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Children of Opasquia : a study of socialization and society on a contemporary Indian Reserve Robinson, Reva Leah 1970

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THE CHILDREN OF OPASQUIA: A STUDY OF SOCIALIZATION AND SOCIETY ON A CONTEMPORARY INDIAN RESERVE by REVA LEAH ROBINSON B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f Manitoba, 1 9 6 5  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n the Department o f Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y  We w i l l accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1 9 7 0  In  presenting  requirements Columbia, for  by  in p a r t i a l  f o r an a d v a n c e d  degree  at  understood gain  Department  that  the Library  and study.  copying  t h e Head  cial  thesis  I agree  reference  tensive  this  of  this  I  thesis  o f my D e p a r t m e n t that  shall  of  copying  the U n i v e r s i t y  shall  make  agree  of  freely  British available  permission  purposes  without  Columbia  thesis  for ex-  may be  for  It  granted is  of  this  my  written-permission.  Anthropology & S o c i o l o g y  .  of the  o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  n o t be a l l o w e d  July, 1970  it  that  for scholarly  or publication  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada Date  further  fulfilment  finan-  ii  ABSTRACT The purpose o f t h i s study was t o d e f i n e t h e p a t t e r n s of  s o c i a l i z a t i o n on a contemporary  I n d i a n Reserve and t o show  how these p a t t e r n s r e l a t e t o other a s p e c t s o f t h e s o c i e t y i n which they o p e r a t e .  I n p a r t i c u l a r , our aim was t o a s s e s s  whether the p a t t e r n s o f c h i l d r e a r i n g c o u l d be expected t o produce i n d i v i d u a l s prepared t o f u l f i l a d u l t r o l e r e q u i r e ments, or whether d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s e x i s t e d between c h i l d r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s and a d u l t r o l e e x p e c t a t i o n s .  I n order t o  f u l f i l t h i s aim, two c a t e g o r i e s o f data were c o l l e c t e d , one p e r t a i n i n g t o the many f a c e t s o f a d u l t l i f e , to  the t r a i n i n g o f c h i l d r e n .  and t h e other  These data a r e p r e s e n t e d i n  the form o f a f a i r l y e x t e n s i v e ethnography  w i t h a focus on  child-rearing practices. The most s i g n i f i c a n t , and t h e most e x t e n s i v e l y employed method o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n was p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n . Both a d u l t s and c h i l d r e n were observed i n as many s i t u a t i o n s as p o s s i b l e . sation.  I n t e r v i e w i n g took the form o f i n f o r m a l conver-  Only two a s p e c t s o f data c o l l e c t i o n assumed any  degree o f f o r m a l i t y .  These were the r e c o r d i n g o f g e n e a l o g i e s  and o f g e n e r a l census i n f o r m a t i o n such as the sex, age, e d u c a t i o n , and employment o f household members.  During  census  i n t e r v i e w s , mental notes were taken o f the p h y s i c a l s u r r o u n d i n g s .  iii In p a r t i c u l a r , the number, s i z e , and f u n c t i o n s of rooms, and the amount, c o n d i t i o n , and f u n c t i o n s o f f u r n i t u r e and a p p l i a n c e s were noted. An a n a l y t i c a l t o o l was devised to a s s i s t i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n and a n a l y s i s of the ethnographic to the r e s e a r c h aims presented above.  data, a c c o r d i n g  This theoretical  frame-  work was based on those presented i n works by J.W.M. Whiting and B.B. Whiting.  E s s e n t i a l l y , the data were c a t e g o r i z e d  i n t o manageable segments l a b e l l e d Ecology, Maintenance Systems ( i n c l u d i n g Economy, S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e , and P o l i t i c a l  Structure),  Adult P e r s o n a l i t y , Adult Behavior, P r o j e c t i v e Systems ( i n c l u d i n g R e l i g i o n and the S u p e r n a t u r a l , and Medical P r a c t i c e s ) , C h i l d - R e a r i n g P r a c t i c e s , C h i l d P e r s o n a l i t y , and C h i l d The  Behavior.  data were presented under these headings and then the  r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the c a t e g o r i e s of data were analyzed, the c o n t i n u i t i e s and d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s between c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s and each o f the other data c a t e g o r i e s b e i n g p a r t i c ularly  noted. The  c o n c l u s i o n s were b r i e f l y as f o l l o w s :  In the  Maintenance System—Economy, C h i l d - R e a r i n g P r a c t i c e s were found to be c o n s i s t e n t with t r a d i t i o n a l economic p r a c t i c e s . I n c o n s i s t e n c i e s and d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s were evident, however, between c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s and modern economic r o l e expectations.  These present-day  e x p e c t a t i o n s i n c l u d e d the  r o l e s o f wage-earner and o f Band a d m i n i s t r a t o r .  The p a t t e r n s  of formal education were a l s o found to be discontinuous with the r o l e s which c h i l d r e n would be r e q u i r e d to f u l f i l  as a d u l t s .  iv Although changes were found to be o c c u r r i n g i n education patterns,  they appeared to emanate from the c h i l d r e n them-  selves, manifesting  i n adolescence;  new e d u c a t i o n a l  goals  were not seen to be s t r e s s e d i n c h i l d t r a i n i n g . In the S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e , i t was found that t r a i n i n g was not adequately p r e p a r i n g and r e l a t i n g t o non-kin;  here again  child  the young f o r meeting there were i n c o n s i s -  t e n c i e s between c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s and adult r o l e requirements.  I t was found, however, that c o n s i s t e n t  changes  were o c c u r r i n g i n k i n s h i p terminology i n response to changing i d e a s and a t t i t u d e s r e g a r d i n g  c o u r t s h i p and marriage customs;  these changing a t t i t u d e s were being i n c o r p o r a t e d  i n t o pat-  t e r n s of c h i l d r e a r i n g . In the P o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e , i t was found that  child-  r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s i n no way prepare c h i l d r e n f o r future r o l e s as Band l e a d e r s .  However, the a d u l t l e a d e r s appear to cope  admirably and perhaps no s p e c i a l p r e p a r a t i o n  i s necessary.  Only independence t r a i n i n g appeared to present  problems i n  the p o l i t i c a l sphere, where teamwork i s e s s e n t i a l . One aspect  of c h i l d t r a i n i n g , d i s c i p l i n e ,  examined i n d e t a i l ; category of data were  was  i t s i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with each discussed.  V  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES  vii  LIST OF FIGURES . . . .  . .  LIST OF PLATES  ix x  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . .  xi  PHONETIC KEY  xiii  Chapter 1.  INTRODUCTION  1  Theoretical Framework . . . .  3  Methodology  11  PART I. PARAMETERS FOR CHILD-REARING PRACTICES 2.  HISTORY AND ECOLOGY  21  H i s t o r i c a l Setting  21  Geographic Setting . . . . . . Climatic Setting Reserve Layout and F a c i l i t i e s Population 3.  4.  ECONOMY AND STANDARD OF LIVING Traditional Economic A c t i v i t y Band Economy Wage-Employment Housing Material Possessions Summary  .27 28 29 38  '  . . . . .  SOCIAL STRUCTURE The Kinship System Residence Patterns V i s i t i n g Patterns and Recreational A c t i v i t y .  5.  POLITICAL STRUCTURE . . . The Community Planning Proposal Organizations and Committees Democratic Procedure and the Locus of Power .  48 48 51 52 73 98 106 I l l 113 133 144 158 l6l 170 178  vi Chapter 6.  Page 181  FORMAL EDUCATION Upgrading and T e c h n i c a l T r a i n i n g School C h i l d r e n  183 188  Parents'  196  Expectations  7.  PROJECTIVE SYSTEMS  199  8.  R e l i g i o n and the Supernatural.. Disease, Medical P r a c t i c e , and Death ADULT PERSONALITY C o g n i t i v e Processes Origins-and Present-Day M a n i f e s t a t i o n s of P s y c h o l o g i c a l T r a i t s  199 205 218 219  PART I I .  9.  CHILD-REARING PRACTICES  INTRODUCTION  236  INFANCY  237  Desire  for Children  Infant T r a i n i n g 10.  11.  231  237 2^0 2Zf9  EARLY CHILDHOOD Early Training  2^9  Kindergarten  270 273  LATE CHILDHOOD Late T r a i n i n g  273  E n t e r i n g School. •  286  12.  ADOLESCENCE  13.  CONCLUSIONS  . . . . . . . . .  292 295  BIBLIOGRAPHY  309  APPENDIXES A. Legends B. The P r e p a r a t i o n of Moose Meat C. Tanning Moosehide  31 *f 323 325  vii  LIST OF TABLES Table I. II. III.  IV.  V. VI. VII. VIII. . . IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV.  '  Page  P o p u l a t i o n S t a t i s t i c s — O p a s q u i a West  43  F a m i l i e s by S i z e — A Comparison o f Opasquia West and Manitoba  44  F a m i l i e s by Number o f C h i l d r e n (24 Years • and Under) a t Home—A Comparison o f Opasquia West and Manitoba  46  F a m i l i e s by Ages o f C h i l d r e n (24 Years and . Under) a t Home—A Comparison o f Opasquia West and Manitoba  47  Male P o p u l a t i o n 21 Years and O v e r — Employment a t Time o f Census  58  A c t i v i t i e s o f the Unemployed Male P o p u l a t i o n 21 Years and Over  59  Male P o p u l a t i o n 21 Years and O v e r — F o r m e r Employment  60  Male P o p u l a t i o n Under 21 Who Have L e f t S c h o o l — E m p l o y m e n t a t Time o f Census  61  A c t i v i t i e s o f t h e Unemployed Male P o p u l a t i o n Under 21 Who Have L e f t S c h o o l  62  Male P o p u l a t i o n Under 21 Who Have L e f t S c h o o l — Former Employment  63  Female P o p u l a t i o n 21 Years and O v e r — Employment a t Time, o f Census  68  Female P o p u l a t i o n 21 Years and O v e r — . Former Employment  69  Female P o p u l a t i o n Under 21 Who Have L e f t . School—Employment, a t Time o f Census  70  Houses i n t h e Census S a m p l e — T h e i r Type, S i z e , and Number o f Occupants  79  Houses n o t i n the Census S a m p l e — T h e i r Type and Number '  81  viii LIST OF TABLES  (continued)  Table, XVI.  Page P o p u l a t i o n D e n s i t y of L i v i n g Q u a r t e r s i n Opasquia West, R e l a t i v e to Lagasse's Scale  92  XVII.  D i s t r i b u t i o n of E l e c t r i c a l A p p l i a n c e s  10i+  XVIII.  Former Residence of T h i r t y Households  IkO  C h i l d r e n , 21 Years and Under, Away from H o m e — T h e i r P l a c e s of Residence  143  L o c a t i o n of New Homes R e l a t i v e t o S p e c i f i e d L o t s on the Community P l a n n i n g P r o p o s a l — Former Residence of These Households, and an Assessment of D i s r u p t i o n of Residence Pattern-Kinship Links  167  Formal E d u c a t i o n  182  XIX. XX.  XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV.  Upgrading  185  Technical Training  186  G e n e r a l Survey of S c h o l a s t i c S t a n d i n g School  XXV. XXVI. XXVII.  XXVIII. XXIX.  of A d u l t P o p u l a t i o n '  of 190  Children  G r a d i n g of S c h o o l  Children  S c h o l a s t i c P o s i t i o n of 1 3 - 2 0 - Y e a r - 0 l d s  191 19k  Ages of Mothers Q u e s t i o n e d About M o r t a l i t y i n I n f a n t s and Young C h i l d r e n  215  Ages of C h i l d r e n at Time of Death  216  Causes of Death i n I n f a n t s and Young C h i l d r e n , A c c o r d i n g to Mothers  217  ix  L I S T OF  FIGURES  Figure  Page  1.  Theoretical  2.  Some M a j o r L a k e s , R i v e r s ,  10  Framework  Communities  and N o r t h e r n 25  i n Manitoba  3.  Reserve Layout  k.  Kinship  5.  K i n s h i p Terminology—Woman Speaking  6.  S p a t i a l D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Houses and K i n  Terminology—Man  G r o u p s i n O p a s q u i a West  30 Speaking  130 131  135  X  LIST OF PLATES Plate I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII.  Page Lake and Swamp  26  Bush Country  26  P a r t o f the Reserve B u i l d i n g Crew i n A c t i o n ..  64  C o f f e e Break a t t h e F r i e n d s h i p Centre  Gk  The Whitewashed I n t e r i o r o f a Log D w e l l i n g ...  82  An O l d Frame D w e l l i n g , One and One-Half , S t o r e y s W i t h Two A d d i t i o n s  83  An O l d Frame D w e l l i n g Faced With S i m u l a t e d Brick Sheeting  8k  New IAB D w e l l i n g ( L t . ) , Three Log D w e l l i n g s i n a Row ( R t . )  IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. .. , XIV.  A M a k e s h i f t Wooden Stoop  86  A Densely P o p u l a t e d B e d - L i v i n g Room  93  A Baby Hammock  267  A Frame With C r o s s - P o l e s , Used f o r Smoking Moose Meat A Hide Lashed t o a S t r e t c h e r ; On t h e Extreme R i g h t i s a Smoke-House  32^  XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX.  326  F l e s h i s Removed From t h e Hide With a Bone Tool  XV.  85  327  The H a i r i s Removed From t h e Hide  328  A T o o l For Removing H a i r From t h e Hide  328  The Hide i s Smoked  329  A T r i p o d Frame, Used F o r Smoking Hides  330  A P o l e and C r o s s - B a r , Used For W r i n g i n g Water From the Hide  331  xi  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I owe a debt of g r a t i t u d e to many who have o f f e r e d advice and i n f o r m a t i o n i n the conception and p r e p a r a t i o n of this thesis.  F i r s t l y , I would l i k e t o thank Dr. H. Hawthorn  by whose k i n d permission a grant was provided, work to be c a r r i e d out.  enabling  Dr. M.M. Ames, the Head of my  Committee, deserves u n l i m i t e d p r a i s e for h i s patience the past few years; t i v e and,  field  over  h i s c r i t i c i s m has always been construc-  t h e r e f o r e , welcome.  To Miss Joan Ryan I owe s p e c i a l  thanks for the encouragement, s t i m u l a t i o n , and advice  without  which t h i s p r o j e c t would never have been s t a r t e d or completed. To the Indians o f Opasquia, my debt i s twofold.  One  Indian, when asked how he f e l t about o u t s i d e r s "hanging around" answered, "Oh we don't mind h e l p i n g you people get degrees".  Aside from t h i s t a n g i b l e o f f e r i n g , however, the  Indians c o n t r i b u t e d something f a r more p r e c i o u s . t h e i r doors and welcomed me with warmth, openness,  They opened friend-  l i n e s s , and g e n e r o s i t y , l e a v i n g me with memories which w i l l be c h e r i s h e d always. I would l i k e to thank the a r c h i t e c t u r a l f i r m of Moody, Moore and Partners o f Winnipeg for p r o v i d i n g copies of v a r i o u s maps and plans o f The Pas Reserve.  I a l s o wish t o thank the  Indian A f f a i r s Branch i n Winnipeg for a l l o w i n g me to browse through t h e i r  files.  u a l l y a l l those people  I t would be impossible to l i s t  individ-  a t the Community Development O f f i c e i n  xii Winnipeg, and others, who information.  so w i l l i n g l y o f f e r e d advice and  To a l l of them, c o l l e c t i v e l y , may  I express my  thanks. A very s p e c i a l debt of g r a t i t u d e i s owed to Mr.  R.  Blake, Head of the Photography Department  at Mount Vernon  H o s p i t a l , Northwood, Middlesex, England;  his professional  guidance and a s s i s t a n c e i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of photographs and f i g u r e s were i n v a l u a b l e . L a s t l y , I wish to express my h e a r t f e l t thanks to my husband, who  has endured many inconveniences over the past  few years for the sake of t h i s work;  his practical  assistance  for two weeks i n the f i e l d , and h i s moral support at a l l times have been unending sources o f s t r e n g t h and encouragement .  xiii  PHONETIC KEY The s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r t h i s key has been  o f n a t i v e terms which a r e reproduced on p p . 1 3 2 and  two l i s t s 247.  Mandelbaum's  The s p e l l i n g on these two l i s t s  appears.  From the l i s t s ,  has been c o p i e d as i t  the f o l l o w i n g p h o n e t i c key has been  compiled. i  lit  aw  c  plough  tc  u  rule  s  t  see  e  set  (long)  €  set  (short)  a  charm ( a p p r o x i m a t e l y )  0  so  1  glottal  see church zoo  (approximately)  stop  There i s not always a b s o l u t e a c c o r d between t h e sounds the w r i t e r r e c o r d e d and those found on Mandelbaum's l i s t s . example, Mandelbaum  does not r e c o r d a g l o t t a l s t o p ;  For  he w r i t e s  "ntawemaw" where I had o r i g i n a l l y w r i t t e n "n tawe'emaw".  The  1  g l o t t a l s t o p s have been r e t a i n e d i n words which I r e c o r d e d but which do not appear i n Mandelbaum's monograph. our s p e l l i n g s have been a l t e r e d t o conform  to h i s .  Otherwise, The  dif-  f e r e n c e s a r e r e l a t i v e l y minimal and the above key s h o u l d make the words s u f f i c i e n t l y pronounceable;  d i f f e r e n c e s may  possibly  be due t o d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s i n d i a l e c t between P l a i n s and Swampy Cree..  1  Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION The purpose of this study i s to define the patterns of s o c i a l i z a t i o n extant on The Pas Indian Reserve, Manitoba, to present them i n the context of the child's environment, show how they relate to that environment.  and to  This approach was  adopted as i t was f e l t that understanding the adult world - surrounding the c h i l d was an essential prerequisite to f u l l appreciation of the actual details of c h i l d rearing.  The  study, therefore, takes the form of a f a i r l y extensive ethnography with a s p e c i f i c focus on c h i l d rearing. Part I i s devoted to a description of the general ethnographic background against which child-rearing practices are projected. The chapters within Part I f a l l into three major groupings.  F i r s t l y , there are those chapters which are  concerned with Ecology and with the Maintenance Systems of Economics, S o c i a l Structure, and P o l i t i c a l Structure. These systems are juxtaposed with Projective Systems such as theories of  disease, medical practice, supernatural b e l i e f , and recre-  ational a c t i v i t y .  Projective Systems r e f l e c t the t h i r d data  grouping which makes up Part I — t h a t i s , the aspect of Adult Personality, the psychological climate within which the c h i l d i s raised.  This climate can be assessed by examining the  values, attitudes, and cognitive processes of the adults.  2 Part I I d e s c r i b e s the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the c h i l d from i n f a n c y to adolescence.  Attempts are made throughout the text  and i n the Conclusions to i n d i c a t e where the parameters f o r c h i l d re.aring p r e s e n t e d i n Part I are c o n s i s t e n t with extant p r a c t i c e s , and where the two are i n c o n s i s t e n t . are  d i s c u s s e d and may  Discontinuities  be p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r where p a t t e r n s of  behavior f o l l o w i n g t r a d i t i o n a l l i n e s are juxtaposed w i t h new demands, which have a r i s e n as a r e s u l t of s o c i a l  change.  The scope of the r e s e a r c h was n e c e s s a r i l y q u i t e g e n e r a l . With l i m i t e d time i n the f i e l d and a d e s i r e to provide a broad ethnographic base, i n i t s e l f a time-consuming  e f f o r t , the  i n v e s t i g a t o r was unable to deal with each s p e c i f i c aspect of c h i l d r e a r i n g i n depth, or to i n c l u d e far„-reaching and p s y c h o l o g i c a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s ; not  employed.  I t was  behavioral  psychological testing  was  f e l t more a d v i s a b l e to i n c l u d e a wide  coverage of many a s p e c t s of c h i l d r e a r i n g , i n an attempt to give a more complete o v e r a l l impression of c h i l d r e a r i n g as i t r e l a t e s to the t o t a l c u l t u r a l m i l i e u .  The scope of r e s e a r c h  was l i m i t e d to one s p e c i f i c area of The Pas Reserve, (see p.11) that area which has been c a l l e d "Opasquia West"."^  Although  "Opasquia" i s the Cree word from which the name "The Pas" has been derived. I t s use throughout the t e x t i s prompted by the f a c t that the Indians themselves p r e f e r the Cree name. T h i s p r e f e r e n c e i s a t t e s t e d to by a Band C o u n c i l R e s o l u t i o n passed on May 2, 1966 which r e s o l v e s : "That, on b e h a l f of a l l members of The Pas Band of Indians we wish to have the name o f our Band changed from 'The Pas' Band to 'Opasquia' Band, that the reason for r e q u e s t i n g t h i s change i s because-the m a j o r i t y of our members c a l l The Pas Reserve 'Opasquia' and the Cree word 'Opasquia' has meani n g for us whereas 'The Pas' does not." H e n c e f o r t h , - t h e r e f o r e , The Pas Reserve w i l l be r e f e r r e d to as "Opasquia".  there i s no doubt that a comparative r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s of two  study of the  child-  or more d i f f e r e n t areas of the  Reserve would be a f r u i t f u l p r o j e c t , the time l i m i t a t i o n simply d i d not allow f o r so extensive a survey. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The  conceptual scheme which has been used as an  o r g a n i z a t i o n a l t o o l i s , b a s i c a l l y , that presented by B. Whiting i n S i x C u l t u r e s : same b a s i c  S t u d i e s of C h i l d Rearing.  framework i s a l s o used by John W.M.  a r t i c l e S o c i a l i z a t i o n Process and P e r s o n a l i t y .  framework, as derived  The  Whiting i n h i s Firstly,  w i l l review the scheme as presented i n these works; then present our own  Beatrice  we  we will  from the above,  p o i n t i n g out d i f f e r e n c e s and the reasons f o r these d i f f e r e n c e s . The aim of the B e a t r i c e B. Whiting study was  as  follows: In i t s broadest conception, the r e s e a r c h was aimed at e x p l o r i n g c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y the r e l a t i o n between d i f ferent p a t t e r n s of c h i l d r e a r i n g and subsequent differences i n personality. (B.B. Whiting 1 9 6 3 : 1 ) S p e c i f i c areas of behavior were s i n g l e d out f o r consideration. The r e s e a r c h design, . . . , was set up to measure as a c c u r a t e l y as p o s s i b l e the c h i l d - t r a i n i n g p r a c t i c e s and the hypothesized i n d i v i d u a l and c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n p e r s o n a l i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the areas of a g g r e s s i o n , dependency, and the i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of v a r i o u s mechanisms of behavior c o n t r o l . (B.B. Whiting 1 9 6 3 : 3 ) The r e s e a r c h was  not l i m i t e d to d e f i n i n g c u l t u r a l  differences i n personality..  4 In designing the r e s e a r c h . . . , an attempt has been made to assess i n d i v i d u a l as w e l l as c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s . . . . The hope was to t e s t hypotheses concerning the r e l a t i o n s o f c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s and consequent p e r s o n a l i t y , both i n t r a c u l t u r a l l y and c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y . (B.B.Whiting 1963:4) The  diagram reproduced below was conceived as a simple  i l l u s t r a t i o n o f the conceptual scheme;  i t i s f o l l o w e d by a  summary e x p l a n a t i o n . Ecology-  •Maintenance Systems  Adult Personality  Economy Social structure  Adult Behavior Crime r a t e s Suicide rates L e i s u r e time activity, etc. C u l t u r a l Products Religious b e l i e f s T h e o r i e s of disease Folk t a l e s  Child — — Rearing Practices  Child — Personality  C h i l d Behavior Work Games C u l t u r a l Products Fantasy Sayings Recreation Concepts o f world  To summarize the conceptual background i n another way, the r e s e a r c h e r s viewed ecology, economics, and s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s as' s e t t i n g the parameters f o r the behavior o f the agents o f c h i l d r e a r i n g . They viewed c h i l d behavior as an index o f c h i l d p e r s o n a l i t y and a d u l t behavior and b e l i e f s and v a l u e s as i n d i c e s of a d u l t p e r s o n a l i t y . The causal r e l a t i o n s h i p s i m p l i e d i n t h i s scheme are open to d i s c u s s i o n , and such d i s c u s s i o n s , with present a v a i l a b l e knowledge, u l t i m a t e l y end with a problem s i m i l a r to t h a t of the p r i o r i t y of the chicken or the egg. (B.B. Whiting 1963:5) The  s i x monographs were organized a c c o r d i n g to the  above-quoted conceptual scheme, each being d i v i d e d i n t o two  5 s e c t i o n s , one d e a l i n g with the parameters f o r c h i l d t r a i n i n g and  the other with the a c t u a l c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s .  c h i l d t r a i n i n g s e c t i o n s were organized behavioral obtained  systems i n order  The  on the b a s i s of nine  to standardize  the m a t e r i a l  from the s i x communities s t u d i e d , and to f a c i l i t a t e  cross-cultural The  comparisons.  a r t i c l e by John W.M. Whiting reproduces the  f o l l o w i n g s i m p l i f i e d diagram, which o r i g i n a l l y appeared i n C h i l d T r a i n i n g and P e r s o n a l i t y by himself and I r v i n L. C h i l d . Maintenance Systems  jChild Training Practices  Personality Variables fc  Projective Systems  (J.W.M. Whiting 1 9 6 1 : 3 5 6 ) Whiting e l u c i d a t e s the hypothesis summarized i n t h i s diagram  saying,  Maintenance systems were d e f i n e d as "the economic, p o l i t i c a l , and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s of a s o c i e t y — t h e b a s i c customs surrounding the nourishment, s h e l t e r i n g , and p r o t e c t i o n of i t s members." P e r s o n a l i t y was defined as "a s e t of h y p o t h e t i c a l i n t e r v e n i n g v a r i a b l e s . " P r o j e c t i v e systems i n c l u d e customs which are f o r the most part magical and u n r e a l i s t i c . . . . In sum, the hypothesis i m p l i e s that ""personality i s an i n t e r v e n i n g h y p o t h e t i c a l v a r i a b l e determined by c h i l d r e a r i n g which i s i n turn determined by maintenance systems and which f i n a l l y i s r e f l e c t e d i n p r o j e c t i v e systems. (J.W.M. Whiting 1 9 6 1 : 3 5 6 ) U n l i k e the Whiting s t u d i e s , our own r e s e a r c h  does not  have a C u l t u r a l and P e r s o n a l i t y focus; nor i s i t concerned with c r o s s - c u l t u r a l comparisons.  Rather, i t attempts to r e l a t e  the parameters f o r c h i l d t r a i n i n g , that i s , the ethnographic background which s e t s the stage f o r s o c i a l i z a t i o n , t o the a c t u a l p r a c t i c e s of c h i l d r e a r i n g .  Parameters are here  regarded as the broad f a c t o r s which s e t the l i m i t s  within  which v a r i a t i o n s i n c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s occur. W.M.  John  Whiting p o i n t s out that w i t h i n Maintenance System  c a t e g o r i e s there may  he both determining and  f a c t o r s with r e s p e c t to c h i l d  nondetermining  training.  . . . , where a c e r t a i n aspect of the maintenance system may be c l a s s e d i n t o d i s c r e e t c a t e g o r i e s , such as household, marriage form, r e s i d e n c e , b a s i c s u b s i s tence economy, and so f o r t h , some of these c a t e g o r i e s may be determining with r e s p e c t to c h i l d r e a r i n g , whereas other c a t e g o r i e s i n the same maintenance system may be nondetermining. (J.I.M. Whiting 1961:375) For example, h i s a r t i c l e i n d i c a t e s that extended polygynous  f a m i l y households  whereas n u c l e a r households indulgence.  and  determine high i n f a n t indulgence,  are nondetermining  M o t h e r - c h i l d households  with r e s p e c t to  appear to be almost-"  determining of low i n d u l g e n c e . The  d e s c r i p t i o n of Maintenance System parameters i n  Part I p r o v i d e s us with a p i c t u r e of the a d u l t world;  we  see  what w i l l be expected and r e q u i r e d of the c h i l d when he grows up.  What i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between these expectations and  requirements and the methods a p p l i e d to the r e a r i n g of children?  Can the c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s which are e x e r c i s e d  be expected to produce the adult r o l e s ? i t was  unnecessary  specific topics.  the necessary i n d i v i d u a l s to  fulfill  As ours has not been a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l  survey,  to l i m i t the c h i l d - t r a i n i n g data to any We  have d e l i b e r a t e l y allowed the. data c o l -  l e c t e d on both parameters  and c h i l d t r a i n i n g to cover as  broad an area as p o s s i b l e , i n order to maximize the number of comparisons  between d e t a i l s of c h i l d r e a r i n g and of a d u l t 1  r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and accepted behavior p a t t e r n s .  7 The the  accompanying diagram (Figure  two Whiting i l l u s t r a t i o n s , but has been r e v i s e d i n accordance  with our own r e s e a r c h aims. which i s a feature and  1, p.10) i s based on  The focus of Culture  and P e r s o n a l i t y ,  o f both Whiting s t u d i e s , has been excluded,  the emphasis s h i f t e d to the r e l a t i o n s h i p of c h i l d - r e a r i n g  practices  t o the "parameters which set the stage f o r c h i l d  rearing".  (B.B. Whiting 1963:6)  As i l l u s t r a t e d i n our diagram,  c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s have become the centre o f focus. The diagram i s a concise statement o f our t h e o r e t i c a l framework. The  data i n the r i n g surrounding C h i l d - R e a r i n g P r a c t i c e s ( i . e .  those data presented i n Part I ) provide the parameters f o r socialization practices;  arrows i n d i c a t e the main  causal  r e l a t i o n s h i p s , although they do riot cover a l l e v e n t u a l i t i e s . In n e i t h e r  o f the Whiting diagrams i s . the r e l a t i o n s h i p  between Adult P e r s o n a l i t y as a primary one.  and C h i l d - R e a r i n g P r a c t i c e s  R e c a l l that J.W.M. Whiting r e f e r r e d to per-  s o n a l i t y as "a set of h y p o t h e t i c a l (1961:356)  intervening  He a l s o r e f e r s to p e r s o n a l i t y  between the maintenance and p r o j e c t i v e (1961:374)  presented  variables".  as "a mediator  systems of a c u l t u r e " .  Maintenance Systems alone are shown t o have a  d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p with c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s . tenance Systems s e t the l i m i t s w i t h i n c h i l d t r a i n i n g operate;  The Main-  which the agents of  the agents, a l l those people  involved  i n c h i l d t r a i n i n g , are merely the pawns who apply the r u l e s set by the Maintenance Systems.  These systems,  therefore,  harbour the primary determinants of c h i l d - r e a r i n g  practices.  R e c a l l that, a c c o r d i n g to J.W.M. Whiting, aspects of the  Maintenance Systems may be d i v i d e d i n t o d i s c r e e t  categories,  some of which may be determining, while others are nondetermining.  Nevertheless, a c c o r d i n g to t h i s view, i t i s w i t h i n  the l i m i t s s e t by the Maintenance System parameters that the determinants of c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s a r e t o be found. Although we do not e n t i r e l y disagree with t h i s conceptual scheme, i t i s f e l t that  the. r o l e of the agents of c h i l d  r e a r i n g i s a l s o a primary one.  In most s i t u a t i o n s , l i m i t s  set by the Maintenance Systems are f i l t e r e d through a d u l t consciousness before a f f e c t i n g the c h i l d r e n , though at times the  systems do a f f e c t the c h i l d r e n . d i r e c t l y .  personality influence way.  and behavior can be seen to exert  on Maintenance Systems;  Although the parameters are,  cultural,  and s u p r a - i n d i v i d u a l ,  Also,  adult  a primary  the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s twoi n some sense, supra-  they do not e x i s t i n  i s o l a t i o n and are a f f e c t e d and a l t e r e d by the very persona l i t i e s and behavior p a t t e r n s they have c r e a t e d . as we w i l l see i n the text, P o l i t i c a l S t r u c t u r e a f f e c t e d by Adult P e r s o n a l i t y new c h i e f .  (See p.170)  (p. 4) p i c t u r e s  For example i s greatly  i n the method of r a i s i n g a  The B e a t r i c e  B. Whiting diagram  C u l t u r a l Products as standing alone, and does  not  i n d i c a t e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to other aspects of c u l t u r e .  Our  data i n d i c a t e that C u l t u r a l Products ( P r o j e c t i v e Systems)  have a r o l e which s i g n i f i c a n t l y a f f e c t s c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c (See  p.213)  T h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p has been i n d i c a t e d by an arrow  on our diagram. (Figure  1,  p.10)  We have attempted i n our  r e v i s e d diagram to i n d i c a t e some of the two-way r e l a t i o n s h i p s  9  which are i n o p e r a t i o n , and thus to a v o i d the i m p r e s s i o n t h a t t h e r e are s i n g l e - l i n e c a u s a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The system i s p r e s e n t e d i n diagrammatic form as a neat c i r c l e w i t h o n l y E c o l o g y s l i g h t l y o u t s i d e the r i n g ;  even  E c o l o g y , however, has i t s p l a c e w i t h i n the scheme i n t h a t i t s e t s g r o s s parameters f o r the e s t a b l i s h i n g of Maintenance Systems, e s p e c i a l l y Economy.  T h i s p o r t r a i t of a smoothly  f u n c t i o n i n g system i s perhaps m i s l e a d i n g .  Outside i n f l u e n c e s  have not been i n c l u d e d i n the diagram, and these bombard the system a t every p o i n t , c a u s i n g a q u i c k e n i n g of movement a l o n g the  arrows.  O u t s i d e i n f l u e n c e s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n the t e x t  and an attempt w i l l be made to show how the system, as p r e s e n t e d i n the diagram, copes w i t h s t r e s s e s imposed from w i t h o u t . I t i s hoped t h a t t h i s c o n c e p t u a l scheme w i l l be u s e f u l i n i n d i c a t i n g where the system i s c o n s i s t e n t and where i t i s not. the  For example,  does a change which i s o c c u r r i n g i n one of  Maintenance Systems, say the Economic System, perhaps as  a r e s u l t of an o u t s i d e s t r e s s , produce a c o n s i s t e n t adjustment i n the t r a i n i n g of c h i l d r e n f o r the r o l e they w i l l be r e q u i r e d to  p l a y i n the economy?  Do a d u l t a t t i t u d e s and b e h a v i o r p a t -  t e r n s change i n accordance w i t h the economic  change and do  a d u l t s pass these new a t t i t u d e s t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n , or i s t h e r e a l a g or a d i s c o n t i n u i t y i n the p a t t e r n ?  The c h i l d r e n must be  r a i s e d i n such a way as t o m a i n t a i n a c e r t a i n amount of s t a b i l i t y i n the parameters i f the community i s t o m a i n t a i n i t s identity.  There must a l s o be f l e x i b i l i t y ,  however, so  t h a t changes and adjustments a r e t r a n s m i t t e d a l o n g the arrows,  10  ECOLOGY Geography Population  •  MAINTENANCE SYSTEMS ECONOMY SOCIAL STRUCTURE Kinship Residence P a t t e r n s POLITICAL STRUCTURE  CHILD-REARING PRACTICES Infancy to Adolescence  CHILD PERSONALITY  ADULT PERSONALITY Cognitive Processes  CHILD BEHAVIOR School-Work Household Responsibilities Play  "ADULT BEHAVIOR V i s i t i n g Patterns Recreational A c t i v i t i e s  Figure 1 T h e o r e t i c a l Framework  .PROJECTIVE SYSTEMS R e l i g i o n and the Supernatural Disease & Medical Practice Legends  11 or  d i s c o n t i n u i t y , disharmony, and s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n  occur.  will  We hope to i n d i c a t e i n the f o l l o w i n g chapters j u s t  what the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s on Opasquia between the parameters for  s o c i a l i z a t i o n and the a c t u a l p r a c t i c e s which were observed. METHODOLOGY c  weeks were spent on Opasquia between August 26  Six  and October 15,- 1 9 6 6 ;  the f i e l d work was broken i n t o two  3-week p e r i o d s by a 10-day i n t e r v a l , which was spent i n Winnipeg.  A f t e r approximately two weeks i n the f i e l d , i t was  decided t o concentrate on one a r e a of the Reserve; f o r s e v e r a l reasons Opasquia West was chosen.  Two of the main  reasons f o r that choice were as f o l l o w s :  f i r s t l y , the l a n -  guage b a r r i e r was minimal i n that area;  secondly, because of  t h e i r high degree of a c c u l t u r a t i o n , the r e s i d e n t s of Opasquia West were l e s s h e s i t a n t i n t h e i r acceptance of an o u t s i d e r than were people i n other areas of the Reserve. tageous was the f a c t that Opasquia West i s f a i r l y and v i s i t i n g  Also  advan-  compact,  could be accomplished on f o o t .  The b a r r i e r s mentioned above, which r e s u l t e d i n excluding from the study other areas of the Reserve, could a l l have been overcome with time. little  S i x weeks, however, i s v e r y  time indeed t o acquaint o n e s e l f with even a few of the  p a t t e r n s of an u n f a m i l i a r way of l i f e ; its  Opasquia West, with  cohesiveness and r e l a t i v e l y high degree of a c c u l t u r a t i o n ,  presented the best o p p o r t u n i t y f o r b r e e d i n g f a m i l i a r i t y and understanding.  12  P a r t i c i p a n t Observation P a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n , i n c o n j u n c t i o n with i n f o r m a l c o n v e r s a t i o n , was collection.  the method most e x t e n s i v e l y used i n data  Meetings  of the Band C o u n c i l , the H a n d i c r a f t  G u i l d , the Women's A u x i l l i a r y Committee were attended. community a c t i v i t i e s ,  ( A n g l i c a n Church), and the Sports  S p o r t i n g events, which are l a r g e l y  i n c l u d i n g L i t t l e and Pony League base-  b a l l games between the Reserve and the town of The Pas, soccer games between a B i g Eddy team and one from  adult  Opasquia  East and West, and the Annual S p o r t s Day were observed. i n v e s t i g a t o r was duck-hunting. weeks;  taken moose-hunting, and observed  The  people  S e v e r a l weddings took p l a c e during the s i x  a ceremony, two wedding f e a s t s , and s e v e r a l wedding  dances were attended.  The weekly Bingo, sponsored by the  Health Committee, p r o v i d e d an o p p o r t u n i t y to observe one of a d u l t entertainment. c l a s s e s were observed.  Church I t was  form  s e r v i c e s and Sunday School p o s s i b l e to watch c h i l d r e n  p l a y i n g both out-of-doors and i n t h e i r homes, to a t t e n d b i r t h d a y p a r t i e s , k i n d e r g a r t e n c l a s s e s , and to d r i v e the route with the c h i l d r e n on .the school bus. smoking moose meat was  The process of  recorded and s e v e r a l of the many steps  i n v o l v e d i n the tanning of moosehide were  photographed.  Mothers and grandmothers were accompanied on shopping s i o n s to town.  excur-  In a d d i t i o n to c h a t t i n g i n f o r m a l l y with  people i n these s i t u a t i o n s , many were v i s i t e d i n t h e i r homes. A number of these v i s i t s were r e c i p r o c a t e d ;  both  children  and a d u l t s enjoyed the n o v e l t y of v i s i t i n g i n a t e n t .  Many  13 hours were spent t a l k i n g t o people i n the F r i e n d s h i p Centre who h o l d key p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n s on the Reserve. In a d d i t i o n to the Reserve Indians, two other groups of people were i n t e r v i e w e d .  In Winnipeg, d i s c u s s i o n s were  h e l d with a number of Indian and non-Indian  people  concerning  the Indians of Manitoba, and s p e c i f i c a l l y of Opasquia. Various questions were a l s o reviewed with White people i n The Pas who are d i r e c t l y connected  with the Indians;  these  people i n c l u d e d the A n g l i c a n M i n i s t e r who r e s i d e s on the Reserve, the Bishop's Messenger, a former k i n d e r g a r t e n teacher who l i v e d and taught.on bation Officer M a  the Reserve, and the Pro-  for northern Manitoba.  PP £ i n  To  f a c i l i t a t e the study of r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n s , a  l a r g e map was drawn of Opasquia West;  an .attempt was made to  estimate the d i s t a n c e s between houses and'-service - b u i l d i n g s , so that the map would approximate a s c a l e d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . K i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s were entered on the map and served to v e r i f y the impression  that the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of houses  i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n terms of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . A p r o f e s s i o n a l l y drawn map, based on a e r i a l  photo-  graphy, was l a t e r obtained from an a r c h i t e c t u r a l f i r m which i s i n v o l v e d i n a community p l a n n i n g p r o j e c t on Opasquia. The p r o f e s s i o n a l map i s the one reproduced (See F i g u r e 6, p. 135)  i n . t h i s report.  The value of p e r s o n a l l y drawing a map,  however, should not be underestimated.  I t i s f e l t that the  extensive i n t e r l o c k i n g of r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n and k i n s h i p  14 network  .would not have been r e v e a l e d with the same degree of  c l a r i t y had not the i n v e s t i g a t o r p e r s o n a l l y walked from house to house n o t i n g both the p r o x i m i t y and placement of each house with r e s p e c t to i t s neighbours, and the k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p of the  i n h a b i t a n t s of each house to the i n h a b i t a n t s of n e i g h -  bouring houses. Genealogies Genealogies were c o l l e c t e d from s e v e r a l members of major f a m i l i e s i n Opasquia West and serve to f u r t h e r c l a r i f y the complex k i n network.  In a d d i t i o n , p e r i p h e r a l i n f o r m a t i o n such  as the o r i g i n of spouses, and the whereabouts c h i l d r e n was noted.  A list  and female speakers was  of s i b l i n g s and  of Cree k i n s h i p terms f o r both male  drawn up so that an a n a l y s i s of the  k i n s h i p system could be attempted. (See F i g u r e s 4 and 5 , P.P.130 and 131) Census Apart from the c o l l e c t i o n of genealogies, the only formal i n t e r v i e w i n g took the form of a door-to-door census survey.  The purpose of the census was twofold:  aim of the survey was  to c o l l e c t demographic  The f o l l o w i n g demographic for  almost every household:  the f i r s t  information.  i n f o r m a t i o n was r e c o r d e d  number of persons l i v i n g i n the  house, t h e i r ages, sex, education, occupation, and r e l a t i o n s h i p to one another.  In most cases, the age, sex, education,  and occupation of c h i l d r e n away from home was a l s o requested; the  place of r e s i d e n c e of these c h i l d r e n was noted.  The  15  f o l l o w i n g i n f o r m a t i o n was a l s o recorded:  l e n g t h of residence  i n present home, previous r e s i d e n c e and l e n g t h of time there, number of c h i l d r e n who died i n i n f a n c y and the causes of t h e i r deaths, and the o r i g i n o f spouses. The concerning  second aim of the survey was to c o l l e c t m a t e r i a l l i v i n g standards.  were drawn o f most homes;  information  Detailed floor  i n c l u d e d i n these  plans  diagrams a r e the  approximate dimensions of the rooms, the f u r n i s h i n g s , f a c i l i t i e s and a p p l i a n c e s , and the general c o n d i t i o n of the houses, n i s h i n g s , and yards.  fur-  The census data proved i n v a l u a b l e i n  a s s e s s i n g both the p h y s i c a l and the s o c i a l environment of the children. Rejected Methods of Data Collection Two  methods of data c o l l e c t i o n were t e s t e d , proved  u n s a t i s f a c t o r y , and were, t h e r e f o r e , abandoned. b r i e f l y described.  They w i l l be  F i r s t l y , an attempt was made t o organize  a group of young mothers to h e l p observe and r e c o r d the p h y s i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of c h i l d r e n ;  these informants  were p a i d .  The i n v e s t i g a t o r intended to spend c o n s i d e r a b l e time a t t h i s project i n i t i a l l y ,  c a r e f u l l y e x p l a i n i n g i n t e r e s t s and reviewing  notes with the women a f t e r short observation p e r i o d s . hoped that a f t e r a couple  I t was  of weeks the group of about ten  women could meet and d i s c u s s v a r i o u s t o p i c s of i n t e r e s t to all  concerned. T h i s method was intended  to provide i n s i g h t s i n t o the  f e e l i n g s and f r u s t r a t i o n s of the women as regards  child rearing,  16 as w e l l as to provide more examples of the p h y s i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of  c h i l d r e n than one person  could p o s s i b l y c o l l e c t  unaided.  Undoubtedly, t h i s scheme could be h i g h l y s u c c e s s f u l i f a researcher had u n l i m i t e d time t o t r a i n the women i n . o b s e r v a t i o n . . In the i n i t i a l  stages,  each woman would have to be  v i s i t e d a t l e a s t once every couple of days. however, c o n f i n e myself  t o t h i s one aspect  I could not, of the study.  S e v e r a l women were q u i t e shy and r e t i c e n t about t h i s and a f t e r a few misplaced  procedure,  t h e i r notebooks, an u n s u c c e s s f u l s  meeting attended by only two women, and a notebook which seemed to have been f i l l e d with anything that came to mind, p o s s i b l y with the i n t e n t i o n of p l e a s i n g the i n v e s t i g a t o r , i t was  decided to abandon t h i s l i n e of r e s e a r c h .  Nevertheless,  one  or two i n t e r e s t i n g comments were o f f e r e d by the mothers. A l s o abandoned was an attempt to f o l l o w a somewhat  formal, s t a n d a r d i z e d i n t e r v i e w schedule  during  mother-interviews.  At no time were w r i t t e n q u e s t i o n n a i r e s or notebooks used during these i n t e r v i e w s , however, (pen and notebook i n the presence of the i n t e r v i e w e e , were u t i l i z e d throughout the f i e l d season for r e c o r d i n g genealogies was  and census data o n l y ) .  Rather, an attempt  made to d i r e c t the c o n v e r s a t i o n during each i n t e r v i e w along  s p e c i f i c , predetermined  lines.  Invariably, this  became s t i l t e d and unspontaneous;  conversation  communication became minimal  and I began to f e e l I was d e a l i n g with t r i v i a .  T h i s course of  a c t i o n was r e j e c t e d , and i n i t s place the i n v e s t i g a t o r ' was content  to s i t back and observe the events  t h e i r n a t u r a l course;  of the day take  questions were asked a c c o r d i n g t o the  17 s i t u a t i o n at hand.  T h i s procedure was  f a c t o r y and p r o d u c t i v e . and  the i n f o r m a t i o n  Interviews  found to be very  turned i n t o casual  satisvisits  exchanged became a n a t u r a l part of  any  day's s o c i a l i z i n g . The  Census Sample F i f t y - s i x households were i n c l u d e d i n the census survey.  Of these,  two  households from which census data were c o l l e c t e d  are l o c a t e d i n Opasquia East.  These two  group of three which i s set apart  homes belong to a  from the other homes i n  Opasquia East, and which i s immediately adjacent  to the highway..  Both the k i n s h i p t i e s and  the p o l i t i c a l t i e s of these f a m i l i e s  are west of the highway;  i n f a c t , the C h i e f r e s i d e d i n t h i s  enclave.  The  r e s i d e n t s of one  of the group of three homes were  not a v a i l a b l e for census i n t e r v i e w i n g .  Because of t h e i r  close  a f f i n i t i e s with Opasquia West, these three households have been i n c l u d e d i n the main body of the study. During the summer of 1966, i n Opasquia West;  there were s i x t y - f o u r houses  the three houses from Opasquia East-'Which  were i n c l u d e d i n the study b r i n g the t o t a l number of houses to sixty-seven. l a s t stages  Of these,  of c o n s t r u c t i o n ) .  Opasquia East was home;  s i x were unoccupied (three were i n the One  of the three f a m i l i e s from  a l s o i n the process  of c o n s t r u c t i n g a  new  t h i s u n f i n i s h e d s h e l l b r i n g s the t o t a l number of houses  to s i x t y - e i g h t . Two  of the f a m i l i e s who  i n c l u d e d i n the census.  One  were to occupy new  f a m i l y was  houses are  r e s i d i n g with  the  husband's parents and i s i n c l u d e d as part of. that household. The other family, though about to move, was s t i l l its  living in  o l d house, and was i n t e r v i e w e d at that l o c a t i o n .  The t h i r d  new house belonged t o a family i n Opasquia West who were r e n o v a t i n g the shack w i t h the i n t e n t i o n of r e n t i n g i t to a young, newly-married couple from another part of the Reserve. Three of the remaining houses were boarded up.  The  f a m i l y b e l o n g i n g to one of them was r e s i d i n g , a t the time, with h i s parents, and i s i n c l u d e d i n the census as a part of that household.  The second house which was boarded up i s  owned by a bachelor whose whereabouts  were not discovered.  The s i x t h unoccupied d w e l l i n g belonged to a family.who had abandoned i t f o r a new home; boarded up, was s t i l l  the o l d l o g s t r u c t u r e ,  though  used f o r storage.  Of the remaining s i x t y - o n e households, f i v e were not i n c l u d e d i n census i n t e r v i e w i n g f o r a number of reasons. I t was decided that the M i s s i o n House should be excluded from the sample. ication;  In one home, the language b a r r i e r p r o h i b i t e d communi n two cases, v i s i t s e i t h e r found no-one a t home, or  were not c o n v e n i e n t l y timed f o r census i n t e r v i e w i n g . members of one household r e f u s e d to cooperate.  The  Therefore, the  t o t a l number of households i n c l u d e d i n the census i s f i f t y six.  The s e c t i o n s of the text which are concerned w i t h  demography, or with the p h y s i c a l environment i n and around the  homes, are based on t h i s census  sample.  19 Visits  and Interviews The  total  v i s i t s and v i s i t s 120.  number of home v i s i t s  (including reciprocated  f o r the purpose of census i n t e r v i e w i n g ) was  In a d d i t i o n , i n t e r v i e w s with non-Indians, Winnipeg Indians,  and i n t e r v i e w s which took place not i n homes, but i n places such as the p l a y i n g f i e l d or the F r i e n d s h i p Centre, i s a low estimate as a couple or a two-hour b a l l  total.62.  o f hours a t the F r i e n d s h i p  game, during which s e v e r a l b r i e f  This Centre,  conversations  may have taken p l a c e , a r e , f o r the sake of convenience, counted as one i n t e r v i e w .  The t o t a l  number of home v i s i t s and other  i n t e r v i e w s 'then i s 182, or an average of 4-33 per day.  PART I PARAMETERS FOR CHILD-REARING PRACTICES  21  Chapter  2  HISTORY AND ECOLOGY HISTORICAL  SETTING  The Swampy Cree have occupied the area around The Pas only s i n c e the beginning of the n i n e t e e n t h century.  There are  s l i g h t d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n the l i t e r a t u r e r e g a r d i n g t h e i r l o c u s of h a b i t a t i o n .  former  P r i o r to contact with Europeans, according,  to Mandelbaum, ancestors of the P l a i n s Cree l i v e d i n a f o r e s t environment between Hudson Bay and Lake S u p e r i o r . (Mandelbaum 1940:187)  T h i s d e l i n e a t i o n of the pre-contact h a b i t a t i o n area  of the Cree has been s h i f t e d s l i g h t l y westward by H a l l o w e l l who s t a t e s : There i s no doubt that up u n t i l the eighteenth century the Woods and Swampy Cree were the predominant people surrounding not only Hudson Bay but a l s o Lake Winnipeg. ( H a l l o w e l l 1955:114-115) A c c o r d i n g l y , there are d i f f e r e n c e s i n the s t a t e d d i r e c t i o n of the s h i f t which occurred; Mandelbaum poses a westward movement ( 1 9 4 0 : 1 8 7 ) , while H a l l o w e l l says: By the beginning of the n i n e t e e n t h century, however, a decided change had taken p l a c e . The Cree were no longer to be found to the east, south, and west of Lake Winnipeg. Bands o f Ojibwa had d i s p l a c e d them and the l o c u s of the Cree had s h i f t e d to the n o r t h . (Hallowell  1955:115)  Nevertheless, the two r e p o r t s are not a l t o g e t h e r d i s s i m i l a r and, as Mandelbaum deals almost  e x c l u s i v e l y with the Cree,  while  H a l l o w e l l focuses on the Ojibwa, l e t us f o l l o w Mandelbaum's  22  historical  outline.  P r i o r to contact with Europeans, the c u l t u r e of the was wholly Woodlands i n c h a r a c t e r . shores of the l a r g e bodies of water;  Cree  Summers were spent on the winters were spent  inland.  With the coming of Europeans and the e s t a b l i s h i n g of t r a d i n g posts, the Indians devoted t h e i r energies i n c r e a s i n g l y to t r a p p i n g f u r - b e a r i n g animals and soon became dependent on the trade goods which they r e c e i v e d i n exchange f o r p e l t s . t r a d i n g posts and the expansion  Although  of the fur trade p r e c i p i t a t e d  changes i n the l i v e s of the Indians, they a l s o had the e f f e c t of i n t e n s i f y i n g and u n d e r l i n i n g extant c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s . H a l l o w e l l s t r e s s e s t h i s point with r e g a r d to the Ojibwa, but h i s comments are e q u a l l y a p p l i c a b l e to the Swampy and Wood Cree;  he  o f f e r s the f o l l o w i n g as an explanation for their'.high degree of cultural  conservatism.  While f u r - t r a d i n g posts were the o r i g i n a l f o c a l p o i n t s for the mediation of changes i n the technology of these Indians through t h e i r a c q u i s i t i o n of f i r e a r m s , k e t t l e s , awls, t r a p s , e t c . , and i n t h e i r consumptive h a b i t s by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of f l o u r , t e a , tobacco, and l i q u o r i n the e a r l y days, n e v e r t h e l e s s the demand f o r f u r s supported and encouraged the p e r p e t u a t i o n of t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l ecological adaptation—hunting. In consequence, not only was t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e economy r e t a i n e d , but the seasonal movements, i n s t i t u t i o n s , a t t i t u d e s , . a n d b e l i e f s that were c l o s e l y i n t e g r a t e d with i t . (Hallowell 1955:119) As i n t e n s i v e t r a p p i n g exhausted  the supply of game, the  Cree were f o r c e d northward and westward to e x p l o i t ritory.  fresh  They invaded the northern edge of the Great  ter-  Plains  about the beginning of the n i n e t e e n t h century, i n h a b i t i n g the Park B e l t , the t r a n s i t i o n a l area between the f o r e s t s and  plains.  23 The  eastern part of t h i s t e r r i t o r y had been formerly  occupied  by the A s s i n i b o i n and Gros Ventre and the western s e c t i o n by the B l a c k f o o t . to  At t h i s point i n time,  emerge as an e n t i t y , d i s t i n c t  Cree.  the P l a i n s Cree begin  from the Swampy and Wood  The northern l i m i t s of the Park B e l t marked the boun-  dary between the P l a i n s Cree and t h e i r r e l a t i v e s , the Wood Cree.  According to Mandelbaum, there was r e l a t i v e l y  little  contact between the two groups. The P l a i n s Cree mocked them f o r t h e i r l a c k of m a r t i a l fervour but a l s o f e a r e d them f o r t h e i r magical prowess. (Mandelbaum 1940:165) E a r l y contact l i t e r a t u r e r e f e r s to the Cree some 150 years before these- migrations began. in  They are f i r s t  mentioned  the J e s u i t R e l a t i o n s of 1640 where the Cree are r e f e r r e d to  as K i r i s t i n o n ; Nayhathaway.  some accounts o f the time r e f e r to them as At t h i s p o i n t , however, the p r i e s t s had only  l e a r n e d of the Cree from other Indians. not r e p o r t e d u n t i l 1666-1667.  F i r s t - h a n d contact i s  E a r l y contact l i t e r a t u r e d e p i c t s  the Cree as a nomadic, powerful, w a r - l i k e t r i b e .  The t r i b a l  d i v i s i o n o f the Cree known as the Swampy Cree was i d e n t i f i e d i n the e a r l y 1700's by K e l l o g g . (Mandelbaum 1940:173-174)  •  Mandelbaum r e f e r s t o the s e c t i o n of David Thompson's N a r r a t i v e which covers the p e r i o d 1784-1812. The N a r r a t i v e r e p o r t s a small group of Nayhathaway and Swampy Ground A s s i n i b o i n l i v i n g somewhere above the North Saskatchewan R i v e r , who s t i l l p r e f e r r e d t h e i r ancient mode of l i f e to l i v i n g i n the p l a i n s . The Cree of the west were now becoming s o c i a l l y disconnected from t h e i r eastern tribesmen, but s t i l l shared much of the eastern c u l t u r e with them. (Mandelbaum 1 9 4 0 : 1 8 1 )  24 Though t h i s r e f e r e n c e probably r e l a t e s t o a group f a r t h e r  west  than the Swampy Cree, the same conservatism seems to apply to both groups and i s , no doubt, r e l a t e d to the c o n t i n u i t y of t h e i r woodlands environment, and to t h e i r r e l a t i v e i s o l a t i o n from the main a g g r e s s i v e body of P l a i n s Cree.  Mandelbaum w r i t e s of the  d i f f e r e n c e between the w a r - l i k e P l a i n s Cree and t h e i r more p e a c e f u l r e l a t i v e s as f o l l o w s : The dichotomy between those Cree who hunted b u f f a l o and t h e i r eastern r e l a t i v e s became more and more s h a r p l y marked. So great was the s e p a r a t i o n that Hind warned against sending any of the C h r i s t i a n i z e d Swampy Cree to preach among the P l a i n s Cree, f o r the haughty and independent c h i l d r e n of the p r a i r i e s would never acknowledge or r e s p e c t t h e i r d o c i l e tribesmen as t e a c h e r s . (Mandelbaum 1940:185) From the mid 1700's to the e a r l y l 8 0 0 ' s the Cree were expanding t o t h e i r widest l i m i t s .  Some bands were out on the  p l a i n s but had not y e t completely severed themselves from the forest.  By the end of t h i s p e r i o d , the P l a i n s Cree had l a r g e l y  ceased wandering between the two environments and excursions i n t o the woodlands were being abandoned.  F i n a l l y , the i n v a d e r s  became e s t a b l i s h e d i n the p l a i n s as a true P l a i n s  tribe.  The f i r s t of a s e r i e s of t r e a t i e s made by the Dominion Government with the Cree was signed i n 1871.  In 1875, a l l the  Swampy Cree came under the terms of a t r e a t y drawn up at Lake Winnipeg.  As i l l u s t r a t e d on Mandelbaum's map, the Swampy Cree  were to be found i n the area o f The Pas, Manitoba. (Mandelbaum 1940:  F i g u r e 1)  5  8  —if-  M#Brochat  Original  Scale:  Some  1 in. = 50  Major  a  Size  of  a  Figure  2  Lakes,  Rivers,  Northern in  mi.  and  Communities Manitoba  original  map:  8 i n . x 13 i n .  26  PLATE I I BUSH COUNTRY  27 GEOGRAPHIC SETTING The Pas, a town of 4 , 9 5 2 , i s l o c a t e d i n the Province of Manitoba, some 465 m i l e s northwest o f Winnipeg, and twenty-one m i l e s from the eastern boundary of the Province of Saskatchewan. Though considered northern Manitoba, the town i s , i n f a c t , s i t u a t e d i n the southern h a l f of the province, s i x t y - f o u r m i l e s north of the 5 3 r d p a r a l l e l of l a t i t u d e and s i x m i l e s south of the 54th p a r a l l e l .  (See F i g u r e 2 , p.25)  In comparison to l o v e l y  R i d i n g Mountain N a t i o n a l Park, 250 m i l e s to the south, the v i c i n i t y of The Pas i s s c e n i c a l l y u n s p e c t a c u l a r . flat  The r e l a t i v e l y  c o u n t r y s i d e , dotted with l a k e s , i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by bush  and swamp which supports a teeming w i l d l i f e , i n c l u d i n g b i g game such as moose and deer. The  (See PLATES I and I I ) v  s t r a t e g i c nature of the present townsite, a t the  j u n c t i o n of the Saskatchewan and Carrot R i v e r s , was h i s t o r i c a l l y r e c o g n i z e d by e x p l o r e r s such as Kelsey and La Verendrye;  these  men were cognisant of the p o s i t i o n ' s p o s i t i v e a t t r i b u t e s f o r use as a d i s t r i b u t i n g c e n t r e .  The wisdom o f - t h e i r i n s i g h t i s  a t t e s t e d to by the f a c t that The Pas i s now a r a i l h e a d f o r the north as w e l l as a centre f o r trade and communication.  As such,  the town s e r v i c e s a l a r g e body of t r a n s i e n t s and migrants, miners and l a b o u r e r s ;  t h i s f a c t profoundly a f f e c t s the a c t i v i t y  and atmosphere of The Pas. The town i s s i t u a t e d on the south s i d e of the Saskatchewan R i v e r ;  Opasquia, on the r i v e r ' s n o r t h bank i s  reached by c r o s s i n g an o l d r a i l w a y b r i d g e which has a narrow l a n e on each s i d e of the t r a c k s f o r automobile  and p e d e s t r i a n  28 traffic.  By  f o l l o w i n g the meandering course  of the Saskatchewan  and Carrot R i v e r s for s e v e r a l m i l e s , the h a b i t a t i o n areas of the Reserve describe a wide s e m i - c i r c l e .  Thus they a v o i d a l a r g e  c e n t r a l area of shallow muskeg and swamp.  At one  time  covered  by the immense G l a c i a l Lake A g a s s i z , the t e r r a i n to t h i s bears signs of wave e r o s i o n ; boulders  and g l a c i a l t i l l ,  day  g l a c i a l remains, i n the form of  are a l s o to be seen.  To the t r a i n e d  eye, ancient beach r i d g e s r e v e a l i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g  the  existence and gradual r e c e s s i o n of the g l a c i e r , and the lake which formed as the g l a c i e r melted. the Indians with the important  These r i d g e s today  resources  provide  of g r a v e l and sand. •  CLIMATIC SETTING The  s e v e r i t y of the c l i m a t e i n c e n t r a l Canada i s c l e a r l y  i l l u s t r a t e d by The  Pas.  Four seasons are s h a r p l y  differentiated.  Winter begins between the middle and the end of October, l a s t s u n t i l the middle or the end of A p r i l . can be expected at the end of A p r i l , One  i s assured  A f i n a l snowstorm  or the beginning  f i v e to s i x months of b i t t e r  from below zero temperatures, and no winter  of  c o l d with no  May. relief  passes without  or more weeks when the thermometer i n d i c a t e s t h i r t y below zero F a r e n h e i t , or lower.  and  three  degrees  Cold i s i n c r e a s e d by even the  s l i g h t e s t wind, and howling gales are not at a l l uncommon; these p i l e the snow i n t o deep d r i f t s and make d a i l y s h o v e l l i n g a necessity. S p r i n g i s a welcome r e l i e f  from the long, b i t t e r  In an average year, m e l t i n g i s complete by the beginning  winter. or  the  29 middle of May, u n t i l June.  but the c o u n t r y s i d e does not bloom or turn green  The warmest months of the year are J u l y and August.  During a p a r t i c u l a r l y hot summer, temperatures may  r i s e to  between e i g h t y and n i n e t y - f i v e degrees F a r e n h e i t for a p e r i o d of two  or more weeks.  September b r i n g s autumn;  to change colour by the middle of the month.  l e a v e s begin  U s u a l l y , the  end  of September or the beginning of October b r i n g a week or two "Indian summer".^"  of  T h i s i s perhaps the l o v e l i e s t time of year.  The a i r i s warmed by l a t e n t heat which, absorbed by the earth during the heat of summer, i s now a n t i c i p a t i o n of winter. f i v e degree range and of c o l o u r .  given o f f as the a i r c o o l s i n  Temperatures are i n the s i x t y to s i x t y -  the c o u n t r y s i d e i s covered with a blanket  T h i s l o v e l y time ends a b r u p t l y ;  the l e a v e s  w i t h i n a week, and the country again l i e s barren;  fall  with  October comes f r o s t . RESERVE LAYOUT AND  FACILITIES  Though the r e s e a r c h f o r t h i s study was  confined  mainly  to that area of the Reserve v/hich i s here c a l l e d "Opasquia West", t h i s s e c t i o n w i l l not be c o n f i n e d to a d e s c r i p t i o n of that area alone. i t s proper  In order that Opasquia West may  be viewed i n  p e r s p e c t i v e , i t i s a d v i s a b l e to'present a b r i e f  d e s c r i p t i o n of the r e s t of the Reserve as w e l l .  I t i s hoped  • An o l d Indian woman could not e x p l a i n the o r i g i n of t h i s phrase; she was sure t h a t t h i s time of year could j u s t as e a s i l y be c a l l e d "White summer", but s a i d , "When the a i r i s f i l l e d with cobwebs, you know 'Indian summer' i s here".  Figure Reserve  3 Layout  This plan is based on a' s k e t c h m a p o l s o l i and groundwater conditions on T h e P a s Indian Reserve by J . 0 . Mollard and Associates, Roglna, Sask. The d e l i n e a t i o n ot areas 2IE and 21A follows Schwimmer'a report; his map Is based on a survey by V/. A . A u s t i n (Fob.. 1B83) and S. B r a y (Oct., 1 8 9 4 ) . They d i v i d e the Reserve Into T h e Pas No. 2IA, B, C , D, E. F. G. I. J. and K. T 6 4 6 . The whole of The Pas Borough plus a strip of land running south appear as 21A; part of this area Is still In Indian h a n d s , s u r r e n d e r e d but not sold; the Reserve derives some income from l e a s e e of t h i s l a n d . ( S c h w l m m e r , n. d.) a  'Slie  ol  original  map:  1 ft. > t f t .  31 that a f e e l i n g of the t o t a l Reserve environment w i l l he mitted, thus a l l o w i n g a more complete understanding played by Opasquia West i n the t o t a l  trans-  of the part  setting.  Opasquia i s d i v i d e d i n t o s i x c l e a r l y d e f i n e d h a b i t a t i o n 1000.  areas, the t o t a l Reserve p o p u l a t i o n being approximately  Highway 10 which continues north to F l i n F l o n , and the r a i l w a y which continues n o r t h to Lynn Lake and to C h u r c h i l l d i v i d e the area of the Reserve which i s f i r s t a r r i v e d at i n t o two east and west. Highway 10  Initially,  segments,  the g r a v e l Reserve road west of  f o l l o w s the course  of the r i v e r ;  half-way along  i t s seven mile l e n g t h , however, i t curves s l i g h t l y n o r t h  and  east, away from the r i v e r , and r e t u r n s to the main highway, thus completing situated.  the wide s e m i - c i r c l e along which the houses are  (See F i g u r e  By  3)  f o l l o w i n g the Reserve road west of the highway,  passes through Opasquia West. comes to the Carrot River Area; Carrot River  A couple  one  of miles f u r t h e r , one  i t i s at t h i s p o i n t that the  j o i n s the Saskatchewan.  T h i s s e c t i o n of the  Reserve i s c a l l e d Half-Way House by the Indians as i t i s l o c a t e d half-way between the two main h a b i t a t i o n areas.  Far-  t h e s t from town i s the l a r g e h a b i t a t i o n area known as B i g Eddy. L i k e the Carrot River Area, B i g Eddy was  named i n accordance  with the character of the r i v e r at that p a r t i c u l a r  point.  Reserve road to the east of Highway 10  passes  The  through the s e c t i o n of the Reserve known as Opasquia East, a r r i v e s - a couple  of miles l a t e r at the non-treaty  and  Umfreville  32 Settlement." " 1  A smaller n o n - t r e a t y h a b i t a t i o n area i s a l s o to  be found w i t h i n B i g Eddy. Opasquia West To some extent, the c l e a r - c u t a r e a l d i v i s i o n s represent d i f f e r i n g degrees of a c c u l t u r a t i o n ;  the d i f f e r e n t  accultura-  t i o n a l l e v e l s , i n turn, seem to c o i n c i d e w i t h s t a t u s w i t h i n the community.  Opasquia West has undergone  divisions  a greater  degree of a c c u l t u r a t i o n than any other s e c t i o n of the Reserve. Without a doubt, the p r o x i m i t y of t h i s a r e a to town has been a major c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r ;  the centre of The Pas i s an easy  f i f t e e n to twenty-five minute walk away.  Of a l l Reserve  members, r e s i d e n t s of Opasquia West are the l e a s t r e t i c e n t i n their  d e a l i n g s with Whites, a f a c t which a t t e s t s to the i n -  f l u e n c e of c l o s e contact.  Another i n d i c a t i o n of the higher  degree of a c c u l t u r a t i o n i n Opasquia West i s that the l e a d e r s h i p core of the community, i n c l u d i n g seven out of nine Band Councillors,  i s housed here.  A f a c t o r which i s h i g h l y  significant  with respect to the high s t a t u s nature of Opasquia West i s that i t houses a l a r g e percentage of the Reserve's n o n - d r i n k e r s . The p h y s i c a l f a c i l i t i e s  of Opasquia West are as f o l l o w s :  there are s i x t y - e i g h t houses (see p . 1 7 ) , are  new  of which twenty-five  (three were not yet occupied at time of census i n t e r -  viewing).  An attempt i s b e i n g made i n t h i s area to i n s t i t u t e  "*"This name probably d e r i v e s from that of Edward U m f r e v i l l e , a Northwest Company man who, i n 1 7 9 0 , p u b l i s h e d a book i n which he says that h i s knowledge of the Nehethawa (Cree) i s more p e r f e c t than that concerning any other t r i b e . He c h a r a c t e r i z e s them as both a Woodlands and a P l a i n s people, i l l u s t r a t i n g t h e i r ambivalence between the two environments a t the time.. (Mandelbaum 1 9 4 0 : 1 8 0 )  33 town planning, i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r the f u t u r e i n s t a l l a t i o n of sewer and waterworks systems.  For t h i s reason,  new homes have been p l a c e d . i n neat,  some of the  suburban-looking  rows; •  they are evenly spaced according to standard l o t s i z e s , and each s i t s only a few yards  from an access road.  (See p p . l 6 3 -  164) The area houses an A n g l i c a n Church, a M i s s i o n House, and a Community H a l l .  A l a r g e b u i l d i n g served as The Pas  Indian Day School u n t i l school i n t e g r a t i o n i n 1963;  i t was  being converted i n t o an o f f i c e b u i l d i n g f o r the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and, when complete, ,was intended to serve as the Branch's a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centre f o r a l l of northern Manitoba.  The  b u i l d i n g was a l s o to house an o f f i c e f o r use by the Band i n Band a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . teacherage  When the school was i n operation, a  was a l s o l o c a t e d i n the area.  was under c o n s t r u c t i o n ;  A Handicraft  Centre  t h i s b u i l d i n g w i l l provide working  space f o r the members of the H a n d i c r a f t G u i l d and, i n a d d i t i o n , w i l l serve as a d i s p l a y and d i s t r i b u t i n g centre.  The area a l s o  boasts a l a r g e p l a y i n g f i e l d and a s t o r e which i s owned and operated by an Indian p r o p r i e t o r ;  another t i n y s t o r e by the  p l a y i n g f i e l d s e l l s candy and pop during s p o r t i n g events. Everyone i n Opasquia West has water d e l i v e r y s e r v i c e ; 0  water b a r r e l s are f i l l e d twice a week by a water truck from town;  the charge i s one d o l l a r per b a r r e l , r e g a r d l e s s of b a r r e l  size.  I t i s important  to note here that a number of homes  ( a l b e i t a small number) i n the town of The Pas have water d e l i v e r y as w e l l ;  the l a c k of running water i s not c o n f i n e d  3k  e x c l u s i v e l y to the Reserve. one  or two water b a r r e l s .  Each f a m i l y i n Opasquia West has T h i s water supply  i s supplemented  with r a i n water, w e l l water, and r i v e r water.. to the Reserve i n 1959; not  E l e c t r i c i t y came  now, only four homes i n t h i s area are  wired.  B i g Eddy B i g Eddy, the other  l a r g e h a b i t a t i o n area  for treaty  Indians of Opasquia, has undergone l e s s a c c u l t u r a t i o n than Opasquia West. s t a t u s area;  I t has often been s a i d that B i g Eddy i s a lower as the i n v e s t i g a t o r d i d not spend a great  deal of  time i n B i g Eddy, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to assess obvious a c c u l t u r a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n terms of s t a t u s . an hour's walk from town;  B i g Eddy i s at l e a s t  t h e r e f o r e , people from t h i s  f r e q u e n t l y use t a x i s e r v i c e .  Despite  area  the f a c t that t a x i s are  used e x t e n s i v e l y , however, town i s simply  not as a c c e s s i b l e to  B i g Eddy r e s i d e n t s as i t i s to those from Opasquia West.  Some  B i g Eddy people view the s i t u a t i o n as advantageous, and claim to l i v e i n B i g Eddy p a r t l y f o r t h i s reason;  they do not approve  of t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s running to town " a t the drop of a hat". people who express t h i s point of view f e e l t h e i r values  superior  the other  The  conservative  to those h e l d by people i n Opasquia West.  On  hand, some r e s i d e n t s of Opasquia West lump almost  a l l B i g Eddy r e s i d e n t s together  as d r i n k e r s , and consider  them-  s e l v e s to be s u p e r i o r . In comparing the d i f f e r i n g degrees of a c c u l t u r a t i o n i n the two areas, garten  one i n t e r e s t i n g example stands out.  The k i n d e r -  c l a s s i s d i v i d e d so that c h i l d r e n from Opasquia East and  West a t t e n d i n the morning, and those from B i g Eddy a t t e n d i n the afternoon.  The k i n d e r g a r t e n teacher, h e r s e l f an Indian  woman from Saskatchewan, remarked s e v e r a l times that her B i g Eddy c l a s s was  much e a s i e r to handle than her morning c l a s s .  C h i l d r e n from Opasquia West presented d i s c i p l i n a r y problems; they were rambunctious,  and kept her c o n s t a n t l y busy.  The B i g  Eddy c h i l d r e n , on the other hand, were q u i e t , obedient, easy to manage. acculturational. sive;  and  T h i s d i f f e r e n c e can be i n t e r p r e t e d as C h i l d r e n from Opasquia West are more aggres-  t h e i r parents are the community l e a d e r s and have had to  deal with Whites;  most of the c h i l d r e n are f a m i l i a r  with  E n g l i s h and are not shy or withdrawn at the age of f i v e . C h i l d r e n from B i g Eddy are l e s s a c c u l t u r a t e d , and t h i s becomes obvious i n t h e i r behavior at k i n d e r g a r t e n .  They are l e s s  f a m i l i a r with E n g l i s h , have had l e s s contact with Whites and with town, and are shy and unaggressive;  they are, t h e r e f o r e ,  q u i e t , obedient, and a pleasure for the teacher to handle a f t e r her rambunctious morning c l a s s . The  p r o p o r t i o n of new  Eddy than i n Opasquia West. West, no attempt  to o l d homes i s smaller i n B i g U n l i k e the s i t u a t i o n i n Opasquia  has been made, as new  houses are b u i l t , to  r e o r g a n i z e the B i g Eddy community with the i n t e n t i o n of f a c i l i t a t i n g the f u t u r e i n s t a l l a t i o n of sewer and waterworks systems. Big  Community planning i s , at present, unnecessary  Eddy f o r the f o l l o w i n g reasons:  once i n s t a l l e d , w i l l be expensive  sewer and water  to maintain;  e f f i c i e n t l y be supported i f people who  in  facilities,  they can most  are i n t e r e s t e d i n  p a r t a k i n g of the s e r v i c e s congregate i n one area;  as these  f a c i l i t i e s w i l l i n i t i a l l y be i n s t a l l e d only i n Opasquia West, i n t e r e s t e d people from B i g Eddy w i l l be r e q u i r e d to move. There i s no water d e l i v e r y i n B i g Eddy. must haul water water.'  Residents  from the w e l l and r i v e r , and c o l l e c t  rain  In the w i n t e r , melted snow and i c e can be used for  some purposes.  Though exact f i g u r e s were not recorded, the  percentage of homes without e l e c t r i c i t y i s undoubtedly higher i n B i g Eddy than i n Opasquia West.  U n t i l about I 9 6 0 ,  the  Reserve r o a d through B i g Eddy was not c l e a r e d of snow i n the winter.  An informant expressed her f e e l i n g s , and perhaps  those of other B i g Eddy r e s i d e n t s , by saying, "We  were f o r -  gotten people". Most of the s e r v i c e b u i l d i n g s found i n Opasquia West are d u p l i c a t e d i n B i g Eddy, though i n most cases the b u i l d i n g s i n B i g Eddy are smaller;  to some extent they f u l f i l  secondary to those i n Opasquia West.  functions  There i s an A n g l i c a n  Church i n B i g Eddy and Sunday School c l a s s e s are h e l d here as w e l l as i n Opasquia West.  In a d d i t i o n , B i g Eddy boasts a  school-house, a Community H a l l , and a p l a y i n g f i e l d .  Kinder-  garten c l a s s e s f o r a l l Reserve c h i l d r e n are h e l d i n the B i g Eddy s c h o o l .  Soccer games between teams from B i g Eddy and  from Opasquia East and West are o f t e n h e l d on the B i g Eddy f i e l d , w h i l e league games between Reserve and town teams are always played on the other f i e l d (when not played i n town). The B i g Eddy Community H a l l i s c o n s i d e r a b l y smaller than that i n Opasquia West.  37 The  Carrot River The  Area  Carrot R i v e r Area, l o c a t e d half-way  West and B i g Eddy, seems to f u l f i l a half-way  between Opasquia  position in l i v i n g  standard and i n s t a t u s , as w e l l as i n l o c a t i o n .  Several  new  homes i n Opasquia West are occupied by former Carrot River people. Opasquia East The l i v i n g standard i n Opasquia East i s l e s s still.  The  p r o p o r t i o n of new  four t r e a t y areas. No i n f o r m a t i o n was situation;  favourable  to o l d homes i s the lowest of the  Most of the homes here have no recorded r e g a r d i n g the water  electricity.  delivery  while those near to the highway (four homes) may  be i n c l u d e d i n the d e l i v e r y s e r v i c e , i t i s probable that those f u r t h e r east are not.  S e v e r a l homes which were v i s i t e d i n  t h i s area were of the one-room l o g type. with a l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n of i n h a b i t a n t s ; relatively  clean.  Non-Treaty  Settlements  The  They were very small these homes were  two non-treaty settlements are, for the most p a r t ,  t r e a t e d as i n t e g r a l p a r t s of the Reserve.  Lack of time made  i t . i m p o s s i b l e to deal with these areas i n any but fashion.  Hence the i n v e s t i g a t o r  cursory  does not f e e l q u a l i f i e d to  d i s c u s s them e x t e n s i v e l y , e i t h e r i n terms of m a t e r i a l f a c i l i t i e s or of s t a t u s . new of  Both areas have a smaller p r o p o r t i o n of  to o l d homes than any other part of the Reserve. the non-treaty settlements has water d e l i v e r y .  Neither  A high  38  percentage about  of homes i n the U m f r e v i l l e Settlement  the one i n B i g Eddy) have no e l e c t r i c i t y .  (I do not know The U m f r e v i l l e  Settlement i s approximately two m i l e s east of Highway 10. g r a v e l road which s e r v i c e s the area was years  built  The  only a couple of  ago. POPULATION P o p u l a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s p e r t a i n i n g to Opasquia West are  here presented i n two  forms.  census-taking are presented.  Firstly,  the r e s u l t s of our  (See TABLE I, p.43)  own  Secondly,  these s t a t i s t i c s are compared with those s e c t i o n s of the 1966 Census of Canada v/hich r e f e r to the f a m i l y . (See TABLES I I , III,  and  IV,  pp.  46-47)  In our own the household.  census, the p r i n c i p a l u n i t of a n a l y s i s i s  A l l persons l i v i n g i n a s i n g l e d w e l l i n g are  considered to comprise  one household.  f o r e , i n c l u d e s a number of extended as s i t u a t i o n s i n which the occupants considered as a f a m i l y ; of two  This d e f i n i t i o n , there-  f a m i l y s i t u a t i o n s as w e l l of a d w e l l i n g can not be  for example, one household c o n s i s t e d  e l d e r l y women, another of two young men  i n their  mid-  twenties, and the t h i r d of the k i n d e r g a r t e n teacher, whose husband and c h i l d r e n  (with the exception of a married  daughter  i n Opasquia West) are r e s i d e n t s of Saskatchewan. The  s e c t i o n of the 1966 Census of Canada which we have  used f o r comparison  with our own  data uses the f a m i l y , r a t h e r  than the household,  as i t s b a s i c u n i t of a n a l y s i s .  to t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n  (see TABLE I I , p. 4 4 ) , our households  According which  c o n s i s t of extended f a m i l i e s are counted as two, and i n one case three f a m i l i e s ;  on the other hand, the three households  r e f e r r e d to above are excluded from the sample.  For purposes  of comparison, however, our data which appear i n TABLES I I , I I I , and IV conform to the d e f i n i t i o n s of the 1966 Canada.  Census of  We have c o n f i n e d our comparison of Opasquia West and  the O f f i c i a l Census to the composition of f a m i l i e s and have not compared age and sex a c r o s s the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n as we f e l t that a comparison of family composition would be the most rewarding f o r purposes of our study. The r a t i o n a l e for the age-group on TABLE I i s as f o l l o w s :  d i v i s i o n s which appear  the l e g a l age of a t t a i n i n g m a j o r i t y  (that i s twenty-one) was accepted as the d i v i d i n g l i n e between a d u l t s and c h i l d r e n . categories;  C h i l d r e n were then grouped i n f i v e - y e a r  these groupings were convenient and, i n a d d i t i o n ,  have some s o c i a l r e l e v a n c e .  S i x i s the age of s c h o o l entrance  s i x t e e n i s the l e g a l s c h o o l - l e a v i n g age.  The f i r s t  age-  grouping of a d u l t s conforms to the f i v e - y e a r d i v i s i o n as t h i s i s a t r a n s i t i o n p e r i o d i n which a number of young a d u l t s are s t i l l l i v i n g i n t h e i r parents' homes.  The remaining adult  groupings are a r b i t r a r i l y t a b u l a t e d i n ten-year d i v i s i o n s . A l l of these age-groupings are of the i n v e s t i g a t o r ' s  own  choosing and do not n e c e s s a r i l y r e f l e c t d i v i s i o n s i n the minds of the Indians concerned.  The age-groupings which appear on  TABLE IV are those d e f i n e d i n the 1966  Census of Canada.  As with most North American Indian communities, p o p u l a t i o n of Opasquia West i s a very young one.  the  Almost /+0  40 percent of the c h i l d r e n are f i v e years of age and under. (See TABLE I , p.43)  TABLE IV presents c h i l d r e n who are under  twenty-  four years of age and a t home, grouped a c c o r d i n g t o four agecategories;  f i g u r e s are given f o r urban and r u r a l Manitoba,  for the town of The Pas, and f o r Opasquia West.  In a d d i t i o n ,  the percentage of the t o t a l number of c h i l d r e n under  twenty-  four and at home which each f i g u r e . r e p r e s e n t s has been  calculated.  These s t a t i s t i c s i n d i c a t e that there are at l e a s t 5 percent more, and up to almost 9 percent more, c h i l d r e n under s i x years of age i n Opasquia West than i n the other p a r t s of Manitoba l i s t e d on the t a b l e .  T h i s p o i n t i s most s t r i k i n g l y emphasized by the  f i g u r e s on TABLE I I , comparing family s i z e s around Manitoba. It. i s i n s t r u c t i v e to note the percentages i m p l i c i t i n the f i g u r e s i n the 9+ column  (that i s ,  the column i n d i c a t i n g the  number of f a m i l i e s made up of 9 or more persons i n each s e c t i o n of Manitoba's p o p u l a t i o n ) .  In urban Manitoba, 1.0  percent of f a m i l i e s are made up of 9 or more persons; i n r u r a l Manitoba, .05 percent; percent;  i n the town of The Pas, 2 . 8  and i n Opasquia West, 2 9 . 5 percent. Our own census i n d i c a t e s that the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n i s  a l s o a young one;  50 percent of a d u l t s f a l l between the ages  of twenty-one and t h i r t y - f i v e y e a r s .  (See TABLE I , p.43)  T h i s f i g u r e , however, has not been compared with O f f i c i a l Census  statistics. To a p p r e c i a t e the s i g n i f i c a n c e of these f i g u r e s , they  must be t r a n s l a t e d from a numerical to a s o c i a l frame of r e f e r e n c e . T h i s l a r g e body of young people must be educated,  41 and subsequently  employed.  The need f o r education i s urgent  and immediate, and y e t a program of education which i s not i n some way traumatic or even damaging to a- l a r g e number of c h i l d ren has y e t to be developed.  Are i n t e g r a t e d schools an improve-  ment over o l d e r methods, or do r e s e r v e and r e s i d e n t i a l produce b e t t e r r e s u l t s ? consider " b e t t e r " ?  schools  What r e s u l t s does the Government  the Indian?  systems i n d i f f e r e n t areas?  What of the use of d i f f e r e n t  While most of these  questions  remain unanswered, and others cause disagreements which produce c o n t r a d i c t o r y s o l u t i o n s , c h i l d r e n are being s u b j e c t e d to one system or other.  Some c h i l d r e n are coping admirably,  standing  f i r m l y on the b r i d g e , one foot i n the White world and the other on the Reserve;  many others are not.  As i n d i c a t e d i n the  s e c t i o n on education, the m a j o r i t y of c h i l d r e n are i n the group that i s not coping. (See TABLES XXIV and XXV, pp.190 and 191) Improvements are b e i n g made, but progress i s slow. Can trained?  the p o p u l a t i o n be employed once•educated and  Can jobs be found i n the area where t r a i n i n g i s  given, or must employment be sought elsewhere?  I f the l a t t e r  i s the case, what p r e p a r a t i o n have the young people r e c e i v e d for the problems they w i l l  face i n the c i t y ?  The long-term  problems i n v o l v e d i n educating and employing t h i s young Indian p o p u l a t i o n must be c a r e f u l l y s c r u t i n i z e d so that past  mistakes  are not repeated or perpetuated. In the terms of our t h e o r e t i c a l diagram: (Figure 1, p.10)  do the C h i l d - R e a r i n g P r a c t i c e s , i n c l u d i n g  socialization  i n the home as w e l l .as formal education, provide .the c h i l d with  adequate t o o l s to perpetuate the Maintenance System—Economy, or to cause i t to change favourably according to the needs of the community which r e s u l t from the demands p l a c e d upon i t by a p a r t i c u l a r e c o l o g i c a l and-demographic  environment?  43 TABLE I POPULATION STATISTICS—OPASQUIA WEST  Number o f households i n census Population Number of a d u l t s ( 2 1 years and over) Number of c h i l d r e n  56 397 132 265  •  Age D i s t r i b u t i o n of C h i l d r e n ( i n years) 6-10  0-5 Male  50  Female  53  z  *  16-20  11-15  1  32  36  14  23  16  Age D i s t r i b u t i o n of Adults ( i n years) 21-25  26-35  36 - 4 5  46-55  56-65  Over 65  Male  16  20  10  10  7  6  Female  10  14  10  10  4  4  Approximate Ages of A d u l t s Whose Exact Ages are Unknown 21T35  36-55  Male  3  .3  Female  2  3:  TABLE I I FAMILIES BY S I Z E — A COMPARISON OF OPASQUIA WEST AND MANITOBA Total Locality no.of families  Families  2  4  3  Persons in  by number o f persons  6  5  farrrili e s  153,834  Manitoba— rural  68,901  The P a s — town  1,049  271  188  209  172  100  51  29  29  Opasquia Westreserve  61  6  7  7  7  4  7  5  18  b  a  8  7  Manitoba— urban" b  49,925 31,370 32,708 21,172 10,710 4,448 1,924 1,577 557,013 19,045 12,447 12,317  9,466  Average no. o f 'persons per family  3.6  :  6,371 3,723 2,229 3,303 288,291  4.2  4,289 372°  4.1 6.1°  T h e "1966 Census o f Canada defines i t s terms as f o l l o w s : "A family, as defined i n the Census, may c o n s i s t e i t h e r (a) of a husband and wife (with or without c h i l d r e n who have never married), or (b) o f a parent, w i t h one or more c h i l d r e n who have never married. In e i t h e r case, a l l persons who c o n s t i t u t e a family must be l i v i n g i n the same dwelling. The term never married i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n the census family d e f i n i t i o n . Once a c h i l d marries, he ceases to be a member of the parents' family, even i f he cont i n u e s to l i v e i n the same dwelling. To i l l u s t r a t e : a married daughter and s o n - i n a  TABLE II (continued)  law form a separate family, even i f sharing the same dwelling with the w i f e ' s parents. A married daughter by h e r s e l f ( i . e . , without her husband or c h i l d r e n ) , l i v i n g with her parents i s c l a s s i f i e d as a non-family person. The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n persons i n f a m i l i e s i n c l u d e s a l l persons who c o n s t i t u t e a family i n the sense defined above. Unmarried c h i l d r e n ( i n c l u d i n g own c h i l d r e n , adopted c h i l d r e n and s t e p c h i l d r e n ) are, r e g a r d l e s s of age, members of the f a m i l y and are c l a s s i f i e d together with parents as persons i n f a m i l i e s . " (Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s 1968:Vol.II (2-9), Introduction) b The terms "urban" and " r u r a l " are not s p e c i f i c a l l y defined i n the 1966 Census of Canada. Incorporated c i t i e s , towns, and v i l l a g e s of 1,000 p o p u l a t i o n and over are l i s t e d i n d i v i d u a l l y , however; perhaps we are meant to assume, t h e r e f o r e , that any centre below t h i s l e v e l of p o p u l a t i o n i s considered " r u r a l " . I f the column headed "Persons i n f a m i l i e s " were expanded to i t s a c t u a l number; that i s , i f f a m i l i e s with more than 9 persons were considered by t h e i r true s i z e , r a t h e r than being p l a c e d i n a 9+ category and counted as 9 persons, then the f i n a l two columns would read as follows for Opasquia West: "Persons i n f a m i l i e s " — 3 9 1 , "Average number of persons per family"—G.kc  46 TABLE I I I FAMILIES BY NUMBER OF CHILDREN (24 YEARS AND UNDER) AT HOME—A COMPARISON OF OPASQUIA WEST AND MANITOBA  F a m i l i e s by numb er of childr en a  0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9+  Locality Manitoba— urban  49,096 • 30,712 21,550 10,963 4,566 1,973 863 ' 409 370  Manitoba— rural  The P a s — town  20,264 11,496 12,116 9,363 6,393 2,248 1,351 823 1,120  260 186 213 177 102 51 29 13 6 12  4 9 5 8 5 8 4 8 5 5  3,727  Opasquia Westreserve  T o t a l no. of families  153,834  68,901  1,049  61  T o t a l no. of children i n families  253,465  148,853  2,234  268  1.6  2.2  2.1  4.1  Average no. of c h i l d r e n per family  b  F o l l o w i n g the 1966 Census of Canada, " c h i l d r e n " are here d e f i n e d as persons 24 years of age and under. b  T h i s f i g u r e i s 5' l e s s than that given i n TABLE IV under the column " T o t a l no. of c h i l d r e n at home". The reason for t h i s discrepancy i s as f o l l o w s : by p l a c i n g a l l f a m i l i e s with 9 or more c h i l d r e n i n a s i n g l e column, and counting them as having 9 c h i l d r e n , 5 c h i l d r e n i n Opasquia West are not counted. These c h i l d r e n are from two f a m i l i e s , one with 11 c h i l d r e n and the other with 12.  TABLE IV FAMILIES BY AGES OF CHILDREN (24 YEARS AND UNDER) AT HOME—A COMPARISON OF OPASQUIA WEST AND MANITOBA 9.  Children  at home by age  Total no.of children at home  Under 6 years  Manitoba— urban  253,46-5  77,680  (30.7%)  Manitoba— rural  148,858  44,411  (29.1%)  The P a s town  2,234  738  (33.0%)  1,029  (46.1%)  103  (37.7%)  121  (44.4%)  Locality  Opasquia Westreserve  273  6-14  b  years  15 - 18 years  19 - 24 years  111,678 (44.1%)  39,829 (15.7%)  24,278 (9.6%)  68,908 (46.2%)  24,389 (16.4%)  11,150 (7.5%)  (15.3%)  125 (5.6%)  30 (11.050  19 (7.0%)  342  F o l l o w i n g the 1966 Census of Canada, " c h i l d r e n " i n t h i s a n a l y s i s are d e f i n e d as persons 24 years of age and under. a  ^The f i g u r e s given i n brackets, are the percentages which the corresponding unbracketed numbers represent of the t o t a l number of c h i l d r e n at home.  -p-  48  Chapter 3 ECONOMY AND STANDARD OF LIVING TRADITIONAL ECONOMIC ACTIVITY T r a d i t i o n a l l y , t h e Cree I n d i a n s o f n o r t h e r n  Manitoba  were semi-nomadic h u n t e r s and g a t h e r e r s , l i v i n g i n bands whose numbers i n c r e a s e d and decreased a c c o r d i n g t o the season. way  This  o f l i f e has g r e a t l y a l t e r e d over t h e past c e n t u r y , though  t r a d i t i o n a l economic a c t i v i t i e s have by no means disappeared; they a r e n o t o n l y p r e s e n t i n t h e c u l t u r e o f today, b u t a l s o retain a v i t a l role.  I n f o r m a n t s ' accounts p r o v i d e a r e c o r d o f  the changes these economic a c t i v i t i e s have undergone over the past one or two generations.. Informants r e c a l l e d autumn b e r r y i n g camps.  A twenty-  e i g h t - y e a r - o l d woman d e s c r i b e d how her f a m i l y would l e a v e the Reserve  t o hunt i n e a r l y f a l l , r e t u r n i n g i n mid-October.-  In  the s p r i n g they were gone a g a i n from March u n t i l May, " t r a p ping r a t s " .  The past i s remembered n o s t a l g i c a l l y , and i s seen  perhaps through r o s e - c o l o u r e d g l a s s e s .  An o l d woman s t a t e d ,  I n the o l d days food was p l e n t i f u l — d u c k s , geese, moose. Now people buy e v e r y t h i n g a t t h e s t o r e ; food i s not as p l e n t i f u l as i t was.^  A l l i n d e n t e d paragraphs, e x t r a c t s from f i e l d n o t e s .  unless otherwise s t a t e d , are  E x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e , p a r t l y governmental, has f o r c e d t r a d i t i o n a l economic a c t i v i t i e s t o evolve a t a g r e a t l y a c c e l e r a t e d r a t e . F a m i l y allowance  checks may be withdrawn i f a c h i l d misses  more than t e n days o f s c h o o l .  This practice i s obviously  meant t o encourage r e g u l a r s c h o o l attendance time, i t d i s c o u r a g e s  but, a t the same  the p e r p e t u a t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l  food  gathering a c t i v i t i e s , without n e c e s s a r i l y p r o v i d i n g a l t e r natives.  Where these a c t i v i t i e s a r e c o n t i n u e d ,  prolonged  f a m i l y s e p a r a t i o n s may r e s u l t . Male A c t i v i t y Today, t r a d i t i o n a l economic a c t i v i t i e s i n v o l v i n g the male p o p u l a t i o n a r e as f o l l o w s :  an i n f o r m a n t  s t a t e d that  twelve or t h i r t e e n men on the Reserve l i v e by t r a p p i n g i n the w i n t e r and s p r i n g , and by f i s h i n g i n the summer.  Those who  t r a p i n t h e w i n t e r do so t o earn a b a s i c l i v i n g ;  others,  however, may j o i n i n the s p r i n g t r a p p i n g t o supplement t h e i r incomes. Trapping areas go beyond the boundaries Reserve.  Each t r a p p e r has h i s own t e r r i t o r y ;  o f the he knows and  r e s p e c t s t h e t e r r i t o r i a l "ownership" of other t r a p p e r s . Animals t r a p p e d i n t h i s a r e a i n c l u d e muskrat, weasel, mink, and  squirrel. A c c o r d i n g t o the same i n f o r m a n t , t w e n t y - s i x men from  Opasquia West a c t as h u n t i n g guides d u r i n g the season; must purchase a g u i d i n g l i c e n s e .  D u r i n g the f a l l  each  season,  t h i s a r e a , r i c h i n w i l d l i f e , a t t r a c t s h u n t e r s from t h e U n i t e d  .  States;  5  0  t h e i r need f o r e x p e r i e n c e d g u i d e s , i n t i m a t e l y  a c q u a i n t e d w i t h the t e r r a i n , p r o v i d e s the I n d i a n s w i t h l u c r a t i v e employment. At l e a s t n i n e t y percent of the men  hunt moose, deer,  ducks, and geese t o supplement t h e i r food s u p p l y , and i t would not be i n a c c u r a t e t o say t h a t a l l of those who  are a b l e ,  hunt, f i s h , g u i d e , or t r a p at some time d u r i n g the y e a r . S e v e r a l of the men  also c u l t i v a t e l a r g e potato p l o t s  to augment t h e i r food s u p p l y .  One man  and h i s w i f e earn  t h e i r l i v i n g s o l e l y by making and s e l l i n g mukluks. Female A c t i v i t y The women too have r e t a i n e d t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l s a l l o w them t o supplement f a m i l y e a r n i n g s . the women sew hide moccasins,  o c c a s i o n a l l y do t h e i r own  At l e a s t h a l f of  mukluks, m i t t s , and  these are u s u a l l y d e c o r a t e d w i t h beadwork. tanning.  The  which  jackets;  A few women  f i n i s h e d h i d e goods  a r e s o l d t o h a n d i c r a f t shops i n town, when not s p e c i a l l y made to  fill  p r i v a t e orders;  and some d i s t r i b u t i o n i s handled  by  the H a n d i c r a f t G u i l d . Another not q u i t e so l u c r a t i v e employment f o r the women i s c l e a n i n g ducks and geese f o r h u n t e r s i n the a r e a . T h i s time-consuming l a b o u r b r i n g s them t w e n t y - f i v e c e n t s per duck and s e v e n t y - f i v e cents per goose. to make c o m f o r t e r s f o r home consumption.  The eiderdown i s used I t seems s t r a n g e  t h a t d e s p i t e the presence of sewing a b i l i t y , and a f a i r number of sewing machines, garments were never seen to be  made f o r the use of f a m i l y members ( a p a r t from s k i n c l o t h i n g , which i s o n l y o c c a s i o n a l l y made f o r the f a m i l y ) .  Everyday  c l o t h i n g , and Sunday c l o t h i n g as w e l l , seem a l l to be s t o r e bought . BAND ECONOMY Opasquia Band i s c o n s i d e r e d r e l a t i v e l y w e l l - t o - d o i n comparison t o other I n d i a n bands i n the a r e a .  The Band's  Revenue Account i s l a r g e l y made up of i n t e r e s t on c a p i t a l , and of monies p a i d t o the Band f o r l a n d l e a s e s , l a n d r e s o u r c e s , and l a n d r e n t a l on the Reserve. Lease money i s r e c e i v e d f o r Band-owned l a n d i n the town o f The Pas, and f o r Reserve l a n d which the Government uses i n s i t u a t i o n s such as the e r e c t i o n of power and t e l e phone l i n e s .  I n a d d i t i o n , a p i e c e of l a n d on t h e Reserve i s  r e n t e d and farmed by a non-Indian  tenant.  G r a v e l and timber a r e the two major r e s o u r c e s which add t o the Band's Revenue Account.  S e v e r a l years ago, a group  of I n d i a n s from Opasquia Band cut and p e e l e d v/ood t o f i l l l a r g e pulpwood order; s i n c e , but an i n f o r m a n t  a  t h i s o p e r a t i o n has not been r e p e a t e d f e l t the venture c o u l d be o r g a n i z e d  at any time. People w i s h i n g t o l i v e on the Reserve, who a r e not Band members, pay a nominal fee t o the Band f o r l a n d r e n t a l ; most people i n t h i s category a r e M e t i s . A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Revenue Account i s handled by . the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch.  R e c e n t l y , the Government  suggested  52 t h a t the Band "take over t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . the  Understandably,  I n d i a n s r e f u s e d , f e e l i n g u n q u a l i f i e d to handle the d e t a i l e d  bookkeeping i n v o l v e d .  The I n d i a n s who a r e c l o s e l y i n v o l v e d i n  Band a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a r e not b e i n g a c t i v e l y t r a i n e d t o accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of t h i s k i n d .  When they do u l t i m a t e l y f e e l con-  f i d e n t to a d m i n i s t e r the Revenue Account, they w i l l have l e a r n e d the  n e c e s s a r y s k i l l s by t r i a l ,  ficult  e r r o r , and osmosis.  It i s dif-  to u n d e r s t a n d why the Government would make an o f f e r such  as the above, knowing t h a t the Band i s i n a p o s i t i o n of h a v i n g to r e f u s e ;  such h o l l o w g e s t u r e s can o n l y f o s t e r h a r d f e e l i n g s . WAGE-EMPLOYMENT  M a l e s , Twenty-one and Over Wage-employment, the n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l aspect of  economic  a c t i v i t y , p r e s e n t s a complex and somewhat c o n f u s i n g p i c t u r e ; perhaps t h i s l a c k of c l a r i t y i s i n d i c a t i v e of an u n s t a b l e situation.  On the other hand, employment p a t t e r n s were e x p l o r e d  i n c u r s o r y f a s h i o n d u r i n g census i n t e r v i e w i n g , a f a c t which undoubtedly accounts f o r some of the c o n f u s i o n . At  first  g l a n c e , one i s s t r u c k by the l a r g e number of unemployed; n e a r l y a t h i r d of the male p o p u l a t i o n twenty-one y e a r s of age and over were not engaged i n f u l l - t i m e employment a t the time of i n t e r viewing.  Upon c l o s e r i n s p e c t i o n , however, i t becomes e v i d e n t  t h a t v e r y few of the men who  are capable of f u l l - t i m e employ-  ment a r e , i n f a c t , c h r o n i c a l l y unemployed. Of the twenty-two men who were not w o r k i n g a t the time  of  i n t e r v i e w , four were over s i x t y - f i v e y e a r s of age, two were  p h y s i c a l l y d i s a b l e d , and one was p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y i n c a p a b l e o f s t i c k i n g t o a job ( f u r t h e r i n t e r v i e w i n g would perhaps have r e v e a l e d o t h e r s i n the l a t t e r c a t e g o r y ) .  The r e m a i n i n g f i f -  t e e n , as f a r as c o u l d be determined, were not opposed t o working;  r a t h e r , t h e i r s i t u a t i o n of unemployment appears t o  i n d i c a t e tremendous job m o b i l i t y . men were between j o b s .  For v a r i o u s r e a s o n s , these  They were unemployed i n one sense,  but most were not i n a c t i v e .  As TABLE VI i n d i c a t e s ,  several  were c o n s t r u c t i n g or r e p a i r i n g t h e i r own homes'—tasks  which  r e q u i r e d c o m p l e t i o n b e f o r e w i n t e r and which, t h e r e f o r e , took precedence over wage-employment.  V i r t u a l l y a l l of these men  had'been employed a t some time and, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of the r e t i r e d and d i s a b l e d , had every i n t e n t i o n of w o r k i n g a g a i n . Presumably, the number o f men  who  are i n l i m b o between jobs  remains a p p r o x i m a t e l y the same throughout the y e a r , though the  a c t u a l l i s t of names changes from month t o month, and  from season t o season. Unemployment does not seem t o bear the same n e g a t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n on the Reserve as i t does o f f the Reserve, where the  m a j o r i t y pay l i p s e r v i c e to the P r o t e s t a n t E t h i c .  It i s  t e m p t i n g t o g e n e r a l i z e and say t h a t wage-employment i s made to  conform t o a way o f l i f e .  or  when funds are s h o r t .  One works when i t i s c o n v e n i e n t ,  When a job i n t e r f e r e s w i t h the  other t h i n g s he wants t o do, or needs to do, one merely q u i t s his  job and t a k e s i t , or a n o t h e r , on a g a i n when the need  arises.  T h i s s t a t e of a f f a i r s i s undoubtedly t r u e f o r a  54 c e r t a i n group of men.  On the other hand, m o b i l i t y and  job  changing r e f l e c t , ' , t o some e x t e n t , the a v a i l a b i l i t y of j o b s . For example, a number of men of a nearby t e c h n i c a l s c h o o l ;  were i n v o l v e d i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n t h e i r jobs would l a s t  u n t i l the b u i l d i n g had been completed.  only  I t i s quite possible  t h a t a s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s of the e x t e n s i v e p a t t e r n of job m o b i l i t y would prove i t to be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h a t of the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n at the same socio-economic l e v e l . To l e a v e the t o p i c . o f wage-employment a t t h i s p o i n t would be to convey a somewhat i n a c c u r a t e i m p r e s s i o n . i s a group of f i f t e e n or twenty men turated;  who  There  are r e l a t i v e l y a c c u l -  they have i n c o r p o r a t e d the i d e a l s of " r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " ,  " s t a b i l i t y " , and the i n n a t e v a l u e of h o l d i n g and " s t i c k i n g t o " a steady  job.  These men  from two t o twelve y e a r s .  have h e l d the same job f o r anywhere I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g , though not  s u r p r i s i n g , t h a t the community l e a d e r s and the  non-drinkers  f a l l w i t h i n t h i s group. Cursory I n v e s t i g a t i o n r e v e a l e d t h a t .17.6 percent the male p o p u l a t i o n over the age  of twenty-one e i t h e r i s  w o r k i n g f o r , or has worked f o r , the Canadian N a t i o n a l ( h e n c e f o r t h C.N.R.);  of  Railway  i t i s very l i k e l y that closer i n v e s t i -  g a t i o n would r e q u i r e the percentage to be more than doubled. The  f a c t t h a t , of f i f t e e n boys who  are under twenty-one and  no l o n g e r i n s c h o o l , at l e a s t e i g h t have w o r k e d ' f o r , or are p r e s e n t l y w o r k i n g f o r the C.N.R., c o n f i r m s t h i s s u s p i c i o n . As the r a i l r o a d p l a y s such a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the l i v e s of so many Reserve i n h a b i t a n t s , i t i s . i n order t o present  here  55  one C.N.R. employee's case h i s t o r y .  I t i s i n e v i t a b l e that the  l i f e he l e a d s on t h e l i n e , and h i s a t t i t u d e toward h i s j o b , must i n some way i n f l u e n c e t h e t o t a l environment i n which h i s c h i l d r e n are being r a i s e d . •The man i n q u e s t i o n i s f o r t y y e a r s o l d , and has worked as a C.N.R. s e c t i o n hand f o r e i g h t y e a r s .  He works  thirty-  seven m i l e s from home and l i v e s a l o n e most o f the time i n a bunkhouse which i s not i n s u l a t e d , and which has no e l e c t r i c i t y ; he comes home o n l y on weekends. G r a n t w o r k s a f o r t y - h o u r week and earns # 1 . 8 8 per hour ( a p p r o x i m a t e l y # 7 5 . 0 0 per week). He i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the maintenance o f ten m i l e s o f t r a c k . With i n c r e a s i n g m e c h a n i z a t i o n , fewer men a r e r e q u i r e d , and some may be l a i d o f f . He may escape t h i s because o f s e n i o r i t y , but i f n o t , t h e C.N.R. w i l l perhaps r e - t r a i n him. Grant d i d not t a k e the exams which might have q u a l i f i e d him as a foreman, f o r p a s s i n g these exams would have meant l o s i n g , h i s s e n i o r i t y ; he would have had t o work a t C h u r c h i l l , and would not have been'able t o g e t home on weekends. He would a g a i n have had t o work h i s way down t h e l i n e t o The Pas, by way o f s e n i o r i t y . Grant i s , t h e r e f o r e , n o t i n t e r e s t e d i n becoming a foreman. H i s p r e s e n t p o s i t i o n o f f e r s no p r o s p e c t s o f a r a i s e , and h i s o n l y a m b i t i o n seems t o be t o i n c r e a s e h i s s e n i o r i t y , thereby e n a b l i n g h i m s e l f t o work c l o s e r t o home. 1  Males Under Twenty-one For t h e sake o f convenience, t h e employment p a t t e r n s o f those under t h e age o f twenty-one a r e d e a l t w i t h s e p a r a t e l y . Of t w e n t y - t h r e e males between t h e ages o f f i f t e e n and twenty i n Opasquia West, f o u r t e e n had q u i t s c h o o l .  I n a d d i t i o n , one  t h i r t e e n - y e a r - o l d " q u i t s c h o o l two y e a r s ago";  the mother o f  A l l p e r s o n a l names i n f i e l d - n o t e e x t r a c t s a r e fictitious; however, one name i s used c o n s i s t e n t l y throughout to r e f e r t o one p e r s o n .  56 t h i s hoy s t a t e d t h a t "He h e l p s h i s f a t h e r " , who i s employed on the Reserve b u i l d i n g crew. Contact w i t h t h i s s e c t o r o f the p o p u l a t i o n was m i n i m a l , and i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o a s s e s s t h e i r a t t i t u d e s toward  employ-  ment and e d u c a t i o n , and t h e i r g e n e r a l f e e l i n g s about t h e i r situation.  The i m p r e s s i o n c r e a t e d by t h e boys i n t h i s group i s  t h a t they s u f f e r from mass d e p r e s s i o n .  They seem g e n e r a l l y t o  be i d l e , and to have no purpose or g o a l s . has been absorbed  The P r o t e s t a n t E t h i c  t o t h e p o i n t where they a r e not content w i t h  t h e i r s t a t e of i d l e being; content  life  r a t h e r , an a i r o f u n r e s t and d i s -  prevails. I t i s p o s s i b l e t o d i v i d e the boys i n t h e i r l a t e  teens  i n t o two s h a r p l y d e f i n e d groups a c c o r d i n g t o the manner i n which they r e l a t e d t o t h e i n v e s t i g a t o r .  One group was c h a r a c t e r i z e d  by i t s s t r i k i n g i n a b i l i t y t o communicate.  On s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s ,  an approach t o one house i n i t i a t e d the h u r r i e d exodus o f four or f i v e youths.  A t another home, a knock on the door e l i c i t e d  a "There's no-one home". D u r i n g i n t e r v i e w s w i t h mothers i n two homes, teen-age boys p a r t i c i p a t e d by answering  q u e s t i o n s and commenting through  h o l e s i n p a r t i t i o n s , or from b e h i n d a door.  These s i t u a t i o n s  made i t obvious t h a t t h e boys were a l e r t , and s e n s i t i v e t o what was going on;  they were i n t e r e s t e d enough t o p a r t i c i p a t e ,  as l o n g as they c o u l d not be seen.  I t seems v e r y i m p o r t a n t  t h a t we d i s c o v e r how t h i s overwhelming f e e l i n g o f inadequacy and l a c k o f c o n f i d e n c e comes i n t o b e i n g .  I s the i n f e r i o r i t y  complex programmed i n by p a r e n t s and other s o c i a l i z i n g  agents,  57 or does i t a r i s e o n l y through  c o n t a c t w i t h the " o u t s i d e  Another group, of the. same age, had no r e l a t i n g t o the i n v e s t i g a t o r ;  world"?  difficulty  n o t a b l y , t h i s s m a l l group had  remained i n s c h o o l ;  they were a great d e a l more a c c u l t u r a t e d  and s e l f - c o n f i d e n t .  Two  to v i s i t and chat.  or t h r e e would p e r i o d i c a l l y drop i n  One n i n e t e e n - y e a r - o l d , who  was  i n Grade  12  a t r e s i d e n t i a l s c h o o l , had s e r v e d on many committees, and was-• a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d (when a t home) i n community o r g a n i z a t i o n s and p o l i t i c s .  Another n i n e t e e n - y e a r - o l d , the o n l y  boy  mentioned among the f i f t e e n out of s c h o o l as h a v i n g had t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g , had r e c e n t l y been to B r i t i s h Columbia f o r a N a t i o n a l I n d i a n Youth Conference.  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , data d e a l i n g  w i t h t h i s age-group i s not e x t e n s i v e enough t o determine whether the d i f f e r e n c e s are due to p e r s o n a l i t y , e d u c a t i o n , methods of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , home environment, or whatever. There i s mention made elsewhere of the number of young people who  are l e a v i n g the Reserve. (See p.142)  From the p o i n t  of view of employment, a statement by an i n f o r m a n t who  is  c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the d i s t r i b u t i o n of Reserve jobs i s illuminating. It i s jobs t h a t jobs must f o r e , the  He  said,  v e r y d i f f i c u l t t o i n v o l v e young people i n the must be done on the Reserve, because p a y i n g be g i v e n t o people w i t h f a m i l i e s f i r s t ; thereyoung people go elsewhere f o r work.  58  TABLE V MALE POPULATION 2 1 YEARS AND OVEREMPLOYMENT AT TIME OF CENSUS  „ , , Employment  Number of persons  Unemployed  22  Government  7  ( P r o v i n c i a l and F e d e r a l )  C.N.R. (foremen, s e c t i o n men, e x t r a gang)  7  Construction Reserve crew  3  Outside company  7  Mechanic ( t r a i n e d )  2  Carpenter  2  ( t r a i n i n g unknown)  Lumbering  1  Farm labour  1  Hospital  1  Town s t o r e  1  F i s h i n g (employed by one o f two f i s h i n g companies)..  5  F r i e n d s h i p Centre  2  Reserve (school-bus. d r i v e r , Indian Constable)  3  T r a d i t i o n a l (guiding, hunting, f i s h i n g , s e l l i n g mukluks—self-employed)  2  Unknown Total  trapping, 2 68  59  TABLE VI ACTIVITIES OF THE UNEMPLOYED MALE POPULATION 21 YEARS AND OVER  Activities Constructing or repairing their own homes  Number of persons k  To begin technical t r a i n i n g or upgrading in the f a l l Injury preventing employment  3 2  I l l n e s s preventing employment (including one mentally i l l and one alcoholic) ... 3 Just released from j a i l  1  Sometimes employed as hunting guides  3  Retired but active i n National and Provincial Indian p o l i t i c s Unknown  1 5  TABLE VII MALE POPULATION 21 YEARS AND FORMER EMPLOYMENT  OVER—  Number of persons  Former employment  5  C.N.R Construction Reserve crew  1  Outside company  4  Odd jobs  3  Mining  '  1  Saw m i l l  1  Fishing (employed by a company)  1  Hospital  1  Mechanic  1  Meter man  for The Pas  1  Grocery-store stock man  1  Bricklayer's helper  1  Total  21  b  Some of those l i s t e d were employed, and some unemployed, at the time of census interviewing. a  Where two former jobs are known for one person, both have been entered.  61  TABLE VIII MALE POPULATION UNDER 21 WHO HAVE LEFT SCHOOL—EMPLOYMENT AT TIME OF CENSUS  Unemployed  7  C.N.R. ...  5  Old Folks' Home  1  62  TABLE IX ACTIVITIES OF THE UNEMPLOYED MALE POPULATION UNDER 2 1 WHO HAVE LEFT SCHOOL Number of persons  Activities In j a i l  .  2  To begin upgrading classes i n the f a l l  2  Has completed technical training  1  Helps father (Reserve building crew)  1  No special a c t i v i t y could be ascertained  3  63  TABLE X MALE POPULATION UNDER 2 1 WHO HAVE LEFT SCHOOLFORMER EMPLOYMENT  Former employment  N  ™ber persons o  C.N.R  3  Construction  1  Ducks Unlimited  1  f  Ducks Unlimited i s a private, non-profit organization, dedicated to perpetuating and increasing the North American waterfowl resources by preserving and developing their breeding habitat on the p r a i r i e s of western Canada. I t receives f i n a n c i a l support mainly from U.S. sportsmen. Canada's Provincial and Federal Governments, as well as private ranchers, landowners, communities, and industries have provided use of land, water, rights, and other elements of conservation cooperation. Construction of a large water control p r o j e c t — t h e 5 1 2 , 0 0 0 acre Mawdsley W i l d l i f e Development, c a l l e d the Del-Mar Project, i s underway i n the v i c i n i t y of The Pas.  6 4  PLATE I I I PART OF THE RESERVE BUILDING CREW IN ACTION  PLATE IV COFFEE BREAK AT THE FRIENDSHIP CENTRE  65  Females. Twenty-one and Over Fourteen of the f i f t y - e i g h t women i n Opasquia West who are twenty-one years of age and over are engaged i n f u l l or part-time wage-employment; are over s i x t y - f i v e .  three of the f i f t y - e i g h t women  Only two of the f i f t y - e i g h t , both twenty-  one years of age, are unmarried; time basis.  both are employed on a f u l l -  Three of the f i f t y - e i g h t women, none of whom are  wage-employed, are widows. The most popular places of employment for the women are the hospital and the women's j a i l ; preferred.  of the two, the hospital i s  Without exception, informants who had worked i n the  j a i l f e l t they had received discriminatory treatment, and most were upset by inmates' threats. In 1963, one woman applied to the hospital and to the j a i l for a job.  She was accepted at the hospital, worked there  for a few months, and was then accepted, at the j a i l , where the pay i s sixty dollars per month higher. job  She changed to the j a i l  but soon f e l t that.the other women at work d i s l i k e d her.  The situation gradually deteriorated and came to a head when she was severely reprimanded inmates.  for speaking Cree to the Indian  She said, "I knew I had to get out of there".  Taking  the large pay cut, she returned to the hospital. A second woman was involved i n a similar situation. Having formerly worked i n the hospital, she was now working i n the women's j a i l .  She too was very unhappy with the s i t u -  ation and was hoping to return to the hospital where "I learn something new every day".  66 No s p e c i f i c community feeling or attitude toward working women was detected;  they do not seem to acquire added prestige  or status on the Reserve.  Only one woman, the Indian Health  Services employee, appears to demand, and to receive a certain degree of added respect;  this respect i s perhaps extended to  the former caretaker of The Pas Indian Day School as well. Most of the working women, however, have been noticeably broadened by their experiences across the bridge i n the White world.  They are more capable of coping with the White  man's aggressive personality and are w i l l i n g to be more aggressive themselves and to "stand up for their r i g h t s " . s i g n i f i c a n t demonstration  A  of t h i s tendency occurred when one  of the working mothers, d i s s a t i s f i e d with her son's school achievement, went to speak to the boy's teacher i n an attempt to solve the problem. Females Under Twenty-one TABLE XIII, which presents the employment patterns of g i r l s under twenty-one years of age who are no longer i n school, makes i t obvious that there i s no pressure brought to bear on these young g i r l s to seek wage-employment.  I t i s consistent  with the generally high degree of permissiveness i n the culture that, at least where employment i s concerned, to do as they please; imposed on their l i v e s .  they are allowed  t h i s i s not to say that no controls are In fact, i n several homes the g i r l s  are more valued for the work they do at home than they would be were they salaried employees elsewhere. said of her eighteen-year-old daughter,  One working mother  "I don't know what I'd  do without h e r — s h e does a l l the housework". Money Handling The subject of money h a n d l i n g was not thoroughly investigated.  N e v e r t h e l e s s , s e v e r a l o b s e r v a t i o n s were made  and, though they may are  not be s t a t i s t i c a l l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , they  i n d i c a t i v e of some of the monetary s i t u a t i o n s that  and the ways i n which they are handled.  I t appears that the  l o c a l banks are used i n f r e q u e n t l y , i f a t a l l , Indians;  by the Reserve  no doubt the Indians are i n h i b i t e d , and perhaps  f r i g h t e n e d , by the impersonal atmosphere banks.  arise  which p r e v a i l s i n  Instead, the " g r o c e r y - s t o r e system" of buying and of  cashing cheques was  seen to be i n o p e r a t i o n .  The i n v e s t i g a t o r was  present when two old-age pen-  s i o n e r s took t h e i r Government cheques i n t o a grocery s t o r e ; a f t e r the cheques were endorsed, the store-owner s l i p p e d them i n t o the t i l l .  The o l d women d i d t h e i r grocery shopping  e x c l u s i v e l y at t h i s s t o r e . well; the  Other s e r v i c e s were o f f e r e d as  f o r example, the pensioners might order paint  grocer;  he would f i l l  t h e i r order at the l o c a l hardware  s t o r e and the women would c o l l e c t i t , lect i t ,  from  at the grocery s t o r e .  or h i r e a t a x i to c o l -  Pocket money was  doled out as  requested, w i t h a ten percent charge on each cash r e q u e s t . Undoubtedly, what remained of the cheques at the end of the month was a l s o pocketed by the store-owner.  Informants  s t a t e d that s e v e r a l l o c a l grocery s t o r e s are w i l l i n g to a c t as bank s u b s t i t u t e s i n t h i s manner f o r t h e i r Indian customers.-  68 TABLE XI FEMALE POPULATION 21 YEARS AND OVEREMPLOYMENT AT TIME OF CENSUS  Employment  Number of persons  Housewife  kk  Hospital, J a i l full-time part-time Indian Health Services  k 2 1  .  1  Reserve kindergarten teacher Hairdresser (trained)  1  ;  Store clerk  .  1  Domestic help (part-time)  2  Runs Reserve store owned by husband (secondary source of income) ...  1  Makes mukluks with husband (primary source of income)  1  Total  58  69  TABLE XII FEMALE POPULATION 2 1 YEARS AND OVERFORMER EMPLOYMENT  Former Employment  Number of persons  Hospital, J a i l  k  Stenographer  1  Caretaker  1  (The Pas Indian Day School)  c  Two of these women appear on TABLE XI as being presently employed at either the hospital or the j a i l ; that i s , one who i s now at the hospital was formerly at the j a i l , and one who i s now at the j a i l was formerly at the hospital.  70  TABLE XIII FEMALE POPULATION UNDER 21 WHO HAVE LEFT SCHOOL—EMPLOYMENT AT TIME OF CENSUS  Employment  Number of persons  Housewife Unemployed but help at home Unemployed (to begin technical training or upgrading i n the f a l l )  One of these g i r l s occasionally works i n town; second has upgrading. a  3 k° 3  a  71 The  above arrangement would, no doubt, be h i g h l y  u n s a t i s f a c t o r y t o a non-Indian p o p u l a t i o n . suggestion  Nevertheless, any  to the Indians who use the " g r o c e r y - s t o r e system"  t h a t i t i s n e i t h e r as s a f e nor as p r o f i t a b l e as d e a l i n g with a bank would probably meet with disagreement, or a t l e a s t u n w i l l i n g n e s s t o change. and more comfortable  Warm, p e r s o n a l contact i s more r e a l  t o the Indian than a b s t r a c t banking  systems with no apparent s e r v i c e s except vague interest rates.  with  incomprehensible  In f a c t , the " g r o c e r y - s t o r e system" has advan-  tages for both the s t o r e manager and h i s Indian customer.  The  Indian needs the secondary s e r v i c e s which a r e provided, i n c l u d i n g short term c r e d i t ;  i t i s likely  that t h i s i s the  c r u c i a l f a c t o r i n the system's p e r p e t u a t i o n .  The s t o r e  manager, on the other hand, b e n e f i t s by the e x c l u s i v e custom of h i s c l i e n t s , and by the i n t e r e s t which he r e c e i v e s for p r o v i d i n g secondary s e r v i c e s . Reasons for the apprehension  connected with banks and  money matters were apparent i n the f o l l o w i n g i n c i d e n t s . The' i n v e s t i g a t o r was asked, on one occasion, to cash a cheque for an Indian woman. task;  T h i s , i t was soon discovered, was no easy  the cheque, signed by the H a n d i c r a f t G u i l d , was viewed  with a great deal o f s u s p i c i o n and i t was f e l t t h a t an Indian i n the same s i t u a t i o n would have been faced with an even more negative r e c e p t i o n . An informant  t o l d o f a young Indian g i r l who went i n t o  a bank t o open an account. tification.  A sympathetic  She was brusquely asked for i d e n gentleman i n the queue s a i d t o the  72 t e l l e r , "Look, she wants to put money i n , not take i t out". Faced with t h i s kind of reception, the Indian i s not encouraged to increase his f a c i l i t y i n handling money. Saving i s a concept which has l i t t l e root i n t r a d i t i o n . Some methods of food preservation were known and practiced i n this area but, for the most part, when there was plenty, one ate,  and when there wasn't, one went hungry.  that this attitude s t i l l exists.  There i s evidence  A twenty-six-year-old inform-  a n t , with a family of five, described, what he had done with a 450-dollar pay cheque. He bought a t e l e v i s i o n set, a second-hand chesterfield, a carriage, and seven dollars worth of beer-, which he and a cousin drank. A propos of this carpe deum philosophy, Nelson t o l d of a hunting t r i p where four men shot and ate nine ducks; i n the same meal they consumed a yard long g a r l i c sausage and other food they had brought along. He added, "The next day they shot nothing, and l i v e d on bread and bannock". On the other hand, i t i s unlikely that opportunities to save money arise often.  In the majority of cases, salaries  allow families to l i v e at l i t t l e more than subsistence l e v e l . This i s especially true for those who are employed by the Band.  The two school-bus drivers and the Indian constable  receive 225 dollars per month each;  the bus drivers' salaries  were raised from 200 dollars during the summer of 1966.  One  of these men has a family of f i v e , and one a family of seven. Needless to say, Family Allowance Cheques are of great a s s i s t ance.  The salaries of those employed o f f the Reserve are  unknown though probably, on the whole, they are higher than those quoted above.  73 Children are not actively encouraged to save money, nor i s any effort made to direct them i n the handling of money. I am not aware of any family's a l l o t t i n g a weekly allowance to children.  A c h i l d who asks for money i s either given a small  sum, or t o l d there i s none. money i s quote obvious;  How the children spend their  during the summer, one can stand i n  the Reserve store at any time of day and observe children of a l l ages buying candy.  One l i t t l e g i r l , however, when asked  what she would do with the prize money she had won at the Sports Day stated, "I'm going to save my money and have l o t s " . HOUSING House Types Lagasse, i n his 1959 report on the people of Indian ancestry i n Manitoba, discusses five types of houses occupied by Indians and Metis throughout  r u r a l areas of the province.  The distribution of these categories i n Opasquia West i s indicated on TABLE XIV (p.79);  only one of Lagasse's house  types, the tent, i s not represented. Six  log houses i n Opasquia West range i n size from a  one-room structure nine feet by twelve feet to one and onehalf or two-storey  dwellings twenty to twenty-five feet square.  Generally, the l a t t e r type i s crudely divided into several rooms by means of p a r t i t i o n s .  Two log houses had been  enlarged by the addition of a small room of frame construction; the additions were used either as kitchens or as storage space for  water barrels, sacks of potatoes, and other bulky odds and  7k  ends.  In a l l cases, wallboard or cardboard was used for l i n i n g ;  the inside of one log house had been freshly whitewashed. (See PLATE V, p.82)  Another, i n a very poor state of repair, was  about to be vacated; dwelling.  the family was moving into a new frame  About half of the log houses appeared never to have  been whitewashed on the outside;  the others have not been  whitewashed for many years. (See PLATE VIII,  p.85)  The- one dwelling i n the census sample which f i t s Lagasse's description of a "shack" (Lagasse  1959:Vol. I l l , p.27)  i s a nine foot by twelve foot plywood construction, the inner walls of which were being l i n e d with plywood sheeting for purposes of i n s u l a t i o n .  This shack was inhabited by two adults  and their two small children. Lagasse has described the t h i r d house type as "frame construction other than shacks". (Lagasse  1959:Vol. I l l , p.26)  The houses i n Opasquia West which f a l l into this category may be subdivided according to vintage.  The f i r s t of these sub-  divisions contains those o l d frame dwellings i n which two or more generations have raised their families (log houses may be of the same vintage; frame buildings).  usually, however, they predate the o l d  In t h i s category are included some of the  largest homes i n Opasquia West. (See PLATES VI and VII, pp. 83 and 8k)  Houses range i n size from a f i f t e e n by eighteen  foot two-storey building, with an added single-storied room nine feet by nine feet which serves as a kitchen, to a twentysix by twenty-six foot single-storey structure, with a sixteen by twenty-six foot addition containing the kitchen and two  bedrooms.  In a l l , five of the nine homes i n this group are  two-storied.  To quote Lagasse's description,  They have rough floors, c e i l i n g s , walls plastered or finished with wallboard, chimneys and dugouts or more extensive c e l l a r s . (Lagasse 1959:Vol. I l l , p.28) As far as could be ascertained, only one home i n the census sample, the old teacherage, spaces only.  has a c e l l a r ;  the rest have crawl  The outside of these homes may be covered with  a wallpaper-like sheeting of simulated brick or stucco. (See PLATE VII, p . 8 4 )  Where appearance i s concerned, such cover-  ings preclude the necessity of painting;  though they provide  some protection against weathering, i t i s doubtful whether . they are as effective a preservative as paint. "Many of these homes could be redecorated and become attractive  dwellings i f their owners possessed  sufficient  f i n a n c i a l resources." (Lagasse 1 9 5 9 : V o l . I l l , p . 2 8 )  Three  renovated homes i n the group described above (renovations had just begun on a fourth) i l l u s t r a t e how much can be done with old frame houses.  Thinking one home to be of the new Indian  A f f a i r s Branch type,",- the question was asked why t h i s  particular  family, not an exceptionally large one, had q u a l i f i e d for such a spacious dwelling.  The explanation was that the house was  an old one, ( i t had formerly been owned by the wife's  parents)  and that renovations and additions had been executed by the family i t s e l f . The second group of old frame houses i s more recent than the above-mentioned variety;  dwellings range i n age from  seven to f i f t e e n years, t h e i r average by twenty f e e t ;  s i z e b e i n g nineteen feet  four of the twelve have a d d i t i o n s averaging  s i x t e e n by twelve f e e t i n s i z e .  Though newer, the houses of  t h i s v i n t a g e are f a r s m a l l e r , and i n f a r worse c o n d i t i o n than the frame dwellings which are ten to twenty years o l d e r . These homes are l e s s spacious than t h e i r s e n i o r counterparts and yet they o f t e n house very l a r g e , young f a m i l i e s . c o n s t r u c t i o n has made them l o o k s i n g u l a r l y o l d and despite t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t e x i s t e n c e .  Poor  decrepit,  Most of the seven  to f i f t e e n - y e a r - o l d frame houses are covered with a drab, grey, s i m u l a t e d - b r i c k s h e e t i n g , which has a rough t e x t u r e . Though f i n i s h e d i n t e r n a l l y i n much the same manner as the older frame houses,  ( f l o o r s are rough, or covered with a  poor q u a l i t y l i n o l e u m , w a l l s are f i n i s h e d with wallboard) these homes are, as p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, i n a g e n e r a l l y poor s t a t e of r e p a i r .  For. example, l i n o l e u m , where i t e x i s t s at  a l l , has i n many cases worn through to the rough wooden f l o o r i n g beneath;  i t s former  around the edges'of rooms. most d i f f i c u l t h i s home was  e x i s t e n c e can be detected only  Dwellings of t h i s type are the  to heat i n winter;  one informant s t a t e d that-;.-  i n s u l a t e d w i t h shavings;  burn down i n ten minutes i f i t caught  he added, " I t would fire".  There seems  to be no thought of r e n o v a t i n g or r e p a i r i n g the homes i n t h i s category;  f a m i l i e s i n h a b i t i n g them look forward t o the  they w i l l move to new  day  quarters.  F i n a l l y , we a r r i v e at the new  Indian A f f a i r s  homes, the homes which Lagasse has c a l l e d "modern and  Branch semi-  modern bungalows".  (Lagasse  1959:Vol.  I l l , p.26)  In size,  these dwellings range from one-storey eighteen by twenty foot structures to one and one-half-storey six feet square.  constructions  twenty-  These, too, are frame, and most have gaily  painted exteriors (the favorite colors are green, yellow, and blue;  houses are usually painted a two-color or a two-tone  combination). (See PLATE VIII, p.85) crew, responsible the s h e l l only;  The Reserve building  for the construction of new  homes, builds  f i n i s h i n g , including the l i n i n g of walls  with plywood, the building of cupboards and closets, floor t i l i n g , and painting, both i n t e r i o r and exterior, i s l e f t to the incoming family.  A stoop and s t a i r s must also be added  after the building crew has l e f t .  This situation has resulted  i n rickety, dangerous, constructions.  Some are simply wooden  platforms half-way between the doorway and the ground;  often  there i s a gap between the platform and the house which i s d i f f i c u l t for small children to negotiate. p.86)  Only one home,had a cement stoop and New  (See PLATE IX, stairs.  homes are the most prestigious and the most highly  desired by the Indians.  They have ample window space and  therefore, bright and cheery.  are,  The i n t e r i o r plywood l i n i n g i s  usually painted l i g h t colors, thus adding to the o v e r a l l brightness.  Floor t i l e s are of f a i r quality;  they are  frequently marked and discolored, but broken t i l e s revealing the floor underneath are the exception rather than the r u l e . Insulation i s good and new  homes are not d i f f i c u l t to heat.  Care i s taken to b u i l d safety features into the chimney area  for f i r e p r e v e n t i o n .  A few new houses (and some renovated o l d  frame ones as w e l l ) have b u i l t - i n ,  stainless steel kitchen  s i n k s , a n t i c i p a t i n g the a c q u i s i t i o n o f running water;  the  sparse d i s t r i b u t i o n o f s i n k s i n d i c a t e s that t h i s i s a matter for which the f a m i l y i t s e l f i s r e s p o n s i b l e . Though f a r s u p e r i o r to the recent frame dwellings d e s c r i b e d above, the advantages o f new homes over some of the o l d frame dwellings i s l e s s s t r i k i n g . are roomier  than the new ones.  In f a c t , many o l d homes  One f a m i l y added a room which  serves as a k i t c h e n to t h e i r new home.  The woman of the house  expressed her f e e l i n g s concerning the s i z e o f Indian A f f a i r s Branch houses as f o l l o w s :  " I t o l d them (the Indian A f f a i r s  Branch) to put b i g doors on i t ,  and I'd use i t f o r a garage".  The new homes a r e d i v i d e d i n t o two or three bedrooms, a l i v i n g room, and a k i t c h e n , the bedrooms having j u s t enough room f o r a bed and a dresser. Another unfortunate  f e a t u r e o f the new Indian A f f a i r s  Branch s t r u c t u r e s i s that they a l l look a l i k e .  Though f a m i l i e s  have a choice o f " t h r e e or four types, these types d i f f e r i n s i z e , r a t h e r than design.  The C h i e f s t a t e d that the C o u n c i l  had sent a l e t t e r o f p r o t e s t to the Government.  "We don't  want our Reserve to look l i k e an army camp," he s a i d .  The  C o u n c i l was assured that the f o l l o w i n g year, f a m i l i e s would be allowed to choose from s e v e r a l completely designs.  individualistic  79 TABLE XIV HOUSES IN THE CENSUS SAMPLE—THEIR TYPE, SIZE, AND NUMBER OF OCCUPANTS  No. i n sample  House type  6  Log  Average area  Average no. of rooms'  Average no. of occupants  2  4.1  1  4  3  335 s q . f t . (2 are two-storey, 1 has a l g e . ,wind shelter ) a  Shacks  1  Frame c o n s t r u c t i o n other than shacks Old (two or more generations  9  55^.2 s q . f t . (5 are two-storey)  3.2  6.6  12 -  382.2 s q . f t . (1 has a l g e . wind shelter)  3.2  7.9  Recent  (6-16  yrs.)  E i t h e r l o g or o l d „ frame c o n s t r u c t i o n  New  Former teacherage (frame with porch and basement)  5  22  1  108  sq.ft.  e  323.4 sq.ft. (2 are two-storey, 2 have l g e . wind shelters) 517.4 sq.ft. (3 are two-storey, 4 have wind s h e l ters b u i l t into the house, 2 have l g e . wind s h e l t e r s ) 576 s q . f t . (not i n c l u d i n g the porch)  (based on 4 of the 5 houses)  8  4.2  7.8  4(?)  3  (only partly seen)  A d d i t i o n s are i n c l u d e d i n the a r e a l measurement where they are used as e x t r a rooms ( u s u a l l y k i t c h e n s ) , but not where they are used f o r s t o r a g e . The a r e a l measurements r e f e r to ground f l o o r s only. Areas are based on eye measurement alone; they are approximate r a t h e r than a b s o l u t e .  80 TABLE XIV  (continued)  ^ P a r t i t i o n e d areas are counted as rooms. The term "two-storey" i n c l u d e s those houses which are a c t u a l l y one and one-half s t o r i e s . In no case was the second s t o r e y seen; t h e r e f o r e , the "Average no. of rooms" column r e f e r s only to the ground f l o o r . c  ^A " l a r g e wind s h e l t e r " i s a small room, 75-100 f t . square, which serves as a storage area, and as a wind s h e l t e r . 0ne home i n t h i s category i s d i v i d e d , h a l f the area s e r v i n g as a s t o r e ; only the l i v i n g q u a r t e r s have been i n c l u d e d i n the measurements. e  t  f The l a c k of c e r t a i n t y here i s due to an o v e r s i g h t i n n o t e - t a k i n g . The s i z e of these homes, however, suggests that they are l o g .  8 1  TABLE XV HOUSES NOT IN THE CENSUS SAMPLE— THEIR TYPE AND NUMBER  House type  Number  Log  3  Shacks  1  Frame c o n s t r u c t i o n other than shacks  k  New  3  M i s s i o n house  1  .. ..  ( t h i s shack has been renovated and enlarged by a Reserve f a m i l y who l e t i t to a young, newly-married couple)  . ( a l l o f these belong i n the older v i n t a g e group) .  . (these homes were u n f i n i s h e d a t the time of census i n t e r v i e w i n g )  82  THE WHITEWASHED INTERIOR OF A LOG DWELLING  PLATE VI AN OLD FRAME DWELLING, ONE AND ONE-HALF STORIES WITH TWO ADDITIONS  84  PLATS VII AN OLD FRAME DWELLING FACED WITH SIMULATED BRICK SHEETING  PLATE V I I I NEW LAB DWELLING (LT.), THREE LOG DWELLINGS IN A ROW (RT.)  PLATE IX A MAKESHIFT WOODEN STOOP  87 New H o u s e s — F i n a n c i a l C o n s i d e r a t i o n s and Methods of D i s t r i b u t i o n A f a m i l y wanting a new  house submits an a p p l i c a t i o n to  the Band C o u n c i l , which a d m i n i s t e r s a y e a r l y housing the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. year to year; how  grant from  The amount of the grant v a r i e s from  each year, t h e r e f o r e , the C o u n c i l must  many l a r g e and how  example, f o r the year  decide  many small houses can be b u i l t . 1965-66  For  the Band r e c e i v e d a housing  of twenty-five thousand d o l l a r s ;  with t h i s amount, seven small  houses, or a smaller number of " l a r g e " houses, or a  combination,  c o u l d be b u i l t .  I t was  be constructed;  the C o u n c i l then looked for seven small  decided that seven small houses should  f a m i l i e s to occupy the homes. are the f i r s t  I d e a l l y , the most needy  to be given houses.  Band C o u n c i l decides who are the people who  An informant  labour.  home;  these  q u a r t e r s , and o f t e n they are j u s t i f i e d the s i t u a t i o n with,  " E v e n t u a l l y , everyone w i l l have a new r e q u i r e d to pay a percentage  families  In a c t u a l i t y , however, the  w i l l best look a f t e r a new  are o f f e r e d new  not the most needy.  grant  house".  Each f a m i l y i s  of the p r i c e of m a t e r i a l s and  S i z e of payments i s s c a l e d to wages earned.  and renovations are p a i d from the same b u i l d i n g  Repairs  fund.  I t i s obvious that some people must wait three or four years for a new  home.  house independently.  T h e i r only a l t e r n a t i v e i s to b u i l d a T h i s course of a c t i o n i n v a r i a b l y r e q u i r e s  a l o a n , and has been followed by only one West. adverse  When payments cannot be met circumstances,  f a m i l y i n Opasquia  due to i l l n e s s or other  the Indian A f f a i r s Branch w i l l step i n  88  and h e l p .  Those who  b u i l d a new  home independently, pay more than  others for the d w e l l i n g , as they must p e r s o n a l l y bear the cost of b u i l d i n g ;  o f f i c i a l l y , the Indian A f f a i r s Branch provides  no subsidy i n these cases. t h e i r own  full  homes and may  In the end, however, these people  own  do with them as they p l e a s e .  P o p u l a t i o n D e n s i t y of L i v i n g Quarters I f we  c a l c u l a t e the average number of square feet of  l i v i n g space per person, a c c o r d i n g to the average on TABLE XIV  (p.79),  we  areas given  f i n d that the p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y f o r  our census sample i s approximately s i x t y - f o u r square feet per person, or a space 8 f e e t by 8 f e e t . guise the extremes. an area 18  of course,  dis-  In the case of one f a m i l y of ten l i v i n g i n  f e e t by 15  twenty-seven  Averages,  f e e t , the p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y would be  square .feet per person;  an area approximately 5.2  feet by 5.2  each person would occupy f e e t . (See PLATE X,  p.93)  At the other extreme, the l e a s t densely populated d w e l l i n g i n our sample, a home 30  feet by 22  three, would provide 220  square  f a m i l y member, or a room 15  feet occupied by a f a m i l y of feet of l i v i n g  f e e t by 15  space f o r each  feet.  I t i s d i f f i c u l t to assess the a t t i t u d e s of the Indians themselves to  to the c o n d i t i o n s under which they l i v e .  say that n e a r l y a l l a s p i r e to l i v i n g i n new  Branch houses. f a m i l i e s who perhaps houses.  The  I t i s true  Indian A f f a i r s  exceptions to t h i s statement  would be  those  have renovated l a r g e , o l d frame d w e l l i n g s , and  s i n g l e , o l d people or couples l i v i n g i n small l o g Indian A f f a i r s Branch houses,  however, c a r r y with them  89 a c e r t a i n amount of p r e s t i g e value, and i t i s probably  this  fact,  r a t h e r than p r a c t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s alone, which c o n s t i t u t e the appeal  of these new houses. Summer i s not the best season during which to assess  the p s y c h o l o g i c a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s of the p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y of l i v i n g quarters.  During  the summer, the e n t i r e household i s  indoors only to s l e e p , and on c o l d evenings and r a i n y days. C h i l d r e n a r e outside f o r the major part of the day and evening, r u s h i n g i n p e r i o d i c a l l y , perhaps to grab a piece of bread and jam,  and then r u s h i n g out again.  g r e a t e r i s the pressure course,  I do not know how much  on l i v i n g space i n the w i n t e r .  Of  the older c h i l d r e n are a t school during the week.  On  weekends and h o l i d a y s , however, i t i s l i k e l y that space i s at a premium, as the c h i l d r e n could not p o s s i b l y spend as much time out o f doors i n the extreme winter  temperatures as they  do i n summer. One  c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n which seemed to be r e l a t e d to  l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , and the d e n s i t y of population i n l i v i n g quarters was the women's passion games were organized  f o r p l a y i n g Bingo.  f o r almost every  s i o n was that when the c l u t t e r  evening,  Bingo  and the impres-  of the day reached s a t u r a t i o n  p o i n t , mother fled, almost i n despair, to the r e l e a s e which Bingo o f f e r e d .  One could o f t e n enter a home i n the evening  to f i n d a t e r r i f i c ing;  jumble of d i r t y dishes and l i t t e r e d  cloth-  the c h i l d r e n would e i t h e r be o u t s i d e , or scrambling  amongst the chaos, while mother would be at the H a l l , p l a y i n g Bingo.  90 With the exception of the i n h a b i t a n t s of perhaps or  two  three very densely populated dwellings, people d i d not  express d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the s i z e of t h e i r l i v i n g q u a r t e r s . They d i d , however, express t h e i r  d i s l i k e of outdoor  lavatories  i n winter, and seemed d i s s a t i s f i e d with homes which were d i f ficult  to heat. Lagasse,  i n h i s study of the people of Indian ancestry  i n Manitoba, presents an a r b i t r a r y s c a l e for measuring acceptable d e n s i t y l e v e l s of d w e l l i n g s .  We w i l l reproduce  Lagasse's  Table and then compare Opasquia West with the other Indian and Metis communities i n Manitoba, a c c o r d i n g to the given s c a l e . With r e f e r e n c e to t h i s a r b i t r a r y a n a l y t i c a l t o o l  Lagasse  states: An a r b i t r a r y standard was e s t a b l i s h e d to determine the degree of overcrowding i n Indian and Metis homes. I t was f e l t that under normal c o n d i t i o n s the standards l i s t e d . . . would represent the maximum number who c o u l d l i v e comfortably i n a p a r t i c u l a r s i z e d home. (Lagasse i959:Vol. I l l , p.36) I t should be noted that the b a s i c u n i t of measurement on Lagasse's  s c a l e i s the number of rooms, rather than  absolute amount of f l o o r space.  the  T h i s means that a one-room  house, twelve feet by s i x t e e n f e e t , with four i n h a b i t a n t s , would be considered above the accepted maximum d e n s i t y l e v e l , whereas the same amount of space, with the same number of occupants,  and a p a r t i t i o n , would f a l l below t h i s l e v e l .  a sample which covers almost  In  the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n of the a r e a  under study, however, ( i n t h i s case Opasquia West) i t i s l i k e l y that these i n e q u i t i e s w i l l balance out.  The  advantage  91 and purpose of t h i s present a n a l y s i s i s that each i n d i v i d u a l dwelling can be considered s e p a r a t e l y .  I t should be noted,  however, that on TABLE XIV ( p . 7 9 ) , which merges a l l dwellings i n Opasquia West i n t o f i v e main c a t e g o r i e s , p r e s e n t i n g f o r each category one average f i g u r e f o r the s p a t i a l area, one average f i g u r e f o r the number of rooms, and one average f i g u r e f o r the number of occupants, a l l f i v e c a t e g o r i e s of dwellings f a l l above Lagasse's suggested norm f o r maximum occupancy.  Lagasse's t a b l e i s as f o l l o w s :  Suggested Norm f o r Maximum Occupancy of Dwellings by Number of Rooms i n a Dwelling No. of Rooms  Maximum Occupancy  1 2-3 4 5 and over  2 persons 3 - 4 persons 6 persons 1 . 5 persons per room (Lagasse 1 9 5 9 : V o l . I l l , p.36)  F o l l o w i n g the above t a b l e , p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y i n Opasquia West may be a n a l y z e d as shown on TABLE XVI ( p . 9 2 ) . T h i s a n a l y s i s i n d i c a t e s that a t o t a l of t h i r t y - f o u r out of f i f t y - f i v e  ( 6 l . 8 percent) homes i n the census sample  exceed the suggested norm for maximum occupancy.  Lagasse's  f i g u r e s f o r Manitoba were, Approximately 80 percent of the one room houses were overcrowded as were 75 percent of the two and three room houses and 27 percent of the four and more room d w e l l i n g s . (Lagasse 1 9 5 9 : V o l . I l l , p.36) In Opasquia West, 3 3 . 3 percent of the one-room houses  exceeded  the suggested norm f o r maximum occupancy, as d i d 6 9 . 5 percent  92 TABLE XVI POPULATION DENSITY OF LIVING QUARTERS IN OPASQUIA WEST, RELATIVE TO LAGASSE'S SCALE  Density r e l a t i v e to Lagasse s scale  Number of rooms  1  1  2-3  Houses above suggested norm f o r maximum occupancy  1  16  11  Houses below suggested norm f o r maximum occupancy  2  7  7  Total  3  k  23 .18  a  5 and over  unknown  6 5  11  1  Second s t o r i e s were counted as one room, although i n most cases they are not used a t a l l i n winter as they cannot be heated without great d i f f i c u l t y and expense.  PLATE X A DENSELY POPULATED BED-LIVING ROOM  9k of  the two and three-room  and more room d w e l l i n g s . f a l l almost  houses and 58.6  percent o f the four  S i n c e homes with four or more rooms  e n t i r e l y w i t h i n the category of "new homes" i n  Opasquia West, (see TABLE XIV, p.79)  we. can say t h a t the new  homes which are being b u i l t a r e , a c c o r d i n g to Lagasse, inadequate  f o r the f a m i l i e s they s h e l t e r .  spatially  Where one-room houses  are concerned,  Opasquia West i s f a r b e t t e r o f f than the r e s t of  the province.  Over h a l f the homes i n our sample, however, were  in  the four-room  and over group, and 58.6  percent o f these, as  compared with 27 percent f o r the r e s t of the province, Lagasse's  suggested norm f o r maximum occupancy.  have advantages, of  but adequate space  exceed  The new homes  does not appear to be one  them.  Heating On Opasquia,  temperatures  are l i k e l y to f a l l below zero  F a r e n h e i t f o r the b e t t e r p a r t of s i x months of the year. Adequately for  heated homes, i n t h i s h o s t i l e c l i m a t e , are e s s e n t i a l  survival.  Because of i t s importance  i n the l i v e s of the  Indians, h e a t i n g i s d i s c u s s e d as a separate Late i n the f a l l ,  topic.  s e v e r a l houses were surrounded at  t h e i r base with a s l o p i n g , t i g h t l y - p a c k e d , bank o f e a r t h .  It  was noted that t h i s procedure was being f o l l o w e d where l o g and frame houses (both groups) were concerned; determined,  no new houses were being banked;  as f a r as c o u l d be presumably t h e i r  s u p e r i o r concrete foundations preclude the n e c e s s i t y of i n s u r l a t i n g the bases with e a r t h .  95 For added p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t the severe winter, most homes have a covered,  frame, wind s h e l t e r around the most  f r e q u e n t l y used entrance  ( u s u a l l y the back door).  prevents the wind from blowing  This shelter  d i r e c t l y i n t o the house, and  provides added i n s u l a t i o n around the door.  S e v e r a l new  homes  have the wind s h e l t e r b u i l t i n t o the t o t a l design of the house, presumably to improve the appearance;  i n t h i s way,  on" look of most wind s h e l t e r s i s avoided.  the  "tacked  From the o u t s i d e ,  b u i l t - i n s h e l t e r s appear as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of the house. U s u a l l y the f u l l l e n g t h of the house, and  f i v e to s i x feet wide,  they provide ample storage space f o r washing machines, water barrels,  f r e e z e r s , and sacks of potatoes.  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , how-  ever, the gain i n storage space n e c e s s i t a t e s an equal l o s s of l i v i n g space.  I t i s l i k e l y that b u i l t - i n s h e l t e r s are i n s u l a t e d  i n ' t h e same manner as the r e s t of the s t r u c t u r e , thus p r o v i d i n g more e f f e c t i v e p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t the c o l d which penetrates way  by  of the entrance, than do the s m a l l e r , more h u r r i e d l y con-  structed shelters. According to informants, l o g houses are e a s i l y  heated;  t h e i r moss and c l a y c h i n k i n g a f f o r d ample p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t the elements.  New,  w e l l - i n s u l a t e d homes are warm i n winter, when  p r o p e r l y heated. comfortable;  The  older frame dwellings were u s u a l l y q u i t e  the frame homes of more r e c e n t v i n t a g e seemed  always to be c o l d i n the l a t e autumn.  Though the reason  for i t  i s not a l t o g e t h e r c l e a r , i t i s l i k e l y that the o l d homes which have been r e p a i r e d and added t o , have been r e i n s u l a t e d as w e l l . Apart  from i n s u l a t i o n and other b u i l d i n g techniques,  economic  96 means p l a y the most important r o l e i n determining which homes w i l l be adequately heated i n winter and which w i l l F u e l may  be e i t h e r wood or o i l , with wood being by f a r  the most widely used. cookstove was  In twenty-four  to be seen.  heater i s brought  not.  homes, only a wood-burning  Perhaps i n some cases an  i n before winter;  additional  i n most, however, i t i s  l i k e l y that the one stove i s used for both cooking and h e a t i n g . T h i s arrangement would seem most inadequate  f o r h e a t i n g the  l a r g e r homes, even those with good i n s u l a t i o n .  F i f t e e n homes  were heated with a wood-burning space heater, i n a d d i t i o n to the cookstove  (the space heater b e i n g l o c a t e d i n the l i v i n g room),  and three homes, ( p o s s i b l y f i v e ) , contained an o i l heater, i n a d d i t i o n to the wood-burning cookstove  i n the k i t c h e n .  method of h e a t i n g c o u l d not be determined were not seen i n t h e i r  The  f o r twelve homes which  entirety.  No more than three or four f a m i l i e s were p r e p a r i n g a supply of wood f o r w i n t e r .  These few f a m i l i e s bought wood by  the cord, r e n t e d power saws, and sawed the wood i n t o l o g s ; informant s a i d i t i s much l e s s expensive w i n t e r ' s supply i n the f a l l , weekly requirements  to prepare the  i n the w i n t e r .  The l a r g e m a j o r i t y of course of a c t i o n ,  simply  because they cannot a f f o r d to pay out a l a r g e bulk sum Less f o r t u n a t e f a m i l i e s f i l l  their  at any  f u e l needs by  making frequent t r i p s i n t o the wooded areas to c o l l e c t Often, a group of three or four young c h i l d r e n c o u l d be f o l l o w i n g an older teenager;  entire  than to buy a c c o r d i n g to d a i l y or  f a m i l i e s , however, take the l a t t e r  one time.  an  firewood. seen  or an a d u l t , each of them dragging  97 s e v e r a l l a r g e , l e a f y o r dead b r a n c h e s chopped i n t o  firewood.  obtain i n winter.  a l o n g t h e r o a d t o be  For these people, f u e l i s d i f f i c u l t  Lagasse  cited this  to  example,  On The P a s R e s e r v e , one home n e a r t h e h i g h w a y h a s a r a i l and p i c k e t f e n c e w h i c h i s used as stovewood each w i n t e r and i s r e b u i l t t h e f o l l o w i n g s p r i n g .  (Lagasse 1 9 5 9 : V o l . I l l ,  p.38)  I t i s obvious, then, that the standard of h e a t i n g v a r i e s from good t o poor.  I n a number o f homes, on many  o c c a s i o n s , t h e i n v e s t i g a t o r was j a c k e t and  two  wearing l i g h t  b a r e l y c o m f o r t a b l e i n a warm  s w e a t e r s , w h i l e c h i l d r e n p l a y e d on t h e c o t t o n garments;  and o f t e n t h e i r  usually their  arms a n d  floor, legs,  f e e t , were b a r e .  I t seemed t o t h e i n v e s t i g a t o r ' s h u s b a n d , a d o c t o r who  different  graduate  has s p e n t s e v e r a l months a s a r e s i d e n t i n a  paediatric  h o s p i t a l a n d s e v e r a l months i n g e n e r a l p r a c t i c e , t h a t a h i g h percentage  o f the c h i l d r e n had upper r e s p i r a t o r y i n f e c t i o n .  e x a m i n e d t h e c h i l d r e n a s c l o s e l y a s was a n d by p l a y i n g w i t h them. a qualified  The  He  possible by.observation  I n d i a n s w e r e n o t a w a r e t h a t he i s  d o c t o r , h o w e v e r , a n d no m e d i c a l e q u i p m e n t was  used.  I t i s n o t p o s s i b l e , t h e r e f o r e , t o g i v e an a c c u r a t e f i g u r e f o r the frequency of i n f e c t i o n ; w i t h other communities  nor  can O p a s q u i a  i n t h i s matter.  West be  I f the frequency i s i n  f a c t h i g h e r than i n the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n , t h i s would the v a l i d i t y  compared  dispell  o f s u g g e s t i o n s t h a t t h e s e c h i l d r e n a r e so h a r d y  t o be immune t o s u c h a d v e r s e  c o n d i t i o n s , and would r e n d e r  meaning-  l e s s comments f r o m W h i t e p e o p l e a n d I n d i a n s a l i k e t h a t " t h e y used to  it".  as  get  98 MATERIAL POSSESSIONS The  f i f t y - s i x households i n the census sample have been  d i v i d e d i n t o three groups, a c c o r d i n g to the m a t e r i a l possessions contained i n each. account  E l e c t r i c a l a p p l i a n c e s have not been taken  i n t h i s i n i t i a l assessment, but w i l l be d i s c u s s e d at the  end of t h i s s e c t i o n .  The l i n e s d i v i d i n g the three groups are  f i n e ones, and are sometimes b l u r r e d , so that i n one or two absolute o b j e c t i v i t y was  cases  not p o s s i b l e and a s u b j e c t i v e choice  to be made as to which grouping a household mated.  into  had  most c l o s e l y a p p r o x i -  In a l l cases, however, the choice was  made s o l e l y on the  b a s i s of the m a t e r i a l f u r n i s h i n g s to be seen i n the home i n question;  occupations and wages earned were not considered i n  the assessment, though they are n a t u r a l l y r e f l e c t e d i n the divisions. of  I t i s hoped that t h i s a n a l y s i s w i l l provide a p i c t u r e  the range of l i v i n g standards  West.  We w i l l  firstly  enjoyed by r e s i d e n t s of Opasquia  define each of the three groups, and  will  then provide a more complete d e s c r i p t i o n of the homes i n each category, i l l u s t r a t i n g  each with a f i e l d - n o t e  excerpt.  Group 1 homes contain only the very b a s i c n e c e s s i t i e s of living.  A l l items of f u r n i t u r e are s t r i c t l y u t i l i t a r i a n  most are multi-purpose;  that i s , f u r n i t u r e i s not  one item i s used i n a v a r i e t y of s i t u a t i o n s . of  f u r n i t u r e which a r e n o n - e s s e n t i a l ;  and arm  1  and  specialized—  There are no  items  for example, c h e s t e r f i e l d s  c h a i r s are not present i n Group 1.  The  only items of  f u r n i t u r e i n t h i s group which could perhaps be regarded  as  s p e c i a l i z e d , i n that they serve only one purpose, would be  chests  99 of drawers and k i t c h e n  cupboards.  G r o u p 2 homes c o n t a i n ture;  t h a t i s , one p i e c e  purpose.  a selection of specialized f u r n i -  o f f u r n i t u r e g e n e r a l l y s e r v e s o n l y one  I n t h i s group, s p e c i a l i z e d p i e c e s  are non-essential, u s u a l l y i n very  of f u r n i t u r e which  such as c h e s t e r f i e l d s , though present, a r e  poor c o n d i t i o n .  objects are not present,  I n t h e main,  non-utilitarian  t h o u g h t h e r e may b e a n o c c a s i o n a l  s c a t t e r r u g o r a p i c t u r e on t h e w a l l . G r o u p 3 homes c o n t a i n luxury items,  such as c o f f e e  f u r n i s h i n g s which can be  considered  t a b l e s and a r b o r i t e k i t c h e n s e t s , i n  a d d i t i o n t o f u r n i t u r e which i s e s s e n t i a l l y u t i l i t a r i a n . all  Almost  o f t h e f u r n i t u r e i n t h i s t h i r d group i s s p e c i a l i z e d ;  u s u a l l y i n q u i t e good c o n d i t i o n .  Some homes i n G r o u p 3  items which are purely  and n o n - u t i l i t a r i a n ,  bric-a-brac  decorative  i t i s contain  such as  and w a l l plaques.  G r o u p 1 homes may b e c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y t h e f o l l o w i n g description.  The b a s i c  f u r n i t u r e requirements of a household  i n O p a s q u i a West i n c l u d e a c o o k s t o v e , a k i t c h e n s e a t i n g , beds, and a wash-stand and basin.out,  (1959:Vol. I l l ,  several functions.  pp.38-39) one p i e c e  up t o t h e t a b l e a t m e a l - t i m e .  and l a u n d r y  points  o f f u r n i t u r e may h a v e  i t may a l s o be p u l l e d  The k i t c h e n t a b l e p r o v i d e s  f o r c a r r y i n g o u t many a c t i v i t i e s .  done, d u c k s c l e a n e d ,  As L a g a s s e  with  A b e d may b e u s e d f o r s l e e p i n g a t n i g h t ,  a n d f o r c a s u a l s e a t i n g d u r i n g t h e day;  surface  table  bannock  may b e s e v e r a l k i t c h e n  H e r e homework may b e  kneaded, mukluks  s c r u b b e d on w a s h - b o a r d s  a work  sewn, b e a d s  s e t i n l a r g e tubs.  c h a i r s , b u t homemade b e n c h e s  strung,  There  a n d empty  100 oil  cans serve the same purpose.  board boxes.  C l o t h i n g may be s t o r e d i n c a r d -  The stove may be used f o r both cooking and heating;  i n one home, a t i n heater of the " a i r - t i g h t " , wood-burning v a r i e t y served, both purposes. sities;  These, then, a r e the b a s i c neces-  however, even the most s p a r s e l y f u r n i s h e d homes o f t e n  have, i n a d d i t i o n , a dresser or two, with drawer space f o r c l o t h i n g , and shelves or a cupboard dishes and s t o r i n g g r o c e r i e s . on the windows.  There are u s u a l l y p l a s t i c c u r t a i n s  F i f t e e n homes i n the census sample can be charac-  t e r i z e d by the above d e s c r i p t i o n . utilitarian;  i n the k i t c h e n , f o r s t a c k i n g  Items o f f u r n i t u r e a r e s t r i c t l y  they a r e p l a i n and undecorated,  multi-purpose.  and each-item i s  The f o l l o w i n g f i e l d - n o t e excerpt d e s c r i b e s a  t y p i c a l Group 1 home: The house i s t i n y ; i t smells and i s d i r t y . There was one bare l i g h t bulb i n the c e i l i n g of the k i t c h e n , and I c o u l d see one i n the bedroom. The k i t c h e n contained a rough t a b l e with two benches, a home-made baby's c r i b , a covered, f i v e - g a l l o n , s l o p - p a i l , with a p a i l s i t t i n g on i t , a woodstove, and a wash-stand. An e l e c t r i c k e t t l e s a t on the t a b l e . A colander, and a rack o f hanging u t e n s i l s , such as a cooking fork, e t c . , stood by the stove. Looking through the k i t c h e n doorway t o the bedroom, I c o u l d see a double-bed-size cot, f o l d e d up, and a dresser. The house was bare o f any excess f u r n i t u r e , or d e c o r a t i o n o f any k i n d . Group 2 d i f f e r s only s l i g h t l y from the above.  As an  i n t e r m e d i a t e group, i t possesses a greater q u a n t i t y o f s p e c i a l i z e d f u r n i t u r e than does Group 1.  S p e c i a l i z e d f u r n i t u r e , though  present i n t h i s group, i s sparse, c o n s i s t i n g perhaps of a b a d l y worn wicker  c h e s t e r f i e l d , or an arm c h a i r i n poor c o n d i t i o n . A  few other embellishments,  such as a s c a t t e r rug or a p i c t u r e  (the m o t i f i s almost always r e l i g i o u s ) , may be present. Group 2 there i s an i n c r e a s e i n the amount of f u r n i t u r e  In  101 s p e c i f i c a l l y designed for s t o r i n g c l o t h i n g . group possesses fewer e l e c t r i c a l a p p l i a n c e s (See TABLE XVII, p.104)  Inexplicably, this than does Group 1.  A p o s s i b l e explanation  i s that fewer  homes i n t h i s group were seen i n t h e i r e n t i r e t y . holds are i n c l u d e d i n Group 2.  The  Twelve house-  following i s a description  of a not a t y p i c a l home p l a c e d i n Group 2: The k i t c h e n , a room about f i f t e e n feet by f i f t e e n f e e t had two windows, with g l a s s panes i n t a c t . The f u r n i t u r e q o n s i s t e d of a woodstove, a l a r g e , white, cabinet, a smaller cupboard, a s m a l l , grey, a r b o r i t e t a b l e , a rough, wooden bench, and a few-chairs. The f l o o r had onion s k i n s on i t , an empty milk carton, and an open box of garbage. The room was warm—the w a l l s d i r t y , badly worn, and i n need of p a i n t i n g and r e p a i r . A c l o t h e s l i n e hung over the stove with v a r i o u s a r t i c l e s of c l o t h i n g , i n c l u d i n g a baby's shoe, • hanging from i t . A l a r g e water b a r r e l sat i n a corner, covered with a wooden panel, and a dipper hung on the w a l l beside i t . Through the k i t c h e n doorway, i n the adjacent room, an o l d s o f a i n poor c o n d i t i o n c o u l d be seen. Group 3, c o n t a i n i n g twenty-six one  households, i s broad.  At  end i t i n c l u d e s those homes i n which s p e c i a l i z e d f u r n i t u r e  i s only s l i g h t l y more p l e n t i f u l , or i n s l i g h t l y b e t t e r than that of Group 2;  homes at the other  condition  end of the Group 3  s c a l e c o n t a i n a comprehensive s e l e c t i o n of s p e c i a l i z e d f u r n i t u r e , i n c l u d i n g such pieces as c h e s t e r f i e l d s , armchairs, lamps, c o f f e e t a b l e s , a r b o r i t e k i t c h e n s e t s , k i t c h e n counters, f r o n t e d china c a b i n e t s . and w a l l decorations r e l i g i o u s ) , and  and  glass-  These homes a l s o contain b r i c - a - b r a c ,  such as p i c t u r e s (again m o t i f s are u s u a l l y  f a m i l y photographs.  Quoted below i s the  c r i p t i o n from a f i e l d notebook of a house which was  des-  included i n  Group 3. The house i s new, and q u i t e n i c e ; oddly, the woodstove i s i n the wind s h e l t e r area, o f f the k i t c h e n . The house  102 . has u s u a l l y been f a i r l y neat and clean any time v i s i t e d . The w a l l s are w e l l decorated with landscapes, ornaments, family photographs, and b r i c - a - b r a c s h e l v e s . One s h e l f d i s p l a y e d a spray t i n of lavendar deodorant. The y a r d i s f a i r l y clean and f r e e of junk, but i s covered with l o n g grass and bushes, except f o r the c l e a r e d path. The k i t c h e n - l i v i n g room (no p a r t i t i o n ) c o n t a i n s a n i c e china cabinet, but with the g l a s s broken, an a r b o r i t e t a b l e and two c h a i r s , a wood furnace, an e l e c t r i c r e f r i g e r a t o r , a c h e s t e r f i e l d , an armchair, and a t e l e v i s i o n s e t . There i s a p i c t u r e window behind the c h e s t e r f i e l d . The  f u r n i s h i n g s of three homes were not observed  enough to warrant  extensively  grouping.  The three groups d e s c r i b e d above r e f l e c t what appeared to be three r e a l d i v i s i o n s i n the m a t e r i a l w e l l - b e i n g of the households concerned; standard of l i v i n g . cope.  Money was  financially;  each group was marked by a d i f f e r e n t Those i n Group 1 were b a r e l y managing to  o b v i o u s l y very s c a r c e , and l i f e  not very secure,  i n f a c t , one wondered, i n these households, i f the  means were on hand to provide the next meal. appeared to be s l i g h t l y b e t t e r o f f .  Group 2 households  Although there were no  frills,  one f e l t they were managing to keep t h e i r heads above  water.  Group 3 was made up of about h a l f the households i n  Opasquia West. There was  These f a m i l i e s appeared to be managing q u i t e w e l l .  some s e c u r i t y here, and people were not concerned with  the source of t h e i r next meal.  The f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n of Group  3 f a m i l i e s enabled them to add the l i t t l e  e x t r a s to t h e i r homes  which make each one p e r s o n a l and unique.  C o n s i d e r i n g the  fairly  g e n e r a l i z e d i n s t a b i l i t y of employment p a t t e r n s , however, i t would not be t r u e to say t h a t Group 3 households dom  from f i n a n c i a l worry at a l l times.  enjoy complete  free-  103 Electrical  Appliances  The  d i s t r i b u t i o n of e l e c t r i c a l a p p l i a n c e s provides a  somewhat crude measuring r o d f o r e s t i m a t i n g the extent of people's  f u r n i s h i n g s and m a t e r i a l possessions, as w e l l as the  extent of t h e i r a c c u l t u r a t i o n and i n t e g r a t i o n . p l i a n c e s pave the way  Electrical  to an e a s i e r , more convenient way  they are h i g h l y d e s i r a b l e for t h i s reason.  ap-  of l i f e ;  When f i n a n c e s are  a v a i l a b l e , a p p l i a n c e s are among the . f i r s t t h i n g s to be  purchased,  a f t e r the b a s i c food, c l o t h i n g , s h e l t e r , and f u r n i t u r e needs have been f i l l e d .  By n o t i n g which a p p l i a n c e s are purchased,  the frequency of t h e i r occurrence, we  and  c o n s t r u c t a somewhat  c l e a r e r p i c t u r e of the m a t e r i a l world i n which the c h i l d i s raised. to  We  r e a l i z e how  d i f f i c u l t i t must be for some f a m i l i e s  cope with the p u r e l y mechanical  aspects of l i v i n g , such  washing c l o t h e s for a f a m i l y of f i v e , or seven, a tub and board.  as  or more, with  TABLE XVII r e c o r d s the d i s t r i b u t i o n of  e l e c t r i c a l a p p l i a n c e s , a c c o r d i n g to the three groups d e s c r i b e d above. Automobiles Automobiles, d e s i r e d items. shopping  as w e l l as e l e c t r i c a l appliances,. are h i g h l y  They erase the d i f f i c u l t i e s of going to town for •  and entertainment.  however.  Few  f a m i l i e s can a f f o r d t h i s l u x u r y ,  In the autumn of 1 9 6 6 , the m a j o r i t y of automobiles  in  use i n Opasquia West were second-hand v e h i c l e s , i n f a i r to poor condition;  only one i s known to have been purchased  Keeping an automobile  running throughout  new.  a northern winter i s  104 TABLE XVII DISTRIBUTION OF ELECTRICAL APPLIANCES  Group l  Group 2  a  (15 homes ) 13  Group 3  a  (12 homes ) 13  (26 homes ) 13  electricity  2  1  No a p p l i a n c e s seen  4  8  0 2  Television  4  1  18  Wringer washer Refrigerator •  5 3  1 0  14 10  Radio, r e c o r d p l a y e r , or combination  3"  0  12  Electric  1  0 0  No  Appliance  a  0  stove  Telephone  l  Clothes Kettle  1 2  Freezer  l  Toaster  1  Juke box  l  Guitar amplifier  0  drier  T o t a l no. of a p p l i a n c e s per Group Av. no. of a p p l i a n c e s per household  20  d  0 0 0 0 0 0  d  d  d  1.3  2 0.2  6 6 .. 1 1 2 0 0 1 71  2.7  Group 1 homes c o n t a i n b a s i c n e c e s s i t i e s only. A l l items are u t i l i t a r i a n , and most are multi-purpose. Group 2 homes cont a i n some s p e c i a l i z e d f u r n i t u r e ; that i s , one item i s used f o r one purpose only, but, where present, i t i s o f t e n i n poor c o n d i t i o n . There may be an o c c a s i o n a l s c a t t e r rug, or a p i c t u r e on the w a l l , but, i n general, there a r e very few n o n - u t i l i t a r i a n o b j e c t s i n t h i s group. Group 3 homes c o n t a i n l u x u r y items, g e n e r a l l y i n a f a i r l y good s t a t e of r e p a i r ; f o r example, there may be c o f f e e t a b l e s and g l a s s - f r o n t e d china c a b i n e t s . In t h i s group, almost a l l u t i l i t a r i a n furniture i s specialized. a  105  TABLE X V I I ( c o n t i n u e d )  Three homes i n the census sample, whose f u r n i s h i n g s were not e x t e n s i v e l y seen, have been o m i t t e d from t h i s t a b l e . S e v e r a l f a m i l i e s own sewing machines; s i n c e these a r e t r e a d l e , r a t h e r than e l e c t r i c machines, they have not been i n c l u d e d i n t h i s a n a l y s i s . The l i s t o f a p p l i a n c e s i s l i m i t e d i n i t s completeness; i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t a number of k e t t l e s , t o a s t e r s , i r o n s , and even f r y i n g pans were m i s s e d because they were out o f s i g h t i n cupboards. A l s o , many bedrooms were not seen i n t h e i r entirety; these may have c o n t a i n e d a p p l i a n c e s such as r a d i o s and shavers. ^In Group 1, t h e t e l e p h o n e , juke box, and f r e e z e r were owned by the s t o r e - k e e p e r , who used them f o r b u s i n e s s purposes; t h e r e f o r e , they a r e not counted i n the Group t o t a l . T h i s f a m i l y owned a t o t a l o f 9 o f the 2 0 a p p l i a n c e s l i s t e d here and would be i n c l u d e d i n Group 3 except t h a t t h e s t o r e so impinged on the f a m i l y ' s l i v i n g space t h a t f u r n i t u r e was n e c e s s a r i l y s p a r s e , t o a l l o w f o r movement i n the t i n y a r e a t h a t remained.  106 a difficult  enough task when the v e h i c l e i s i n top c o n d i t i o n ;  i t i s d o u b t f u l whether many o f the cars mentioned here survive.  still  Nine motor v e h i c l e s were owned by r e s i d e n t s o f  Opasquia West;  two o f these were t r u c k s , seven were automobiles.  S i x owners f a l l w i t h i n the Group 3 category, and one w i t h i n Group 2.  The storekeeper owned one o f the t r u c k s ;  h i s house-  h o l d has been l i s t e d as Group 1, with the r e s e r v a t i o n i n d i c a t e d i n a Footnote to TABLE XVII.  The n i n t h v e h i c l e was owned by a  f a m i l y which, because o f i n s u f f i c i e n t  data, c o u l d not be grouped  according to material possessions. SUMMARY A g e n e r a l p i c t u r e has now been presented o f the e c o l o g i c a l environment  i n which c h i l d r e n are r a i s e d , and a l s o  of the Maintenance System—Economy.  How do these  parameters  for c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s r e l a t e to the c h i l d r e n  themselves?  T h i s summary, v/hich w i l l b r i e f l y sketch i n the p o s i t i o n o f c h i l d r e n r e l a t i v e to the preceding chapters, serves t o draw together the data presented i n Chapters 2 and 3 and t o i n d i c a t e how they form a backdrop  for data which w i l l be  f u r t h e r developed i n P a r t I I . G e o g r a p h i c a l l y , the c h i l d i s i s o l a t e d from l a r g e centres;  urban  i t i s u n l i k e l y that he w i l l see the n e a r e s t , Winnipeg,  b e f o r e he i s an a d u l t .  Contact with non-Indians  r e s t r i c t e d to school-mates,  i s largely  whom he seldom i f ever sees i n  a f t e r - s c h o o l hours, and t o c o n t a c t s which h i s parents have made through trading, i n town;  c h i l d r e n who study a t r e s i d e n t i a l  107 schools have even fewer non-Indian  associates.  For the most  part, the l i f e of the p r e - s c h o o l c h i l d i s c o n f i n e d to the Reserve s i d e of the r i v e r , with not i n f r e q u e n t excursions to town, under the watchful eye of a parent or an o l d e r s i b l i n g . Unaccompanied t r i p s a c r o s s the r i v e r  are not s a n c t i o n e d u n t i l  the e a r l y teen years, and even then approval i s not But  geographic  of the r i v e r .  unequivocal.  confinement i s not r e l a x e d on the Reserve s i d e The young c h i l d i s c e r t a i n l y  not allowed to c r o s s  the highway to Opasquia East and he does not wander west along the Reserve road toward the Carrot River Area and B i g Eddy u n l e s s he i s accompanied, and u n l e s s a task such as b e r r y i n g or i n g wood i s at hand.  In f a c t ,  gather-  freedom of movement for a young  c h i l d from Opasquia West does not extend beyond Opasquia West and,  as we  s h a l l see l a t e r ,  even t h i s  freedom has i t s l i m i t a t i o n s .  There i s no area of Opasquia West which i s being maint a i n e d as a c h i l d r e n ' s playground.  The  former p l a y area adjacent  to The Pas Indian Day School has not been cared f o r s i n c e the s c h o o l was  abandoned, and i t now  seesaws and a broken s l i d e .  contains only a couple of rough  A road passes  former playground i s strewn with g r a v e l ;  c l o s e by and high, uncut,  and weeds surround a l l but the s m a l l e s t area, which the  the grass children  s t i l l use on o c c a s i o n . The  yards around the houses make poor playgrounds;  one home can be s a i d to have a lawn; fence.  i t i s surrounded  only  by a  In general, the yards are f i l l e d with broken g l a s s ,  washing machines, i n c i n e r a t o r s , which are o f t e n turned over by the dogs, l e a v i n g garbage l i t t e r e d for s e v e r a l feet i n a l l  d i r e c t i o n s , backhouses, l i g h t wooden t r i p o d s for smoking meat and hides, (see PLATES XII and XVIII,  PP-32A and33:0 )  dogs,  dog  houses, and sheds f o r h o l d i n g wood, saws, axes, and other t o o l s ; u n l i k e many Indian Reserves, there are only one or two car s k e l e t o n s to be seen i n Opasquia West.  A number of yards con-  t a i n crude swings and sandy areas where the c h i l d r e n play;  one  y a r d d i s p l a y s a seesaw, consisting of a wooden horse and a board. Though these yards and t h e i r contents are not designed for c h i l d r e n ' s play, the c h i l d r e n u t i l i z e any o b j e c t that i s handy i n t h e i r games;  f a r from f e e l i n g c o n f i n e d because of taboos on  c r o s s i n g the r i v e r and the highway, they amuse themselves by c l i m b i n g the sheds and t r i p o d s , r o l l i n g t y r e s , and s t a l k i n g b i r d s with s l i n g s h o t s .  C h i l d r e n are not discouraged from hand-  l i n g the o f t e n dangerous contents of yards, and i t i s not unusual to see a f i v e - y e a r - o l d c h i l d w i e l d i n g an axe;  at f i v e  he may not be completely p r o f i c i e n t , but by. age twelve he i s l i k e l y i n charge of much of the f a m i l y ' s  wood-chopping.  As a r e s i d e n t of Opasquia West, the c h i l d probably belongs to a f a m i l y (immediate or extended) of which one or more members i s i n v o l v e d i n the p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and administ r a t i o n of Opasquia Band.  As a r e s i d e n t of Opasquia West, he i s  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the highest s t a t u s area of the Reserve.  Never-  t h e l e s s , h i s f a t h e r , b r o t h e r s , u n c l e s , and cousins are mostly u n s k i l l e d workers.  H i s older b r o t h e r s and cousins have q u i t  s c h o o l , and there are one or more a d u l t males i n h i s c l o s e f a m i l y c i r c l e who are employed  are unemployed.  The s a l a r i e s of those who  do not permit the l u x u r y of freedom from  financial  109 worry and, what i s more, there i s l i t t l e steady jobs.  Despite the d i f f i c u l t  job s e c u r i t y , even with  financial situation,  the  d e s i r e s of the c h i l d are not denied when there i s money a v a i l able;  he knows that when the means are at hand, h i s c i r c l e of  a d u l t k i n w i l l acquiesce to h i s requests, but when pockets  are  empty, there i s no p o i n t i n a s k i n g . Households with only one or two types:  they may  c h i l d r e n are of three  be made- up of an older couple, most of whose  f a m i l y have married and l e f t home, of grandparents  who  are  r a i s i n g one or two g r a n d c h i l d r e n , or of a young couple s t a r t i n g a family.  Most c h i l d r e n , however, are one  four to eleven youngsters average household 4 . 7 children.  i n a household.  just  of from  Statistically,  the  i n Opasquia West c o n s i s t s of 2 . 4 a d u l t s and  The houses are s m a l l , and the q u a r t e r s crowd.ed.  Very young c h i l d r e n  (up to about one year of age,  b i r t h of a s i b l i n g ) may  or u n t i l  s l e e p i n the same bed as t h e i r  the  parents.  As they grow o l d e r , c h i l d r e n are moved i n t o beds with other siblings.  In some cases, one or two bedrooms s u f f i c e for  eleven people. i n two  For example, i n one home, nine people  t i n y rooms p l u s a l a r g e r k i t c h e n .  (ten feet by f i f t e e n f e e t ) contained two  The  lived  one r e a l bedroom  double beds;  the  mother s l e p t i n one with the n u r s i n g i n f a n t , and the father i n the other with the next youngest.  In the eight foot by  foot b e d - l i v i n g room, a bunk bed s l e p t two two  on the bottom;  c h i l d r e n on top  an adopted twenty-one-year-old  same room on a narrow couch.  fifteen and  s l e p t i n the  T h i s room a l s o contained a t e l e -  v i s i o n s e t , sewing machine, and boxes of c l o t h i n g ;  from a  110 c o i l e d wire s p r i n g , n a i l e d a c r o s s a corner, hung an of  clothing.  (See PLATE X,  assortment  p.93)  There i s l i t t l e room i n d o o r s f o r c h i l d r e n to play during the l o n g winter months.  When questioned about fantasy  play, one mother s a i d , "There's not enough room f o r c h i l d r e n to p l a y i m a g i n a t i v e games;  they are Constantly being i n t e r r u p t e d  by people walking i n and out". sible;  Quiet study i s v i r t u a l l y impos-  no secluded corners encourage those who  i n c l i n e d to do homework.  might be  Another, more b a s i c , disadvantage  densely populated l i v i n g q u a r t e r s i s that c h i l d r e n i n such environment do not get the s l e e p they r e q u i r e .  of an  The f o l l o w i n g  excerpt from a f i e l d notebook i s i n s t r u c t i v e : I a r r i v e d at B a l l a r d ' s at about 8:30 P.M. The three l i t t l e g i r l s (ages four. three, and two) were i n bed (the c h e s t e r f i e l d opened out) i n the l i v i n g room. They were a l l f u l l y c l o t h e d , and had only a t h i n cover over them. Two were f a c i n g i n one d i r e c t i o n , and the t h i r d i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n . The room was f u l l y l i t , and Mr. and Mrs. B a l l a r d were watching t e l e v i s i o n ; the set was on f u l l b l a s t . The l i t t l e g i r l s were f u s s i n g about, not s l e e p i n g , of course, and Mrs. B a l l a r d kept a t them to l i e down, go to s l e e p , e t c . The one-year-old boy, i n h i s c r i b a c r o s s the room, began to c r y . Despite geographic  confinement,  a h o s t i l e winter  climate  (and, i n some cases, l i t t l e r e l i e f i n s i d e from the c o l d ) , f i n a n c i a l i n s e c u r i t y , and a minimum of personal possessions, densely populated homes, and the absence of specifically  designed  facilities  for the amusement of c h i l d r e n ,  l e a d happy, and even c a r e f r e e l i v e s . p a r t , w e l l - f e d , and much l o v e d .  youngsters  They are, f o r the most  They are unaware of what we  might l a b e l p h y s i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l d e p r i v a t i o n , and are more than content to  (up to a c e r t a i n age) with the many compensations  be d i s c u s s e d i n f o l l o w i n g chapters.  Ill  Chapter i+ SOCIAL STRUCTURE Ethnographies of n a t i v e groups the world over s t r e s s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of k i n s h i p i n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Indian  community of Opasquia admits no exception;  treatment of i t s s o c i a l environment must u n d e r l i n e  The Cree sensitive kinship.  T h i s chapter w i l l , t h e r e f o r e , be l a c e d with the importance of k i n s h i p i n the l i v e s of the i n h a b i t a n t s of Opasquia West. will  deal, i n p a r t , with the ways i n which the i n t r i c a t e  It net-  work of k i n r e l a t i o n s h i p i s woven i n t o the f a b r i c of every aspect  of the s o c i a l world.  An a n a l y s i s of day-to-day l i f e  r e v e a l s that k i n s h i p must be taken i n t o account when d i s c u s s i n g residence  patterns, v i s i t i n g patterns,  people's o b l i g a -  t i o n s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s t o one another, and even c h i l d r e n ' s p l a y areas and choice of playmates.  In a d d i t i o n , k i n s h i p  plays  a d e c i s i v e r o l e i n the p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of the Reserve.  In  t h i s chapter on s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and the s o c i a l world of the c h i l d , k i n s h i p s e t s the tone;  i t i s the background against  which d e t a i l s of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n must be seen; key  i t i s the  to understanding the t o t a l s o c i a l environment. To begin with,  we must somehow demonstrate the extent  of the k i n network i n Opasquia West.  S u f f i c e i t to say t h a t ,  of the f i f t y - s i x census sample households, there were only  five  i n which n e i t h e r husband nor w i f e had "primary r e l a t i v e s " comprising another household i n Opasquia West. f i g u r e must be q u a l i f i e d as f o l l o w s :  i n one of these f i v e  households l i v e d a widow whose mother-in-law Opasquia West.  Even t h i s low  resides i n  In another of the f i v e l i v e d a widow whose  husband had been a c o u s i n of the next-door neighbour's ceased husband.  de-  These households, then, were not completely  l a c k i n g k i n t i e s with other members of Opasquia West:  i tis  l i k e l y that f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n would have l i n k e d the remaining t h r e e households i n t o the k i n network as w e l l . Another, more tenuous, though not completely i n a p p l i c a b l e i n d i c a t i o n , was  that f i f t y - s i x households were r e p r e s e n t e d  by only seventeen 'surnames, an average of one name per 3 . 3 households.  Opasquia West can be d i v i d e d i n t o four or f i v e  major extended f a m i l i e s , each encompassing holds;  four or more house-  the l a r g e s t of these i s made up of four b r o t h e r s and  t h e i r m a r r i e d sons and daughters, a t o t a l of t h i r t e e n holds.  A f u r t h e r three or four minor  each made up of three or fewer  house-  extended f a m i l i e s were  households.  The k i n group which i s here i n c l u d e d i n the term "primary r e l a t i v e " or "primary k i n " conforms to Murdock's definition. That i s , "The term primary r e l a t i v e s i s a p p l i e d to those who belong to the same n u c l e a r f a m i l y as a p a r t i c u l a r p e r s o n — h i s f a t h e r , mother, s i s t e r s , and b r o t h e r s i n h i s family of o r i e n t a t i o n , • and h i s husband or wife, h i s sons, and h i s daughters i n h i s f a m i l y of p r o c r e a t i o n . " (Murdock 19^9:94)  113 THE KINSHIP SYSTEM An" exhaustive a n a l y s i s of the k i n s h i p system was not attempted.  Perhaps the t o p i c should have been e n t i r e l y omitted  r a t h e r than subjected t o the cursory treatment which i n e v i t a b l y r e s u l t e d i n a c o l l e c t i o n of f r u s t r a t i n g l y inadequate data. Genealogies were c o l l e c t e d from each major light  family;  on s u b j e c t s such as r e s i d e n c e and v i s i t i n g  v i d i n g , i n f a c t , a "who's who" guide.  these shed  p a t t e r n s , pro-  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , when i t  comes to a n a l y z i n g the type of k i n s h i p system, genealogies are almost valueless,, u n l e s s accompanied by corresponding l i s t s of the  n a t i v e language terminology used by speakers of both sexes  and a wide range of ages.  Such l i s t s were o b t a i n e d from one  male and one female speaker only; twenties.  both informants are i n t h e i r  These two l i s t s were not analyzed i n the f i e l d , a  f a c t which r e s u l t e d i n a number of gaps due to o v e r s i g h t . Nevertheless, the very i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s which are so f r u s t r a t i n g and which make any f a r - r e a c h i n g a n a l y s i s o f the system  impos-  s i b l e , are i n t e r e s t i n g i n other ways. ' The data w i l l be present as given, i n the form o f two k i n s h i p diagrams. and 5 , p p . 1 3 0 and 131) to  (See F i g u r e s k  These w i l l be analyzed, not w i t h a view  d e c i p h e r i n g the k i n s h i p system, but r a t h e r t o uncovering  f a c t s which are r e l e v a n t to the s t a t e o f the s o c i a l system as a whole.  In a d d i t i o n , we w i l l reproduce Mandelbaum's l i s t o f  k i n s h i p terms f o r purposes of comparison.  The s p e l l i n g of  Cree terms on our k i n s h i p diagrams conforms, as f a r as p o s s i b l e to  that given by Mandelbaum.  (See ;p.l32)-  ' 114  There a r e i n t e r n a l i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s i n the terminologygiven by both male and female speakers;  a l s o , the two l i s t s  d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y one from the other.  They do, however,  have s e v e r a l b a s i c f a c t o r s i n common:  both present a b i l a t e r a l  system, i n which terminology i s e s s e n t i a l l y s i m i l a r on p a t e r n a l and maternal s i d e s ;  descent i s thus t r a c e d through both sexes.  Secondly, l i n e a l r e l a t i v e s a r e d i s t i n g u i s h e d from c o l l a t e r a l relatives.  That i s , i n each generation, d i r e c t  descendents  (F, FF, FM, M, MF, MM, S, D, SS, SD, DS, DD), or l i n e a l r e l a t i o n s , a r e given terms q u i t e separate from those given to other consanguineal or c o l l a t e r a l r e l a t i v e s . . The terms  desig-  n a t i n g l i n e a l k i n a r e the same f o r both male and female speakers. We can conclude that the system i s not g e n e r a t i o n a l or c l a s sificatory;  rather i t i s d e s c r i p t i v e .  T h i s c o n c l u s i o n i s not,  however, borne out by Mandelbaum's a n a l y s i s o f the P l a i n s Cree k i n s h i p system.  He p o i n t s out that the terms f o r S and D may  be extended to the c h i l d r e n of male p a r a l l e l c o u s i n s and that the. terms f o r M and F may be extended to FB and MZ (Z i s used for s i s t e r ) when the terms a r e used v o c a t i v e l y . 1940:232)  (Mandelbaum  T h i s extension o f terms used f o r l i n e a l  relatives  to c o l l a t e r a l r e l a t i v e s was not evident on e i t h e r of our malespeaking or our female-speaking t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l i s t , These d i f f e r e n c e s must be due e i t h e r to changes w i t h i n the system or to i n s u f f i c i e n t data.  however.  occurring  115  Kinship Terminology— Man Speaking Let  us now go on t o d i s c u s s the terminology  by the male speaker. Iroquois  Cousin  terminology  presented  appears to be of the  type.  In the I r o q u o i s system the p a r a l l e l cousins are u s u a l l y equated with s i b l i n g s ; c r o s s - c o u s i n s are c a l l e d by the same term but are always d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from p a r a l l e l cousins. (Schusky 1965:44) In the terminology are c l e a r l y  given by the male speaker,  differentiated  cross-cousins  from p a r a l l e l cousins:  cousins a r e nvtira and male c r o s s - c o u s i n s nictaw;  female c r o s s female p a r a l l e l  cousins are ntawemaw and male p a r a l l e l cousins nitciwam. Whether or not s i b l i n g s so c l e a r .  are equated with p a r a l l e l cousins i s not q u i t e  One of the three a l t e r n a t e terms given for Z equates  her with female p a r a l l e l cousins. s t a n t i a l evidence i n fact,  To conclude  from t h i s  insub-  alone that p a r a l l e l cousins and s i b l i n g s  equated would be foolhardy;  c o n c l u s i o n came i n unexpected form:  however, support  are,  for t h i s  an o l d "granny" i n her  e i g h t i e s i n t r o d u c e d the ninety-one-year-old woman with whom she was  l i v i n g as her s i s t e r .  are p a r a l l e l cousins.  Genealogies  show that the two women  A young daughter-in-law  explained, "When  someone t e l l s you they are s i s t e r s l i k e t h a t — t h e y are r e a l l y cousins". B;  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , no a l t e r n a t e terms were obtained for  the one term given him seems t o be a s i b l i n g term, as i t  can r e f e r  to Z as w e l l ;  i n view of the f a c t that Z can be  equated with p a r a l l e l cousins, however, i t i s f a i r l y safe to assume that the same a p p l i e s t o B.  Our deductions  are v e r i f i e d  116  by Mandelbaum who  says:  " P a r a l l e l cousins may  be c a l l e d by  the  terms for s i b l i n g or by a s p e c i a l term for t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p . " (Mandelbaum 1 9 4 0 : 2 3 2 ) In the f i r s t ascending  generation, p a r a l l e l aunts  u n c l e s are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from cross-aunts and u n c l e s .  But,  parent terms are not extended to MZ and FB ( p a r a l l e l aunt uncle);  and  and  i t i s p o s s i b l e that a l t e r n a t e terms e x i s t e i t h e r for  M and F, or for p a r a l l e l aunt and uncle, which were not by the i n v e s t i g a t o r .  On the other hand, a l t e r n a t e terms were  given for no l i n e a l r e l a t i v e s ;  r e c a l l that the f a c t of e x c l u -  s i v e terms f o r l i n e a l r e l a t i v e s l e d to the previous  suggestion  that the system i s d e s c r i p t i v e (separates l i n e a l from relations).  obtained  C l e a r l y then, t h e • f i r s t ascending  collateral  generation does  not f o l l o w the I r o q u o i s system of the b i f u r c a t e merging type, where MZ becomes M while FZ does not;  r a t h e r , i t i s of the  b i f u r c a t e c o l l a t e r a l type, where d i f f e r e n t terms are given to M, MZ,  FZ, and to F, FB, MB;  both  f o r k s of Ego's ancestry are  s t r e s s e d , and l i n e a l r e l a t i v e s are separated from c o l l a t e r a l relatives. logical l i s t  As i n d i c a t e d above, however, Mandelbaum's terminodoes i n d i c a t e b i f u r c a t e merging;  that the terminology given by our informant this conclusion.  i t i s interesting  does not  support  Further a n a l y s i s of t h i s p o i n t i s o f f e r e d  below. What marriage  r u l e s are i n d i c a t e d by the k i n s h i p  terminology obtained from the male informant?  To s t a t e the  main f i n d i n g c o n c i s e l y , the p a t t e r n i n d i c a t e d i s double c r o s s cousin marriage.  Close s c r u t i n y of the terminology  shows that  117  Ego's W can be h i s MBD or h i s FZD (one o f h i s female cousins);  cross-  though the chart designates Ego's W by a s p e c i a l  term, her Z i s c a l l e d by the c r o s s - c o u s i n term;  Ego's W b e f o r e  marriage would have been known by the same term as her Z. An i n t e r e s t i n g p o i n t i s that the word nttcimus, which was not given by my informant as a k i n s h i p term, i s used to mean "sweetheart".  A glance a t Mandelbaum's t e r m i n o l o g i c a l  list  ( p . 1 3 2 ) shows that t h i s word i s given as an a l t e r n a t e term for female c r o s s - c o u s i n . and h i s MB.  Ego's parents-in-law, then, are h i s FZ  S t r u c t u r a l l y , cousin marriage i s a s s o c i a t e d with  s i s t e r exchange, and indeed that a s s o c i a t i o n i s borne out to some extent, i n t h i s i n s t a n c e .  Four cases o f biological  sister  exchange were recorded on the genealogies, and i n census  inter-  v i ews. Schusky s t a t e s : " K i n s h i p systems,  u n l e s s undergoing  change, a r e c o n s i s t e n t " . (Schusky 1 9 6 5 : 1 8 ) systems, which are not undergoing specific  Consistent kinship  change, remain v i a b l e i n a  form generation a f t e r generation, and e x h i b i t  nearly universal t r a i t s ;  certain  these t r a i t s , because o f t h e i r  u n i v e r s a l i t y , have been c a l l e d " r u l e s " .  near  When we see these  r u l e s v i o l a t e d e x t e n s i v e l y , we can suspect, with good reason, that the system under study i s undergoing  change.  The f o l l o w -  i n g two o f the twelve r u l e s l i s t e d by S o l Tax are v i o l a t e d time and^time again by the given terminology. The r u l e of uniform descent: I f someone whom ego c a l l s A has c h i l d r e n whom ego c a l l s B, then the c h i l d r e n o f everybody whom ego c a l l s A are c a l l e d B.  118 The r u l e of uniform r e c i p r o c a l s : I f A and B. are terms used between a p a i r of r e l a t i v e s , then the r e c i p r o c a l of .Svery A must be B. (In Schusky For the moment, we w i l l postpone any change Schusky suggests, and w i l l i n d i c a t e d on the male speaker's  The H of Ego's MBD  to WB  as w e l l .  Since MBD  d i s c u s s i o n of the  deal with the i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s  terminological l i s t .  system i s c o n s i s t e n t , the marriage ego.  1965:31)  I f the  r u l e should apply for any  i s given as nictaw.  T h i s term a p p l i e s  i s a p r o s p e c t i v e W.for Ego,  this  i m p l i e s that her H i s c a l l e d by the same term as her B. the given terminology v i o l a t e s i n c e s t taboos.  Thus  It i s possible  that f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n would have r e v e a l e d the above as a simple e r r o r , perhaps a r e s u l t of The  first  descending  mentioned, as i t sheds l i t t l e  misunderstanding.  generation has not been p r e v i o u s l y light  on the system as a whole.  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the number of terms c o l l e c t e d for t h i s generation is  h i g h l y inadequate;  i n a d d i t i o n , those which were obtained  i n c l u d e i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s which render i m p o s s i b l e the task of f i l l i n g i n blanks by deduction. terms ntehkwatim and n i c t i m ; the sons of two  The  problems l i e with the  the former,  as given, r e f e r s to  d i f f e r e n t women(ntawemaw and nvtim),  v i o l a t i n g the above-quoted r u l e s .  thus  This inconsistency i n t r o -  duces an impossible s i t u a t i o n which prevents the system from m a i n t a i n i n g i t s e l f by the r u l e s which a p p l i e d to the two ceding generations.  pre-  What has happened, i n e f f e c t , i s that a l l  males i n Ego's S's generation are c a l l e d by the same term-. the r u l e of double  c r o s s - c o u s i n marriage  is still  to apply,  h a l f of the p o p u l a t i o n i n t h i s generation would be r e q u i r e d  If  119 to  disobey i n c e s t taboos i n order to marry. Nictim, the one female term given i n the f i r s t  ing  descend-  generation (aside from D and one a l t e r n a t e term) i s a l s o  inconsistently applied.  I t r e f e r s to SW and i s a l s o given as  an a l t e r n a t e f o r MZBD.  The M o f the l a t t e r g i r l i s nttim; i f  the system were c o n s i s t e n t we would, t h e r e f o r e , presume nt/tim to  be the M o f SW as w e l l .  to  Ego's WZ and,  However, the term nt-tim a l s o r e f e r s  presumably, to Ego's W before  marriage.  L o g i c a l l y , then, D would have to be n i c t i m (D o f nttim) o r , as the system i s l i n e a l , she would have the same s t a t u s as nictim;  but t h i s term has a l r e a d y been a p p l i e d to SW.  SW cannot to  Obviously.  enjoy the same s t a t u s as D as t h i s would be tantamount  having S marry D.  Perhaps the B and Z ntehkwatim and n i c t i m  have simply been misplaced and r i g h t f u l l y belong as the S and D of ntawemaw and nictaw;  t h i s simple manoeuvre would p a r t i a l l y  r e s t o r e the balance o f the system.  In f a c t , the suggested  change would b r i n g the terminology given by our male informant i n l i n e with that presented by Mandelabum who says, C h i l d r e n o f male p a r a l l e l cousins are c a l l e d son and daughter. C h i l d r e n o f female p a r a l l e l cousins are c a l l e d s i s t e r ' s son and s i s t e r ' s . d a u g h t e r . . (Mandelbaum 1940:232) As i t stands, however, and assuming t h a t our informant  d i d not  make an a c c i d e n t a l e r r o r , we are f o r c e d to turn to Schusky's statement  f o r an e x p l a n a t i o n .  Kinship Terminology— Woman Speaking Let speaker.  us now consider the terminology given by the  female  The most s t r i k i n g point i s the use o f Eskimo cousin  120 terminology.  "In the Eskimo system a l l ' c o u s i n s are  1965:20)  and d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from s i b l i n g s . " (Schusky the system common to our own to  the female informant,  culture.  equated This i s  Bs and Zs are, a c c o r d i n g  d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by age, and i t now  becomes obvious that nisum i s a term not for s i b l i n g s i n general, but r a t h e r for younger s i b l i n g s .  T h i s i s v e r i f i e d by  Mandelbaum's l i s t . In  the f i r s t ascending generation, the Eskimo termino-  logy has only p a r t i a l l y manifested;  one cross-aunt and uncle  are separated out, while the remaining three p a i r s of aunts and uncles are equated.  That i s , terminology i s i d e n t i c a l to  that given by the male speaker  except that FZ and FZH  (cross-  aunt and uncle) are given p a r a l l e l aunt and uncle terms.  Note  that Ego's parents-in-law are c a l l e d cross-aunt and uncle; though, i n g e n e r a l , the terminology obtained from the speaker  female  shows that changes are o c c u r r i n g , she has, n e v e r t h e l e s s ,  r e t a i n e d the terms which marry her to a c r o s s - c o u s i n .  The  disharmony c r e a t e d by the use of Eskimo c o u s i n terminology i s evident i f we  juxtapose i t with the p a r t i a l change which has  occurred i n the f i r s t ascending g e n e r a t i o n . c a l l e d by two  MB  and FB are  d i f f e r e n t terms (one i s a c r o s s - u n c l e and  other a p a r a l l e l uncle) but MBS  and FBS  the  are both, along with  the other c r o s s and p a r a l l e l cousins, r e f e r r e d to as ntawemaw. T h i s v i o l a t e s the above-quoted r u l e s of uniform descent of  uniform  reciprocals.  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that the term n t t i m i s used by to  and  r e f e r to her HB;  Ego  as p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, the male speaker  used the same term t o r e f e r to h i s WZ;  t h i s term then, p r o v i d i n g  121  no e r r o r i s i n v o l v e d , r e f e r s t o c r o s s - c o u s i n s o f the o p p o s i t e sex or p o t e n t i a l mates.  The i n c o n s i s t e n t manner i n v/hich the,  term h t c a k o s i s used (a term found n e i t h e r on the male speaker's l i s t nor on Mandelbaum's l i s t ) i s another i n d i c a t i o n o f p a r t i a l r e t e n t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g y by the female speaker.  The term r e f e r s to HZ, and examination o f F i g u r e 5  shows t h a t she i s g i v e n two p o s s i b l e marriage mates;  one i s a  male c r o s s - c o u s i n , the other a p a r a l l e l c o u s i n . The f i r s t descending g e n e r a t i o n a g a i n i n d i c a t e s the merging o f two systems.  S marries nictim;  be FZD (S as Ego)' or the D o f h t c a k o s . i s not c o n s i s t e n t l y the case;  t h i s g i r l should  We can see t h a t t h i s  r e c a l l a l s o t h a t use o f the term  n t c a k o s i n Ego's g e n e r a t i o n i s not c o n s i s t e n t , a f a c t which f u r t h e r confuses the t e r m i n o l o g y o f the f i r s t generation.  descending  Terminology f o r the f i r s t descending and t h e  second a s c e n d i n g g e n e r a t i o n s i l l u s t r a t e s the s e p a r a t i o n of l i n e a l from c o l l a t e r a l k i n . One f i n a l matter c o n c e r n i n g t e r m i n o l o g y s h o u l d be mentioned.  F i v e i n s t a n c e s were r e c o r d e d i n o r d i n a r y conver-  s a t i o n o f a person's b e i n g r e f e r r e d t o e i t h e r as a grandparent or  a grandchild.  I n two o f t h e s e cases i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t  t h e r e was some k i n c o n n e c t i o n ; c o n n e c t i o n c o u l d be determined.  i n the r e m a i n i n g t h r e e , no T h i s t e r m i n o l o g i c a l usage  was not s u b s t a n t i a t e d on g e n e a l o g i e s nor on the l i s t s o f terminology;  u n f o r t u n a t e l y , the l i s t s were inadequate f o r  i l l u m i n a t i n g t h i s p o i n t b o t h i n the second a s c e n d i n g and the second descending g e n e r a t i o n s .  A young I n d i a n g i r l w i t h a  122 u n i v e r s i t y education, i n c l u d i n g some t r a i n i n g i n Anthropology, s a i d she c a l l e d many people "grandma" and "grandpa", and that these terms were considered r e s p e c t f u l .  In f a c t , she e x p l a i n e d  t h i s usage as an aspect of s h a r i n g and cooperation saying, "even people a r e shared".  Perhaps there i s a g e n e r a t i o n a l  d e s i g n a t i o n whereby a l l persons generation a r e given grandparent second descending  of the second  ascending  terms, and a l l those i n the  generation, g r a n d c h i l d terms.  Further  i n v e s t i g a t i o n would be r e q u i r e d to c l a r i f y t h i s p o i n t . Mandelbaum s t a t e s that g e n e r a t i o n a l terminology i s used for'the two generations r e f e r r e d to above.  He says,  Each member o f the second descending generation from ego i s c a l l e d nosisim, g r a n d c h i l d . A l l i n the second ascending generation from ego are nohkum, grandmother, or nimtisum, grandfather. (Mandelbaum 1 9 4 0 : 2 3 2 ) Terminological Inconsistencies and C u l t u r e Change C l e a r l y , the i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s apparent  on the termino-  l o g i c a l l i s t s are, as Schusky suggests, i n d i c a t i v e o f change. However, they i n d i c a t e not only the r a p i d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e , but a l s o the d i r e c t i o n of that t r a n s formation.  In the area of k i n s h i p , cousin terminology a f f o r d s  us the c l e a r e s t , most c o n c i s e i n d i c a t i o n o f the d i r e c t i o n of c u l t u r e change.  The two speakers, both of the same generation,  have given, on the one hand, a p u r e l y t r a d i t i o n a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n of cousin terminology and, on the other hand, a c o n f i g u r a t i o n i d e n t i c a l w i t h that o f the surrounding, ture.  dominant, White c u l -  A l l other i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s demonstrate the b l e n d of  123 these two;  they merely add weight to the hypothesis which  cousin terminology makes i n e v i t a b l e .  We have so f a r l a i d  each i n c o n s i s t e n c y i n order to show how much o f the  bare  traditional  system remains and how much o f the surrounding system has crept in.  Henceforth, however, t h i s a n a l y s i s w i l l concentrate on the  one example o f cousin terminology, as i t most e x p l i c i t l y typi f i e s the t r a n s i t i o n which i s o c c u r r i n g .  Traditionally,  were separated i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s , c r o s s - c o u s i n s and  cousins  parallel  cousins, w i t h c r o s s - c o u s i n s being p r o s c r i b e d marriage p a r t n e r s ; they are, at present, being g r a d u a l l y lumped together, i n the manner o f the surrounding White c u l t u r e , and c a l l e d by one cousin term. Research i n k i n s h i p has shown that changes i n k i n s h i p terminology are preceded by changes i n a t t i t u d e s and behavior patterns.  Eggan says o f the changes which occurred i n the  Choctaw system, " I t i s t h i s change i n behavior p a t t e r n s and a t t i t u d e s which seems t o be the medium through which the k i n s h i p p a t t e r n s were m o d i f i e d " . (Eggan the f o l l o w i n g general  1937:50)  Murdock makes •  statement,  The r u l e o f r e s i d e n c e i s normally the f i r s t aspect o f a s o c i a l system to undergo m o d i f i c a t i o n i n the process o f change from one r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e e q u i l i b r i u m t o another, the l a s t aspect to: change being k i n s h i p terminology. (Murdock 1949:183) Changes i n terminology, t h e r e f o r e , i n d i c a t e that changes have occurred i n behavior p a t t e r n s .  As my r e s e a r c h was not  focussed  s p e c i f i c a l l y on t h i s problem, b e h a v i o r a l changes which have preceded and p r e c i p i t a t e d changes i n terminology can only be hinted at.  Some i n f o r m a t i o n was recorded r e g a r d i n g the choice  12 Zf  of  marriage partners;  t h e s e d a t a document r o l e c h a n g e s  which  have o c c u r r e d , and d e s c r i b e c o r r e s p o n d i n g changes i n b e h a v i o r a l patterns.  Juxtaposing t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l  changes i n d i c a t e d above w i l l perhaps p r o v i d e  further  clarification. Before d i s c u s s i n g the choice of marriage partners,  we  must u n d e r l i n e t h e m a r i t a l u n i o n a s t h e p i v o t a l c o r e o f s o c i e t y . ' I t i s i n s t r u c t i v e t h a t u n m a r r i e d women a r e s e t a p a r t f r o m t h e community a n d a r e v i e w e d a l m o s t a s d e v i a n t s .  The  following  comments a r e i l l u m i n a t i n g :  one i n f o r m a n t s p o k e o f a g i r l  t a n s moosehide;  " S h e ' s f i f t y , b u t we  'girl' listing  she a d d e d ,  because she's not m a r r i e d " . her c h i l d r e n  c a l l her a  Another informant, a f t e r  d u r i n g a c e n s u s i n t e r v i e w s a i d , "Oh,  forgot S a l l y — s h e ' s not married—we  who  I  always f o r g e t about h e r " .  T h e r e does n o t seem t o be q u i t e t h e same s t i g m a a t t a c h e d t o bachelorhood, a l t h o u g h b a c h e l o r s , too, are not i n t e g r a l members o f t h e community.  considered  T h r e e b a c h e l o r s owned two  h o u s e s i n O p a s q u i a W e s t , b u t t h e y were n e v e r a r o u n d , a n d v e r y e x i s t e n c e seemed n e b u l o u s (two w e r e i n j a i l the  their  for part of  summer). We  have a l l u d e d t o t h e e x t e n s i v e i n f l u e n c e a n d i m p o r -  tance of the k i n network;  this influence i s generally  seen  f r o m an o v e r a l l p e r s p e c t i v e i n w h i c h t h e e x t e n d e d f a m i l y i s t h e influential unit. up o f s m a l l e r people.  We  a d d h e r e t h a t e x t e n d e d f a m i l i e s a r e made  conjugal units,  e a c h b a s e d upon t h e u n i o n o f two  What f o l l o w s w i l l be b e t t e r u n d e r s t o o d i f we  recognize  t h a t the v a s t k i n network, w i t h i t s v a r y i n g degrees of i n f l u e n c e  125 exerted by d i f f e r e n t extended  f a m i l i e s , i s dependent upon the  s u c c e s s f u l unions of many s e t s of two i n d i v i d u a l s . as we  Though,  s h a l l see, t h i s p a t t e r n i s breaking down to some extent,  t r a d i t i o n a l l y , at l e a s t , the marriage the choice of spouses, k i n group.  was  of two i n d i v i d u a l s ,  very much the concern of the l a r g e r  Because of the degree of interdependence  the conjugal u n i t s of an extended  between  f a m i l y , s t a b i l i t y i n the  whole s t r u c t u r e r e s t e d upon s t a b i l i t y i n each union. obvious, t h e r e f o r e , why day,  It i s  b a c h e l o r s and s p i n s t e r s are, to t h i s  c o n s i d e r e d somewhat odd and separate.  only p a r t i a l l y i n v o l v e d (through t h e i r  They are, i n f a c t ,  f a m i l i e s of o r i e n t a t i o n )  i n the community's most s o l i d f o u n d a t i o n — k i n s h i p . involvement  and  i n a conjugal u n i t , they are undermining  By  shirking  this kin-  s h i p base, and are thus negating the very heart of t h e i r culture. How  are marriage p a r t n e r s chosen?  t r a d i t i o n a l l y , marriages were arranged. that t h e i r own t h i s was  Two  informants s t a t e d  marriages had been " f o r c e d " , and i n d i c a t e d that  common p r a c t i s e i n the past.  v e r s i o n of arranged marriage recorded;  I t seems that  A s l i g h t l y modified  i s evident i n a legend which  the age of t h i s legend i s debatable, but more  important i s i t s content, which i s both i n t e r e s t i n g and Matsikanu'usis was was  r a i s e d by h i s Grandmother.  about eighteen, she s a i d to him,  y o u ' l l have to get a woman; your own,  was  One  topical.  day,, when he  "Well son, p r e t t y soon  you should have a w i f e , a home of  and r a i s e a f a m i l y . "  As the s t o r y continues, the  grandmother urges the youth concerning one young Indian  girl  126 in  p a r t i c u l a r , , despite the f a c t t h a t many other men  are  i n t e r e s t e d i n her. (See Appendix, pp.319 -322.) I t seems t h a t , in  some cases, such legendary f a m i l y pressure (which  directs a  young person's a t t e n t i o n to one s p e c i f i c p r o s p e c t i v e partner) c o i n c i d e s with present-day  reality.  A  twenty-seven-year-old  male informant s a i d that h i s parents had s e v e r a l years v o i c e d t h e i r o p i n i o n that i t was had suggested a s p e c i f i c g i r l ,  ago  time for him to marry;  a nice g i r l ,  they  from a good and  r e s p e c t e d f a m i l y , and he had complied with t h e i r wishes. however, he blamed any unhappiness i n the,marriage that i t . had been " f o r c e d " . in  Now,  on the  fact  T h i s s i t u a t i o n p o i n t s to a change  a t t i t u d e - and i n p r a c t i s e . • Arranged marriages are no longer acceptable to young  a d u l t s . Mass communication has put youth i n touch with Hollywood i d e a l s of l o v e and romance;  they want to choose t h e i r  own  mates, and i t seems that they are not l i m i t i n g t h e i r sphere p r o s p e c t i v e p a r t n e r s to c r o s s - c o u s i n s , or to those favoured by t h e i r parents.  of  persons  N e v e r t h e l e s s , parents have by no  means ceased to i n f l u e n c e t h e i r C h i l d r e n ' s s e l e c t i o n of marriage partners.  Rather  than exert p o s i t i v e pressure by  actually  s e l e c t i n g mates f o r t h e i r o f f s p r i n g , however, parents now  exert  the negative pressure of d i s a p p r o v a l when they f e e l i t i s warranted.  One  informant s t a t e d that some parents are very  s t r i c t about who  they allow t h e i r c h i l d r e n to go out with.  t o l d of a s i s t e r who s h i p which- was  was  "strapped" for p e r s i s t i n g i n a r e l a t i o n -  unacceptable  s t a t e d that parents may  She  to her parents.  The informant  also  express t h e i r d i s a p p r o v a l by r e f u s i n g  127 to a t t e n d the wedding ceremony, or by r e f u s i n g to provide a wedding f e a s t ( u s u a l l y , though not always, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y In f a c t , during the autumn of 1966, a  of the b r i d e ' s k i n ) .  twenty-three-year-old married b r o t h e r , who disapproved o f h i s s i s t e r ' s choice of spouse, c r e a t e d much unpleasantness the wedding f e a s t and the dance which f o l l o w e d .  during  His actions,  h a r s h l y spoken words, and e s p e c i a l l y the times and p l a c e s he chose to u t t e r h i s o p i n i o n , were considered i n poor t a s t e by the m a j o r i t y of the community. F i n a l l y , there i s a small group o f parents at the opposite end of the spectrum " f o r c e " marriages,  from those who s t i l l  or a t l e a s t i n f l u e n c e choice;  attempt to t h i s small  group f e e l they should not i n t e r f e r e with t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s s e l e c t i o n i n any way.  One woman, whose husband beats her,  says she knows now that her parents disapproved of the match. She wishes her Mother had v o i c e d her o p i n i o n t h a t the prosp e c t i v e husband was "mean"; been given second thought, at a l l .  the pending marriage would have and probably would not have occurred  The same informant s a i d her parents disapproved o f a  twenty-one-year-old  son's g i r l - f r i e n d ;  when asked i f they had  s a i d anything, she r e p l i e d , "Oh no, they wouldn't do t h a t " . Another mother, when questioned about her f e e l i n g s r e g a r d i n g her daughter's  marriage t o a White man s a i d , with  d i s a p p r o v i n g undertones,  "She was t w e n t y - e i g h t — s h e  unmistakably knew her  own mind". When we stand back and s u b j e c t these data to o b j e c t i v e a n a l y s i s , the p i c t u r e v/hich emerges i s that of a continuum.  128  The r o l e of parents r e g a r d i n g t h e i r o f f s p r i n g ' s p r o s p e c t i v e marriage  p a r t n e r s ranges, at present, from s e l e c t i n g the mate  and the a p p r o p r i a t e time for marriage  ( c l o s e s t to t h e i r  t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e ) to paying l i p s e r v i c e to complete impartiality  ( c l o s e s t to the i d e a l p a r e n t a l r o l e , as seen by the  surrounding White c u l t u r e ) .  In f a c t , the m a j o r i t y of cases  probably f a l l somewhere i n between. follow^changes  I f changes i n terminology  i n behavior p a t t e r n s , we would expect the most  c o n s e r v a t i v e f a m i l i e s to have r e t a i n e d both the use of  differ-  e n t i a l c r o s s and p a r a l l e l cousin terminology and the p r a c t i s e of  arranged marriages;  on the other hand, we would expect  most a c c u l t u r a t e d f a m i l i e s to be u s i n g one  cousin term and to  be a l l o w i n g t h e i r c h i l d r e n freedom i n choosing spouses. hypothesis i s supported by our data.  the  The male speaker  This who  gave a t r a d i t i o n a l t e r m i n o l o g i c a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n had had the time of h i s marriage  and the choice of partner' arranged,  the female speaker who  while  c a l l e d a l l cousins by one term i s the  same woman whose parents disapproved of her choice, but  said  nothing. Murdock suggests, i n the passage quoted on p.123, that r u l e of r e s i d e n c e i s the f i r s t aspect of a s o c i a l system to be m o d i f i e d i n the process of change.  It i s difficult  for us to  t e s t t h i s hypothesis, as few data were c o l l e c t e d r e l a t i n g to the t r a d i t i o n a l r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n s of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r Band. Current r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n s , however, were well-documented and perhaps c o n t a i n c l u e s of former housed extended  patterns.  f a m i l i e s . (See p.136)  A number of dwellings  In a d d i t i o n , a high  129 percentage of nuclear "primary  relatives"  t h e t e n d e n c y was  f a m i l i e s l i v e d immediately  (see Footnote,  p. 1 1 2 ) .  f o r f a t h e r s and m a r r i e d  u n d e r t h e same r o o f o r i n a d j a c e n t  adjacent  In both  either  Certainly,  favored residence pattern i s neolocal residence. according  situations,  sons to l i v e  dwellings.  to  t o Mandelbaum, n e o l o c a l r e s i d e n c e was  In the  the  fact, pattern  f a v o r e d t r a d i t i o n a l l y a s w e l l , w i t h t h e same t e n d e n c y f o r t h e new  d w e l l i n g t o be  erected adjacent  to the husband's  parents.  Commonly enough, i t was t h e man's f a t h e r who i n i t i a t e d the p r o p o s a l . I f the p a r e n t s agreed to the marriage, the b r i d e ' s p e o p l e made a new t i p i . . . . The two t h e n moved i n t o a new t i p i f u r n i s h e d w i t h t h e n e c e s s a r y e q u i p m e n t b y t h e b r i d e ' s f a m i l y . The n e w l y m a r r i e d c o u p l e u s u a l l y l i v e d n e a r t h e h u s b a n d ' s . p a r e n t s a l t h o u g h t h i s was n o t an inflexible rule.(Mandelbaum 1940:245) So The  i t a p p e a r s t h a t r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n s have not most s t r i k i n g change seems t o be  l i v i n g u n d e r one  r o o f , a r e now  a r e , however, r e g a r d e d  families,  These  situations  a s t e m p o r a r y , a n d u s u a l l y come i n t o  be w a i t i n g t o a c q u i r e a new  a daughter and her  that extended  n o t uncommon.  b e i n g b e c a u s e o f modern c o n d i t i o n s ; may  greatly altered.  c h i l d r e n may  t h a t i s , a young  couple  I n d i a n A f f a i r s B r a n c h house, or l i v e with parents  so t h a t  c h i l d r e n can a t t e n d s c h o o l , when t h e h u s b a n d ' s employment him  away f r o m c e n t r e s where s c h o o l i n g i s a v a i l a b l e .  West, t h e n ,  than  do c h a n g e s i n  takes  In Opasquia  changes i n r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n s shed l e s s l i g h t  changes i n k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g y  the  on.  marriage  customs. The  d i r e c t i o n of the  documented change i n t h e k i n s h i p  s y s t e m a p p e a r s t o be r e l a t e d m a i n l y  to a c c u l t u r a t i o n a l  factors.  (A  I  Ut  ^m^rW  fifi z  Z  ~  3  i  O  o i i a oA Sf 3  '4t  z  "  X  <•  -  ~  ~z  i r * m  z  fc z  o  A  ZzZ  z  ° ^  *  3  H  1  3  L e g e n d  f o r  WkwLu  L i n e a l  H  // |  C  y  F i g u r e  Aunts,  O  R e l a t i v e s U n c l e s ,  X — A u n t s , S u g g e s t e d S u p p l i e d  U n c l e s ,  J  A  Z  2  C o u s i n s C o u s i n s  t  T e r m i n o l o g y — —N o t by  A i r»  3  2  o 3  t  A 3  I n f o r m a n t  Figure 4 Kinship Termin ol ogy--M an  •M  Speaking  O  1  z 3  3  *  •  ii?  1  a  i  A  !  £TTa  6  3  Kinship  W  C  -•  »  *  13  3  s  * *  <A  A O j 3  3  Figure 5 Terminology--Worn an  w  ?  •jIJfipM i i i  3  o 3  £ 1 * FA;  2>i  o  3  v>  a o  C  A  A  "  o  Speaking  3  '6 I  132  MANDELBAUM'S TERMINOLOGICAL LIST nimis"'"  elder s i s t e r  nictaw nwtim nisis nisikos nohtcawus nikawus ntawemaw nitciwam nist/m ntehkwatim nictim ntosim nikosis nosisim ntanis ntosimiskwem nistes nohkum nimusum ntehtawaw ninahakicim ninahakaniskwcm ntaniskotapan nictcac nwwa nimanatcimahakan nwtcimus nohtawi/ nikawi,  '  male c r o s s - c o u s i n ( a l s o , n i c t c a c ) female c r o s s - c o u s i n ( a l s o , notcimus) mother's brother father's sister f a t h e r ' s brother mother's s i s t e r female p a r a l l e l cousin male p a r a l l e l cousin younger brother; younger s i s t e r (younger s i s t e r i s a l s o h i s mis /Sic7) s i s t e r ' s son •. s i s t e r ' s daughter s i s t e r ' s daughter's husband (also n i k o s i s ) son grandchild daughter s i s t e r ' s son's wife (also n t a n i s ) e l d e r brother grandmother ( p a t e r n a l or maternal) grandfather ( p a t e r n a l or maternal) parents.(male and female) o f c h i l d ' s (male or female) spouse b r o t h e r ' s daughter's husband ( a l s o ntehkwatim) son's w i f e ( a l s o n i c t i m ) great g r a n d c h i l d (also nosisim) male c r o s s - c o u s i n ( a l s o nictaw) w i f e ( a l s o nuwvkimagan); (ninapem, husband) wife's parent (male and female) (also n i s i s , n i s i k o s ) female c r o s s - c o u s i n ( a l s o nutim) father mother N  (Mandelbaum 1 9 4 0 : 2 3 3 )  "'"The personal pronoun p r e f i x " n i " or "n", means "my  1  133 Perhaps the s i n g l e most important f a c t o r i s the s h i f t  from an  economy based on small, k i n - c e n t r e d , hunting bands, which were s e a s o n a l l y nomadic,  to an economy based on wage-employment,  which favors a sedentary l i v i n g p a t t e r n .  T h i s change would  p a r t i a l l y e x p l a i n the f a c t that l i n e a l r e l a t i v e s are now d i s t i n g u i s h e d from c o l l a t e r a l r e l a t i v e s . so on Mandelbaum's t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l i s t .  R e c a l l that t h i s i s not (p.132)  There would be  a greater interdependence among c o l l a t e r a l r e l a t i v e s i n a hunting-gathering economy than i n an economy based on wageemployment.  The d i r e c t i o n of a c c u l t u r a t i o n a l changes toward  White-western c u l t u r e p a t t e r n s can be seen i n the m o d i f i c a t i o n s of marriage customs and i n the economy;  the d i r e c t i o n of these  a c c u l t u r a t i o n a l changes foreshadows the s h i f t  from I r o q u o i s to  Eskimo cousin terminology. RESIDENCE PATTERNS S p a t i a l Placement o f Dwellings When d i s c u s s i n g the s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of houses, it  i s d i f f i c u l t to suspend p r e c o n c e i v e d notions and remain  objective.  For example,  there i s a temptation to use d e s c r i p -  t i v e terms such as "residence c l u s t e r " w i t h r e f e r e n c e to a number of c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d houses i n which c l o s e k i n r e s i d e ; another group which bears the'same s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p as the f i r s t , but i n which no two people are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d , may go unnoticed i f our minds are tuned to a combination of s p a t i a l and k i n a s s o c i a t i o n .  For t h i s reason, we must take precautions  to i n s u r e s c i e n t i f i c o b j e c t i v i t y .  When each house i n the census  134 sample was  examined with r e s p e c t to i t s two  ( d i s t a n c e s being measured on a s c a l e d map  closest  neighbours  based on a e r i a l  photo-  graphs), i t was  l e a r n e d that i n t w e n t y - f i v e cases, n e i t h e r of  the two  neighbours were "primary r e l a t i v e s "  closest  Footnote, p. 112) these households  of the husband or wife;  r e c a l l that f i v e of  had no "primary r e l a t i v e s " i n Opasquia West.  S t a t i n g the case p o s i t i v e l y : households  (see  91.1  percent of the  fifty-six  had "primary k i n " connections w i t h at l e a s t  other household;  of these, 6 0 . 8 percent l i v e d  adjacent to "primary  one  immediately  relatives".  The accompanying map  (Figure 6,  p.133) r e c o r d s the  placement of houses i n Opasquia West and o u t l i n e s the major s p a t i a l k i n groupings which e x i s t .  Examination  of the  r e v e a l s that the o u t l i n e s we have drawn do not enclose clusters  of houses.  map obvious  That i s , i f i t weren't for the f a c t that  k i n s h i p i s the c r i t e r i o n being used for e n c i r c l i n g  groups of  homes, other e q u a l l y v a l i d l i n e s c o u l d be drawn to demonstrate spatial clustering.  There i s no question, however, that given  the f a c t o f k i n s h i p as the o r g a n i z i n g c r i t e r i o n , the i n d i c a t e d spatial kin clusters  do e x i s t i n a very r e a l  sense.  Each major f a m i l y c o n f i n e s i t s e l f i n the main to one, perhaps two, especially  s p e c i f i c areas of Opasquia West.  The roads,  the main Reserve road, appear to play a  role i n this areal division.  One man  who  or  and  significant  had moved across the  Reserve road from h i s parents and b r o t h e r s (a two-minute walk away) s a i d he had done so because, "I wanted to l e a d my life".  It i s interesting  that he was,  own  nevertheless, l i v i n g  next  135  136 door to a s i s t e r who, presumably, presented no t h r e a t to h i s privacy.  When we s u b j e c t t h i s a r e a l i s s u e to numerical  we f i n d that o f the f i f t y - o n e households i n Opasquia West, 52.9  with "primary  analysis, relatives"  percent do not have "primary r e l a t i v e s " on  the other s i d e o f the Reserve road.  I f the placement of f a m i l i e s  were p u r e l y random, we would expect t h a t , i n a p o p u l a t i o n where the k i n network i s so extensive, a very high percentage holds would have"primary West.  By examining  k i n ' i n almost  of house-  every part o f Opasquia  k i n connections on the two s i d e s of the  Reserve road, we can see that t h i s i s not so. Though the network of roads i n Opasquia West presents no p h y s i c a l b a r r i e r whatsoever, i t does appear t o present a p s y c h o l o g i c a l and a social  barrier.  Composition  of Households  Eleven of the dwellings i n the census sample percent of the t o t a l ) were i n h a b i t e d by extended  (19-6  families.  In  seven o f these l i v e d parents, c h i l d r e n , and one or two married sons and/or daughters  and t h e i r o f f s p r i n g ;  these cases,, daughter's  i n a t l e a s t two of  husband worked away from the Reserve,  e i t h e r on the r a i l w a y l i n e or f i s h i n g , r e t u r n i n g home i n f r e quently.  In three other households,  e i t h e r an e l d e r l y parent  or one or more s i b l i n g s l i v e d with the couple and t h e i r The remaining household was i n h a b i t e d by a middle-aged  children. couple  and t h e i r c h i l d r e n , p l u s a young couple and t h e i r c h i l d r e n ;  the  r e l a t i o n s h i p , i f any, between the two f a m i l i e s was not determined. An e i g h t e e n - y e a r - o l d g i r l who attended school i n town boarded with a f a m i l y i n Opasquia West.  In a d d i t i o n , two households  137 were h o s t i n g v i s i t i n g r e l a t i v e s ;  i n both cases, the  visits  l a s t e d s e v e r a l weeks. Ten h o u s e h o l d s (see below) parents.  supported eighteen "adopted"  e i g h t o f t h e s e c h i l d r e n were l i v i n g w i t h g r a n d -  F i v e more c h i l d r e n w e r e l i v i n g ,  grandparents or w i t h m a r r i e d s i b l i n g s ; a g e d boy it  children;  temporarily, with  f o r e x a m p l e , one  teen-  s t a y e d w i t h h i s s i s t e r a n d h e r f a m i l y b e c a u s e he  there;  t h e b o y ' s mother commented t h a t he w o u l d  t h e r e a s l o n g a s he p l e a s e d .  An  assisting  remain  eleven-year-old g i r l ,  l a r g e f a m i l y , r e s i d e d w i t h her grandparents  liked  from  f o r t h e purpose  a of  them.  From t h e e x a m p l e s a b o v e i t i s o b v i o u s t h a t a v a r i e t y s i t u a t i o n s i s c o v e r e d by t h e t e r m " a d o p t i o n " .  As  of  f a r as c o u l d  be a s c e r t a i n e d , none o f t h e " a d o p t i o n s " a r e l e g a l i z e d i n W h i t e courts.  One  t y p e o f a d o p t i v e a r r a n g e m e n t does e x i s t ,  which i n v o l v e s s o c i a l workers, at l e a s t . t h a t c h i l d r e n m i g h t be " a d o p t e d "  however,  S e v e r a l women s t a t e d  through the W e l f a r e Department,  a n d t h a t F a m i l y A l l o w a n c e Cheques w e r e s u b s e q u e n t l y r e c e i v e d for the care of these c h i l d r e n .  In these instances, the adoptive  p a r e n t s know t h e i d e n t i t y o f t h e c h i l d ' s b i o l o g i c a l m o t h e r . i m p r e s s i o n was  t h a t a. d e c i s i o n may  born to request care of the c h i l d ; illegitimate. will  The  My  be r e a c h e d b e f o r e a c h i l d i s i n most c a s e s t h e c h i l d i s  I n d i a n community knows t h a t t h e y o u n g mother  g i v e t h e b a b y up t o t h e W e l f a r e D e p a r t m e n t a n d , where a  c h i l d i s d e s i r e d , a c o u p l e may t h a t t h e b a b y has b e e n b o r n .  make t h e i r r e q u e s t when t h e y I do n o t know what t h e  hear  legal  p o s i t i o n i s i n t h e s e c a s e s b u t , a s F a m i l y A l l o w a n c e Cheques a r e  138  r e c e i v e d , i t i s probable that the adoptive parents are considered l e g a l guardians.  The Indians, however, make no d i s t i n c t i o n  between these "adopted"  c h i l d r e n and t h e i r own, other than the  f a c t that they do r e f e r to them as "adopted".  I t i s probable  that the b i o l o g i c a l parents r e t a i n a l e g a l c l a i m t o these children;  the Indians are e i t h e r unaware of these i m p l i c a t i o n s  or are unconcerned  by them, though they would undoubtedly be  q u i t e upset were these c h i l d r e n to be removed from t h e i r care. These, then, a r e the "adoptions" which i n v o l v e Government Agencies. In a d d i t i o n , there e x i s t s a v a r i e t y o f "Indian adoptions", as the above examples i n d i c a t e .  These arrangements a r i s e due  to adverse circumstances, or are arrangements of convenience. For example, three c h i l d r e n were being r a i s e d by grandparents because t h e i r parents were a l c o h o l i c s and were i n c a p a b l e of p r o v i d i n g a home for the c h i l d r e n .  In another  case, a s i x - y e a r -  o l d was l i v i n g with her widowed Grandmother so that she c o u l d a t t e n d school i n The Pas;  her parents made t h e i r l i v i n g by  f i s h i n g down r i v e r where school f a c i l i t i e s were not a v a i l a b l e . We have r e f e r r e d above to the young g i r l who l i v e d with her grandparents  i n order to help them.  Some of these s i t u a t i o n s  are considered as "adoptions" by the Indians and some are not; the d e c i d i n g f a c t o r appears to be whether the arrangement i s seen as permanent or temporary. enjoy no s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s ; c h i l d r e n i n the f a m i l y .  In e i t h e r case, the c h i l d r e n  they are t r e a t e d e x a c t l y as other  Those c h i l d r e n l i v i n g under  arrangements see t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l parents f r e q u e n t l y .  temporary  139 One f u r t h e r c h i l d - c a r e arrangement v/hich i s not cons i d e r e d an "adoption" and which i n v o l v e s a Government Agencywas mentioned by one woman. Esther s a i d that when she was eight months pregnant with Ivan, a woman had come to her from the Welfare Department and asked i f she would take care of an Eskimo c h i l d v/hose mother was i n the s a n i t o r i u m . Esther s a i d she would have to ask her husband. He agreed and they had the c h i l d f o r s e v e r a l months. The woman r e t u r n e d • with another c h i l d , but Esther asked her to t r y to f i n d another home f o r him. I f she couldn't f i n d one, Esther s a i d , she would r e c o n s i d e r . When she took the c h i l d , she didn't r e a l i z e she would be p a i d f i f t y d o l l a r s per month. She s a i d at f i r s t they couldn't f i n d homes f o r those babies, but v/hen people l e a r n e d about the subsidy, everyone was a p p l y i n g f o r babies. Changes o f Residence The b u i l d i n g program, which has r e s u l t e d i n many new homes i n Opasquia West, has, at the same time, caused many s h i f t s in  residence.  in  new Indian A f f a i r s Branch homes, were questioned r e g a r d i n g  their  T h i r t y f a m i l i e s , eighteen of whom are now l i v i n g  former p l a c e s o f r e s i d e n c e .  r e s u l t s of t h i s i n q u i r y .  TABLE XVIII r e c o r d s the  Expressed as percentages,  the r e s u l t s  are as f o l l o w s : 1 6 . 7 percent v/ere formerly l i v i n g i n an extended family arrangement, w i t h e i t h e r the husband's or the wife's parents;  6 0 percent of these are now l i v i n g next  parental residence. next  door t o that  Another 3 0 percent were formerly l i v i n g  door to parents, i n a house which had belonged  to parents,  or e l s e the house i n which they p r e v i o u s l y l i v e d has now passed to  "primary k i n " .  More s u c c i n c t l y s t a t e d : 4-6.7 percent of the  t h i r t y households questioned demonstrate a p a t t e r n of c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n between k i n s h i p and r e s i d e n c e e i t h e r i n the former  1 4 0  TABLE X V I I I FORMER RESIDENCE OF THIRTY HOUSEHOLDS  Former  residence  Number.of households  Town o f The Pas  3  Elsewhere on Opasquia ( B i g Eddy, C a r r o t R i v e r A r e a , and U m f r e v i l l e S e t t l e m e n t ) .. .  7  Saskatchewan  1  On t h e r a i l w a y l i n e  1  W i t h husband's p a r e n t s  4a  With w i f e ' s p a r e n t s  1  Next door t o w i f e ' s p a r e n t s  1  I n a house v/hich had belonged t o w i f e ' s p a r e n t s  2  I n a house p r e s e n t l y i n h a b i t e d by B, S, HB (H deceased), FB  6  I n an o l d house next door t o p r e s e n t d w e l l i n g . .  3  I n an o l d house some d i s t a n c e from p r e s e n t d w e l l i n g ..  1  b  a Three a r e p r e s e n t l y l i v i n g next door t o p a r e n t a l home; one i s some d i s t a n c e from p a r e n t s b u t v e r y c l o s e t o s i b l i n g s . A l l a r e i n new I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch houses. n  At present one i s u n i n h a b i t e d , one i n h a b i t e d by n o n - r e l a t i v e s and one by son's w i f e ' s mother. 'This house i s p r e s e n t l y i n h a b i t e d by a n o n - r e l a t i v e .  141  p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e particular  or i n the s u c c e s s i o n  of i n h a b i t a n t s i n a  dwelling.  People who  had moved to Opasquia West from other p a r t s o f  Opasquia were not q u e s t i o n e d r e g a r d i n g t h e i r former n e i g h b o u r s , the present r e s i d e n t s i n t h e i r p r e v i o u s extended f a m i l y l i v i n g arrangements.  d w e l l i n g s , or former  I t i s f e l t t h a t such  q u e s t i o n i n g would have s t r e n g t h e n e d the case f o r a c l o s e a s s o - • c i a t i o n , both past and p r e s e n t , patterns.  between k i n s h i p and  residence  A h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t i s t h a t of the f i v e house-  h o l d s w i t h no "primary k i n " i n Opasquia West, three, at  least,  had r e c e n t l y moved from B i g Eddy or the C a r r o t R i v e r Area. There i s a s t r o n g p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the o r i g i n of a f o u r t h i s a l s o B i g Eddy. The  succession  of houses p r e s e n t s  an i n t e r e s t i n g  Though i n f o r m a n t s were not s p e c i f i c a l l y q u e s t i o n e d on s u b j e c t , f i e l d notes r e v e a l t h a t f i v e f a m i l i e s ,  picture.  this  at. l e a s t ,  are  l i v i n g i n houses f o r m e r l y i n h a b i t e d by "primary r e l a t i v e s " : p a r e n t s i n t h r e e cases and b r o t h e r s i n two  cases.  f a m i l i e s are i n d w e l l i n g s f o r m e r l y i n h a b i t e d by husband's p a r e n t s and  daughter's husband's  Two  further  sister's  parents.  C h i l d r e n Away from H o m e — T h e i r P l a c e s of Residence An a n a l y s i s of TABLE XIX r e v e a l s t h a t 56.7 those c h i l d r e n who  p e r c e n t of  are l i v i n g away from home ( i . e . , not r e s i d i n g  w i t h p a r e n t s ) have remained on Opasquia. o f t h i s p o p u l a t i o n i s as f o l l o w s :  The  age  distribution  142 11-13  y r s . 21-25  2  y r s . 26-35  6  v r s  -  36-45 yrs..- 46-55 .yrs. unknown  14  Of those who remained i n Manitoba.  6  4  h a v e . l e f t the Reserve, T h i s percentage  37.2  2 percent have  i s represented by s i x t e e n  people, only f i v e of whom are i n Winnipeg.  Eleven have remained  much c l o s e r to home, e i t h e r in' towns.such as The Pas, Thompson, and Dauphin, or are f i s h i n g down r i v e r , or working on the way  rail-  line. In the case of Opasquia West, at l e a s t , the popular  concept  that Indians, and e s p e c i a l l y young Indians, are l e a v i n g  the Reserve i n droves f o r the l a r g e c i t i e s i s simply not t r u e . According to our sample, more than h a l f are, i n f a c t , on the Reserve.  In a d d i t i o n , almost  remaining  40 percent of those who  do  l e a v e go not to the l a r g e c i t i e s , but r a t h e r to the s m a l l towns c l o s e to home.  Of course, one  cannot  c l a i m that t h i s  situation  i s s t a b l e and that people leave at the same r a t e from one to the next.  The s i t u a t i o n i s very changeable,  year  and i s profoundly  a f f e c t e d by such items as i n t e g r a t e d s c h o o l i n g and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of jobs. certainty.  I f we  P r e d i c t i o n s cannot be made with any combine the importance  degree of  of k i n s h i p with the  suggestions evident i n our data, however, we would be  inclined  to say t h a t the Reserve system i s not dying a f a s t 'death; r a t h e r , our data i n d i c a t e that i t w i l l be v i a b l e f o r many years to come, as i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y supported by  youth.  143 TABLE XIX CHILDREN, 21 YEARS AND UNDER, AWAY FROM HOME—THEIR PLACES OF RESIDENCE TV, „ v,. . , Place of r e s i d e n c e  Married, l i v i n g  .  on the Reserve  Married, l i v i n g o f f the Reserve i n Manitoba i n Saskatchewan or A l b e r t a i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s r e s i d e n c e unknown  Number of Persons 29 14 3 1 1  S i n g l e , l i v i n g on the Reserve  5  S i n g l e , l i v i n g o f f the Reserve i n Manitoba i n Saskatchewan r e s i d e n c e unknown  2 2 3  C h i l d r e n l i v i n g o f f the Reserve with other parent or with grandparents  3  Institutionalized (Brandon Mental Home, Manitoba Home f o r G i r l s )  2  R e s i d e n t i a l school  18 a  These c h i l d r e n have a l s o been i n c l u d e d i n TABLE I; (Population S t a t i s t i c s ) as they are absent from home only part of the year, they are t r e a t e d i n the t e x t as r e g u l a r members of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e households.  144 VISITING PATTERNS AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Adults Casual day-to-day v i s i t i n g f o l l o w s an almost t o t a l l y kin-based p a t t e r n .  Seventy i n s t a n c e s were recorded o f one  i n d i v i d u a l v i s i t i n g the home o f another; (34.3  percent) were by males and f o r t y - s i x  females.  F i f t y - s e v e n o f these v i s i t s  between "primary r e l a t i v e s " . "secondary relatives"."'"  twenty-four  ( 6 5 . 7 percent) by  ( 8 1 . 4 percent) were  Four other v i s i t s were between  The remaining nine v i s i t s  involved  people who were, i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d , u n r e l a t e d , though was  unverified.  visits  T h i s evidence overwhelmingly  this  supports the  The kin-group i n c l u d e d i n the term "secondary r e l a t i v e s " conforms to Murdock's d e f i n i t i o n . Each o f Ego's r e l a t i v e s w i l l have h i s own set of-primary r e l a t i v e s , many o f whom w i l l not be primary r e l a t i v e s o f Ego. "From the point o f view o f the l a t t e r these may be c a l l e d secondary r e l a t i v e s . P o t e n t i a l l y , a person can have 3 3 d i s t i n c t k i n d s o f secondary r e l a t i v e s , namely: FaFa ( P a t e r n a l g r a n d f a t h e r ) , FaMo ( p a t e r n a l grandmother), FaBr ( p a t e r n a l u n c l e ) , F a S i ( p a t e r n a l aunt), FaWi (stepmother), FaSo ( h a l f b r o t h e r ) , FaDa ( h a l f s i s t e r ) , MoFa, MoMo, MoBr, MoSi, MoHu, MoSo, MoDa,• BrWi BrSo, BrDa, SiHu, SiSo, SiDa, WiFa (or HuFa), WiMo (or HuMo), WiBr (or HuBr), WiSi (or HuSi), WiHu (or HuWi, i . e . , co-spouse), WiSo (or HuSo), WiDa (or HuDa), SoWi, SoSo, SoDa, DaHu, DaS o, an d DaDa." (Murdbck 1 9 4 9 : 9 4 - 9 5 ) E s s e n t i a l l y , i t i s t h i s group o f primary and secondary r e l a t i v e s which the Indians o f Opasquia West consider t h e i r kin-group. The group could, however, be expanded to i n c l u d e " t e r t i a r y r e l a t i v e s " such as great-grandparents, spouses o f u n c l e s , aunts, nephews and n i e c e s , e t c . We w i l l , however, l i m i t our c o n s i d e r a t i o n to primary and secondary r e l a t i v e s only.  145  contention One  that casual v i s i t i n g patterns are bound to k i n s h i p .  young woman s a i d , r e g r e t f u l l y , that s i n c e she moved east  the highway, she no longer v i s i t e d frequently; the highway, but  sees a f r i e n d with whom she  of  formerly  i t i s true that the f r i e n d l i v e s west of  so do a brother  v i s i t e d o f t e n , but who s i s t e r l i v e s next  1  and  s i s t e r who  are not  a l s o l i v e very c l o s e to the  only  friend  (one  door).  Though casual, at-home v i s i t s between non-kin are minimal, t h i s does not  deny the existence  In f a c t a number of a c t i v i t i e s provide v i s i t i n g with non-kin.  Several  of e x t r a - k i n  contact.  o p p o r t u n i t i e s for  s e c u l a r and r e l i g i o u s  organ-  izations  serve a pan-kin f u n c t i o n i n that they encourage i n t e r -  personal  cooperation,  example, the Health raise  r e g a r d l e s s of kin-group a f f i l i a t i o n .  For  Committee sponsors a weekly Bingo game to  funds for items such as eye-glasses,  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to and  dentures,  from c l i n i c s and h o s p i t a l .  The  and organ-  i z a t i o n of t h i s a c t i v i t y r e q u i r e s that a number of people work together  i n c l o s e and harmonious a s s o c i a t i o n . The  weekly Bingo i s a h i g h l y popular form of r e c r e a t i o n  for the women. rest  They may  of the week but  v i s i t mainly with r e l a t i v e s  at the Bingo game'they can v i s i t  almost every other woman i n the community. Bingo as, "a disease, l i k e d r i n k i n g " , and,  One  for the with  woman described  indeed, i t seems to  The time span of these observations was a six-week p e r i o d during the l a t e summer and autumn of 1966. I t i s probable that v i s i t s are fewer i n winter, when weather c o n d i t i o n s r e s t r i c t movement.  146 f u l f i l a d i s t i n c t p s y c h o l o g i c a l need. weekly game i n Opasquia West i s t h e i r  For many women, the only night out, and the  only time during the week when a c l u t t e r e d and n o i s y home environment can be escaped. (See p . 8 9 )  There are Bingo games  i n town on d i f f e r e n t n i g h t s and, apparently,  some women play  four to s i x times a w e e k — a very expensive p r o p o s i t i o n .  Aside  from the obvious a t t r a c t i o n s of " g e t t i n g out of the house" and seeing one's f r i e n d s , Bingo adds an element o f excitement to the women's l i v e s .  The p o s s i b i l i t y of winning a l a r g e sum o f  money i s an a t t r a c t i v e one and provides the i n g r e d i e n t of suspense which e l i c i t s such an overwhelming response. Apart  from i n f o r m a l v i s i t i n g , i t was evident that one  or two male r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s were s p e c i f i c a l l y k i n centred. although  These were hunting  (which i s hot purely r e c r e a t i o n a l ,  that element i s p r e s e n t ) , and small s o c i a l  gatherings  of three to f i v e men at which the group d r i n k s beer and "chews the f a t " ;  these gatherings may take p l a c e e i t h e r i n homes or  at the beer parlour and are undoubtedly most popular of Opasquia other than Opasquia West. bands i n v o l v i n g eight to t e n men were  i n areas  In a d d i t i o n , two music kin-based.  Pan-kin a c t i v i t i e s f o r a d u l t males centre around v a r i o u s community o r g a n i z a t i o n s ; as soccer matches. the male p o p u l a t i o n .  they a l s o i n c l u d e s p o r t i n g events such  Band p o l i t i c s are l a r g e l y i n the hands of S e v e r a l men are a c t i v e members o.f A l c o h o l i c s  Anonymous, which i s centred i n town r a t h e r than on the Reserve. One or two war veterans l o c a l Legion.  o c c a s i o n a l l y spend an evening  A few of the men frequent  at the  the town b i l l i a r d s h a l l .  147 Apart  from these group-oriented a c t i v i t i e s ,  i n d i v i d u a l s who p a i n t for pleasure; i s a p u r e l y male a c t i v i t y .  there are a few  i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that t h i s  T r a d i t i o n a l l y , men p a i n t e d scenes of  the hunt, e t c . , on the outer s u r f a c e o f the t i p i s ;  women d i d  not p a i n t , but r a t h e r d i d beadwork and basketry;  this  sex d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n h a n d i c r a f t s has s u r v i v e d .  A l s o , the men  who p a i n t , i n v a r i a b l y choose s u b j e c t matter t r a d i t i o n a l Indian l i f e and legends;  whose theme'is  they p a i n t Indians i n  canoes, the heads of c h i e f s and w a r r i o r s , or scenes dary t a l e s ;  traditional  from l e g e n -  t r a d i t i o n a l dress i s always d e p i c t e d .  A number of r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s are enjoyed by the community as a whole.  The main item i n t h i s category i s prob-  ably s p o r t i n g events.  Men, women, and c h i l d r e n watch league  b a s e b a l l games and soccer matches;  the Annual S p o r t s Day  encourages t o t a l community p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  In a d d i t i o n , the  Trapper's F e s t i v a l , which i s h e l d i n mid-winter a t t r a c t s many v i s i t o r s t o northern Manitoba,  and which  undoubtedly  i n v i t e s the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f the Indian community and produces i n t e r - k i n cooperation. •The c e l e b r a t i o n surrounding a wedding i s widely  enjoyed.  The a c t u a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f wedding f e a s t s i s handled by the two k i n groups concerned, non-kin.  though o f t e n cooperation i s requested o f  For example, a Woman who i s not a r e l a t i v e may be  asked to bake s e v e r a l -pies, or to l o a n a s e t o f dishes, c u t l e r y , or c h a i r s .  The o v e r a l l o r g a n i z a t i o n , however, and the bulk of  the cooking, which i s done i n the home where the f e a s t i s to be h e l d , are kin-based.  W r i t t e n i n v i t a t i o n s are not sent out and,  . apparently,  148  anyone who wishes to a t t e n d i s welcome.  I t seems  that some form of v e r b a l i n v i t a t i o n i s becoming customary. According  t o an informant,  " Kids come to b i r t h d a y p a r t i e s now only when i n v i t e d ; i t used to be that when there was a party, everyone came— the same f o r wedding f e a s t s . The  a c t u a l form which t h i s s a i d i n v i t a t i o n takes remained a  mystery;  I o f t e n heard by word of mouth o f an i n v i t a t i o n to  a feast;  o c c a s i o n a l l y , however, the message d i d not a r r i v e  and I was l a t e r asked why I had not attended The  the f u n c t i o n .  concept o f i n v i t a t i o n , then, I s one which i s slowly  f u s i n g i n t o the c u l t u r e from o u t s i d e ;  however, i t has not y e t  reached the point where i t i s unacceptable without  a specific invitation.  dif-  to a t t e n d a f e a s t  Nevertheless,  the evidence  suggests that i n the past, wedding f e a s t s were more open a f f a i r s than they are today.  Wedding dances are s t i l l  p l e t e l y open, and a r e enjoyed by young and o l d a l i k e .  comMusic  i s provided by one o f the two k i n - c e n t r e d bands and, i n t e r e s t i n g l y , most dances r e q u i r e group p a r t i c i p a t i o n — s q u a r e dances, bunny hops, and b u t t e r f l i e s .  Dances are e n t i r e l y devoid of  the sexual component which i s so b a s i c t o equivalent i n our own c u l t u r e .  Homosexual couples, both male and female,  are as common as heterosexual, people dancing  affairs  and i t i s not unusual to see  alone.  Children Let us now examine the question of v i s i t i n g  patterns  and r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s with respect to c h i l d r e n .  Who does  the c h i l d p l a y with, what a d u l t s i s he i n contact with  during  149 an o r d i n a r y day, and i n what a c t i v i t i e s i s he i n v o l v e d ? In the sphere of c l o s e i n t e r - p e r s o n a l contact, the preschool c h i l d i s almost t o t a l l y c o n f i n e d to a world o f k i n s h i p . Time and time again mothers s t a t e d that t h e i r c h i l d r e n , "go tot h e i r Granny's next door," or that they, cousins next door".  "play mostly with  their  When older c h i l d r e n are a t school and no  caretaker i s a v a i l a b l e , mothers l i k e t h e i r c h i l d r e n to remain w i t h i n watching d i s t a n c e .  One woman disapproved  of her c h i l d r e n  v i s i t i n g t h e i r Grandmother because, " I t ' s too f a r — I them".  G e n e r a l l y , however, grandmothers a r e h e a v i l y r e l i e d upon  to help with young c h i l d r e n . and  can't watch  A post-partem mother sent her two,  f o u r - y e a r - o l d sons next door to t h e i r "granny" a l l day,  every  day u n t i l she regained her s t r e n g t h .  A five-year-old  s l e p t at her Grandmother's home every school n i g h t ;  the Grand-  mother was the Reserve k i n d e r g a r t e n teacher, and the two would go t o school together i n the morning.  Other c h i l d r e n a l s o s l e p t  with t h e i r "Granny" on d i f f e r e n t occasions.  Grandmothers are  frequently babysitters.  child-minding  Aside  from s p e c i f i c  s i t u a t i o n s , however, c h i l d r e n c o u l d very o f t e n be found v i s i t i n g "granny".  Caretakers  from age s i x and up a l s o play an important  r o l e i n the l i v e s o f p r e - s c h o o l e r s ;  these  child-minders  i n v a r i a b l y , s i b l i n g s or other c l o s e r e l a t i v e s ;  their  are,  specific  d u t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d more f u l l y i n Part I I . There i s no question that young c h i l d r e n p l a y more with k i n than with non-kin.  An informant  s a i d that her c h i l d r e n play  150 with her s i s t e r ' s c h i l d r e n or with her husband's b r o t h e r ' s c h i l d r e n , even though other c h i l d r e n l i v e nearer. woman expressed family;  The same  her d i s a p p r o v a l o f the c h i l d r e n o f a neighbouring  "they l i k e to p l a y by the r i v e r , and go to town on t h e i r  own—I don't l i k e my c h i l d r e n p l a y i n g with them".  Another  mother, however, s t a t e d that there was no-one with whom she would not l e t her c h i l d r e n p l a y .  In f a c t , the only k i n o f her  c h i l d r e n ' s ages l i v e d across the Reserve road, and there i s general d i s a p p r o v a l o f young c h i l d r e n making the c r o s s i n g alone. T h i s woman's c h i l d r e n were, t h e r e f o r e , r e q u i r e d t o play e i t h e r among themselves, or with  non-kin.  P r e - s c h o o l e r s have almost no contact with c h i l d r e n from other areas o f the Reserve.  Even those of k i n d e r g a r t e n age a r e  d i v i d e d i n t o a B i g Eddy c l a s s and a c l a s s from Opasquia East and West.  C h i l d r e n a r e removed from t h e i r k i n - c e n t r e d environment  on occasions such as shopping excursions to town, but perhaps t h e i r only o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r r e l a t i n g to non-kin  a r e during  community events such as Sports Day, wedding dances, and at b i r t h d a y p a r t i e s t o which s e v e r a l n o n - r e l a t e d c h i l d r e n a r e usually invited. Though c h i l d r e n g e n e r a l l y accompany t h e i r parents to wedding f e a s t s , these c e l e b r a t i o n s cater only t o a d u l t s . Youngsters a r e n o t , f e d a t the f e a s t t a b l e ;  u s u a l l y , they hang  around t h e i r mothers s k i r t s and are given cake- and other goodies.  For the most p a r t , children, do not p a r t i c i p a t e i n  wedding dances e i t h e r ;  they a r e present on the s i d e l i n e s as  151  s p e c t a t o r s and, o c c a s i o n a l l y , s e v e r a l young g i r l s between the ages of nine and fourteen w i l l in  dance;  they are i n c l i n e d t o j o i n  when modern pop songs are played and to ignore square dances,  v/hich the a d u l t s thoroughly i n t o two groups:  enjoy.  The o l d e r teen-agers  fall  one remains i n the h a l l and takes part i n the  f e s t i v i t i e s , v/hile the second remains on the f r i n g e ,  congregating  around the door, both i n s i d e and o u t s i d e . B i r t h d a y p a r t i e s f o r c h i l d r e n are probably, invitations,  like  d i f f u s i n g i n t o the c u l t u r e from o u t s i d e .  They are  i n t e r e s t i n g f o r the combination of f o r e i g n and indigenous c u l t u r a l t r a i t s displayed.  At one party, there were approx-  i m a t e l y t h i r t y c h i l d r e n present, three cousins  from tov/n;  thirteen-year-olds. of two b r o t h e r s ;  i n c l u d i n g many Reserve-kin and  they ranged i n age from i n f a n t s to  The party was to c e l e b r a t e the b i r t h d a y s  i n t e r e s t i n g l y , so l i t t l e  fuss was made over  the b i r t h d a y boys that only one c o u l d be d i s c e r n e d — a n d because he blew out the candles.  only  At another party, however, the  b i r t h d a y boy was p l a c e d i n the centre of the room, i n h i s high c h a i r . . A s e n s i b l e c u l t u r a l adaptation i s that g i f t s are not a part o f the proceedings child a gift).  Before  c h i l d r e n were expected.  (on one occasion the mother gave the the p a r t y began, I asked when the Only i n d e f i n i t e , vague r e p l i e s were  o f f e r e d but, m i r a c u l o u s l y , they a l l began to a r r i v e a t the same time;  however, three l i t t l e  cousins from next door d i d not  attend, because they were s t i l l  napping.  When they f i r s t a r r i v e d , the c h i l d r e n crowded i n t o a small room;  the Mother of the b i r t h d a y boys asked, "Do you know  152 any songs or games?"  There was a l o u d "yes" chorus and i t was  q u i t e obvious that they were more than w i l l i n g to s i n g songs, or to be o r g a n i z e d i n t o p l a y i n g games, but n c d i r e c t i o n given. that.  was  The c h i l d r e n f e e b l y sang "Happy B i r t h d a y , " and that  was  Food was brought out and a feast on sandwiches, two k i n d s  of cake, f r e s h i e , i c e cream, and candy ensued.  Then o u t s i d e f o r  a "peanut scramble" (peanuts and candy are thrown i n t o the a i r and everyone s c r a m b l e s ) — a n d the party was over, approximately one hour a f t e r i t had begun. The Annual S p o r t s Day i s attended by most of the community.  Events, designed to encourage everyone's p a r t i c i p a t i o n ,  i n c l u d e a s o f t b a l l game for the women, (who are a l s o i n charge of the refreshment booth, s p e c i a l i z i n g i n mooseburgers), for the men—a canoe race, and an archery c o n t e s t .  and  In f a c t ,  many come only as s p e c t a t o r s .  C h i l d r e n compete i n t r a c k and  f i e l d events, according -to age  (beginning w i t h f o u r - y e a r - o l d s )  and sex.  The Sports Day, then, i s a community a c t i v i t y  which  depends for i t s success on the cooperation of a number of people, under the d i r e c t i o n of a s p e c i a l committee.  I t i s a pan-kin-  group a f f a i r , at which both c h i l d r e n and a d u l t s mingle with people other than r e l a t i v e s .  For the c h i l d r e n , at l e a s t , a  community s p i r i t and sense of cohesion i s produced which their b a s i c a l l y kin-centred  offsets  environment.  No d i s c u s s i o n of r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y would be without mentioning t e l e v i s i o n .  complete  Both c h i l d r e n and a d u l t s spend  a good deal of time glued to the s e t .  At l e a s t twenty-five of  the f i f t y - s i x census sample homes had t e l e v i s i o n s e t s .  One  153 informant commented that for the f i r s t year or so a f t e r  they  bought t h e i r s e t , the whole f a m i l y ( i n c l u d i n g seven young c h i l dren) would stay up every night u n t i l the end of programming— about 1:30 A.M.  Despite t h i s k i n d of u n d e s i r a b l e s i t u a t i o n ,  there i s a p o s i t i v e s i d e to t e l e v i s i o n i n Reserve homes. F i r s t l y , i t i n c r e a s e s the c h i l d r e n ' s p r o f i c i e n c y i n E n g l i s h and secondly, i t broadens t h e i r h o r i z o n s , exposing them t o new i d e a s and values and perhaps  thereby easing the j o l t which  comes with school e n t r y . As c h i l d r e n get o l d e r , they a r e exposed more and more to non-kin.  School b r i n g s them i n t o contact not only with White  c h i l d r e n , but a l s o with Indian c h i l d r e n from other p a r t s of the Reserve.  They are allowed more freedom o f movement i n Opasquia'  West and t h e i r sphere of playmates p r o p o r t i o n o f non-kin.  grows t o i n c l u d e a l a r g e r  T h i s t r e n d i n c r e a s e s i n the teen and'  young a d u l t years, when t r i p s t o town become frequent and unaccompanied; i n these y e a r s .  u n r e l a t e d f r i e n d s take on a greater At t h i s stage i n l i f e ,  importance  there i s probably a  balance between the amounts of time spent with k i n and with non-kin. A f t e r marriage there i s a sharp d i v i s i o n . to a l i f e which i s l a r g e l y k i n - c e n t r e d .  Women r e v e r t  V i s i t s with non-  r e l a t i v e s a r e a l l (except for wedding f e a s t s ) c e n t r e d away from the home;  they take the form o f community o r g a n i z a t i o n meetings,  i n which only a very few women a r e a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d , community activities, Reserve  shopping  store.  excursions to tov/n, and b r i e f t r i p s to the  Those women who do take part i n o r g a n i z a t i o n a l  154  meetings a r e not always happy with the amount of time they a r e expected t o devote to these a c t i v i t i e s .  One informant  said,  "When I go to meetings I j u s t s i t there and don't say anything; I'd r a t h e r spend the time with my f a m i l y " . The  d i s c o n t i n u i t y i n the balance  of k i n and non-kin  r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the years before and a f t e r marriage i s not as great for men as for women. c l o s e contact with non-kin. men  Men's jobs keep them i n  In a d d i t i o n , a l a r g e r number of  than women a r e a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the p o l i t i c a l  organi-  z a t i o n of the Reserve. To summarize, i t appears that very young c h i l d r e n a r e cushioned  by a c l o s e c i r c l e of k i n .  T h i s c i r c l e widens to  i n c l u d e greater numbers of non-kin as the c h i l d r e n grow o l d e r . The  apex o f t h i s t r e n d i s reached p r e - m a r i t a l l y when a balance  e x i s t s between k i n and non-kin c o n t a c t s . approximately  Men remain a t  t h i s same l e v e l a f t e r marriage, but women r e v e r t  to a k i n - c e n t r e d e x i s t e n c e .  Throughout l i f e ,  community a c t i v -  i t i e s , and c e l e b r a t i o n s such as weddings and b i r t h d a y s , promote inter-kin relationships. Kin O b l i g a t i o n s and Responsibilities From the p o i n t of view o f s u r v i v a l , the interdependence of k i n i s no longer a n e c e s s i t y t o the extent traditionally;  nevertheless,  that i t was  c l o s e . c o o p e r a t i o n and sharing  among k i n a r e as r e a l today as they were formerly. already mentioned i n s t a n c e s o f shared s e r v i c e s . serves r e g u l a r l y as child-minder;  We have  Grandmother  f i e l d notes r e v e a l that the  155 f o l l o w i n g s e r v i c e s a r e rendered i n r e t u r n : her wood and whitewash her l o g house;  male r e l a t i v e s chop  female r e l a t i v e s do her  laundry, cash her old-age pension cheque i n town, do her shopping, and g i v e her water when her b a r r e l i s dry.  Female k i n  were a l s o seen coming to the a i d of a post-partem mother;  one  woman baked bannock for her c h i l d r e n , while another cleaned her house. group.  The s p o i l s of a hunt a r e d i v i d e d amongst the k i n  "A moose doesn't l a s t l o n g , " commented one woman, " I  give some t o my sons, and i t ' s gone i n no time". The system of "Indian adoption" (see pp.137-139)  clearly  demonstrates that the community as a whole assumes r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for  i t s - c h i l d r e n and, more p a r t i c u l a r l y , that k i n assumes respon-  sibility  for k i n .  I t was noted that 4 4 . 4 percent of "adoptions"  were w i t h i n the k i n s h i p group.  T h i s percentage r e p r e s e n t s e i g h t  c h i l d r e n , f i v e of whom were i l l e g i t i m a t e ; abandoned by t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l parents.  three had been  The c h i l d r e n l i v e d . w i t h  grandparents and were d i v i d e d among three households. been l e g a l l y adopted.  Another  f i v e c h i l d r e n ( i n four  None had house-  h o l d s ) were l i v i n g f o r extended p e r i o d s e i t h e r with grandparents or  with married s i b l i n g s .  Ten more c h i l d r e n had been "adopted"  i n t o seven homes of non-kin.  I t appears, therefore, that while  i n almost h a l f the cases the immediate of  k i n group takes charge  i l l e g i t i m a t e and n e g l e c t e d c h i l d r e n , an equal number of  c h i l d r e n a r e taken i n by non-kin. I t i s probable that the number of "adopted"  children  l i v i n g with "primary k i n " i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than i n the general White p o p u l a t i o n . immediate  Our data would seem to i n d i c a t e that  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for c h i l d r e n f a l l s  on the shoulders of  156 the k i n group. cooperates  Beyond t h i s , the Indian community as a whole  to share r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for i t s c h i l d r e n .  Countless i s o l a t e d i n c i d e n t s of s h a r i n g and cooperation w i t h i n k i n groups c o u l d be recounted. wood for a brother who i s asthmatic. was  One man r e g u l a r l y chops On one occasion, a woman  seen to run from a c o f f e e shop i n town to ask a younger  brother who was passing by the window i f he needed money. The young c h i l d r e n of one working mother a r e cared for during the day by her husband's f a t h e r ' s s i s t e r .  Part o f a pay cheque  bought a f e a s t of hamburgers, french f r i e d potatoes, for  and beer  a young man, h i s p a r a l l e l cousin, and t h e i r wives. Though we a r e d i s c u s s i n g k i n o b l i g a t i o n and respon-  sibility,  t o create the impression  that e x t r a - k i n  does not e x i s t would not be e n t i r e l y accurate.  cooperation  People a r e  u s u a l l y q u i t e generous and h e l p f u l to one another.  A birthday  p a r t y was h e l d for two o l d women a t the A n g l i c a n M i s s i o n ; of the women shared her small cake with twenty-five Another woman s a i d t h a t , on pay day, at  the j a i l ,  one  people.  her Mother, who had worked  would give n i c k e l s and dimes to a l l the c h i l d r e n .  On many occasions,  people o f f e r e d to pay for gas a f t e r  been driven to town, or some e q u a l l y short d i s t a n c e .  having  In  general, people are cooperative, generous, and t h o u g h t f u l . S e l f i s h n e s s appears to.be a r a r e phenomenon and,  i n f a c t , most  i n d i v i d u a l s c o u l d be d e s c r i b e d as being almost s e l f l e s s . Sunday School was  At  one morning, a c l a s s of eight to ten-year-olds  t o l d the' s t o r y of the shepherd and the l o s t sheep; the  c h i l d r e n were then asked to draw a p i c t u r e from the s t o r y . One  l i t t l e g i r l was having great d i f f i c u l t y g e t t i n g s t a r t e d  1 5 7  and was prodded s e v e r a l times by the teacher.  Q u i e t l y , and  u n s e l f c o n s c i o u s l y , a second c h i l d took the paper from the first,  drew a p i c t u r e on i t ,  handed the paper back, and pro-  ceeded to complete her own drawing. A t i g h t k i n s t r u c t u r e i n a c u l t u r e which i s g r a d u a l l y a s s i m i l a t i n g values and ideas from a second,  dominant,  c u l t u r e , i n which k i n t i e s are l e s s b i n d i n g , i s l i k e l y , at some p o i n t , to r e s u l t i n a c c u s a t i o n s of nepotism. t h i s s i t u a t i o n has t r a n s p i r e d i n Opasquia West.  In f a c t , One family  i n p a r t i c u l a r has been accused, and perhaps j u s t i f i a b l y , of nepotism with regard to the h i r i n g o f workers f o r s p e c i f i c Reserve jobs.  The person i n charge of h i r i n g defends h i m s e l f  by s t a t i n g that he h i r e s the best man f o r the job, and by commenting, There's a l o t o f i n t e r f a m i l y jealousy; i t ' s always the B i r t s • a g a i n s t the Connors, or B i g Eddy a g a i n s t The Pas. Gossip i s perhaps the best s o c i a l c o n t r o l against nepotism, though i t does not seem to have curbed i n c l i n a t i o n s i n the case mentioned above.  Perhaps members of other k i n groups  have not y e t found themselves i n p o s i t i o n s which c o u l d r e s u l t i n nepotic h i r i n g p r a c t i c e s .  Whatever the reason f o r i t s not  having spread f u r t h e r , nepotism does e x i s t i n the case of one k i n group at l e a s t , and would probably manifest i n others under s p e c i f i c c o n d i t i o n s .  Nepotism would seem to f o l l o w  l o g i c a l l y from a c l o s e l y - k n i t k i n s t r u c t u r e which i s a c c e p t i n g ideas from a c u l t u r e where " g e t t i n g ahead" i s dependent on i n d i v i d u a l merit.  158  •  Chapter 5  POLITICAL STRUCTURE The Pas Reserve i s o f t e n r e f e r r e d to as a " p r o g r e s s i v e " Indian community by persons who are f a m i l i a r with many Indian communities across Canada;  the Reserve i s considered  " p r o g r e s s i v e " i n comparison with other Manitoba Reserves and e s p e c i a l l y i n comparison with other northern  Reserves.  " P r o g r e s s i v e " i s a t r i c k y word, and i t o f t e n appears to be used as an i n d i c a t i o n o f the degree of approximation to somewhat nebulous and i l l - d e f i n e d models i n the minds of o f f i c i a l s and other persons  concerned  with the I n d i a n .  Accept-  ance of the standards i m p l i c i t i n such models i s encouraged by p o s i t i v e and negative s a n c t i o n s which are b u i l t i n t o Government programs;  there may be, i n some cases, no a l t e r n a t i v e to com-  p l i a n c e and conformity. set  The i d e a l model i s based on standards  by the White m i d d l e - c l a s s ;  the s i t u a t i o n can, t h e r e f o r e ,  be summed up by saying that a Reserve i s c l a s s i f i e d as " p r o g r e s s i v e " a c c o r d i n g to the extent o f i t s w i l l i n g n e s s to accept and a s s i m i l a t e White m i d d l e - c l a s s values and a t t i t u d e s . What s p e c i f i c  f a c t o r s have caused Opasquia to be  i n c l u d e d i n the " p r o g r e s s i v e " category?  The key point i s that  a core group of young a d u l t s has begun to concern i t s e l f a d m i n i s t e r i n g the a f f a i r s of the Indian community.  with  With advice  159 and  d i r e c t i o n from o u t s i d e r s , a number of s e r v i c e committees  and  o r g a n i z a t i o n s have been formed.  Excluding  religious  o r g a n i z a t i o n s , these f a l l i n t o three c a t e g o r i e s , the boundaries of which fade one i n t o the other. committees which f a l l wholly  F i r s t l y , there are those  w i t h i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the  main governing body, the Band C o u n c i l ;  i n f a c t these com-  mittees are arms of the C o u n c i l , having  been formed to ease  the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l o a d of the C o u n c i l and  to create a broader  base of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y by spreading thinly.  T h i s category  Committee and  d u t i e s more  i n c l u d e s such groups as the Housing  the H a l l Committee.  At the opposite  end of the  s c a l e are those o r g a n i z a t i o n s which, t h e o r e t i c a l l y at l e a s t , are completely as limbs  autonomous;  i n theory,  of the Band C o u n c i l , and  t h e i r d u t i e s and  they do not  function  there i s no overlap between  those of the C o u n c i l .  Committees and  organ-  i z a t i o n s i n t h i s group i n c l u d e the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e bodies of the F r i e n d s h i p Centre and ever,  the H a n d i c r a f t G u i l d .  In p r a c t i c e , how-  there i s , n e c e s s a r i l y , a good deal of communication  between these groups and the C o u n c i l . Advisory  Committee was  For  example, a H a n d i c r a f t  formed by the C o u n c i l when the  of e r e c t i n g a b u i l d i n g to serve as a H a n d i c r a f t Centre The  main reason for t h i s i n t e r v e n t i o n was  administers  t h a t the  and a l l o c a t e s b u i l d i n g funds, but  nevertheless,  question arose.  Council  t h i s example,  i l l u s t r a t e s the p r a c t i c a l i m p o s s i b i l i t y of  body remaining t r u l y autonomous;  l i n e s of communication  necessary for growth, expansion, and, Between these two  i n fact,  any are  for s u r v i v a l .  extreme c a t e g o r i e s , that i s , between the group  160 of communities which f u n c t i o n as arms of the C o u n c i l and which are, nominally  at l e a s t , autonomous, we  those  f i n d such groups  as the Health  Committee and  the Sports Committee, which began  independently  of the C o u n c i l , but which have, i n the  process  of development, become answerable to, and administered  by  the  Council. Though the formation  of committees and  organizations  i s often s t i m u l a t e d by o u t s i d e r s , t h e i r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n management i s g r a d u a l l y being handed over to the  and  Indians.  Outsiders are s t i l l i n v o l v e d , however, and t h e i r s e r v i c e s are s t i l l utilized.  For t h i s reason, the aura of s e l f - a d m i n i s t -  r a t i o n i s to some extent  s u p e r f i c i a l , though i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e  i s undeniably deepening. • I t i s deceptive population  to cover a segmented  such as that of Opasquia with a blanket  "progressive".  One's awareness of t h i s deception  as he becomes conscious l e a d e r s h i p and  term l i k e increases  of the gap which e x i s t s between the  the "people".  T h i s gap i s e s p e c i a l l y evident  i n comparisons between the values, a t t i t u d e s , and way  of  life  of the l e a d e r s h i p core, and of the people l i v i n g i n the more remote areas of the Reserve.  As one would expect, the most  " p r o g r e s s i v e " area of the Reserve i s the one  from which the  l e a d e r s h i p core i s mainly drawn,, the one which I s c l o s e s t to the White community.in the town of The  Pas,  namely Opasquia  West. The  c e n t r a l and most, powerful o r g a n i z a t i o n on  the  Reserve i s the Band C o u n c i l , whose members are e l e c t e d for a s p e c i f i c term of o f f i c e .  Much of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  of  161  Opasquia has passed almost completely Branch to the Band C o u n c i l . attends  from the Indian  Nevertheless,  Affairs  the Indian Agent  C o u n c i l meetings and h i s presence i s anything but  passive.  Advice and i n f o r m a t i o n are often' requested  they are o f f e r e d and, i n some cases, are accepted question.  of him;  without  The Band C o u n c i l i s e s s e n t i a l l y i t s own "boss"  where minor i s s u e s a r e concerned.  I n t e r f e r e n c e by the Indian  A f f a i r s Branch i s great, however, when a major i s s u e a r i s e s . Programs which the Indian A f f a i r s Branch -feels are importantmay be "rammed down the C o u n c i l ' s t h r o a t " before a l l r a m i f i c a t i o n s of the program's acceptance are i n v e s t i g a t e d , e i t h e r by the Government or the Band C o u n c i l . THE The  COMMUNITY PLANNING PROPOSAL  Community Planning Proposal i s a s t r i k i n g  of the implementation of a program without and understanding healthy respect  example  thorough r e c o g n i t i o n  o f the p o s s i b l e consequences, and without f o r those  consequences.  a  The i s s u e of community  planning w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n some d e t a i l because i t provides a s i g n i f i c a n t i l l u s t r a t i o n of programming which c a r r i e s with it  a mixed b l e s s i n g . The  Government i s making a s i n c e r e and honest  effort  to improve the l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s of the Indian on Reserve. i s not d i f f i c u l t  It  to get the Band C o u n c i l to agree to what are  o b v i o u s l y p h y s i c a l improvements.  What a r e not dwelt upon, nor  even mentioned f o r that matter, are the s o c i a l consequences o f e x t e n s i v e l y s h i f t i n g the r e s i d e n c e of many people who are l i v i n g  162 where they a r e l i v i n g The  f o r very s p e c i f i c , though covert  reasons.  long-term r e s u l t s o f what s u p e r f i c i a l l y appears to be a  neat and admirable program c o u l d conceivably be much unhappiness and  costly i n t e r n a l disorder. At present, houses i n Opasquia West, and throughout the  Reserve, a r e s c a t t e r e d i n a seemingly i n s i g n i f i c a n t p a t t e r n o f disarray.  However, the outward appearance o f disorder i s very  deceptive.  The importance o f r e s i d e n c e patterns i n the s o c i a l  o r g a n i z a t i o n o f Opasquia West has been d i s c u s s e d i n the preceding chapter; and nuclear ties.  we have noted that the arrangement of houses  f a m i l i e s i s h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n terms of k i n  (See F i g u r e  6, p.135)  Furthermore, we suggest that the  l i n k between k i n s h i p and r e s i d e n c e p a t t e r n must not be viewed in isolation.  I t s f u l l importance can only be a p p r e c i a t e d i f  we consider the r a m i f i c a t i o n s of the l i n k i n the context of the s o c i a l environment;  we must, f o r example, consider i t s  r o l e i n the observed p a t t e r n s of v i s i t i n g ,  s h a r i n g and  cooperation, and i n c h i l d r e n ' s choice of playmates and play areas.  The observed p a t t e r n o f housing  the l a r g e web of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ; on other  i s one component of i t exerts i t s i n f l u e n c e  components and i s i t s e l f i n f l u e n c e d i n t u r n . The  Community Planning Proposal has been pushed through  and accepted with an eye to the f u t u r e .  Plans have been drawn  up by a Winnipeg company, at the request  of the Indian  Affairs  Branch, to d i r e c t the p o s i t i o n i n g of new homes i n Opasquia West, i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of the eventual i n s t a l l a t i o n o f sewers and waterworks.  In order to make the i n s t a l l a t i o n of these  163 f a c i l i t i e s economically f e a s i b l e , new i n the choice of b u i l d i n g s i t e s . out that i n i t i a l l y , West.  c r i t e r i a must be a p p l i e d .  Earlier,  (p. 35)  we p o i n t e d  p l a n n i n g has been c o n f i n e d to Opasquia  People i n other areas of the Reserve who  are i n t e r e s t e d  i n p a r t a k i n g of sewer and waterworks f a c i l i t i e s w i l l r e q u i r e d to move; Opasquia West may homes.  One  i n addition,  be  families already l i v i n g i n  be r e q u i r e d to s h i f t the l o c a t i o n of t h e i r  informant  ( i n a new  by the couple themselves,  home which was  without  A f f a i r s Branch) presented her  being p a i d f o r  the help of the Indian  predicament,  I s a b e l l e s a i d that when the waterworks and sewers come i n , they w i l l have to move t h e i r house i n order to partake of the f a c i l i t i e s . She doesn't want her house moved, because she and Grant p l a n t e d t r e e s r e c e n t l y . They were going to p l a n t a flower garden during the summer, but put i t o f f when Grant became i l l . These rearrangements appear to be necessary so that s e r v i c e s can be supported and maintained. of .these manoeuvres to  expensive  What are the r e s u l t s  date?  In the plan presented, Opasquia West has been cut i n t o c a r e f u l l y measured l o t s ,  each l o t being adjacent to at l e a s t  one access road of the extensive road network. Winnipeg i n d i c a t e d that an attempt  A planner i n  had been made to superimpose  the plan on the e x i s t i n g p a t t e r n of houses, i n order to d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n which would r e s u l t  minimize  from extensive s h i f t i n g .  i n v e s t i g a t o r a p p r e c i a t e s t h i s w e l l - d i r e c t e d concern and  The  offers  the f o l l o w i n g i n f o r m a t i o n which emerges from the data c o l l e c t e d . There were twenty-one new the summer of 1966;  houses i n Opasquia' West i n  these had been c o n s t r u c t e d i n the preceding  four years under the recent Indian A f f a i r s Branch housing scheme.  16 k In a d d i t i o n , one new  home;  built  f a m i l y had taken a p r i v a t e loan to b u i l d a  three more new  houses were i n the process of being  during that summer.  Of these twenty-five homes, one  group of f i v e stood out as having been a l i g n e d i n a suburbanl o o k i n g row,  with each house set more or l e s s squarely at the  f r o n t of i t s measured l o t . to  t h e i r new  Area;  Four of these f a m i l i e s had moved  homes from e i t h e r B i g Eddy or the Carrot River  the f i f t h had  formerly l i v e d i n a completely  area of Opasquia West, a c r o s s the Reserve road. that although  different  I t i s curious  the o l d house belonging to the f i f t h  f a m i l y had  been given to a married son and h i s young f a m i l y , t h i s son  was,  at  and  the time of census i n t e r v i e w i n g , l i v i n g with h i s Father  s i b l i n g s i n the new Opasquia West was  home;  the o l d house at the other end of  boarded up.  p h y s i c a l p o s i t i o n and,  From the point of view of  i n at l e a s t  four of the f i v e cases, of  s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s as w e l l , these households had been d i s rupted. The  f a m i l i e s who  had moved to Opasquia West from other  areas of the Reserve i n order to take advantage of the  new  f a c i l i t i e s becoming a v a i l a b l e , are the l e a d e r s of a movement which w i l l s u r e l y gain an e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g f o l l o w i n g .  I t would  be a d e l u s i o n to t h i n k that t h i s i n t e r n a l i n t e g r a t i o n w i l l very much e a s i e r than i n t e g r a t i o n between the White and communities.  Indian  We have p r e v i o u s l y s t a t e d that only f i v e house-  holds d i d not have immediate k i n i n Opasquia West. c a n t l y , four of these are i n new in  be  the suburban-looking  Signifi-  homes, and three are l i n e d  row r e f e r r e d to above.  up  Indian o u t s i d e r s  165 are not e a s i l y accepted k n i t community.  One  and made comfortable  informant  i n the c l o s e l y -  s t a t e d that t h i s a p p l i e s even  to women marrying i n t o Opasquia West from other Reserves. C e r t a i n l y , f e e l i n g s expressed toward people i n other Opasquia a r e - o f t e n l e s s than warm and  parts of  f r i e n d l y , as the f o l l o w i n g  f i e l d - n o t e entry r e v e a l s : Kindergarten t h i s year w i l l be h e l d only at B i g Eddy, as the o l d school i s to be converted i n t o o f f i c e s . Mrs. L i n t o n s a i d , "I hate to send them to B i g Eddy". When asked, "Why," she s a i d , "Because of the people there; we v i s i t a couple of f a m i l i e s and t h a t ' s a l l " . — I was unaware of any v i s i t s made to B i g Eddy during my stay.—When asked i f the c h i l d r e n ever get together to play, or for b i r t h d a y p a r t i e s , from the d i f f e r e n t areas of the Reserve, she answered, "No". TABLE XX g i v e s some i n d i c a t i o n of the movement which has  occurred  to date.  moved i n t o new  pattern l i n k .  of the f a m i l i e s i n new  The  We  might add that 2Z+ percent  homes i n the area are " s t r a n g e r s " to  t h e i r k i n t i e s i n Opasquia West are  to i n d i v i d u a l s who Reserve.  have  homes have r e c e i v e d a severe blow to t h e i r  kinship-residence  Opasquia West;  About h a l f of the f a m i l i e s who  confined  have a l s o moved i n from other p a r t s of the  Many more r e l a t i v e s have undoubtedly been l e f t  percentage of " s t r a n g e r s " i n Opasquia West, from  behind.  other  p a r t s of the Reserve, i s bound to i n c r e a s e as more people choose to partake of the s e r v i c e s which w i l l be a v a i l a b l e t h e r e . So i t seems l i k e l y  that r e p e r c u s s i o n s  w i l l be f e l t both from•  the i n t e r n a l movements of l o n g - e s t a b l i s h e d r e s i d e n t s of Opasquia West, and  from the movement i n t o Opasquia West of  " s t r a n g e r s " to the area. be,  remains to be  seen.  Just what these r e p e r c u s s i o n s  will  166  The  s i t u a t i o n which has a r i s e n i s as f o l l o w s :  Community Planning Proposal 'was  A  prepared at the i n s t i g a t i o n of  the Indian A f f a i r s Branch, but with the approval of the Band Council.  The plan was  presented.  I t had the appearance of an  i d e a l i z e d White m i d d l e - c l a s s suburban community.  Houses,  p l a c e d on measured l o t s were a c c e s s i b l e by a network of roads; the plans looked very p r e t t y with brown roads, blue houses and a transparent o v e r l a y of sewer and waterworks systems.  The  economic advantages were dwelt upon and, not s u r p r i s i n g l y , o p p o s i t i o n was  voiced.  No thought was  no  given, nor word spoken  r e g a r d i n g the s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and the change, i n character of the community which w i l l i n e v i t a b l y be consequences of the program's  implementation.  I f s e l f - a d m i n i s t r a t i o n were a r e a l i t y , and i f i t were allowed.to evolve more n a t u r a l l y , perhaps the Band C o u n c i l would have concluded that sewers and running water were not worth the r e s u l t a n t s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , or perhaps a  way  c o u l d have been found to i n s t a l l the s e r v i c e s while m a i n t a i n i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l r e s i d e n t i a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n . In any case, though s e l f - a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s i n some s i t u a t i o n s a r e a l i t y , the "progressive", which i s used to d e s c r i b e Opasquia, those s i t u a t i o n s i n which the r u l e i s compliance r a t h e r than c r e a t i v e  self-administration.  term  includes and  conformity,  167 TABLE XX LOCATION OF NEW HOMES RELATIVE TO SPECIFIED LOTS ON THE COMMUNITY PLANNING PROPOSAL—FORMER RESIDENCE OF THESE HOUSEHOLDS, AND AN ASSESSMENT OF DISRUPTION OF RESIDENCE PATTERN-KINSHIP LINKS 21  New homes, w i t h i n .lot boundaries on the plan  1 - 2 3  Former place of r e s i d e n c e  Disruption of r e s i d e n c e pattern-kinship l i n k  Big  Eddy  yes  Big  Eddy  yes  Big  Eddy  yes  k  Carrot River Area  yes  5 6  Carrot River Area  yes  Next door, with parents  no  7  husband's  Next door, with husband's parents who were about to move to a new home, across the Reserve road*  yes  8  In an o l d house next d o o r — now used f o r storage  no  9  In an o l d house next d o o r — now i n h a b i t e d by non-kin  no  10  In an o l d house next d o o r — now i n h a b i t e d by a son and h i s young f a m i l y  no  11  With husband's parents who l i v e a c r o s s the Reserve r o a d  yes  12  In an o l d house across the Reserve r o a d — n e x t door to one son, and not f a r from a second  yes  13  Unknown  unknown  Ik  In an o l d house across the Reserve r o a d — n e a r a m a r r i e d s o n . — T h e o l d house was given to a second son who, at the time of the i n t e r v i e w , was l i v i n g with h i s wife and f a m i l y i n h i s parents new house  yes  3  168 TABLE XX  New homes, not w i t h i n l o t bounda r i e s on the plan  (continued)  Disruption of r e s i d e n c e pattern-kinship l i n k  Former place of r e s i d e n c e  15  Unknown—but h i s parents and her Mother l i v e d i r e c t l y opposite, a c r o s s the Reserve road  no  16  In an o l d house next  no  17  On the C.N.R. l i n e — n o w next door to husband's parents  New homes i n O.E. across Hwy. 1 0 ~ o f f the plan c  i  door  no  Disruption of r e s i d e n c e pattern-kinship l i n k  Former place of r e s i d e n c e  18  Unknown  19  In O.W., near wife's family, now adjacent to husband's family  yes and no  20  In an o l d house next  no  Straddling two l o t s on the plan  unknown c  door  Former place of r e s i d e n c e  Disruption' of r e s i d e n c e pattern-kinship l i n k  21  With husband's parents i n another part o f O.W.—now has s i b l i n g s nearby, however  no  22  In an o l d house next d o o r — now near husband's brother  no  23  Unknown—now very near husband's mother and brother  no  In an o l d house, now l i v e d i n by husband's f a t h e r ' s b r o t h e r — not f a r from u n c l e s , and adjacent to husband's mother  no  2  ^  169 TABLE XX  New homes, w i t h i n the plan, but not on a l o t — i n an open area 25  , •  (continued)  Former place of r e s i d e n c e  Carrot R i v e r Area  Disruption of residence pattern-kinship l i n k yes  ^ h e term " d i s r u p t i o n " i s being used simply to i n d i c a t e whether or not t h e . f a m i l y has been separated from k i n by t h e i r move to a new IAB house. I t should be p o i n t e d out that houses which are not now s i t u a t e d w i t h i n l o t boundaries on the plan may have to be moved when the sewer and waterworks f a c i l i t i e s , which are a part of the Community Planning Proposal, are i n t r o d u c e d . b F a m i l i e s about to move i n t o houses which were i n the l a s t stages of c o n s t r u c t i o n have been treated' as though they had a l r e a d y moved. 0.W. i s used as an a b b r e v i a t i o n for Opasquia West, O.E.,—Opasquia E a s t . C  170 ORGANIZATIONS AND COMMITTEES The Band C o u n c i l and i t s Sub-Committees Apart  from major i s s u e s such as community  however, day-to-day decision-making i s q u i t e p r a c t i c a l l y as w e l l as n o m i n a l l y — i n Council.  firmly—and  the hands o f the Band  There a r e nine C o u n c i l l o r s , i n c l u d i n g the Chief and  a Chairman; and  planning,  a l l nine are male.  An e l e c t i o n f o r a new Chief  C o u n c i l l o r s i s h e l d every two years.  Apparently, the  e l e c t i o n f o r Chief i s l a r g e l y a p o p u l a r i t y c o n t e s t . no  e l e c t i o n platform, and no speech-making.  There i s  The u n i v e r s i t y  student  expressed her f e e l i n g s about the recent  election for  Chief;  she was rather s u r p r i s e d at the choice but' s a i d ,  He comes from the people. There i s . n o such t h i n g as a n a t u r a l l e a d e r . There i s , r a t h e r , s i l e n t consent by the community; a leader i s r a i s e d by the people. T h i s a n a l y s i s seemed p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p r o p r i a t e r e g a r d to the current C h i e f . one  never heard him expressing  with  He was a very n e u t r a l person; strong o p i n i o n s .  He was i n no  sense a dynamic l e a d e r , but r a t h e r a go-between, the k i n d of person who could represent personal  the C o u n c i l , without a l l o w i n g h i s  f e e l i n g s to become i n v o l v e d .  older members o f the C o u n c i l .  He was a l s o one o f the  (The present  Chief i s one of the  younger members and, although he i s l i k e l y to be more o p i n i o n a t e d than h i s predecessor, any  he i s , n e v e r t h e l e s s ,  not a s s o c i a t e d  with  s i n g l e f a c t i o n , and c o u l d a l s o be termed a n e u t r a l f i g u r e -  head.) other  The job of Chief i s e s s e n t i a l l y the same as that of the Councillors;  he g e n e r a l l y does not vote at C o u n c i l  171 meetings, however.  The  chairmanship of. the Band C o u n c i l  had  been given over to the Indians by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch i n 1963.  In 1966,  the Indian A f f a i r s Branch had  o f f e r e d to  hand over a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Revenue Account to the Band. The  Band had  d e c l i n e d the o f f e r as they had no q u a l i f i e d book-  keeper or accountant to handle the account. no w r i t t e n c o n s t i t u t i o n or d u t i e s . f i v e committees under the ' The was  informants).  has  There were e s s e n t i a l l y  four or f i v e members (there  i n the i n f o r m a t i o n given by  I t seems that the Health  f u n c t i o n i s to r a i s e funds to pay drugs, and  Council  j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Band Council..  Health Committee has  a discrepancy  The  different  Committee's main  for g l a s s e s , t e e t h ,  t r i p s i n t o town to see the doctor.  by h o l d i n g a weekly Bingo at the H a l l .  The  occasional  Funds are r a i s e d  Committee a l s o  sponsors a p r i z e for the best kept s a n i t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s . The  Housing Committee has a membership of f o u r .  When  a f a m i l y wants a new  house, i t makes a p p l i c a t i o n to the Band  Council.  the Band r e c e i v e s a housing grant  Each year,  the F e d e r a l Government; year to year. that i s , how and  The  the amount may  C o u n c i l decides how  many l a r g e and how  chooses the f a m i l i e s who  from  vary g r e a t l y from to a l l o t  the money,  many small houses to b u i l d ,  w i l l r e c e i v e new  homes.  (See  pp.87-88) In- the summer of 1966, was  i n existence.  The  a H a n d i c r a f t Advisory  C o u n c i l had  o r i g i n a l l y been  by the Indian A f f a i r s "Branch and was F r i e n d s h i p Centre;  Council administered  l a t e r taken over by  the  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y then passed to the Band  172 Council.  The f u n c t i o n of t h i s C o u n c i l was to look a f t e r the  planning  and b u i l d i n g o f a H a n d i c r a f t  Centre.  The Advisory  C o u n c i l was to disband when t h i s goal had been accomplished. The  Handicraft  G u i l d i t s e l f i s not run by the Band C o u n c i l .  I t i s an autonomous f e d e r a t i o n of a r t i s a n s who have bandedtogether mainly t o f a c i l i t a t e the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f merchandise. The  G u i l d a l s o serves t o maintain the a r t o f h a n d i c r a f t produc-  tion. who  When the o r g a n i z a t i o n  was formed, the merchants i n town  deal i n h a n d i c r a f t s were unhappy, because they regarded  the G u i l d as competition.  S e v e r a l women who had already  e s t a b l i s h e d business r e l a t i o n s h i p s with these merchants have maintained t h e i r former t i e s , and have not j o i n e d the  Guild.  Informants s t a t e d t h a t women who j o i n e d the H a n d i c r a f t 'Guild d i d so because they get more work that way. has  Also,  the G u i l d  the advantage o f being able to buy beads and other sup-  p l i e s i n bulk, thereby lowering the p r i c e s o f these The  H a l l Committee has four members.  materials.  The Committee  i s i n charge o f r e n t i n g the H a l l for Bingo, dances, and meetings.  I t i s also responsible  for keeping the H a l l i n  good r e p a i r . The responsible any  S p o r t s Committee has a membership o f f i v e and i s for s p o r t i n g events on the Reserve.  games i n v o l v i n g the f o l l o w i n g teams:  This  includes  L i t t l e League, Pony  League, Women's S o f t b a l l , Men's Soccer, and Men's H a r d b a l l . The  S p o r t s Committee sponsors the Annual S p o r t s Day.  Recreation  A  Commission had been formed i n 19&5 which i n v o l v e d  the town o f The Pas,  the L o c a l Government D i s t r i c t , and The  173 Pas Indian Band.  I t r e c e i v e d support from the F i t n e s s and  Amateur S p o r t s Branch'of  the P r o v i n c i a l . Government.  The  Sports Committee had been mainly r e s p o n s i b l e f o r l i a i s o n with the Commission s i n c e i t s formation although,, of the four r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s on the Commission from the Reserve, member was a l s o on the Sports Committee.  Other  only one  Reserve  r e s i d e n t s on the Commission i n c l u d e d the M i n i s t e r , and two young boys i n t h e i r e a r l y twenties who were not o f t e n around (both were at boarding s c h o o l ) .  During the summer of 1 9 6 5 ,  the Band had h i r e d a R e c r e a t i o n D i r e c t o r .  In 1 9 6 6 , a D i r e c t o r  had been h i r e d by the Commission, and a Swimming I n s t r u c t o r ,had been h i r e d by the Lions. Club.  These i n d i v i d u a l s had  p r o v i d e d a s e r v i c e f o r the Town and the D i s t r i c t , as w e l l as f o r the Band.  The R e c r e a t i o n D i r e c t o r had i n s t i g a t e d a  Summer Day Camp Program and a Pioneer Club f o r o l d people. These programs appear to have had a l i m i t e d success on the Reserve.  I t seems that the Day Camp was not t e r r i b l y  suc-  c e s s f u l , and reasons such as the f o l l o w i n g were given: The c h i l d r e n wanted to go swimming and the Day Camp had not made p r o v i s i o n f o r t a k i n g them to the pool i n town. They would not comply with the c h i l d r e n ' s requests to be taken to the p o o l . I f they had agreed, they would have been more s u c c e s s f u l i n o r g a n i z i n g other a c t i v i t i e s . These, then, a r e the Committees which f u n c t i o n as arms of the Band C o u n c i l , and which run the a f f a i r s of the Band. There are other o r g a n i z a t i o n s , however, which are an i n t e g r a l part of the p o l i t i c a l , l i f e of the Reserve, although they are not d i r e c t l y administered by the Band.  The most important  o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t h i s group i s the Indian-M6tis  F r i e n d s h i p Centre.  17k Other  Organizations The F r i e n d s h i p Centre i s run by an executive body of  six;  three of these people,  Treasurer  are from Town.  the P r e s i d e n t , S e c r e t a r y , and  The V i c e P r e s i d e n t , D i r e c t o r , and  Program Chairman are from the Reserve.• The two permanent, p a i d , s t a f f members of the F r i e n d s h i p Centre are the D i r e c t o r and another male who does not h o l d an o f f i c i a l t i t l e d p o s i t i o n and whose s t a t u s i n the Centre c o u l d not, apparently, be defined, but who does a mammoth job a t the Centre. Caretaker,  P u b l i c R e l a t i o n s O f f i c e r , and g e n e r a l l y sees that  t h i n g s run smoothly.  The Centre i s supported  by a P r o v i n c i a l  Government grant and a F e d e r a l Government grant. it  He i s  r e c e i v e s a grant  from the Band C o u n c i l as w e l l .  .also r a i s e d by the F u n d - r a i s i n g Committee.  Some years Money i s  The D i r e c t o r had,  i n 1966, h e l d h i s p o s i t i o n f o r a year, and s t a t e d that he was still " F e e l i n g my way." He sees the u l t i m a t e job of the Centre as a means o f i n t e g r a t i n g the Indian and White communities. "But", he says, " I t can't be done a l l a t once. You must go i n s t e p s . I n t e g r a t i o n i s a very delicate thing". The  F r i e n d s h i p Centre i s run by four committees.  The  F u n d - r a i s i n g Committee has ten members, f i v e from the Reserve and  f i v e from Town.  The funds r a i s e d are used f o r programming.  F u n d - r a i s i n g a c t i v i t i e s i n c l u d e an Annual F a l l R a f f l e , the cosponsoring  o f a.queen candidate  i n some years, a v a r i e t y show;  f o r the Trapper's F e s t i v a l , and there are other minor a c t i v i t i e s  as w e l l . Members of the Program' Committee i n c l u d e d nine  Indians  ;  and he  four Town r e s i d e n t s . few and f a r between.  175  The programs seemed, a t that time, to The only one mentioned by the D i r e c t o r ,  when s p e c i f i c a l l y questioned  on t h i s p o i n t , was the r a f f l e -  drawing party, though i t i s known that he had a l s o j u s t s t a r t e d an A l c o h o l Education  Program.  On another occasion, he mentioned  that he was e s p e c i a l l y pleased that pre-kindergarten been organized b y the woman P r e s i d e n t Centre as i t s base;  c l a s s e s had  from Town, u s i n g the '  c l a s s e s were attended  by White and Metis  children. The  t h i r d Committee i s B u i l d i n g and Finance.  This  Committee had a membership of four, with the Reserve M i n i s t e r as Chairman, and three other members from Town. was i n charge of a d m i n i s t e r i n g  T h i s Committee  the Centre's funds, keeping the  b u i l d i n g i n good r e p a i r , and l o o k i n g i n t o the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of a c q u i r i n g a new b u i l d i n g .  They were c o n s i d e r i n g the purchase  of an o l d house which c o u l d be converted The  to s u i t t h e i r needs.  P u b l i c R e l a t i o n s Committee was made up of one  Reserve r e s i d e n t and three people from Town.  I t s main f u n c t i o n  was to put out the F r i e n d s h i p Centre newspaper, The Birchbark Mail.  The D i r e c t o r o f the Centre was o c c a s i o n a l l y c a l l e d upon  to speak at meetings of o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the Lions the School Board, and the Parent-Teachers' A s s o c i a t i o n .  Club, It i s  p o s s i b l e t h a t these speaking ./engagements were arranged by the P u b l i c R e l a t i o n s Committee. The  F r i e n d s h i p Centre p l a y s a major r o l e i n the p o l i t i c a l  l i f e of the Band.  The b u i l d i n g i t s e l f was c o n s t a n t l y i n use f o r  meetings, i n c l u d i n g a l l Band C o u n c i l meetings.  Sporting  176 a c t i v i t i e s , though they were nominally  organized by "the Band,  appeared always to emanate from the F r i e n d s h i p Centre.  In f a c t ,  the boys' b a s e b a l l teams were coached by the second s t a f f member of the Centre;  Band a c t i v i t i e s and F r i e n d s h i p Centre  Programs are i n e x t r i c a b l y interwoven.  The second storey of  the b u i l d i n g had provided accommodation during the summer f o r the Swimming I n s t r u c t o r and the Recreation  Director.  munity a c t i v i t i e s , and e s p e c i a l l y the p o l i t i c a l  A l l com-  administration  of the Band, then, appeared to be based i n the F r i e n d s h i p Centre. greater  I t could, however, have been u t i l i z e d to a much extent  for children's a c t i v i t i e s .  No doubt the s i t u -  a t i o n , as described, has changed to some degree by now, as a new b u i l d i n g was r e q u i r e d t o house the F r i e n d s h i p A l s o , the conversion  o f The Pas Indian Day School,  Centre. the Reserve  School which had been abandoned when school i n t e g r a t i o n was enforced, The  v/as to i n c l u d e an o f f i c e f o r Band a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  Indians,  however, were not happy with the t i n y space i n  the basement which had been a l l o t t e d to them on the plans. i s p o s s i b l e , t h e r e f o r e , that, a t present,  It  there i s greater  s e p a r a t i o n between Band and F r i e n d s h i p Centre a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , a questionable  achievement as l i n e s of communication  undoubtedly be broken to some degree. ever,  will  As we s h a l l see, how-  the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e core of both i s drawn from the same  small p o o l , so that the d i s r u p t i o n of l i n e s of communication would be minimal. To complete a p i c t u r e of the p o l i t i c a l of the Reserve, we must b r i e f l y  organization  describe the r e l i g i o u s  o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n Opasquia West, as t h e i r p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e  177 i s not i n c o n s i d e r a b l e .  The  most a c t i v e group i s the Women's  A u x i l i a r y , with an executive  of e i g h t .  A second o r g a n i z a t i o n ,  known as the W i l l i n g Workers, has an executive V e s t r y i s administered  by a group of seven men,  of four. and i s i n  charge of l o o k i n g a f t e r the a f f a i r s of the Church. Anglican  The  The  Young People's A s s o c i a t i o n i s for young people up  to the age  of nineteen  s i z e of i t s executive,  or twenty. but  I am not  c e r t a i n of the  do know that the two  p r e v i o u s l y mentioned i n connection  young boys  with the Sports  Commission  were both members. The  l a s t a s s o c i a t i o n to be  d e a l t with i s the Guiding •  A s s o c i a t i o n , which i s i n some ways a male counterpart Handicraft The  G u i l d , though i t was  A s s o c i a t i o n was  There was slowly  little  fees.  cohesion i n the group, and i t seemed to be One  should be given a course.  informant f e l t Apparently, one  that i t s members of the reasons for  that some members were charging  others i n the A s s o c i a t i o n . have any  not n e a r l y so s u c c e s s f u l .  formed, e s s e n t i a l l y , to standardize  f a l l i n g apart.  the breakup was  to the  The  men  d i d not,  lower fees than  however, appear to  d i f f i c u l t y g e t t i n g c l i e n t s , a f a c t o r which, i f the  s i t u a t i o n had been l e s s f a v o r a b l e , might have kept A s s o c i a t i o n together. be a good one,  as one  the  In f a c t , t h e i r g u i d i n g r e p u t a t i o n must of the men  spent s e v e r a l days as a  hunting guide to Werner von Braun during the autumn.  178  DEMOCRATIC PROCEDURES AND LOCUS OF POWER  THE  An a n a l y s i s o f the composition of committees r e l i g i o u s ) i s quite informative.  (excluding  The fourteen executive com-  mittees o u t l i n e d above are composed of a t o t a l of twenty-seven Band members.  Nine people appear on three or more committees;  of these, seven are from Opasquia West, one i s from B i g Eddy, and one from Opasquia East. the Chief, who to the highway.  The member from Opasquia East  was  l i v e d i n the group of houses immediately adjacent Four people appeared on two committees;  three  were' from Opasquia West and one, I think from Opasquia East, though I am not c e r t a i n . two committees.  In a d d i t i o n , the M i n i s t e r served on  Fourteen people served on one committee  only;  eleven of these were r e s i d e n t s of Opasquia West, two were from B i g Eddy, and one from Carrot R i v e r .  Approximately ten people  from the Town of The Pas were i n v o l v e d on committees having to do with the F r i e n d s h i p Centre and the R e c r e a t i o n  Commission.  I t i s evident that the l e a d e r s h i p core of the Band i s drawn from Opasquia West.  In f a c t , 8 5 . 1 percent of  members are from Opasquia West. Officer  The Community  committee  Development  f e l t that one or two people at the very core of the  p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e were becoming importance.  obsessed w i t h t h e i r  own  He c r i t i c i s e d one leader f o r wanting to do every-  t h i n g h i m s e l f and f o r not i n v o l v i n g the people, saying, T h i s i s how they become with too much power. One of the b i g s o c i a l problems here i s that the l e a d e r s h i p i s p r o g r e s s i n g f a s t e r than the people. They are not t a k i n g the people along with them, and t h i s they must do both for general progress, and to maintain t h e i r own p o s i t i o n s as l e a d e r s .  179 T h i s a n a l y s i s i s p o s s i b l y a l i t t l e harsh, though i t i s true that the l e a d e r s h i p core i s more s o p h i s t i c a t e d than the "masses". I t i s , however, impossible to e s t a b l i s h which i s the cause and which the e f f e c t . Meetings a r e run q u i t e r e l i g i o u s l y on Parliamentary Procedure.  A Winnipeg. Indian, whose wife i s from Opasquia, i n  a d i s c u s s i o n on p o l i t i c a l and l e g a l matters s a i d t h i s of democracy, T r a d i t i o n a l l y , band c o u n c i l s required 100 percent agreement on an i s s u e before a c t i o n would be taken. I f one person disagreed, the others would t r y to convince him of t h e i r point of view. Now they a r e r e q u i r e d t o use Parliamentary Procedure, the m a j o r i t y r u l e s , but they a r e not happy doing i t t h a t way. T h i s statement  o f a change from T r a d i t i o n a l t o Parliamentary  Democracy was s u b s t a n t i a t e d by the Bishop's Messenger.  She  spoke o f the Women's A u x i l i a r y e l e c t i o n s , which she had attended the day before our c o n v e r s a t i o n took p l a c e . Apparently, the e l e c t i o n s took a l l a f t e r n o o n . The women were very meticulous about s t i c k i n g to Parliamentary Procedure. There were enough p o s i t i o n s so that everyone had some job to do. Then she r e l a t e d the very charming procedure which had been formerly adhered  to.  E l e c t i o n s a r e now c a r r i e d out by s e c r e t b a l l o t ; i n the past, however, the women would j u s t have a l i s t of the candidates running, and each woman would w r i t e her own name under that of the candidate of her c h o i c e . As the paper came round, people'would t a l l y up the number of votes for. each candidate. They a l l knew which o f the women would gain each p o s i t i o n , and who they wanted, but i n order t o i n s u r e that the other women running had a r e s p e c t a b l e number of votes, some names were always p l a c e d under each candidates name. In t h i s way no-one's f e e l i n g s were h u r t , and no-one was i n s u l t e d .  180 To conclude, the percentage  of the p o p u l a t i o n who are  a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d , or at l e a s t i n t e r e s t e d i n Band p o l i t i c s , can perhaps be i n d i c a t e d by p r e s e n t i n g a t a l l y of the number of people who voted i n the l a s t Council.  e l e c t i o n f o r C h i e f and Band  Of 351 v o t e r s , 134 people voted, and 217  Of those who voted, at l e a s t eighty-two,  or 61.2  the t o t a l , were r e s i d e n t s of Opasquia West.  d i d not.  percent of  We could not  a b s o l u t e l y f i x the p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e of each v o t e r , so that the 6 l . 2 percent r e p r e s e n t s a minimum f i g u r e .  181  Cha.pt er 6 FORMAL The importance  EDUCATION  of education i s i n c r e a s i n g l y being  r e c o g n i z e d by the Indians of Opasquia West and e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s are beginning to be taken advantage o f .  This  i s p a r t l y due to the p o s i t i v e e f f o r t being made by the Government to s e l l  education to the Indian;  i n order to make  t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g a r e a l i s t i c and p r a c t i c a l p r o p o s i t i o n , w i t h i n the reach of every i n d i v i d u a l , the Government o f f e r s grants of s e v e n t y - f i v e to e i g h t y - f i v e d o l l a r s per week, depending on the student's circumstances, on t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g courses.  f o r those  embarking  To q u a l i f y f o r entrance to a  V o c a t i o n a l T r a i n i n g I n s t i t u t e , a student must have a t t a i n e d a Grade 10-11  High School education.  As many students  initially  leave school at about age s i x t e e n , or with approximately Grade 8 l e v e l of education, upgrading i n s t i t u t e d to b r i d g e the gap. about seventy-one upgrading  course.  a  courses have been  Students r e c e i v e grants of  d o l l a r s per week, when they e n r o l l i n an TABLE XXI, which presents the e d u c a t i o n a l  l e v e l achieved by the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n , i l l u s t r a t e s that young a d u l t s are s t a y i n g i n s c h o o l longer than d i d t h e i r parents.  We  see that the 21-25  age-group have completed  an  182 TABLE XXI FORMAL EDUCATION OF ADULT POPULATION  Age-group  Average number o f Grades completed  Number o f i n d i v i d u a l s on which c a l c u l a t i o n s were based 9  21-25  8.2  23  26-35  6.6  27  36-45  3.7  16  46-55  4.4  16  56-65  4.6  5  the a d u l t  The formal e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l i s unknown f o r a t h i r d of population.  183  average of 8 . 2 Grades w h i l e the 5 6 - 6 5 age-group completed an average of 4.6 Grades.  I t i s important  to r e a l i z e that f i g u r e s  showing the number of Grades completed are not to be w i t h the number of y e a r s at s c h o o l . r e c o r d of the younger c h i l d r e n , we s c h o o l and have r e p e a t e d  Grades;  equated  When we l o o k at the see t h a t many are b e h i n d i n  we  can assume t h a t the same  a p p l i e d to the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n r e f e r r e d to above. L e t us f i r s t l o o k at the u p g r a d i n g and t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g s i t u a t i o n of a d u l t s and young a d u l t s who school.  From t h i s vantage p o i n t we  have q u i t  can l o o k back t o  see  whether the c h i l d r e n are f o l l o w i n g the p a t t e r n s e t by the a d u l t s . UPGRADING AND I t was  TECHNICAL TRAINING  e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t eleven people had taken  up-  g r a d i n g , or were i n the p r o c e s s of t a k i n g , or at l e a s t cons i d e r i n g , an upgrading course. females,  F i v e , t h r e e males and  were between the ages of 17 and 2 1 , f o u r , t h r e e  males and'one female, were 2 2 - 2 9 , kl  two  respectively.  and two males, aged 33  (See TABLE X X I I )  and  These f i g u r e s are p o s s i b l y  not complete but, i n any case, they i n d i c a t e t h a t a number of young people are i n t e r e s t e d i n a c q u i r i n g t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g , presumably w i t h a secure and w e l l - p a i d job as the u l t i m a t e g o a l . S i x males, between the ages of 23 and 3 3 , had comp l e t e d , or were about t o b e g i n t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g . a d d i t i o n , a 2 3 - y e a r - o l d m a r r i e d man, was  In  with three c h i l d r e n ,  i n Winnipeg t a k i n g t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g ;  one  26-year-  o l d male had taken a p a i n t i n g course i n Winnipeg;  one  184 19-year-old male had completed  technical training.  between the ages of 18  had taken, or were c o n s i d e r i n g  technical training.  and 21,  One of these g i r l s had begun a h a i r d r e s s i n g  course i n Winnipeg, but had not completed  22-50 had  women between the ages of training  Five g i r l s ,  the course.  Four  had some form of t e c h n i c a l  (one had taken s e c r e t a r i a l t r a i n i n g as p a r t of her  High School s t u d i e s ) , or were c o n s i d e r i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of taking technical training.  T h i s b r i n g s the t o t a l number of .  people i n v o l v e d i n upgrading  or t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g , or a t l e a s t  c o n s i d e r i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of embarking on such programs to twenty-nine.  (See TABLE XXIII)  In a d d i t i o n , one very unusual at u n i v e r s i t y .  f a m i l y had two c h i l d r e n  A 26-year-old married son, with two c h i l d r e n ,  had been to Teacher's  C o l l e g e , and was now a t the U n i v e r s i t y  of Saskatchewan, i n second-year  Arts.  A 24-year-old  daughter  was a R e g i s t e r e d Nurse and was a l s o at the U n i v e r s i t y of Saskatchewan, i n second-year  Science.  P u b l i c Health Nurse f o r a year. at home, on the Reserve;  She had p r a c t i c e d as a  A 23-year-old son was l i v i n g  he had taken a one-year course i n  Winnipeg a f t e r Grade 11 and was a q u a l i f i e d Health Inspector, working  f o r the Indian Health S e r v i c e s i n The Pas.  difficult  to assess the reasons  e d u c a t i o n a l achievement.  It i s  for t h i s family's exceptional  The Father was a handyman with the  Northern Health S e r v i c e s and the Mother had taken a t h r e e month course, and was working going from door-to-door,  as a Community Health Worker,  checking on newborn i n f a n t s , and  seeing that o l d people were talcing t h e i r p r e s c r i b e d medications.  185 TABLE X X I I UPGRADING  Age  Grade completed  Talcing upgrading  Has t a k e n upgrading  Considering upgrading  Males  25  7 7 8' 10  26  3  29  ?  33  9  17 19 21  X X X X  (technical training as w e l l ) X X  ( i f job doesn't come t h r o u g h ) X  (2 y r s . a g o ,  then worked, now t o r e t u r n to upgrading)  41  7  X  Females  18 18  8  24  9  X X X  186 TABLE XXIII TECHNICAL  Age  TRAINING  Grade completed  Training Males  19  11  Has completed t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g (area of t r a i n i n g unknown)  23  10  Mechanic  23  11  Completed a one-year course i n W i n n i p e g — i s now a q u a l i f i e d Health Inspector  23  In Winnipeg  taking technical  24 24  10  To take t e c h n i c a l  24 26  11 12  Mechanic  26  8 10  33  training  To take a machine operator's course  *  training  Went to Teacher's T r a i n i n g C o l l e g e — p r e s e n t l y at the Univ. of Sask. i n 2nd year A r t s Took a p a i n t i n g course i n Winnipeg  '  Mechanic, a l s o went to a T h e o l o g i c a l College for one year Females  18 20  10  20  10  Had been t a k i n g a h a i r d r e s s i n g course i n Winnipeg, but r e t u r n e d home without completing the course  21  10  Had completed a h a i r d r e s s i n g course i n Winnipeg,  21  • 10 or 12  9  Going to y/innipeg to take a course Was supposed to take a w a i t r e s s i n g course at the new l o c a l V o c a t i o n a l T r a i n i n g C o l l e g e ; had not yet r e c e i v e d money to buy books, and was too shy to r e t u r n to c l a s s e s without them  T h i n k i n g of t a k i n g nurse's t r a i n i n g  187 TABLE XXIII  Age  Grade completed  (continued)  Training  2 if  12  I s a R e g i s t e r e d Nurse ( t r a i n e d i n W i n n i p e g — p r e s e n t l y at the Univ. of Sask.. i n 2nd year Science  25  12  Took s e c r e t a r i a l t r a i n i n g at High School  27  10  Has worked as a Nurse's Aide (? q u a l i f i e d )  38  8  Taking a course i n the women's j a i l where she works,—would l i k e to t r a i n as a P r a c t i c a l Nurse  50  8  Took a three-month t r a i n i n g course i n 1962 at Norway H o u s e , — i s now a Community Health Worker  188 She appeared t o be the d r i v i n g f o r c e i n the -family, and i t was obvious that her expectations were high when she s a i d one day, "That w i l l be Dr. Warren," p o i n t i n g to her 15-month-old grandaughter,—the  i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d of a 20-year-old  Mrs. Warren had assumed care o f the baby.  daughter;  I t i s illuminating  that Mrs. Warren was the only woman seen to t a l k c o n s t a n t l y to a small c h i l d . The  t h i r t y - o n e people mentioned above represent only  a small percentage population.  of the t o t a l a d u l t and young-adult  The m a j o r i t y of a d u l t s are without  technical  t r a i n i n g , and have achieved only a low l e v e l of education, g e n e r a l l y not beyond J u n i o r High School. above, however, do i n d i c a t e an encouraging  The f i g u r e s beginning.  presented A more  general survey o f the e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l achieved by the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n , based on eighty-seven i n d i v i d u a l s , appears on TABLE XXI. SCHOOL CHILDREN Let us now assess the s i t u a t i o n of 157 school c h i l d r e n . T h i s f i g u r e i n c l u d e s nineteen k i n d e r g a r t e n c h i l d r e n , not a l l of whom a t t e n d with any r e g u l a r i t y .  Eighteen c h i l d r e n are at  boarding school and the remaining 120 a r e i n the i n t e g r a t e d schools i n The Pas. school?  How are the l a t t e r c h i l d r e n f a r i n g at  The c h i l d ' s Grade was unknown i n seven  cases.  Of the  remaining 104 c h i l d r e n , t h i r t y were i n the c o r r e c t Grade for t h e i r age—assuming that they begin Grade 1 a t age 6, and spend one year i n each Grade t h e r e a f t e r ;  nine of these c h i l d r e n were  189 6 - y e a r - o l d s i n Grade 1 . ungraded.  E i g h t y c h i l d r e n ,were behind, or  More than h a l f of these c h i l d r e n ( f o r t y - s e v e n ) were  one year behind. years behind.  A f u r t h e r twenty-nine were two to three  TABLE XXV g i v e s the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the remaining  seven c h i l d r e n .  Of the eighteen c h i l d r e n i n boarding  the grading o f only nine was e s t a b l i s h e d .  Of these, only one  c h i l d was i n the c o r r e c t Grade f o r h i s age. of  the remaining  school,  The d i s t r i b u t i o n  eight c h i l d r e n i s shown on TABLE XXV; the  number of years f a i l e d ranges from one to f o u r . The very high percentage of f a i l e d school years i s , no doubt, a f a c t o r i n causing c h i l d r e n to leave school a t an e a r l y age;  t h e i r s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e dwindles with  repeated  f a i l u r e , school i s a s s o c i a t e d with f a i l u r e and l o s s o f s e l f respect;  they a r e unhappy and d i s i l l u s i o n e d , and so leave  school t o r e t u r n home where, as young c h i l d r e n , they were nurtured, loved, valued, and happy. l e a v i n g deserves  closer attention.  The s u b j e c t o f s c h o o l When do c h i l d r e n leave  school and what percentage of them do leave as soon as they p o s s i b l y can? The age of 13 i s the e a r l i e s t recorded age o f s c h o o l leaving. of  We w i l l ,  t h e r e f o r e , d i s c u s s the e d u c a t i o n a l p o s i t i o n  the p o p u l a t i o n i n the 1 3 - 2 0 age-group.  t h i r t y - t h r e e males and t h i r t y - o n e f e m a l e s .  T h i s group i n c l u d e d 1  Of the t h i r t y -  The e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n which f a l l s w i t h i n t h i s agegroup i s counted, i n c l u d i n g those away a t boarding school or elsewhere, and those who are married and on the Reserve.  190  TABLE XXIV GENERAL SURVEY OF SCHOLASTIC STANDING OF SCHOOL CHILDREN Scholastic  standing  Kindergarten  Number o f children 19 a  R e s i d e n t i a l and i n t e g r a t e d S c h o o l s \  1.  C o r r e c t Grade  31  2.  I n c o r r e c t Grade  87  3.  Ahead  3  4.  Ungraded  1  5.  Grade Unknown  Total  16 157  ^ h i s number r e p r e s e n t s those c h i l d r e n whose age makes them e l i g i b l e f o r k i n d e r g a r t e n ; not a l l a t t e n d , however. Grade 1.  b,T h i s f i g u r e i n c l u d e s n i n e 6 - y e a r - o l d s who a r e i n  191 TABLE XXV GRADING OF SCHOOL CHILDREN Grade  Number o f c h i l d r e n Boarding School  Correct -  1  One B e h i n d  2  Two B e h i n d  3  Three Behind....,  1  Four B e h i n d  2  Unknown  9  3  18  Total Integrated  S c h o o l s i n The P a s 30  Correct  3  Ahead One B e h i n d  W?  Two B e h i n d  18 1  Two t o T h r e e B e h i n d  10  Three Behind Four B e h i n d  *.  2  Five Behind  1  Ungraded  1  Unknown  7  Total  '120  d  192 TABLE XXV  (continued)  9.  In p l a c i n g a c h i l d i n the "Correct Grade" category, we are assuming that he begins Grade 1 at age 6, and spends one school-year i n each Grade t h e r e a f t e r . T h i s f i g u r e i n c l u d e s nine c h i l d r e n who are 6 years o l d and i n Grade 1. b  T h i s f i g u r e r e p r e s e n t s a 9-year-old i n Grade 5, a 10-year-old i n Grade 6, and a 6-year-old i n Grade 2. ^Because of the l a c k of i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g b i r t h dates, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to assess the absolute accuracy of t h i s f i g u r e . For example, an 8-year-old i n Grade 2 may or may not be behind, depending on h i s age at the beginning of the school-year. As these data were c o l l e c t e d w i t h i n the f i r s t two weeks of the new school-year, however, i t i s probable that a c h i l d who was s a i d to be 8 years o l d and i n Grade 2 was, i n f a c t , behind. The i n f o r m a t i o n has, t h e r e f o r e , been presented from that point of view.  193 three males,  f i f t e e n were d e f i n i t e l y no longer i n school;  p o s i t i o n of a s i x t e e n t h , age 1 3 , i s u n c e r t a i n .  the  T h i s group of  f i f t e e n i n c l u d e d two 13-year-olds, one o f whom was s a i d to have " q u i t s c h o o l two years ago", and two 15-year-olds.  I t also  Included one 19-year-old who, having q u i t school a t age 12+, was now  t a k i n g upgrading, a 17-year-old with Grade 7 education who  was  to take upgrading, and a 19-year-old who had completed  technical training.  of these, f i f t e e n were between the ages o f 13-16, that  school; is,  The remaining seventeen were s t i l l i n  under  the l e g a l s c h o o l - l e a v i n g age.  2 0 - y e a r - o l d were s t i l l age.  a 19 and a  Only two,  i n s c h o o l over the l e g a l  school-leaving  (See TABLE :,.XXVI) Of the t h i r t y - o n e females i n the 13-20 age-group,  t h i r t e e n had l e f t s c h o o l ;  t h i s f i g u r e i n c l u d e s one 12+-year-old,  and a 15-year-old who was i n the Manitoba Home for G i r l s ;  one  18-year-old was t a k i n g upgrading and another had completed upgrading.  An l 8 - y e a r - o l d was to take a course i n Winnipeg;  one 2 0 - y e a r - o l d was to take a w a i t r e s s i n g course but had not yet to  r e c e i v e d funds for books, and had been too shy t o r e t u r n c l a s s e s without them;  another 2 0 - y e a r - o l d had begun a h a i r -  d r e s s i n g course i n Winnipeg, course. in  but had not stayed t'o complete the  Of the seventeen g i r l s s t i l l  the 12+-16 age-group,  a t school, fourteen were  two were 1 8 , and one 2 0 .  p o s i t i o n of one 17-year-old i s not known.  The e d u c a t i o n a l  (See TABLE XXVI)  To summarize, we f i n d that beyond the l e g a l  school-  l e a v i n g age (between the ages o f 16-20 h e r e ) , there were only five individuals s t i l l  i  i n s c h o o l , two males out o f twelve, and  19k TABLE XXVI SCHOLASTIC POSITION OF 13-20-YEAR OLDS  Sex  Total No longer population i n school i n agegroup  Male  33  15  Female  31  13  a  S t i l l in school— S t i l l i n school— under l e g a l beyond l e g a l school-leaving school-leaving age age  15  2-3  Ik  k  The p o s i t i o n of one 1 3 - y e a r - o l d i s not known; i t i s p o s s i b l e that he had l e f t school i n which case t h i s f i g u r e should read 16.  195 one female out of t h i r t e e n .  T h i s does not i n c l u d e three males  and f i v e females who were, or had been, i n some way i n v o l v e d i n e i t h e r upgrading c l a s s e s or t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g .  The m a j o r i t y ,  then, l e a v e school as soon as they are l e g a l l y able to do so, and a handful leave b e f o r e ;  s e v e r a l years a f t e r l e a v i n g s c h o o l ,  however, i t appears that a number o f young people r e g r e t d e c i s i o n and resume t h e i r ing  c l a s s e s , and perhaps  this  formal education, e n r o l l i n g i n upgradgoing on t o t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g .  The  p a t t e r n , then, i s t o q u i t school as soon as p o s s i b l e , and perhaps  to attempt  to make up f o r l o s t time a t a l a t e r  date,  rather than to stay i n school through Grade 10 or 11 to prepare for to  entry i n t o a t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g course.  It i s difficult  assess the motives of those who do e v e n t u a l l y decide to  take upgrading or t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g . life,  Home, a t t h i s stage i n  i s not q u i t e the same as i t appeared  to a young c h i l d .  Support i s not withdrawn, but the youngsters want m a t e r i a l commodities which they see a d v e r t i s e d i n the shops, and on the t e l e v i s i o n screen and, although immediate f a m i l y may have n i c k e l s and dimes for candy, money f o r cars, s t y l i s h  clothing,  e l e c t r i c g u i t a r s , and entertainment i s simply not a v a i l a b l e . They must, t h e r e f o r e , go out t o work.  A job with the C.N.R.  E x t r a Gang i s hard p h y s i c a l labour and, no doubt, they soon become d i s i l l u s i o n e d with t h i s way of l i f e as w e l l . . The grants v/hich are o f f e r e d f o r e n r o l l i n g i n upgrading c l a s s e s and t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g courses are comparable to the money which can be earned i n wage-employment.  I t may be t h i s f a c t , r a t h e r  than the goal of s e c u r i t y at the end of an arduous s t r e t c h of  196 studying, which induces young people to f u r t h e r t h e i r  education.  PARENTS' EXPECTATIONS What are parents' expectations r e g a r d i n g t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s formal education?  Two  mothers s t a t e d that they wanted a l l t h e i r  c h i l d r e n , sons and daughters,  to have an education.  mothers s a i d t h i s i n c l u d e d u n i v e r s i t y . that these statements there was  little  these ends.  One  of the  I t i s l i k e l y , however,  were for the i n v e s t i g a t o r ' s b e n e f i t , as  i n d i c a t i o n of c h i l d r e n being d i r e c t e d toward  Aside from the i n c i d e n t c i t e d e a r l i e r of a mother  p o i n t i n g to an i n f a n t and saying that she would be a doctor,  p.188)  (see  there was  only one other i n c i d e n t recorded where  the value of education was  sanctioned.  E s t h e r ' s t h i r t e e n - y e a r - o l d son was p l a y i n g with some red f i s h i n g weights. Esther and Marion t o l d him, j o k i n g l y , " I f you q u i t s c h o o l y o u ' l l have to be a fisherman". They teased him about t h i s for a good f i v e minutes. Parents are not o v e r l y concerned f a i l u r e s at s c h o o l . with a blanket  about t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s  G e n e r a l l y , f a i l u r e s are dismissed c a s u a l l y ,  excuse.  I t does not r e a l l y concern I s a b e l l e at a l l that one of her daughters, i n Grade 5, has already f a i l e d twice. I s a b e l l e s a i d she f a i l e d , "because she was working hard at home". In Part I I , we 2 was  c i t e the example of a boy whose f a i l u r e i n Grade  a t t r i b u t e d to the a c q u i s i t i o n of a t e l e v i s i o n s e t . (See  p.265)  I t i s l i k e l y t h a t the causes s t a t e d are, i n f a c t ,  tributory.  con-  Parents seem to f e e l , however, that by pinning down  the cause of f a i l u r e the s i t u a t i o n becomes a c c e p t a b l e .  This i s  not a s u r p r i s i n g a t t i t u d e , as parents have themselves r e c e i v e d l e s s education than t h e i r c h i l d r e n , and see l i t t l e value i n  197  e d u c a t i o n i n any case.  However, even those p a r e n t s who  do have  i n t e l l e c t u a l i n t e r e s t s , do not seem capable of i m p a r t i n g any l i k e d e s i r e or enthusiasm i n t h e i r c h i l d r e n .  One mother had  worked a t b o t h the h o s p i t a l and the women's j a i l . E s t h e r s a i d she would r e a l l y l i k e to be a P r a c t i c a l Nurse. T h i s would not pay more than her p r e s e n t job ( i n the women's j a i l ) and would r e q u i r e two y e a r s of u p g r a d i n g , and a n i n e month P r a c t i c a l N u r s i n g c o u r s e . The reason she would l i k e to do t h i s i s t h a t , "At the h o s p i t a l I l e a r n something new every day, but at the j a i l I l e a r n n o t h i n g new". Esther's i n t e l l e c t u a l c u r i o s i t y i s considerable. She brought out s e v e r a l s h e e t s o f f o o l s c a p on which she had typed many p s y c h i a t r i c terms such as, p e d o p h e l i a , m a l i n g e r i n g v o y e r i s m , p s y c h o s i s , n e u r o s i s , e t c . . She s a i d she'was t a k i n g a course at the j a i l , and asked i f we would h e l p her t o u n d e r s t a n d the meaning of the words. D e s p i t e her own i n t e r e s t i n f u r t h e r i n g her e d u c a t i o n and expanding her fund o f knowledge, E s t h e r seems to be i n c a p a b l e of t r a n s m i t t i n g t h i s to her c h i l d r e n , or of d e s i r i n g t o do so. She s a i d t h a t her f o u r t e e n - y e a r - o l d boy had been doing w e l l i n Grade 7, but had q u i t . She s a i d they c o u l d not get him to go back, and one had the f e e l i n g t h a t the p r e s s u r e e x e r t e d must have been m i n i m a l . P a r e n t s , not i n f r e q u e n t l y , run down t h e i r own a b i l i t i e s , i n f e r r i n g t h a t they are i n c a p a b l e of b e i n g  intellectual educated.  -This a t t i t u d e cannot be expected to encourage c h i l d r e n to pursue i n t e l l e c t u a l goals. I s a b e l l e had been i l l w i t h t u b e r c u l o s i s and was i n the s a n i t o r i u m at N i n e t t e f o r n i n e months. She s t u d i e d Mathem a t i c s w h i l e t h e r e and had brought a book home b u t , " I haven't s t u d i e d i t much", she s a i d . She runs h e r s e l f down by s a y i n g she i s too slow, too dumb, e t c . T h i s a t t i t u d e i s echoed by the c h i l d r e n and i s not d i s c o u r a g e d . While c o l l e c t i n g census m a t e r i a l from Marion L i n t o n , I asked what Grade she had completed. She s a i d , " S i x " . Her son Glenn, age t e n , s a i d , "She must be s t u p i d " . Marion and B e u l a thought t h i s was t e r r i b l y funny. D e s p i t e the l a c k of d i r e c t i o n and encouragement toward e d u c a t i o n , p a r e n t s are duly proud when t h e i r c h i l d r e n do w e l l . An i n t e r v i e w w i t h one mother r e v e a l e d the f o l l o w i n g :  198 Her twenty-year-old son went to s c h o o l at Clearwater Lake f o r eight years and then to Caraperville f o r Grade 9 . He then went to the A s s i n i b o i n e R e s i d e n t i a l School i n Winnipeg f o r Grades 10 and 11 and has now s t a r t e d at the Manitoba I n s t i t u t e o f Technology. The Indian A f f a i r s Branch w i l l pay h i s room and board i n a p r i v a t e home u n t i l he has f i n i s h e d s c h o o l . Mrs. E. Jakes was very proud of the f a c t that he earns h i s own pocket money, and never asks them f o r money. She was a l s o very proud of her f i f t e e n - y e a r - o l d son who i s at Cranberry Portage and who, she says, i s very b r i g h t and always comes f i r s t i n c l a s s . Mrs. J . Jakes was very proud of her adopted daughter's having taken a h a i r d r e s s i n g course, and had her two diplomas on the w a l l . Mrs. Warren had three diplomas on the w a l l . Jody's Nursing C e r t i f i c a t e .  One was  There appears, then, to be some p s y c h o l o g i c a l reward for  s c h o l a s t i c achievement,  though there i s l i t t l e  stress placed  upon i t as being a p a r t i c u l a r l y d e s i r a b l e g o a l when the c h i l d i s a c t u a l l y i n school.  S c h o l a s t i c success i s something the c h i l d ,  h i m s e l f , must come to see as d e s i r a b l e , as i t s v a l u e i s not presented to him at home i n the process o f s o c i a l i z a t i o n . little  Very  i s expected o f him s c h o l a s t i c a l l y , but i f he chooses to  pursue an e d u c a t i o n a l g o a l , h i s parents w i l l be proud.  199  Chapter  7  PROJECTIVE SYSTEMS RELIGION AND THE SUPERNATURAL Christianity R e l i g i o n i s an important of Opasquia West.  part of l i f e  for i n h a b i t a n t s  The area boasts an A n g l i c a n church, and. a  r e s i d e n t M i n i s t e r who a l s o p r e s i d e s over the B i g Eddy church. A handful of C a t h o l i c s worship a t the C a t h o l i c church across the r i v e r .  In a number of homes, w a l l decorations and p i c t u r e s  with r e l i g i o u s m o t i f s are to be seen;  (see pp.100 and 101  some homes proudly d i s p l a y B i b l e s as w e l l .  Four  religious  o r g a n i z a t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d with the A n g l i c a n Church are o p e r a t i v e i n Opasquia West, although a c t i v e membership i s not extensive. (See p.177)  Sunday School i s d i v i d e d i n t o four  c l a s s e s , i n order to accommodate groups;  c h i l d r e n of d i f f e r e n t age-  c l a s s e s are taught by community members.  Approxi-  mately o n e - t h i r d of the A n g l i c a n c h i l d r e n a t t e n d r e g u l a r l y . R e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s are run mainly by a core group of twenty or so i n d i v i d u a l s .  The r e s t of the  population remains p e r i p h e r a l to some extent, and p a r t i c i p a t e s with v a r y i n g degrees of i n t e n s i t y . lamented:  An ardent  churchgoer  200  People don't go to church anymore. In the o l d days, they used to come from B i g Eddy and U m f r e v i l l e by r i v e r , i n b i r c h b a r k canoes, and gather at the Reserve church. A f t e r a morning s e r v i c e , they made dinner on f i r e s along the r i v e r and r e t u r n e d to church i n the a f t e r n o o n . Now people complain that they don't u n d e r s t a n d — s o we conduct the s e r v i c e s i n C r e e — b u t s t i l l they don't come. However, r e l i g i o u s a t t i t u d e s and c o n v i c t i o n s were expressed on a number of occasions, and o f t e n by those who church a t t e n d e r s .  were not r e g u l a r  One woman, remembering a dead c h i l d of whom  she had been p a r t i c u l a r l y fond, s a i d , "I know he i s i n a b e t t e r place than I am".  Expressions of d i s a p p r o v a l r e g a r d i n g hunting  on Sunday were not uncommon; who  a mother exclaimed to a young son  was heading out the door, s l i n g s h o t i n hand, to shoot  ptarmigan, "On Sunday, are you out of your mind!" c o n t r i b u t e d t h e i r evenings to i n s u l a t e the church; was  a labour of l o v e and p r i d e .  "I'm  ill,  Catholic".  the a c t i v i t y  Three women e x p l a i n e d that they  could not use c o n t r a c e p t i v e p i l l s because, or  S e v e r a l men  "I go by the B i b l e , "  Mothers s a i d t h a t , when a c h i l d i s s e r i o u s l y  Mrs. J . Jakes i s asked to pray. The  f o l l o w i n g i n c i d e n t s , to do with conversion, are  also i n s t r u c t i v e .  A young man  converted to C a t h o l i c i s m , not  out of c o n v i c t i o n , but simply because  h i s f i a n c e e was  and f e l t i t would be b e t t e r f o r the c h i l d r e n .  Catholic,  A mother who  had  seen three s u c c e s s i v e babies die of pneumonia, decided to g i v e her next c h i l d away at b i r t h .  A f t e r the baby was born, however,  her husband wanted to keep the c h i l d and so they decided, i n s t e a d , to change the baby's r e l i g i o n , i n the hope of thereby saving her l i f e .  The  f a m i l y of C a t h o l i c s .  c h i l d l i v e d , the only A n g l i c a n i n a  201 I t i s hoped that these examples demonstrate that, although a number of core people i n Opasquia West f e e l that many community members are a p a t h e t i c i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e s toward r e l i g i o n , and  that too  few people attend  church and  i n v o l v e d i n r e l i g i o u s matters, there i s , i n f a c t , r e l i g i o s i t y and Traditional  emotional commitment to  Religious  are  deeply  generalized  Christianity.  Belief  S u r v i v i n g t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s , which i n t h e i r  earlier  forms were woven i n t o a f a b r i c of t r i b a l r e l i g i o n , - are r e l e g a t e d to a f o l k l o r e , legendary s t a t u s ; i n v e s t e d with r e l i g i o u s meaning.  now  they are no  A c i t y Indian,  not  originally  from Opasquia, expressed h i s f e e l i n g s about the general v e r s i o n of the Indian  longer  con-  people from t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s to  Christianity. The m i s s i o n a r i e s came, i n t e n d i n g to e x t i n g u i s h heathen b e l i e f s . We used to t a l k to the b i r d s — t h e y acted as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s between us and Ki^ce Manito;! now we pray to the V i r g i n Mary, or to J e s u s — t h e y act as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s between us and God. What's the d i f f e r e n c e ? T h i s , perhaps romanticized, by the m a j o r i t y  view would not be  of people i n Opasquia West.  are C h r i s t i a n s , and  R e l i g i o u s l y , they  they a s s o c i a t e themselves with no  body of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f .  Nevertheless,  was  other  t r a c e s of former  p r a c t i c e s and b e l i e f s i n v o l v i n g the s u p e r n a t u r a l f i c u l t to detect.  supported  are not  dif-  S h o r t l y a f t e r a r r i v i n g , the i n v e s t i g a t o r  warned that  Mandelbaum*s s p e l l i n g  (1940:251)  202 There are people capable of c a s t i n g s p e l l s . You don't r e a l i z e a t h i n g has happened for s i x months or a year, and then your face may become p a r a l y z e d , or your eye h a l f closed; they do i t with r o o t s and herbs. An i n q u i r y as to whether the a r t of w i t c h c r a f t i s being passed to the next generation r e c e i v e d the r e p l y , An o l d man taught my brother Indian medicine, but wouldn't t e l l him about those t h i n g s . Then there are t a l e s o f s u p e r n a t u r a l beings such as Wthtiko,^ whose name i s c a l l e d up as a d i s c i p l i n a r y agent i n child-rearing.  (See p. 2 6 0 )  An informant gave t h i s account,  Wthtiko i s a frozen being, with no l i p s , who f l i e s i n the s p r i n g . In Moose Lake (a town), there i s an area shaped l i k e a wide-spread heart, where nothing grows; i t i s s a i d that Wi/htiko landed t h e r e . I've seen i t m y s e l f — I didn't b e l i e v e i t before, but now I'm not sure. Wthtiko appeared as a l a r g e , b l a c k , monster i n a p a i n t i n g by an i n h a b i t a n t of Opasquia West.  The a r t i s t  explained,  Wthtiko i s a legendary monster. Any normal person can become a Wchtiko; an e v i l s p i r i t enters the person's body, he l e a v e s h i s camp and h i s people, and begins e a t i n g i c e and snow. He becomes a c a n n i b a l . With r e g a r d to t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , i s of i n t e r e s t .  A recent graduate of The U n i v e r s i t y of Manitoba,  who was working as a r e p o r t e r apparently been commissioned Canadian  the f o l l o w i n g i n c i d e n t  for a Winnipeg  to w r i t e a d e f i n i t i v e book on  Indians for that newspaper.  She had, consequently,  been to a number of Reserves c o l l e c t i n g data. was  newspaper, had  My impression  that the Indians s h i e d away from her approach which must,  t h e r e f o r e , have been somewhat coarse and i n s e n s i t i v e .  Mandelbaum's s p e l l i n g  (1940:274)  When  203 contacted and asked i f she would care to study the i n v e s t i g a t o r ' s b i b l i o g r a p h y and f i e l d notes  (the o f f e r was made with the i n t e n -  t i o n of p r o v i d i n g an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l point of view), she showed not the s l i g h t e s t i n t e r e s t .  During a d i s c u s s i o n i n Winnipeg  with a q u i t e s o p h i s t i c a t e d Indian a r t i s t , who i s married to a White woman, an o p i n i o n was requested j o u r n a l i s t i c approach.  concerning  the above  "Oh her," he s a i d , "She's a Wthtiko".  Mandelbaum provides the f o l l o w i n g h i s t o r i c note about t h i s f o l k l o r e character. The wihtikokancumuwin, " w t h t i k o - l i k e dance" was a masked performance o f t e n given during the Sun. dance p e r i o d . The wihtiko. was a c a n n a b a l i s t i c character i n the f o l k l o r e of the Wood Cree. T a l e s concerning t h i s s p i r i t power were sometimes t o l d among the P l a i n s Cree, but the s p i r i t was never seen i n the p r a i r i e country and imbued only the f o r e s t i n h a b i t a n t s with man-eating d e s i r e s . (Mandelbaum 1 9 4 0 : 2 7 4 ) Perhaps the r e t e n t i o n o f s p e c i f i c legends  as part of  the c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e i n d i c a t e s t h a t these are s t i l l f u n c t i o n a l i n the context of the present-day  culture.  Some, l i k e the  Wuhtiko explanation f o r the patch of i n f e r t i l e ground, are attempts to e x p l a i n n a t u r a l phenomena.  One legend d e s c r i b e s ,  at great l e n g t h , how the foam on l a k e s and fast-moving came to be.  (See Appendix, pp.315-317)  t a i n s a sequence i n v o l v i n g the f a m i l i a r who i s made to look l i k e a f o o l .  streams  The same legend  con-  f o l k - h e r o Wusahkecak,  1  With r e g a r d to t h i s character,  Mandelbaum says,  We have conformed to Mandelbaum's s p e l l i n g here (1940:251); however, a c c o r d i n g to our informant's p r o n u n c i a t i o n , and f o l l o w i n g our Phonetic Key (pjclii), t h i s word-should be w r i t t e n , Wvsahketcak.  204 The i n t e r m e d i a r i e s between the c r e a t o r and man were the s p i r i t powers atayoh-kanak. T h e i r number was l e g i o n , for example, there was a bear s p i r i t power, a horse s p i r i t power, a hummingbird s p i r i t power, a s p i r i t power of the maple t r e e . In a d d i t i o n , there were f o l k l o r i s t i c c h a r a c t e r s such as the t r i c k s t e r , wtsa* hkccak, who were a l s o s p i r i t powers. •  (Mandelbaum 194-0:251)  Many elements i n the legends recorded  (see Appendix,  pp.31.4-322) have a r i n g of t r a d i t i o n a l a u t h e n t i c i t y ; however, c o n t a i n what are l i k e l y  modern embellishments.  Approaching the c o n c l u s i o n of a legend, informant  s a i d , "But  others,  on two  occasions,  t h a t ' s another s t o r y — t h e y go on and  my on".  He i n d i c a t e d , for example, that the c h i l d of the wife of Matsikanu'usis  (see Appendix, p.322) becomes the core f i g u r e  i n another s e r i e s of legends.  So i t seems that there i s a  r i c h o r a l t r a d i t i o n which, as i t perpetuates, molded by  is  simultaneously  time.  T r a d i t i o n a l Indian r e l i g i o n  d i d not conform to the  p a t t e r n of the world's great r e l i g i o n s .  There was  no  clearly  d e l i n e a t e d d o c t r i n e or dogma, and no w r i t t e n l i t u r g y .  The  s u p e r n a t u r a l elements i n the c u l t u r e were more pervasive,  and  perhaps more nebulous, than the c l e a r l y d e f i n e d b e l i e f s of the organized r e l i g i o n s with which we are f a m i l i a r ;  because the  s u p e r n a t u r a l was  i t was  constant  present  i n a l l aspects  concern of the people,  p h y s i c a l s t r u c t u r e , or to one reasons,  of l i f e ,  not being confined to  s p e c i f i c time of week.  the one  For  these  i t i s d i f f i c u l t to p o i n t to the s u r v i v i n g remnants of  t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f and say that t h i s or that s p e c i f i c belonged to a former body of r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f ;  feature  many r o l e s  were a s c r i b e d to the s u p e r n a t u r a l , and a l l of these would have  205 to be i n c l u d e d i n a comprehensive a n a l y s i s of t r a d i t i o n a l Cree religion. and,  As there was  no w r i t t e n t r a d i t i o n , r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s ,  i n f a c t , any c u l t u r e t r a i t s which i n v o l v e d i d e a s , a t t i t u d e s ,  and values r a t h e r than more concrete items, are d i f f i c u l t uncover and r e c o n s t r u c t i n coherent  fashion.  It i s likely  the s u p e r n a t u r a l played a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n r i t u a l the hunt, and i n l i f e  c r i s i s situations.  No  to that  surrounding  doubt, as with  other North American Indian t r i b e s , the s u p e r n a t u r a l f i g u r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n the treatment lows of the treatment of t h e i r  of i l l n e s s .  A description f o l -  of disease and a s s o c i a t e d a t t i t u d e s and  e v o l u t i o n from a base centred i n t r a d i t i o n a l  medical  p r a c t i c e , to one which embodies the p r a c t i c e s and a t t i t u d e s contained i n the phrase,  "White-man's  medicine".  DISEASE, MEDICAL PRACTICE, AND  DEATH  In a l l North American Indian t r i b e s , the played an important  r o l e i n medical  treatment.  Opasquia West, s u p e r n a t u r a l elements no longer i n the treatment  supernatural Though, i n  figure  of the s i c k , remedies which were, no  prominently doubt,  formerly a s s o c i a t e d with the s u p e r n a t u r a l aspects of c u r i n g are s t i l l  i n use.  These cures, which have been handed down  through the years, make up a body of Indian medicine c r e d i t e d with the knowledge to t r e a t c o l d s , d i a r r h e a , s c a r l e t fever, whooping cough, sores, abscess,  l e g cramps, back ache, chest  pain, rashes, and even t u b e r c u l o s i s , i f caught e a r l y enough. Examples of some of these n a t i v e cures are as f o l l o w s : scarlet  fever and whooping cough  for  206  Take a quart of water and the sac from a skunk. Dip a straw i n t o the sac and then i n t o the water, twice. Drink the water. For c o l d s , B^-te o f f a piece of wwkes ( t r a n s l a t e d as " w i l d g i n g e r " — a r o o t ) and h o l d i t i n your mouth. For rashes and sores, When Stephen was an i n f a n t , he had an awful, raw, r e d rash, a l l over h i s face. My husband went out and got some spruce gum. We b o i l e d i t , added some l a r d to make i t smooth and easy to spread, and then s t r a i n e d i t . We put the ointment on Stephen's face, and the rash went away. A second mother agreed that the same treatment  had been success-  f u l when one o f her c h i l d r e n had sores on h i s f a c e .  In one  home, a newborn i n f a n t had a t e r r i b l e - l o o k i n g rash on her face. When asked i f she would use spruce gum, the young mother r e p l i e d , "No, because i t l e a v e s s c a r s , and she i s a g i r l " . Spruce gum was an i n g r e d i e n t of the f o l l o w i n g treatment as well: My brother had a deep sore on h i s l e g from a barbed wire fence. My. Mother put melted spruce gum over a b i g l e a f , to draw out the pus, and then warm s a l t y water to heal i t . The  Indians have a great deal of f a i t h i n n a t i v e  remedies and, as a c o r o l l a r y , they have not completely "White-man's medicine".  accepted  Emergencies, such as car a c c i d e n t s and  s e r i o u s cuts, are taken to the nearby h o s p i t a l immediately, and without  question.  Chronic problems, and ones which do not  c a r r y a sense o f urgency,  are o f t e n t r e a t e d with c a r e l e s s  abandon as the f o l l o w i n g examples i l l u s t r a t e : Mrs. Yates had been t o the doctor with her son Lome, who cut h i s l e g very s e v e r e l y a few days ago. In the afternoon, she s a i d she had a sore b r e a s t . When the comment was made that she should have t o l d the doctor while  207  she was there, Mrs. Yates s a i d she didn't want t o , because he would t e l l her she had cancer. While v i s i t i n g at B i r t ' s , i t was noted that the twoy e a r - o l d had a huge, swollen cheek, which was i n f l a m e d and s o r e - l o o k i n g . Mrs. B i r t s a i d i t was from a b o i l that he'd had f o r awhile. The c h i l d was not e a t i n g properly, but had not been taken to a doctor. A second c h i l d had fever and d i a r r h e a ; he, too, had not seen a doctor, and h i s d i e t had not been a l t e r e d . Mrs. B a l l a r d s a i d she has been b l e e d i n g h e a v i l y f o r eight days; i t i s the wrong time of month f o r her mens t r u a l p e r i o d . Her s i s t e r t o l d her she i s having a m i s c a r r i a g e , but she doesn't think so because she has spoken to women who have had m i s c a r r i a g e s , and they say i t ' s worse than having a baby. The other day she was d i z z y and had stomach cramps and back p a i n . She took three a s p i r i n s and went to bed. Mrs. B a l l a r d s a i d she woke i n the middle of the n i g h t and passed two l a r g e blood c l o t s ; she h e l d out her hand and i n d i c a t e d that the c l o t s were as b i g as from her w r i s t to her f i n g e r tips. When asked i f she had seen a doctor, Mrs. B a l l a r d s a i d she f e l t b e t t e r a f t e r that, so she didn't go, but she i s s t i l l having back pain; she was supposed to see the doctor t h i s morning but didn't go. When asked i f she had an appointment, Mrs. B a l l a r d - s a i d she u s u a l l y j u s t goes, and t e l l s them she has no telephone (her s i s t e r next door has a telephone) and sometimes she gets i n . She added, "I'm g l a d I f e e l ^ b e t t e r now, because there's no-one e l s e . t o do my housework". Jack Reeve i s a f i f t y - e i g h t - y e a r - o l d man who plays the piano, a c c o r d i a n , organ, and r i n g s the church b e l l s on Sundays. He has not worked f o r two years because of a sore l e g . He was a d v i s e d to have surgery, but never went back to the doctor; he laughed when he r e l a t e d t h i s . Jack has been b l i n d i n h i s r i g h t eye f o r the past year and has done nothing about t h i s . He says h i s s i g h t i s g e t t i n g worse i n h i s good eye. A r d i s Yates t a l k e d of her mother-in-law's b i z a r r e behavior. Once she drowned a c a t i n the water b a r r e l . Mrs. Yates S r . c a r r i e s her beadwork i n her purse, and has been found s i t t i n g and sewing under the b r i d g e . A r d i s says Mrs. Yates knocks on the w a l l s to f r i g h t e n A r d i s and the c h i l d r e n , when her husband i s away. She i s v e r y s t r o n g , and once p i c k e d up a f u l l , f i v e - g a l l o n s l o p p a i l and threw i t . Apparently, t h i s strange behavior has come to pass only i n the l a s t few y e a r s . Helen l i v e d with Mrs. Yates as a c h i l d . She says she l i k e d l i v i n g there, and she l i k e d Mrs. Yates who, she claims, was a wonderful cook. Helen l i k e d i t because  208  i t was always so clean i n her house and i t smelled so good; a l s o , Mrs. Yates was very n i c e , and so q u i e t . The younger women blame the d r a s t i c p e r s o n a l i t y change on the f a c t that Mrs. Yates S r . l o s t a brother during the war, or on the f a c t that she had so many c h i l d r e n ( s i x t e e n ) , or on menopause. A r d i s s a i d she'd never been to a p s y c h i a t r i s t , and that maybe he'd know what was wrong. The women a l s o s a i d that the senior Mrs. Yates had at one point been a d v i s e d to have surgery, but that the doctors r e f u s e d to operate u n t i l she l o s t some w e i g h t — she i s a very l a r g e woman. So we see that i l l n e s s , and o f t e n what to us would be s e r i o u s i l l n e s s , i s not uncommonly ignored, or simply t o l e r a t e d . When p o s s i b l e , ailments are t r e a t e d with n a t i v e remedies. a d d i t i o n , the c u l t u r e continues to produce i t s own  In  home cures.  The current treatment f o r warts appears to be the a p p l i c a t i o n of n a i l p o l i s h , which s e v e r a l people claimed i s a quick and e f f e c t i v e cure. woman who,  The n a i l p o l i s h method d i d not appeal to one  n e v e r t h e l e s s , would not r e s o r t to a doctor.  Mrs. Flynn p o i n t e d out the warts on her son Ronald's hands. She s a i d she doesn't know what to do about them. She knows you can buy some-preparation at the drug s t o r e , but i t burns for twenty-four hours. When a doctor was suggested, she s a i d , "he does the same t h i n g " . P r o f e s s i o n a l medical a i d , when i t i s sought, may as a r e s u l t of misunderstanding, i t may  be abused or,  be i n c o r r e c t l y a p p l i e d .  When t h i s happens, and no improvement r e s u l t s , the people q u i c k l y become disenchanted and d i s t r u s t f u l , and w i l l be even more r e l u c t a n t to see a doctor the next time medical a t t e n t i o n i s indicated.  One  common abuse i s the s h a r i n g of medications  p r e s c r i b e d for one s p e c i f i c person.  When drugs are l e f t  over,  a f t e r having been m e d i c a l l y p r e s c r i b e d f o r one i l l n e s s , i t i s not unusual to see them u t i l i z e d at a l a t e r f a m i l y members, for ailments which may  date, by other  or may  not be  similar  209 to  the  first.  Patsy (seven months o l d ) had the i n s i d e of her mouth p a i n t e d with gentian v i o l e t . Mrs. L i n t o n s a i d she had b l i s t e r s i n her mouth. The gentian v i o l e t had not been p r e s c r i b e d by a doctor, and had probably been l y i n g around the house f o r some time. On another  occasion, a one-year-old c h i l d was  taken to the  h o s p i t a l with the same complaint of b l i s t e r s i n the mouth (?thrush  ?canker  sores).  Mr. Crav/ford s u f f e r e d from a t o p i c d e r m i t i t i s (a s k i n allergy). He developed a secondary pyoderma (pus i n the s k i n ) which was g e n e r a l i z e d over face, neck, hands, and forearms. The c o n d i t i o n caused him c o n s i d e r a b l e discomf o r t and r e s u l t e d i n h i s having to miss work. Though he could e a s i l y and e f f e c t i v e l y have been t r e a t e d with an a n t i b i o t i c ointment, Mr. Crawford p r e f e r r e d to use a medication which had been p r e s c r i b e d by a doctor, for a friend. T h i n k i n g h i s s k i n was improving, he r e t u r n e d to work, and the c o n d i t i o n promptly degenerated. E v e n t u a l l y , Mr. Crawford was f o r c e d by h i s discomfort to see a doctor, and spent a week i n the h o s p i t a l , c l e a r i n g up an ailment which could, s e v e r a l weeks e a r l i e r , have been e a s i l y t r e a t e d at home. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , Mr. Crawford commented that one good t h i n g about h i s rash was that i t was not " c a t c h i n g " but that he, n e v e r t h e l e s s , t r i e d to use h i s own towel. The of  f o l l o w i n g i n c i d e n t i s a c l e a r example of the k i n d  misunderstanding which can r e s u l t i n l o s s of f a i t h :  a  t w e n t y - e i g h t - y e a r - o l d woman, with four c h i l d r e n , wanted to l i m i t the s i z e of her f a m i l y . A r d i s s a i d she had been on "the p i l l , " but i t hadn't worked for her. She had asked the nurse for some when her l a s t c h i l d was born, s i x months ago. The nurse got them f o r her from the doctor. When i t was suggested that she must have n e g l e c t e d to take one every day, A r d i s s a i d the nurse hadn't t o l d her she must take one every day; she thought it-wouldn't matter i f she didn't take one once i n awhile. A r d i s s a i d she might have t r i e d to remember i f the nurse had t o l d her. In any case, she l o s t f a i t h i n the p i l l when she became pregnant f o r a f i f t h time, and would not use them again. S t o i c i s m , and r e l u c t a n c e to c o n s u l t a doctor, are a t t i t u d e s which are e s p e c i a l l y p r e v a l e n t when a d u l t s are  210 themselves  ill;  parents are l e s s r e l u c t a n t to take s i c k  children  to  the c l i n i c than they are to r e s o r t to "White-man's medicine"  to  cure t h e i r own  ills.  As s t a t e d above, i n f e c t i o n s , even  s e r i o u s ones, rashes, and d i a r r h e a are the k i n d s of ailments which parents may  i g n o r e i n c h i l d r e n , e s p e c i a l l y i f the  i s not f e v e r i s h or unhappy;  a l t e r n a t e l y , they may  d i t i o n a l remedy for treatment. c h i l d was  However, i t was  child  use a t r a -  noted that a  taken to the h o s p i t a l for " b l i s t e r s i n the mouth",  and that one mother was  c a r r y i n g out a course of  treatment,  p r e s c r i b e d by a doctor, for her c h i l d ' s ear i n f e c t i o n . newborn baby, with a bad rash, was  A  taken to a doctor, a f t e r  the mother had u n s u c c e s s f u l l y t r e a t e d the c h i l d with v a s e l i n e for  s e v e r a l days;  the baby was  very cranky and unhappy, and  Mrs. Reeve s a i d she knew the c h i l d had a f e v e r , because there was  a dent i n her a n t e r i o r  fontanel.-. Some mothers i n Opasquia  West are q u i t e c o n s c i e n t i o u s when i t comes to a d m i n i s t e r i n g treatment  to t h e i r c h i l d r e n , which has been p r o f e s s i o n a l l y  prescribed. to  The i n v e s t i g a t o r heard of c h i l d r e n being  a doctor for c o l i c , and f o r a u d i t o r y d e f i c i e n c i e s  taken (though  probably these d e f i c i e n c i e s had r e s u l t e d from untreated media).  One  c h i l d was  taken to a s p e c i a l i s t  otitis  (? p s y c h i a t r i s t ,  ? p s y c h o l o g i s t ) , because he "gets scared i n s c h o o l " . Ernest i s having a hard time i n s c h o o l . He i s i n . Grade 1 for the t h i r d time. His Mother has spoken to the teacher, who says he gets scared i n s c h o o l . When the teacher t a l k s s o f t l y to him, and i s r i g h t beside him, he i s f i n e . "He does e v e r y t h i n g what she t e l l s him." But when she r a i s e s her v o i c e to q u i e t the others, Ernest gets scared, and he won't t a l k or do-anything f o r the r e s t of the day. H i s Mother a t t r i b u t e s t h i s to one event In E r n e s t ' s l i f e . When he was i n k i n d e r g a r t e n , he played  211  "hookey" one day; the s c h o o l p r i n c i p a l y e l l e d at him, pushed him, and t o l d him to go home, and not come back. Ernest was very f r i g h t e n e d and, understandably, he didn't want to r e t u r n , but h i s Mother made him go back. She says that he has been to see a s p e c i a l i s t . He's f i n e at home, she says, and doesn't get scared. In another i n s t a n c e , a c h i l d ' s behavior was i n d i c a t i n g mental  i n t e r p r e t e d as  deficiency.  Mrs. L i n t o n s a i d she had once taken Jeannie to the doctor because "she a c t s so s t u p i d " . Mrs. L i n t o n thought something might.be wrong because once, as a c h i l d , Jeannie f e l l , and h i t her head on the f l o o r . The doctor t o l d her that Jeannie was probably more i n t e l l i g e n t than the o t h e r s , and that she was "working o f f steam" by a c t i n g as she does (I wholeheartedly endorse t h i s d i a g n o s i s ) . Jeannie i s a very a c t i v e c h i l d , and i s c o n s t a n t l y on the move doing t h i n g s which annoy her Mother. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that Mrs. L i n t o n should i n t e r p r e t t h i s behavior as r e t a r d a t i o n . So i t seems that a d u l t s w i l l t o l e r a t e or i g n o r e t h e i r maladies, whereas they may  own  show concern when c h i l d r e n are  ill.  They w i l l always take c h i l d r e n to the h o s p i t a l i n cases of obvious emergency, and are most l i k e l y to c o n s u l t a doctor when something  i s s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t i n g a c h i l d ' s behavior, or  i s i n f r i n g i n g on the s t a b i l i t y of the r e s t of the f a m i l y .  If,  on the other hand, the c h i l d has a s e r i o u s i n f e c t i o n , but i s behaving normally and i s not complaining, the ailment w i l l , as l i k e l y as not, be ignored;  t h i s i s t r u e even when a c h i l d ' s  a p p e t i t e s u f f e r s , or when h i s a b i l i t y to eat normally i s impaired. Teeth are p o o r l y cared f o r . great q u a n t i t y and,  Sweets  are consumed i n  though mothers o f t e n t e l l  c h i l d r e n to wash  faces and hands, and to comb h a i r , they seem unconcerned brushing t e e t h .  about  I t i s i m p o s s i b l e to say what c o n d i t i o n young  c h i l d r e n ! s t e e t h are a c t u a l l y i n .  However, f i e l d notes i n d i c a t e  212  that at l e a s t  f i v e people between the ages of nineteen and  f o r t y - f i v e were m i s s i n g most or a l l of t h e i r upper  teeth.  In  a d d i t i o n , many o l d people are edentulous. In g e n e r a l , people have l i t t l e of causes o f death.  concept or understanding  Death i s i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y a t t r i b u t e d to  f a c t o r s such as o l d age, and t u b e r c u l o s i s .  In some cases,  s p e c i f i c i n c i d e n t s may be blamed f o r causing death, though i t seems q u i t e u n l i k e l y that the given causes could, i n f a c t , have proved  fatal.  A n i n e t e e n - y e a r - o l d boy, we were t o l d , died a f t e r c a r r y i n g a canoe. Granny Crawford s a i d , "he died because he was too young to c a r r y such a heavy weight and he hurt h i s back". The i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y r a t e appears to be q u i t e high, and here again mothers a r e unaware of the causes of t h e i r babies' deaths.  Twenty-nine women i n the census sample were asked  i f they had l o s t c h i l d r e n and, i f so, a t what ages the c h i l d r e n had died, and the causes o f t h e i r  deaths.  Twelve women had  l o s t no c h i l d r e n , while the remaining seventeen women questi o n e d had l o s t a. t o t a l of f o r t y - n i n e c h i l d r e n .  (See TABLE  XXVII) From the i n f o r m a t i o n presented above concerning a t t i t u d e s toward i l l n e s s , composite  death, and medical treatment, a  p i c t u r e can be suggested.  I n h a b i t a n t s o f Opasquia  West d i s p l a y a calm, almost phlegmatic acceptance o f some of l i f e ' s unpleasant r e a l i t i e s . serious i l l n e s s . t e r i s t i c attitude.  There i s no f a l s e hope r e g a r d i n g  One woman's statement  sums up t h i s charac-  She was d i s c u s s i n g her twenty-three-year-  o l d son, who had spent some time i n one of Manitoba's  mental  institutions; s a i d , "He  the boy had r e t u r n e d home, though h i s Mother  s t i l l a c t s queer sometimes".  When asked what the  t r o u b l e had been, she s t a t e d very m a t t e r - o f - f a c t l y , "He mentally i l l ,  I guess".  People  do not become e x c e s s i v e l y  w o r r i e d and upset over i l l n e s s and disease.  No  cases of  obvious hypochondriasis or, n e u r o s i s were recorded; l i k e l y that the i n c i d e n c e of u l c e r s i s a l s o low. who  had l o s t c h i l d r e n d i d not know why  died.  (See TABLE XXIX)  simply unimportant;  was  Determining  their  i t is Most women  children  had  the cause of death i s .  the f a c t of death alone i s s i g n i f i c a n t .  Perhaps the most notable item i s the  discontinuity  between a d u l t s ' a t t i t u d e s towards i l l n e s s i n themselves and i n their children.  Whereas parents are l i k e l y to s t o i c a l l y  i g n o r e , t o l e r a t e , or seek n a t i v e cures, where t h e i r maladies  are concerned,  own  they are s l i g h t l y more i n c l i n e d to  seek p r o f e s s i o n a l advice for t h e i r c h i l d r e n .  Whether the  present generation of parents i s merely r e p e a t i n g a p a t t e r n set by the previous generation, or whether there i s a c t u a l l y a t r e n d toward greater acceptance cannot be  of "White-man's  assessed.  Let us r e t u r n b r i e f l y to our t h e o r e t i c a l We  medicine",  have i n d i c a t e d on F i g u r e 1  framework.  ( p . 1 0 ) that P r o j e c t i v e Systems  d i r e c t l y a f f e c t Child-Bearing Practices.  In t h i s chapter  we  have a l l u d e d to the r o l e which s u p e r n a t u r a l beings play as d i s c i p l i n a r y agents i n c h i l d r e a r i n g .  T h i s subject w i l l  discussed more f u l l y i n Part I I . ( p . 2 6 0 ) that t r a d i t i o n a l medical cures may  We  be  have a l s o shown  sometimes be used to t r e a t  c h i l d r e n ' s ailments, e s p e c i a l l y minor ones.  So i t seems that  P r o j e c t i v e Systems do have a p a r t to play i n c h i l d T h i s point  of view d i f f e r s from that of both B.B.  and J.W.M. Whiting who,  rearing. Whiting  on t h e i r diagrams, (see pp.4  and  5 ) i n d i c a t e a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between C h i l d P e r s o n a l i t y and  C u l t u r a l Products ( P r o j e c t i v e Systems) but not between  C u l t u r a l Products and our  Child-Rearing  Practices.  In view of  data, however, i t would seem that a statement of d i r e c t  r e l a t i o n s h i p between P r o j e c t i v e Systems and Practices i s  justified.  Child-Rearing  215  TABLE XXVII AGES OF MOTHERS QUESTIONED ABOUT MORTALITY IN INFANTS AND YOUNG CHILDREN  .Mothers who had l o s t no c h i l d r e n Number o f mothers  Age of mothers  2 4 ,  3  ,  0 2  Fifties ,  0  ,  1  ,  12  Mothers who had l o s t c h i l d r e n Age o f mothers  Number of mothers 0 :  3 6 0  Fifties  .......  h 3 1 17  •  216 TABLE XXVIII AGES OF CHILDREN AT TIME OF DEATH  Age of c h i l d r e n  a  Less than 1 year 1-5  years  6-10 years Unknown ... Total  a  Number of c h i l d r e n 26 8 2 13 W  T h e mothers were not questioned r e g a r d i n g m i s c a r r i a g e s .  217  TABLE XXIX, CAUSES OF DEATH IN INFANTS AND YOUNG CHILDREN, ACCORDING TO MOTHERS  Cause o f death  Number of c h i l d r e n 3 ( a l l three at 1 year)  Diarrhea Whooping Cough  1  Heart a t t a c k  3 (at 2 y r s . , 3 y r s . , ' 5 yrs.)  3-  (at 8 months)  Pneumonia  if (newborn to 3 months)  Accidents  2 (ages unknown)  Mothers Total  d i d not know  36  49  The p o s s i b i l i t y of coronary being the a c t u a l cause o f death i n t h i s age-group i s extremely u n l i k e l y .  218  Chapter 8 ADULT PERSONALITY Hallowell extensively reviews the psychological characteristics of the Northeastern Indians i n his book Culture and Experience.  He stresses the point that con-  temporary conservative Indian communities retain many of the psychological c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of their (Hallowell 1955:126)  ancestors.  Spindler endorses Hallowell's view  when he states, That the bio-emotional and cognitive-perceptual organization shared by a group of people, and often referred to as "basic personality structure," i s quite stable over time and through different l e v e l s of manifest culture change i s one of the better documented generalizations of significance to our topic. (Spindler 1957:151) Between them, Hallowell and Spindler give the following general account of the psychological i s t i c s of Indians.  character-  They are not an i n t e l l e c t u a l people  insofar as abstract concepts are concerned;  rather, their  i n t e l l i g e n c e functions on a p r a c t i c a l , concrete, sense l e v e l .  common-  They may be characterized by a multifaceted  pattern of emotional r e s t r a i n t and i n h i b i t i o n .  This fact  provides the familiar stereotype of the Indian as a s t o i c a l human being, enduring with great fortitude and patience,  pain, hunger, and hardship of a l l kinds.  He exhibits  amiability and mildness i n a l l face-to-face relationships as a corollary to emotional i n h i b i t i o n ;  that i s , he must  avoid arousing strong emotions i n others.  The r e s u l t of  this r e s t r a i n t and endurance i s an underlying anxiety.  cultural  How i s one to cope with strong emotions i f they  cannot be spontaneously expressed? outlet i s mirth. witchcraft;  One i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d  A more i n d i r e c t outlet of resentment i s  impulses kept i n check may also be revealed  through alcohol consumption. From the assumption of a basic psychological cont i n u i t y stretching from the aboriginal Swampy Cree to the Indians of Opasquia West today, and from the above thumbnail sketch of the psychological c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Indians, l e t us proceed by describing some of the common psychological characteristics which were recorded. COGNITIVE PROCESSES Laughter and Amusement F i r s t l y , l e t us examine what Hallowell defines as an important outlet for pent-up anxieties, namely laughter. What situations or verbalizations are considered humourous and what reactions do they evoke?  A field-note entry states  that the sense of humour i n evidence has a simple, almost c h i l d - l i k e quality.  Humourous comments i n Cree could not,  of course, be assessed.  I f something i n English s t r i k e s  people as funny, however, i t may be repeated, perhaps with  220  s l i g h t variations, three or four times i n succession, each time the response w i l l be h i l a r i t y .  Hallowell quotes G i l f i l l a n ' s  observations on the Minnesota Ojibwa of the nineteenth  century.  These are i n complete accord with the investigator's observations. The laughter and d r o l l remarks pass from one to the other, a continual f u s i l l a d e a l l around. The old woman says something funny; the children take i t up, and laugh at i t ; a l l the others repeat i t , each with some embellishment, or adding some ludicrous feature, and thus there i s continual merriment a l l day and a l l evening long. (Hallowell 1955:145) At times the humour i s anal and sexual.  Puns are a  source of great amusement, and considerable inventiveness and humour i s shown i n the choice of nicknames.  Sometimes people  appear to laugh during conversation, merely for the sake of laughing, when no obvious source of humour i s perceived by the observer.  Gentle teasing often causes prolonged gaiety.  Both children and adults may be teased affectionately as the following incidents indicate. Bob, Sam's brother, has very long hair; they joked at great length, remembering how he had cut h i s hair before his wedding; he had had a shave as well. They teased Bob that everyone he had walked up to exclaimed, "Who's that?" or "What's that guy's name?" On one occasion, a man, his wife, and two s i s t e r s v i s i t e d together.  He i s rather a hefty fellow.  They a l l kidded Lester (he has an English nickname which i s always used i n place of h i s Christian name). They have a second nickname for him i n Cree, which means "the bag". They referred to him by t h i s name and laughed about i t for quite awhile. Three young cousins from town had come to the Reserve to attend a birthday party.  221 Marion and Beula chatted away at the g i r l s i n Cree. They were teasing and explained, "They don't understand a word". The g i r l s needed a ride home and there was no transport available. Marion said, "I know a man i n town who has some horses". There was considerable h i l a r i t y and joking back and forth over this remark. Good-natured teasing, then, i s one source of amusement, and i s taken i n good humour by the receiving party.  The type of pun  which would be considered t e r r i b l y funny, and which would be repeated time and time again i n the course of an.afternoon, can be exemplified by one recounted by a Winnipeg Indian. said, "I am a White man who  He  got browned o f f " . This i s perhaps  a more sophisticated variety than the ones heard on the Reserve, but the tone i s rather similar. Hallowell stresses the point that laughter i s an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d outlet, counterbalancing the general restraint expected with regard to other emotions. So far as interpersonal relations go, there i s a great deal of restraint among the Saulteaux upon the expression i n public of a l l categories of emotion—joy, i r r i t a t i o n , anger, etc. The most outstanding exception i s laughter. In fact, the very positive emphasis upon the expression of amusement, i n contrast to the i n h i b i t i o n s imposed upon the expression of other forms of emotion i s highly characteristic. (Hallowell 1955:145) The Checking of Pride Teasing appears i n another context, that i s , not with the intention of producing laughter, but rather, with the intention of checking pride.  This was one of the most i n t e r -  esting cognitive processes to emerge from our data.  Individual  excellence^ appears to be tolerated only to a certain l e v e l , at which point i t i s checked by s o c i a l pressure, which may  take  222 the form of teasing.  The pride of one man,  who  had shot a  moose on a hunting expedition was kept i n check by his hunting companion, who i n front of your  said, "That moose was  standing right  gun".  Josh Reeve and Jim Preston can often be heard teasing each other. Josh Reeve t e l l s Jim Preston that he wouldn't know where to hunt i f someone, weren't with him. The university student f e l t that the s i n of pride was nonexistent, that i t was not allowed to come to the surface. Jody said she becomes embarrassed and withdraws i n White society, when she i s complimented for something she has done. She would rather have an Indian say, "You are a fink," than have a White person say, "You are a fine person". People tend to. be kept on an equal footing by t h i s mechanism. Praise i s never given.  Parents may  be proud of a child's  accomplishment, and t h i s feeling of pride w i l l be i n t u i t i v e l y transmitted, but verbal praise w i l l not be offered. While we were conversing, Peter's son came up with a dead ptarmigan he had shot, with a slingshot, i n the bush. The boy was quite excited, and Peter was pleased; he didn't speak, but looked the b i r d over with i n t e r e s t . Spindler l i s t s "not  'showing o f f " (Spindler 1957:150) as  of the t r a i t s which i s stressed i n the Northeast.  one  He says  that among the Pueblo there i s also a stress on "avoiding the spotlight and not boasting, on conformity".  (Spindler  1957:151)  The Indirect Approach Although teasing i s a more common form of interpersonal conversation  than praise, one does not hear i n s u l t s which are  223  intended to hurt. barbed and h u r t f u l .  Teasing i s t a c t f u l and gentle, rather than A lovely example of the tact which i s  evident, even i n the relationships of young children, occurred i n my tent one afternoon. Gary Linton, age five, was inside with me, and Kevin, age eighteen months, was playing outside the door. I erroneously called Gary, "Kevin". No doubt, had i t been my own brother i n the same situation, he would immediately have corrected the error with something l i k e , "My name i s Gary", but Gary said nothing. This state of a f f a i r s continued for about f i f t e e n minutes during which time the error was repeated. F i n a l l y , at an opportune moment, Gary made a reference to "My brother Kevin". This incident seemed to typify the Indian's unaggressive, i n d i r e c t approach to a problem.  Gary had informed me of my  error i n no uncertain terms, and yet the manoeuvre had been executed i n a beautifully t a c t f u l and uninsulting manner. This i n d i r e c t approach was evident on a number of occasions. We have previously referred to party i n v i t a t i o n s which are sent by such i n d i r e c t methods that they never arive. p.148)  One  (See  afternoon,  Lester and Lorna walked i n . I t appeared that they had come to v i s i t . After awhile, Lester casually l e t i t be known that he wanted a ride to Mile 1 2 to hunt. One must be acutely sensitive to these unaggressive and roundabout approaches i n order to appreciate their f u l l significance. At half past eleven one night a young boy knocked on the door to say h i s Father wanted me to come over and get some moose meat. Lester had used my car to go hunting, and this must have e n t i t l e d me to a share of the k i l l . I was already i n my pyjamas, and t o l d the boy to t e l l his Father I would collect the meat i n the morning. He l e f t with the message. Upon r e f l e c t i o n , however, the situation seemed  222+  odd; I f e l t there must be a reason for a summons at that late hour, so I dressed and went over. Lorna and her daughter were plucking ducks and geese. There were feathers a l l over, and a dead moose l y i n g on the kitchen floor. Lester l e d a guided tour of the moose, showing where the bullet had entered and exited. The moment was his; he was king, and very proud. The carcass was to be quartered early the next day and the moment would have been l o s t by morning. Verbalization The above example also i l l u s t r a t e s the way i n which Indians express themselves.  Often much i s l e f t unsaid; one  must f i l l i n the gaps i n t u i t i v e l y . existent phenomenon. talking.  "Small t a l k " i s a non-  People do not talk for the sake of  While v i s i t i n g the Bishop's Messenger one day, she  received several telephone c a l l s .  The l a s t one went on for  about f i f t e e n minutes. When she returned, Miss Warner said, "That's why the Indian c a l l s the White man ''silver-tongued'". An Indian could have said the same thing i n one-third the time. They don't waste words. This seemed to be a very accurate analysis.  There are many  silences i n the course of conversation, though never uncomfor-? table ones.  I t i s probable that thoughts which are c r y s t a l -  l i z e d and expressed i n English have a different meaning and tone when expressed i n Cree.  No doubt, much richness of  descriptive detail i s l o s t when thoughts are translated from Cree to English.  This was demonstrated when an attempt was  made to obtain a translation for "Opasquia", the Cree word from which the name "The Pas" has been derived.  The explanation  given was quite lengthy and very vague,—"You know when you're approaching the area, and you look ahead, the trees and bush  225  appear to be suspended i n the a i r " .  I didn't exactly, and  so never received a simple translation which I could grasp; obviously, the Cree word has no corresponding word or phrase i n English;  i t appears to encompass a whole mood, which i s  evoked when one reaches "Opasquia".  That t h i s word and mood  have a very special meaning for the Indians i s v e r i f i e d by the Band Council resolution which was passed on May 2, (See Footnote, p. 2 )  1966.  Most people from Opasquia West, never-  theless, are b i l i n g u a l ;  they think i n English when they are  speaking English. Practicality A down-to-earth point of view appears to be one of the most characteristic personality t r a i t s . not commonly used.  Euphimisms are  Many examples have already been cited i n  the text which could i l l u s t r a t e this outlook.  Children's  descriptions of events provide further examples.  One evening,  a two-and-a-half-year-old was s l i g h t l y injured i n a driveway by a reversing truck.  The l i t t l e boy's eight-year-old sister  was extremely upset and weepy a l l evening, but when asked to describe the accident, did so i n a calm, l u c i d , and straightforward manner.  She added, "There's no blood on Gilbert's  clothes,"I checked".  While on the subject of accidents, the  same c h i l d described an accident i n which a friend had been involved. She was with her Father; the car r o l l e d over several times. Dorothy, age eight, and Jeannie, age seven, said, "Her meat was showing". Gary, age five, added, "Her Father was drunk".  226 While v i s i t i n g one home, two o f f a t h e r ' s sisterfe c h i l d r e n wandered i n . Mrs. Flynn asked the l i t t l e hoy, about three years old, "Where i s your Daddy?" He s a i d , "In j a i l " . Anna laughed. S p i n d l e r d e s c r i b e s t h i s t r a i t , which he claims i s widely e x h i b i t e d among North American Indians as  '  . . .; a t t e n t i o n to the concrete r e a l i t i e s o f the p r e s e n t — . . . — p r a c t i c a l i t y , i n c o n t r a s t to a b s t r a c t i n t e g r a t i o n i n terms o f long-range g o a l s . ( S p i n d l e r 1957:148)  S t o i c i s m and Emotional R e s t r a i n t S t o i c i s m and the acceptance  of a d v e r s i t y as a normal  part o f l i f e i s a very obvious t r a i t where i l l n e s s i s concerned.  H a l l o w e l l confirms t h i s f o r the Saulteaux.  I l l n e s s among the present-day Saulteaux i s a l s o met with great p a t i e n c e , and t h i s thoroughly c o i n c i d e s with what i s r e p o r t e d f o r the Indians of e a r l i e r c e n t u r i e s . ( H a l l o w e l l 1955:145) We have r e f e r r e d t o the man who accepted the onset o f b l i n d n e s s without a f i g h t , (p.207)  the mother who was q u i t e  s a t i s f i e d to accept that her daughter because the c h i l d "acted s i l l y " ,  was mentally r e t a r d e d  even a f t e r the doctor had  s a i d she was probably b r i g h t e r than the others, ( p . 2 1 l ) and the woman who s a i d o f her son, "He's mentally i l l , (p.213)  T h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t o i c a l acceptance  quo appears  t o be a widespread  d e s c r i b e s another  of the s t a t u s  personality t r a i t .  Hallowell  f a c e t of emotional i n h i b i t i o n when he r e f e r s  to a p a t t e r n o f r e s t r a i n t observed by Peter Grant century ago.  I guess".  over a  227  T h e i r manner of s a l u t a t i o n i s almost r i d i c u l o u s : when strangers or l o n g absent f r i e n d s meet, they remain l i k e s t a t u e s for a c o n s i d e r a b l e time, with t h e i r faces h i d or i n c l i n e d to one s i d e and without exchanging one word. (Hallowell  1955:146)  T h i s p a t t e r n of behavior couple i n p a r t i c u l a r . home a l l week and, no  The  observed i n the case of  husband's job kept him  one  away from  when he r e t u r n e d home on F r i d a y evenings,  d i s p l a y of emotion or a f f e c t i o n passed between h i m s e l f  and h i s wife; at  was  the younger c h i l d r e n were not so r e s t r a i n e d  seeing t h e i r Father  again, however.  As H a l l o w e l l p o i n t s out, there are two  aspects  to the  p a t t e r n of r e s t r a i n t . For the p a t t e r n of emotional r e s t r a i n t not only i m p l i e s that the i n d i v i d u a l r e s t r a i n h i s own anger, i t a l s o r e q u i r e s that he suppress open c r i t i c i s m of h i s f e l l o w s i n f a c e - t o - f a c e r e l a t i o n s and a v o i d d i s p u t a t i o n of a personal k i n d i n order to a v o i d arousing t h e i r anger. (Hallowell  1955:134)  T h i s avoidance and b o t t l i n g up of emotions causes a n x i e t i e s which H a l l o w e l l sees as a c r u c i a l f a c t o r i n the treatment of children.  There i s a g e n e r a l i z e d suppression  to t e l l someone e l s e what to do. for  of any  impulse  T h i s p a t t e r n could account  the l a c k of r e s t r a i n t e x e r c i s e d by parents  upon t h e i r  children. What i s p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i s the a n x i e t y laden a t t i t u d e of parents toward severe d i s c i p l i n a r y measures and i t s p e r s i s t e n c e down to the present day. (Hallowell  1955:136)  The  n e c e s s i t y of a v o i d i n g open c o n f l i c t with  others  produces a mildness and a m i a b i l i t y i n f a c e - t o - f a c e r e l a t i o n s . Strict  compliance with accepted  standards of mildness  and  228  a m i a b i l i t y i s an expected behavior r e g a r d i n g the behavior lowing.  One  pattern;  of others was  this  expectation  made obvious by the  Indian, i n a p o s i t i o n of some p o l i t i c a l  on the Reserve, tended to a s s e r t h i s o p i n i o n s on  fol-  importance  occasion,  though he c o u l d by no means be considered aggressive by White standards.  I t was  s u r p r i s i n g to hear another  Indian r e f e r to  him as a "hot-head". Another f a c e t of t h i s b a s i c p a t t e r n i s the r e l u c t a n c e of  the Indians to r e f u s e a favor o u t r i g h t ;  agree to a request, though they may c a r r y i n g i t out.  they w i l l  always  have no i n t e n t i o n of  Both H a l l o w e l l and S p i n d l e r r e f e r to t h i s  psychological t r a i t .  (Hallowell  1955:136)  S p i n d l e r says,  Here there i s great s t r e s s on . . . doing f a v o r s whenever you are asked for fear you might d i s p l e a s e someone i f you r e f u s e d . (Spindler  1957:150)  S i t u a t i o n s exemplifying t h i s t r a i t arose on two occasions. shoes was  An e l d e r l y Indian, who  made l o v e l y powder horns with hinged  horn, was  occasions, the men  a l s o asked i f he would o b l i g e .  c a r r i e d out.  On  A  lids, both  answered i n the a f f i r m a t i v e and seemed  genuine and s i n c e r e i n t h e i r i n t e n t i o n .  like.  adept at making snow-  asked i f he would make the i n v e s t i g a t o r a p a i r .  second Indian, who out of cow  was  notable  Neither promise  The H a n d i c r a f t G u i l d , however, was  was  more b u s i n e s s -  229 "Getting Ahead" i n the World Another characteristic of personality i s the unaggressive attitude toward "getting ahead" i n the "outside world". This i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the story of the man  who  did not want  to become a foreman as t h i s would entail loss of seniority, with the result that he would see less of his family,  (p.55  There i s no obvious status-seeking, and l i t t l e desire to "better oneself", although a number of exceptions mentioned which may of education.  have been  be related to the improvement i n the l e v e l  The prevalent philosophy  of carpe deum has been  cited, and i s exemplified by the hunters who  gorged themselves  one day after a successful hunt, and had l i t t l e to eat the next day.  (p.72)  In t h i s regard, Spindler sees the psychological  structure as a perceptual screen.  He feels that there i s an  absence of clearcut and meaningful rewards for psychological adaptation and that the basic psychological structure blocks out whole areas of the new  culture so that i t i s possible for the  Indian to learn only l i m i t e d techniques of White culture;  he  assimilates only those techniques which are necessary accessories to getting along i n today's world. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , he says of the  (Spindler  1957:152)  Tuscarora,  The Tuscarora refuse to become "anal-reactive" whites. That i s , they do not save money, keep appointments punct u a l l y , or compulsively tend to the maintenance of their possessions---fields, cars, homes, and equipment—despite one hundred and f i f t y years of attempts (by whites) by persuasion, example, and punishment, to make them do so. (Spindler  1957:153)  230 Hallowell underlines a further psychological charact e r i s t i c which prevents the Indian from competing i n the aggressive Western culture which surrounds him. There was nothing i n the aboriginal culture to stimulate abstract thinking and the very elementary schooling some individuals have received i s not directed toward t h i s end. Furthermore, there i s nothing i n the culture to c a l l forth any imaginative powers of a highly creative sort. Myths and tales are recounted, not invented, and the same situation holds true for most of their music. The only art that seems to c a l l out any inventiveness i s beadwork. I t i s not strange to find, then, that the results of the Rorschach technique indicate that the i n t e l l i g e n c e of the Saulteaux functions at a concrete, p r a c t i c a l , common-sense l e v e l and that their characteristic i n t e l l e c t u a l approach to things i s very cautious and precise. Many of them add to this a capacity for observing acutely fine d e t a i l s that might escape other observers, but they show l i t t l e interest i n organizing such d e t a i l s into wholes with a s i g n i f i c a n t meaning. The d e t a i l s are of interest for their own sake rather than as part of some larger pattern. (Hallowell 1955:131-132) In short, they are not an i n t e l l e c t u a l people.  Abstract  concepts, essential tools i n the development of Western culture, are lacking for the development of the Indian's theoretical or a r t i s t i c thinking. The r e a l i z a t i o n that they are not l i v i n g up to White expectations has l e d to a generalized cultural i n f e r i o r i t y complex.  This complex i s evident i n comments such as "I'm too  stupid to do such and such", and i n the willingness to accept that one i s not capable of carrying out a certain task. attitudes indicate a generalized lack of confidence i n capabilities.  These  231 Generosity and Selflessness The atmosphere of sharing, cooperation, generosity, and selflessness appears to emanate from a generalized personality t r a i t .  Previous comments about democracy and  methods of electing o f f i c e r s are apropos i n t h i s context. (See  ip. 179)  The  following act of organized communal  generosity, though based i n the Church, seemed to have a t r a d i t i o n a l flavor. On Thanksgiving, everyone brings f r u i t , vegetables, and bread to the Church. The altar i s decorated with these foodstuffs, and then they are distributed to the old people. The general atmosphere of generosity i s interpreted by Hallowell and Spindler as being motivated by anxiety and a fear of causing disharmony, and also by an underlying fear of witchcraft or r e t a l i a t i o n by covert means.  I t must be  admitted that the investigator did not sense any  undercurrent  of anxiety and i n s i n c e r i t y i n the generosity displayed, though references were made to witchcraft.  (See p.202)  ORIGINS AND PRESENT-DAY MANIFESTATIONS OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TRAITS It i s interesting to speculate on the  circumstances  which may have l e d to the development of the particular psychological pattern outlined above.  Although a l l the  characteristics described appear to be interrelated, l e t us extract one t r a i t and attempt to reconstruct i t s path of development and show how i t operates i n a modern context. We have shown that the community i s kin-based.  232  T r a d i t i o n a l l y , i n a hunting and gathering economy, close-knit interdependence would have been necessary work was  essential.  for survival;  team-  Specialized talents and individual excel-  lence would have been acceptable only insofar as they were directed along l i n e s which were productive for the community. An individual who  set himself apart by his talents would have  been of no use to the community as a whole, and might even have been a detriment, i f his talent required him to be a parasite.  Por t h i s reason, controls were b u i l t i n to prevent  people from becoming too proficient at any one thing, and thereby setting themselves apart. This braking mechanism continues