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UBC Theses and Dissertations

The practice of urban planning in Canada Gerecke, John Kent 1971

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THE PRACTICE OF URBAN PLANNING IN CANADA by JOHN KENT GERECKE B.A. University of Saskatchewan, 1969, A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF .MASTER OF ARTS in the school of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standards THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May 1971 In presenting this thesis i n p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Br i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study, I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. School of Community and Regional Planning The University of Br i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Despite the presence and growth of urban planning, urban problems persist and in some instances are worsening. A major problem of urban planning appears to be an inability to achieve a high level of accomplish-ment. Urban planning in Canada was examined by the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development in 19^9. They found i t to be reactive, neg-ative, without sociological or. ecological concerns, and lacking in vision. These judgments are intuitive and require verification, but no empirical evidence i s available on the practice of Canadian urban planning. The objective of this study, therefore, i s to provide empirical evidence on the practice of urban planning in Canada in 1970 as a basis for i t s further assessment. To guide this study, the following hypothesis was tested: that the practice of urban planning in Canada follows the traditional model (physical orientation, reliance on long range plans, and an apolitical stance). A three stage approach was adopted to test the hypothesis and describe the practices examination of 1. procedural variables, 2, external variables, and 3. planning decisions. Procedural and external variables were iden-tif i e d from theoretical literature and empirical studies done in the U.S.A. Data was collected through a questionnaire mailed to the 7k urban planning directors in Canada of which 53 responses were received. For further under-standing of the practice, three hypotheses about the determinants of the p r a c t i c e were t e s t e d u s i n g the Ch i - square s t a t i s t i c ( the p r a c t i c e i s d e t e r -mined by 1. l o c a t i o n o f the agency, 2. l o c a l power s t r u c t u r e , and 3. a com-p l e x o f v a r i a b l e s ) . I n search o f a more d e f i n i t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n , a m u l t i -v a r i a t e s t a t i s t i c a l t echn ique was a p p l i e d t o t h e d a t a . L a s t l y , an a n a l y s i s o f t h e i m p o r t a n t p l a n n i n g d e c i s i o n s o v e r t h e pa s t f i v e y e a r s was made. T h i s s tudy has found t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l h y p o t h e s i s cannot be accep t -ed . Ra ther the p r a c t i c e has been m o d i f i e d i n a complex way w h i c h de-emphas-i z e s comprehensive p l a n n i n g , new i d e a s and the a p o l i t i c a l s t ance , and p l a c e s new emphasis on p h y s i c a l development, z o n i n g and s u b d i v i s i o n r e g u l a t i o n s . Fur thermore , Canadian, urban p l a n n i n g has not met urban problems because i t has a l i m i t e d approach. T h i s l i m i t e d approach has n o t been f u l l y r e c o g n i z e d o r a p p r e c i a t e d w h i c h l e a v e s a v o i d i n t h e t o t a l p l a n n i n g spectrum. I. INTRODUCTION 1 The Problem . 1 Objectives . . . . . . . . 3 Methodology 6 Review of Previous. Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Questionnaire Survey . . . 14 Organization of Balance of this Thesis . . . . . . . . 15 II. PROCEDURAL CONCEPTS IN THE PRACTICE OF URBAN PLANNING . . 17 Development of Planning Procedures . . . . . . . . . . 18' Procedural Concepts . . . . . . . 21 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 III. URBAN PLANNING PROCEDURES IN CANADA . 29 Nine Procedural Variables Measured . . . . . . . . . . 29 Summary 40 IV. DETERMINANTS OF THE PRACTICE OF URBAN PLANNING IN CANADA 45 Three Hypotheses . . . . 46 Multivariate Analysis of the Canadian Planning Practice 55 Summary . . . . . . . . . . 2^ V. IMPORTANT URBAN PLANNING DECISIONS IN CANADA 1966-1970 . 64 Important Planning Decisions Classified by Subject Matter 65 Analysis of Subject Matter for Important Planning Decisions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Types of Community Planning Activity by Cities 7^ Summary . 76 VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 78 Procedural Variables 79 External Variables , 85 Three Hypotheses 85 Decision Analysis . .« . 86 Task Force Questions , . . . . . . 86 Testing the Traditional Hypothesis . . . . . . 89 Concept of "Limited Function" . . 93 BIBLIOGRAPHY ' . 100 APPENDICES 106 APPENDIX A: LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 107 APPENDIX B: QUESTIONNAIRE 108 APPENDIX C: : UNIVERSE AND RESPONDENTS Il6 APPENDIX D: WALKER'S CONCLUSIONS . . . . 118 APPENDIX E: SELECTED SURVEY RESULTS 120 APPENDIX F: UNIQUE CONCEPTION OF PLANNING 123 APPENDIX G: SUMMARY OF CHI SQUARE RESULTS 124 APPENDIX H: SIGNIFICANT CHI SQUARES 126 LIST OF TABLES I. Method of Goal Identification . 29 I I . Method of Data Collection 30 I I I . Participation i n Plan Preparation . . . . . . . . . . . 31 IV. Form of Recommendation 32 V. Implementation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 VI. Research Function 33 VII. Strategy Alternatives . . . . . . . . . 34 VIII. Date of Establishment of Planning Agencies 37 IX. Role of Agency 37 X. Principal Role of Planning Directors. . 39 XI. Expected Procedures for Traditional Model of Planning . 43 XII. Directness of Communication to Decision Makers . . . . 4? XIII. Local Power Structure 49 XIV. Best Classification Variables 57 XV. Principal Function of Planning Agencies i .-' . V v \ 6} XVI. Important Planning Decisions Classified by Subject Matter 66 XVII. Summary of Decision Types . . . . . . . 68 XVIII. Classification of Important Decisions Initiated by Directors 71 XIX. Types of Important Decisions Initiated by Directors . . 72 XX. Cities by Type of Planning Activity 75 ACKNOWLEDGMENT I have been extremely fortunate academically to have received assist-ance and guidance from Professor Brahm Wiesman. I t i s through such a per-son that the much sought after bridge between theory and practice i n plan-ning w i l l emerge. In making this meagre accomplishment I am particularly indebted to my wife, Wendy, for her encouragement, perseverence, support, and many extradorinary s k i l l s including typing and proof reading this document. For encouraging me to strive toward this educational achievement, I am indebted to the many professional planners under whom I have worked. Particularly I must express my appreciation to Ned Ames and Julian Whittl-esey. F i n a l l y I acknowledge the financial support provided me through Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation Fellowships over' the past two years without which this project could not have been completed. INTRODUCTION This study examines the practice of urban planning in Canada in 1970 as i t was carried out by the professionally staffed agencies in local gov-ernment. The practice will be described in terms of i t s procedures, ex-ternal determinants, and the most important planning decisions made in the community in the preceding five years. Data for this study was obtained by a bilingual questionnaire mailed to a l l planning directors in Canada. Fifty three responses were received out of a possible total of seventy four. For this study, the practice of planning means the urban planning activity conducted by Canadian municipalities through a f u l l time professional staff. The Problem The rise of urban planning in this country has coincided with an in-creasing awareness and concern for city problems. Planning has held gr&at promise but in spite of i t s achievements i t has not had a resounding success in curing urban i l l s . The major problem of urban planning therefore appears to be an inability to achieve a high level of accomplishmnet. Grave city maladies such as poor housing, poverty, lack of open space, inadequate transportation, pollution, landscape deterioration, and social pathologies persist and are in some instances worsening.* The sporadic success of Lithwick, N.H., Urban Canada; Problems and Prospects, report prepared for the Honorable R.K. Andras, Minister responsible for Housing and Urban Development, Government of Canada, Ottawa 1970, p. 19. planning leads one to ask to what extent urban planning i s equipped to meet such challenges? Most urban c r i t i c s would agree with the limited success of urban plan-ning but where i s the evidence to support such a broad claim? This reveals an overriding problem of insufficient information about the practice of planning to permit objective evaluation. In the United States there has been only six major empirical studies of the contemporary practice of plan-ning and none i n Canada. The American studies by Walker,. Meyerson and Ban-f i e l d , Daland and Parker, Altshuler, Rabinovitz and Burby are elaborated on late r i n this chapter. A preliminary study by Hitchcock at the University of Toronto w i l l also be mentioned.^ The best evidence for the Canadian scene at present i s from the 19°9 "Report on the Task Force on Housing and Urban Development.The Task Force had the opportunity of examining urban planning across the country, and from their cursory review they were "dis-appointed" and "discouraged" by what they saw. Even i n the best of situations urban planning was a reactive and not a pre-emptive process....So much of i t was concerned with minutiae while the need for a grand urban design goes begging. So much of i t was a negative scripture, written i n "thou shalt not's", when the: zsee Walker, R.A., The Planning Function i n Urban Government, (Chic-ago i University of Chicago Press, 1940)j Meyerson, M., and Banfield, E.C., Po l i t i c s , Planning and the Public Interest, (New Yorki The Free Press, 1955)I Daland, R., and Parker, J.A., "Roles of the Planner i n Urban Development," i n Chapin, F.S., and Weiss, S.F. (eds), Urban Growth Dynamics, (New Yorki John Wiley and Sons, Inc.,^19^2); Altshuler, A.A., The City Planning Process! a P o l i t i c a l Analysis, (Ithica, New York» Cornell University Press, 1965)i Rabinovitz, F.F., City P o l i t i c s and Planning, (New York: Atherton Press, 19°9)j and Burby, R.J., "P o l i t i c s and Planning", (Ph.D. thesis, University of North Carolina, 19^8). 3Hitchcock, J., "Activity Analysis i n Two Planning Agencies," unpub-lished paper, School of Planning, University of Toronto, 19^9. of the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development, Government of Canada, Queens Printer, Ottawa, 19^9. situation cried out for positive thought and i n i t i a t i v e . The Task Force found rules upon rules to establish the widths of streets, yet i t uncovered hardly a single community with a long-term plan and design for basic transportation corridors. I t found a multiplicity of regulations at a l l levels to set minimum requirements and hardly anyone to spell out maximum objectives. Some planners and o f f i c i a l s had an economic term of reference; hardly any seemed to have given much thought to the broader ecological or sociological issues. The urban scene seemed to abound with bureaucrats - but to be sadly lacking i n dreamers.-* The Task Force came to these conclusions after three months of public hearings across the nation. Such an examination must be i n t u i t i v e a l -though valuable i n the absence of more precise data. To further demonstrate the limits of knowledge on the Canadian prac-t i c e of planning, a review of the Canadian professional planner's journal (Plan, Canada) shows hardly a single a r t i c l e on the comtemporary practice of Canadian urban planning is.:included,^ There are several h i s t o r i c a l ar-t i c l e s and some general papers on urban planning i n foreign countries. The major problem then, i s the absence of information about the practice of planning without which an accurate evaluation of urban planning cannot be made. A greater understanding of how planning i s really done must precede and be part of any judgment of i t s accomplishments. OBJECTIVES The Task Force raises several very important questions which are central to the practice of planning. Five questions have been drawn from their assessment. Is the practice of urban planning i n Canada 1. producing long range plans or i s i t concerned with immediate problems? Slbid. pp. 11-12. 6 only four a r t i c l e s relate to the practice of planningi Fountain, G.F., "Zoning Administration i n Vancouver," Vol. 2, No. 3, 19^1; the two Friedmann a r t i c l e s (both theoretical), "Planning as a Vocation," Plan (Canada), Vols. 6 & 7, Nos. 3 & It 19 6 6; Guay, J.P., "Montreal! horison 2000," Plan (Canada) Vol. 9, No. 3, 19°8. 2, i s i t comprehensive or i s i t concerned with minutiae? 3. i s i t visionary or i s i t adaptive, accommodating to on going change? 4, i s i t concerned with social and economic matters or i s i t r e s t r i c -ted to physical dimensions? 5. i s i t accomplishing significant improvements i n our c i t i e s or i s i t of minor consequences? As these questions, have not been rigorously examined, i t has been decided i n this study to present an overview from which tentative conclusions may be drawn as a basis for further research. To guide this study the follow-ing hypothesis w i l l be tested i THAT THE PRACTICE OF URBAN PLANNING IN CANADA FOLLOWS THE TRADITIONAL NORTH AMERICAN MODEL. What are the principal characteristics of this traditional model? City planning i n North America i s relatively young. The Chicago Exposition of 1893 i s considered as ushering i n the modern period. Traditional plan-ning has been dominant since then although signs of a new planning began to emerge i n the 1950's. The characteristics of traditional planning are iden-7 t i f i e d by Ranney as the "Planners' Heritage." 1. Physical Design - an emphasis on the laying out of streets and lots and the accompanying building types. 2. Utopias - the use of ideal community designs usually i n the form of long range plans as a solution to urban problems. 3. A p o l i t i c a l - as a reform reaction to bossism there has been an effort to keep planning out of p o l i t i c s . Ranney, D.C., Planning and P o l i t i c s i n the Metropolis, (Columbus: Charles E. M e r r i l l Co. 1969), pp. 19-43. Traditional planning then i s oriented toward physical design, comprehensive or master plans and an a p o l i t i c a l approach. In addition the tools of trad-i t i o n a l planning, zoning and subdivision regulations, must be included mak-ing a tot a l of five prime characteristics. A new planning began to emerge i n the 1950's contrasting sharply with the traditional model. There was an urge to broaden the scope of c i t y plan-ning beyond the physical focus. "City planning, regional planning, f i s c a l planning, economic and social planning, they a l l are our subject matters, they a l l concern us", said the president of the American Society of Planning O f f i c i a l s . 8 In the 19^ 0's a new interpretation of the responsibility of planners was redirecting their attention from c i t y form to the social pro-cesses within c i t i e s . ^ Citizen participation and social imbalance came to the forefront, at least i n the planning literature. At the same time, the planner was dropping his a p o l i t i c a l heritage and recognizing the impossi-b i l i t y of separating p o l i t i c s from planning. Furthermore, these new changes demphasized the place of zoning and subdivision regulations i n planning. While the practice of urban planning appears to be undergoing trans-formation, the extent to which the new planning has been implemented i s not known. American legislation has led the way, establishing a Department of Housing and Urban Development, as well as Demonstration Cities and Metropol-itan Development, and Model Cities Acts. I f this has been i n response to the circumstances that led to Newark and Watts, the absence of similar events i n Canada may j u s t i f y the hypothesis that the practice of urban planning i n Canada remains i n the traditional phase. The hypothesis, however, holds a ^ c o , R., "The Role of Planning i n the 1950's," Planning 1951, p. 3. ^Scott, M., American City Planning Since 1890, (Berkley« University of California Press, 1969), p. 596. certain irony. Although planning deals with change, i t suggests that change has not been internalized into i t s own practices. Methodology A complex methodology was devised to handle a complex problem. This research involves six methodological steps which are complementary and log-i c a l l y sequential. Organization of the thesis i s based oh these:steps which are as follows. 1. Identify procedural variables Terminology and definition A r e - c r i t i c a l i n a re l a t i v e l y new research area, as this one, and an extensive review of literature on planning.theory was made i n the process of determining plan-ning practice variables. As a result nine planning practice variables or "procedural variables" were identified around which the research could be organized.^ For the purposes of this study, these are the key variables. 1. goal identification 2 . data collection 3. participation i n plan preparation 4. form of recommendation 5. implementation 6. research function 7. strategy i n p o l i t i c a l interaction 8. tole of the planning agency 9. role of the planning director 2 . Identify external variables Since the practice of planning does not l i k e l y operate i n isolation,?external variables which may affect the prac-t i c e were identified. There are a large number of potential variables, i n planning practice variables w i l l hereafter be referred to as "procedural variables" for brevity and because they refer to internal procedures of the planning agency. this regard. Consideration of a l l external variables, therefore was beyond the scope of this study. Within such constraints, a review of em-p i r i c a l research on the practice of planning was used to select external variables as the most probable external forces on the practice. These ares 1. location of the planning agency 2 . directness of communication 3. l o c a l power structure 4. function of agency 5. age of agency 6. agency budget 7. f u l l time staff 8. professional staff 9* economic base 10. population 11. growth rate 3. Measure procedural and external variables This was done through a mailed questionnaire addressed i n English and French to every l o c a l plan-ning agency i n Canada with a f u l l time professional staff. This method i s particularly suited to the problem of limited information and widely spread subjects. I t has the deficiency, though of limiting the understanding of any one agency and not covering those from which responses were not re-ceived. The questionnaire was designed to provide a "snapshot" of plan-ning as i t occurred i n December and January of 1970 and 1971 respectively. Whether the planning procedures recorded for that period were those used most consistently i n the past cannot be determined. Furthermore the ques-tionnaire does not provide a description of the planning process. A case study would be required for a complete view of the planning process including .yv; th the roles of a l l the actors.H 4. Test three hypotheses Empirical studies of the American practice of urban planning reveal three hypotheses which claim that successful plan-ning i s determined by a) the location of the planning agency, b) the l o c a l power structure, or c) a complex of external variables. To test these for the Canadian practice, Chi-square tests were applied to the questionnaire data relating each external variable against each procedural variable. This allowed an examination of the three hypotheses and a probe for other possible hypotheses. 5 . Search for alternate hypotheses In recognition of the complexity of the practice of planning and i t s determinants, multivariate s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of the questionnaire results was applied to gain further insights. Because this research i s i n a preliminary stage, i t was not possible to develop a model showing the true determinants. Rather the analysis searched for new hypotheses which could better explain the practice of planning. Stepwise Discriminant Analysis i s particularly suited to this task, and was used through the U.B.C. Computing Centre program BMD07M. Both Chi-square and Discriminant analysis were run on the Centre's I.3.M. 3 ^ 0 computer. 6. Analysis of decisions A description of the practice of planning i s not complete without an examination of planning outputs. The most obvious method for such an analysis i s to examine planning studies or planning 12 reports. A review of this method was made, and i t was discarded because these studies and reports do not necessarily have community sanction or support. Instead a "planning decisions" analysis was constructed. In an open ended question, planning directors were asked to l i s t the ten most see Appendix B for the questionnaire. for an example of this method see Krueckeberg's a r t i c l e . important planning decisions i n their community during the past f i v e years and to indicate their involvement i n these decisions. Decisions best rep-resent planning output because they include public acceptance or rejection of a planning action. S t a t i s t i c a l techniques were not employed i n this an-aly s i s . I t should be noted that there i s no attempt i n this study to measure the effectiveness of planning. A method of doing this, used i n previous s t u d i e s , ^ was to average the opinions of informed academics and profession-als. This was considered to be too subjective and impractical for the scope of this study. A more reasonable method might be to compare the accomplish-ments of planning agencies, but this would have to be done over a period of time and would relate to many other variables including an assessment of community problems. This too was considered impractical for the scope of this study; therefore, no attempt i s made to measure "effective planning" or to single out some agencies as the leaders i n the f i e l d . F i n a l l y this methodology i s directed toward drawing conclusions ont 1, the v a l i d i t y of the planning procedure concepts used, 2, replies to questions raised by the Task Force, 3, description of current urban planning practice i n Canada, k, test the Traditional hypothesis, 5 . the key characteristic of the Canadian practice. Review of Previous Studies As already mentioned, there are only six major empirical studies of the practice of planning i n North America, a l l of them i n the U.S.A. These w i l l be b r i e f l y discussed i n order of succession. ^^Rabinovitz and Altshuler used this method. The classic study of the planning function was prepared by Robert 1 4 Walker i n 1940 (revised 1950). Walker v i s i t e d 37 American c i t i e s where he examined the practice of planning. As a part of his study he conducted a detailed analysis of planning i n Chicago and case studies of fiv e uniden-t i f i e d c i t i e s as well as Los Angeles. Chicago was considered the leading c i t y i n planning of that day, but he found i t s planning f a i l e d to be comp-rehensive l i m i t i n g i t s e l f to public improvements. The case studies ex-amined both the advisory and coordinating functions of planning and i n gen-eral revealed varying degrees of mediocrity. A l i s t i n g of the twelve spe-c i f i c findings may be found i n Appendix D. Walker's main theme was "that i t i s high time that planning agencies were established firmly within the administrative hierarchy of municipal government."^ Otherwise he argued planning would be too far removed from le g i s l a t i v e and executive bodies to find effective implementation. He also revealed that planning had only s l i g h t l y broadened i t s scope from preparing zoning ordinances to planning for slum rehabilitation and housing,^ Walker's book and the municipal reform movement (promoting better municipal management including increased coordination within l o c a l government) influenced the subsequent sh i f t of planning from the semi-autonomous planning commission to a staff function. With excellent forethought, Walker saw a problem i n t h i s shifts what i s to be done, he asked, when elected o f f i c i a l s refuse to assume the responsibi-18 11ty of planning or when the plans proposed are incompetent? l*Valker, R., The Planning Function i n Urban Government, (Chicago! University of Chicago Press, 19W). 1 5 I b i d . , p. 237. x Ibid., p. 370. l 7 I b i d . , p. 47. Ibid., p. 369 The second study i s Meyerson and Banfield's P o l i t i c s Planning and the Public Interest of 1955.^ This i s a study of the public housing program i n Chicago with an attempt to identify the roles and definitions of p o l i t i c s , planning and the public interest. Banfield, i n his widely cited epilogue, "Note on Conceptual Scheme," defines planning i n such a way as to convince one of i t s impossibility. His theoretical presentations have not been ver-i f i e d , but they have overshaddowed the actual case study. From a careful examination of public housing planning i n Chicago they concluded that social science research i n planning could do l i t t l e to improve the quality of de-cisions. "As the case study shows the Authority made l i t t l e use of social science or of any technical.knowledge regarding social phenomena. Not only i n Chicago but everywhere else housing authorities (and probably most agen-cies and organizations) made decisions on the basis of scanty and impres-si o n i s t i c data or on no data at a l l . " ^ 21 A third pioneering study has been recorded by Daland and Parker. Six c i t i e s i n the Piedmont Industrial Crescent of North and South Carolina were studied between 1955 and 1959. Their study hypothesized that the "urban planner i s located near the centre of an important communication network which functions to influence major decisions affecting urban devel-opment."^ And they found that planning had:'moved gradually, closer to the centre of the decision process for an increasing number of policy areas. l^Meyerson, M., and Banfield, E.C., Po l i t i c s , Planning and the Public  Interest, (New York: The Free Press, 1955). 2 0 I b i d . , p. 2?9. ^^Daland, R., and Parker, J.A., "Roles of the Planner i n Urban Devel-opment," i n Chapin, F.S., Weiss, S.F., (eds) Urban Growth Dynamics, (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 19^2). Successful planning, they concluded, depended largely on the caliber of the planner and the support made available to him. Daland and Parker's principal contribution to the study of c i t y plan-ning was i n the development of concepts. Their study demonstrated the use of role, time, influence, strategy and urban environment i n the examination of planning. From these they suggested a stages theory for planning dis-cussed more f u l l y ' i n Chapter II and iden t i f i e d the "government planner's dilemmai" the choice between idealism (long-range planning) and the oblig-23 ation to plan within the l i m i t s set by his employer. Fourthly, Alan Altshuler completed a study df the planning process for the Twin Cities of Minneapolis-St. Paul i n 19 65. 2^ The objective of his study was to consider the p l a u s i b i l i t y of the promise that planned 25 c i t i e s are "better" places to l i v e than unplanned c i t i e s . •* Through four case studies and subsequent analysis much became evident about the practice of planning. Contrary to public belief, planners were not found to be pro-posers but , at best, evaluators. Further, planners continued to follow the ideal of comprehensive planning blindly without regard for social, pol-i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l indications of i t s impossibility. Lastly, l i k e the rest of society planning has become more bureaucratic and as a result more systematized. This implies a technical competence, however, that i s d i f f i -cult to describe because the planners are reluctant to record how they plan. The f i f t h empirical study of planning was done by Francine Rabinovitz.^ 2 3 I b i d . , p. 222. 24 Altshuler, A,A., The City Planning Process» a P o l i t i c a l Analysis, (Ithica, New York» Cornell University Press, 19 65). 2 5 I b i d . , p. 4. 26 Rabinovitz, F.F., City P o l i t i c s and Planning, (New York» Atherton Press, 1969). She examined planning i n six New Jersey c i t i e s which were selected by a board of experts as having effective planning. The study i s a comparative analysis of planning and p o l i t i c s which hypothesizes f o r effective planning that the planner's role relates to the type of l o c a l power structure.2''' Her findings indicate that the successful planner i s one who matches his role with the decision making systems. This definitely establishes the planner as an actor i n the urban p o l i t i c a l arena. Sixth, Burby has studied planning policy outputs i n 325 southern U.S. 28 c i t i e s . He hypothesized that precise understanding of the p o l i t i c a l c l i -mate by the planner can substitute for deficiencies i n the rational model of decision making. P o l i t i c a l data, which he c a l l s environmental charac-t e r i s t i c s , were found to relate to the support for planning. Rational plan-ning gains i t s greatest support i n high status urbanized communities, while communities with a class cleavage tended toward an "adjudicative" policy style. Burby's study makes two significant contributions. F i r s t i t demon-strates that communities' to t a l planning environment can be measured and compared. And second, the "strategic u t i l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l data" i n > planning can c l a r i f y conflicting goals, evaluate the probability of p o l i t i -cal-planning conflict, and determine the appropriateness of planning action 29 to the p o l i t i c a l system. Before leaving this literature review, brief mention should be made Ibid., pp. 21-22. 28 Burby, R.J., P o l i t i c s and Planning! Toward a Model of Planning -Related Policy Outputs i n American Local Government, (North Carolina! Environmental Policies and Urban Development Thesis Series No. 12, 19^8). 2 9 I b i d . , pp. 1-2, 122, 204-206. of an unpublished Canadian study about two planning d i r e c t o r s . ^ A shadow technique of following two directors around for ten days was used. Tenta-tive findings were that the planner gained the most influence as a manager of the orderly process of decision making by providing important information early on an issue, and as a site planning advisor where his professional expertise i s strongest. Together these studies reveal four thingst 1. the a p o l i t i c a l charac-t e r i s t i c of traditional planning has been modified by moving the planning agency closer to decision makers, 2 . the way planners handle their necessary involvement i n p o l i t i c s relates to their success, 3 . there are inherent d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the nature of planning and i n i t s bureaucratization which casts doubt on the value of the activity, and 4. a more s c i e n t i f i c percep-V tion of the complexities and interrelationships of the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l structure may be the most promising avenue for planning. For this study, these findings;.will be used as indicators of what to look for and examine, and also as a base for further insight into the practice of planning. Questionnaire survey The universe was determined by correspondence with each of the Prov-i n c i a l Planning Directors i n Canada. A to t a l of 74 Canadian urban planning agencies with a f u l l time professional staff were identified. Professional was defined as membership or probable e l i g i b i l i t y for membership i n the Town Planning Institute of Canada. No d i f f i c u l t y was encountered with this definition as v i r t u a l l y a l l of the Planning Directors were members of the Institute. Questionnaires were returned by 5 3 planning directors (one return J Hitchcock, J., "Activity Analysis i n Two Planning Agencies," un-published paper, School of Planning, University of Toronto. was too incomplete for use). A l i s t of a l l c i t i e s i h the universe and those responding i s i n Appendix C. 1, The 52 useable questionnaires covered the planning functions for 6,325,004 Canadians or over 58 percent of urbanized population.^ The remaining 22 planning agencies account for a population of approximately two million. 2, The tot a l 1970 annual budget for the 49 agencies reporting was $8,960,092 or $1.28 per person served. 3, These planning agencies employ 74l persons of which 239 are pro-fessionals which i s equivalent to one professional planner for every 25,711 people served. The 239 professionals represent approximately 35 percent of the 688 members of the Town Planning Institute of Canada.^ Applying this ratio to the universe indicates that about 50 percent of the professional planners i n Canada are employed i n l o c a l planning agencies. Many questions i n the questionnaire aSked the directors to rank the alternatives provided. This thesis uses the predominant or f i r s t answer. Preliminary analyis used both methodsj however, similar end results led to a reliance on the f i r s t answers. Organization of balance of this thesis Chapter I I develops the concepts of procedural variables used i n the questionnaire. Using these variables, Chapter III describes the contemp-orary practice of urban planning i n Canada. The fourth chapter explores three hypotheses about the determination of planning practices and searches ^urbanized means a l l incorporated c i t i e s , towns or villages over 10,000 population. 32The Town Planning Institute of Canada, "Executive Director's Report," July 20, 1970, p. 1 for total membership. for further hypotheses to better explain the Canadian practice. The important planning decisions made over the past five years are examined i n Chapter V, and a synthesis of the findings concludes this work i n Chapter VI. PROCEDURAL CONCEPTS IN THE PRACTICE OF URBAN PLANNING Urban planning, as shown i n the previous chapter, i s widely prac-ticed i n Canada. The means of describing this practice, however, are not readily apparent. In fact, a commonly understood terminology to describe the practice of planning i s either non-existent or extremely vague. For example, i n describing their practice planners often revert to such words as "design", "study", "recommend", "investigate" or "prepare plans of development". Or, a planner may explain what he does by giving a detailed example of a particular project. Neither the abstract general-ization nor the case history provide a suitable terminology for what re a l l y happens. Firm concepts about the practice of planning must be ident i f i e d to f a c i l i t a t e comparative studies leading toward a greater understanding of planning. Concepts of the practice of urban planning refer to the procedures of the planning director and his agency i n the act of planning. The idea of looking at planning as a set of procedures i s not a new one. Davidoff and Reiner have examined planning i n terms of procedures i n their classic theoretical analysis of planning.* In this study procedures w i l l be exam-ined i n practice rather than theory. The purpose of this chapter i s to ADavidoff, P., and Reiner, T.A., "A Choice Theory of Planning," Jour- nal of the American Institute of Planners. Vol. XXVIII, May 1962, pp. 103-115. identify concepts which can be operationalized for an empirical study of procedures within urban planning agencies. Selection of planning practice concepts requires some pre-knowledge about the practice including how i t has changed over time. Perloff has succinctly noted the changing character of urban planning. From (1) an early stress on planning as concerned chiefly with aesthetics, planning came to be conceived also i n terms of (2) the ef f i c i e n t functioning of the c i t y - i n both the engineering and the edonomic sense; then (3) as a means of controlling the uses of land as a technique for developing a sound land-use pat-tern! then (4) as a key element i n efficient government proceduresj later, (5) as involving welfare considerations and stressing the human element; and more recently, (6) planning has come to be viewed as encompassing many socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l , as well as physical, elements that help to guide the functioning and development of the urban community.2 Two characteristics of planning are evident from this description. F i r s t i s the broadening scope of planning, and second i s the additive nature. The l a t t e r means that new planning a c t i v i t i e s resulting from an expanding scope do not replace older a c t i v i t i e s but add to them to make planning much more complex. A closer examination of this changing planning function with an emphasis on procedures i s a necessary background for the i d e n t i -f i c a t i o n of workable procedural concepts. Development of Planning Procedures Modern c i t y planning began with the Chicago World's Fair of 1893 which presented a glistening White City "to demonstrate amply the great industrial empire and give pedigree to this new empire". 3 In contrast to the smoke, soot and grime of the new industrial c i t i e s , White City overwhelmed v i s i t o r s and gave impetus to the emerging City Beautiful Perloff, H.S., Education for Planning. (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1957), pp. 11-12. 3Gallion, A . B . , The Urban Pattern, (Princeton, Van Nostrand, 1950), p. 81. Movement, The planning procedure of this f i r s t phase of modern c i t y plan-ning was "design". White City was designed by a small team of landscape architects, architects and sculptors. Two of them, Frederick Law Olmstead and Daniel Burnham, were to dominate c i t y planning for several decades. They were among the leaders of the City Beautiful Movement which focused on the design of c i v i c centres, thoroughfares and parks. The important procedural aspects of this approach were 1. examine one problem at a time, 2. select information inputs mostly from site data and intended physical use, and 3. use the design method or creative problem-solving. Design continued as the dominant method of planning u n t i l the 1930's. But prior to this time there were signs of the new planning procedures to come. In Canada the relevance of the Chicago Exposition was not so great to the booming frontier towns,although there were some Canadian City Beautiful plans. Town planning, as promoted by the Commission of Conser-vation (1909-1921), was more interested i n housing and the quality of l i f e . Thomas Adams gave an example of new planning procedures when he "instituted a housing survey of the City of Ottawa as a sample for methods to be used i n drafting a Housing Act and regulation.^ Other signs of a new emphasis i n planning came from the universities. Research i n urban sociology at the University of Chicago i n the 1920's was based principally on social science techniques. Also the establishment of the f i r s t school of planning at ^Admittedly there were some attempts at a more comprehensive ap-proach to planning and some very far sighted statements about the plan-ning process by leaders such as Olmstead, but as shown by Scott this does not invalidate the strong site planning, physical design, bias i n plan-ning procedures, -'Armstrong, A.H., "Thomas Adams and the Commission of Conservation," Plan (Canada), Vol. 1, No. 1, 1959, p. 15. 6 I b i d . , p. 26. Harvard University i n 1929 allowed professional training not necessarily limited to the orientations of architecture or landscape architecture. Lastly there was the "Regional Plan of New York and i t s Environs" (1929), which relied heavily on social science research, giving further evidence of a changing methodology.7 Along with this reorientation of planning methods involving surveys of economic conditions, industry, housing and social problems and with the fa i l u r e of one-shot City Beautiful plans came the idea of planning as a process. With the increase of planning a c t i v i t y after the Second World War, the "planning as process" ideal was becoming widely accepted as the dominant method of planning. Within this framework, planning procedures can be described as a series of clearly defined steps. For example, Frederick J . Adams identified four major phases of the planning process as 1. goal formation 2. survey and analysis 3. plan preparation ft 4. plan effectuation Another description of the planning process of this period was made by Galloway. He conceived of a process embracing a series of five steps. 1. the determination of objectives to be sought 2. research - to understand the problem 3. the discovery of alternative solutions 4. policy making - choosing between alternatives, including the frequent choice of doing nothing ^ 5. the detailed execution of the chosen alternative The concept of process f o r planning has i n fact reshaped planning. 'Goodman, W.I., (ed), Principles and Practice of Urban Planning, (Chicago« International City Managers' Association, 19^8), p. 25. o Adams, F.J., Urban Planning Education i n the United States, (Cincinnati« The Alfred Bettman Foundation 1954), p. 1. ^Galloway, G.B., Planning for America, (New Yorki Henry Holt and Co., 1941), pp. 5- 6 . For example, professor Mitchell defines planning as followsi "It i s not simply a crystallization into plans, but the guiding process i n a long chain of decision making which produces a plan for the nature, rate and process of change and a program for development or redevelopment."^ The creation of permanent planning agencies has reinforced and firmly estab-lished planning as a continuous process. Generally speaking, planning procedures have changed from their early design orientationJ the idea of process has largely replaced one-shot plansi planning has broadened i n i t s concerns from a site planning, physical orientation; more s c i e n t i f i c methods are i n competition with creative problem solving. This i s not to say that planning i s no longer concerned with design. Although i t has become secondary, i t nevertheless w i l l continue according to P e r l o f f s "additive" conception. The mainstream of contemporary planning practice, however, i s dominated by planning as a rational process. Procedural Conoepts Nine concepts have been identified for use,in this comparative anal-ysis of planning practices. These relate to the idea of planning as a set of procedures and the idea of planning as process - a series of steps. Each of the f i r s t f i v e concepts can be associated with a step i n the plan-ning process; whereas, the l a s t four cover a broader area of the process. 1, Goal identification The concept of goal identification refers to the involvement of planners i n this preliminary phase of the planning process. Traditionally planners have had a distrust of p o l i t i c a l l y determined com-munity planning goals. They believed that politicians would be corrupted 1 0Handler, A.B,, "What i s Planning Theory," Journal of the American  Institute of Planners, Vol. XXIII, No, 3i 1957, p. 1^ 7. by short run and private interest oriented goals. The extreme of such thinking came forth i n Rexford Tugwell's proposal for planning as a fourth power of government.Under the planners' a p o l i t i c a l attitude, goal iden-t i f i c a t i o n remains with the planner or an associated citizens group. Today, however, planners are recognizing the impossibility of separating p o l i t i e s and planning. In this context goal identification must involve the l o c a l power structure to be f u l l y effective. The options open for goal i d e n t i f i -cation are thus, follow professional goals, involve the community or rely . on politicians f o r goal identification. 2, Data collection The collection of data i s a necessary part of a survey and analysis. As a procedural concept, the special meaning assigned to data collection i s the extent to which a planning agency searches for data. For example, a young expanding profession such as c i t y planning has a con-siderable propensity to rely on standards or "cook-book" solutions. In these instances the agency would use available professional journals, bul-l e t i n s and reports. An alternative to the use of office records i s the conduct of detailed investigations within the community. 3. Participation i n plan preparation Plan preparation requires not only the collection and analysis of data but also the involvement of people. A limited approach would include the planning agency staff or other bureau-crats i n plan preparation. Consultation with a planning commission or ci t y council during plan preparation would represent greater participation. While the widest involvement i s continuous citizen participation and even a sharing of power i n some aspects of the decision making process. From i t s beginning c i t y planning has involved citizens most of whom i iTugwell, R.G., "The Fourth Power," Planning and Civic Comment, April-June, 1939. were advocates for planning. Planning has been i n part a social movement but with i t s acceptance as a function of government the citizen role has changed. In some instances the planning commission represents community opinion and citizens participation. The recent popularity of participatory democracy, however, leads to greater involvement from a l l who are affected. 4. Form of recommendation This concept refers to whether the planner offers a single solution or presents alternatives to the decision makers. Some theorists claim that the l i s t i n g of alternatives i s impossible because of the i n f i n i t e number of p o s s i b i l i t i e s . As a substitute, Simon has put for-ward his " s a t i s f i c i n g model" i n which the planner searches for the f i r s t 12 reasonable solution and recommends i t . Under such conditions the form of planning recommendations would always be a single solution. On the other hand, other planners believe that poli t i c i a n s should choose among alternatives and that planners are acting l i k e decision makers by narrow-ing alternatives. 5. Implementation This concept refers to the extent of planning agency involvement i n the implementation of i t s plans. Planners have for some time been involved i n the implementation of zoning and subdivision regula-tions and more recently i n public housing or urban renewal. Whereas each of the above five concepts are associated with one phase of the planning process, the remaining four relate to larger aspects. Ex-cept for "research," they are much more complex and require greater elab-oration than these above. 6. Research function This concept refers to the amount of l o c a l planning research. A major attack on planning i s that so many factors are involved 1 Simon, H.A., Organizations. (New Yorkj John Wiley and Sons, 1958) p. 140-141. i n the attempt at comprehensiveness that planning i s impossible on a rat-ional basis. According to Meyerson, this c r i t i c i s m has not been met be-cause planning research has been limited to examining the consequences of alternatives and has not developed a suitable methodology,*3 From this viewpoint a broadly based continuous research function i s necessary to ju s t i f y the planners' comprehensive approach, but whether such research can be effectively conducted at the l o c a l l e v e l i s another matter. 7. Strategy i n p o l i t i c a l interaction Planning literature on this subject i s tending toward a specialized meaning for strategy. One case study found that i n the face of p o l i t i c a l constraints the planner had the follow-ing alternative strategies open to him. 1. risk upsetting some members of council 2. neglect broad plans and do only small ones that no one else w i l l do 3. concentrate on factual analysis - "retreat to technology" 4. suggest more planning i4 5. comment on proposals of others Strategy i n these alternatives relates to how the planner interacts with ci t y council, whether he becomes involved i n the p o l i t i c a l aspect, or i n other words, how he handles controversy. Daland and Parker also identify controversy as a key area of strat-egy. From their study of Piedmont planners, they observed four strategic stances. 1. avoids any semblance of controversy by making purely factual l^Meyerson, M., "Research and City Planning," Journal of the Ameri- can Institute of Planners. Vol. XX, No. 4, 1954, pp. 201-205. Altshuler, op. c i t . . pp. 374-384. studies on noncontroversial subjects. 2. makes factual studies of controversial subjects and gives opinions on facets of the problem when formally requested by o f f i c i a l bodies. 3. specifies alternative solutions, or plans, indicating the pros and cons of each. 4. recommends a specific plan he deems superior and attempts to convince others on the same plan.*^ There are many other matters which seem to f a l l under the planner's, strategy. For example the time horizon of planning, the choice of work to be performed, how innovations are introduced, public education, public relations, involvement of citizens etc. Taken piecemeal these do not y i e l d any further insight of the concept of strategy for planning. One must return to the basic element of this strategy: the p o l i t i c a l i n ter-action with council and the community. Maintaining this focus the strategy concept refers to the amount of planning influence brought to bear on council or others on a particular issue. Planning strategy assumes that the planner selects the most important planning issues on which to exert his influence, and the p o l i t i c a l nature of planning i s formally recognized. Strategy then i s how the planner handles the p o l i t i c a l nature of planning. 8. Role of the planning agency The concept of role for planning has been borrowed from the literature of social psychology. ^  Role should not be confused with strategy i n the context of planning procedures. Strategy refers to an overall approach to handling the p o l i t i c a l nature of planning ^--TJaland and Parker, op. c i t . , p. 207. ^see Gross, et a l . , Explorations i n Role Analysis, (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1958). problems i n order to maintain maximum influence while role i s the medium through which a particular strategy i s exercised. Several role3 may be used to satisfy one strategy. Role has been applied as a concept to analyze planning i n several works (se» Daland and Parker, Altshuler, Ranney, Bolan and Rabinovitz). The highlights of their contributions, significant to this study are dis-cussed below. F i r s t however, a.;subtle but important distinction must be made which has not been noted by the above expertsi that i s the difference between the role of the planning agency and the role of the planning d i r -ector. Granted that the planning director has the largest say i n the role of the agency, he i s not alone, and the role i s influenced by the prof-essional team approach within the agency. Another reason for this d is- . tinction i s that the role of the agency may be externally controlled leav-ing the planner a personal option to exercise his role as director which need not coincide always with the o f f i c i a l role of the agency. While presenting a useful discussion on planning roles, Daland and Parker do not make the above distinction. The four roles of the planner . which they present are actually roles of the planning agency. With this correction they are valid concepts. 1. Institutional role: building confidence i n the planning depart-ment and i t s staff and confidence i n the process that planners employ. 2. Educational-public relations role: promoting the understanding of planning among nonleaders who do not participate di r e c t l y i n the decision process. 3. Professional role: identification with the planning profession, and the scope of the technical work done i n the planning offices. 4. P o l i t i c a l innovative role: the injection of new ideas into the political-decision process. ' An interesting aspect of their c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system i s that they hypo-^Daland and Parker, op. c i t . , pp. 214-218. thesize a stages theory which states that a new planning agency starts with the i n s t i t u t i o n a l role and works through the others over time. I t i s an accumulative theory where the f i n a l stage involves a l l roles to some degree. This hypothesis w i l l be tested for Canadian c i t i e s . 9, Role of the planning director Turning to the roles that a planning d i r -ector could assume, research has indicated a multitude of role specialties. Some of the important ones for planning are: c r i t i c social-emotional expert negotiator i n i t i a t o r . strategist propagandist planner.r organizer symbolic leader technical expert spokesman, advocate enforcer investigator, analyst mediator, arbitrator evaluatorl^ In r e a l i t y the planner plays many roles and more research i s needed on the use and effectiveness of the various roles. On a more generalized le v e l , case studies have identified three major roles for the planner: the technical role where the planner acts as an expert within defined li m i t s , the broker role where he manipulates the balance of power i n a competitive community, and the mobilizer role where he i n i t i a t e s lines of action and 19 provides a focus for action. These roles correspond to those of agnostic, confident and a c t i v i s t suggested by Ranney.2^ Current wisdom regarding these roles suggests that particular roles are more suited to certain types of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l climates. The p o l i t i -c a l l y cohesive community i s receptive to the planner as technician while the p l u r a l i s t i c community favors the mobilizer. Role i s more complex, an, R.S., "Community Decision Behaviouri the Culture of Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, September 19^ 9, P. 30^ 19 Rabinovitz, op. c i t . , pp. 79-117. 2 0Ranney, op. c i t . , p. 1^ 9 however, and further research i s required. Summary The nine procedural concepts or planning practice variables outlined i n this chapter aret 1. goal identification 2. data collection 3. participation i n plan preparation 4. form of recommendation 5. responsibility for implementation 6. research function 7. strategy i n p o l i t i c a l interaction 8. role of the planning agency 9. role of the planning director They are the framework for the questionnaire that was addressed to the planning directors i n Canada and w i l l be used i n the balance of the study to examine the practice of urban planning. These concepts, however, are only a means to an end. They are working tools whose relevance w i l l be tested through their u t i l i t y i n this study. URBAN PLANNING PROCEDURES IN CANADA Using the nine procedural concepts, this chapter w i l l systematically describe the Canadian practice as found by the questionnaire survey. Also a preliminary review of the general hypothesis that traditional planning s t i l l dominates Canadian procedures,will be made. Nine procedural variables measured 1. Goal identification For the most part, planning directors were consis-tent i n their method of goal identification. As can be seen i n Table I, 33 or over 70 percent rely on professional planning goals.. I t i s noteworthy that only eight communities follow the goals of elected o f f i c i a l s primarily. Perhaps the planners' distrust of politicians s t i l l lingers and keeps him from developing a good rapport with them over community goals, but there are many other possible explanations including the politi c i a n s reluctance to be exp l i c i t about goals and the planners' bureaucratic stance. Table Ii Method of goal identification a) elected o f f i c i a l s completely 8 determine goals b) rely on professional planning 33 goals c) use questionnaires, interview 5 analysis etc, to determine goals The almost exclusive use of professional planning goals as a substi-tute for community goals leaves the planner i n a vulnerable position. How can planners be sure that their goals are the same as those of the commun-ity? One response to this i s that planning values are ubiquitous,* i n which case professional goals are identical with real community goals. On the other -hand, the planner can never f u l l y demonstrate the v a l i d i t y of his goals unless there i s extensive community involvement i n goal: deter-mination. A further d i f f i c u l t y with professional goals i s that by avoiding elected o f f i c i a l s the planner has not avoided p o l i t i c s but i n fact he has become p o l i t i c a l by making these choices for the community. Scie n t i f i c methods of goal identification were used as the primary method i n only fiv e communities. A greater number may have been expected i n view of the currently popular social science techniques. A major con-cern i s whether these new techniques were avoided because of inadequate budgets and staffs or for other reasons. 2. Data collection Under this category the method of data collection nor-mally or most frequently used was recorded. Results are as follows Table IIt Method of data collection a) office records 29 b) windshield surveys 10 c) external published data 0 d) questionnaires, f i e l d 2 surveys etc. 51 While most planning directors rely on o f f i c e records as the main source of data, this may be deceiving. Many directors l i s t e d other methods as secon-dary choices and twelve directors used a l l four methods. Indications are that a l l four methods are sometimes used i n most planning agencies depend-ing upon the subject matter at hand. Nevertheless the use of available Alterman, R., "The Intervention of Values i n the Planning Process," (unpublished Master's Thesis, The University of Manitoba, 1970). o f f i c e r e c o r d s remains as the dominant method. One c o u l d i n t e r p r e t t h i s c o n c e n t r a t i o n on o f f i c e r e c o r d s as an inward o r i e n t a t i o n i n p l a n n i n g . (Goa l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by the p l a n n e r a l s o comple-ments t h i s i n w a r d h y p o t h e s i s . ) I t may be t h a t the permanent p l a n n i n g agency has p r o v i d e d a secure home f o r p l a n n i n g f rom w h i c h i t reaches outward o n l y when n e c e s s a r y . But the r e l i a n c e on o f f i c e r e c o r d s i n da ta c o l l e c t i o n may a l s o be e x p l a i n e d by budgets too s m a l l f o r e l a b o r a t e methods. 3. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p l a n p r e p a r a t i o n T h i s ca tegory r a i s e s the i s s u e o f whether groups o u t s i d e t h e p l a n n i n g agency a re i n v o l v e d i n t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f p l a n s . Looked a t another way, i t measures how c l o s e l y p l a n n i n g r e l a t e s t o the community. The r e s u l t s , as summarized below are q u i t e s u r p r i s i n g e s p e c i a l l y i n l i g h t o f the r e c e n t emphasis i n p l a n n i n g l i t e r a t u r e on c i t -i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . , Tab le I l l s P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p l a n p r e p a r a t i o n a) p l a n prepared t o t a l l y w i t h i n 17 p l a n n i n g agency b) p l a n n i n g commission o r c i t y 2k c o u n c i l i n v o l v e d d u r i n g p l a n p r e p a r a t i o n c ) p e r i o d i c p u b l i c a d v i c e 8 d) cont inuous c i t i z e n p a r t i c i - ? - t i _JJ p a t i o n i n p l a n p r e p a r a t i o n 52 P l a n p r e p a r a t i o n i s l i m i t e d t o the government framework i n answers a) and b) w h i l e t h e r e i s more g e n e r a l invo lvement o f t h e p u b l i c i n c ) and d ) . I n a l l kl o f 52 c i t i e s c o n f i n e t h e i r p l a n p r e p a r a t i o n p r i n c i p a l l y t o the government framework. A g a i n t h i s i s ev idence o f an i n w a r d approach t o p l a n n i n g . I n f a i r n e s s , however, 3^ o f t h e respondents i n d i c a t e d p e r i o d i c p u b l i c a d v i c e as a supplement t o the dominant method. T h i s may r e p r e s e n t a move towards g r e a t e r p u b l i c invo lvement i n p l a n p r e p a r a t i o n . Regarding t h e e l e v e n p l a n n i n g agenc ies who do i n v o l v e t h e p u b l i c i n plan preparation, the nature of the public involvement i s not defined. I t may be cooption of existing community organizations l i k e ratepayer assoc-iations or downtown businessmen, or i t could be neighbourhood organizations focusing on planning. Only one such neighbourhood group was mentioned i n the questionnaire responses. 4, Form of recommendation The principal concern of this concept i s whether planning practice searches for a single solution or alternative solutions. Table IVt Form of recommendation a) single solution 24 b) presentation of alternatives 2£ 51 With almost equal use of single solutions and alternatives i n making rec-ommendations, a major procedural difference appears to occur here which may be real or merely a problem of semantics. I t i s examined further i n the following chapter, 5, Implementation The following table shows the involvement of urban plan-ning agencies i n implementation. Table V> Implementation a) agency disassociated from 10 implementation b) agency implements some of 24 i t s recommendations c) agency implements most of 18 i t s adopted advice 52 I t i s not surprising that most agencies implement some of their advice because of their normal concern with zoning and subdivision regulations o which are considered by many to be the main plan implementation tools. That ten agencies f e l t they were disassociated from implementation i s Goodman, op. c i t . , pp. 401-484, extraordinary. Either these agencies are not concerned with zoning and subdivision bylaws or they exclude such regulations from their interpreta-tion of implementation. The eighteen directors who implement most of their recommendations may reflect a move toward greater planning involvement i n this area, 6, Research function The planning directors were asked to specify the type of research function their agency performed. Responses were as followsi Table VIi Research function a) minimal research function 9 b) for special studies 28 c) continuous research function 1£ 50 I t should be noted that eighty two percent of a l l agencies carry out some type of research. Although the majority conduct research for special stud-ies, t h i s does indicate that research has become accepted as a part of the planning process. The fact that only thirteen agencies conduct continuous research reveals that benefits from continuous research are either not rec-ognized or staff and budgets are inadequate for this function. 7. Strategy i n p o l i t i c a l interaction As defined i n Chapter II, strategy refers to how the planner handles controversy, or i n other words his re l a -tionship to the p o l i t i c a l system on sensitive matters. Broader definitions of strategy may easily be made, but this study focuses on the handling of controversy. The f i r s t question that must be asked, i s whether planners vary their approach to controversy, that i s do they vary their strategies. I t has been a common belief among planners that they should exert their f u l l influence on some issues and hold back on others. The logic behind this i s that i t i s better to win what the planner considers the major battles than the skirmishes. The planners questioned supported this hypothesis. Over 78 percent stated that they varied their strategy with the particular issue at hand. This suggests two thingst f i r s t that planners do employ a strategy i n the handling of controversy, and second, that the concept of strategy i s va l i d for the practice of planning. What stratey then, i s most often employed? Planning directors were asked to select the dominant strategy of their agency from five alternatives. The results were as followst Table VTIt Strategy alternatives a) for the most part enter 7 controversy b) avoid controversy except 26 when issue very important c) enter controversy only 11 when asked d) almost entirely assume 4 neutrality e) leave controversial matters __4 to politicians 52 This shows that the majority of planners are w i l l i n g to be involved i n controversy where the issue i s very important to therai over 50 percent f e l l into this category. I t must be noted though that many planners did choose other alternatives. Eighteen attempt to avoid controversy as much as possible while seven completely accept controversy as a constant feature of planning. Particularly enthusiastic i n their involvement i n controversy were two planners from Quebec. Planners almost always involved i n contro-versy were equally successful (and perhaps more so) than other planners according to a review of important decisions i n their communities discussed i n Chapter V. The planning directors were also asked to identify the c r i t e r i a used to select their strategy. In other words how do they decide when to enter controversy? A variety of responses were given, ranging from "professional instincts" to "persons involved." Throughout certain c r i t e r i a were more frequently mentioned than others. Those are l i s t e d below i n order of their frequency. 1) Community attitudes and p o l i t i c a l reaction. "Because we know our c i t y and people very well we seem to be able to guage the situat-ion to such a degree that i t i s almost by f e e l - i n t u i t i v e - and c r i t e r i a i s absorbed into i t somehow, 2) Overall effect of the issues. 3) Long range effect. 4) Public interest. 5) Community development, planning principles, conflict with commun-i t y plan and threat to planning. Regarding the few who avoided controversy, one statement gives f u l l meaning to t h i s j "I don't play p o l i t i c s , which i s perhaps the reason I've served 4 for 15 years i n l o c a l government," Another planner, whose function i s s t r i c t l y limited to the Act, said "controversy and strategy cannot be c applied to our functions." -^ Further insight into the planners' strategy can be obtained by exam-ining whether they can rely on certain individuals or groups to represent their views to the community oh controversial issues thus relieving them of some p o l i t i c a l pressure. Over 6o percent of the planning directors stated that they could rely on such assistance. Most of this support came from three areasi certain planning oriented aldermen, planning board members, and fellow bureaucrats such as the c i t y manager and other department heads. questionnaire responses. Other sources of support were mentioned less frequently for example individ-ual citizens were mentioned twice and the press l i s t e d only twice. The la t t e r aid was offset by one planning director who claimed the press was one of his worst problems because of "selected reporting by news media of predominantly provocative aspects of issues."^ In opposition to the idea of gaining outside support for planning one director replied that "planning issues are very complex and such groups i n my experience create emotionalism and mis-information." r 8, Agency role Four major roles have been outlined i n the preceding Chaptert inst i t u t i o n a l , educational, technical and p o l i t i c a l innovative. Futhermore, i t has been hypothesized that the planning agencies proceed through these roles i n stages depending upon the age of the planning agency. That i s , a new agency would be expected to concentrate on the ins t i t u t i o n a l role bec-ause i t wishes to firmly establish i t s function i n the community. Next the agency would prepare the community for planning through education. This would be followed by technical planning, and f i n a l l y when planning had be-Q come well accepted a p o l i t i c a l innovative role might emerge. According to the stages theory one would anticipate a distribution of agencies at each stage corresponding to the date of their formation. Spec-i f i c a l l y planning agencies with f u l l time professional planners were estab-lished i n Canada i n the following years. ^ & ^questionnaire responses. ^Daland and Parker, op. c i t . , pp. 214-218. a) 1941 - 1950 4 b) 1951 - 1960 22 c) 19°1 - 1970 229 With a good range of agencies ages, one would expect to find many agencies for each role - that i s i f the stages theory i s correct. But the ques-tionnaire results show that only two roles describe 90 percent of the plan-ning agencies, Table IXt Role of agency 1 0 a) i n s t i t u t i o n a l 22 b) educational 1 c) technical 23 d) p o l i t i c a l innovative _4 50 Did planning directors believe that the stages theory explained the growth of planning i n their community? They were asked this question and only nine of 4 6 thought that this was so. Among the others, many directors seemed to think that the stages approach was va l i d but that the ordering of stages was incorrect. There was general agreement that i n s t i t u t i o n a l and technical roles should be f i r s t and second but no agreement as to which order. Similarly, educational and p o l i t i c a l innovative roles were third 9 I t i s important to note that three of the eight Quebec agencies re-porting were established within the past two years. ^ d e f i n i t i o n s of these terms are as follows: i n s t i t u t i o n a l role - es-tablishing the planning agency as a part of l o c a l government and building community confidence i n planning; educational role - inducing planned change through the long run process of public education; technical role - providing technical advice on a wide range of community problems; p o l i t i c a l innovative role - volunteering new ideas or solutions related to important problems. and fourth but no concensus as to which order. An example of the comments received i s as followsi Obviously a planning function when f i r s t introduced i n an area must "establish" i t s e l f . I ts i n i t i a l thrust therefore i s aimed at the acceptance of planning, creating and building a confidence i n plan-ning and an immediate assumption of the professional role. This l a t t e r demands immediate technical output i n connection with day to day matters and as quickly as possible the development of some overall framework. The i n s t i t u t i o n a l role therefore i s the f i r s t stage, I would suggest that the technical role,= while preferably th i r d i n theory, i s i n practise i n the second stage. The technical problems facing planners must be dealt with much more quickly than a longer term educational role. The educational role i n practise might be hard to differentiate from the fourth stage,^ 12 Another planner noted that they "have to keep going back to square one. Analysis of this data does not support the sequence of agency roles used by Daland and Parker. One of the principal d i f f i c u l t i e s concerns the in s t i t u t i o n a l role. Can i t be l i s t e d separately considering that the i n -stitutional setting i s a given for planning agencies and every other role also has an i n s t i t u t i o n a l element? This may have been i n a planning direc-tor's mind when he answered "In a large agency i t (the agency) tends to f i l l a l l these roles. However "1" (institutional) has been selected as 13 being somewhat more predominant than the others," J Also there may be some confusion regarding the technical role of the agency* "Production at the technical l e v e l i s an essential part of the ins t i t u t i o n a l , p o l i t i c a l inno-14 vation and educational roles." As a result one i s not sure whether the in s t i t u t i o n a l and technical roles of the agency can be viewed discreetly. 9. Planning directors role The second aspect of role, i s that preferred by the planning director as distinct from that of the agency. This i s extrem-ely complex because planners' roles vary with each situation and many roles must be played daily. To better understand the roles used by planning 11,12,13 & 14 questionnaire responses. directors they were asked to indicate those they played most often. The findings are summarized i n Table X Table X» Principal role of planning directors administrato r/coordinato r 27 technical expert 9 educator/initiator 8 evaluator 4 advocate 3 broker 0 51 These findings were confirmed by another question. Planning direc-tors were asked how much of their time they devoted to "routine administra-tion and day to day minor problems." The average response was 62 percent. Although most planning directors indicated that they played more than one role and sometimes a l l , i t i s clear that the administrator/coordinator role dominates. This could be expected by virtue of their position as the head of a government department. This i s one area of consistency i n the planning process. To obtain further insight, the planning directors were asked i f they reserved one role for very important issues. There was a s p l i t here. Eighteen directors said they did use such a special role while 21 said they didn't. Of those who sometimes relied on a special role for important planning issues, a great variety of such roles were l i s t e d . The complexity of the planners position i n these cases was well i l l u s t r a t e d . For example one planner's guidelines were "mildness and reason i n present-ing alternatives, coupled with guts and stubbomess i n arguing the pros and cons, coupled with technical or professional efficiency i n summarizing and concluding the i s s u e . a n d another said "the real d i f f i c u l t y i s i n judg-ing the importance of an issue and whether i t r e a l l y i s a fundamental ,yv. principal that i s involved." 1 Types of special roles that were mentioned are objective appraiser, motivator, enlightened public commentator and forcefulness i n demanding the right to be heard. Summary The foregoing description of separate procedures has fragmented the practice of urban planning i n Canada almost beyond recognition. From this point onward this study works towards a synthesis. As a starting point, a picture i s presented of typical planning procedures. Given the preceding knowledge of the Canadian practice of urban planning, what characteristics best describe i t ? Procedures with the great-est consistency are l i s t e d f i r s t . In the f i r s t place one must recognize that nearly a l l planning agen-cies have a research function, either for special studies or on a contin-uous basis. This confirms the previous suggestion that the' recent phase of planning practice i s b u i l t on social science methods. But one must be cautious about the place of research i n current planning. Although nearly a l l agencies use research methods, there may be wide variation i n the scope and sophistication of such techniques. The second characteristic which best describes current planning prac-t i c e i s i t s is o l a t i o n within a government framework. Because a l l planning agencies surveyed operate within a government setting, strong i n s t i t u t i o n a l t i e s were expected. For nearly a l l of their work l o c a l planners deal with elected or appointed o f f i c i a l s and other administrators. With the " l i p -service" given to participatory democracy, however, i t was surprising to find that only ten percent of the agencies having a major public involve-ment i n citizen participation. Thus the practice of planning has definitely questionnaire responses. become highly bureaucratized. Further evidence of this effect i s the re-liance on of f i c e records as the primary source of data. Also the practice of following professional planning goals as a means of community goal iden-t i f i c a t i o n reinforces the bureaucratic orientation. Typically planning directors are very careful about their involvement i n controversy. There i s recognition that planning and controversy are inseparable, but contro-versy i s handled cautiously : the planner reserving his influence i n these cases for the most important issues. A further common characteristic of urban planning i s the administra-tive role of the planning director. In contrast, the agency role i s not easily stereotyped. In summary then, The Canadian practice of urban planning i n 1970 i s  a bureaucracy oriented, administrative practice which contributes to dec- is i o n making through a rational input (basic research on specific problems) and selected exercise of influence on controversial issues. Shortcomings i n the foregoing description l i e i n a possible over-generalization. The questionnaire responses, as outlined, did not yield a concensus for every procedural concept. In particular the practice of plan-ning appears to be s p l i t over the form of i t s recommendations, the place of implementation i n planning, and the role of the planning agency i n the community. In addition there are minor variations for other procedural concepts which require further examination. These w i l l be considered i n the next chapter. Within the above l e v e l of generalization, i t i s now appropriate to examine the hypothesized traditional nature of urban planning i n Canada. Traditional planning has been characterized i n terms of« physical orient-ation, ideal community designs, and a distrust of politicians.* -'' I f plan-ning procedures i n Canada do follow the traditional model, i t i s probably because of the widespread influence of early planning as well as the s t i l l young and not clearly formed Canadian urban planning function. The foregoing examination of actual planning procedures can be used to test the presence of traditional planning through a search for consist-ency and a comparison with expected procedures. In testing for consistency, i t i s assumed that traditional practices are well known and widely used; therefore, the procedures are similar. Since the "model bylaw" era, plan-ning has been noted for i t s propensity to borrow which to some extent cont-inues to this day. Examination of planning procedures, under the nine pro-cedural concepts, has revealed many simil a r i t i e s as already noted. A stero-type i s almost possible, but not quite. Several dichotomous situations such as the form of recommendation (single or alternative solutions) prevent a conclusive judgment of consistency. Accordingly the v a l i d i t y of the hypoth-esis cannot be claimed by this method. Secondly, the hypothisis can be tested by deducing the types of pro-cedures which would occur i f the traditional model was followed and by com-paring these to the questionnaire responses. Assuming that the traditional model prevails, the expected procedures are as shown i n Table XI. In comparison to actual responses the traditional hypothesis again cannot be confirmed. Most procedures coincide with those predicted from the model, but there i s also considerable departure from the norm. For example there i s no concensus on the form of recommendation, and directors have exceptions to the a p o l i t i c a l stance. Also the prominence of the cont-emporary in s t i t u t i o n a l agency role i s at variance with the traditional model as i s the administrative directors' role and the sporadic research function. ^Ranney, op. c i t . , pp. 19-44, and see Chapter I, p. 4. concept a) goal identification b) data collection c) participation i n plan preparation d) form of recommendation e) implementation f) research function g) strategy i n p o l i t i c a l interaction h) role of the planning agency i ) role of the planning director expected procedure use professional goals - part of creative solutions o f f i c e data and windshield surveys - as i n site planning within agency - as i n creative solutions and a p o l i t i c a l heritage single solution - as i n design not applicable except for zoning and sub-division regulation none - use design techniques avoid controversy technical - preparation of long range plans 18 technical expert - on long range planning 1 From this cursory test of the hypothesis i t can be concluded that a pure form of the traditional model of urban planning practice i s no longer followed i n Canada. I t i s obvious that the practice of planning has changed and that a model to describe the present practice must be quite complex. A simplistic model, l i k e the traditional one, cannot be accepted. The sim-p l i c i t y of the traditional model: suggests:that the procedures per se w i l l define the practice of planning. Variations and inconsistencies i n proce-dures suggest a more complex arrangement affected by external variables. Chapter IV w i l l explore some of these more complex determinants of planning procedures. In preparation for this discussion, a brief reitera-tion of conclusions from the preceding examination of the procedures now 18 there would be some administration for the application of zoning and subdivision regulations. followed i n Canadian urban planning practice w i l l be useful. 1. The traditional model of planning does not adequately describe current practice which i s more complex than this simplistic approach implies, 2. Current planning practice as defined by agency role i s preoccupied with i t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l setting even beyond the early stages of establishing this function i n the community. 3 . Planning practices are inward oriented - that i s to the bureau-cracy rather than to citizen participation and external sources :-vfor goals i datav or/continuous research. k, A new relation with p o l i t i c s has emerged which retains much of the planners' a p o l i t i c a l heritage while introducing a cautious approach to controversy and the presentation of alternatives. 5. The planning directors' principal role i s that of administrator-coordinator, and his agency has become responsible for many areas of planning implementation. DETERMINANTS OF THE PRACTICE OF URBAN PLANNING IN CANADA The preceding chapter identifies the common strains of urban planning practice i n Canada. This chapter searches for differences which w i l l better explain the planning function. The f i r s t portion of this chapter examines three widely held hypotheses concerning the determinants of planning prac-tice which have been put forward for planning i n the U.S.A. These hypo-theses w i l l be tested for Canadian practice using the Chi-square s t a t i s t i c s . In the second half, a more detailed investigation of the Canadian practice w i l l be presented using a multivariate s t a t i s t i c a l technique. To this point i n the thesis the emphasis has been on the nine proce-dural variables. Since planning determinants are complex, eleven "external variables" are now introduced. Procedural and external variables can be distinguished as follows. Procedural values are substantially under the control of the planning director; whereas external variables are clearly the effect of outside forces. These variables are as follows. Procedural variables 1 External variables goal identification data collection participation i n plan prep. form of recommendation implementation research function strategy i n polv interaction role of the planning agency role of the planning director location of planning agency directness of communication l o c a l power structure function of agency age of agency* agency budget* f u l l time sta f f * professional st a f f * economic base* population* growth rate* Throe hypotheses The next sections cover the previously mentioned hypotheses. They w i l l be described and tested for their relevance to Canadian practices, 1, The practice of urban planning relates to the location of the planning agency Planners have debated for some time about the "ideal type" of 2 planning organization. Walker has been i n the forefront of this discus-ion with his claim that planning through a semi-autonomous commission had 3 f a i l e d where planning as a staff function could succeed. This debate has significant implications for the practice of planning. By moving the plan-ning function closer to decision makers, changes can be anticipated i n at least f i v e of the nine procedural concepts: a shift i n p r i o r i t i e s (goal identification), new inputs (participation i n plan preparation), more p o l i t -i c i z e d practice (controversy), and new relationships (both agency and plan-ning directors' roles). I t should be therefor expected that a shift i n urban planning toward the decision makers would affect planning procedures. This shift, spearheaded by Walker, has i n fact occurred for nearly survey results for a l l internal variables were reported i n Chapter III, External variables marked with an asterisk are summarized i n Appendix E, while the remaining external variables are presented i n this chapter. 2 principally this argument i s between proponents of planning through a serai-autonomous planning commission and those for planning as a staff fun-ction. See Bacon, E., "Comments on 'A Task Force Approach to Replace the Planning Board,'" Journal of the American Institute of Planners (Feb., 19&0; Craig, E.W., "A Plea for the Eventual Abolition of Planning Boards," Planning  19^3? Fagin, H,, "Organizing and Carrying Out Planning Ac t i v i t i e s Within Urban Government," Journal of the American Institute of Planners (August 1959); Howard, J.T., "In Defense of Planning Commissions," Journal of the  American Institute of Planners (Spring 195l)f Kent, T.J., The Urban General  Plan (San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company. 1964); Tugwell, R.G., "The Planning Function Reappraised," Journal of the American Institute of  Planners (Winter, 1951)} Walker, R,A., The Planning Function i n Urban Gov-ernment, (2nd ©d.: Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1950), ^Walker, R.A., The Planning Function i n Urban Government, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, I94l). ~~ a l l communities, but this does not mean that the transformation i s com-plete. The key parameter i s the directness of communication afforded the planning director. With direct and frequent contact to decision makers Walker hoped to achieve a more effective practice by bridging the gap bet-ween p o l i t i c s and planning. Some planners strongly disagree with this reasoning,** but the general move away from the planning commission would indicate that they are a weak minority. Directness of communication can be considered as the best proxy for testing the location of the planning agency hypothesis. Planning directors i n this study were asked to whom they reported. This yields a measure of the directness of communication with the p o l i t i c a l decision makers. The results were as follows. Table XII8 Directness of communication to decision makers a) very indirect (through planning commission) 11 b) indirect (through c i t y manager) 15 c) sometimes indirect (city council and commission) 8 d) direct ( c i t y council) 11 55 As a further measure of communication the directors were simply asked i f they normally advised their councils dire c t l y to which 17 responded yes and 33 said no. Relating the l a t t e r answer to Table XII, i t i s clear that the intermediators l i s t e d are imperfect indicators of the directness of commun-ication. For example, a planning director may report through the c i t y man-ager who merely passes the report on to c i t y council; i s this direct or indirect communication? The result i s two different measures of distance from decision makers. for example Kent, T.J., The Urban General Plan (San Franciscor Chandler Publishing Company, 19&4). Both communication variables were s t a t i s t i c a l l y related to the nine procedural concepts (Chi-square). The expected variance between the direct-ness of communication and the procedural variables did not materialize. In other words, there were no significant differences between the two communi-cation variables and the procedural variables.^ As far as the Canadian ex-perience goes, one must conclude that the location of the planning agency does not determine the procedures or practice of planning at any one time. Planning procedures i t appears, can and do operate independently of the planning agencies in s t i t u t i o n a l setting. This i s important because i t neg-ates the overworked discussions on "ideal type" and suggests further ex-ploration of the real determinants of planning practice. 2. The practice of planning relates to the l o c a l power structure The idea that a characteristic of the l o c a l power structure influences urban plan-6 ning was introduced by Banfield and Wilson. They envisage two fundamental-l y opposed conceptions of p o l i t i c s i n c i t i e s . One which was Anglo-Saxon Protestant i n i t s origins but has been accepted by the middle class i n general (and particularly by many Jews), i s essentially public - regarding; the other, which had its> origins i n the lower - class immigrant culture i s essentially private regarding.7 Specifically the upper and middle class are more "public - regarding" and support planning while the lower class do not. These concepts are analogous to the common interpretation of l o c a l p o l i t i c a l systems as a continuum ex-tending from e l i t i s t to fragmentation or p l u r a l i s t i c . In these terms plan-ning i s supported as an e l i t i s t a c t i v i t y . -*see Appendix H for summary of Chi-square results, 6 Banfield, E.C., and Wilson, J.Q., City P o l i t i c s . (Cambridge, Harvard Press, 19 6 6), pp. 224-242. 7 I b i d . , pp. 234-235. In her study of New Jersey communities, Rabinovitz tested the e l i t -8 i s t hypothesis. She found effective planning can occur a l l along the continuum of e l i t i s t - fragmented p o l i t i c a l systems which disproves Ban-f i e l d and Wilson's hypothesis. Furthermore, she demonstrated that to fac-i l i t a t e planning certain roles of the planner complement different types of l o c a l power structures« technical role matched the e l i t i s t community, a broker the competitive community, and a mobilizer for the fragmented o community.7 Current wisdom on the relationship between the l o c a l power structure and planning c a l l s for a correlation with the role of the planning director. Planning directors were asked to identify the l o c a l power structure accord-ing to one of four descriptions. The results are presented i n Table XIII. I f Rabinovitz' hypothesis i s true, an orderly variation should occur be-tween the l o c a l power structure and the role of the planner. Table XIIIi Local Power Structure a) the established leadership group 10 b) prominent individuals representing 4 major business interests c) alternate leadership groups v i s i b l e l6 and i n competition d) no v i s i b l e leadership group(s) 19 59 An orderly variation was expected according to Rabinovitz's model, but Can-adian practice indicates that no such variation exists. An explanation for this i s the dominance of administrative and technical roles. Rabinovitz saw the planners role as having a strong p o l i t i c a l orientation whereas the Rabinovitz, F.F., op. c i t . , p. 78. 9 I b i d . pp. 113-114. Canadian situation reveals an a p o l i t i c a l interpretation particularly i n the dominance of the administrative role. Even when the administrative role was replaced by the next ranked role, no significant relationship was found. One must conclude f i r s t , that the role of the planning director and l o c a l power structure do not relate i n Canadian practice, and second that the p o l i t i c a l nature of planning practice i s not present i n Canada to the degree found i n the New Jersey study. In correlating l o c a l power structure two variables were created. The f i r s t distinguished between cohesive (a,b) and fragmented (c,d) p o l i t i c a l systems while the second distinguished between competitive (c) and non-competitive (a,b,d) systems. Both variables were tested against the. nine procedural variables. Except for the research function no significant re-lationship was f o u n d . T h e analysis shows there appears a f a i r l y strong tendency to maintain a sporadic research function (i . e . only for special studies) when the local;power structure i s non-competitive. Although not as strong, the opposite tendency toward continuous research i n competitive power structure systems i s also apparent. The inference i s that when plan-ners are faced with competing p o l i t i c a l elements i n the community they be-come more concerned about the substantiation of their work and make greater use of research. When the planner does not use research he must rely on conventional planning wisdom. It appears that the planner does not f e e l his conventional wisdom i s adequate to convince competitive elements i n the community. I f i t i s inadequate under these circumstances, can the planner ever be certain about the applicability of conventional wisdom. see Appendix G, and Appendix H, No. 1. 3. The practice of planning relates to a wide range of community character-i s t i c s Most planners consider i t their responsibility to have a good un-derstanding of their community. A knowledge of community characteristics such as size, density, growth rate, per capita income, ethnic composition, l o c a l history; economic base etc. have become trademarks of planning. Bolan has identified a "culture of planning" which relates the planning process to a complex of community characteristics including the socio-political en-vironment and the decision unit character.** He also claims that different community characteristics may require different planning processes. The important point i s that most planners, i n accounting for these differences, have not thought through alternative planning strategies or "styles." Planning method has not adjusted and adapted to circum-stances. A similar approach i s taken by Burby. In addition to incorporating an understanding of community characteristics into the planning process, he cal l s for the strategic u t i l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l data which "implies a con-cern for understanding and predicting the behaviour of the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l 13 systems." The point that both Bolan and Burby make i s that a complex of community characteristics determine the fate of planning proposals. Accord-ordingly the planner should be sensitive to these characteristics so that he may direct his actions to complement these forces. Planning directors are no doubt aware of the importance of community characteristics; however, the extent to which they adjust their practices to complement them i s not known. Bolan, R.S., "Community Decision Behaviour: the Culture of Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, (September 19&9), pp. 301-310. 12 Bolan, R.S., "Emerging Views of Planning," Journal of the American  Institute of Planners, (July 19^ 9), p. 235. "3urby, op. c i t . , p. 1 of Abstract. This study employed four measures of community characteristies» pop-ulation size, growth rate, economic base and l o c a l power structure. The l a t t e r was discussed i n the previous section where i t was found that res-earch procedures varied with the competitiveness of the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l system. Chi-square tests were run comparing the four community character-i s t i c variables using different dimensions with the nine procedural v a r i -ables. Out of 6 3 tests the following four relationships were significant at the . 0 5 l e v e l . A 1. Participation i n plan preparation and size of c i t y planning i n small c i t i e s does not go outside the municipal framework to i n -volve citizens i n plan preparation while there i s some public i n -volvement i n large c i t i e s , 2. Agency role and economic base industrial based communities tend toward the in s t i t u t i o n a l role (establishing confidence i n planning) for the planning agency while non-industrial communities ( r e t a i l trade, finance, government) tend toward a more functional planning agency role (technical, innovative or educational). This may i n d i -cate that i t i s more d i f f i c u l t to plan i n industrial based commuun-i t i e s . 3 . Research and size of c i t y planning agencies i n smaller c i t i e s rely-mostly on occasional research while larger c i t i e s are more l i k e l y to have continuous research. Larger agency budgets may account for this result. 4. Research and l o c a l power structure As already discussed, there i s a tendency to find periodic research i n non-competitive l o c a l pol-i t i c a l systems and to find more continuous research i n competitive for the important results see Appendix H l o c a l p o l i t i c a l systems. Planning procedures, according to these findings, adjust to certain community characteristics. Larger c i t i e s have more extensive research pro-grams} planners rely on research when faced with a highly competitive l o c a l p o l i t i c a l system; and i t may be more d i f f i c u l t to plan i n industrial based communities. Although the community characteristic approach appears to ex-plain some aspects of the practice of planning, the degree of explanation remains small. Additional value from the 63 Chi-square tests was obtained beyond the above four significant relationships. Many more significant relationships were expected, and much can be learned from their actual non-significance. The following discussion explains these cases. Six sub-hypotheses were expected to be significant. These are discussed below using the expected differentiating characteristic as the heading. 1. Community involvement The procedural variables of goal i d e n t i f i -cation, participation i n plan preparation, data collection, and director's role each inf e r some measure of public involvement. I t was expected that the planners strategy i . e . how he faces contro-versy, would relate to this involvement and that those planners wi l l i n g to face controversy would have more public involvement as measured by the preceding variables. The absence of this correla-tion suggests that the planners concept of "entering controversy" i s limited to his i n s t i t u t i o n a l setting and does not involve the general public. 2, Use of influence Through his strategy the planner controls the exercise of his influence i n controversial situations. Since-co-hesive l o c a l p o l i t i c a l systems are less l i k e l y to be involved i n controversy than competitive ones, i t was anticipated that planners would enter controversy more often in the competitive situation. In the absence of such a relationship i t can be inferred that the planner varies his strategy with the issue,rather than with the local power structure. 3. Use of professional goals It could be hypothesized that in the absence of any correlation between goal identification: size of agency staff, and budget; as well as research function; suggests that the use of professional goals is a separate phenomena. It may be inferred that the prominent place of the "public interest" concept in planning, which leaves i t s interpretation to the planner, has led to a continuing reliance on professional goals in place of those determined by other means in the community, 4. Use of alternative solutions Assuming that the form of recommend-ations is determined primarily by the planning director, those dir-ectors having the largest staff might be expected to favor the presentation of alternatives. This can be expected because large agencies do more research,and more research facilitates alterna-tives. It .was found, however, that the form of recommendation does not correlate with the size of agency suggesting that planners do not in principal favor the presentation of alternatives. 5. Expanding research function It has been established that almost a l l planning agencies carry out some research functions. It might be expected that the long established agencies would have an in-creased appreciation of the value of research and move toward a twelve of the fifteen cities over 50,000 population have a contin-uous research function whereas most small cities have a periodic research function. continuous research function. This relationship does not occur suggesting that planners place a limited value on research, or that budgetary constraints prevent the expansion of this function. 6, Greater involvement i n implementation Recent planning literature has called for greater attention to implementation to increase the effectiveness of planning.*^ Accordingly i t was anticipated that larger planning agencies would be best equipped to,concentrate on implementation and would follow through to the implementation stage on most of their adopted advice. No significant relationship was found between agency size variables and implementation. In summary, these selected findings from the Chi-square tests imply an unfavorable attitude to community involvement, and a reliance on pro-fessional goals both contributing to the inward orientation of the practice of urban planning i n Canada i n 1970. The findings also suggest that the planner enters controversy depending upon issue, believes i n presenting single solutions rather than alternatives, and has some doubt about the f u l l use of research. These conclusions reinforce the "bureaucratized" view of planning practice summarized from the univariate tables presented i n Chapter I I I . Multivariate analysis of the Canadian planning practice The preceding analysis presents a limited explanation of the deter-minants of the urban planning practice i n Canada. In this section a more sophisticated s t a t i s t i c a l technique i s used i n an attempt to better explain differences i n the practice. Through an explanation of differences i n the practice and the variables which best explain these differences, a better Goodman, op. c i t . , part three, pp. 325-520. understanding of the determinants i s possible. I t should be noted that this s t a t i s t i c a l analysis does not attempt to test specific determinants but searches for the variables' (procedural and external) which best explain differences i n the practice. A detailed model for the practice of planning, including a l l variables and their functions, would be required for the former. Since this research i s of a preliminary nature, i t involves more basic c l a s s i f i c a t i o n research. For this analysis, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n research means the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (grouping) of planning agencies according to a particular characteristic which yields a significant explanation of differences i n planning agencies according to.that c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Each characteristic relates to some measure of a procedural or external variable. One of the most useful quantitative techniques that serves taxonomic purposes i s multiple discriminant analysis. Through this technique, groups can be chosen a p r i o r i and variables which explain the difference, i f any w i l l be identified. "Discriminant analysis . . . seeks to economize on the variables that validate the cl a s s i f i c a t i o n , picking out the more iraport-17 ant ones and discarding those that are less significant." The variable whose responses best f i t the chosen c l a s s i f i c a t i o n w i l l be selected: f i r s t providing i t meets the established l e v e l of significance. Secondly, the next best variable w i l l be combined with the f i r s t into a "linear function" and so on u n t i l the significance l e v e l i s passed. In this way the old variables are converted to maximize the difference. This examination uses the U.B.C Computing Centre Program BMD07M, Stepwise Discriminant Analysis. A second methodology referred to as the " t r i a l and error" approach Cherukupalle, N.D., "Classification Techniques i n Planning Analysis" Journal of Socio-Econ. Plan. Sci., Vol. 4, p. 395. i s also used. In recognition of the complexity of planning practice (the conclusion reached i n Chapter III), a l l of the procedural and external var-iables l i s t e d at the beginning of this chapter were included i n these tests. In fact each of these variables was divided by i t s most characteristic fea-ture and tested to see i f i t was the best c l a s s i f i e r of a l l other variables.*8 Where more than one grouping for a variable was obvious, several c l a s s i f i -cation systems were applied for that variable. To f a c i l i t a t e selection of the variable which best c l a s s i f i e s and ex-plains the planning practice, c r i t e r i a were established for this purpose. The following two c r i t e r i a were used, a) eigenvalues - these are latent roots which s t a t i s t i c a l l y show the strength of clas s i f i c a t i o n , the higher the eigenvalue, the better the clas s i f i c a t i o n . b) least change from original grouping - this refers to the percen-tage of cases properly c l a s s i f i e d with the presence of other dim-19 ensions (explanatory variables). Application of these c r i t e r i a to the " t r i a l and error" discriminant analyses has identified four variables which best cl a s s i f y Canadian plan-ning procedures. These variables are l i s t e d i n the following table and are then discussed i n more de t a i l . Table XIV: Best c l a s s i f i c a t i o n variables  variables eigenvalue jo retained on diagonal rank agency role 2.6911 89 1 research .8306 76 2 role of director .652 78 3 function of agency .511 80 k a few external variables were not put through these tests because 1. Agency rolei striving or producing By far the most important distinction for Canadian planning i s whether the agency i s oriented toward strengthening i t s position i n the community (institutional role) or toward more specific tasks of technical advice, ed-ucation or innovation. The emphasis on establishing and reinforcing planning i n the community suggests that planning i s not f u l l y accepted i n many c i t i e s . As determined earlier, the in s t i t u t i o n a l role for planning does not change with the age of the agency. This role, therefore, i s a permanent role for many agencies. One could speculate that the situation i s self perpetuating because the agencies preoccupation with i t s own existence has been to the expense of more significant accomplishments. On the other hand there may be l o c a l conditions which continuously threaten the agency. This explor-atory investigation can only raise such questions. The variables which contribute significantly to this distinction are agency strategy, l o c a l power structure, and economic base. Agency strategy (willingness to enter controversy) correlates almost perfectly with agency role. Planning directors concerned with strengthening l o c a l planning are extremely sensitive to controversy and avoid i t as much as possible. I t i s as i f planning agencies try to gain p o l i t i c a l favor by remaining silent on controversial issues. Agencies which have adopted roles of technical advice, education, or innovation often enter controversy. Although directors who want their agency strengthened avoid controversy, they are more aware of leadership groups i n the l o c a l power structure. In contrast to Burby's "strategic u t i l i z a t i o n " . o f p o l i t i c a l d a t a, 2 0 their concern appears to be other s t a t i s t i c a l evidence indicated they would be poor c l a s s i f i e r s . e number of variables entered and the F probability were also con-sidered as c r i t e r i a but not used. They are weaker c r i t e r i a than the above. Burby, op. c i t . , p. 204. entirely negative (know where not to tread). As mentioned previously, indust r i a l c i t i e s correspond with the striving agency role which seems to indicate greater resistance to planning i n these c i t i e s . I t therefore might be interesting to study the attitudes of ind u s t r i a l i s t s to public planning 2. Researcht continuous or periodic The next best c l a s s i f i e r i s research when grouped according to con-tinuous and periodic research. F i r s t l y i t was found that agencies with the largest f u l l time staffs are more l i k e l y to engage i n continuous research. Along with continuous research goes a tendency to propose alternative sol-utions to the p o l i t i c a l decision makers. Conversely agencies with lessor research functions most often resort to a single recommendation. Planning directors i n highly competitive p o l i t i c a l communities also are more i n c l i n -ed to use continuous research. Lastly, planning agencies whose role i s primarily technical have less research a c t i v i t y than others. At f i r s t glance this appears inconsistent, but i t i s not inconceivable that technical agency orientation r e l i e s heavily on existing knowledge thus avoiding much research. It should be noted that the exact form of research for each planning agency has not been identified, 3, Administrative planner or technical expert These are the two polar roles most often played by planning directors. The majority of planning directors normally follow an administrative role. A technical expert role includes technical and educational roles. Multivariate analysis shows that agency and planning directors roles do relate i n one sense and contrast i n another. A most complex and i n i t i a l l y confusing relationship occurs between the roles. - "administrative" planning directors are associated with a functional agency role (technical, p o l i t i c a l innovative educational). - "technical expert" planning directors are associated with an i n -stitutional agency role (strengthening planning function) One explanation, resulting from further s t a t i s t i c a l analysis, places the f i r s t relationship with large c i t i e s and the second with small c i t i e s . This means, large c i t i e s have large planning agencies i n which the planning d i r -ector plays an administrative role while his staff tackles many., specific planning projects. In small c i t i e s , the planning director r e l i e s mostly on his own s k i l l s but i s very much concerned with, strengthening the planning function. With respect to public involvement i n the planning process i t was found that the "technical expert" i s inclined toward public contact while the "administrative planner" i s indifferent. As previously indicated both the administrative planner and planning expert have a strong inst i t u t i o n a l bias i n that they interpret citizen participation i n the narrow context of the l o c a l government framework. Also there is. a preference for the admini-strative role i n non-competitive l o c a l power structures. Assuming that a non-competitive l o c a l power structure offers less resistance to planning, one would have expected the planner to be more forceful and using an i n i t -iator role (part of planning expert role). Rabinovitz has coined the phrase 21 " i n i t i a t o r i n the absence of opposition." Although the evidence i s incon-clusive, i t does appear that even where planning i s well established there i s a hesitancy to i n i t i a t e proposals. This w i l l be examined further i n the next chapter. 4. Function of the planning agency: traditional or development orientation This c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s based on the principal function of the planning agency during the tenure of the responding planning director. The categories, Rabinovitz, op. c i t . , p. 9 8 , responses and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n are presented i n Table XV. Table XVt Principal function of planning agencies prepare long terra plans 22 traditional prepare and administer sub-division and zoning controls 12 special projects or problems 9 layout future patterns of dev. 2 development orientation assist private development 2 This c l a s s i f i c a t i o n appears to have v a l i d i t y as the "other" category was 22 seldom used; furthermore, i t was found to be the fourth best c l a s s i f i e r i n this analysis. From the outset, however, the function of the planning agency was considered to be an external variable. This assumes that to a large extent i t i s the c i t y council that determines what functions the agency shall un-dertake. To test this assumption, planning directors were asked i f there function was designated or i f they had considerable freedom i n determining i t . Seventeen directors said they were confined to specified functions while 22 said they had considerable freedom. Many of the l a t t e r claimed a f l e x i b i l i t y only beyond certain specified functions. From these results i t i s unquestionable that the planning function i s to a considerable extent specified for the agency. This i s crucial i n comparison to "traditional planning" which was completely autonomous. The shift to planning towards staff position has meant a relinquishing of control over what the planning function shall be. The analyysis gave three discriminating variables for the planning function, these were population, agency role and economic base. Larger category for "other' (specify)" was used i n the questionnaire and rec-eived three responses. Their nature was such that reclassification i n one of the othere categories was possible. c i t i e s tend toward the traditional function while the smaller ones are development oriented. The traditional agency function i s also associated with non-institutional agency roles of technical advice, educational and innovative. Also the traditional function corresponds to industrial based c i t i e s which i n turn are usually the larger ones. On the other hand, the development oriented agency function tends toward smaller c i t i e s primarily non-industrial where planning i s striving to establish i t s e l f . The function of the planning agency relates very much to the size of c i t y (directly or indi r e c t l y through each differentiating variable). .Larger c i t i e s appear to have a less imaginative type of planning. Summary The f i r s t half of this chapter examined three American hypothesis about the determinants of the planning practice and found them inadequate to explain the Canadian practice. In search of a more appropriate hypo-theses, the second part has used a l l procedural and external variables i n a multivariate s t a t i s t i c a l analysis to explain differences i n the practice. The analysis confirmed that the practice of planning i s a complex a c t i v i t y involving many variables. From these, Discriminant Analysis suggested the following hypothesis. The practice of Canadian urban planning i n 1970 i s determined byt 1. community attitudes especially p o l i t i c a l and industrial views on planning. 2. the a b i l i t y of the agency to conduct research 3. the planning directors role i n the bureaucratic setting, and k. the designated or expected function of the planning agency. More definitely, each point i n the hypothesis was determined from the best c l a s s i f i c a t i o n variables which revealed many things about Canadian urban planning the most important of which are as follows. 1. Many Canadian planning agencies are mostly concerned with estab-li s h i n g planning i n the community even though the agency may have been i n existence for some time. This means planning i s not firmly established i n Canada even where planning agencies and professional staffs are present. 2. Research i s a major problem i n planning. Answers are required about the nature of current research, the limitations of research at the l o c a l l e v e l , and the relationship between research and dec-i s i o n making. 3. Most top lev e l planners have become administrators presumably draining o f f the best people from problem solving. 4. The function of the planning agency i s largely determined exter-nally, and this i s differentiated by the size of c i t i e s i small c i t i e s give attention to special problems while large ones em-phasize traditional planning. IMPORTANT URBAN PLANNING DECISIONS IN CANADA 1966-1970 Empirical studies of urban planning have not adequately dealt with planning decisions. The practice of planning may be conceptualized on three levelst procedures, outputs and decisions. Planning procedures, which have formed the largest part of this study, refer to how the planner does his job. Outputs take the form of planning agency recommendations made to the decision makers, and planning decisions are the actions taken on these recommendations. For the most part the results of planning have been conceived of as the outputs or reports of the planning agency. For example, Krueckeberg did an analysis which suggested three types of plan-ning based on an examination of completed technical planning studies,* Furthermore, Mel Scott has done his exhaustive study of American c i t y planning since 1890 without a review of important planning decisions at 2 the l o c a l l e v e l . For the most part planning has been measured by i t s plans and not whether these plans have been implemented. The decisions examined here are those taken by the community after the compromises be-tween planning and p o l i t i c s have already been made. These decisions, Krueckeberg, D.A., "A Multivariate Analysis of Metropolitan Planning." The Journal of the American Institute of Planners, (September 1969), PP. 319-325. 2 Scott, M., American City Planning Since 1890, (Berkley: University therefore, identify the scope of planning accomplishments, Canadian planning directors were asked to " l i s t the ten most important planning decisions made i n your community during the past five years," This chapter w i l l examine responses to this open ended question. I t should be noted that this analysis i s primarily descriptive and i s correl-ated only i n one place with the other variables. There are basically three aspects to this studyi 1. procedural variables, 2. external variables and 3. the planning decisions. The l a t t e r i s examined i n this chapter. Altogether 347 important decisions were described for an average 3 of 7.7 per cit y . , The objective of this chapter i s to cl a s s i f y and analyze these important planning decisions i n order to better understand Canadian urban planning practice. I t should be noted that these are important decisions. Determination of what i s important was l e f t to the planning director's judgment of their effect on the community. Two classifications systems were used i n the analysis. The f i r s t i s based on the subject matter of these decisions while the second class-i f i e s the c i t i e s according to four types of planning a c t i v i t y based on comprehensiveness and time horizon. Important planning decisions c l a s s i f i e d by subject matter The following categories describe the most important planning decisions made i n 44 Canadian c i t i e s i n the past fiv e years, grouped according to subject matter. These are presented i n Table XVI, Eight c i t i e s did not answer this question and were not included i n the average. Seven of these could not adequately complete the ques-tion because they were new at their position or the planning agency had just started up. The other c i t y assumed that the researcher was as well informed as the director. Table XVT> Important planning decisions c l a s s i f i e d by subject matter A. Institutional arrangements for planning 1. establish the planning agency 14 2. change of function and reorganization of agency 6 3. expand staff 3 4. establish technical committees 3 5. establish or defend planning commissions 2 6. institute community involvement 2 7..planning data collected by City Assessor _JL 31 B. Regional and metropolitan planning, and annexation 1. involvement i n regional and metropolitan planning 13 2. affected by regional and metropolitan plans and 8 policies 3. annexation issues _7 28 C, .Long range planning 1. preparation, adoption of comprehensive plan 30 2. revisions to comprehensive plan 9 3. goals studies for comprehensive planning 2 4. land use systems 2 5. less comprehensive policies a) development policies (include rate of growth) 7 b) conservation policies 4 c) hamlet studies 2 d) CBD study 1 e) other 8 05 D. Community f a c i l i t i e s planning 1. park acquisitions, studies 17 2. joint park and school studies 5 3. school and campus plans 5 4. c i v i c centre plans and development 10 5. sewer and water projects and schemes 10 6. capital budgeting __8 55 E, Transportation planning 1. comprehensive transportation plans 8 2. freeways, major thoroughfares, bridges 14 3. rapid transit • 4 4. one way streets 2 5. parking 2 6. airports 2 F. Development planning 1. residential d i s t r i c t plans , 9 2. industrial parks and programs 5 3. regional shopping and new town centres ? k. waterfront development plans , k 5. land acquisition programs 3 0. beautification programs 3 7. assistance to private development 2 8. promoting growth 2 9. special projects (EXPO, mall) 2 37 G, Urban renewal and housing 1. undertake, abandon, implement urban renewal 2k 2. public and senior citizen housing 6 H. Controls 1. new or completely revised zoning bylaws 11 2. major zoning amendments 29 3. development control procedures 9 k, subdivision control 6 5. subdivision servicing policy 5 6. flood and environmental control k 7. regulation of signs and gravel pits 2 8. other 3 *9 (Total =347) Analysis of subject matter for important planning decisions An i n i t i a l and obvious comment acknowledges the overwhelming physical orientation of urban planning. Although this i s not surprising, the move-ment toward social and economic considerations i n planning i n the U.S.A. was expected to have greater influence. Social planning does not have any of these important decisions except as a part of urban renewal which i s a tenuous association. In a similar way, economic planning i s not much i n evidence. I t occurs to some extent i n capital budgeting as well as i n a few other cases. A second obvious comment-relates to the concentration on community growth. Over 50 percent of the decisions are related to f a c i l i t a t i n g , servicing or controlling community expansion (particularly D,E,F and H). There i s l i t t l e evidence that urban planning i s concerned with restricting population growth. In the one decision mentioned,provincial action was apparently necessary. One must ask, therfore, i f c i t i e s can reasonably be expected to c u r t a i l their own growth rate? Table XVII l i s t s the number of decisions for each major category. Of note i s the f a i r l y uniform distribution among the eight categoriest the lowest category has nine percent while the highest has only twenty. The largest category happens to be community controls. Table XVIIi Summary of decision types A. Institutional concerns no. 31 $ 9 B. Regional, metro orientation 28 8 C. Long range planning 65 19 D. Community f a c i l i t i e s planning 55 15 E. Transportation planning 32 9 F. Development planning 37 11 G. Urban renewal and housing 30 9 H, Controls 69 3^ 7 20 100$ This i s because of the importance of zoning. Long range planning was the next highest category. Its rank i s attributable to the many decisions about comprehensive or o f f i c i a l plans. The third largest category was community f a c i l i t i e s planning. I f transportation was included i n this category, i t would rank f i r s t . Regarding individual types of decisions, comprehensive planning was the most frequently reported planning ac t i v i t y . This i s strange i n l i g h t of the Task Forces observation that they "uncovered hardly a single com-h munity with a long term plan." According to this survey, over f i f t y per-cent of Canadian c i t i e s with planning agencies have a long term comprehensive plan. Did the Task Force not ask the right questions, or did they simply not l i k e the answers? An explanation of this discrepancy i s not apparent. I t may l i e i n the definition of a long term plan i n which case more research i s required into the nature and scope of existing comprehensive plans i n Canada. Zoning was the second most frequently mentioned single activity. There i s no doubt that zoning continues to play a large part i n planning frequently representing the communities most important planning decisions as well as serving as an everyday tool of land use management. Other noteworthy comments on Table XVI relate to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l and regional categories. That nine and eight percent respectively of the most important planning decisions f e l l i n these areas i s especially si g -nificant. Listing i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements as "important" confirms the previously noted concern for the position of the planning agency i n the community. And the inclusion of regional and metropolitan decisions i n d i -cates recognition and concern for these newer levels of planning activity. What i s the practice of Canadian urban planning as revealed by these decisions? Recognizing that only the most important planning decisions of the process are under review , urban planning i n Canada would seem to per-form the following four functions i n the order mentioned. 1st - influence the urban growth process i n three waysi 1. guide through policies (C) 2. f a c i l i t a t e through development plans (F) 3. control through regulation (H) 2nd - plan and coordinate the public sector of community investment (parks, public buildings and transportation) (D&E) Federal Task Force, op. c i t . pp. 11. 3rd - promote l o c a l planning and participate i n regional and metro-politan planning (A&B) 4th - undertake special projects (urban renewal) (G) The function of Canadian urban planning may also be viewed i n the context of pressing c i t y problems. A f u l l l i s t of c i t y problems would consume this whole thesis. For comparison purposes the major problems of the c i t y have been reduced to sixi 1. housing 2, transportation '3. poverty 4, public finance 5, good government 6, quality of the environment5 I t i s noteworthy that the important planning decisions over the past f i v e years, cover less than half of these problems. Both good government i n terms of providing public services and f a c i l i t i e s and transportation are i n the mainstream of current planning. But recent planning decisions could only claim a limited effort towards solving housing problems or those of public finance. As for poverty and the quality of the environment they are a l l but absent from the l i s t of important planning decisions. I t appears that current urban planning i s addressed to only half of the urban problems. In 19^9 the Task Force, found that "even i n the best of situations urban planning was a reactive and not a pre-emptive process."^ To test this -'This l i s t i n g of problems i s similar to those identified by the Econ-omic Council of Canada i n their 4th review, the Task Force report and L i t h -wick's recent study. Good government includes the provision of public ser-vices and f a c i l i t i e s and, as raised by Lithwick, the avoidance of social unrest. ^Federal Task Force, op. c i t . , p. 11. observation the planning directors vere asked to indicate their involve-ment i n each of the important planning decisions, I t was expected that replies to this question would show the extent of plan i n i t i a t i o n by the planning directors. Since responses were sometimes vague i n this regard, a l i b e r a l interpretation of " i n i t i a t e d " was followed. For example the word "recommended" was used as meaning i n i t i a t e d wherever reasonably pos-sible. Of the 3^ 7 important decisions, 104 or 30 percent were i n i t i a t e d by the planning directors. These f a l l into the classifications as shown i n Table XVIII below. Table XVIII> Classification of important decisions i n i t i a t e d bv directors no, $> distribution $ i n i t i a t e d A. Institutional concerns 2 2 6 B. Regional, Metro orientation 5 5 18 C. Long range planning 30 29 43 D. Community f a c i l i t i e s planning 21 20 38 E. Transportation planning 7 7 22 F. Development planning 13 12 35 G. Urban renewal and housing 4 k 13 H. Controls 22 _21 32 To5 100 The "percent i n i t i a t e d " indicates that planners favor i n i t i a t i n g long range and community f a c i l i t i e s planning and controls, A low percent i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l concerns reflects the d i f f i c u l t y of determining who i n -i t i a t e d the formation of a new planning agency. Many directors were i n -volved i n the creation of their agency but none were giverc credit as the This represents the percent in i t i a t e d within each cl a s s i f i c a t i o n (e.g. A,B, etc.). For the t o t a l number i n each c l a s s i f i c a t i o n see Table XVIII. i n i t i a t o r s by this researcher. Also the low figure for urban renewal and housing may be a result of the federal promotion and assistance i n these f i e l d s . Further insight into the practice of planning can be gained from the following table which presents a more detailed l i s t of the 104 import-ant decisions i n i t i a t e d by planning directors. Table XIXi Types of important decisions i n i t i a t e d by directors zoning 14 development procedures 5 comprehensive plans 14 land acquisition policies 4 new parks, plan 9 urban renewal & housing 4 transportation 7 conservation 3 development policies 7 joint schools and parks 3 regional & metro involvement 5 subdivision control 3 c i v i c centre proposals 5 other (2 or less) 21 105 Again, this l i s t indicates the prominance of zoning and comprehensive plans i n current practice. Overall the important decisions i n i t i a t e d by the plan-ning directors are i n a very traditional vein which i s perhaps why the task force missed i t . In contrast to matters i n i t i a t e d by planning directors, f i f t e e n im-portant decisions were l i s t e d which they opposed. Six of these dealt with site location ( i . e . schools (2), public housing, shopping centre, sub reg-ional airport). The remainder covered a wide range of matters: an o f f i c i a l plan amendment, a provincial goals plan, the abandonment of a planning commission, metropolitan government, public enquiry procedures, a mixture of land uses, and an expansion of commercial f a c i l i t i e s (2). Planning d i r -ectors had a negative approach on only four percent of the important dec-isions, but this does not necessarily indicate that they are timid because a large number of the discouraged developments would not rate as important decisions especially i f they were discouraged by the planning director at an early stage. A further interesting aspect of this c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of planning dec-isions i s the non-involvement of directors i n some of these decisions. Apart from establishing the planning agency, a t o t a l of 21 decisions did not involve the planning director at a l l . These were a l l made i n Ontario. Furthermore about half were made by the Provincial Government and the other half by the l o c a l council. Two factors may explain this situation. F i r s t , the Ontario provincial government takes a very strong hand i n l o c a l planning and through the Ontario Municipal Board dictates what w i l l be done. And secondly, the use of consultants i s more prevalent i n Ontario. An extreme example of the l a t t e r i s one community which undertook through consultants and without any involvement of the planning director an o f f i c i a l plan, urban renewal study, transportation plan, community college site study, and a public housing program. Some sidelights from this data are as follows. The large number of decisions on urban renewal clearly indicates that l o c a l planning can be guided by federal incentives. Also of note i s the f a i r l y low position of subdivision controls which i n the immediate post war period were the number one concern. Two communities have adopted new town proposals undoubtedly 8 influenced by Humphrey Carver, One c i t y has circulated a questionnaire to the public as a part of the o f f i c i a l plan preparation process. This idea was picked up from a citizen at a public meeting on the o f f i c i a l plan. In a similar l i n e another c i t y has "encouraged formation of at least one Carver, H., Cities i n the Suburbs, (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 19 62). neighborhood association as a vehicle for 'dialogue'," 9 while another openly promotes ci t i z e n participation. Although innovation was not very noticeable i n these important decisions, there were a few examples. Zoning bonuses to obtain features which the leg i s l a t i o n otherwise would not permit was mentioned several times. Two others were "to adopt a policy c a l l i n g for a more urban character through private redevelopment i n older areas," and "the adoption of 'The Industrial Credit Bylaw' which has the effect to bal-10 ance residential with industrial assessment." Types of community planning a c t i v i t y by c i t i e s Using the questionnaire responses a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system was dev-eloped by hand methods to identify the principal types of planning a c t i v i t y by c i t i e s . The categories i n the preceding section were used except that no account was taken of decisions on in s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements for planning and regional and metropolitan planning (categories A and B, p.66). Com-munity f a c i l i t i e s planning was taken to include transportation planning and development planning was taken to include urban renewal and housing. Cities were then c l a s s i f i e d as follows! c l a s s i f i e r content 1. comprehensive planning recent decisions cover long range planning & 1. community f a c i l i t i e s 2. developments programs 3. development control' 2, limited comprehensive recent decisions cover long range planning and two of the remaining three 3. long range recent decisions cover long range and one of the remaining three 4, short range recent decisions exclude long range planning questionnaire responses. Using this system planning decisions were analyzed with the following results. Table XX> Cities by type of planning a c t i v i t y comprehensive 15 limited comprehensive 12 long range 7 short range 10 The type of planning a c t i v i t y for each c i t y was s t a t i s t i c a l l y correl-ated by Chi-square with a l l the procedural and external variables of this research. A significant correlation was expected assuming that both pro-cedural and external variables would affect the decisions. No significance was recorded i n fact a l l were very weak. This indicates one of two thingsJ the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system i s faulty, or the type of planning decisions are determined by a variable other than those tested. Since the classification system i s based on two basic attributes of planning (comprehensiveness and time horizon) no reason can be seen for discarding i t . Regarding the sec-ond alternative, Alterman's "ubiquity of planning values" may offer a sat-isfactory explanation.** She has shown that through the process of cultural socialization citizens have values relating to most substantive areas of planning, or planning values are ubiquitous. I f such i s the case, planning decisions could emanate from the broad sphere of public values and to a large extent be disassociated with planning procedures and external variables (community characteristics). Accepting this hypothesis, i n ligh t of the above results, means that for the most part urban planning i n Canada i s determined outside the planning agency. This explains the low rate of Alterman, op. c i t . i n i t i a t i o n established earlier i n the chapter. Also i t v e r i f i e s the claim that Canadian urban planning i s "reactive". Summary From the foregoing examination, the following four concluding points can now be made. 1. Canadian urban planning practice as portrayed by the important planning decisions made by the community over the past fiv e years, shows a strong orientation to traditional planning. This i s shown primarily by the position of comprehensive planning and zoning. Since these decisions i n large part refl e c t what the community wants from planning, one must conclude that communities have a very traditional conception of planning activity. 2. Current planning has a physical orientation. Few important decis-ions relate to social or economic factors. In this context, Can-adian c i t y planning i s conceptualized i n Howard's image of the c i t y as "a good or bad pattern of land uses and. population densities, knitted into better or worse workability by systems of streets, 12 u t i l i t i e s and public service f a c i l i t i e s . " Social and economic objectives may be included i n the process, but planning decisions take the form of plans for physical change, 3. As a consequence of planning's physical orientation, urban planning as now practiced addresses i t s e l f only to a portion of the city's problems. Poverty public finance, quality of the environment and to a large extent housing are largely unaffected by current planning, 4. The practice of c i t y planning as measured by the procedural variables 12 Howard, J.T., "In Defense of Planning Commissions," Journal of the  American Institute of Planners, (Spring 1952), p. 75. does not correlate with the types of important decisions. This suggests that the practice i s "reactive" rather than leading. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS This study has travelled a route from the identification of procedu-r a l and external concepts for urban.planning, the measuring of these through a mailed questionnaire, the testing of these concepts against known hypothe-ses and searching for a new one, and f i n a l l y to the examination of important planning decisions. Along the way many valuable insights into the practice of urban planning i n Canada have been recorded. A synthesis of these i n -sights i s presented i n this chapter. To start with, a summary description of the Canadian practice of plan-ning i s presented. The practice occurs within a l o c a l government setting where planning roles and strategies are adapted to the community. I t i s a bureaucracy oriented, administrative practice which contributes to decision making through a rational input (study of specific problems) and the select-ed exercise of influence on controversial issues. In making studies, Can-adian urban planning follows an insular approach using professional goals, internal data sources, and shunning citizen involvement. The practice has a strong physical orientation and concerns i t s e l f mostly with f a c i l i t a t i n g growth and the provision of community f a c i l i t i e s . Planning directors see the function of their agencies as preparing and administering comprehensive plans, zoning and subdivision regulations, but there are indications that administration and special studies occupy most of their time. Although they have been i n existence for some time, many agencies are s t i l l practicing their i n s t i t u t i o n a l role. For the most part the practice i s reactive i n that i t plans according to the wishes of elected o f f i c i a l s and i n i t i a t e s proposals infrequently. The remainder of this chapter w i l l do two thingst F i r s t i t w i l l summarize findings concerning 1. procedural variables 2. external variables 3. the three hypotheses and an alternative h, the decision analysis. Second i t w i l l provide conclusions on 1, questions implied by Task Force 2, the traditional hypothesis 3, a key concept of "limited function". Procedural variables Chapter II identified nine procedural concepts which were used through-out the study. These were 1. goal identification - whose goals are followed 2. data collection - extent an agency searches for data 3. participation i n plan preparation - those involved i n the plan preparation process 4. form of recommendation - use of a single solution or the presenta-tion of alternatives 5. implementation - involvement of agency i n implementing i t s plans 6. research - amount of l o c a l planning research 7. strategy i n p o l i t i c a l interaction - planner's handling of contro-versy 8. role of the planning agency - whether the primary objective of the agency i s ins t i t u t i o n a l , educational, professional or innovative. 9. role of the planning director - the personal role of the director most often uses , As has been demonstrated, the above concepts were adequate tools for a better understanding of the Canadians practice of planning. Investiga-^ tions of these concepts provide most of the information for the above des-cription of the practice. Since they were invaluable, a summary of findings for these concepts follows. The f i r s t six concepts relate to a methodology for planning. They w i l l be summarized f i r s t i n this context. Next, the l a s t three procedural concepts w i l l be reviewed. goal identification - planners rely almost exclusively on professional planning goals as proxies for community goals. This method i s a character-i s t i c phenomena of Canadian urban planning and i s not related to the size of budget or staff. In other words i t i s not used as a substitute proced-ure for small agencies but as an accepted methodology. Further i t does not relate to external variables confirming i t s distinct professional origin and existence. data collection - for the most part Canadian urban planning agencies rely on office records for data collection, This reveals an inward orientation and resistance to community contact. I t i s also unrelated to external variables. participation i n plan preparation - i n preparing plans, contacts by the planning agency are limited to the l o c a l government framework. Citizens participation i s not considered an input other than normal contact i n the government setting (e.g. planning commission). Larger c i t i e s , however, showed a slight preference for greater contact with the public. Overall there appears to be an attitude of disinterest i n community involvement among Canadian planning directors. form of recommendation - planners s p l i t half and half between recommending a single solution and presenting alternatives. Those making more use of research favored alternative recommendations, and these are associated with larger c i t i e s . Most planning directors were not involved i n implem-entation. Of those that were, there was no correlation with agency size which suggests a hesitancy towards implementation. That i s those prob-ably best able to do so are not more involved i n implementation, research function - for the most part planning agencies conducted research only for special studies while 18$ have no research function and 26$ have a continuous research function. The research function was found to be the most interesting and significant methodological characteristic. I t did vary with the size of c i t i e s . The larger c i t i e s were more l i k e l y to have continuous research. I t also related to the competitiveness of the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l system. More research was performed i n competitive p o l i t i c a l systems. Also an increased research function related to alternative rec-ommendations from directors. Planners also have a skepticism about the value of l o c a l research as revealed by their indifference to expanding the research function. As mentioned these six procedural concepts relate to a methodology. One may then ask what i s meant by methodology. Narrowly i t may be inter-preted as the choice of techniques. Planning has been noted for i t s prop-ensity to borrow and has been dubbed an eclectic practice. But methodology may also refer to the "overall approach" and not only the discreet techniques used. Within this context Davidoff and Reiners Choice Theory, Kent's gener-a l plan approach and Friedmann's action model would qualify as methodologies. ADavidoff, P., and Reiner, T.A., "A Choice Theory of Planning," Jour-nal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol, 23, No. h, 1957; Kent ,~T7j., The Urban General Plan, (San Francisco t Chandler Publishing Co., 1964); Friedmann's "Trans-Action" model, talk at U.B.C., 1969, These relate to a type of planning approach rather than mere techniques. Such i s the macro definition of methodology used here. Methodology i s v i t a l to planning as noted by Friedman: "The problem of planning has be-2 come a problem of procedures and method." Before commenting on methodology as revealed by the six procedural concepts a word must be said about the planner's "unique" conception of . 3 l o c a l planning. This conception holds that planning deals with peculiar community problems, therefore, the practice i s unique. Accordingly a gen-eric methodology could not exist. In response to a question about the uniqueness of their planning, t h i r t y three planning directors said their community had peculiar planning problems which make their planning unique while fourteen replied negatively to this question. To determine precisely why they held this conception, directors were asked to identify the feature(s) which make planning unique. Forty fiv e examples, were l i s t e d , however, their uniqueness i s doubtful. For example, twelve dealt with problems of subur-ban c i t i e s : absence of a ci t y centre(4), influence of metro area(2), lack of identity(2),sprawl(2), and urban-rural conflict ( 2 ) . Any urban specialist would c a l l these typical rather than unique. In r e a l i t y these "so called" unique conditions are community characteristics or community problems. Pres-ence of the unique attitude reveals a weakness i n understanding the cit y . The important points to note about the Canadian planning methodology are i t s in t u i t i v e nature and inward orientation. Both of these character-i s t i c s are supported by the reliance on professional goals, use of internal Friedman, J., (ed) "The Study and Practice of Planning," International  Social Science Journal, Vol. 11, No. 3 (1959) p. 327. 3 This concept has been noted by the researcher i n frequent discussions with planners; therefore, i t was included i n the questionnaire. responses to this question are summarized i n Appendix F, data sources, a disinterest i n community involvement, and limiting use of research. The Canadian methodology very much coincides with the idea of planning as an "art" and "science". Professional training apparently pro-vides a planning value framework sufficient to give advice while only for certain cases i s special study required. The methodology appears to be very low key, and as long as the planner's "unique" conception of planning continues, i t w i l l l i k e l y remain there. Three further procedural concepts were examined! strategy i n p o l i t i c a l interaction, role of the planning agency and role of the planning director. In effect these are ways of operationalizing the overall approach i n that each deals with a set relationship (agency and community, director and controversial actors, director and l o c a l o f f i c i a l s ) . Since these are con-tinuous relationships, these concepts relate to the ongoing process of planning. Strategy i n p o l i t i c a l interaction - The majority of Canadian planners follow a strategy of entering controversy only when the issue i s very important to them. This i s a selected use of influence based on the planner's judg-ment of how important the issue i s . I t i s noteworthy because i t amends the a p o l i t i c a l stance held by traditional planners. Strategy correlates almost , perfectly with agency role. Those agencies striving to strengthen the l o c a l planning function have adopted a non-controversial stance« they do every-thing possible to avoid controversy. Role of the planning agency - Planning agencies either concentrate on strength-ening planning i n the community or have a more functional role of providing technical advice. Of particular note i s that many agencies have established the in s t i t u t i o n a l role on a permanent basis - that i s independent of how long the agency has been i n existence. This suggests that urban planning has not been f u l l y accepted i n many communities. Daland and Parker's stages theory for planning agencies did not apply to the Canadian experience, but there were many indications that agencies do go through stages s t i l l uniden-t i f i e d as they mature. Role of the planning director.-.This research shows that i t i s a separate (but sometimes related) concept from the agency role because the director's role s t a t i s t i c a l l y correlated with citizen participation while the agency role did not. This shows that the more personalized nature of the planning director's role allows greater understanding of the relationship between planning and the public being served. The principal director roles are administrative and technical. Larger c i t i e s , which naturally also have larger agencies, require the director to assume an administrative role while i n smaller c i t i e s he i s required to do the planning i n a technical sense. Along with the l a t t e r role goes greater public contact which may be a s i t -uational characteristic. These three procedural variables dealing with the process of contin-uing relationships were the most important for explaining and understanding the Canadian practice of urban planning. Multivariate analysis, using Step-wise Discriminant Analysis, found that these three variables, as well as research, offered the best explanations of variations i n the Canadian prac-t i c e . In doing so they gave a glimpse of the complex relationships between planning and the community. Planning directors are cognizant of community characteristics and do adjust their procedures accordingly. The most sig-nificant community characteristics were l o c a l power structure, size of the city, economic base and expected function of the planning agency. Much more research i s required i n this v i t a l area. Although planning directors appar-ently adjust their methodology and process to community characteristics there was no evidence that they were involved i n the "strategic u t i l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l data" as Burby has suggested. Such requires a f a i r l y sophisticated understanding of the community whereas directors emphasized a more "intu i t i v e " pulse taking. External variables This study has examined eleven external variables which may affect the practice of planning, location of planning agency f u l l time staff directness of communication professional staff l o c a l power structure economic base function of agency population age of agency growth rate agency budget Specific measures for these variables are not so important as their overall 5 u t i l i t y i n the study, Bivariate and multivariate analysis involving ex-ternal and procedural variables has clearly proven that the practice of Canadian urban planning i s a complex act i v i t y . I t should be noted that this analysis involved only eleven external variables with rather rudimen-tary measures. A more complete and detailed investigation along the scale of Burby's study should pursue t h i s area of investigation further. Three hypotheses In an attempt to better understand differences i n the Canadian prac-ti c e , three hypotheses concerning the determinants of planning practice which have been put forward for planning i n the U.S.A. were tested. These hypotheses claim the practice of planning i s largely determined by the l o -cation of the planning agency, by the l o c a l power structure, or by a wide range of community characteristics. According to extensive Chi-square analysis, only the l a s t hypothesis has any relevance for the Canadian prac-t i c e . To expand the l a t t e r further, a multivariate s t a t i s t i c a l technique, Stepwise Discriminant analysis, was used to create a new hypothesist the the results are presented i n Chapter IV, practice of Canadian urban planning i n 1970 i s determined by 1. community attitudes especially p o l i t i c a l and industrial views on planning, 2. the a b i l i t y of the agency to conduct research, 3. the planning directors role i n the bureaucratic setting, and 4. the designated or expected function of the planning agency. This hypothesis relates to specific differences i n the practice of planning: whether the agency i s striving for acceptance or performing a functional role, whether the agency conducts periodic or continuous research, whether the planning director follows a role of administrative planner or technical expert, and whether the expected agency function i s traditional or oriented toward development. Decision analysis The examination of the most important planning decisions over the past fiv e years proved very enlightening. Confirming the emphasis on an in s t i t u t i o n a l role for the agency found earlier, there were a surprisingly large number of decisions on this matter. Principally, however, the deci-sions covered long range planning, community f a c i l i t i e s and development planning. Half of a l l decisions were directed at guiding, f a c i l i t a t i n g or controlling the urban growth process. Review of a l l decisions i n com-parison to known urban problems revealed that less than half of these prob-lems were being dealt with: poverty and quality of the environment were a l l but absent while there was a limited number dealing with housing and public finance. Fruthermore, the decision analysis demonstrated that planning d i r -ectors do not as a rule i n i t i a t e proposals but that planning i s primarily externally determined leaving the planners to a "reactive" position. Task Force Questions An assessment of urban planning made by the Task Force on Housing and Urban Development was reviewed at the beginning of this study. Their find-ings, from v i s i t i n g c i t i e s a l l across the nation, raised five major questions. The results of this study of the practice of urban planning have revealed probable answers which are now suggested. Question l i Does current planning produce long range plans or i s i t con- cerned with immediate problems? I f comprehensive plans can also be considered as long range plans the answer would be yes. Most of the c i t i e s responding had prepared or revised a comprehensive plan during the past five years. There i s some mystery surrounding these plans. The Task Force found "hardly a single community" with such a plan while planners claim they have such plans. Why were c i t y o f f i c i a l s and planners so reluctant to display these plans? A major study into the nature of Canadian comprehensive plans i s required. Only i n this way can one determine i f the plans are truly long range and can one unravel the mystery of hidden plans. Transportation plans fared less well. Eight communities had undertaken overall transportation plans, but transportation could form part of the comprehensive plans. Again the content of comprehen-sive plans i s cruc i a l . A firm answer cannot be given at this time to the question. Plans are produced, but their content i s unknown. Question 2x Is urban planning comprehensive or i s i t concerned with minutae? Although pains are taken to prepare comprehensive plans, the major efforts at present deal with managing growth. Also ninety percent of the most important planning decisions were concerned with specific problems rather than a comprehensive approach to urban problems, and one can be sure that 100$ of the less important decisions were less than comprehensive. Furthermore the reactive nature of Canadian urban planning introduces pol-i t i c a l ad hocism which works against a comprehensive approach. The best evidence i s that planning strives for comprehensiveness without achieving i t , and that the approach i s piecemeal. Question 3» Is urban planning visionary or i s i t adaptive, accommodating  to ongoing change? To a large extent this has been answered under question two, but there are additional dimensions which should be stated to further substan-ti a t e the orientation to the individual problem. Planning directors were not formally asked about their vision of what the c i t y should be, but the number and kind of planning proposals i n i t i a t e d by planning directors could be used as a proxy for their v i s i o n of the city. I f directors have a vision of what the c i t y should be, i t i s assumed they would make recommendations toward the ideal. I n i t i a t i o n thus becomes a proxy for the planner's vision of a good city. Using an extremely l i b e r a l interpretation of "i n i t i a t e d " only 30 percent of a l l important planning decisions were intiated by plan-ning directors. Of these, less than ten percent involved comprehensive planning. For the most part planners i n i t i a t e proposals for controls, growth policies and suggested community f a c i l i t i e s . In defense of planning directors, i t should be recognized that the r e a l i t i e s of their jobs do not permit much time for reflection about the city . On the average planning directors spent 67 percent of their working hours on routine administrative matters. I t i s highly lamentable that our best planners spend nearly a l l their time administering instead of planning. Question kt Is urban planning concerned with social and economic matters or i s i t restricted to physical dimensions? The subject matter of Canadian planning, according to the most import-ant planning decisions of the past fiv e years, i s definitely limited to the physical aspects of the city. Only a handful of decisions could be consid-ered to deal directly with economic or social conditions. The Canadian practice of urban planning rest r i c t s i t s e l f to the physical environment of th© c i t y although i t may include economic and social factors i n the analysis of physical problems. Question 5» Is urban planning accomplishing significant improvements i n  our c i t i e s or i s i t of minor consequences? The importance of this question has led the researcher to approach i t with caution. A close examination of what planning has actually accomplished i n each c i t y would be necessary to give a definitive reply. From the data available i n this study, however, i t must be concluded that Canadian urban planning i s having a definite but limited effect on improv-ing our c i t i e s . In the f i r s t place urban planning deals with less than half of our major problems: excludes poverty, quality of the environment, public finance and only partly deals with housing while i t concentrates on f a c i l i t a t i n g growth, providing community f a c i l i t i e s and transportation. Secondly, Canadian urban planning i s reactive which divides and dilutes any major thrust of influence i t potentially possesses. Primarily planning does what elected o f f i c i a l s want i t to do, and by accepting this approach l o c a l planning i s open to many criticisms: brush f i r e , patch up, remedial rather than perscriptive, and regulative rather than visionary. By limi t i n g i t s e l f to half of the city's problems and by limiting i t s e l f to the concerns of elected o f f i c i a l s , Canadian urban planning aims at slight but specific improvements for out c i t i e s (a more liveable physical environment). Testing the traditional hypothesis The working hypothesis of this thesis has been that the Canadian prac-t i c e of urban planning follows the traditional model. This hypothesis has acted as a standard against which changes could be discerned. I t i s now appropriate to examine how the traditional model has been adapted to meet contemporary conditions. Traditional planning as defined i n Chapter I means physical planning through comprehensive plans which are implemented by zoning and subdivision regulations, I t also involves an a p o l i t i c a l planning attitude which orig-inated from the era of municipal reform when distrust of l o c a l government ran high. F i n a l l y i t involves a "vision" of the good ci t y . Comprehensive planning was founded on the belief that the planner could create an ideal physical urban form which would improve the quality of l i f e . To achieve this the planner would constantly strive toward a clearer vision of the ideal c i t y . Clearly the contemporary practice of urban planning draws heavily on i t s traditional past. The physical orientation remains along with a high regard for comprehensive planning, zoning and subdivision regulation. Also a distrust of poli t i c i a n s continues as an attitude of many planners. But changes have been made, and a l l these changes can be seen i n the context of adapting traditional planning to the l o c a l government setting. Prior to 19^0 most urban planning was done within the autonomous planning commission. Walker's classic study influenced a f u l l shift of planning to a staff posi-tion i n l o c a l government. Today the planning agency i s well established as a regular municipal department, but the adjustments brought about by this shift have not been f u l l y appreciated. The major reason f o r moving planning closer to the decision making process was to increase plan implementation, A comparison of past success with the present cannot be made from this study but one suspects that cur-rent planning i s more successful. Nonetheless a comparison of the content of proposals would have to be done. I f true to form, traditional planning would create grand schemes for the c i t y i n contrast to the more specific projects of contemporary planning. Traditional planning's physical orientation has been well received i n i t s new bureaucratic home. Existing departments of l o c a l government held a similar concern for physical aspects of the c i t y i parks, recreation, engin-eering, public works. This common interest allowed planners to relate to these other departments and to demonstrate the value of planning i n their terms. Also the post war housing boom put great growth pressures upon c i v i c administrations. Newly arrived planners were naturally called upon to f a c i l i t a t e such expansion. Under these conditions, physical planning was well received i n l o c a l government. In a somewhat similar way, zoning and subdivision regulations comp-lemented the staff position of contemporary urban planning. Administering regulations i s a typical l o c a l government staff function together with the administration necessary to f a c i l i t a t e growth, something had to suffer. In the new setting, comprehensive planning could no longer hold i t s former place. Although the preparation of comprehensive plans remains a wide-spread a c t i v i t y i n Canadian planning, i n relative terms i t i s now a second-ary activity. The importance of comprehensive plans, however, has not been assessed and requires further research. More important than a relative change i s the loss of "vision" assoc-iated with the secondary position of comprehensive plans. Almost t o t a l involvement i n development planning and administration has greatly reduced the effort which contemporary planners have available for formulating a vision of the ideal c i t y . This condition i s i r o n i c . In an excellent anal-ysis of planning, Burby has identified three approaches or styles of urban planning: technical, coordinative, and normative. The rational approach tends, to focus on the ef f i c i e n t allocation of public resources to meet given social and economic objectives. Both objectives and implementation, however, are viewed as p o l i t i c a l rather than planning function . . . Coordinative planners tend to focus on implementation. This usually requires active participation i n public decision processes i n an effort to influence the ongoing character of government programs and p o l i t i c s . . . The Normative planner i s committed to inserting into normal bureaucratic decision processes goals and objectives representative of the broader community particularly values i n the community (such as those of disadvantaged groups) which are not currently given consideration i n public deci-sion making. As a result, Normative planning tends to be closely associated with a concern for policy innovation." The reduction of available time for comprehensive planning within the agen-cies has de-emphasized the planners "vision" and made him less well pre-pared to conduct normative planning. Ironically, the severity of current urban problems requires a stronger normative input. There i s an "ineradicable" tension between planning and politics,'' There was the hope that this gap could be narrowed by bringing planners and politicians closer together. Undoubtably there has been an improvement i n this area, but this study shows a new distinction between planners and pol-i t i c i a n s concerning plan i n i t i a t i o n . When traditional planning was the norm, planners were grand i n i t i a t o r s . With the move into l o c a l government, however, there has been a shift to the position where most planning now originates from c i t y council. There are sound reasons for this dramatic change. As previously noted, contemporary planners are less visionary due to the reduced stature of comprehensive planning. Also they are so occupied with administration and f a c i l i t a t i n g growth that creating new proposals i s d i f f i c u l t . Lastly, and most important, a new l e v e l of public knowledge about planning has been attained which allows elected o f f i c i a l s to develop their own ideas about what should be done. Alterman has demon-strated this ubiquity of planning values for more substantive areas of c i t y planning! e.g. land ownership, zoning, housing and public housing, urban renewal, transportation, recreation, street patterns and c i v i c design. Burby, op. c i t . , p. 182, emphasis added, 7 Banfield, E.C., P o l i t i c a l Influence, (New York* The Free Press, 19 6l), pp. 325-326. Q Alterman, op. c i t . , pp. 157-234. These values are brought to the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l arena where they, to a large extent, dictate what planning shall be done. With the decline of i n i t i a t i o n by the planner, an increased public dialogue over planning issues, and planning becoming direc t l y responsible to elected o f f i c i a l s , there has been a s h i f t i n the determination of the planning function. Where urban planners once had f u l l control over their work, the substance and p r i o r i t i e s of current planning now are largely established by elected o f f i c i a l s . In conclusion, the Canadian urban planning function has modified the traditional planning model i n a complex way. Although a l l the traditional elements are s t i l l present, their relative importance has changed. This can be i l l u s t r a t e d as increases or decreases of sub-orientations of trad-i t i o n a l planning as follows* increase physical orientation (now development) f comprehensive planning zoning regulations ' subdivision regulations. new ideas and i n i t i a t i o n ^ a p o l i t i c a l position decrease The traditional hypothesis, as defined, must be rejected for the Canadian practice of urban planning. Since planning i s i n transition, a new model cannot yet be discerned. Speculations on the form of such a model w i l l be outlined i n the next section. Concept of "limited function" Urban planning i n Canada follows a limited function. Throughout the research, this limited function has been the most consistent finding, and i t i s the dominant conclusion. The practice i s limited i n the following ways, 1. i t uses an i n w a r d methodology w h i c h m i t i g a t e s a g a i n s t e x t e r n a l d a t a c o l l e c t i o n , and c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 2. p r o f e s s i o n a l p l a n n i n g goa l s are used as community g o a l s . 3. t h e r e i s an a lmost e x c l u s i v e o r i e n t a t i o n to p h y s i c a l m a t t e r s . 4. i t d e a l s w i t h l e s s t h a n h a l f o f t h e major c i t y problems . 5. t h e r e i s an emphasis on a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and f a c i l i t a t i n g community growth a t t h e expense o f comprehensive p l a n n i n g . 6. t h e r e has been a d e c l i n e i n the p l a n n e r s r o l e as " v i s i o n a r y " . 7. i n i t i a t i o n by t h e p l a n n i n g agency i s i n f r e q u e n t . 8. t h e p r a c t i c e i s p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h t a s k s and not p o l i c y . S i n c e a l l a c t i v i t i e s must have l i m i t s somewhere, what i s so i m p o r t a n t about t h i s c o n c l u s i o n ? F i r s t o f a l l , many c i t i z e n s and e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s have n a i v e l y assumed t h a t c i t y p l a n n e r s were t r e a t i n g a l l urban i l l s . Such seems t o have been the Task F o r c e ' s c o n c e p t i o n when i t searched f o r new i d e a s and i m a g i n a t i v e comprehensive p l a n s . The problem i s not t h a t urban p l a n n i n g performs a v e r y l i m i t e d f u n c t i o n , but t h a t the l i m i t s to contem-p o r a r y p l a n n i n g a re not a r t i c u l a t e d . Viewed from another a n g l e , t h e problem r e l a t e s t o what i s exc luded from contemporary urban p l a n n i n g : s o c i o - e c o n -omic a s p e c t s ; new i d e a s - i n n o v a t i v e p l a n n i n g ; problems o f p o v e r t y , p u b l i c f i n a n c e , q u a l i t y o f the environment , and p a r t l y h o u s i n g ; and c e r t a i n l y p o l -i c y p l a n n i n g c o n c e r n i n g these m a t t e r s . Thus the problem i s one o f a v o i d . These s u b j e c t s have not been adequate ly handled by t h e c u r r e n t p r a c t i c e o f urban p l a n n i n g i n Canada. Four a l t e r n a t i v e s are a v a i l a b l e t o remedy t h i s d e f i c i e n c y : 1, A s s i g n these f u n c t i o n s t o e x i s t i n g l o c a l government departments . 2, E n l a r g e t h e c u r r e n t urban p l a n n i n g f u n c t i o n . 3, A s s i g n these f u n c t i o n s t o r e g i o n a l o r s e n i o r governments. 4. Create a new form of planning unit to s p e c i f i c a l l y handle them. The f i r s t alternative of assigning these uncovered functions to an existing, non-planning, l o c a l department i s unsatisfactory. These prob-lem areas, such as poverty, public finance and quality of the environment require a comprehensive and integrated approach which can best be achieved through a planning function. An i n i t i a l l y attractive choice would be to enlarge the current plan-ning function to include these areas of planning. Unquestionably l o c a l agencies would favor the p o s s i b i l i t y of increased budgets to improve their l e v e l of service. The fault with this alternative i s that i t f a i l s to recognize the dual functions of planning at the l o c a l l e v e l i development planning and policy planning. Melvin Levin hinted at this when he said "future efforts must include a stronger emphasis upon the planning process at the policy l e v e l , and the development of a much larger number of pro-fessional planners who can function effectively at this l e v e l . " 9 He i s talking about a policy l e v e l separate from a housekeeping l e v e l , * 0 and he implies a distinction between them. The dual function of l o c a l planning can be demonstrated i n another way. Being at the "grass roots", l o c a l government must deal with raw growth and change. In the other direction i t must look to higher policy levels for solutions. Development planning Levin, M.R., "Planners and Metropolitan Planning," Journal of the  American Institute of Planners, (March 1967) Vol. XXXIII, No. 2, p. 89. ^problem planning i s similar to policy planning with the main d i f -ference being the linkage to other planning. Gans has defined policy planning as a method and process of decision-making which includes the proper formulation of the problems which the ci t y needs to solve (or of the goals i t wishes to achieve); the determination of the causes of these problems; and the formulation of those policies, action programs, and decisions which w i l l deal with the causes to solve the problem, and w i l l do so democratically and without undesirable financial, p o l i t i c a l , social or other consequences." Erber, E. (ed), Urban Planning i n Transition, (New York, Grossman Publishers, 1970), p. 240. and policy planning should meet at the local level; at present the latter i s absent. The major problem of trying to accommodate this dual function within one agency i s that the pressures for development planning override policy planning. It i s therfore suggested that this planning void can best be f i l l e d by alternatives 3 or 4. Current trends are toward assigning these functions to regional or senior governments. The proposed federal Ministry of State for Urban Affairs intends to work toward an urban policy for Canada. At the provincial level, Alberta, Manitoba and Ontario are engaged in similar roles. Although this trend i s desirable and necessary in light of current urban problems, ideally a hierarchy of planning should exist with strong linkages between each level. The weakness of moving policy planning upward i s that the void s t i l l remains at the local level. One way of f i l l i n g this void is by creating a new form of urban plan-ning unit which would complement existing planning. The researcher envis-ages an Urban Problem Planning Group of a few highly creative planners who would advise council directly. This is suggested as a viable alternative for several reasons* First, the current urban planning function i s evolving toward the management of physical change within a short time horizon, and this i s an important and specialized function which i s an extremely large task. Secondly, there should be a strong local input seeking answers to difficult urban problems. Thirdly, physical change and Problem Planning are different with regard to function, skills required, and lines of com-munication. Lastly, and most important, the planning process requires a linkage to higher levels of goal formation. Friedmann has identified a pro-cess of goal reduction which links normative and functional planning. His model i s Planning Horizon (years) Type of Planning Type of End-In-View Main Purpose Normative 25-40 10-20 Functional 3-7 Goal Planning Development Planning Comprehensive Planning Annual Programming Goals Objectives i Targets i Tasks Direction Strategy Conjunction Program Budget National or regional goals should be linked with l o c a l goals (primarily targets), and the Problem Planning Group could provide this l i n k . In the context of a developing hierarchy of planning, linkages are v i t a l . There should be one process extending from the highest le v e l of goal formation through goal reduction un t i l a specific task can be implemented at the l o c a l l e v e l . Problem planning could make this l i n k . The tentative function of l o c a l problem planning would be as followsJ 1, To l i n k and coordinate l o c a l plans with regional and senior gov-ernment planning, 2, To investigate major urban problems particularly poverty, public finance and the quality of the environment. 3, To provide a continuous flow of information to decision makers .on recent urban research and innovative solutions. 4, To conduct l o c a l research as a part of larger research projects. 5, To conduct the process of goal reduction by incorporating national and regional goals into l o c a l policies. In addition, these functions would be communicated i n two major ways. 11 Friedmann, J., "Planning as a Vocation, Part I," Plan.(Canada), Vol. 6, No. 3, P. 109. Regular planning would follow Friedmann's "trans-active" model where the planner works closely with elected o f f i c i a l s informing them of recent de-velopments, trends and what he i s learning. Secondly problem planning should be required to submit an annual report on the state of l o c a l condi-tions and prospects for improvement. These reports could occasionally focus on single problems. Adoption of problem planning, as suggested, should i n no way jeop-ardize existing urban planning. In fact the ri s e of problem planning would sharpen the distinctions between them and prepare the way for a definitive heirarchy of planning functions. Since problem planning i s urgently needed to complement the national trend toward an urban policy f o r Canada, i t i s suggested that this new form of l o c a l planning i n i t i a l l y receive a financial incentive from both provincial and federal governments. And what next Finally, a word must be said about the "planners are ahead of their time" hypothesis. Mel Scott, i n an exhaustive study of American c i t y planning, has suggested that In the United States and Canada the persistent disposition to favor private gain rather than the enlargement of opportunity for the general public dooms many plans and blights many planning recommend-ations. Until attitudes change appreciably - and they are changing, though very slowly - the quality of planning presently attainable may be somewhat better than the society expects or deserves.12 Nothing found i n this research supports Scott's hypothesis. To thie con-trary, refinement of the framework for planning (one proposal made above) holds great promise for increasing planning's effectiveness. Such refine-ment i s an unmet challenge to the planner. Furthermore, the practice of urban planning, adrift i n transition, should not doddle behind public Scott, op. c i t . , p. 6*K). attitudes but should exuberantly demonstrate i t s worth through an improved methodology and sharpened function. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. BOOKS Ackoff, R.f S c i e n t i f i c Methodt Optimizing Applied Research Decisions, New Yorki John Wiley and Sons, 19&2. Adams, F.J., Urban Planning Education i n the United States, Cincinnati! The Alfred Bettman Foundation, 1954. Altshuler, A.A., The City Planning Process! a P o l i t i c a l Analysis. Ithica, New Yorki Cornell University Press, 1905. Banfield, E.C., P o l i t i c a l Influence. New Yorki The Free Press, I961. Banfield, E.C., and Wilson, J.Q., City P o l i t i c s , Cambridge: Harvard Press, i960. Blalock, H.M., Social S t a t i s t i c s . New York: John Wiley and Sons, i960. Carver, H., Cities i n the Suburbs. Toronto! University of Toronto Press, 1902. ~~ Cooley, W.W., and Lohnes, P.R., Multivariate Procedures for the Behavioural  Sciences. New Yorki John Wiley and Sons, 19&2. Downs, A., An Economic Theory of Democracy. New York: Harper and Row, 1957. Erber, E., (ed), Urban Planning i n Transition. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1970. Festinger, L., and Katz, D., (eds), Research Methods i n the Behavioral  Sciences. New Yorki Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 19&6. Gallion, A.B., The Urban Pattern. Princeton! Van Nostrand, 1950. Galloway, G.B., Planning for America. New Yorki Henry Holt and Co., 19^1. Goodman, W.I., (ed), Principles and Practice of Urban Planning. Chicago: International City Managers' Association, I908. Gross, B.M., et a l , Explorations i n Role Analysis. New Yorki John Wiley and Sons, 1958. Kent, T.J., The Urban General Plan. San Franciscoi Chandler Publishing Co., 1964. Meyerson, M., and Banfield, E.C., P o l i t i c s , Planning and the Public Inter- est. New Yorki The Free Press, 1955. Perloff, H.S., Education for Planning. Baltimore! John Hopkins Press, 1957. Perloff, H.S., (ed), Planning and the Urban Community. Pittsburgh! University of Pittsburgh Press, 19°1. Rabinovitz, F.F., City P o l i t i c s and Planning. New Yorki Atherton Press, 1969. Ranney, D.C., Planning and P o l i t i c s i n the Metropolis. Columbus 1 Charles E. M e r r i l l Co., 19°9. Scott, M., American City Planning Since 1890. Berkley! University of California Press, 19°9. Simon, H.A., Organizations. New Yorki John Wiley and Sons, 1958. Walker, R., The Planning Function i n Urban Government. Chicago! Univer-s i t y of Chicago Press, 1940. Webster, D., Urban Planning and Municipal Public Policy. New Yorki Harper and Brothers, 1958. B. PERIODICALS Alonso, W., "Cities and City Planners," Daedalus. XCII, ( F a l l 1963). Armstrong, A.H., "Thomas Adams and the Commission of Conservation," Plan (Canada), Vol. 1, No. 1, 1959. Aschman, F.T., "The 'Policy Plan' i n the Planning Process," Planning 1963. Bacon, E., "Comments on 'A Task Force Approach to Replace the Planning Board'," Journal of the American Institute of Planners. February, X96k . Beckraan, N., "The Planner as a Bureaucrat," Journal of the American  Institute of Planners. November I964, Bolan, R.S., "Emerging Views of Planning," Journal of the American  Institute of Planners. July 19&7. Bolan, R.S., "Community Decision Behaviouri the Culture of Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, September 19^9. Cherukupalle, N.D., "Classification Techniques i n Planning Analysis," Journal of Socio-Econ. Plan. Sci., Vol. 4, Cleaveland, F.N., "Organization and Administration of Local Planning Agencies," i n McLean, M., (ed), Local Planning Administration, (Chicagoi International City Managers' Association, 1959). Craig, D.W., "A Plea for the Eventual Abolition of Planning Boards," Planning 19^3. Dahl, R.A., "The Concept of Power," Behavioural Science, Vol. 2. Daland, R., "Organization for Urban Planning: Some Barriers to Integration," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 23, No, 4, 1957. Daland, R., and Parker, J.A., "Roles of the Planner i n Urban Development," i n Urban Growth Dynamics. Davidoff, P., and Reiner, T.A., "A Choice Theory of Planning," Journal of  the American Institute of Planners, May 19°2. Easton, D., "An Approach to the Analysis of P o l i t i c a l Systems," World  P o l i t i c s , Vol. 9 . Fagin, H., "Organizing and Carrying out Planning A c t i v i t i e s Within Urban Government," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, August 1959. Fountain, G.F., "Zoning Administration i n Vancouver," Plan (Canada), Vol. 2, No. 3, 1901. Friedmann, J., "The Study and Practice of Planning," International Social  Science Journal, Vol. 11, No. 3, 1959. Friedmann, J., "Planning as a Vocation (Parts I and I I ) , " Plan (Canada), Vol. 6, No. 3t and Vol. 7, No. 1, 19^ 6. Friedmann, J., "A Conceptual Model for the Analysis of Planning Behavior," Administatlve Science Quarterly, No. 2, 19°7. Gans, H.J., "The Need for Planners Trained i n Policy Formation," i n Urban  Planning i n Transition. Godsehalk, D.R., and M i l l s , W.E., "A Collaborative Approach to Planning through Urban A c t i v i t i e s , " Journal of the American Institute of  Planners, March 19^ 6, - — — — — — — — — — — — Guay, J.P., "Montreal: horison 2000. Note retrospective," Plan (Canada), Vol. 9, No. 3. 1908. Handler, A.B., "What i s Planning Theory," Journal of the American Institute  of Planners, Vol. 23, No, 3, 1957. Howard, J.T., "In Defense of Planning Commissions," Journal of the American  Institute of Planners, Spring 1951* Krueckeberg, D.A., "A Multivariate Analysis of Metropolitan Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, September 19°9. Levin, M.R,, "Planners and Metropolitan Planning," Journal of the American  Institute of Planners. March 19^ 7. Meyerson, M., "Research and City Planning," Journal of the American I n s t i t - ute of Planners, Vol. 20, No. 4, 1954. Nash, P.H., and Shurtleff, J.P., "Planning as a Staff Function i n Urban Government," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 20, 1954. Perloff, H.S., "Common Goals and the Linking of Physical and Social Plan-ning," Planning 19^ 5. Pico, R., "The Role of Planning i n the 1950's," Planning 1951. Tugwell, R.G., "The Fourth Power," Planning and Civic Comment. April-June, 1939. Tugwell, R.G., "The Planning Function Reappraised," Journal of the American  Institute of Planners, Winter 1951. Walker, R.A., "The Implementation of Planning Measures," Journal of the American Institute of Planners. Summer 1951. C. PUBLICATION OF GOVERNMENT, UNIVERSITIES AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS. Economic Council of Canada. Fourth Annual Reviewt the Canadian Economy from the 1960's to the?1970's, 1967. Report of the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development, January 19^9. Burby, R.J., " P o l i t i c s and Planning," ;Ph.D. Thesis, University of North Carolina, 1968. Alterman,.R., "The Intervention of Values i n the Planning Process," Master's Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1970. Hitchcock, J., "Activity Analysis i n Two Planning Agencies," unpublished paper, School of Planning, University of Toronto. The Town Planning Institute of Canada, Executive Director's Report, July 20, 1970. Lithwick, N.H., Urban Canadat Problems and Prospects, report prepared for the Honarable R.K. Andras Minister responsible for Housing and Urban Development, Government of Canada, Ottawa 1970. APPENDICES LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL (Both this l e t t e r and the questionnaire were translated into French for the Quebec c i t i e s ) Dear Mr. _t You are one of 80 Municipal Planning Directors i n Canada, We have found through personal experience that Planning Directors are keen to know how the planning process i n their community relates to the experience i n other places, to what extent there i s a common method-ology, or to what extent the planning process i n each community reflects l o c a l circumstances. We have also found that casual conversation on this subject, when Planning Directors have the opportunity to meet, yields only a limited understanding. Concerned with this subject, Professor Wiesman and myself have been working on a study for a number of months. His extensive ex-perience as a Planning Director and my eleven years work i n three plan-ning agencies brings a strong practical approach. Our emphasis i s on how the planning process actually works as op-posed to an abstract study of what i t i s . More s p e c i f i c a l l y we wish to identify the role, the strategy and the method of l o c a l planning and to compare these to l o c a l characteristics so that significant patterns of variance i f any can be identified. To further this study, i t i s clear that data collection on a APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRE Question 1> role of the planning; agency a) The primary role of your agency most closely approximates which of the following? I f more than one answer i s appropriate rank 1st, 2nd etc. leaving blank those not applicable. ____ i n s t i t u t i o n a l role - establishing the planning agency as a part of l o c a l government and building community confidence i n planning. educational role - inducing change through the long run process of overall public education. technical role - provide technical advice on a wide range of community problems. p o l i t i c a l Innovative role - volunteering new ideas or solutions related to important problems. b) Some observers of planning agencies have suggested a stages theory for the above roles. The theory claims that an agency moves through the i n -stitutional, educational, technical and p o l i t i c a l innovative roles i n that order over time. Has t h i s been the case i n your community? Question 2t strategy of the planning agency a) During your tenure as Planning Director the dominant strategy of your agency has been (select only one)i leave highly controversial matters to the polit i c i a n s avoid controversy except when the issue i s very important to you enter controversy only when asked to do so almost entirely assume a position of neutrality b) Do you vary your strategy with the particular issue at hand. yes, no. What c r i t e r i a do you use to select the strategy? c) Can you rely on certain individuals or groups to represent your views to the community on controversial issues thus relieving some of the pressure from the agency? _____ yes, ______ no. What types are these i n d i -viduals or groups (e.g. alderman, CPAC, ratepayers) Question 3» participation i n plan preparation Indicate the dominant procedures of plan preparation. I f more than one answer applies, rank 1st, 2nd etc. leaving blank those not applicable. plans prepared solely within the planning agency or c i v i c administration planning commission and/or City Council are involved i n various stages of plan preparation public advice i s so l i c i t e d at various stages of plan preparation the planning process involves continuous citizen participation Question hi l o c a l power structure Which of the following descriptions best f i t s your c i t y council? I f shifting from one to the other, indicate by an arrow the direction of sh i f t . the established leadership group, e.g. old families prominent individuals representing major business interests alternate leadership groups v i s i b l e and i n competition no v i s i b l e leadership group(s) Does your agency carry out a continuous research function conduct periodic research for special studies have a minimal research function Question 6t ^oal identification Which method of community goal identification does your agency primarily follow? (If necessary rank) __ elected o f f i c i a l s completely determine community goals professional planning goals largely relie d on questionnaires, interview analysis etc. used to determine com-munity goals Question 7< location of planning agency a) Your planning agency i s d i r e c t l y responsible to _____ the City Manager, Commissioner or equivalent a planning commission both a planning commission and the City Council City Council other (specify) b) What i s the function of the planning commission i n your community? Question 81 communication a) Do you normally advise your City Council directly? yes, no. b) I f not, l i s t the intermediaries through which your advice normally passes. - i l l ' o) Which of the following roles do your intermediaries play i n passing on your advice refers advice unrevised condenses and refers advice revises advice through negotiations with you often sends separate advice d) For important planning issues, can you avoid the normal lines of communication? yes, _____ no. Question 9» data collection Indicate the type of data collection which you normally use i n your studies, (rank i f necessary) ______ use off i c e records, maps or other l o c a l data _____ use available external published data supplement available data with "windshield surveys" or similar f i e l d investigations conduct detailed investigations with personal interviews or questionnaires Question 10i important planning decisions over past 5 years NOTEi This question i s the most demanding of a l l the questions and also the most important. I would very much appreciate your careful deliberation on both parts of the question. Determination of important planning deci-sions must be l e f t to your judgment as to the effect on the community, a) In order of importance l i s t the ten most important planning decisions made i n your community during the past 5 years. For each decision indicate i what was decided i i who decided i t i i i your involvement b) For the purpose of comparing the scope of planning i n your community with other, could you l i s t any significant planning actions (decisions) made i n your community over the past f i v e years and not included i n the above l i s t . Question H i function of agency a) During your tenure as Planning Director, the principal function of your agency has been (check one, but i f others are important rank 1st, 2nd, etc. leaving blank those not applicable) prepare overall long term plans _ assist private development _____ work on special problems or projects prepare and administer subdivision and zoning controls layout future patterns of development _____ move into pollution control ____ move into social planning other (specify) b) Is your agency confined to the above expected functions, or do you have considerable freedom i n determining what the planning function shall be i n your community? Question 12t role of the Planning Director a) Indicate the roles you play most often i n the planning process. These roles cannot be defined precisely, but a general indication of meaning i s given. (Rank 1st, 2nd, etc. leaving blank those not applicable) administer or coordinator _____ advocate - for specific proposals broker - to resolve conflicting interests educator/initiator - of planning ideas evaluator - of community conditions and alternatives _____ technical expert b) Do you have one role that you reserve for very important issues? yes, no. I f yes which i s this role and why i s i t especially effective? Question 13« method of analysis Indicate the method of analysis primarily used by your agency. I f more than one method i s used, please rank. search for most l o g i c a l single solution identify several alternative solutions and their consequences Question 14i implementation Which of the following best describes your agencies involvement with implementing i t s own recommendations? planning agency disassociated with implementation planning agency implements some of i t s recommendations planning agency implements most of i t s adopted advice Question 15» community problems Does your community have peculiar planning problems which make your planning unique? yes, no. I f yes, would you identify these problems and explain their impact on your planning program. Question l6* influence of one individual Has planning been largely influenced by one individual (yourself, chair-man of commission etc.) as opposed to a ubiquitous growth of the plan-ning function? yes, no. Explain Question 17« economic base Indicate the principal economic base of your community. (If more than one applies, rank 1st, 2nd etc. leaving blank those not applicable) government (including education, health, defense etc.) manufacturing r e t a i l trade and service tourism transportation and wholesale distribution finance other (specify) Question 18» population I f you have the figures readily available, what are the approximate mid-year populations for your community for 19^5 and 1970 Question 19« agency s t a t i s t i c s a) A planning agency staffed by f u l l time planners has been operating i n your community since . b) Indicate the following budget and staff figures for 1970 i ) t o t a l budget , portion to consultants . i i ) number of f u l l time staff . i i i ) number of professional grade staff . c) Roughly what percent of your agency expenditures are devoted to routine administration and day to day minor problems . d) What are the principal changes i n budget and staff size over the past f i v e years. UNIVERSE AND RESPONDENTS * no reply ** too incomplete for use *** received too late B e l l e v i l l e Hamilton Brampton Hull* Brantford Kelowna Burlington* Kingston Burnaby Kitchener Calgary** Kitimat Chatham Laval Chilliwack London Cooksville Maple Coquitlam Midland* Delta* Missauga* East York Moncton* Edmonton Montreal Etobicoke Nepean* Fredericton New Westminster Gait North Bay Gloucester*** North Vancouver (m)* Gormley North Vancouver (d)* North York* Oakville Oshawa* Ottawa* Peterborough Pickering Pointe Claire Quebec City* Regina* Richmond* Richmond H i l l * St. Catherines Saint John Saint Laurent St. Thomas Saanich Sainte-Foy Sarnia Saskatoon Sault Ste. Marie Scarborough Shawinigan Sherbrooke Sudbury-Surrey Timmins Thetford Mines Toronto* Trois-Rivieres* Vancouver Vaughn* Victoria Waterloo West Vancouver Welland* Weston Whitby Windsor APPENDIX D WALKER'S CONCLUSIONS 1. Failure to plan i n the past has placed a tremendous burden of social and physical regeneration upon urban governments. 2. Planning has been widely accepted i n principle i n American c i t i e s . 3. Urban planning agencies have i n practice f a l l e n far short of their potential usefulness. 4. The scope of urban planning a c t i v i t y has expanded sharply i n some c i t i e s since 1940. 5 . The courts have adopted an increasingly l i b e r a l attitude toward the exercise of zoning as a part of comprehensive planning, 6 . Intermittent contract planning cannot adequately meet modern planning problems. 7. The independent, unpaid, c i t i z e n planning commission i s not satisfac-t o r i l y executing the planning function at the present time. 8. Planning i s one of the staff functions and should be attached to the executive o f f i c e . 9. Planning agencies have been severely handicapped by the prevalent lack of full-time executive head. 10. Present technical planning staffs are altogether inadequate. 11. The extra staff assistance which planning agencies have obtained from the r e l i e f r o l l s has played a v i t a l part i n the development of recent planning programs. 12. Local planning has not been well integrated with planning at other levels of government. APPENDIX E SELECTED SURVEY RESULTS age of agency (when established) 1941 - 1950 4 1951 - i960 20 1961 - 1970 2_ n = 49 agency budget (1,000's of dollars) 0 - 49 6 50 - 99 23 100 - 249 10 250 - 999 8 1000 - 1500 _2 n = 49 3. f u l l time agency staff 0 - 9 30 10 - 19 10 20 - 49 6 50 - 99 1 100 - 200 _2 n = 49 4. f u l l time professional staff 0 - 4 33 5 - 9 8 10-19 4 20 plus J3 n = 48 5. economic base (principal) industrial 27 retail trade 8 residential 6 government 4 transportation 2 finance 2 agriculture _2 n = 51 population (1000's) 0-24 7 2 5 - 4 9 12 50 - 99 14 100 - 199 10 200 plus _7* n = 50 these populations were 2l6; 240; 277; 300; 318; 440; and 1320 (in 1000's) growth rate (percentages) 0-4 5 - 9 10 - 19 2 0 - 4 9 50 plus 6 14 17 8 _2 n = 47 UNIQUE CONCEPTION OF PLANNING As a part of question 15 planning directors were asked to identify peculiar planning problems which make their planning unique. The following i s a summary of their answers. Frequency i s indicated i n parenthesis. suburban absence of c i t y centre (4) influence of metro area (2) lack of identity (2) sprawl (2) urban-rural conflict (2) regional regional transportation (3) f a i l u r e of regional planners linkages to services urban economic base (2) extreme mixture of land uses preservation of historic buildings development of waterfront no vacant land for development change-! of ^  community • character natural features geographic differences (5) growth slow growth (3) rapid growth (2) industrial one industry town (3) industry outside town t r a f f i c problems from other tourist pressures senior government schemes university town cultural heritage special form of government relationship to other institutions jurisdiction s p l i t by county lines maintain status quo SUMMARY OF CHI SQUARE RESULTS strategy agency role directors role participation i n plan prep. form of recommendation research implementation c o •H +» a t a .95 (.33) .59* (.45) 1.75 (.18) c 1.02 (.31) ,.42 (.52) .00 (.95) o CO a o •g o c o o © 2.00 (.15) (.01) .04 (.82) © a s H o g g o +> H W .07 (.78) .73 (.40) .09 (.76) 4,34* (.04) .75 (.39) 7.25* (.01) 1.88* (.17) .08* (.77) .16 (.69) .71 (.40) 1.38* (.24) .09* (.76) .05 (.81) ,00 (.95) 3.55* (.06) .09* (.76) .98 (.32) 5775" (.01) o o •H 10 4 J 10 rt © o +> C o 2 3 .08 (.77) .00 (.95) .01 (.88) goal .06 .05 .01 3.29 .46 identification (.79) (.81) (.88) (.07) (.50) data .53 .01 .05 . 63 .09 collection (.47) (.88) (.81) (.43) (.76) 3.11* (.07) 3.22* (.07) .06 (.79) .88 (.35) ..09* (.76) o a o , •H >> +> O c © 3 W) 4,88* (.03) (.02) 1.06 (.30) .31* (.58) .06* (.79) 2.34* (.12) .13* (.72) .37 (.55) .09* (.76) Notes for Appendix G« 1. The f i r s t number l i s t e d for each correlation indicates the Chi-square s t a t i s t i c while the second i s the Chi probability. 2, Significant correlations at the .05 l e v e l have been outlined. 3. Those marked by an asterisk were invalid by Chi-square due to less than five responses i n one c e l l . A l l of these that were significant at the .05 level, although invalid by Chi-square, were va l i d by the Fisher Exact Probability test, 4, A l l tests have one degree of freedom. o c -P O rt C V © o trt H H +> « 1 & C c tS) c0 © E -P V< (0 c o •r l W 01 C £3 > •r l +> W •3 *> •8 «H a - p c © o © bD strategy ..42 (.54) .37 (.55) .00 (.95) .03* (.84) .02 (.86) 1.70 (.19) agency role 1.09 (.29) 1.35 (.24) .04 (.82) .12 (.72) .01 (.88) 3.21 (.07) directors role .15 (.70) .68 (.41) 1.33 (.23) . 6 l (.44) .27 (.61) 2.91 (.08) goal .1*9 - 0 1 .07 .00 .09 2.80 identification (.49) (.88) (.78) (.95) (.77) (.09) data collection .52 (.48) .15 (.70) .01 (.88) .03 (.84) .03 (.84) .04 (.82) participation i n plan prep. .90* (.34) 1.89* (.16) 4.01* (.04) 1.79* (.17) .01* (.88) 2.80* (.09) form of .01 .15 .07 .00 .08 .05 recommendation (.88) (.70) (.78) (.95) (.77) (.81) research .22 (.64) 10.49 (.00) 13.20 (.00) 7.27* (.00) .45 (.50) .09 (.75) implementation 1.58 (.20) .39 (.54) .03 (.84) .23 (.64) .01 (.88) .91 (.34) SIGNIFICANT CRT SQUARES 1. research versus l o c a l power structure l o c a l power structure competitive non-competitive research continuous periodic 10 7 n = 50 sig at .05 6 27 chi sq = 6.75 chi prob. .00915 2. participation i n plan preparation versus size of c i t y population participation i n plan prep. within in s t i t u t i o n public involvement up to 50,000 19 1 n = 50 sig at .05 over 19 10 chi sq. = 4.34 chi prob. .035 3. agency role versus economic base economic base manufacturing other in s t i t u t i o n a l functional agency role 16 10 n = 46 s i g at .05 4 16 chi sq. = 6,33 chi prob. .011 4. research versus size of c i t y research continuous periodic population up to 100,000 over 6 9 29 6 n = 50 chi sq. = 7.25 sig at .05 chi prob. .007 5. agency strategy versus agency function agency function traditional new problems enter controversy 18 agency strategy avoid controversy 16 n = 45 sig at .05 1 10 chi sq. = 4.88 chi prob. .0257 . $m .-agency role versus agency: .function agency role i n s t i t u t i o n a l functional agency function traditional new problems 12 22 n = 45 sig at .05 9 2 chi sq. = 5.48 chi prob. .01830 7. research versus agency budget research agency budget up to $100,000 over $100,000 continuous 3 12 periodic 24 8 n = 47 chi sq. = 10.49 sig at .05 chi prob. .0014 8. research versus f u l l time staff f u l l time staff up to 10 over 10 continuous 4 11 research periodic 28 5 n = 4? chi sq = 13.20 sig at .05 chi prob. .0004 9. research versus professional staff professional staff research continuous periodic up to 5 7 29 n = 48 sig at .05 over 5 8 4 chi sq = 7.27 chi prob. .00^9 10. participation in plan preparation versus f u l l time staff f u l l time staff up to 10 over 10 L within institution 27 9 participation • in plan prep. public involvement 4 7 n = 47 chi sq. = 4.01 sig at .05 chi prob. .0427 

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