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Voting choices in an industrial community Murray, Kenneth Calvin 1969

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VOTING CHOICES IN AN INDUSTRIAL COMMUNITY by KENNETH CALVIN MURRAY B.A., University of Alberta, 1960 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1969 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C olumbia, I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and Study. I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u rposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date i i A B S T R A C T This work presents an analysis of federal election voting choices in an industrial community. The voting choices were reported by a sample of gainfully employed residents of the community. A segment of the sample, those in unionized jobs in the industrial enterprises of the major employer, is submitted to quantitative analysis. A discussion of the significance of interest group formation and operation provides us with a theoretical basis. As industrial workers are less economically secure, are clustered into a relatively undiffer-entiated range of jobs, and are more isolated from the broad middle class, they w i l l be more prone to form economic and p o l i t i c a l interest groups. One aspect of such formation is a high level of support for a worker-oriented and soc i a l i s t i c p o l i t i c a l party. The member of parliament for the constituency was the candidate of 'a. party that appears to be both s o c i a l i s t i c and vrarker oriented, the New Democratic Party (or NDP). Voting choices in favor of this candidate are understood in terms of our theory. They are studied by dividing our respondents by social characteristics. These social characteristics are of three kinds: general v i t a l characteristics, (age, length of community residence, and place of birth), off-work characteristics (religious group membership and participation), and work-defined characteristics, (type of enterprise, union, and s k i l l level). The general social characteristics are assumed to indicate access to community worker p o l i t i c a l culture. Off-work characteristics are important because they might supply individuals with social identities which override".;such a culture. At-work characteristics may provide issue's that are quickly transformed into social identities influencing voting, giyen rationality, local worker culture, and the lack of overriding identities. When general and work-defined characteristics are used to study voting choices, a well defined pattern i s found. High rates of NDP support are associated with general v i t a l characteristics that indicate higher access to community and regional p o l i t i c a l culture, and work-related characteristics that indicate "typical industrial workers" of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. When the characteristics are studied in combination, complex patterns are found. * i i i • TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION I THEORY OF INDUSTRIAL WORKERS IN SOCIAL STRUCTURES -.4 Cl a s s , Mass, and Worker I n t e r e s t Group 17 I I THE STUDY AND ITS SETTING 20 The Community 21 The Industry 27 The E n t e r p r i s e s 29 The Unions . 33 Community P o l i t i c a l Representation 37 Vot i n g , Stated Voting Choices, and Accounting f o r Voting 42 Categories of Respondents and Vo t i n g Choices Used i n t h i s Study 44 I I I GENERAL AND OFF- WORK SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS AND VOTING CHOICES 46 Federal Voting Choices and Respondents' Ages 47 Federal Voting Choices and Length of Community Residence 48 Federa l Voting Choices, Age, and Length of Community Residence 50 Federal Voting Choices and Place of B i r t h . . . . 51 Federal Voting Choices and R e l i g i o u s Group Membership and P a r t i c i p a t i o n 56 Connections Between Independent V a r i a b l e s Studied Thus Far...61 Summary of Findings on General and Off-Work S o c i a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and Voting Choices 67 IV WORK DEFINED SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS, AND VOTING CHOICES 70 Federal Voting Choice and E n t e r p r i s e Type 71 Federal Voting Choice and Union Membership.. 72 Federal Voting Choice by E n t e r p r i s e Type and Union 73 Federal Voting Choice and S k i l l L e v e l 74 Summary 78 V CONNECTIONS BETWEEN GENERAL SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS, WORK-DEFINED SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS, AND VOTING CHOICES '80 Summary 94 i v VI CONCLUSIONS AND ASSESSMENT • O r i e n t a t i o n s 97 Assumptions 99 M a t e r i a l Studied 100 Expected Findings 101 Findings 102 I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s 104 Assessment 106 REFERENCES CITED APPENDIXES) A. "T e c h n i c a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Data". B. V o t i n g Consistency In Fede r a l and P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n V o t i n g Choices. C. P o l i c y Documents of the C.C.F., 1933 and 1956. D. Fe d e r a l V o t i n g Choices, By Age, and Fe d e r a l Voting Choices, by Length of Community Residence. E. Fed e r a l Vote By I n d u s t r i a l E n t e r p r i s e . F. Interview Questions Asked and Used or Considered f o r The Present Study. V LIST p$ TABLES TABLE 1 r GAINFULLY EMPLOYED COMMUNITY MEMBERS, BY EMPLOYER PAGE 40 TABLE 2 - FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY AGE AND BY LENGTH OF COMMUNITY RESIDENCE. PAGE 50 TABLE 3 - FEDERAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICES, BY RESPONDENT'S FLACE OF BIRTH PAGE 55 TABLE 4 - VOTING CHOICES BY RELIGIOUS GROUP MEMBERSHIP PAGE 59 TABLE 5 - VOTING CHOICES BY RELIGIOUS GROUP MEMBERSHIP AND LEVEL OF ATTENDANCE- PAGE 60 TABLE 6 - FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES BY BOTH CHURCH AND PLACE OF BIRTH..PAGE! 62 TABLE 7 - FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES BY AGE, LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN AREA, AND PLACE OF BIRTH PAGE 66 TABLE '81 - FEDERAL VOTING CHOICE, BY ENTERPRISE TYPE PAGE 71 TABLE 9 - FEDERAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICE, BY UNION PAGE 7,27 TABLE 10 - FEDERAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICE, BY UNION AND ENTERPRISE TYPE PAGE 74 TABLE 11 - FEDERAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICE, BY SKILL LEVEL PAGE 75 TABLE 12 - FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY UNION AND ENTERPRISE TYPE, AND SKILL LEVEL PAGE 76 TABLE 13 - UNION AND ENTERPRISE TYPE GROUPS BY YOUNG - OLD CATEGORIES AND BY NEWCOMER- OLDTIMER CATEGORIES PAGE 81 TABLE 14 - FEDERAL VOTING CHOISES, BY UNION, ENTERPRISE TYPE, AGE, AND LENGTH OF COMMUNITY RESIDENCE PAGE 83 TABLE 15 - FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY UNION, ENTERPRISE TYPE, AMD PLACE OF BIRTH PAGE 86 TABLE 16 - FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY UNION, ENTERPRISE TYPE, SKILL LEVEL, AGE, AND TIME IN DISTRICT, FOR MAJOR WORK FORCE BLOCS PAGE 88 TABLE 17 - FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY UNION, ENTERPRISE TYPE , AND SKILL LEVEL SELECTED BLOCS OF VOTERS PAGE 91 ' ' v i . A P P E N D I X A T A B L E I - S A M P L I N G - A N D W E I G H T I N G f o l l o w i n g P A G E A I T A B L E 2 - I N T E R V I E W R E S P O N S E S f o l l o w i n g P A G E A I T A B L E 3 - P R E T E S T , A N D E X P E R I M E N T I N M E T H O D S O F - r ^ " ~ " ' A P P R O A C H f o l l o w i n g P A G E A 2 T A B L E 4 - V O L U N T A R Y O R G A N I Z A T I O N S I N T H E C O M M U N I T Y f o l l o w i n g P A G E A 4 A P P E N D I X B i T A B L E I - V O T I N G C O N S I S T E N C Y O F T H E S A M P L E , L O C A L F E D E R A L V O T E , B Y L O C A L P R O V I N C I A L V O T E -.Y/V..... . P A G E B 2 T A B L E 2 - F E D E R A L E L E C T I O N C H O I C E S B Y S E X P A G E B 5 T A B L E 3 - L O C U S I N T H E W O R K F O R C E , B Y S E X U N I O N (u) V E R S U S N O N - U N I O N ( M J ) J O B S A N D C O M P A N Y ( C O ) V E R S U S N O T -C O M P A N Y ( N C O ) E M P L O Y E R P A G E B 5 T A B L E 4 - L O C U S I N T H E W O R K F O R C E iJ - ' D V O T I N G C H O I C E S , B Y S E X - - V O T E R S O N L Y P A ' G E fB- 6 A P P E N D I X D F E D E R A L V O T I N G C H O I C E S , B Y A G E P A G E D 1 F E D E R A L V O T I N G C H O I C E S , B Y L E N G T H O F C O M M U N I T Y R E S I D E N C E . P G / D VJ  A P P E N D I X E F E D E R A L V O T E B Y I N D U S T R I A L E N T E R P R I S E P A G E E 1 v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my a p p r e c i a t i o n to Jean-Louis de Lannoy, f o r s u p e r v i s i n g and guiding the work of t h i s t h e s i s and the study of p o l i t i c a l s o c i o l o g y i n general, and to Mike Kew who provided much h e l p f u l c r i t i c a l commentary. I a l s o wish to thank Roy Turner f o r p r o v i d i n g some i n s i g h t s i n t o the importance of i n t e n s i v e ethnographic study. L a s t l y I vrish to thank M a r t i n Meissner f o r the i n i t i a l suggestion of the t o p i c and f o r pro-v i d i n g me wi t h access to the data from h i s study of "Work, L e i s u r e , and S o c i a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n " . INTRODUCTION This study i s the examination of v a r i o u s s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and the accompanying patterns of v o t i n g choice reported f o r a sample of the g a i n f u l l y employed r e s i d e n t s of a community dominated by a s i n g l e i n d u s t r i a l complex. I t i s an a n a l y s i s of survey-research data. The w r i t e r has two sets of i n t e r e s t s which are b a s i c to t h i s work. The f i r s t of these i s a c u r i o s i t y about worker s o c i a l l i f e , and the formation and operation of worker i n t e r e s t groups. This i n c l u d e s the emergence and operation of labor unions and worker-oriented p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . The i n t e r e s t has l e d to the reading of a number of s t u d i e s , both of i n d u s t r i a l communities and of at-work i n d u s t r i a l worker l i f e . The second i n t e r e s t i s i n the a n a l y s i s of survey research m a t e r i a l s — r e s t r i c t e d and c a t e g o r i z e d r e s -ponses to standardized questions — as a b a s i s f o r accounting f o r the v o t i n g choices of one p a r t i c u l a r community's g a i n f u l l y employed p o p u l a t i o n . The survey research m a t e r i a l of i n t e r e s t i s very wide-ranging, and the focus i n t h i s work i s on "general" c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as sex, age, place of b i r t h ; "off-work" ones, such as r e l i g i o u s group membership and p a r t i c i -p a t i o n ; and 'ft Vork-defined" ("at-work") c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as s k i l l ; l e v el.. This paper faces a p a r t i c u l a r problem: the m a t e r i a l s necessary to l i n k the f i r s t s et of i n t e r e s t s to the second set are incomplete. As a con-sequence, there i s a m o d i f i c a t i o n of the i n t e r e s t i n f i r s t , producing from data on s o c i a l p o s i t i o n s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n a s o l i d d e f i n i t i o n of community, and then r e l a t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l s i n the survey sample to such s t r u c t u r e s . While r a t h e r complex t h e o r e t i c a l ideas about i n d u s t r i a l community s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s are presented, these are s i m p l i f i e d and reduced i n the process of making them i n t o features that can be r e l a t e d to our data. The argu-ment, and the m a t e r i a l discussed, would have been d i f f e r e n t i f a smaller community had been stu d i e d more i n t e n s i v e l y , i f more in f o r m a t i o n about job c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s had been made a v a i l a b l e by the major employer, or i f c e r t a i n a d d i t i o n a l data had been a v a i l a b l e i n the survey f i n d i n g s . Before t u r n i n g to the o v e r a l l theory, we wish to present a small amount of i n f o r m a t i o n on the community, and on our i n t e r e s t s i n i t . The community i n question i s r a t h e r i s o l a t e d and consequently con-s t i t u t e s a d i s t i n c t p o p u l a t i o n . I t was begun about a century ago as a logging camp, and has seen expansion which over the l a s t decades included the appearance and growth of s a w m i l l s , a plywood m i l l , a pulp and paper m i l l , 1 and a great increase i n the '.'service s e c t o r of the l o c a l labor f o r c e . The l a s t i n c l u d e s d o c t o r s , teachers, h o s p i t a l s t a f f , r a d i o s t a t i o n s t a f f , and employees of a l a r g e department sj:6re, to serve the growing l o c a l and r e -g i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n ; the employees of l a r g e engineering e n t e r p r i s e s to serve i n c r e a s i n g l o c a l and r e g i o n a l i n d u s t r y and the ships that c a l l at the po r t ; and other s e r v i c e e n t e r p r i s e s and occupations. The community grew on i n -dustry which, u n t i l r e c e n t l y , was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a heavy conc e n t r a t i o n of manual labor j o b s . The f o r e s t products e n t e r p r i s e s l i s t e d above, from logging to pulp and paper m i l l , are now a l l part of one l a r g e business cor-p o r a t i o n . J u s t under h a l f of the community's g a i n f u l l y employed are i n the employ of t h i s f i r m . For these reasons we r e f e r to the community as an i n d u s t r i a l community. I t i s now a l s o a r e g i o n a l s e r v i c e center, of course. An i n t e r e s t i n g f e a t u r e of the community i s t h a t , at the time of the research, the two l e g i s l a t o r s s i t t i n g f o r the c o n s t i t u e n c i e s c o n t a i n i n g the community were members of the New Democratic Part y (NDP) — a party on the l e f t of the Canadian p o l i t i c a l spectrum. Both these men have had careers as l o c a l , e l e c t e d , s a l a r i e d o f f i c i a l s of a labor union, and both have t h e i r homes i n the community.' In our community, then, a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of the g a i n f u l l y employed work i n a major i n d u s t r i a l complex, and labor-union o f f i c i a l s i n a " s o c i a l i s t i c " party are s u c c e s s f u l at the p o l l s . A major question i s , "who votes f o r these people?' 1 Is our community one i n which membership i n la b o r unions i s a strong b a s i s f o r accounting f o r v o t i n g choices? Do work f o r c e p o s i t i o n s of various kinds account f o r l o c a l v o t i n g choices? Or do the other s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s need to be taken i n t o account? While i t would be our preference to b u i l d models of the com-munity and of the l o c a l work f o r c e based on s o l i d e m p i r i c a l data, i n c l u d i n g ethnographic data and job d e s c r i p t i o n s , and then i n v e s t i g a t e v o t i n g choices i n terms of a'tnodei- ;of l o c a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n c l u d i n g t h i s m a t e r i a l , the work undertaken provides a f e a s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e . One assumption made here i s that through some mechanism, the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that provide strong accounts of v o t i n g choices are converted i n t o s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s , that i s , m a t e r i a l the vot e r s f r e q u e n t l y use to i d e n t i f y themselves and t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . This assumption i s not one that can be supported by e m p i r i c a l data, due to a l a c k of such a t t i t u d e i n d i c a t o r s from the qu e s t i o n n a i r e , but 1. See d i s c u s s i o n below and m a t e r i a l i n Appendix "C". i t i s l o g i c a l l y necessary. For a d i s c u s s i o n of weaknesses i n the ways i n which s o c i o l o g i c a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s have been l i n k e d to v o t i n g choices i n a number of s t u d i e s , see the d i s c u s s i o n by Walter Berns (1962:40) ..who. as s e r t s that i n many cases, the missing and unstudied l i n k i s o p i n i o n , which '-'mediates between s u b - p o l i t i c a l s o c i o l o g i c a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n s and p o l i t i c a l consequences." We have noted the l a c k of two kinds of m a t e r i a l . The f i r s t i s of i n t e n s i v e observation of l o c a l s o c i a l l i f e , the second i s of a t t i t u d e and o p i n i o n data from the i n d i v i d u a l respondent. As a consequence, our study i s n e i t h e r a s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l nor a s o c i a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l one, but i s the study of s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and v o t i n g choices. The importance of s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n v o t i n g s t u d i e s has been argued by Berelson, L a z a r s f e l d and McPhee (1954:25) as f o l l o w s : ...the b e t t e r educated are supposed to know more about p o l i t i c s ; , a n d they have been t r a i n e d to take p a r t i n c i v i c a c t i v i t y . In the same way, p o l i t i c s i s "a man's game"; women have been e l i g i b l e f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n f o r only a generation and are thus newcomers to the p o l i t i c a l scene. The wealthy are a l e r t to p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t s upon t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , and the o l d e r people have been around longer, have developed more involvement i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s , and have fewer of the romantic d i s t r a c t i o n s that youth f i n d s more a t t r a c t i v e . I t i s the o l d e r , well-educated, w e l l - o f f man who has most p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t i n the community." We w i l l , examine "the rate_o.frWDP__support .shown by sample members belonging to d i f f e r e n t , unions. Where there i s a low l e v e l of NDP support.. "by' arruni-on-,memb.ership, we assume some divergence-between the interests..of the members, the p o l i c y - o f the union," or both, and the l o c a l . ND?* program .and„organization.,. _...,: •- .. The f o l l o w i n g work i s aimed at shedding l i g h t on the above and s i m i l a r p o s s i b i l i t i e s . A f i n a l s e c t i o n not only assesses the work done i n the body of t h i s paper, but a l s o makes some suggestions f o r f u r t h e r , more i n t e n s i v e , study. CHAPTER I THEORY OF INDUSTRIAL WORKERS IN SOCIAL STRUCTURES As a groundwork f o r examining v o t i n g choices, we w i l l look at some ideas of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and s o c i a l c l a s s e s . A major w r i t e r i n t h i s f i e l d i s K a r l Marx, and there are two fragments of h i s voluminous w r i t i n g s most re l e v a n t to our study. F i r s t , some important p o i n t s are contained i n the f i r s t two sentences of "The Communist Manifesto". Marx and Engels ( 1 9 6 8 : 7 9 ) wrote i n 1 8 4 8 : The h i s t o r y of a l l h i t h e r t o e x i s t i n g s o c i e t y i s thee h i s t o r y of c l a s s s t r u g g l e s . Freeman and s l a v e , p a t r i c i a n and p l e b i a n , l o r d and s e r f , guildmaster and journeyman, i n a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood i n constant o p p o s i t i o n to one another, c a r r i e d on an u n i n t e r r u p t e d f i g h t that each time ended, e i t h e r i n a r e v o l u t i o n a r y r e c o n s t i t u t i o n of s o c i e t y at l a r g e , or i n the common r u i n of the contending c l a s s e s . The f i r s t of these sentences seems to be an a s s e r t i o n about a u n i v e r s a l s o c i a l s t a t e : there i s , (.everywhere and always, tension between s o c i a l c l a s s e s . The second sentence develops the a u t h o r s ' i n t e r e s t i n t o an i n t e r e s t i n a u n i v e r s a l process of s o c i a l change, of c l a s s c o n f l i c t and i t s outcomes. In i d e n t i f y i n g a l l members of the v a r i o u s superordinate c l a s s e s e q u a l l y as the "oppressors" and a l l members of the v a r i o u s subordinate c l a s s e s e q u a l l y as the "oppressed", the authors add a u n i v e r s a l moral element to c l a s s c o n f l i c t s . In t h i s form, we are prevented from making d i s t i n c t i o n s w i t h i n an "oppressor" c l a s s , and between "oppressor" c l a s s e s , and s i m i l a r l y f o r "oppressed" c l a s s e s . The sentence a l s o prevents us from seeing any s o c i a l i s s u e , s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e , or moral i s s u e of any p e r i o d other than c l a s s c o n f l i c t as being of major importance. I f one accepts the correctness of these two opening sentences, one must assume that any period or epoch of h i s t o r y w i l l show c o n f l i c t between a superordinate c l a s s and a subordinate one. One must a l s o accept that the p a r t i c u l a r period of h i s t o r y w i l l , of n e c e s s i t y , end i n one of the two ways s p e c i f i e d . At t h i s l e v e l of a b s t r a c -t i o n , 'o'hly two kinds of periods of h i s t o r y are a l l o t t e d . We are l e f t w i t h s e r i o u s doubts. One r e a l l y has no way of knowing, j u s t from the authors' a s s e r t i o n , whether a l l s o c i e t i e s have had, or must have, one of the two endings claimed. F u r t h e r , w h i l e Marx and Engels i m p l i c i t l y a s s e r t the overwhelming primacy of s o c i a l c l a s s e s as features of what we would c a l l " s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s " , they do not supply any b a s i s f o r checking the accuracy of t h i s view. 4 5 A f u r t h e r s e r i o u s doubt i s generated by the u n i v e r s a l a s s i g n i n g of combined moral and s t r u c t u r a l elements. We do not know whether a l l of each "superordinate" c l a s s are e q u a l l y "oppressors", or whether a l l of each "subordinate" c l a s s are e q u a l l y "oppressed". We a l s o don't know whether a l l h i s t o r i c a l periods are f r e e of agents i n the h i s t o r i c a l process not c l e a r l y belonging, to one of these c l a s s e s . There may be, i n f a c t , major c l a s s e s i n some periods that are n e i t h e r c l e a r l y oppressors nor oppressed, and s t i l l f i g u r e i m p o r t a n t l y i n h i s t o r y . This b r i n g s us to the next passage from Marx that we wish to s c r u t i n i z e , a passage which deals much more c o n c r e t e l y w i t h the s o c i a l world. This i s a part of a c a r e f u l a n a l y s i s of the d e t a i l s of a short period of s o c i a l h i s t o r y , and i s q u i t e u n l i k e the Communist Manifesto — a p o l i t i c a l document w i t h p o l i t i c a l goals. This second w r i t i n g i s a paragraph from "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis B o n a p a r t e " , a n a n a l y s i s of p o l i t i c a l events, p a r t i e s , and f i g u r e s i n France from 1848 to 1851. I t i s h e a v i l y loaded w i t h sarcasm and invec-t i v e , but i t i s a l s o a c l o s e a n a l y s i s of the d e t a i l s of the p e r i o d . Near the end of t h i s work, Marx (1948:148, 149) turns h i s s c r u t i n y to the French peasants: I n s o f a r as m i l l i o n s of f a m i l i e s l i v e under economic c o n d i t i o n s of existence that separate t h e i r mode of l i f e , t h e i r i n t e r e s t s and t h e i r c u l t u r e from those of the other c l a s s e s , and put them i n t o h o s t i l e c o n t r a s t to the l a t t e r , they form a c l a s s . I n s o f a r as there i s merely a l o c a l i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n among these small peasants, and the i d e n t i t y of t h e i r i n t e r e s t s begets no community, no n a t i o n a l union, and no p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n among them, they do not form a c l a s s . While t h i s statement i s very compact, these two sentences seem to con t a i n a very f u l l l i s t i n g of the c r i t e r i a f o r a c l a s s that Marx found u s e f u l i n a n a l y z i n g the sequence of s o c i a l events s t u d i e d . I t i s amazing that Dahrendorf (1959:9-18) i n attempting to develop Marx's Theory of Class r e f e r s to only one h a l f of the above quo t a t i o n . I t seems that i n the f i r s t sentence, Marx s p e c i f i e s the c r i t e r i a f o r a c l a s s as a category, as a d i s t i n c t s l i c e of people i n a " s o c i e t y " , i n t h i s case a n a t i o n . The i n d i -v i d u a l s assigned to the s l i c e have l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s d i s t i n c t from, and i n some way opposed t o , those of other s l i c e s . The second sentence s t a t e s the c r i t e r i a f o r a c l a s s as a d i s t i n c t category of i n d i v i d u a l s , aware of 6 t h e i r common i n t e r e s t s , and organized to pursue these i n t e r e s t s . These c r i t e r i a are not met i n the case of the French peasants. Perhaps i t i s a r e s u l t of h i s not t a l k i n g about the working c l a s s , h i s favored agents of s o c i a l change, that Marx was able to deal w i t h the peasants more c l e a r l y and l e s s p o l e m i c a l l y i n the above quotation than i n most of h i s w r i t i n g on c l a s s . His work here i s much c l o s e r to an a n a l y t i c a l l y - u s a b l e form than most of the s e c t i o n s quoted by Dahrendorf. Marx f i r s t presents the s p e c i f i c a t i o n s of a c l a s s as an economic category, second of a c l a s s as an a c t i v e i n t e r e s t group. What we w i l l be studying i s the stre n g t h of va r i o u s explanations of NDP v o t i n g i n our com-munity. These i n c l u d e the degree to which members of worker economic categ o r i e s (being " i n d u s t r i a l workers"), and of economic i n t e r e s t groups (being i n uni o n s ) , make v o t i n g choices that overlap w i t h an a c t i v e " i n t e r e s t group" c l a s s , and a c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n to p o l i t i c s , a t l e a s t p o t e n t i a l l y . Using t h i s q u o t a t i o n from Marx, and assuming t h a t , l o c a l l y , n a t i o n a l l y , or at any other l e v e l , workers, and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n d u s t r i a l workers, may be a d i s t i n c t group of some s o r t , we can generate the f o l l o w i n g features of d i s t i n c t n e s s of a subordinate worker c l a s s . The l i s t appears g e n e r a l l y to be a pr o g r e s s i v e one: that i s , no fe a t u r e can appear without a l l the preceding features on the l i s t . There i s , however, one weakness that w i l l be discussed below. ( 1 ) " M i l l i o n s (or hundreds, or thousands) of f a m i l i e s (or i n d i -v i d u a l s ) l i v e under economic c o n d i t i o n s of existence that separate t h e i r mode of l i f e . . . f r o m other c l a s s e s . " What i s here s p e c i f i e d i s that there are modes of l i f e that are each p e c u l i a r to a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l c l a s s , and that these modes of l i f e are determined l a r g e l y by the economic c o n d i t i o n s of existence (perhaps seen as the a l l o c a t i o n of economic and p o l i t i c a l power). Here " c l a s s e s " c o n s t i t u t e e x c l u s i v e c a t e g o r i e s of people w i t h e x c l u s i v e l i f e s t y l e s . (2) The next po i n t i s the i m p l i e d one that s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n a c l a s s d i f f e r from those across c l a s s l i n e s , and c l a s s i d e n t i t i e s thus become manifest i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . These s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s plus the " e x c l u s i v e category" nature of s o c i a l c l a s s e s together produce the d i s t i n c t c l a s s c u l t u r e that Marx cl a i m s . 7 (3) The same m i l l i o n s , hundreds, or thousands, not only have a common c u l t u r e , but they a l s o have common i n t e r e s t s e x c l u s i v e to the " e x c l u s i v e category" c l a s s e s . Further, these i n t e r e s t s put the members of the e x c l u s i v e c l a s s e s i n h o s t i l e c o n t r a s t to the other c l a s s e s . (4) There develops more than "merely a l o c a l i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n " among the members of what x?e c a l l " e x c l u s i v e c a t e g o r i e s " . As w e l l as the common c u l t u r e and d i s t i n c t c l a s s r e l a t i o n s at the l o c a l l e v e l (claimed i n numbers (2) and (3) above) some form of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n emerges, and a c l a s s i n t e r e s t group begins to form, presumably i n i t i a l l y at the l o c a l l e v e l . (5) Simultaneously w i t h , or subsequent t o , t h i s l o c a l p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , a n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n emerges, to promote the i n t e r e s t s of the c l a s s . The l a s t two po i n t s c o n t a i n the weakness mentioned above, a weakness that seems inherent i n Marx's approach. Throughout the above developmental sequence, i t seems that simultaneous l o c a l and n a t i o n a l developments were necessary. But such a simultaneous development would only seem p o s s i b l e given not only the " n a t i o n a l union" and " p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n " but a l s o a uniform development of the " n a t i o n a l economy", and the l a c k of any ser i o u s c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t s between members of the same " c l a s s " . Such a prospect seems much more p o s s i b l e i n the case of a s i n g l e - o c c u p a t i o n classT- .(peasants) than i t would be w i t h a mu l t i - o c c u p a t i o n c l a s s such as " i n d u s t r i a l workers". Overlapping w i t h t h i s matter i s another problem, that of the l a c k of allowance f o r d i f f e r e n t i a t e d development w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l c l a s s . The sequence l i s t e d i s a developmental one, and f o r Marx to be c o r r e c t , each developing u n i t must have some degree of homogeneity. For there to be a c l a s s , the i n d i v i d u a l s must be at or near the same " l e v e l of development" or "point of development". Marx seems to be r u l i n g out or i g n o r i n g not only the p o s s i b i l i t y of heterogeneity among the l o c a l vworking c l a s s e s of a n a t i o n , but a l s o the p o s s i b i l i t y of d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of development w i t h i n a working c l a s s . By assuming u n i f o r m i t y w i t h i n a c l a s s Marx i s-'discounting many v a r i a t i o n s . " ' H e does not lead us -to ask: - "Are the i n t e r e s t s and percept-i o n s , of the an a l y s t the same as those^ of the population under study? And ^  --8 how do these features vary among that p o p u l a t i o n i t s e l f ? " With some e f f o r t , one would be able to develop a research technique to deal w i t h each of the f i v e p o i n t s e x t r a c t e d from Marx, and then study any p a r t i c u l a r subordinate c l a s s — i n d u s t r i a l workers, peasants, or members of an e t h n i c group — at the community, n a t i o n a l or any other l e v e l . Looked at i n gene r a l , Marx's d i s c u s s i o n deals w i t h the i s s u e , "how does a subordinate economic category become a p o l i t i c a l c l a s s ; how-does a group of i n d i v i d u a l s s h a r i n g the same or s i m i l a r economic p o s i t i o n s i n a s o c i e t y become-san economic and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t group, pursuing i t s goals at l e a s t p a r t l y i n the p o l i t i c a l arena?" Our i n t e r e s t i n the v o t i n g choices made by the i n d u s t r i a l workers i n our community i s p a r t l y an i n t e r e s t i n the frequency of union members making v o t i n g choices i n favor of union o f f i c i a l s running as candidates f o r a party l e a n i n g s t r o n g l y toward s o c i a l i s m . . Marx saw the behaviour of the peasants as both a f a i l u r e to develop and a s s e r t a s o c i a l m o r a l i t y , which Weber would c a l l i d e a l i n t e r e s t s , and a f a i l u r e to develop a p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t group. We regard v o t i n g choices that favor the NDP as g e n e r a l l y being e i t h e r the a s s e r t i o n of a m o r a l i t y , or the expression of i n t e r e s t s i n the p o l i t i c a l arena, or both, except when they are personal preferences f o r a candidate. There i s , then, a c l e a r overlap between Marx's concepts of the behaviour among members of a sub-o r d i n a t e c l a s s , andcour i n t e r e s t i n worker support f o r the NDP. However, s o c i a l reform i n western democracies over the i n t e r v e n i n g century, which has allowed the f u r t h e r s e p a r a t i o n of is s u e s of s o c i a l m o r a l i t y from the p o l i t i c a l expression of i n t e r e s t s , has made the matter more complex than i t was i n Marx's time, or at l e a s t than Marx made i t seem. A propos of t h i s matter, L i p s e t (1963:45) has s t a t e d : Economic development, producing increased income, greater economic s e c u r i t y , and widespread higher education, l a r g e l y determines the form of the " c l a s s s t r u g g l e " by p e r m i t t i n g those i n the lower s t r a t a to develop longer time per-s p e c t i v e s and more complex and g r a d u a l i s t views of p o l i t i c s . A b e l i e f i n s e c u l a r r e f o r m i s t gradualism can be the ideology of only a r e l a t i v e l y well-to-do lower c l a s s . 2. The reader can gain some grasp of the character of the NDP by c o n s u l t i n g "The Regina Manifesto" and the "Winnipeg D e c l a r a t i o n " , p o l i c y documents of i t s antecedent, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, which appear i n Appendix -CV T.See als o Zakuta (1964:129). 9 However, L i p s e t seems to have missed the e s s e n t i a l p o i n t . As the lower c l a s s i s more w e l l - t o - d o , i t s l i f e may be l e s s d i s t i n c t ; economic c o n d i t i o n s do not i s o l a t e i t i n s o c i e t y , so no d i s t i n c t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s or d i s t i n c t c u l t u r e , p r e c o n d i t i o n s of c l a s s p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , are produced. We now turn to another work concerned w i t h worker i n t e r e s t group behaviour and worker s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . This i s an a r t i c l e by C l a r k Kerr and Abraham S i e g e l , "The I n t e r i n d u s t r y P r o p e n s i t y to S t r i k e " , published i n 1954. I t contains concepts of types of i n d u s t r i e s , t h e i r work f o r c e s , and the communities i n which the work forces l i v e . The i n i t i a l i n t e r e s t of the authors i s i n "...man-days l o s t due to s t r i k e s and l o c k o u t s . . . " , Kerr and S i e g e l (1954:189). Such phenomena are r e l a t e d , o b v i o u s l y but somewhat u n c l e a r l y , to the formation and operation of worker groups, as are the v o t i n g choices we are studying. The authors i n i t i a l l y examine data from a number of i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s , f o r d i f f e r e n t time p e r i o d s , and are able to i s o l a t e c e r t a i n i n d u s t r i e s c o n s i s t e n t l y showing high r a t e s of man-days l o s t through s t r i k e s and lockouts., ( i b i d . : 1 8 9 ) . Other i n d u s t r i e s c o n s i s t e n t l y show low r a t e s , and s t i l l others are c o n s i s t e n t l y i n the medium rank. The authors next present "hypotheses", l a r g e l y about s o c i a l and psycho-l o g i c a l f eatures of the work forces i n the high r a t e and low r a t e types of i n d u s t r i e s . While the authors show no i n c l i n a t i o n to use t h e i r "hypotheses", nonetheless i n developing them they supply some i n t e r e s t i n g ideas about worker s o c i a l l i f e . The main features of the authors' f i r s t hypothesis are s o c i a l - o r g a n i z a -t i o n a l arguments i n the form of f o r c e f u l l y - p u t g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s not adequately supported by e m p i r i c a l data. Hypothesis 1, "The L o c a t i o n of the Worker i n S o c i e t y " (ibid.:191) contains the f o l l o w i n g graphic p i c t u r e : The miners, the s a i l o r s , the longshoremen, the lo g g e r s , and to a much l e s s e r extent, the t e x t i l e workers form i s o l a t e d masses, almost a "race apart". They l i v e i n t h e i r own separate communities: the c o a l patch, the s h i p , the waterfront d i s t r i c t , the logging camp, the t e x t i l e town. These communities have t h e i r own codes, myths, heroes, and s o c i a l standards. There are few n e u t r a l s i n them to mediate the c o n f l i c t s and d i l u t e the mass. . . . a l l the members of each of these groups have the same grievances... And here i s a case where the 10 t o t a l i t y of common grievances, a f t e r they have been v e r b a l l y shared, may be greater than the sum of the i n d i v i d u a l p a r t s . The employees form a l a r g e l y homogeneous, u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d mass — they a l l do about the same work and have about the same experiences." Kerr and S i e g e l go on to s t a t e that i t i s hard to get out of the masses that c o n s t i t u t e the la b o r i n these i n d u s t r i e s , and that as a consequence, p r o t e s t i s l i k e l y to take the form of mass walkouts. F u r t h e r , the work forc e s i n these i n d u s t r i e s are weakly l i n k e d to the " p u b l i c " and to t h e i r employers.,The communities are supposed to l a c k "the myriad of Voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h mixed memberships..." (ibid.:192) that are supposedly common i n other communities, and the employer "...throws out few l i n e s to these workers..." ( i b i d . : 1 9 2 ) . Moreover, "He i s u s u a l l y an absentee owner who -'cuts out and gets out'' i n the logging business or exhausts a mine and moves on or h i r e s longshoremen on a casu a l b a s i s or gets h i s views of personnel r e l a t i o n s from the law on mutiny." ( i b i d . : 1 9 2 ) . This passage seems to exceed that of Marx i n i t s mixing of moral evaluations and s o c i a l d e s c r i p t i o n s . Kerr and S i e g e l go on to c l a i m t h a t , as a consequence of these s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s , i n communities of such workers "The union becomes a k i n d of working-class party or even government f o r these employees...Union meetings are more adequately attended and union a f f a i r s more v i g o r o u s l y d i s c u s s e d . . . " ( i b i d . : 1 9 3 ) , again supplying no supporting m a t e r i a l . They then a s s e r t that "...personal and i d e o l o g i c a l f a c t i o n a l i s m and r i v a l unionism are more l i k e l y . S t r i f e w i t h i n and between unions i s a s i g n that the union i s important." ( i b i d . : 1 9 3 ) . Further c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of high s t r i k e r a t e work f o r c e s , and opposite c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s covering low s t r i k e r a t e work f o r c e s , are a l s o presented. Kerr and S i e g e l move on to present arguments about p e r s o n a l i t y and job requirements ( i b i d . : 1 9 5 ) . These form MHypothesis 2, "The Character of the Job and the Worker." They argue: " I f the job i s p h y s i c a l l y d i f f i c u l t and unpleasant, u n s k i l l e d or s ^ m i - s k i l l e d , casual or seasonal, and f o s t e r s an independent s p i r i t . , (as i n the logger i n the woods), i t w i l l draw tough, i n c o n s t a n t , combative, and v i r i l e workers, and they w i l l be i n c l i n e d to s t r i k e . " T h e i r argument i s not meant to be purely one of s e l e c t i o n , however, f o r they have j u s t used the phrase "... determines, by s e l e c t i o n and con-d i t i o n i n g . . . " i n presenting t h i s hypothesis. J u s t what connection between 11 s e l e c t i o n and c o n d i t i o n i n g they are arguing i s l e f t fuzzy. Is each man s e l e c t e d by these c r i t e r i a or s o c i a l i z e d to them? Is the t o t a l work f o r c e made up c h i e f l y of men both s e l e c t e d and s o c i a l i z e d ? Are most men s e l e c t e d and the r e s t s o c i a l i z e d ? In any case, f o r reasons that they present, Kerr and S i e g e l p r e f e r t h e i r hypothesis 1 over t h e i r hypothesis 2. The a r t i c l e .by',,.Kerr and S i e g e l i s u s e f u l because i t allows f o r important d i f f e r e n c e s i n the s o c i a l l i f e of i n d u s t r i a l worker groups other than the developmental and e v o l u t i o n a r y ones presented by Marx. They allow f o r d i f -f e r e n t i a t i o n between i n d u s t r i e s and between communities, but they u n t i d i l y lump work f o r c e and community f e a t u r e s , a method that i s f u l l of problems. However, the authors do suggest that a s p e c i f i c form of worker corporate, behaviour w i l l tend to be acted out, and man days l o s t through s t r i k e s and work stoppages as w o r k f o r c e s meet the f o l l o w i n g c o n d i t i o n s : (1) there i s a homogeneous or u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d mass of workers; (2) these workers are an i s o l a t e d (from general p u b l i c and employer) workforce; ( 3 ) the i n d u s t r y s e l e c t s tough, i n c o n s t a n t , combative and v i r i l e workers. We are examining the g a i n f u l l y employed i n d u s t r i a l workers i n a s i n g l e community. The i n d u s t r i a l workers are found i n three d i f f e r e n t types of i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s , w i t h the work f o r c e i n the e a r l i e s t type of i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e conforming most c l o s e l y to the three high s t r i k e r a t e c r i t e r i a l i s t e d above, the work f o r c e i n the l a t e s t conforming l e a s t . Kerr and S i e g e l present a statement about the union forming a working c l a s s party i n the i s o l a t e d communities of h i g h - s t r i k e r a t e i n d u s t r i e s , but t h i s i s so b r i e f as to have no c l e a r meaning. They may be suggesting t h a t , i n such areas, the union c o n s t i t u t e s a p o l i t i c a l party pursuing g o a l s , and that i t i s d i f f e r e n t from European s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s and the B r i t i s h labour p a r t y . But we do not know whether a union-working c l a s s party i s f o r them a f i e l d f o r f a c t i o n a l f i g h t s , or a f a c t i o n w i t h i n a l a r g e r n a t i o n a l p a r t y , or j u s t a l o c a l anti-management group. Given the f a c t of l o c a l NDP successes, i n order to use Kerr and S i e g e l ' s work, we would have to modify t h e i r ideas. While a l l unions may be, i n some way "...a k i n d of working c l a s s p a r t y . . . " , we would argue that a community centred around a high s t r i k e r a t e i n d u s t r y may, but need not, have a worker-o r i e n t e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . The p o s s i b i l i t y of the union c o n s t i t u t i n g a 12 "working c l a s s p a r t y " i s i r r e l e v a n t . F u r t h e r , f o r an i n d u s t r i a l and s e r v i c e c i t y w i t h an i n d u s t r i a l past, l i k e ours, i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r a community-oriented and worker-oriented s o c i a l i s t i c party to become estab-l i s h e d , f o r the more middle - c l a s s immigrants to a s s i m i l a t e the e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l views of the i n d u s t r i a l workers. The opposite p o s s i b i l i t y a l s o e x i s t s , f o r the immigrant low s t r i k e r a t e i n d u s t r i a l workers and middle c l a s s to modify e s t a b l i s h e d p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s toward the more moderate, "ubiquitous middle c l a s s " , p a t t e r n . F u r t h e r , each group could manifest i t s unique p a t t e r n of a t t i t u d e s and behaviour. Various combinations of these three p o s s i b i l i t i e s can a l s o occur.• I t i s necessary f o r us to note that, i n our community, w i t h i t s p a i r of e l e c t e d l e g i s l a t o r s w i t h p e c u l i a r q u a l i t i e s — they are ele c t e d and s a l a r i e d union o f f i c i a l s — the NDP i s l o c a l l y both a "worker" p a r t y , that i s a party p a r t i c u l a r l y a c c e s s i b l e to a c t i v e members of labor unions, and a s o c i a l i s t i c p a r t y , that i s , a party l e a n i n g h e a v i l y toward B r i t i s h , European and I n t e r n a t i o n a l s o c i a l democracy. A "worker p a r t y " could be co n s e r v a t i v e , "small-1 l i b e r a l " , or r a d i c a l . A s o c i a l i s t i c party i s one w i t h some ideo-l o g i c a l commitments. We have no way of knowing, from the research m a t e r i a l 3 a v a i l a b l e , what the NDP i s i n the eyes of any p a r t i c u l a r v o t e r . 3. For a d i s c u s s i o n of the connections between va r i o u s kinds of labor unionism and p o l i t i c a l behaviour, see P o r t e r , John, The V e r t i c a l Mosaic, e s p e c i a l l y pages 314-318, " S o c i a l Movement and Market Unionism". To P o r t e r , the former i s more r a d i c a l , the l a t t e r more conservative. P o r t e r notes that the Congress of I n d u s t r i a l Organizations and i t s Canadian s a t e l l i t e , t h e Canadian Congress of Labor, were i n d u s t r i a l u n i o n i s t , and contained some s o c i a l i s t i c and communistic i d e o l o g i c a l elements, tending more to r a d i c a l i s m , and s o c i a l movement unionism. Their period of growth according to P o r t e r was 1933 to 1940. P o r t e r claims that l a b o r r a d i c a l i s m was centered i n Western Canada i n the e a r l y part of the century, and that i t was accompanied by a western a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m . He f u r t h e r notes that i n the West these manifested both a general denunciation of eastern f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s , and a r e p u d i a t i o n of eastern conservative c r a f t unionism. Further p o i n t s of importance noted by P o r t e r are that the conserva-t i v e TLC and the more pro g r e s s i v e CCL were merged i n 1956 i n t o the Canadian Labor Congress, and that the NDP was formed i n 1961 through the j o i n t e f f o r t s of the C.C.F. and the Canadian Labor Congress. He s t a t e s that " F i n a l l y organized l a b o r was to have a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y to c a l l i t s own." (p.317). 13 Returning to Kerr and S i e g e l , we note t h a t , as w i t h Marx, they are a s c r i b i n g some q u a l i t i e s to work forces that are e i t h e r the p r o p e r t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s or of s o c i a l p o s i t i o n s occupied by i n d i v i d u a l s . However, we would have to measure the 'positions to f i n d out i f a work f o r c e i s un-d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . The work f o r c e of any i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e might conta i n some jobs that demand tough, i n c o n s t a n t , combative, and v i r i l e workers, w h i l e others demand much more t r a c t a b l e workers. Because of the l a c k of inf o r m a t i o n made a v a i l a b l e by the company f o r the v a r i o u s p o s i t i o n s i n t h e i r work f o r c e , i t i s not p o s s i b l e to describe the d i s t r i b u t i o n of job c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the various e n t e r p r i s e s . We cannot, f o r i n s t a n c e , do a thorough check on the impression we have that the logging work f o r c e has the a t t r i b u t e s that Kerr and S i e g e l c l a i m f o r loggers and other high s t r i k e r a t e i n d u s t r i e s . There are, however, some d e s c r i p t i o n s of i n d u s t r i a l work for c e s that seem to p a r a l l e l c l o s e l y the loggers and the pulp and p a p e r m i l l workers. These are the d e s c r i p t i o n s by Dennis, Henriques, and Slaughter (1956:Ch.2) of c o a l miners, and by Blauner (1967:Ch. 6 and 7) of i n d u s t r i a l chemical p l a n t workers. The b a s i s on which the s e l e c t i o n of these p a r a l l e l s i s made i s some-what i d i o s y n c r a t i c . The w r i t e r has a r e l a t i v e who spent f i f t e e n years as a hardrock miner, and a subsequent f i f t e e n years w i t h the same f i r m as a sup e r v i s o r i n an i n d u s t r i a l chemical p l a n t . P a r t l y through conversations w i t h t h i s r e l a t i v e , but c h i e f l y through reading and d i s c u s s i n g i n d u s t r i a l s o c i o l o g y , the w r i t e r f e e l s that there are some general s i m i l a r i t i e s bet-ween a number of "primary i n d u s t r y " j o b s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those i n v o l v i n g the d i r e c t mechanical e x p l o i t a t i o n of nature. These jobs i n c l u d e l o g g i n g , hardrock and c o a l mining, and some jobs i n pockets of i n d u s t r i a l i z e d a g r i c u l t u r e and f i s h i n g . They are s i m i l a r when c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c features are present; f o r i n s t a n c e , as n e i t h e r management nor the worker i s able to c o n t r o l the n a t u r a l environment, the work m i l i e u f o r these j o b s , the l a c k of c o n t r o l o f t e n r e s u l t s i n there being a number of u n c e r t a i n t i e s about the labor r e q u i r e d f o r , and the p r o d u c t i v i t y r e s u l t i n g from, a given day's work. This may lead to p e r i o d i c and, i n some cases, d a i l y bargaining 4 between management and workers. 4. Cases of t h i s b a r g a i n i n g are reported by Dennis, Henriques, and Slaughter (1956:38). They note that about 1/2 of the underground 14 I f there i s t h i s broad category of s i m i l a r jobs i n primary i n d u s t r y , i t i s because there are major s i m i l a r features i n the w o r k l i f e of the miners mining c o a l , those mining ore, and the loggers f a l l i n g t r e e s . As mentioned, these men work i n a n a t u r a l m i l i e u , and there are a l a r g e number of unpre-d i c t a b l e elements, both i n the n a t u r a l m a t e r i a l s that are the d i r e c t objects of t h e i r work, and other features of the work s e t t i n g . In combination, these r e q u i r e l a r g e numbers of d e c i s i o n s by the worker, who i s r e s p o n s i b l e to and f o r himself f o r h i s work and conduct, much more than f a c t o r y workers are.*' A l s o , both miners and loggers expend l a r g e amounts of p h y s i c a l energy i n an o r d i n a r y day's work, and many of them may'work hard and play hard", to use a working men's expression, emerging as Kerr and Siegel's"tough, i n c o n t i n e n t , combative and v i r i l e " workers. 4. < (cont'd) mine workers i n B r i t a i n are " . ' c o n t r a c t 'workers' , i . e . they , are^enga\ged! on piecework". A f t e r d e s c r i b i n g the various types of 'contract workers, they note (ibid.:1956) the consequence of t h i s piece-work pay on l a b o r - s u p e r v i s o r r e l a t i o n s , s t a t i n g : " C o l l i e r s are normally paid on a piece-work b a s i s , reckoned on agreed p r i c e - l i s t s . This p r i c e - l i s t i s based on an assumption of normal working c o n d i t i o n s , and f o r every circumstance which i s abnormal the c o l l i e r f i g h t s f o r con-cessions i n h i s wages. A l l contract-workers work on s i m i l a r p r i n c i p l e s . . . " . For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n on b a r g a i n i n g see the authors' note throughout that the bulk of the coalminers work i n small teams, that the strong bonds o f t e n b u i l t up w i t h i n these are a b a s i s f o r worker s o l i d a r i t y w i t h r e s u l t a n t e f f e c t s on worker-supervisor r e l a t i o n s . Supporting m a t e r i a l has been su p p l i e d i n casual conversation w i t h my informant-r e l a t i v e . He s a i d , " I f you put a man at work underground, you can't have someone watching him to make sure he i s working, so the simplest t h i n g to do i s put him on c o n t r a c t " (so many d o l l a r s f o r so many tons or cubic f e e t of rock mined). He went on to say, " I f a miner doesn't t h i n k he can make double h i s b a s i c d a i l y r a t e , he i s apt to f e e l 'that i t w i l l be a wasted day, and then he w i l l be t e l l i n g the foreman that he has a bad back that day. This i s a good excuse, because even the doctor cannot question i t . " 5. See, f o r i n s t a n c e , the c o n t r a s t between the miners and the board-p l a n t workers, throughout Gouldner (1964). 15 Kerr and S i e g e l ' s a s s e r t i o n about homogeneity i n high s t r i k e r a t e i n d u s t r i e s i s undermined by gross d i f f e r e n c e s i n pay and work demands i n many of these i n d u s t r i e s . Some of these d i f f e r e n c e s are between the more able and the l e s s able c o n t r a c t workers, others are between the c o n t r a c t workers and the h o u r l y personnel. The d i f f e r e n c e s are i l l u s t r a t e d by the c o n t r a s t between c o n t r a c t workers and day wage men, Dennis et a l (1956:52) and of the importance of pay i n p r e s t i g e rating,- ( i b i d , y 65)^ I t would seem t h a t , r a t h e r than arguing and attempting to support homogeneity as a mechanism producing a workforce w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n of s t r i k e s or p o l i t i c a l behaviour, the important c o n d i t i o n would be a n o t i c e a b l e mass of s k i l l e d workers w i t h many more o p p o r t u n i t i e s to move up i n t o the s k i l l e d o c c u p ational rank than o p p o r t u n i t i e s to move above i t . In support of t h i s suggestion, we would r e f e r the reader to the c o a l miners i n "Coal i s our L i f e " , and to the fishermen i n "The Fishermen" by Jeremy T u r n s t a l l . The" '•< fishermen are organized i n t o very d i f f e r e n t work u n i t s from the c o a l miners. Each boat has a l a r g e c o n c e n t r a t i o n of s e m i - s k i l l e d men and, above these s e m i - s k i l l e d workers, a s m a l l number of occupants of h i g h l y - d i f f e r e n t i a t e d j o b s . There are no f u l l - t i m e s u p e r v i s o r s on a f i s h i n g boat, a l l super-v i s o r y work being done by worker-supervisors, i n d i v i d u a l s who both organize the work of others and operate the f i s h i n g equipment themselves. The s k i p p e r , the f i r s t and second mates, and the f i r s t engineer, are paid by formulas which separate them w i d e l y . F u r t h e r , the demands of each of these jobs i s q u i t e d i s t i n c t . T u n s t a l l r e p o r t s that the fishermen support t h e i r union very p o o r l y . There may be a causal connection between the o r g a n i z a t i o n of worker groups and the degree of l o y a l t y t o , and support o f , the union. In s p i t e of our d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h arguments about homogeneity presented by Kerr and S i e g e l , homogeneity i s s t i l l a term that enables us to make somewhat crude but important d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s between our/ community's work f o r c e s . There would be the s m a l l e s t number of work f o r c e p o s i t i o n s i n the logging o p e r a t i o n s , there would be an intermediate number i n the sawmills and plywood m i l l , and i n the pulp and paper m i l l one would f i n d the l a r g e s t number of d i f f e r e n t work f o r c e p o s i t i o n s . 6. On page 49 the authors note two men on contract earning two pounds f i v e s h i l l i n g s each per s h i f t ; on pages 68 and 69 they s p e c i f y the underground day wage was 24 s h i l l i n g s 11 pence; the surface day wage was ,121 s h i l l i n g s 3 pence. 16 F a r t h e r , as w i l l be seen, worker groups i n the pulp and paper m i l l are i n many cases d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n a ranked h i e r a r c h y , ("chief operator, second operator, t h i r d operator, f o u r t h operator...") w i t h each man r e s p o n s i b l e to any member above him, and r e s p o n s i b l e f o r any member below him. They are not so ordered i n the other e n t e r p r i s e s . A work f o r c e d i v i d e d i n t o a number of d i f f e r e n t arrays of ranked and h i e r a r c h i c a l i n d u s t r i a l worker p o s i t i o n s , i n a p l a n t c o n t a i n i n g departments that are g r o s s l y d i s s i m i l a r , c o n s t i t u t e s the most extreme kind of hetero-geneous work f o r c e , and t h i s i s what i s found i n the pulp and paper m i l l i n our community. Ge n e r a l l y the pulp and paper m i l l work f o r c e seemed at the opposite extreme from the logging operations i n terms of Kerr and ;. : S i e g e l ' s work f o r c e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s > to the i n t e r v i e w e r who had toured the v a r i o u s e n t e r p r i s e s . The pulp and paper m i l l work f o r c e seemed not only c l e a r l y the most heterogeneous, but i t was a l s o l e s s i s o l a t e d from the p u b l i c at l a r g e and more i s o l a t e d w i t h i n i t s e l f i n t o pockets, and c o n s i s t e d of h i e r a r c h i c a l l y organized work teams. F i n a l l y , the work forc e r e q u i r e -ments, w h i l e d i f f u s e , o f t e n seemed to be f o r workers who were even-tempered, and accepting of r o u t i n e . As we f i t t e d the loggers to a type, so can we f i t the pulp and paper m i l l workers. This m i l l seems to conform to the "continuous fl o w " type, along w i t h o i l r e f i n e r i e s and i n d u s t r i a l chemical p l a n t s . The type has been discussed by Blauner, who has s t u d i e d some of i t s workers, and i s a l s o used by Woodward (1962:11). While the primary i n d u s t r y , l o g g i n g , r e q u i r e s men to do hard work i n a n a t u r a l s e t t i n g and accepts a lower l e v e l of formal education than most s k i l l e d workers, the pulp and paper m i l l r e q u i r e s men w i l l i n g to serve as c o n t r o l instruments, working at a boring j o b , o f t e n w i t h a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r expensive machinery and v a l u a b l e output. At the time of study, c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r such jobs r e q u i r e d a high l e v e l of formal education. I t must be borne i n mind that we are incapable of making any statements about the character of the d i f f e r e n t work forces from s o l i d and extensive m a t e r i a l , and that we are making rough c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n s of these workforces from gross d i f f e r e n c e s . 17 I f forced to c h a r a c t e r i z e the sawmill and plywood m i l l workforces, we would s t a t e that they seem to have some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the machine-minding jobs of the t e x t i l e m i l l s , and of the assembly-line jobs of the automobile assembly-line workers, as reported in" Blauner (1967;Ch. 4 and 5). While we would be able to produce and t e s t hypotheses i f we had the d e s c r i p t i v e m a t e r i a l on workforces, the m a t e r i a l that we have can only be used to produce m i l d e x p e c t a t i o n s , u s e f u l i n o r i e n t i n g ourselves to a d e s c r i p t i v e , study. Our study i s s t i m u l a t e d by e a r l i e r concepts of the character of i n d u s t r i a l work f o r c e s , and these are not n e c e s s a r i l y a p p l i c a -b l e to our community. Class,-; Mass, and Worker I n t e r e s t Group From Marx, or from Kerr and S i e g e l , one would assume some l e v e l of both d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s and u n i f o r m i t y w i t h a l o c a l "working c l a s s " i n a com-munity such as ours. I t i s j u s t as p l a u s i b l e to see workers i n mid twentieth century North America as parts of mass s o c i e t y , d i f f e r e n t i a t e d to a greater or l e s s e r degree from the average of the "mass". Such a mass s o c i e t y i s presumably marked by mass-market consumer goods, mass communications, and to a l e s s e r degree networks of s o c i a l t i e s predomin-a n t l y w i t h i n the mass. (Members of the e l i t e a n^' of the "lumpenpro.J a c a r i a t " or i t s near equivalent would be d i s t i n c t from such a mass.) I f the mass s o c i e t y view h o l d s , members of the l a b o r e l i t e w i t h good paying jobs and few dependents might f r e q u e n t l y be found buying the kinds of cars bought by the "upper c l a s s " i n s m a l l c i t i e s and by members of the professions i n the r e s t of the country. I f one assumes that North America i s most s a t i s f a c t o r i l y d e a l t w i t h i n terms of "mass s o c i e t y " or "mass c u l t u r e " , one would i n c l u d e much of the i n d u s t r i a l work f o r c e i n t h i s mass, perhaps excluding those who move from w e l f a r e to i n d u s t r y to w e l f a r e , and s i m i l a r marginals. For the present work, we assume n e i t h e r " c l a s s " nor "mass". Instead, we s t a r t w i t h the f a c t of i n d u s t r i a l workers who belong to worker i n t e r e s t groups, p a r t i c u l a r l y l a b o r unions. These unions are formal o r g a n i z a t i o n s w i t h dues, membership l i s t s , " l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t i e s " and so on. They answer to t h e i r memberships to some degree, and they n e g o t i a t e and c o n t r a c t v a r i o u s working c o n d i t i o n s f o r these memberships. However, the o r d i n a r y 18 member can conduct h i s l i f e year i n and year out w i t h l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n , or awareness o f , the union, unless there i s a s t r i k e or n e a r - s t r i k e . The question of i n t e r e s t to us i s , to what degree do various kinds of the community's g a i n f u l l y employed, p r i m a r i l y members of various unions, vote i n favor of candidates of a s o c i a l i s t i c party — candidates w i t h identiti@§ w i t h i n the community as lab o r union s a l a r i e d o f f i c i a l s . We are studying v o t i n g choices as a way of shedding l i g h t on these ideas from Marx and from Kerr and S i e g e l f o r a number of reasons. F i r s t , i t i s not expedient f o r a s o c i o l o g i s t to propose that s o c i e t i e s are e i t h e r "type A™ or "type B", e i t h e r bourgeois or p r o l e t a r i a n , i n Marxian terms, and then attempt to f i t a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y , n a t i o n , or community i n t o one of these two c a t e g o r i e s . Second, v o t i n g i s an a c t i v i t y common to a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of our respondents, and t h e i r v o t i n g choices are, i n a " f o r m a l l y democratic"^ s o c i e t y , a most standardized item of behaviour. I t i s true that we cannot e m p i r i c a l l y : a s c r i b e a meaning .to • a l l the v o t i n g c h o i c e s , but from the r a t e s of NDP support, we can make comparisons between s o c i a l aggregates, such as the young and the o l d , or between members of d i f f e r e n t formal o r g a n i z a t i o n s . I t i s a l s o c l e a r that by comparing d i f -ferences i n the r a t e of NDP support, we can see which s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s appear i n f l u e n t i a l i n the v o t i n g choices of those studied and which do not. The main unresolved i s s u e that comes from studying only the m a t e r i a l at hand i s that our explanations l a c k p r e c i s i o n and completeness. We do not have adequate i n d i c a t o r s of s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n before or at e l e c t i o n time, of a t t i t u d e s to p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and programs, or s p e c i f i c candidates. We a l s o do not know how people saw each of the l o c a l candidates i n the . e l e c t i o n p e r i o d , nor how t h i s i s connected to t h e i r views of the party i n question, or the union to which they then belonged. Of course, we must not ignore another l o g i c a l p o s s i b i l i t y , that n e i t h e r work f o r c e p o s i t i o n nor other s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i l l provide us w i t h a strong b a s i s f o r accounting f o r the v o t i n g choices. A view that some s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , p a r t i c u l a r l y " s o c i a l reference a f f i l i a t i o n s " , are g e n e r a l l y not a determinant of the v o t i n g choices of Canadians i s ex-pressed as f o l l o w s by Regenstreif (1965:24): "The p e r s o n a l i t y o r i e n t a t i o n s of Canadian p a r t i e s i s a f u n c t i o n a l i n g r e d i e n t of a p o l i t i c a l system i n 7. By " f o r m a l l y democratic" i s meant a s o c i e t y i n which there i s a general e q u a l i t y at the p o l l s , whether or not there are gross d i f f e r e n c e s i n p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e and other aspects of p o l i t i c a l power. 19 which s o c i a l reference a f f i l i a t i o n s are weak mediators of p o l i t i c a l l o y a l t i e s . " We should note, however, that the e l e c t i o n s that we are examining l a c k powerful e f f e c t i v e " c h a r i s m a t i c " f i g u r e s l i k e St. Laurent, Diefenbaker and Trudeau. Diefenbaker was a c t i v e i n the Fede r a l e l e c t i o n ' ' i n q u e s t i o n , but he was no longer a powerful f i g u r e . We have, moreover, a working class-oriented''community — that i s , one that grew up on i n d u s t r y and i t s requirements f o r i n d u s t r i a l l a b o r , and one i n which labor unions of the more r a d i c a l type have been a c t i v e . As a consequence, i t would be extremely u n l i k e l y f o r us to f i n d that " s o c i a l reference a f f i l i a t i o n s " and p a r t i c u l a r l y union membership, are "weak mediators of p o l i t i c a l l o y a l t i e s " i n a community that e l e c t s labor union o f f i c i a l s to parliament and p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e . I t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e that R e g e n s t r e i f 1 s statement i s not a p p l i c a b l e to the e l e c t i o n i n question, s i n c e i t had weak p o l i t i c a l f i g u r e s , nor to the community i n question, w i t h an apparent high l e v e l of connections between s o c i a l reference a f f i l i a t i o n s and v o t i n g choices. CHAPTER I I THE STUDY AND ITS SETTING The major source of i n f o r m a t i o n used f o r t h i s work i s a body of q u e s t i o n n a i r e responses, i n c l u d i n g answers to questions about recent v o t i n g choices, from a sample of the community's g a i n f u l l y employed. The sample m a t e r i a l i s from a study of "Work, L e i s u r e , and S o c i a l P a r t i c i p a -t i o n " , the major t o o l of which was a 30 page questionnaire developed by Dr. M a r t i n Meissner of U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, the d i r e c t o r of the research p r o j e c t . Since the m a t e r i a l has been punched up on H o l l e r i t h cards i t has been used e x t e n s i v e l y by Dr. Meissner and h i s students. We have, i n our sample, only r e s i d e n t s who were g a i n f u l l y employed, and the focus of i n t e r e s t was the connections between work and other aspects of s o c i a l l i f e . V oting choices w i l l be looked at i n t h i s study as a dependent v a r i a b l e , and other aspects of s o c i a l l i f e w i l l be regarded as independent or i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e s — as antecedent c o n d i t i o n s which may help account f o r v o t i n g choices i n some way. The data'that we a r e . a n a l y s i n g i n t h i s , work comes from a study-only p a r t l y concerned w i t h .voting.. ...We. make some references to. other- s t u d i e s , 'to' - i l l u s t r a t e the relevance to v o t i n g of the s o c i a l c h a r a G t e r i s t i c s ^ s - t u d i e d . The r a t i o n a l connections between v a r i a b l e s found i n other- s t u d i e s are^used c a u t i o u s l y as are our own " a f t e r - t h e - f a c t explanations.'"' ^ ' 7"-" We should note that the . c a s t i n g of a vote f o r an MP or an MLA i s i t s e l f an i n f r e q u e n t , s o l i t a r y a c t , of only a few minutes' d u r a t i o n . I n d i v i d u a l , i s o l a t e d , standardized, and ( p r a c t i c a l l y speaking) simul t a n -eous choices i n the v o t i n g booth produce a cumulative (and sometimes s u r p r i s i n g ) e f f e c t . Because of the secrecy and simultaneousness of the vote (the p o l l s c l o s e before r e s u l t s are released) none of the voters can adjust t h e i r v o t i n g choices to the r e s u l t s of the v o t i n g choices of others. This d i f f e r e n t i a t e s the e l e c t o r s from the MP's and MLA's, whose votes i n the l e g i s l a t i v e chambers are not s e c r e t , and who are 20 21 i n v o l v e d i n making and v o c a l i z i n g a l a r g e number of p o l i t i c a l choices through a term of o f f i c e . F u r t h e r , the e l e c t o r s ' v o t i n g choices are q u i t e u n l i k e most of the r e s t of t h e i r s o c i a l behaviour. I f one wishes to suggest that most s o c i a l behaviour takes place w i t h i n a " s o c i a l s t r u c -t u r e " , the marking of b a l l o t s would then have to be seen as behaviour d e l i b e r a t e l y set p h y s i c a l l y apart from the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . I t takes place outside of the network of s o c i a l t i e s , the p a t t e r n of r i g h t s and o b l i g a -t i o n s , and the occupancy of s o c i a l r o l e s of the people concerned. This i s not, of course, to say that v o t i n g choices cannot serve as i n d i c a t o r s of p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s f o r subsequent s o c i a l choices. A number of arguments f o r p r e d i c t o r s of v o t i n g choices are a v a i l a b l e , but i t would be very hard work to advance a p l a u s i b l e argument about a s i n g l e "cause" f o r v o t i n g choices. Voting choices can reasonably be regarded as outcomes of v a r i o u s kinds of i n f l u e n c e s . This i s the b a s i s f o r our examination of v o t i n g choices and a v a r i e t y of p r e c o n d i t i o n s . The Community The "community", or c o n c e n t r a t i o n of .^population, i s a r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d one, c o n s i s t i n g at the time of the i n t e r v i e w s of some 20,000 people. To reach i t , one turns o f f a major highway w i t h i t s r i b b o n of settlements, c i t i e s , and towns, and t r a v e l s some t h i r t y m i l e s along a l e s s e r highway, mostly through an unpopulated area. I f one continues along t h i s l e s s e r highway past our community, the highway becomes a g r a v e l road, and i t i s some f o r t y m i l e s before other small settlements are encountered. The road soon ends a l t o g e t h e r . For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n ©f the area, see pages 5 and 6 of "Technical C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Data" i n ; Appendix A.' '.~, In h i s previus work on the community, Meissner has assigned the community the name of " M i l l p o r t " . Two of i t s major v i s i b l e f eatures are the ocean going v e s s e l s i n i t s p o r t , and i t s m i l l s — a g i a n t paper m i l l , two s a w m i l l s , and a plywood m i l l , arrayed along the w a t e r f r o n t . The "community" c o n s i s t s of the r e s i d e n t s of an incorporated area, and a f u r t h e r p o p u l a t i o n s c a t t e r e d i n ribbons and pockets w i t h i n a ten m i l e r a d i u s of the urban center. Census t a b l e s show the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n of the urban incorporated area as s l i g h t l y over f i f t e e n thousand i n 1961. The four surrounding census areas, approximately covering the r e s t of the "community", show a f u r t h e r p o p u l a t i o n of some four thousand two^-hundred. .(Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . ) 22 S c r u t i n y of a p r o v i n c i a l government map, dated 1966, shov7s an urban popu l a t i o n of 18,550 and some 6,200 others i n the r e s t of the area i n question. Because of the form of p r e s e n t a t i o n of census data, d e t a i l e d census information i s only a v a i l a b l e f o r p a r t of our p o p u l a t i o n . Since t h i s part cannot be claimed to be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , we can make no statements about the p r o p o r t i o n of the community's work f o r c e by type of work, r e l i g i p n , or age group. The m a t e r i a l presented i n "Technical C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " , comparing M i l l p o r t to B i g c i t y , i n f a c t only t r e a t s h a l f of the p o p u l a t i o n of the M i l l p o r t community. We do not have equivalent i n f o r m a t i o n about the other h a l f . The community i s i n a geographic r e g i o n dominated by mountains p r e s e n t l y or formerly covered w i t h t r e e s , and long-denuded v a l l e y s turned to farms and r e s i d e n t i a l areas. W r i t i n g of t h i s geographical region many years ago, D a r r y l l Forde (1964:71) s t a t e d : This damp and m i l d c l i m a t e makes p o s s i b l e the most l u x u r i a n t f o r e s t growth i n North America. T a l l , s t r a i g h t -trunked evergreens such as spruce, hemlock and cedar o f t e n over two hundred and f i f t y f e e t h i g h , c l o t h e the mountains f o r s e v e r a l thousand f e e t and reach r i g h t down to the shore,. F i s h , and to a l e s s e r degree the f o r e s t s , allowed f o r the growth i n t h i s r e g i o n of pre-Columbian pop u l a t i o n m a t e r i a l l y the r i c h e s t north of Yucatan.--I f the f o r e s t s were not now e x p l o i t e d , our community would only e x i s t as a f i s h i n g and Indian center, and i t would be much, much s m a l l e r . We have r e f e r r e d to the "community". Why have we used quotation marks around the term? What does the term "community" mean?' Community i s one of those words used v a r i o u s l y i n the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s . Let us develop a sound but extreme d e f i n i t i o n , and then see how c l o s e l y our p o p u l a t i o n matches t h i s . The extreme d e f i n i t i o n that we s t a r t from i s t h a t , f o r a p h y s i c a l l y - c i r c u m s c r i b e d population to be a "community" two c r i t e r i a must be met: i t must be e x c l u s i v e , and i t must be i n c l u s i v e . By e x c l u s i v e we mean that i t must be both p h y s i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y d i s t i n c t , so that a c i r c u m s c r i b i n g l i n e can be drawn, across which l i n e the i n t e r a c t i o n i s notably l e s s intense than i s the i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n . Secondly, " i n c l u s i v e " i s intended to i n d i c a t e t h a t , f o r the bulk of i t s members, the "community" must be inescapable, and these members must be i n e s c a b l e from one another. 23 I t must have some of the q u a l i t y of the g o l d f i s h bowl; very few of the community's members can be allowed the p r i v i l e g e of anonymity. Moreover, community membership must dominate subcommunities, s t r a t a , and f a c t i o n s , f o r a community to meet t h i s extreme d e f i n i t i o n . "Pvural-Urban" were the d i s t i n c t i o n s of community used by Regenstreif ( 1 9 6 5 : 1 4 , 3 3 , 3 7 , . 3 8 , 9 4 - 9 5 ) i n studying v o t e r choices. Moving from one of these c a t e g o r i e s to the other, important d i f f e r e n c e s appear, i n c l u d i n g d i f f e r e n c e s i n the v a r i e t y of the mass media, the s o c i a l issues at stake, and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the g a i n f u l l y employed among an array of occupations. One of the major d i f f e r e n c e s , however, i s a d i f f e r e n c e i n the network of s o c i a l t i e s and the connection of these to employment. The p o p u l a t i o n that we are studying does not c o n s t i t u t e a " r u r a l community", n e i t h e r i s i t a m e t r o p o l i t a n p o p u l a t i o n . Tonnies' w r i t i n g on GSmeinschaft and G e s s e l -s c h a f t has been t r a n s l a t e d as "Community" and " A s s o c i a t i o n " , and "community" i s o f t e n used to i n d i c a t e a p o p u l a t i o n i n which primary group s o c i a l r e l a t e ions predominate. On the other hand, Floyd Hunter has e n t i t l e d h i s study of a l a r g e c i t y of h a l f a m i l l i o n , "Community Power S t r u c t u r e " . Some d i s c u s s i o n of "communities" i s provided by Frankenberg (1966) i n h i s comparative study. He argues t h a t , f o r the bulk of the working-class r e s i d e n t s of a p a r t i c u l a r Welsh v i l l a g e he had s t u d i e d e a r l i e r i n V i l l a g e  on the Border, s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n v a r i o u s community a c t i v i t i e s was o b l i g a t o r y , w i t h an unavoidable involvement i n f a c t i o n s . This c o n t r a s t s s h a r p l y w i t h the aloofness and p a u c i t y of community-wide s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s that Manning Nash (1967) reported f o r a L a t i n American community. In the community he s t u d i e d , which he named C a n t e l , Nash ( 1 9 6 7 : 9 8 ) seems to note the f i r s t of three major aspects of what we might c a l l " s o c i a l p e r s o n a l i t y " that i s , p e r s o n a l i t y as a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of s t y l e of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s — p l a c i d i t y , gossip and s e c r e t i v e n e s s . The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p l a c i d i t y i s i n d i c a t e d i n h i s statements: " i n normal s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n such as a chance meeting on the s t r e e t , i n p u b l i c gatherings w h i l e sober, when anyone not of the household may observe them, Cantalenses are reserved and undemonstrative" and " t h i s absence of emotional demonstrativeness i s a q u a l i t y which permeates a l l p u b l i c or v i s i b l e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s " . The second f e a t u r e i s i n d i c a t e d by Nash's ( 1 9 6 7 : 1 0 0 ) statement: "Canta-lenses are c o n t i n u a l l y preoccupied w i t h scandal and gossip. A neighbor's good or at l e a s t n e u t r a l o p i n i o n i s sought a f t e r and h i g h l y valued". These two a t t r i b u t e s , hand i n hand w i t h two more statements ( i b i d . : 1 0 1 ) i n d i c a t e 24 the s e c r e t i v e n e s s we have mentioned. "Cantalenses are not open and frank i n conversing w i t h each other, but n e i t h e r are they devious or cunning". "No one but a parent or s i b l i n g can be t r u s t e d with a c o n f i -dence". Together,-these three a t t r i b u t e s add up to a r a t h e r h i g h l y i n h i b i t e d p a t t e r n of community s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . Nonetheless, there i s a "community" w i t h i n which t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n takes p l a c e , and which i s inescapable f o r the bulk of i t s r e s i d e n t s ; j u s t as inescapable, i f not more so, than the Welsh community studied by Frankenberg. In each case, the community's s t r u c t u r e manifested s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s marked by what Frankenberg c a l l s "redundancy". The idea he denotes by t h i s term i s a r a t h e r b a s i c one: the bulk of the community members r e l a t e to one another i n a number of ways, and x^henever they encounter one another, they take these manifold r e l a t i o n s i n t o account. For i n s t a n c e , a store-keeper and a farmer-customer would not have a simple b u y e r - s e l l e r r e l a t i o n -s h i p . In d i s c u s s i n g another piece of work, Frankenberg (1966:52) w r i t e s : "Even a business t r a n s a c t i o n i s a s o c i a l event," says Rees • (page '96) . - Perhaps he should have-said a business '-trans-faction,- e s p e c i a l l y i s a s o c i a l event, f o r . the c o u r t e s i e s and apparent i r r e l e v a n c i e s surrounding exchange i n a s o c i e t y based on r e c i p r o c i t y provide an instance of what I w i l l l a t e r d e scribe as s o c i a l redundancy, without xtfhich i t would be a d i f f e r e n t s o r t of s o c i e t y . In comparing Nash's community w i t h the one discussed by Frankenberg, i t seems that the d i f f e r e n c e s might be c a l l e d those of s t y l e of s o c i a l i n t e r -a c t i o n 9 (which vie c a l l e d " s o c i a l p e r s o n a l i t y " ) . The communities are s i m i l a r i n terms of our other c r i t e r i a ; they are inescapable f o r t h e i r r e s i d e n t s , and they are somewhat l i k e g o l d f i s h bowls. Most community members must take account of each other as t o t a l i t i e s , i n each community. However, we would p o i n t out that the d i f f e r e n c e s are a l s o those between a po p u l a t i o n whose members can develop a normal p a t t e r n of being "tough, i n c o n s t a n t , combative and v i r i l e " , to repeat Kerr and S i e g e l ' s phrase, and a p o p u l a t i o n that cannot. This d i f f e r e n c e p o i n t s up the n e c e s s i t y of i n t e n s i v e : study of a community s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e f o r a complete study of the connections between s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , a t t i t u d e s , and v o t i n g c hoices. The existence of communities w i t h such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s o b v i o u s l y dependent on low l e v e l s of p h y s i c a l m o b i l i t y i n t o and out of the areas i n 25 question. Our community not only has a h i s t o r y of r a p i d growth (rates of growth f o r part of the urban area are discussed by Meissner i n Appendix A ) , i t a l s o has a r a t h e r high l e v e l of emigration. Of the 462 attempted i n t e r v i e w s w i t h the g a i n f u l l y employed, twenty-eight (or 6 per cent) had l e f t the community i n the f i v e to seven months between d i r e c t o r y census and i n t e r v i e w i n g . Further m a t e r i a l on m o b i l i t y can be found below, i n d i s c u s s i o n of length of community residence. The concept of community presented above i s a r a t h e r narrow one, but i t does provide a b a s i s f o r grasping some important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of our i s o l a t e d p o p u l a t i o n which we have been c a l l i n g a "community". F i r s t , of course, i t i s p h y s i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y d i s t i n c t . F u r t h e r , i n some ways i t meets the c r i t e r i a we have s p e c i f i e d f o r being " e x c l u s i v e " ; i n s p i t e of a high l e v e l of immigration and emigration, and a l o t of moving around i n cars on weekends and days o f f , i t would appear to be a "community" f o r a notable number of i t s r e s i d e n t s . - Also the- p o p u l a t i o n i s q u i t e h i g h l y o r i e n t e d to r e g i o n a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t i e s , p o s s i b l y more than to community ones. As f o r being i n c l u s i v e , the com-munity i s not t h i s . Managers, t e c h n i c i a n s and s u p e r v i s o r s are probably most f r e q u e n t l y bound to the company f i r s t , by career i n t e r e s t s and l i f e s t y l e among other t h i n g s . They are subjuet to t r a n s f e r to other e n t e r p r i s e s , and f o r many the a s p i r a t i o n i s u l t i m a t e l y to head o f f i c e . They are much l e s s o r i e n t e d to the community than we would expect of managers of an i n d u s t r i a l f i r m w i t h a s i n g l e p h y s i c a l community s e t t i n g c o n t a i n i n g a l l i t s e n t e r p r i s e s and o f f i c e s . This p o s s i b i l i t y i s enhanced by a l a c k of any apparent company i n t e r e s t i n the community. The f i r m appears to have sponsored no community p r o j e c t s or f a c i l i t i e s , u n l i k e many other i n d u s t r i a l c o r p o r a t i o n s . Money the f i r m spends on "worthy causes" i s d i r e c t e d to " B i g c i t y " . The company seems t i e d to the community only through taxes and the presence of "community members" at i t s " e n t e r p r i s e s " . As to the i n c l u s i v e n e s s a f f e c t i n g the unionized company personnel, the s i n g l e ones may o f t e n o r i e n t themselves to places where there are more g i r l s , ;' that they can impress with t h e i r cars,-- A worker can be j u s t as a l o o f from l o c a l t i e s as a manager. 26 ) A f t e r reading Middletown and e s p e c i a l l y the Lynd's (1956:272) d i s -c ussion of patterns of f r i e n d s h i p and e l a b o r a t i n g from other reading and personal o b s e r v a t i o n , one i s l e d to suggest that managers and those above the " i n d u s t r i a l worker" jobs may be o b l i g a t e d by the demands of the f i r m , as w e l l as the nature of t h e i r work, to e s t a b l i s h and s u s t a i n s i z e a b l e numbers of f r i e n d l y casual t i e s . F u r t h e r , "people" are more o f t e n work-objects f o r those i n t h i s category than f o r i n d u s t r i a l workers, and the former may i n some cases be aided i n , remunerated, or compensated f o r , t h i s "people work". For in s t a n c e , one m i l l contains a "foreman's club",™ wi t h f r e e banquets once every three months. The union member has no such o b l i g a t i o n s , and may have fewer such o p p o r t u n i t i e s , because of the pressure of h i s work. In a d d i t i o n , having lower income, l e s s s e c u r i t y and commitment, l e s s t r a i n i n g i n the "bon-hommie" accompanying some middle c l a s s formal o r g a n i z a t i o n s l i k e Lions and Rotary Clubs, he may have even more p o s s i b i l i t y of aloofness and anonymity w i t h i n the community. In s h o r t , on the b a s i s of i n t e r v i e w i n g experience w i t h i n the community, we a s s e r t that there i s no "working c l a s s " as an i n t e g r a t e d , d i s t i n c t group, nor i s there a "working c l a s s " of a d i s t i n c t and e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l stratum. There may be a body of workers i n the company work f o r c e that are somewhat d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the r e s t of the g a i n f u l l y employed i n the community, but they are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d mainly by the unions they belong to or by the contr a c t s they are covered by, and l i t t l e , i f at a l l , by any cTa.ss homogeneous' l i f e , s t y l e or c l a s s e x c l u s i v e network of s o c i a l • Tties.. _ Of course, t h i s observation i m p l i e s r e c o g n i t i o n of the f a c t that the community l i f e of our popul a t i o n i s the l i f e of members of a popul a t i o n of 20,000. No one can know, or know o f , most of the other r e s i d e n t s , as he might i n a community of 100 or perhaps i n one of 2,000. This leads to the next p o i n t . While the p o s s i b i l i t y of anonymity w i t h i n one's s t r a t a can be seen g as a c o n d i t i o n preventing the workers from c o n s t i t u t i n g a " c l a s s " , the 8. _ Much, as Marx_^1948 :148) said of ...the „peasan.tsl .individuation, ."In*-,-, this-way, the great mass of the French na_t ion i s ^ formed by simple'V addition of h'oftfdlog'ous-'ioa-g-n-itudes',' mueh^as^pbt'a'fc-'es 'in^a^s'acR'-- form"""-*'' - a sack of potatoes."^,. •' . '....* . \ .v. . .. 27 anonymity between s o c i a l s t r a t a , made p o s s i b l e by l a r g e "community" s i z e , has an opposite e f f e c t . The more that managers and s u p e r v i s o r s , and those h i e r a r c h i c a l l y above the unionized work f o r c e , are i s o l a t e d from the unionized work f o r c e by the l a r g e s i z e of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e groups and the t o t a l community p o p u l a t i o n , the l e s s t h e i r a t t i t u d e s and views are l i k e l y to become i n t e g r a t e d i n t o something that might be c a l l e d community o p i n i o n , and the l e s s l i k e l i h o o d there i s of the members of the unionized work f o r c e being constrained by t h i s o p i n i o n . A b l o c of union members i n a s e t t i n g such as ours can more e a s i l y develop a complex, durable,Cperhaps r a t i o n a l j set of ideas and understandings favorable to union members' ' i n t e r e s t s , and c r i t i c a l of management and ownership. While we have found that our community does not f i t the narrow and rigo r o u s d e f i n i t i o n we have suggested as an extreme one, we have a l s o shed some l i g h t on j u s t what our po p u l a t i o n i s l i k e . Any f u t u r e r e f e r e n c e to our po p u l a t i o n as a community accepts the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of our popu-l a t i o n as j u s t s t a t e d . The Industry The p o p u l a t i o n s t u d i e d i s i n an area dominated by f o r e s t s , and the cause of i t s presence i s the e x p l o i t a t i o n of these f o r e s t s . F i s h i n g i s much l e s s important as a source of g a i n f u l employment. The community has a s i n g l e major employer, a f o r e s t products f i r m . This f i r m operates two sawmi l l s , a plywood m i l l , and a pulp and paper m i l l , a l l l o c a t e d along the waterf r o n t of the incorporated area. I t al s o has two logging operations i n the immediate h i n t e r l a n d . Almost a l l workers i n each of these operations are"members of the community" f o r our purposes. Exceptions i n c l u d e the o c c a s i o n a l commuter l i v i n g f i f t e e n or twenty mile s from the community. One major fea t u r e d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the g a i n f u l l y employed community members i s the lo g g e r s ' time-consuming d a i l y t r i p s to and from work, which a l l o w them l e s s time i n the "community" than the other g a i n f u l l y employed u s u a l l y have. The f i r m a l s o has other logging operations i n the v i c i n i t y . The workers i n these operations do not o r d i n a r i l y l i v e i n the community, so they are not "community members". Logs are transported from these other operations to help feed the m i l l s i n the community. L o c a l l y , the company i s a r e s u l t of mergers and absorption of s m a l l e r , 'private e n t e r p r i s e " o p e r a t i o n s , i n t o the present, overwhelming, "corporate e n t e r p r i s e " w i t h head o f f i c e s i n " B i g c i t y " . The company a l s o f o l l o w s major t e c h n o l o g i c a l changes, the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of c a p i t a l i n p r o g r e s s i v e l y more massive p l a n t , and the increase i n manufacturing that accompanies the i n -c r e a s i n g u t i l i z a t i o n of former "waste". The c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e p l a n t t y p i c a l l y i n v o l v e s higher and higher investment per employee, and per d o l l a r of s a l e s . Furthermore, the c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e n e s s i s not confined to the g i g a n t i c pulp and paper m i l l (the most recent of the m i l l s ) , i t extends to the work of the logger. In the 1950's the gasoline-powered chainsaw was introduced, and the work of f a l l i n g and bucking t r e e s , formerly dominated by human muscle power, became a matter of the a p p l i c a t i o n of inanimate, c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e , power, along w i t h most of the previous human judgement s k i l l s . While r a i l t r a n s p o r t from the community to the western Canadian market i s comparatively expensive, ocean t r a n s p o r t to other world markets i s com-p a r a t i v e l y cheap and the f i r m o f f e r s i t s l o c a l products on the world market. The f i r m has no l o c a l purchaser f o r the bulk of i t s output, nor has i t a l o c a l competing producer. Most of the men that want to l i v e i n the community and work i n the f o r e s t i n d u s t r y have only one choice of employer. Most of the other g a i n f u l l y employed can be seen as working under the shadow of , or i n jobs s u b s i d i a r y to the o p e r a t i o n o f , the main i n d u s t r i a l f i r m . The only exceptions seem to be an Indian r e s e r v a t i o n and a f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y , which overlap somewhat, and an Indian r e s i d e n t i a l s c h o o l . Logging i s , of course, the primary, e x t r a c t i v e step i n the company's i n d u s t r i a l production. I t s t y p i c a l workers, l i k e most workers i n primary i n d u s t r y , are not found i n f a c t o r i e s , but r a t h e r i n a " n a t u r a l " s e t t i n g , working both " i n " nature and "on" nature. By c o n t r a s t , the t y p i c a l workers i n the firm's other l o c a l e n t e r p r i s e s are " f a c t o r y workers", and w h i l e at t h e i r workplaces confront s o c i a l l y - p r o d u c e d technology, r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d from the f o r c e s and m a t e r i a l s of nature. There are gross d i f f e r e n c e s i n the major features of the " t y p i c a l j o b s " f o r each of the types of o p e r a t i o n , and a l a r g e part of our a n a l y s i s separates the major i n d u s t r i a l employer's workforce by "type of e n t e r p r i s e " . 29 The E n t e r p r i s e s There are s i x " e n t e r p r i s e s " or "operations" of the f i r m i n the com-munity and i t s adjacent area. Each of them i s p h y s i c a l l y and a d m i n i s t r a -t i v e l y d i s t i n c t . They are: •" }-> two logging o p e r a t i o n s , whose employees work a number miles from the urban center; - Vtwo sawmills; . — a plywood m i l l ; a pulp and paper m i l l . As already mentioned, a l l the e n t e r p r i s e s i n the second, t h i r d , and f o u r t h groups are l o c a t e d along the w a t e r f r o n t i n the urban area. The f i r m i t s e l f i s organized a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y i n t o f i v e l a r g e d i v i s i o n s , and the " e n t e r p r i s e s " are included w i t h i n three of these. The d i v i s i o n s are: •(a) Logging D i v i s i o n - concerned w i t h operations l i s t e d i n the f i r s t category above; (b) Wood Products D i v i s i o n - concerned w i t h the manufacture of "wood products". L o c a l l y t h i s means the output of the sawmills and the plywood m i l l , l i s t e d i n <the ©©ednd and t h i r d c a t e g o r i e s ; (c) Pulp and Paper D i v i s i o n - i n c l u d e s the operation of the various pulp and paper m i l l s of the f i r m . The f i r m must al s o be seen as running an " i n t e g r a t e d " o p e r a t i o n , i n which "business e f f i c i e n c y " i s used not only to d i v i d e the f i r m adminis-t r a t i v e l y , but a l s o to l i n k the d i f f e r e n t parts p h y s i c a l l y where t h i s meets the firm's o v e r a l l i n t e r e s t s . Some logs go to the pulp and paper m i l l . Others go to the wood products m i l l s , and t h e i r waste goes to the pulp and paper m i l l . One of the sawmills has no steam p l a n t , and uses steam from another m i l l . Each of the s i x e n t e r p r i s e s has a heterogeneous xrork f o r c e — a tendency most marked i n the pulp and paper m i l l . We assume that each of the p a i r e d operations ( i n the f i r s t txro numbered categ o r i e s above) has a technology, an a l l o c a t i o n of xrork, and an a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l to that of i t s p a r t n e r , and that the plyxrood m i l l i s s i m i l a r to the saxjmills i n these x^ays. We a l s o assume t h a t , g e n e r a l l y speaking, most jobs i n one of these operations have an equivalent job i n i t s partner. 30 9 '. Most i n d u s t r i a l jobs are unpleasant" ' i n some way; the workpace i s too f a s t , the work i s monotonous, the workplace i s uncomfortably c o l d , hot, dusty, d i r t y , wet or n o i s y . An i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c e v a l u a t i o n of the r e l a t i v e unpleasantness of the d i f f e r e n t operations would put the logging operations at the most unpleasant end of the s c a l e , except i n good weather. The two s a w m i l l s , w i t h high l e v e l s of n o i s e , dust, d i r t and water would be next. The plywood m i l l , w i t h a l o t of dust around an otherwise reasonably pleasant atmosphere would be somewhat b e t t e r . And the pulp and paper m i l l , or at l e a s t i t s c e n t r a l p a r t , where everything i s clean and p a i n t e d , and the noise l e v e l i s moderate, would be the l e a s t unpleasant. A strong i n d i c a t o r of "unpleasantness" i s the incidence of i n d u s t r i a l a c c i d e n t s , i n c l u d i n g those l e a d i n g to death. Throughout the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d w o rld, i t appears, the working c o n d i t i o n s i n v o l v i n g workers c o n f r o n t i n g a n a t u r a l environment w i t h advanced t e c h n o l o g i c a l t o o l s show the higher accident r a t e s : mining, f i s h i n g , l o g g i n g , a g r i c u l t u r e , e t c . Where the environment i s t o t a l l y c o n t r o l l e d by technology, as i n a f a c t o r y , business and government r a t i o n a l i t y are, i n mid-twentieth century, more e a s i l y a p p l i e d to p r o t e c t the worker and the work process from i n d u s t r i a l a c c i d e n t s . By comparison, the worker i n the n a t u r a l s e t t i n g i s more f r e q u e n t l y i n a s i t u a t i o n where personal judgment and awareness are b a s i c devices he must o r d i n a r i l y use to p r o t e c t h i m s e l f from environmental hazards i n the face of other work demands. Trees f a l l l e s s o f t e n on sawmill workers than they do on l o g g e r s , p a r t l y because they f a l l more where the loggers work. Generally speaking, we would c l a i m that the dangerous and unpleasant jobs are most o f t e n logging d i v i s i o n j o b s , l e a s t o f t e n pulp and paper m i l l j o bs. W i t h i n a s i n g l e f i r m , there may be n o t i c e a b l e d i f f e r e n c e s between operations that might be assumed to be s i m i l a r by the casual observer. Theodore P u r c e l l (1960) has noted s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n c e s between three d i f f e r e n t packing p l a n t s , a l l owned by the same company, and a l l i n the U.S. midx^est. Some of the d i f f e r e n c e s he notes i n c l u d e or produce d i f f e r e n c e s i n the work and l i f e of the workers, f o r i n s t a n c e , d i f f e r e n c e s i n job s e c u r i t y . 9/.| Our c l a i m that the jobs are unpleasant does not mean that x^ e have ^ overlooked the a t t r a c t i o n s of the v i r i l e j o b s . Many of these i n v o l v e hard p h y s i c a l l a b o r , the challenge and v a r i e t y of xrorking i n a n a t u r a l s e t t i n g , and the w o r k e r - c o n t r o l l e d pacing of s k i l l e d jobs without the n e c e s s i t y of craftsman t r a i n i n g . These jobs may provide t h e i r incumbents x^ith s t r o n g , p o s i t i v e , self-images, and they may be a t t r a c t i v e , e s p e c i a l l y to the young men i n such com-31 A check w i t h a company o f f i c i a l has l e d to the i n f o r m a t i o n that personnel are c i r c u l a t e d w i t h i n each d i v i s i o n i f they are i n non-union j o b s , but that s e n i o r i t y l i s t s , e x c l u s i v e to each e n t e r p r i s e , r u l e t h i s out f o r u n i o n i z e d p o s i t i o n s . Thus workers w i t h s e n i o r i t y don't u s u a l l y t r a n s f e r from one e n t e r p r i s e to another. W>i-le- we have..no-knew-led.g-e—i.. of whether one m i l l or logging operation i s seen as a " b e t t e r " place to work than i t s p a r a l l e l e n t e r p r i s e , we can nonetheless assume that the range of jobs overlaps more: w i t h i n . a p a i r of e n t e r p r i s e s than i t does between e n t e r p r i s e s of d i f f e r e n t types. This s o r t of assumption e l i m i n a t e s the problem of comparing a l l jobs between grouped e n t e r p r i s e s ; each e n t e r p r i s e has a heterogeneous work f o r c e , and each group of e n t e r p r i s e s has,®perhaps, a more heterogeneous work f o r c e . The outstanding concern that the d i f f e r e n c e s between e n t e r p r i s e s might produce i s over the p o s s i b l e l a c k of t y p i c a l v o t i n g choice patterns w i t h i n groups of e n t e r p r i s e s . P r e l i m i n a r y i n v e s t i g a t i o n of our data i n d i c a t e d that there i s no problem here; w i t h i n a group of e n t e r p r i s e s of the same "type" the same v o t i n g p a t t e r n tends to p r e v a i l f o r the xrorkers i n our sample (Appendix E) . . We w i l l be able to compare the sample's v o t i n g patterns between types of operations and w i t h i n these types. We w i l l not know p o s i t i v e l y from such comparisons why v o t i n g patterns are s i m i l a r or d i f f e r e n t , but we w i l l know whether they are s i m i l a r or d i f f e r e n t . There i s the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t , i n the case of small samples, the sample f o r a type may be more representa-t i v e of the work for c e s of that type than are the samples of the i n d i v i d u a l e n t e r p r i s e s comprising i t . We have no way of i n v e s t i g a t i n g the representa-t i v e n e s s of the samples. We choose to t r e a t types of e n t e r p r i s e r a t h e r than i n d i v i d u a l e n t e r p r i s e s , party f o r the above reasons, p a r t l y f o r reasons of convenience. Before we use t h i s d i v i s i o n of workforces by "types of e n t e r p r i s e " , however, we w i l l be using other, more gross d i v i s i o n s . Our main focus of i n t e r e s t i s i n what we c a l l , somewhat i m p r e c i s e l y , the " i n d u s t r i a l worker" work f o r c e . This b l o c i s a c t u a l l y the unionized workers, l a r g e l y production and maintenance men, but i n c l u d e s " s e r v i c e " workers l i k e c l e r k s ,9„._. (cont'd) m u n i t i e s . Nonetheless, we regard the jobs as i n v o l v i n g unpleasant working c o n d i t i o n s , and o f t e n s u b j e c t i v e l y so f o r the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h a blocked f u t u r e who has worked at one of them f o r f i f t e e n years or more. 32 and t e c h n i c i a n s , working f o r the major i n d u s t r i a l employer i n the i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s . A somewhat a r b i t r a r y l i n e r e s u l t s , which would separate u n i o n i z e d c l e r i c a l workers not attached a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y to one of the " e n t e r p r i s e s " from those that are so attached. I n s p e c t i o n of p r e l i m i n a r y t a b l e s shows that there are no v o t i n g "union, company" employees that are not part of the " e n t e r p r i s e s " . For our purposes " i n d u s t r i a l workers" are o n l y , and a l l of •, the unionized company work f o r c e i n the l o c a l e n t e r p r i s e s . Apart from t h i s i n d u s t r i a l work f o r c e of union-company-enterprise personnel, there are three other c a t e g o r i e s of g a i n f u l l y employed i n the sample. The f i r s t of these i s the "union-non company" group; longshoremen, c o n s t r u c t i o n l a b o r e r s , barbers, schoolteachers, and so on. The second category i s the "non union-company" group: foremen, s u p e r v i s o r s , managers, engineers, and so on. The t h i r d group i s the "non union-non company" group, which probably i n c l u d e s the bulk of the self-employed, a l l managers and s u p e r v i s o r s outside the major i n d u s t r i a l f i r m , and unorganized parts of the c l e r i c a l , s a l e s and " s e r v i c e " work f o r c e s . These three c a t e g o r i e s are each q u i t e heterogeneous, comprise small numbers of workers, and h a r d l y any f u r t h e r statements can be made to d e f i n e them or d i f f e r e n t i a t e between them. Apart from an examination of the d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e i r r a t e of NDP support"^ they w i l l not be s t u d i e d . Concerning the union-company work f o r c e , we should note t h a t , j u s t as a d m i n i s t r a t i v e acts have created strong but somewhat a r t i f i c i a l s o c i a l p o s i t i o n s , or s t a t u s e s , i n v a r i o u s parts of the world ( f o r i n s t a n c e , the Canadian government decides by b u r e a u c r a t i c c r i t e r i a whether an i n d i v i d u a l i s an "Indian s t a t u s person", and thus assigns him a l l s o r t s of s p e c i a l and a r t i f i c i a l l e g a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e q u a l i t i e s ) , so owner-management consent to the e x i s t e n c e , l e g i t i m a c y , and j u r i s d i c t i o n of l a b o r unions has created the c l e a r , o c c a s i o n a l l y very s t r o n g , and somewhat a r t i f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s of "union members", i n the operations of the major employer. These p o s i t i o n s are inescapable f o r the employee of the major employer who does not wish to leave h i s employment and has not been r a i s e d to a 10. See Appendix B.Table 3. 33 non union job;. One i s e i t h e r a union man or a non union man as a r e s u l t of a union-management s o c i a l arrangement beyond the c o n t r o l of the i n d i -v i d u a l . This arrangement r e s u l t s i n the i n c l u s i o n w i t h i n the union cate-gory of those who do not p a r t i c u l a r l y l i k e the union they belong t o , and perhaps some who a c t i v e l y hate t h e i r union. A s i m i l a r a r b i t r a r i n e s s may have produced some i n d i v i d u a l s i n the union-non company group who have accepted lower management j o b s , who do them adequately, but who p r e f e r the p r o t e c t i o n of a union and resent being denied t h i s p r o t e c t i o n . The main i n t e r e s t i n the"union-company-enterprise work f o r c e provides us w i t h one b l o c of a l a r g e number of workers employed by a s i n g l e f i r m . These workers are covered by one of two j o i n t c o n t r a c t s , . . _ each of which covers l a r g e b l o c s of workers and employers. The Unions These i s one union, of the CIO s o r t , covering the bulk of the unionized workers i n the company work f o r c e . This union i s the I n t e r n a t i o n -a l .Woodworkers of America, which grewrpartly out of such r a d i c a l labor movements as the One Big Union and the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Workers of the World, but more out of the formation and growth of i n d u s t r i a l unions i n the 1930's. I t c o n t r a c t s f o r a l l of the organized workers i n four out of the s i x com-pany ' e n t e r p r i s e s , f o r the bulk of the organized workers i n the f i f t h , and f o r none of the workers i n the Pulp and Paper m i l l . The bodies of workers i t covers are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y u n s k i l l e d and s f e m i - s k i l l e d , i n terms of any formal t r a i n i n g i n a trade or c r a f t , and these workers were, before the successes of t h i s union, i n the more insecure and unstable s e c t i o n of the i n d u s t r i a l work f o r c e . The steam p l a n t of one of the sawmills contains workers who are not covered by the IWA, but by the Operating Engineers union, which we w i l l c a l l a q u a s i - c r a f t i n d u s t r i a l union. For the steam p l a n t workers covered by t h i s union, p h y s i c a l labor i s not a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c job demand. Instead, a t t e n t i v e n e s s , the a b i l i t y to do a " r e s p o n s i b l e " j o b , and t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e , i n c l u d i n g the passing of government examinations f o r some p o s i t i o n s , are major job requirements. The p u l p m i l l workers are covered by other unions. A "mixed" union, which negotiates both c r a f t and i n d u s t r i a l c o n t r a c t s , c o n t r a c t s f o r a s m a l l number of pulp and paper m i l l c r a f t employees. This i s the IBEW, the E l e c t r i c a l Workers' u n i o n . 34 Between the e l e c t i o n and the survey, another union, was c e r t i f i e d and negotiated for a small number of workers. Since membership i n i t was not i n e f f e c t at the time of the e l e c t i o n , i t s members must be ignored, but l i t t l e i s l o s t i n any case. Two i n d u s t r i a l unions cover the bulk of the unionionized work force i n the pulp and paper m i l l . The f i r s t i s concerned with men d i r e c t l y operating paper making machinery, 'the ? United Papermakers arid Paperworkers union which i s c a l l e d here the Papermakers union, while the second covers a much larger number of men throughout the r e s t of the plant, the Pulp, Sulphite and Paper M i l l Workers' union, c a l l e d here the Pulp, Sulphite union. The three major unions have had d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i e s i n the province at large, i n the more immediate area containing the community, and i n the community i t s e l f . The IWA has had a h i s t o r y of s o c i a l i s t i c , communis-t i c and "business union", or to use Porter's phrase,"market unionism", f a c t i o n s , f a c t i o n a l f i g h t s and p o l i c y switches. A rough idea of the complexity of t h i s h i s t o r y can be gained by looking at P h i l l i p s ' (1967: 131-134, 141-143) report on t h i s h i s t o r y . The IWA has also had a h i s t o r y of ups and downs i n organizing and holding logging camps and m i l l s i n the area. I t has, however, been i n a quite secure p o s i t i o n as c e r t i f i e d agent for the company workers i n the community and d i s t r i c t , f o r at l e a s t the l a s t 15 years, while i t s a c t i v i t i e s i n the area cover a span of some 30 years. (Source: telephone conversation with a union o f f i c i a l , spring 1969). The Bxllp, Sulphite union has from the s t a r t of the pulp m i l l , been the agent for the work force i t covers. It signed up workers and was c e r t i f i e d , when the p u l p m i l l started operating i n the early 1950's. This pattern was repeated by the Papermakers union x^hen the f i r s t paper machine x^ent into operation i n the mid 1950's. In eachcasej. the master contract i n e f f e c t f o r the industry applied to the work force of the part of the m i l l i n question. At interviev? time, then, these unions had had about 12 years and 10 years r e s p e c t i v e l y , of successful a c t i v i t y i n the community. The E l e c t r i c a l Workers union covered xrorkers i n a small section of a sax-miill before tPie pulp m i l l x^ as b u i l t . This section x<ras closed down when the pulp m i l l xvas opened, and the E l e c t r i c a l . :Workers union have /'since contracted only for the workers i n t h e i r trade i n the pulp and paper m i l l . They have been ac t i v e i n the community for a noticeably longer 35 p e r i o d than the Pulp, S u l p h i t e union. The Operating Engineers are regarded by the IWA as a "bad" union; they raided the IWA i n the middle of the l a s t decade ( P h i l l i p s , 1967:152). As' f a consequence, they are not acceptable as members of the Canadian Labor Congress, the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labor, or the r e g i o n a l f e d e r a t i o n of l a b o r . They ther e f o r e are i n a p o s i t i o n of dubious l e g i t i m a c y on the l o c a l scene. There are two main j o i n t c o n t r a c t s between management and labor covering the bulk of the company work f o r c e i n the community. Each i s a master c o n t r a c t , covering a number of employers and a number of p l a n t s i n a l a r g e geographical area. The one negotiated by the IWA with an employers' a s s o c i a t i o n covers the bulk of a l l unionized workers i n l o g g i n g , s a w m i l l , and plywood m i l l p l a n t s i n a r e g i o n , a major part of the province. The two main pulp and paper m i l l unions together n e g o t i a t e , w i t h another employers' a s s o c i a t i o n , a master co n t r a c t covering workers i n a mimber of p l a n t s throughout the province. These two master c o n t r a c t s , the n e g o t i a -t i o n of new master c o n t r a c t s , and the character of the f i r m (both l o c a l l y and "at the top") are the dominant features i n the work l i v e s and work cl i m a t e of the bulk of the community's g a i n f u l l y employed. The company's unionized personnel i n the other two smaller unions are covered by c o n t r a c t s almost i d e n t i c a l to the master agreements mentioned above, negotiated a f t e r the l a r g e r unions s i g n an agreement. The employees of the f i r m working above the unionized jobs must have t h e i r c o n d i t i o n s of work and pay set w i t h some reference to the union c o n t r a c t s , i f we assume r a t i o n a l i t y on the part of higher management. Many of the same standards f o r e v a l u a t i n g jobs would be a p p l i e d by management to non union j o b s , although b a r g a i n i n g s t r e n g t h of unions, an " i r r a t i o n a l " element i n b a r g a i n i n g , would ob v i o u s l y be absent. Community r e s i d e n t s i n work p a r a l l e l l i n g that done i n i n d u s t r y have (their^working c o n d i t i o n s and pay set i n a labor market dominated by the two master c o n t r a c t s . Those that have jobs not p a r a l l e l l e d i n i n d u s t r y may s t i l l have t h e i r a t t i t u d e s and standards v i s - a - v i s pay, a day's work, unions and so on, and the a t t i t u d e s and standards of t h e i r employers, a f f e c t e d by the c o n d i t i o n s and n e g o t i a t i n g of the two master c o n t r a c t s . 36 An e f f e c t of the i n t e g r a t i o n of a l l the company's operations i n the community and two master contracts, i s that the negotiation of one master agreement i s i n terms of matters of importance to one organization and membership, but the workers i n the plants covered by the other master agreement are affected by any s t r i k e that may ensue. The bargaining of the pulp and paper master agreement may a f f e c t the jobs of the loggers and sawmill workers, and v i c e versa. The s t r u c t u r i n g of power may thus allow for the development of h o s t i l i t y of the IWA membership toward the pulp and paper m i l l unions, and of h o s t i l i t y of the pulp and .-.paper m i l l union memberships toward the IWA. For the bulk of the workers i n the major firm, union membership has not been voluntary for some years. As a r e s u l t of e a r l i e r c o l l e c t i v e bargaining agreements, membership i s obligatory for those covered by j o i n t contracts. For these people i t i s a condition of employment that they belong to the union negotiating the conditions of work for t h e i r jobs. By contrast, the supervisory, managerial, administrative and s i m i l a r personnel, are generally forbidden union membership, although membership i n non-contracting professional associations i s allowed. There may be a grey area i n which those recently promoted to supervisory positions s t i l l r e t a i n some union status and have some union protection. Such conditions, of course, a f f e c t our expectations of union members' voting choices. I f the unions were i n a r e l a t i v e l y insecure p o s i t i o n v i s - a - v i s management, one might expect quite a high l e v e l of support generally from union members, and of union-connected p o l i t i c a l candidates. But since one can become employed, j o i n the union, and work as a union member for years, without the union having any v i s i b l e e f f e c t upon one's l i f e , other than the deduction of fees and the supplying of a membership card, we cannot have the same expectation of general worker i n t e r e s t i n , and high l o y a l t y to, t h e i r unions. Since union membership and fee-paying i s p o s i -t i v e l y sanctioned by management — presumably the enemies of the unions — there i s a lox^er l e v e l of worker i n t e r e s t necessary for the union to survive than there would be i f the union had to gain acceptance from workers on i t s own. Unions i n such s i t u a t i o n s may have a large proportion of generally apathetic members, rather than a large proportion of m i l i t a n t ones. The p o s s i b i l i t y of apathy i s furthered i n our community by working 37 ' c o n d i t i o n s being r e l a t i v e l y good, and the wages being high by comparison w i t h both i n d u s t r y elsewhere i n North America and n o n - I n d u s t r i a l work. To "the worker who i s not disposed to c r e d i t i n g the unions w i t h t h i s s i t u a t i o n or e v a l u a t i n g i t as a f a v o r a b l e one, the unions need not be a b e n e f i c i a l f e a t u r e of h i s s o c i a l m i l i e u . Quite p o s s i b l y , before membership and dues-payment were condoned and a s s i s t e d by management, the worker might more o f t e n be faced w i t h the choice of being p o s i t i v e l y - d i s p o s e d toward the union or l e a v i n g f o r a work s i t u a t i o n which allowed him freedom. I f t h i s i s so, the e n t e r p r i s e s e s t a b l i s h e d e a r l i e r , and the long-term r e s i d e n t workers, would show notably higher preferences f o r the union o f f i c i a l s who are NDP candidates — although such a f i n d i n g might a l s o be a r e s u l t of other p r e c o n d i t i o n s . We should note that the personnel of the major employer may have a high r a t e of upward m o b i l i t y out of the unionized workforce and i n t o foremen and s u p e r v i s o r j o b s . Because of the v a r i a t i o n i n the i n t e n s i t y of past l o y a l t i e s a n d i n the s e c u r i t y and the pleasantness of these j o b s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to have any strong expectation of the degree of NDP support among such non union company personnel. F u r t h e r , the&category of these non union company personnel i n c l u d e s supervisory ex^union members, t e c h n i c a l and managerial s t a f f , whose heterogeneity of background makes them a group that cannot be a n t i c i p a t e d or e a s i l y s t u d i e d . The other problematic element i n developing an expectation of^MJP support among non union company personnel i s the degree to which the company i s regarded as an e n t i t y that should be somewhat f u r t h e r c o n t r o l l e d i n c e r t a i n ways by a government, p a r t i c u l a r l y an NDP government. That i s , to what degree do s u p e r v i s o r s and managers' i n t e r e s t s overlap w i t h the company's i n t e r e s t s , and to what degree are these d i v e r g e n t , a l l o w i n g the s u p e r v i s o r or manager to vote NDP? Community P o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n As noted above, at the time of the study, both the MP and the MLA s i t t i n g from the c o n s t i t u e n c i e s i n c l u d i n g our p o p u l a t i o n were members of the New Democratic P a r t y . They were a l s o both r e s i d e n t s of the community, the l a r g e s t concentration of p o p u l a t i o n w i t h i n the c o n s t i t u e n c i e s . This party i s the successor to the CCF, a s o c i a l i s t party which developed i n the depression. In a d d i t i o n to a change i n name, i n the recent past, the party has manifested a recent d r i f t "to the r i g h t " or at l e a s t from the l e f t , much l i k e that of the B r i t i s h l a b o r party and the German s o c i a l democrat p a r t y . The major fe a t u r e i n t h i s d r i f t i s the p a r t i a l r e p u d i a t i o n of an e a r l y , r a d i c a l , set of p o l i c i e s , and the s u b s t i t u t i o n of a m i l d e r s e t . In 1933 The F i r s t N a t i o n a l Convention adopted the statement, "We b e l i e v e that these e v i l s can be removed only i n a planned and s o c i a l i z e d economy i n which our n a t u r a l resources and the p r i n c i p a l means of production are owned, c o n t r o l l e d and operated by the people," (Regina Manifesto, see Appendix C,). In 1956 these sentiments were modified to a statement that our p o l i t i c a l democracy " . . . w i l l a t t a i n i t s f u l l meaning only when our people have a v o i c e i n the management of t h e i r economic a f f a i r s and e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l over the means by which they l i v e " (Winnipeg D e c l a r a t i o n , see Appendix C). While the party i s not c l e a r l y and unequivocally " r a d i c a l " i n terms of i t s p o l i c i e s or i n the p u b l i c image i t presents (a recent book on i t i s e n t i t l e d "A P r o t e s t Movement Becalmed"), i t seems r e l a t i v e l y l e f t of center. Perhaps i t can be c a l l e d " s o c i a l i s t i c " now that i t i s not c l e a r l y " s o c i a l i s t " . The two e l e c t e d NDP l e g i s l a t o r s had had careers i n the l o c a l l a b o r union movement and both of them have served as s a l a r i e d o f f i c i a l s of the IWA, the l a r g e s t union a c t i v e i n the area. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c p a t t e r n f o r such men i s from unpaid union work w h i l e g a i n f u l l y employed i n a unionized j o b , to a p a i d , e l e c t e d , p o s i t i o n as a union o f f i c i a l , at the same time generating some s o r t of a base of community and party support by community p a r t i c i p a t i o n , before moving the t h i r d step to Parliament or L e g i s l a t u r e . Because of the e l e c t o r a l successes of these men, we might suggest that the unionized workers i n the community and constituency f r e q u e n t l y vote as though there i s some considerable overlap between t h e i r on-the-job i n t e r e s t s and t h e i r general i n t e r e s t s as community r e s i d e n t s , taxpayers, c i t i z e n s , and v o t e r s . Some other p o s s i b i l i t i e s would be that the workers vote f o r the men that they know, and they know union o f f i c i a l s b e t t e r than the candidates of other p a r t i e s , and, the most important i n t e r e s t s or the most p r e s s i n g i n t e r e s t s at e l e c t i o n time are i n t e r e s t s that deal w i t h the company, or the union, or both. We are tempted to regard NDP v o t i n g choices as m a n i f e s t i n g support f o r a party of an i d e o l o g i c a l charac-t e r . For our community, t h i s i s more p l a u s i b l e than seeing v o t i n g choices as customary or h a b i t u a l , as i d i o s y n c r a t i c , as a r e s u l t of c h a r i s m a t i c ,.39 i n f l u e n c e , or as a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of support f o r an i n d i v i d u a l candidate."'""'" However, we have no evidence showing d i r e c t l y why our voters choose the candidate or party that they do; so we must r e s t r i c t ourselves to f i n d i n g the frequencies w i t h which d i f f e r e n t types of v o t e r s choose v a r i o u s candi-dates and p a r t i e s , and avoid unsupported explanations. The p o s s i b i l i t y of r e p r e s e n t i n g the L i b e r a l party as a "center" p a r t y , and the P r o g r e s s i v e Conservative and S o c i a l C r e d i t p a r t i e s as both " r i g h t -wing" p a r t i e s , a l b e i t d i f f e r e n t from one another, i s somewhat i r r e l e v a n t 12 to the main treatment of the e m p i r i c a l data from our community. However, t h i s i s a l s o d e a l t w i t h i n the treatment of v o t i n g consistency i n Appendix B. The Sample As already mentioned, the data we are examining comes from 308 completed i n t e r v i e w s of gainfully-employed community r e s i d e n t s . The o r i g i n a l i n t e r e s t , before the sample was drawn, was c h i e f l y i n the personnel of a major i n -dustry. This l e d to a l a r g e "company" sample and a s m a l l e r , non-company, "gen e r a l " , or "other", sample. By manipulation, the company and non-company samples can be used as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the t o t a l g a i n f u l l y employed 13 i n the community. Since the "other" sample i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a much broader range of occupations than the "company" sample, and i s a l s o s m a l l e r , i t i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l by i t s e l f . However, i t could be very u s e f u l i n p r o v i d i n g , i n combination w i t h the "company" sample, a population r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the t o t a l community workforce. 11. A h i g h r a t e of immigration would suggest that customary v o t i n g i s a weak exp l a n a t i o n . Voting c o n s i s t e n c y , examined i n Appendix B, and the p o s i t i o n of the candidates i n an a n t i - e l i t e bureaucracy, together weaken arguments f o r i d i o s y n c r a t i c , c h a r i s m a t i c , and i n d i v i d u a l candidate support as explanations of v o t i n g behaviour i n our community. 12. Peter Newman (1963:182) has argued, f o r i n s t a n c e , that the P r o g r e s s i v e Conservative party under Diefenbaker attempted to move to the l e f t of the L i b e r a l s . 13. For a f u l l e r d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s matter, see Appendix A. 40 We can now r e f e r to Appendix A and present the f o l l o w i n g summary: TABLE -1. GAINFULLY EMPLOYED COMMUNITY MEMBERS, BY EMPLOYER Company Non-company T o t a l L i s t e d i n D i r e c t o r y as Working 3687 4523 8210 Drawn i n Sample (attempts) 347 115 Interviews Completed 239 69 308 Weighting Factor A p p l i e d 1 4 Number A f t e r Weighting 239 276 515 This t a b l e i s not c l e a r l y s e l f - e x p l a n a t o r y . The "weighting" procedure can be accounted f o r by the f o l l o w i n g a d d i t i o n a l computed f i g u r e s : "company" d i r e c t o r y community g a i n f u l l y employed - 45 per cent; of sample a f t e r "weighting f a c t o r a p p l i e d " - 46.4 per cent. From these computations we can see that there i s a very small d i f f e r e n c e between the proporti o n s of the company and non-company members i n the com-munity and i n the d i r e c t o r y work for c e s (the f i r s t and l a s t l i n e s of the t a b l e ) . The s i x t y - n i n e non-company " i n t e r v i e w s completed" d i d not a l l s t a r t i n t h i s category. While 239 of the completed i n t e r v i e w s were w i t h people both l i s t e d i n the d i r e c t o r y as "company" and so employed, and 58 were with people both l i s t e d and employed i n the "non-company" category, 11 i n t e r v i e w s were w i t h i n d i v i d u a l s who had l e f t the company's employ, to become non-company by the time of the i n t e r v i e w . This c o n s t i t u t e s a movement of between 4 and 5 per cent (11 of the 250 completed i n t e r v i e w s that r e s u l t e d from the "company" sample), away from the company to the non-company work f o r c e i n the f i v e to seven months between d i r e c t o r y census and time of i n t e r v i e w . This i s s u r e l y the predominant p a t t e r n of m o b i l i t y between these two "work f o r c e s " : i n t o the community, to work f o r the major indus-t r i a l employer, and subsequently f o r a percentage of these people, to other employment — i n some cases t h e i r own businesses. From these f i n d i n g s , we presume a much lower r a t e of movement from "other" to "company" work f o r c e . I t i s of note t h a t , of the 347 names drawn by random sample techniques to produce the company sample, 250 r e s u l t e d i n completed i n t e r v i e w s . On the other hand, of the 115 drawn to produce the non-company sample, 58 were completed. While the f i r s t sample was 72 per cent - f r u i t f u l ' ' , the second 41 was only 50 per cent or so. The data a v a i l a b l e i n Table 2 of Appendix A, showing the reasons f o r incompleted i n t e r v i e w s , i s c l e a r l y of l e s s use than i t would be had such data a l s o been presented f o r "company" and "non-company" samples s e p a r a t e l y . We are f o r t u n a t e that i s i s the non-company sample that has the higher incomplete r a t e , s i n c e i t w i l l be examined much l e s s f u l l y . The union-company work f o r c e i s our major i n t e r e s t . While we could not f i n d the t o t a l number of union-company personnel i n the d i r e c t o r y , we could compare the number of company personnel i n the d i r e c t o r y w i t h the number of randomly-selected company personnel w i t h whom in t e r v i e w s were completed. There were 3687 of these i n d i v i d u a l s i n the d i r e c t o r y , and they y i e l d e d 239 completed i n t e r v i e w s . Interviews were thus completed w i t h 6-s per cent of the d i r e c t o r y ' s company work f o r c e . I t i s p a r t l y because of the d i f f i c u l t y of a b s t r a c t i n g community s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e from the m a t e r i a l gained from, t h i s t>\ per cent that the study of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e as presented i n i n d u s t r i a l ethnographies -i,such as Nash (1967) and Dennis et a l (1956), cannot be e f f e c t i v e l y covered i n t h i s work. For f u l l e r d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s matter, see Chapter 6. As noted i n Appendix A, i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r study those who had moved outside of the community were not replaced i n the s e l e c t e d sample, nor were those who had become temporarily or permanently unemployed. This technique has l i k e l y had favorable e f f e c t s f o r the a n a l y s i s of networks of s o c i a l t i e s i n the community, s i n c e those w i t h l e s s than f i v e months' residence (and presumably a low l e v e l of s o c i a l involvement) were not considered, but i t i s unfortunate f o r the a n a l y s t of v o t i n g behaviour. As a r e s u l t of non-replacement we are forced a l s o to exclude those who were not l i v i n g i n the community at the time of the F e d e r a l e l e c t i o n , s i n c e the number of vo t e r s i n t h i s group i s too s m a l l f o r separate a n a l y s i s . We have no way of d e t e c t i n g d i f f e r e n c e i n v o t i n g patterns of " t r a n s i e n t s " ( i . e . short-term community r e s i d e n t s ) , and middle and long-term r e s i d e n t s . I f there i s or was an a t y p i c a l l y high or low incidence of support f o r the NDP among the t r a n s i e n t work f o r c e , we w i l l not be able to f i n d i t from the present data. Of those that show at l e a s t "two years residence" some may have 42 been new to the community at v o t i n g time, but they have remained i n the community two years at the time of i n t e r v i e w , and they were no longer t r a n s i e n t s . As a r e s u l t we are d e a l i n g only w i t h people who had become r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e community members by survey time. The l o s s e s to our sample that are a r e s u l t of t h i s somewhat unusual technique of non-replacement are presented i n Appendix A. The incompletes c o n s i s t e d of 69 r e f u s a l s , 16 i n a c c e s s i b l e , and 69 no longer q u a l i f i e d ( i . e . not i n sample), f o r a t o t a l of 154 f a i l e d attempts. The 69 not i n sample which we term no longer q u a l i f i e d , c o n s t i t u t e 45 per cent of the incompletes, and 15 per cent of the o r i g i n a l l y drawn 462 names. Any person not g a i n f u l l y employed at the time of the d i r e c t o r y census could have been excluded from the directory,,;po'oi. This census :$ras d p n e j i i n the w i n t e r , the time of highest unemployment,^ i t i s q u i t e p o s s i b l e that some of those showing a tendency to " c a s u a l " work would be e l i m i n a t e d from our sample by having no employment or occupation l i s t e d i n the d i r e c t o r y . V o t i n g , Stated Voting Choices, and Accounting f o r Voting Our v o t i n g choice i n f o r m a t i o n c o n s i s t s of reported choices f a v o r i n g the candidates of the four major p a r t i e s who ran i n the constituency i n the 1963 F e d e r a l e l e c t i o n . In t h i s work, we are only concerned with the number of NDP v o t e r s and t h e i r p r o p o r t i o n of the t o t a l v o t e r s , i n connection w i t h v a r i o u s s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s / , ; except i n Appendix B. There are a number of responses other than reported choices i n favor of the major p a r t i e s ' candidates. These i n c l u d e v a r i o u s kinds of i n e l i g i -b i l i t y as a l o c a l v o t e r , and c a t e g o r i e s i n which the respondent d i d not v o t e , could not remember how he voted, and voted f o r a candidate other than those of the four major p a r t i e s . These responses are only noted i n Appendix B, although they are l a r g e l y i r r e l e v a n t to our work. We regard a vote i n favor of the NDP as a choice f o r the p a r t y , i t s program, i t s candidate, or any combination of these three elements. The party i s a bearer of an ideology — i t i s much more an ideology based 14 party than any of the other three p a r t i e s . While we do not know why any i n d i v i d u a l voted f o r the NDP candidate, we do regard a v o t i n g choice f o r the NDP as i n f a c t f a v o r i n g a party whose platform advocates r e s t r a i n t s by government on the powerful i n the business world, " s o c i a l j u s t i c e " and 14. See Appendix C f o r the i d e o l o g i c a l documents of the CCF, precursor of the NDP. 43 advancing the i n t e r e s t s of " t y p i c a l workers" against those of " t y p i c a l managers and owners". We do not regard an NDP vote as n e c e s s a r i l y a vote f o r the " p r o l e t a r i a t " and against the " b o u r g e o i s i e " , or as any i n e v i t a b l e m a n i f e s t a t i o n of c l a s s consciousness. For our purposes there i s no p o i n t i n d i v i d i n g the votes f o r the other major p a r t i e s i n t o L i b e r a l , P r o g r e s s i v e Conservative, and S o c i a l C r e d i t votes. We regard a l l these as g e n e r a l l y " r i g h t " or "center" votes, that i s , votes f o r p a r t i e s not of an ideology based, s o c i a l i s t i c , worker-oriented, reform type. The community contains many whose occupational p o s i t i o n i s not that of worker or of union member, but who vote f o r the NDP f o r other reasons. I t a l s o contains some whose employment status i s that of unionized worker, but x%'ho have other i d e n t i t i e s , commitments, l o y a l t i e s , or i n f l u e n c e s l e a d i n g .them to vote other than NDP. Some of these people no doubt have c o n f l i c t i n g or ambiguous s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s . An example of t h i s s o r t of person i s given by L a z a r s f e l d , Berelson and Gaudet (1948:xii) a f t e r they introduce the term "cross pressures". They s t a t e : "These various a f f i l i a -t i o n s w i l l make c o n f i c t i n g claims on some i n d i v i d u a l s ; an upper-class C a t h o l i c , f o r example...". The authors l a t e r produce an i m p l i c i t d e f i n i t i o n of "cross pressures". ( L a z a r s f e l d et a l (1948:53) s t a t e : By cross pressures we mean the c o n f l i c t s and i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s among the f a c t o r s which i n f l u e n c e vote d e c i s i o n . Some of these f a c t o r s i n the environment of the voter may i n f l u e n c e him tox^ard the Republicans x-7hile others may operate i n favor of the Democrats. In other xrords, cross-pressures upon the v o t e r d r i v e him i n opposite d i r e c t i o n s . Rather than assuming the d i r e c t a c t i o n of a s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c on the v o t e r , as the above authors seem to do, xve x-7ould p r e f e r an i n t e n s i v e study of l o c a l s o c i a l l i f e , a r e s u l t a n t concept of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , and hypo-theses about l i n k s between s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . We x-jould a l s o research s o c i a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l mechanisms l i n k i n g s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to v o t i n g choices. The present work i s a much more r e s t r i c t e d examination, and x^ e cannot produce, i n any sense, explanations of v o t i n g choices form the data a v a i l a b l e f o r t h i s study. There may be -some members of the i n d u s t r i a l workforce who wish to have dual c o n t r o l s on t h e i r l e g i s l a t o r s ; they can i n f l u e n c e them at e i t h e r the union meeting or the p o l i t i c a l meeting — at the union b a l l o t box as w e l l as at the l e g i s l a t i v e b a l l o t box. Presumably, again, there are those who 44 want t h e i r union o f f i c i a l s to do one job w e l l and stay away from other j o b s . One respondent complained of the MLA "moonlighting": drawing a s a l a r y from the union and another from h i s l e g i s l a t i v e post. While we may suggest l o g i c a l reasons connecting s o c i a l a t t r i b u t e s to v o t i n g c h o i c e s , we cannot c l a i m to have shown the connection. As a con-sequence, we are producing only an accounting f o r NDP support, r a t h e r than an explanation of i t , when we show that i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h an a t t r i b u t e or combination of a t t r i b u t e s support the NDP h i g h l y . To underscore the above d i s c u s s i o n , we w i l l p o i n t out that we don't even know whether a v o t e r r e p o r t i n g an NDP v o t i n g preference l i k e d the NDP or the NDP candidate he s t a t e d having chosen. We have been using the broad i n d i c a t o r of the existence of e l e c t e d NDP candidates i n much of our preceding argument. We must emphasize that the p o p u l a t i o n that we r e f e r to as the community i s not the whole con-s t i t u e n c y , i n e i t h e r the f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n or p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n case. There are other communities, i n c l u d i n g logging camps, i n the c o n s t i t u -encies . Categories of Respondents and Voting Choices Used i n This Study In accord w i t h the work reported i n Appendix B, a l l of the respondents are a l l o c a t e d e i t h e r to the category of used respondents or they are excluded, depending on whether or not they meet a number of c r i t e r i a . These c r i t e r i a are: F i r s t , an i n d i v i d u a l must have shown at l e a s t two years' residence i n the d i s t r i c t at i n t e r v i e w time f o r him. to have been a l o c a l v o t e r , and thus f o r h i s vote to be of i n t e r e s t to us. Second, an i n d i v i d u a l must have shown at l e a s t two years at h i s place of employment at i n t e r v i e w time f o r us to be able to make any suppositions about connection between h i s work f o r c e s t a t u s and h i s v o t i n g choices of two years before. T h i r d , a l l the females i n the sample were excluded. The women are q u i t e d i f f e r e n t l y d i s t r i b u t e d i n union-non union, and company-non company catego r i e s than are the men. There were a n e g l i g i b l e number of xromen i n the union-company category, so t h e i r e x c l u s i o n was more than compensated f o r by the e l i m i n a t i o n of a problematic v a r i a b l e . Fourth, we know f o r the company workforce that the person xdio x^as a 45 union member a t i n t e r v i e w time and had been at h i s p l ace of employment fo r two years was almost s u r e l y a union member a t e l e c t i o n t ime , we have no knowledge of the union s t a tus at e l e c t i o n time of the non-union company category i n d i v i d u a l s . For t h i s and o ther reasons , c h i e f l y the s m a l l number o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n q u e s t i o n , these non union company personnel were excluded from our s tudy . As mentioned, the two non company groups are ve ry heterogeneous ca t ego r i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s , and they c o n s t i t u t e s m a l l numbers of respondents . As a consequence, they were a l s o exc luded . F i f t h , i f a person repor ted that he had voted elsewhere, he was excluded from our c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Th i s p rov ided an a d d i t i o n a l check on e x c l u d i n g the i n d i v i d u a l who was beyond our i n t e r e s t f o r reasons expressed i n the f i r s t p o i n t above. S i x t h , those who met the c r i t e r i a l i s t e d thus f a r , but who d i d not show a v o t i n g cho ice f o r candidate of one of the four major p a r t i e s were a l l o c a t e d to a category e n t i t l e d "not l o c a l v o t e r " . This was i n f a c t a ca tegory of those who d i d not choose, o r s t a t e the cho ice o f , the l o c a l candidates of one of the four major p a r t i e s , a somewhat broader group than the shor t e r t i t l e sugges ts . What we are then l e f t w i t h i s those who have been two years or more i n the d i s t r i c t , two years or more at t h e i r p l ace of employment, were males , union members at the time of the s tudy , worked fo r the major i n d u s -t r i a l employer at the time of the s tudy , and repor ted a v o t i n g cho ice f o r one of the four l o c a l pa r ty candidates at the f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n . CHAPTER I I I GENERAL AND OFF-WORK SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS AND VOTING CHOICES In t h i s Chapter, two types of s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i l l be examined i n connection w i t h v o t i n g choices. The f i r s t type i n c l u d e s what we c a l l general s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : age, length of community residence, and place of b i r t h . The second c o n s i s t s of "off-work" s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ' : church membership and church attendance. A major general s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c that could have been used, but was not, i s education. This warrants comment. Education i s of p o t e n t i a l importance because i t i n f l u e n c e s access to i n f o r m a t i o n , because i t i s a major f e a t u r e of many concepts of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , and because i t d i r e c t l y a f f e c t s the kinds of jobs to which i n d i v i d u a l s have had access at v a r i o u s times i n the l o c a l work f o r c e . We are, however, studying an i s o l a t e d community based on a primary i n d u s t r y , we are only studying the unionized work f o r c e , and the importance of education f o r access to any job might w e l l have changed through time. The f a c t that the community contains many immigrants introduces the f u r t h e r problem of educational i n c o m p a r a b i l i t y ; a s p e c i f i c number of years of education i n one n a t i o n may accompany a d i f f e r e n t stratum l e v e l than i t does i n another, and these same years' education i n two f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s may have s t i l l f u r t h e r d i f f e r e n c e s for"immigrants i n t o the community s t u d i e d . There i s , i n s h o r t , no s a t i s f a c t o r y way of l o o k i n g at education as a s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of i t s e l f i n studying the i n d u s t r i a l workers i n our community, and the kinds of connections that would be necessary between education and the other s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s studied are f a r beyond the scope of the present study. The w r i t e r r e c a l l s three r e s -pondents who i l l u s t r a t e the unclear connections between s k i l l l e v e l and education i n our community. One was an East Indian who had completed, a f t e r high s c h o o l , a four-year engineering diploma course i n I n d i a , and who was working as a truck mechanic apprentice, a second was a European born carpenter who had served an apprenticeship a f t e r e i g h t years of formal education i n Europe, and the t h i r d was a Canadian who had only ei g h t years of formal education, and who, at i n t e r v i e w time, x>?as working 46 47 as the amost h i g h l y - p a i d production worker on the paper machines, a job that i n f u t u r e would o r d i n a r i l y be a c c e s s i b l e only to those with completed high school. To have s u b s t i t u t e d education f o r any of the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s already s t a t e d as s t u d i e d would have intruded a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c that seems to a f f e c t v o t i n g choices l e s s d i r e c t l y f o r one that seems more d i r e c t l y l i n k e d to v o t i n g . Federal Voting Choices and Respondents' Ages There has been some d i s c u s s i o n i n the l i t e r a t u r e of d i f f e r e n t party programs appealing to v o t e r s i n d i f f e r e n t age groups. There i s a l s o the f a c t that v o t e r s of d i f f e r e n t age groups may have had q u i t e d i f f e r e n t emotionally-loaded experiences of p u b l i c a f f a i r s . There may be, i n our community, some p a t t e r n of " g e n e r a t i o n a l v o t i n g " (Berelson, L a z a r s f e l d , McPhee, 1954:301; R e g e n s t r e i f , 1965:85-86). On the p o i n t of party programs and personal i n t e r e s t s , we can note that the o l d would g e n e r a l l y be more concerned about retirement. The p i c t u r e on t h i s matter i s obscure; Diefenbaker accused the L i b e r a l s , i n the 1957 campaign of being n i g g a r d l y about o l d age pensions ( A l f o r d , 1964: 230). The New Democrats have always favored old-age pensions as a part of t h e i r s o c i a l i s t i c p o l i c i e s , and the L i b e r a l s have, from time to time, introduced v a r i o u s o l d age l e g i s l a t i o n . The o l d , however, are those that may have f e l t s o c i a l consequences of the depression, w h i l e the young had much l e s s chance to experience t h i s s o c i a l d i s r u p t i o n . For whatever reason, age of i t s e l f may be an important p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r v o t i n g p a t t e r n s , or i t may be important when combined w i t h other s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Tables were run showing v o t i n g choices by age groupings. The i n i t i a l coding of the i n t e r v i e w schedule had been i n terms of f i v e year age groups (20-24...60-64), and two r e s i d u a l c a t e g o r i e s , under 20 and over 65. The v o t i n g choices f o r the union-company work f o r c e broken down i n t o these cat e g o r i e s appear i n Appendix D. Examination of t h i s t a b l e , and of the swings i n NDP support above and below the 50 per cent mark, showed that there was a general preference f o r the NDP among the c a t e g o r i e s whose members had come of age by the end of the depression (that i s , who xcere 45 or o l d e r at i n t e r v i e w time, and t h e r e f o r e 19 or o l d e r i n 1939), w h i l e , by c o n t r a s t , the age categories of those that only became candidates f o r the work f o r c e a f t e r World War II 48 15 •-. began do not show a- c l e a r p a t t e r n . The v o t e r s i n the union-company work f o r c e were d i v i d e d as n e a r l y as p o s s i b l e i n t o generation groupings conforming to the f i n d i n g s about con-s i s t e n c y of NDP support, and at the same time as n e a r l y as p o s s i b l e i n t o two groups of equal s i z e . The d i v i d i n g l i n e was drawn between the 44 year olds and the 45 year o l d s . The t a b l e i n Appendix D shows that t h i s produces two "generations". While the v o t i n g i n d u s t r i a l workers as a whole support the NDP i n 55 per cent of t h e i r v o t e s , the younger g e n e r a t i o n a l grouping shows only 50 per cent NDP support (32 of 64 votes) and the o l d e r generation shows 61 per cent NDP support (33 of 54 v o t e s ) . These f i n d i n g s show enough d i f -ference, (11 per centage p o i n t s ) f o r us to i n i t i a l l y maintain that there i s some g e n e r a t i o n a l v o t i n g among t h i s p o p u l a t i o n . For a p r e s e n t a t i o n of the age^group data, see Table 2 below. Federal V o t i n g Choices and Length of Community Residence We have suggested that at present the t o t a l union-company work f o r c e might c o n s t i t u t e much l e s s of a working c l a s s party than i t d i d i n the past. This change would f o l l o w the b u i l d i n g and expansion of the pulp and paper m i l l , and the development of the s e r v i c e s e c t o r , presumably c o n t a i n i n g a high p r o p o r t i o n of the "ubiquitous middle c l a s s " that Kerr and S i e g e l suggest. This presents us w i t h two problems about p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n : f i r s t , that there i s some kind of p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n process going on at present, and second, that there was a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a -t i o n process going on i n the past. I f we leaned h e a v i l y on Kerr and S i e g e l , we would want to develop a technique f o r i n v e s t i g a t i n g past commitments to t h e i r claimed "working c l a s s p a r t y " and a l s o current commitments toward the same ki n d of party. Because Kerr and S i e g e l ' s concepts are so un-developed, and our dafea r e l a t i n g to them r a t h e r meager, we instead suppose, r a t h e r simply, t h a t , as an i n d u s t r i a l worker has spent more time i n the community, the more he w i l l have been s o c i a l i z e d to support the NDP, i f i t acts as a channel f o r a s s e r t i n g i n t e r e s t s that are both those of workers i n general and those perceived by the i n d i v i d u a l respondent. 15. A c t u a l l y , the p i c t u r e was not t h i s c l e a r ; the 40 to 44, and 45 to 49, age groups each shoxj 50 per cent of t h e i r votes f o r the NDP. In f u r t h e r work, these two age groups might be c o l l a p s e d i n t o a s i n g l e middle-aged category. 49 The h i s t o r y of the community's i n d u s t r y shows more than one prolonged s t r i k e i n the period preceding the study, and some of these have been brought about by unions other than the IWA. I t i s t h e r e f o r e assumed that there has been no watershed i n the l a b o r h i s t o r y of the area; no long period of " l a b o r c o n f l i c t " followed by a long p e r i o d of " l a b o r peace" (using these terms broadly) w i t h a r e s u l t i n g change i n perceptions of the importance of unions. Tables s i m i l a r to those produced f o r the preceding s e c t i o n were de-veloped to study t h i s matter. Respondents were grouped by the number of years they had declared they had spent i n the "area" which might be s l i g h t l y l a r g e r i n the eyes of the respondents than the community. The workers showing l e s s than two years had been p r e v i o u s l y excluded. The remainder were broken down i n t o c a t e g o r i e s of i n c r e a s i n g s i z e , the assump-t i o n being that the longer the respondent was i n the community, the l e s s exact would be h i s statement of length of residence, and a l s o the l e s s important a given u n i t of time would be — the d i f f e r e n c e between two and four years residence i n the area would be more important than the d i f f e r e n c e between twelve and fourteen years. The t a b l e which r e s u l t e d from the r e l a t i n g of v o t i n g choice to these c a t e g o r i e s , and the c a t e g o r i e s themselves, can be found i n Appendix D. This shows a general preference f o r the "=other" p a r t i e s by those i n the v a r i o u s groups w i t h between two and fourteen years residence, and a pre-ference f o r the NDP by those c a t e g o r i e s of people showing f i f t e e n and more years of residence. While those w i t h l e s s than f i f t e e n years residence, as a whole, only supported the NDP i n 45 per cent (25 of 56) of t h e i r v o t i n g choices, those w i t h f i f t e e n years residence and over supported the NDP i n 65 per cent (40 of 62) of t h e i r v o t i n g choices. Again, we have d i v i d e d the p o p u l a t i o n i n question as n e a r l y as p o s s i b l e i n t o two equal groups, and the d i v i s i o n t h i s time c o i n c i d e s w i t h a c l e a r d i f f e r e n c e i n the r a t e of NDP support. The ten to fourteen year r e s i d e n t s supported the NDP i n 44 per cent of t h e i r v o t i n g choices, the adjacent f i f t e e n to nineteen year r e s i d e n t s supported the NDP i n 58 per cent of t h e i r choices. From the above m a t e r i a l , we can s t a t e that at t h i s p o i n t there appears to be both a g e n e r a t i o n a l v o t i n g p a t t e r n , and a length of community r e s i -dence v o t i n g p a t t e r n . We can now i n v e s t i g a t e the e f f e c t of these two features i n c o n j u n c t i o n . 50 TABLE 2 FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY AGE AND BY LENGTH OF COMMUNITY RESIDENCE Length of Residence Under 45 y r s . ?>oung" 45 y r s . and over " o l d " T o t a l Under 15 y r s . NDP vote "newcomers" T o t a l Vote 39% (15) (38) 56% (10) (18) 45% (25) (56) 15 y r s . and over NDP vote " o l d t i r a e r s " „ .. „ ; --Total.Vote .65% (17) (26) 64% (23) . (36) 65% (^0) (62) NDP Vote T o t a l _ . , T 7 . T o t a l Vote y 50% (32) (64) 61% (33) (54) 55% (65) (118) (a) Age and length of residence are those at time of i n t e r v i e w . F e d e r a l Voting Choices, Age, and Length of Community Residence The above t a b l e presents the data on both the age or generation d i v i g ' sions reported i n the t e x t above, and the under 15 year r e s i d e n t s ("newcomers">)j and 15 and more year r e s i d e n t s ("oldtimers"). By examining the marginal t o t a l s and percentages, the p a t t e r n f o r each of these features can be seen i n i s o l a t i o n ; by examining the body of the t a b l e , connections between the features can be i n v e s t i g a t e d . The columnar and row patterns have already been discussed. Looking at the t o t a l s f o r each of the four swmajor b l o c s , there are two l a r g e groups — of "young newcomers" (38/118 or 32 per cent) and of " o l d o l t i m e r s " (36/118 or 30 per c e n t ) , a middle-sized group, "young o l d t i m e r s " (26/118 or 22 per cent) and a small group of " o l d newcomers" (18/118 or 15 per c e n t ) . I t must be remembered that t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n i s of v o t i n g union-company work f o r c e members, and i s not n e c e s s a r i l y the same as that of the whole union-company work f o r c e or the t o t a l community male g a i n f u l l y employed. Looking again at the t o t a l s i n the r i g h t hand margin, long community residence seems to be a strong i n f l u e n c e , there being a twenty percentage p o i n t d i f f e r e n c e between ra t e s of NDP support of the newcomers and the 51 o l d t i m e r s . Looking at the columnar t o t a l s , g e n e r a t i o n a l v o t i n g i s a weaker i n f l u e n c e , there being only eleven percentage p o i n t s discrepancy between the under 45 group and the 45 and o l d e r group. Looking at the v o t i n g choice patterns of the d i f f e r e n t major c a t e g o r i e s , a combination of being i n the under 45 category and the l e s s than 15 years residence group r e s u l t s i n a body of i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a r a t e of NDP support of 39 per cent, w h i l e the other three c a t e g o r i e s of v o t e r s are much higher i n t h e i r r a t e of NDP support and are c l u s t e r e d c l o s e l y together, between 56 per cent NDP support and 65 per cent NDP support. These young newcomers are 17 percentage p o i n t s below the next lowest group. Examining the columns, that i s , h o l d i n g age constant, we f i n d that the newcomer-oldtimer d i s t i n c t i o n i s important f o r both a g e groups; 39 per cent versus 65 per cent f o r the young c a t e g o r i e s , 56 per cent versus 64 per cent f o r the o l d c a t e g o r i e s . Examining the rows, we f i n d that age i s important f o r the newcomer row, 39 per cent versus 56 per cent NDP support, but that i t i s unimportant f o r the oldtimer row, where the young and the o l d show v i r t u a l l y the same r a t e of NDP support, 65 per cent and 64 per cent. At t h i s p o i n t we would be i n c l i n e d to c l a i m that long residence, pro-ducing community s o c i a l i z a t i o n or i t s e q u i v a l e n t , i s a very strong f o r c e i n generating high and c o n s i s t e n t NDP support among the union-company, " i n d u s t r i a l worker" group. Generational v o t i n g , on the other hand, i s an important i n f l u e n c e on the v o t i n g of the newcomers only. We w i l l have to r e l a t e these d i f f e r e n c e s to other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s before f i n a l l y accepting t h i s f i n d i n g . F ederal Voting Choices and Place of B i r t h We have uncovered the importance of length of community residence as an i n f l u e n c e on v o t i n g c h o i c e s , and suggested community p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i -z a t i o n as the mechanism we would use to account f o r t h i s . Other p a r a l l e l explanations would be presented and researched i n a f u l l e r study. We now wish to examine the p o s s i b i l i t y of the respondent's i n i t i a l c u l t u r e a f f e c t i n g h i s v o t i n g choice. We here regard the i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n i t i a l c u l t u r e as not only a c u l t u r e w i t h p o l i t i c a l views, and hence w i t h consequences f o r the i n d i v i d u a l ' s f u t u r e p o l i t i c a l views, but a l s o as a c u l t u r e enabling or handicapping the respondent i n h i s s o c i a l p a r t i -c i p a t i o n i n our community, i n c l i n i n g him toward or away from the NDP and i t s l o c a l candidates. 52 I t should be s t r e s s e d that the community i s made up overwhelmingly of immigrants and i n t e r n a l migrants, those who have immigrated i n t o Canada and those who have migrated w i t h i n Canada. An argument about the importance of place of b i r t h on work s a t i s f a c -t i o n and m i l i t a n c y has been presented by Theodore P u r c e l l i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of c o l o r e d workers i n midwest United States packing p l a n t s . Vie assume that pro-NDP v o t i n g and m i l i t a n c y are more or l e s s p a r a l l e l features of worker s o c i a l l i f e , that may be accounted f o r i n s i m i l a r ways. P u r c e l l (1960:51) s t a t e s : Since Negroes from the South have tended i n the past to have l e s s education than northern Negroes, and s i n c e 1 they have problems of adjustment to northern l i f e , the "fact that n e a r l y three-fourths of the N a t i o n a l Stockyards Negro workers are southern-born i s important. These Negroes are more s a t i s f i e d w i t h work at Sw i f t than the Kansas C i t y Negroes. They are l e s s aggressive and m i l i t a n t i n seeking t h e i r advancement. This d i f f e r e n c e i n percentage of southern-born i s s u r e l y one explanation. In a f u l l study, we would have to i n v e s t i g a t e the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of i n t e n s i v e s o c i a l t i e s , mutual a i d p a t t e r n s , a c t i n g out of "homeland" (or r e g i o n a l ) - -c u l t u r e patterns,',arid e t h n i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s , as bases f o r immigrant"evalua-t i o n s of the l o c a l s o c i a l order possibly''influencing: v o t i n g choices. We assume i n the present study that "place of b i r t h " as reported by the respondent i n d i c a t e s the i n i t i a l c u l t u r e of the overwhelming bulk of the sample. In those cases where the f a m i l y of the respondent migrated during h i s formative years, the p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e from which they came would be c a r r i e d w i t h them, s o c i a l i z i n g the respondent to t h i s i n i t i a l c u l t u r e to some degree. "Place of b i r t h " i s used here as a rough i n d i c a t o r which i n d i c a t e s a background against which a b l o c of respondents w i l l have to manipulate t h e i r l o c a l s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l experiences i n making v o t i n g d e c i s i o n s . In the i n i t i a l coding of the i n t e r v i e w , "place of b i r t h " was coded i n t o nine d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s , some not r e a l l y s a t i s f a c t o r y f o r our purposes, however u s e f u l they may be i n other analyses. For our work, these c a t e g o r i e s are reduced to f i v e . The f o l l o x j i n g l i s t shows not only the f i v e c ategories we use, but the way i n which these have been produced from the o r i g i n a l nine. 1. B r i t i s h Coltimbia ( o r i g i n a l l y coded as e i t h e r the area, or a broader r e g i o n , of the province, or elsewhere i n the p r o v i n c e ) . 2. The P r a i r i e P rovinces. 3. Eastern Canada ( o r i g i n a l l y , O n t a r i o , Quebec and the Ma r i t i m e s ) . 4. The United States and Great B r i t a i n . 5. "Other" (overwhelmingly European, Chinese and East I n d i a n ) . Some r ;of- ;these categories^ are problematic.- -The eastern.,Canada-c-a-te-i' gory contains—too few-voters -for, a n a l y s i s . The-United- Statea^and-Great-;- -; B r i t a i n category -contains a 'country with- non-class--parties— and -onefwith-strong :cias-s-:«]5ai*ties-s - ^ R»-e,.."o;t-her- c a t e g o r y - i s . a. r e s i d u a l one and contains-..' c o u n t r i e s - with...the..widest var.ie.ty&of - . p o l i t i c a l , . - i n t e l l e c t u a l - , . , and.-interest-group - h i s t o r i e s . .• _ ... , , ,..,*«••'" "" We now wish to suggest some mechanisms that l i n k i n i t i a l c u l t u r e to community c u l t u r e . These are only suggestions, not subject to examination because of l a c k of data. 1. B i r t h i n B r i t i s h Columbia was used as a s i n g l e category. While there may be r e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n support f o r various p a r t i e s through time, i t nonetheless c o n s t i t u t e s a s i n g l e p o l i t i c a l u n i t . B r i t i s h Columbia grew on i n d u s t r i a l i l a b o r i n l ! l a r g e - s c a l e e x t r a c t i v e e n t e r p r i s e s , and i t has shown a strong"arid c o n s i s t e n t support for. the CCFland the NDP over a long p e r i o d of time. Regenstreif (1965:134) shows t h a t , from 1949 to 1963, the CCF and NDP gained at t h e i r lowest p o i n t i n 1957, 22.3 per cent of the popular vote i n B.C. By comparison, the NDP gained only 18.2 per cent of the popular vote i n Saskatchewan at i t s low point there i n 1963. 2. The l a r g e s t b l o c of the migrants and immigrants come from the P r a i r i e P rovinces. P o r t e r (1967:145) notes t h a t , from 1941 to 1956, Saskatchewan l o s t s l i g h t l y under 250,000 r e s i d e n t s , w h i l e B r i t i s h Columbia gained over 250,000. P o r t e r (ibid.:145) a l s o quotes a source noting a s i z e a b l e ("Saskatchewan off - f a r m f m i g r a t i o n . : I t i s not suggested here that the overwhelming bulk of mi g r a t i o n from the p r a i r i e s was from Saskatchewan; we have no way of knowing without a time-consuming and not 54 n e c e s s a r i l y h e l p f u l recoding. Nonetheless, we assume that many migrants cajme from farms 'as ex-servicemen, as „ f a i l e d or sold-out farmers, or as farmers' sons. Such people may have been s o c i a l i z e d to p o s i t i v e l y value economic i n d i -v i d u a l i s m , and a l s o to p o s i t i v e l y value strong e g a l i t a r i a n l o c a l groups, such as farmers' co-ops and community a s s o c i a -t i o n s (Bennet-t<S;, 1967:44'lf.) . While we have no c l e a r way of p r e d i c t i n g whether the economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m of farmers w i l l be converted i n t o a l e g i t i m a t i o n of l a r g e - s c a l e corporations or not, we are aware that the combined economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m and e g a l i t a r i a n i s m of farmers were d i r e c t e d against l a r g e - s c a l e and p a r t i c u l a r l y eastern business e n t e r p r i s e s . We have no way of knowing whether ex-farmers and farmers' sons w i l l convert t h e i r experience of farmer e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n t o a p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of labor unions and of labor union o f f i c i a l s running f o r p o s i t i o n s as MP and MLA. 3. By c o n t r a s t , a l a r g e b l o c of the community's vo t e r s have been born i n the area of the world covered by the "other" l a b e l . The person w i t h experience of the community cannot avoid the impression that these i n d i v i d u a l s are overwhelmingly from v a r i o u s p a r t s of Europe (Norway, Holl a n d , Germany, I t a l y , Poland, Yugoslavia) and China and the Punjab i n I n d i a . Not only were these the nations from which respondents came, but they were a l s o the nations x^hose e t h n i c - o r g a n i z a t i o n s owned v i s i b l e buildings."*"^ 4. Both the eastern Canada-born b l o c and the United States-Great B r i t a i n - b o r n b l o c were too s m a l l f o r u s e f u l a n a l y s i s . Moreover, being a mixture of two types of party systems, the e f f e c t s could tend to cancel out. 5. Migrants i n t o i n d u s t r i a l cummunities, e s p e c i a l l y i f they are not f u l l y s o c i a l i z e d i n t o the patterns of western Canadian f o r e s t products communities, may f i n d i t more a t t r a c t i v e to f a l l i n t o a l o c a l s o c i a l enclave that provides them w i t h low access to the network of s o c i a l t i e s , p atterns of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , shared understandings, customary i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s 16. While i n the l a r g e r c i t i e s of the province, one encounters or hears of the o c c a s i o n a l F i l i p i n o , ' F i j a n s , A f ricans,and many A u s t r a l i a n s and 55 of the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n and so on, which go w i t h the u n i o n i z e d , i n d u s t r i a l worker, p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . The phrase " l o c a l s o c i a l enclave" i s intended not only to s p e c i f y any p a r t i c u l a r e t h n i c group w i t h a strong c u l t u r e and demanding s o c i a l t i e s , but a l s o any s i m i l a r group, such as the congregations of f u n d a m e n t a l i s t - e v a n g e l i c a l , "personal m o r a l i t y " , churches and s e c t s . In s p i t e of a l a c k of f i r m data to support the above p o s s i b i l i t i e s , we can now reasonably i n v e s t i g a t e place of b i r t h and i t s consequences f o r v o t i n g choices. In the research m a t e r i a l a v a i l a b l e , the d i s t i n c t i o n s that have been made i n the preceding d i s c u s s i o n are p a r t l y obscured; i n d i -v i d u a l s from urban midd l e - c l a s s backgrounds are mixed w i t h those from working c l a s s and farming backgrounds, i n d i v i d u a l s from co u n t r i e s w i t h strong s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s , such as Norway, are mixed w i t h i n d i v i d u a l s who l e f t r i g h t - w i n g and f a s c i s t backgrounds, such as Poland of before 1945, and those that f l e d Communism, such as from China to Hong Kong to Canada. F u r t h e r , there are always e x c e p t i o n a l cases; the w r i t e r remembers i n t e r v i e w -ing a French-Canadian who had been born i n New Hampshire of Canadian born parents around the turn of the century. He had moved to eastern,Canada i n the 1920's, farmed i n Saskatchewan i n the 1930's and spent the twenty years before the i n t e r v i e w i n the community. Nonetheless, place of b i r t h and v o t i n g choices are connected, as shown i n the f o l l o w i n g t a b l e . TABLE 3. FEDERAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICES, BY RESPONDENT'S PLACE OF BIRTH Pla c e of B i r t h Percentage Number r-• --^Number. Voting Voting NDP Voting NDP.For' 4 Ma-jor P a r t i e s B r i t i s h Columbia 63% 17 27 P r a i r i e s 65^ 26 40 Eastern Canada 14^ 1 8 United States-Great B r i t a i n 58% 7 12 Other ("Europe & Asia") 45% 14 31 Total, 55% 65 113 16. (cont'd) New Zealanders, encounters with none of these were r e c a l l e d from the stud}?-. 56 Looking at the r a t e s of NDP support, they are highest f o r the two Western Canadian c a t e g o r i e s , the area w i t h a long h i s t o r y of p r o t e s t p a r t i e s , w h i l e the "other" category shows a much lower r a t e of NDP support than e i t h e r of these Western Canadian c a t e g o r i e s . The eastern Canada born, a very small group, support the NDP p o o r l y . This may or may not be because of t h e i r possession of some other low NDP support a t t r i b u t e , but the number i s so s m a l l that t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y i s not worth pursuing. The United States-Great B r i t a i n category i s not s t u d i e d because of i t s mixed nature, a l l o w i n g us no c l e a r suggestions, and i t s very small s i z e . The two groups born i n Western Canada show a c l e a r d i s p o s i t i o n to favor the NDP. Of the three l a r g e r c a t e g o r i e s , these are the people most s t r o n g l y s o c i a l i z e d to r e g i o n a l and community p o l i t i c s . The other l a r g e category, l a b e l l e d "other" i n t h e ^ t a b l e , contains predominantly people from the non-English speaking world, w i t h l e s s f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h p a r l i a -mentary i n s t i t u t i o n s , and l e s s exposure to the whole complex of western Canadian p o l i t i c a l p r o t e s t movements. Again, t h i s f i n d i n g should e v e n t u a l l y be compared w i t h others i n a more complex study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the v a r i a b l e s . Federal Voting Choices and R e l i g i o u s Group Membership and P a r t i c i p a t i o n Religious•denomination membership has been used w i t h some success as a s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c important i n examining v o t i n g choices. In a study of an eastern Canadian c i t y , John M e i s e l (1967:150) found very strong support f o r the L i b e r a l party among Roman C a t h o l i c respondents, 39 percentage p o i n t s higher than the nearest P r o t e s t a n t denomination. Regenstreif (1965:93), i n a n a l y s i n g Gallup P o l l m a t e r i a l from 1963, found that n a t i o n a l l y , the vote i n t e n t i o n s of the "non-French groups" were 21 percentage p o i n t s more i n c l i n e d toward the L i b e r a l s i n the case of the Roman C a t h o l i c s than were the vote i n t e n t i o n s of the P r o t e s t a n t s or Jex^s. The l a t t e r two each showed i n t e n t i o n s to vote L i b e r a l i n 32 per cent of t h e i r choices, the former showed t h i s i n t e n t i o n i n 53 per cent of t h e i r choices. From R e g e n s t r e i f ' s t a b l e we would suppose that there would be some preference on the part of Roman C a t h o l i c l a b o r union members f o r the L i b e r a l candidate. This s u p p o s i t i o n i s supported by the f a c t that the C a t h o l i c church, almost a l l around the world, has been anti-communist, and somewhat a n t i - s o c i a l i s t . Throughout western Europe, f o r i n s t a n c e , there 57 are e s t a b l i s h e d progressive C a t h o l i c groups that seem to p a r a l l e l Canada's L i b e r a l p a r ty much more than they p a r a l l e l the NDP. We thus a n t i c i p a t e d a lov? l e v e l of support by C a t h o l i c s f o r the NDP, as a r e s u l t of a high l e v e l of support f o r the L i b e r a l s . In a d d i t i o n , the h i s t o r y of the CCF and NDP shows a strong i n f l u e n c e by United Church c l e r g y . Personal contact w i t h United Church c l e r g y has shown a very high frequency of i n t e r e s t i n " s o c i a l m o r a l i t y " , a concern w i t h the ordering of s o c i e t y , and a p r e d i s p o s i t i o n toward_socialism. United Church c l e r g y were instrum e n t a l i n the founding of the CCF, and most outstanding was J . S. Woodsworth, whose c o n v i c t i o n s took him out of the Methodist m i n i s t r y " ^ and i n t o the l e a d e r s h i p of the CCF. A f u r t h e r i n d i c a t i o n of United Church p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to the CCF i n i t s formative years i s reported by Zakuta (1964:35-36). He w r i t e s : Among the Canadians most deeply s t i r r e d by these events JTthe depression and the t h r e a t of war} were two groups which soon became the n u c l e i of the CCF. The l a r g e r , centred on the p r a i r i e s , was l e d by men along prominent i n the farmers' movements, p a r t i c u l a r l y the co-operatives and the o r g a n i z a t i o n s of p o l i t i c a l p r o t e s t . The second, and u l t i m a t e l y dominant, group c o n s i s t e d of a set of young men and women, concentrated i n a few l a r g e eastern c i t i e s , who entered the CCF w i t h i n i t s f i r s t f i v e years and, at l e a s t i n O n t a r i o , r a p i d l y took over i t s c o n t r o l . This group was predominantly Anglo-Saxon, P r o t e s t a n t , and middle c l a s s . Most were recent u n i v e r s i t y graduates and had f i r s t come i n t o contact w i t h s o c i a l i s m and the CCF as students. Many were the c h i l d r e n of m i n i s t e r s , c h i e f l y of the United Church. In the west, however, many Po r t e s t a n t clergymen themselves were among the CCF's most i n f l u e n t i a l l e a d e r s . We have, then, reasons f o r supposing that the United Church respon-dents might be i n c l i n e d to favor the NDP s t r o n g l y , that t h e i r Roman C a t h o l i c p a r a l l e l s might tend to d i s f a v o r i t . There are two other features that should be noted, however. As P o r t e r (1967:289) s t a t e s , "But as Woodsworth's biographer, P r o f e s s o r McNaught, points out both the wealthy S i f t o n and the s o c i a l i s t Woodsworth were products of Methodism". We have no way of knowing whether the l o c a l United Churches 17. The Methodists were one of the churches that amalgamated i n t o the United Church. 58 l e g i t i m a t e wealth or whether they challenge i t and l e g i t i m a t e s o c i a l i s m , thus the p i c t u r e i s unclear. F u r t h e r , P o r t e r (ibid.:349) i n d i s c u s s i n g the " l a b o r e l i t e " s t a t e s , "The l a r g e s t P r o t e s t a n t denomination was the United Church w i t h 27 per cent of the e l i t e compared to 20.5 per cent of the general p o p u l a t i o n " . However, we have no way of knowing from our data what the r e l a t i o n s h i p s are between United Church union members being studied and the labor union o f f i c i a l e l e c t e d to Parliament, so we can have r e a l l y no c l e a r set of expectations about United Church membership and NDP v o t i n g . Before presenting m a t e r i a l on r e l i g i o u s group membership and v o t i n g c h o i c e s , we must note t h e . s p e c i a l circumstances i n which such .membership was described, r e p o r t e d , and coded f o r t h i s study. Probably because of h i s i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , Heissner set up r i g o r o u s c r i t e r i a to e s t a b l i s h r e l i g i o u s group membership. Only those that could s p e c i f y a l o c a l church or r e l i g i o u s group are shown as having a r e l i g i o u s group membership. Using t h i s coding f o r the t o t a l union-company category, 54 per cent of the i n d i v i d u a l s (96 a t o t a l of 180) were not r e l i g i o u s group members at i n t e r v i e w time, and a l l but two of the r e s t were members of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s group both at i n t e r v i e w time and two years p r e v i o u s l y (at e l e c t i o n time). By using these extreme c r i t e r i a , we get an i n d i c a t i o n of a degree of r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n that i s d i f f e r e n t from Canadian census data. This l a t t e r data i s produced from the other extreme p o s i t i o n of being u n w i l l i n g to a l l o w one a status of "no r e l i g i o n " . In p r e l i m i n a r y work, i t appeared that only two denominations contained numbers of v o t e r s adequate f o r a n a l y t i c a l treatment, the Roman C a t h o l i c and the United Churches. In p r e l i m i n a r y t a b l e s of the o r i g i n a l 308 respondents, the t h i r d l a r g e s t denomination, the A n g l i c a n s , contained only three NDP and four other major party v o t e r s , numbers too small to be analysable. As a consequence, a l l the r e l i g i o u s groups other than the two l a r g e s t were grouped i n t o an "qther" r e s i d u a l category. Some of these "other" church members belong to e t h n i c churches, such as Lutheran, Dutch Reformed, S i k h , and U k r a i n i a n Orthodox, w h i l e others belong to s e c t s , i n c l u d i n g a number that might be regarded as r e l i g i o u s - a n t i s e c u l a r p r o t e s t movements or personaLfthic churches, such as the Jehovah's Witnesses and v a r i o u s fundamentalist churches. 59 The f i n d i n g s on r e l i g i o u s group membership and v o t i n g choices are shown i n the t a b l e below. Only those showing two years or more church membership are included i n the l a s t three c a t e g o r i e s ; the two recent church members mentioned above were apparently not l o c a l voters f o r major party candidates, and so had been p r e v i o u s l y excluded. TABLE 4 VOTING CHOICES BY RELIGIOUS GROUP MEMBERSHIP Percentage Number Number Voting f o r R e l i g i o u s Group Voting NDP Voting .IvDP 4 Major P a r t i e s None 60% • 4.1 68 Roman C a t h o l i c 53% 17 United Church 59% 10 17 Other Groups 31% 5 16 T o t a l 55% 65 118 From t h i s t a b l e we see that the very l a r g e b l o c coded as "no r e l i g i o u s group" p r e f e r s the NDP 5 per cent more o f t e n than does the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n the table.The;• small United Church group p r e f e r s i t an i n s i g n i f i c a n t number of percentage p o i n t s more o f t e n , the sm a l l group of C a t h o l i c s p r e f e r i t an i n s i g n i f i c a n t number of percentage- p o i n t s l e s s o f t e n than the t o t a l and the small group of "other" r e l i g i o u s group members c l e a r l y much l e s s f r e q u e n t l y chooses the NDP. From the f i r s t column we would be tempted to f i n d s l i g h t support f o r Kerr and S i e g e l (1954:192) where they say that small i n d u s t r i a l communities w i t h high s t r i k e r a t e i n d u s t r i e s l a c k the network of t i e s l i n k i n g workers to the ubiquitous middle c l a s s . While we cannot embrace t h e i r statement that "The f o r c e of p u b l i c o p i n i o n must seem r a t h e r weak to the logger i n the camp...who never sees *'i'Mie public"."..", the more s e c u l a r i z e d and p o s s i b l y the most c l a s s - i s o l a t e d workers who l a c k any t i e to a church are s l i g h t l y stronger i n t h e i r support of the NDP than the church members as a whole, 48 per cent of whom support the NDP. But si n c e many of those who d i d n ' t vote NDP are i n the "other" churches, i t may be the case that membership i n many of the churches i n t h i s "other" category i n c l i n e s people to view of the p o l i t i c a l process that i s e i t h e r a n t i - s e c u l a r , a n t i - m a t e r i a l i s t , or unconcerned w i t h the s o c i a l i s t view of " s o c i a l j u s t i c e 1 ' . 60 The numbers i n the above t a b l e , and the f a c t that only the r e s i d u a l category diverges s t r o n g l y from the other three c a t e g o r i e s i n r a t e of NDP support, make i t impossible to make any but the most t e n t a t i v e i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n s of the t a b l e . Beyond the m a t e r i a l presented above, there i s one other aspect of church membership that should be i n v e s t i g a t e d . I f we r e c a l l the argument about "cross pressures" above, we might be l e d to f e e l that perhaps the frequent= attending C a t h o l i c s tend to vote away from the NDP, and that the. frequent-attending United Church members tend to support the NDP s t r o n g l y . This would assume that f o r the frequent attenders r e l i g i o u s group membership i s a stronger s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , t h e r e f o r e a more important part of any cross-pressures process than i s membership f o r t h e i r i n f r e q u e n t l y - a t t e n d i n g c o r e l i g i o n i s t s . In p r e l i m i n a r y work, non-attender, low-attender and medium and high attender c a t e g o r i e s were set up. Due to the small numbers, the categories were reduced to two: non- and low-attenders, and medium- and high-attenders. The f i r s t group in c l u d e s those who reported that they had attended from zero to nine s e r v i c e s of t h e i r church i n the l a s t s i x months, the second i n c l u d e s those that reported ten or more attendances over t h i s time p e r i o d , an average of over lh s e r v i c e s a month. The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e shows the frequency of NDP support f o r the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of a t t e n d e r s , of the denominational c a t e g o r i e s presented i n the previous t a b l e . TABLE 5 VOTING CHOICES BY RELIGIOUS GROUP MEMBERSHIP AND LEVEL OF ATTENDANCE R e l i g i o u s <Lever of , Percentage Number Voting Number^Voting Group ~ Attignd'ance Voting NDP NDP 'C-.For 4 Hsjof" Parties*' " None 60% 41 68 Roman N i l - l o w 40%(a) 2 5 C a t h o l i c Med-high 58% 7 12 United N i l - l o w 53% ' '• ;' 8 15 Church Med-high 100% (a)' ' '2 2 Other N i l - l o w 17% 1 6 Med-high 40% 4 10 (a) Number of respondents too s m a l l f o r meaningful use of percentages. 61 One conspicuous f e a t u r e of t h i s t a b l e i s that C a t h o l i c s and "other" groups cont a i n a predominance of higher , attenders, and that the United Church contains a predominance of lower attenders. The only columns showing a n o t i c e a b l e discrepancy from the f i n d i n g s of the previous t a b l e are the two "other" category groups. The lower attenders support the NDP q u i t e p o o r l y , w h i l e the medium and high attenders support the NDP c l o s e r to the r a t e of the sample as a whole. The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of t h i s t a b l e are made on weaker numbers than the previous t a b l e , and are not to be regarded as strong f i n d i n g s . However, n e i t h e r the high-attending C a t h o l i c s nor the high-attending r e s i -d u a l "other" r e l i g i o u s groups show any tendency to support the NDP l e s s s t r o n g l y than the t o t a l f o r these b l o c s found i n the previous t a b l e . As a consequence, f o r the p o p u l a t i o n that i s included i n the above t a b l e , we can say that there does not appear to be any cross pressure, l e a d i n g high-attending C a t h o l i c s and high-attending "other" r e l i g i o u s group members to support the NDP l e s s than the members of these groups spending l e s s time attending t h e i r r e l i g i o u s group's s e r v i c e s , and under l e s s pressure. The data, i n f a c t , i n d i c a t e f o r these i n these two c a t e g o r i e s , the opposite p o s s i b i l i t y , and suggest that perhaps the low attenders more o f t e n get t h e i r clues on v o t i n g preferences from the mass media or the "ubiquitous middle c l a s s " . For the medium and high attenders, the i n d u s t r i a l workers' standards and the union o f f i c i a l s ' and the NDP l e g i s l a t o r s ' standards are more f r e q u e n t l y accepted. Connections Between Independent V a r i a b l e s Studied Thus Far We have already produced one t a b l e i n which two s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were combined, and we thus found a d d i t i o n a l meaningful d i f f e r e n c e s ; the young newcomers were much below a l l the other categories of age and length of residence i n t h e i r tendency to support the NDP. We have s i n c e examined two independent v a r i a b l e s , and we wish now to introduce a t a b l e that l e t s us show the connections between these and t h e i r cumulative i n f l u e n c e on v o t i n g choices. We ask the . question: are the members of some category of places of b i r t h h i g h l y concentrated i n some church category, thus p r o v i d i n g an overlapping b a s i s f o r accoun-t i n g f o r a r a t e of NDP support? 62 TABLE 6. N FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES BY BOTH CHURCH AND PLACE OF BIRTH P l a c e of B i r t h (a) Church B r i t i s h "o ther" T o t a l Columbia P r a i r i e s "Europe & A s i a " By Church No Church NDP T o t a l 58% (11) (IS) 77% (13) (17) 60% (12) (20) 64% (36) (56) Roman. C a t h o l i c NDP Total ' / : — ( - ) (--) 78% (17) ( 9) 20% ( 1Kb) ( 5) 57% C 8) (14) U n i t e d Church NDP • T o t a l 80% ( 4)(b) ( 5) 44% ( 4) ( 9) ( 1) ( 1) 60% ( 9) (15) Other NDP T o t a l ( 2 ) .(b) ( 3) ( 2)(b) ( 5) ( 0)(b) ( 5) 31% ( 4) (13) T o t a l uy P l a c e Of B i r t h NDP T o t a l 63% (17) (27) 65% (26) (40) 45% (14) (31) C O " DO/a (57) (98) (a) Eas t e rn Canada and Great B r i t a i n - U n i t e d Sta tes born exc luded . (b) Numbers too s m a l l fo r meaningful conver s ion i n t o percentages . We should f i r s t note the e x c l u s i o n from the t a b l e of the twenty vo te r s born i n eas te rn Canada, the Un i t ed S t a t e s , and Great B r i t a i n , of whom on ly 8 were NDP v o t e r s . We have consequent ly r a i s e d the o v e r a l l r a t e of NDP support from 55 per cent to 58 per cen t . Whi le we must note that we are working w i t h a s l i g h t l y sma l l e r p o p u l a t i o n than p r e v i o u s l y , w i t h s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , throughout the s c r u t i n y of t h i s t a b l e we are g e n e r a l l y u n i n t e r e s t e d i n the vo t e r s that we have l o s t . The t a b l e was examined fo r b l o c s of vo t e r s that are both l a r g e enough f o r us to make in fe rences from, and tha t show a t y p i c a l v o t i n g p a t t e r n s . These l a r g e b l o c s of v o t e r s are compared both w i t h the r a t e of NDP support fo r the church group i n which they are found, and the p l ace of b i r t h category i n which they appear. The "no church" category shows three l a r g e b l o c s , the B r i t i s h Colum-b i a born have a r a t e of NDP support that i s 5 points below the t o t a l B.C. ..category and 6 points below the "no church" column, not p a r t i c u l a r l y meaningful divergences, e s p e c i a l l y as the b l o c conforms to the t o t a l f o r the t a b l e . The next group, the p r a i r i e s born, show high NDP support — n o t i c e a b l y above the t o t a l "no church" and t o t a l p r a i r i e groups. This could be a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h x^estern Canadian p o l i t i c s and r a d i c a l i s m , "uprootedness", the u n w i l l i n g n e s s to accept e i t h e r the " s o c i a l m o r a l i t y " churches (Roman C a t h o l i c and United Church, w i t h a tendency to support the NDP) or the other churches i n c l u d i n g personal m o r a l i t y ones, or any combination of these f e a t u r e s . The t h i r d group i n t h i s row i s the "other" born, c h i e f l y Europeans, East Indians, and Chinese. They c o n s t i t u t e somex-jhat of an anomalous case, s i n c e t h e i r columnar r a t e of NDP support i s low, w h i l e t h e i r ±ow r a t e of NDP support i s high. In f a c t , they choose the NDP i n 60 per cent of t h e i r v o t i n g choices, about as fr e q u e n t l y as t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n the t a b l e , and about the same as the t o t a l "no church" row. We xrould be i n c l i n e d to s t a t e that the "other" column, the Europe and A s i a born, x^hen they have accepted or e s t a b l i s h e d no t i e to a church, accept the general v o t i n g p a t t e r n of the i n d u s t r i a l workers i n the community. We can now move on to the Roman C a t h o l i c row. We f i n d that there are no B r i t i s h Columbia born Roman C a t h o l i c s i n the t a b l e , and that the r e s t of the Roman C a t h o l i c s are predominantly born on the. p r a i r i e s (9 of a t o t a l of 14). These p r a i r i e born Roman C a t h o l i c s support the NDP q u i t e s t r o n g l y , about the same r a t e as the p r a i r i e born "no church membership" group d i r e c t l y above them i n the t a b l e , xjhich tends to cast doubt on the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s suggested above f o r t h i s group's support f o r the NDP. The number of respondents i s s m a l l , however, i n the case of the p r a i r i e born Roman C a t h o l i c s . Looking at the l a s t category i n the row, the "other" born C a t h o l i c s , of a t o t a l of f i v e , only one voted f o r the NDP. For the Roman C a t h o l i c s , then, place of b i r t h appears to be an overv/helming con-d i t i o n i n f l u e n c i n g v o t i n g choices, there being a 58 percentage p o i n t spread between the r a t e of support of the "other" born and the p r a i r i e born. Again,--we must note the small number of p r a i r i e born, and the even smaller number of "other" born, C a t h o l i c s being examined. 64 The t h i r d row we examine i s the United Church row. F i r s t , we w i l l note that a l l but one of the United Church members i n the t a b l e are western Canada born. While the eastern Canadian, and Great B r i t a i n and United States born, b l o c s of i n d u s t r i a l workers have been l e f t out of t h i s t a b l e , i t appears q u i t e obvious that i n our community the United Church i s a church of the English-speaking world, having no appeal f o r t h i r t y of the t h i r t y - o n e "other" Europe and A s i a born i n our sample. When we compare the txro western Canada born categories of United Church members, we get a s u r p r i s e . While the B r i t i s h Columbia born United Church members i n four choices out of f i v e favor the NDP, the p r a i r i e s born favor the NDP i n only four of t h e i r nine reported v o t i n g choices. While the numbers here are q u i t e s m a l l ( i n f a c t , the b l o c s are the same s i z e as the Roman C a t h o l i c b l o c s compared above) there i s nonetheless a considerable spread. The whole argument that we suggested about the p r a i r i e s born "no church" group and t h e i r reasons f o r supporting the NDP so s t r o n g l y , i s f u r t h e r undermined by t h i s f i n d i n g f o r the p r a i r i e s born United Church members. I f we were to make t e n t a t i v e explanations of the d i f f e r e n c e between the r a t e of NDP support by these two United Church b l o c s , we would suggest that the B r i t i s h Columbia born might have been exposed, much more than the p r a i r i e born United Church members, to l e g i t i m a t i o n s of labor unions and of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of l a b o r union o f f i c i a l s i n the p o l i t i c a l arena. The small number of voters i n t h i s category makes i t impossible to do f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n or make strong claims f o r our f i n d i n g s . One might suppose from t h i s f i n d i n g that f o r any p a r t i c u l a r v o t i n g i n d u s t r i a l worker, United Church p a r t i c i p a t i o n may provide support f o r e i t h e r a " r a d i c a l " or a " r e s p e c t a b l e " (conservative) o r i e n t a t i o n toward p o l i t i c s . In f u r t h e r work, i t would be necessary to have l a r g e r numbers and some a t t i t u d e i n d i c a t o r s , i n order to i n v e s t i g a t e t h i s matter f u l l y . The f i n a l row i s a r e s i d u a l category of i n d i v i d u a l s belonging to other churches and r e l i g i o u s groups, i n c l u d i n g the Anglicans and the Jehovah's ""Witnesses. Only the "other" born group contains a noteworthy number of i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a d i s t i n c t p a t t e r n of v o t i n g . This group of f i v e i n d i v i d u a l s a l l vote f o r candidates other than the NDP one. While the "other" born column as a whole shows a weak r e p u d i a t i o n of the NDP, and the "other" born "no church" group shows some preference f o r the NDP candidate, membership i n one of the l e s s e r churches and b i r t h outside the 65 Anglo Saxon world combine to produce an absolute r e p u d i a t i o n of the NDP candidate by these v o t e r s . While the number i n t h i s category i s s m a l l , i t does support the general p a t t e r n that we had uncovered from previous independent examination of the two v a r i a b l e s . While i t c o n s i s t s of the members of two r e s i d u a l c a t e g o r i e s , the category does a f f i r m that e i t h e r "other" church membership or "other" place of b i r t h are associated w i t h non-support of the NDP and that a combination of these two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s associated >w£ Sir's t-rong- r e j e c t i o n of that party. There are some major f i n d i n g s a v a i l a b l e from t h i s t a b l e . F i r s t , place of b i r t h seems to be a strlong i n f l u e n c e on the v o t i n g of both the "no church" and Roman C a t h o l i c , w h i l e church membership seems to i n f l u e n c e the v o t i n g of the "other" born column. Second the p r a i r i e s born Roman Cath-o l i c s and the p r a i r i e s born United Church members, the f i r s t s t r o n g l y supporting the NDP candidate, the second m i l d l y r e p u d i a t i n g him, show that the connections between church and place of b i r t h are not the simple ones that x^ e might have expected from the previous, one-at-a-time, i n v e s t i g a t i o n of these s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Because of the small numbers of respondents i n the bulk of the r e -l i g i o u s group c a t e g o r i e s , and because the "other" r e l i g i o u s group i s more ambiguous than the "other" place of b i r t h category, i t i s not p r o f i t a b l e i n the present xrork to i n v e s t i g a t e f u r t h e r the connections between r e -l i g i o u s group membership, other s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and v o t i n g choices. Our i n t e r e s t s are d i r e c t e d to the d i s t i n c t i o n s between young and o l d , and nexvcomers and o l d t i m e r s , as x^ell as place of b i r t h . We present belox^ a t a b l e much l i k e the previous one, but i n which the church categories are eliminated and these three d i s t i n c t i o n s compared. The 93 i n d u s t r i a l xrorkers r e p o r t i n g v o t i n g choices that appeared i n the previous t a b l e are again used. Three independent v a r i a b l e s are thus used, instead of only two. 66 TABLE 7 FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES BY AGE, LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN AREA, AND PLACE OF BIRTH Place of B i r t h (a) . Length of R e s i - _ . . , „ Age , . B r i t i s h P r a i r i e dence i n Area „ n , . „ . » 4.1. » T *. i Columbia Provinces other T o t a l Under 45 Less than 15 years NDP T o t a l 67% ( 4) ( 6) 57% ( 8) (14) 19% ( 3) (16) 42% (15) (36) Years 15 years or over NDP T o t a l 58% ( 7) (12) 82% ( 9) (11) 33% ( 1) ( 3) 65% (17) (26) 45 and over l e s 6 than 15 years NDP T o t a l 100% ( 1) ( 1) 57% ( 4) ( 7) 100% ( 4) ( 4) 75% ( 5) (12) years 15 years or over -"NDP T o t a l 63% ( 5) ( 8) 63% ( .5) CJ3) 75% ( 6) ( 8) 66% (16) (24) T o t a l NDP T o t a l 63% (17) (27) 65% (26) (40) 45% (14) (31) 58% (57) (98) (a) Eastern Canada and Great B r i t a i n - U n i t e d States born excluded. F i r s t , we examine the t a b l e f o r l a r g e b l o c s of v o t e r s , and f o r d i s t i n c -t i v e v o t i n g p a t t e r n s . - There are o n l y - f o u r categories^ c o n t a i n i n g l a r g e b l o c s of v o t e r s . These are the young newcomers born on the p r a i r i e s , the young newcomers born i n Europe and A s i a , the Young Oldtimers born i n B.C. and the young oldti m e r s born on the p r a i r i e s . The f i r s t and t h i r d groups show a s l i g h t f a v o r i n g of the NDP, one person more than h a l f in,each case, as c l o s e as p o s s i b l e to the o v e r a l l r a t e of NDP support. The young newcomers born i n Europe and A s i a , however, show only three of t h e i r t o t a l of 16 v o t i n g choices i n favor of the NDP, r e s u l t i n g i n very low NDP support. The other notable and s i z a b l e group d i f f e r i n g from the t a b l e ' s o v e r a l l average i s the group of 11 young oldti m e r s who were born on the p r a i r i e s , and who show 9 of t h e i r v o t i n g choices i n favor of the NDP. While they represent about as intense a f a v o r i n g of the NDP as the other group^s r e p u d i a t i o n of i t , they d i f f e r l e s s from the t o t a l f o r the t a b l e , and they are a much smaller p r o p o r t i o n of the NDP support than the other group was of the other p a r t i e s ' support, only 9 of the t o t a l of 57 pro-NDP votes i n the t a b l e . 67 The only other notable group i n the t a b l e i s a small group of o l d newf. comers born "other" ( i n Europe and A s i a ) . This group of four i n d i v i d u a l s a l l voted f o r the HDP, and they are p a r t l y of i n t e r e s t because they are i n d i r e c t o p p o s i t i o n to the p a r a l l e l group of young newcomers i n t h e i r v o t i n g preferences. There i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that these people were part of a much e a r l i e r wave of immigration to Canada, i n s p i t e of t h e i r new-comer status i n the community. In any case, t h e i r numbers are f a r too s m a l l f o r f u r t h e r a n a l y s i s . Summary of Findings on General and Off-Work S o c i a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and Voting Choices Up to t h i s p o i n t , our i n v e s t i g a t i o n s have produced the f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s : 1. The under 45 year o l d group g e n e r a l l y supports the NDP n o t i c e a b l y l e s s than the 45 and o l d e r age group. A spread of 11 percentage p o i n t s between these two groups was found, so there appears to be some "generation v o t i n g " among the sample members. 2. The v o t e r s w i t h l e s s than 15 years residence i n the d i s t r i c t , ] newcomers, support the NDP much l e s s than those w i t h 15 or more years residence i n the d i s t r i c t . A spread of 20 per-centage points was found, suggesting a " p o l i t i c a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n " or s i m i l a r process. 3. When young-old and newcomer-oldtimer d i s t i n c t i o n s are combined to form a f o u r f o l d t a b l e , i t appears that the young newcomers are d i s t i n c t from the r e s t . They vote NDP i n 39 per cent of t h e i r v o t i n g choices, 17 per cent l e s s than the next nearest group. The other three groups are concentrated i n a 10 per-centage point spread. I t was found that something l i k e a community s o c i a l i z a t i o n process i s stronger than g e n e r a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s , but that e i t h e r community s o c i a l i z a t i o n or membership i n the o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n a l category produces c l e a r NDP support. Since the o l d o l d t i m e r s are not separated s t r o n g l y from the groups w i t h only one pro-NDP i n f l u e n c e working on them ( e i t h e r long residence or o l d e r age group st a t u s ) we can say that the i n f l u e n c e s appear to be a l t e r n a t i v e and not cumu-l a t i v e i n f l u e n c e s toward NDP support. _ 68 18 4. P l a c e of b i r t h c a t e g o r i e s that were used showed no c l e a r d i s -t i n c t i o n between the two western Canadian c a t e g o r i e s , both around two t h i r d s of t h e i r v o t i n g choices being i n favour of the NDP. The r e s i d u a l category o f . " o t h e r " (which contained overwhelmingly Europeans, East Indians, and Chinese) showed a s l i g h t preference f o r the other p a r t i e s ' candidates — 45 per cent of t h e i r votes favored the NDP,nearly a 20 point d i f f e r e n c e . 5. The "no church membership" category — about h a l f of the t o t a l sample — supported the NDP s l i g h t l y more than any of the other church membership c a t e g o r i e s . I t was, h o w e v e r ^ i n s i g n i f i c a n t l y ~ higher than the United Church group, and n e g l i g i b l y higher than the Roman C a t h o l i c group. Those i n the r e s i d u a l category of "other churches and r e l i g i o u s groups" show a c l e a r preference f o r the other p a r t i e s ; l e s s than one t h i r d of t h e i r reported v o t i n g choices are i n favor of the NDP candidate. 6. When the church member groups were d i v i d e d i n t o lower attenders and higher attenders no c l e a r trend emerged. The higher attending C a t h o l i c s and members of the "other" churches p r e f e r r e d the NDP somewhat more than the t o t a l C a t h o l i c and t o t a l "other" church p o p u l a t i o n s , which r u l e d out the p o s s i b i l i t y of the higher attenders i n these c a t e g o r i e s being subjected to c r o s s -pressures, consequently p r e f e r r i n g the NDP somewhat l e s s o f t e n than the lower attenders. In our community, being a good (high attending) C a t h o l i c and v o t i n g f o r the NDP are apparently not incompatible. 7. A t a b l e x^as produced w i t h place of b i r t h and church membership categories used as independent v a r i a b l e s or p r e c o n d i t i o n s , and NDP support as the outcome. I t was found that place of b i r t h i s an o v e r r i d i n g c o n d i t i o n among C a t h o l i c v o t e r s . The p r a i r i e s born C a t h o l i c s support the NDP s t r o n g l y , the Europe and A s i a born "other" C a t h o l i c s support the other p a r t i e s about as s t r o n g l y . The United Church, B.C. born, support the NDP s t r o n g l y , w h i l e t h e i r p r a i r i e s born confreres show a mi l d preference f o r the Eastern Canada contained too few i n d i v i d u a l s , the United States and Great B r i t a i n were a mixture of c l a s s - p a r t y and non-class-party p o l i t i c a l systems. 69 other majorS.party^candidates. R e l i g i o n seems to be an o v e r r i -ding i n f l u e n c e , d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g the "Europe and A s i a " born from the other community members i n r e l i g i o u s groups, w h i l e the "no church membership" bloc .of '..the "other", .borri^ vote _f dr. ".the NDP at about the same r a t e asy the "no church" row as a whole. 8. When previous d i v i s i o n s of young-old, and newcomer-oldtimer, were used i n combination w i t h the "place of b i r t h " c a t e g o r i e s , i t was found that the two e a r l i e r major f i n d i n g s of groups showing low support f o r the NDP overlapped r a t h e r h i g h l y . There was a l a r g e b l o c of young newcomers w i t h somewhat low NDP preferences i n the "other" born category, a major cate-gory showing a r a t h e r low r a t e of NDP preference. This l a r g e b l o c showed a very low r a t e of v o t i n g choices i n favor of the NDP. There was another smaller b l o c of young oldtimers,from a group showing s l i g h t l y above average NDP preference, born on the p r a i r i e s — a category .again 'showing<slightly higher than average NDP support. This b l o c showed a n o t i c e a b l y above average frequency of t h e i r v o t i n g choice i n favor of the NDP. A very small b l o c , of o l d newcomers born i n Europe and A s i a , voted e x c l u s i v e l y f o r the NDP, i n complete o p p o s i t i o n to the:.vpatter.n of the young newcomers from the same b i r t h p l a c e category. Nothing e l s e exceptional~appeared i n the t a b l e . J The set of f i n d i n g s . i n (8) above shows us a complex of three s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which produced two bloc s of v o t e r s w i t h extreme v o t i n g p a t t e r n s . However, the bulk of the NDP support was made up by^eonsistent and moderate preferences f o r the NDP by vot e r s throughout the body of the t a b l e . Because the only Church membership category that diverged s t r o n g l y from the t o t a l worker p a t t e r n was a r e s i d u a l category, and because of the small numbers i n a l l the church membership groups, there appeared to be l i t t l e gain to be had out of f u r t h e r study of church membership as an important v a r i a b l e i n t h i s study and f o r t h i s p o p u l a t i o n . CHAPTER IV WORK-DEFINED SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS AND VOTING CHOICES In the l a s t chapter we examined a number of "general" s o c i a l charac-t e r i s t i c s of the respondents — p r o p e r t i e s that a t t a c h to the i n d i v i d u a l whether on or o f f work, some s p e c i f i c a l l y " o f f work" c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s con-cerned w i t h use of l e i s u r e time, i n general the worker's off-work s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s much more than h i s at work s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . We now wish to look at some s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that are p r i m a r i l y work-defined a t t r i b u t e s of the i n d i v i d u a l s i n question. While they a f f e c t who the i n d i v i d u a l i s , to himself and to o t h e r s , they are a t t r i b u t e s given to him by h i s p o s i t i o n i n the work f o r c e . There are some work-defined c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s we w i l l not be able to t r e a t i n the present xvork, although they have a considerable i n t e r e s t . The f i r s t of these i s income. No i n f o r m a t i o n on e i t h e r hourly or annual earnings was obtained i n the i n t e r v i e w . The second i s time at workplace. Since l i f e h i s t o r y i n f o r m a t i o n on type of community l i v e d i n , type of i n d u s t r y worked i n , type of union belonged t o , and times f o r each of these, i s very incomplete, we cannot study the previous work-derived i n f l u e n c e s p redisposing an i n d i v i d u a l to or away from the NDP. I n d i -v i d u a l s do not come to t h e i r place of employment w i t h equal work back-grounds, and i t would be unsound to attempt to study the e f f e c t of time at workplace on these unequal backgrounds. The t h i r d p o i n t a r i s e s from a suggestion by Heissner that s k i l l e d maintenance workers o f t e n c o n s t i t u t e the. backbone of i n d u s t r i a l unions, p a r t l y because they have m o b i l i t y w i t h i n the p l a n t and can thus develop personal i n f l u e n c e , p a r t l y because they are blocked i n t h e i r upward m o b i l i t y much more than higher l e v e l production workers, and perhaps a l s o because t h e i r t r a i n i n g as craftsmen enables them to handle the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of union o f f i c e b e t t e r than production workers. This suggests that there might be a d i f f e r e n c e i n the r a t e of NDP support between production workers, maintenance workers, and a r e s i d u a l category of " s e r v i c e " ( c l e r i c a l , warehouse, t e c h n i c a l ) workers. However, s i n c e i t would not be p o s s i b l e to code a l l the workers s t u d i e d f o r p o s i t i o n i n these d i v i s i o n s at . e l e c t i o n time, the idea i s only a prospect f o r f u t u r e study-. 70 71 There are three work-defined s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that we w i l l study. F o l l o w i n g our i n t e r e s t i n Kerr and S i e g e l , we wish to examine the v o t i n g patterns of workers i n the d i f f e r e n t types of e n t e r p r i s e s . An i n i t i a l t h r e e f o l d d i v i s i o n i s made: logging operation respondents, saw and plywood m i l l respondents, and pulp and paper m i l l respondents. In p r e l i m i n a r y t a b l e s i t was found that a l l of the union-company v o t -v , \ . .. ers. ': who were male and showed at l e a s t two years at t h e i r place of employment and i n the d i s t r i c t , were i n the " e n t e r p r i s e s " ; that i s , of the 118 voters that we have been c o n s i d e r i n g , none reported themselves as a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y o u t s ide of the " i n d u s t r y " . The second d i v i s i o n we wish to make of the work f o r c e i s by the union to which the i n d u s t r i a l workers belong. The t h i r d work-defined s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c that we wish to examine i s the s k i l l l e v e l of the respondent As before, we w i l l study these s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s not only s i n g l y , but i n combination. F o l l o w i n g t h i s examination of work-derived s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , we w i l l attempt to asses t h e i r connections w i t h the general s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s examined i n the previous chapter. Federal Voting Choice and E n t e r p r i s e Type We can now begin by l o o k i n g at the v o t i n g choices of the unionized company work f o r c e i n the three types of e n t e r p r i s e s . TABLE 8 FEDERAL VOTING CHOICE, BY ENTERPRISE TYPE • Percentage Number Number Voting Voting NDP Voting NDP For 4 Major P a r t i e s Logging Operations 69% ('19 13 Saw and Plywood M i l l s 56% 40 71 Pulp and Paper M i l l s 47% 16 34 T o t a l 55% 65 • 118 The t a b l e i n d i c a t e s a steady and c o n s i s t e n t swing away from the NDP as we move from the l o g g e r s , the most " i s o l a t e d , homogeneous mass" i n Kerr and S i e g e l ' s terms, through the saw and plywood m i l l workers and then on to those employed i n the pulp and paper m i l l . Even acknowledging the small numbers found i n the f i r s t column, the d i f f e r e n c e s are a c l e a r i n d i c a t o r of the importance of e n t e r p r i s e type, or one of i t s accompanying f e a t u r e s , i n accounting f o r the i n d u s t r i a l work force's v o t i n g p a t t e r n s . Federal Voting Choice and Union Membership We have noted that d i f f e r e n t types of e n t e r p r i s e s have d i f f e r e n t unions c o n t r a c t i n g f o r t h e i r workers. We w i l l now look at membership i n s p e c i f i c unions as a p r e c o n d i t i o n to v o t i n g . There are three major unions d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e , the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Woodworkers of America (IWA), the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Brotherhood of Pulp, S u l p h i t e and P a p e r m i l l Workers (Pulp, S u l p h i t e ) , and the United Papermakers and Paperworkers (Paper-makers). In a d d i t i o n , the Operating Engineers i n the sawmill steam p l a n t , and the E l e c t r i c a l Workers i n the pulp m i l l are grouped i n t o an "other", r e s i d u a l category because of t h e i r s m a l l numbers. TABLE 9 FEDERAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICE, BY UNION Percentage Number Number Voting Union Voting NDP Voting NDP For A Major P a r t i e s IWA 62% 50 81 Pulp, S u l p h i t e 50% 13 26 Papermakers 33% 2 6 Other 0% 0 5 T o t a l 55% 65 118 I n s p e c t i o n of t h i s t a b l e shows a marked d e c l i n e i n support f o r NDP as we move from the IWA membership to the Pulp, S u l p h i t e , through the Papermakers, and on to the "other" category. I t should be noted that i n the above t a b l e we have coll a p s e d some of the c a t e g o r i e s from the previous t a b l e , and subdivided others. N a t u r a l l y , the IWA members i n t h i s t a b l e show a degree of NDP support between that of the logging e n t e r p r i s e s and the saw and plywood m i l l s i n the previous t a b l e , s i n c e they are a combination of these c a t e g o r i e s (.less, a very small number of steam-plant workers a l l o c a t e d to the "other" category). Pulp and paper m i l l workers appear i n a l l columns except the IWA one. In order to c l a r i f y these overlapping d i v i s i o n s , we must move on to a f u r t h e r treatment. 73 Federal Voting Choices by, E n t e r p r i s e Type and Union The overlap mentioned above i n d i c a t e s that we should d i s t i n g u i s h four major b l o c s and one r e s i d u a l category i n the work f o r c e . The bulk of our d i s c u s s i o n w i l l use t h i s set of d i v i s i o n s . The categories are: 1. TWA members i n logging e n t e r p r i s e s ; 2. IWA members i n the saw and plywood m i l l s ; 3. Pulp, S u l p h i t e workers i n the pulp and paper m i l l ; 4. Papermakers on the paper machines i n the pulp and paper m i l l ; 5. the members of the Operating Engineers, i n the sawmill steam p l a n t , and the members of the E l e c t r i c a l Workers' union i n the pulp m i l l , a r e s i d u a l category. These are the unions that are thought of as " q u a s i - c r a f t i n d u s t r i a l unions"; one i s a union of production workers whose work i n v o l v e s l i t t l e p h y s i c a l l a b o r , the other i s a union covering the s k i l l e d maintenance workers i n one c r a f t i n the paper m i l l . The bulk of the pulp and paper m i l l work f o r c e has thus been d i v i d e d i n t o two b l o c s , appearing i n categories 3 and 4 above. The Papermakers work i n a part of the p l a n t f a r t h e s t from the loggers i n t h e i r work c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , being much l i k e the Chemical P l a n t Workers described by Blauner (1967: Ch. 6 and 7) . These categ o r i e s enable us to compare work forces i n two types of e n t e r p r i s e s coyered' ) by the same union, the loggers and the saw and plywood m i l l workers. We can al s o make comparisons between two work forces w i t h i n the pulp and paper m i l l covered by d i f f e r e n t unions. F i n a l l y , we can make comparisons between four d i f f e r e n t types of-work f o r c e , that i s , the logge r s , the saw and plywood, m i l l workers, the bulk of the pulp and paper m i l l work f o r c e , and the paper machine workers. This l a t t e r set of com-parisons i s one of major i n t e r e s t . The members of the "other" category are i n c l u d e d , but they are of l i t t l e i n t e r e s t . The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e r e v e a l s the reported v o t i n g choices f o r the workers i n each of the f i v e c a t e g o r i e s l i s t e d above. 74 TABLE 10 FEDERAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICE, BY UNION AND ENTERPRISE TYPE Union E n t e r p r i s e Type Percentage Number Number Voting Voting NDP Voting NDP For 4 Major P a r t i e s IWA Logging 69% 9 13 IWA Saw .and plywood m i l l - * 60% 40 67 Pulp, Pulp and paper S u l p h i t e m i l l 50% 13 26 Paper- Pulp and paper makers m i l l 33% 2 6 Other Various _0% 0 5_ T o t a l 55% 64 117 One v o t e r was dropped from our sample of 118 by developing these c a t e g o r i e s . I n s p e c t i o n of our data showed that t h i s was a person who claimed IWA member-s h i p , who worked at the p u l p m i l l , and who voted NDP. Since the IWA cannot bargain f o r him i n the p u l p m i l l , he i s disregarded. The t a b l e shows that the c o n s i s t e n t trends of the previous two t a b l e s are continued. NDP support d e c l i n e s as we move from workers be-longing to the IWA, to pulp and paper m i l l workers belonging to the P u l p , S u l p h i t e union, to Papermakers i n the pulp and paper m i l l , and on to two " q u a s i - c r a f t i n d u s t r i a l unions". The above set of union and e n t e r p r i s e type categories seems to make a l l of the kinds of d i s t i n c t i o n s that we have wished to make between both e n t e r p r i s e s and unions, and as a consequence they w i l l be used i n the above form from t h i s p o i n t on. Federal Voting Choice,, and S k i l l L e v e l A l l members of the sample were assigned by Meissner to one of f i v e s k i l l l e v e l s , numbered and defined as f o l l o w s : 1. p r o f e s s i o n a l , p r o p r i e t a r y , managerial (does not i n c l u d e foreman); 2. t e c h n i c a l , c l e r i c a l , s a l e s ; 3. s k i l l e d : foreman, crafsman, process operator, major machine operator (does not i n c l u d e t r u c k d r i v e r ) ; 4. se.mi-sk.illed: craftsmen a p p r e n t i c e s , lower l e v e l process operators; 75 5. u n s k i l l e d . We have already presented an argument that s k i l l l e v e l may be a major i n f l u e n c e on c l a s s and i n t e r e s t p e r c e p t i o n s , and that workers of d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of s k i l l may be d i f f e r e n t i a l l y i nvolved i n t h e i r unions. In our community, there may be s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n v o t i n g choices accompanying d i f f e r e n c e s of s k i l l l e v e l , and these d i f f e r e n c e s may work uniformly throughout the community, or d i f f e r e n t l y i n combination w i t h some other v a r i a b l e . As a f i r s t step i n studying the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s k i l l l e v e l and v o t i n g , we w i l l examine a simple t a b l e of v o t i n g choices and s k i l l l e v e l . TABLE 11 FEDERAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICE, BY SKILL LEVEL S k i l l L e v e l Percentage Number Voting NDP Voting NDP For 4 Major P a r t i e s 2 - T e c h n i c a l 0% 0 2 3 - S k i l l e d 63% 33 52 4 - S e m i - s k i l l e d 52% 14 27 5 - U n s k i l l e d 49% 18 37 T o t a l 55% 65 118 This t a b l e shows a c l e a r d i f f e r e n c e i n r a t e of NDP preference between the s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d . We do not know, however, whether the s k i l l l e v e l i t s e l f i s an i n f l u e n c e on v o t i n g , or whether other s o c i a l features i n -fluence the ways i n which s k i l l l e v e l manifests p o l i t i c a l views. I t has been argued throughout that the pulp m i l l contains fewer u n s k i l l e d workers doing p h y s i c a l l a b o r , but that the saw and plywood m i l l s contained, t r a d i t i o n a l l y at l e a s t , l a r g e b l o c s of such people, and that the logging operations c o n t a i n many men doing work which demands hard p h y s i c a l l a b o r . We now combine the.union and e n t e r p r i s e type d i v i s i o n s w i t h the s k i l l d i v i s i o n s , and look at v o t i n g choices against a l l three v a r i a b l e s . 19. We have been able to bypass the d i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s between v o t i n g time and e l e c t i o n time repeatedly, above. Those w i t h l e s s than two years' residence were excluded from study, f o r instance. However, there i s no way that we can cope w i t h changes i n s k i l l l e v e l between e l e c t i o n time and i n t e r v i e w time. Perhaps somesrespondents that were u n s k i l l e d at e l e c t i o n time were s k i l l e d at i n t e r v i e w time. As a consequence, a l l treatment of s k i l l l e v e l s must be seen as having a weakness not found i n the case of the other s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . TABLE 12 FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY UNION AND ENTERPRISE TYPE, AND SKILL LEVEL Technica l Semi- Un-Union % / E n t e r p r i s e Type / Vote / C l e r i c a l S k i l l e d S k i l l e d S k i l l e d T o t a l IWA - Logging NDP 57% ( 4) ( 3) ( 2) 69% ( 9) T o t a l ( 7) ( 4) (^2) (13) • < IWA - '.Saw and Plywood NDP 73% (16) 60% ( 9) 50% (15) 60% (40) M i l l s T o t a l (22) (15) (30) (67) Pulp, S u l p h i t e , NDP 65% (11) ( 2) ( 0) 50% (13) - P u l p m i l l T o t a l ( 1) (17) ( 5) ( 3) (26) Papermakers NDP ( 1) ( m ( 1) 33% ( 2) - Pulp and Paper M i l l T o t a l ( 2) ( 2) ( 2) ( 6) Other NDP ( 0) ( Q) ( 0.) 0% ( 0) T o t a l ( 1) ( 3) ( 1) ( °) ( 5) T o t a l NDP 63% (32) 52% (14) 49% (18) 55% (64) T o t a l ( 2) (51) (27) (37) (117) 11, We can look at t h i s t a b l e roxtf by row, i g n o r i n g a l l the small t o t a l s , f o r i n s tance the two " s k i l l l e v e l two" i n d i v i d u a l s i n the l e f t hand column. We f i r s t n o t i c e that over h a l f the logging employees are s k i l l e d , that the number i n each of the c e l l s i s s m a l l , and that the semi- and u n s k i l l e d together, w h i l e a smaller number of workers, provide the NDP w i t h more votes than the s k i l l e d . The trend from l e f t to r i g h t among the loggers i s a r e v e r s a l of the trend i n the previous t a b l e , where s k i l l alone was looked a t . For the l o g g e r s , NDP support increases as s k i l l decreases. We must note that 0 these observations are based on very s m a l l numbers. The second group, IWA members i n the saw and plywood m i l l s , c o n s t i t u t e s over h a l f (67/117) of the t o t a l v o t i n g workers i n the t a b l e . In t h i s group, as one moves from the s k i l l e d to the s e m i - s k i l l e d , there i s a c l e a r drop i n the r a t e of NDP support, and as one moves from the s e m i - s k i l l e d to the u n s k i l l e d , there i s a f u r t h e r c l e a r drop. For t h i s l a r g e s e c t i o n of the xrork f o r c e , s k i l l l e v e l seems to be an important f e a t u r e a f f e c t i n g v o t i n g choice. Not only i s the trend of the previous t a b l e continued, i t i s magnified. Both s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d i n t h i s row shoxi? higher r a t e s of NDP support than the s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d i n the t o t a l roxc. Among Pulp,&Sulphite union members i n the pulp m i l l , there i s a predominance of > s k i l l e d xrorkers, and these shoxtf about the same r a t e of NDP support as the t o t a l s k i l l e d . They shox-7 hox-zever, a much ?iigher r a t e of NDP support than the t o t a l f o r t h e i r rox<r, 65 per cent versus 50 per cent. The other txro very small groups, semi- and u n s k i l l e d , vote away from the NDP. These txro groups combined shox<r only txro of t h e i r e i g h t votes (or 25 per cent) going to the NDP. At t h i s p o i n t x^ e are tempted to say that the u n s k i l l e d and semi-s k i l l e d IWA members i n the saxtf and plyxrood m i l l s , and the Pulp, S u l p h i t e union members i n the pulp and paper m i l l , p e rceive support of the NDP as l e s s important than do t h e i r s k i l l e d opposite numbers, the reverse of the p a t t e r n f o r the l o g g e r s . The mechanism producing t h i s d i f f e r e n c e can be studied l a t e r , x^hen other s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are introduced. Other c e l l s i n the t a b l e contain such small numbers that i t i s of no p r o f i t to t r y to i n t e r p r e t them. The general trends of the previous t a b l e s t e l l a l l that can u s e f u l l y be s a i d of them;-^those i n the Papermakers union and i n the txro q u a s i - c r a f t i n d u s t r i a l unions choose to support the NDP candidate very i n f r e q u e n t l y . 78 Looking back to our t o t a l s , - c l e a r l y , the saw and plywood m i l l workers i n the IWA, who showed the c l e a r e s t trend st a t e d above, a l s o form the only row wi t h l a r g e enough numbers f o r us to make reasonably f i r m observ,-l,„ .. .r. '.ations.',' The only other c e l l that c o n s t i t u t e s any s i g n i f i c a n t part of the w o r k f o r c e i s that c o n t a i n i n g the s k i l l e d Pulp, S u l p h i t e members i n the pulp and paper m i l l . We can make no general statement about the connections between s k i l l , type of e n t e r p r i s e , and union membership from t h i s t a b l e , but we have shed some doubt on the g e n e r a l i t y of the f i n d i n g s f o r the previous t a b l e s . The k i n d of patterns that are suggested are, f i r s t , that s k i l l e d workers w i t h membership i n a major union, working i n a f a c t o r y -type s e t t i n g ( s a w m i l l s , p l y m i l l , pulp and paper m i l l ) are more s t r o n g l y i n c l i n e d to support the NDP than are p a r a l l e l s e m i - s k i l l e d or u n s k i l l e d workers, and second, that as one moves from f a c t o r y work to n a t u r a l - s e t t i n g work (loggers) the semi- and u n s k i l l e d workers in'major unions swing from supporting the NDP l e s s f r e q u e n t l y than the s k i l l e d workers, to supporting i t more f r e q u e n t l y than the s k i l l e d workers. For f u r t h e r examination of t h i s matter, see the f i n a l chapter of t h i s work. Concerning the members of the l e s s e r unions, i t might be that there are c o n f l i c t s between the smaller and the l a r g e r unions (see above, page 35) or i t might a l s o be that the l a r g e r the union, the higher the r a t e of i n t r a -inembership communications. More of IWA members' t a l k i s with other IWA members than i s E l e c t r i c a l Workers' t a l k w i t h other E l e c t r i c a l Workers, w i t h i n f l u e n c e on the formation of p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n . L a s t l y , i t might be that the members of the sm a l l e r unions, because t h e i r work i s " q u a s i - c r a f t " are more c o n s e r v a t i v e , i n keeping w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l conservatism of the American Federation of Labor c r a f t unions. Summary We have found that the union to which the workers belong, the enter-p r i s e type i n which they work, and the l e v e l of s k i l l , a l l have a bearing on v o t i n g . Our major f i n d i n g s are as f o l l o w s . 1. We looked at the d i f f e r e n t types of e n t e r p r i s e s , and found that as we removed from e a r l i e s t to l a t e s t , from hard p h y s i c a l labor i n an outdoor s e t t i n g to p h y s i c a l labor i n a f a c t o r y to work i n a continuous-process i n d u s t r y , the r a t e of NDP support dropped. 79 The l a r g e s t union, which covers the workers i n the o l d e s t types o f e n t e r p r i s e , shows the strongest r a t e of NDP support. This of course might be a r e s u l t o f the l e g i s l a t o r s both having been e l e c t e d , paid o f f i c i a l s of t h i s union, but o n the other hand, the r a t e of NDP support of the members of t h i s union might have l e d these men, r a t h e r than the o f f i c i a l s of other unions, i n t o p o l i t i c s . In any case, we have a number of explanations o f why the members of t h i s union vote f o r the NDP and we cannot choose c l e a r l y among them. We combined Hnion and e n t e r p r i s e type, and found that the r e s u l t a n t d i v i s i o n of the work f o r c e produced a smoother, more continuous, set o f i n t e r v a l s , although these were somewhat weakened by the small number of i n d i v i d u a l s i n the categories at the extremes. As one moved from logging to wood products m i l l to paper m i l l , and from IWA to smaller unions, NDP support dropped. I t appeared that union and e n t e r p r i s e type were features that could best be t r e a t e d i n combination, and t h i s was the way they were used i n f u r t h e r work. The connection between s k i l l l e v e l and v o t i n g choices was examined. There w a s a q u i t e c l e a r connection between s k i l l l e v e l and NDP support, (high s k i l l , h igh r a t e o f NDP support) i n the case o f the IWA members i n the saw and plywood m i l l s , a l e s s c l e a r but s i m i l a r connection i n the case of the Pulp, S u l p h i t e members i n the pulp and paper m i l l , and a reverse but weak connection i n the case of the IWA members i n the logging e n t e r p r i s e s . There were no f i n d i n g s f o r smaller unions ( a l l of the " l a b o r e l i t e " type, " q u a s i - c E a f t i n d u s t r i a l u n i o n s " ) , there being f a r too small numbers i n the separate c a t e g o r i e s f o r any i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the e f f e c t of s k i l l . However, si n c e s k i l l i s i t s e l f the b a s i s f o r d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g these unions from the o t h e r s , there i s r e a l l y l i t t l e need f o r i n t e r e s t i n s k i l l as coded. CHAPTER V CONNECTIONS BETWEEN GENERAL SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS, WORK-DEFINED.. SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS, AND VOTING CHOICES We have uncovered v o t i n g patterns of v o t e r s w i t h c e r t a i n general s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , alone and i n combination, and other v o t i n g patterns f o r v o t e r s w i t h c e r t a i n at-work s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Up to t h i s p o i n t , there has been no suggestion that some of these general s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s may be p e c u l i a r to v o t e r s w i t h p a r t i c u l a r - w o r k - d e f i n e d s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s - - - - - - j p . "-t i c s , but t h i s suggestion w i l l now be made and pursued. This means that we w i l l want to know f o r instance whether there i s an excessive p r o p o r t i o n of the young newcomers i n the "quasi-'craft' i n d u s t r i a l unions", whether the young newcomers that are born i n western Canada are concentrated d i s p r o -p o r t i o n a t e l y i n e n t e r p r i s e type a, b, or c, and so on. Two sets of tables were run, i n which each vo t e r s t u d i e d was a l l o c a t e d to one of twenty categ o r i e s f o r the f i r s t t a b l e , or one of f i f t e e e n f o r the second. In a d d i t i o n to the category t o t a l , each of these c a t e g o r i e s showed NDP v o t i n g choices as w e l l as the t o t a l . In the case of the f i r s t of these t a b l e s , four d i f f e r e n t independent v a r i a b l e s were in c o r p o r a t e d , i n the second, three independent v a r i a b l e s . The f i r s t t a b l e . r e l a t e s union and enter-p r i s e type to young-old and newcomer-oldtimer c a t e g o r i e s , w h i l e the second examines union and e n t e r p r i s e type and place of b i r t h . Rather than present these tables i n t h e i r f u l l complexity, we wish to i n troduce the f i r s t one, which deals w i t h the l a r g e s t number of v a r i a b l e s , by extracing;some of the t o t a l s fram the s u b d i v i s i o n s , and combining them i n terms of only three independent v a r i a b l e s at a time. V o t i n g choices w i l l be l e f t out of the d i s c u s s i o n f o r the present, and union and e n t e r p r i s e type w i l l be looked a t , f i r s t v i s - a - v i s the young-old d i v i s i o n , and second v i s - a - v i s the newcomer-oldtimer c a t e g o r i e s . 80 TABLE 13 UNION AND ENTERPRISE TYPE GROUPS BY YOUNG-OLD CATEGORIES AND BY NEWCOMER-OLDTIMER CATEGORIES Union / E n t e r p r i s e Type Young Under 45 IWA - Logging 38% ( 5) 62% ( 8) 23% ( 3) 76% (10) (13) IWA - Saw and Plywood M i l l s 63% (42) 37% (25) 43% (29) 57% (38) (67) Pulp, S u l p h i t e - P u l p m i l l •38% (10) •• 62% (16) 69% (18) 31% ( 8) (26) Papermakers - P u l p m i l l .83% ( 3) (a) 17% ( D ( a ) 67% ( 4) (a) 33% ( 2) (a) ( # ) Other (-21(a) ( 3) (a) ( 2) (a) ( 3) (a) ( 5) . T o t a l 55% (64) 45% (53) 48% (56) 52% (61) (117) (a) Numbers too small f o r meaningful percentages. Young-Old and Newcomer-Oldtimer , Newcomer Old timer , r , Less than 15 15 or more 45 and over . v • j • m . n Y r s . i n d i s t . x r s . i n d i s t . T o t a l 82 We can see, when l o o k i n g at the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n s i n t h i s t a b l e , some dramatic f e a t u r e s . In our o r i g i n a l f i n d i n g s on the young-old and the newcomer-oldtimer d i v i s i o n s , the l a t t e r of each p a i r of a t t r i b u t e s accompanied a higher degree of NDP support. The t a b l e i s arranged w i t h the • c a f e g o t i e ' s h i g h e s t i n NDP support, at the stop .and the r i g h t . Looking at the t a b l e row by row, we see f i r s t that the loggers are both more f r e q u e n t l y older and o l d t i m e r s . , so there appears to be some overlap between the above-avergge r a t e of logger support f o r the NDP, the above-average r a t e of the above-45 years of age support f o r the NDP, and the above-average r a t e of oldtimer support f o r the NDP. The two next groups, saw and plywood m i l l workers i n the IWA, and Pulp, S u l p h i t e members i n the pulp m i l l , each show one high NDP support and one low NDP support a t t r i b u t e . The f i r s t contains many young and many o l d t i m e r s , the second many o l d and many newcomers. The f o u r t h group i s the very small number from the paper machine work f o r c e , members of the Papermakers union i n the pulp and paper m i l l . They show a predominance of young and of new-comers, both a t t r i b u t e s accompanying lower r a t e s of NDP support, and again there i s overlap between a l l three c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s tending away from the NDP. The f i n a l group, the members of the two smallest unions, contains Itoof: few people f o r i n v e s t i g a t i o n , but i t doesn't conform to the Papermakers' p a t t e r n . We can now move on to the f u l l t a b l e on v o t i n g choices, which shows union and e n t e r p r i s e type s t a t u s , and age and length of residence c a t e g o r i e s , as independent v a r i a b l e s , as w e l l as v o t i n g choices. TABLE 14 FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY UNION, ENTERPRISE TYPE AGE, AND LENGTH OF COMMUNITY RESIDENCE Union / E n t e r p r i s e / Vote Young Newcomers Young Oldtimers Old Newcomers Old Oldtimers T o t a l IWA - Logging NDP T o t a l 02) (a) ( 2 ) ( 2) (a) ( 3). ( 0)(a) ( 1) 71% ( 5) ( 7) 69% ( 9) (13) IWA - Saw and Plywood M i l l s NDP ' T o t a l 39%. ( 9) (23) 69% (13) (19) ( 4) (a) ( 6) 74% (14) (19) 60% (40) (67) Pulp, S u l p h i t e -P u l p m i l l .NDP ', rTotal 38% ( 3) ( 8) ( D ( a ) ( 2) 60% ( 6) (10) (3) (a) ( 6) 50% (13) (26) Papermakers -P u l p m i l l NDP T o t a l ( D ( a ) ( 4) ( D ( a ) ( 1) ( 0)(a) ( 0) (0)(a) (1) 33% ( 2) ( 6) Others, (IBEW, Op.Eng.) NDP T o t a l ( 0)(a) ( 1) ( 0)(a) ( 1) ( 0)(a) ( 1) ( 0)(a) ( 2) 0% ( 0) ( 5) T o t a l NDP T o t a l 39% (15) (38) 65% (17) (26) 55% (10) (18) 63% (22) (35) 55% (64) (117) (a) Numbers too small f o r meaningful percentages. 84 Looking f i r s t at those i n l o g g i n g , we f i n d these people provide a c o n s i s t e n t support f o r the NDP. The members of t h i s category are con-centrated i n the olcb-old timer category (7 of the t o t a l of 13, over h a l f ) . From t h i s row, we might suggest that the logger work f o r c e may contain a body of NDP supporters s t r o n g l y s o c i a l i z i n g newcomers to support the NDP. This would p a r t l y be p o s s i b l e because of the long t r i p to work i n the company bus, (or "crummy"), and party because of small work groups i n the logging work f o r c e , both mechanisms making the o l d t i m e r s and t h e i r a t t i -tudes r e l a t i v e l y inescapable f o r the newcomers. Turning to the row of saw and plywood m i l l workers, we f i n d a l a r g e b l o c of workers (67 of the t a b l e ' s t o t a l of 117),. spread out over the four c a t e g o r i e s , w i t h about 1/3 i n the young newcomer group, over 1/4 i n each of the o l d t i m e r groups, and very few i n the o l d newcomer group. Here, the young newcomers'" support the NDP very poorly (39 per cent, the same r a t e as the t o t a l column of young newcomers). They d i f f e r notably from the r a t e of support f o r the row t o t a l , which i s higher than the t a b l e average (60 per c e n t ) . Both the s i z e of the young newcomer group, which could lead to t h e i r overwhelming any groupings of workers by sheer numbers, and the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the work f o r c e , f o r instance lunch and coffee break groups may c o n s i s t of s e l e c t e d groups of peers and f r i e n d s , and not of a whole, s m a l l , work team, may make young newcomers l e s s s o c i a l i z a b l Moreover, from ' tabie_7._above>we know that the column contains a s i z e a b l e b l o c of young newcomers that are born c h i e f l y i n Europe and A s i a and who support the NDP weakly;:— ;t'he b l o c of 16 casts three votes f o r the NDF and t h e r e f o r e t h i r t e e n votes f o r other p a r t i e s . There may be some over-la p between t h i s connection between place of b i r t h and young newcomer support f o r the other p a r t i e s , and the r a t h e r high p r o p o r t i o n of the young newcomers'-in the saw and plywood m i l l s f r e q u e n t l y supporting, the other ; parties;. Continuing to look at the saw and plywood m i l l work f o r c e , we see that the other three categories support the NDP r a t h e r strongly,..together -casting 31 votes f o r the NDP and 13 votes f o r the other p a r t i e s (70 per cent NDP support) i n each case exceeding the r a t e of NDP support f o r the columnar t o t a l . I t would appear that the e a r l i e r f i n d i n g i s upheld, and that e i t h e r long community residence or being i n the older generation pre-disposes an i n d i v i d u a l to vote NDP. However, meeting e i t h e r or both of the o l d and o l d t i m e r c o n d i t i o n s and being i n the saw and plywood m i l l IWA 85 work f o r c e predisposes one even f u r t h e r to vote KDP. We must not over-look the p o s s i b i l i t y of h i s t o r i c a l change i n the saw and plywood m i l l work f o r c e s . I t may be, f o r i n s t a n c e , that t h i s type of e n t e r p r i s e now provides work f o r people who can be u n i n t e r e s t e d i n the NDP, but that i n the past, because of l e s s job s e c u r i t y , the workers i n t h i s type of e n t e r p r i s e were drawn i n t o an i n t e r e s t i n the NDP which s t i l l continues. The Pulp, S u l p h i t e union members, i n the t h i r d row of the t a b l e , are c h i e f l y young newcomers supporting the NDP weakly, at about the same r a t e as the t o t a l young newcomer group, and o l d newcomers, supporting the NDP at s l i g h t l y higher than the t o t a l o l d newcomer r a t e . They are not a notable row. The f o u r t h row i n the t a b l e , that of Papermakers union members i n the pulp and paper m i l l , shows only that most of these i n d i v i d u a l s are young newcomers and that most of t h i s s m a ll number do not vote f o r the NDP (only one NDP vote out of four of t h e i r v o t i n g c h o i c e s ) . F u r t h e r , these young newcomers produce the bulk of the non-NDF support found i n the row. There i s l i t t l e p o i n t i n attempting f u r t h e r a n a l y s i s of the t a b l e , given the small numbers i n the r e s t of the c e l l s . None of the IBEW or Operating Engineer votes were f o r the NDP candidates. Now we can look at union and e n t e r p r i s e type and t h e i r r e l a t i o n to place of b i r t h , a s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c p r e v i o u s l y s t u d i e d , as w e l l as the connection of each of these to v o t i n g . TABLE 15 FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY UNION, ENTERPRISE TYPE, AND PLACE OF BIRTH B r i t i s h "Other" ( c h i e f l y Union ./. E n t e r p r i s e / Vote Columbia P r a i r i e s Europe and A s i a T o t a l IWA - Logging NDP T o t a l ( 3) (a) ( 4) ( 3) (a) ( 6) ( 3) (a) ( 3) 69% ( 9) (13) IWA - Saw and Plywood M i l l s NDP T o t a l 73% ( 8 ) * (11) " 73% (IS) (26 36% ( 8) (22) 59% (35) (59) Pulp, S u l p h i t e -P u l p m i l l NDP ' Tot. 67% ( 6) ( 9) 67% ( 2) (a) ( 3) 60% ( 3) (a) ( 5) 65% (11) (17) Papermakers NDP T o t a l ( 9)(a) ( 1) ( 2) (a) ( 4) ( 0) ( 0) 40% ( 2) (a) ( 5) Other -(IBEW, Op.Eng.) NDP T o t a l ( 0)(a) ( 2) ( 0)(a) ( 1) (a) ( 1) ( 0)(a) ( 4) T o t a l NDF T o t a l 63% (17) (27) 65% (26) (40) 45% (14) (31) 58% (57) (98) (a) Numbers too small f o r meaningful percentages. 87 When we look at the rows and t h e i r r a t e of NDP support, and compare these w i t h both the t o t a l f o r the row and the t o t a l f o r the column, where-ever the number of v o t e r s i n a c e l l i s adequate, some i n t e r e s t i n g f i n d i n g s r e s u l t . F i r s t , however, we note from previous work that there are 28 per cent of the t o t a l i n the B.C. born category, 41 per cent i n the p r a i r i e s born category and 32 per cent i n the Europe and A s i a born category. The f i r s t two columns favor the NDP} v o t i n g choices of the t h i r d do not. Looking at the IWA Loggers, f i r s t we f i n d that there are small numbers i n each of the t o t a l s f o r the row, second that the p a t t e r n of NDP support does not conform to that of the bottom ( t o t a l ) row i n the t a b l e , the Europe and A s i a born choosing the NDP candidate i n a l l of t h e i r c h oices. However, the row contains small numbers. Moving on to the saw and plywood m i l l worker IWA member row, w i t h 59 i n d i v i d u a l s , the general ".pattern "for places,- of b i r t h i n the bottom t o t a l row tends to be repeated but i n a more extreme p a t t e r n . The Europe and A s i a born support the NDP i n only 36 per cent of t h e i r v o t i n g c h o i c e s , i n s t e a d of 45 per cent • as"")the t o t a l row, the other two western Canadian categories support the NDP i n 73 per cent of t h e i r v o t i n g c h o i c e s , higher than t h e i r r a t e s of NDP support i n the t o t a l row. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of the sawmill work f o r c e by place of b i r t h does not correspond to that of the t o t a l ' p o p u l a t i o n , fewer of them being B.C. born. The t h i r d row, members of the Pulp, S u l p h i t e union, shows a general p a t t e r n of high NDP support, i r r e s p e c t i v e of place of b i r t h . There i s a place of b i r t h p a t t e r n widely divergent from the t o t a l . I t should be noted that i n the previous t a b l e , the P u l p , S u l p h i t e group made 13 of t h e i r 26 choices, 50 per cent, i n favor of the NDP, and that w i t h the r e d u c t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n i n question to 98 i n d i v i d u a l s , they made 11 of t h e i r 17 c h o i c e s , or 65 per cent i n favour of the NDP. The l a s t two rows of the t a b l e again c o n t a i n such small numbers that they cannot be i n t e r p r e t e d . We w i l l now examine a small part of a f u r t h e r t a b l e , i n which s k i l l , l e v e l i s added to the union work f o r c e d i v i s i o n s and the age and l e n g t h of community residence d i v i s i o n s . Looking back to t a b l e 12 i t i s q u i c k l y v i s i b l e that three s k i l l l e v e l s of saw and plywood workers, and the s k i l l e d i n the P u l p , S u l p h i t e union, c o n t a i n adequate numbers f o r f u r t h e r study. We add the young-old, and newcomer-oldtimer d i v i s i o n s and study the r e l a t i o n s between these general v a r i a b l e s and a l l the three at-work 88 v a r i a b l e s , union, e n t e r p r i s e type, and s k i l l l e v e l , on these four b l o c s of v o t e r s . The f i r s t three groups are of some considerable i n t e r e s t , because they show a decreasing : support f o r the HDP. The f o u r t h group has a higher r a t e of NDP support than the t o t a l work f o r c e i n t a b l e 14 or- 15. TABLE 16 FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY UNION, ENTERPRISEr'TYPEj SKILL LEVEL, AGE, AND TIME IN DIS' TRICT, FOR MAJOR WORK FORCE BLOCS ..... Union / E n t e r p r i s e / Vote Young Young J o Id Old / S k i l l L e v e l New- - Old- New- Old-comers Timers comers Timers T o t a l IWA - Saw and Plywood M i l l S k i l l e d - ' NDP *> ""; 7 0 6 73% (16) T o t a l 6 9 0 7 (22) S e m i - S k i l l e d NDP 2 3 1 3 60% ( 9) T o t a l 4 6 1 4 (15) U n s k i l l e d NDP 4 3 3 5 50% (15) T o t a l 13 4 5 o (30) T o t a l NDP • 43% (9) 69%(13) (a)4 74%(14) 60% (40) T o t a l (23) (19) 6 (19) (67) P u l p , S u l p h i t e - P u l p m i l l S k i l l e d „ ^ 7 T o t a l 1 2 4 6 4 65% (111 (17) (a) Numbers too small f o r meaningful percentages. When t h i s t a b l e i s examined, the f o l l o w i n g patterns emerge: 1. Among the saw and plywood m i l l workers, the s k i l l e d row contains predominantly old t i m e r s (9 young oldti m e r s and 7 old oldt i m e r s ) who support the NDP s t r o n g l y , i n 13 of t h e i r 16 v o t i n g choices. The small number of s k i l l e d young newcomers s p l i t t h e i r votes e q u a l l y between the NDP and the other major p a r t i e s . The row shows a t o t a l of 73 per cent of i t s votes f o r the NDP. 2. The s e m i - s k i l l e d row of saw and plywood m i l l workers, w i t h i t s t o t a l of 15 v o t e r s , shows no s i z e a b l e b l o c s of voters,, and no c l e a r and strong preferences f o r the NDP or away from i t . 89 3. T h e u n s k i l l e d r o w o f s a w a n d p l y w o o d m i l l w o r k e r s s h o w n e a r l y h a l f o f t h e i r m e m b e r s (13 o f 30) i n t h e y o u n g n e w c o m e r c a t e g o r y . V e r y f e w o f t h e v o t i n g c h o i c e s o f t h e s e 13 a r e i n f a v o r o f t h e N D P : i n f a c t , o n l y 4, o r 31 p e r c e n t . T h e s m a l l e r b l o c s o f v o t e r s i n t h e r o w t e n d t o p r e f e r t h e NDP s l i g h t l y , i n 11 o f t h e i r 17 v o t i n g c h o i c e s , a b o u t 2 o f e v e r y 3. 4. We w i l l l o o k , l a s t l y , a t t h e s k i l l e d w o r k e r s i n t h e P u l p , S u l p h i t e u n i o n who w o r k i n t h e p u l p m i l l . T h e n u m b e r s i n t h i s s e c t i o n o f t h e t a b l e a r e a l l r a t h e r s m a l l , a n d t h e r e i s a g e n e r a l m i l d p r e -f e r e n c e f o r t h e N D P . I n l o o k i n g a t t h e s a w m i l l s e c t i o n o f t h e t a b l e c o l u m n b y c o l u m n , t h e w e a k s u p p o r t b y t h e y o u n g n e w c o m e r s i s a l l a c c o u n t e d f o r b y t h e u n s k i l l e d . W h i l e t h e u n s k i l l e d c a s t o n l y 4 o f t h e i r 13 v o t e s f o r t h e N D P , o f t h e t o t a l o f 10 s k i l l e d a n d s e m i - s k i l l e d v o t e r s i n t h i s c o l u m n , 5 o f t h e m v o t e d f o r t h e N D P . S i m i l a r l y , i f t h e s k i l l e d a r e s u b t r a c t e d f r o m t h e y o u n g o l d t i m e r s a n d o l d o l d t i m e r s c o l u m n s , NDP s u p p o r t r a t e s o f 60 p e r c e n t (6 o f 10 v o t e s ) a n d 66 p e r c e n t (8 o f 12 v o t e s ) r e p l a c e t h e c o l u m n a r r a t e s o f 69 p e r c e n t a n d 74 p e r c e n t . A p a r t f r o m t h e " t h r e e e x t r e m e g r o u p s , t h e g e n e r a l p a t t e r n f o r t h e t a b l e i s o n e o f m o d e s t f a v o r i n g o f t h e N D P . T h e m o s t e x t r e m e p a t t e r n s o f NDP s u p p o r t a n d NDP n o n - s u p p o r t f o u n d s o f a r w e r e t h o s e f o u n d i n t a b l e 7, C h a p t e r I I I , i n t h e c o m b i n e d s t u d y o f y o u n g - o l d , n e w c o m e r - o l d t i m e r , a n d p l a c e o f b i r t h c a t e g o r i e s . I t t h e r e a p p e a r e d t h a t t h e r e w a s o n e b l o c o f 16 i n d i v i d u a l s who w e r e y o u n g n e w -c o m e r s , b o r n i n " E u r o p e a n d A s i a " , who c a s t o n l y 3 o f t h e i r v o t e s f o r t h e N D P , t h e r e f o r e 13 o f t h e i r v o t e s f o r t h e o t h e r p a r t i e s . T h e r e w a s a n o t h e r b l o c o f 11 i n d i v i d u a l s w h o w e r e y o u n g o l d t i m e r s b o r n o n t h e p r a i r i e s , a n d w h o c a s t m o s t o f t h e i r v o t e s (9 o f t h e 11) f o r t h e N D P . I t i s i m p r a c t i c a l t o a t t e m p t t o i n t r o d u c e f u r t h e r v a r i a b l e s i n d e v e l o p -i n g t a b l e 16. I n s t e a d , we o b s e r v e t h a t t h e r e h a v e b e e n g e n e r a l s l i g h t p r e -f e r e n c e s f o r t h e NDP c a n d i d a t e s u p t o t h i s p o i n t , w i t h a n u m b e r o f e x c e p t i o n s a s n o t e d . T h e m o s t o u t s t a n d i n g e x c e p t i o n s a r e t h e o n e s j u s t r e p o r t e d f r o m t a b l e 7. We w i l l n o w t a k e t h e t w o e x t r e m e b l o c s f r o m t h i s t a b l e a n d d i s -t r i b u t e t h e m o v e r a t a b l e b y u n i o n , e n t e r p r i s e t y p e , a n d s k i l l l e v e l c a t e -g o r i e s . I n t h i s m a n n e r , we V 7 i . l l b e a b l e t o u n c o v e r a n y o v e r l a p p i n g o f t h e w o r k - d e f i n e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i t h t h e g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . F o r i n s t a n c e , we k n o w t h a t u n s k i l l e d a n d s e m i - s k i l l e d m e m b e r s o f t h e l o g g i n g . w o r k f o r c e b e l o n g i n g t o t h e IWA a r e h i g h i n t h e i r r a t e o f NDP s u p p o r t , a n d 90 there i s some p o s s i b i l i t y of there being a high c o n c e n t r a t i o n of young ol d t i m e r s born on the p r a i r i e s , who a l s o show a very high r a t e of NDP support, i n t h i s category. On the other hand, i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e that the young-oldtimers born on the p r a i r i e s w i l l be d i s t r i b u t e d i n no p a r t i c u -l a r l y patterned way, and a l t e r n a t e l y that they w i l l be d i s t r i b u t e d i n a way patterned only i n r e l a t i o n to one or two of the three at-work charac-t e r i s t i c s . To examine t h i s matter, the c a t e g o r i e s used i n the t a b l e f o r the study of union, e n t e r p r i s e type, and s k i l l , were s l i g h t l y modified. F i r s t , s i n c e the t e c h n i c a l and c l e r i c a l s k i l l category contains only two respondents, i t i s of l i t t l e f u r t h e r concern. Second, the Papermakers union row of the t a b l e only contains s i x i n d i v i d u a l s , and the "other" union category only contains f i v e i n d i v i d u a l s . Since the categories are both very low i n t h e i r r a t e of NDP support, and s i n c e the jobs i n these c a t e g o r i e s are most l i k e Blauner's chemical i n d u s t r y workers, " r e s p o n s i b l e " l a b o r , doing c o n t r o l - i n s t r u m e n t , low l e v e l i o f p h y s i c a l l a b o r , work, l i t t l e w i l l be l o s t by c o l l a p s i n g them. The f o l l o w i n g major categories are used, each d i v i d e d i n t o s k i l l e d , s e m i - s k i l l e d , and u n s k i l l e d categories of workers. 1. IWA, l o g g i n g . 2. IWA, saw and plywood m i l l s . 3. Pulp, S u l p h i t e , pulp and paper m i l l . 4. Papermakers and E l e c t r i c a l Workers i n the pulp and paper m i l l , and Operating Engineers i n the sawmill steam p l a n t . In t h i s s e c t i o n , a problem somewhat d i f f e r e n t from previous s c r u t i n y and our general question w i l l be examined. In our i n t r o d u c t i o n , i t was s t a t e d that our general i n t e r e s t was i n the question, "Who votes f o r these people?" (the NDP candidates). We wish to i n v e s t i g a t e one b l o c of i n d i -v i d u a l s who support the NDP very s t r o n g l y , and another b l o c who support the NDP very weakly. As a consequence, we are not only i n t e r e s t e d i n votes f o r the NDP i n the f o l l o w i n g t a b l e , but a l s o i n votes f o r the other major party candidates. TABLE 17 fa") FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY UNION, ENTERPRISE TYPE, M P SKILL LEVEL — SELECTED BLOCS OF VOTERS IWA, Sawmills, e t c . Pulp, S u l p h i t e , P u l p m i l l Other Semi- Un- Semi- Un- Semi- Un-s k i l l e d s k i l l e d s k i l l e d S k i l l e d s k i l l e d s k i l l e d S k i l l e d s k i l l e d s k i l l e d T o t a l A s i a born NDP . 1 1 0 1 0 0 f_0 -^0 0'- 3 Other 1 1 9 .0/ 0 1 1 ,0- 0 . 13 T o t a l 2 2 9 1 0 1 1 0' 0 ' 16 Young NDP 4 2 2 0 -0 • 0 1 0 -0 9 Oldtimers 0 t h e r 2 ^ 0. , 0 , _. 0 : . 0 0 .0 , 2 P r a i r i e s V: • --'-born T o t a l 4 4 2 0 0 0 • 1 -0- 0' 11 (a) The bloc s are found i n t a b l e 7, page 66. A l l voters i n these two bloc s are included i n t h i s t a b l e . None of them were i n logging operations. Examining t h i s t a b l e , we f i n d that the overwhelming? bulk of both those v o t i n g f o r the NDP candidates and those v o t i n g f o r the other candidates are found i n the IWA, saw and plywood m i l l s category. This trend might have been expected, s i n c e i n the tables showing the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the workers by union and e n t e r p r i s e type, t h i s category contains 67 of the t o t a l of 117 respondents, or 57 per cent of the tabl e ' s t o t a l . When the young newcomers, Europe and A s i a born, are looked at the bulk of them (13 of the t o t a l of 16, or 81 per cent) are found i n the IWA, saw and plywood m i l l category. When the young o l d t i m e r s , p r a i r i e s born, b l o c i s looked a t , they are even more s t r o n g l y concentrated (10 of the t o t a l of 11, or 91 per cent) i n the wood products m i l l s . The two blocs showing the most divergent v o t i n g patterns are located overwhelmingly i n one broad bl o c of the work f o r c e , the bl o c p r o v i d i n g m i l d NDP support. The Paper-makers union and the "other" unions, c o n s t i t u t i n g 11 v o t e r s , and g i v i n g the NDP only two votes, does not overlap with the low NDP support b l o c of young newcomers, Europe and A s i a born. In t h i s case, i t appears that the Papermakers, Operating Engineers, and E l e c t r i c a l Workers unions contain members of the "la b o r e l i t e " who tend toward p o l i t i c a l conservatism. There i s only one "other" (Europe and Asia) born worker i n the "other" unions. The overwhelming f i n d i n g of t h i s t a b l e i s that there are 9 u n s k i l l e d workers i n the saw and plywood m i l l s who are young newcomers, Europe and A s i a born, and who a l l voted f o r the other major party candidates. We seem to have found a combination of s i x c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that d i f f e r e n t i a t e a notable b l o c of v o t e r s , none of them p r e f e r r i n g the NDP. By di s r e g a r d i n g place of employment, a s i n g l e Pulp, S u l p h i t e member v o t i n g against the NDP i s added, producing ten out of ten voters w i t h four a t t r i b u t e s i n common manife s t i n g the anti-NDP p a t t e r n . The other major f i n d i n g of the t a b l e i s t h a t , of the t o t a l of 11 young oldtim e r s born on the p r a i r i e s , w i t h t h e i r high NDP support r a t e , a l l but one of them i s a saw and plywood m i l l worker. In the second s e c t i o n , eight of the nine i n d i v i d u a l s supporting the NDP have i n common f i v e of the a t t r i b u t e s s t u d i e d . They are jpcpposed by two v o t e r s - w i t h the same f i v e a t t r i b u t e s "choosing other pariles>. The f i n d i n g i s not as dramatic as the complete r e p u d i a t i o n of the NDP by the 9 u n s k i l l e d sample members i n the upper s e c t i o n of the t a b l e . 93' P l a c e of employment f i n d i n g s from previous t a b l e s do not overlap w i t h the f i n d i n g s from Table 7. Both the group s t r o n g l y supporting the NDP and the group s t r o n g l y r e p u d i a t i n g i t are found i n the saw and plywood m i l l s , and belong to the same union. They a l s o are not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d c l e a r l y by s k i l l l e v e l . From t h i s we suggest that there may be features of o r g a n i z a t i o n of work groups and of at-work l e i s u r e groups that a l l o w the workers i n these l a r g e p l a n t s to have such divergent patterns of v o t i n g choices. Looking at P h i l p o t t ' s work, on the Longshoremen we f i n d a very extreme set of circumstances. Worker r a t i o n a l i t y i s allowed wide scope i n mani-p u l a t i n g the labour market, and a very p e c u l i a r set of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -ships provide the base f o r the use of t h i s worker r a t i o n a l i t y . F i r s t , the men spend time i n a union h i r i n g h a l l , i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h each other i n a more or l e s s e g a l i t a r i a n way. P h i l p o t t (1965:29) s t a t e s : Most of the time i n the h a l l i s spent p l a y i n g cards or t a l k i n g . There i s a great d e a l of camaraderie, laughing, j o k i n g and p h y s i c a l horseplay. The i n f o r m a l groups tend to c o n s i s t of men at the same l e v e l i n the market hierarchy-? However, there i s considerable i n t e r a c t i o n between groups and between i n d i v i d u a l s at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s as w e l l . Apparently much of the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of longshoring behavior, norms and expectations takes place at the h a l l . In the groups, experienced longshoremen can sometimes be heard d e s c r i b i n g the merits or drawbacks of p a r t i c u l a r jobs to new men. For our purpose, i t i s q u i t e unfortunate that there was no question asked that enabled us to f i n d the degree of s o c i a l i z a t i o n on 20 \ the job, or of the e f f e c t s of such s o c i a l i z a t i o n . v , While from P h i l p o t t ' s d e s c r i p t i o n , longshoremen apparently i n t e r a c t i n the h i r i n g h a l l as longshoremen and not as church members or members of ethnic or other groups, we have no access to f i r m and c o n s i s t e n t informa-t i o n on the i n t e r a c t i o n during work, or during work breaks, f o r the i n d u s t r i a l workers i n M i l l p o r t . None{of the questions was made s p e c i f i c enough f o r us to i d e n t i f y s o c i a l i z a t i o n w i t h i n a workforce and separate i t c l e a r l y from the s u s t a i n i n g of s o c i a l t i e s from other s o c i a l m i l i e u x . Chinese may have lunch with Chinese, Jehovah's Witnesses may have c o f f e e with other Jehovah's Witnesses. We do not even know whether the people th the i n d i v i d u a l t a l k s to during h i s work, h i s lunch and co f f e e breaks, are 20. . See Appendix .F._ 94. f e l l o w union members. Questions number 30 and 39 on the question-n a i r e , which are included i n Appendix F, do not allow us the neces-sary d i s t i n c t i o n s . Summary From the study of ta b l e s 14, 15, 16, and 17 we found that the respondents w i t h the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s t u d i e s were not d i s t r i b u t e d w i t h i n the d i f f e r e n t types of e n t e r p r i s e i n the same p a t t e r n as they were d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the whole sample. Our major f i n d i n g s can be summarized i n the f o l l o w i n g way: 1. We f i r s t examined union and e n t e r p r i s e type, and age and length of residence c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , w i t h accompanying patterns of v o t i n g choices. One l a r g e body of workers, the IWA members i n the saw and plywood m i l l s , were not much d i f f e r e n t i n t h e i r r a t e of NDP support from the t a b l e ' s t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . When they were d i v i d e d by age and length of residence c a t e g o r i e s , strong d i f f e r e n c e s i n r a t e of NDP support appeared, conforming g e n e r a l l y to the p a t t e r n f o r the t a b l e p o p u l a t i o n as a whole, low support by young new-comers. General s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were important i n accounting f o r t h e i r v o t i n g , w h i l e union and e n t e r p r i s e type were not. The f i n d i n g s f o r the Pulp, S u l p h i t e members i n the pulp and paper m i l l were s i m i l a r , but not so strong. The s m a l l number of Papermakers i n the same m i l l were predominantly young newcomers and showed low NDP support. The l o g g i n g e n t e r p r i s e personnel showed high NDP support and were overwhelmingly not young newcomers. In these cases there was an overlapping of general and work-defined c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i t h the same p a t t e r n of NDP support. N e i t h e r of these two categ o r i e s had enough members outside the b l o c s w i t h overlapping c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to al l o w study of the e f f e c t of the combination of a high-NDP support c h a r a c t e r i s t i c and a low-NDP support c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . 2. We then examined union and e n t e r p r i s e type, and place of b i r t h , w i t h the v o t i n g patterns accompanying these d i v i s i o n s . The v o t i n g choices of the sample members i n the saw and p l y -wood m i l l s conformed to the p a t t e r n of v o t i n g choices f o r the d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of b i r t h p l a c e , of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n under study. Those born outside the Anglo-American world had a lower frequency of NDP support than the two b l o c s of western Canada-born. However, n e i t h e r the s m a l l number of IWA members i n the logging e n t e r p r i s e s nor the Pulp, S u l p h i t e union members i n the pulp and paper m i l l conformed to t h i s p a t t e r n , the former appearing to have t h e i r v o t i n g choices unaffected by b i r t h p l a c e , the l a t t e r showing c o n s i s t e n t and moderate support f o r the NDP regardless of place of b i r t h . The respondents i n the Papermakers' union, a low NDP support group, were a l l from the Anglo-American world, a group g e n e r a l l y showing high NDP support. In t h i s case, the work-defined c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s allowed us to account f o r t h e i r v o t i n g choices, w h i l e our previous general f i n d i n g s about place of b i r t h were co n t r a -d i c t e d . We then added a f u r t h e r workforce v a r i a b l e , s k i l l l e v e l , to those examined i n number 1 above, and s t u d i e s the l a r g e r b l o c s of v o t e r s . A l l the IWA members i n the saw and p l y -wood m i l l s were s t u d i e s , and i t was found that the s k i l l e d ones s t r o n g l y favored the NDP. As very few of them were young newcomers, there was an overlap of high NDP support c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The s e m i - s k i l l e d ones c o n s i s t e d of small numbers of v o e r t s , not c l e a r l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by r a t e s of NDP support, when d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by age and length of residence, the young newcomers being c l e a r l y lower i n NDP support than those who were not young newcomers. A f i n a l b l o c s t u d i e s was that of s k i l l e d workers belonging to the Pulp, S u l p h i t e union who worked i n the pulp and paper m i l l . D i v i s i o n by age and length of residence categories was not marked by any c l e a r d i f f e r e n c e s i n r a t e of NDP preferences. F i n a l l y , two b l o c s w i t h extreme v o t i n g patterns were s t u d i e d . The f i r s t , of young newcomers born i n Europe and A s i a manifested a combination of low NDP support general a t t r i b u t e s , and was very low i n i t s l e v e l of NDP support. The second, young oldtimers born on the p r a i r i e s , d i d not show low NDP support general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and was very 96. high i n i t s l e v e l of NDP support. The question was: Were these v o t e r s concentrated i n workforces w i t h low and high NDP support r e s p e c t i v e l y ? When they were a l l o c a t e d to union, e n t e r p r i s e type, and s k i l l l e v e l c a t e g o r i e s , they were found to be q u i t e a l i k e i n terms of the f i r s t two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , being predominantly IWA members i n the saw and plywood m i l l s , and not d i s t i n g u i s h e d c l e a r l y by the t h i r d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , s k i l l l e v e l . From these v o t i n g p a t t e r n s , i t d i d not appear that any of the work-defined a t t r i b u t e s were important p r e c o n d i t i o n s i n the v o t i n g choices of these two blo c s of v o t e r s , w h i l e the general s o c i a l charac-t e r i s t i c s d i d seem to be important p r e c o n d i t i o n s , a l l o w i n g us to account f o r t h e i r v o t i n g choices. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS AND ASSESSMENT O r i e n t a t i o n s The present study was an attempt to answer the question: What kinds of i n d u s t r i a l workers i n a small i n d u s t r i a l community i n Western Canada would give t h e i r support to a party w i t h a s o c i a l i s t i c o r i e n t a t i o n ? This question was r a i s e d i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n of two kinds of general conceptions about i n d u s t r i a l workers as an i n t e r e s t group. The f i r s t one deriv e s from K a r l Marx's views on the formation of subordinate i n t e r e s t groups. A part of h i s work suggested f o r us the question: "How do those i n a subordinate category w i t h i n a s o c i e t y , be they peasants or i n d u s t r i a l workers, form s o c i a l groups of members sharing consciousness of economic and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s , and a c t i v e l y pursuing these i n t e r e s t s i n some i n t e g r a t e d way?" By subordinate we mean those who are i n co n d i t i o n s of general economic dependence and who, f o r that reason, are deprived of p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e . Given the f a c t that Marx's approach was e v o l u t i o n a r y , i t would be more u s e f u l f o r h i s t o r i c a l comparisons than f o r the a n a l y s i s of survey m a t e r i a l such as that used i n the present work. The second general conception i s from C l a r k Kerr and Abraham S i e g e l ' s view of the operation of worker i n t e r e s t groups. The authors r a i s e d the question: "On what bases can community worker populations become i n t e g r a t e d i n t o i n t e r e s t groups?" The authors' answers to t h i s question l e d us to study both d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n and d i f f e r e n c e s between the i n d u s t r i a l workforces i n our community. We adapted Kerr and S i e g e l ' s ideas to the study of v o t i n g . I t was not p o s s i b l e to check these adaptations d i r e c t l y , f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons. 1. There were d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the data; f o r i n s t a n c e , the two-year time lapse between f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n and i n t e r v i e w time r e s u l t e d i n the f a c t that some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s at i n t e r v i e w time were not e x a c t l y those that applied to the respondents at e l e c t i o n time. 2. There was a l s o some ambiguity i n Kerr and S i e g e l ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . They argued that i n i n d u s t r i e s c h a r a c t e r i s e d 97 98 by high r a t e s of s t r i k e s , and communities of workers i n such i n d u s t r i e s , the union becomes "r.;. . a kind of working c l a s s party ..." but t h i s statement was followed by an ambiguous e l a b o r a t i o n of what they meant by working c l a s s party. Kerr and S i e g e l asserted that the workers i n i n d u s t r i e s w i t h high s t r i k e r a t e s c o n s t i t u t e d i s o l a t e d masses. By the time of the e l e c t i o n our community contained a number of d i f f e r e n t i n d u s t r i e s , some of which possessed some high s t r i k e r a t e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , w h i l e others possessed medium or low s t r i k e r a t e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . F u r t h e r , from unsystematic ob s e r v a t i o n , we know of considerable m o b i l i t y between the types of e n t e r p r i s e , which of course makes i t much l e s s p o s s i b l e to c l a i m i s o l a t i o n f o r the workforce of any type of e n t e r p r i s e . For our community, the argument about i s o l a t e d masses appeared to be i n a p p l i c a b l e . To study our m u l t i - i n d u s t r y town we formulated the question: "What kinds of workers support a worker-oriented s o c i a l i s t i c p arty s t r o n g l y , moderately, or weakly?" From other w r i t e r s ' e m p i r i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l work, as w e l l as Kerr and S i e g e l ' s w r i t i n g , a number of s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were s e l e c t e d , r e l a t e d to major s t r u c t u r a l and c u l t u r a l features of our community, and used to shed l i g h t on t h i s question. Because we had a m u l t i - i n d u s t r y community, we could examine both work-defined c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and al s o c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that were f e a t u r e s of the l i f e of the i n d u s t r i a l worker pop u l a t i o n as a whole. By r e l a t i n g v a r i o u s s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to one another and to v o t i n g choices, t h e i r r e l a t i v e usefulness i n accounting f o r v o t i n g choices was s t u d i e d . In t h i s work, percentage c o n t r a s t s have been used, except where numbers appeared too s m a l l f o r l e g i t i m a t e use of such c o n t r a s t s . We were l o o k i n g f o r c l e a r d i f f e r e n c e s i n r a t e s of NDP support, and the percentage c o n t r a s t s were adequate f o r t h i s work, although they had to be used w i t h c a u t i o n . Strong d i f f e r e n c e s i n the r a t e of NDP support d i d appear i n many of our t a b l e s . Tests of s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e have not been presented. In p r e l i m i n a r y and other work, computer produced c h i square t e s t s were i n v a r i a b l y i n v a l i d . This machine e v a l u a t i o n i n d i c a t e d that too many c e l l s contained i n s u f f i c i e n t numbers. Tests of s i g n i f i c a n c e can be 99 computed from the data presented, by the person w i t h other i n t e r e s t s i n our data. C e l l s of small numbers can be e l i m i n a t e d when they are l e s s r e l e v a n t , or other t e s t s of s i g n i f i c a n c e can be used. Assumptions. To bridge g u l f s betweenOthe questions that we wished to shed l i g h t on, and the data a v a i l a b l e , assumptions were made, and s p e c i f i e d when they were made. What are the kinds of assumptions that we have used? F i r s t , there were assumptions derived from t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . Kerr and S i e g e l suggested that loggers and other high s t r i k e r a t e i n d u s t r y workers would be "tough, i n c o n s t a n t , combative and v i r i l e " . This was assumed to be a c h a r a c t e r i s a t i o n a p p l i c a b l e to the body of logging e n t e r p r i s e workforce members that we s t u d i e d . Other assump-t i o n s are a p p l i c a t i o n s of f i n d i n g s from other s t u d i e s . We assumed that.our l o g g i n g e n t e r p r i s e personnel would p a r a l l e l the B r i t i s h miners (Dennis e_t a l : T956) and that the paper machine workers would be much l i k e the i n d u s t r i a l chemical workers (Blauner: 1967). A t h i r d k i n d of assumption r e s u l t e d from unsystematic and i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c observations w i t h i n the community. For i n s t a n c e , i t was p a r t l y on t h i s b a s i s that we assumed that education had a less-immediate e f f e c t on v o t i n g than other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , which we chose to study. A f u r t h e r type of assumption was a r e s u l t of b r i d g i n g of i n t e r e s t s . Marx's and Kerr and S i e g e l ' s ideas were ap p l i e d by assuming that NDP v o t i n g choices i n our community were r e l a t e d t o , although not neces-s a r i l y i d e n t i c a l w i t h , the operation of groups that these authors had conceptualized. There was a l s o a c o n s i s t e n t use of c e r t a i n ideas about connections between s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and v o t i n g choices. We can more sharply d e f i n e these by noting some kinds of approaches to v o t i n g choice s t u d i e s used by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . We lean somewhat on Berns (1962) i n developing t h i s l i s t . The approaches assume the importance of: 1. Unconscious and i r r a t i o n a l m o t i v a t i o n s , used by the psycho-a n a l y t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d . 2. A t t i t u d e s , and s i m i l a r m o t i v a t i o n s , that are not n e c e s s a r i l y e i t h e r unconscious or i r r a t i o n a l , and are not d i r e c t l y l i n k e d to s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . 100 3. S o c i a l network p r e c o n d i t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g p o s i t i o n s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n group s o c i a l l i f e . I f f o r instance C a t h o l i c s vote L i b e r a l f r e q u e n t l y , and many L i b e r a l candidates are C a t h o l i c , the ki n d and q u a l i t y of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s between C a t h o l i c candidates and voters would be a part of an explana-t i o n of high L i b e r a l support among C a t h o l i c s . 4 . P o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e , the sharing of understandings that a l l o w candidates and voters to o r i e n t themselves to one another. Such a p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e would precede, accompany, or f o l l o w the s o c i a l network. Both Marx's and Kerr and S i e g e l ' s work depended on arguments of the l a s t three kinds . . While these authors do not introduce the arguments to e x p l a i n v o t i n g , t h e i r o r i e n t a t i o n s overlap w i t h those used i n t h i s work. A f i f t h type of o r i e n t a t i o n would assume the d i r e c t and e x c l u s i v e a c t i o n of r a t i o n a l i t y on the perception of i n t e r e s t s and the a p p l i c a t i o n of perceived i n t e r e s t s to v o t i n g choices. Needless to say, t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n was not used. Because of the ki n d of m a t e r i a l a v a i l a b l e , we could assume and i n v e s t i g a t e the e f f e c t s of v o t i n g on a general community i n d u s t r i a l worker c u l t u r e , and a l s o a c u l t u r e w i t h i n each type of e n t e r p r i s e . These were assumed to be p o t e n t i a l l y strong and important i n f l u e n c e s on the v o t i n g choices of those w i t h d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . We thus bypassed l a c k s of in f o r m a t i o n i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s job h i s t o r i e s , and the h i s t o r y and o r g a n i z a t i o n of the l o c a l l a b o r f o r c e and i t s unions. M a t e r i a l Studied A b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the community was presented. This included d e s c r i b i n g i t s i n d u s t r i a l h i s t o r y and i t s present complex of i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s , i t s l a r g e s e r v i c e workforce, and the d i f f e r e n t unions covering the i n d u s t r i a l workers. The data c o l l e c t e d were a l s o discussed. Some s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were hel d constant. We were only i n t e r e s t e d i n unionized personnel i n the i n d u s t r i a l workforce, that i s i n one of the i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s of the very l a r g e major employer. We were a l s o only i n t e r e s t e d i n those that had l i v e d i n the community 101 at the time of the previous f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n , and who had worked at the same place at e l e c t i o n time and i n t e r v i e w time. Only men were examined, thus e l i m i n a t i n g a v a r i a b l e that was, as discussed, very problematic, w i t h n e g l i g i b l e l o s s of respondents otherwise s t u d i e d . F i n a l l y , only those that showed l o c a l v o t i n g choices i n favor of the candidates of one of the four major p a r t i e s were s t u d i e d . While 308 i n t e r v i e w s had been completed, only 118 of these met the above l i m i t i n g c r i t e r i a and were usable f o r the present work. Expected Findings From our adaptation of Kerr and S i e g e l , we expected those i n d u s t r i a l workers who had most exposure to l o c a l working c l a s s s o c i a l l i f e , and e s p e c i a l l y the e a r l i e r s o c i a l l i f e i n the community, to be highest i n NDP support, given the absence of any "cross pressures", or c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s m o b i l i z e d i n t o s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s i n c l i n i n g the worker away from the NDP candidate. There was an unclearness i n t h i s e xpectation. Those who had been exposed to e a r l i e r l o c a l s o c i a l l i f e had been i n v o l v e d i n the community's c u l t u r e when the array of jobs was more r e s t r i c t e d . Logging and sawmills were then the major i n d u s t r i e s . Kerr and S i e g e l ' s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of a "high s t r i k e r a t e i n d u s t r i a l com-munity" might have a p p l i e d to our community at that time. However, newcomers would a l s o be l e s s w e l l - o r i e n t e d to community s o c i a l l i f e than o l d t i m e r s . We thus have two overlapping explanations f o r higher NDP support by o l d t i m e r s . From the l i t e r a t u r e we s t u d i e d , we expected c e r t a i n types of i n d i v i d u a l s to be low i n NDP support. These included the young, the newcomers, the Roman C a t h o l i c s , and those born outside the Anglo-American world. They a l s o included those who were i n workforces l i k e Kerr and S i e g e l ' s low s t r i k e r a t e workforces: Heterogeneous, economically more secure, more c l e a r l y upwardly mobile, and g e n e r a l l y more middle c l a s s . The p u l p m i l l , and p a r t i c u l a r l y the newest part of i t where the Papermakers' union (United Papermakers and P a p e r W O r k e r s ) members worked, seemed to meet many of Kerr and S i e g e l ' s low s t r i k e rate requirements most c l o s e l y . The work there was a l s o more f r e q u e n t l y " c o n t r o l instrument" work, l i k e the i n d u s t r i a l chemical workers t r e a t e d by Blauner. There were some a d d i t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s about which we did not 102 have a c l e a r e x p e c t a t i o n . While we st u d i e d s k i l l l e v e l , we could not assume that the s k i l l e d were e i t h e r more or l e s s f r e q u e n t l y blocked i n t h e i r m o b i l i t y than the u n s k i l l e d , e i t h e r throughout the sample or i n the workforce of any p a r t i c u l a r e n t e r p r i s e type. We d i d not have f i r m data on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the NDP as an o r g a n i z a t i o n , and the o r g a n i z a t i o n and members of the various unions, apart from the obvious f a c t of the NDP e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s both coming from the l a r g e s t union. Thus our only expectations about union memberships supporting the NDP candidates were, f i r s t , that IWA ( I n t e r n a t i o n a l Woodworkers of America) members as a b l o c and the M.P. had had more access to one another, and second, that the unions covered workforces that d i f f e r e d i n terms of Kerr and S i e g e l ' s s t r i k e r a t e c r i t e r i a . Findings, ' ' "; r " ""V.. Each s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was looked at alone as i t was i n t r o -duced, and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were then s t u d i e d i n combination. F i r s t general s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and then off-work ones were presented and s t u d i e d . This r e s u l t e d i n a body of b a s i c m a t e r i a l of the pat-terns of NDP support f o r the sample members s t u d i e d . The off-work c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s had shown no r e s u l t s that could p r o f i t a b l y be pursued. Work-defined c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were then s t u d i e d , enabling us to i n v e s t i g a t e these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as important pre-c o n d i t i o n s of NDP support. F i n a l l y , work-defined c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and general s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were s t u d i e d i n combination. When the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were looked at s i n g l y , b l o c s of voters w i t h v a r i o u s a t t r i b u t e s were found lower i n NDP support. Low support accompanied the f o l l o w i n g general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : The younger group, when a young-old d i v i s i o n was made. The o l d t i m e r s , when a d i v i s i o n was made, by length of com-munity residence, i n t o newcomers and o l d t i m e r s . The voters born outside the Anglo-American world, i n a r e s i d u a l category of "other" place of b i r t h , when a d i v i s i o n was made by place of b i r t h and three c a t e g o r i e s , the above mentioned and two western Canada c a t e g o r i e s , were used. When a d i v i s i o n was made by off-work s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i t was found that the b l o c w i t h no church membership, and the bl o c w i t h United 103 Church members and Roman C a t h o l i c s , a l l supported the NDP moderately, w h i l e the r e s i d u a l category of "others", i n c l u d i n g A n g l i c a n s , S i k h s , and Jehovah's Witnesses, showed a lower l e v e l of NDP support. When each of these groups was s t u d i e d by i t s l e v e l of church attendance, the h i g h e r - a t t e n d i n g C a t h o l i c s d i d not show a lower l e v e l of NDP support, nor d i d the high e r - a t t e n d i n g members of the "other" churches. When combinations of s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and accompanying v o t i n g patterns were s t u d i e d , the p i c t u r e became much more complex. Low NDP support was found on the par t of: those that were young newcomers. those i n the "other" place of b i r t h category, who were a l s o C a t h o l i c s , and those i n the p r a i r i e s - b o r n category who were United Church. (Small numbers of respondents were involved i n these cases). those that were young newcomers born outside the Anglo-American world. Work defined c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were next s t u d i e d , and low ra t e s of NDP support were found among: those i n the pulp and paper m i l l , those i n the Papermakers' union. the u n s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d were lower than the s k i l l e d , but not low i n NDP support i n any absolute sense. When work defined c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were studied i n combination, somewhat more complex patterns emerged. Low NDP support was found on the p a r t of: ' the Papermakers' union members i n the pulp and paper m i l l . The u n s k i l l e d workers i n the saw and plywood m i l l s who belonged to the IWA, and the semi- and u n s k i l l e d workers i n the pulp and paper m i l l belonging to the Pulp, S u l p h i t e union. The f i n a l study of combined c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , both general and work-defined ones, showed low NDP support among: young newcomers who were IWA members i n the saw and plywood m i l l s . young newcomers who were Pulp, S u l p h i t e ( I n t e r n a t i o n a l Brotherhood of Pulp, S u l p h i t e and Paper M i l l Workers) members i n the p u l p m i l l . 104 those born outside the Anglo-American world who were IWA members i n the saw and plywood m i l l s . The Papermakers, who were a l l western Canada born, were nonetheless low NDP supporters. young newcomers who were IWA members i n the saw and plywood m i l l s , and who were u n s k i l l e d . - young newcomers x^ ho were IWA members working i n the saw and plywood m i l l s and g e n e r a l l y u n s k i l l e d , who were born outside the Anglo-American world. While most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and combinations of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were found w i t h moderate NDP support, a number of them accompanied high NDP support. These inc l u d e d : C a t h o l i c s born on the p r a i r i e s , and United Church members born i n B r i t i s h Columbia, (small numbers i n each case). the logging e n t e r p r i s e employees, who belonged to the IWA. The semi-and u n s k i l l e d IWA members i n the logging e n t e r p r i s e s . the b l o c of young ol d t i m e r s who were born on the p r a i r i e s , and who were l a t e r found to be predominantly IWA members working i n the saw and plywood m i l l s , at various s k i l l l e v e l s . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s What d i d these f i n d i n g s mean? Assumptions were used i n i n t e r p r e t i n g these f i n d i n g s . The f i n d i n g s from the tab l e s were understood as showing some support f o r the f o l l o w i n g i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s : Young newcomers were regarded as l e s s f r e q u e n t l y s o c i a l i z e d to the predominant l o c a l worker s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , c u l t u r e , and accompanying a t t i t u d e s , than those who were not young 1 newcomers. The Europe and A s i a born were seen as l e s s o f t e n s o c i a l i z e d to these features of worker l i f e than those born i n western Canada. The Europe and A s i a born who were al s o young newcomers appeared to conta i n p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y fewer that were s o c i a l i z e d to l o c a l worker s o c i a l l i f e than e i t h e r the Europe and A.sia born or the young newcomers. The logging e n t e r p r i s e workers seemed to g e n e r a l l y conform to Kerr and S i e g e l ' s high s t r i k e r a t e type of workforce, as modified f o r the study of v o t i n g behaviour. They were high i n 105 NDP support, a p a t t e r n that we assumed would accompany the. p r e c o n d i t i o n s set out by Kerr and S i e g e l f o r high s t r i k e r a t e s . The Papermakers' union members working i n the pulp-m i l l on the paper machines were low i n NDP support, and had s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s p a r a l l e l l i n g those of a low s t r i k e r a t e workforce. The Papermakers were overwhelmingly westernoCanada born, and d i d not favor the NDP i n t h e i r v o t i n g choices. In t h e i r case, the high s t r i k e r a t e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of place of b i r t h was apparently of much l e s s importance than low s t r i k e r a t e work-f o r c e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as i n d i c a t o r s of i n f l u e n c e s on v o t i n g . They appeared to have the p o l i t i c a l conservatism of a " c r a f t " union. While s k i l l l e v e l and i t s e f f e c t s could not be s t u d i e d f o r the p o p u l a t i o n as a whole, p a r t l y because i t had d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t s on d i f f e r e n t workforces, i t seemed that i n the sawmills there was r e s t r i c t e d m o b i l i t y , and that w i t h i n t h i s workforce, the m o b i l i t y p a t t e r n , the community s o c i a l i z a t i o n process, and the general character of the workforce, ( d i s t r i b u t i o n . d n t o . ; s k i l l . l e v e l s ; preponderance..of ol d t i m e r s ^ ) a l l worked together to produce a s k i l l e d b l o c that was stronger i n t h e i r NDP support than the semi-C-and u n s k i l l e d . A f u r t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s somewhat more complex. While i t appeared that the loggers and the papermakers v o t i n g patterns conformed to our expectations from the adaptation of Kerr and S i e g e l , there was one other major d i f f e r e n c e i n v o t i n g choice that d i d not c l e a r l y f o l l o w from t h i s adaptation. The study of the three general charac-t e r i s t i c s had shown two b l o c s w i t h extreme and opposed v o t i n g p a t t e r n s . The f i r s t b l o c was of young newcomers born i n Europe and A s i a , who supported the NDP weakly, the second was of young o l d t i m e r s born on the p r a i r i e s , who were extremely high i n t h e i r support f o r the NDP. They d i f f e r e d from the other groups who were western Canada born and not young newcomers, and who supported the NDP moderately. When these two extreme b l o c s were stud i e d i n terms of t h e i r work-defined c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s , no c l e a r d i f f e r e n c e s appeared. They were overwhelmingly members of the IWA, working i n the saw and plywood m i l l s , and they were not c l e a r l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by s k i l l l e v e l . In the case of these two groups, 106 i t appeared that e i t h e r d i f f e r e n t workplace s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and c u l t u r e a f f e c t e d two blocs of workers w i t h i n these e n t e r p r i s e s , or that —- the .community's general worker s o c i o - c u l t u r e that we have been assuming worked i n t e n s i v e l y on one group and very weakly on the other. A f i n a l l e s s e r f i n d i n g seemed to f a l s i f y an expectation developed from the l i t e r a t u r e . Other w r i t e r s have reported strong C a t h o l i c support f o r L i b e r a l candidates. We had expected that C a t h o l i c i n d u s t r i a l workers would support the L i b e r a l s more, and the NDP l e s s , than the "no church" voters under study, and p o s s i b l y l e s s than the p a r a l l e l United Church members. We f u r t h e r supposed t h a t , as a r e s u l t of cross pressures, the high-attending C a t h o l i c s would be stronger i n t h e i r L i b e r a l support than the C a t h o l i c s as a whole. The small number of C a t h o l i c s d i d not support the NDP c l e a r l y l e s s f r e q u e n t l y than the s i m i l a r number of United Church members, nor than the l a r g e b l o c of voter s w i t h no church membership that were s t u d i e d . When the medium and high-attending C a t h o l i c s , who c o n s t i t u t e d the l a r g e r part of the C a t h o l i c s being s t u d i e d , were examined, t h e i r r a t e of NDP support increased s l i g h t l y , contrary to our expectations. These f i n d i n g s showed that, f o r our sample members at l e a s t , the C a t h o l i c i n d u s t r i a l workers were no more f r e q u e n t l y under cross pressure, pressure to vote against the NDP candidate, than the other groups of i n d u s t r i a l workers s t u d i e d . The same f i n d i n g a p p l i e d to the highe r -attending C a t h o l i c s . Assessment The data that we have been analysing have various x^eaknesses, which i n c l u d e the f o l l o w i n g : There i s a time lapse betx^een e l e c t i o n and survey which has a number of consequences, i n c l u d i n g f o r g e t f u l n e s s , and the con-sequences of immigration, emigration, and workforce m o b i l i t y . The t r a n s i e n t p o p u l a t i o n was excluded from our study because of t h i s , and the respondent's s k i l l l e v e l at i n t e r v i e x j time was not n e c e s s a r i l y the same at e l e c t i o n time. The l a c k of co-operation by the company prevented any thorough i n v e s t i g a t i o n of xrork s e t t i n g s and the s o c i a l l i f e x ^ithin these s e t t i n g s , as w e l l as of records, f o r instance of the respondents' xvork h i s t o r y . Some s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that were of i n t e r e s t f o l l o w i n g 107 Kerr and S i e g e l , have no i n d i c a t o r s ; others have only weak i n d i c a t o r s , a v a i l a b l e on the completed q u e s t i o n n a i r e s . There i s , f o r i n s t a n c e , no i n f o r m a t i o n on the respondent's income, and weak inf o r m a t i o n on h i s s k i l l l e v e l . Some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s have r i c h q u e s t i o n n a i r e responses that are a v a i l a b l e from the H o l l e r i t h cards only i n a l i m i t e d form. For i n s t a n c e , "place of b i r t h " was coded and appeared as nine c a t e g o r i e s , one being Great B r i t a i n and the United S t a t e s , another covering the r e s t of the world beyond; Canada, the United S t a t e s , and Great B r i t a i n . We c o u l d not study the B r i t i s h separate from the U.S. born, nor the Western Europeans, Eastern Europeans, and A s i a t i c s s e p a r a t e l y . Besides these weaknesses, there are other problems. One of these i s that f a c t that we are analysing 118 reported v o t i n g choices from among the g a i n f u l l y employed i n a community of 20,000. We not only l a c k the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n work s e t t i n g s , mentioned above, but we a l s o l a c k any i n t e n s i v e study of the day-to-day off-work s o c i a l l i f e of the community of 20,000 or any of i t s smaller s e c t i o n s . From the m a t e r i a l a v a i l a b l e , we cannot get a grasp of community s o c i a l l i f e of the k i n d reported by Nash and Dennis, Henriques and Slaughter, (discussed f o r instance onj pg. 24 above). A f u r t h e r s et of problems r e s u l t s from s p e c i f i c gaps i n the data. We do not have h i s t o r i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l s ' union membership, nor complete h i s t o r i e s of t h e i r i n d u s t r i a l - w o r k and other work l i f e . We do not have m a t e r i a l on / ^ i n d i v i d u a l job demands, such that we coule s c a l e jobs by features that would accompany a "tough, inconstant;;": combative and v i r i l e " workforce. Since we do not know the texture of community l i f e from i n t e r v i e w i n f o r m a t i o n , we cannot produce a f i r m d e s c r i p t i o n of e i t h e r community s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e or c u l t u r e , which we l i k e to t e s t by the use of survey-research data. We al s o do not have any way of connecting com-munity s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and c u l t u r e to v o t i n g choices by means of e m p i r i c a l data. This i s a l s o because of the above mentioned weaknesses. The major r e s u l t of our work has been the f i n d i n g of notable d i f -ferences i n the r a t e of NDP support by the d i f f e r e n t workforces i n the i n d u s t r i a l complex w i t h i n our community, and a l s o d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n these workforces when d i v i d e d by general s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . 108 We have found that those who were i n the o l d e s t i n d u s t r y , l o g g i n g , were a l s o i n the l a r g e s t union, w i t h the longest l o c a l h i s t o r y , and the workforce that r e q u i r e d heavy labor from more of i t s employees, that in v o l v e d most economic i n s e c u r i t y , that was l e a s t heterogeneous, and was most i s o l a t e d from the middle c l a s s (less-educated, l o s t community-l i f e time through a long t r i p to work) supported the NDP h i g h l y . The newest workforce, (the men on the paper machines,): doing " c o n t r o l -instrument" work, which was economically secure and provided general upward m o b i l i t y w i t h i n a heterogeneous workforce, supported the NDP p o o r l y . Second, when two b l o c s w i t h divergent general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and extreme and opposite v o t i n g patterns were stud i e d by workforce c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , they appeared overwhelmingly i n the same e n t e r p r i s e type. While the f i r s t of these f i n d i n g s supports the a p p l i c a t i o n of Kerr and S i e g e l ' s concepts of workforces to the study of v o t i n g choices f a v o r i n g a worker-oriented s o c i a l i s t i c party i n our community, the second suggests t h a t , f o r the medium s t r i k e r a t e i n d u s t r y i i i ' o u r community, t h e i r ideas were e i t h e r i n a p p l i c a b l e to the study of v o t i n g , or t h e i r hypotheses are i n c o r r e c t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of worker s o c i a l l i f e . The general conceptions from Marx and from Kerr and S i e g e l concern-ing the formation and operation of worker i n t e r e s t groups need c a r e f u l e l a b o r a t i o n and f u r t h e r t e s t i n g . Our study has made a c o n t r i b u t i o n to the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r such t e s t i n g . I t has opened new avenues f o r approaching problems of community s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n as r e l a t e d to i n d u s t r i a l worker groups. REFERENCES CITED A l f o r d , Robert R. (1964. Part y and S o c i e t y : The Anglo-American Democracies, Chicago: R.and McNally & company. Bennett, John W. 1967. "Microcosm-Macrocosm R e l a t i o n s h i p s i n North American A g r a r i a n S o c i e t y " , American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , V o l . 69, No. 5. Berelson, Bernard R., L a z a r s f e l d , Paul F., and McPhee, W i l l i a m N. 1954. Vo t i n g : A Study of Opinion Formation i n a P r e s i d e n t i a l Campaign, Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press. Berns, Walter. 1962. "Voting S t u d i e s " , Essays on the S c i e n t i f i c Study of  V o t i n g , e d i t e d by H. S t o r i n g , New York: H o l t Rinehart & Wilson. Blauner, Robert. 1967. A l i e n a t i o n and Freedom: The Factory Worker and His  In d u s t r y , Toronto: Phoenix Books, the U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press. Campbell, Angus, Converse, D., M i l l e r , W., and Stokes, D. 1960. The  American Voter, New York: Wiley. Canada, Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , ND. 1961. Census Data, unpublished computer output. Caplow, Theodore. 1964. The Sociology of Work, New York, Toronto, London: McGraw-Hill Paperbacks, U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota Press. Dahrendorf, R a l f . 1959. Class and Class C o n f l i c t i n I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y , S t a n f o r d , C a l i f o r n i a : Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press. Dennis, Norman, Kenriques, F., and Slaughter, C. 1956. Coal Is Our L i f e , London: Eyre & S p o t t i s Woode. Forde, C. D a r y l l . 1964. H a b i t a t , Economy and S o c i e t y , London: Methuen & Co. L t d . Frankenberg, Ronald. 1957. V i l l a g e On the Border, London: Cohen and West. Frankenberg, Ronald. 1966. Communities i n B r i t a i n : S o c i a l L i f e i n Town and  Country, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books L t d . Gouldner, A l v i n W. 1964. P a t t e r n s of I n d u s t r i a l Bureaucracy, Toronto: The-Free Press of Glencoe, C o l l i e r - M a c m i l l a n Canada, L t d . Horowitz, Gad. 1963. Canadian Labor i n P o l i t i c s , Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press. K e r r , C l a r k and S i e g e l , Abraham. 1954. "The I n t e r i n d u s t r y P r o pensity to S t r i k e — "An"International Comparison", I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t , e d i t e d by Arthur Kornhauser, Robert Dubin, and Arthur M. Ross, New York, Toronto, London: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc. 109 110 L a z a r s f e l d , P a u l , Berelspn, B. and Gaudet, H. 1943. The People's Choice, New I-Iork: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press. L i p s e t , Seymour M a r t i n . 1963. P o l i t i c a l Man: The S o c i a l Bases of P o l i t i c s , New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday & Company Inc. Lynd, Robert S. and Helen. 1956. Middletown, New York: Harcourt, Brace u West. Marx, K a r l . 1948. The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Moscow: Foreign Languages P u b l i s h i n g House. Marx," K a r l and Engels, F r i e d r i c h . 1968. The Communist Manifesto, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books L t d . M e i s e l , John. 1967. " R e l i g i o u s A f f i l i a t i o n and E l e c t o r a l Behaviour: A Case Study", Voting i n Canada, edited by John Courtney, Scarborough, Ontario: P r e n t i c e - H a l l of Canada, L t d . Nash, Manning. 1967. Machine Age Maya: The I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of a  Guatemalan Community, Chocago and London: Phoenix Books, The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press. Newman, Peter C. 1963.- Renegade i n Power: The Diefenbaker Years, Toronto: Mc C l e l l a n d and Stewart L t d . P h i l l i p s , P a u l . 1967. No Power Greater: A Century of Labour In B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C.: B.C. Federation of Labour, Boag Foundation. P h i l p o t t , S t uart B. 1965. "The Union H i r i n g H a l l as a Labour Market: A S o c i o l o g i c a l A n a l y s i s " , B r i t i s h J o u r n a l of I n d u s t r i a l R e l a t i o n s , V o l . I l l , No. 1. P h i l p o t t , S t uart B. 1963. Trade Unionism and A c c u l t u r a t i o n : A Comparative  Study of Urban Indians and Immigrant I t a l i a n s , unpublished M.A. Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia.. Pope, L i s t o n . 1965. M i l l h a n d s and Preachers: A Study of Gastonia, New Haven and London: Yale U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . P o r t e r , John. 1967. The V e r t i c a l Mosaic: An A n a l y s i s of S o c i a l Class and  Power i n Canada, Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press. P u r c e l l , Theodore. 1960. Blue C o l l a r Man, -'Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni-v e r s i t y Press. R e g e n s t r e i f , Peter. 1965. The Diefenbaker I n t e r l u d e : F a r t i e s and Voting i n Canada, Don M i l l s (Toronto): Longmans Canada L t d . Sayles, Leonard R. 1958. Behavior of I n d u s t r i a l Work Groups: P r e d i c t i o n  and C o n t r o l , New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. I l l Tuns t a l l , Jeremy- 1962. The Fishermen, London: MacGibbon & Kee. Woodward, Joan. 1962. Management and Technology, Department o f S S c i e n t i f i c and I n d u s t r i a l Research, Problems of Progress i n Industry — 3 , London: Her Majesty's S t a t i o n e r y O f f i c e . Zakuta, Leo. 1964. A P r o t e s t Movement Becalmed: A Study of Change i n the CCF, Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press. APPENDIX A • , Technical Characteristics of the Data  (As supplied by Martin Meissner) The sampling source consisted of the city directory. ThL s directory had just been published, the enumeration having taken place in December and January 1964-65, about five months before f i n a l interviewing began. In the directory we identified every presently working adult, and numbered separately (1) a l l persons who, according to directory information, were employed by the Company, and (2) those persons working elsewhere. By use of a book of random digits we drew a sample from each of these two series of numbers, in such a way that for every three Company employees one other name was selected. Un-less the two samples are kept separate, and proportion's in each are compared the responses of the undersampled part of the population w i l l be weighted such that the distribution corresponds to that found in the sampling universe. Table 1 describes the sampling and weighting in quantitative detail. We oversampled Company employees because we were especially interested in the nature and consequences of work experience In large production organizations with a variety of technical processes and levels of technology. Oversampling of Company employees meant that the large majority of the people we attempted to interview were men, manual workers, paid an hourly wage. We interviewed very few women and self-employed, and none of the young, the old, or housewives. In no sample survey, or even the census or the enumeration for a directory, are a l l the people ever reached from whom one hopes to obtain in-formation. There was nothing we could do about errors in the enumeration of the directory from which we started. Even then, i n the comparatively short span of 5% months from the directory enumeration to our sample interviews, people moved, changed employment, died, were committed to institutions, and entered or l e f t the labor force. In addition, some people exercised their right to refuse an interview. For the 462 addresses we used for the f i n a l interviews, we completed interviews with 308, or two-thirds of the sample.^  ' The distribution of reasons for the loss i s shown in Table 2. A few suggestions should be made here, however. Most interview surveys deal with samples from the general adult population containing a large proportion of housewives, and larger pro-portions of white-collar workers and the better educated. These categories contain more people who are accessible and ready to be interviewed. In addition, our Company sample contained many people on shift work and thus harder to reacho The proportion of people who l e f t the sample population was not replaced, as i t were, by those who entered i t , because the latter, were not included in the i n i t i a l l i s t i n g . This leaves out those who moved into the community or into the labor force during the time between directory enumeration andinterviewing, and thus reduced the proportion of the young and mobile in comparison to what i t actually i s in the population. Two other characteristics of the sampling procedures were important for subsequent work. The main sample was set up such that we could stop whenever time ran out without being bound to a specific number of names. As long as we kept the sequence of random selection each name had an equal chance of being used* We also drew a sample of forty-eight names for a pretest in Millport of the last-to-final interview schedule. A 1 Table 1 Sampling and Weighting Listed in directory as working Ratio of "Company"/"Other" in directory Drawn in sample Ratio of "Company"/"Other" in sample Per cent of populations sampled Interviews completed Weighting factor applied Number after weighting Ratio of "Company"/"Other" after weighting Difference between "Company"/"Other" ratios in directory and in weighted interviews Per cent of sampling population interviewed - unweighted - weighted Company 3,687 .815 347 3 9.4 239 1 239 .865 .5 6.5 6.5 Other Total 4,523 8,210 1. 115 462 1 2.5 69 308 4 276 515 1. 1.5 6.1 3.8 6.3 Tabic 2 Interview Response Interview completed 308 67% Refusals a) refused by a r e l a t i v e 10 b) p l a i n r e f u s a l ("not interested") 17 c) no time, too busy 19 d) too busy, b u i l d i n g house 6 e) d i s t r u s t f u l , h o s t i l e , concerned with 17 69 15 privacy Inaccessible a) does not speak English 5 b) not at home (average of over 6 attempts 11 16 3 each) Not i n sample a) dead 5 b) moved 28 (6%) c) no such person or address 5 d) works out of town (away for long period) 9 e) not working - on compensation 3 - s i c k - 6 - r e t i r e d , disabled 3 - out of work, changing jobs 4 - women who stopped working 4 - on extended holiday _2 22 (5%) 69 15 462 100% ( \ A 2 Altogether the f i n a l interviews were preceded by f i v e s e r i e s of pret e s t i n g , a n a l y s i s , review, and r e v i s i o n , and i n the process the research crew acquired the necessary s k i l l s and f a m i l i a r i t y with the research problems. In the months of May and June, 1965, f i v e research assistants worked i n the community as interviewers. They had undergone extensive t r a i n i n g i n the f i e l d and i n formal i n s t r u c t i o n . P r i o r to the f i n a l interviewing a great deal of time was spent i n a c a r e f u l l y designed pretest i n the community, i n the evaluation of pretest results,and i n the development of the f i n a l i n t e r -view schedule. The l a s t pretest was designed to determine the most e f f e c t i v e method of approaching respondents. Thepretest interviews were systematically d i s -t r i b u t e d over the two samples and the interviewers. For each of these con-d i t i o n s the method of approach was var i e d i n four ways: (1) phoning for an appointment and then going to the respondent's home; (2) going d i r e c t l y to the respondent's home; (3) sending a l e t t e r , phoning, and going to the home; and (4) sending an introductory l e t t e r and going to the respondent's home. As only the r e f u s a l rate was to be evaluated, names for people who had l e f t the sampling population were systematically replaced. An evaluation of r e s u l t s had to be made before a l l pretest interviews were completed. This evaluation revealed that Method 4 (sending l e t t e r and going to respondent's home) r e s u l t e d i n the le a s t number of r e f u s a l s and Method 2 (phoning, without l e t t e r ) i n the la r g e s t . We decided then to use Method 4 for a l l of the f i n a l interviews and immediately proceeded to prepare l e t t e r s and envelopes for regular mailing a few days before the planned interview dates. Table 3 shows the d i s p o s i t i o n of a l l pretest interviews. At the beginning of f i n a l interviewing, r e f u s a l s declined r a p i d l y as interviewers s t i l l learned, and was held at around 137. f o r most of the interviewing period. I t rose again during the mopping-up at the end. Code manuals were prepared for several parts of the i n d i v i d u a l interviews and f o r the interviews with representatives of organizations. In the coding operations a procedure was used s i m i l a r to that of the pre-parations f o r interviewing: repeatedly t e s t i n g , reviewing and redesigning before beginning the regular coding. Just as each interview record was c a r e f u l l y checked a f t e r the interview, we checked the quality of the coding. Each coding sequence required t r i a l runs of sub-sample of responses, sometimes the actual w r i t i n g out of answers, and a r e v i s i o n of the code manual. A subsample of interview schedules was coded agian by f i v e coders, in c l u d i n g the two o r i g i n a l coders. We c a r e f u l l y compared the two code sheets for each interview question-by-question, and recorded differences. A l l of the questions which produced more than small amounts of apparently accidental error were completely reviewed, the code manual re v i s e d again and a l l of these questions recoded for a l l interviews. Taking as a base the twenty-five checked interviews times the ninety-seven questions coded i n the f i r s t round, we had i n i t i a l l y a coding error of 4%%. Recoding at t h i s and the card cleaning stage w i l l have reduced that r a t e to below two per cent. One p a r t i c u l a r error i n a sequence of questions r e s u l t i n g from a misunderstanding on the part of one interviewer was corrected by a c t u a l l y re-interviewing these respondents. A further sequence of r e c o n c i l i n g inconsistencies took place with the data on punched cards. Table 3 Pretest, and Experiment i n Methods of Approach Exp er iment„ Count i n g Only 'Completed* and 'Refused': Methods of Approach Inter- 1 2 3 4 Total Per Cent viewer Outcome Telephone Dir e c t Letter & Phone Letter Refused 1 Completed 0 2 3 2 7 Refused 3 1 0 2 6 46 3~" 3 3 4 13 2 Completed 2 1 2 2 7 Refused 2 0 1 0 3 30 4 1 3 2 10 3 Completed 2 2 2 3 9 Refused .JL 1 1 0 3 25 3 3 3 3 12 Tot a l Completed 4 5 7 7 23 Refused 6 o Z. 2 2 12 34 10 7 9 9 35 Per Cent Refused 60 29 22 22 34 A l l Pretest and Tra i n i n g Interviews: Per Cent Pretest: Completed 4 5 7 7 23 55 Refused 6 2 2 2 12 28% Unavailable 0 4 1 2 7 16% 10 11" 10 11 42 100 Per Cent Refused 60 18 20 18 Interviewer 4 Training Interviews Completed 2 Refused 3 Unavailable 1 6 To t a l Pretest Sample 48 Comparison of Pretest with F i n a l Outcomes: Per Cent Per Cent Completed & Refused Completed, Refused & Unavailable Pretest F i n a l Pretest F i n a l A l l Letter (Letter) A l l Letter (Letter) Completed 66 78 82 55 .64 67 Refused 34 22 18 28% 18 15 Not i n Sample 16% 18 18 or Inaccessible 100 100 100 100 Too 100 A 3 Records for a time budget of a c t i v i t i e s f o r one working day (the l a s t before the interview) were obtained from nearly a l l the respondents a c t u a l l y interviewed.. Of our 308 respondents we have no adequate Time Record for seven, and for two the quality of the record i s somewhat questionable. The loss of d e t a i l from r e l i a n c e on memory would apply to our data. We have no data on the number of en t r i e s , but rather the number of items of a c t i v i t y on which respondents spent t i m e For the 301 records, the d i s t r i b u t i o n by number of a c t i v i t i e s i s as follows: Number of Number of Per cent items of respondents a c t i v i t y 5 1 -7 3 1 8 4 1 9 9 3 10 18 6 11 25 8 12 41 13 13 40 13 14 54 18 15 37 12 16 28 9 17 21 7 18 11 4 ! 19 4 1 20 4 1 22 1 -The average (mean, median, and mode) i s 14 a c t i v i t y items, ranging from a minimum of 5 to a maximum of 22. Volimtary Organizations i n the Community What "organizations" may be seen to have i n common are at l e a s t : e x p l i c i t purpose(s) to which i t s a c t i v i t i e s are directed; a set of formal p o s i t i o n s ; a number of rules that regulate the conduct of i t s a f f a i r s ; and c r i t e r i a for membership and performance. "Organizations" would thus include, i n t h i s community, probably hundreds of businesses, a number of o f f i c e s of the government at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s , and other places where people do t h e i r work. In these cases, "membership" i s maintained by meeting c e r t a i n quite clear performance c r i t e r i a . You continue to be an employee i n one of these organ-i z a t i o n s , for instance, by r e g u l a r l y attending to your work. From these work organizations, other organizations are distinguished as "voluntary" by the fa c t that s p e c i f i c performance, such as regular attendance, i s not a condition of maintaining membership. The status of being a member i s i n these cases commonly obtained and kept by meeting c e r t a i n minimal conditions other than regular performance, such as paying membership dues or sometimes only the sharing of a common o r i e n t a t i o n . Even though you may become a member of a labor union or a p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n often only on condition of doing c e r t a i n kindsof work, there are commonly no s p e c i f i c performance demands. On the other hand, sports teams require performance, but entry i s not a matter of necessity as i t usually i s for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a work organization. Sports teams generally are often weak organizations by having l i t t l e of a structure of formal p o s i t i o n s . As we searched d i r e c t o r i e s , l o c a l newspapers, interview responses and talked to knowledgable people, the number of voluntary organizations i n the community grew larger and l a r g e r . Since our sample interviews were con-cerned only with presently working adults, and since working women were few i n number i n the samples and would not l i k e l y have much time and i n c l i n a t i o n f or women's organizations mostly attended by housewives, we excluded from our enumeration a l l organizations directed p r i m a r i l y to the i n t e r e s t s of persons not i n the labor force ( p a r t i c u l a r l y organizations of women, youth, and the aged)* The remaining organizations s t i l l constitute a bewildering v a r i e t y of aims, a c t i v i t i e s , and organizational form, and range from such large organ-i z a t i o n s as an i n d u s t r i a l union or a major church, with an elaborate structure of subgroups and of positions ordered i n a hierarchy, and themselves part of much larger organizations, to such feeble groupings as a card playing club or a sports team. Our l i s t i n g includes some 203 organizations, as shown i n Table 4. Some of these w i l l have gone out of existence and others w i l l have sprung up. While we were gathering our data, for instance, one or two churches seemed to give up operations, and two labor union l o c a l s merged,, The number of sports teams i s not clear and probably quite unstable,, Two of the larger work organizations have several sports groups and i t i s d i f f i c u l t to deter-mine how many exactly there are. A number of l o c a l groups, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the unions, are small parts of larger organizations having t h e i r o f f i c e s elsewhere. We have included only those with at least one formal p o s i t i o n i n the community (such as a job steward who heads a union sublocal) or with formal representation on a l o c a l superordinate organization (such as the labor c o u n c i l ) . If we take approximately 8,000 persons as the possible constituents of about 200 voluntary organizations, there would be one organization for every f o r t y persons. Intensive interviews were conducted with representatives of community organizations. Of some 220 community organizations we had l i s t e d , i n t e r -views were obtained from f i f t y - f i v e . Most of these interviews were recorded on tape, and 49 were coded and punched on cards. By and large, the s e l e c t i o n of organisations f o r interviews was governed by t h e i r s i z e as determined by the number of respondents rep o r t i n g membership. We decided to exclude cer-t a i n classes of organizations from those to be interviewed. Among these were organizations of women, adolescents, c h i l d r e n , and the aged, and semi-contractual groups such as volunteer firemen, taxpayers, and parent-teacher a s s o c i a t i o n s . We attempted some reasonably even d i s t r i b u t i o n over the four main categories: service and f r a t e r n a l organizations, sports groups, churches, and labor unions. Organised groups concerned with arts and c r a f t s would have been of i n t e r e s t . Although f a i r l y large i n number they are small i n membership and were thus also excluded . Table 4 Voluntary Organizations i n the Community 21 2 2 _4 29 3 Religious C h r i s t i a n Church 26 Religious group not part of church __4 30 P o l i t i c a l Party 5 Frate r n a l and Service 23 Ethnic 12 Recreation Team Sport - 17 Sportsmen's 35 Arts and Crafts 14 Table Game _4 70 Public Benefit Safety 9 Health _8 17 Cooperative 7 Superordinate 4 7 Ad Hoc 4 3 Total 203 Not included i n t h i s listing are organizations exclusive to women and organizations p r i m a r i l y directed to the in t e r e s t s of youth and o l d age. Also not included are semi-public, semi-p o l i t i c a l groups as recreation commissions, l o c a l improvement and rate payers associations. ^There are i n addition 7 labor unions, 7 professional associa-tio n s , and 6 trade associations f o r which memberships were disclosed i n interviews; but these are organizations without apparent l o c a l o f f i c e or p o s i t i o n s . 3 Associations which are subsidiary to l o c a l church organiza-tions are not counted. 4 Superordinate organizations are organizations c f organizations, at l e a s t i n the sense that persons attending meetings and occupy-ing o f f i c e do so as representatives of other orgeJiizations. Ad hoc groups d i r e c t t h e i r e f f o r t s to s p e c i f i c , temporary pr o j e c t s . Occupational Labor Union Professional Businessmen 1s I n d u s t r i a l 4 A 5 The reason why we conducted these interviews, and why we selected them as we d id , are as fo l lows. We obtained extensive information from our i n -d iv idua l respondents on the i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community organiza t ions c ' In order to make that, information more meaningful we required data on the charac te r i s t i cs of these organizat ions. After c l a s s i fy ing each organization we w i l l assign these characteristics to each of the ind iv idua l respondents who are members of that organizat ion. We can thus match the qua l i t i e s and behaviors of ind iv idua l s with the properties of the orgai iza t ions to which they belong. Some Character is t ics of the Community M i l l p o r t consists of several communal en t i t i e s with different forms of incorporation,. I t i s located on a seawater i n l e t , surrounded by mountains, i n the midst of forests abundant with the large trees of the Pacif ic-Coast region of Canada. On coming into town from over the mountains one cannot overlook some of the most obvious qua l i t i e s of th i s community. The smoke from the large smokestacks and the smell of pulp production immediately ad-ve r t i se the presence of industry,, Nearly a l l of the town's waterfront i s covered by a series of m i l l s . On the water there are large amounts of logs which are constantly being fed into the mi l l s , , One does not have to stay long to discover that large ocean-going freighters move s teadi ly through the harbor. On the other side of town huge log trucks can be seen and heard every few minutes. They come down logging roads that cut across the mountains everywhere* What one finds here i s a large and integrated operation that drives large chunks of forest through a heavi ly mechanized process and spews out bulky and ne&tly packaged products, loaded d i r e c t l y into the ships which take them to other parts of the world. There are r o l l s of newsprint with the fasc ina t ing names of faraway newspapers stamped on them; careful ly wrapped stacks of plywood; bundles of lumber wi th painted endsa The h i s tory of th i s place has been i n d u s t r i a l from the beginning of European settlement. About a century ago, waterfront land was brought from the Indians for a hundred dol la rs worth of blankets and b i s c u i t s , and a saw-m i l l s tarted producing spars for s a i l i n g vessels with machinery brought i n v i a Cape Horn. During one year as many as s ix ty ships came into the harbor, and i n one period of three years some t h i r t y - f i v e m i l l i o n feet of timber were exported. The m i l l closed after a few years when business declined at the time of the C i v i l War and i t was f e l t that there was lack of hmdy timber. Later some land was cleared for farming, and for a short period s lu ice boxes were operated i n search of gold. Some seventy years ago, a pulp m i l l was set up, using imported rags as raw mater ia l , and closed down two years l a t e r . Modern times began for the community some f i f t y - f i v e years ago, with c i t y incorporat ion, the a r r i v a l of the r a i l r o a d , and the establishment of a sawmil l . Fif teen years la te r another sawmill was b u i l t , and, after another twenty years, a plywood m i l l , followed shor t ly by a kraf t mi l lo Since then a series of changes i n the corporate organization of the industry has even-t u a l l y resul ted i n the establishment of an integrated production operation owned by a s ingle f i rm. The las t m i l l of another company closed down a few years ago. A 6 The shipping records of exports from the harbor display both the growth <ff output and the beginning of new classes of product. A recent twenty-year period begins with shipping of a l i t t l e over a hundred thou-sand tons of lumber, timber and pulpwood, and ends with close to six hun-dred thousand tens, now also including plywood, woodpulp, newsprint, and paperboardo The first appearance of shipping figures for a new product is a sign of the start of a r;ew industrial operation, during the twenty-year period in the 3rd. 6th., 12th. and 15th year* In the four Census decades from 1921 the population increased about ten times, but the rate of increase has been declining, from a doubling of the population in each of the first two decades, to a 3/4 increase in the third, and under % in the last. The population is now about twenty thou-sand. About one-fourth of the population are immigrants,,* The propor-tion of immigrants among our sample respondents is thirty-five percent. The sex ratio (number of males per hundred females) is 110, compared with 99 in Bigcity, suggesting perhaps a larger proporation of young unmarried workers. The impression created on coming to Millport, that this is an in-dustrial town, is confirmed by data on the characteristics of the labor force. Forty-five per cent of the working adults counted in the directory are employees of the Company, by far the largest single employer. The next lar employer would probably account for no more than three per cent of the labor forceo A comparison of the labor force in Millport and Bigcity, by occupa-tion and by industry, reveals some sharp differences. Per cent of Labor Force by Industry: Millport Bigcity Primary industries(agriculture, forestry, 8% 2% fishing and mining Manufacturing and construction 47 24 A l l services and trade 42 71 Per cent of Labor Force by Occupation: Khitc: cellar and servieer-Workers'.'(managerial professional,' clerical, :"'sales, service, transportation, communication) 43 69 Farming, logging, fishing, mining 6 2 Production workers and laborers 49 26 In the larger region Millport is one of the very few distinctly > industrial communities. In the particular comparison with the central city of the major metropolitan area, the proportion of people working in Manufactur-ing industries, and the proportion of production workers, are both about twice as large in Millport as in Bigcity 0 -The Census of Canada reports in different places and categories for three areas of this community, depending on their size. The result is that there is no uniform information on the whole community except for population size and sex distribution. Some comparisons are made between Millport and "Bigcity", the central city of the largest metropolitan area in the region, without specifically indicating that the coerce information is in many casss partial. The last Census year on which this account relies was 1961. A 7 The average income of wage earners i n M i l l p o r t i s some f i v e hundred d o l l a r s higher than i n B i g c i t y . This i s only i n part accounted for by the fac t that about t h i r t y - f i v e per cent of the wage earners i n B i g c i t y are women (who earn much less than men) and only about twenty per cent i n M i l l p o r t . For men alone the difference i s s t i l l some four hundred d o l l a r s . The income d i s t r i b u t i o n coincides with v i s u a l impressions that M i l l p o r t has comparatively less i n d i v i d u a l poverty or wealth. Even when looking beyond the extremees, incomes i n M i l l p o r t appear more concentrated i n the middle categories. Among the income-tax payers, close to one h a l f are i n the^$4,000-6,000 income group i n M i l l p o r t , and only one t h i r d i n B i g c i t y . Taxpayers' incomes: M i l l p o r t B i g c i t y Under $2,000 18% 12% $2,000 - 3,999 21 34 $4,000 - 5,999 48 33 $6,000 - 9,999 20 17 $10,000 and over 2 5 Only a very l i m i t e d set of figures i s av a i l a b l e f or r e l a t i v e changes i n employment and production. In a recent four-year period, logging and m i l l i n g employment i n the community declined on the average by about s i x per cent every year, while log production rose annually by an average nine per cent. These data should be regarded with caution since employment changes were not shown fo r plywood and pulp and paper for which there was probably some increase from plant expansion. Even then, the pi c t u r e of r i s i n g production with d e c l i n i n g employment i s not l i k e l y to change r a d i c a l l y . It would indi c a t e continuing heavy mechanization i n the industry. About seventy-five per cent of the "paid employees" (judging by the d i s t r i b u t i o n i n our samples) i n t h i s community are members of labor unions, compared to about forty-three per cent throughout the province. In the period from 1952-1963 there were f i v e p r o v i n c i a l and f i v e federal elections. dsow <ai .the prc^ina^i.;ia^d>rfQM).q^, tifeaj Sfi^akre*e<}fcft^,.the candidate of the C C F . or N.D.P. was voted into o f f i c e . We can now combine a number of elements of the preceding d e s c r i p t i o n . We observe here a working population with widely shared and comparatively s i m i l a r work experiences; highly unionized; predominently i n an industry engaged i n mass production i n heavily mechanized operations; with a f a i r l y homogeneous income d i s t r i b u t i o n ; a comparatively smaller proportion of women i n the labor force; ' containing a sizeable segment of immigrants; and l i v i n g i n a community somewhat i s o l a t e d from the greater v a r i e t y of experiences and s o c i a l contacts possible i n a larger urban area. APPENDIX B VOTING CONSISTENCY IN FEDERAL AND PROVINCIAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICES I t has already been noted that a very high l e v e l of v o t i n g consistency -was found during s c r u t i n y of p r e l i m i n a r y t a b l e s . Overwhelmingly, people voted f o r the same party i n both e l e c t i o n s , when i t ran a candidate i n both e l e c t i o n s . A t a b l e was produced to study the v o t i n g consistency of the community. While women vot e r s were i n c l u d e d , those that had not l i v e d i n the community fo r two years, and those that had not been working at t h e i r place of employ-ment f o r two years, were excluded, as t h e i r v o t i n g choices cannot be used i n the examination of the complex of s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s undertaken here. Respondents were a l l o c a t e d to one of f i v e c a t e g o r i e s f o r the f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n and to one of four categories f o r the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . The discrepancy i n the number of categories i s the r e s u l t of the absence of a L i b e r a l candidate i n the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . While t h i s absence has caused c e r t a i n problems, i t has al s o allowed us to do one i n t e r e s t i n g b i t of a d d i t i o n a l a n a l y s i s , which i s presented below. Because of the absence of a p r o v i n c i a l L i b e r a l candidate, the f e d e r a l L i b e r a l candidate choices are presented i n the l a s t l i n e of the body of the t a b l e , thus they are a v a i l a b l e f o r separate treatment. The votes f o r the candidate of each major party c o n s t i t u t e s a category l a b e l l e d w i t h the name of the pa r t y : New Democratic P a r t y (NDP), Pr o g r e s s i v e Conservative (PC), S o c i a l C r e d i t (SC), or L i b e r a l ( L ) . There are al s o two categ o r i e s of those who do not rep o r t a v o t i n g choice i n favor of the candidates of the major p a r t i e s . The f i r s t of these cat e g o r i e s contains those that we c a l l " c l e a r l y l o c a l l y i n e l i g i b l e " . These are those who were not c i t i z e n s , or were too young, or reported having voted elsewhere. The second of these c a t e g o r i e s i s a r e s i d u a l category, and contains those who would not say x^homthey voted f o r , those who could not remember whom they voted f o r , those x-?ho voted f o r l o c a l candidates other than those of the major p a r t i e s , and those who d i d not vote. This re'sidxial category c o n s i s t s of those that show "no s t a t e d major party l o c a l vote, but not c l e a r l y i n e l i g i b l e . ' B 1 TABLE 1 VOTING CONSISTENCY.OF THE SAMPLE LOCAL FEDERAL VOTE, BY LOCAL PROVINCIAL VOTE ( a)  P r o v i n c i a l V o t e NDP P.C. C l e a r l y No l o c a l major S.C. L o c a l l y P a r t y Vote (not ' - . e l i g i b l e ^ c l e a r l y i n e l i g i b l e ) T o t a l Federal Vote NDP 77 J "7 88 P.C. 18 22 C l e a r l y l o c a l l y x n e l i b i b l e 17 23 No major party l o c a l vote, not c l e a r l y i n e l i g i b l e 9 L i b e r a l T o t a l 12 105 16 3 12 47 17 48 68 60 37 253 Males and females, two years or more i n d i s t r i c t , two years or more at place of employment B 3 E x a m i n a t i o n o f t h i s t a b l e s h o w s u s t h e f o l l o w i n g v o t i n g c o n s i s t e n c i e s a n d i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s . 77 r e s p o n d e n t s r e p o r t e d c h o o s i n g NDP c a n d i d a t e s i n b o t h e l e c t i o n s 8 r e s p o n d e n t s r e p o r t e d c h o o s i n g P . C . c a n d i d a t e s i n b o t h e l e c t i o n s 22 r e s p o n d e n t s r e p o r t e d c h o o s i n g S . C . c a n d i d a t e s i n b o t h e l e c t i o n s 1 0 7 r e s p o n d e n t s t h e n r e p o r t e d c h o o s i n g t h e s a m e p a r t y i n b o t h e l e c t i o n s 8 m o r e r e s p o n d e n t s c h o s e P . C . i n o n e e l e c t i o n , S . C . i n t h e o t h e r ( t h e s e m i g h t b e r e g a r d e d a s " r i g h t - w i n g " v o t i n g s w i t c h e s ) 9 r e s p o n d e n t s r e p o r t e d c h o o s i n g t h e NDP i n o n e e l e c t i o n a n d e i t h e r t h e P . C . o r S . C . c a n d i d a t e i n t h e o t h e r e l e c t i o n (we r e g a r d t h e s e a s " l e f t - r i g h t " v o t i n g s w i t c h e s ) 1 2 4 r e s p o n d e n t s r e p o r t e d m a k i n g v o t i n g c h o i c e s f o r o n e o f t h e s e t h r e e -p a r t i e s i n e a c h o f t h e t w o e l e c t i o n s . O n l y 7 p e r c e n t ( 9 ) o f t h e s e v o t e r s m a d e l e f t - r i g h t v o t i n g s w i t c h e s , a n d 86 p e r c e n t ( 1 0 7 ) r e s p o n d e n t s ) v o t e d c o n s i s t e n t l y f o r t h e s a m e p a r t y . T h e r e m a i n i n g 6 p e r c e n t ( 7 ) s h o w l e f t - r i g h t , b u t n o t p a r t y , c o n s i s t e n c y , ( d u e t o r o u n d i n g , t h i s c o n s t i t u t e s a t o t a l o f o n l y 9 9 % ) . L o o k i n g a t t h o s e t h a t m a d e a c h o i c e f o r t h e L i b e r a l c a n d i d a t e w h e n t h e r e w a s o n e a v a i l a b l e i n t h e f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n , i , (a t o t a l o f 37 v o t e r s ) , we f i n d t h a t t h e i r c h o i c e s i n t h e p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n w e r e a s f o l l o w s : 12 v o t e d NDP i n t h e o t h e r e l e c t i o n , 5 v o t e d P . C . i n t h e o t h e r e l e c t i o n , 12 v o t e d S . C . i n t h e o t h e r e l e c t i o n , a n d 8 d i d n o t v o t e i n t h e o t h e r e l e c t i o n . O f t h e s e v o t e r s , t h e n , a b o u t 1 / 3 c h o s e t h e NDP c a n d i d a t e , u n d e r 1 / 2 c h o s e t h e t w o " r i g h t " c a n d i d a t e s , a n d 1 / 5 c h o s e n o t t o v o t e a t a l l . W h e t h e r we r e g a r d t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l s a s c o m m i t t e d L i b e r a l s b e i n g p o l a r i z e d , o r a s t h o s e s l i g h t l y l e f t a n d s l i g h t l y r i g h t o f c e n t e r b e i n g g i v e n , i n t h e f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n , t h e c h o i c e t o c h o o s e a c e n t e r p a r t y c a n d i d a t e , i t s e e m s q u i t e s o u n d t o s a y t h a t i n t h e e y e s o f t h e l o c a l e l e c t o r s , t h e L i b e r a l p a r t y a s i m a n i f e s t s i t s e l f l o c a l l y i s a " c e n t e r " p a r t y o f s o m e s o r t . B 4' V o t i n g C h o i c e s a n d S a m p l e C o m p o s i t i o n b y S e x a n d W o r k F o r c e D i v i s i o n s I n s t u d y i n g c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n v o t i n g c h o i c e s a n d p o s i t i o n i n t h e w o r k f o r c e , i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o c o n s i d e r t h e p o s s i b l e e f f e c t s o f s e x o n p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s a n d b e h a v i o u r . . S e x h a s b e e n f o u n d t o b e a n i m p o r t a n t d i f f e r e n c e w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r p o p u l a t i o n r e g a r d i n g d e g r e e a n d k i n d o f p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t ( C a m p b e l l , C o n v e r s e , M i l l e r a n d S t o k e s , 1 9 6 0 : 4 8 3 - 4 9 3 ; a n d R e g e n s t r e i f , 1 9 6 5 : 9 5 , 9 6 ) . T h e w h o l e m a t t e r o f t h e e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e i n f l u e n c e o f s e x o n v o t i n g i s c o m p l e x , a n d we w o u l d h a v e t o go i n t o i t d e e p l y e n o u g h t o p r o v i d e t h e r e a d e r w i t h s o m e a c c o u n t o f o u r t r e a t m e n t o f . t h i s s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , w e r e i t n o t f o r o n e f a c t r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e f r o m s u b s e q u e n t t a b l e s . O u r c o m m u n i t y g r e w u p f r o m a l o g g i n g camp t o a l o g g i n g , s a w m i l l a n d p u l p m i l l t o w n a n d i t s i n d u s t r y h a s a l w a y s b e e n o v e r w h e l m i n g l y m a l e . Women a r e o n l y f o u n d i n a f e w s m a l l a r e a s o f t h e a c t u a l p r o d u c t i o n a n d m a i n t e n a n c e i n d u s t r i a l w o r k f o r c e — w h e n t h e i n t e r v i e w e r s t o u r e d t h e e n t e r p r i s e s women w e r e o n l y s e e n i n p r o d u c t i o n w o r k i n t h e p l y w o o d m i l l , a n d i n c l e r i c a l p o s i t i o n s e l s e w h e r e i n t h e c o m p a n y w o r k f o r c e . T h e s e x a n d t h e y o u t h - a d u l t , c o m p o s i t i o n o f t h e w o r k f o r c e s e e m s t h e o p p o s i t e o f t h a t p o r t r a y e d b y L i s t o n P o p e i n h i s s t u d y o f a N o r t h C a o l i n a t e x t i l e t o w n . P o p e n o t e d t h e e x i s t e n c e o f " m i l l d a d d i e s " - ( P o p e , 1 9 6 5 : 6 5 ) : I t i s t h e p e c u l i a r f u n c t i o n o f " m i l l d a d d i e s ' t o c a r r y l u n c h e s t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n a t w o r k i n t h e m i l l s , a n d t h i s c o n s t i t u t e s a l m o s t t h e i r o n l y r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , I t a p p e a r e d t h a t t h e r e w e r e f a r t o o f e w women i n t h e u n i o n - c o m p a n y w o r k f o r c e f o r u s t o r i s k t h e i n c l u s i o n o f a n o t h e r v a r i a b l e . A s a c o n s e -q u e n c e , t h e women i n t h e u n i o n - c o m p a n y g r o u p w e r e d r o p p e d f r o m o u r c o n s i d e r a t i o n . T h i s l e f t u s w i t h t w o l e s s NDP s u p p o r t e r s , a n d o n e l e s s n o n - v o t e r , b u t i t a l l o w s t h e r e a d e r t o a s s u m e t h a t a l l t h e h e t e r o g e n e i t y we a r e s t u d y i n g i s h e t e r o g e n e i t y among m e n . B e f o r e l e a v i n g t h e w o m e n , a n d t h e v o t e r s o u t s i d e o f t h e u n i o n - c o m p a n y c a t e g o r y , we w i s h t o t a k e a b r i e f l o o k a t v o t i n g c h o i c e s b y t h e i n d i v i d u a l s t w o y e a r s i n t h e d i s t r i c t a n d t w o y e a r s a t t h e i r p l a c e o f e m p l o y m e n t . F i r s t , w h a t a r e t h e r e p o r t e d v o t i n g c h o i c e s o f t h e men a n d women who m e e t t h e s e l a s t t w o r e q u i r e m e n t s ? TABLE 2 FEDERAL ELECTION VOTING CHOICES BY SEX ( A l l community g a i n f u l l y employed w i t h two years i n d i s t r i c t and two years at workplace) Voting Choice Males Females T o t a l L o c a l NDP candidate 82 (52%) 6 (43%) 88 (51%) Other 3 l o c a l major party candidates 75 (48%) 8 (57%) 83 (49%) T o t a l v o t i n g choices 157 (100%) 14 (100%) 171 (100%) No l o c a l major party v o t i n g choice s t a t e d .. 74 8 82 T o t a l 231 22 253 From t h i s t a b l e , i t appears that the men have a s l i g h t preference f o r the NDP, w h i l e the women have a s l i g h t preference f o r the other three major party candidates. The number of women i s , however, very s m a l l . Before accepting the above i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , we w i l l look at the d i s t r i b u t i o n of men and women i n d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of the workforce. TABLE 3 LOCUS IN THE WORK FORCE, BY SEX UNION (U) VERSUS NON-UNION (NU) JOBS AND COMFAHY (CO) VERSUS NOT-COMPANY (NCO) EMPLOYER (Two years i n d i s t r i c t and two years at workplace) UCO UNDO NUCO NUNCO T o t a l Males 180 14 21 16 231 Females 3 , ,„ 7 1 . _11 c _22 T o t a l 183 " 21 22 27 '253 I t can be seen immediately t h a t , w h i l e about three-fourths of the males i n the sample are union-company personnel, a n e g l i g i b l e number and a very small B 6 p r o p o r t i o n of the females f a l l i n t o t h i s category. While about 1/8 of the males interviewed f a l l (nearly e qually) i n t o the two "not company" c a t e g o r i e s , about 3/4 of the females f a l l i n t o these two c a t e g o r i e s , h a l f of the t o t a l i n t o the non-union non-company c e l l and 1/4 of the t o t a l i n t o the union not-company. The non-union,- company c e l l contains a lone female, w h i l e about a tenth of the men f a l l i n t o the p a r a l l e l category. C l e a r l y , l o c a t i o n w i t h i n these c e l l s could account f o r the very s l i g h t pro-NDP tendency among the men and the tendency away from the NDP on the pa r t of the women, i f i n f a c t the d i f f e r e n t c e l l s show d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of support f o r the NDP. TABLE 4 LOCUS IN THE WOP,K FORCE AND VOTING CHOICES,% BY SEX — VOTERS ONLY (Two years i n d i s t r i c t and two years at workplace) UCO UNCO NUCO NUCO TOTAL Men L o c a l NDP candidate T o t a l Male Voters Women Lo c a l NDF candidate T o t a l Female Voters 65 (55%) 118 2 2 8 (73%) 11 2 4 6 (33%) 3 (25%) 82 (52%) 16 12 157 6 14 T o t a l Men and Women 120 15 16 20 171 Examination of the males i n t h i s t a b l e shows that the preference f o r the NDP i s strongest i n the two unionizedcolumns of the work f o r c e , that i t i s weakest i n the non-union, non-company column, and that i t i s l e s s weak but s t i l l weak i n the non-union, company column. When we look at the females, we f i n d that the numbers are extremely s m a l l , except i n the case of the non-union non-company column, where they support the NDP very weakly (25 per cent, the same as the p a r a l l e l males). B 7 I t i s q u i t e c l e a r from t h i s t a b l e that i t may be the d i f f e r e n c e s between r a t e of NDP preference w i t h i n the four sectors of the work f o r c e that account f o r the d i f f e r e n c e between women and men i n t h e i r r a t e of NDP support found i n "fable 2. Sample Voting P a t t e r n s I t i s a l s o q u i t e c l e a r from t a b l e 3 that there are important d i f f e r -ences between the unionized and non unionized s e c t i o n s of the company work f o r c e f o r the men onl y , i n t h e i r r a t e of support f o r the l o c a l NDP candidate (55 per cent versus 38 per cent NDP support) and even more strong d i f f e r e n c e s between the small p a r a l l e l s e c t i o n s of the non-company work fo r c e ($3 per cent versus 25 per cent NDP support). Thus i n both cases union membership makes a notable d i f f e r e n c e . While there i s a d i f f e r e n c e between the r a t e of NDP support between the f i r s t two columns, union members employed w i t h the company and union members employed elsewhere (55 per cent versus 73 per cent, an 18 percentage po i n t spread) and a s l i g h t l y smaller spread between the two non-union cate g o r i e s (38 per cent versus 25 per cent, a 13 percentage p o i n t spread), these d i f f e r e n c e s are s l i g h t e r than the d i f f e r e n c e s between the unionized non-unionized p a i r s . The main a d d i t i o n a l f e a t u r e of the t a b l e i s the sizeableness and p o l i t i c a l moderacy of the male union-company work f o r c e (which c o n s i s t s of two-thirds of the vo t e r s studied) which only shows a s l i g h t preference (55 per cent) f o r the NDP, the most moderate set of preferences of a l l of the male c a t e g o r i e s . At t h i s stage, we can s e r i o u s l y doubt the existence among the company workforce of a strong "working c l a s s p a r t y " . Looking back at our f i n d i n g s i n the above t a b l e s , and r e c a l l i n g our e a r l i e r comments, i t becomes obvious t h a t , w h i l e the union-company work f o r c e i s heterogeneous i n a number of ways that we can s p e c i f y , the other three work f o r c e c a t e g o r i e s are much more heterogeneous i n t h e i r composition. As w e l l as being small i n numbers, they are heterogeneous i n ways that we cannot s p e c i f y , or i n ways that are not comparable to the dimensions of \ heterogeneity that w i l l be found u s e f u l i n studying the union-company xrork f o r c e . I f our two non-company groups are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the two p a r a l l e l xrork f o r c e s i n the community, union s t a t u s appears to be a very strong i n -fluence of i t s e l f , or a mediator of some other i n f l u e n c e s , on v o t i n g choices. B 8-I t appears, from these observations, that i t would be q u i t e inexpedient to attempt to deal w i t h the three categories of g a i n f u l l y -employed males that are not i n the "union-company" category. As a con-sequence, from t h i s p o i n t on we w i l l be only c o n s i d e r i n g the union-company males that have met a l l the other c r i t e r i a that we have been s p e c i f y i n g . APPENDIX C Policy/ Documents of the C..CVF.,, 1935 and 1956. Mtegina Manifesto (Programme -of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, adopted at First National Convention held at Regina, Sask., July, 1933) TH E C . C . F . is a federation of organizations whose purpose is the establishment in Canada of a Co-operative Commonwealth i n which the principle regulating produc-tion, distribution and exchange w i l l be the supplying of human needs and not the making of profits. W e a im to replace the present capitalist system, with its inherent injustice and inhumanity, by a social order from which the domination and exploitation of one class by another w i l l be eliminated, in which economic planning w i l l supersede unregulated private enterprise and competition, and in which genuine democratic self-government, based upon economic equality w i l l be possible. The present order is marked by g lar ing inequalities of wealth and opportunity, by chaotic waste and instabi l i ty; and in an age of plenty it condemns the great mass of the people to poverty and insecurity. Power has become more and more concentrated into the hands of a small irresponsible minor i ty of financiers and industrialists and to their predatory interests the majori ty are habitually sacrificed. W h e n private profit is the main stimulus to economic effort, our society oscillates between periods of feverish prosperity in which the main benefits go to speculators and profiteers, and of catastrophic depression, in which the main benefits go to speculators and profiteers, and of catastrophic depression, in which the common man's normal state of insecurity and hardship is accentuated. W e believe that these evils can be removed only i n a planned and socialized economy in which our natural resources and the principal means of production and distribution are owned, controlled and operated by the people. T h e new social order at which we aim is not one in which individuality w i l l be crushed out by a system of regimentation. N o r shall we interfere wi th cultural rights of racial or religious minorities. W h a t we seek is a proper collective organization of our economic resources such as w i l l make possible a much greater degree of leisure and a much richer individual life for every citizen. T h i s social and economic transformation can be brought about by poli t ical action, through the election of a government inspired by the ideal of a Co-operative Common-wealth and suppprted by a maj'ority of the people. W e do not believe in change by violence. W e consider that both the old parties in Canada are the instruments of capitalist interests and cannot serve as agents of social reconstruction, and that whatever the superficial differences between them, they are bound to carry on government in accordance wi th the dictates of the big business interests who finance them. T h e C . C . F . aims at poli t ical power in order to put an end to this capitalist domination of our poli t ical life. It is a democratic movement, a federation of farmer, labor and socialist organizations, financed by its own members and seeking to achieve its ends solely by constitutional methods. It appeals for support to a l l who believe that the t ime has come for a far-reaching reconstruction of our economic and polit ical institutions and who are w i l l i n g to work together for the car ry ing out of the fol lowing pol ic ies: 1 1. —PLANNING The establishment of a planned, socialized economic order, in order to make possible the most efficient development of the national resources and the most equitable distribution of the national income. The first step in this direction w i l l be the setting up of a Nat ional P lanning Commission consisting of a small body of economists, engineers and statisticians assisted by an appropriate technical staff. The task of the Commission w i l l be to plan for the production, distribution and exchange of a l l goods and services necessary to the efficient functioning of the economy ; to co-ordinate the activities of the socialized industries; to provide for a satisfactory balance between the producing and consuming power; and to carry on continuous research into a l l branches of the national economy in order to acquire the detailed information necessary to efficient planning. The Commission w i l l be responsible to the Cabinet and w i l l work in co-operation wi th the Manag ing Boards of the Socialized Industries. It is now certain that in every industrial country some form of planning w i l l replace the disintegrating capitalist system. The C C F . w i l l provide that in Canada the planning shall be done, not by a small group of capitalist magnates in their own interests, but by public servants acting in the public interest and responsible to the people as a whole. 2. —SOCIALIZATION OF FINANCE Socialization of all financial machinery—banking, currency, credit and insurance, to make possible the effective control of currency, credit and prices, and the supplying of new productive equipment for socially desirable purposes. Planning by itself w i l l be of little use if the public authori ty ' has not the power to carry its plans into effect. Such power w i l l require the control of finance and of a l l those vi ta l industries and services which, if they remain in private hands, can be used to thwart or corrupt the w i l l of the public authority. Control of finance is the first step in the control of the whole economy. The chartered banks must be socialized and removed from the control of private profit-seeking interests; and the national banking system thus established must have at its head a Central Bank to control the flow of credit and the general price level, and to regulate foreign exchange operations. A Nat iona l Investment Board must also be set up, work ing in co-operation wi th the socialized banking system to mobilize and direct the unused surpluses of production for socially desired purposes as determined by the Planning Commission. Insurance Companies, which provide one of the main channels for the investment of individual savings and which, under their present competitive organization, charge needlessly high premiums for the social services that they render, must also be socialized. 3. —SOCIAL OWNERSHIP Socialization (Dominion, Provincial or Municipal) of transportation, communications, electric power and all other industries and services essential to social planning, and their operation under the general direction of the Planning Commission by competent managements freed from day to day political interference. Publ ic utilities must be operated for the public benefit and not for the private profit of a small group of owners or financial manipulators. Our natural resources 2 must be developed by the same methods. Such a programme means the continuance and extension of the public ownership enterprises in which most governments in Canada have already gone some distance. O n l y by such public ownership, operated on a planned economy, can our main industries be saved from the wasteful competition of the ruinous over-development and over-capitalization which are the inevitable outcome of capitalism. O n l y in a regime of public owenership and operation w i l l the full benefits accruing from centralized control and mass production be passed on to the consuming public. Transportation, communications and electric power must come first in a list of industries to be socialized. Others, such as mining, pulp and paper and the distribution of mi lk , bread, coal and gasoline, in which exploitation, waste, or financial malpractices are part icularly prominent must next be brought under social ownership and operation. In restoring to the community its natural resources and in taking over industrial enterprises from private into public control we do not propose any policy of outright confiscation. W h a t we desire is the most stable and equitable transition to the Co-operative Commonwealth. It is impossible to decide the policies to be followed in particular cases in an uncertain future, but we insist upon certain broad principles. T h e welfare of the community must take supremacy over the claims of private wealth. In times of war, human life has been conscripted. Should economic circumstances cal l for it, conscription of wealth would be more justifiable. W e recognize the need for compensation in the case of individuals and institutions which must receive adequate maintenance during the transitional period before the planned economy becomes fully operative. Bu t a C . C . F . government w i l l not play the role of rescuing bankrupt private concerns for the benefit of promoters and of stock and bond holders. It w i l l not pile up a deadweight burden of unremunerative debt which represents claims upon the public treasury of a function-less owner class. The management of publicly owned enterprises w i l l be vested in boards who w i l l be appointed for their competence in the industry and w i l l conduct each particular enterprise on efficient economic lines. T h e machinery of management may wel l vary from industry to industry, but the r igidi ty of C i v i l Service rules should be avoided and l ikewise the evils of the patronage system as exemplified in so many departments of the Government today. W o r k e r s in these public industries must be free to organize in trade unions and must be given the r ight to participate in the-management of the industry. 4.—AGRICULTURE. Security of tenure for the farmer upon his farm on conditions to be laid down by individual provinces; insurance against unavoidable crop failure; removal of the tariff burden from the operations of agriculture; encouragement of producers' and consumers' co-oper-atives; the restoration and maintenance of an equitable relationship between prices of agricultural products and those of other commo-dities and services; and improving the efficiency of export trade in farm products. The security of tenure for the farmer upon h i s , f a rm which is imperilled by the present disastrous situation of the whole industry, together wi th adequate social insurance, ought to be guaranteed under equitable conditions. The prosperity of agriculture, the greatest Canadian industry, depends upon a r is ing volume of purchasing power of the masses in Canada for a l l farm goods consumed at home, and upon the maintenance of large scale exports of the stable commodities at satisfactory prices or equitable commodity exchange. The intense depression in agriculture today is a consequence of the general wor ld crisis caused by the normal workings of the capitalistic system resulting i n : (1) Economic nationalism expressing itself in tariff barriers and other restrictions of w o r l d trade; (2) T h e decreased purchasing power of unemployed and under-employed workers and of the Canadian people in general ; (8) The exploitation of both pr imary producers and consumers by monopolistic corporations who absorb a great proportion of the selling price of farm products. ( T h i s last is true, for example, of the distr ibutin of m i l k and dairy products, the packing industry, and mi l l ing . ) T h e immediate cause of agricultural depression is the catastrophic fal l in the wor ld prices of foodstuffs as compared wi th other prices, this fal l being due in large measure to the deflation of currency and credit. T o counteract the worst effect of this, the internal price level should be raised so that the farmers' purchasing power may be restored. W e propose therefore: (1) T h e improvement of the position of the farmer by the increase of purchasing power made possible by the social control of the financial system. T h i s control must be directed towards the increase of employment as laid down elsewhere and towards raising the prices of farm commodities by appropriate credit and foreign policies. (2) W h i l s t the family farm is the accepted basis for agricul tural production in Canada the position of the farmer may be much improved b y : (a) T h e extension of consumers' co-operatives for the purchase of farm supplies and domestic requirements; and (b) The extension of co-operative institutions for the processing and market-ing of farm products. B o t h of the foregoing to have suitable state encouragement and assistance. (3) The adoption of. a planned system of agricultural development based upon scientific soil surveys directed towards better land util ization, and a scientific policy of agricul tural development for the whole of Canada. (4) The substitution for the present system of foreign trade, of a system of import and export boards to improve .the efficiency of overseas marketing, to control prices, and to integrate the foreign trade policy wi th the requirements of the national economic plan. 5. —EXTERNAL TRADE The regulation in accordance with the National plan of external trade through import and export boards. Canada is dependent on external sources of supply for many of her essential requirements of r aw materials and manufactured products. These she can obtain only by large exports of the goods she is best fitted to . produce. The strangling of our export trade by insane protectionist policies must be brought to an end. Bu t the old controversies between free traders and protectionists are now largely obsolete. In a w o r l d of nationally organized economies Canada must organize the buying and selling of her main imports and exports under public boards, and take steps to regulate the flow of less important commodities by a system of licenses. B y so doing she w i l l be enabled to make the best trade agreements possible wi th foreign countries, put a stop to the exploitation of both pr imary producer and ultimate consumer, make possible the co-ordination of internal processing, transportation and marketing of farm products, and facilitate the establishment of stable prices for such export commodities. 6. —CO-OPERATIVE INSTITUTIONS The encouragement by the public authority of both producers' and consumers' co-operative institutions. In agriculture, as already mentioned, the pr imary producer can receive a larger net revenue through co-operative organization of purchases and marketing. S imi l a r ly 4 in retail distribution of staple commodities such as milk, there is room for development both of public municipal operation and of consumers' co-operatives, and such co-operative organization can be extended into wholesale distribution and into manufacturing. C o -operative enterprises should be assisted by the state through appropriate legislation and through the provision of adequate credit facilities. 7.—LABOR CODE A National Labor Code to secure for the worker maximum income and leisure, insurance covering illness, accident, old age, and unemployment, freedom of association and effective participation in the management of his industry or profession. The spectre of poverty and insecurity which st i l l haunts every worker, though technological developments have made possible a h igh standard of l iv ing for everyone, is a disgrace which must be removed from our civi l izat ion. The community must organize its resources to effect progressive reduction of the hours of work in accordance wi th technological development and to provide a constantly r is ing standard of life to everyone who is w i l l i n g to work. A labor code must be developed which w i l l include state regulation of wages, equal reward and equal opportunity of advancement for equal services, irrespective of sex; measures to guarantee the r ight to work or the r ight to maintenance through stabilization of employment and through employment insurance; social insurance to protect workers and their families against the hazards of sickness, death, industrial accident and old age; l imitat ion of hours of work and protection of health and safety in industry. B o t h wages and insurance benefits should be varied i n accordance wi th family needs. In addition workers must be guaranteed the undisputed right to freedom of association, and should be encouraged and assisted by the state to organize themselves in trade unions. B y means of collective agreements and participation in works councils, the workers can achieve fair w o r k i n g rules and share in the control of industry and profession; and their organizations w i l l be indispensable elements in a system of genuine industrial democracy. The labor code should be uniform throughout the country. Bu t the achievement of this end is difficult so long as jurisdiction over labor legislation under the B . N . A . A c t is mainly in the hands of the provinces. It is urgently necessary, therefore, that the B . N . A . A c t be amended to make such a national labor code possible. 8.—SOCIALIZED HEALTH SERVICES Publicly organized health, hospital and medical services. W i t h the advance of medical science the maintenance of, a health population has become a function for which every ' c iv i l i zed community should undertake responsibility. Hea l t h services should be made at least as freely available as are educational services today. But under a system which is s t i l l mainly one of private enterprise the costs of proper medical care, such' as the wealthier members of society can easily afford, are at present prohibitive for great masses of the people. A properly organized system of public health services including medical and dental care, which would stress the preven-tion rather than the cure of illness should be extended to a l l our people in both rura l and urban areas. Th i s is an enterprise in which Dominion, P rov inc ia l and Munic ipa l auth-orities, as wel l as the medical and dental professions, can co-operate. 5 9. —B.N.A. ACT The amendment of the Canadian Constitution, without infringing upon racial or religious minority rights or upon legitimate provincial claims to autonomy, so as to give the Dominion Government ade-quate powers to deal effectively with urgent economic problems which are essentially national in scope; the abolition of the Cana-dian Senate. W e propose that the necessary amendments to the B . N . A . A c t shall be obtained as speedily as required, safeguards being inserted to ensure that the exist ing rights of racial and religious minorities shall not be changed without their own consent. W h a t is Chiefly needed today is the placing in the hands of the national government of more power to control national economic development. In a rapidly changing economic environment our poli t ical constitution must be reasonably flexible. The present division of powers between Dominion and Provinces reflects the conditions of a pioneer, mainly agricultural , community in 1867. Our constitution must be brought into line w i th the increasing industrialization of the country and the consequent centralization of economic and financial power—which has taken place in the last two generations. The principle la id down in the Quebec Resolution of the Fathers of Confederation should be applied to the conditions of 1933, that "there be a general government charged wi th matters of common interest to the whole country and local governments for each of the provinces charged wi th the control of local matters in their respective sections." The Canadian Senate, which was original ly created to protect provincial rights, but has failed even in this function, has developed into a bulwark of capitalist interests, as is illustrated by the large number of company directorships held by its aged members. In its peculiar composition of a f ixed number of members appointed for life it is one of the most reactionary assemblies in the civi l ized wor ld . It is a standing obstacle to a l l progressive legislation, and the only permanently satisfactory method of dealing wi th the constitutional difficulties it .creates is to abolish it. 10. —EXTERNAL RELATIONS A Foreign Policy designed to obtain international economic co-operation and to promote disarmament and world peace. Canada has a vi ta l interest in wor ld peace. W e propose, therefore, to do every-thing in our power to advance the idea of international co-operation as represented by the League of Nations and the International Labor Organizat ion. W e would extend our diplomatic machinery for keeping in touch wi th the main centres of wor ld interest. Bu t we believe that genuine international co-operation is incompatible w i th the capitalist regime which is in force in most countries, and that strenuous efforts are needed to rescue the League from its present conditions of being mainly a League of capitalist Great Powers . W e stand resolutely against a l l participation in imperialist wars. W i t h i n the Br i t i sh Commonwealth, Canada must maintain her autonomy as a completely self-governing nation. W e must resist a l l attempts to build up a new economic B r i t i s h Empi re in place of the o ld poli t ical one, since such attempts readily lend themselves to the purposes of capitalist exploitation and may easily lead to further wor ld wars. Canada must refuse to be entangled in any more wars fought to make the wor ld safe for capitalism. 11. —TAXATION AND PUBLIC FINANCE A new taxation policy designed not only to raise public revenues but also to lessen the glaring inequalities of income and to provide funds for social services and the socialization'of industry; the cess-ation of the debt creating system of Public Finance. In the type of economy that we envisage, the need for taxation, as we now understand it, w i l l have largely disappeared. It w i l l nevertheless be essential dur ing 6 the transition period, to use the taxing powers, along wi th the other methods proposed elsewhere, as a means of providing for the socialization of industry, and for extending the benefits of increased Social Services. A t the present time capitalist governments in Canada raise a large proportion of their revenues from such levies as customs duties and sales taxes, the main burden of which falls upon the masses. In place of such taxes upon articles of general consump-t i o n / w e propose a drastic extension of income, corporation and inheritance taxes, steeply graduated according to abili ty to pay. F u l l publicity must be given to income tax payments and our tax collection system must be brought up to the E n g l i s h standard of efficiency. W e also believe in the necessity for an immediate revision of the basis of Dominion and P rov inc i a l sources of revenue, so as to produce a co-ordinated and equitable system of taxation throughout Canada. An inevitable effect of the capitalist system is the debt creating character of public financing. A l l public debts have enormously increased, and the f ixed interest charges paid thereon now amount to the largest single item of so-called uncontrollable public expenditures. T h e C . C . F . proposes that in future no public financing shall be permitted which facilitates the perpetuation of the parasitic interest-receiving class; that capital shall be provided through the medium of the Nat ional Investment Board and free from perpetual interest charges. We propose that a l l Publ ic W o r k s , as directed By the P lanning Commission, shall be financed by the issuance of credit, as suggested, based upon the Nat iona l Wealth of Canada. 12. —FREEDOM Freedom of speech and assembly for all; repeal of Section 98 of the Criminal Code; amendment of the Immigration Act to prevent the present inhuman policy of deportation; equal treatment before he law of all residents of Canada irrespective of race, nationality or religious or political beliefs. In recent years, Canada has seen an alarming growth of Fascist tendencies among a l l governmental authorities. T h e most elementary rights of freedom of speech and assembly have been arbi t rar i ly denied to workers and to a l l whose poli t ical and social views do not meet wi th the approval of those in power. The lawless and brutal conduct of the police in certain centres in preventing public meetings and in dealing w i t h pol i t ical prisoners must cease. Section 98 of the Cr imina l Code which has been used as a weapon of poli t ical oppression by a panic-stricken capitalist government, must be wiped off the statute book and those who have been imprisoned under it must be released. An end must be put to the inhuman practice of deporting immigrants who were brought to this country by immigrat ion propaganda and now, through no fault of their own, to find themselves victims of an executive department against whom there is no appeal to the courts of the land. W e stand for full economic, poli t ical and religious liberty for a l l . 13. —SOCIAL JUSTICE The establishment of a commission composed of psychiatrists, psychologists, socially-minded jurists and social workers, to deal with all matters pertaining to crime and punishment and the general administration of law, in order to humanize the law and to bring it into harmony with the needs of the people. W h i l e the removal of economic inequality w i l l do much to overcome the most g la r ing injustices in the treatment of those who come into conflict w i th the law, our 7 present archaic system must be changed and brought into accordance wi th a imodern concept of human relationships. The new system must not be based, as is the present one, upon vengeance and fear, but upon an understanding of human behaviour. F o r this reason its planning and control cannot be left in the hands of those steeped in the out-worn legal t radi t ion; and therefore it is proposed that there shall be established a national commission composed of psychiatrists, psychologists, socially-minded jurists and social workers whose duty it shall be to devise a system of prevention and correction consistent wi th other features of a new social order. 14.—AN EMERGENCY PROGRAMME The assumption by the Dominion Government of direct responsi-bility for dealing with the present critical unemployment situation and for tendering suitable work or adequate maintenance; the adoption of measures to relieve the extremity of the crisis such as a programme of public spending on housing, and other enterprises that will increase the real wealth of Canada, to be financed by the issue of credit based on the national wealth. T h e extent of unemployment and the widespread suffering which it has caused, creates a situation wi th which provincial and municipal governments have long been unable to cope and forces upon the Dominion government direct responsibility for dealing w i t h the crisis as the only authority wi th financial resources adequate to meet the situation. Unemployed workers must be secured in the tenure of their homes, and the scale and methods of relief, at present altogether inadequate, must be such as to preserve decent human standards of l iv ing . It is recognized that even after a Co-operative Commonwealth Federation Gov-ernment has come into power, a certain period of time must elapse before the planned economy can be fully worked out. D u r i n g this brief transitional period, we propose to provide work and purchasing power for those now unemployed by a far-reaching programme of public expenditure on housing, slum clearance, hospitals, libraries, schools, community halls, parks, recreational projects, reforestation, rura l electrification, the elimination of grade crossings, and other similar projects in both town and country. T h i s programme, which would be financed by the issuance of credit based on the national wealth, would serve the double purpose of creating employment and meeting recognized social needs. A n y steps which the Government takes, under this emergency programme, which may assist private business, must include guarantees of adequate wages and reasonable hours of work, and must be designed to further the advance towards the complete Co-operative Commonwealth. Emergency measures, however, are of only temporary value, for the present depression is a sign of the mortal sickness of the whole capitalist system, and this sickness cannot be cured by the application of salves. These leave untouched the cancer which is eating at the heart of our society, namely, the economic system in which our natural resources and our principal means of production and distribution are owned, controlled and operated for the private profit of a small proportion of our population. N o C C F . Government w i l l rest content unti l it has eradicated capitalism and put into operation the full programme of socialized planning which w i l l lead to the establishment in Canada of the Co-operative Commonwealth. .^gi^K) Printed by SERVICE PRINTING CO., 1630 Quebec Street Regina. 1956 Winnipeg Declaration of Principles of the CO-OPERATIVE C O M M O N W E A L T H FEDERATION (PARTI SOCIAL DEMOCRATIQUE DU CANADA) The aim of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation is the estab-lishment in Canada by democratic means of a co-operative commonwealth in which the supplying of human needs and enrichment of human life shall be the primary purpose of our society. Private profit and corporate power must be subordinated to social planning designed to achieve equality of opportunity and the highest possible living standards for all Canadians. This is, and always has been, the aim of the C C F . The Regina Mani-festo, proclaimed by the founders of the movement in 1933, has had a profound influence on Canada's social system. Many of the improvements it recommended have been wrung out of unwilling governments by the growing strength of our movement and the growing political maturity of the Canadian people. Canada is a better-- place than it was a generation ago, not least because of the cry for justice sounded in the Regina Manifesto and the devoted efforts of C C F members and supporters since that time. Canada Still Ridden by Inequalities In spite of great economic expansion, large sections of our people do not benefit adequately from the increased wealth produced. Greater wealth and economic power continue to be concentrated in the hands of a relatively few private corporations. The gap between those at the bottom and those at the top of the economic scale has widened. Thousands still live in want and insecurity. Slums and inadequate housing condemn many Canadian families to a cheerless life. Older citizens exist on pensions far too low for health and dignity. Many too young to qualify for pensions are rejected by industry as too old for employment, and face the future without hope. Many in serious ill-health cannot afford the hospital and medical care they need. Educational institutions have been starved for funds and, even in days of prosperity, only a small pro-portion of young men and women who could benefit from technical and higher education can afford it. In short, Canada is still characterized by glaring inequalities of wealth and opportunity and by the domination of one group over another. The growing concentration of corporate wealth has resulted in a virtual economic dictatorship by a privileged few. This threatens our political democracy which will attain its full meaning only when our people have a voice in the management of their economic affairs and effective control over the means by which they live. 1 The Folly of Wasted Resources Furthermore, even during a time of high employment, Canada's productive capacity is not fully utilized Its use is governed by the dictates of private economic power and by considerations of private profit. Simi-larly, the scramble lor profit has wasted and despoiled our rich resources of soil, water, forest and minerals. This lack of social planning results in a waste of our human as well as our natural resources. Our human resources are wasted through social and economic conditions which stunt human growth, through unemploy-ment and through our failure to provide adequate education. The Challenge of New Horizons The C C F believes that Canada needs a program for the wise develop-ment and conservation of its natural resources. Our industry can and should be so operated as to enable our people to use fully their talents and skills. Such an economy will yield the maximum opportunities for individual development and the maximum of goods and services for the satisfaction of human needs at home and abroad. Unprecedented scientific and technological advances have brought us to the threshold of a second industrial revolution. Opportunities for enriching the standard of life in Canada and elsewhere are greater than ever. However, unless careful study is given to the many problems which will arise and unless there is intelligent planning to meet them, the evils of the past will be multiplied in the future. The technological changes will produce even greater concentrations of wealth and power and will cause widespread distress through unemployment and the displacement of populations. The challenge facing Canadians today is whether future development will continue to perpetuate the inequalities of the past or whether it will be based on principles of social justice. Capitalism Basically Immoral Economic expansion accompanied by widespread suffering and in-justice is not desirable social progress. A society motivated by the drive for private gain and special privilege is basically immoral. The C C F reaffirms its belief that our society must have a moral purpose and must build a new relationship among men—a relationship based on mutual respect and on equality of opportunity. In such a society everyone will have a sense of worth and belonging, and will be enabled to develop his capacities to the full. Social Planning for a Just Society Such a society cannot be built without the application of social planning. Investment of available funds must be channelled into socially desirable projects; financial and credit resources must be used to help maintain full employment and to control inflation and deflation. In the co-operative commonwealth there will be an important role for public, private and co-operative enterprise working together in the people's interest. 2 The C C F has always recognized public ownership as the most effective means of breaking the stranglehold of private monopolies on the life of the nation and of facilitating the social planning necessary for economic security and advance. The C C F will, therefore, extend public ownership wherever it is necessary for the achievement of these objectives. At the same time, the C C F also recognizes that in many fields there will be need for private enterprise which can make a useful contribution to the development of our economy. The co-operative commonwealth will, therefore, provide appropriate opportunities for private business as well as publicly-owned industry. The C C F will protect and make more widespread the ownership of family farms by those who till them, of homes by those who live in them, and of all personal possessions necessary for the well-being of the Canadian people. In many fields the best means of ensuring justice to producers and consumers is the co-operative form of ownership. In such fields, every assistance will be given to form co-operatives and credit unions and to strengthen those already in existence. Building a Living Democracy The C C F welcomes the growth of labour unions, farm and other organizations of the people. Through them, and through associations for the promotion of art and culture, the fabric of a living democracy is being created in Canada. These organizations must have the fullest opportunity for further growth and participation in building our nation's future. In the present world struggle for men's minds and loyalties, democratic nations have a greater responsibility then ever to erase every obstacle to freedom and every vestige of racial, religious or political discrimination. Legislation alone cannot do this, but effective legislation is a necessary safeguard for basic rights and a sound foundation for further social and educational progress. Therefore, the C C F proposes the enactment of a Bill of Rights guar-anteeing freedom of speech and of expression, the right of lawful assembly, association and organization, equal treatment before the law, freedom to worship according to one's own conscience and the enjoyment of all rights without distinction of race, sex, religion or language. Basis for Peace The solution of the problems facing Canada depends, in large part, on removing the international dangers which threaten the future of all man-kind. Therefore no task is more urgent than that of building peace and of forging international policies which will banish from the earth the oppressive fear of nuclear destruction. Only if there is a determined will to peace and if every part of the world'is free from the fear of aggression and domination, can progress he made toward a lasting settlement of outstanding differences. Throughout the years the C C F has maintained that there has been too much reliance on defence expenditures to meet the threat of communist expansion. One of the urgent needs for building a peaceful world and for extending the influence and power of democracy is generous support of international agencies to provide assistance to under-developed countries on a vast scale. 3 The hungry, oppressed and underprivileged of the world must know democracy not as a smug slogan but as a dynamic way of life which sees the world as one whole, and which recognizes the right of every nation to independence and of every people to the highest available standard of living. Support of UN The C C F reaffirms full support for the United Nations and its develop-ment into an effective organization of international co-operation and government. The world must achieve a large measure of international disarmament without delay and evolve a system of effective international control and inspection to enable the prohibition of nuclear weapons. The C C F believes in full international co-operation which alone can bring lasting peace. The practices of imperialism, whether of the old style or the new totalitarian brand, must disappear. The C C F strives for a world society based on the rule of law and on freedom, on the right to independence of all peoples, on greater equality among nations and on genuine universal brotherhood. Confidence in Canada The C C F has confidence in Canada and its people who have come from many lands in search of freedom, security and opportunity. It is proud of our country's origins in the British and French traditions which have produced our present parliamentary and judicial systems. The C C F believes in Canada's federal system. Properly applied in a spirit of national unity, it can safeguard our national well-being and at the same time protect the traditions and constitutional rights of the prov-inces. Within the framework of the federal system the C C F will equalize opportunities for the citizens of every province in Canada. True national unity will be achieved only when every person from the Atlantic to the Pacific is able to enjoy an adequate standard of living. Socialism on the March In less than a generation since the C C F was formed, democratic socialism has achieved a place in the world which its founders could hardly have envisaged. Many labour and socialist parties have administered or participated in the governments of their countries. As one of these de-mocratic socialist parties, the C C F recognizes that the great issue of our time is whether mankind shall move toward totalitarian oppression or toward a wider democracy within nations and among nations. The CCF' will not rest content until every person in this land and in all other lands is able to enjoy equality and freedom, a sense of human dignity, and an opportunity to live a rich and meaningful life as a citizen of a free and peaceful world. This is the Co-operative Commonweath which the C C F invites the people of Canada to build with imagination and pride. 4 APPENDIX D FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES, BY AGE Percentage Number T o t a l NDP 'votes ' NDP Votes Votes 20-: 25;:- 33% 1 3 25-29 42% ' 5 12 30-34 61% 11 18 35-39 47% 8 17 40-44 50% 7 14 45-49 50% 7 14 50-54 57% 8 14 55-59' 83% 10 12 60-64 60% 6 10 65 and over 50% 2 4 T o t a l 55% 65 118 FEDERAL VOTING CHOICES,.'BY LENGTH OF ' COT4MUNITY RESIDENCE £Length of Residence. Percentage NDP votes Number NDP Votes T o t a l Votes 2 - 3 ( i n years) 0% 0 1 4 - 6 50% 2 4 7 - 9 46% 12 26 10 - 14 44% 11 25 15 - 19 58% 18 31 20 - 29 62% 15 24 30 plus 100% 7 7 T o t a l 55% 65 118 D 1 APPENDIX E FEDERAL VOTE BY INDUSTRIAL ENTERPRISE (a) Other Major NDP Votes Party Votes T o t a l Plywood m i l l 12 10 22 Sawmill A 10 9 19 Sawmill S 21 17 38 Pulp & P a p e r m i l l 22 25 47 Logging S 6 2 8 Logging F 3 3 6 Other Company 2 0 2 T o t a l Company 76 66 142 (a) This t a b l e was produced during p r e l i m i n a r y work, and does not conform i n content to the tables i n the body of the study. E 1 APPENDIX F INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ASKED AND USED OR CONSIDERED FOR THE PRESENT STUDY I. Sample No. 2. D i r e c t o r y No. 1 Co. 2 General I I . F i n a l d i s p o s i t i o n 1 Completed 2 Incomplete (parts missing:) 33: Refused (by whom? reason:) 44 Not working 5 Moved, no new address found (moved to:) 6 No such person or address (re-checked where:) 7 C u r r e n t l y out of town (where, f o r how long:) 8 Could not be reached 9 VjOther ( d i e d , s i c k , e t c . What:) 19. Where do you work? (PROBE FOR EMPLOYER, DEPARTMENT, LOCATION. FIND OUT WHAT PRODUCTS ARE MADE OR WHAT SERVICES ARE PRODUCED) Employer. Department L o c a t i o n of work place Products or s e r v i c e s (sample 2 only) 20. For how long have you been working there? (IF EMPLOYED, THIS MEANS FOR THIS EMPLOYER AND DEPARTMENT) 21. Could you t e l l me what you a c t u a l l y do at your "work? 22. What are your r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ? 30. While you are a c t u a l l y doing your work, do you get to t a l k to other people , besides the ones you work with? (IF YES:) Who are they? (Customers, c l i e n t s , s u p p l i e r s , d r i v e r s , people from other depart-ments or other work o r g a n i z a t i o n s ) . 1 No 2 Yes (Who:) 39. How many people can you t a l k to w h i l e you are working?? 40. What do you t a l k about? Do you only t a l k about work, or only about other t h i n g s , or both? (IF BOTH:) What do you t a l k about most? (MARK BY *) P 1 3. Respondent s 4. Respondent's S e r i a l No. Sex 1 Male 2 Female F 2 41.-42. Where do you take your c o f f e e breaks? Who with? (IF NOT ALONE:) Do you always have your breaks together w i t h the same people? What do you t a l k about? How about lunch? 58. Are you a member of a trade union, p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n , or a trade a s s o c i a t i o n ? 1 Yes , 2 No 9 DK, NA (IF NO, SKIP TO QUESTION 70) 59. 'What i s the name of the organization? (IF SEVERAL, RECORD ALL) 60. Are you a paying member? 1 Yes 2 No 3 Other 8 DNA 9 DK, NA 61. For how long have you been a member? 70. Are you a member of a church or other r e l i g i o u s group? 1 Yes 2 No 9 DK, NA 71. What i s the name of the church (group) you belong to? (GET EXACT NAME. IF NOT CLEAR, ASK FOR ADDRESS.) 73. For how long have you been a member? 77. Did you attend any s e r v i c e s , or any other a c t i v i t i e s of your church (group) i n the l a s t s i x months; that i s , between November and now? (IF YES:) How many d i d you attend? (IF NONE RECORD 00) (IF SOME:) Does that i n c l u d e any midweek a c t i v i t i e s ? Meetings: 81. Many people are unable to vote i n e l e c t i o n s because of i l l n e s s or f o r other reasons. Can you remember whether or not you voted i n the l a s t f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n i n A p r i l of 1963? (IF VOTED:) Was that here i n the constituency? 1 Voted i n 2 Voted elsewhere (Where:) 3 Can't remember i f voted 4 Did not vote 5 Was too young (not q u a l i f i e d ) 6 Was not c i t i z e n (not q u a l i f i e d ) 7 Was not r e g i s t e r e d 9 DK, NA (SKIP TO NEXT QUESTION IF NOT VOTED OR CAN'T REMEMBER) (IF VOTED IN HAND LIST OF FEDERAL CANDIDATES TO RESPONDENT) 82. Can you remember which party and candidate you voted for? v l . S o c i a l C r e d i t 2 P r o g r e s s i v e Conservative 3 L i b e r a l 4 NDP 6 Other (What:) 7 Can't remember which 8 DNA (Did not vote) 9 DK, HA 83. The l a s t p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n i n B.C. was i n September 1963. Can you remember'•whether or not you- voted*.in- *that-;e-lection? (IF NOTED:) was that i n the . ... constituency? 1 Voted i n constituency 3 Can't remember i f noted 5 Was too young (not q u a l i f i e d ) 7 Was not r e g i s t e r e d 2 Voted elsewhere (where:) 4 Did not note 6 Was not c i t i z e n (not q u a l i f i e d ) 9 DK, NA (SKIP TO NEXT QUESTION I F NOT VOTED OR CAN'T REMEMBER) (IF VOTED IN CONSTITUENCY, HAND LIST OF PROVINCIAL CANDIDATES TO RESPONDENT) 84. Can you remember which party and candidate you voted for? 1 P r o g r e s s i v e Conservative 2 S o c i a l C r e d i t 3 NDP 6 Other (What:) 7 Can't remember which 8 DNA (Did not vote) 9 DK, NA 108. For how long have you l i v e d i n the area? 111. How do you u s u a l l y go to work? 1 Walk 2 Drive 3 Pool 4 Crummy 5 P u b l i c Bus 6 Other: 9 DK, NA Now, f i n a l l y , I would l i k e to put down your age, s c h o o l i n g , and b i r t h p l a c e . 113. Would you mind t e l l i n g me i n what year you were born? 114. What was the l a s t grade you f i n i s h e d i n school? 115. Where were you born? (IF ON VANCOUVER ISLAND, SPECIFIC PLACE. IF CANADA OR. USA, RECORD PROVINCE OR STATE. IF ELSEWHERE, RECORD COUNTRY). 

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