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Economic development and social change in rural Japan : a case study of Shiwa Community, Iwate Prefecture Shinpo, Mitsuru 1970

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ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN RURAL JAPAN -- A CASE STUDY OF SHIWA COMMUNITY, IWATE PREFECTURE --by MITSURU SKLMPO M.A., Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1963 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF . THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Ju l y , 1970 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t he r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r ag ree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Depar tment o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l no t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Depar tment The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date i ABSTRACT This study examines post-war s o c i a l change i n a Japanese farming community. S o c i a l change i s defined as changes i n the three sets of rules f o r s o c i a l behaviour i n a s o c i a l system. Three sets of factors affected s o c i a l change i n r u r a l Japan: (1) changes i n the p o l i c i e s and programmes of the c e n t r a l government, (2) changes i n the national economy, and (3) the adoption by farmers of new farm tech-niques . The c e n t r a l government has aimed at the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of Japanese a g r i c u l t u r e . Through i t s p o l i c i e s and programmes the government removed or modified obstacles to economic growth and p r o v i -ded conditions favourable to the growth of the farm economy. The Japanese economy has grown at a rapid rate. National economic growth together with governmental p o l i c i e s and the farmers' incentive to i n -crease farm output has resulted i n s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n r u r a l Japan. For example, these factors have increased farmers' access to economic resources, absorbed r u r a l young people into i n d u s t r i a l centres, moti-vated farmers to mechanize farm practices thereby r a i s i n g production costs, and made necessary an increase i n household income. Farmers have adopted new farm techniques. Despite the exodus of youth from the r u r a l areas, as farmers mechanize t h e i r p r a c t i c e s they developed a surplus of labour. Farmers have d i v e r s i f i e d production a c t i v i t i e s by invest i n g the surplus labour into non-farm operations, or into i i farm operations when competent change-agents existed. Their adoption of new farm techniques modified the old sets of rules f o r s o c i a l be-i haviour, and s o c i a l change took place i n r u r a l Japan. If the present trends continue, Japanese farming communi-t i e s w i l l look very d i f f e r e n t i n the future. F i r s t , present suburban communities w i l l disappear as "farming" communities. Second, the majority of present farming households w i l l leave farming, and only a small number of larger farmers w i l l remain i n those communities i n which the residents make no deliberate e f f o r t s to d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e i r farm operations. Third, a large number of farming households w i l l remain farming i n those communities i n which the residents w i l l d i f -f e r e n t i a t e farm operations; these communities w i l l be small i n number, but the community I studied w i l l be one of them. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract i Preface ^ x Chapter One: Introduction 1 I. An Approach to the Theory of S o c i a l Change 2 A. Japanese Rural Sociology 3 B. Community Studies i n Japan by American Anthropologists 13 C. An Approach to the Theory of S o c i a l Change 20 1. Economy and Society 20 2. A Developmental Trend i n S o c i a l Change 23 3. S o c i a l Change 27 4. The Proposed Theory 31 I I . The Scope of This Study 32 A. The Japanese Rural Community as a "Peasant Society" 32 B. The Scope and Organization of This Study 37 I I I . The Approach of This Study 43 IV. Shiwa Community 50 Chapter Two: General Background For the Case Study 56 I. S o c i a l Organization of Farming Communities i n the Pre-War Period 57 A. R i c e - C u l t i v a t i o n and Technical Units of Production A c t i v i t i e s 58 1. R i c e - C u l t i v a t i o n 58 2. Technical Units of Production A c t i v i t i e s 59 B. I n s t i t u t i o n s i n Pre-War Farming Communities 60 1. Ie —- The Most Basic S o c i a l Unit 61 2. Dozoku — A Local Corporate Group 66 3. Kumi — A Local Corporate Group 68 4. Buraku — The Farmers' World 69 5. Son — The Administrative Unit 70 6. Yui — The I n s t i t u t i o n of Labour Exchanges 72 7. The I n s t i t u t i o n of Tenancy 73 8. The I n s t i t u t i o n of I r r i g a t i o n 77 9. The I n s t i t u t i o n of E x p l o i t i n g Grass Land 77 10. Other I n s t i t u t i o n s 78 C. Summary 79 i v Page I I . Changing Conditions i n the Japanese Nation i n the Post-War Period 80 A. Changing Economic Conditions i n the Larger Society 81 1. Ag r i c u l t u r e and Rapid Economic Growth 81 2. Change i n Rural Labour and the S o c i a l Consequence 83 3. Change i n the Consumption Patterns of Farm Products85 4. Increase i n Imported Farm Products and Japanese Economy 87 B. Changes i n the Central Government's P o l i c i e s and Programmes 89 1. Establishment of the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law i n 1961 90 2. Re-Organization of Programmes and Administrative I n s t i t u t i o n s 91 a. Amendment of the Farm Land Law 91 b. Re-Organization of Government Loans 93 e. Re-Organization of Farm Insurance 95 d. Improvement of Extension Services 95 e. Amalgamation of A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operatives 96 3. The Programme of " S t r u c t u r a l Improvement of Farms" 97 C. Summary 98 Chapter Three: Economic I n s t i t u t i o n s i n Shiwa P r i o r to 1954 101 I. The Institution of I r r i g a t i o n P r i o r to 1954 102 A. Sub-Units of the Takina River Water-System . 105 1. Groups Around Water-Ways 105 a. Channel Groups 105 b. Canal Groups 107 c. Sub-Canal Groups, Day-Water Groups and Night-Water Groups 108 2. Groupings i n Terms of Distance from the Junction 109 B. H i e r a r c h i c a l Organization and Authority i n the Water-System 110 C. The Rules of A l l o c a t i n g Resources 112 D. The Rules of Applying Sanction 116 I I . Water Resources, Production A c t i v i t i e s and I n s t i t u t i o n s 118 A. Water Resources and Labour Investment 119 B. Water Rights and Labour Investment 121 C. S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and Labour Investment 122 D. Water Resources, Adoption of New Techniques and the I n s t i t u t i o n of Labour Exchange 128 E. Water Resources and Seasonal Emigration f o r Subsi-diary Income 129 V Page I I I . Re-Organization of the I n s t i t u t i o n of I r r i g a t i o n i n 1952 133 A. Farmers' Attempts to A l l e v i a t e the Scarcity of Water Resources 134 1. Adoption of Technically Improved Equipment 134 2. Farmers' Movement to Construct a Dam 135 B. Change i n the I n s t i t u t i o n of I r r i g a t i o n 139 1. Completion of the Sannokai Dam 139 2. Change i n the I n s t i t u t i o n of I r r i g a t i o n 141 IV. Summary 143 Chapter Four: Change i n the Labour Force and Productive Tech-nology i n Shiwa i n the 1950's and 1960's 146 I. Recent Change i n Resources and the Labour Fare i n Shiwa 149 A. Change i n Resources 149 1. Increase i n Gross Farm Income 149 2. Greater Access to Commercialized Materials 152 3. Increase i n Non-Farm Income 153 B. Change i n the Labour Force 156 1. Increase i n Emigrants 157 2. Increase i n Part-Time Farming Households 161 3. Labour Shortage i n Farm Practices and Wage-I n f l a t i o n 165 I I . Technological Change i n Farm Practices 166 A. V a r i e t i e s , F e r t i l i z e r s , and Pesticides 166 1. Improved V a r i e t i e s 167 2. F e r t i l i z e r s 168 3. Pesticides 168 B. Mechanization of Farm Practices 169 C. Farmers' Adoption of Innovations 172 1. Greater Access to Resources 172 2. Incentive to Increase Farm Output 173 3. C u l t u r a l Values 174 4. The Rules of S o c i a l Behaviour i n Households 176 I I I . Impact of Change i n the Labour Force and Productive Technology upon I n s t i t u t i o n s 177 A. Household 178 B. Dozoku 184 C. Y ui 185 D. The I n s t i t u t i o n of E x p l o i t i n g Grass-Land 187 E. The I n s t i t u t i o n of Brewing 188 IV. Summary 190 v i Page Chapter F i v e : D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of Production A c t i v i t i e s i n Shiwa i n the 1960's 193 I. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative and I t s Members 197 A. Economic Development Project of the Co-Operative 197 1. Outline of the Co-Operative 198 2. The Leaders 200 3. The Leaders' Awareness of "Problems" and Attempts to A l l e v i a t e Them 202 4. The Outline of the Economic Development Pro j e c t 205 5. Implementation of the Economic Development Pro j e c t 208 B. The Members' Reactions to the Programmes of the Co-Operative 213 1. Farmers' Reactions to Sources of Information and Extension Workers 214 2. Farmers' Reactions to the Loans 217 3. Reactions to the Organizing of Farmers by the Co-Operative 217 4. Summary 219 I I . D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of Production A c t i v i t i e s i n Shiwa i n the 1960's 221 A. D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of Farm Operations 221 1. Animal Husbandry ' 222 a. Cattle-Raising 222 b. Other Spheres of Animal Husbandry 224 2. Cash-Crops 226 a. Mushroom-Culture 226 b. Other Spheres of Cash-Crops 228 3. D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of Farm Operations 230 B. Evaluation of the Economic Development Project 233 1. The Project's Strategies and Rules 234 2. Farmers' Evaluation of'the Project 235 3. The achievements of the Project 236 I I I . Impact of the Economic Development on I n s t i t u t i o n s 239 A. Changes i n the Economic Aspect of the S o c i a l System 239 B. Change i n Co-Operative Works 242 C. Weakening Control of T e r r i t o r i a l Groups 243 D. New Development -- Farmers' Increasing Dependence on the Co-Operative 245 IV. Summary 246 Chapter Six: Change and Persistence i n S o c i a l Organization i n Shiwa 250 v i i Page I. Change and Persistence i n Households 251 A. Change i n the Consumption Pattern of Households 251 B. Persistence of Household Succession 255 C. Changes i n the Rules of So c i a l Behaviour i n Households 259 1. Changing Authority 260 2. Changing Resource A l l o c a t i o n i n Terms of Sex and Se n i o r i t y 260 a. Women's Status i n Changing Households 261 b. Old People's Status i n Changing Households 266 D. Persistence of Basic Conditions for Households 269 I I . Change and Persistence i n Local Corporate Groups 271 A. Dozoku 271 B. Kumi 274 C. The Hamlet 275 I I I . Change and Persistence i n Religious and Recreational I n s t i t u t i o n s 280 A. Religious I n s t i t u t i o n s 281 1. Shinto 281 2. "Buddhism 285 3. Unorganized F o l k - B e l i e f s 290 B. Recreational I n s t i t u t i o n s 291 IV. Summary 295 Chapter Seven: Conclusion 298 I. Summary of Empirical Findings 298 A. The Central Government and the Farming Community 299 B. Economic Growth of the Nation and the Farming Community 303 C. Adoption of New Farm Techniques and the Farming Community 307 I I . The Future of Japanese Farming Communities 313 A. Future of the Household 316 B. Future of Dozoku 319 C. Future of Kumi 321 D. Future of Yjui 322 E. Future of the Hamlet 323 F. Future of Religious and Recreational I n s t i t u t i o n s 323 G. Future of Japanese Farming Communities 324 References 328 Appendix - Development of Inter-Personal Relations i n the F i e l d 341 v i i i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Page Tables 2-1 Level of Consumption i n C i t i e s 86 2- 2 Supply Index of Food per Capita (1955=100) 87 3- 1 Investment of Man-Day per 10 Ares by Operations 120 3- 2 The Ratio of Unfinished Paddies by Hamlets (June 20,1949) 123 4- 1 Increasing Access to Commercialized Commodities i n Shiwa ( m i l l i o n yen) 153 4-2 Change i n the Proportion of Farm Income i n Farming House-hold Economy 1925-1965 (yen) 155 4-3 Increase i n Part-Time Farming Households i n Shiwa 161 4-4 Relations Between Acreage and Commutors i n Shiwa (1966) 164 4-5 Mechanization of Operations i n Harvest and Post-Harvest:; Steps i n Shiwa (1968) 182 4- 6 Dispersal of Paddy-Fields i n Shiwa (1961) 187 5- 1 Combination of Production A c t i v i t i e s by Acreage (1968) 231 5-2 Major Operations i n Compound Farming (1968) 233 Diagram 3-1 Water A l l o c a t i o n of Canals No. 1-10 113 Maps Map 1 Japan 45 Map 2 Iwate Prefecture 51 Map 3 Shiwa Town and Shiwa Community 53 i x PREFACE Dr. Thomas Smith, an American expert on the h i s t o r y of Japan-ese farming communities, once t o l d Dr. S e i i c h i Tohata, an expert on Japanese a g r i c u l t u r e , that i n his opinion the changes i n Japanese farming communities which began i n 1955 were almost comparable to the Enclosure Movement of eighteenth century England or to the Kolkohz ( c o l l e c t i v e farm) Movement begun i n the U.S.S.R. aft e r 1917. On hear-ing t h i s , Dr. Tohata was at f i r s t surprised, but on second thought he 1 agreed with the above observation. In the process of change that took place i n Japan from 1955 to 1968, Dr. Tohata noticed two occurrances: technological change and economic growth i n farming communities, and the decline of farm production a c t i v i t i e s during the rapid economic growth of the nation as a whole. Numerous books and papers tr e a t i n g various aspects of the above"process have appeared i n Japan, but I have found few s a t i s f a c t o r y s o c i o l o g i c a l writings. In addition, few s o c i -o l o g i c a l papers written i n Western languages have analyzed the above process using f i r s t hand data. I have provided d e t a i l e d information on t h i s subject, i n the hope that i t w i l l be a contribution to Western readers. In t his study, I t r i e d to omit any i r r e l e v a n t information on Japan, however i n t e r e s t i n g i t may be. I also avoided Japanese terms where possible so that anyone who has an i n t e r e s t i n t h i s subject, but 1. S. TShata, ed., 1968, p. i i i . Complete information on footnoted sources appears i n "The References" attached at the end. X does not necessa r i l y have a deep knowledge of Japan, can follow the argument. I have not, however, neglected the accomplishments of Jap-anese scholars. In many places, I condensed enormous amounts of i n f o r -mation i n a few paragraphs while attempting not to mislead the reader. I hope I have not done the i n j u s t i c e of d i s t o r t i n g the accomplishments of Japanese scholars. I quoted only those books and papers which are d i r e c t l y relevant to my discussion; numerous others which were impor-tant but not immediately relevant have had to go unmentioned. The fellowship provided by the Canada Council made t h i s study possible. Without the co-operation of the Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-operative, I could not have completed the necessary study for this degree. Information provided by Mr. Matsuzo Matsuoka, Mr. Kyu Kumagai, Mr. E i e t s u F u j i o , and Mr. Sakuo Takahashi was invaluable. The s t a f f members of the Extension Department were p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l . I fir m l y believe that this co-operative i s a f i r s t class change-agent i n Japan. Among Shiwa farmers, Mr. Takeshi Hatakeyama and his family, Mr. Shingoro N i i s a t o and his family, and Mr. Ryuji Hojo gave me valu-able i n s i g h t s into the l i f e of the farmers. Mr. Yoshitaka Ni i d a , when we f i r s t met, frankly told me that i f I did not reach an understanding of the farmers' mentality he would regard me as a "phony" whatever I might publish: I hope he w i l l not r u t h l e s s l y condemn me upon reading t h i s . I should l i k e to thank others too numerous to name. Staff members of Shiwa Town O f f i c e , Yahaba Town O f f i c e , and Tonan V i l l a g e O f f i c e were kind enough to provide ,the information that I requested. Mr. Kyuzo Abe and Mr. Shoji Takagi of Shiwa Town O f f i c e x i are to be thanked for t h e i r co-operation. The Federation of A g r i c u l t u r Co-Operative i n Iwate Prefecture passed on to me invaluable information i n addition to making arrangements for me to interview c e r t a i n people. Iwate National U n i v e r s i t y had several f a c u l t y members who played the r o l e of consultants; among them I have to express my s p e c i a l thanks to Professors Tadashi Sato, Takeo Ishikawa, and Yoshimi Fujisawa. The Tohoku National A g r i c u l t u r a l Experimental Laboratory c o l l e c t e d enormous amounts of invaluable information; but without the friendship extended by the s t a f f members of t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n , I would not have obtained so much comparative data. Mr. Masayoshi Kimizuka, Mr. K e i j i Hashimoto, Miss Chise Sato and Mr. Kazuo Kamiya were p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l . Among the personnel of the Government of Iwate Prefecture, I must thank Mr. Shin Ogawa and Mr. Hideo Chiba. As to Mr. Ryo Omura, I have respected him for many years, and I was extremely fortunate to be able to work i n his prefecture. The names of Rev. A r i t o s h i Yamada and his family, Dr. Ko Kurihara, and Rev. Kazuya Nakajo and his family must be mentioned here: whenever I t i r e d of research, the encouragement and consolation of these people was invaluable. Professor Kiyomi Morioka of Tokyo U n i v e r s i t y of Education, my teacher i n Japan, has continually encouraged, stimulated and advised me during various aspects of the f i e l d research as well as during the process of w r i t i n g . Professor Kazuhiko Nakayama of I n t e r n a t i o n a l Chris t i a n U n i v e r s i t y programmed and operated the computer to process the data c o l l e c t e d through the co-operative. Without his contribution and fr i e n d s h i p , the completion of t h i s study would have been s i g n i f i c a n t l y x i i delayed. Rev. Sadao Ozawa provided space for me i n his church located i n the centre of Tokyo, helping to economize my lim i t e d budget; he also arranged meetings with i n t e r e s t i n g people i n Iwate. Indeed, he re-charged my withered energy whenever I v i s i t e d him from Shiwa. Mr. Shoto Sugawara, the father of Kayoko (my wife) accommodated my family so that I could f r e e l y conduct the research as I l i k e d . Six professors of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia kindly read a l l three d r a f t s of my study, each time giving me penetrating c r i t i c i s m s and invaluable suggestions. They are: Dr. Wil l i a m Willmott (the f i r s t chairman of my d i s s e r t a t i o n committee), Dr. C y r i l Belshaw (the second chairman), Dr. Harry Hawthorn, Dr. John Howes, Professor Robert Pokrant, and Professor Richard Copley. I learned a great deal from Professor Raymond F i r t h and despite our limited contact he has greatly influenced t h i s study. Miss P a t r i c i a Horrobin and Mrs. Ann Harley accepted the task of e d i t i n g my d r a f t -- i f th i s w r i t i n g has any r e a d a b i l i t y , I owe i t to them. Mrs. Gale L e P i t r e kindly typed the manuscript, which was by ho means easy to read. 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Making c o r r e l a t i o n s between economy and society i s an i n t e -1 g r a l part of common sense for s o c i o l o g i s t s and anthropologists. With t h i s assumption i n mind i t follows that a major change i n the economy ought to r e s u l t i n some s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n the society. Change i n the economy (of a nation) i s mainly expressed i n two terms, "economic 2 growth" and "economic development", and i s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to govern-mental action. P a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the Second World War, economic dev-3 elopment "became a matter of p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y . " I f a government's programmes are successful, the economy ought to grow, and the society ought to change i n some way. This study i s concerned with s o c i a l change i n what i s frequently considered to be a peasant society. Peasant s o c i e t i e s with high rates of economic growth ought to provide challen-ging data for study. Japan, a nation with such a peasant society, succeeded remarkably i n developing i t s economy: the average growth 4 rate of GNP between 1957 and 1966 was 14.57°, and the nation a l economy expanded from an annual production of 31 b i l l i o n U.S. d o l l a r s to 102 b i l l i o n d o l l a r s i n the same period. As the economy of Japan grew, the 1. For example: B. H o s e l i t z , 1957; M. Nash, 1959; W. Moore, 1963(B). See also Section I - B - l . 2. I w i l l treat these terms i n Section I-B-2. 3. W. Moore, 1967, p. 33. 4. The average growth rate i n the same period i n West Germany was 10.4%; I t a l y , 10.0%; E.E.C., 9.5%; France, 8.6%; U.K., 6.1%; U.S.A., 6.0%; and Canada, 5.0%. Ienohikari Kyokai, 1969, p. 52. 2 economy of the r u r a l communities also grew, and s o c i a l change emerged i n a l l aspects of the society, including the r u r a l communities. Be-fore the Second World War, Japanese peasants were economically poorer, p o l i t i c a l l y more conservative, r e l i g i o u s l y more pious, and were less 5 interested i n school education than the inhabitants of c i t i e s ; I f the rate of economic growth i s rapid, studies i n r u r a l communities should reveal conspicuous s o c i a l change i n a r e l a t i v e l y short period. This study w i l l deal mainly with post-war economic development and s o c i a l change i n a r u r a l community i n Japan. To deal with t h i s subject, i t i s necessary to have a clear notion of: (1) how "economy" and "society" are r e l a t e d ; (2) what i s meant by " s o c i a l change"; and (3) what i s e s s e n t i a l for s o c i a l change. There must also be a leading theory within t h i s study to "explain" the process of s o c i a l change. From the theory derived, the areas of i n -terest are defended and substantiated by empirical data. This chapter attempts to c l a r i f y and to r e l a t e relevant concepts; i t proposes a theory and makes statements on the areas covered by the study. F o l -lowing t h i s , there i s a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the research techniques employed and of the community studied. I. An Approach to the Theory of S o c i a l Change A study of Japanese r u r a l communities involves two technical problems. F i r s t , a f t e r the Second World War Japan became r i c h enough ~. T. Fukutake, 1968. 3 to maintain a very large number of professional scholars. Therefore a substantial amount of work had to be surveyed before one could begin to, :discuss research and r e s u l t s and l e g i t i m a t e l y claim any o r i g i n a l i t y . Second, as Ronald Dore pointed out, many Japanese have "a conviction that the foreigner can never ' r e a l l y understand 1 Japan." They do not 6 take s e r i o u s l y non-Japanese scholars' writings on Japan. S a t i s f y i n g both Western and Japanese scholars i s a major problem. This study undertakes two tasks i n order to s a t i s f y o r i e n t a l and occidental researchers. F i r s t , i t b r i e f l y reviews the accomplish-ments and the theories of the Japanese r u r a l s o c i o l o g i s t s as well as of the American anthropologists. Second, i t develops a theory to ex-p l a i n the data accumulated by other Japanese scholars and to explain the data covered by t h i s study. A. Japanese Rural Sociology In the l a t t e r half of the 19th century, Western scholars and th e i r Japanese students taught sociology at two e l i t e u n i v e r s i t i e s , Tokyo U n i v e r s i t y and Kyoto U n i v e r s i t y . U n t i l the 1920's, sociology i n Japan was speculative rather than empirical. The f i r s t empirical study on the Japanese family appeared i n 1926, followed by the f i r s t book on 7 research methodology i n 1933; both were written by Teizo Toda, a pro-fessor at Tokyo U n i v e r s i t y . The high s o c i a l prestige of the U n i v e r s i t y and Toda's fresh approach contributed to the p o p u l a r i z a t i o n of the idea T. R. Dore, 1963, p. 244. 7. T. Toda, 1926, and 1933. 4 8 of empirical research. U n t i l the end of the Second World War, how-ever, the number of s o c i o l o g i s t s and empirical studies were l i m i t e d . The pre-war researchers concentrated on studies of family, 9 10 household, dozoku, or r u r a l communities. During the period from 1928 to 1932, a r u r a l s o c i o l o g i s t , E i t a r o Suzuki, studied farming communities i n Japan, borrowing some of the techniques and concepts used 11 i n American r u r a l sociology. In the early 1930's, Kizaemon Ariga and a group of young s o c i o l o g i s t s began to analyze i n s t i t u t i o n s i n r u r a l communities from a d i f f e r e n t viewpoint; they thought that the " s o c i a l r e a l i t y " of Japanese r u r a l communities, which could not be adequately covered by Western concepts, had to be the " r e a l " s t a r t -ing point of any discussion. P a r a l l e l to this phenomena, studies i n f o l k l o r e and ethnology led by Kunio Yanagida provided d e t a i l e d descrip-12 tions of Japanese c u l t u r a l t r a i t s . One notices two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the three schools of r u r a l studies i n this period. F i r s t , resear-chers did not have "theories" to apply to t h e i r studies: they derived generalizations by inductive inference and interpreted data instead of 13 t e s t i n g hypotheses. Second, they did not emphasize the impact of change i n outside conditions upon the r u r a l community under study. Japanese r u r a l sociology r a p i d l y developed a f t e r the Second World War. The number of s o c i o l o g i s t s increased, and the r e - i n t r o d u c t i o n 8. K. Naito, 1958, p. 56. 9. D e f i n i t i o n appears on page 66. 10. On these i n s t i t u t i o n s , see Chapter Two, Section I-B. 11. E. Suzuki, 1939. 12. C. Nakane, 1967, p. 181. 13. 0. Hasumi, 1958, p. 109. 5 of American sociology remarkably improved the techniques of s o c i a l research. K a r l Marx and F r i e d r i c h Engels' writings, banned by the Japanese government u n t i l 1945, came to influence the s o c i a l sciences. S o c i o l o g i s t s began to use i n t h e i r studies sharper t h e o r e t i c a l f o c i gained from Marxian and other Western approaches. Changes immediately a f t e r the l a s t war i n the f i e l d s of p o l i t y , law, economy, education, and r e l i g i o n , aroused the i n t e r e s t of s o c i o l o g i s t s . The simultaneous development of other s o c i a l sciences such as economics, economic h i s -tory, law, f o l k l o r e , ethnology, and s o c i a l anthropology, also stimula-ted s o c i o l o g i s t s . Compared to pre-war research, s i g n i f i c a n t changes occurred i n post-war r u r a l sociology: s o c i o l o g i s t s ' areas of i n t e r e s t d i v e r s i f i e d ; they used new t h e o r e t i c a l tools i n t h e i r studies, among which the Marxian approach and s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l analysis were pre-eminent; new techniques of data c o l l e c t i o n and data processing«were adop-ted; they j o i n t l y studied a community with researchers of other d i s c i -p l ines — researchers of r u r a l communities j o i n t l y organized an academic asso c i a t i o n i n the 1950's which included scholars of various d i s c i p l i n e s ; 14 the number of publications increased. Post-war publications contain a couple of basic features which are objectionable: i n some cases s o c i o l o g i s t s ' writings are not objec-t i v e , i n other cases they are taxonomic, that i s , i n c l i n e d toward cate-g o r i z a t i o n rather than explanation. This chapter examines four recent books relevant to the areas dealt with i n t h i s study. The books were 14. See the following sources: Hasumi, op. c i t . , Japanese Ethnological Association, ed., 1954, V o l . 2, pp. 579-587 and pp. 596-597, K. Odaka, 1950, and Nakane, op. c i t . , pp. 176-183. 6 a l l w r i tten by r e l a t i v e l y young but w e l l known researchers i n contem-porary Japan. The discussion deals mainly with the introductory chap-ters and the l a s t chapters since these parts reveal the t h e o r e t i c a l views of the works. The f i r s t book treats r e l a t i o n s between a g r i c u l -15 t u r a l co-operatives and farming communities. The second book i s concerned with the impact of the c e n t r a l government's p o l i c i e s on 16 r u r a l communities. The s t y l e of these f i r s t two sets of authors i s representative of the writings of some contemporary s o c i o l o g i s t s who have come under the influence of the Marxian approach. The t h i r d book represents the peak of post-war studies i n dozoku by soc-17 i o l o g i s t s . The fourth book represents the s o c i a l anthropologists' 18 approach to community studies i n Japan. Tadashi Fukutake i s a representative r u r a l s o c i o l o g i s t i n contemporary Japan, who has been influenced to a l i m i t e d extent by the Marxian approach. A group of researchers who were trained under him wrote the f i r s t two books; so they are treated j o i n t l y . The books are studded with phrases and statements s i m i l a r to the following examples quoted from the introductory chapter of the second book: " S e l f - s u f f i c i e n t a g r i c u l t u r a l production was t y p i c a l of pre-c a p i t a l i s t i c a g r i c u l t u r a l production and the economic basis of so c a l l e d 'traditionalism'."19 "We have to focus on the problem-situation under the system [or 'establishment'?] of so c a l l e d 'state [or 'national'?] monopolistic capitalism'. 15. J . Watanuki, J . Matsubara, and 0. Hasumi, eds., 1964. 16. J . Matsubara and 0. Hasumi, 1968. 17. T. Nakano, 1964. On th i s i n s t i t u t i o n , see Chapter Two, Section I-B-2. 18. C. Nakane, 1967. 19. Matsubara et a l . , 1968, p. 6. 20. Op. c i t . , p. 7. Parentheses supplied. 7 "Under the system of state monopolistic capitalism, one can observe that unbalanced growth occurs between a g r i c u l t u r e and manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s , as w e l l as government of a g r i c u l -ture and farmers by capital."21 "Development of s t r a t a - d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n as the expression of government by capital...."22 In the f i n a l chapter of the f i r s t book, the editors discussed the re-la t i o n s between monopolistic capitalism, the government (or " s t a t e " ) , and s o c i a l change i n Japanese farming communities, the topic covered by this study. To summarize the ed i t o r s ' argument, monopolistic cap-i t a l i s m incorporated the government as i t s agent and thereby governed farming communities. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , post-war state monpolistic capitalism had two "demands": (1) to develop commercial farming, diminishing the s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y of r u r a l communities i n order to ex-pand the domestic markets f o r i t s products and (2) to absorb cheap l a -bour from r u r a l areas i n order to compete with other countries i n i n -23 ter n a t i o n a l markets. According to the e d i t o r s , these two demands, commercialization of farming and the exodus of r u r a l labour, were 24 "changes" (dependent variables) although the readers cannot know i f these "changes" are what the editors mean by " s o c i a l change". Mono-p o l i s t i c c a p i t a l i s m "wished" c e r t a i n patterns to develop (independent v a r i a b l e s ) , so the above changes occurred. I f one discussed the above changes i n terms of farmers' a s p i r a t i o n to f i l l the gap between the 21. Op. c i t . , p. 8. 22. Op. c i t . , p. 9. 23. Watanuki, et a l . , eds., op. c i t . , pp. 249-250. 24. Op. c i t . , p. 250. 8 l i v i n g standard of farming communities and i n d u s t r i a l workers' house-holds, he would be "fundamentally wrong...because, he was dazzled by 25 'phenomena' and could not see the 'substance' (or 'essence')." In b r i e f , the e d i t o r s ' proposition i s : the " l o g i c of the monopolistic ca p i t a l i s m " caused the "changes" i n farming communities. In order to conform with the e d i t o r s ' l i n e of argument, one has to i d e n t i f y the "demands" and the " l o g i c " of the monopolistic capitalism. The editors claimed that "the above point", which i s summarized i n the form of a proposition, " w i l l immediately become clear when we examine the estab-l i s h i n g process of the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law, the intensive expression 26 of c a p i t a l ' s demands on farming." " I t — the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law — emerged on the basis of the ' l o g i c ' of c a p i t a l rather than the ' l o g i c ' of developing farm economy, and the Programmes for S t r u c t u r a l Improvement of Farms27 which i s the empirical expression of the c a p i t a l ' s l o g i c , emerged bearing the 'anti-farmers' tendency."^^ Three c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s emerge i n the writings of these s o c i o l -o g i s t s . F i r s t , i n the above discussion, the e d i t o r s ' concepts are not c l e a r . To give a few examples, the meaning of " l o g i c " , " l o g i c of mono-p o l i s t i c capitalism", or " l o g i c of c a p i t a l " i s unclear. Second, the editors personify c e r t a i n concepts such as " c a p i t a l " or " c a p i t a l i s m " . Third, they do not always e s t a b l i s h a point e m p i r i c a l l y . I n . s p i t e of t h e i r claim, one cannot know how to i d e n t i f y the "demands" or " l o g i c " of the monopolistic capitalism. The three concepts — "demands of cap-i t a l i s m " , " l o g i c of capitalism", and " l o g i c of c a p i t a l " — are not c l e a r , 25. I b i d . 26. I b i d . 27. On these programmes, see Chapter Two, Section II-B. 28. Op. c i t . , p. 251. 9 as the editors try to define concepts i n terms of other undefined con-cepts. With unclear concepts, one cannot c l e a r l y e s t a b l i s h a point. In addition, i f one i s not i n conformity with the e d i t o r s ' argument, 29 he i s branded "fundamentally wrong." In order to be approved by these e d i t o r s , one has to accept t h e i r assertions: they try to make th e i r points by assertions rather than i n an empi r i c a l l y testable man-ner. Apparently, these researchers have a keen awareness of the impact of ce n t r a l government p o l i c i e s and programmes as w e l l as of the impact of economic conditions i n the society at large on farming communities. Their statements, however, contain considerable "Marxian" jargon developed i n Japan and c i d hoc terms created by combining several characters, most of which do not help to explain human behaviour i n empirical s i t u a t i o n s . The t h i r d w r i t e r , Takashi Nakano, represents monographers i n contemporary Japan i n that the ultimate goal of h i s research i s to con-30 s t r u c t r i g i d categories and to f i n d r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the categories. He claims the "theory" of dozoku as "one of the great achievements Jap-31 anese s o c i o l o g i s t s have accomplished." This theory i s "del i v e r e d 32 from and brought up by empirical f i e l d research." In Nakano's d i s -cussion, " t h e o r i z a t i o n " means to i d e n t i f y the basic unit of analysis, to f i n d rules which r e l a t e the units i n c e r t a i n ways, and to re-construct 29. Op. c i t . , p. 250 and 278. 30. M. Shimpo, 1970, p. 60. 31. Nakano, 1964, p. 5. 32. Op. c i t . , p. 6. 10 a s o c i a l phenomenon. When a new concept or a category i n a theory re-33 places an old one, Nakano c a l l s the product the " r e f i n e d " theory. When researchers propose "more adequate terms which help to define the essence (of a s o c i a l phenomenon)", he asserts: "We have to regard i t 34 as the development of a theory." His approach i s b a s i c a l l y taxo-nomic rather than explanatory although his concepts are clear i n Jap-anese/ In addition, h i s i n t e r e s t i n cross c u l t u r a l data i s l i m i t e d i n spite- of the f a c t that he mentions such work. Nakano asserts that " t r u l y universal theory can be created only through empirical studies of h i s t o r i c a l facts and through confrontation with theories developed i n other s o c i e t i e s . " Then, he rejects i n d i v i d u a l Japanese theories "which lack the viewpoint of cross c u l t u r a l comparison." He also de-monstrates his reluctance to accept any ready made Western theories 35 as "ultimate t r u t h . " In his major work of eight hundred pages, how-ever, only seven Western scholars are ref e r r e d to: two scholars of law In the nineteenth century, two German s o c i o l o g i s t s of the early twentieth century, one Canadian h i s t o r i a n , one American s o c i a l psycho-l o g i s t , and one American anthropologist. The only anthropologist Nakano quoted i s George Murdock, and the most highly evaluated s o c i o l o g i s t i s Max Weber. No other comparative study by c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l anthropo-l o g i s t s appears i n Nakano's major work. In sum, his works are not only taxonomic but the taxonomy i s comprised of p a r t i c u l a r l y Japanese cate-33. Op. c i t . , p. 31 and p. 34. 34. Op. c i t . , p. 35. 35. Nakano, 1968. In this r e p r i n t of his major 1964 work, Nakano added a p o s t s c r i p t to answer some of his c r i t i c s . 11 gories. In order to be a contribution to the world body of knowledge i n s o c i a l sciences, Nakano's works w i l l have to be " t r a n s l a t e d " into more general terms. Chie Nakane represents the s o c i a l anthropological approach i n contemporary Japan. She i s concerned with examining " i n the l i g h t of modern methods of s o c i a l anthropology" "a wealth of m a t e r i a l " c o l -l e c t e d by Japanese scholars, which was "not yet f u l l y analyzed by Wes-36 tern scholars." The major subject of her book i s "systematic theo-r e t i c a l g e n e r a l i z a t i o n on the basis of a s t r u c t u r a l analysis of the 37 data concerned with Japanese k i n s h i p . " As a.well trained s o c i a l anthropologist, she has extensive knowledge of comparative data; unlike Nakano, she has a p o s i t i v e i n t e r e s t i n l o c a t i n g Japanese s o c i a l organ-38 i z a t i o n i n the more general taxonomy of human s o c i e t i e s . She challenges, for example, the d e f i n i t i o n of dozoku developed by s o c i o l o g i s t s and 39 " t r a n s l a t e s " i t into s o c i a l anthropological terms. She l i s t s c r i t e r i a of a "descent group", or more s p e c i f i c a l l y , of a "lineage". She then examines dozoku i n t h i s l i g h t and concludes that i t i s not a lineage. Thus, she " t r a n s l a t e s " the contributions of some Japanese scholars, i n -cluding Nakano, into more accessible form. As mentioned above, Nakane 40 has a p o s i t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n toward gen e r a l i z a t i o n . For a l l her empha-41 s i s on t h e o r e t i c a l rigour, however, her propositions seem to have lim-i t e d explanatory power. Following Raymond F i r t h , she talks about s o c i a l 36. G. Nakane, 1967, p. v. 37. Op. c i t . , p. v i . 38. Shimpo, op. c i t . , p. 61. 39. Nakane, op. c i t . , p. 85. 40. Op. c i t ; , p. v i . 41. Op. c i t . , p. 85. 12 organization and "the p r i n c i p l e of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . " A f t e r examining i n s t i t u t i o n s i n r u r a l communities she i n d u c t i v e l y i n f e r s that there are three " d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s t r u c t u r a l p r i n c i p l e un-derlying Japanese s o c i a l organization." F i r s t , "personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s are confined to the 'tangible' and ' l o c a l ' sphere, which l i m i t s the scope of the s o c i o l o g i c a l body of i n d i v i d u a l s . " Second, " s o c i a l organ-i z a t i o n tends to produce a one-sided structure, i n which personal re-l a t i o n s h i p s and the system of organization usually function along a v e r t i c a l l i n e , " or e g a l i t a r i a n r e l a t i o n s h i p s receive l i t t l e emphasis. Third, "groups become independent of each other with no elaborate or constant network cutting across the d i f f e r e n t groups i n the way that 42 Hindu caste networks cut across various v i l l a g e s . " Nakane further concludes that these are the r e s u l t s (dependent variables) of the 43 absence of a u n i l i n e a l descent system (independent v a r i a b l e ) . If this i s the case, when a society lacks a u n i l i n e a l descent system, the s t r u c t u r a l p r i n c i p l e must have the above c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , roughly de-termining the features of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n i t . However, i n Canada and the United States where the u n i l i n e a l descent system i s not t y p i c a l , the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s assumed by Nakane to e x i s t i n the absence of that system are not necessarily found. I t i s apparent that Nakane has not e x p l i c i t l y stated many of the postulates made i n her discussion. As the rules and c r i t e r i a of her inductive inference are not e x p l i c i t , i t i s doubtful that anyone adopting her approach i n dealing with the same material would reach e i t h e r her conclusion or s i m i l a r ones. "42~! Op. c i t . , p. 172. 43. Op. c i t . , p. 170. 13 In order that Japanese scholars may make some contribution to the body of knowledge commonly shared by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i n the world, whether contributing theory or empirical information, t h e i r pre-sentations ought to s a t i s f y a few conditions. F i r s t , the researchers must use clear concepts. Second, they must have a theory, preferably one which i s explanatory, however simple i t may be. Third, they must a r t i c u l a t e indices so that others can use them. I t i s hoped that the above conditions are s a t i s f i e d i n this study. B. Community Studies i n Japan by American Anthropologists During the period between 1935 and 1936, John Embree conduc-44 ted the f i r s t and sole pre-war ethnographic study of r u r a l Japan. The Second World War separated American anthropologists f o r a few years from this i s l a n d country. Numerous Americans came to l i v e i n Japan a f t e r the l a s t world war, when opportunities to study r u r a l Ja-pan were open. The studies that resulted are usually referred to as "community studies". As early as 1950, A.F. Raper and others published t h e i r observations i n a work e n t i t l e d The Japanese V i l l a g e i n T r a n s i -45 t i o n f o r SCAP. Among Japanese scholars, t h i s was considered a no-torious study since the research method was rather rough. According to a legend among researchers i n Japan, a group of Americans i n uni-form drove jeeps into r u r a l communities and "interviewed" farmers who had been c a l l e d to the place by m i l i t a r y a u t h o r i t i e s . Detailed mono-44~! Embree, 1939. 45. SCAP = Supreme Commander of the A l l i e d Powers. 14 graphs began to appear a f t e r this period of unsophisticated studies. Associates of the Centre f o r Japanese Studies of the University of Mich-igan, such as John C o r n e l l , Edward Norbeck, and Robert Smith, and other scholars from d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s conducted community studies i n the early 1950's: they published t h e i r reports i n the mid 1950's. A l l these studies, together with studies by scholars of d i f f e r e n t 46 47 48 d i s c i p l i n e s such as Paul D u l l , Andrew Grad, Thomas Smith, or Thomas 49 Grubbs prepared the way for the epoch making study l a t e r achieved by the Centre f o r Japanese Studies. From A p r i l 1950 to July 1954 a group of scholars conducted a thorough piece of research i n a hamlet c a l l e d 50 N i i i k e located i n the southwestern mainland. Among the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h i s project such names as Cornell, Norbeck, Smith, or George De Vos were found besides the authors of V i l l a g e Japan. In 1956, the Asia Foundation, an American non-profit organization, i n i t i a t e d an experiment i n the same hamlet — a project of mechanizing farm p r a c t i c e s . A team of Japanese s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s began to study the e f f e c t of changes as they would appear i n the hamlet. No s i n g l e Japanese hamlet has ever been observed by so many scholars with d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l backgrounds and academic d i s c i p l i n e s for so long. Indeed, this was the peak of community studies i n Japan by American anthropologists. A f t e r this study, the i n t e r e s t of American scholars seemed to have l e f t t his sub-j e c t . In the 1960's, Japanese scholars did not f i n d many stimulating "46! D u l l , P., 1953. 47. Grad, A., 1952. 48. Smith, T., 1952. 49. Grubbs, T., 1953. 50. Beardsley et a l . , 1959. 15 monographs of community studies by Americans. This subsection discusses Embree's work (which s t i l l enjoys a high reputation among contemporary Japanese scholars)and the monographs produced by a group of Americans rela t e d to the Centre for Japanese Studies. Reading l i s t s of r u r a l sociology i n contemporary Japan s t i l l include Embree's Suye Mura not because of h i s concepts and categori-zation of s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s but because of his v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n of pre-war r u r a l l i f e . When Embree conducted h i s research, Japanese r u r a l sociology was i n the making: Ei t a r o Suzuki who gave advice to Embree 51 published h i s own book i n the same year that Embree published h i s monograph from the University of Chicago Press. Japanese scholars' pre-war writings frequently dealt with one or two aspects of the s o c i a l system or discussed a couple of i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the r u r a l s o c i -ety. Instead of farmers' behaviour i n everyday l i f e , t h e i r i n t e r e s t tended to focus on functions of c e r t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n s i n h i s t o r i c a l perspective. On the other hand, being trained under Radcliffe-Brown, Embree described the "network of d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s 52 l i n k i n g together i n d i v i d u a l human beings" through h i s f i r s t h a n d ob-servation of farmers' behaviour. Contemporary Japanese students have been brought up i n the decades of rapid post-war s o c i a l change and are thus a kind of "foreigner" knowing l i t t l e about pre-war r u r a l Japan. Hence, they can perceive the pre-war s i t u a t i o n more v i v i d l y from Embree's de s c r i p t i o n than from some Japanese sources. IT. Suzuki, E., 1939. 52. Embree, op. c i t . , p. xv. 16 Embree had a l i m i t e d command of o r a l Japanese but could-not read Japanese l i t e r a t u r e : a l l he di d was to c o l l e c t data by interviews, often through an i n t e r p r e t e r , and to record what he personally observed. The language b a r r i e r placed a c e r t a i n l i m i t a t i o n on h i s study. I f he had access to Japanese papers a v a i l a b l e at that time, h i s concepts would have been sharper, as would have been h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of r e l a -tions between such categories as "family", "household", or "extended 53 family". The reader cannot c l e a r l y see i f l e i s a family or a house-hold i n Embree's terms nor can he see the r e l a t i o n s between l e and "the extended family. Embree applied Lloyd Warner's s i x s o c i a l class cate-gories (the upper upper, the lower upper, the upper middle, the lower middle, the upper lower, and the lower lower) to group Japanese f a r -mers i n terms of the degree of t h e i r access to s o c i a l and economic re-sources . By doing t h i s he underestimated the s i g n i f i c a n c e of landlord-tenant r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n pre-war Japan. I f one i s int e r e s t e d i n s o c i a l change, one has to take Embree's de s c r i p t i o n as the s t a r t i n g l i n e or T^ rather than an intermediate point or T^. This i s because Embree did not c l e a r l y discuss what had changed, or i n what manner: h i s emphasis was the present, and h i s i n t e r e s t i n s o c i a l change seemed l i m i t e d . l a b r i e f , Embree applied the concepts a v a i l a b l e at the University of Chicago instead of adopting or modifying any of the concepts or categories about r u r a l Japan developed by Japanese scholars. 53. See Chapter Two, Section I - B - l . I used the term "household" as an English equivalent of Ie_ and not to denote merely a group of residents under the same roof who share s o c i a l and economic l i f e as a u n i t . 54. For example, Ariga, 1933 and 1934 were a v a i l a b l e as g o o d references 17 Consequently, he missed a number of s i g n i f i c a n t points from the view-point of contemporary researchers. As a part of the b i g project of the Centre for Japanese Stu-dies, John Cor n e l l and Robert Smith independently but almost simultan-eously conducted ethnographic studies of one hamlet i n Shikoku (1950-55 56 1951) and another hamlet i n the mainland (1951-1952). The common goal of t h e i r studies was to demonstrate that with some modification, 57 Redfield's concept of " f o l k s o c i e t y " was useful i n the study of Jap-anese r u r a l s o c i e t y . Like Embree, they had some o r a l Japanese but could not read Japanese l i t e r a t u r e ; hence they had to depend upon i n t e r -views and f i r s t h a n d observation, including p a r t i c i p a n t observation. Unlike Embree, however, they were aware of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of landlord-tenant r e l a t i o n s h i p s , because they were i n the f i e l d a f t e r the Land Reform. Both of them distinguished a family from a household; the "household" was a group of residents under the same roof who shared s o c i a l and economic l i f e as a unit, while the "family" was a k i n group regardless of the l o c a t i o n of the members' residences at a given time. 55. Cor n e l l , 1956. 56. Smith, 1956. 57. Redfield wrote about " f o l k s o c i e t y " i n Chan Kom: A Maya V i l l a g e (1934, Alfonso V i l l a was the co-author) as follows: "These v i l l a g e s are small communities of i l l i t e r a t e a g r i c u l -t u r a l i s t s , carrying on a homogeneous culture transmitting by o r a l t r a d i t i o n . They d i f f e r from the communities of the pre-l i t e r a t e tribesman i n that they are p o l i t i c a l l y and economi-c a l l y dependent upon the towns and c i t i e s of modern l i t e r a t e c i v i l i z a t i o n and that the v i l l a g e r s are w e l l aware of the towns-man and c i t y dweller and i n part define t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the world i n terms of these. The peasant i s a r u s t i c , and he knows i t . " Quoted from Embree, 1939, p. xx, footnote. 18 Neither of them adopted the concept of I_e nor analyzed inter-household r e l a t i o n s i n terms of dozoku. Despite Cornell's d e s c r i p t i o n of tech-n o l o g i c a l change i n farm p r a c t i c e s , he did not deal with i t s impact upon farmers' behaviour, s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s , nor did he explain why the l o c a l farmers adopted the innovations. When Smith discussed s o c i a l change, he made an inventory of various spheres i n which changes were observed: from his d e s c r i p t i o n one cannot e x p l i c i t l y perceive h i s concept of " s o c i a l change". Both Co r n e l l and Smith be-l i e v e d that the hamlet was the most p e r s i s t e n t i n s t i t u t i o n i n r u r a l Japan and f a i l e d to see the dire c t i o n s changes i n i t under c e r t a i n conditions. Their great emphasis on the p e r s i s t e n t aspect of the hamlet tended to lessen r e l a t i v e l y t h e i r judgement of the impact of the c e n t r a l government or of the national economy upon the hamlet despite the i n i t i a l goal of the studies. The study of N i i i k e by Richard Beardsley (anthropologist), John H a l l ( h i s t o r i a n ) , and Robert Ward ( p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t ) was unique 58 i n several respects. F i r s t , scholars of d i f f e r e n t d i s c i p l i n e s co-ordinated t h e i r e f f o r t s i n studying a s i n g l e Japanese hamlet. Second, the team of scholars could obtain comparative data from the works of the i r graduate students. Third, the team of scholars, one of whom was a h i s t o r i a n , had access to Japanese l i t e r a t u r e so that the h i s -t o r i c a l aspect of t h e i r study was strengthened compared with other previous community studies by American anthropologists. F i n a l l y , they "BIT Beardsley et a l . , 1959. 19 used more sophisticated research techniques than other preceding ones: besides t r a d i t i o n a l techniques of interviews and f i r s t h a n d observations, they used questionnaires. Because of the above features, t h e i r study was thorough, and some concepts which had remained nebulous since Embree's study became much cl e a r e r . Beardsley and h i s colleagues used the term "household" as the English equivalent of le and analyzed the inter-household's r e l a t i o n s i n terms of dozoku — they adopted the term "lineage". They could compare t h e i r findings with those of Jap-anese scholars such as Kizaemon Ariga. Much of t h e i r discussion made sense to Japanese scholars although some, such as Chie Nakane, were unhappy about Beardsley's usage of "lineage". Beardsley regarded the hamlet as a microcosm and used an equilibrium model: a f t e r the study, he and his colleagues concluded that the hamlet had the "capacity to 59 maintain equilibrium...absorbing fundamental changes." The authors' b e l i e f s were challenged when N i i i k e farmers began to introduce farm machines i n 1956. When Beardsley r e - v i s i t e d h i s o l d f i e l d i n 1957, he thought that "One thing i s c e r t a i n . N i i i k e . . . w i l l never be quite 60 the same again." Then, a set of questions a r i s e i n the mind of the reader: "How w i l l a s o c i a l system change?"; "What w i l l cause the change?"; and "What w i l l change i n what manner?" I f a scholar wishes to pursue such questions, he has to develop h i s own theory to explain s o c i a l change i n r u r a l Japan. ~59~. Op. c i t . , p. 480. 60. Op. c i t . , p. 481. 20 C. An Approach to the Theory of S o c i a l Change When proposing to construct a theory of s o c i a l change, one faces the immediate question as to whether various s o c i a l phenomena i n the process of s o c i a l change can be explained by a s i n g l e theory; as 61 Wilbert Moore s a i d , i t might be a "dubious enterprise." However, "the attempt to a r r i v e at 'descriptive' generalizations seems i n any 62 case to be of dubious value," too. Attempts to produce an inventory 63 of empirical generalizations i n many aspects of society seem to need 64 further refinement. I d e a l l y , the study seeks to " a r r i v e at gen e r a l i -zations about 'causal' connections of the type: 'X' i s l i k e l y to 65 lead to 'Y', other things being equal." This s e c t i o n i s an approach 66 to the construction of a theory of s o c i a l change. 1• Economy and Society In the h i s t o r y of theories of s o c i a l change, there have ex-i s t e d at l e a s t two groups of ideas, c y c l i c a l theories and theories of evolutionary stages. P i t i r i m Sorokin's theory of the a l t e r n a t i o n of 67 " i d e a t i o n a l " , " i d e a l i s t i c " , and "sensate" culture i s an example of a c y c l i c a l theory. Unlike economists' theories of the "business cycle", 61. W. Moore, 1963 (A), p. 33. 62. R. Dore, 1963, p. 242. 63. For example, see W. Moore, 1963 (B), C. Kerr, J . Dunlop, F. Har-bison, and C. Myers, 1960. 64. "Preface" of C. Belshaw, 1967. 65. Dore, op. c i t . , p. 242. 66. I have been influenced by the work of Ken'ichi Tominaga, 1965. 67. P. Sorokin, 1957. 21 Sorokin's theory had no empirically testable indices for measuring the magnitude of changes from one phase to another, e.g. from " i d e a t i o n a l " culture, to an " i d e a l i s t i c " one. In addition, the time span of the changes from " i d e a t i o n a l " culture to " i d e a l i s t i c " culture was so large that the documentation tended to be crude. Richard La Piere claimed that "the c y c l i c a l theory can...be d i s c r e d i t e d by the very kind of 68 evidence upon which i t i s erected." Since such t h e o r i z a t i o n i s not e m p i r i c a l l y testable, theories i n this category are excluded from consideration. Theories of evolutionary stages assume c e r t a i n trends i n s o c i a l change — to borrow the economists' expressions, trends of 69 the "developmental" as w e l l as the "regressive" type. As stated ear-l i e r , the examination of s o c i a l change a r i s i n g from economic growth con-s t i t u t e s the c e n t r a l focus of t h i s study; economic growth i s , by def-70 i n i t i o n , "a sustained increase...in the volume of products." There-fore, the proposed theory assumes c e r t a i n evolutionary and develop-mental trends. The rel a t i o n s h i p s assumed between economy and society up to 71 this point need c l a r i f i c a t i o n . There have been two streams, of thought i n this regard: (1) the view that economy can be marked o f f from other aspects of society; and (2) the view that economy and society are d i f -ferent abstract models of the same phenomenon. Most economists and 72 some s o c i o l o g i s t s l i k e V i l f r e d o Pareto have held the f i r s t view. 68. R. La Piere, 1965, p. 22. 69. For example, H. Leibenstein, 1957, p. 8. 70. S. Kuznets, 1959, p. 1. 71. In the following discussion, I owe much to Ken'ichi Tominaga, 1965. 72. V. Pareto, 1935, V o l . 1, Ch. 2. 22 73 74 Economists l i k e Marx, s o c i o l o g i s t s l i k e T a l c o t t Parsons, and most anthropologists have held the second view. Raymond F i r t h , f o r example, argued that "economic re l a t i o n s h i p s are part of an o v e r a l l system of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s (however weak this system i s structured and i n -tegrated) . The economic system (or sub-system) i s therefore to be f u l l y understood only i n a context of s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , r i t u a l , moral, 75 and even aesthetic a c t i v i t i e s and values, and i n turn, a f f e c t s these." As Belshaw rephrased F i r t h ' s statements, a l l actions have an economic 76 aspect and a s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l aspect. This argument has to assume a s o c i a l system. This study perceives "economy" as man's choice of a l l o c a t i n g scarce means to competing ends. Making a choice out of a l t e r n a t i v e s i s a kind of decision-making, and non-economic aspects w i l l come in t o the process as factors which a f f e c t the dec i s i o n . I f one has a model of decision-making, he can explain people's behaviour, in c l u d i n g the economic aspect. In summary, as economy i s an aspect of a s o c i a l system, change i n the economic aspect w i l l a f f e c t other aspects of the system i n terms of the people's action. And a model of decision-making w i l l explain t h e i r behaviour. But before examining the model, factors that would cause "developmental trends" i n s o c i a l change must be i d e n t i f i e d . ~W. K. Marx, 1859. 74. T. Parsons and N. Smelser, 1956. 75. R. F i r t h , 1964 (B), p. 16. 76. C. Belshaw, 1965, p. 5. 23 2• A Developmental Trend i n S o c i a l Change The theory that i s relevant has to explain developmental trends i n s o c i e t i e s . A number of factors may cause the developmental trend, but this discussion i s i n i t i a t e d from an observable phenomenon, which i s economy. In the 1950's, despite attempts among some scholars to make a d i s t i n c t i o n between "growth" and "development" i n economic change, 77 these terms were p r a c t i c a l l y synonymous. In the 1960's, clearer d i s -t i n c t i o n of these concepts emerged. According to Moore, "growth"'is a quantitative increase i n output while "development" i s an increase i n 78 the complexity of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework of the s o c i a l system. Regarding this concept of "development" Charles Erasmus asserts that when an innovation i s introduced, the people concerned estimate how l i k e l y they are of being rewarded through i t s use, and react accordingly. I f they test the innovation and f i n d i t p r o f i t a b l e , they adopt i t , changing t h e i r behaviour patterns. When these new patterns of behaviour are i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , or when they are i n t e r n a l i z e d i n the s o c i a l 79 system, an " a d d i t i v e " type of change takes place. This process of adding i n s t i t u t i o n a l complexity i s "development" as Erasmus perceived i t . Thus, "development" contains "growth", but i t i s more than simply "growth", and a "developmental trend" i n t h i s study means a process of sustained quantitative increase i n output, accompanying increasing i n s t i t u t i o n a l complexity i n the s o c i a l system. 77. For example, see B. Higgins, 1959, A. Hirschman, 1957, and B. H o s e l i t z , 1957. 78. W. Moore, 1965, pp. 5-6. 79. C. Erasmus, 1961, pp. 52-56. 24 I f the economic aspect and other aspects of a s o c i a l system change as discussed above, a close look at changes i n the economy i s necessary. Simon Kuznets observed that a d i s t i n c t feature of modern economic growth i s high growth rates of population simultaneously com-80 bined with a high per-capita product. When av a i l a b l e resources are l i m i t e d , an increase i n population ought to cause a decrease i n per-capita product. Marked increases i n the product per labour unit i n a; s i t u a t i o n of population growth, Kuznets maintained, usually i s pos-s i b l e only through continuing innovation of advanced productive tech-81 nology. Apparently, he assumed c e r t a i n values. Despite an increase i n demand f o r a c e r t a i n output and the adoption of advanced productive technology, the output may not increase i f the labourers do not work for the'same length of time as they did before the innovations were adopted. I f the hours of work remain unchanged, however, increasing per capita product would imply "advanced productive technology" and 82 " i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . " In order to define " i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n " , one has to define "industry", which i s a form of aggregated human actions r e l a t e d to the production of goods and services-. But not a l l such human actions are "industry" unless these actions s a t i s f y c e r t a i n conditions. Manning Nash's d e f i n i t i o n i s s u i t a b l e f o r the purpose of this study: "A form of production...considered to be men aggregated at power-driven machines, working f o r monetary return with the products of the manufacturing process entering i n t o a market based on a network of exchange relations."83 80. S. Kuznets, 1959. 81. Kuznets, l o c . c i t . , pp. 14-15. 82. Ib i d . 83. M. Nash, 1954, p. 271. 25 In other words, Nash suggested three conditions: (1) use of power-driven machines i n the production process; (2) s o c i a l actions motivated by rewards i n monetary terms; and (3) the existence of a market economy. Manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s s a t i s f y these conditions most s t r i c t l y at present, but any other production a c t i v i t i e s , i n c l u d i n g farming, can become an "industry" i f the a c t i v i t i e s simultaneously s a t i s f y a l l the above conditions. From the above, i t i s seen that " i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n " i s the process by which s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s r e l a t e d to production gradu-a l l y come to s a t i s f y these three conditions. Another concept to be examined i s "advanced productive technology", and i t s r e l a t i o n to economic development. Tominaga sum-marized c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of "technology" i n the following terms: (1) man must f i r s t have the motive to modify given conditions i n t o "more s a t i s f a c t o r y " ones; (2) the body of knowledge concerning laws of na-ture are re-organized; and (3) technology takes on a cumulative aspect because of the cumulative c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of knowledge concerning the 84 laws of nature. Thus conceived, technology i s broad and abstract, but what i s empirically observable i s concrete and requires more spe-c i f i c terms to describe i t . Any complex of standardized means f o r 85 a t t a i n i n g a predetermined r e s u l t i s "technique" — whether i t i n -cludes human or non-human components. With a new idea, techniques convert spontaneous and u n r e f l e c t i v e human behaviour into deliberate behaviour. Non-human components may be machines, chemical products or 84^ K. Tominaga, 1965, pp. 205-208. 85. J . E l l u l , 1954, p. v i . 26 others. When a set of ideas, human behaviour, or non-human components are q u a l i t a t i v e l y "new" to the s o c i a l system under question, they are "innovations". Thus, advanced productive technology i s made up of advanced productive techniques. As technique i s a complex of standar-dized means, change i n one part of the complex w i l l r e s u l t i n change or modification of the technique. According to Tominaga, there are three spheres of causal r e l a t i o n s between advanced productive technology and economy: (1) d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of the kind of economic output; (2) re-organization i n factors of production; and (3) reduction of the per unit production 86 cost. The t h i r d r e l a t i o n has to be c o n d i t i o n a l , f o r adoption of a new technique may cause an increase i n labour p r o d u c t i v i t y as w e l l as c a p i t a l p r o d u c t i v i t y ; but these two do not necessarily coincide. I f the newly adopted technique i s i n e f f i c i e n t l y employed, as i n the case of farm machines used only on a small number of days per year, the pro-duction cost per unit of labour w i l l increase. Anyway, to d i v e r s i f y economic output w i l l d i v e r s i f y the production a c t i v i t i e s of the people concerned; s i m i l a r l y , to re-organize the factors of production w i l l imply re-organizing the a l l o c a t i o n of human resources i n the s o c i a l system. Thus, adoption of new productive techniques w i l l a f f e c t the economic aspect of human behaviour. In summary, Kuznets i d e n t i f i e d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and advanced productive technology as c r u c i a l factors f o r "modern economic growth." 86. Tominaga, op. c i t . , pp. 211-214. 27 I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i s a process i n which s o c i a l actions of the people gradually s a t i s f y the three conditions discussed e a r l i e r . Among the r e q u i s i t e s , the one that has a cumulative nature i s technology. There-fore, technology w i l l be one of the c r i t i c a l variables i n the theory of s o c i a l change used here. 3. S o c i a l Change F i r t h pointed out that s o c i a l change must concern "what 87 happened to s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . " B a s i c a l l y , the concept of " s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e " i s one that must be i n f e r r e d . I f the idea of the structure of society i s to be i n conformity with the general concept of structure, F i r t h further suggested, the idea must f u l f i l l the following three con-d i t i o n s . F i r s t , i t must be concerned with the ordered r e l a t i o n s of parts to a whole. Second, these r e l a t i o n s must be regarded as b u i l t one upon another. Third, these r e l a t i o n s must be of more than purely 88 monetary s i g n i f i c a n c e . The "ordered r e l a t i o n s " of the f i r s t condi-89 tions imply c e r t a i n " r u l e s " or " f i x e d l i n e s of s o c i a l behaviour." The s o c i a l system must have a c e r t a i n order. In order to maintain the order, the members of the s o c i a l system must acknowledge 90 and obey at l e a s t the following three sets of minimum rules; other-wise, one cannot i n f e r the s o c i a l structure by observing the members' behaviour. The f i r s t set of rules w i l l a l l o c a t e the members to c e r t a i n 87. F i r t h , 1951, p. 83. 88. Op. c i t . , p. 30. 89. F i r t h , 1964 (A), p. 61. 90. Tominaga, op. c i t . , pp. 239-264. 28 positions such as a househead, a h e i r , or a young-wife i n the case of 91 a household. The amount of resources such as power, information, eco-nomic goods and ser v i c e s , and s e c u r i t y a l l o c a t e d to each p o s i t i o n — from the observers' viewpoint — or the extent of access to resources — from the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' viewpoint — w i l l vary as the positions vary. In b r i e f , from the observer's viewpoint a set of rules a l l o c a t e s both human and non-human resources i n a s o c i a l system. The second set of rules w i l l l e g i t i m a t i z e authority i n the s o c i a l system. I f an order issued by a person i s accepted by other members and controls t h e i r 92 a c t i v i t i e s , then the order i s s a i d to carry "authority". The authority ought to 0 be acknowledged and obeyed: i t ought to have " l e g -itimacy". From the f i r s t set of rules, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources among the members varies with t h e i r p o s i t i o n s . From the t h i r d condi-t i o n of the concept of structure, the rules ought to p e r s i s t , thus i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources i n the system. Those with greater access to resources can more frequently influence others who have less access, and so the former have greater authority If the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources p e r s i s t s , the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i l l be ordered and b u i l t up one upon another i n termsc-of the amount of authority and resources. The t h i r d set of rules w i l l apply sanction on those who do not conform to the r u l e s . When a c e r t a i n number of people form a group and commonly share the above three sets of l e g i t i -mate rules i n t h e i r s o c i a l behaviour, the group i s s a i d to have " s t r u c -ture". Change i n these legitimate r u l e s , therefore, i s " s o c i a l change". 91. On households, see Chapter Two, Section I - B - l . 92. G. Homans, 1950, pp. 417-423, Homans, 1961, Ch. 11. 29 The abstract set of patterned behaviour known as " i n s t i t u -93 t i o n s " i s c r i t i c a l i n studying the grosser units of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . At a given time, people i n an i n s t i t u t i o n adapt themselves to the given 94 conditions and s t r i v e to increase t h e i r subjective s a t i s f a c t i o n ; t h e i r actions oriented to a goal under the influence of c u l t u r a l values 95 gives meaning to t h e i r behaviour. The rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n an i n s t i t u t i o n w i l l vary with i t s goals, and some i n s t i t u t i o n s may have more e x p l i c i t goals than others. Depending on the nature of the goals, we can talk about economic, r e l i g i o u s or other i n s t i t u t i o n s . I f an i n s t i t u t i o n has c r i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the l i f e of the people i n a larger s o c i a l system such as a community, change i n these rules means change i n the structure of the community. As a strategy of study-ing s o c i a l change, therefore, one may examine i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the s o c i a l system. The c r u c i a l question i s : "How do s o c i a l systems change?" Ta l c o t t Parsons suggests an equilibrium model i n which "there are no s o c i a l processes, corresponding to...the s t a b i l i z i n g mechanism...which 96 systematically make for deviance and s o c i a l change." Challenging Parsons' scheme, Moore asserted the systematic creation of deviants 97 due to "some uncertainty i n s o c i a l i z a t i o n . " David Lockwood empha-98 sized c o n f l i c t based on actors' competition f o r l i m i t e d resources. 93. F i r t h , 1951, p. 33. 94. Nash, 1967, pp. 524-538. 95. F i r t h , op. c i t . , p. 9. 96. D. Lockwood, 1956. 97. Moore, 1967, p. 187. 98. Lockwood, op. c i t . 30 Ralf Dahrendorfs argument of s o c i a l c o n f l i c t rested on the f a c t that 99 l i m i t e d resources are a l l o c a t e d unequally among the members. F i r t h wrote that "essence of the dynamic process l i e s i n the continuous operation of the i n d i v i d u a l psyche, with i t s p o t e n t i a l of u n s a t i s f i e d desires — for more se c u r i t y , more knowledge, more status, more power, 100 more approval — within the universe of i t s s o c i a l system." In b r i e f , these s o c i o l o g i s t s agree that people i n a s o c i a l system may r a i s e ques-tions on the legitimacy of the rules of s o c i a l behaviour. Here i s a 101 fundamental dilemma of a s o c i a l system. On the one hand, without the rules of s o c i a l behaviour the s o c i a l system cannot maintain order. On the other hand, unequal resource d i s t r i b u t i o n w i l l create "tension" (Moore), " c o n f l i c t " (Lockwood and Dahrendorf), and " u n s a t i s f i e d desires" ( F i r t h ) among the members. P o t e n t i a l f or s o c i a l change then exists i n 102 most s o c i a l systems. I f productive technology r a p i d l y changes the economy and ultimately s o c i e t y , how people i n i t i a l l y adopt i t w i l l become a c r i -t i c a l question — a form of decision-making. For the purpose of this study the model of decision-making to explain the people's behaviour w i l l be s a t i s f a c t o r y i f i t does not contradict psychological statements. In the preceding discussion on the dilemma of the s o c i a l system, two sets of tendencies were mentioned: the propensity to conform to the group norms and the propensity to increase c o n f l i c t s . In the e a r l i e r 99. R. Dahrendorf, 1958. 100. F i r t h , 1951, p. 86. 101. Tominaga, op. c i t . , pp. 252-253. 102. In e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s , this may not be the case. 31 discussion on " i n s t i t u t i o n s " , i t was assumed that actors strove to i n -crease t h e i r personal s a t i s f a c t i o n ; i f actors f i n d probable s a t i s f a c t i o n or "reward" greater than probable s a c r i f i c e or "cost", they i n t e r a c t with others. Hence, the set of propensities which increase c o n f l i c t imply the above postulate. Persons i n a s o c i a l system are assumed to have " u n s a t i s f i e d desires", f o r they can not behave as they personally desire. The factors i n f l u e n c i n g the persons to act i n a way conforming to group norms are r e f e r r e d to as "modifiers". This study assumes the following three factors as minimum modifiers: (1) the three sets of minimum rules of s o c i a l behaviour, (2) c u l t u r a l values, and (3) lim-i t e d access to resources. In b r i e f , i t i s assumed that persons w i l l choose one a l t e r n a t i v e rather than others when they think t h e i r personal s a t i s f a c t i o n w i l l be greater than the cost imposed by modifiers. 4. The Proposed Theory In an e a r l i e r discussion of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , i t was sug-gested that when markets and s o c i a l behaviour motivated by monetary rewards are evident, advanced productive technology w i l l cause rapid changes i n the economy. For example, adopting new techniques w i l l increase labour p r o d u c t i v i t y , r e - a l l o c a t e human labour, and d i f f e r e n -t i a t e production a c t i v i t i e s . The t h i r d of these consequences w i l l d i v e r s i f y the resources required f o r a given set of production a c t i v i -t i e s , and some resources such as s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge and s k i l l s w i l l be "new" i n the s o c i a l system. In discussing the rules of s o c i a l 32 behaviour, i t was mentioned that p e r s i s t e n t unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of re-sources tends to maintain authority. I f the d i s t r i b u t i o n pattern of resources changes, i t w i l l modify the rules which l e g i t i m a t i z e authority. Thus, change i n the economic aspect brought about by advanced produc-t i v e technology w i l l a f f e c t rules of s o c i a l behaviour, causing s o c i a l change. From the above, i t follows that when people i n a s o c i a l system have c u l t u r a l values which encourage them to increase monetary rewards and to be industrious i n t h e i r production a c t i v i t i e s , and when w e l l tested new productive techniques and other necessary resources, such as trained labour, investment c a p i t a l , and markets for output are avai l a b l e , the adoption of new productive techniques w i l l promote so-c i a l change. This i s the theory of s o c i a l change used for this study. I I . The Scope of This Study The scope of this study must be defined, using the leading idea stated above. The f i r s t s e ction i s devoted to a b r i e f survey of the concept of "peasant s o c i e t y " which i s then applied to the case of Japan. Following t h i s , i s an out l i n e of the major areas of i n t e r e s t covered i n the study. A. The Japanese Rural Community as a "Peasant Society" In 1939, John Embree defined Suye-Mura, a Japanese community, 103 as "a peasant v i l l a g e " . On the subject of peasant communities, some 103. J . Embree, 1939, p. x i x . 33 American r u r a l s o c i o l o g i s t s hold rather s t a t i c and confused views. E.A. Wilkening, for example, defined peasant communities i n the follow-ing terms: s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , a family-centred s o c i a l structure, and 104 l i m i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the world outside the v i l l a g e or l o c a l i t y . In t h is model, l i m i t e d i n t e r a c t i o n s e x i s t between a peasant community and the society at large; therefore change i n the l a t t e r does not ser-i o u s l y a f f e c t the former. Embree held a d i f f e r e n t view. He stated that: "A peasant community possesses many of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p r e l i t e r a t e s o c i e t y , e.g., an intimate l o c a l group, strong kinship t i e s , and p e r i o d i c gatherings i n honour of some deified aspect of the environment. On the other hand, i t presents many important differences from the simpler ac-t i o n which controls i t s economic l i f e , enforces a code of law from above, and more recently, requires education i n nationa l schools. The economic basis of l i f e i s not condi-tioned e n t i r e l y by the l o c a l requirements but by the nation through a g r i c u l t u r a l advisers...."105 E r i c Wolf supported Embree's view, d i s t i n g u i s h i n g "peasants" from " p r i m i t i v e s " as w e l l as from "farmers"; "peasants form part of a larger, compound society, whereas a p r i m i t i v e band or t r i b e does not", but "at the same time, they are not 'farmers', or a g r i c u l t u r a l entre-106 preneurs as we know them i n the United States". The concept of "pea-sant society", however, i s not yet c l e a r . In the above d e f i n i t i o n var-ious kinds of people such as landlords, independent c u l t i v a t o r s , and tenants, are included i n one category of "peasant": the v a l i d i t y of this concept i s not questioned. I t i s not important to develop a uni-104. E.A. Wilkening, 1964. 105. Embree, op. c i t . , p. xx. 106. E. Wolf, 1966, p. 2. 34 v e r s a l l y v a l i d concept of "peasant" or "peasant society". What i s em-phasized i s that changes i n conditions i n the larger nation — such as governmental'policies or the n a t i o n a l economy — w i l l e f f e c t r u r a l communities, together with changes i n conditions i n s i d e the s o c i a l sys-tem. In the above, an i m p l i c i t c r i t e r i o n which distinguishes " p r i -mitive", "peasant", and "farmers" i s the degree of economic complexity i n t h e i r s o c i a l system. Nash summarized the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of peasant economy as follows. F i r s t , peasant s o c i e t i e s are technolo-g i c a l l y simple, and u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d tasks are performed by small working-teams with a low l e v e l of d i v i s i o n of labour i n terms of age and sex. Second, peasant economies lack i n s t i t u t i o n s organized s o l e l y f o r pro-duction a c t i v i t i e s — implying that there are no organized labour mar-kets, c a p i t a l markets, and entrepreneurs i n the s o c i a l system. Third, under the above two conditions, estimates of costs and rewards i n eco-nomic terms are d i f f i c u l t . F i n a l l y , resource a l l o c a t i o n rules are en-107 tangled with other s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . Contemporary Japanese farming i s moving toward an "industry" as defined i n Section I-C-2. In order to stress the r a p i d i t y of change, the term "farmers" i s used to denote Japanese peasants; but the r e a l s i t u a t i o n rests j u s t between "peasants" and "farmers i n Wolf's sense. To make statements on changes, a base-line, or T^, and an operational "present", or T^ i s needed. Three phases of time become s i g n i f i c a n t i n 107. Nash, 1966, pp. 19-41. 35 the above d i s t i n c t i o n : (1) the period, which was ended by a s p e c i -f i c turning point (1945); (2) T ~T period; and (3) the period of T 2 as such. Immediately a f t e r .the Second World War, both the A l l i e d Powers and the Government of Japan i n i t i a t e d s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n a l l aspects of the nation, i n c l u d i n g the spheres of p o l i t y , law, economy, education, and r e l i g i o n . Therefore, the f i r s t phase w i l l be the "pre-war period" up to 1945: i n this term, the "war" e x c l u s i v e l y s i g n i f i e s the Second World War. The f i e l d research for this study was done i n 1968, so that the period from 1968 to 1970 i s the t h i r d phase. The second phase or the period between 1945 and 1968 i s the "post-war period". From now on, comparative statements w i l l always r e f e r to s i t u a t i o n s i n the pre-war period, i n the post-war period, or at the operational "present". Japanese farmers i n pre-war days held a philosophy of aus-t e r i t y which Dore rendered i n t o English as "Agriculture-Is-The-Base-108 Ism." I t tinged with beauty the s p i r i t u a l values of r u r a l l i f e and 109 the "Japanese family system." I t valued highly the v i r t u e s of " f r u -110 g a l i t y " , "piety", "hard-work", "resignation", and "devotion to duty." When conditions i n the larger nation remained r e l a t i v e l y stable, these vir t u e s mutually strengthened one another. As conditions changed some discrepancies emerged as w i l l be substantiated i n the body of this study. A few v i r t u e s such as "hard-work" have survived u n t i l the present; f a r -mers had a p e r s i s t e n t incentive to increase farm output and worked hard 108. Dore, 1959, p. 56. 109. Fukutake, 1959, pp. 558-561. 110. Takeo Sakurai, 1935. 36 111 a f t e r the l a s t world war. Hence, they worked hard with new produc-t i v e techniques or any other innovation. Japan saw the development of regular market places i n the 112 twelfth century. During the Tokugawa Period (1600-1867) farmers turned to such commodities as s i l k to produce for the markets. A f t e r 1868, the year which marked the beginning of Westernization, they sold r i c e i n the markets. In b r i e f , i n pre-war days, farmers were included i n the market economy of the larger nation. In the Tokugawa Period farmers i n the mountain communities or i n the snow-belt areas who had limited resources and a long winter slack season emigrated seasonally for subsidiary income. Half-a-year servants, roof r e p a i r e r s , winter peddlers, and brewers of sake (the Jap-113 anese l i q u o r ) , are examples of seasonal emigrants. But th e i r wages were low, despite t h e i r s k i l l s . Farmers i n the twentieth century s t i l l needed a subsidiary income. They were even w i l l i n g to accept a low wage i f i t would increase t h e i r household income. In b r i e f , Japanese farmers had an incentive to increase t h e i r monetary rewards. At the end of the 19th century, the Government of Japan made an e f f o r t to develop farm techniques and t r i e d to introduce them into the r u r a l communities. At the same time, the system of universal p r i -mary education, begun early i n the M e i j i Period (1868-1912) had spread 114 economic opportunity and upgraded productive e f f i c i e n c y . In 1933, 111. Dore, op. c i t . , pp. 213-219. 112. T. Toyoda, 1944. 113. Japanese Ethnological Association, ed., 1957, pp. 955-959. 114. W. Lockwood, 1954, p. 497. 37 9 9 . 6 5 7 o of the boys and 9 9 . 6 3 7 o of the g i r l s i n r u r a l communities received compulsory education, and 1 3 7 o of s i x t h grade graduates went on to middle 1 1 5 school. From the above, we can say that farmers had access to cer-ta i n well tested techniques, although farm machines were not yet well developed. They had at l e a s t one necessary condition f or adopting ad-vanced productive technology, a formal education. Farmers i n pre-war days, however, had limited access to f i n a n c i a l resources and sources of the l a t e s t information. Farmers did not even have mediators involved i n community services who could l i n k t h e i r communities with the larger nation. B. The Scope and Organization of This Study In an e a r l i e r discussion three sets of factors for s o c i a l change i n post-war r u r a l Japan were suggested: ( 1 ) changes i n the gen-e r a l economic conditions of the society at large; ( 2 ) changes i n the government's p o l i c i e s and programmes; and ( 3 ) the adoption of new farm 1 1 6 techniques, including mechanization of farm p r a c t i c e s . The f i r s t two sets of factors e x i s t outside of the r u r a l communities and a f f e c t the l a t t e r , while the t h i r d set i s i n t e r n a l to a community. This study deals with s o c i a l change i n a farming community; the t h i r d set of fac-tors i s of primary importance while the f i r s t two sets form a background. 1 1 5 . S. Tohata and K. Kamiya, eds., 1 9 6 4 , p. 2 5 0 . 1 1 6 . In t h i s study, I w i l l r e f e r to a set of production a c t i v i t i e s such as " r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n " , " c a t t l e - r a i s i n g " , or "apple-growing" as a "farm operation", and refer to the organization of units of production a c t i v i t y i n each farm operation as "farm p r a c t i c e s " . A more elaborate d e f i n i t i o n of "farm p r a c t i c e s " appears i n Chap-ter Two, Section I - A - 2 . 38 To make comparative statements on changes, a base-Line, the s i t u a t i o n s i n the pre-war period, i s used, and w i l l be referred to constantly. In this sense, the pre-war s i t u a t i o n s form the background as well. Chapter Two w i l l provide the three sets of background information for the following case study. As t h i s study has i t s focus on one farming community, i d i o -syncratic conditions which governed the behaviour of the l o c a l farmers have to be considered. Not only are there three sets of general back-ground information but there i s also a discussion of relevant l o c a l conditions. Conditions which were s i g n i f i c a n t i n the pre-war period and changed i n the degree of t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the post-war period need sp e c i a l examination. These topics are the s t a r t i n g point for the study of the farming community through which changes of general and i d i o s y n c r a t i c nature can be traced. Chapter Three w i l l survey the r e l e -vant l o c a l conditions. As the economy of the larger nation grows, production a c t i -v i t i e s d i v e r s i f y , and economic resources as well as income resources 117 increase. From the standpoint of residents i n r u r a l communities, the number of a l t e r n a t i v e s to choose from increase. In farming commun-i t i e s , people have " u n s a t i s f i e d d e s i r e s " due to a l i m i t e d number of a l -118 ternatives. Hence, when farmers perceive an increase i n the ac-119 c e s s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s and have the resources to adopt them, they do so. 117. See Section I-C-2. 118. See Section I-C-3. 119. " I assumed that man has a propensity to increase his subjective sat-i s f a c t i o n , modified by three sets of factors of which access to re-sources i s one. I f people find the a l t e r n a t i v e s more s a t i s f a c t o r y than staying i n t h e i r natal communities, and the rules of s o c i a l behaviour allow them to do so, they w i l l take the "new" a l t e r n a t i v e s . See Section I-C-3 and 4. 39 "Modern economic growth" accompanies i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and continuous adoption of advanced productive technology; manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s appear, which most s t r i c t l y s a t i s f y the three conditions given e a r l i e r 120 for being an industry. The l o c a t i o n of manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s are referred to as " i n d u s t r i a l centres", i t i s here that income resources most conspicuously increase. Thus, residents of r u r a l communities emi-grate to i n d u s t r i a l centres. R e l a t i v e l y fewer a l t e r n a t i v e s e x i s t i n r u r a l communities -- so, i n f e r r i n g from our basic postulate on human behaviour, residents emigrate -- and the r u r a l population decreases with national economic growth. In the peasant economy, working-teams 121 are small i n size and tend to be made up only of household members. People i n t h e i r productive age are the emigrants, and so the t o t a l l a -bour force i n r u r a l communities decreases with two consequences: (1) working-teams become even smaller i n s i z e ; and (2) wages for labourers increase. Under these circumstances, i f farmers do not have the incen-t i v e to increase farm output, they emigrate to i n d u s t r i a l centres and both the farming population and farming households decrease. I f f a r -mers have an incentive to increase farm output, they have to increase the i r labour p r o d u c t i v i t y by mechanization of farm p r a c t i c e s and/or by adoption of other new farm techniques. In t h i s case, the farming popu-l a t i o n decreases r a p i d l y but farming households do not decrease r a p i d l y . This study assumes that the incentive i s operating and a..community i n which farmers try to increase t h e i r output was selected. Under the rapid 120. See Section I-C-2. 121. See Section II-A. 40 economic growth of the larger nation, then, i n the community studied there was an increase i n farmers' access to resources, i n emigration of residents from t h e i r farming community, and i n wages for labour. The adoption of advanced productive technology means that farmers s a t i s f i e d 122 c e r t a i n conditions: "new" resources such as high formal education, access to sources of l a t e s t information on new techniques, and c a p i t a l investment, became important among farmers. Whatever the old sources for l e g i t i m a t i z i n g working-team authority were, d i s t r i b u t i o n of "new" resources became s i g n i f i c a n t i n the communities, modifying the old set of rules of s o c i a l behaviour. Changes i n rules of s o c i a l behaviour 123 cause other changes i n the. s o c i a l structure; and the larger nation's rapid economic growth resulted i n s o c i a l change i n the communities. Chapter Four w i l l deal with t h i s process. In order to see the r e l a t i o n s between the development of the farm economy and s o c i a l change i t i s assumed that farmers s t r i v e to increase farm output. In order for an economy to "develop economically", i n s t i t u t i o n a l complexity must increase along with sustained increase i n per-capita product. Even i f farmers adopt new farm techniques and i n -122. To take an example of a garden t r a c t o r , the machines have to be well adjusted before they are used; farm roads have to be wide enough so that an operator can take i t to his own f i e l d s ; the f i e l d has to be dry enough so that the machine can operate most e f f i c i e n t l y when paddy f i e l d s are rectangular; a f t e r the operation and for the next use, i t has to be cleaned, o i l e d , and adjusted. Unless every farmer has his own machine, farmers have to arrange for the j o i n t use. The above are only a few of the conditions a r e l a t i v e l y simple farming machine requires. I f a number of machines are introduced, the complexity of conditions w i l l be greatly i n -creased, requiring substantial modification of t r a d i t i o n a l p r actices. 123. See Section I-C-3. 41 crease per-capita product, they do not "develop" th e i r farm economy un-less new i n s t i t u t i o n s organized for production a c t i v i t i e s become esta-blished and form an i n t e g r a l part of the s o c i a l system. Mechanizing farm practices w i l l give farmers some "saved" or "surplus" labour even when the farming population i s shrinking. How to invest i t i s a c r i -t i c a l question, for farmers can invest the saved labour i n non-farm operations as well as farm operations. The average acreage i n Japanese 124 farming communities i s about one-fifteenth of that i n France, there-fore mechanization tends to involve o v e r - c a p i t a l i z a t i o n . To help finan-c i a l l y , farmers may take non-farming employment for extra income. In t h i s case, the farm economy does not "develop". In order to develop t h e i r farm economy, farmers have to re-invest the saved labour on t h e i r farms, d i v e r s i f y i n g farm operations and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g the new pro-duction a c t i v i t i e s . Despite the assumed incentive among farmers, to choose the second alternative,- d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of farm operations -w i l l be a hard task, for farmers have to acquire a new body of knowledge and s k i l l s to take on production and marketing transactions. I t i s not an automatic process: i t i s a deli b e r a t e process, r e q u i r i n g some kind of "change-agent". A competent i n d i v i d u a l or a group of volunteers can be the change-agent. Local i n s t i t u t i o n s which have existed for almost a century, such as the v i l l a g e - o f f i c e or town-office, can also be the change-agent. R e l a t i v e l y new i n s t i t u t i o n s l i k e the a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operative organized i n every farming community a f t e r the Second World War can be a t h i r d a l t e r n a t i v e . Government personnel trained as change-124. T. Ouchi, N. Kanazawa, and T. Fukutake, eds., 1964, p. 19. 42 agents i s another a l t e r n a t i v e . In any case, i f a competent change-agent helps, the farmers may d i f f e r e n t i a t e farm production a c t i v i t i e s and develop the farm economy i n t h e i r community. To state i t a l t e r -n a t i v e l y : i f farmers develop t h e i r economy, they w i l l d i v e r s i f y t h e i r production a c t i v i t i e s , requiring modification of the s o c i a l system's rules of s o c i a l behaviour. The inte r a c t i o n s between a change-agent and the r e c i p i e n t s , the process of farm economy development, and s o c i a l change i n the community w i l l be examined i n Chapter Five. Human actions have various aspects. Farm economy develop-ment means change i n the economic aspect of farmers' actions, which ought to accompany changes i n other aspects. Human actions contain two sets of elements, as was assumed e a r l i e r : the propensity to increase personal s a t i s f a c t i o n and the three sets of modifiers. One can regard the f i r s t propensity as a constant and the modifiers as v a r i a b l e s . Among the modifiers, "access to resources" was treated thoroughly i n preceding chapters; c u l t u r a l values are discussed i n various parts of this study. As to change and persistence i n the rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , this needs d e t a i l e d examination. Chapter Six i s devoted to th i s task. F i n a l l y , the summary concerns the re l a t i o n s between the three sets of factors — changes i n the government's p o l i c i e s and programmes, changes i n the national economy, and the farmers' adoption of new farm techniques — and Japanese farming communities. Using the findings, some hypotheses about the future of i n s t i t u t i o n s i n contemporary farm-ing communities are discussed. These w i l l appear i n Chapter Seven. 43 I I I . The Approach of This Study As stated at the outset, the subject of this study i s post-war economic development and s o c i a l change i n r u r a l Japan. In order that one researcher could c o l l e c t and handle the data, the focus i s on one farming community. Choosing a community involves two technical problems: (1) establishment of the unit of study; and (2) s e l e c t i o n of the sample. 125 Previous community studies focused on one buraku (a hamlet), because a hamlet was the unit of p o l i t y , economy, s o c i a l l i f e and Shinto r e l i g i o n i n r u r a l Japan for several centuries u n t i l 1890. The boundary of hamlets were c l e a r l y defined, therefore Japanese scholars considered 126 them the most s i g n i f i c a n t t e r r i t o r i a l group for study. Western scho-l a r s interested i n community studies followed the Japanese t r a d i t i o n . Thus, John Embree (1939), Edward Norbeck (1954), John Bennet and Iwao Ishino (1955), John Cornell (1956), Robert Smith (1956), Richard Beardsley, John H a l l , and Robert Ward (1959), and Erwin Johnson (1961) studied one hamlet i n each of t h e i r studies. Japanese and Western scholars whose in t e r e s t was on a higher l e v e l of abstraction did not s t i c k to one ham-127 l e t . The rapid economic growth i n the nation as a whole, the further commercialization of goods and services, and the expansion of the wage earning population, accelerated the adoption rate of advanced produc-t i v e technology. This produced a serious impact on the farming commun-125. I w i l l discuss t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n i n Chapter Two, Section I-B-4. 126. A d e t a i l e d bibliography of studies by Japanese scholars appears i n Nakane, 1967. 127. For example, see R. Bellah, 1957 and Dore, 1959. 44 i t i e s . I f t h i s i s the case, the t r a d i t i o n a l economic unit may i n the future expand from a hamlet to a larger t e r r i t o r i a l group. Since few s o c i o l o g i s t s have looked at s o c i a l change i n larger units, t h i s study i s devoted to one community as opposed to the smaller hamlet unit. In choosing a community to study i t was necessary to f i n d an old r u r a l community which would continue to be a farming community i n the future. According to K e i j i Kamiya, future Japan w i l l be divided into three major land-use zones. In the period from about 1960 to ap-proximately 2010, the population w i l l increase but the t o t a l acreage under c u l t i v a t i o n w i l l decrease i n the f i r s t zone. During t h i s period, both the population and the t o t a l acreage w i l l decrease i n the second zone. The population w i l l decrease but the acreage w i l l increase i n the t h i r d zone. According to Kamiya, farming w i l l remain i n the t h i r d 128 zone which i s made up of Hokkaido, TShoku D i s t r i c t , and Kyushu Island. (See Map 1) As a subject of study, the renovation of an old farm oper-ation under rapid economic growth i s more appropriate than the case of an e n t i r e l y "new" operation. As discussed i n the following chapter, r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n has been the major production a c t i v i t y i n Japan since the beginning of her written history. I f the majority of farmers i n an area have c u l t i v a t e d r i c e and are increasing t h e i r paddy-field acre-age, i t can be assumed that they have a d e f i n i t e motive to continue 129 farming. According to s t a t i s t i c s concerning the t o t a l acreage of paddy-fields and the increase of acreage i n the period from 1960 to 128. See K. Kamiya, 1967, for further information on the other two zones. 129. This i s not to deny that other farmers, such as mandarine orange growers, also have a d e f i n i t e motive to farm. MAP I 45 46 1965; Hokkaido enjoyed the f a s t e s t rate of increase, but r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n existed barely one hundred years, SQ i t was not appropriate for t h i s study. Tohoku D i s t r i c t has the la r g e s t acreage, the second f a s t e s t 130 rate of increase i n paddy-fields, and has a long written h i s t o r y i n which r i c e c u l t i v a t i o n was evident from the beginning. Hence, i t was the l o g i c a l choice for t h i s study. Among the s i x prefectures i n the d i s t r i c t , the t o t a l acreage of paddy f i e l d s i n 1965 did not vary dra-m a t i c a l l y . Between 1960 and 1965 Iwate Prefecture added about 8,500 hectare (ha.) of paddy-fields, surpassing the r e s t i n th i s d i s t r i c t ; 131 the second larges t increase was only 3,600 ha. This outstanding increase i n Iwate i s due to the c e n t r a l government's construction of several multi-purpose dams. I d e a l l y , the sample should s a t i s f y the following three conditions: (1) a r i c e growing community i n Iwate Pre-fecture; (2) the acreage number of paddy-fields i n the community i n -creased conspicuously a f t e r the Land Reform (1946-1948); and (3) mech-anization of farm practices developed remarkably. The professional per-sonnel of the p r e f e c t u r a l government, s t a f f members of the Federation of A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative i n Iwate Prefecture, and some f a c u l t y mem-bers of Iwate National U n i v e r s i t y (which w i l l henceforth be referred to as the " l o c a l u n i v e r s i t y " ) almost unanimously suggested Shiwa Community i n Shiwa Town, Shiwa County, Iwate Prefecture. Since the names of the county, the town, and the community, share the same sound, the f i r s t two have f i c t i t i o u s names: "Rikuchu" County, the ancient name of Iwate Pre-130. The Council for Research of A g r i c u l t u r a l P o l i c i e s , ed., 1967, p. 9. 131. Op. c i t . , p. 10. 47 fecture, and "Nambu" Town, the name of the feudal lord who governed t h i s region u n t i l 1868. I conducted the f i e l d research by myself during the period from February to November, 1968. I was i n Shiwa Community for seven months of t h i s period and was away from the community for short periods amounting to three months. While i n Shiwa, I stayed at a l o c a l inn i n Hamlet No. 1 for four months and at a farmer's home for the r e s t of the time. Naturally, i t was necessary to t r a v e l extensively i n Iwate Pre-fecture to know how the l o c a l features of Shiwa compared with other com-munities. I frequently v i s i t e d Morioka Ci t y for discussion with resear-chers at the l o c a l u n i v e r s i t y and at the Tohoku National A g r i c u l t u r a l Experimental Laboratory, with researchers and administrators at the p r e f e c t u r a l government and at the Federation of A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operatives i n Iwate Prefecture, and with a couple of widely known experts on r u r a l communities i n Iwate. Once each month, I v i s i t e d T5kyo to see my family and to v i s i t and to speak with my friends and professors at u n i v e r s i t i e s i n Tokyo. A l l through t h i s period, 1 read the relevant l i t e r a t u r e pub-li s h e d i n Japanese. In Shiwa, I used the l o c a l co-operative as the base of my f i e l d study. The Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative supported t h i s study i n every respect. The co-operative provided me with a desk i n the Exten-sion Department and allowed me free access to any source of information under i t s c o n t r o l . I t introduced me to any farming household I wished i n the community, to other co-operatives i n Iwate Prefecture, to the Nambu Town O f f i c e and other town o f f i c e s i n Rikuchu County, and to 48 informants i n other communities. Because of the high s o c i a l prestige 132 of t h i s co-operative i n the town as well as i n the prefecture, I was saved considerable time and energy i n persuading informants to co-operate with the study. Among "outside" informants, the Nambu Town O f f i c e was p a r t i c u l a r l y co-operative: i t provided almost a l l the i n -formation I requested. The co-operative had good access to information about i t s 133 members. By counter-checking ten samples, I found most of i t s i n -formation very accurate and dependable. I t s information covered the following areas: concerning each household, the co-operative had the l a t e s t information on names, sex, date of b i r t h of a l l the household members, r e l a t i o n s between the househead and other household members, l a t e s t data on acreage, land use, kinds of farm machines possessed, other farm implements, the number and kinds of animals, the associations to which the households belonged, and, i n case the household was a j o i n t -ownership partner i n c e r t a i n farm machines, the names of the other part-ners, major consumers' goods, and many other minor items of information. I f I wished so, I had access to other economic data of each household such as the amount of savings and the size of the debt at the co-opera-t i v e , the amount of sales of farm products through the co-operative, and the amount and kinds of purchases such as farm machines, f e r t i l i z e r s , p e s t i c i d e s , feed-stuff, and other consumers' goods through the co-oper-a t i v e . Since the co-operative had inventories of farm machines and of 132. See Chapter F i v e , Section I - A - l . 133. Op. c i t . 49 consumers' goods i n each household, i t could f a i r l y accurately a r r i v e at the number of users of i t s services i n the community. In addition, the co-operative frequently conducted t o t a l surveys on various items, and most of the data were processed i n the form of tables crossed by a few v a r i a b l e s such as acreage and the t e r r i t o r i a l groups to which each household belonged. The p r i v i l e g e of having access to the above i n f o r -mation considerably economized my time and energy: otherwise, I would have had to c o l l e c t the information by v i s i t i n g each of 824 households. In Shiwa, I spent most of the daytime v i s i t i n g farmers, learn-ing from them the d e t a i l s of farm practices and taking photos. I ob-served the ways they co-operated within the household on farm practices and on other occasions, as well as c e r t a i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s which occurred between the households. I asked farmers how farm p r a c t i c e s , d i v i s i o n of labour i n farm p r a c t i c e s , and decision-making i n households and i n t e r r i t o r i a l groups had changed compared with the pre-war period. I also inquired a f t e r the farmers' reactions to e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s , changes i n economic conditions of the society at large, and the govern-ment's p o l i c i e s . The responses were recorded i n f i e l d notes, i n r e l e -vant books for the purpose of comparison, and i n various documents ob-tained from the co-operative and other i n s t i t u t i o n s i n order to make a comparison with the objective f a c t s . In June, 1968, I learned that the co-operative would conduct another t o t a l survey i n August. I a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the pre-paration stage and i n the data processing stage: I asked a f r i e n d i n Tokyo to process the r e s u l t s by computer. Some information was purely 5 0 for the co-operative's use but I was able to put i n several questions to a scertain the Shiwa farmers' reactions to t h e i r co-operative. Through the f i e l d research, I was able to f i n d out about so-c i a l changes i n r u r a l Japan i n the post-war period. As for the general trends i n the larger nation these could be seen i n the a v a i l a b l e l i t e r -ature. The general trends i n the prefecture were evident from l i t e r -ature, documents and personal observation. And the general trends i n Nambu Town were derived from documents provided by the town o f f i c e and again by personal observation. Several studies about Shiwa Community existed when I entered the f i e l d , providing pre-war and post-war i n f o r -mation. The information I c o l l e c t e d , together with the dependable data provided by the l o c a l co-operative, helped me to understand changes (and the process of change) i n Shiwa. A f t e r leaving the community, I have kept up a correspondence with the l o c a l co-operative to follow changes i n Shiwa i n 1 9 6 9 and i n the f i r s t half of 1 9 7 0 . IV. Shiwa Community Shiwa Community i s located i n Iwate Prefecture i n the north-eastern part of the mainland. Although Iwate i s the second l a r g e s t prefecture i n Japan i t i s very mountainous and only 1 4 7 o of the land i s 1 3 4 f l a t . i t has twelve c i t i e s , Morioka i s the c a p i t a l , and twelve counties of which Rikuchu i s one. The wealthiest county, Rikuchu i s located i n the middle of two mountain ranges, and includes two towns and one v i l l a g e . (See Map 2 ) Nambu Town was established i n 1 9 5 5 i n 1 3 4 . Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , ed. , 1 9 6 9 , p. 2 . 51 MAP 2 52 the southern part of the county, amalgamating one town and eight v i l -135 lages, and by 1965 i t had a t o t a l population of 27,449. A commun-i t y c a l l e d Hizume i s the largest service centre i n the town as well as 136 i n the county. Shiwa Community was a v i l l a g e u n t i l the amalgamation. (See Map 3) The e a r l i e s t source regarding t h i s area i s a tenth century document, describing the development of r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n i n t h i s area. Socio-economic development started at the foot of the mountains where a road was b u i l t that led from that area toward the p l a i n . The Shiwa Clan governed t h i s area from 1335 u n t i l 1588, when the Nambu Clan tem-p o r a r i l y emerged v i c t o r i o u s . As a r e s u l t c e r t a i n place names are of Shiwa o r i g i n while others have a Nambu o r i g i n . In 1655, the present Shiwa Community alone was transferred as a f i e f to the branch household of the Nambu Clan. Because the Nambu Clan did not get along well with i t s branch household p o t e n t i a l enemies surrounded Shiwa Community for more than two centuries, u n t i l the new cent r a l government re-organized the administrative units i n 1890. Local people assert both i n speech and i n documents that t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and economic i s o l a t i o n encouraged 137 the Shiwa people to develop co-operative c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Shiwa i s a farming community which includes twenty hamlets. The hamlets are numbered 1 through 20. There were as many as 824 house-138 holds which included "farmers", but, i n the 1965 census, only 696 135. Census data of 1965. 136. On the d e f i n i t i o n of " v i l l a g e " , see Chapter Two, Section I-B-5. 137. For example, see Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1968(B), p. 1. 138. The M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry defined a "farmer" as' a person who engaged i n farm practices for more than 150 days per year. MAP 3 53 SHIWA TOWN ('NAMBU TOWN* IN T E X T ) AND SHIWA COMMUNITY ^ ^ ^ V ^ T 5 H ° K U 'ut ^\ & ^ ^ SHIWA ^ D A M . COMMUNITY^ 7\\ K1TAKAMI RIVER HIZUME COMMUNITY @ HIGHWAY WO. 4. oSHIWA AGRICULTURAL CO-OPERATIVE 0 8 5 4 . / i d a i t i f i e d t h e i r household occupation as farming. Manufacturing and construction industries involved 74 households, and other i n d u s t r i e s , 139 mostly commerce, involved 185. Roughly speaking, non-farming house-holds concentrated i n hamlets numbered 1 and 2 which are the l o c a l ser-vice centre, and farming households are d i s t r i b u t e d mostly i n the other eighteen hamlets. This study deals with farming households only. In the pre-war period, Shiwa people engaged i n four major production a c t i v i t i e s . R i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n was the most important. Three-fourths or 3,150 ha. of the community t e r r i t o r y was mountains and f o r -ests, the remaining quarter was arable land. In the arable area, the t o t a l farm land increased from 1,168 ha. i n 1939 to 1,346 i n 1965. The proportion of rice-paddies i n the t o t a l farm acreage increased from 67% to 83% i n the same period. The second production a c t i v i t y was hors e - r a i s i n g . U n t i l 1945, farmers ra i s e d horses mainly f o r the army 140 and f o r use on the farm. In 1945 the horses were replaced by c a t t l e . Third, Shiwa farmers had t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l l o c a l winter works. Because of cool temperatures an average high of 14.6°c. and average low of 141 4.8 c. — farmers could grow r i c e only once a year, during the per-iod from A p r i l to October. In the early centuries, i n the slack sea-son farmers e i t h e r made charcoal i n the mountains or made straw-bags, straw-shoes, straw-boots, and other straw products. Since the seventeenth 142 century Shiwa farmers have emigrated as brewers of sake. The i r r e g u -l a r water supply under the old i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n and the sub-143 sequent regular cr o p - f a i l u r e s made the need for subsidiary income acute. 139. Census data of 1965. 140. See Chapter Five, Section II-A-1. 141. Information provided by the Morioka Meteorological Station. 142. See Chapter Three, Section II-E. 143. I b i d . 55 Shiwa Community i s not i s o l a t e d from c i t i e s . The Hizume r a i l -road s t a t i o n which i s 4 . k.m. east of Shiwa i s on the main r a i l route from Tokyo to Aomori and Hokkaido service to Hizume started i n 1900. In 1906, stage-coach services connected Morioka and Hizume; they were replaced by buses i n the 1920's. In 1929, the bus service was opened 144 between Hamlet No. 1 i n the community and Morioka C i t y . Since the 1950's, three bus routes have connected the community with both the r a i l r o a d s t a t i o n and Hizume, while four other routes connect Shiwa with other neighbouring towns and c i t i e s . In 1933, Highway No. 4 which con-nects Tokyo and Aomori, the northern f e r r y port for Hokkaido (see Map 1) , was paved. In addition, the cen t r a l government has announced the construction by 1975 of a freeway probably passing through Shiwa 145 Community. The number of corporated i n s t i t u t i o n s i s rather l i m i t e d . Un-t i l 1955, the V i l l a g e O f f i c e was the most s i g n i f i c a n t one, but the Nambu Town O f f i c e absorbed a l l i t s functions. U n t i l 1948, the community had only two elementary schools. Since then, Shiwa and a neighbouring community have b u i l t a middle school i n Shiwa Community. Most teachers commute from outside the community, having limited i n t e r a c t i o n : with farmers and l i t t l e influence on l o c a l a f f a i r s . In addition, Shiwa hasS one post o f f i c e , one c l i n i c , the Sannokai Land-improvement O f f i c e , Shiwa 146 Forestry Co-Operative, and Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative. 144. Yahaba V i l l a g e O f f i c e , ed., 1957, p. 15. 145. See Chapter Six, Section I l - C . 146. On the a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operative, see Chapter F i v e , Section I. 56 CHAPTER TWO GENERAL BACKGROUND FOR THE CASE STUDY This study assumes three major factors a f f e c t i n g s o c i a l change i n the farming communities i n the post-war period. The factor i n the s o c i a l system i s the adoption of new farm techniques, p a r t i c u l a r l y mech-anization of farm practices by the farmers. Factors i n the nation at large include changes i n the general economic conditions and changes i n the c e n t r a l government's p o l i c i e s and programmes. At l e a s t three sets of background information w i l l be necessary in order to deal with s o c i a l change i n Shiwa Community: (1) an overview of the s o c i a l organization of the farming community i n the pre-war period as the s t a r t i n g point for the development of post-war s o c i a l change; (2) changes i n economic conditions i n the society at large and t h e i r relevance to a g r i c u l t u r e -- s p e c i f i c a l l y , farmers' major production a c t i v i t i e s - -- and farming communities; and (3) changes i n the c e n t r a l government's p o l i c i e s and programmes relevant to the farming communities. In order for t h i s study to make generalizations v a l i d beyond Shiwa, that i s for them to have v a l i d i t y for other "rice-growing" communities or even for Japan-ese farming communities i n general, the overview of pre-war s o c i a l or-ganization has to tr e a t i n s t i t u t i o n s which existed u n i v e r s a l l y . L o c a l 1 conditions which have p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e are treated separately. The discussion of general changes i n the following chapters r e f e r s back 1. I discuss the l o c a l conditions i n pre-war Shiwa i n Chapter Three. 57 to the basic si t u a t i o n s which appear i n t h i s chapter. Treatment of factors i n the larger nation w i l l be limited to changes i n the post-war period. Thus, t h i s chapter w i l l provide three sets of background information: (1) s o c i a l organization of pre-war farming communities; (2) post-war changes i n general economic conditions relevant to farming communities; and (3) post-war changes i n the ce n t r a l government's pol-i c i e s and programmes relevant to the farming communities. 1. S o c i a l Organization of Farming Communities i n the Pre-War Period Since s o c i a l change consists of the change i n the s o c i a l struc-ture which includes three minimum sets of rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n the s o c i a l system, and since this study deals with the r u l e s , the ob-servation of farmers' behaviour i s of prime importance. For the rea-sons stated i n Chapter One, Section I I I , t h i s study focuses on a r i c e -growing community i n which r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n i s the farmers' major pro-duction a c t i v i t y . In such a community, changes i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n have a serious impact on farmers' behaviour; the impact on behaviour i s 2 the main concern of t h i s study. To understand the nature of changes i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n , some b r i e f background information on the subject i s necessary. Hence, t h i s section w i l l provide two sets of information: basic information concerning r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n , and a d e s c r i p t i o n of i n -s t i t u t i o n s i n pre-war farming communities. 2. See Chapter Four. 58 A. R i c e - C u l t i v a t i o n and Technical Units of Production A c t i v i t i e s The p r a c t i c e of r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n has to be examined from two d i s t i n c t viewpoints. F i r s t , since r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n can change through adoption-of new farm techniques, the technical aspect of the pr a c t i c e s must be outlined. Second, how the practices influence the behaviour of the farmers i s discussed. 1. R i c e - C u l t i v a t i o n Because of the monsoons peculiar to eastern A s i a , the summer i n Japan i s humid, hot, and s u l t r y , making r i c e one of the crops best suited for summer growing. I t has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the mainstay of farming i n Japan. R i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n i s considered to have been i n t r o -duced to Kyushu Island from China v i a Korea i n the f i r s t century B.C.; during the period between the eighth and thirteenth century i t spread 3 i n t o the Tohoku (Northeast) D i s t r i c t i n which Shiwa Community i s l o -cated. In 1965 rice-planted acreage comprised 44% of the t o t a l c u l -tivated area i n Japan, and farmers earned 44% of th e i r farm income from 4 i t s y i e l d . Thus, on the basis of both planting acreage and farm i n -come, rice-cropping i s s t i l l of primary importance i n Japanese a g r i c u l t u r e . There are two main systems of r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n : the; "dry-system" and the "wet-system1'. In 1965, the wet-system was practiced on 95% of the t o t a l area planted i n r i c e ; therefore i t w i l l be discussed 3. T. Matsuo, 1961, p. 1. 4. Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , ed., 1968, pp. 42-43. 59 here. Successful paddy c u l t i v a t i o n depends upon adequately f l o o d i n g the fieIds,during the greater part of the growth period of t h i s plant and upon adequate s o i l n utrients. Although " i r r i g a t i o n " implies ade-quate and controlled water supply as well as e f f i c i e n t drainage of excess water whenever desirable, the former i s more s i g n i f i c a n t . G i -ven adequate i r r i g a t i o n , r i c e w i l l grow i n a wide range of s o i l s and i n many climates -- thus water i s even more important than the type of 5 ' s o i l . 2. Technical Units of Production A c t i v i t i e s One can d i s t i n g u i s h three l e v e l s of units of production a c t i -v i t i e s i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n : (1) " a c t i v i t i e s " ; (2) "operations"; and (3) "steps". The most basic unit of production a c t i v i t i e s i s c a l l e d an " a c t i v i t y " . The larger unit of " a c t i v i t i e s " i s "operation". The operation of "uprooting seedlings", for example, includes four a c t i v i -t i e s : "uprooting", " s e l e c t i n g strong seedlings", "washing out mud at-tached to the roots" and "bundling them i n t o a bunch". A c l u s t e r of operations which corresponds to the l i f e h i s t o r y of the plant i s a "step". There are seven steps i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n : "germination", "nursery-bed making", "preparation of paddy f i e l d s " , "transplanting", "intermediate step", "harvesting", and "the post-harvest step". Dis-cussions i n following chapters w i l l often r e f e r to "operations" and "steps". 5~! D. G r i s t , 1965, p. 32. See Chapter 3. 60 In farm p r a c t i c e s , there i s a c y c l i c a l pattern of labour i n -tensiveness. The steps of transplanting and harvesting are the two "busy seasons" i n rice-growing, while except for weeding operations, the intermediate step i s the l e a s t busy step. Farmers c a l l i t the "summer slack season". The "winter slack season" s t a r t s immediately a f t e r the post-harvest step, l a s t i n g u n t i l germination i n the next spring. R i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n i s b a s i c a l l y oriented toward encouraging the 6 growth of a r i c e - p l a n t , including eliminating obstacles to i t s growth. To achieve t h i s basic goal, unit a c t i v i t i e s are arranged, patterned, and b u i l t up one upon another, forming operations and steps. "Farming p r a c t i c e s " are the organization of these three l e v e l s of units of pro-duction a c t i v i t i e s . B. I n s t i t u t i o n s i n Pre-War Farming Communities In pre-war farming communities, i n s t i t u t i o n s were rel a t e d to each other, forming a pattern of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and farmer-shared c u l -t u r a l , values characterized as "Agriculture-Is-The-Base-Ism". This sub-section outlines the i n s t i t u t i o n s and the mutual r e l a t i o n s between them, and discusses the basic socio-economic conditions, i n which change un-dermined the i n s t i t u t i o n i n question. Some i n s t i t u t i o n s had a wide va r i e t y of functions related to a l l aspects of the farmers' l i f e , while others had r e l a t i v e l y s p e c i f i c goals. The most basic i n s t i t u t i o n was 6. This point w i l l become c r i t i c a l i n Chapter Four, Section II-A. 61 the household, the basic unit of a l l other i n s t i t u t i o n s appearing i n t h i s chapter. Four l o c a l corporate groups -- dozoku, kumi, hamlet, and son -- also had s i g n i f i c a n c e , because every pre-war farming community had a l l of them despite the varying s i g n i f i c a n c e of dozoku from one 7 d i s t r i c t to another. In communities where farmers mainly grew r i c e , the labour force, farm land, i r r i g a t i o n water, and grass land for pro-ducing manures were the four resources of prime importance. Farmers developed i n s t i t u t i o n s for maintaining and e x p l o i t i n g these l i m i t e d resources. F i n a l l y , farmers joined various groups organized for s a t i s -f y ing s p e c i f i c needs i n t h e i r community l i f e . This category of i n s t i -tutions i s b r i e f l y mentioned l a t e r i n the chapter. 1. Ie -- The Most Basic S o c i a l U n it The s o c i a l unit most basic to farming communities i s the ie_ 8 or 'Household 1, an i n s t i t u t i o n which has existed since p r e h i s t o r i c 9 times. A household i s normally formed by, or around, the nucleus of an elementary family, and may include r e l a t i v e s and non-relatives other 10 than immediate family members. The economic basis of t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n i s household property, including the residence, the f u r n i t u r e , the grave-yard where the ancestors l i e buried, farm lands and grass lands, animals, 11 and farm implements. Occupations within t h i s unit of production or the working-team, whether a g r i c u l t u r a l , commercial, or having to do 7. Fukutake, 1959. 8. I w i l l borrow Nakane's t r a n s l a t i o n . See Nakane, 1967, p. 1. 9. Y. Nakamura, 1957. 10. Nakane, op. c i t . , p. 1. 11. Fukutake, 1968, p. 486. 62 12 with domestic c r a f t s , are handed down from father to son. The house-hold i s an e n t i t y continuing through time with changing personnel but an unchanging i d e n t i t y : t h i s phenomena w i l l be referred to as "suc-13 cession of the household" or "household succession". Before the Second World War, positions which had i n d i v i d u a l l y d i f f e r e n t amounts of authority and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y formed a h i e r a r c h i c a l order i n the household. How others view one's p o s i t i o n i n the hierarchy i s r e f e r r e d to as " s o c i a l status".. The househead held the highest so-c i a l status and exercised the most authority over other household mem-bers. His authority had three sources to l e g i t i m a t i z e i t : (1) senzo or 'ancestors'; (2) competence i n pragmatic problem solving, including his knowledge, s k i l l s and experiences i n production a c t i v i t i e s and farm management; and (3) the C i v i l Code promulgated i n 1890 and enforced i n 1898. F i r s t , farmers believed that the ancestors had entrusted the present generation with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to transmit t h e i r i n h e r i t e d land to the next generation. To f u l f i l l the common r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , household members accepted the househead's authority; he functioned as the mediator between ancestors and l i v i n g men. I f a househead behaved "deviantly" instead of f u l f i l l i n g the common r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , other house-hold members could c r i t i c i z e him i n the name of the ancestors. Second, a household was a working-team and the househead was i t s leader. The househead had to be competent i n pragmatic problem 12. Dore, 1958, p. 99. 13. Household succession i s the fixed l i n e of farmers' s o c i a l behaviour or a " r u l e " . On contemporary farmers' behaviour i n t h i s respect, see Chapter Six, Section I-B. 63 solving, that i s , he had to be competent i n knowledge and s k i l l s r e l a -ted to farm p r a c t i c e s ; he had to control group members and maintain high group morale; and he had to take into consideration the t o t a l s i t -uation. The househead also had the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of t r a i n i n g and pre-paring his successor or the "h e i r " . Hoping that the heir would acquire the leadership q u a l i t i e s outlined above, the househead and other house-hold members treated him d i f f e r e n t l y ; this was p a r t i c u l a r l y true among 14 larger farmers. Community people punished incompetent househeads 15 by gossiping about them. Third, the l e g a l system of pre-war Japan l e g i t i m a t i z e d p r i -mogeniture as well as the authority and duties of the househeads. The le g a l structure of the household was c a l l e d the "family system". Amend-ment of the C i v i l Code i n 1947 abolished the family system, and there-fore the l e g a l status and authority of househeads. In spite of the abol-i t i o n of the l e g a l "family system", the i n s t i t u t i o n of household has pers i s t e d u n t i l now. Three rules of s o c i a l behaviour had s i g n i f i c a n c e i n a l l o c a -ting resources i n the household: (1) sex; (2) s e n i o r i t y ; and (3) d i s -tance from the ancestral l i n e . The above rules patterned r e l a t i o n s h i p s among posit i o n s i n the household. Generally speaking, men enjoyed more freedom and other advantages than did women. Younger household members paid respect to t h e i r seniors. Even among s i b l i n g s , seniors had auth-o r i t y over j u n i o r s , although the eldest boy received p r e f e r e n t i a l t r e a t -14. On pre-war s o c i a l i z a t i o n , see Fukutake, 1968, p. 487. 15. In t h i s respect, see S. Tohata and K. Kamiya, eds., 1964, Chs. 6 and 7. Also, see Chapter Four, Section III-A. 64 ment and had the o b l i g a t i o n of i n h e r i t i n g the household property --he had more r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and more security than the others. On "auspicious" occasions, i n instances where b i l a t e r a l members were not needed, they were to leave t h e i r n a t a l household and try to become i n -16 dependent. Parent-child r e l a t i o n s surpassed husband-wife r e l a t i o n s . When a 'young-wife' -- the spouse of a young male resident i n the household -- could not get along with her parents-in-law, she had to leave her husband. Although an "adopted-son" (the spouse of a house-head's daughter) could not occupy a high status, i t was the young-wife who had to accept the lowest status i n the household. To obtain a higher status, an adopted-son or a young-wife had to "pay installments" by hard-work at farming. A f t e r many hard years, f i n a l l y they would obtain a p o s i t i o n of higher status. Farmers i n Iwate prefecture expressed i t 17 as, "One cannot obtain big property f r e e . " Among positions i n a household, there were c o n f l i c t i n g r e l a -tions between the housewife (the spouse of the househead) and the young-wife. The housewife t r i e d to maintain her p o s i t i o n while the young-wife paid her installments to eventually obtain i t . As time went on, the young-wife's ch i l d r e n grew up to be her a l l i e s . The housewife would f e e l threatened, further b u i l d i n g up the tension between the two. In this structure, the l o t of the young-wife was sometimes t r a g i c . Here 18 i n part i s the reason contemporary g i r l s do not wish to marry farm boys. 16. On the a l t e r n a t i v e s the second or younger sons could have, see Chapter Four, Section I - B - l . 17. From my f i e l d notes. 18. See Chapter Six, Section I-B. 65 From the idea that ancestors entrusted the present generation with transmitting land to the next generation, there emerged a set of rules to sanction acreage and hard-work. I f the acreage a househead inhe r i t e d increased by the time he transmitted the property to his h e i r , he was favourably evaluated i n the community. I f the acreage remained the same, the community people accepted him as reasonably good. I f the acreage decreased, however, they punished the " l a z y " househead (and household) by informal gossiping. In order to increase the acreage, farmers needed cash. In order to increase cash one had to produce some surplus output. When farmers could not increase t h e i r farm output by increasing labour p r o d u c t i v i t y , they t r i e d to r a i s e land p r o d u c t i v i t y and in c r e a s i n g l y exploited t h e i r own labour. To work hard at farming appears to be the value most highly held by pre-war Japanese farmers. This was one of the major c r i t e r i a for evaluating farmers. Those who did not s a t i s f y t h i s c r i t e r i o n could not receive favourable evaluation i n either the household or i n the community; while hard workers could cover t h e i r shortcomings to a considerable degree. This c r i t e r i o n was p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r i c t l y applied to those who joined a household i n t h e i r adulthood,for example the adopted-sons and young-wives. The patterned behaviour known as i n s t i t u t i o n s i s a form of adaptation under given norms and conditions as discussed i n Chapter One, Section I-C. The i n s t i t u t i o n of household had at l e a s t three basic socio-economic conditions, i n which a change would se r i o u s l y modify the i n s t i t u t i o n . F i r s t , farming must be the household occupation; other-wise, succession of the household would have less s i g n i f i c a n c e because 66 there would be nothing to hand on to the next generation. Second, land must be regarded as something more than a mere commercial commodity. I f farmers f e l t free to choose any a l t e r n a t i v e , they would e a s i l y emi-grate, undermining the f i r s t basic condition. Third, the household had to have an heir f o r succession. Otherwise, the farming household would disappear. 19 2. Dozoku -- A Local Corporate Group Dozoku i s a set of households which recognize t h e i r r e l a t i o n -ship i n terms of honke or a "main-household" and bunke or "branch-households", and which on the basis of t h i s r e l a t i o n have developed a 20 corporate function as a group. The househead who i n h e r i t e d the house-hold property took some r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r younger s i b l i n g s who would not remain i n the household. I f economic conditions were i d e a l , a younger brother might e s t a b l i s h a branch-household. At the f i s s i o n i n g o f f , both households had to acknowledge the r e l a t i o n s of main and branch 21 households; otherwise they would not form a dozoku. A main-household was senior and c o l l a t e r a l while branch-households were junior and b i l a t e r a l . Member households i n a dozoku were under the control of the main-household, and senior branch-house-holds occupied a higher s o c i a l status than junior ones, forming a h i e r -archy. Two major factors l e g i t i m a t i z e d the authority of the main-households: 19. There i s no E n g l i s h equivalent so I have used the Japanese term. 20. Nakane, op. cit. :? pp. 90-91. 21. S. Kitano, 1956, pp. 42-43. 67 (1) the common ancestors of the dozoku who presided over the ceremonies held by the main-household; and (2) the economic predominance of the 22 main-household over the branch-households. In order to e s t a b l i s h a branch-household the main-household had to give some of i t s land and other means of production to the new household; but th i s was usually not s u f f i c i e n t td support i t as an independent economic unit i n the com-munity. Hence, the new household had to depend upon the main-household 23 and functioned as a part of the main-household's farm. Unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic resources and s e n i o r i t y of a household i n the incorporate group, together with the distance from the ancestral l i n e , a l l o c a t e d i n f e r i o r s o c i a l status to a branch-household. The branch-household, which was often a tenant of i t s main-household, had to demonstrate i t s i n f e r i o r s o c i a l status by asking the l a t t e r f o r r a t i f i c a t i o n of decisions or by rec e i v i n g supervision and orders from the main-household i n almost every aspect of the house-hold and community l i f e . The i n s t i t u t i o n of dozoku had two basic socio-economic condi-tions for i t s maintenance: (1) the main-household's supremacy i n eco-nomic resources over the branch-households; and (2) the symbolic auth-o r i t y of the main-household to preside over r e l i g i o u s ceremonies for the common ancestors. E g a l i t a r i a n r e - d i s t r i b u t i o n of the factors of production decreased the necessity for the branch-households to be de-pendent upon the main-household, thus weakening the i n s t i t u t i o n . The 22. Nakamura, ed. , 1956, Ch.- 2. 23. Nakamura, 1957, p. 134. 68 farmers' decreasing dependence on the supernatural also weakened the symbolic authority of the main household. 24 3. Kumi -- A Local Corporate Group Kumi i s a l o c a l group i n the s t r i c t sense: a l l households 25 located i n a small l o c a l i t y are regarded as members of the kumi, and a hamlet involves several such kumi. In pre-war Japan, kumi performed two major functions. F i r s t , the members of th i s i n s t i t u t i o n exchanged r e c i p r o c a l services on such occasions as funerals or f i r e - f i g h t i n g . As mentioned l a t e r , the members of a kumi often developed an i n s t i t u -t i o n of labour exchange at busy seasons such as transplanting and har-vesting. Second, t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n had s i g n i f i c a n c e as a p o l i t i c a l unit for the self-government of farmers. Often, kumi levied an informal tax upon members i n order to perform the r e c i p r o c a l services. Kumi might or might not include ki n - r e l a t e d households. There-fore every household i n the same corporate group had an equal share i n every aspect of the community l i f e . Exchanges of r e c i p r o c a l services needed to be balanced. Hence, conditions which prevented the disturbance of the balancing mechanism are the basic ones for the persistence of kumi. There are at le a s t two such conditions. F i r s t , kumi has to have homogeneous membership i n terms-of production a c t i v i t i e s . Second, d i f -f e r e n t i a t i o n of income resources ought not to develop i n the l o c a l e ; otherwise, conflicting i n t e r e s t s w i l l create c o n f l i c t , jeopardizing the balancing mechanism. 24. We do not have an E n g l i s h equivalent for t h i s concept. 25. When a farming community i s located i n the suburbs of an i n d u s t r i a l centre, the members of kumi tend to be l i m i t e d to farmers. 69 4. Buraku -- The Farmers' World Buraku or the "hamlet" i s a d i s t i n c t i v e r e s i d e n t i a l area sur-rounded by f i e l d s and i s comprised of households. The Tokugawa Govern-ment (1600-1867) established t h i s l o c a l group as the administrative unit i n the early seventeenth century, and farmers c a l l e d i t mura or the " v i l -26 lage community", regarding i t as t h e i r world u n t i l 1868 when the M e i j i Government re-organized the administrative system. Under the new ad-.27 m i n i s t r a t i v e unit, which the government c a l l e d son, several such v i l -lage communities or hamlets were involved together. Members of a hamlet 28 shared common i n t e r e s t s i n i r r i g a t i o n water and commonly owned p l a i n s , f o r e s t s and mountains to c o l l e c t fodder material for green manure and 29 firewood. Other i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d practices such as c o l l e c t i v e ob-servance of r e l i g i o u s ceremonies, communal works such as road-mending 30 and c l e a r i n g canals, or the excommunication of "offenders" of the so-c i a l norms reconfirmed the boundary of the hamlet. As a p o l i t i c a l unit, the hamlet was the only s o c i a l grouping beyond the household which l a i d serious claim to the i n d i v i d u a l farmers' 31 l o y a l t y . I t l e v i e d an informal tax upon members for services l i s t e d , and i n some cases i t had written laws and ways to impose sanctions upon 26. Nakamura, 1957, p. 105. 27. In the following sub-section, I treat t h i s concept i n d e t a i l . 28. Nakamura, ed., 1956, pp. 267-406. 29. Nakamura, op. c i t . , pp. 407-612. 30. I substantiate these practices both i n Chapter Three and Chapter Six. 31. Fukutake, 1962. 70 the deviants. . As mentioned in the preceding chapter, both Japanese and Western s o c i o l o g i s t s and anthropologists i n t e n s i v e l y studied the single hamlet, because i t had such conspicuous p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l autonomy. The hamlet had at l e a s t two basic socio-economic conditions for i t s persistence. F i r s t , as i n the kumi, the members of t h i s l o c a l group have to share common i n t e r e s t s i n t h e i r production a c t i v i t i e s . I f non-farming households increased i n a hamlet the c o n f l i c t of i n t e r -ests among residents would weaken the propensity to conform to s o c i a l norms. Second, the hamlet has to involve a s u f f i c i e n t number of house-holds to maintain production a c t i v i t i e s and services for the residents. 32 I f the number of households decreased to a c e r t a i n point, the remaining households would have to leave the l o c a l e , unable to continue farming. 5. Son -- The Administrative Unit T h e M e i j i Government began re-organizing the administrative system of Japan i n 1871. A f t e r several f a i l u r e s , the f i n a l i n s t i t u -t i o n a l i z a t i o n of t e r r i t o r i a l groups took place i n 1888 when sh i or " c i t y " , cho or "town", and son or " v i l l a g e as an administrative u n i t " or the "administrative v i l l a g e " were established. In 1890, the c e n t r a l government re-organized the higher l e v e l s of administrative units, the ken or "prefecture" and the gun or "county". Thus, a h i e r a r c h i c a l ad-m i n i s t r a t i v e system composed of the prefecture, county, administrative v i l l a g e , and hamlet was f i n a l l y established. The administrative v i l -32. The c r i t i c a l point w i l l be determined by the amount of work and by the amount of necessary labour. Hence, the point w i l l move i n ac-cordance with the advancement of farm technology. See Chapter Six, Section II-C. 71 lage involved several hamlets and the v i l l a g e c o u n c i l , elected by househeads, made p o l i c i e s which were administered by the v i l l a g e of-f i c e . The c e n t r a l government administered the administrative v i l l a g e through the p r e f e c t u r a l government and, u n t i l 1923, through the county government. The administrative v i l l a g e had to spend a major p o r t i o n of i t s budget to implement the duties entrusted by the higher l e v e l s of administrative i n s t i t u t i o n s and to maintain schools. With the small remainder, the administrative v i l l a g e provided services f o r the r e s i -33 dents. Each hamlet had to send i t s representative to the v i l l a g e council, otherwise i t might f a i l to obtain any b e n e f i t s . The members of a hamlet co-operated i n e l e c t i n g a representative to protect t h e i r 34 own i n t e r e s t s . Thus, v i l l a g e c o u n c i l l o r s were larger farmers, who spoke for t h e i r hamlets; these farmers monopolized the c o u n c i l . The budget of the administrative v i l l a g e d i d not cover a l l the services required i n hamlets so the hamlets continued to levy informal taxes on t h e i r residents. In 1953, the c e n t r a l government implemented the second major re-organization of the administrative units, j o i n i n g several administra-t i v e v i l l a g e s and towns together i n t o a new u n i t . In this study, the term "community" w i l l denote the l o c a l group i d e n t i c a l to the boundary of the administrative v i l l a g e e x i s t i n g between 1888 and 1953; the terms " v i l l a g e " and "town" w i l l denote the present administrative u n i t s . 33^ Fukutake, 1968, pp. 545-553. 34. See Chapter Six, Section II-C. 72 6. Yui — The I n s t i t u t i o n of Labour Exchanges Yui i s an i n s t i t u t i o n of labour exchange with f i x e d member-ship; i t s basic unit i s a household. Certain farm practices as w e l l as c e r t a i n housework tasks are operations which must be f i n i s h e d i n a short period and thus require intensive labour. No s i n g l e household can command s u f f i c i e n t labour to manage a l l the operations, and so households i n a community exchange t h e i r labour to f i n i s h the task i n 35 time. Not a l l y u i have the same membership: farmers may organize d i f f e r e n t y u i f o r d i f f e r e n t operations. P a r t i c u l a r l y i n the pre-war period, close s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s among households rather than close phy-s i c a l distance determined the partners i n the i n s t i t u t i o n . In the pre-war period, two types of y u i existed simultane-ously: (1) y u i i n dozoku; and (2) y u i among neighbouring households. In the f i r s t type of y u i , the members did not exchange an equal amount of labour. Branch households provided more labour f o r the main house-hold than they received, but were rewarded by the main household i n other forms of assistance. In the second type of y u i , the members ex-changed equal amounts of labour. A f t e r the Land Reform (1946-1948), the dozoku was weakened and the f i r s t type of y u i disappeared, but the second type of y u i s t i l l p e r s i s t s i n Shiwa Community and other farming 36 communities i n the Tohoku D i s t r i c t . There are at l e a s t three b a s i c socio-economic conditions for the maintenance of this i n s t i t u t i o n . F i r s t , a l l the residents i n a 35. T. Nakano and S. Matsushima, 1958, pp. 71-79. 36. Recent changes i n this i n s t i t u t i o n appear i n Chapter Four. 73 community are engaged i n the same kind of production a c t i v i t i e s as t h e i r needs are i d e n t i c a l . Second, labour p r o d u c t i v i t y i s r e l a t i v e l y low. Third, economic a l t e r n a t i v e s i n the l o c a l e are l i m i t e d . Unlike the household or the dozoku, this i n s t i t u t i o n has a s p e c i f i c objective and w i l l e a s i l y be affected by change i n these conditions. 7. The I n s t i t u t i o n of Tenancy The farmers' r e l a t i o n s h i p s to the farm land was of the utmost importance i n t h e i r community l i f e . Japanese a g r i c u l t u r e p r i o r to the Land Reform had two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . F i r s t , the average acreage was extremely small. Only 1% of the farmers c u l t i v a t e d 5 ha. or over, while 90% of the farmers c u l t i v a t e d less than 2 ha. The average acreage was about 1 ha. Second, p r i o r to 1945, 70% of farmers were tenants and 28% of farmers had no land of t h e i r own. These tenants had to pay t h e i r rent i n r i c e , not i n cash. This p r a c t i c e of paying rent i n kind pushed tenants into a vicious cycle of poverty. Considering the small acreage and low l e v e l of technology, rent was very high. In the pre-war period the rate was 37 over 50% of the farm output. Under these circumstances, tenants could not produce a surplus from farming to improve t h e i r means of production. Rather, most tenants were constantly i n debt. What remained of t h e i r output was frequently not enough to see them to the next harvest, and tenants were obliged to borrow resources from t h e i r landlords, who hap-TF. T. Duchi, 1952, pp. 16-20. 74 pened i n many cases to be the tenants' main-household. Their immediate debt was paid from the following year's crop but the tenants could not pay a l l of the rent f o r the new f i s c a l year. Thus they were perpetu-a l l y i n debt. Also, a r i s e i n the p r i c e of r i c e did not boost t h e i r income. Although they frequently b e n e f i t t e d from the te c h n i c a l know-how of t h e i r landlords, the system remained i n balance very oppressive. There were two types of tenancy. In one type the tenant chose his landlords and a tenant c u l t i v a t e d several landlords' f i e l d s 38 and was not bound to one. A f t e r his retirement, h i s son might choose to c u l t i v a t e the f i e l d s of a d i f f e r e n t landlord. Tenancy as an i n s t i -t u t i o n i n Shiwa Community was of this type. In the other type, the tenant could not choose his landlord. In Iwate Prefecture, there were large landlords with authority over a l l the people i n the community, including t h e i r branch-households. The landlord-tenant r e l a t i o n s h i p 39 was perpetuated generation a f t e r generation. Even as recently as the 1930's, from 50% to 80% of farmers i n three countries i n Iwate Pre-40 fecture farmed under the second type of tenancy. Three conditions 38. Nakamura, 1957. 39. K. Ariga, 1939. 40. Japanese Ethnological Association, ed., Vo l . 3, p. 1063. This type of tenancy existed i n other parts of Japan as w e l l , but i t pe r s i s t e d i n Iwate Prefecture u n t i l recently because of the poor economic conditions. The c l a s s i c a l study on this subject, conducted by Professor Ariga i n a northern community of Iwate Prefecture, was summarized i n s o c i a l anthropological terms by Nakane. See, Nakane, op. c i t . , Ch. 3. 75 supported the persistence of t h i s involuntary tenancy: (1) these coun-t i e s were mountainous and farm resources were extremely l i m i t e d ; (2) the large landlords almost monopolized the mountains, and hence li m i t e d economic resources; and (3) i n the pre-war period, income resources other than farming p r a c t i c a l l y did not e x i s t i n the l o c a l e . Tenants' economic dependence on landlords conditioned other aspects of the community l i f e . Landlords had authority over tenants, but the degree of t h e i r influence upon the tenants 1 behaviour varied 41 according to how much the tenants were dependent upon them. As an i l l u s t r a t i o n , under voluntary tenancy, having received the consent of th e i r main-households, tenants could decide t h e i r children's spouse without consulting t h e i r landlords. Involuntary tenants did not have t h i s p r i v i l e g e . In the case of a d i s a s t e r , however, the tenants under voluntary tenancy could expect no assistance from t h e i r landlords ex-cept from main-households, but the tenants under the second v a r i e t y 42 received a l l possible help from the landlords. The pattern of d i s -t r i b u t i o n of economic resources i n a community seems to cond'ition the locus of authority and to govern the people's behaviour i n the s o c i a l system. Change i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic resources changed t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n . The decline and f a l l of landlord-tenant r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s so important to the l a t e r discussion that the Land Reform i s b r i e f l y TT. Ariga, 1939. 42. Ariga, 1943. 76 outlined here. The Land Reform (1946-1948) had been unsuccessfully i n s t i t u t e d i n Japan, u n t i l the A l l i e d Powers ordered the Government of 43 Japan to implement a land reform programme. A f t e r continued pressure from the A l l i e d Powers, the-Farm Land Adjustment Law was established on October 21, 1946. Under t h i s law, absentee landlords had to s e l l a l l of t h e i r land to the government. Non-cultivating resident landlords might r e t a i n 1 ha. on the average (except i n Hokkaido). Farmers who had c u l t i v a t e d t h e i r own land were not allowed to own more than 3 ha. ( i n Hokkaido, 12 ha.). Land i n excess of 3 ha. was to be purchased by the government unless the owner-cultivator could c u l t i v a t e the excess land without h i r i n g labour, or i f subdivision of his holding, i n the opinion of the Land Commission, would reduce i t s p r o d u c t i v i t y . Such purchases were to be completed by December 31st, 1948; the law provided that the government was to purchase the land and r e s e l l i t to the te-nants. The tenant farmer who had engaged i n c u l t i v a t i n g t h i s land had f i r s t options on i t s purchase. Because of the long-standing and compli-cated "forms" of land possession, mountainous areas were excluded from the a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s law. Because of t h i s reform, the number of landless tenants decreased from 28% to 1 . 8 7 o of the t o t a l farming house-holds -- thus most contemporary farmers possess t h e i r own land. The p r i n c i p l e of small land-holding c u l t i v a t o r s was fixed by the Farm Land 44 Law. The Land Reform wiped out the pre-war i n s t i t u t i o n of tenancy 43. The best presentation of t h i s process i n Western language appears i n Dore, 1959. 44. See Section II-B-2. 77 as well as the economic basis of dozoku, except i n the mountainous areas. 8. The I n s t i t u t i o n of I r r i g a t i o n The question of i r r i g a t i o n water was c r i t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t 45 to rice-growing farmers, for i f there was not enough water the r i c e -y i e l d was affected. There were three aspects to u t i l i z i n g water i n i r r i g a t i o n : the rules to l e g i t i m a t i z e the a l l o c a t i o n of water; the necessary f a c i l i t i e s ; and personnel to maintain the rules and f a c i l i -t i e s . In b r i e f , i r r i g a t i o n was an i n s t i t u t i o n for farmers. Location of paddy-fields i n r e l a t i o n to water-ways was of d e c i s i v e s i g n i f i c a n c e i n i r r i g a t i o n , and landlords often held the land i n the most advanta-46 geous l o c a t i o n . The i n s t i t u t i o n s of tenancy and the dozoku overlapped and, i n turn, these two i n s t i t u t i o n s overlapped the i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n . 9. The I n s t i t u t i o n of E x p l o i t i n g Grass Land Grass lands were either uncultivated (usually unirrigated) lands or mountainous areas covered with trees. The farmers needed grass to feed t h e i r domestic animals and to use as the raw material for manures, however, they could not afford to grow grass on p l a i n s f i e l d s . They needed f a l l e n twigs and logs for fire-wood. As i n the case of i r r i g a t i o n , they developed an i n s t i t u t i o n for e x p l o i t i n g the grass 45. In Chapter Three, I deal with t h i s point i n d e t a i l . 46. Nakamura, ed., 1956, Ch. 2, Sec. 2. 78 47 land. Throughout the Tokugawa Period (1600-1867) and u n t i l 1945, only farmers from c e r t a i n fixed households were appointed as leaders of t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n . During the Tokugawa Period the trees i n the mountainous areas belonged to feudal lords, who appointed leaders of r u r a l communities to maintain t h i s resource. These leaders were i n f l u e n t i a l landlords, and also househeads of main-households. A f t e r 1868, ownership of the majority of mountainous areas was transferred from the feudal lords to the c e n t r a l government; only a small portion of land remained i n 48 the hands of i n d i v i d u a l landlords or hamlets. I n s t i t u t i o n s for ex-p l o i t i n g grass land existed under both landlord ownership and govern-ment ownership of the mountainous areas. Landlords allowed t h e i r te-nants to e x p l o i t t h e i r private resources under c e r t a i n conditions which varied from place to place. The i n s t i t u t i o n for e x p l o i t i n g j o i n t l y owned grass land was also frequently controlled by landlords i n the . hamlet. In b r i e f , the leaders of t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n were chosen from among the landlords, and the other farmers had to u t i l i z e the resources i n accordance with the rules administered by the authority of these-leaders. Thus, t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n overlapped the dozoku, the i n s t i t u t i o n of tenancy, and the i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n . 10. Other I n s t i t u t i o n s Farmers joined various groups organized for s a t i s f y i n g speci-f i c needs i n t h e i r community l i f e . Some i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the parishes 47. Nakamura, op. c i t . , Ch. 2, Sec. 3. 48. K. Mori, 1953. 79 of the shinto shrines or the r e l i g i o u s and re c r e a t i o n a l groups c a l l e d ko had households as t h e i r composing units. In p r i n c i p l e , other i n s t i -tutions such as the youth association, the women's association, and various kinds of co-operatives had ind i v i d u a l s as the i r basic compo-nents. In pr a c t i c e , however, these i n d i v i d u a l s were representing t h e i r households and were forced to j o i n by either community s o c i a l pressures 49 or the ce n t r a l government. Some of these i n s t i t u t i o n s were related d i r e c t l y to production a c t i v i t i e s , and others were not. In any case, the community's resource d i s t r i b u t i o n pattern was r e f l e c t e d i n the rules of s o c i a l behaviour that governed the members of the i n s t i t u t i o n s . Persons from the households with larger acreages tended to accept l e a -dership i n i n s t i t u t i o n s . In return, they were s o c i a l l y obliged to do-nate larger sums of money at sp e c i a l occasions such as f e s t i v a l s or 50 youth ass o c i a t i o n programmes. I f larger farmers f a i l e d i n this re-gard, they knew there would be a buzz of gossip about them throughout the community. C. Summary The household comprised the basic unit of i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the pre-war farming communities. These i n s t i t u t i o n s were mutually i n t e r -connected. In general, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic resources affected the human behaviour i n an i n s t i t u t i o n . Hence, cumulative s o c i a l pres-sures from the various i n s t i t u t i o n s conditioned the farmers' choice of 49~! Nakano and Matsushima, 1958, pp. 186-189. 50. Op. c i t . , Ch. 3. 80 a l t e r n a t i v e s . Farmers could not behave as they personally l i k e d to: they behaved as others expected them to. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true of those who had l i t t l e i n the way of economic resources and who therefore stood low i n the s o c i a l status of the community. They had " u n s a t i s f i e d 51 desi r e s " , a s i t u a t i o n which i s "the essence of dynamic process". I f the d i s t r i b u t i o n pattern of economic resources changed, the rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n the s o c i a l system would also change. I f the econo-mic a l t e r n a t i v e s increased, farmers i n the lower s o c i a l status would choose to leave farming. I f the d i s t r i b u t i o n pattern of economic re-sources and the number of economic a l t e r n a t i v e s were changed simul-taneously, more r a d i c a l s o c i a l change would occur i n the r u r a l commun-i t i e s . In the pre-war period, however, neither condition appeared and farmers remained group-oriented rather than in d i v i d u a l - o r i e n t e d . I I . Changing Conditions i n the Japanese Nation i n the Post-War Period This section, outlines the changes i n conditions i n the s o c i -ety at large a f t e r the Second World War. The passage quoted from Embree' 52 writing suggests that a peasant society i s part of a larger nation and i s affected by two sources: (1) change i n economic conditions i n the larger society; and (2) change i n p o l i c i e s and programmes of the govern-ment. A f t e r the Second World War, these factors i n the larger nation changed dramatically. Shiwa Community must have been affected by these 51. F i r t h , 1951, p. 86. 52. See Chapter One, Section II-A. 81 changes i n the same way as other r u r a l communities, although the reaction of Shiwa farmers was d i f f e r e n t from others due to s p e c i f i c l o c a l condi-tions .' A. Changing Economic Conditions i n the Larger Society The c e n t r a l government undertook expansionist f i s c a l and mon-etary p o l i c i e s i n 1955, and the Japanese economy began growing at a faste r rate. The impact of economic growth upon a g r i c u l t u r e during the i n i t i a l f i v e to s i x years was c r i t i c a l ; with b u i l d i n g pressure from both farmers and f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s , the government had to e s t a b l i s h the Ag r i c u l t u r e Basic Law i n 1961. This section deals with the int e r a c t i o n s between the larger society and r u r a l communities from 1955 to 1961. 1. A g r i c u l t u r e and Rapid Economic Growth The Japanese economy started to grow r a p i d l y from 1955: NNP 53 increased annually at the rate of 9.8% between 1954 and 1964. Rapid economic growth did not take place evenly i n every economic sphere, how-ever. Taking the average figures of f i s c a l years 1957-1959 as 100, the 54 a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y index rose from 68 i n 1953 to 116 by 1961, 53. O r i g i n a l source: Bureau of Economic Planning, Kokumin Shotoku Hakusho of each year. Quoted from S. Endo, 1966, p. 35. Average growth rate of GNP between 1957 and 1967 was 14.5%. See Ienohikari Kyokai, ed., 1968, (A) p. 52. 54. The concept of the pro d u c t i v i t y index follows: Take figures of any two years as the o r i g i n a l point, and e s t a b l i s h the "average as 100; compute the r a t i o between the average figures and any annual , figures of output and working population. These are the output  index and working population index. The pr o d u c t i v i t y index i s the value of the output index divided by the working population index. 82 5 5 while the i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i v i t y index climbed from 6 6 to 1 5 7 . The share of the primary industries i n NNP dropped 2 3 7 o i n 1 9 5 5 to 1 4 7 o by 1 9 6 1 , but that of secondary industries rose from 3 0 % , to 3 9 % > . What the primary industries l o s t equalled the increment of secondary i n d u s t r i e s : the rapid economic growth was mainly due to the l a t t e r . In the same period, 1 9 5 5 - 1 9 6 1 , primary industries produced 3 0 % more output while, 5 6 secondary industries produced 1 7 3 % . Despite the f a c t that a g r i c u l t u r a l production increased during t h i s period, a g r i c u l t u r e ' s share i n NNP de-c l i n e d . Consequently, the gap between ag r i c u l t u r e and manufacturing industries i n terms of income per capita and expenditure per capita 57 widened. During the period of rapid economic growth, increase and d i f -f e r e n t i a t i o n of income resources developed. The number of employees i n secondary and t e r t i a r y i n d u s t r i e s soared from 1 8 . 4 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 5 0 to 3 5 . 9 m i l l i o n by 1 9 6 5 . In p a r t i c u l a r , the number of jobs increased a f t e r 5 8 5 9 1 9 5 5 , and r u r a l residents were absorbed into the i n d u s t r i a l centers. 55. Nogyo Kindaika J i t e n Kankokai, ed., 1964, p. 8. From now on, this p u b l i c a t i o n w i l l be referred to as " J i t e n " . 56. Endo, 1966, p. 35. 57. This i s i n s p i t e of the fa c t that expenditure for food i n the t o t a l household expenditure, or "the Engel's c o - e f f i c i e n t " became closer -- both i n urban and r u r a l households, i t was about 35 i n 1965. See Chapter Six, Section I-A. 58. Census data. Quoted from M i n i s t r y of Labour, 1968, p. 39. 59. For d e t a i l s , see Section II-A-3. Economists do not argue that a rapid economic growth w i l l always cause a decrease i n the farming population. Such a r e l a t i o n s h i p would depend upon the "maturity" of the nation a l economy. According to past s t a t i s t i c s , when the propor-ti o n of farmers i n the t o t a l working population reaches about 30%, there begins a slow decrease i n the farming population, which sudden-l y accelerates. In the case of Japan, the economists argue, the economic maturity and rapid economic growth co-incided. See "Sym-posium" i n Y. Kondo, et a l . , eds., 1965, pp. 209-223. 83 As discussed i n the following sub-section, the expansion of the labour market had a grave impact upon farming households. 2. Change i n Rural Labour and the S o c i a l Consequences Demographers have noticed an enormous population change i n the 1 9 5 0 's i n r u r a l areas: new farmers dropped from 4 0 0 , 0 0 0 per annum to 1 7 0 , 0 0 0 i n that decade. The great majority of emigrants from the r u r a l areas were youths from 15 to 19 years old. Between 1950 and 1955, the 60 number of youths j o i n i n g the farming population decreased about 40%. A survey of working hours i n farm operations also revealed a decrease 61 of 40%. In these changes, demographers observed no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f -ferences between sexes. And as the number of b i r t h s i n r u r a l areas be-tween 1935 and 1940 remained almost the same, the above phenomena could only be due to s o c i a l mobility. Demographers described t h i s exodus from r u r a l areas as " l a n d - s l i p " . Consequently, the proportion of the farming population i n the t o t a l producing population decreased from 457° 62 i n 1946 to 31% by 1960, and to 19% by 1967. But,' the number of farm-ing households did not decrease that f a s t ; i t slowly slipped from 6 .18 m i l l i o n i n 1950 to 5 . 9 8 m i l l i o n by 1960, and to 5 . 4 2 m i l l i o n by 1967, or a decrease of 12%, over 17 years. Expansion of the labour markets i n the 1950's and the conse-quent decrease i n the farming population had at least four s o c i a l conse-6CL S. Namiki, 1960, p. 6. 6 1 . Op. c i t . , p. 8 . 62 . See Ienohikari Kyokai, ed., 1968 (A), p. 102 . 84 quences. F i r s t , those households i n which the househeads or heirs worked for other firms more than 60 days per annum increased. They are c a l l e d 63 "part-time farming households". The proportion of " f u l l - t i m e farming 64 households" i n 1941 was 41%, and i t f e l l to 34% by 1960. Second, the qu a l i t y of farm labour deteriorated remarkably. Because youths emigra-65 ted and househeads and heirs worked at non-farm a c t i v i t i e s , older peo-ple as well as women began to accept more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n farming. In 66 1950, about 10% of the farmers were over the age of 60, and the propor-67 t i o n doubled by 1967. In 1950, 52% of the farming population was made 68 up of women: the proportion rose to 55% by 1961 and 58% by 1967. Third, wages rose r a p i d l y for labourers during the peak of farm prac-t i c e s such as transplanting or harvesting. In 1960, the average wage per man day i n transplanting was 435 yen; i t rose to 680 yen i n r e a l 69 terms by 1965. F i n a l l y , re-organization of farming under the new con-d i t i o n s made farmers, more dependent than before upon non-farm a c t i v i t i e s . 63. The M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry defined the categories of farming households as follows. Those which have more than 0.5 ha. ( i n Hokkaido, more than 1 ha.) or those who have smaller acreage but s a t i s f y one or more of the seven conditions established by the M i n i s t r y are the " F i r s t Class Farming Households". Others are the "Second Class Farming Households". Among farming households of both classes, there are "Full-Time Farming Households" and "Part-Time Farming Households". 64. Endo, 1966, p. 103. The proportion further dropped to 27% by 1965. See Norin Tokei Kyokai, ed., 1967 (A), p. 97. 65. See the d e f i n i t i o n of "part-time farming households". 66. N. Kayo, ed., 1958, p. 166. 67. Ienohikari Kyokai, ed., 1968 (A), p. 102. 68. The following sources were referred to. a) Namiki, 1960. b) Kondo, et a l . , eds., 1965. c) Ienohikari Kyokai, ed., 1968 (A). 69. The o r i g i n a l surveys were conducted by the M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry. The figures were quoted from Iwateken Nogyo K a i g i , ed., 1967 (A), p. 14. The money wage has been converted to r e a l terms by d i v i s i o n by a p r i c e d e f l a t o r . On the d e f l a t o r , see, Norin Tokei Kyokai, ed., 1967 (B), p. 12. 8 5 During the period between 1 9 5 7 and 1 9 6 4 , the index of farm management 7 0 cost increased from 1 0 0 to 2 3 0 , and the " r a t i o of farm income" r e l a -t i v e l y decreased from 6 5 7 , to 5 7 7 o . Among the farm management costs i n 1 9 5 7 , f e r t i l i z e r s occupied 2 4 7 ° , farm machines 1 5 7 , , and food-stuffs 1 3 7 , . In 1 9 6 4 , however, food-stuffs occupied 2 6 7 , , farm machines 1 9 7 , , and f e r t 7 1 l i z e r s 1 3 7 > . These figures r e f l e c t the rapid development of dair y farming and the mechanization of farm p r a c t i c e s . The weight of farm-income i n the farming household economy decreased i n the same period. Farm income occupied 5 7 7 > of the household income and 6 0 7 , of the house-hold expenses, but the proportions dropped to 4 8 7 , and 5 3 7 , r e s p e c t i v e l y 7 2 i n the period between 1 9 5 7 and 1 9 6 4 . Farmers balanced the shortage of farm income by following f u l l - t i m e or part-time non-farm a c t i v i t i e s . F u l l - t i m e commutors increased from 1 . 7 9 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 6 0 to 1 . 8 5 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 6 5 ; part-time engagement i n non-farm jobs increased from 4 . 5 73 m i l l i o n to 5 . 9 . m i l l i o n . 3 . Change i n the Consumption Patterns of Farm Products P r i o r to 1 9 4 5 , the p r i c e of r i c e was the y a r d s t i c k for genera p r i c e l e v e l s . The indices of consumption between pre-war days and post war days are based on the p r i c e l e v e l of 1 9 3 4 - 1 9 3 6 . Table 2 - 1 shows that the l e v e l of consumption immediately af t e r the l a s t war dropped to 5 5 7 , of the pre-war average. 7 0 . The r a t i o of farm income = Gross Farm Income Farm Management Cost. 7 1 . T. Kikuchi, 1 9 6 8 , p . 3 5 7 . 7 2 . Op. c i t . , p. 3 5 0 . 7 3 . NSrin Tokei Kyokai, ed., 1 9 6 7 (A), p. 7 7 . 86 Table 2-1 Level . of Cons umption i n C i t i e s L i g h t 6c T o t a l Year Food Housing Heat Clothing Other Average 1947 58.6 35.3 110.6 22.4 100.9 55.4 1950 79.4 44.8 103.8 35.7 85.8 69.8 1955 112.0 78.7 135.0 89.3 126.4 106.5 1960 131.9 128.7 161.7 130.0 168.0 137.4 1965 147.0 184.9 230.8 170.3 233,3 174.0 Note: average of 1934-36 = 100. Source: M i n i s t r y of Welfare, ed., Kokumin Seikatsu Hakusho - 1965. Quoted from Endo, 1966, p. 180. By 1955, the average of the personal consumption index had almost re-turned to the pre-war l e v e l . From 1955 to 1960, the indices of compara-t i v e personal expenditure for shelter, c l o t h i n g , and l i g h t and heat computed i n r e a l terms increased 50, 40, and 27 re s p e c t i v e l y . Despite the general increase i n expenditure, money spent for food increased 74 only 20: the demand e l a s t i c i t y of farm output i s low. The increase i n consumption of farm output accompanied remark-able changes i n consumption patterns. According to Table 2-2, con-sumption of r i c e s l i g h t l y decreased, but consumption of vegetables, f r u i t s , meat, eggs, and dairy products increased from 100 to 127, 173, 130, 141, and 211 between 1955 and I960. Among vegetables, t r a d i t i o n a l v a r i e t i e s became less popular, and Western v a r i e t i e s replaced the f o r -mer. Japanese women began to t r y more Western cooking: the increase i n o i l consumption r e f l e c t s t h i s change. In b r i e f , Westernization i n food habits developed, f o r c i n g farmers to change t h e i r v a r i e t y of output. 74~ This gap became wider by 1965. See Table 2-2. 87 Table 2-2 Supply Index of Food per Capits (1955-100) Average of Items 1934-1936 1955 1960 1964 Rice 100.4 100.0 98.2 96.0 Vegetables 109.1 100.0 127.1 147.9 F r u i t s 139.7 100.0 173. 3 222.6 Fish- 100.0 105.4 102.9 Meat 65.7 100.0 129.6 247.8 Eggs 67.6 100.0 141.2 252.9 Dairy Products 25.8 100.0 211.6 308.3 O i l 33.3 100.0 159.3 248.1 Source: Endo, 1966, p. 187. A comparison of the food trend i n Japan with the r e a l s i t u a -t i o n i n Western countries immediately reveals that Japan i s s t i l l f a r behind i n terms of consuming animal protein. . As an index, taking the per-capita consumption of milk i n Japan as 1, that i n Canada and the 75 United States was 15 i n 1960. The government has assumed that the Westernization of food habits w i l l develop further, and has developed programmes to allow for t h i s changing consumption pattern. 4. Increase i n Imported Farm Products and the Japanese Economy From 1955 u n t i l 1960, imported farm products i n terms of mone-tary values remained at a l e v e l of 800 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s . In the same period Japanese t o t a l imports almost doubled, so that the proportion of 76 farm products i n t o t a l imports decreased from 367, to 20%. The heavy proportion of imported farm products had an impact upon Japanese a g r i -culture and upon the Japanese economy at large. 75. Source: M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry, the material submit-ted to the national d i e t i n 1961. Quoted from J i t e n , p. 17. 76. Suzuki, H., 1968, p. 64. By 1965, the import of farm products rose again to 1.9 b i l l i o n d o l l a r s , occupying 247, of the t o t a l import. 8 8 Before 1 9 6 1 , an increase i n imported farm products was already weakening the competitive power of Japanese a g r i c u l t u r e i n domestic mar-kets. Because of l i m i t e d natural resources, Japan has to depend upon foreign products to some extent. The recent increase i n imported farm 7 7 products has s e r i o u s l y damaged the market for some domestic crops. The growing importance of foreign imports i n the development of some farm products has raised production costs. As mentioned i n the preced-ing sub-section, consumption of the output of animal husbandry rose re-markably, but farmers had to depend upon foreign products for one-half 7 8 of the feed-stuff. Japanese a g r i c u l t u r a l p r i c e s became higher than i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r i c e s . Had the government's protective control over imports been removed as a r e s u l t of i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l pressure, Japanese farmers would have been confronted with d i r e c t and severe com-p e t i t i o n from foreign products and Japanese a g r i c u l t u r a l producers would have been severely hurt. Japanese leaders were quick to r e a l i z e that Japanese a g r i c u l -ture -- which had very l i t t l e to export to balance the increasing burden of imported products -- would become a dead-weight on the Japanese eco-7 9 nomy, and from 1 9 5 9 they began to search for a solution. In b r i e f , the i n d u s t r i a l and f i n a n c i a l leaders aimed at " i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n " of Japanese 8 0 a g r i c u l t u r e to increase t h e i r own p r o f i t s . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , t h e i r p o l i c i e s p u b l i c i z e d i n 1 9 6 0 may be summarized i n the following three terms: ( 1 ) the lowering of prices of domestic farm products by "indus-8 1 t r i a l i z i n g " a g r i c u l t u r e ; ( 2 ) the curtailment of government expenditure 7 7 . Suzuki, op. c i t . , p. 6 7 . The rate of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y of farm pro-ducts for food dropped from 8 6 7 o i n 1 9 6 0 to 7 6 7 o i n 1 9 6 5 . 7 8 . I b i d . 7 9 . J i t i n , p. 2 1 . 8 0 . J . Matsubara, and 0 . Hasumi, 1 9 6 8 , Ch. 1 . 8 1 . See the discussion i n Chapter One, Section I-B. 89 on various subsidies by re-organizing a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s , programmes, and relevant i n s t i t u t i o n s ; and (3) the expansion of domestic markets for farm machines, f e r t i l i z e r s , p e s t i c i d e s , and feed-stuff by develop-82 ing a g r i c u l t u r e . P a r a l l e l e d with the moves within farmers' groups, the keen i n t e r e s t of i n d u s t r i a l and f i n a n c i a l leaders i n the development of a g r i c u l t u r e stimulated the c e n t r a l government to promote i n d u s t r i a l i -zation. B. Changes i n the Central Government's P o l i c i e s and Programmes The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c e n t r a l government and r u r a l com-munities i n Japan was very close, and change i n government p o l i c i e s im-83 mediately affected farmers. Tsutomu Ouchi summarized changes i n the 84 post-war a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s as follows. Between 1945 and 1950, farmers were exploited, for farming was the only taxable economic a c t i -v i t y i n t h i s period. From 1950 u n t i l 1955, the government c u r t a i l e d taxes upon farmers, raised the p r i c e of r i c e , and invested c a p i t a l to 85 improve farm f a c i l i t i e s . A f t e r 1955, the government was requested to c l a r i f y p o l i c y goals and e s t a b l i s h basic p o l i c i e s as both farmers and non-farmers f e l t anxious over the r a p i d l y changing socio-economic condi-tions. The A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law was the p o l i c y decided upon by Japan-ese leaders at that time. 82. See Section II-B-1 of t h i s chapter. 83. See Chapter Fi v e . 84. T. Ouchi, 1968, pp. 92-105. 85. Later chapters deal with t h i s point. 90 1. Establishment of the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law i n 1961 In 1957, the National Council for the Development of Farming and F i s h i n g Communities applied p o l i t i c a l pressure on the government to l e g i s l a t e c e r t a i n basic p o l i c i e s i n farming. According to the c o u n c i l , cabinet l e v e l p o l i c y decisions would have no l a s t i n g e f f e c t s as the p o l -i c i e s might change along with the cabinets. Since farming and f i s h i n g communities were to change r a d i c a l l y , the council i n s i s t e d that basic 86 government p o l i c i e s be established as law. This proposal, together with the suggestions from i n d u s t r i a l and f i n a n c i a l leaders, stimulated p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s to clamour for the establishment of an a g r i c u l t u r e basic law. Many groups produced i n d i v i d u a l d r a f t s . In 1961, a d r a f t of the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law written by the M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry and modified by the L i b e r a l Party passed both the House of Commons and the House of Representatives. The law was comprised of seven parts: (1) preface; (2) statements of gen-e r a l p o l i c i e s ; (3) p o l i c i e s f or farm production; (4) p o l i c i e s for market-transactions and p r i c e s of farm products; (5) improvement i n the struc-ture of farm production; (6) re-organization of the government bureaucracy and farmers' groups; and (7) the establishment of the Council for Research of A g r i c u l t u r a l P o l i c i e s . In b r i e f , t h i s law aimed to increase farm p r o d u c t i v i t y and restore a balance between non-farmers' and farmers' 87 l e v e l of consumption. The aims were to be achieved (1) by government 88 aids and (2) by the development of "independent farmers". Evaluative 86~! J i t e n , p, 38. 87. The A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law, A r t i c l e 15. 88. Op. c i t . , A r t . 16. 9 1 research was to measure achievements constantly and i d e n t i f y d i f f i c u l -t i e s ; the annual report on the research was to provide relevant i n f o r -8 9 mation and recommendations for future programmes. Groups reacted to the law i n a v a r i e t y of ways. F i n a n c i a l and i n d u s t r i a l leaders supported the government because t h e i r own ideas 9 0 had been incorporated i n the law. Farmers' groups did not put up any strong opposition. L e f t wing p a r t i e s and some scholars from the s o c i a l sciences opposed the law, because the government proposed to help " r i c h " 9 1 farmers and to "abolish the poor". To delineate the opponents' points unless a farmer had 1 ha. of land or more, he could not support his hous hold from his farming income alone, and 7 0 7 , of farmers had less than 1 . 0 9 2 ha. i n 1 9 6 0 . Government aid would benefit only 3 0 7 o of the farmers, not a l l of them. In essence the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law would jeopardize the majority of farmers. Thus the opponents of the law invented the phrase: " A g r i c u l t u r a l P o l i c i e s f o r 3 0 7 , " . In spite of the opposition to the law, the government programmes were implemented as soon as the b i l l passed the d i e t . 2 . Re-Organization of Programmes and Administrative I n s t i t u t i o n s a. Amendment of the Farm Land Law The Land Reform abolished landlords on the p l a i n s but did not attempt to modify small farms. The basic i d e a l of the Farm Land Law 8 9 . Op. c i t . , A r t . 7 . 9 0 . J i t e n , p. 4 8 . 9 1 . A representative analysis of th i s process appears i n I . Kato and K. Sakamoto, eds., 1 9 6 5 . 9 2 . End5, 1 9 6 6 , pp. 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 . 92 which passed the d i e t i n 1952 was that farmers should have t h e i r own land. To translate the i d e a l into more empirical terms, the possessors, the managers,'and the labourers of the land would have to be i d e n t i c a l 93 regardless of the acreage. However, under such circumstances farming would p e r s i s t as a household occupation, and large scale farms depend-ing upon hired labour would not develop. In e f f e c t , emphasis upon small farms prevented the r i s e of farming as a profit-making enterprise. At the same time, the rapid economic growth i n the society at large absorbed the surplus r u r a l population, causing the farming popu-l a t i o n to shrink, thus providing an opportunity to eliminate the extreme small farms. I f the low p r o d u c t i v i t y i n farming and the low income i n farming households were to be overcome, intensive c a p i t a l investment was required and large acreage per farm was necessary to maximize the e f f e c t s of invested c a p i t a l . As small farms would be maintained by the Farm Land Law, any attempt to expand acreage needed amendments i n the law. These amendments were added i n 1962. F i r s t , the c e i l i n g on maximum acreage was modified. In the old law, the maximum acreage on a l l islands except for Hokkaido had 94 been 3 ha. for f i e l d s and 5 ha. for pasture. By the amendment, any household which was the core of a prospective larger farm and which could provide more than one half of the necessary labour was e n t i t l e d to possess and manage larger acreage. Second, i f farmers wish to pool resources and j o i n t l y operate farms, they were e n t i t l e d to e s t a b l i s h a 92L The Farm Land Law, A r t i c l e 1. 94. In a c t u a l i t y , each prefecture regulated i t s own maximum acreage. The quoted figures are the averages. 9 3 l i m i t e d company, but persons not l i v i n g on the land could not j o i n the company. Third, when farmers wish to b r i e f l y leave, t h e i r community or temporarily quit farming, they could entrust t h e i r land to a l o c a l a g r i -c u l t u r a l co-operative to administer i t . I h ; s p i t e of the amendments, the basic problem of small farmers s t i l l p e r s i s t s ; the M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry intends to make 9 5 a second and more r a d i c a l amendment i n the near future. b. Re-Organization of Government Loans Farmers have to invest c a p i t a l to increase labour producti-v i t y , as labour i s scarce. I f the government provided funds to make long term but low i n t e r e s t loans, i t would give farmers the incentive to develop t h e i r farms. P r i o r to t h i s new programme, two kinds of funds were a v a i l a b l e for. farmers: ( 1 ) p r i v a t e funds established by the na-t i o n a l associations of a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives; and ( 2 ) public funds established by either the c e n t r a l or p r e f e c t u r a l government. Private funds charged a r e l a t i v e l y high i n t e r e s t of 8 . 5 % to 9 . 0 7 o per annum, so few farmers could use t h i s resource. P u b l i c funds defined objectives 9 6 too narrowly and so were not r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e . The r u r a l exodus of young labour made i t necessary^for farmers to increase the labour pro-d u c t i v i t y , but they could not mechanize th e i r practices because of a shortage of c r e d i t . Under the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law, the c e n t r a l government es-tablished two sets of funds: ( 1 ) the "Agriculture Modernization Funds" 9 5 ~ ! Ienohikari Kyokai, ed., 1 9 6 8 (A), pp. 1 1 3 - 1 1 4 . 1 9 6 8 as present. 9 6 . J i t e n , p. 1 0 8 . 9 4 and ( 2 ) the "Funds for Managerial and S t r u c t u r a l Improvement". A g r i c u l -ture Modernization Funds were a modification of the "Agriculture Im-provement Funds" established i n 1 9 5 5 , involving s i x categories of funds for i n d i v i d u a l farmers and groups of farmers. Farmers could borrow money from the l o c a l co-operative, paying i n t e r e s t s rates varying from 9 7 5 7 o to 7 . 5 7 0 per annum, and could return i t within f i v e to f i f t e e n years. The central government subsidized the balance of i n t e r e s t rates to co-operatives and guaranteed the possible loss. At the outset t h i s programme was not successful, because of a lack of enthusiasm on the part of the 9 8 co-operatives. The Funds for Managerial and S t r u c t u r a l Improvement were to be a remedy for the limited a v a i l a b i l i t y of private funds. To achieve sustained economic growth, "the i n i t i a l stimulant or stimulants to 9 9 development must be of a c e r t a i n c r i t i c a l minimum s i z e . " Although farmers pooled t h e i r funds in the l o c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operative, the 1 0 0 t o t a l amount was not large enough to stimulate development. Real-i z i n g t h i s problem, the central government established these funds for a p i l o t project i n each r u r a l community. I n d i v i d u a l farmers and groups of farmers who planned to introduce a set of expensive machines or other f a c i l i t i e s to improve the structure of farm production could bor-row large sums of money from these funds. A l a t e r sub-section, consi-9 7 . M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry, ed., 1 9 6 7 (B), pp. 1 4 - 1 5 . 9 8 . The Council for Research of A g r i c u l t u r a l P o l i c i e s , ed., 1 9 6 6 , p. 1 7 . 9 9 . Leibenstein, 1 9 5 7 , p. 9 4 . 1 0 0 . M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry, ed., 1 9 6 7 (B), p. 3 . 95 10L ders the programmes that are important to this study. c. Re-Organization of Farm Insurance At the end of the 1940's, the c e n t r a l government introduced insurance for farm output, but farmers did not p a r t i c i p a t e a c t i v e l y 102 because the premiums were high and the coverage l i m i t e d . In 1964, more generous p o l i c i e s were established. Taking the index i n 1964 as 103 100, farmers' p a r t i c i p a t i o n increased to 164 by 1967. These insur-ance schemes covered i n d i v i d u a l crops: hence, farmers had to pay sep-arate premiums for rice-growing, c a t t l e - r a i s i n g , or other operations. For example i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n , the p o l i c y covers up to 90% of the fixed r i c e - p r i c e of the year i n cases of t o t a l damage. Ninety-four percent 104 of the rice-growing farmers purchased the p o l i c y i n 1967. d. Improvement of Extension Services P r e f e c t u r a l governments began extension services i n 1948, but extension o f f i c e r s could not function well because of severely 105 limited resources. The new p o l i c i e s revised t h i s programme. In 1963, amendments increased the extension o f f i c e r ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and scope of authority. In turn, t h e i r salary rose and they gained easier access to various resources. For instance, under a current scheme ex-101. The case i n Shiwa Community appears i n Chapter Four, Section II-B. 102. J i t e n , p. 119. 103. Ienohikari Kyokai, ed., 1968 (A), p. 259. 104. Op. c i t . , i b i d . 105. J i t e n , p. 137. 96 tension o f f i c e r s can obtain information and other necessary resources from p r e f e c t u r a l and national a g r i c u l t u r a l experimental l a b o r a t o r i e s . They can take r e - t r a i n i n g courses or study at u n i v e r s i t i e s at the ex-pense of the p r e f e c t u r a l governments to refresh or to develop t h e i r knowledge and s k i l l s . The government r e a l i z e d the need to strengthen 106 change-agents. e. Amalgamation of A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operatives Under strong pressure from the A l l i e d Powers, a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives, covering every farming household, were established i n each r u r a l community i n 1947. The co-operative movement i n Japan had existed for half a century, but the co-operative had not been a power-f u l i n s t i t u t i o n u n t i l the war-time government, a m i l i t a r y government, 107 began to manipulate the co-operatives for t h e i r own aims. The new a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives i n post-war Japan t h e o r e t i c a l l y should have brought economic benefits to the farmers, and the c e n t r a l government encouraged i t s development i n many ways. Besides managing the market-transactions, the new co-operative functioned as a credit-union, and 108 helped old tenants to become independent of t h e i r old landlords. Although the a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operative was not a government agent, i t s p o t e n t i a l as a change-agent for developing i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e became s i g n i f i c a n t under the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law. The 106. On change-agents, see Chapter Five. 107. J . Saito, 1968, p. 170. 108. See Chapter Four, Section III-B. 97 co-operative i n the l a t t e r part of the 1950's had two problems. F i r s t , the co-operatives were not large enough to loan p r i v a t e funds to devel-opment-minded farmers: the average number of households per "general 109 co-operative" was 471. Second, the small co-operative could not com-pete with other business firms i n marketing. To eliminate these b o t t l e -necks, the c e n t r a l government established a new law to amalgamate small co-operatives. Consequently, the general co-operatives decreased from 12,000 i n 1961 to 7,000 by 1968. The average number of member-households was 736 i n 1968 compared with 471 i n 1961. In the same period, "spe-110 c i a l i z e d co-operatives" decreased from 16,800 to 12,700. One remark-able change was the increase in the number of extension workers on the co-operative's s t a f f . The t o t a l number of extension workers increased 111 from 6,200 i n 1960 to 14,700 by 1966, implying that co-operative leaders r e a l i z e d the need to strengthen t h e i r agents of change. 3. The Programme of " S t r u c t u r a l Improvement of FarmsV "Stru c t u r a l Improvement of Farms" was the only new programme 112 developed under the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law. In b r i e f , the M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry selected about 300 v i l l a g e s and towns per 109. One can d i s t i n g u i s h two types of co-operatives: (1) s p e c i a l co-operatives and (2) general co-operatives. The foremer manages only s p e c i f i c tasks such as marketing milk. The l a t t e r has four major tasks. I t functions as a credit-union, purchases goods, supplies a market, and manages an extension service. 110. Ienohikari Kyokai, ed., 1968 (A), p. 278. 111. Op. c i t . , p.. 279. 112. Ouchi, op. c i t . , p. 116. 98 annum and l e t them implement t h e i r own programmes under c e r t a i n con-d i t i o n s . The c e i l i n g and the minimum size of the project and budget were regulated. The project had to be completed within three years and the average budget was 100 m i l l i o n yen. By the end of 1971, the M i n i s t r y assumes that a l l administrative units i n Japan w i l l be covered under those projects. The basic feature of t h i s programme i s to i n t r o -duce improvements u n i v e r s a l l y . The government subsidizes 40% to 70% of necessary costs and makes various funds a v a i l a b l e to farmers. In the seven years a f t e r 1961, 70% of Japanese towns and v i l -lages implemented the programme. Scholars tend to be s c e p t i c a l of the 113 success of t h i s programme. Since one project covered only a part of one or two hamlets i n a community, the proportion of farmers p a r t i c i -pating i n the project was 8% of the t o t a l community population. In addition, not a l l the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the project took advantage of the 114 benefits. C. Summary In summary, post-war reforms and rapid economic growth since 1955 changed a number of conditions that had governed the behaviour of farmers i n pre-war days. R e - a l l o c a t i o n of farm lands by the Land Re-form, establishment of land-ownership by the Farm Land Law, and devel-opment of services by a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives eradicated the basic conditions that supported dozoku, thus enabling old tenants and branch-113. Ouchi (1968) and Matsubara et a l . (1968) are a few examples. 114. Ienohikari Kyokai, ed., 1968 (A), pp. 88-90. 99 households to be independent from old landlords and main-households. The increase i n economic a l t e r n a t i v e s i n the larger society promoted emigration of youths and increased f u l l - t i m e commuters i n the farming communities. At the same time, the development of a monetary economy made farmers more dependent upon non-farm income resources. The increase i n household income i n turn made farmers s t r i v e for further mechaniza-t i o n of farm operations, enabling them to maintain and even increase the quantity!; of farm output in spite of the r u r a l exodus of youth. Change i n conditions i n the society at large affected the fa: -mers ' decision-making i n two a d d i t i o n a l aspects. F i r s t , Westernization of food habits i n the larger nation obliged farmers to give up c e r t a i n sets of t r a d i t i o n a l farm practices and to adopt innovations such as new cash crops or dairy farming which required c a p i t a l , a body of knowledge and s k i l l s i n production as well as i n market-transactions. As farmers became moE i n t e n s i v e l y involved i n a monetary economy, t h e i r production a c t i v i t i e s became more s t r i c t l y conditioned by market demands. Second, the shortage of labour due mainly to the continuing youthful emigration makes labour-costs high, thereby pushing up the production cost of farm output, and weakening the competitive power of Japanese products against foreign products. As imports of foreign products increase, farmers are more openly exposed to competition with other suppliers. In b r i e f , f a r -mers' production a c t i v i t i e s have become more strongly affected by market conditions. 100 The government, urged by various groups including i n d u s t r i a l and f i n a n c i a l leaders, farmers' groups, and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , estab-l i s h e d the A g r i c u l t u r e Basic Law to i n d u s t r i a l i z e Japanese a g r i c u l t u r e . Conditions favorable to the expansion of the size of i n d i v i d u a l farms were created by amending the Farm Land Law and providing r e l a t i v e l y abundant f i n a n c i a l resources. The government t r i e d to protect against crop-damage from natural d i s a s t e r by providing several kinds of insur-ance. Attempts were made to improve communication channels for farmers, to improve various l o c a l services through extension o f f i c e r s and l o c a l co-operatives, and to improve the structure of farm production. The government i s waiting to see the farmers' reactions. In b r i e f , Japanese a g r i c u l t u r e i s beginning to s a t i s f y the 115 three conditions for i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . In these general terms, t h i s statement w i l l be true for a l l of Japan,inrspite of the f a c t that i n -d i v i d u a l communities w i l l reveal d i f f e r e n t reactions as l o c a l conditions vary from one community to another. The following chapters, are devoted to a close examination of the s i t u a t i o n i n Shiwa Community. 115. See Chapter One, Section I-B. 101 CHAPTER THREE ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS IN SHIWA PRIOR TO 1954 Some i n s t i t u t i o n s experienced changes af t e r the Second World War when the A l l i e d Ppwers and the Government of Japan removed c e r t a i n conditions which had supported them. Revision of the C i v i l Code (1947), establishment of a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives (1947), implementation of the Land Reform programmes (1946-1948), and the reorganization of ad-m i n i s t r a t i v e units which began i n 1953 are the examples mentioned i n Chapter Two. As a part of the Japanese nation, Shiwa Community l i k e other communities was effected by the above changes, but due to p a r t i -cular l o c a l conditions, Shiwa farmers reacted to these changes i n th e i r own d i s t i n c t fashion. This chapter deals mainly with the functioning of i n s t i t u t i o n s i n pre-war Shiwa and how they changed before the emer-gence of the rapid economic growth of post-war Japan. In pre-war Japan each i n s t i t u t i o n had a history of several centuries but i t s i n d i v i d u a l structure was conditioned and modified by events i n l o c a l h i s t ory. I n order to understand the reactions of the l o c a l people, post-war i n s t i t u t i o n a l change must be examined i n the con-text of l o c a l h i s t ory. Long standing p a r t i c u l a r conditions that deeply affected the l o c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s must be dealt with i n depth. U n t i l recently Japanese farming for the most part consisted of r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n by the wet-system, and i t s development was depen-dent on three conditions: (1) opening up of rice-paddies; (2) use of 102 1 ir r i g a t i o n - w a t e r ; and (3) the increase i n labour p r o d u c t i v i t y . Under the wet-system, the amount of water resources determined the acreage i n which r i c e could be grown. Increase i n labour p r o d u c t i v i t y also p a r t l y 2 depended on the a v a i l a b i l i t y of i r r i g a t i o n water. Hence, how to a l -locate limited water resources, including the construction of reser-v o i r s and a r t i f i c i a l i r r i g a t i o n channels or "canals", became c r u c i a l . A l l o c a t i o n of water resources i s the p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l condition which characterized production a c t i v i t i e s i n pre-war Shiwa. Shiwa farmers suffered from a shortage of i r r i g a t i o n water, and so constructed canals as early as the sixteenth century. The con-s t r u c t i o n work required the co-operation of people beyond i n d i v i d u a l households, and the administration and maintenance of i r r i g a t i o n f a c i l i -t i e s required the emergence of an i n s t i t u t i o n . The a v a i l a b i l i t y of irrigation-water affected farmers' production a c t i v i t i e s , and as a r e s u l t affected the community's i n s t i t u t i o n s . This chapter focuses on one i n s t i t u t i o n , the i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n , and discusses other i n -s t i t u t i o n s as they r e l a t e to i t . 1. The I n s t i t u t i o n of I r r i g a t i o n P r i o r to 1954 For centuries. Shiwa;farmers have used four sources of i r r i g a -tion-water i n t h e i r farm p r a c t i c e s : (1) water from the Takina River, which originates i n the mountains of the Shiwa Community, passes through T. K. Mori, 1953, p. 374. 2. See Section II-D of t h i s chapter. 103 the community and f i n a l l y flows i n t o the Kitakami River; (2) the water from the Kurosawa River, which i r r i g a t e s a couple of southern hamlets 3 i n Shiwa; (3) a number of small creeks coming down the f o o t h i l l s and (4) r a i n . In the twentieth century the farmers dug r e s e r v o i r s , thus adding another source. The farmers have no means for c o n t r o l l i n g pre-c i p i t a t i o n and had no re s e r v o i r s u n t i l recently so these two sources are excluded from the present consideration. Among the remaining three sources, the Takina River has been the most important for the purpose of t h i s study because i t i r r i g a t e s more than one half of the paddy f i e l d s i n Shiwa, and runs through almost a l l of the twenty hamlets i n the community. According to the survey conducted by a group of engineers i n 1950, the resources of the Takina River were limited i n s p i t e of i t s wide coverage. During the dry season, the r i v e r could supply enough water to i r r i g a t e only 63 ha. of the 1,150 ha. of paddy f i e l d s which 4 depended upon i r r i g a t i o n from t h i s source. Another group of resear-chers from the Tohoku National A g r i c u l t u r a l Experimental Laboratory, studying the i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n i n Shiwa for a three year period (1955-1957), discovered that maximum u t i l i z a t i o n of the water resources 5 from t h i s 19 k.m. r i v e r was reached by at l e a s t 1600 A.D. Shiwa farmers were vulnerable to natural hazards. During the period from 1626 to 1942, they experienced once every 3.4 years some serious natural d i s a s t e r such as droughts, long r a i n s , floods, wind, ~. See Map 3. 4. Quoted from Watanabe et a l . , 1958, p. 77. 5. Op. c i t . 104 cool weather or combination of these elements. They suffered a d r a s t i c crop f a i l u r e once every 6.3 years. U n t i l 1868 there was death from s t a r v a t i o n among the people once i n every 18 years. From 1626 to 1942, water disputes occurred once every 7 years, mostly at the j u n c t i o n of the main-channel and the branch-channel of the Takina River. According to a v a i l a b l e documents, several thousand farmers swarmed to the disputes and became involved i n bloody f i g h t i n g . Two farmers were k i l l e d i n 6 1852 during a f i g h t . Allowing for minor hazards, crop f a i l u r e s or water disputes too mild to be recorded, the frequencies of disasters was surely greater. Thus, the a l l o c a t i o n of the l i m i t e d water resources has been a c r i t i c a l question f o r farmers i n this area. Local farmers developed several independent i n s t i t u t i o n s of i r r i g a t i o n from d i f f e r e n t water-sources and c a l l e d them "water-systems"; the Takina River water-system was one. In the jargon of the farmers each i n s t i t u t i o n was a "system". The members of an i n s t i t u t i o n had r i -gid rules f o r resource a l l o c a t i o n . A small number of leaders had auth-o r i t y to a l l o c a t e the i r r i g a t i o n - w a t e r and to sanction those who did not behave according to the r u l e s . Each i n s t i t u t i o n was an aggregate of sub-units each of which shared the rules f o r resource a l l o c a t i o n . The i n s t i t u t i o n as a whole maintained i r r i g a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , a l l o c a t e d wa-ter resources among the members, claimed the members' l o y a l t y , and to a c e r t a i n extent managed c o n f l i c t s among the members. This s e c t i o n w i l l provide a d e s c r i p t i o n of the Takina River Water-system. 6. Computed from the chronological table attached to Watanabe et a l . , op. c i t . , pp. 173-175. 105 A. Sub-Units of the l a k i n a River Water-System Two c r i t e r i a determined the grouping of farmers who used the water from the Takina River: (1) the water-way from which farmers took water and (2) the distance from the junction. As w i l l be substantiated l a t e r , these c r i t e r i a roughly determined the amount of resources a l l o c a -ted to i n d i v i d u a l farmers so that those who shared common in t e r e s t s or-ganized themselves i n t o loose groups or the sub-units of the system. 1. Groups Around Water-Ways At the junction, the Takina River was divided into the main-channel, which i r r i g a t e d the Shiwa Community and another community, and the branch-channel which i r r i g a t e d three other communities. A number of canals took water from each channel; from each canal a number of sub-canals took water to the i n d i v i d u a l paddy f i e l d s . Those who used water from each of these water-ways formed organizations. a. Channel Groups Farmers who used water out of the main channel organized a "channel group", as did those on the branch channel. Leaders of the two groups met each year to determine the r a t i o of water al l o c a t e d to each channel On average 60% of the water went to the main-channel and 40% flowed into the branch-channel. In the Tokugawa Period (1600-1867) the main channel i r r i g a t e d paddy f i e l d s which yielded 690 koku or 3,423 106 bushels of r i c e and the branch-channel i r r i g a t e d f i e l d s which yielded 7 460 koku or 2,282 bushels of r i c e . Farmers i n a channel group shared a common i n t e r e s t i n water r i g h t s . In general farmers had the r i g h t to obtain water for the i r farms from each of the sources ( r i v e r s , springs, r e s e r v o i r s , or dams) i n accordance with the accepted r u l e s . In the Takina River water-system farmers f i n a l i z e d the rules for a l l o c a t i n g water i n the sixteenth century. The d i v i d i n g r a t i o at the junction determined the amount of water each channel group obtained, which i n turn determined the amount of resources al l o c a t e d to each canal, each sub-canal, and ultimately each farming household. The dec i s i o n on the r a t i o was thus a l i f e or death matter for farmers i n dry years. During droughts, each channel group bargained with group pressure or a l t e r n a t e l y p h y s i c a l pressure for the best portion of the r a t i o . The balance of power between the two channel groups affected the r a t i o , so the r a t i o had to be re-determined each year. Communities were the constituent units of the channel groups. Farmers of one community never belonged to both channel groups -- a community was homogeneous. P o t e n t i a l h o s t i l i t y existed between the two channel groups, and the l o c a l people urged farmers of the two channel 8 groups not to intermarry, thus enabling the groups to demonstrate h o s t i l i t y to t h e i r opponents without reserve. 7. Computed from the table attached to Watanabe et a l . , op. cit.,-p. 74. 8. There i s evidence of intermarriage but the number i s small. 107 b. Canal Groups Groups organized around the i n d i v i d u a l canals of a channel are "canal groups". At the end of the sixteenth century there were twenty-six canals i n the main-channel group and, accordingly twenty-s i x canal groups. In old documents, each canal had a proper name l i k e Umeda-zeki as well as a reference number attached to the canal l i k e Canal No. 19. The numbers went from one to twenty-seven, based on d i s -tance from the junction. The branch-channel group was c a l l e d Canal Group No. 2. The farmers had to abandon canals number 22 and 23 i n the 9 Tokugawa Period for reasons which are elaborated i n l a t e r sections. This sub-section w i l l focus on the twenty-four canal groups i n the main-channel group. Farming households were the constituent units of the canal groups. However, i t must be noted that not a l l Shiwa farmers belonged to canal groups of the Takina water-system. Those few farmers who re-l i e d s o l e l y on water from other sources and did not receive any water from the Takina River did not have membership. Among canal group .mem-bers, some belonged to more than one. canal group, but each i n d i v i d u a l considered his membership i n one group most s i g n i f i c a n t . The water a l -located to each canal i r r i g a t e d only two categories of paddy f i e l d s : (1) those registered i n old documents of the seventeenth century and 10 (2) those c u l t i v a t e d by the members of a canal group. 9. See Section I-B and Section III-A of t h i s chapter. 10. Sato, M., 1955, pp. 23-24. 108 c. Sub-Canal Groups, Day-Water Groups and Night-Water Groups In dry seasons, the Takina River could not s u f f i c i e n t l y i r r i -gate the paddy f i e l d s under i t s coverage. Farmers i n th i s l o c a l e agreed to use the water by turns with the exception of canal groups numbered 1 and 4, which had the p r i v i l e g e of receiving as much water as they 11 needed. The ro t a t i o n practices f e l l into two categories: (1) those who were allowed to use water only i n the day hours, or the "day-water groups"; and (2) those who were allowed to use i t at night, or the "night-water groups". The constituent units of both the day-water group and the night-water group were the groups organized around sub-canals or the "sub-canal groups". The distance between the canal's water-intake and the water-intake of each sub-canal determined the category of member-ship i n the group. As a ru l e , those sub-canals located close to the canal's water-intake belonged to the day-water group and the re s t to the night-water group. The d e f i n i t i o n of the "day" and the "night" lacked any objective standard and summer days were long when farmers were engaged i n i r r i g a t i n g . Subsequently, night-water groups suffered a l l the inconveniences of working at night as well as s u f f e r i n g from a s c a r c i t y of water resources. Among sub-canal groups i n each of the day-water groups and night-water groups, farmers practiced further r o t a t i o n of water resources. For instance, i f there were three sub-canal. - groups 11. See Section I-C of this chapter. 109 i n a night-water group, the farmers i n each sub-canal group would use water only once i n every three days and then only at night. 2. Groupings i n Terms of Distance from the Junction The advantageous water r i g h t s i n the main-channel group went 12 to the eight canal groups numbered 1 to 9, the canals c l o s e s t to the 13 junction. L o c a l farmers c a l l e d the area i r r i g a t e d by these canals the "upstream area" and referred to these p r i v i l e g e d farmers as the "upstream group". Likewise, the area i r r i g a t e d by canals numbered 10 to 27 was the "downstream area" and the members of these canal groups were the "downstream group". The upstream groups were the "haves" i n terms of irrigation-water, whereas the downstream group were the "have-nots", thus, creating conditions for mutually c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s . Farmers i n the upstream area exercised influence over those i n the downstream area. Those farmers i n the downstream area, who had disadvantageous water r i g h t s , always suffered from a s c a r c i t y of water and so had to curry the favour of the upstream groups. A few farmers from the downstream area, representing a canal group, brought g i f t s to leaders i n the upstream area, pleading for a donation of t h e i r "sur-plus water". The arrangement was usually made between two canal groups, such as No. 4 and No. 19. But even i f group No. 4 agreed to give water to group No. 19, farmers i n between these two often s t o l e the resources, d i v e r t i n g the extra flow away from the intended r e c i p i e n t . In pleading 12. Present discussion excludes Canal Group No. 2, the branch-channel group. 13. On water r i g h t s , see Section I-C of t h i s chapter. 110 for favours from the upstream group, the downstream group had to accept 14 an i n f e r i o r s o c i a l status. B. H i e r a r c h i c a l Organization and Authority i n the Water-System To summarize the organization of the water-system, the farming household was the basic constituent unit of the i n s t i t u t i o n . A c e r t a i n number of households composed a sub-canal group which formed f i r s t a part of a canal group, then a part of a channel group, and ultimately a part of the water-system. In a channel group, those canal groups located close to the junction enjoyed more advantageous water r i g h t s , forming the upstream group. P a r t i c u l a r l y i n the downstream area, the sub-canal groups i n the canal groups had to p r a c t i c e r o t a t i o n a l use of i r r i g a t i o n water. In each of the sub-canal groups, canal groups, and channel groups, the members selected t h e i r leaders or the "water-chiefs". The higher the l e v e l of a group, and the larger the size of the group at t h i s l e v e l , the more authority the water-chief held. He ar b i t r a t e d c o n f l i c t s within his group, i n addition to representing his group i n inter-group c o n f l i c t s . F a i l u r e to a r r i v e at an agreement meant water-chiefs of a higher group l e v e l would a r b i t r a t e the case, u n t i l the case reached the l e v e l of channel groups. Water-chiefs had authority as well as r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the water-chiefs included: (1) f i n a n c i a l respon-14. P a r a l l e l phenomena e x i s t i n other s o c i a l systems. See Homans, 1961, Ch. 17. I l l s i b i l i t i e s , such as the pre-payment of maintenance expenses for the i r -r i g a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s ; (2) the administration of water a l l o c a t i o n , which required s p e c i a l i z e d s k i l l s and knowledge; (3) a r b i t r a t i o n of c o n f l i c t s within and between groups; (4) a p p l i c a t i o n of sanction on "offenders"; (5) organization of farmers and supervision of the f i g h t i n g at the junc-15 tio n when disputes took place; and (6) appealing cases to the court. To f u l f i l l these r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s the water-chiefs had to exercise great influence on the other group members, and the l a t t e r had to obey the orders of the water-chiefs. "Authority depends on the f a c t that 16 17 disobedience brings about a number of punishments and not j u s t one." Those who s a t i s f y the following four minimal conditions may hold author-i t y i n an i n s t i t u t i o n : (1) greater access to economic resources as well as to information; (2) high s o c i a l esteem among the group members; (3) norm-conforming i n t e r a c t i o n s with other group members; and (4) ac-18 cess to advantageous water r i g h t s so that they can punish "offenders" by manipulating the a l l o c a t i o n of water resources. Only resident land-lords and male househeads of the main-household i n the dozoku could sat-i s f y the above conditions. Therefore, they f i l l e d these p o s i t i o n s , -which were afterwards inherited by t h e i r descendents, thus re-enforcing the s o c i a l structure of the community. 19 The Land Reform barely affected the authority of the water-chiefs because most of the conditions discussed above did not change. 15. Watanabe et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 97. 16. See Section I-D of this chapter. 17. Homans, 1950, p. 420. 18. Op. c i t . , pp. 417-420. 19. On the Land Reform i n Shiwa, see Section II-C of t h i s chapter. 112 F i r s t , despite the r e - a l l o c a t i o n of land resources, the water ways and water r i g h t s i n the i n s t i t u t i o n remained constant, and water-chiefs con-tinued to have access to advantageous water r i g h t s . Second, the need for the body of s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge and s k i l l s i n the i n s t i t u t i o n survived: ex-landlords and main^-households which had monopolized them continued to f i l l the p o s i t i o n s . Third, despite changes i n the economy, there was a c u l t u r a l lag and as a r e s u l t other group members did not i n s t a n t l y abandon th e i r s o c i a l esteem of ex-landlords and main-house-holds. Hence, old water-chiefs maintained t h e i r positions and exer-cised influence over other group members as they had done before the Land Reform. C. The Rules of A l l o c a t i n g Resources The basic rule of water a l l o c a t i o n was that the closer the water-intake of a canal and a sub-canal were located to the junction, the more advantageous were the water r i g h t s . According to av a i l a b l e documents, Shiwa Community began to develop from the f o o t h i l l s of the mountains toward the v a l l e y l y i n g to the west. In keeping with the above r u l e , p r i o r i t y was given to the old paddy f i e l d s . The eight canal groups located i n the upstream area had more advantageous water r i g h t s than the r e s t . Farmers i n t h i s d i s t r i c t ack-nowledged the p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n of canals numbered 1 and 4, by allow-ing them to take as much water as they needed any time. Canal Group No. 3 had the r i g h t to b u i l d a stone wall half-way across the r i v e r and take "one h a l f " of the water into i t s canal. (See Diagram 3-1) Each of the 113 DIAGRAM 3 -1. WATER ALLOCATION OF CANALS No. HO-TAKINA MAIN CHANNEL / / 114 canal groups numbered 5, 6, 7, and 8 could place a wall of small stones e n t i r e l y across the r i v e r . In th i s way, they channeled the current i n -to t h e i r canals. Canal Group No. 9 had the r i g h t to make a bund with s o i l , stopping the current for t h e i r canal. In no case, however, were any of these canal groups permitted to use any other material such as wood or clay that would completely stop the water. Canal groups numbered 10 to 27 obtained only the water which leaked through a l l the other b a r r i e r s ; and the amount each canal could take was determined by the amount of the r i c e - y i e l d s o f f i c i a l l y r e g istered with the feudal author-i t y . When Shiwa Community was transferred from the Nambu Clan to the Hachinohe Clan i n 1644, the feudal a u t h o r i t i e s concerned signed a treaty, reconfirming the " t r a d i t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s " of i r r i g a t i o n from the Takina River. They needed a treaty because farmers i n th i s d i s t r i c t were to belong to two d i f f e r e n t administrative a u t h o r i t i e s and yet were to share the l i m i t e d water resources from the same r i v e r . The t r a d i -t i o n a l practices acknowledged i n the treaty included the following three items. F i r s t , farmers would use water resources i n the manner described e a r l i e r . Second, farmers could not construct any new canals under any circumstances. Third, farmers could not make any new paddy f i e l d which 20 would require a d d i t i o n a l water from the Takina River. The above treaty implies that the t r a d i t i o n a l practices might have been as o l d as the completion of the twenty-six canals. Except for the a b o l i t i o n of two 20. Watanabe et a l . , op. c i t . , pp. 78-79. 115 canals (No. 22 and No. 23) i n the downstream area at the end of the Tokugawa Period, the resource a l l o c a t i o n rules were s t r i c t l y observed u n t i l 1952. Generally speaking, the fart h e r one's paddy f i e l d s were from the junction and the lower the sub-canal group to which one belonged, the more l i m i t e d was the amount of water obtained. As the amount of water became more scarce, the rules of a l l o c a t i n g resources became f a i r e r and the equipment to measure the quantity of flowing water be-came more exact. Farmers i n canal groups, day-water and night-water groups, and sub-canal groups used wooden measure-rods with increasing exactness. The lower the l e v e l of the group, the higher the group 21 members' concern over water a l l o c a t i o n p r a c t i c e s . According to the survey of Watanabe, landlords and main-households c u l t i v a t e d paddy f i e l d s located close to the water intakes and rented out f i e l d s remote from the intakes. By the rules mentioned e a r l i e r , the distance of a water-intake from the junction determined the amount of a l l o c a t e d water resources. Landlords and main-households thus grew r i c e i n "advantageous" f i e l d s and the smaller and poorer f a r -mers such as tenants and branch-households farmed i n less advantageous areas. These rules have a c o r r e l a t i o n to the s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n the community. 21. From my f i e l d notes. 116 D. The Rules of Applying Sanction Shiwa farmers regarded s t e a l i n g water as an offence against the communal codes, and i n each sub-canal group the group members had t h e i r own i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d procedures f o r applying sanctions. The pro-cedures shared a general pattern. Farmers defined "offenders" as those who took more water into t h e i r own paddy f i e l d s than had been al l o c a t e d by the water-chiefs. I f any farmer discovered an offender, he would report him to the water-chief of the group to which the offender be-longed. The water-chief would immediately close the water-intake of the offender's f i e l d s and c a l l a general meeting of the group. The offender had to bring a pack of dried f i s h and a c e r t a i n amount of sake, to the meeting at which he would have to apologize f o r h i s offence and swear to commit no further offence. I f the offender s a t i s f i e d these two conditions, the group usually forgave h i s misdeeds. Considering the c r i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the offense, the above sanction seems generous. S p e c i f i c a t i o n of the following two con-di t i o n s w i l l help to explain the farmers' behaviour. F i r s t , water was a matter of l i f e or death for any rice-growing farmer p a r t i c u l a r l y when he had only l i m i t e d access to income resources. I f an offender was severely punished, he might set f i r e to the house of the person who pro-posed the punishment. This action a c t u a l l y occurred as recently as the 1940's. Because they were a f r a i d of a desperate r e a c t i o n on the part of the accused, farmers had to pretend that they c o r d i a l l y accepted the offender's apology and oath. In addition, every one of the farmers was 117 a p o t e n t i a l offender. If circumstances allowed, a l l of them f e l t mo-t i v a t e d to introduce "more water" into t h e i r f i e l d s . Therefore, f a r -22 mers were suspicious of each other. In this sense, an offender was a farmer who s a t i s f i e d the following two conditions: (1) he introduced "more water" into his f i e l d s ; and (2) his offense was discovered by somebody. Some accusers might w e l l be undiscovered offenders, and the same severe punishment imposed upon the discovered ones might be applied to them i n the future. On the other hand farmers had to accept c e r t a i n rules to protect t h e i r own i n t e r e s t and had to punish offenders. Under these circumstances, sanction had to be applied i n a manner which would not further develop s o c i a l tensions i n the group. Farmers i n t e n t i o n a l l y avoided recording the names of offen-23 ders, but c l e a r l y they saw a pattern to the offenses. According to informants, tenants and branch-households tended to be the ones most at f a u l t . These smaller farmers had to c u l t i v a t e the disadvantageous f i e l d s , scarce i n water resources. In dry years, the s c a r c i t y of water often obsessed them to the point of desperation, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the downstream area. Hence, the discovered offenders tended to be poor f a r -24 mers. Consequently, the rules of applying sanction more frequently punished poor farmers than the b e t t e r - o f f . The pattern of punishments also seems to c o r r e l a t e with the s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n the community. Therefore attention i s devoted to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between water re-sources and other i n s t i t u t i o n s . 22. From my f i e l d notes. 23. From my f i e l d notes. 24. I could not discover any i n s t i t u t i o n by which small farmers mutu-a l l y overlook each other's offense, protecting the i n t e r e s t of the poor. 118 I I . Water Resources, Production A c t i v i t i e s and I n s t i t u t i o n s To maximize the r i c e - y i e l d s , farmers needed a supply of wa-25 te r that they could drain o f f at the desired time. I f water was scarce, they had to l i m i t the paddy acreage to what they could adequately i r r i -gate. Farmers delayed the completion of farm steps on t h e i r remaining land u n t i l more water became a v a i l a b l e . Shortage of i r r i g a t i o n - w a t e r thus had two consequences for t h e i r production a c t i v i t i e s : (1) delay i n completing farm steps; and (2) investment of more labour per any g i -ven unit of land. Second, as discussed i n the preceding section, f a r -mers developed a r i g i d i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n i n which how f a r the water-intakes were from the junction determined the nature of the water r i g h t s , and farmers with more advantageous water rights had greater access to the water resources. The scarcer the water, the greater the labour farmers have to put on the land. Hence, the less advantageous are t h e i r water r i g h t s , the more labour farmers have to invest. Third, farmers in.the upper s o c i a l s t r a t a enjoyed more advantageous water rights whereas farmers of the lower s o c i a l s t r a t a had l i t t l e i n the way of water rights so they had to invest a greater amount of labour on t h e i r farms. Fourth, s c a r c i t y of i r r i g a t i o n - w a t e r prevented the adoption of advanced farm techniques. Advanced farm techniques increased labour p r o d u c t i v i t y , but s c a r c i t y of water resources forced farmers to delay farm p r a c t i c e s . In delaying farm p r a c t i c e s , farmers cannot s o l e l y depend on h i r e d labour for considering the s i z e of farm output i t was 25. See Chapter Twoj Section I - A - l . 119 too costly i n a developed monetary economy. The most economic way to deal with the labour shortage was an exchange of labour among equals. F i n a l l y , an i r r e g u l a r supply of water resulted i n c r o p - f a i l u r e and therefore i n an i r r e g u l a r income. Because of t h i s , farmers had to f i n d a l t e r n a t i v e sources of income, developing another set of i n s t i t u -t i o n a l i z e d behaviour. Thus, a s c a r c i t y of water resources had an impact on production a c t i v i t i e s as w e l l as on other i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the com-munity; this i s the focus of this s e c t i o n . A. Water Resources and Labour Investment P a r t i c u l a r l y when water was scarce, farmers had to prevent leakage from the paddy f i e l d s . To accomplish this they resorted to thorough puddling and bund-coating when preparing f i e l d s . Shiwa f a r -mers i n the 1960's puddled a t o t a l of three times. U n t i l 1952 they puddled nine times: s i x times with horse-plows i n the preliminary 26 operation, once i n the secondary operation, and twice i n the f i n a l . When water was r e a l l y scarce, farmers made an extra fund i n a paddy f i e l d and puddled only the enclosed smaller portion, waiting f o r the next r a t i o n of water to flood the remainder of the f i e l d . By doing t h i s , the step of preparing the f i e l d s dragged on and a greater amount of labour was needed. I t appears that the s c a r c i t y of water demanded a greater investment of labour. Table 3-1 summarizes the results of two comparable 26. Watanabe et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 119. Table 3-1 Investment of Man-Days per 10 Ares by Operations Shiwa Day-Community Water Group Night-Water Group Rikuchu County Iwate Prefecture Nursery A p p l i -Beds cation of Fer-t i l i z e r 1.2 1.1 1.0 1.1 1.3 1.3 Plow- Puddl-ing ing 1.5 1.8 1.0 1.8 0.5 0.4 0.4 0.6 Bund Trans Coat- plant- t i o n I r r i g a - Weed- Harvest- Thresh- Total i n g 0.8 i n g 2.9 3.4 1.5 2.2 1.6 1.7 m g 5.7 5.2 3.6 2.4 m g 3.3 3.3 2.0 1.9 ing & Husking 3.9 24.0 3.7 22.6 3.5 3.3 o Source: Data on Shiwa Community i n 1949 were taken from Watanabe et a l . , 1958, p. 130. Watanabe and his colleagues gave the breakdown of 17 households, but I quote only average figures. Data on Rikuchu County and Iwate Prefecture were based upon the survey i n 1941 by Teikoku Nokai. 121 surveys on the amount of labour invested per 10 ares i n major operations According to this table, Shiwa farmers, compared to farmers i n other parts of Iwate Prefecture, had to work longer i n a l l operations which required water. They even invested more labour than others i n harvest-ing, f or the ripening-period of r i c e plants varied with the transplan-t a t i o n dates. Other conditions being equal, we can hypothesize that the scarcer the water resources the greater was the amount of labour f a r mers had to invest on r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n . B. Water Rights and Labour Investment The time best suited f o r transplanting i n Shiwa i s from the middle of May u n t i l the early part of June. Before 1952, Shiwa farmers did not have enough i r r i g a t i o n water i n this period and so the trans-planting step took longer. For instance, a farming household i n Canal Group No. 19 c u l t i v a t e d 3.3 ha. of paddy f i e l d s , 0.8 ha. of dry f i e l d s , and rented out 1 ha. before the Land Reform. Between 1937 and 1949, the househead recorded each year the dates on which transplanting began and was f i n i s h e d . The household could f i n i s h transplanting i n seven days with the help of h i r e d labour. However, due to the i r r i g a t i o n ro-t a t i o n p r a c t i c e , the average span of transplanting was 21 days. In 1940 and 1942, p a r t i c u l a r l y dry years, i t took 40 days f o r the household to f i n i s h the step. Table 3-1 i s an average of the time invested by Shiwa farmers However the distance from the junction, or water r i g h t s , was a v a r i a b l e IT. Teikoku Nokai, ed., 1943. 122 which caused differences i n time invested among some Shiwa farmers. In Shiwa, transplanting should have been completed before June 20. In the downstream area, however, a number of farmers could not complete the step by this date. Watanabe and others developed an index which i s c a l l e d 28 the " r a t i o of unfinished paddies" to measure the degree of delay. The r e s u l t s of t h e i r survey of June 20th, 1949 are summarized i n Table 3-2. Hamlets numbered 13, 15, 16, and 19 had access to creeks coming from the f o o t h i l l s and to another r i v e r : other hamlets i n the downstream area did not. We can see then that the r a t i o of unfinished paddies was high i n the downstream area and low i n the upstream area. In Shiwa Community, other conditions being equal, the far t h e r paddy f i e l d s are located from the junction, the longer the period required for the step of transplanting. I f a step took longer to complete, farmers of course had to work longer. Hence, the distance of paddy f i e l d s from the junc-t i o n roughly determined the amount of labour necessary f o r c e r t a i n steps. C. S o c i a l S t r a t i f i c a t i o n and Labour Investment The pre-war i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n required a large amount of labour to keep up the f a c i l i t i e s . Maintenance works included the following: (1) c l e a r i n g canals and branch-canals; (2) digging canals and branch-canals deeper whenever necessary; (3) "water-receiving" (des-cribed below); and (4) "watching water", a p a t r o l l i n g duty to discover 28. The r a t i o of unfinished paddies = Acreage of unfinished paddies x 100. T o t a l Acreage i n the area 123 Table 3-2 The Ratio of Unfinished Paddies by Hamlets (June 20, 1949) 1 The Hamlet Number of T o t a l Acreage of The Ratio of Number Households Paddy F i e l d s Unfinished Paddies (ha.) (%) 1 99 183.3 2 2 96 283.7 2 3 53 627.9 1 4 52 821.7 3 5 53 762.0 4 6 52 545.4 0 7 63 492.9 0 8 39 515.8 2 9 58 695.5 8 10 41 268.3 13 11 45 546.2 46 12 48 683.0 68 13 39 491.8 0 14 •37 538.8 15 15 36 692.7 3 16 47 733.1 4 17 33 594.4 39 18 36 678.9 58 19 40 511.2 3 20 17 310.2 not applicable Notes: 1. Hamlet No. 20 i s not relevant as the farmers could not grow r i c e u n t i l the completion of the dam i n 1952. Hamlet num-bers were assigned by the Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-operative. Source: The number of households i s taken from Shiwa V i l l a g e O f f i c e , 1954. The t o t a l acreage of paddy f i e l d s i s based on Shiwa A g r i -c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1962, p. 1. The ratio:-, of unfinished paddies i s quoted from Watanabe et a l . , 1958, p. 137. 124 offenders. Water-receiving i s as follows: a r i t u a l which involved a l l the farmers. When farmers were engaged i n r o t a t i o n - p r a c t i c e , each sub-canal group had an assigned schedule f o r r e c e i v i n g water, and a l l the group members except f o r the water-chief went at the scheduled time to t h e i r canal's water-intake. To bring water i n t o t h e i r sub-canal, the farmers closed the water-intakes of a l l other sub-canals located upstream. Then, accompanying the flow of water as a group, the farmers walked down to the water-intake of t h e i r sub-canal. When the water reached t h e i r sub-canal, the water-chief stood there to a l l o c a t e the resources to each member. No one else was allowed to touch the water-intake: i t symbolized the water-chief's authority. In a l l maintenance works, a l l members of a sub-canal group began to work from a c e r t a i n s t a r t i n g l i n e . As the operation progressed, those whose f i e l d s were cleared through the co-operative work would withdraw one a f t e r another. Generally, small farmers such as tenants and branch-households c u l t i v a t e d f i e l d s remote from water-intakes. A l -though they got smaller b e n e f i t s , they had to work for longer hours. According to Watanabe's study i n 1949 of invested man-days per 10 ares, farmers with 2 ha. or over invested from 19 to 22 man-days per 10 ares, which conformed to the n a t i o n a l average, while some small farmers with 29 less than 1 ha. had to invest 27 to 29 man-days_for the same work. The above study suggests the hypothesis that the lower the s o c i a l s t r a t a , 29"! Watanabe, et a l . , 1958, p. 130. 30. In r i c e - c u l t i v a t i n g communities which had no other comparable farming operations, the s i z e of acreage v i r t u a l l y determined the s o c i a l stratum a household would belong to. 125 the greater the labour investment, hence, the higher the water-cost i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n . Even a f t e r the Land Reform (1946-1948) small farmers worked harder. One i s tempted to hypothesize that lower class farmers l i v e d i n r a d i c a l l y more depressing circumstances during the pre-war period. In Shiwa Community, this was not necessarily the case. Compared to the average figures for Iwate Prefecture, Tohoku D i s t r i c t (which includes s i x prefectures) and the nation, Shiwa Community had two c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s r e l a t i n g to s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n : (1) a lack of large landlords; and (2) a :smaller proportion of landless tenants. These conditions pre-vented sharper s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between upper and lower class f a r -mers, making a contrast to the have/have-not p o l a r i z a t i o n observed i n 31 the mountainous communities i n Iwate Prefecture. To elaborate the f i r s t condition, large landlords with 10 ha. or over made up 1% of the Japanese farmers i n 1936. According to the s t a t i s t i c s i n 1924, there were about 3,000 landlords who possessed more 32 than 50 ha. and 4 very large ones who owned 1,000 ha. or more. In 1939, only two Shiwa farmers or 0.2% owned more than 10 ha. and none 33 had 20 ha. This did not mean that land-holdings i n the area were generally small: i n Hizume Community there was a landlord who owned more than 100 ha. Second, according to the n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s i n 1932, the proportions of landlords and independent c u l t i v a t o r s , p a r t i a l ten-34 ants, and landless tenants were 31%, 42%, and 27% r e s p e c t i v e l y . The '35 p a r a l l e l figures of Shiwa Community i n 1929 were 47%, 36%, and 17%. ~W. See Ariga, 1939. 32. Dore,.1959, pp. 29-30. 33. Takahashi, M., 1941, p. 5. 34. Ouchi, 1952, p. 17. 35. Takahashi, op. c i t . , p. 9. 126 Generally speaking, Shiwa had a group of small farmers with 36 a strong sense of group s o l i d a r i t y , who were r e l a t i v e l y free from ex-p l o i t a t i o n by absentee landlords. In 1929,76% of the farmers owned 1 ha. or less of paddy f i e l d s , and 87% held the same amount i n dry 37 f i e l d s . In 1946,99 absentee landlords owned 96 ha. or 8.5% of Shiwa farm lands, but 76% of these owned les s than 1 ha. and only one possessed 10 ha. or more. In addition, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the downstream area, land-lords and independent farmers suffered equally with smaller farmers from s c a r c i t y of water resources. Despite the r e l a t i v e advantages, la r g e r acreage did not automatically bring the handsome income i t did i n other parts of the Iwate Prefecture or i n other parts of Japan. Shiwa 38 farmers had a h i s t o r y of r e v o l t i n g against t h e i r feudal l o r d s , but these smaller farmers did not r e v o l t against the larger farmers i n the community because they didns't f e e l that they were exploited. Lack of large landlords and minimal absentee landlordism i n the case of Shiwa minimized the e f f e c t s of the Land Reform because there were only l i m i t e d land resources to be r e - a l l o c a t e d . The follow-ing two facts w i l l demonstrate how l i m i t e d were the e f f e c t s . F i r s t , small landlords i n Shiwa c u l t i v a t e d t h e i r own land: they r e s i s t e d the Reform more obstinately than absentee landlords. They brought informal pressure to bear on t h e i r tenants, a number of whom had to return t h e i r 39 rented land to t h e i r landlord. Second, even a f t e r the Reform, small 36. Shiwa people, people i n neighbouring communities, and some pre-f e c t u r a l government o f f i c i a l s echoed this statement. 37. Takahashi, op. c i t . , p. 5. 38. Sato, M., 1955, pp. 33-40. 39. Watanabe et a l . , 1958, p. 72. 127 farmers holding 1 ha. or less had to lease from 0.3 to 0.4 ha. of land as "new tenants". Despite the l i m i t e d e f f e c t s of the Reform, at l e a s t two changes occurred i n Shiwa. F i r s t , 52 landlords who had rented out more than 1 ha. completely disappeared between 1946 and 1948. Second, landless tenants decreased from 17% of the farming households to 2% i n 40 the same period. The Land Reform weakened the economic basis of the landlords and of the main-households, creating more independent c u l t i v a t o r s who began to develop an incentive to increase t h e i r eco-nomic standing. The impact of the Land Reform upon s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and labour investment was minimal. During the implementation of the Land Reform programmes, two conditions remained constant: (1) the i n s t i t u -t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n ; and (2) the shortage of the water resources. In accordance with the Reform, ex-tenants purchased the land they had c u l -41 tiv a t e d , which were the "disadvantageous" f i e l d s . I t i s u n l i k e l y that ex-tenants would become by 1949 l a r g e r land-holders than ex-resident landlords. With some modification, the s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n immediately a f t e r the Land Reform was not r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the pre-Reform period. Thus, even i n 1949, farmers i n the lower s o c i a l stratum had to invest more labour i n t h e i r farm operations. 40. Op. c i t . , p. 71. 41. See the l a s t paragraph of Section I-C of this chapter. 128 D. Water Resources, Adoption of New Techniques and the I n s t i t u t i o n of  Labour Exchange Shortage of water prohibited the adoption of c e r t a i n advanced techniques i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n . U n t i l 1952, Shiwa farmers had to em-ploy the o l d method of c u l t i v a t i n g nursery beds i n s p i t e of new tech-niques a v a i l a b l e i n other parts of the Iwate Prefecture. They had to keep seedlings i n beds u n t i l transplantation was completed and the t i l l e r i n g of r i c e - p l a n t s had begun. During the step of transplanting farmers were usually engaged i n the i r r i g a t i o n r o t a t i o n p r a c t i c e . In Canal Group No. 11, f o r example, farmers i n the day-water group could obtain water once i n every three days, and those i n the night-water group, once i n every s i x days. I f Shiwa farmers had adopted the new technique of nursery beds which grew strong seedlings i n a shorter period, the seedlings would mature too soon, leading to t o t a l crop f a i l u r e . Because maximization of benefits from new farm techniques re-42 quires c e r t a i n conditions, farmers i n Shiwa and the neighbouring communities which used water from the Takina River could ynot adopt new farm techniques which assumed an abundant water supply. The amount of work that the farmers invested remained almost constant because they could not adopt c e r t a i n labour saving techniques. When labour p r o d u c t i v i t y did not change r a p i d l y , coping with labour shortages i n the busy seasons became c r u c i a l . Farmers were accustomed to dealing with the labour shortage, through the i n s t i t u t i o n of labour exchange. Before 1945, two types of y u i , the i n s t i t u t i o n of labour 42. See Chapter One, Section II-B. 129 exchange, existed: (1) y u i i n dozoku; and (2) y u i among neighbours. In the pre-war period, main-households and landlords asked t h e i r branch-households and/or tenants to help i n t h e i r farm practices without pays The favour was repaid l a t e r i n other forms of assistance. Yoshiharu Nakamura and his colleagues studied y u i i n a community 3 miles north of Shiwa and found that between 1925 and 1942 the f i r s t type of y u i disappeared, replaced by wage labour, but the second type p e r s i s t e d 44 through the period and even a f t e r the Land Reform. Apparently, the Land Reform was not the cause of the elim i n a t i o n of the y u i . i n dozoku. According to Nakamura et a l . , the development of a monetary economy i n this region forced the disappearance of the y u i i n dozoku. The Land Reform wiped out the basis of this type of y u i , eliminating any oppor-tunity f o r i t s r e v i v a l . The second type of y u i was the i n s t i t u t i o n f o r exchanging equally valued labour among farmers with "equal" s o c i a l status. The Land Reform re-organized farmers as equally independent un i t s . As long as labour p r o d u c t i v i t y and the amount of work were constant, the second type of y u i pe r s i s t e d , because no condition arose to undermine the basis of this i n s t i t u t i o n . Scarcity of water re-confirmed the above two conditions because i t caused the r e j e c t i o n of c e r t a i n new farm techniques. E. Water Resources and Seasonal Emigration f o r Subsidiary Income Farm output i n Shiwa and the neighbouring communities was i r r e g u l a r , because the r i c e - y i e l d s varied with annual weather conditions. "43T See Chapter Two, Section I-Bf6. 44. Y. Nakamura, ed., 1956, p. 226. 130 During the period from 1899 to 1929, paddy-fields i n Shiwa increased 45 ha., and Shiwa farmers had the option of adopting c e r t a i n advanced farm techniques including new v a r i e t i e s of r i c e - p l a n t s and inorganic f e r t i l i z e r s . Under these favourable conditions, r i c e - y i e l d s should have increased. In a c t u a l i t y , however, the y i e l d s i z e i n 1899 and 1929 was exactly the same: weather conditions, and more s i g n i f i c a n t l y the amount of a v a i l a b l e water, determined the y i e l d s of any given year. The' seasonal nature of r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n and regular crop-f a i l u r e strengthened the need for subsidiary income. In the case of Shiwa farmers, one of the major sources of non-farming income was the brewing of sake, Japanese l i q u o r . Farmers had engaged i n this occu-pation during the winter slack season since the Tokugawa Period; as early as 1661 there were 33 sake brewing manufacturers i n the f i e f of 45 the Nambu Clan. Within the following two decades, there were 186 46 sake manufacturers, producing 632,000 l i t r e s . By 1665, Shiwa Com-47 munity was known for the best q u a l i t y sake i n the f i e f . The manufacturers and farmers maintained a symbiotic r e l a -tionship because of the conditions necessary for the chemical process 48 of brewing. Three processes are involved i n sake brewing. F i r s t , the polished r i c e i s steamed and cooled to 37°c. Malt-fungus i s sprinkled upon the cooled rice,and i t i s put i n an insulated room for 48 hours at 37°c. Second, at a room temperature of 8 ° c , one part of malt i s mixed with two parts of steamed r i c e and clear water i s added. Yeast 45. Mori,1967, p. 895. 46. Op. c i t . , i b i d . 47. Op. c i t . , p. 896. 48. K. Sakaguchi, 1964. 131 i s s prinkled on the mixture, which i s s t i r r e d thoroughly and l e f t f o r 70 to 100 hours at 8 ° c , the f i n a l product i s c a l l e d mo to. Third, more malt, steamed r i c e , and clear water i s added to the moto at a room temp-erature of 8°c. and the mixture i s l e f t f o r three weeks; then the sake i s ready. When the l e v e l of technology was low, the manufacturers could not keep the m i l l at a temperature of 8°c. by a r t i f i c i a l devices, so they brewed sake only i n winter, which coincided with the slack season of the farmers. Thus, the manufacturers could depend on h i r i n g s k i l l e d farmers who w i l l i n g l y worked for low wages. Those farmer-brewers i n Iwate Prefecture were and s t i l l are c a l l e d Nambu brewers. The Nambu brewers were pr i m a r i l y from the same part of Iwate Prefecture. The proportion of brewers from both Rikuchu and the neigh-bouring counties was as high as 88% i n 1941. In Rikuchu County, four communities that shared i r r i g a t i o n water from the Takina River sup-p l i e d 64% of the brewers i n the county, and Shiwa Community alone sup-49 p l i e d 34%. Indeed, Shiwa Community had the largest number of chief 50 brewers, who maintained the fame of the Nambu brewers. The Nambu brewers developed an i n s t i t u t i o n of t h e i r own. A chief brewer organized a working-team of nine members. He was the superintendent and had a foreman, a moto-maker, a maltster, a r i c e -steamer, a r i c e - p o l i s h e r , and three a s s i s t a n t s . Status i n a team was arranged h i e r a r c h i c a l l y as l i s t e d above, and as long as farmers worked ~W. Watanabe, et a l . , 1958, p. 68. 50. Information provided by the Nambu Brewers' Association, located i n a neighbouring community. 132 i n the team the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s among the statuses governed t h e i r behaviour. The h i e r a r c h i c a l r e l a t i o n s i n the team had nothing to do with s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s i n t h e i r natal communities. The brewers developed d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l rules which affected people only during the seasonal employment. The major determinant for l e g i t i m a t i z i n g authority and a l l o -cating resources i n the working-team was the amount of experience or " s e n i o r i t y " of an i n d i v i d u a l . As a person acquired s e n i o r i t y he had more access to various resources such as finances and prestige. The status of a r i c e - p o l i s h e r or a rice-steamer usually required a person to work for three winters as an a s s i s t a n t i n any team. Membership i n a team was f l e x i b l e . Persons i n the lower status positions changed th e i r teams almost every year. A r i c e - p o l i s h e r or a rice-steamer be-came a malster a f t e r three winters. A moto-maker needed at least three years experience as a maltster before he o f f i c i a l l y reached t h i s posi-tio n . Five winters l a t e r , the moto-maker became a foreman, the candi-date for a chief brewer. Thus, any chief brewer had 15 or more years of experience, and was f a m i l i a r with every step i n the operation of brewing. The chief br.ewers applied sanction to the members by r a i s i n g or lowering wages. I t was the chief brewer who made a contract with a manufacturer to produce a c e r t a i n amount of sake and who was paid the wages by the manufacturer. Team-members were paid th e i r wages by the chief brewer a f t e r brewing was completed. A rough wage-scale existed for each status and the chief brewer manipulated the f l e x i b l e portion 133 of the wage. With the legitimate authority of s e n i o r i t y and control of the f i n a n c i a l resources, the chief brewer's authority was guaranteed and he led his team as he wished. In spite of cheap wages, Shiwa farmers and other Nambu brewers continued i n the brewing occupation for several reasons: f i r s t , brew-ing required a body of highly sophisticated knowledge and s p e c i a l i z e d s k i l l s so that i t was non-competitive on labour markets. Second, the economic demand for sake i n the markets did not disappear even i n per-iods of depression during the great depression or the Second World War. Third, the strong seasonal nature of r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n and the i r r e g u -l a r i t y of r i c e - y i e l d s due to water shortages forced farmers into sea-sonal emigration for subsidiary incomes. I l l . Re-Organization of the I n s t i t u t i o n of I r r i g a t i o n i n 1952 During the 350 years i n which the i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n operated as described e a r l i e r , three conditions changed. F i r s t , the bed of the Takina River gradually f i l l e d with s i l t , and i t became d i f f i -c u l t to introduce water into the canals. Because of the ban on new canal construction, two old canals were outdated and abandoned by the end of the Tokugawa Period. Second, i n s p i t e of the ban, a d d i t i o n a l paddy f i e l d s were slowly created. During the period from 1674 to 1952, at l e a s t 330 51 ha. of paddy f i e l d s were added to the land i r r i g a t e d by the Takina River. Third, farmers discovered by chance the benefit of interim drainage and 51. Watanabe et a l . , op. c i t . , p. 111. 134 adopted t h i s p r a c t i c e which required large quantities of water by the end of the nineteenth century. Thus a subsidiary source of water be-came c r i t i c a l for farming i n th i s area. This section deals with the farmers' attempts to cure the water shortage problem, and with the re-organization of the i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n a r i s i n g out of the con-s t r u c t i o n of the Sannokai Dam i n 1952. A. Farmers' Attempts to A l l e v i a t e the Scar c i t y of Water Resources From the 1920's to the 1940's, farmers i n th i s area t r i e d to solve the water resource problem by two means: (1) adopting t e c h n i c a l l y improved equipment and (2) persuading p r i v i l e g e d farmers to consent to the construction of a new dam. 1. Adoption of Technically Improved Equipment To obtain more water, some farmers i n s t a l l e d pumps, others dug wells, and s t i l l others constructed r e s e r v o i r s . In the 1920's wealthy farmers i n the downstream area began to use power-driven pumps. Before 1948 there were 2 e l e c t r i c pumps and 76 gasoline pumps among the users of the water from the Takina River. These pumps were not eff e c -t i v e because: (1) t h e i r horse-power was too small to obtain enough water; and (2) the under-ground currents were quickly drained and dried up. Those who couHnot afford expensive pumps dug wells, but the re-sul t s were poor. In the 1940's, the farmers used the 56 wells only for a couple of hours per day, because the power-driven pumps had l e f t l i t t l e 135 water. In the 1920's and 1930's, some canal groups i n Shiwa Community j o i n t l y constructed r e s e r v o i r s at t h e i r own expense, but the achievement was by no means remarkable. A l l attempts short of a dam f a i l e d to cure the chronic problem. 52 2. Farmers' Movement to Construct a Dam As early as the 1920's some farmers wanted to construct a dam i n the upstream area of the Takina River. Those who wished to b u i l d the dam and t r i e d to persuade t h e i r fellow farmers w i l l be c a l l e d " i n -novators" i n t h i s sub-section. As required by the Land Reclamation Co-Operative Law, the innovators f i r s t attempted to organize a l e g a l l y responsible body which had to include two-thirds of the land-owners i n the area. I f the group could be organized, they could apply for r a t -i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r project by the Minister of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry. The farmers could not l e g a l l y re-construct canals without such an i n -s t i t u t i o n in spite of the f a c t they could get no f i n a n c i a l assistance from the c e n t r a l government for t h e i r projects. Innovators were mostly "downstream" landlords. In 1921, the larges t landlord i n Hizume Community, 3 miles east of Shiwa, t r i e d to organize 41 smaller landlords i n 6 communities with the hope of organi-zing the necessary l e g a l i n s t i t u t i o n . His attempt f a i l e d because the acuteness of the problem varied greatly from community to community and because the s i x communities belonged to two, large water-systems, 52. The sources of information on t h i s subject are: Sato, 1955 and Watanabe et a l . , op. c i t . the Takina River Water-System and the Shizukuishi River Water-System. Even i f they had organized, the farmers concerned did not have enough f i n a n c i a l resources to undertake such a c o s t l y j o i n t - p r o j e c t . The f i r s t attempt did not succeed, but the idea was not f o r -gotten. The 1920's were p a r t i c u l a r l y dry, and big f i g h t s at the junc-t i o n occurred twice i n 1924. The innovators s t i l l committed to t h e i r idea made a second attempt. Fortunately, the c e n t r a l government passed a law i n 1923 to subsidize 50% of the t o t a l cost of large scale land reclamation projects. Wealthy farmers i n the downstream area i n Shiwa again took the i n i t i a t i v e to construct a pond i n Shiwa Community. Gov-ernment engineers answered t h e i r request to inspect the s i t u a t i o n and concluded that the scale of the proposed project was too small. In the t h i r d attempt, Shiwa innovators t r i e d to persuade the landlords i n the s i x neighbouring communities which suffered from a water s c a r c i t y . But c o n f l i c t i n g l o c a l i n t e r e s t s blocked the movement. When the innovators r e a l i z e d that they could not sway the people they t r i e d to get f i n a n c i a l aid by p o l i t i c a l manipulation. The innovators i n Shiwa persuaded the mayor of th e i r community, a man from the downstream area, to run for o f f i c e and elected him as a member of the p r e f e c t u r a l parliament i n 1927. They urged him to get to know the l o c a l M.P. , and used the M.P. to help get government assistance. At the same time, they organized a new land reclamation co-operative aimed at constructing a pool to i r r i g a t e "newly opened paddy-fields". This was the innovators' e f f o r t to camouflage their r e a l purpose i n the hopes 137 that the p o l i t i c i a n s could be more e a s i l y persuaded to spend government money. F i n a l l y i n 1932, the innovators convinced the government to spend 2.5 m i l l i o n yen for the proposed pool, or more accurately, the dam. With the d e c i s i o n the canal groups i n the upstream area suddenly began to oppose the proposal for they r e a l i z e d the dam would eliminate t h e i r advantageous water-rights. Sannokai Hamlet, which was to be flooded by the new dam, joined the opposition campaign. In the end, the money was spent to complete a project i n another prefecture. Another incidence occurred i n 1940 to encourage the innova-tors' e f f o r t . A severe drought h i t the area and several thousand f a r -mers swarmed around the junction. In 1941 the innovators organized themselves to i n i t i a t e another campaign. In the same year the Imperial Diet passed the Farm-Land Development Law, which was more generous i n a s s i s t i n g farmers. The Shiwa innovators did not ignore the opportunity and persuaded landlords i n two neighbouring communities to e s t a b l i s h j o i n t l y an " i r r i g a t i o n co-operative". The p r e f e c t u r a l premier had the authority to r a t i f y an i r r i g a t i o n co-ore r a t i v e i f more than f i v e farmers j o i n t l y applied. The mayors of the three communities and 12 represen-t a t i v e s , a l l of them innovators i n t h e i r community, together decided to e s t a b l i s h the i r r i g a t i o n co-operative. They submitted an a p p l i c a t i o n together with the blue-print of the project to the Iwate Prefecture. Thus, the innovators avoided the necessity of obtaining the agreement of two-thirds of the land owners i n the area. 138 Community reaction was varied. When the premier sent back the proposal to each community c o u n c i l , Shiwa Community Council r a t i -f i e d i t unanimously. Another community council accepted i t but only c o n d i t i o n a l l y , while the t h i r d one voted against i t . The premier r a t i f i e d the o r i g i n a l plan without any modification i n s p i t e of the op-p o s i t i o n i n the two communities and ordered the project to begin i n 1944. In addition he sent p r e f e c t u r a l o f f i c e r s to persuade stubborn opponents. Thus the innovators successfully organized the l e g a l l y res-ponsible body and obtained a subsidy for 15% of the t o t a l cost: 50% from the ce n t r a l government and 2.5% from the p r e f e c t u r a l government. The remaining problem concerned the a l l o c a t i o n of the water to each household. In t h i s area, there were f i v e water-systems. The I r r i g a t i o n Co-Operative estimated the amount of water each i n s t i t u t i o n would consume and computed r a t i o s , a l l o c a t i n g l o c a l shares accordingly. In each i n s t i t u t i o n , the people concerned were to develop t h e i r own cost a l l o c a t i o n method, based on the household. In some i n s t i t u t i o n s , f a r -mers determined the cost by the s i z e of their acreage. In other i n s t i -tutions, including the people i n the Takina River Water-System, f a r -mers adopted a more complicated procedure. They set up a committee to develop rules for grading paddy f i e l d s into several classes and to de-cide the rates for each c l a s s . The committee members v i s i t e d water-chiefs to explain the rules and then requested the l a t t e r to implement the plan. The farmers had no opportunity to influence the grading of the i r f i e l d s or to determine the amount they had to pay as the decisions were made by the water-chiefs. 139 Twenty-one households of the Sannokai Hamlet l o s t t h e i r lands and houses because of the project. The government c u l t i v a t e d wasted lands on the southern edge of Shiwa for the victims and b u i l t new houses for each of them. In addition, i n d i v i d u a l households were to receive about half a m i l l i o n yen i n cash, equivalent to 5,400 koku of r i c e on the market i n 1944. In a c t u a l i t y , only 14 households s e t t l e d down i n the offered land, the other 7 l e f t the community. The opposition move-ment by the Sannokai people quickly subsided when they r e a l i z e d the conditions of compensation. The new dam was to be named aft e r t h e i r hamlet: the Sannokai Dam. B. Change i n the I n s t i t u t i o n of I r r i g a t i o n In 1944, the central government began two projects i n the Shiwa area, the construction of the dam i n the Sannokai Hamlet and the crea-t i o n of 603 ha. of new paddy-fields i n the area that was previously 53 wasted land. This sub-section, explores the changes brought about i n the i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n by the completion of the dam. 1. Completion of the Sannokai Dam The dam i t s e l f was completed i n 1952, while the new canals were completed two years l a t e r . The t o t a l project cost 767 m i l l i o n yen and 1.03 m i l l i o n man-days. For several reasons the construction of the dam took eleven years. F i r s t , the government i n s t i t u t i o n which had been 53. Nosangyoson Bunka Kyokai, ed., 1969, p. 10. 140 responsible i n 1944 for b u i l d i n g the dam was abolished during the r a d i -c a l re-organization of the administrative system immediately a f t e r the Second World War. The M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry had to ac-cept the pertinent administrative r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s from 1946. Second, i n the period of construction, even the government found i t d i f f i c u l t to obtain construction materials. Third, construction techniques were s t i l l p r i m i t i v e ; the builders were l a r g e l y dependent upon manual labour F i n a l l y , during t h i s construction period, four a d d i t i o n a l land reclama-ti o n co-operatives i n the v i c i n i t y successively asked to j o i n the pro-j e c t . Each time the project had to be re-designed. In the process of expansion, the Sannokai I r r i g a t i o n Co-Operative re-organized i t s e l f as the Sannokai Land Improvement O f f i c e , and the new dam was designed to i r r i g a t e 3,260 ha. instead of the 1,590 ha. projected i n the o r i g i -nal plan. The Sannokai Dam could hold 9.5 m i l l i o n cubic metres of wa-ter, enough to i r r i g a t e a l l the paddy-fields i n the area i n 1954. The water went through the water-intake gate and flowed i n t o the Takina R i -ver. At a point 3 k.m. farther downstream, a portion of water was ta-ken from the r i v e r i n t o the'water-dividing tank which divided the re-sources into two main canals: the Northern Main Canal with 7 branch canals and the Southern Main Canal with 16 branch canals. At a point 4 k.m. farther downstream the Central Main Canal with 5 branch canals started, taking water from the Takina River. To sum up, there were three main canals, with a t o t a l of twenty-eight branch canals. A num-ber of sub-canals went off each branch canal, to introduce water into 141 each paddy-field. Except for canal No. 1, old water-intakes were aban-doned, and replaced by new ones. The Sannokai Land Improvement O f f i c e was responsible f or the administration and maintenance of the three main canals and the 28 branch canals; the sub-canals were the respon-s i b i l i t y of the farmers concerned. 2. Change i n the I n s t i t u t i o n of I r r i g a t i o n The completion of the dam considerably re-organized the t r a -d i t i o n a l groups around the water-ways: f i r s t , the groups belonged to d i f f e r e n t main canals; and second, new branch canals also re-organized old groups. For example a l l of the eight most p r i v i l e g e d canal groups i n the main channel group of the Takina River water-system were s p l i t up. The eight groups which had belonged to one channel group were forced to take water from the three main canals. Old canal groups No. 3, 6, 7 and 9 and a portion of group No. 5 were to take water from the Northern Main Canal; old canal group No. 1 was to take water from the Takina River; and old canal groups No. 4 and 8 and a portion of group No. 5, from the Southern Main Canal. In addition, the old eight groups were assigned to f i v e branch canals, causing the groups themselves to be reorganized. In essence, the t r a d i t i o n a l p r i v i l e g e s of these canal groups i n terms of water-rights became completely meaningless i n the new i n s t i t u t i o n . When dam i r r i g a t i o n of the paddy f i e l d s began i n 1952, there was s u f f i c i e n t water for everyone. Farmers i n the upstream areas, as well as i n the downstream areas enjoyed equal benefits. The farmers i n 142 t h i s region began to make new paddies a f t e r 1954 and an acute shortage of water resources developed by the early 1960's. U n t i l that time, groups loosely organized i n terms of geographical areas had less s i g -n i f i c a n c e than i n the pre-war period. Indeed, the old and rigorously defined upstream group was completely dissolved. Under the new conditions, the old pattern of water r i g h t s i n terms of the distance from the junction persisted with considerable modification. In p r i n c i p l e , any farmer could introduce as much water as he wanted in t o his f i e l d s anytime he l i k e d . In p r a c t i c e , distance from the water-dividing tank -- not from the junction -- determined the amount of water resources farmers i n downstream areas could obtain, although the amount was s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater than i n the pre-dam days. As early as the 1950's, i n dry years farmers i n the downstream areas had to organize themselves to adopt a new r o t a t i o n p r a c t i c e under newly developed r u l e s . Water-chiefs were s t i l l necessary. Under the new conditions, some co-operative works such as water-receiving and water-watching d i s -appeared completely, but farmers were responsible f o r maintaining the sub-canals. Water-chiefs had to organize people for the co-operative works. In downstream areas, when the farmers had to adopt the r o t a t i o n p r a c t i c e , representatives who were water-chiefs were selected from the groups concerned. The nature of water-chiefs changed remarkably. One of the sources of t h e i r authority had been the i r knowledge and s k i l l in water a l l o c a t i o n . Under the new conditions, these had no s i g n i f i c a n c e at a l l . Disputes within and between groups over water-rights were almost 143 completely eliminated so that water-chiefs were freed from t h e i r f o r -mer s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The new water-chiefs were a kind of steering committee on sub-canal maintenance a f f a i r s . In Shiwa Community, farmers f i l l e d the water-chief p o s i t i o n s by turns, inheritance of the p o s i t i o n was completely eliminated. Rules of applying sanction changed, too. There was no " s t e a l -i n g " of water any longer, for there was p r a c t i c a l l y no l i m i t to the use of water resources. I f some farmers i n the upstream areas used water extravagantly, farmers i n downstream areas would receive less water. Such extravagant users were punished by informal gossipping -- but no i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d procedures for public apology existed a f t e r 1952. Consequently, revenge by s e t t i n g f i r e to a house to avenge an accuser disappeared also. L o c a l farmers agreed that they became more frank and relaxed a f t e r the completion of the dam, because they no longer saw others as p o t e n t i a l water-stealers. IV. Summary In r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n , two v a r i a b les are c r i t i c a l : (1) hold-ing cf farm lands; and (2) i r r i g a t i o n water. P r i o r to the Land Reform, the Shiwa farmers had few problems in terms of farm lands although t h e i r acreage was small. They were r e l a t i v e l y free from e x p l o i t a t i o n by either gigantic landlords or absentee landlords, and the proportion of landless tenants was low compared with other parts of Japan. Shiwa farmers, however, had a history of s u f f e r i n g from a s c a r c i t y of i r r i g a -144 tion-water. They worked harder than farmers i n other parts of the Iwate Prefecture and received fewer rewards. The i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a -t i o n was established as early as the sixteenth century and r i g i d l y gov-erned the farmers' behaviour. Under this i n s t i t u t i o n , old paddy f i e l d s located close to water-intakes and the upstream area had more advanta-geous water-rights then the rest. The i n s t i t u t i o n was run by water-chiefs who were resident landlords and/or househeads of main-households. They accepted s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and exercised auth-o r i t y over others. They had a monopoly on the s p e c i a l i z e d knowledge and s k i l l s i n water-allocation and on the p o s i t i o n i t s e l f , the water-chief p o s i t i o n passed by inheritance from one generation to the next. S c a r c i t y r o f irrigation-water and weather conditions brought about i r r e g u l a r r i c e - y i e l d s or regular ;'crop-f a i l u r e s . R i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n i s a set of production a c t i v i t i e s with a strongly seasonal character, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the northern part of Japan. Under these conditions, Shiwa farmers had to s t r i v e f or a subsidiary income during the winter slack season. Since the seventeenth century they emigrated to other places and brewed sake; th e i r wages were low despite t h e i r s k i l l e d l a -bour, for both manufacturers and farmers were aware that brewing was the l a t t e r " s subsidiary income. Shiwa farmers stayed i n t h i s occupa-t i o n for centuries hence t h i s source of income was stable. The Land Reform did not change the s o c i a l structure of Shiwa Community d r a s t i c a l l y because there were lim i t e d land resources to be r e - a l l o c a t e d . The programmes wiped out landless tenants and weakened the economic basis of landlords and dozokus. But, the Land Reform did 145 not a f f e c t the i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n . Although ownership of c e r t a i n paddy-fields was transferred from landlords to tenants, the ex-landlords continued to c u l t i v a t e advantageous f i e l d s and the ex-tenants to c u l t i -vate disadvantageous ones. In spite of the i r weakened economic basis, sp e c i a l i z e d knowledge and s k i l l s were s t i l l monopolized by the old wealthy farmers, who continued to enjoy s o c i a l esteem. As long as the i n s t i t u -t i o n survived, water-chiefs could influence new land-owners. The change began with the completion of the Sannokai Dam i n 1952, and the main canals i n 1954. The innovators who struggled f o r the r e a l i z a t i o n of th i s project were the ones who would obtain the max-imum benefits out of the dam -- landlords i n the downstream area. They manipulated p o l i t i c i a n s , t r i c k e d t h e i r own people, and f i n a l l y convinced the government to give aid to the i r project. Under the new i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n , r a d i c a l changes occurred: the sources of l e g i t i m a t i z i n g the authority held by water-chiefs, the rules of a l l o c a t i n g water re-sources, and the rules for applying sanction were a l l modified or abol-ished. The s t r u c t u r a l change of the i n s t i t u t i o n of i r r i g a t i o n , which had prevented s t r u c t u r a l changes of other i n s t i t u t i o n s , encouraged ra-pid s o c i a l change i n Shiwa Community. This chapter, discussed two points: (1) the functioning of economic i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the pre-war period under a pec u l i a r condition of water shortage; and (2) changes i n some of the i n s t i t u t i o n s . The f o l -lowing chapter deals with the impact which re-organization of the i n s t i -tution of i r r i g a t i o n had upon other s o c i a l and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s and upon the farmers' production a c t i v i t i e s . 146 CHAPTER FOUR CHANGE IN THE LABOUR FORCE AND PRODUCTIVE TECHNOLOGY f 7 IN SHIWA IN THE 1950' s AND 1960's In Shiwa Community, the Land Reform and the completion of the Sannokai Dam r e - a l l o c a t e d economic resources by 1954 as substan-t i a t e d i n Chapter Three. Chapter Two noted that the rapid economic growth of- the society as a whole began i n 1955, and eventually i n -creased the t o t a l amount of resources a v a i l a b l e to people i n the farming communities. Shiwa farmers came to have greater access to economic re-sources i n the 1950's than i n the pre-war days. Pre-war farmers valued such v i r t u e s as f r u g a l i t y , p i e t y , resignation, devotion to duty, and hard-work i n farm p r a c t i c e s ; they had to work hard i n conformity to the above values to produce any possible surplus during depressed eco-nomic conditions. Despite the undermining of pi e t y due to the f r u s t r a -tion of defeat i n the Second World War and the modification of the va-lue of f r u g a l i t y due to increased access to resources, the other values have pe r s i s t e d u n t i l 1968, the operational "present". Chapter One as-sumes thafcman has the propensity to increase his personal s a t i s f a c t i o n and that he has " u n s a t i s f i e d d e s i r e s " because the above propensity i s modified by his l i m i t e d access to resources, c u l t u r a l values and the rules of social behaviour i n the s o c i a l system. This chapter examines what w i l l happen to the s o c i a l structure i f there i s a change i n two of the above three modifiers. 147 I f the amount of economic resources a v a i l a b l e to r u r a l commun-i t i e s increases, the number of a l t e r n a t i v e s r u r a l people can choose w i l l increase. .As Jeconomic growth i n the l a r g e r nation i s the assumed p r i o r condition, the a l t e r n a t i v e s w i l l f i r s t increase i n the i n d u s t r i a l cen-tre s . To take advantage of the a d d i t i o n a l a l t e r n a t i v e s , the majority of r u r a l people must emigrate and only a small number w i l l commute from t h e i r n a t a l households. Consequently, the farming population w i l l de-crease. The number of farming households, however, w i l l not decrease as rapidly as the farming population, because farmers value maintaining and passing on the i n s t i t u t i o n of the household from one generation to another. The household i s the unit of production a c t i v i t i e s or a working-team, as i t was i n the pre-war days. The rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n this i n s t i t u t i o n b a s i c a l l y contribute to i t s maintenance and success. By the old rules of resource a l l o c a t i o n , farmers emphasized primogeni-ture and expected t h e i r second and younger sons as w e l l as daughters 1 to leave the n a t a l households. I t i s these people, t r a d i t i o n a l l y ex-pected to leave the household who become the emigrants. The emigration of second and younger sons from the working-teams causes the teams to decrease i n s i z e . The value of hard-work i n farming may have p e r s i s t e d i n s p i t e of the defeat i n the l a s t war, because a g r i c u l t u r e was the only p e r s i s -tent production a c t i v i t y i n the midst of destruction immediately a f t e r the war. The whole nation heavily depended upon the farmers for the 2 food supply and for taxes, the nation's f i n a n c i a l resources. Farmers 1. See Chapter Two, Section I - B - l . 2. Ouchi, 1968. 148 could obtain s o c i a l esteem as w e l l as economic rewards through working hard on t h e i r farms. The r e - a l l o c a t i o n of land resources by the Land Reform strengthened the incentive of the independent farmers to increase 3 t h e i r farm output. Because the amount of farm land i s constant, a decrease i n farming population by emigration w i l l increase the amount of work per capita i n the working team. In pre-war days, farmers so valued hard-work that i t i s assumed t h e i r working-time per day could not be increased. To s a t i s f y the farmers' incentive to increase farm output under these conditions, they have to increase t h e i r labour p r o d u c t i v i t y by adopting innovations, in c l u d i n g farm machines. As emigration increases and farmers mechanize t h e i r produc-t i o n a c t i v i t i e s , . there i s an impact on the s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . For example, adoption of new farm techniques requires a new body of know-ledge and s k i l l s . From the discussion of technology i n Chapter One, new techniques include the re-organization of s c i e n t i f i c knowledge. I f one has more formal education i n natural sciences he w i l l f i n d i t easier to adopt new techniques. Hence resources such as higher formal education and access to sources of l a t e s t information become s i g n i f i -cant i n the s o c i a l system. These resources may be unequally d i s t r i b u t e d i n terms of age. I f this i s the case, the o l d r u l e of resource a l l o c a -t i o n according to s e n i o r i t y ought to be modified. Thus, the above two phenomena can modify the rules of s o c i a l behaviour, that i s , the s o c i a l s tructure. 3. Dore, 1959. 149 This chapter deals with the following three subjects: (1) the increase i n access to resources and the decline of the farming pop-u l a t i o n ; (2) the adoption of new farm techniques and (3) the impact of these two sets of phenomena on s o c i a l and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s i n Shiwa Community p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the 1950's and 1960's. I. Recent Change i n Resources and the Labour Force i n Shiwa This section examines two subjects: (1) the change i n the resources which became av a i l a b l e to Shiwa people; and (2) the change i n the labour force i n the community. A. Change i n Resources A greater amount of resources, mostly economic, became a v a i l -able to the Shiwa people with the change i n conditions i n the l a r g e r na-t i o n and the change i n conditions i n the community. In this sub-section, these changes w i l l be b r i e f l y examined. 1. Increase i n Gross Farm Income Gross farm income i n Shiwa increased by two f a c t o r s : (1) the ce n t r a l government's p r i c e control p o l i c y and (2) the completion of the Sannokai Dam. In 1942, the cen t r a l government f i x e d the annual p r i c e of r i c e with a view to keeping i t as low as possible f o r consumers and guaranteeing a f a i r l y high l e v e l of income for farmers. U n t i l 1952, r i c e prices were kept at a r e l a t i v e l y low l e v e l compared to the p r i c e of i n d u s t r i a l products, and the government r e l i e d on force to ensure 150 d e l i v e r i e s . In 1953 the government r a i s e d the p r i c e to a higher l e v e l and i n 1955 the system of imposed delivery quota was abandoned. Instead, the government offered i t s set p r i c e f o r whatever the farmers offered to d e l i v e r . At the same time, the law forbidding the sale of r i c e to 4 anyone except government agents remained i n force. Therefore, the more r i c e farmers produced, the l a r g e r the s i z e of t h e i r gross farm i n -come . Some favourable conditions brought about by the Sannokai Dam increased r i c e - y i e l d s , and consequently farm income. F i r s t , because of the dam, t r a d i t i o n a l water-rights became meaningless and a l l farmers were e n t i t l e d to change l o c a t i o n of t h e i r water-intakes. During the f i v e year:, period from 1956 to 1960, Shiwa farmers undertook projects to re-arrange the i r r e g u l a r shape of 79% of t h e i r paddy-fields, to put 5 i n below-surface drainage pipes, and to widen farm roads. When the project was over, every one of the re-shaped paddy f i e l d s had at l e a s t one water-intake. Adequate i r r i g a t i o n increased the r i c e - y i e l d . Second, the increase i n the temperature of the i r r i g a t i o n - w a t e r while i t was backed up behind the dam was a favourable f a c t o r f o r the growth of the r i c e - p l a n t s . Third, the existence of the dam allowed farmers to complete the transplanting step at the best time of year. Fourth, the farmers 6 could adopt advanced farm techniques as w i l l be examined l a t e r . A l l these factors contributed to a r a i s e i n the r i c e - y i e l d s per 10 ares from 2.7 koku i n 1952 to 3.3 koku i n 1961. In addition, the dam made 4. Dore, 1959, pp. 229-231. 5. Watanabe et a l . , 1964. 6. See Section II-A and B of t h i s chapter. 7. 1 koku i s 4.96 bushels. 8. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1963, p. 42. 151 i t p o s s i b l e to use waste lands and dry f i e l d s as paddy-fields. From 1952 to 1961, the acreage of paddy-fields increased from 729 ha. to 1,007 9 ha., and the t o t a l r i c e y i e l d from 19,300 koku to 33,200 koku. The increase i n gross farm income i n rice-growing communities was r e f l e c t e d i n the increase i n sales of r i c e and i n the increase i n farmers' savings. In 1947, farmers organized t h e i r co-operatives under 10 the d i r e c t i o n of the ce n t r a l government. The government appointed a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives as the agent to handle the r i c e d e l i v e r i e s , and asked them to store the output i n l o c a l storehouses. The government paid the farmers the f i x e d p r i c e through the co-operatives, and paid the costs incurred by the co-operatives i n handling and storage. There-fore, a l l rice-growing farmers became members of the co-operative i n t h e i r area. Co-operatives established savings accounts for each mem-ber, who was to v i s i t the l o c a l co-operative to get his money when neces-sary. Hence, the amount of r i c e s o l d to the government and the amount of saving at co-operatives are a p l a u s i b l e index of the increase i n gross farm income. In Shiwa, the t o t a l amount of r i c e sales to the government increased from 100 m i l l i o n yen i n 1952 to 200 m i l l i o n yen by 1957, to 300 m i l l i o n by 1961, and to 670 m i l l i o n by 1968. The amount of farmers' saving at the l o c a l co-operative increased from 60 m i l l i o n yen i n 1952 to 120 m i l l i o n yen by 1957, to 180 m i l l i o n by 1960, and to 670 m i l l i o n 9. Op. c i t . , i b i d . 10. See Chapter Two, Section II-B-2. 152 11 by 1968. The above figures are not i n r e a l terms, but one can at l e a s t see the increasing trend. 2. Greater Access to Commercialized Materials The rapid economic growth i n the larger nation increased output, including farm materials such as f e r t i l i z e r s , p e s t i c i d e s , feed, farm machines, and other productive materials. Section II of this chap-ter w i l l provide more information on each of these items. The average wholesale-price index of production materials i n Japan was r e l a t i v e l y stable: taking the index i n 1965 as 100, the index i n 1960 was 99.3, 12 while that of 1967 was 105.6. Most Shiwa farmers purchased f e r t i l i z e r s , p e s t i c i d e s , and feed through the l o c a l co-operative, while they bought farm machines from l o c a l merchants. Table 4-1 summarizes the approximate purchases of farm materials i n Shiwa, which increased from 28.7 m i l l i o n yen i n 1952 to 81.6 m i l l i o n by 1960, and to 141.2 m i l l i o n by 1968. Con-s i d e r i n g the r e l a t i v e l y stable wholesale-price index, the increasing access to commercialized materials seems evident. Farmers also had greater access to consumer goods such as clothing, T.V., sewing-machines, r e f r i g e r a t o r s and, recently, used cars. The average wholesale-price index of consumer goods var i e d more than production materials: taking the index of 1965 as 100, the index i n 11. Nosangyoson Bunka Kyokai, ed., 1969, p. 166. The savings f i g u r e for 1968 includes income from various sources other than sales of r i c e . See Chapter Five. 12. Bjireau of S t a t i s t i c s , ed., 1969, p. 142. 153 Table 4-1 Increasing Access to Commercialized Commodities i n Shiwa ( m i l l i o n yen) 1952 1 I960 2 1968 3 F e r t i l i z e r s 14.3 36.3 50.0 Pesticides 0.6 5.4 16.0 Feed-Stuff , 0.5 8.1 8.7 5 Farm Machines 1.8 21.8 30.0 Other Production Materials 1.5 10.0 36.0 Consumers' Goods 0.7 7.2 65.5 Notes: 1. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1962, p. 82. 2. Op. c i t . , i b i d . 3. Nosangyoson Bunka Kyokai, ed., 1969, p. 170. 4. Estimate made by the Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative. 5. This fi g u r e i s 1966 as present. 6. Sales amount at the co-operative store — farmers' purchase from other l o c a l merchants i s not included. 13 1960 was 92.5 while that of 1967 was 104.1 More than 70% of Shiwa farmers purchased consumers' goods from l o c a l merchants rather than 14 from the l o c a l co-operative store. Ihvspite of the low percentage of customers, the co-operative store increased i t s sales of consumer goods from 0.7 m i l l i o n yen i n 1952 to 7.2 m i l l i o n by 1960, and to 65.5 m i l l i o n by 1968. Despite the great v a r i a t i o n i n the wholesale-price indices of the 1960's, Shiwa farmers' increasing access to consumers' goods also seems evident. 3. Increase i n Non-Farm Income A peasant economy lacks i n s t i t u t i o n s organized s o l e l y for pro-duction a c t i v i t i e s , implying that there i s no sharp d i s t i n c t i o n between 13. Op. c i t . , i b i d . 14. Information provided by the Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative. 154 farm expenditure and domestic expenditure. Farmers thought of these two categories of expenditure as the "household expenditure". When gross farm income increased, household expenditures increased i n two spheres: (1) farm materials and (2) consumer goods. With increased investment, the production cost climbed, but r i c e - p r i c e s were f i x e d by the government, thus diminishing the farmers' net income. The pro-portion of net to gross farm income decreased from 63% i n 1960 to 57% 15 by 1966. I f t h i s trend continued and expenditure of farming households e i t h e r remained constant or increased, farm income would eventually d i -minish. Table 4-2 reveals changes i n the proportion of farm income i n the household economy. In general, farm income occupied more than 80% of household income u n t i l the end-of the l a s t war. In 1955, the pro-portion dropped to 71%, and i t further decreased to 47% by 1965. On the other hand, household expenditure began to r i s e exceeding farm income, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1950. To balance the shortage, non-farm income be-gan to r i s e from 1955 when the rapid economic growth i n the nation 16 began and the amount of non-farm employment increased dramatically. Eventually, the proportion of non-farm income became extremely impor-tant; i n 1960, the proportion i n household income was 47%, i t climbed as high as 53% by 1965. In sum, the r a t i o between farm income and household expenditure made a change unfavourable to farm income: during the post-war economic growth, the r a t i o of farm income dropped from 82% i n 1955 to 48% by 1965. 15. Ienohikari Kyokai, ed., 1968 (B), p. 139. 16. See Chapter Two, Section II-A-2. Table 4-•2 Change i n the Proportion of Farm Income i n Farming Household Economy 1925-1965 (Yen) Household Farm The Proportion Non-Farm The Proportion Household The Ratio Between Income Income of Farm Income Income of Non-Farm Expenditure Farm Income and i n the Income Household Expenditure Household Household Income Income (%) (%) 1925 1,432.79 1,162.35 81.1 270.44 18.9 1,169.61 99.9 1930 810.35 590.10 72.5 220.25 27.5 749.03 78.9 1935 864.70 694.95 80.2 169.75 19.8 639.00 108.1 1940 1,813.68 1,497.74 82.8 315.94 17.2 1,280.24 116.2 1945 13,762 11,869 86.2 1,893 13.8 6,595 208.6 1950 207,235 147,355 71.4 59,880 28.6 174,145 83.2 1955 358,098 255,584 71.5 102,514 28.5 312,757 82.2 1960 411,300 219,300 54.4 192,000 46.6 368,400 59.3 1965 760,700 356,300 46.8 404,400 53.1 652,500 47.5 Source: 1920-1955 Kayo, 1958, p. 438. 1960 Tohata,_ed., 1968, pp. 348-349. 1965 Norin Tokei Kyokai, ed., 1967 (B), p. 16. O r i g i n a l Sources are: Ministry of Agr i c u l t u r e and Forestry, Noka Keizai Chosa. 156 The Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative did not have d e t a i l e d members' figures on farm income, however a rough inference can be made from the preceding discussion. Gross farm income i n Shiwa increased 17 as did household expenditures both of production and consumption. Shiwa farmers' net p r o f i t must have decreased as they depended heavily on commercialized materials l i k e other farmers i n Japan. Hence, t h e i r household expenditure exceeded t h e i r farm income. This, however, had been a regular pattern f o r Shiwa farmers i n past centuries, and they 18 depended upon t h e i r non-farm income. Shiwa farmers s t i l l f i n d non-farm jobs important, i n s p i t e of the dam and i t s b e n e f i t s , and they w i l l not e a s i l y give up seasonal emigration to the breweries. B. Change i n the Labour Force An increase i n non-farm income has a number of implications: f o r example, (1) increase i n non-farm jobs; (2) decrease i n the farming population; (3) increase i n part-time farming households and (4) wage 19 i n f l a t i o n among part-time farm labourers. This sub-section examines the increase i n non-farm jobs. Chapter Two treated the increase i n 20 employment i n the secondary and t e r t i a r y i n d u s t r i e s . In short, the t o t a l working population increased from 36 m i l l i o n i n 1950 to 48 m i l -21 l i o n by 1965. During the same period, the proportion of farming 17. See Table 4-1. 18. See Chapter Three, Section II-E. 19. In Shiwa, f u l l - t i m e farm labourers were fewer than 5 i n 1968 so that this category w i l l be omitted. 20. See Chapter Two, Section II-A-1 and 2. 21. Ministry of Labour, 1968, p. 39. 157 population i n the t o t a l working population dropped from 45% to 23%. The s i t u a t i o n i n Shiwa i s examined to determine whether i t conformed to the general trend i n the nation. 1. Increase i n Emigrants The population of Shiwa Community i n the long run was s t a -tionary. From 1930 to 1965, the t o t a l number of households increased from 863 to 1,018, and the t o t a l population decreased from 5,393 to 22 5,205. P a r t i c u l a r l y before 1945, there was only a n e g l i g i b l e popula-t i o n change. During the same period, farming households increased from 759 units to 802 units. The farming population s l i g h t l y decreased 23 from 2,301 i n 1939 to 2,242 i n 1965. In the short run, the l o c a l population changed conspicuously because of two f a c t o r s . F i r s t , immediately a f t e r the Second World War, dismissed s o l d i e r s , repatriated people from overseas, and the un-employed i n c i t i e s returned to the community, r e s u l t i n g i n a temporary population increase. In 1947, the' t o t a l population reached a peak of 24 6,783 and the farming population was up to 2,810. When the rapid economic growth i n the nation as a whole began, those temporary set-t l e r s l e f t the community. Second, the rapid expansion of the labour markets absorbed 20% of the farming population i n Shiwa between 1947 and 1966. During the period from 1947 to 1966, members of farming 25 households decreased from 5,370 to 4,443. 22. Iwate Prefecture, ed., 1948, p. 10 and Census Data of 1965. 23. Op. c i t . , i b i d . 24. Op. c i t . , i b i d . 25. Iwate Prefecture, 1948, p. 35 and Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-operative, ed., 1967, p. 4. 158 Those persons who are s o c i a l l y and economically discrimina-ted against by the rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n households emigrate f i r s t to i n d u s t r i a l centres. Resource a l l o c a t i o n i n households was 26 determined by distance from the ancestoral l i n e . By t h i s , eldest sons usually i n h e r i t e d the household property. The second and younger sons had f i v e a l t e r n a t i v e s : (1) to e s t a b l i s h a branch household; (2) to become an adopted-son i n another household; (3) to take a l o c a l job; (4) to remain i n t h e i r native household with l i t t l e p o s s i b i l i t y 27 of becoming independent and (5) to emigrate to i n d u s t r i a l centres. The Land Reform diminished the acreage of larger farmers, making i t economically d i f f i c u l t to e s t a b l i s h a new household. The second a l -ternative was not popular as only those households without sons needed adopted-sons. Local jobs had been always l i m i t e d ; and immediately a f t e r the war, labour markets were p a r t i c u l a r l y small. Thus, the d i s -criminated youths had to remain at home with u n s a t i s f i e d desires. As soon as other al t e r n a t i v e s became apparent, these youths chose new opportunities and l e f t t h e i r community, causing the farming population to drop. Although d i r e c t data on Shiwa, to support the preceding discussion, does not e x i s t , the n a t i o n a l trend does provide a set of supporting data. In a survey i n 1939-1940, which covered 6,900 farming households i n four prefectures i n c l u d i n g Iwate, the proportion of eldest sons among emigrants reached 20%. The researchers also found that the 26\ See Chapter Two, Section I - B - l . 27. Op. c i t . , i b i d , and discussion of dozoku i n Section I-B-2. 159 la r g e r the acreage or the household property, the smaller the proportion of emigrated eldest sons. They divided the samples into three cate-gories, "upper", "middle", and "lower" i n terms of land-holding. The proportion of emigrated eldest sons i n each category was 10%, 17% and 28 31% r e s p e c t i v e l y . In 1950, another survey covering 2,094 persons i n 14 prefectures i n c l u d i n g Iwate found that a strong emphasis on primo-geniture p e r s i s t e d i n post-war r u r a l Japan. The researchers categor-i z e d the respondents by s e n i o r i t y i n the household, as "eldest son", "second son", " t h i r d son", and "fourth or younger sons". The propor-tions of emigrants i n each category at the time of the survey was 10%, 37%, 51% and 53% r e s p e c t i v e l y . In the same survey, the researchers found that the proportion of those who i n h e r i t e d the household occu-29 pation i n each category was 87%, 23%, 10%, and 6% r e s p e c t i v e l y . Between 1950 and 1952, there were 400,000 young new farmers (15 to 19 years o l d ) . By 1959, the number decreased to 170,000. In 1955, the proportion of emigrated young h e i r s (15 to 19 years old) was 26%. From the above, the researchers i n f e r r e d that the majority of emigrants around 1955 were second or younger.sons and daughters. By 1959, the average proportion of emigrated young heirs climbed to 52%. In the d i s t r i c t s located close to the highly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d areas between Tokyo and Osaka, the proportion of young heirs rose to 66% or over, while the more remote d i s t r i c t s l i k e Kyushu Island or Tohoku D i s t r i c t 30 had fewer emigrated h e i r s , i . e . less than 35%. According to another 28. S. N o j i r i , 1942, p. 490. 29. Japanese Ethnological Association, ed., 1957, Vol. I l l , p. 1154. 30. Namiki, 1960, pp. 7-13. 160 nation-wide survey i n 1965, 84% of the farming households i n the moun-t a i n communities, 79% i n the pl a i n s communities, and 66% i n the subur-31 ban communities l e f t t h e i r inheritance to the eldest son. From the above, we can hypothesize that: f i r s t , by the rules of resource a l l o -cation, eldest sons tend to be the h e i r s and to remain i n t h e i r native communities. Second, the l a r g e r the household property, the greater the number of heirs who remain on t h e i r farms to i n h e r i t the household occupation. Third, the distance between a given community and the i n -d u s t r i a l centres w i l l determine the degree of persistence of the above two tendencies. The above implies that more heirs w i l l remain i n Shiwa which i s remote from i n d u s t r i a l centres. When households have larger acreages, the remaining heirs w i l l farm. And the majority of emigrants would be daughters and the second and younger sons. With the increase i n emigration came a shrinking of the s i z e of working-teams and of households. Available s t a t i s t i c s on pre-war Shiwa did not d i s t i n g u i s h farming households from non-farming house-holds. The average s i z e of households i n Shiwa Community, in c l u d i n g both farming and non-farming households, s t e a d i l y diminished from 6.9 persons i n 1921 to 6.4 i n 1930, to 6.3 i n 1940, and to 6.1 i n 1945. S t a t i s t i c s on farming households alone are a v a i l a b l e from 1950. In that year, the average s i z e of a farming household i n Shiwa was 6.7 per-sons. The average s i z e decreased to 6.5 i n 1955, to 6.1 i n 1960, and IT. Fukutake, 1968, p. 493. 161 32 to 5.4 i n 1966. The decrease i n the s i z e of the working-team i s par-t i c u l a r l y evident a f t e r 1955. 2. Increase i n Part-Time Farming Households With the rapid economic growth of the larger nation, p a r t -time farming households increased. Part-time households are defined as households i n which the househeads or the heirs engage i n non-farm 33 jobs f o r more than 60 days each year. According to Table 4-3, f u l l -time farming households decreased from 62% of the t o t a l households to 22% of the t o t a l households i n the decade between 1950 and 1960. When Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative conducted a survey i n 1966, out of 732 respondents only 70 or 9% r e p l i e d that they were s o l e l y engaged i n farming. Table 4-3 Increase i n Part-Time Farming Households i n Shiwa Full-Time Farming Part-Time Farming Households Households T o t a l Real Real Number % Number % 1950* 498 61.8 308 38.2 806 1955 243 30.1 565 69.9 808 1960 185 22.2 657 77.8 832 Sources: 1. Census Data. 2. Information provided by the Shiwa Town O f f i c e . 3. Census Data. Quoted from the Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative ed., 1963, p. 32. I used the following sources to compute the s i z e of households: (a) Takahashi, M., 1941; (b) documents provided by elementary schools; (c) information c o l l e c t e d by the Shiwa V i l l a g e O f f i c e ; (d) census data; (e) information provided by the Shiwa Town O f f i c e and (f) Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1967. 33. See Chapter Two, Section II-A-2. 162 The category of " f u l l - t i m e farming households" i n the census data was not s t r i c t l y applied i n the case of Shiwa. The concept of " f u l l - t i m e " i s the r e c i p r o c a l of "part-time". If we s t r i c t l y apply the l a t t e r term, i n 1939 when non-farm employments were s t i l l l i m i t e d , 34 out of 758 households 447 or 63% were part-time farming households. Watanabe and h i s colleagues claimed that 67% of the households i n 1949 35 were part-time farming households. The high percentage i s a t t r i b u t e d to the popularity of brewery work among the Shiwa farmers. At the time of the 1965 census, some farmers might not have considered brewing a part-time job important enough to mention. I f this i s the case, the increase i n part-time farming households i n the 1950's and 1960's must be due to an increase i n the a v a i l a b i l i t y of other jobs. A comparison of non-farm jobs i n 1939 and 1966 provides a base f o r the following discussion. In 1939, the Shiwa V i l l a g e O f f i c e conducted a survey of "seasonal emigrants" defined as "those who emi-grate f o r more than 30 days a year, but w i l l surely come back as soon 36 as the contracts are over". The Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative conducted a second survey i n 1966, obtaining 802 responses out of the 37 824 households which included at l e a s t one "farmer". In the 1966 survey, there were three categories of non-farm jobs. F i r s t , i n 1966, 77 households or 10% of the farming households engaged i n a household occupation besides farming, for example, store-keepers, carpenters, 34. Computed from information i n Takahashi, M., 1941*, pp. 9-20. 35. Watanabe, et a l . , 1958, p. 68. 36. Takahashi, M., op. c i t . , p. 19. 37. 1965 census data. The s t a t i s t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n of a "farmer" i s "the one who i s engaged i n farming f o r 150 days per annum or over." 163 plumbers, veterinarians. Personnel of the v i l l a g e o f f i c e did not count t h i s category i n the 1939 survey, thus preventing a meaningful compari-son. Second, i n 1966, 785 farmers (not 785 households) took non-farm jobs on a part-time basis, including 406 brewers . The length of en-gagement was not c l e a r l y defined i n the 1966 survey. In 1939, 591 farmers,541 men and 47 women, temporarily worked out of the community. Among the seasonal emigrants, 73% were brewers, 10% were factory workers, and 4%. housemaids. The si g n i f i c a n c e of brewing dropped from 737o of the temporary emigrants i n 1939 to 52% i n 1966, implying the d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n of income resources i n the larger nation. Third, i n 1966, those who were engaged f u l l - t i m e i n non-farm jobs and were commuting from t h e i r home amounted to 356 persons. They were d i s t r i b u t e d i n the following occupations: manufacturing industries (119); construction (92); trade and commerce (63); c i v i l servants (55) and so on. The farming households which engaged i n another occupation i n general had l i t t l e land. F i f t y - f o u r households out of 77 or 68% had 38 less than 1.5 ha., and 36 households or 45% had less than 1.0 ha. Seasonal emigrants, however, were not necessarily from smaller farms. The Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-operative conducted a t h i r d survey i n 1968 and determined that the c o r r e l a t i o n c o - e f f i c i e n t between acreage and 39 seasonal emigrants was 0.088. This c o - e f f i c i e n t i s explained by the h i s t o r i c a l importance of the brewing occupation. Regardless of acreage, most farmers who suffered from an i r r e g u l a r water supply engaged i n 38. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1967, pp. 18-19. 39. Op. c i t . , 1968 (A), Table 62. 164 brewing. In addition, the farmers' esteem of hard-work supported per-40 sistence of t h i s p r a c t i s e , and informal gossip punished the lazy youths. Assuming that each household had one commutor, Table 4-4 reveals more commutors among the smaller farmers. Columns A and B are the d i s t r i b u -t i o n of farming households and commutors i n each category of acreage. Column C i s the proportion of B i n A. Column C shows that smaller f a r -mers needed t h e i r subsidiary income more keenly than larger farmers. Table 4-4 Relations Between Acreage and Commutors i n Shiwa (1966) (A) (B) (C) Number of Number of (B)/(A) x 100 ha. Households Commutors -0.5 78 57 73 0.5-1.0 139 91 66 1.0-1.5 183 96 52 1.5-2.0 161 62 39 2.0- 241 50 21 To t a l 802 356 Note: Computed from the Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1967, pp. 16-20. In b r i e f , small farmers began to give up farming and followed another occupation at home or i n an urban area. Many of the commutors s t i l l conform to the rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n households. The ques-t i o n a r i s e s : "Why do they not give up the r u r a l l i f e ? " Interviews 41 with Shiwa farmers provided a few answers to the question. F i r s t , the commutors f e e l that they have a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to continue the succes-sion of t h e i r households, and so to stay i n the community. Second, they 40. From my. f i e l d notes. 41. Op. c i t . 165 are emotionally attached to th e i r land. Third, they need the security that land ownership implies. However, small acreages did not produce enough output to support the household. In addition, production-costs rose recently, diminishing n e t - p r o f i t s , so they needed a subsidiary income. The commutors f e l t , however, that even i f they farmed only on a small scale t h e i r household economy would be more secure. The men ob-tained f u l l - t i m e jobs i n the v i c i n i t y , and l e f t the farming to t h e i r wives. Consequently,ihifspite of the decrease i n the farming population and the increase i n part-time farming households, the t o t a l number of farming households did not change greatly i n Shiwa Community. 3. Labour-Shortage i n Farm Prac t i c e s and Wage-Inflation In addition to the dropouts who l e f t farming, development of higher education caused a decrease i n the labour force as w i l l be treated i n Chapter Six. The following example w i l l i l l u s t r a t e the s i t u a t i o n . Farmers i n the Shiwa region were accustomed to spending 10 days on trans-42 planting. According to a survey of the Nambu Town O f f i c e i n 1967, Shiwa had 1,134 ha. of paddy f i e l d s and 1,995 farmers. To completely transplant 1 ha. of paddy f i e l d s , required 30 man-days. Shiwa farmers needed 34,000 man-days to complete the step of transplanting r i c e . They had a supply of 19,950 man-days, and hired from outside the community 43 11,121 man-days. Consequently, they were short of 3,000 man-days or 300 workers. 42. Shiwa Town O f f i c e , ed., 1968 (A), p. 8. 43. Op. c i t . , i b i d . 166 P o t e n t i a l labourers, students and/or commutors, l i v e d i n house-holds, but the farmers did not use these human resources i n farming. The farmers' aspirations for th e i r c h i l d r e n to have a good education were stronger than t h e i r desire to employ t h e i r c h i l d r e n during the busy seasons. In addition, they preferred that commutors should earn regu-l a r cash-income rather than remain i n the household and earn an occa-sional income. Consequently, the p r i c e of labour which Shiwa farmers had to pay for occasional work during the busy seasons rose consid-44 erably, from 100 i n 1960 to 428 by 1967. I I . Technological Change i n Farm Prac t i c e s One can d i s t i n g u i s h two spheres of technology r e l a t i n g to r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n : (1) techniques to encourage the healthy growth of r i c e - p l a n t s ; and (2) techniques which save labour i n farm p r a c t i c e s . The f i r s t kind of techniques have developed gradually since the pre-war period, but the second kind developed mostly i n the post-war per-iod. This section discusses the technological change i n these two spheres and the factors which influenced the farmers' adoption of innovations. A. V a r i e t i e s , F e r t i l i z e r s , and P e s t i c i d e s There are three basic techniques which provide conditions f a -vourable for r i c e - p l a n t s : (1) producing more suitable v a r i e t i e s ; (2) producing adequate nutrients; and (3) eradicating natural harm, such , 44. Op. c i t . , p. 9. 167 as weeds and ins e c t s . This sub-section, treats each of these elements 45 b r i e f l y , assuming adequate i r r i g a t i o n . 1. Improved V a r i e t i e s A f t e r 1904, Japanese s c i e n t i s t s began to develop new v a r i -46 e t i e s of r i c e - p l a n t s which were suited for three s p e c i f i c conditions: (1) v a r i e t i e s immune to over-application of f e r t i l i z e r s ; (2) those less vulnerable to i r r e g u l a r weather conditions and (3) those which would 47 mature at d i f f e r e n t i n t e r v a l s . The Tohoku National A g r i c u l t u r a l Ex-perimental Laboratory was responsible for developing v a r i e t i e s suited to conditions i n northern Japan. The Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative surveyed v a r i e t i e s and the acreage planted from 1960 to 1967. The change i n v a r i e t i e s was remarkable. For example, the proportion of acreage devoted to Var-i e t y X i n the t o t a l acreage i n 1960 was 28%, dropping to 2%, by 1967. During the same period, V a r i e t y Y which had i n i t i a l l y been planted i n 13% of the paddy f i e l d s disappeared completely, while Variety Z i n -48 creased from 27° to 527>. According to the Extension Department of the l o c a l co-operative, u n t i l the completion of the dam the range of a l t e r -native r i c e v a r i e t i e s open to Shiwa farmers was very l i m i t e d . S c a r c i t y of water prohibited over-application of f e r t i l i z e r s and i r r e g u l a r weather 45. On s i g n i f i c a n c e of i r r i g a t i o n i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n , see Chapter Two, Section I - A - l , and Chapter Three. 46. Nogyo Hattatsushi Chosakai, ed., 1955, Vol. 5, pp. 678-683. 47. Tohata and Isobe, eds., 1957, pp. 196-197. 48. Information provided by the Extension Department, Shiwa A g r i c u l -t u r a l Co-Operative. 168 conditions e a s i l y damaged new v a r i e t i e s . The regular delay i n trans-planting required v a r i e t i e s with d e f i n i t e i n t e r v a l s of maturity. Af-ter the dam, farmers began choosing from a wider range of v a r i e t i e s . 2. F e r t i l i z e r s Commercialized organic f e r t i l i z e r s appeared as early as the 49 eighteenth century, and chemical or "inorganic" f e r t i l i z e r s were f i r s t 50 produced i n 1888, but became popular only a f t e r 1920. Farmers at present apply farm-produced f e r t i l i z e r s or "manures" to f i e l d s immedi-ately before spring c u l t i v a t i o n and apply purchased f e r t i l i z e r s b a s i c a l l y as top-dressing. Before 1952, delayed transplantings i n Shiwa frequently caused a plant disease which was aggravated by over-application of f e r t i l i z e r s . A f t e r 1952, farmers were able to apply more f e r t i l i z e r s . Consequently, sales of f e r t i l i z e r s at the l o c a l co-operative increased: 51 taking the index of sales i n 1949 as 100, i t increased to 165 by 1960. 3. P e s t i c i d e s P e s t i c i d e s include weed-killers and i n s e c t i c i d e s . About 52 t h i r t y kinds of p e s t i c i d e s competed on the market before 1941, but Japanese farmers began to use p e s t i c i d e s extensively only a f t e r the 49. I. Nagai, 1959, p. 153. 50. Nogyo Hattatsushi Chosakai, ed., 1956, Vol. 8, p. 208. 51. Information provided by the Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative. 52. Kay5, 1958, p. 204. 169 war. Most of the advanced p e s t i c i d e s were i n i t i a l l y imported from the United States after 1945. To give an example of d i f f u s i o n of innova-tions the t o t a l consumption of p e s t i c i e s more than doubled i n the three 53 years between 1951 and 1953. Again, a new hormone weed-killer, 2-4-D, was f i r s t introduced i n 1948. Within 15 years, farmers were applying th i s chemical to 2,320,000 ha. or 73% of the t o t a l Japanese paddy-54 f i e l d s . In the case of Shiwa, a survey i n 1939 shows that farmers 55 applied no p e s t i c i d e s . Unlike the new v a r i e t i e s of r i c e - p l a n t s , Shiwa farmers did not adopt p e s t i c i d e s u n t i l 1957, f i v e years a f t e r the completion of the dam. The farmers gave two reasons for t h e i r slow response to p e s t i c i d e s : f i r s t , unless other neighbours applied the same chemical simultaneously, the e f f e c t was l i m i t e d . Second, p e s t i -cides often 7have to be applied within a few days i n order to be e f f e c -t i v e , therefore the farmers needed power-driven sprayers. The farmers could not economically invest i n the a p p l i c a t i o n equipment. To meet these needs, the l o c a l co-operative since 1957 has organized teams to spray the f i e l d s of a l l i t s members. Farmers now i n d i v i d u a l l y apply pe s t i c i d e s only before the r i c e - p l a n t s are put into the f i e l d s . B. Mechanization of Farm Prac t i c e s One can d i s t i n g u i s h two types of mechanization: (1) a " l i g h t machinery system" which refers to various small machines; and (2) a 53. Tohata and Isobe, eds., op. c i t . , p. 200. 54. Op. c i t . , i b i d . 55. Takahashi, M., op. c i t . , pp. 26-27. 170 "heavy machinery system" which i s the combination of a t r a c t o r and i t s attached equipment, a combine, and a r i c e - m i l l . Mechanization before 1945 included only a few small machines; heavy mechanization began af t e r 1950. In Japan, mechanization of farm practices by l i g h t machinery began i n the pre-war period but was l i m i t e d i n two ways: (1) the ma-chines operated only i n buildings -- not i n f i e l d s ; and (2) the number of machines u t i l i z e d was small. This was true of Shiwa as well. In 1945 the mechanization of farm practices was almost n e g l i g i b l e . At the most a couple of wealthy farmers i n each hamlet possessed power-driven threshers, h u l l e r s , and r i e e r p o l i s h e r s . Post-war mechanization changed the above conditions by (1) the introduction of garden tractors for use i n f i e l d s and (2) an increase i n the number of machines, which began mainly a f t e r 1955. Shiwa also shared these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s with other farming communities i n Japan. U n t i l 1945, Shiwa was noted for raising.good horses, and the farmers used these animals i n t h e i r farm p r a c t i c e s . The greatest source of demand for horses, the Japanese Army, dissolved i n 1945, and the number of horses raised began to decrease. Farmers raised 958 head i n 56 57 1939, but only 833 head i n 1950. Few farmers had garden tractors before the completion of the dam, as conditions were not s a t i s f a c t o r y for the use of these machines. A f t e r 1952 garden tra c t o r s became very popular. In 1968, 807o of the farming households i n Shiwa either owned 56. Takahashi, M., op. c i t . , p. 13. 57. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1963, p. 41. 171 58 or j o i n t l y owned a garden t r a c t o r . A f t e r 1952 the number of horses 59 d e c i s i v e l y declined from 597 head i n 1955 to 27 i n 1968. Few con-temporary farmers use animal power i n farm p r a c t i c e s ; power-driven machines have replaced the horse. At each step of r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n , l i g h t machines have helped the farmers. Garden trac t o r s are used for making the nursery-bed and preparing the paddy-field. A group of three households adopted an i n -expensive but e f f i c i e n t transplanter i n 1968. In the intermediate step, farmers used weeding-plows for the weeding operation and sprinklers to top-dress. The l o c a l co-operative accepted the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of apply-ing p e s t i c i d e s by heavy machines. In 19 6 8, 107° of farming households used t h e i r own harvesters i n the harvesting step. Farmers mechanized the post-harvest step f i r s t : i n 1968 , 80% of households owned power threshers; 67% had power-hullers and 70% had r i c e - p o l i s h e r s . Except for germination, a l l the farming steps were p a r t i a l l y or f u l l y performed by machines i n 1968. Some wealthy farmers i n downstream areas wished to introduce a system of heavy machinery. Fortunately, the ce n t r a l government agreed to subsidize one half of the cost under a programme of s t r u c t u r a l im-60 provement of farms. The government established a number of conditions which had to be met i n order to q u a l i f y f o r a subsidy. The government required that the acreage under the project be more than 100 ha. i n one 58. Computed from information i n Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1968 (A). 59. Op. c i t . 60. See Chapter Two, Section II-B-2 and 3. 172 l o c a t i o n . In 1962, 101 farmers organized an association and obtained the subsidy. They began a heavy mechanization project i n 1963. The 1963 project of the association was to i n s t a l l below-surface drainage pipes, making 93 ha. of land "dry". In 1964, the farmers introduced 4 large tractors and the necessary attachments: r o t a r i e s , land-levelers, plows, manure-spreaders, mowers, and loaders. By 1968, the group of farmers had introduced 3 combines, 6 harvesters and 6 raw paddy-threshers. A r i c e - m i l l which would winnow, dry, h u l l and pack the grain was com-pleted i n 1967 by the l o c a l co-operative. Thus, i n the 107 ha. project, by using the heavy machinery system, 101 farming households mechanized a l l the farm practices except for germination and transplanting. C. Farmers' Adoption of Innovations Change i n v a r i e t i e s of r i c e - p l a n t s , increased use of f e r t i l i -zers and p e s t i c i d e s , and the mechanization of farm practices were the r e s u l t of the farmers' adoption of innovations. Factors that influence the farmers' choice of innovations include access to resources, incen-t i v e to increase farm output, c u l t u r a l values, and rules of s o c i a l be-haviour i n the s o c i a l system. This sub-section examines these four factors with special reference to the mechanization of farm p r a c t i c e s . 1. Greater Access to Resources U n t i l the completion of the Sannokai Dam, farm output and farm income were i r r e g u l a r . A f t e r 1945, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of horse 173 61 r a i s i n g as a source of subsidiary cash-income declined. When farmers emigrated every year, they learned of garden tractors and other machines, but these machines were expensive and the majority of them did not have access to f i n a n c i a l resources. These machines also required more water for puddling, and Shiwa farmers could not afford this water. Changes i n two conditions encouraged farmers to adopt inno-vations: increased access to i r r i g a t i o n water and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of f i n a n c i a l resources. With the dam, water resources became abundantly a v a i l a b l e , increasing farm output and income. The dam also allowed farmers to apply more inorganic f e r t i l i z e r s , reducing the amount of manure. In Shiwa, horses were important despite th e i r decreasing mar-ket demand because they produced manure and worked i n water-scarce 62 f i e l d s . The dam removed t h i s condition and so horses were replaced by machines. Besides the increase i n farm income, Shiwa farmers continued to receive an income from brewing sake. The l o c a l co-operative developed a f t e r 1952, had more money to loan to i t s members. In the 1960's, the 63 government provided funds for farmers; i f Shiwa farmers had the i n -centive to mechanize the funds were a v a i l a b l e . 2. Incentive to Increase Farm Output According to an e a r l i e r postulate, a f t e r the Land Reform many Shiwa farmers began to have a strong incentive to increase farm output but could not adopt c e r t a i n innovations because of the s c a r c i t y of water 61. See Chapter One, Section IV, and Section II-B of t h i s chapter. 62. See Chapter Three, Section II-A. 63. See Chapter Two, Section II-B-2-b. 174 and f i n a n c i a l resources. The dam and increased access to f i n a n c i a l re-sources eliminated these obstacles. However, the dam created another problem; i t increased the acreage of paddy f i e l d s , n e c e s s i t a t i n g more 64 man-hours of labour. As discussed e a r l i e r , the farming population began to decline r a p i d l y i n 1955. Horses were not i d e a l to increase farm output because they required a considerable amount of labour. D a i l y farmers had to feed them, prepare th e i r feed and change t h e i r stable bedding. Farm machines did not require t h i s extra labour. In addition there was no market demand for horses and the dam allowed f a r -mers to reduce th e i r manure requirement. A farmer expressed his f e e l i n g 65 t h i s way: "Farm machines do not 'eat' when i d l e . " A f t e r 1967 f a r -mers began to replace horses with farm machines. 3. C u l t u r a l Values Anthropologists have found that a general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Asian peasants i s that the i n d i v i d u a l i s w i l l i n g to set aside personal 66 i n t e r e s t s i n favour of the community. Japan i s not an exception to t h i s observation. Despite bitterness and group tensions, Japanese f a r -mers valued resignation and devotion to duty. Rural Japanese hamlets l a i d serious claim to the i n d i v i d u a l farmers' l o y a l t y and the rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n the hamlet governed the farmers' actions. Farmers behaved i n ways which did not d i s t u r b the order, harmony and welfare 64~ See Chapter Three, Section III-B. 65. From my f i e l d notes. 66. Potter, et a l . , eds., 1967, p. 298. 175 of the hamlet; a set of rules including informal gossip applied sanc-tions to offenders. A government p o l i c y i n i t i a t e d i n 1947, of r e l y i n g on l e g a l force to ensure r i c e d e l i v e r i e s , affected the rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n the hamlet. The system adopted established d e l i v e r y quotas on the basis of harvest forecasts for each prefecture. These quotas were then broken down into community quotas, hamlet quotas, and into i n d i v i d u a l 67 quotas, the d e l i v e r y of which was a l e g a l duty. But i n the period from 1947 to 1952, as mentioned e a r l i e r , r i c e - y i e l d s i n Shiwa were i r -regular. I f an i n d i v i d u a l f a i l e d to f u l f i l his l e g a l duty, other mem-bers of his hamlet had to supply his quota; and so on to the community l e v e l . To minimize s o c i a l tension, any legitimate means of increasing farm output including c a p i t a l investment was encouraged i n each hamlet. In addition to the voluntary incentive of farmers to increase farm output, pressure from other hamlet members promoted the adoption of innovations. For example, the introduction of farm machines began 68 with the wealthier farmers and was followed by the less w e l l - o f f . According to informants, there was a " c r i t i c a l threshold" i n the process. A f t e r a point, those who had not introduced machines became targets for c r i t i c i s m and gossip. Thus, except for those whose acreage was too small to mechanize, 0.5 ha. or l e s s , the majority of farmers were ob-l i g e d to introduce machines. A l a t e adopter confessed: "Who needs W. Dore, 1959, p. 229. 69. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1962, p. 21, 1967, p. 21, and 1968 (A), Table 75. 176 these machines? Me or my neighbours? I had to buy these machines be-69 cause of the pressure from my neighbours!" 4. The Rules of So c i a l Behaviour i n Households Farmers' conformity to rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n households contributed to t h e i r adoption of innovations. U n t i l 1955, most young heirs (15 to 19 years old) did not consider other job a l t e r n a t i v e s . They f e l t that i n h e r i t i n g the household occupation was t h e i r duty. Af-ter 1955, however, the young heirs began to consider other a l t e r n a t i v e s , comparing working conditions i n i n d u s t r i a l centres with those at home. They found f i v e unattractive conditions at home: (1) long, hard, d i r t y work with l i t t l e net p r o f i t ; (2) no regular day-off such as Sunday; (3) nature as the determinant of output; (4) lack of personal spending money; 70 and (5) c o n f l i c t i n g notions, between the old and the new. Young heirs put common demands on the i r househeads including: (1) mechanization of farm p r a c t i c e s ; (2) adoption of new farm techniques; (3) high-school education; (4) respect for h e i r s ' independence, including days-off and 71 spending money; and (5) freedom of choice of marriage. When house-heads did not take these requests ser i o u s l y , some young heirs l e f t the community. To maintain the farming population of 1968 i n Shiwa, f o r t y new farmers had to engage i n farming every year. A f t e r 1964, however, the number of new farmers began to decrease, reaching a low of f i v e by 1968. 69. From my f i e l d notes. 70. Information provided by the Extension Department, Shiwa A g r i c u l -t u r a l Co-Operative. 71. I b i d . 177 Most househeads, however, seem to wish to keep th e i r heirs at 72 home i n order to maintain the i n s t i t u t i o n . Consequently, they had to comply with the demands of the heirs i n order to keep them at home. S t a t i s t i c a l data to show the frequency of Shiwa househeads' compromises does not e x i s t , but many farmers, s t a f f members of the l o c a l co-opera-t i v e and o f f i c i a l s of the Nambu Town O f f i c e agreed that the high inno-vation adoption rates i n production and consumption were due to compro-mises between househeads and th e i r heirs. In 1957, a public organiza-t i o n conducted a sampling survey of 1,000 farming households which had heirs who had f i n i s h e d t h e i r formal schooling i n the past f i v e years (1953-1957). One of the questions asked of househeads was: "Did you ever buy farm machines and/or adopt new farm techniques i n order to keep your heir at home?" About f o r t y percent of househeads with 1 ha. 73 or more of farm land r e p l i e d "yes". I l l . Impact of Changes i n the Labour Force and Productive Technology  upon I n s t i t u t i o n s Change i n two conditions, the labour force and technology i n farm p r a c t i c e s , had an impact on the s o c i a l structure. In t h i s section, i n s t i t u t i o n s outlined i n Chapter Two are examined i n terms of changes i n the rules of s o c i a l behaviour under these changing conditions. 72. Chapter Six, Section I-B. 73. Namiki, 1960, p. 48. 178 A. Household In pre-war days, competence i n farm management, devotion to duty entrusted by ancestors, and the C i v i l Code l e g i t i m a t i z e d the auth-74 o r i t y of the househeads. Community pressure punished the househeads. They praised a househead who increased the acreage by legitimate means during his headship, because they interpreted this as the manifestation of his hard-work, his competence i n farm management, and his devotion to the duty entrusted by his ancestors. I f the acreage remained con-stant, they accepted him as a reasonably good farmer. I f the acreage 75 decreased, c r i t i c a l gossip i n the community punished him. A group of scholars who studied a community three miles north of Shiwa found that i n pre-war communities i n t h i s area, changes i n acreage i n one's l i f e time frequently occurred. In turn, commitment to the ancestors' tr u s t became a popular s o c i a l c r i t e r i a to evaluate househeads and the empirical scale to measure the degree of t h e i r commitment was v a r i a -t i o n i n the size of farm land. Among pre-war farmers, farm land was more than a mere commercial commodity. Generally speaking, however, poor tenants as well as new branch households had l i t t l e chance of be-coming independent farmers, except for the exceptionally capable and 76 lucky ones. When few a l t e r n a t i v e s existed i n the l o c a l e , the compe-tence of househeads i n farm management had r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e s i g n i f i c a n c e among the poor, who tended to remain i n poverty regardless of behaviour. 74~ See Chapter Two, Section I - B - l . 75. From my f i e l d notes. 76. Nakamura, ed., 1956, pp. 814-832. 179 The defeat i n the Second World War decreased the importance of the supernatural i n general, and ancestors i n p a r t i c u l a r . The Land Reform shuffled land-holdings i n farming communities, challenging the b e l i e f of farmers that ancestors protected t h e i r descendants and that descendants had a duty to respond by hard-work. Shiwa farmers stopped evaluating househeads by v a r i a t i o n s i n acreage. Revision of the C i v i l Code i n 1947 abolished the l e g a l "family system", subsequently abolish-ing the l e g a l authority of the househead. I t also l e g a l l y abolished primogeniture and declared that household property was to be equally divided among the c h i l d r e n . In turn,, the great majority of farmers became independent of landlords a f t e r the Land Reform, and the s i z e of t h e i r farms depended on t h e i r competence i n farm management. The competence of a farmer i n farm management i s based on superior knowledge, long experience and farm s k i l l s . In the pre-war period, when farm techniques remained r e l a t i v e l y stable, the older people were superior to the young i n these resources. But when the rate of technological change became rapid i n the 1950's and 1960's, the re-sources of the older people became outdated. As seen i n an e a r l i e r d i s - ' cussion, technological change includes re-organization of the body of 77 knowledge concerning the laws of nature. During rapid technological change, therefore, the greater an i n d i v i d u a l ' s knowledge i n natural science (mostly provided by the schools), the easier i t i s for him to employ new techniques. Hence, the higher the formal t r a i n i n g one re-77. See Chapter One, Section I-B. 180 ceives, the more able he i s to adopt new farm techniques. According to a survey of the Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative i n 1968, the c o r r e l a t i o n c o - e f f i c i e n t between age and formal education among respondents, not 78 a l l of them farmers, was -0.29; younger farmers received higher edu-cation. I f a l l farmers had responded to the survey, the c o - e f f i c i e n t would have been higher. Thus, the old and the young competed i n the period of rapid technological change. In the pre-war period as well as today, "those who work w i l l eat" has been an i m p l i c i t but legitimate r u l e s . One's contribution to the household occupation, in c l u d i n g consultant services and taking part 79 i n the labour force has been his "union t i c k e t on the working-team". Younger farmers respected the technical advice of t h e i r elders and ap-preciated t h e i r help as a supplementary labourer during the busy sea-sons. The adoption of new farm techniques since the 1950's has dated the resources of the old people. In addition the mechanization of farm practices increased labour p r o d u c t i v i t y , thus jeopardizing the labour contribution of the old. In a community i n Iwate Prefecture, a house-head pleaded with his son who operated a garden tractor to leave a small portion of farm land uncultivated so that he could c u l t i v a t e i t 80 himself i n order "to keep his union-ticket v a l i d . " When a group of Shiwa farmers introduced a transplanter i n May, 1968, the old people observing the operation of the machine were uniformly upset. Later, they anxiously discussed whether machines would eventually dismiss the HT. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1968 (A), Table 206. 79. Information provided by Mr. R. Omura. 80. I b i d . 181 old, because improved farm practices would require " s k i l l e d " labour while they were " u n s k i l l e d " . The anxiety of the old people was not without foundation. In Shiwa, most male farmers i n the i r f i f t i e s or younger could operate l i g h t machines, but heavy machines could only be operated by a small number of farmers i n the i r t h i r t i e s or younger. Also, young extension workers from the l o c a l co-operative, rather than the aged people, ad-vised farmers on how to increase farm output. The young workers had higher formal t r a i n i n g and access to the l a t e s t information. In sum, new resources such as advanced t r a i n i n g or access to the l a t e s t information became important i n farm p r a c t i c e s and i n the community. The emergence of these new resources c o n f l i c t e d with a pre-war rule of resource a l l o c a t i o n i n the households and challenged the l a s t s i g n i f i c a n t l e g i t i m a t i z i n g source of the househeads' authority. Mechanization of farm practices by the heavy machinery system had a serious impact upon the t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of labour by sex. U n t i l recently, women worked as hard as men at r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n and they accepted the ad d i t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of housework and r a i s i n g children. In 1952, the M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry conducted a time-study of 459 households selected by the s t r a t i f i e d sampling me-thod out of si x prefectures i n Tohoku. To quote figures of harvest and post-harvest steps, men worked for 35 hours per 10 ares while women 81 worked for 30 hours. Table 4-5 summarizes the Shiwa s i t u a t i o n i n 1968. 81. M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry, 1954, pp. 10-11. Table 4-5 Mechanization of Operations i n Harvest and Post-Harvest Steps i n Shiwa (1968) Farm P r a c t i c e s Step Operations By "Human Labour" 1 Degree of Mechanization 2 3 By "Reaper." By "Binder" By "Raw-Paddy Thresher" and "Rice-M i l l " * By "Combine",* and "Rice-M i l l " * Harvest Post-Harvest Reaping Binding Drying on the ground Drying on frames Transporting Threshing H u l l i n g Packing mannual manual manual manual manual or machine machine machine manual machine manual manual manual. manual or machine machine machine manual machine machine manual manual manual or machine machine machine manual unnecessary unnecessary machine machine machine machine machine unnecessary unnecessary unnecessary machine machine machine machine CO Notes: * Heavy machines. 1. "Human Labour" i s the l o c a l term, denoting the l e a s t mechanized farming i n the community. 2. "Reapers" reap r i c e - p l a n t s . 3. "Binders" reap rice-p l a n t s and bind them into bunches. 4. "Raw-Paddy Threshers" thresh raw paddies by-passing operations of drying the r i p e r i c e on the ground and on frames. 183 Although threshing and h u l l i n g operations have been mechanized since the 1940's, men and women have had to work together with l i g h t machines. The adoption of l i g h t harvesters such as reapers and binders has saved a c e r t a i n amount of female labour i n the harvest step, because men op-erated these machines. When farmers adopted heavy machines -- combines, dump-trucks, and the r i c e ^ m i l l -- women have nothing to do i n the har-vest and post-harvest steps. Heavy machinery used i n the step of pre-paring paddy-fields and the operation of applying p e s t i c i d e s also elim-82 inated work for women. With the adoption of the heavy machinery system, women w i l l gradually withdraw from r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n . Neither the Land Reform nor the dam and other technological changes affected the household as the unit of production despite modi-f i c a t i o n i n rules of s o c i a l behaviour. Li g h t machines were designed for use i n small acreage and to save some human labour, hence they were adopted for use i n households. The large machinery system, however, has the p o t e n t i a l to re-organize households as a s o c i a l unit when f a r -mers j o i n t l y use them. Large machines not only decrease the amount of work of each household but also control the farm schedule. The schedule for harvesting f i e l d s by a combine roughly determines the v a r i e t i e s of ri c e - p l a n t s and the dates of transplanting. The dates of germination, preparation of nursery beds, and sewing seeds i s determined by the harvest time. I f the operation of large machines i s to determine a household's farm schedule, the household has to r e l a t e the schedule to 82^ See Section II-B of t h i s Chapter. 184 the network of inter-household-relations. In the pre-war period, each household developed i t s farm schedule by the rules of a l l o c a t i n g water 83 resources. In the near future, each household using the heavy mach-inery system w i l l develop i t s farm schedule as a member of a larger group j o i n t l y using the machines. B. Dozoku One of the basic conditions supporting the i n s t i t u t i o n of dozoku, the main-household's economic supremacy over the branch-households, was undermined by the Land Reform. A f t e r 1949, p r a c t i c a l l y a l l farmers became independent c u l t i v a t o r s , and t h e i r greater access to resources decreased the branch-households' economic dependence on main-households. To give an example, u n t i l the 1920's and the introduction of inorganic f e r t i l i z e r , farmers i n t h i s area applied about 2,600 k.g. 84 of manure per 10 ares, using horses to spread i t . Branch-households had to ask t h e i r main-household to lend them the animals. The adoption of inorganic f e r t i l i z e r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1952, reduced the use of manure to about 400 k.g. per 10 ares, thus decreasing the need for horses to transport and produce manure. The means of transporting the manure was mechanized i n the 1950's by the use of pull-type garden t r a c t o r s . Branch-households purchased th e i r own machines either with t h e i r own funds or with the money borrowed from the l o c a l co-operative -- not from the main-household. The high p r o d u c t i v i t y of heavy machines made liT. See Chapter Three, Section I. 84. T. Sasaki, 1964, p. 3. 185 i t unnecessary i n many steps to exchange labour i n dozoku. The post-war technological changes decreased the frequency of economic i n t e r -actions i n t h i s institution. The e x i s t i n g economic r e l a t i o n s i n dozoku can be character-ized as mutual assistance among equal households. In c a p i t a l invest-ments, for example, member-households of a dozoku acknowledge equal partnership. In some hamlets there were movements to introduce heavy machines. The volunteers j o i n t l y purchased large tr a c t o r s and the j o i n t -owners i n most cases were members of a dozoku i n which branch-households held equal status i n the group i n terms of f i n a n c i a l obligations as we l l as p r i v i l e g e s . C. Yui In the pre-war period, two types of yui existed: (1) y u i i n dozoku, which disappeared by the 1940's; and (2) y u i among neighbours, which have persisted u n t i l today. In 1966, 560 Shiwa households out of 802 received 31,800 man-days of labour from outside of the household, 85 and y u i provided 9,200 man-days or 29% of the supplementary labour. Farmers paid wages for the other labour. The basic unit of y u i has been a household, and the i n s t i t u -t i o n has functioned i n a way r e l a t i v e l y f a i r to a l l the member-house-holds. In the past, a l l farmers of a y u i worked on a member-household's f i e l d s for one day. On the following day, they worked for another household u n t i l a l l member-households' operations were completed. The 85. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1967, p. 13. 186 acreage of each household varied, and so some households contributed more labour than they received. A f t e r the operations were completed the farmers computed the balance and paid what they owed to others. The above p r a c t i c e obliged each farmer to grow several v a r i e -t i e s of r i c e - p l a n t s . Farmers with paddy f i e l d s 1.5 ha. or more could not f i n i s h transplanting i n one day i f they received labour s o l e l y through y u i : they had to wait for the second round. Hence, farmers p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1952, had to grow v a r i e t i e s which matured several days l a t e r , or they missed the period most suited for transplanting. Combines operate most economically i n large acres, that i s , i n adjacent f i e l d s where v a r i e t i e s of r i c e - p l a n t s mature at the same time. However, farmers' rice-paddies are usually scattered widely as Table 4-6 shows, and farmers grow several v a r i e t i e s of r i c e i n t h e i r f i e l d s . Each paddy has a d i f f e r e n t condition and combines cannot op-erate i n a large area at a given time. To move heavy machines by nar-row farm roads from one paddy to another i s a waste of time, as some paddies are located over one mile away. In order to operate combines economically, farmers have to choose one of the following two a l t e r -natives: (1) through exchange of land, farmers must c o l l e c t t h e i r f i e l d s i n one l o c a t i o n and grow v a r i e t i e s of r i c e agreed upon by other partners, or (2) they must develop a schedule of each household's har-vest before germination and c u l t i v a t e the v a r i e t i e s agreed on by the group. In either case, the previous practices of yui are changed so that the v a r i e t i e s agreed on are grown disregarding the boundaries of 187 Table 4-6 Dispe r s a l of Paddy-Flelds i n Shiwa (1961) Distance of paddies Acreage Percentage from owners' residence (metres) (ha.) (%) 500 or closer 621.0 80.7 501 - 1,000 85.4 10.4 1,001 - 1,500 42.5 5.3 1,501 - 3,000 25.0 3.2 3,001 or father 3.2 0.4 To t a l 777.9 100.0 Note: Seventy-three farmers refused to answer the question, so the t o t a l acreage of this table i s not i d e n t i c a l with that i n Shiwa. Source: Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Op., ed., 1962, p. 42. i n d i v i d u a l farmers' f i e l d s . In Hamlet No. 18, which includes 36 house-86 holds and i s the nucleus of the heavy mechanization project, two y u i out of three changed to the second a l t e r n a t i v e i n 1968. In that year the hamlet people discussed whether they should abolish the t h i r d y u i and hire labour from outside, or revise i t to operate l i k e the other 87 two. In sum, when heavy machines increase labour p r o d u c t i v i t y , the yui must modify i t s r u l e . Farmers cannot continue to proceed through the f i e l d s from household to household but must c u l t i v a t e the f i e l d s i n one l o c a t i o n , ignoring boundaries, otherwise, t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n w i l l disappear. D. The I n s t i t u t i o n of E x p l o i t i n g Grassland In the pre-war period, farmers exploited grass-land for three purposes: (1) they reaped grass as feed for th e i r domestic animals; 86. See Section II-B of this chapter. 87. From my f i e l d notes. 188 (2) they produced manure out of grass; and (3) they c o l l e c t e d f a l l e n 88 twigs for fire-wood. Post-war changes i n conditions decreased the farmers' dependence upon' grass-land. F i r s t , as discussed i n the follow-ing chapter, farmers began to r a i s e domestic animals for market and gave them high q u a l i t y feed. Hence, they either purchased the commer-c i a l feed through the l o c a l co-operative or grew high q u a l i t y grass i n s p e c i a l l y prepared pastures. Second, as already mentioned i n the pre-ceding sub-section, consumption of farm-made manure decreased as inor-ganic f e r t i l i z e r s were adopted. Third, farmers began to have greater access to commercialized resources and changed t h e i r sources of energy. In 1966, 649 households out of 791 respondents had propane-gas ranges, 89 465 had e l e c t r i c heaters, and 131 had e l e c t r i c ranges. Contemporary Shiwafarmers grow trees on th e i r grass land to s e l l to finance s p e c i a l occasions such as weddings or to use i n the reconstruction of t h e i r homes. This i n s t i t u t i o n does not have the control over farmers' be-haviour that i t had i n the pre-war period. E. The I n s t i t u t i o n of Brewing In the post-war period, technological change i n r i c e - c u l t i v a -t i o n did not modify the seasonal nature inherent i n r i c e farming; to mechanize farm p r a c t i c e s required enormous c a p i t a l investment and heavy household expenditures. Both the p o s s i b i l i t y and need for subsidiary income during slack seasons remained constant, and Shiwa farmers continued 88~! See Chapter Two, Section I-C-4. 89. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1967, p. 100. These 'ranges' do not have ovens. 189 to engage i n brewing. In 1966, 54% of the t o t a l working population i n farming households engaged,part-time or f u l l - t i m e , i n non-farm jobs. 90 In 1939, 73%, of the seasonal emigrants worked i n the brewing industry. The proportion dropped i n 1966, because young people object to the hie r -a r c h i c a l order of the brewing i n s t i t u t i o n s and preferred non-brewing employments when i t was a v a i l a b l e . The following changes have condemned the future of brewing 91 as a source of subsidiary income i n this area. F i r s t , despite an increase i n the consumption of sake, there has been a greater increase i n the consumption of Western liq u o r s such as beer, wine and scotch whiskey. Change i n the alcohol-consumption patterns i n the nation at large has threatened both manufacturers of sake and the brewers. Second, large manufacturers adopted advanced techniques and are able to brew sake a l l through the year. I f a l l manufacturers adopt the new techniques, farmers i n Shiwa area w i l l lose t h e i r jobs. Third, i n or-der to compete with Western l i q u o r s , the large manufacturers began to advertise t h e i r products through the mass communication media -- and so the i r products invaded the l o c a l markets where small manufacturers had t r a d i t i o n a l l y supplied sake. The small manufacturers cannot compete with the big ones i n the market, so Nambu brewers employed by the small manufacturers have accepted worsening working conditions. F i n a l l y , youth does not l i k e working at t h i s occupation;when better paid employ-ment i s a v a i l a b l e , youth se l e c t i t over brewing. In the near future, the Nambu brewers w i l l be without successors. 90. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative, ed., 1967, pp. 16-20. 91. The following information i s based on Y. Kondo, ed., 1967. 190 IV.. Summary In the 1950's, two epoch making changes took place i n the l i f e of Shiwa farmers. F i r s t , the completion of the Sannokai Dam i n 1952 had a great impact upon farmers' production a c t i v i t i e s : farmers adopted advanced techniques and increased r i c e - y i e l d s . With government control of the r i c e - p r i c e , the r i s e i n output resulted i n an increased gross farm income. Second, the rapid economic growth i n the la r g e r nation had two ef f e c t s upon the behaviour of Shiwa farmers. On one hand, the farmers' access to commercialized resources became greater and t h e i r household expenditures soared, requiring subsidiary income. Very small farmers began to leave farming by taking non-farm jobs, on a f u l l - t i m e basis; others continued to engage i n seasonal emigration. On the other hand, d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of income resources i n the society at large at-tracted b i l a t e r a l members of households and eventually h e i r s . This trend may i n the future jeopardize the succession of households. Changes i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n techniques occurred i n two spheres. F i r s t , to provide conditions favourable f o r the growth of r i c e - p l a n t s , Shiwa farmers adopted new v a r i e t i e s , inorganic f e r t i l i z e r s , and p e s t i -cides. The dam made i t possible to adopt the f i r s t two items. The l o c a l co-operative acknowledged the members' needs, and helped according-l y . Second, the decrease i n the farming population due to the emigra-t i o n of b i l a t e r a l household members, and the increase i n both part-time farming households and farm lands required farmers to increase t h e i r labour p r o d u c t i v i t y . To maintain, and i f possible to increase farm output 191 under the new conditions, Shiwa farmers introduced two kinds of machines (1) l i g h t farm machines; and (2) heavy farm machines. The following four conditions had a favourable e f f e c t on the adoption of innovations: (1) the greater access to resources; (2) the farmers' incentive to i n -crease farm output; (3) c u l t u r a l values and (4) compromises between househeads and t h e i r heirs i n order to keep the l a t t e r at home. Technological changes increased the importance of c e r t a i n re-sources, causing a c o n f l i c t with the rules of s o c i a l behaviour i n house-holds. In the pre-war period, when technological change was r e l a t i v e l y slow, older people were competent i n knowledge, s k i l l s , and experience. With rapid technological change, those who received advanced t r a i n i n g and had access to the l a t e s t information obtained the more advantageous p o s i t i o n s ; the pre-war rule of resource a l l o c a t i o n i n terms of s e n i o r i t y was modified, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the operation of heavy machines. I t was not l i g h t machines, but heavy machines which are cur-r e n t l y having a s i g n i f i c a n t impact upon the s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . F i r s t , heavy machines change the pre-war pattern of d i v i s i o n of labour by sex: women are withdrawn from many of the steps i n r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n . Second, j o i n t l y owned heavy machines have the p o t e n t i a l to determine a household's behaviour i n production: each household i s re-organized as a component of the larger productive unit. Third, heavy machines made i t unneces-sary i n many steps to exchange labour i n dozoku; and so they decreased the frequency of economic int e r a c t i o n s i n th i s i n s t i t u t i o n . Fourth, heavy machines required the modification of the old function of y u i , the farmers do not rotate work on household's f i e l d s but operate on f i e l d s J c o l l e c t e d i n one lo c a t i o n . 192 When access to resources increase through government p o l i c i e s and technological change i n the larger nation, and when c e r t a i n c u l t u r a l values such as "p i e t y " and " f r u g a l i t y " are modified, farmers develop secularized views. They stop evaluating househeads i n terms of t h e i r degree of commitment to t h e i r ancestor-entrusted duties. Some young heirs f i n d non-farm jobs more a t t r a c t i v e than accepting the duty en-trusted by ancestors of i n h e r i t i n g aid managing the household occupation. To keep t h e i r heirs at home, some househeads adopt new farm techniques and improve l i v i n g conditions, leading to the economic affluence of the household. The emphasis of contemporary farmers on new techniques w i l l 92 increase the s e c u l a r i z a t i o n . Despite the decreased farming population, increase i n labour p r o d u c t i v i t y through technological change created "surplus" labour. The following chapter w i l l examine how the surplus labour was invested. 92. This question i s treated i n Chapter Six i n some d e t a i l . 193 CHAPTER FIVE DIFFERENTIATION OF PRODUCTION ACTIVITIES IN SHIWA IN THE 1960's By the end of the 1950's, four s i g n i f i c a n t changes had occurred i n the economic aspect of the s o c i a l system i n r u r a l Japan: (1) cer-t a i n kinds of farm output, including r i c e , had increased; (2) farming household income had increased; (3) the farming population had decreased 1 and (4) farmers had mechanized th e i r operations. Chapter One discussed "economic growth" as quantitative increase i n per capita output while "economic development" was quantitative increase i n per capita output 2 accompanying increasing i n s t i t u t i o n a l complexity i n the s o c i a l system. According to these d e f i n i t i o n s , "economic growth" c e r t a i n l y occurred i n Shiwa as i t did i n other parts of the nation, but economic development requires further examination. The adoption of new farm techniques, p a r t i c u l a r l y the mechanization of farm practices i n extremely small 3 farms l i k e those i n Japan, tends to be an excessive c a p i t a l investment, r e s u l t i n g i n r i s i n g production cost. Labour p r o d u c t i v i t y increased by mechanization i n spite of the numerical decline i n the farming popula-t i o n through the investment of surplus labour. In order to maintain or increase net household income, farmers had at le a s t four a l t e r n a t i v e ways to invest t h e i r saved labour: (1) they could d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e i r farm production a c t i v i t i e s so that they could increase p r o f i t from var-ious sources on the i r farms; (2) they could take non-farm jobs i n slack 1. See Chapter Four. 2. See Chapter One, Section I-B. 3. See Chapter Two, Section I-B-7. 194 seasons, with no deliberate d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of farm operations; (3) they could combine the above two a l t e r n a t i v e s or (4) either househeads or heirs could leave farming and become commutors. This study i s i n t e r -ested i n economic development and s o c i a l change i n a r u r a l community 4 and i s mainly concerned with what happened to the farm economy. The second and fourth a l t e r n a t i v e s do not "develop" the farm economy, be-cause farmers do not increase the complexity of the i n s t i t u t i o n r e l e -vant to the farm production a c t i v i t i e s . Therefore, farmers' d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n of t h e i r farm production a c t i v i t i e s i s a necessary condition for economic development i n farming communities with which t h i s study i s concerned. In Japan as a whole, part-time farming households increased from 1.67 m i l l i o n out of 6 m i l l i o n farming households i n 1955 to 2.59 5 m i l l i o n out of 5.4 m i l l i o n by 1968. In the Tahoku D i s t r i c t , farmers who chose seasonal emigration as the means to increase the household income went from 12.6% of the t o t a l farming households i n 1960 to 27.3%. 6 i n 1965. In an extreme case, a l l households except for the large farmers had to leave farming eventually and l e f t the community because 7 of the high cost of mechanization. Despite the many changes brought about, the economic development of farming communities was not automatic. In order to develop the farm economy, farmers have at l e a s t two a l t e r n a t i v e s : (1) they may d i f f e r e n t i a t e farm production a c t i v i t i e s 4. See Chapter One, Section I I I . 5. Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , ed., 1969, p. 38. 6. M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Forestry, 1967 (B), p. 116. 7. The Tohoku National A g r i c u l t u r a l Experimental Laboratory, 1964. 195 i n a voluntary and unorganized manner; or (2) they may d i f f e r e n t i a t e a c t i v i t i e s i n an organized manner, through the work of change-agents. I f farmers adopt the f i r s t a l t e r n a t i v e , some may d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e i r farm production a c t i v i t i e s , but others may not. No one can prevent the trend toward part-time farming households, because farmers have no l e g i -timate rules for applying sanctions to the "dropouts". The presence of change-agents thus i s s i g n i f i c a n t to the economic development of farming communities. Farmers may have several p o t e n t i a l l o c a l change-agents: (1) administrative agencies such as a town o f f i c e or a v i l l a g e o f f i c e ; (2) a group of volunteers i n a community; (3) farmers' associations which perform s p e c i f i c functions and (4) a sp e c i a l form of farmers' associa-tions, a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives. The Asahi Press, the most d i s t i n -guished newspaper i n Japan ( i s s u i n g 5.5 m i l l i o n copies every morning 8 and 3.7 m i l l i o n copies every evening i n 1969) , and one of the leading i n s t i t u t i o n s i n contemporary Japan, has annually awarded seven outstand-ing farmers' groups each year since 1963. The newspaper appointed from top.scholars and act i v e c i v i l servants t h i r t y members of a Selecti n g Committee. I t divided the nation into seven d i s t r i c t s , established nine c r i t e r i a for examination of each candidate, and asked the committee to select one group from each d i s t r i c t . Acting on the committee's nom-ina t i o n , the Asahi Press made awards to 28 groups i n the period from 1963 to 1967: 18 a g r i c u l t u r a l co-operatives; 5 communities; 2 farmers' asso-8~. Asahi Press, ed. , 1970. 196 9 c i a t i o n s ; 1 v i l l a g e and 1 town. Apparently, a g r i c u l t u r a l co-opera-t i v e s have the most celebrated p o t e n t i a l as change-agents. I t w i l l be remembered that each community or v i l l a g e has one or more l o c a l co-operatives which mediated between the larger nation and the farmers. F i r s t , i t linked farmers to the government by s e l l i n g t h e i r r i c e to the l a t t e r and c o l l e c t i n g b i l l s on behalf of the farmers. Some of the loan-funds and subsidies provided by the central government be-came a v a i l a b l e to farmers through the l o c a l co-operative. In addition, the co-operative could obtain a subsidy from the government for big projects such as construction of a r i c e - m i l l . Second, the co-operative connected farmers with the society at large. (a) I t mediated farmers' marketing transactions. For example;- i t purchased f e r t i l i z e r s , p e s t i -cides, feed, machines, and other necessaries from markets and sold these items to farmers. In turn, i t c o l l e c t e d farmers' produce to s e l l i t j o i n t l y i n markets. (b) The co-operative c o l l e c t e d the l a t e s t i n -formation, including new farm techniques, and d i s t r i b u t e d i t to i t s mem-bers. In Shiwa, the co-operative even developed various projects to s a t i s f y the needs of i t s members. For example, some organized f a r -mers provided equipment to apply p e s t i c i d e s e f f i c i e n t l y , or constructed a r i c e - m i l l . In addition, the l o c a l co-operative conducted a few sur-veys to develop c e r t a i n programmes. In b r i e f , the Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative functioned as an active change-agent; whatever choice the 9. Asahi Press, ed., 1966 and 1967. 197 Shiwa farmers made, the co-operative was an important f a c t o r i n t h e i r decision-making. This chapter has three f o c i : (1) the inte r a c t i o n s between the co-operative and i t s members; (2) the output; and (3) the impact of the output on i n s t i t u t i o n s . I. Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative and I t s Members The Shiwa A g r i c u l t u r a l Co-Operative i s a "competent" change-agent; on the empirical l e v e l , Shiwa farmers have accomplished d i f f e r e n -t i a t i o n of farm production a c t i v i t i e s . A n a l y t i c a l l y , the action of the co-operative or the change-agent and the reaction of the