B 'f'^ - Jtjfl Mffl tiffl ftvc 'sm r.ijf ^--i-- l - S 5 f : A ' ; H * ^ 5 A # #-7c j ! ) f ® IMi? ilol'. 105 Falling Teeth Last year a back.tooth f e l l , While this year a front one f e l l , Suddenly I lost six or seven, And i t ' s clear they haven't stopped dropping yet. Those remaining are a l l wobbly and loose, .Which wi l l only stop when they a l l f a l l out. I remember that when the f i r s t one f e l l , I thought the gap in my teeth was shameful. But when two or three had dropped out,• I was worried that I was old and soon to die. Each time when one was about to f a l l , I quaked and shuddered, hoping i t would stop. 1 Gapped teeth hinder me in eating;2 Loose teeth make me. fear rinsing my mouth.3 But when they fi n a l l y forsake me and f a l l out, It is the same'as a mountain collapsing. Recently I've become used to them fal l i n g out; I watch them f a l l , empty and a l l alike. There are s t i l l some twenty l e f t , Yet I know they'll a l l f a l l out in time. So i f one f a l l s each year on the average, There are s t i l l enough l e f t to last twenty years.4 But i f they a l l drop out at once, It would be the same as falling out gradually.5 People say that when ones teeth f a l l , He can't be certain of a long l i f e . 106 I say our lives a l l have limits,^ Whether long or short, we a l l die anyway. They say that when one has gaps in his teeth, Those around him w i l l view them with alarm. . But I say i t is said by Chuang Chou That the tree and goose each has i t s joy,? My speech i s garbled, but silence i s good; My chewing useless, but soft food s t i l l tasty. So I sing a song and write down this poem, And take i t to scare my wife and kids.8 107 The poem "Falling Teeth," which was written in the year 803, i s interesting in the very different attitude which i t expresses toward the aging process than i s normally encountered in Chinese literature. In most verse from the Chien An period onward, old age i s viewed with great trepi-dation, and many poets begin to complain of their white hairs while s t i l l young. By the time of Han Ytt, complaint about ones old age had become one of the most t i r i n g of cliches in Chinese poetry, and i t i s refreshing to see the very original light i n which the author views his own aging as symbolized in the f a l l i n g out of his teeth. In-cidentally, i f one reads this poem carefully he can denote a sense of tragedy much greater than in a l l the whining about old age i n previous poetry. 1. The binome l i n l i n which means 'shuddering' i s f i r s t encountered in the Shu Ching, "T'ai Shih." The entire line is quite d i f f i c u l t to interpret, for i t one says that the fi n a l word 1 i s merely a particle, then the sense would be that his shuddering i s always present. If the word 1. means 'stopping,' then the line means he i s always concerned for the f a l l i n g of his teeth to stop. 2. The words ch'a ya have two possible translations. It is conceivable that they may be a rhyming binome, the mean-ing of which i s 'serrated' or 'uneven.' It i s also possible that ch'a i s simply an adjective describing va, as I have translated i t here. 108 -3. , Tien tao l i t e r a l l y means 'upside down' and i s f i r s t used in the Book of Songs to describe a man who puts his clothes on upside down. Shih Ching, "Kuo Feng." 4. A chi i s actually a period of twelve years, and since Han has only twenty teeth l e f t , arithmetic must not have been his forte. 5. Chlh i s most l i k e l y used here for the word without radical sixty-four. 6. Ya i s the limit of a body of water; i.e., the shore. This expression comes from Chuangtzu, "Yang Sheng P'ien." 7. This tale i s also from Chuangtzu, which Ware translates as follows: "When Chuang Chou was on a mountain, he noticed a tree with luxuriant branches and leaves. A woodsman stopped by i t , but did not choose i t , and when asked why replied, 'It's worthless.' Chuang Chou then remarked, 'This tree i s succeeding i n liv i n g :;aut i t s natural l i f e because i t has no quality.' On leaving the mountain, our master stayed at the house of a friend, who was so happy that he instructed his servant to k i l l a goose and roast i t . The servant then said, 'One of them can cackle, but the. other cannot. Which shall I k i l l ? 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ItJSJ Hf l Tti. iW i§® JlfcM tic® A S *IS » X S ± & ff® f«T IS3E IDjiE MJ£ « l ; H 5 Ui& KUl « « f * 1fi.# ilIFJ »5± ffA S^s ihZ. m mm.-m wx m\ m ®% s f r m* m& Wff 'TSfe iSM Aijx IS^ 5f J&T ?1ft fSJS W3t 0X » W KT-S" K « SP^EJ #*f M4i- sin tim W± J5Si i 'ft ' iEi f.'.Jt? ill) f,!j#e RiilK telii 3** ffiiit &'B# af t ' i f ca mm T^- -m &m m #Ril *nx ^  B A Jn# Pt stsK ntf* - s -w - sa«j jsSffi i f t m®. %x wemmmn m.w T+ mm ma &te TA w & s mft ^ » ^ A 109 I Reprimand the Malaria Demon-*-The soul of the Water Emperor has long vanished; 2 Faded, faded, no brilliance remains. How is i t that you, his unworthy son, S t i l l s t i r up fear of the malaria demon? In Autumn you give rise to c h i l l and fever, So old men and women curse and damn you. You seek food in the midst of vomit and diarrhoea, Not knowing that stench and f i l t h are bad. The medicine man adds the hundred poisons;3 His fumigating and rinsing never stop. The cauterizer applies his moxa wicks,^ As cruel as hunting fires surrounding a beast. The exorciser has poison mouth and fangs;-5 His tongue f l i e s along as fast as lightning. The charm maker plays with his knife and brush;^ Cinnabar and ink splatter this way and that. Ah! The gate of your ancestors and forbears Towers above so lofty, lofty. Your grandfather was Hsuan''7 and your father Hstl,^ Whose former glory i s not yet exhausted. Yet you do not act with restraint; Few are so low and mean as you. Aren't you ashamed to face your ancestors, So impudent you don't know enough to go home? 110 Limpid, limpid are the Chiang's clear waters; Return home and bring comfort to your wifel The clear waves w i l l be your robes and raiment, White rocks, your gate and threshold. You w i l l breathe the light of the bright moon, And your hand w i l l swing the lotus banners.9 Descending and perching, you follow the Nine Songs; You drink of fragrance and eat aromatics. 1 1 I present you with this good advice: Beat i t ! And don't ever come back!-'-2 I l l This work, (805)» i s very interesting for i t i s a parody on the "Nine Songs" of the Ch'u Tz'u. In the original poems, the object of the poet i s to attract the spirits to come and enjoy the sacrifice, but in Han's work the purpose i s to drive the s p i r i t away. 1. It i s impossible to determine what specific disease is meant by the word ntieh, but from the Shuo Wen onward i t is described as some form of intermittent fever, and today i t is used for the disease malaria. The malaria demon was one of the three children of the mythical emperor Chuan Hsu and was said to reside in the Chiang River. 2. Chuan Hsu, the Water Emperor referred to here, was the ruler of the northern waters, grandson of the Yellow Emperor, and father of the malaria demon. 3. The pal tu or 'hundred poisons' are those medicines of particular potency. k. In traditional Chinese medical practice the cauterizer sticks hot pins into certain points of the skin, in the belief that contact with specific points could cure certain diseases. The doctor also burned moxa wicks on the patient's skin to produce a similar effect. 5. In China as in the West incantations were used to drive away the e v i l spirits believed to cause certain diseases. 6. Taoist priests were specialists in the drawing of a large variety of charms for different purposes. One of the earliest f u l l accounts of this practice i s contained in the Pao P*n.:tzu, "Ju Shan Fu," where Ko Hung describes a number of charms 112 useful in driving off the e v i l spirits that the Taoist adept encounters when he enters the mountains to meditate. Usually these charms were highly distorted Chinese charac-ters and were written with both ink and cinnabar. 7. Hsuan Ytlan i s the personal appellation of the Yellow Emperor. 8. Hsu is the second syllable'of the name Chuan Hsu, father of .the malaria demon. 9. Lotus banners are mentioned i n the "Nine Songs" of the Ch'u Tz'u and were used i n the shamanistic rites for summon-ing s p i r i t s . 10. The "Nine Songs" of the Ch'u Tz'u were used to summon spirits i n shamanistic rit e s . , 11. The words fang and tel commonly occur in the Ch'u Tz'u and are said by the commentator Wang Yi to be symbolic of virtuous men. Fang i s the fragrance of plants which the word fej probably referred to some specific plant, the identity of which i s conjectural now. 12. The.word tuo i s probably the correct version here, and i t i s lik e l y that i t was changed to the tamer ch'u by some copyist who disliked Han's unconventional language. 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The season i s pure and cool, While the ground is open and high.-1-Spreading feathers they shudder as i f cold;*-Their bulging throats vie in swelling. Suddenly a breast i s lowered, And their stances change with the wink of an eye. Bam! Hang! The sound of battle roars forth; Fluttering white feathers f a l l in disorder. A short pause, the event i s s t i l l undecided; A small setback, and strength redoubles. Their jealous natures are devoted to l i f e and death struggle; With love of murder they specialize in slaughtering one another. Tearing at the blood, they lose their voices, Pecking at the crimson as i f they were famished. Rising opposite, how tense and exciting! Whirling suddenly, what a clever trick! Their cruel hand would have satiated L i Yang,3 And their s p i r i t bludgeons would have distressed Chu Hai.^ 114 Of compassionate heart, we take pity on them; What crime that they must smash their heads? Of course, only one w i l l win, So the startled spectators sweat profusely. Pleasure moves the faces of those who know the victors; Fearing defeat, the others sadly watch their bets. They compete to see the.contest like clouds f i l l i n g a road, And join in the shouting, waves billowing in the sea. The cocks f i x their claws, hard to withdraw;^ With infuriated eyes, they never t i r e . One spurt of water and they revive; Joining again they hone their weapons.? Heads hang down with cinnabar combs shredded;0 Wings droop, dragging like brocade ribbon. One soars up with his remaining valor; Pure and s h r i l l his crowing resembles a victory announcement. The victor i s moved by the reception of Mao Sui,9 While the loser i s shamed by Kuo wei being chosen f i r s t . A heroic heart loves to die in conflict, And noble flesh i s ashamed of being slaughtered in the kitchen. Just look at this poem on the cockfight; Its short rhymes may be of some use. 115 This poem, which was written i n 806, i s one of the linked verses which Han Ytl wrote in cooperation with his close friend Meng Chiao. As such i t i s not i n Han's usual style most l i k e l y because the two authors were vying to see who could write the most refined lines. The subject, cockflghting, was a favorite one with the poets of the North-South period, and cockfighting was a popular sport among the Chinese in T'ang times as i t i s today. Probably the most famous poem on this subjaect i s a shih written by the greatest poet of the Chien An period, Ts'ao Chih, which has been s k i l l f u l l y rendered by Arthur Waley.-1-?^ Basically, Han's and Meng's poem is a much expanded version of Ts'ao's poem, yet i t is informative to note the great differences i n poetic style resulting from a difference of time of over five hundred years. Ts'ao's work describes a gathering of jaded aristocrats searching for something exciting to lessen their boredom, while Han and Meng depict a group of lower class men who have staked their bets and anxiously watch the outcome of the contest. 1. "The heavenly season i s not so important as the advantage of ground, and the advantage of ground i s not as important as the harmony of the people." Mencius i s rating the rela-tive importance of certain strategic factors in determining the survival of a state, while Han i s describing the condi-tions of battle between the two cocks. 2. The meaning of this line i s somewhat dubious, but since chin hsin seems to mean 'shiver,' Han Yu i s most lik e l y 116 describing the cocks shaking with anger in expectation of the fight. 3. "Formerly Shih Le and Li Yang were neighbors. At harvest they once fought over a hemp f i e l d , striking each other a number of times. At this point Shih Lfc grabbed Li Yang's arm and said, ^Formerly I have become fed up with your old f i s t , but in the future you w i l l become sated by my poison hand."' Chin Shu. 4. Chu Hai was an inhabitant of the nation Wei during the Warring States period. Although he was living as a hermit in the market, he was introduced to Hsin-ling Chun,. and became his retainer. When the Ch'in army surrounded the capital of Chao, Hsin-ling Chun wanted to save Chao, but the army of Chin refused to come to the rescue. Thus, he sent Chu Hai to k i l l the commander of the army with a bludgeon concealed in his sleeves in order to gain control over the soldiers and rescue Chao. The commentators suspect that shen ch'ui i s a mistake for hsiu oh'ul or 'bludgeon concealed in the sleeve,' since this would accord better with the story as found in the Shlh Chi. 5. The word shih should probably have either radical nine or eighteen added to i t . 6. Water was sprinkled upon the fighting cocks to revive them. *• 7. This line i s possibly corrupt, and commentators have d i f f i c u l t y i n explaining the word nai, which seems to affect the meaning l i t t l e . 11? 8. The words tan sha or 'cinnabar sand' may ref e r to the redness of the cock's comb or the blood flowing from i t . 9. Mao Sui introduced himself to P'ing Yuan Chun when the prince was looking f o r retainers to help him seek an a l l i a n c e with the state of Ch'u. Although r i d i c u l e d at f i r s t , Mao was received by the prince, and when the embassy reached Ch'u, Mao convinced i t s king of the necessity of a l l i a n c e by means of his o r a t o r i c a l s k i l l . Shih Chi, chtlan 77. 10. "Kuo Wei told King Chao of Yen, 'If you r e a l l y want to at t r a c t scholars, you should s t a r t with me, f o r i f I am used, how much w i l l those who are nobler than me." 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The three of us chased him together, One man passing in front without danger. I also walked sure-footed, skipping the hazards and perils; Mind unworried, body ntaible, my feet didn't even shake. I turned my body and gazed into the darkness of the gorges and valleys, When my cane struck a jade board going bong! bong! ^  The s p i r i t officer looked at me, his face breaking into a smile; In front I faced a man whose age wasn't small. One could s i t on the stone altar, gently sloping; With hand supporting chin, I propped my elbows on the seat. Soaring towers and mighty pavilions rose into the sky, While a heavenly wind floating along blew past me. The man who was not young recited seven words, Six of which were ordinary speech but one of which was hard. With my fingers I pinched off some white jade and cinnabar,5 Chewing i t while I questioned and examined him. The second verse was cut off before i t l e f t his mouth, 119 And he looked at me harshly, his face unhappy. Then I knew that this immortal was not yet wise and sagely; Guarding his faults, he used my ignorance to invite respect. I am already able to compromise myself to live in the World. So why should I follow you and hide in s p i r i t mountains? 120 In this work (807), Han Ytl Is on the surface making fun of the Taoist religion, and, in particular, of the be-l i e f in immortals and e l i x i r s for long l i f e . What is so fascinating about this work i s that i t i s a perfect descrip-tion of a dream, for the way i n which. Han races along in pursuit of the immortal with his feet barely touching the ground i s exactly the feeling one has when dreaming. Also, the entirely irrational.nature of the poem possesses an a l -most surrealistic, nightmarish quality rarely encountered before i n Chinese verse. His f i n a l rejection of the im-poster immortal brings him back to the world of Confucian reality. 1. Chiao •Horn* and Ken 'Root' are both constellations which corresponds to the positions ch*en and mao. The immortal i s beginning his discourse with a lesson on astrology. 2. The four wei are equivalent to the four directions northeast, northwest, southeast, and southwest, while the four corners refer to the four cardinal directions.' 3. In T'ang China time was usually kept by a clepsydra, and the night was divided into one hundred twenty k'e. 4. The ytl pan is most li k e l y a board in the Gate of Heaven. 5. Pai ytl tan or white jade cinnabar i s some form of the e l i x i r of l i f e . Jade had magical qualities from the earliest times in China, and many of the articles used in temple r i t u a l were of jade. Its hardness no doubt also contributed 121 to the idea that i t could prolong l i f e . 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Horses and cattle, startled, w i l l not eat, While demons gather, waiting to seize him. l i s wo^spi^Mssp*]^ And the mirror grows ulcers and tumors. Hearing him, the iron Buddha knits his brows, And the stone man's legs shudder.and shake. Who says Earth and Heaven are merciful? I wish to scold our True Lord. Lice hide in his ears to find seclusion, Yet waves crash violently on the sea. The Sun cannot bear shining, For his charioteer is lazy and slothful.5 Suddenly the snoring sounds like Peng Ylleh^ and Ch'ing Pu, Screaming their innocence as they are torn to pieces.8 Then like a tiger i n a cage, Crying from wounds and roaring for hunger. Although you would have kinsglltag play his pipes,9 This bitter rhyme i s hard to change. 123 Even i f you asked U Hsien to summon him back, 1 0 His soul would be hard to restore. What mountain has a divine medicine? I want to pick i t and cure him of snoring. No matter i f Mister T'an is sitting or lying, He always can sleep very soundly. When I heard his snoring once, I feared he would harm his v i t a l organs, 1 1 He sounds like the Yellow River gushing forth, Blocked up by a bunch of clumsy Run*s. 1 2 The Southern Emperor brandishes his bludgeon D r i l l i n g a hole to drain the wild confusion. It shoots out for a great distance, A myriad yards, unable to be measured. And just when one thought i t ha*} ended, It continued to flow, on and on. Dark, dark, the inside of his inch-long throat Like a thicket dense with grass and trees. The thieves may be clever and crafty, Yet they fear to peer over his threshhold, tho his soul is gone. His snoring is mixed and confused like the Primal Essence, Phantasmagoras racing about, violent and fierce. Suddenly i t sounds like the bickering of an argument, Then abruptly i t changes to resentment and anger. I am sorry that the bodies given us are a l l unique, So there i s no way for me to find the cause of this. 124 How then can I block up the source of his snoring? Only with a bucket of d i r t i n his mouth. 125 These two poems, which were probably written in 807, are found in the wal chi of Han Ytl's works, and there has beemi.much controversy over whether or not they were actually written by Han. The c r i t i c Chou Tzu-chih was among those who believed that these poems are not authentic: "In the lost works of Han Ytl transmitted by the world are two poems "Ch'ao Han Shui.* The language is extremely weird, and Han Ytl did not ordinarily use Buddhist terms i n writing poetry. . . . It i s certain that this i s not the work of Han Ytl. "179 Fang Shih-chtl belonged to the group of c r i t i c s who believed these works to be from the brush of Han: "As for the two poems "Ch'ao Han Shui," Chou Tzu-chih made his decision on the basis of the use of Buddhist terminology, but this seems a rather petty view. In Chu Hsi's poetry there is a five character ku-shih entitled 'Getting up in the Morning to Read a Buddhist Sutra,* and he didn^t remove this poem. If one does not follow their religion but occasionally uses their language, nothing i s lost i n the meaning. Moreover, Han was using i t to satirize a monk, and what was wrong with him writing that which he knew?"!0*0 One i s very much inclined to accept Fang Shih-chtl*s opinion with regard to the two poems before us, for as we have already shown, the Confucian scholars were always much too eager to disassociate their hero Han Ytl from any contact with the Buddhist religion. Although i t w i l l be impossible to make a definitive statement on this question until we know more about the origin of the 126 poems found i n the wai c h i , i t seems f a i r l y safe to regard these two works as genuine due to t h e i r great s i m i l a r i t y i n s t y l e to the r e s t of Han Ytl's. And even i f they are fakes, they are s t i l l extremely enjoyable pieces of poetry. 1. Master. T'an was an obscure Buddhist monk, whose l a y name seems to have been Chu-ke Chtleh. 2. A-Pi-Shih i s a t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n of the S a n s k r i t A v i c i ( l i t e r a l l y , 'waveless'), the name of the l a s t and deepest of the eigh t hot h e l l s where the v i c t i m s s u f f e r , d i e , and are i n s t a n t l y reborn to s u f f e r again. 3. I t may seem strange that p i l l o w s be made of wood, but even today many Chinese peasants p r e f e r to sleep on wooden p i l l o w s . 4. Chen Tsai or l i t e r a l l y 'True C o n t r o l l e r ' i s another name f o r God which f i r s t appears i n Chuang-tzu. 5. The f e i ytl i s another name f o r H s i Ho, the c h a r i o t e e r of the sun. 6. P'eng Ytleh, whose biography appears i n chtlan n i n e t y . o f the Shih C h i , was one of the major contenders i n the con-f l i c t which l e d to the establishment of the Han dynasty, and f o r h i s great merit i n the s e r v i c e of L i u Pang, he was enfeoffed as King of L i n g . L a t e r he f e l l from the i m p e r i a l f a v o r and was a r r e s t e d on s u s p i c i o n of treason a f t e r h i s c a r r i a g e master slandered him. As a r e s u l t , he and h i s e n t i r e c l a n were exterminated and h i s kingdom a b o l i s h e d . 7. Ch'ing Pu's biography.is to be found i n chtlan ninety-one of the Shih C h i . His support was a major f a c t o r i n the 127 eventual victory of Liu Pang, and he was rewarded with the t i t l e King of Huai-nan. When Liu Pang started to eliminate the feudal kings one by one, Ch'ing Pu became ,; afraid that he was next and so rose i n revolt against the imperial authority. He was no match for the emperor of China, and when his army was routed, he was murdered by his enemies. 8. Chu hai i s the famous Chinese method of execution in which the victim i s not allowed to die quickly but i s slowly hacked to. pieces. 9 . Ling Lun was supposed to be the inventor of the pitch pipes under the Yellow Emperor. 10. U Hsien was a famous shaman during the time of the Yellow Emperor. References, to shamans attempting to c a l l back the spirits of the dead are common in the Ch'u Tz'u literature. 11. The "five organs" are the kidneys, heart, l i v e r , lungs and gall bladder. 12. Kun was Ytl's father and was called upon by Yao to govern the floods which then raged over the earth. He attempted to contain the waters with dams and dykes, and when these broke the conditions became even worse than before. Ytl f i n a l l y solved the problem by digging channels to carry off the excess water. 13. "The Emperor of the' South Sea was called Hsiu, the-Emperor of the North Sea Hu, and the Emperor of the Center Hun T'un. Once Hsiu and Hu met together at Hun T'un's plac 128 and Hun T'un treated them so well that Hsiu and Hu planned to repay his favor. They said, 'People a l l have seven holes in them to see, hear, eat, and breathe, but he alone doesn't have any, so let's try and d r i l l some.' Each day they dr i l l e d one hold, and after seven days, Hun T'un died." Chuangtzu. Since the word hun t'un also means 'chaotic,' this line has a double layer of meaning. On the one hand Han Y t l i s comparing the leaking of the water of Hun T'un's brains gushing out of the holes d r i l l e d by his friends, while on the other hand he is'saying that the disorder of the flood i s equal to the primeval state of chaos. 1^. 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J»- :^ JTIJ ?'l-ffift ^ T5E 5f 5§S » 0 IX. W. A ife m w m m m u •in. m. -ji mm ;jf. A5T MA •MS AJ12 T*S ^ T mx .H.S s* JiJ<. I'JT T « . ssg i f TIS E A UiS; Ailb $M\ T T i l f f i ^ T i * . :;I;A ^ T «c3l! Tfe j>)jt ! f * T ^ H ftl"l ;«;Dif Si^l BcgH Jiif; JliS! su- ® mm 1 A-i- TiV? -F>'i W ft'filb 5lJ35 .'ftT . -^ P)4c ft^i-^ r t f S5c ' i* m^ii' •Ii T TTiib' — 129 On Meng Chiao Losing a Son Meng Chiao begot three children, but after a few' days they a l l died. He was getting old and was saddened, for he thought he would be without descendants. His friend Han Ytl of Ch'ang-li was afraid that he would despair too much and used the analogy of Heaven lending our fates to us to instruct him. "I have lost my son and whom am I to blame? I am going to blame you^Heaven above. You are truly the master of us men below, So why are you so partial i n giving and taking? What i s there between one man and you, That you make his children abundant and long-lived? What crime does another man have That his cfeaild i s born and dies in a few days"? Meng Chiao's cries on high were never unheard; His tears dripped to the ground, soaking the Yellow Springs. The God of Earth became sad for him;2 Disquieted and disturbed, he was long i l l at ease. So he summoned the Great Spi r i t Turtle,3 Who rode the clouds and knocked on the Gate of Heaven. He asked God, "You are the master of men below; Why i s your disfavor and grace so uneven?" God said, "Heaven, Earth, and Man Have never been concerned for each other. 130 I hanged up the sun and the moon, Tied fast the stars and the signs. Yet the sun and moon gnaw and nibble each other, And the stars and signs trip and f a l l down.-5 But I do not blame them for thijs, For I know they do not determine such things.. Moreover, each thing has i t s own lot; Who could have caused i t to be so? To have a child or not to have a child, Who can fathom the good or bad in this? The minnows f i l l their mother's belly, But who would you have love them one by one? The fine-waisted wasp does not suckle i t s young; Its entire race i s forever orphaned. The owl pecks out i t s mother's brains; Only when the mother dies does the child soar.^ When the viper bears forth i t s babes, They crack and s p l i t i t s intestines and liver.? Although good sons are said to be good, They never pay back your kindness and labor. Bad sons are not worth mentioning, For they are just like the owl and viper. Even i f you have children, do not take joy; If you lack children, you should not despair. The best mere do not wait to be instructed, While worthy ones change when they hear advice. The stupidest Ones are confused by your words; 131 Although you instruct them, they can't be enlightened.^ 1 The Great Spirit bowed his head and received these words, And on the same day returned with God's command. The Earth God told the Great Spirit Turtles "Go and t e l l this to that man." At night Meng Chiao had a dream Of a man with black clothes and headicloth.^ He entered headlong through the window, And three times repeated the words of God. Meng Chiao bowed twice and thanked the man in black, Gave up his sadness, and was joyful and glad! 132' , . , Han's poem was written in the year 808, in the spring of which one of Meng Chiao's sons died. There are a number of poems by Meng Ghiao about the loss of his children, a l l of which are typified by his extremely bitter view of l i f e . On the contrary, Han's poem was ob-viously meant to be humorous, a fact which contrasts the character of these two poets and close friends. The superficial resemblance of this poem to Job i s interesting to note in passing, although in this work God makes more appeal to reason in his message to the af f l i c t e d Meng Chiao. The exhortation to Meng to accept his fate is typical of the Chinese attitude toward l i f e in T'ang times. 1. The springs are the huang ch'tlan or Yellow Springs of . the underworld. 2 . The God of the Earth i s f i r s t mentioned in the Chou L i . Here, however his name is written Ti Shih rather than Ti Ch'i. 3 . Tortoises have had a magical significance in China since the most ancient times. Their shells were used for divination in the Shang dynasty, and the fairy island of P'eng Lai was said to be held up by tortoises. It seems rather odd, however, for a clumsy turtle to be the messenger of the gods. k. This i s obviously a reference to solar and lunar eclipses, which are causedby;1he juxtaposition of the sun and moon. 1 3 3 5. Here we have a reference to meteors,, which as in the West were believed to be stars that f e l l from heaven. 6. In modern usage the word ch'ih hsiu i s the designation of a large number of owls of the genus Bubo or Scops. The Chinese generally believed owls to be ev i l omens (e.g., the Fu Niao Fu of Chia Yi), and owls were a symbol of u n f i l i a l behavior, because the young were supposed to devour their mother. 7. The viper referred to i s probably Agkistrodon, a very poisonous snake widely distributed throughout south China. The young are born alive, and the Chinese believed that the babies' poison burst the intestines of the mother. 8. One name for the tortoise i s hsuan i or 'black clothes,' and the messenger i n the black robe i s the human form of the great turtle s p i r i t . Han very l i k e l y took this line from a story i n which a tortoise clothed in black appeared in a dream to King Yuan of Sung. 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T # ^4 sim (lift T f ii T l i Xffi -»t5£ ^6 ^ f t JS^ T H ,UT $.10 A H T T m i ^-iC JfA MM. • mri mi im m ±m m. * S A A ® TS'i 1412 . mi f c - a * 5 *T -its l i T ^ a i T A f^ WJ i f i A K-tfe, 5)-$? T A g ©a HffJ I MSi BBS T— «f2c iiiff mi ft^fe "^IB.^b ft-ili atfl |S"fe Tifc HT . i ^ 6 # A A" & ft IMI 'm mm 4 tfc a #H? Tiro s^Ti' mm ^ aflii im ft:?^W ^ Jtjfb-T-4': & T HE3^Sr ^ TftfflW^i® ififai jg' jg. w» i$ ffi* / 13^ Poem of the Lunar Ecli p s e i n Imitation of a Work by Lu T'ung In the f i f t h year of Ytlan Ho"1"when the dipper pierced Tzu,2 At the t h i r d watch, the fourteenth of November.3 Thick, thick a myriad trees, stood s t i f f l y i n the night; The cold a i r was b i t t e r and biting? no wind blew. The moon was shaped l i k e a round p l a t t e r ; Round, round, she rose i n the east. Then suddenly a Thing came and devoured her; I know not what kind of serpent i t was. How could the most s p i r i t u a l of beings Suffer such ruinous misfortune? The stars came out l i k e scattered sand; Crowded together, they vied i n brightness. The o i l lamp does not usually l i g h t the mat, But tonight i t spat out a long rainbow of flames. Lu T'ung's tears streamed down as he paced alone i n the courtyard,** And he thoughts "The sun and the moon Are the : eyes of Heaven. I f they cannot protect themselves, How can my Way be practiced? I have heard i t said by the ancients That t h i s i s caused by a demon toad. A diameter of a thousand miles i s stuffed i n hi s belly;5 Where has his ugly body grown up? He crawls and creeps; h i s hands and feet are d u l l , 135 So taught him to climb the blue and boundless? The Yellow Emperor was four-eyed^ And Shun had double pupils.7 Now Heaven has only two eyes, So why does he eat one and make Heaven blind i n one eye? Yao called forth the great floods to soak the ten suns;8 He did not care i f the babes of a l l lands be born with fish heads. If you had eaten suns then, Who would curse you though you ate eight or nine? The red dragons and blackbirds would burn your mouth;9 Their feathers and bristles knocking about i n your gullet. Though greedy and gluttonous your belly would have been f i l l e d , So your intestines wouldn't rumble when you s p l i t your guts. Now you must die for eating the moon; The net of Heaven enshrouds a l l , where w i l l you hide?" Lu T'ung stood'in the courtyard and spokei "I am your lowly vassal T'ung who walks on this earth; I bow down and presume to inform you, Lord of Heaven, Your vassal has a one-inch knife, Which can rend the guts of this fierce toad. But I have no ladder to ascend to Heaven,10 So there is no way for me to walk the Heavenly Stairs. I send my petition with the east wind, Praying he can penetrate the northwest gate of Heaven. I begged the Eavesdropper not to leak this secret,H But my luck had i t that Fei Lien was l a z y . 1 2 136 In the east i s the black-colored dragon,^3 Whose teeth...and. horns are so terrifying. Your attendants are over a hundred,. And you trouble the o f f i c i a l s with your big appetite. You are not even aware of the lunar eclipse; What use i s a dragon hiding in the Milky Way? The red bird governs the southern quarters; His t a i l i s bald and his wings scraggly. The eclipse i s there over your head, And your mouth gapes open fiercely. Yet'i'fehe toad steals by your two l i p s , For you would save trouble by not pecking the beast. The tiger crouches i n the west,1** Banner stars guarding him fuzzy, fuzzy.-'--5 He always hangs around the White Emperor's sacrifice h a l l , And his food i s increased during the December rites. Now he lets the moon be eaten by an e v i l being; Teeth and fangs are stuck in his mouth in vain. The black tortoise i s cowardly, vicious, and afraid of the c o l d ; 1 8 He draws his head in his shell to screen himself. At last I command Kua E to force him out; 1^ The diviner burns, chisels, d r i l l s , and scorches his shell with marks like stars.20 Except for these four, a l l the other inner and outer o f f i c i a l s Are so t r i f l i n g they're not even worthy of censure. 137 Your vassal requests God to sweep them a l l away? And don't let them complain, for they'll make a racket. Bring back our moon with i t s light and rays; May the blind eye be as clear as a mirror without defect. Let the petty toad be captured and sent to the cooks, And your Imperial Chopsticks dine on the white of his belly. The hare w i l l take charge of his mortar and p e s t l e ; 2 1 The cassia tree sway gracefully on the jade steps.22 Huan E w i l l return to her palace, 23 And the Great Sun go back to his kifie. Though you are high above Heaven, Your hearing reaches the earth, You w i l l be moved by my sincerity and let me know your intention; Although without clear speech, you w i l l t e l l me your command. " A l l things with breath and form are my children; I am angered by this great injury, but can I k i l l children of mine? I return your bright moon to go at peace in i t s orbit, And forgive everyone's sins; tear the toad to pieces!!!" 138 Written, in the year 810, this poem is an imitation of a work of the same t i t l e by Han Ytl's friend, Lu T'ung. The poem is usually interpreted as a p o l i t i c a l allegory in which God i s the emperor, and the eclipsed moon is a minister who has been deluded by the toad, which possibly represents a eunuch. The punishment of the lax o f f i c i a l s and the k i l l i n g of the toad probably symbolize Lu T'ung's and Han Ytl's desire to r i d the court of the eunuchs, who were an unhealthy influence on the emperor. Lu T'ung's original work is one of the weirdest creations of Chinese literature, and the version of Han Ytl i s not only considerably abridged but also much tamer. Han quotes some parts of Lu's poem almost word for word, but by s k i l l f u l l y eliminating much of Lu's detail, he creates an i n f i n i t e l y more effective poem. 1. Ytlan Ho ofPrimal Harmony1 was a reign period of Hsien Tsung starting in 806. Keng-yin was the f i f t h year or 810, 2. The tou i s the Big Dipper of the West, and tzu i s the f i r s t of the twelve earthly branches. When the Big Dipper enters this sign, the eleventh lunar month commences. 3. The third watch i s the period of time from twelve mid-night until two i n the morning. *K Ytl Ch'uan-tzu or Scholar of the Jade River i s the style of Lu T'ung. 5. "The sun and moon have a diameter of a thousand l i . " Po Hu T'ung. 6. Huang Ti or the Yellow Emperor was the mythical ruler 139 (2697-2597 B.C.) who was supposed to be the ancestor of the Chinese race. He was said to have one j f g r B >£e.3?hea<Sht&£ the four directions to allow him to keep watch over the world. 7. Shun was the legendary founder of the Hsia dynasty who was said to have double pupils. Huai-nan-tzu. 8. Yao was the predecessor of Shun on the throne (2356-2255 B.C.'). The story of the flood and the nine suns i s contained in the "Yao Tien" of the Shu Ching. There are also other accounts: "At the time of Yao, ten suns came out together, and grasses and trees were scorched. Yao commanded Hou I to shoot at the ten suns, and he hit nine of them." Hual nan-tzu. 9. The red dragons were the steeds which pulled the sun chariot', while the tradition of there being black birds i n the sun possibly originated from the observation of sunspots. 10. The idea of a ladder reaching to heaven is f i r s t en-countered in the Ch'u Tz'u. 11. Pu Erh i s the name of a constellation. "When the Eavesdropper shakes and moves there are slanderous and disorderly vassals at hand." Shih Chi, "T'ien Kuan Shu." 12. Fei Lien i s the name of the wind god. "Fei Lien i s a s p i r i t bird able to control the wind. He has a body like a deer and a head like a sparrow with horns, and also a snake's t a i l . It's markings are like the spots of a leopard." Han Shu In Yi. 13. "The element of the east is wood, and i t s beast i s the blue dragon." Huai-nantzu, "T'ien-wen Hstln." 140 14. "The element of the west i s metal, and i t s beast i s the white t i g e r . " Hual-nantzu, "T'ien-wen Hsun." According to the di c t i o n a r i e s the word yu t'u i s Ch'u c o l l o q u i a l f o r t i g e r . 15. The Ch'i Mao i s a co n s t e l l a t i o n i n the west. Shih C h i T  T'ien Kuan Shu." 16. "Ch'in was situated i n the west, so they made a western a l t a r and s a c r i f i c e d to the White Emperor." Shih Chi, "Peng Ch'ang Shu." 17. S a c r i f i c e s were offered by the emperor i n the twelfth month of the lunar year, a practice supposedly originated by Shen Nung. 18. The tortoise i s the beast of the north, being associated with the element water and the color black. "In the northern palace i s the to r t o i s e , " Shih Chi, "T'ien Kuan Shu." 19. The goddess K'ua E f i r s t appears i n the story about the f o o l i s h old man who attempted to move a mountain. "The snake-holding s p i r i t heard of t h i s , and a f r a i d that he would not desist, t o l d God. God was moved by his s i n c e r i t y and commanded the two sons of K'ua E to move the two mountains." Liehtzu, "T'ang Wen P'ien." 20. During the Shang dynasty i t was the practice to t e l l fortunes by d r i l l i n g small holes i n bones or tortoise s h e l l s and.applying a hot needle to see what pattern the cracks would produce. 21. The e a r l i e s t reference to the hare grinding the medicine of immortality on the moon i s i n the Ch'u Tz'u, "T'ien Wen." 141 22. According to popular tradition, a cassia tree grew on the moon. The Chinese cassia i s Cinnamonum cassia. 23. Heng E was the wife of the mythical archer Hou I, and in the Han dynasty her name was changed to Ch'ang E to avoid the taboo on the name of Wen T i . "Hou I requested the medicine of immortality from the Queen Mother of the West, and Heng E stole i t , escaping to the moon." Huai-nantzu. @teft=-w& $~ % &m &m m± &B& m mi& ip t ^ -diig spin ^ 0 f t mzm mu %m m. 3$. » E m a s : ri* #s* ) Vi 2fe- * H it© SiS j^ rr |g -sis sm nm SJm «ui ^' H * aa fr* &.B mm m-B K 0 ^ m ' fg & t#. *« ^TE «m « A tarn ft S f H - -6)35 £ U J MS -jffi - ©.ffl ar- ' ^ S S I^ £J5J ?Jc* £ S tt£ Jib' ^ * A * KB ffffi ^ ffi $c§& f': JE^ m# f *•„ r-ife— S3 m IS* S31 *'ffl 2?£m(i-:.-r;f ^ # 5 sjj --I'mMm a $ ^ * r a ^S:f -iMf (^= « 1 ^ . -T-ttt il). i f . I .US 3(>T /p: fen WB 7f»S. 55^ f.ya sa t im* B i R6--P 'S-T-A A mti 0f JhK mm w& 2M aim tPiH: A H ggiia zm # B x s t *m m® n& BA is' ^ A ' K •ffcUJ HISS •m rr m r . • Am a^ f- 2$ mm B * # IE *nt raa rsi^ s . BM ftSA Ik2 The Son of Family X Neither foolish nor mad, the son of family X Enters the Wang U Mountains calling himself a Taoist priest.* His white-haired mother blocks the door crying? She rips his robe sleeve, but can* t hold him back. His kingfisher-browed wife i& only twenty As he sends her back home, her cries pierce the city. Some say he wants to learh to play the phoenix pipes, That he envies Consort Ling and would equal Hsiao Shih.3 It i s also said that fashion scorns the ordinary, So he strives to do the strange and dangerous to take a noble post. Although there are legends about spirits and immortals, Intelligent men know these are false. How can sagely princes and worthy ministers be cheated? What w i l l he get by dying of hunger i n remote mountains?^ Alas! My heart i s sympathetic to him,-5 And I would teach him about these things from beginning to end. "Chastiseone to warn a hundred" i s a rule of good government; If he doesn't listen, i t ' s not too late for punishment. If.any of his family or friends feel pity, Copy this poem of mine and show i t to him! ' -143 This poem was written in the year 811 and i s another attack against popular Taoism. According to the commentary a young man by the name L11 Kui deserted his family and entered the Wang U Mountains to become a Taoist monk. After a short while he l e f t the mountains and after gaining an interview with the governor of Honan, L i Su, he was told to remove his Taoist robe and return to his mother and family. Han believed that to leave ones family in order to become-a Buddhist or Taoist monk was an u n f i l i a l act, and so he does not refer to the young man by his surname, but calls him the son of family X. 1. Wang U Shan i s in present-day Shansi province. 2. Ts'ui mel undoubtedly refers to the cosmetics on the young bride*. "Her brow was like a kingfisher feather." Sung Yu, Fu on Teng T'u-tzu's Love of Sex (Teng T'u-tzu Hao Se Fu). 3 . "In the time of Duke Mu of Ch'in there was one Hsiao Shih who was good at blowing the flute, and the daughter of the Duke Nung Ytl loved him, so the duke gave her to him in marriage. Subsequently he taught Nung Ytl how to make a phoenix c a l l . After several years they blew the phoenix sound and phoenixes came and perched on their house. The duke made a phoenix pavilion for them, and husband and wife lived on top of i t . One day .they flew off, following the phoenixes." Lieh Hsien Chuan. 4. The words kan ssu, l i t e r a l l y 'drily die,' have two possible interpretations, 'die i n vain' or 'die of hunger.' 5. The binome ch'i t i i s the same as the one with radical sixty-one to the l e f t of both characters. WJ i l IS] M J wim -Jtw m± § ? . S I T JOT mi im »l' 0 TO'-iP? 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M • rn* WM z!t% im. im BM zti zz •flrv- z.m Am •uiT- i b 4 M m± » 4 0 TL':- *t£ *BW ^  #^ am-ffJM OT- W * c p^- «sc ^ BBiarffiie mz mn 144 Poem of the Two Birds Two birds came from beyond the seas; Plying, flying, they arrived in the Middle Land, 1 One bird settled in a city market, While the other perched i n the recesses of a c l i f f . Not able to sing with each other, They passed three thousand years. Both birds shut up their mouths, And the myriad beasts^ restrained their tongues.3 As the spring wind arose whirling along the ground, The hundred birds f l i t t e d and fluttered about. Suddenly the two birds came together, And for a hundred days they sang without stop. Those with ears became deaf from the din; Those with tongues were ashamed of themselves. The mynas were formerly so f e r t i l e i n sound;4 Now they only hung their heads low. Even when sick they did not moan or c a l l , S t ifled and silent, only ending with death. The Duke of Thunder5 told the Lord of Heaven:^ " A l l creatures are in need of your grace. Since the two birds started to sing, Their racket has muffled the sound of my thunder. The demons and spirits fear their mocking song;7 The Creative Processes have a l l come to a halt.8, Grasses and trees -have but minute feelings, 145 Yet their indignation shows throughout the land.9 Insects and mice are truly small creatures, But they cannot bear this bitter scolding.* 0 If you do not stop the two birds from singing, There w i l l be no more spring and f a l l . If you do not stop the two birds from singing, The sun and moon won't whirl about. If you do not stop the two birds from singing, The Great Law w i l l lose i t s Nine Statutes.*1 The Duke of Chou w i l l not longer be a duke, And Confucius no longer w i l l be a -fucius!"12 The Heavenly Lord was disturbed by the two birds, So he grabbed them and imprisoned each in a different place. And only then did a l l the insects and a l l the birds Begin to sing c h i i i i i r r p p c h i i i i i r r p p ! ! Since the two birds were i n separate spots, * They shut their mouths and awoke to their crimes. In the morning they ate a thousand head of dragons In the evening they ate a thousand head of cattle. In the morning they drank from the River, drying i t to dust;*^ In the evening they drank from the Sea, exhausting i t s currents, Yet once again after three thousand years, Will they raise up their song i n mutual refrain! 146 The interpretation of this work, which was written in 811, i s a matter of great conjecture. One theory has i t that the two birds represent the religions of Buddhism and Taoism which come from overseas and disturb the tranquility of China, requiring the eventual intervention of God. This interpretation i s quite questionable because the mention of a resurrection of the two birds at the end of the poem would be an unlikely conclusion to a work promoting the destruction of the two non-Confucian religions. The second and more plausible: explanation of the poem is that the two birds sym-bolize Han Ytl and Meng Chiao, who anger those around them because of the beauty of their singing (i.e., poetry and prose} and eventually arouse those in power to send them into exile. The only problem with this explication i s that the rather destructive and even sinister nature of the two birds hardly f i t s in with Han's opinion of himself. Perhaps, we w i l l have to abandon a l l previous attempts to rationally explain, this work and merely accept i t as one of the weirder products of Han Ytl's f e r t i l e imagination. 1. ' Chung chou or 'middle island' i s closely connected with such expressions as chung t'u (middle earth), chung yuan (middle plain), and chung kuo (middle state), and does not necessarily refer to the whole country of China but rather to the area within the Pass, the homeland of the Chinese people. 2. This line i s quite obscure, although the words wan hslang or 'myriad manifestations' seem to mean the same as the commoner wan wu. 147 3- K'ou t'ou i s a colloquial word for mouth, and i t i s interesting to note that Han includes the empty syllable here at the end of a line where i t would not normally be used in poetry. 4. The bird pai she or 'hundred tongues* i s said to be able to imitate the sound of other birds, so i t seems to f i t our mynah, although the exact meaning i s unknown. 5. The Lei Kung or Duke of Thunder i s a figure of popular Chinese religion, who in T'ang times was depicted as a bird-like man with beak, talons, and feathers. I t was his duty, to hunt out evil-doers and strike them dead with his dread thunderbolt. 6. The T'ien Kung or l i t e r a l l y Duke of Heaven was similar to the modern day T'ien Lao Ye or Old Squire of Heaven and was not the omniscient, omnipotent God of Christian belief. 7. There are two possible interpretations here. The word ch'ao usually means 'to make fun of someone' but i t also has the meaning of the 'twittering of birds.' 8. The tsao hua were the natural forces which bring a l l things into being and continue the creative process. Unlike the West, the process of creation was not thought to be directed by a personal God. 9 . The chiu chou or Nine Islands are nine divisions of China made by the mythical Ytl when he controlled the flood. 10. Here the word chu does not have i t s usual meaning of •punishj* this expression comes from Tso Chuan, "Thirty-first Year of Duke Hsiang." 148 11. The hung fan Is the Vast Design or Law given to Ytl after he brought the flood under control. The Nine Statutes are the nine subdivisions of this law. 12. The word ch'iu in the name of Confucius, K'ung Ch'iu, has the primary meaning of ' h i l l * of 'eminence. • Perhaps, Han means this line as a puns "K'ung the Eminence w i l l not be an eminence." Just as likely, however, he i s playing around with the master's name. 13. According to normal classical Chinese grammar the phrase ch'ien t'ou could be translated 'thousand-headed' but here Han Ytl has most l i k e l y reversed the normal word order of classical Chinese, and the word t'ou i s a measure word. 14. 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Her "belchs and yawns become the whirlwind; When she scrubs her hands great rains pour down. Tung-fang Shuo was then a l i t t l e brat; Though he was insolent, she did not scold him. Secretly he entered the room of lightning and thunder;3 Crash!! Bam!! rolled out the wild lightning chariot! The "Queen Mother heard of this with a laugh, And her guards joined i n haw!! haw!! They did not know that thousands and thousands of men Were buried alive beneath mud and sand. He shook and knocked the Five Mountains over,^ And floated the earth's mooring ropes free.5 She said, "Mychild, you are so nasty! What can we do about your naughtiness?" Fang Shuo heard this and was displeased; Baring his body, he bridled a dragon. Looking up he espied the North Dipper's handle,6 While rubbing his two hands together. The host of fairies then spoke anxiously: "How can so many crimes go unpunished? We just saw him there sneaking a lofek; This is something that can't be pardoned. If we do not make our intention clear, The outside world w i l l certainly clamor1!" 150 The Queen Mother could find no other way out; Her brow wrinkled, her mouth ah! sigh! She nodded her head and approved the memorial, Sending him off with an amethyst bridle gem.7 Fang Shuo was not even punished by this., Carrying.her bounty, more bragging and boastful. He slandered and insulted the Liu Son of Heaven;^ Right in daylight he pissed i n his audience h a l l . One morning without, even saying good-bye, He soared into the azure pink-clouded sky.9 151 The subject matter of this poem, which was written in 813, is partially derived from an account i n the Han Wu  Ti Nei Chuan, which states that the Queen Mother of the West visited Han Wu Ti to give him the peaefr of immortality. During her v i s i t she complained that Tung-fang Shuo attempted to steal the pears and that he was actually an immortal who had been exiled from her domain because he had played with the thunder and lightning. While retaining some of the plot of the novella, Han has s k i l l f u l l y u t i l i z e d the story for his own purposes. 1. Tung-fang Shuo, whose biography appears in chlian sixty-five of the Shih->Chi, was an attendant at the court of the emperor Han Wu Ti and was noted for his liter a r y compositions in the fu form and his prankish nature which frequently got him i n trouble with the authorities. He even played jokes on the emperor himself, but he was spared from the imperial wrath by his literary a b i l i t i e s . After his death many legends about his supernatural powers grew up, and he became a favorite of novella writers. 2. In more modern times the Hsi Wang Mu or Queen Mother.of the West has been described as a radiantly beautiful woman, who ruled over the western regions of K'un-lun. However, in earlier periods she is depicted as having human form with tiger's teeth and dishevelled hair. Mu T'ien-tzu Chuan. 3. According to Chinese popular mythology the chariot of thunder and lightning was kept in a special room i n the palace of Hsi Wang Mu. 152 4. There were five holy mountains in Chinese native religion; Mount T'ai in Shantung, Mount Heng i n Hunan, Mount Huo in Shensi, Mount Heng i n Hopei, and Mount Sung in Honan. 5. The pa wei are the eight directions of the compass, 6. The pei tou i s the same as the Big Dipper in the con-stellation Ursa Major of western..astronomy. In ancient times, time was told by the position of the Big Dipper in relation to the polar, star, so this constellation was intim-ately related to the cosmic order, and, thus, any threat to i t would constitute a threat to the order of the world. 7. The word k' e is defined i n two ways in the dictionaries. The primary meaning i s 'white jade* or 'chalcedony (?)' while the secondary meaning, which seems to f i t here, i s 'a gem affixed to a bridle of a horse.' 8. The Liu T'ien-tzu is Han V$u T i , who was a descendant of Liu Pang, the founder of the Han dynasty. 9. Hsia are the vermillion clouds which one sees at sunrise or sunset, but here the word most l i k e l y has a deeper significance, since red was the color of cinnabar used i n Chinese alchemy and, thus, a symbol of the immortality which Tung-fang Shuo has attained. is, mm T Mit T mm K TSi ffi Z5.FI • I? Ml] ' # •it mm. T i * f t . 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The mud sticks to his two wings; Flap! Flap! He can't get loose. A pack of urchins c a l l one another; They vie to get him f i r s t with t i l e s and bricks. But when one considers your way of l i f e , It seems quite f i t that you should be k i l l e d . You are not ashamed of stealing and plundering; When your belly's f u l l , you circl e the heavens in glee. On clear days you monopolize the sunlight, While strong winds blow you back and forth. You look down on the flocks of purple phoenixes,1 For how could you deign to view the lowly storks and geese? Today your l i f e has come to an end; p You have met boys clever with their pellet guns. They have h i t you in a v i t a l place, And there's nothing you can do about i t now. What i s there between you and me, That I can't stand them using your distress. I beg for your l i f e about to expire,. And bathe you in a pool of pure water. At breakfast I give you fish and meat; At night I protect you from foxes. You know there i s no reason for a l l this, 154 So you are long wary to receive my favors. Stomach f u l l , you enter the deep bamboo thicket; Hungry, you approach the foot of the stairs. Of course, I don't want you ,to repay me, And I let' you do whatever you-wish. . , Yesterday you got your strength -back; : ' You flew and hopped playfully over the fence. This morning you suddenly l e f t without warning, And you didn't even say goodbye to me. You never deserved this luck of yours, So don't espy.the heavenly thoroughfares. In the capital city many.are good with their crossbows How could you fool a l l the young boys there? . Don't forget the shame of the muddy ditch; The muddy ditch i s a good lesson for you. 155 This poem, which was composed in 8l6, i s probably the best of Han's poems about owls. To the Chinese, owls were not the wise creatures of Western lore, but were greatly feared because they were believed to be an e v i l omen and were also hated because of their rapacity and their supposed u n f i l i a l predilection for murdering their parents. A creature which was the subject of so much peasant lore, was a natural topic for the poet Han Y11, who was delighted by weird and supernatural creatures. 1. The purple phoenix was the noblest of birds to the Chinese, for i t only appeared when a sagely ruler occupied the throne. 2. The tan were metal pellets shot i n weapons resembling crossbows and are s t i l l used for hunting birds in China today. mmnmm & ^ sast^ jra % . v m m m mu tt& fttr- f ? A fe© f . A a & A ® -tii§s>«5 sstim 'fl H#3s ftH Hi? 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There i s much drivel over sin and blessfchg to intimidate the people; The listening throng i s close and crowded,2 ranged like floating duckweed. Yellow-clothed Taoist adepts also preach and proselytize, But around their pulpits a l l i s lone and desolate as the ' Morning Star.3 The g i r l of Mount Hua serves the Way at home, And wishes to expel heretic doctrines, restore the sylphs and s p i r i t s . She washes, makes up, powders her face, dons the cap and shawl,^ Her throat white, cheeks red, and long eyebrows so black. Then she comes to ascend the dais and discuss True Formulas, 5 But no one i s permitted to open the lock on the temple door. Who knows what persons passed the rumor about; Crash! ! Boom! ! The ground shakes with a.- rumble like thunder. A l l traces of men are swept away from the Buddhist monasteries; Powerful steeds block the road, covered chariots a l l in arow.^ When the inside i s f i l l e d with people, they s i t outside the temple; Latecomers can't, find a place,, and have no way to hear her. They pull off'hair-pins, remove bracelets, loosen rings and pendants; 157 Pile gold, heap up jade, i t s rays pure and lustrous. The Noble Ones of the Imperial Gate send a decree to summon her;? The Six Palaces wish to view the Master's face and form.^ The Jade Emperor nods his head and allows her to return home;9 She rides a dragon, drives a crane, travelling the; azure,'' dark void. How could the youths of noble households know about the Way? Yet they come and circle a hundred times, their feet never stopping. Cloud windows, mist pavilions, their affairs are dim and concealed, Layer after layer of kingfisher curtains, deep golden screens. The Sylph Ladder i s hard to climb, for.our vulgar karma i s heavy; Why then do we stupidly rely on these blackbirds to communicate : our f a i t h ? 1 0 158 This poem, which was written in the year 819, is obviously a satire on organized religious Taoism. Han Ytl bit t e r l y attacks the superstitions of the commoners and nobility who scatter their wealth to demonstrate their faith i n the Taoist priestess. Since the work was composed in the same year as the Buddha bone incident and there i s also criticism of the reception which the imperial family gives the priestess, i t i s tempting to say that Han may also be in-directly attacking Hsien Tsung's excesses in the worship of Buddhism. 1. Mount Huo i s in present day Shensi province, and i s one of the five holy mountains of Taoism. 2. The binome hsia ch'ia seems to be a colloquial expression of T'ang times, the meaning of which is not clear to modern commentators. Since oneimeaning of hsia i s 'close to, familiar with,' I think the binome i s descriptive of the crowded condition of the audience. 3. The ming hsing or 'bright star' i s the morning star or the planet Venus, which i s the. last star to disappear in the morning due to i t s brightness, and, thus,.presents an aspect of loneliness and desolation. . . 4. The word p'i i s short for hsia p'i or 'vermillion-cloud shawl,' which was worn around the shoulders of Taoist priests and was decorated with vermillion-cloud designs, symbolic of immortality. 5. The chen chueh or 'true formulas' are the secret formulas by which one obtains immortality and becomes a sylph. One 159 whole section of our present Tao Tsang i s devoted to the chen chueh. 6. Hua Liu was one of the eight steeds of King Mu of Chou. In this case, however, the word simply signifies a horse of superior "breed. 7. The kui ;ien or 'noble men' were the eunuchs who guarded the imperial harem and in later T'ang times had complete con-tr o l over the central government. Most l i t e r a t i such as Han Ytl hated the eunuchs for their often vicious treatment of their enemies. 8. The six palaces were those in which the empress and imperial consorts resided. 9. The 111 Huang or Ytl Ti i s the chief deity of modern popular Taoism. Here he i s a symbol of the most exalted of men, the emperor of China. 10. 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Sif* ifj-ltC •Im •f":± $18 SliRl : l i . fim ifeil- .JglSJ 5 1 ;EB - b f i I^^ HJI Vm * * A * « fisRi Sixll la A K ^ JS3I Ml] ft Aijffi AIM mm, mm j urn ! fis ' ' &fiij ISJ)ii]' WTG , nj=-f-ft='A: 160 On F i r s t Eating Southern Food The king crabs 1 are really like Hui Wen caps; 2 With eyes on their backs, they walk, carrying one another. Oysters, glued together, form mountains; Though tens and hundreds each lives by i t s e l f . The t a i l of the reed fish looks like a snake, And i t s mouth and eyes don't work together. Their ko is the same as our ha ma toad; Though identical, they carelessly give i t another name. ~The cuttle-fish3 and the horse-armor mussle^ Vie in revealing their weirdness. As for the other several dozen kinds, One cannot but sigh and be startled by them. I have come to oppose demons and ogres, So i t i s f i t to taste this southern cuisine. I season i t with salt and vinegar, And stew i t with pepper and oranges. Only then does the rank stench spread; Chewing and swallowing, my face sweats and flushes. Only the snake do I know from before, But I dread the savageness i n his mouth and eyes. Opening the cage, I let him free; Injured and wronged, he i s s t i l l not at ease. Selling you was not my fault; I have compassion, for I didn't slaughter you. I do not pray for MagrewarU' o^a^spA-rit pearl,5 Lucky i f only you don't hate me. 161 So I write a poem to make a record of this, And t e l l those travelling with me. 162 Han Ytl was greatly intrigued by unusual foods, as is demonstrated by this poem written i n 819 and another . entitled "In Answer to Liu Tsung-ytlan on Eating Frogs." In earlier Chinese literature, particularly the aristocratic poetry of the North-South period, we find many references to the many unusual dishes savoured by the upper class Chinese. However, southern Chinese food has always had a reputation for weird dishes to the northern Chinese, and even i n modern times northerners delight in t e l l i n g shocked foreigners how the Cantonese eat dogs and monkey brains. Since Han was intrigued by a l l weird phenomena, i t i s no wonder that he created this masterpiece of Chinese food lore. 1. The chtle , i s Limulus. The Chinese claimed that they carried each other on their backs and sailed across the surface of the sea. 2. The Hui Wen cap was worn by law o f f i c i a l s of the Han court. "A military cap, i t was worn by the various military officers. It vras decorated with a sable t a i l and was called a Chao Hui Wen cap. King Wu Ling of Chao imitated barbarian clothing by decorating his head with a golden pendant and inserting a sable t a i l in front to signify noble office." Hou Han Shu, "Ytl Fu Chih." 3. Chang chtl i s the same as the more common chang ytl, s t i l l used for octopus, a popular item in the diet of southern Chinese even today. *K Ma chit chu i s another name for the yao chu or chiang yao, Atrine japonica, an edible fresh-water mussle. 163 5. "Marquis Sui saw that a large snake was injured, so he applied medicine to i t . Afterwards in gratitude the snake brought him a pearl in i t s mouth from the great river." Hual-rnan-tzu. Abbreviations i n Bibliography HCLSHNCS— | | S \ Ik % ^ ^ ?} 3PTK—• ^ ^ - § " x >y-)\ TSCC0P"-14 4 ^ *<* M BIBLIOGRAPHY Pre-Modern Works in Chinese Chang Chi ( 768 -830 ) , ^ J| ; Chang Ssu-yeh Chi, 8 chtlan., 5|L 5J] |j; ^ J Commercial Press, 1936. Chia Tao (779-84-3), j | ; Chia Lang Hsien Ch'ang Chiang Chi, 10 chtlan, ^ 4i J SPTK, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1936. Han Ytl (768-82*0, y^.; Ch*ang L i Hsien Sheng Shih Chi Chu, 11 chtlan, * ^ ^ % q ^ , ^ ^ , - ~ — « i Wu Pai Chia Chu In Pien Han Ch*ang Li Hsien Sheng Ch'tlan Chi, ' *K> chtlan, £ § ^ 5£ % ^ | ^ ^ i 4^  j | ; ^ ^ i | , preface 1763. - ™ - M i . , Han Ch'ang Li Ch'tlan Chi., 12 ts*e, -Uf ^ 4 s Han Ch*ang Li Chi, 50 chtlan, 1^ ifl ^  //? ; Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1933. j.—-_^.{ chu Wen Kung'Chiao Ch*ang Li Hsien Sheng Wen Chi, SOeMtoa,^ I /X £ £ ^ ^ £ £ M ; SPTK, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1936. ) . Ma T*ung-po ed.,J| ^ ; Han Ch'ang Li Wen Chi Chiao Chu, W pp., &L '^ & X ^ $L "A '' S H A N G H A I ' (2) ; Ch*ien Chungftllen ed., ^ ^ j>fj ; Han Ch'ang L i Shih Hsi Nien Chi Shih, 12 chtlan, ^ y ^ ^ f 1 | ^ » Shanghai, £ . £ ^ ^ £ * 1957. . Pang Fu-nan ^ ed. ,^ ^ /^iieL/f- ; H a n c h * a n S L 1 Pi en Nien Chien Chu Shih Chi, 12 chtlan, ^ & ^ ^ i l | ^ Hsin Wen-fang ( f l . 1 3 0 4 ) , ^ JL /| 5 T'ang Ts*ai Tzu Chuan, 10 chtlan, ^  ^ <J" 4%' 5 Shanghai, J#? j t $ & *X . 1957 . Huang-fu Shih (chin shih in 8 0 6 ) , ^ ; Huang Fu Ch*ih Cheng Wen Chi, 6 chtlan, ^  ||f ^  "P ^ ; SPTK, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1 9 3 6 . X A , L i Ao (chin shih in 7 9 8 ) , / ^ ^ ; Li Wen Kung C h i , ^ ^ . ^  ; SPTK, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1936, Li Fang et. a l . ed.,/^ flTj ; T*al P»ing Kuang Chi, 4 0 ^ 0 ^ ^ . L i Ho (790-816 ),y|v ^ j Li Ch'ang Chi Ko Shih Wang Ch*i Hui Chie, k chtlan, ^|f^ 'ft X if | ^ Taipei, World Book Co., 1 9 6 4 . L i Po ( 7 0 1 - 7 6 2),y^ fa ; Li T'ai Pai Ch'tlan Chi Chu, 30 chtlan, 'J? • I >- /v v7 - > ; Taipei, Woria Book Co., 1 9 6 2 . f 13 £ $ Liu Hsun, j | j fl^j i Chiu T'ang Shu, chuan y g J^- , Po Na Pen ed., reprs, Taipei:*, Taiwan Commercial Press, & 1967. Liu Tsung-yuan (773-819),^  J | ^ ; Chu Shih In Pien T*ang Liu Hsien Sheng Chi, ^3 chuan, |£ ^ % ^fij P fyj fj | j | ; SPTK, Shanghai, Commercial'Press, 1936. Lu T*ung (d. 835), J| ^ ? Y t l Ch*uan Tzu Chi, 1 chtlan, M ^* "I J ^| 5 S P T K ' S h a n S h a l » Commercial Press, 1936. ei Yao-ch'en (1002-1060), ^ jgj jj ; WangLing Chi, 60 chtlan, ; Taipei, Taiwan Chunghua Book Co., I966. Meng Chiao (751-814), I •* j Meng Tung Yeh Chi, 10 chtlan, jjjj^  J'J- 1^  ^ J Taipei, Taiwan Chunghua Book Co., 1966. Ou-yang Hsiu (1001-1060), j|£ ^ ; Ou Yang Wen Chung Kung Wen Chi, 153 chtlan, g£ f|j ^- ^ j- j| » Taipei, World Book Co., 1963. Ou-yang Hsiu and Sung Ch'i, jg^ ff/ Y'j ^ ^ ^ ; Hsin T'ang Shu, chtlan , J^j- _^t- ; Po Na Pen ed., repr. Taipei, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1967. Pan Ku (32-92) attributed;^ai|l;«f€a.9i *lte*&flfc&i9huan» =^ $J ^ 4^ ; in'Chiu Hsiao Shuo,|Q ^  |jQ Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1933. Pao Chao ( f l . 5th century), ; Pao Ts'an Chtln Shih Chu, 4 chtlan, ^ Jj| |^ ^ ; Taipei, Taiwan World Book Co., 1966. P'eng Tlng,-dh*iu et.^al. ed., j£j & % ; Ch'in TingCh*llan T'ang S h i h , ^ ^ ' ' j£ || 1 & *j • A 4 ^ ' 1 8 5 7 1 Po Chtl-yi ( 7 7 2 - 8 4 6 ) , {9 |j ; Pai Hsiang Shan Shih Chi, 4 7 8 pp. Jj^ ^ ^ ! Taipei,Taiwan World Book Co., 1 9 6 3 . Seng Yu ( f l . early sixth century), /fy ]j£ ; Hung Ming Chi, 14 chtlan, J i , ^ j Taisho wblQ 52?, Tokyo, 1922-33. Shih Ch'a Nan Tfo or Siksananda ( f l late 7 t h century), t r . , I X 1^  ^ » H u a Y e n C n i n S > ^ Taisho,vol. 10,Tokyo, 1922-33. (l) Su Shih ( 1 0 3 6 - 1 1 0 1 ) , | ^ ; Ching Chin Tung P fo Wen Chi • Shih Ltleh, 6 0 chtlan, ^ g . i j | _ ^ ^ X ^ ^ ^ • > SPTK, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1 9 3 6 . 1, ; c h i Chu Fen Lei Tung P*o Hsien Sheng Shih, 2 5 chtlan, 4 ffe £ & ^ ^ 4 ft ' S P T K> Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1 9 3 6 . Su Shun-ch'in ( 1 0 0 8 - 1 0 4 8 ) , f\ s, ; Su Shun Ch'in Chi, ^ /^ X ^ Peking, Chunghua Book Co., I96I. T'an Wu Ch'an or Dharmaksema (early 5 t h century), \^ ^ ; Fo Suo Hsing Tsan Ching, 5 chtlan, ^ ^ ^| Jg.i Taisho ,Dvblg 4;Vf©kyo:, 1922-33. Tu Fu ( 7 1 2 - 7 7 0 ) fej; Tu Shih Ching Ch'tlan, 2 0 chtlan, fa 4JLl f£ '' T a i P e i » Hsin Hsing Book, co., 1 9 6 4 . Wang Chung-min et. a l . ed. , ^ j7j ; Tun Huang PI en Wen Chi, 9 9 2 pp.,-^ # t > A ; Peking, -fx % ^ v ¥ ^ ^ 1956. 7 Wang Kuo-ytlan-, £31 / j | ^ B j T'ang Jen Ch'uan Ch'i Hsiao Shuo C h i » / S A Y| 4 ^ y f & ^ 5 T a i w a n W o r l d B o o k Co., Taipei, 1967. Wang Po (647-675).^ ^ 5 Wang Tzu An Chi, 16 C h i l i a n , \ %- ^  ' sP-'-K-' S h a n S h a i » Commercial Press, 1936. Wang Ting-pao (870-995), j_ j|_ //| ; T'ang Chih Yen, 15 c h 1 i a n ' M fe £ ' S h a n ^ a i , g j£ X $ £ m t 1957. Wang T'ung (early T'ang), ^j j^ ? Wen Chung Tzu Chung Shuo, yL *f "j' $J ; SPTK, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1933. Wang Ytl-ch'eng (953-1001), ^ ^ ; Hsiao Ch'u Chi, 30 chtlan, | ^ ; SPTK, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1936. Ytlan Chen (779-831). %j ^ » Yuan Shih Ch'ang Ch'ing Chi, 60 ch«an,^j A/ ^ 4 ' S P I K » Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1936. . * Pre-Modern Poetic Criticism (Shih Hua) Chang Chieh ( f l . 1135-1157),^ ^ ; Sui Han T'ang Shih Hua, ^  \fc |^ ; TSCCCP, Ch'angsha, Commercial Press, 1939. Chao Yi (1727-1814), ^ | J | Ou-Pei Shih Hua, 12 chuan, i\ a-, Peking, ; x ^ x 4 i ifk j±'> 1 9 6 3 ; Ch'en Hang (1785-1826), ^ ££j . ; Shih Pi Hsing Chien, .238 PP.,|^ ^ ^ J Peking, Chunghua Book Co., 1959. Ch'en Shih-tao (1053-H02), ^ < ^ ; Hou Shan Chu Shih Shih H u a , ^ ^ ^ -t ^ l i i TSCCP, Ch'angsha, Commercial Press, 1939. Chiang K'ui (1155?-1235?), T^ fe ; Chiang Shih Shih Shuo, 5 PP./^J g£j : ; TSCCP, Ch'angsha, Commercial-Press, 1939.: Chung Jung (d. 552 ),' j j [ • ^ ; Shih P«in, j| Hongkong, Commercial Press, 1959. I? \A2 Fang Tung-shu (1772-1851),^  jt ^ s Wang Shao-ying ed., >i & l i i i si c h a o k e i c h a n Y e n ' 5 ^ p p " ^ ^ k i Peking,^ ^ £ ^ ^ £l 1 9 6 l « Ho Meng-ch'un (1474-1536), ^ J ; ^ ; Ytl Tung Shih Hua, 2 chtlan, ^ ^ TSCCCP, Ch'angsha, Commercial Press, 1931. Ho Wen-huan (1932-1809) ^ j(k i L i Tai Shih Hua, 0 #i Pi H - - ™ V * ' & - £ • ^56. Hsia Ching-kuan (1871-?), j | ^jjgj ; Shuo Han, |£j j ^ . ; quoted in HCLHNCS. i Hu Tzu ( f l . 12th century), //jl ; Liao Te-ming e d . , ^ L ^ 5 T , i a o G h , i Y u Y i n T s ' u n g Hua, 1Q0 chtlan, 1 > u t 1 1 i i - A j t ^ • Hui Hung (1071-1128), ^  2% • Leng Chai Yeh Hua, 10 chtlan, -Js 5 ^ ^jj- ; TSCCCP, Ch*angsha, Commercial Press, 1939. Ku Ssu-li (1669-1722 ),J§ £-) j> ; Han T'ing Shih Hua, 7^ ]$b 5 quoted in HCLHNCS. Li Tung-yang (1447-1516),/^ jljL ff] ; L u T'an& S h i h H u a » 1 ts fe, Jj^  & f^f i i '' TSCCCP, Gh'angsha, Commercial Press, 1939. Lin Kuang-ch'ao (1114-1178), J(j ; Tu Han Liu Su Huang Chi, ^ j^? y f | ; in author's complete works, Ai Hstlan Chi, 10 chtlan, j£ ^ , Ssu K!u Ch*tlan Shu Chen Pen, hp yji ^JlL ^ j^s i Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1935. P'ari Te-ytl (1785-1839), ife ^ j|£ ; Yang Yi Chai Shih Hua, 3 e h t e „ , | - f 'ft ft , 18*9. • Shen Te-ch'ien (1673-1869),^ ^» ; Shuo Shih Ts'ui Ytl, frkJ Bfr t% 5 l n complete works, Shen Kui-ytl Ch'tlan Chi, * ii ^ / i ^ ' i ic * , c a ' 1 7 W - 1 W 1 -Wang Fu-chih (1619-1692), J _ ^ ^ ; Chiang Chai Shih Hua, -I f H H 5 P e k l n S t * N * % ^ M > ^ i . Wang Shih-chen (1526-1590), X ^ i| 5 Y i J t i a n C h i h Yen, j | Tl\ Jt\ % '> i n T i n S Fu-pao ed, J ^| ^ ; L i Tai Shih Hua Hsfl P i e n , ^ ^ PtfUfyJk T a i P e i > j £ - j . » W Wei Ch'ing-chih ( f l . 1240-1244), ^_ ,; Shih Jen Ytl.Hsieh, 20 chtlan, |<| A. ^ / j | ' Peking, Chunghua Book Co., 1959. Weng Fang-kang(1733-1818), ^ ^ ; Shih Chou Shih Hua, 8 chtlan, -f/j ?^  . ; Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1935. Yao Nai (1735-1915), ^ ^ 5 H s i P a o H s i e n Sheng Ch'ih Tu, 8 chtlan. \\ fa £j i ^ )jf ; I863. Yeh Hsieh ( 1 6 2 7 - 1 7 0 3 ) , ^ ^ ; Ytlan Shih, 4 chtlan, ^ ; in Ting Chung-hu ed., J | j ; Ch'ing Shih Hua, vol. 2 , ^ jj^  ^ ; Taipei, jj£ ^ , 1963. • Yen Ytl ( f l . 13th c e n t u r y ) , ^ ^ ; Ts'ang Lang Shih Hua, 66 pp., ^ Syf~ | i ; T S C C C P » Ch'angsha, Commercial Press, 1939 Ytlan Mei (1716-1798), jj^ ; Sui Ytlan Shih Huo, 26 chtlan, f l /«] lh U 'peklns' a ^ i # i , 4* •196°-Modern Works in Chinese and Japanese Aral Ken, | J ^ ; '»Ka To," v£ ^ ; Chugoku Bungaklu H°' 'U )L ^ V 0 1 , ' A P r i 1 ' 1 9 5 9 » PP* 52-96. Chao Yu-pei,y£| ^ -^g * " H a n ^ - " J ^ ^ ? in Chang Ch'i-chtln ed. , ^ ; Chung Kuo Wen Hstleh Shih Lun Chi, & /|) SL f& $L ?q ^ ' T A I P E I » f . ^ f i) 14 1958' PP' 3^359' Cheng Chen-to,^j> ^ ; Ch'a T'u Pen Chung Kuo Wen Hstleh Shih, l&Jfo ^ ,|j ^ ^_ ; Peking, £ ^ £ $ ^ * ± • i 9 ^ 9 . Chin Chung-shu, J^- yjp ; "SungTai Ku Wen Ytln Tung Chih Fa Chan Yen Chiu,"| i i t j i f f ^ ; Hsin Ya Hstleh Pao, ^  £ ^ |£ • vol. 5, Mo. 2, August 1963, PP. 79-1^6. Ch'en Yin-l*o. ^  ^ j "Lun Han Ytl," |^ Li Shih Yen Chlu,^ f_ ^ y\' M a y » 1 9 PP* 1 0 5 - l l l K Ch'ien Tung-fu f y|^ ^ j "Kuan Ytl Han Ytl Te Shih," $\ $ # ^/ W e n H s t l e h Y i C h ' a n T s e n g K * a n ' }t ± A 4 p\ 5 P E K I N S * J } I i, **. # • 1955' vol. 4, pp. 140-165. Ch'ien Chi-v o , M 4 t $ 5 H a n Y t l c h i h ' 1 6 8 P P " ^ ; Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1958. Fei Yu-jen, ^  ^ ^ ; "Han Ytl Cheng Chuan," ^ JC j Ta Hstleh Sheng Huo, ^ ^ --f ; vol. 97. May 1961, PP. 33-35. Hanabusa Hideki, j | ^ ; "Kan Yu No Gengo,"g- ^ G) ; Kyoto Furitsu Daigaku GakujUtsu Hokoku," i 1 * ft £ .' V C l - Sept. 1961, PP. 23-36. Kan Yu Kashi Sakuin, | | ^ ^ |^ J? ^ | ; Kyoto, $ $ A £ ^ ^  % ^ . 1964. Harada Norio,/| |J ^  ^ ; Kan Yu, || ; Kanshi Daikei, "' i*t a 1 ! Tokyo' 4 & -p- • 1965-Hou Wai-lu et. a l . , ^  ij^ yjj » Chung Kuo Ssu Hsiang T'ung Shih,, xjf j|] Jj*. ^ ^ £ j vol. 4, part 1, Peking, ^/ X ^ fa $ L r 1959. Huang Ytln-mei,, \ N f / f ; H a n Y 1 A L i u T s u n S Ytlan Wen Hstleh P'ing Chia, ^  ^ ^ | i i i ^ f f Chinan . J ^ % k t< £,  jik H '  1957' Jao Tsung-ylt/£%j 2| s "Han Ytl Nan Shan Shih," ^  Jj^. 1% l\ » Chugoku Bungaku Ho, ^ \S\ ^ f $ ; vol. 19, Oct. 1963, PP. 98-101. Kano Naoki,^ ^ Chugoku Tetsugaku Shi, YJ^  j^j ^  y£> ^ ; 1953, Iwanami Book Co., Tokyo. Ku Yi-sheng.Jg ^ £ 5 "Shih T'an Han Ytl Te Shang Ch'i Chi Han Wen Y11 Tz'u Fu P'ien Wen Te Kuan Hsi," j^j ^ If ^ ^ ^ If i * || ai] #| £ n r/ ; Wen Hstleh Yi Ch'an, j j - . ^ ; vol. 10, P e k i n g , ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ , 1955. Kung Shu-chih,^ - 4 ; Han Ytl Chi Ch*i Ku Wen Yttn Tung, ^ Ii Jj( '{z J C i | L '' s h a n g h a 1 ' Commercial Press, 19§5. Kuo Shao-ytl, ^  j£ j% ; Chung Kuo Wen Hsueh P*l P*ing Shih, f jj ^ ^ t^A %^ ? Shanghai,^ ^ Kubo Tenzui , ^  /f ^  Kan Sho-rei Shu, ^  ^ j | ; in Tsuruta Kyusaku ed., jj) ^JL ; Zoku Kokuyaku Kambun, i'aisei, g| > f Bungaku Bu, j&4^f /volume 8 ; Tokyo/J, ; | X ^ f ^ * 1 9 5 ? ' Liang Jung-juo, ^  ^ ; "Han Yu P*ing Chuan," ^ <^ l | ^ T a L U G h l h ' ^ ^ ^ ^ V 0 1 ' 2 8 " 5 , March 1964, pp. 1-7. Lin Y 1 i - l i n g , ^ x ', "Han T*ui Chih Chai Ch»ao Chou K'ao.-jfe i L X I S 5l| .Xj /¥ ^ Wen Shih Hstleh Pao, ^ . ^ ^ 5 vo1- 2» J u l y 1965, PP. 132-144. Liu Ta-chieh , ^^J ^ ^ ; Chung Kuo Wen Hsueh Fa Chan Shih, 3 • O L . ^ §L ^  #  5 Pekins'  chunghua Book Co., 1962. Lo Ken-tse,Jj| ^ ^ f ; Chung Kuo Wen Hsueh P*i P*ing Shih, v o l . 2,^ ^  ^ J ^ ^ £ Shanghai, £ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ , 1957. liori Kainan, ^  ^ j^j ; Kan Sho-rei Kogi , 2 vol., ^ M - l ^ ^ » T O k y ° ' £ / f f ,1915-1916. 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Liu Wu Chi, An Introduction to Chinese Literature, Bloomington, Indiana Univ. Press, I966. Lu Hstln, Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang tr . , A Brief History of Chinese Fiction, Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1959. Pulleybank, Edwin G., "Shun Tsung Shih Lu," Bulletin of School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 19, 1957, PP. 336-344. , "Liu K'o, a Forgotten Rival cfHan Yu," Asia Major, New Series vol. 7, 1959, PP. 145-170. , "Neo-Confucianism and Neo-Legalism in T'ang Intellec-tual Life," in Arthur W. Wright ed., The Confucian Persuasion, Stanford, Stanford Univ. Press, i960, pp. 77-114. , "The Rhyming Categories of L i Ho," The Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, New Series 7 no. 1, August, I968. Rideout, J.K., "The Context of the Yuan Tao and Yuan Hsing," Bulletin of the London Univ. School of Oriental and African Studies, 1948, pp. 403-408. Solomon, Bernard S. t r . , The Veritable Record of the T'ang Emperor Shun-Tsung, Harvard-Yenching Institute Studies XIII, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univ. Press, 1955. Watters, T., "The Life and Works of Han Ytl or Han Wen Kung," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society North China Branch, vol. 7, 1871. (1) Waley, Arthur, Ballads and Stories from Tun-huang, London, George Allen and Unwin Ltd., i960. • (2) ?Otie'Hundred and Seventy Chinese Poems, London, Constable and Co., 1918. Yoshikawa, Kojiro, Burton Watson t r . , An Introduction to: Sung Poetry, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univ. Press, 1967. Zach, Erwin von, J.R. Hightower ed., Han Ytl's Poetische Werke, Cambridge, Harvard Univ. Press, 1952. 

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