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Settlement abandonment - a case study of Walhachin - myth and reality 1970

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SETTLEMENT ABANDONMENT A CASE STUDY OP WALHACHIN - MYTH AND REALITY by NELSON ANDREW RIIS B.Ed., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Geography We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1970 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a n a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l m a k e i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e H e a d o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a D a t e C22D A B S T R A C T I t h a s c o m m o n l y b e e n a s s u m e d t h a t t h e c o m m u n i t y o f W a l h a c h i n , s e t t l e d b y B r i t i s h a r i s t o c r a c y d u r i n g t h e i m m i g r a t i o n b o o m a t t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y , w a s e v e n t u a l l y a b a n d o n e d c o n s e q u e n t t o m o s t o f i t s m a n p o w e r b e i n g l o s t a s c a s u a l t i e s d u r i n g W o r l d W a r I . W i t h i n v e s t i g a t i o n i t w a s f o u n d t h a t t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n d i d n o t s u f f i c i e n t l y a c c o u n t f o r W a l h a c h i n * s f a i l u r e . I t w a s , h o w e v e r , t h e o n e a c c e p t e d a n d o f f e r e d b y t h e s e t t l e r s s i n c e i t a b s o l v e d t h e m o f a l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . T h e t h e s i s i s c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a n d e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e l e s s o b v i o u s a n d y e t m o r e c r i t i c a l v a r i a b l e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e s e t t l e m e n t * s a b a n d o n m e n t , a n d v i e w s t h e s e v a r i a b l e s a n d t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n t h e u n i f y i n g t h e m e o f s e t t l e m e n t p r o c e s s . T h e v a r i a b l e s e x a m i n e d r a n g e f r o m " m i c r o - c l i m a t i c c o n d i t i o n s " t h a t w o r k e d a g a i n s t t h e s e t t l e r ' s e f f o r t s a s h o r t i c u l t u r i s t s t o " l e v e l s o f e x p e c t a t i o n " w h i c h d e t e r m i n e d t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y d e m a n d e d o f t h e s e t t l e m e n t . T h e r e s u l t s o f t h e i n q u i r y w o u l d s u g g e s t t h a t W a l h a c h i n h a d n e v e r e x i s t e d a s a v i a b l e a g r i c u l t u r a l c o m m u n i t y . S i n c e t h e s e t t l e m e n t m a y b e r e g a r d e d v i r t u a l l y a s a m i c r o c o s m o f v a r i a b l e s i n h e r e n t i n a g r i - c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r a b a n d o n m e n t , i t s f a i l u r e v a r i a b l e s m a y b e c o n s i d e r e d a p p l i c a b l e n o t o n l y t o s i m i l a r c o l o n i z a t i o n schemes but to a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r regions generally. Two broad implications are derived from the findings F i r s t , the generally accepted single-factor explanation of Walhachin's fate must be replaced by a multi-factor explanation. Second, the individual's i n a b i l i t y to act e f f e c t i v e l y i n a new environment plays a more im- portant function than usually accorded i t i n f r o n t i e r studies. The essence of the research was that even i n retrospect, most of the s e t t l e r s interviewed were either unwilling or unable to determine the most fundamental cause for Walhachin's f a i l u r e - the s e t t l e r s themselves. A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S T h e w r i t e r w i s h e s t o t h a n k t h e r e m a i n i n g W a l h a c h i n s e t t l e r s a n d t h e i r f a m i l i e s f o r t h e i r a s s i s t a n c e a n d c o - o p e r a t i o n i n t h e r e s e a r c h f o r t h i s t h e s i s . P a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l w e r e t h e 7th M a r q u i s o f A n g l e s e y , S i r T a l b o t C h e t w y n d , "toe H o n o r a b l e C a r o l F e l l o w s , a n d M r . F . I v a t t . T h e w r i t e r a l s o w i s h e s t o t h a n k M r s . M a r y B a l f , c u r a t o r o f t h e K a m l o o p s M u s e u m , f o r h e r a s s i s t a n c e i n p r o v i d i n g i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t l o c a l h i s t o r y . S p e c i a l t h a n k s g o t o D r . A . L . F a r l e y , my a d v i s o r , a n d t o D r . A . H . S i e m e n s , f o r t h e i r a d v i c e a n d e n c o u r a g e - m e n t t h r o u g h o u t t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s . I m u s t a l s o t h a n k t h e m f o r t h e m o t i v a t i o n p r o v i d e d t h r o u g h t h e i r t e a c h i n g . T h e w r i t e r a l s o w i s h e s t o a c k n o w l e d g e w i t h t h a n k s t h e a s s i s t a n c e g i v e n b y h i s w i f e i n p r o o f r e a d i n g a s w e l l a s h e r e n c o u r a g e m e n t d u r i n g t r y i n g p e r i o d s . TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I INTRODUCTION 1 Introduction To The Problem 1 The Problem In Context 6 The Methodology 11 I I THE NATURAL SETTING 16 Location And Limits 16 Physiography 19 II I SEQUENT OCCUPANCE ON A CULTURAL LANDSCAPE 25 Walhachin Prior to 1908 25 Speculative Development 1908-1910 35" The Boom Era 1910-191U Uh Decline And Abandonment 1915-1922 60 IV ADJUSTMENTS AND FAILURE VARIABLES 61* The Irrigation System 6J4. Environmental Factors 85 B. C. Settlement Atmosphere . 99 Financial Decline 103 Quality Of The Settlers. 108 Effect Of World War I. . . . 118 V CONCLUSION 121 APPENDICES: 1. Research Techniques 129 2. Classification Of Soil at Walhachin 132 3. Classification according to suitab i l i t y For Irrigation. . 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY 137 vi LIST OP MAPS Map Wo. Page 1 Relative Location! Land and Water. . . . 14 2 Pre-emptions and Ea r l y Properties . . . . 28 3 Walhachin T 0wnaite 1914 . . . . . . . . 38A 4 F i e l d Patterns . . . . . . . 39A 5 Sequence of Cropped Lands and Transportation Links 55 6 The Walhachin I r r i g a t i o n System 65 LIST OP FIGURES Figure No. Page 1 Climatic Summary . 21 2 Chronology of Walhachin's Formative Years. 43 3 Walhachin Population Pyramid (1910 & 1914) 48 4 Produce Shipped From Walhachin 58 5 Drought Adjustment By I r r i g a t i o n 83 6 January Temperature Extremes 90 7 A P o s t e r i o r i Paradigm: Variables Influen- cing Settlement F a i l u r e 122 8 Variables Influencing Walhachin's F a i l u r e . 124 v i i LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS Photo No. Page 1. A view of the Walhachin Area i n the Thompson River Valley, indicating the arid nature of the region • • • • 15 2 An eastward view of the townsite and the C.N.R. Station, showing the terrace formations common to the entire Walhachin area • • • • • • • • • • • • • 15 3 # Westward view of the Thompson Valley showing uplands and terraces. The 1910 townsite i s partly v i s ib le . . . . . . . 18 ii A s o i l prof i le portraying the layer of cobble gravel which was spread over the lacustrine s i l t s 18 5 # General view of the Pennie Ranch property and the lands which were f i r s t i rr igated at Walhachin. C.P.R. l i n e appears i n the foreground • • • • • • • • 30 6 # An opposite view of the Pennie Ranch (looking westward) to that i n the preceeding photo * * * 30 7 An example of "natural grasslands" i n the Walhachin area 32 8 The small apple orchard at the Pennie Ranch which i n i t i a t e d the idea from which the Walhachin scheme began 32 9 * Preparing the orchard land (breaking the s o i l ) at Walhachin prior to the se l l ing of individual orchards* ko 10 * Work crew camp at Walhachin during preparatory work on the orchard lands . Uo 11 A typical settler*s home at Walhachin. Although the picture was taken i n 1970, i t suggests how the residents attempted to provide a contrast with the arid landscape surrounding the townsite • . . . . U6 12 * The B r i t i s h Columbia Development Association's Hotel - b u i l t to provide accommodation for prospective settlers awaiting the completion of their own homes 50 13 * Exclusive dining room i n the Company's Hotel ' • . . . 50 lij. * 1910 potato crop showing the technique (furrow) used for i r r iga t ing the vegetable crops • • 53 E h o t o N o . P a g e 15 * 1912 o r c h a r d w i t h a v e g e t a b l e c r o p a s a f i l l e r . T h e f i l l e r c r o p w a s i n t e n d e d t o r e d u c e e v a p o r a t i o n a s w e l l a s p r o v i d e s o m e m a r k e t a b l e g o o d s 53 16 * 1910 B a r n e s E s t a t e s * 56 17 * B . C . H . E . ( W e s t o f T o w n s i t e ) 1910 56 1 8 * 1$11 U p p e r R a n c h o r c h a r d 56 1 9 * B . C . H . E . 1912. o r c h a r d 56 20 + T h e o r i g i n a l S n o h o o s h L a k e D a m , l o c a t e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y t h i r t y m i l e s f r o m W a l h a c h i n . . . . . . 68 21 + V i e w o f S n o h o o s h L a k e f r o m t h e d a m . C o n s t r u c t i o n i n f o r e g r o u n d s h o w s t h e f l o o d c o n t r o l g a t e . . . . . . 68 22 • + M a i n f l u m e , e x e m p l i f y i n g i t s f r a i l c o n s t r u c t i o n . . . . 70 23 + M a i n f l u m e , l a t e r a l f l u m e a n d o p e n s p i l l w a y 70 2J4 # C o n s t r u c t i o n o f c a n a l s e c t i o n o f t h e m a i n a q u e d u c t . . . 70 25 + F l u m e a l o n g D e a d m a n C r e e k v a l l e y 70 26 S k e t c h o f t h e f l u m e t w i s t e d d o w n a f t e r a s m a l l s e c t i o n h a d b e e n w a s h e d o u t • • • _ 77 27 * V i e w o f B a r n e s E s t a t e s s h o w i n g r e c e n t l y c l e a r e d l a n d a n d l a t e r a l s y s t e m . N o t e v e g e t a t i o n z o n o t i o n o n t h e d i s t a n t s l o p e • • • 77 28 * A n e x a m p l e o f t h e f o u r - f u r r o w s y s t e m u s e d t o i r r i g a t e t h e o r c h a r d s a t W a l h a c h i n * 79 29 + T h e s i p h o n u s e d t o t r a n s f e r w a t e r f r o m t h e B a r n e s E s t a t e s t o t h e s o u t h s i d e o f t h e r i v e r 79 # P h o t o g r a p h f r o m t h e H o n o r a b l e C a r o l F e l l o w s f a m i l y a r c h i v e s -* P h o t o g r a p h f r o m B . C . D . A . p r o m o t i o n a l b r o c h u r e + P h o t o g r a p h t a k e n f r o m t h e R e p o r t o n t h e A n g l e s e y E s t a t e , W a l h a c h i n , B . C . , b y W . H . M o o d i e 1 Chapter I Introduction Introduction To The Problem In Sir Cl i f f o r d Sifton'a 1 efforts to entice immigrants into the Canadian West, he described the ideal settler aa a "...stalwart peasant in a aheep-skin coat, born on the aoil , whoae forefathers had been farmers for generationa, with a stout wife and half-a-dozen children...." If one could viaualize another settler standing with Sifton'a "ideal", namely the 6th Marquis of Anglesey from one of England*a wealthieat aristocratic families, educated at Eton, married by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Captain of the Royal Horse Guards and close friend of King George V and Queen Mary, the theme of this study would begin to unfold. The study is about Walhachin3, an agricultural (primarily horticultural) settlement, which may alao be 1 Sir Clifford Sifton, Miniater of the interior in Laurier'a Liberal Government, was in part" responsible for the massive immigration into Canada between the turn of the century and World War I. Hia vigorous immigration policies are exemplified in British Columbia where in 1921, only 50% of the population was native-born. 2 J. W. Dafoe, Clifford Sifton In Relation To Hia Time. Toronto, The Macmillan Company of Canada Ltd., 1931, p. 319. Walhachin (pronounced "Wallaaheen") was the name given to the C.P.R. station in 1909. In this study the name refers not only to the station and the townaite but alao to a l l the lands purchaaed for horticulture connected with the settlement. 2 regarded as an e t h n i c s e t t l e m e n t i n t h a t i t s p o p u l a t i o n was comprised t o t a l l y of E n g l i s h i m m i g r a n t s . I t s d e c l i n e and abandonment h a s , i n the popular myth, been a t t r i b u t e d s o l e l y to c a s u a l t i e s s u f f e r e d b y Walhachin v o l u n t e e r s d u r i n g World War I . However, as t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n r e v e a l s , 4 the c a s u a l t i e s were l i g h t and Walhachin*s v i a b i l i t y as a se t t lement was, a t b e s t , d o u b t f u l w i t h the advent of war o n l y h a s t e n i n g i t s I n e v i t a b l e e n d . The s i n g l e f a c t o r e x p l a n a t i o n of the s e t t l e m e n t ' s abandonment presented by Ormsby, H u t c h i s o n , B o r t h w i c k , and B a l f i s not o n l y i n a c c u r a t e but a l s o inadequate i n t h a t i t ignores the most important f a c t o r s . A more complete e x p l a n a t i o n Is o f f e r e d b y an examinat ion and assessment of m u l t i p l e f a c t o r s which may be d e f i n e d g e n e r a l l y as c u l t u r a l and e n v i r o n m e n t a l . These would i n c l u d e such v a r i a b l e s as l e v e l of e x p e c t a t i o n , q u a l i t y of background and e d u c a t i o n , r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n , a v a i l a b i l i t y of c a p i t a l , q u a l i t y and The terms v i a b i l i t y , f a i l u r e and success are used f r e q u e n t l y throughout t h i s s tudy and t h e r e f o r e r e q u i r e c l a r i f i c a t i o n . They are d i s c u s s e d and def ined at the end of t h i s c h a p t e r . 5 See M. B a l f et a l . A H i s t o r y of the D i s t r i c t to 1914. Kamloops, Kamloops Museum A s s o c i a t i o n , 1969, Chapter 34 ; D. B o r t h w i c k , "Se t t lement In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a " , T r a n s a c t i o n s of the 8 th B r i t i s h Columbia N a t u r a l Resources Conference . V i c t o r i a , 1955, p p . 97-108; B . H u t c h i s o n , The E r a s e r . T o r o n t o . C l a r k e , I r w i n and C o . L t d . , 1950, Chapter 18 ; M . Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia , T o r o n t o , The Mac- m i l l a n Company of Canada, i j t d . , 1958, Chapter 1 3 . 3 quantity of land, and product demand. The purpose of this study is to identify a number of these variables and explain their contributions to the process of settlement failure at Walhachin. The settlement serves as a useful study area in which to examine such a process since It may be viewed as a composite of settlement failure factors. In most "ghost town" studies, abandonment is generally attributed to one major variable such as resource depletion or drought, but Walhachin's abandonment resulted from a number of variables. En toto they created an environment in which settlement could no longer continue, and although a l l were contributory, a number were significantly more important and w i l l be identified and discussed accordingly. Since the fundamental theme of this study i s failure, i t may be useful to explain how the term Is to be used in the context of this inquiry. Settlement can be considered successful only i f an adequate income Is generated by ac- t i v i t y within the settlement — adequate i n providing a g standard of l i v i n g acceptable to the Individual • If such a condition is not f u l f i l l e d , the settlement f a i l s and Is followed by deterioration and eventual abandonment. The v i a b i l i t y of a settlement, then, refers to Its Inhabitants' By this definition, a settlement of remittance men would not be considered successful since their livelihood would not necessarily be dependent upon their activities i n the settlement. 4 potential and a b i l i t y to avoid this state of fa i l u r e . However, one must recognize that this is subjective failure, since both failure and v i a b i l i t y relate to the settler's level of expectation. If there is a lowering of this level, the v i a b i l i t y and failure assessment maybe altered. Another aspect of subjective failure may be Illustrated by the individual who settles In a viable location but dislikes his neighbors and abandons his land. However, in regard to Walhachin, though livestock enterprises are possible, one may hypothesize that the settlement was never essentially viable. At that particular site, an agricultural community 7 l i k e l y could never have endured regardless of the level of expectation held by the settlers. As well as site short- comings, the settlers themselves were representative of a behaviorial pattern typical of settlers who eventually be come failure s. Walhachin's v i a b i l i t y as an agricultural settlement w i l l be examined within these general categories of cul- tural and environmental variables. More expl i c i t l y , i t s v i a b i l i t y w i l l be investigated through an explanation of the processes of Walhachin's settlement discussed in response to the following questions: 1) What possibilities (myths) did those responsible for settlement policy see in the physical environment? Although agriculture s t i l l exists at Walhachin, i t i s at such a scale as to render an income sufficient for only one or two families. 5 2) How did the settlement evolve and can one recognize distinct stages of sequent occupance? 3) What were the land and promotional policies de- signed to bring land and people together as well as the Q experiments and adjustments attempted once this union occurred? 4) What economic achievements, i f any, did the set- tlers experience — individually and as a vsfoole? 5) What form did the settlement eventually take in terms of physical and social structure? These general questions outline, In essence, the re- search parameters of this study. The answers to these questions, combined within a unifying theme of Walhachln's v i a b i l i t y , w i l l aim to substantiate the statement Issued by a Departmental Committee appointed by the British Parliament in 1906 to Inquire Into English agricultural settlements in the British colonies, which concluded, "... whether we turn to Canada, South America or Australia, we do not find an instance of a thoroughly successful g effort at colonization". 8 The terms 'adjustment* and 'adaptation' w i l l be used Interchangeably throughout this study to refer to any change in personality, society, or culture which aids in the maintenance, continuance, or functioning of a settlement system. W. A. Carrothers, Emigration From the British Isles. London, P. S. King and Sons, Ltd., 1929, p. 239. 6 T h e P r o b l e m i n C o n t e x t T h e r e i s a d e f i n i t e n e e d f o r s t u d i e s s u c h a s t h i s t o f u l l y e x p l a i n t h a t c r i t i c a l p e r i o d o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a s e t t l e m e n t a r o u n d t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y w h i c h , i n s o m e r e s p e c t s , w a s a s i m p o r t a n t t o B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s d e v e l o p - m e n t a s t h e g o l d r u s h e s o f t h e m i d - 1 9 t h c e n t u r y . A l t h o u g h t h e m i n i n g f r o n t i e r i n i t i a t e d m u c h o f t h e s e t t l e m e n t w h i c h o c c u r r e d i n t h e p r o v i n c e , i t w a s t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r t h a t e s t a b l i s h e d a s e n s e o f p e r m a n e n c e t o t h e s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s c r e a t e d b y t h e s e a r c h f o r m i n e r a l s . M i n i n g p r o v i d e d t h e i m p e t u s , a n d a g r i c u l t u r e p r o v i d e d t h e s t a b i l i t y . T h i s s t u d y ' s c o n c e r n i s w i t h B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a s e t t l e m e n t a n d i t i s h o p e d t h a t s o m e c o n t r i b u t i o n h a s b e e n m a d e t o w a r d a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f s e t t l e m e n t p r o c e s s g e n e r a l l y a n d t o t h a t i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n p a r t i c u l a r . A l t h o u g h n o c o m p r e h e n s i v e s t u d y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a h a s y e t b e e n m a d e , t h e r e a r e a l i m i t e d n u m b e r o f g e n e r a l t r e a t - m e n t s s u c h a s t h o s e d o n e b y D . B o r t h w i c k 1 0 a n d M. O r m s b y 1 1 . R e g i o n s s u c h a s t h e S h u s w a p , ' O k a n a g a n a n d L o w e r F r a s e r V a l l e y h a v e b e e n s t u d i e d i n d e p t h a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y t h e s e t t l e m e n t p r o c e s s w h i c h o c c u r r e d i n t h e s e p a r t i c u l a r r e g i o n s i s w e l l d o c u m e n t e d . S e t t l e m e n t h a s a l s o b e e n s t u d i e d i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h v a r i o u s l i m i t e d t h e m e s a s G u n n ' s e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e g o l d r u s h e s e f f e c t o n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a s e t t l e m e n t Borthwick, loc. c i t . Ormsby, op. cit. 7 12 settlement patterns. Along with a collection of local histories, many of which are poorly researched and written, these constitute the existing British Columbia settlement studies. It Is hoped that this study of Walhachin w i l l eventually f a c i l i t a t e a comprehensive study of the 13 province's settlement process. British Columbia settlement may be dealt with by using various themes such as i t s relationship to the mining frontier (partially attempted by Gunn), but for many parts of the province a more appropriate associa- tion would be that with the agricultursil frontier. In British Columbia, the role of the agriculture frontier 14 has not received i t s due consideration. Walhachin may be viewed as a case-study of an agricultural frontier area. It was characterized by marginal s o i l quality, climatic uncertainty, and unavailability of accurate Infor- mation about the area, a l l of which are implicit in the 1 2 A. M. Gunn, "Gold and the Early Settlement of British Columbia. 1858-1885" (unpublished Master's dissertation. Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, 1965.) 13 No research has been attempted on the Walhachin area other than for superficial accounts in newspaper articles and i s generally known only through Isolated references in books and articles dealing with British Columbia. 1 4 P. F a i r f i e l d , writing about British Columbia prior to World War I, goes to great lengths describing only the horticultural areas in the province such as the Okanagan, Upper Fraser (Thompson and "icola Valleys), Shuswap and Adams Lake, Boundary Country (Kettle Valley), Vancouver Island and adjacent islands and the settlement which occurred in each of these. See P. F a i r f i e l d , British Columbia. London, Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons Ltd., 1914. 8 term frontier. Although British Columbia appears to lack the frontier line emphasized by Turner and M e i n i g , the frontier phenomena discussed by these two and by Bowman, Webb, Billington, Innis and Lower are extremely relevant to any discussion of British Columbia settlement. 1 5 One can recognize the agriculture frontier continually advancing and retreating on the outer fringes of land occupation. One kind of crop and then another may be grown to see which w i l l best withstand the hazards of un- certain climate. Range land is broken Into farmland and then reverts to range again. Whether to raise livestock or grow crops, or how best to combine them, are questions that are never completely resolved by settlers on the frontier because the climate is generally uncertain and the relative market prices of what they might have to s e l l can rarely be determined in advance. Walhachin can be con- sidered as a frontier location and can be seen as a case study of frontier adjustment and/or maladjustment. Walhachin may also be viewed as one of a number of ethnic group settlements which were established during the period around the turn of the last century. Although many of these were eventually abandoned, they did play a role in the province's development, both directly and Each of the following have written extensively on the frontier with the latter two emphasizing Canada* Isaiah Bowman, Frederick Jackson Turner, Walter P. Webb, D. W. Meinig, R. A. Billington, A. R. M. Lower and G. P . G. Stanley. 9 16 indirectly, and aa yet, have received l i t t l e attention. These were groups in which language, sectarianism, nationalism and collectivism in various combinations dis- tinguished them from their neighbors. Investigation of a population map indicating.country-of-origin and depict- ing settlement at intervals after 1895 would indicate that homogeneous groups had taken possession of specific areas. Their members would constitute a significant pro- portion of the population and would have experienced a sense of solidarity from the outset. Some of these groups, as the French and Dutch, exhibited more individualism in community building while in other groups this indiv- idualism was held in check by a common desire to maintain their cultural distinctiveness. An example of the latter groups are the Boukhobors and Mennonites which have been 17 the only major ethnic groups studied in detail . Hence a number of gaps require f i l l i n g and within this context the community of Walhachin deserves examination as an ethnic group settlement. Some of these ethnic group settlements are: Seymour Arm (British), Malcolm Island (Finnish), Bella Coola (Norwegian), Cape Scott (Danish), Telkwa (Swiss), Housten (Dutch), Tupper Creek (Sudeten-German), and Windermere (British. The best contemporary example would be the Quaker settlement at Argenta on Kootenay Lake. 17 Examples of these studies would be H. W. Bockemuehl's M. A. thesis, Poukhobor Impact on the British Columbia Landscape: An Historical Geographical Study and A.H. Siemens' M. A. thesis, Mennonite Settlement in the Lower Fraser Valley. 10 A portion of this study is devoted to the cultural variable in the settlement process at Walhachin, Isaiah Bowman remarked that "a study of pioneering that takes no account of the s p i r i t of the pioneers i s a study in vacua". 1 More recently, J. Wreford Watson furthered this argument by stating that "... illusions about the environment have powerful effect upon how the environment is used, and thus the subject we c a l l geography should pay at least as much attention to the climate of the mind as to the climate, to the morphology of thought as to geomorphology, that 19 i s , to mental processes and patterns" • While collect- ing data that focused on human failure within the Walhachin schema of fa i l u r e , a topic began to emerge that has received l i t t l e attention in the explanation of the province's sequent occupanceJ a search for Utopia. Many settlers, both individually and in groups, arrived in British Columbia searching for the 'good l i f e 1 in vary- ing forms, such as health, wealth and adventure. Although seeking Utopia, most ended similarly to the Walhachin settlers by finding quite the contrary. However i t Is a factor that must be reckoned with, and upon examination, may explain a good deal of the province's settlement 18 I. Bowman, "Planning In Pioneer Settlement". Annals of the Association of American Geographers. XXII (June, 1932), No. 2, p. 97. Of the nine volumes in the Canadian Frontiers of Settlement series, one volume, Pioneering in the Prairie Provinces: The Social Side of the' Settlement Process. deals with the cultural variable in settlement. B. Benvenute, In Farming in Cultural Change. stresses the human aspect of efficient farming. 1 9 J. W. Watson, "The Role of Illusion in North American Geography: A Note on the Geography of North American Settlement, "The Canadian Geographer. XIII. (Spring 1969), p. 26. process and pattern. Walhachin may be regarded as exemplifying a number of general themes relating to British Columbia settle- ment; sequent occupance, agriculture and the frontier, and the search for Utopia and, as a result, was an obvious topic for one interested primarily in settlement and in Western Canada. As a research topic, Walhachin was also chosen because of Its distinctiveness and its ready accessibility. Its obvious distinctiveness (remnant orchards in sagebrush and e l i t i s t social structure) would pique the interest of any geographer. Also, time was becoming c r i t i c a l . Although the site and h i s t o r i c a l records are readily accessible, a substantial part of the data for this inquiry was available only from informants, 20 of whom the most useful were the original settlers. The Methodology This Is a study in settlement geography using an - histori c a l approach. It may be classed as a study of past geography and geographic change through time, employing a method introduced by Whittlesey — that of * Of the original settlers s t i l l l i v i n g , most were in their eighties and of those born at Walhachin, most were retired. The importance of the time factor is i l - lustrated by the fact that two of the people Interviewed during the 1969 f i e l d work have since died. 12 21 sequent occupance. It is a useful method to apply to an area where stages may be recognized during which human occupation and development remained relatively constant and were altered only when extraneous forces interfered, changing the area's direction or rate of development or both. Although these forces may be natural, such as an earthquake or flood, the forces acting on Walhachin's stages may be regarded as interruptions of a cultural nature. It is upon these forces that emphasis wi l l be placed in order to explain the processes res- ponsible for the merging of one stage into the next. These stages of sequent occupance not only place the current stage in i t s proper relation to antecedents and to 22 successors, but place any stage into i t s true perspective. Therefore, a geographer using such an approach is able to select and elaborate upon those past geographies whose 23 reconstruction is especially significant for his purposes. 2 1 See D. Whittlesey, "Sequent Occupance."Annals of the Association of American Geographer, XIX (1929), pp. 162-165. The study of Walhachin lends i t s e l f to this type of approach as i t may be recognized as evolving through four distinct stages: 1) Prior to 1908 2) Organization and Promotion 3) Boom period prior to 1914 4) Decline and abandonment. 2 2 Ibid., 164. A. H. Clark, "Historical Geography", American Geography Inventory and Prospect, ed. P. E. James, and C. P. Jones, (Syracuse:Syracuse University Press, 1954), Chapter 3. Consequently, the third stage of occupance at Walhachin, the one which witnessed the most significant changes, w i l l receive the greatest emphasis. The phases of sequent occupance may be visualized as impressions upon the landscape, the landscape being 24 a natural palimpsest , S-his method of explaining the current landscape Is especially applicable to Walhachin. Each of the former phases of human occupance are f a i n t l y visible upon the landscape today, indicating a part of a varied past; each being a stage of human occupance. Such a landscape could not long remain unexamined by cultural geographers and i t is In such a s p i r i t that this research was undertaken. The various research techniques utili z e d in this study are described in detail In Appendix I. Having defined the problem as well as the parameters of explanation, and shown the position of this study In the literature and current British Columbia settlement research, attention w i l l now be turned to an inquiry into the physical setting of Walhachin. ^ 4 Webster's New World Dictionary (College Edition) defines palimpsest as "a parchment, tablet, etc. that has been written upon or inscribed two or three times, the previous text or texts having been imperfectly erased and remaining, therefore, s t i l l v i s i b l e . " S n o h o o s h L a k e LOCATION OF THE STUDY AREA /Ranch Photo 1 A view of the Walhachin area i n the Thompson River V a l l e y , i n d i c a t i n g the a r i d nature of the region. Photo 2. An eastward view of the townsite and the C.N.R. st a t i o n , showing the terrace formations common to the entire Walhachin area. Chapter 2 The Natural Setting Introduction Considering the v i s i o n of an i d e a l r u r a l landscape l i k e l y held by most of the English s e t t l e r s , the sight of the Walhachin landscape must have caused considerable disappointment. Most had li v e d at some period or other in a country seat and undoubtedly expected some i d y l l i c s e t t i n g (partly as a r e s u l t of promotional brochures) but found v i r t u a l l y the opposite. Walhachin i s one of the driest parts of Canada, rece i v i n g an average of only 7.55 inches of p r e c i p i t a t i o n annually 1 and i s comparable to the southern Okanagan Valle y i n maximum summer temperatures (a July and August o 2 average of 70.5 P.) . Xerophytic vegetation covers the area (see Photo 1 and Photo 2). Location and Limits Walhachin l i e s i n the Thompson River Valley, situated i n the southern part of the i n t e r i o r Plateau of B r i t i s h Columbia (see Map l ) . The areal extent of Walhachin 1 J. K. Mohr, Acting Officer i n charge of the Ashcroft Meteorological Station stated i n an interview that the temperatures and p r e c i p i t a t i o n at Walhachin are equivalent to those at the Ashcroft V i l l a g e Weather Station. The exact f i g u r e was obtained from: B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Agriculture, Climate of B r i t i s h Columbia. Report f o r 1965, V i c t o r i a , 1966, p. 38 2 Ibid.. pp. 8-9. 17 approximates five thousand acres, stretching in a seven mile belt along the river, about one-and-one-half miles wide. This particular shape is largely dictated by physio- graphic boundaries. The north-south limit i s related to climatic and landform boundaries which essentially separate the valley from the surrounding uplands. The valley rim may be considered the natural boundary between the valley and plateau. Although the climatic boundary is less definite and must be recognized as a zone where the valley and plateau climates merge, this zone cor- responds remarkably well with the valley rim increasing the relevance of the physiographic boundary in delimiting the study area. The longitudinal limits of Walhachin are property lines and were a r b i t r a r i l y established in that the amount of land available for purchase was limited. An Indian Reserve lay to the east and private property to the west. Although the settlement was essentially abandoned more than f i f t y years ago, i t s extent may s t i l l be recognized by the r e l i c s l e f t upon the landscape such as irrigation 3 works, fence lines, and f r u i t tree skeletons. These demarcation c r i t e r i a , physiographic and cultural elements, excludes two areas which are indirect components of Walhachin but c r i t i c a l in the analysis of the settle- ment: water sources and grazing lands. Map No. 1 shows the basic irrigation pattern and the sources beyond Walhachin lands, and also the Twin Lakes area which served as summer grazing pastures for Walhachin cattle. Photo 3 . Westward view of the Thompson V a l l e y showing uplands and terraces. The 1910 townsite i s p a r t l y v i s i b l e . Photo if P h y s i o g r a p h y Walhachin l i e s within the Thompson River Valley which is believed to have developed upon an old erosion surface remnants of which now l i e at an elevation of about 5,000 feet above sea level and about 4,000 feet above the valley floor. The region is characterized by flat-topped to r o l l i n g uplands separated from one another by deeply entrenched valleys. Walhachin Is located in such a valle During deglaciation, a large part of the Thompson River Valley was occupied by a glacial lake which had successive shorelines at atout 1800, 1600, and 1400 feet elevation above sea l e v e l . The valley between Savona and Ashcroft, in which Walhachin Is located, was part of the 4 lake . During this lake stage, large deltas were formed at the mouths of Deadman and Brassey Creeks, composed mainly of sand and gravelly materials. Between these two deltas, the valley bottom was lined with s i l t , deposited chiefly by the Bonaparte River since at that time the drainage was eastward. The glacial lake probably lowered it s shoreline considerably below the 1400 foot level before drainage opened westward towards the Eraser River. During this period the Thompson River carved a channel through the area, reducing the deltas and terracing the lacustrine 4 See Map No. 1 for place name orientation and for profiles of the valley. (Map information source was the British Columbia Department of Lands, Brief 198, by E. H. Tredcroft.) s i l t s (see Photo 3). The eroded sands and gravels from the deltas were spread as a thin veneer over the terraced s i l t s (see Photo 4). During some later period, substan- t i a l erosion occurred in the watersheds of the temporary and permanent streams which resulted in a series of fan formations such as those at the mouth of Brassey and Upper Ranch Creeks which overlaid parts of the sandy and gravel- l y terraces, thus Improving the land for irrigation. The resulting mosaic of soils varying in quality did not receive any consideration in the planning of the settle- . ment . The wide range of s o i l quality was certainly influential in determining Walhachin's success agricul- turally and consequently the topic of soils w i l l receive more elaboration when attention is focused upon problems experienced by the settlers. Climate cannot be emphasized too strongly since the success of an agricultural economy "... pivots primarily 6 on effective adjustment to climatic conditions". The Walhachin settlers essentially failed to complete this adjustment. 5 It i s significant that the original evaluation of the property was made by observing and testing the s o i l on the fan at the mouth of Brassey Creek ~ the most f e r t i l e location in the area. Appendix No. 2 presents more specific information regarding the nature and location of so i l s at Walhachin, with Appendix No. 3 Indicating the classes of soils according to their s u i t a b i l i t y for irrigation. T. P. Saarinen, Perception of the Drought-Hazard of the Great Plains, The University of Chicago, Department of Geography Research Paper No. 106, 1966, p. 18. I 3 0 X h*-F ros t Free S e a s o n — > j )f G r o w i n q S e a s o n *l F r o s t F r e e S e a s o n ( M e a n ) — A p r i l 3 0 - O c t . 7 G r o w i n q S e a s o n M e a n T e m p e r a t u r e > 4 3 ° Sources: C L I M A T E OF BRITISH C OLU M BIA, R E P 0 R T f o r 1966 . F R O S T F R E E S E A S O N IN B . C . byA.T. C O N N E R , 1 9 4 9 . CL IMATE OF B . C . A N D T H E Y U K O N TERRITORY by W. KENDREW S D . K E R R Figure 1 summarizes graphically the climate of Walhachin showing the averages of three climatic elements (along with two derivatives of temperature), their distribution throughout the year, and their Inter- relationships. Because the settlement l i e s in a rain shadow, i t experiences comparatively l i t t l e precipita- tion. Rainfall and snowfall in the valley are light com- pared to that on the plateau, with annual snowfall seldom exceeding forty inches and thus posing no problems for those l i v i n g in the valley. The adjacent upland areas receive noticeably more precipitation than the valley and i t was upon these areas that Walhachin relied for a source of irrigation water. The lowest parts of the valle experience the least precipitation, since even when rain does f a l l over the valley i t often evaporates during the long drop to the valley f l o o r . Just as with precipitation, temperature is greatly affected by the valley and its east-west orientation. The settlers recognized the effect of altitude on tem- perature and concentrated their horticultural efforts only in the valley bottom. Here the frost-free period 7 is two to three times greater than on the upland surface. Because of the east-west trend of the valley, the north T. R. Weir, Ranching In The Southern Interior Plateau of British Columbia. Ottawa, Geographical Branch, Mines and Technical Surveys, Memoir 4, 1964, p. 31. wall receives more solar energy, reaches Its maximum temperature sooner and retains i t s heat longer than the g south wall after the sun has set. This difference causes cross-valley winds which, combined with site fac- tors, make the northern side less prone to frosts but more susceptible to drought. Walhachin Is a good example of an area where agricul- ture is affected by micro-climatic controls. As well as the valley and i t s directional orientation, the inter- position of such landforms as terraces,small h i l l s , ridges and basins create conditions favorable to the development of a complex pattern of micro-climates. One landform may experience more shade or more sunlight than another, be better protected from winds, have maximum temperatures in the morning or be associated with a particular s o i l type, creating an environment more suited to one crop than another. The modification maybe considerable or i n f i n i - tesimal, depending more or less on the size and shape of the landform acting as the major control. The importance of micro-climatic variations must not be underestimated when analyzing a marginal agricultural area such as Walhachin. The climate of Walhachin is largely the result of a Q This temperature range is also indicated by the rattlesnake distribution. Large numbers of snakes are found on the north side of Walhachin, few on the south. Also, relative humidity is related to temperature and has Important relationships with s o i l moisture. 24 local control, namely the valley, which transforms the overall climate of the Central Interior into a sub- regional climate which in turn is altered by the many micro-climatic controls. The upland and lowland nature of the Central Interior's climate has essentially placed Walhachin altitudinally below the tree-line. Located wholly in a grassland region, the vegetation being the type normally associated with semi-arid conditions in Western North America! a dominance of sagebrush, rabbit t bush and cacti on the terraces with blue-bunch wheat- grass growing mainly on the valleywalls. Each element in the physical environment i s , to some extent, the result of a l l the others and cannot be changed without affecting the region as a whole. Partly as a result of the number of variable features, changes do occur, especially over long periods of time, but one of the most common agents of change is man, whose influence has been comparatively recent. Man himself may be recognized as a potential geographic element for he be- comes as integral a part of the region as landforms, climate, vegetation and soils — perhaps even more so be- cause he is capable of introducing physical changes at w i l l . It is up to him whether or not he w i l l use the natural region wisely and to his advantage. The following chapters deal with man's activities upon the landscape at Walhachin and how the settlers, in fact, failed to use the region always to advantage. 25 Chapter 3 Sequent Occupance On A Cultural Landscape Introduction The sequent occupance of Walhachin may be divided into four main phases of development. The f i r s t phase entails a long period of human occupance prior to 1908, the year when property was purchased for the Walhachin colonization scheme. Phase two deals with the organiza- tion and the preliminary development of the settlement as i t was prepared for speculation. This phase lasted only two years and essentially serves to introduce the third phase, being the boom years. These boom years preceding the outbreak of World War I are i n some ways the most crucial in that they were Walhachin's 'best' years and w i l l receive considerable elaboration because they pro- vide much of the framework upon which the following analysis depends.. The fourth phase includes the years of social and economic decline u n t i l 1922 when the last English settlers abandoned their lands. Included in this section wi l l be a short discussion of the post-Walhachin develop- ments to round out the period of human occupance. Walhachin Prior to 1908 In the spring of 1808, Simon Fraser, with twenty-three men, l e f t Fort George in four canoes. Their purpose was to explore unknown waters to the south, then regarded as main tributaries of the Columbia River. In June they reached a large river flowing from the eaat and named i t Thompson River after David Thompson, explorer for the Northwest Company. The year 1811 witnessed the arrival of the f i r s t white men into the Thompson River Valley when two fur traders of the Pacific Pur Company wandered Into the valley from the Okanagan and spent the winter trading with the Shuswap Indians. One of these traders returned the following year and constructed a permanent trading post at the site of present-day Kamloops, some thirty-four miles east of Walhachin. In 1921, the Thompson Valley came under the auspices of the Hudson's Bay Company which possessed sole trading rights through- out the valley and acted as the local government. Considering the Company's fur trade monopoly, i t is not surprising that although the traders were aware of the existence of gold in the area as early as 1852, they were reluctant to publicize the fact. Their reluctance was well founded, for in 1858 news of the discovery drew miners from a l l over the world, many of whom passed through the Thompson Valley or worked it s river bars for placer gold. Although their presence would eventually hav§ profound effects upon the landscape, their immediate influence was negligible. However, the miners did trans- form the river's edge and In so doing, Initiated a process which eventually removed the aboriginal Inhabitants from their ancestral lands around Walhachin. These Indians, a subgroup of the large interior Salish nation, built their winter quarters in and around Walhachin. Basically a nomadic people, they lived at a number of camping grounds with more or less permanent winter homes. These kekulies\ s t i l l visible along the dry river terraces, were located at or near the river since an important item in the Indian's diet was f i s h , primarily salmon, steelhead and trout. Pishing condi- tions were particularly good at Walhachin with the large exbow and expanses of backwater creating not only good fishing but a suitable environment for water fowl and excellent autumn hunting. This choice setting was shortlived once the miners appeared, since the Indian's winter homesltes were located •on the major routeway for cattle drives to Barkerville, an important centre of placer-mining act i v i t y to the north. Chief Ceciasket's tribe, Inhabiting the territory around Walhachin, consisted of sixty-two families with a total population of only 122 in 18682 (perhaps indicating the consequence of the 1862 smallpox epidemic). Although the tribe owned twenty-eight horses and ten head of cattle, the cattlemen who began moving permanently into the valley apparently had no intention of sharing good winter pasture 1 A circular p i t two to three feet deep with an average diameter of t h i r t y feet under a framework of poles covered with bark, dry grass, and sods. 2 P. O'Reilly, "Report to the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works", Simpson's Papers, Kamloops Museum, August 29, 1868. re AP 2 L a n d L o t s Represent Ho ld ings S u b s e g u e n t To P r e - e m p t i o n s Pre-emptions- Land Lo ts — C.I. = I 0 0 feet F o r W a l h a c h i n ' s . e v e n t u a l b o u n d a r y s e e M a p s 4 , 5 , a n d 6 . P r i n c i p a l S o u r c e : K a m l o o p s L a n d R e g i s t r y F i l e s ro > 0 0 29 with the Indiana. Consequently, the Deadman's Creek Reserve was surveyed i n 1868 to provide a new home becauae the tr i b e ' s anceatral lands and winter homes had been transformed and had taken on a new r o l e , as rangeland. The f i r s t major cattleman i n the Walhachin area was John Wilson. He had prospered during the C a l i f o r n i a Gold Rush and had used hia money t o purchase c a t t l e i n Oregon which he drove to the Cariboo. He continued to bring i n c a t t l e and i n 1865 pre-empted land at Walhachin f o r winter grazing. H e expanded his holdings and eventually grazed thousands of cattle to become known as the cattle-king of the Central I n t e r i o r . Aschal Sumner Bates and Matt Stewart pre-empted land west of Deadman'a Creek. Although they preceded Wilson, t h e i r c a t t l e holdings were never ex- tended beyond t h e i r o r i g i n a l pre-emption l o t s . J. B. Greaves, the founder of the Douglas Lake Cattle Company, abandoned a large herd at the present townsite of Walhachin i n 1867 after f a i l i n g to s e l l them i n the Cariboo. Upon his return the following spring, he found the herd to be t h r i v - ing so he continued to graze c a t t l e at the a i t e , alongaide the pre-emption of Stephen Tirigley. When Tingley f a i l e d to complete his t i t l e , Greaves claimed hia aa well as 3 Land recorda ahow a number of 160-acre pre-emptiona taken out by varioua men and tranaferred to Wixaon - - a technique uaed to obtain large acreagea of good bottom- land . O n a r a l view or mn o l d t i m e r ' * Cattle Ranch a t Penny* in the T h o m p s o n River district now being irrigated a n d developed a s a Fruit farming estate. C n n a d i a n Pacific Railway to Vancouver in the foreground. Photo 5 . General view o f the Pennie Ranch p r o p e r t y and the l a n d s which were f i r s t i r r i g a t e d a t Walhachin. C.P.R. l i n e appears i n the f o r e g r o u n d . 31 pre-empting the neighboring 160 acres in 1872. In 1879 he purchased more land to own both land lots 402 and 403 (see Map 2). In 1870, Charles Pennie pre-empted 160 acres across the river from John Wilson's winter pasture after witness- ing the excellent winter grazing conditions. Two years later he purchased 487 acres from Charles McCallum (Lot 421) which later became known as the Upper Ranch. In 1878, he added to his f i r s t pre-emption and expanded that lot (Lot 404) to 320 acres as well as obtaining a lease for 20,000 acres of summer pasture (see Photo 5 and Photo 6). With the gradual passing of a c t i v i t y in the Cariboo goldfields, there was a tendency for pre-emptors to abandon their holdings and move on. By 1876 only Charles Pennie had settled on the aforementioned lands permanently. Although he continued his trade as a part-time packer on the Cariboo Road, he eventually became an admired and prosperous rancher, exemplified by his election to the f i r s t .Presidency of the Inland Agricultural Association in 1887. During these years, when ranching was introduced to Walhachin, the landscape underwent some remarkable changes. 4 Under the terms of the Land Act of 1860, only 160 acres of land could be pre-empted. It was not until 1870 that a new Land Act made i t possible to pre-empt as much as 320 acres. This new act was initiated after i t became evident that the 160-acre quantity was generally insufficient acreage for most agricultural endeavors. Photo 7 . An example of "natural grasslands" i n _^ the Walhachin area. Photo 8. The small apple orchard at the Pennie Ranch which i n i t i a t e d the idea from which the Walhachin scheme began. The pre-emptors had been attracted by the "bunchgrass moving i n the wind...and stretching for mile upon mile". By the 1880*3 this had been altered. G. M. Dawson reported that "...bunchgrass and sage were the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c plants, but as i n many other l o c a l i t i e s , the bunchgrass was already almost e n t i r e l y destroyed...by overgrazing" 6. The grass was slowly being replaced by sagebrush and cactus (see Photo 7). Charles Pennie was c e r t a i n l y a contributor to this process of landscape transformation and i t was he who, i n part, was responsible f o r further change because Walhachin began to take form at the Pennie Ranch. Pennie had complete water control on Brassey Creek and storage rights on Twin Lakes (see Map l ) f o r domestic water as well as water to i r r i g a t e two acres of apples near the ranchstead (see Photo 8). He had chosen the orchard s i t e well as the s o i l was the most f e r t i l e i n the area, v i r t u a l l y stone free, suitable f o r furrow T. R. Weir, Ranching In The Southern I n t e r i o r Plateau of B r i t i s h Columbia. Ottawa, Geographical Branch, Mines and Technical Surveys, Memoir 4, 1964, p. 92. G. M. Dawson, Preliminary Report on the Physical and Geological Features of the Southern Portion of the Interior of B r i t i s h Columbia, Report of Progress, Geological Survey of Canada, 1878, quoted i n C. C. K e l l y and P. N. Sprout, S o i l Survey of the Ashcroft-Savona Area. Kelowna, B. C. Department of Agriculture, Interim Report, 1963, p. 3. 7 Having an orchard as an adjunct to a ranch was not uncommon. One of the f i r s t a c t i v i t i e s usually undertaken by s e t t l e r s was to plant a few apple trees to provide much needed fresh f r u i t f o r the winter months. irrigation and protected by a windbreak. This productive orchard was misinterpreted by C. E. Barnes, an American land surveyor working out of Ashcroft, as being represen- tative of the agricultural potential of the whole valley. Considering that f r u i t farming was just beginning in the Okanagan Valley and British Columbia was caught up in an immigration boom, i t is not surprising that Barnes saw an opportunity for a speculative venture. Mrs. Pennie had been managing the ranch since her husband's death in 1900 and was l i k e l y very respondent when C. E. Barnes, representing the British Columbia Development Association®, offered to purchase the old Pennie Ranch in 1907. He had persuaded the B.C.D.A. to invest in a land colonization scheme with himself as manager, to be bu i l t around the Pennie Ranch. With the change In Ranch ownership which eventually followed (from Mrs. Pennie to the B.C.D.A.), the f i r s t phase of human occupance ended. It had endured for hundreds of yearsj during which time the landscape experienced only moderate changes by the aboriginal inhabitants. However, with the advent of the mining frontier, followed by the cattle frontier, the process, of change was greatly accelerated. N o t only was there a change in human oc- cupance but the natural vegetative cover was altered — an alteration which would have far-reaching implications. Hereafter to be referred to as the B.C.'.D.A. 35 With the beginning of the next phase, both vegetation and other c u l t u r a l features were about to be, again, r a d i c a l l y changed* Speculative Development 1908 - 1910 The B.C.D.A. Ltd. was a company formed i n 1895 i n London, England. Its aims maybe stated b r i e f l y by quoting from the Company's objectives, stated i n i t s Memorandum of Association. They read as follow s : 1) To develop the resources of B r i t i s h Columbia, and therein to promote commercial and f i n a n c i a l enterprise. 2) To promote, organize and conduct the colonization of B r i t i s h Columbia by the introduction of suitable emi- grants ( i t a l i c s mine) from Great B r i t a i n . 3) Generally t o develop property and estates f o r the time being of the Company by promoting immigration, s e l l i n g , leasing, e s t a b l i s h i n g v i l l a g e s and settlements. 4) To carry on among other things the business of farmers, graziers, meat and f r u i t preservers, brewers, ... and any other businesses which may seem calculated to develop the Company's property, or benefit i t s i n t e r e s t s . " The company was founded by the Duke of Teak, Mr. J. S. K. deKnevett, Agent General f o r B r i t i s h Columbia i n Northern Europe, and Mr. H. C. Beeton, the Agent-General In England f o r B r i t i s h Columbia. It included shareholders Great B r i t a i n , Public Records Office, Memorandum of Association of the B r i t i s h Columbia Development Association Ltd., London, December 14, 1895, pp. 1 and 2. 36 from many European centers such as Paris, Munich, Milan and Brussels. 1 0 Its considerable interests in British Columbia prior to 1908 consisted of the 2,000 acre 111 Mile House Ranch and Hotel on the Cariboo Road and the Nicola Land Co. Ltd. (Beaver Ranch), as well as large quantities of shares in the Alaska and N. W. Trading Co., White Pass and Yukon Railway Co. Ltd., and the North Pacific Wharves and Trading Co. In 1907, C. E. Barnes persuaded William Bass, a baronet of "ale fame" in England and a director for the B.C.D.A., to view the property at Walhachin. Accompanied by Messers Palmer and Ashcroft, an agriculturist and engineer respectively, from Lord Aberdeen's Estates, 1 1 Bass was convinced of the area's speculative value and upon his recommendation, the B.C.D.A. began to borrow capital In order to purchase and begin development of the site. An examination of the l i s t s of shareholders disclosed that 70% listed their occupation as either Gentleman or Knight and 28$ as Barrister and Solicitor or some military rank. The directors were a l l l i s t e d as "Gentlemen". As these men were to provide the capital as well as Indirect guidance for the development of Walhachin, their backgrounds must be regarded as important to the settlement process. Later in the thesis, their f o l l y is viewed as a major fac- tor relating to the settlement's abandonment. 1 1 John Campbell Gordon, the 7th Earl of Aberdeen, ac- quired extensive properties near Vernon in 1891 and was one of the f i r s t to attempt commercial orchards. He was later to become Governor General of ^anada. 37 On January 21, 1908, C. H. Wilkinson, the managing director of the B.C.ID.A. in London, accompanied by E. E. Billinghurst, the provincial manager in Victoria, bought the Pennie Ranch (which included the "Upper Ranch") as well as the 930 acres formerly owned by J. B. Greaves. Although the exact purchase price was not verified, a newspaper reporter quoted a sum of $>200/acre or $229,400 12 including buildings, livestock and leased land. The catifcle manager from the Company's 111 Mile Ranch, Sir Talbot Chetwynd, was transferred Immediately to the Pennie Ranch to dispose of the large herd of Shorthorn cattle. This phasing out of the cattle herd was necessary since the benchlands were to be used for orchards, allow- 13 ing l i t t l e or no land for the wintering of cattle. Chetwynd was the f i r s t representative of the B.C.D.A. to begin work on the site and may be regarded as the most quali- fied agriculturist that ever settled at Walhachin. How qualified was he? He was descended from the "ennobled House of Chetwynd"14 and after doing very poorly 1 2 Ashcroft Journal, January 18, 1908, p. 1. 13 This rapid change from grazing land to commercial orchards was, with the exception of the Okanagan Valley, unique In a l l of Canada. Most orchard regions evolved from farmstead orchards, expanded to provide a cash crop for the farmer. See R. R. Kruger "The Geography of the Orchard Industry of Canada", Geographical Bulletin. VII, 1965, p. 218. 1 4 B. Burke, Burke's Peerage, Baronetage, and Knightage, London, Harrison and Sons, 1959 edition. 3 8 in hia schooling at Wellington, was sent to Australia to learn the ranching business. After working three years at various cattle and sheep ranches, his father arranged for him to manage the B.C.D.A.'s 300 cattle at their newly purchased ranch from whence he was transferred to Walhachin. It is significant that the most skilled settler to live in the orchard settlement had four years of varied ex- perience with livestock. As well as altering the ranch structure, the B.C.D.A. immediately formed two companies: the British Columbia Horticultural Estates Ltd., to deal with a l l the agricul- tural development and the Dry Belt Settlement U t i l i t i e s Ltd., to oversee the development of the townsite. Both companies began work Immediately. The townsite, comprising 150 town lots, was surveyed during the summer of 1908 and approximately 25 acres were planted with grass to create a lush appearance in contrast with the sand and sagebrush. It was Irrigated by two newly installed irrigation systems from Brassey and Jimmie Creeks. A small storage dam was constructed at Twin Lakes fed by a ditch and flume from Barnes Creek, to provide a constant and dependable water source for the ranch. A series of short canals were built to divert the water from Jimmie Creek and a spring was developed to supply the new domestic water system installed throughout the townsite. Building construction began immediately on r ^ WALHACHIN TOWNSITE 1914 • C.P.R. Ma in l i ne 39 a large house for Barnes and a hotel to accommodate prospective clients and settlers awaiting houses. The settlement was significantly different from the common frontier pattern of isolated holdings as well as from the segregated town-farm type, both of which were the norm throughout the province. At Walhachin, the settlers lived together in a 'central' village and owned properties located some distance from their homes. The buildings were geometrically ordered about the town square which served as the focal point of the village (see Map 3). Included with the homes were individual's vegetable and flower gardens with the cultivated orchard lands extending in various directions from the village. B e c a u s e the small orchard lots varied in quality, several residents possessed segmented holdings and some owned grazing meadows located beyond the orchards. With such a form, the settlement had many similarities with.traditional agricultural settlements i n northern Europe (see Map 4). Prior to 1909, the C.P.R. had a whistle-stop at the ranch which was called the Pennie Station. When the B.C.D.A. learned of the Railroad's plans to build a r a i l - road Y*"̂  in the general v i c i n i t y , they offered some of the company's land, anticipating the C.P.R. would give Prom North Bend C.P.R. yards 89 miles S.W. of Walhachin) to Pennie the railroad grade was such that only t h i r t y cars could, be hauled at a time. With a Y at Pennies, the highest point on the C.P.R. until Craigellachie, 133 miles further east, a steam engine could bring one train up, return for another thirty-car train and then continue east from Pennies with a f u l l 60 car train.  Preparing O r c h a r d land at Pennys on tha T h o m p s o n R i v e r - s h a w i n j • ' B e n c h lands. I Photo 9. Preparing the orchard land (breaking the soil) at Walhachin prior to the selling of individual orchards. Photo 10. Work crew camp at Walhachin during preparatory work on the orchard lands them the Immediate f a c i l i t i e s of a station and sidings. The C.P.R. accepted and provided the f a c i l i t i e s . Until this time the B.C.D.A. had given the name Sunnymede to the townsite but decided to change the name when the C.P.R. built a new station at the townsite. For promotional purposes they decided to adopt the Indian name for the area which was Walhassen which was later changed to Walhachin. Although the direct translation means "land of round rocks", l i k e l y in reference to the large concentrations of cobble gravel terrace capping^ the Company gave and published the translation as "abundanc of the earth" or "bountiful valley" to f a c i l i t a t e their promotional descriptions of the valley. By the autumn of 1909, much of the preparatory work (see Photo .9 and Photo 10) on the land had been com- pleted, permitting an extensive advertising campaign to be initiated in England. The Company's office was f i r s t located on High Holborn Street In London but was moved, In 1916, adjacent to British Columbia House when i t opened at Waterloo Place. From these bases, an extremely selec- tive promotional campaign was launched, f u l f i l l i n g one of the objects of the Company as stated in i t s Memorandum: "To promote, organize and conduct the colonization of 1 6 The terraces have a top layer of cobble gravel, varying from 18 inches to many feet thick, which was deposited while the river was down cutting and swinging lat e r a l l y to form the terraces. 42 British Columbia by the introduction of suitable emigrants (it a l i c s mine) from Great Britain ...".^ Those considered to be potential settlers were either sons of wealthy British families who were finishing their public school- ing, or military and government personnel about to re t i r e on pensions. Consequently, a good deal of the promotion occurred at social functions and through business and government contacts of the directors and shareholders. Indicative of the Company's recruitment selectiveness is the fact that they made vi r t u a l l y no use of the news- paper media to advertise their colonization scheme. Elaborate brochures 1 8 and pictures (of the Wenatchee orchard area, U.S.A., and the Coldstream Ranch in the Okanagan) were displayed in the company's office to sup- plement the very capable salesmanship of company repre- sentatives. Sales went remarkably well with many carried out by cablegram with Army Officers on overseas assign- ments such as in India and the Sudan. Most purchased the land sight unseen and upon arrival recognized that the valley was not as "bountiful" as the promoters had indi- cated. Great Britain, Public Record Office, Memorandum of Association (British Columbia Development Association Ltd.), London, 1895, p. 2. 1 8 The brochures indicate the nature of the land promotion in that they were valued at nearly five pounds sterling and included alleged pictures of Walhachin which were actually pictures of the Okanagan Valley. Figure 2 CHRONOLOGY OF WALHACHIN'S FORMATIVE YEARS 1907 1908 19.09 1910 1-911 1912 1913 1914 1915 PROPERTY OWNERSHIP LANDS IN CROPS DEVELOPMENT POPULATION BUILDING STRUCTURES ORGANIZED SOCIAL ACTIVITIES Charles Pennie (817) acres with leased land British Columbia Develop- ment Association (south side of river) - B.C.Horticul- tural Estates & Dry Belt Settlement U t i l i t i e s As in 1908 plus individual settlers 2 acre apple orchard with about 40 acres In irrigated hay As in 1909 plus the Barnes States on the north side of the river As in 1910 As in 1911 plus the Marquis of Anglesey purchased 817 acres of the old Pennie Ranch with i t s grazing rights As i n 1912 As i n 1913 As in 1914 Small(undetermined) acreage planted 194 acres - 104 apples 20 tobacco 35 potatoes 35 hay 500 acres of apples including 74 acres of potatoes as a f i l l e r crop 800 acres - apples with potatoes and peaches as f i l l e r crops. This acreage included 20 acres of cherries 1083 acres - 1040 apples 10 pumpkins 10 tomatoes 23 pears 1246 acres - 1203 apples 10 pumpkins 20 tomatoes 13 pears As in 1914 Storage dam on Twin Lakes Irrigation system on Jimmie and Brassey Creeks Ferry built at Upper Ranch Townsite surveyed -C.P.R. expansion at the townsite -Construction of Hotel -Domestic water system Installed Ditch and flume begun on north side of river -Preparation(cultivation) of land started -Construction of Snohoosh Lake Dam -Main Square developed -Ferry b u i l t at Pennie Ranch -Aqueduct completed -Construction of town -Walhachin newspaper -Snohoosh Water, Light, and Power Co. -Bridge across river -School opening -Walhachin Town Hall Co. -C.P.R. expands f a c i l i t i e s -C.N.R. surveying north side -Steel pipe l a i d i n river -The Marquis of Anglesey purchased 400 head of cattle for ranch -The 5PX Co. dealing in many facets of the community -Townsite of Anglesey surveyed -Irrigation pipe slung across river Flume washes out 6 cattlemen 1 Chinese cook 2 British residents 7 cattlemen 1 Chinese cook 6 British residents 34 Workmen 11 Chinese 79 British 85 Workmen 50 Chinese residents 96 British 150 Workmen 40 Chinese residents 110 British 120 Workmen 50 Chinese residents 142 British residents 80 Workmen 55 Chinese 150 British 110 Workmen 40 Chinese 92 British ? Workmen 20 Chinese Ranchstead Store, bunkhouses, 3 homes, C.P.R.station 13 homes, poultry ranch, tobacco sheds, laundry liv e r y stable, post office, C.P.R. sheds Chinatown, bakery, restaurant with rooms, laundry, haberdashery, 12 houses, bunkhouses "Restaurant, fabric store, chicken ranch, dairy, fuel I centre, school, 3 houses, !.• town hal l * butcher shop hay sheds, Company office Cannery, 2 houses, packing house C.N.R.Station Packing house PRODUCE SHIP- PED FOR SALE Soccer, curling, debating, society, competetive skating Golf club, tennis club, hockey, hunting club, Conservative club j. Polo team, gymkhana club, ''. cricket club, baseball team ' Walhachin Mounted Troop Turkeys to Vancouver Potatoes to C.P.R. Vegetables dold to C.P.R.. Potatoes to C.P.R. 255 boxes of vegetables shipped to the Prairies and to Vancouver 282 boxes of veg. to the Prairies and Vancouver 300 eggs/day to the C.P.R. 44 The Boom Era, 1910 - 1914 These five years constitute the period of WalhachinTs most extensive and rapid growth and are outlined in graphic form in Figure 2. The B.C.D.A. made every effort to cap- i t a l i z e on the atmosphere of activity and excitement for promotional purposes, and were abetted in this by the con- current developments of the C.P.R. and C.N.R. In Western Canada including Walhachin. The Company quoted exorbitant figures to newspaper reporters, in their brochures and reports, regarding the numbers of workmen employed at Walhachin, f a i l i n g to mention that two-thirds were working on railroad installations. Settlers began arriving at Walhachin in the spring of 1910 and to make the settlement as attractive as pos- sible, the Company built a splendid hotel, laid out a large town square and planted many acres with grass seed to make the "burnt" terraces more agreeable to people familiar mainly with English countrysides. To establish a sense of permanency about the settlement, the Company began publishing a weekly newspaper (the Walhachin Chronicle) and went so far as to purchase Ginger Ale and lemonade from London in bottles designed only for sale in Walhachin. s-v Proposals such as a monorail system to link a l l the orchard lands and a goal of 5,000 cultivated acres (all of which appeared highly possible at the time) were pub- li c i z e d extensively. Many people were prepared to believe 45 almost anything regarding the future potential of agriculture in the province and to them, these predic- tions f i t their expectations. This was a time of rapid 19 immigration in British Columbia when optimism and expectations were excessively high, a situation which the Company promoters used to their advantage. They went to extremes to publicize the potential of Walhachin, even to having Prime Minister Laurier o f f i c i a l l y open 20 the Walhachin Hotel in person. Development occurred on a relatively large scale, both financially and spatially. C. E. Barnes, on behalf of the B.C.D.A., purchased a block of land totalling 3265 acres within the railway belt from the Dominion Government. Located on the north side of the Thompson River, the cost of the land was only one dollar per acre with the stipulation that Barnes provide water for Its total development.21 This policy was used by the Govern- ment in order to encourage settlement in the dry-belt where irrigation was costly but absolutely necessary for sedentary agriculture. 19 Large numbers of immigrants had come from Great Britain and in 1912 "the high-water mark had been reached in (British) immigration", from W. A. Garrothers, Emigration Prom the British Isles, London, P. S. King and Sons Ltd., 1929, p. 251. O A c Another example to indicate the extent to which the B.C.D.A. would go in their promotional efforts was that Walhachin won a bronze medal for her exhibit at the 1910 Colonial ^ r u l t Exhibit in London although the trees had just been planted as saplings. Kamioops Sentinal, August 11, 1954, p. 1 Photo 11. A typical settler's home at Walhachin. Although the picture was taken in 1970 i t suggests how the residents attempted to provide a contrast with the arid landscape surrounding the townsite. This block of land, with the exclusion of John Wilson's pre-emption, (Lot 582), was combined with the British Columbia Horticultural Estate's property on the south side of the river to form the total acreage of Walhachin. Five and ten acre estates were sold for prices ranging between $250.00 and $1,500.00 per acre depending upon location and/or whether the property had been planted in f r u i t trees. Prices also varied depending upon how knowledgeable the prospective buyer was with condition's and land prices in the dry-belt of British Columbia. Im- mediate settlement was not necessary, because once the orchard was purchased, planting and tending could be done 22 by the Company's horticulturists. This provision was intended to attract the largest category of prospective settlers (other than the public school boys); Army Of- ficers and Government Officials about to retire on pension. Transport from London to Walhachin was very reasonable forty dollars for colonist class; while a three-bedroom house could be purchased for as l i t t l e as $1,200.00 (see Photo 11). By July, 1910, f i f t y - s i x English settlers had arrived at Walhachin with as many again having purchased property or engaged in the process of appraising the settlement. The population grew to 150 .by 1914 not i n - cluding Chinese residents and the settlements' labour force, depending on the season, workmen numbered as The term horticulturists was that used In the Company's brochures. A more suitable term would have been r_annesentatives. 48 many aa 150, again not including the Chinese irrigators and domestic servanta who comprised a total of 50 in 1910. The population pyramids indicate the composition of the permanent British population and do not represent the large number of seasonal male employees. The male-female ratio is skewed throughout the settlement period with a noticeable lack of young families. The female and children Figure 5 WALHACHIN POPULATION PYRAMID July(l910) July ( J 9 1 4 ) 15 10 5 5 10 15 15 10 5 5 10 15 Male Female Male Female Population Numbers figures were significantly altered during the spring and summer when large numbers of friends and relatives from England visited at Walhachin, often remaining for many months. During the f a l l season, the male population was even further skewed with the influx of sportsmen, from both England and Victoria, to f i s h for salmon and trout and to participate in^wild fowl shooting. Sports were a lure for sportsmen and settlers alike and consequently were encouraged by the B.C.D.A. promoters and Walhachin entrepreneurs to draw business. As Figure 2 suggests, sports and social functions were almost a way of l i f e and for most, this was the l i f e to which they were accustomed. The one point which practically a l l the infor- mants recalled was the community s p i r i t and the abundance of leisure a c t i v i t i e s . Since most of the duties in the orchards and the settlement were carried out by the large number of employees, the settlers had considerable time to engage in social and sporting events. Parties and dances were held at least twice weekly, and there was a monthly b a l l to which a l l local digni- taries were formally invited. To provide for these func- tions a Town Hall Company was formed which organized the construction of a large town h a l l in 1912. It was a magnificent building with b u i l t - i n steam heating and a floor that could be mounted on springs for dance parties (the structure remains at Walhachin and Is s t i l l the pride of its residents). Concerts were held frequently, with music provided by an Orchestral Grande model piano Photo 1 2 . The Britis h Columbia Development Associa tion's hotel, built primarily to provide accommodation for prospective settlers as well as for settlers awaiting the completion of their own homes. Photo 1 3 . Exclusive dining room i n the Company1s hotel. 23 that a settler had purchased from Paderewski. At this point,! i t i s Important to recognize that two groups or types' of settlers, (quite distinct socially and economically), were represented at Walhachin. One group, by far the largest, was f u l l y financed from England seldom worked in the orchards, and led a vigorous social l i f e . In the other group, some relied wholly and others at least partly upon their efforts at Walhachin for their livelihood, and consequently worked alongside their employ 24 ees and had l i t t l e opportunity for leisure a c t i v i t i e s . This group difference was manifested in the policy of the Company's Hotel (see Photo 12 and Photo 13): the Hotel was not open to the public and even then there were two beverage rooms to separate the properly dressed from the hoi p o l l o l . (However, a court order in 1911 changed this 25 house rule and after 1912, when the Marquis of Anglesey purchased the hotel, i t was opened to the public.) The group dependent on their own efforts formed the core of the entrepreneurial component of Walhachin which 2 3 The settler's orientation towards leisure activities may also be exemplified by the swimming pool which the Marquis of Anglesey had built on his estate at Walhachin in 1913j one of the f i r s t in British Columbia. 2 4 An estimate would place about one-sixth the popula- tion in this category. Of the Informants interviewed in this group, nearly half claimed they had never attended a dance or b a l l and seldom had visited the Company's Hotel. 25 Hereafter to be referred to as the Marquis. grew In numbers as the settlement developed. A number of small estates and companies, each with a number of managerial personnel were formed, such as the Snell Estates, 5PX Estates, Walhachin Town Hall Co. Ltd., and Staffordshire Canning Company. At one point there were practically as many settlers engaged in entrepreneurial activities as In horticulture. Property changed ownership often, with some of the newly formed companies control- li n g considerable Interests for a limited period. The largest of these was the 5PX Estates Ltd., managed by a Captain Peebles who had come to Walhachin via Northern Nigeria where he had served in the P o l i t i c a l Department. The Estates at one time owned a chicken ranch, a dairy, a butcher shop, a coal and wood yard, a livery stable, a laundry, 184 head of beef cattle, and did contract work on 100 acres of orchard. (Within three years Peebles was forced to s e l l a l l of the Estate's holdings due to debts incurred from poor management, a fate not at a l l uncommon at Walhachin.) Development at Walhachin involved work on the lands, on the irrigation systems, and on the townsite. Aspects of the townsite have already been discussed with the structural development presented most clearly in Map No. 3 and the irrigation system w i l l receive special considera- tion in a section at the beginning of the following chapter. The following discussion of the land development Is designed mainly to set this phase of the development Photo lk» 1910 potato crop showing the technique (furrow) used for irrigating the vegetable crops. Photo 15. 1912 orchard with a vegetable crop as a f i l l e r . The f i l l e r crop was in- tended to reduce evaporation as well as to provide some marketable goods. 54 i n t o p e r s p e c t i v e and w i l l r e c e i v e f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t i o n l a t e r i n the s t u d y . The crops attempted at Walhachin were numerous and v a r i e d . Over the y e a r s , c h e r r i e s , p e a r s , a p p l e s , peaches, plums, and a p r i c o t s were p l a n t e d but apples were found to be the o n l y s u i t a b l e s p e c i e s of f r u i t and by 1914, l e s s than 1% of the t o t a l acreage was i n f r u i t other than a p p l e s . Tobacco was p l a n t e d but the area proved to be too hot and d r y t o warrant i t s c o n t i n u a t i o n . Var ious vegetables t h r i v e d and were grown a lone or used as f i l l e r crops i n the orchards to reduce the amount of e v a p o r a t i o n (see Photo 14 and Photo 1 5 ) . The f i r s t p r o p e r t i e s were prepared and the f i r s t orchards were p l a n t e d by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the B . C.D . A . f o r c l i e n t s who had purchased l a n d but had not yet a r r i v e d . In f a c t , t h e Company cont inued to care f o r much acreage because a number of e s t a t e s were purchased and remained i n c o n t r o l of absentee landowners d u r i n g the e n t i r e p e r i o d Walhachin was regarded as an E n g l i s h s e t t l e m e n t . By the autumn of 1910, a few i n d i v i d u a l s had begun to develop t h e i r own e s t a t e s by c u l t i v a t i n g and p l a n t i n g f r u i t t r e e s . D u r i n g the f o l l o w i n g years the orchard acreage expanded by a p p r o x i m a t e l y 250 acres y e a r l y u n t i l 1246 acres had been p l a n t e d by 1914 (see Map 5 ) . At f i r s t , horse teams were used to c l e a r and break the l a n d u n t i l the Company purchased s i x l a r g e steam t r a c t o r s i n A 5 S E Q U E N C E O F C R O P P E D L A N D S A N D T R A N S P O R T A T I O N L I N K S L e g e n d ACREAGE IN CROP RAILWAY LINES ROAD SYSTEM Photo 16. 1910 Barnes E s t a t e s Photo 17. B.C.H.E. (West o f t o w n s i t e ) 1910 57 1912. Using these, hundreds of acres were quickly cleared, broken, and subsequently planted. The process of land development is Illustrated by photos 16 - 19. In 1914, the f r u i t trees at Walhachin ranged in age from one to six years, although there were only about fifteen acres of six-year-old trees. This range was a result of the expanding orchards and the fact that after considerable losses from winter injury each year, the 4 tender varieties were replaced by those more hardy. Fruit production began in 1917 when the f i r s t trees reached a bearing stage. As Figure 4 indicates, only small vol- umes of vegetables were shipped via the C.P.R. to the prairies prior to 1917, with major f r u i t shipments lasting only two years. The abrupt termination of ship- ments by 1919 reflects the destruction caused to. parts of the main aqueduct from a 1918 thunderstorm that re- sulted in the wholesale destruction of many orchards. The slight resurgence i n production after 1923 was due tot a l l y to tine efforts of Chinese gardeners who had leased land after the settlers had l e f t . This period of decline and abandonment represents the next phase of sequent occupance and, combined with some comments of the contemporary landscape, w i l l complete this chapter of Walhachin's evolution. F i g u r e 4 PRODUCE SHIPPED FROM W A L H A C H I N 1926 1925 1924 1923 1922 1921 1S20 1919 1918 1917 1916 1915 1914 F r u i t shipped Vegetables shipped VTTTJUl j (/ / / / / / / / ft 1000 2000 Boxes of Produce (40 pound boxes) Source: A g r i c u l t u r a l S t a t i s t i c s , 1918, 1925, 1927. Decline and Abandonment - 1915-1925 Although forty of Walhachin's British population l e f t immediately for overseas duty when h o s t i l i t i e s broke out in 1914 there remained, at least unt i l 1916, a considerable number of older and married men. A number of references verify this, such as the Annual Report of the Department of Agriculture which describes a meeting at Walhachin under the direction of the B. C. Horticultural Branch at which sixty-four people were in ? fi attendance. Most would have been from Walhachin, since meetings containing the same information offered by the same speakers were held for horticulturists in both Ashcroft and Kamloops. In 1917, a one-week course in orchard pruning was offered by the provincial Department of Agriculture at Walhachin which would indicate a sub- stantial number of settlers in residence. Also, aphoto- graph of the 1916 Walhachin Sports Day portrays sixty- five men participating and observing one of the events. This suggests a situation quite unlike the common assumption that v i r t u a l l y no men remained at Walhachin after 1914. Considering that at the outbreak of war only 1246 acres were in orchards, of which a large portion was recognized as being unproductive, and that there s t i l l 26 British Columbia, Department of Agriculture, 8th Annual Report, Sessional ^apers, 1915, R 51. remained a number of laborers, the orchards l e f t in the care of those remaining need not have presented an un- manageable situation. However, as the war progressed, more men l e f t for overseas and by 1918 the total British population was about f i f t y . Ironically, these war years were essentially the only years that Walhachin was in a position to export any of its produce. A disaster in 1918 wa.s the beginning of the end. Prom the steep sandy bluffs, into which the main ditch of the Barnes Canal was dug, mud and gravel slides occurred during a summer rainstorm, completely f i l l i n g the ditch for !§• miles and washing out a number of flume sections. Although the system was repaired the following year, the total crop of vegetables and f r u i t trees was lost to the drought which followed. That year too, the leadership of the settlement changed. The Marquis acquired the controlling interest in the Barnes Estate and the Snohoosh Water, Light, and Power Company, and since Ralph Chetwynd had been director of the Anglesey Estates he replaced C. E. Barnes as overall director of Walhachin. Settlers began returning to Walhachin during the spring of 1919, either with or to rejoin their families. Only a few had been k i l l e d or wounded and most of the 27 The settlers did not always f e e l obligated to pay their Chinese laborers until the harvest provided them with money. Since such a harvest seldom occurred, many Chinese were never paid in f u l l and were v i r t u a l l y obligated to remain with their employers and await more prosperous times or a change in the employer's attitude. others returned, at least temporarily. If they had not already made arrangements to pursue some other means of livelihood most did so very soon, after viewing the con- dition of Walhachin compared to what i t had been when they had departed. By 1921, with the irrigation system in a state of disrepair, the orchards deteriorating, f r u i t prices f a l l i n g , and a prevailing atmosphere of failure, most had l e f t , including R. Chetwynd. He was replaced by a Mr. Johnston who was unsympathetic to any suggest- ions for reviving the settlement because he had been directed to dispose of any properties possible. The Marquis had lost interest in the project and was not only unwilling to cooperate with the remaining settlers but unable to invest further capital. The water system was l e f t untended and in July, 1922, ceased to operate. Fields and orchards on the north side of the river f e l l immediately into ruin and by the end of 1922, a l l the original British settlers at Walhachin 28 had abandoned their lands. The lands remained vacant un t i l 1940, when cattle- man Harry Ferguson leased a l l of the Marquis' property, which totalled nearly 5,000 acres of bottomland. This 28 British Columbia, Department of Agriculture, 17th Annual Report, Sessional Papers, 1926, W 47. A few acres, however, continued to produce. Johnston had leased t h i r t y acres of f e r t i l e land to a number of Chinese who had been employed at Walhachin. This land was located near the original Pennie Ranch apple orchard and received adequate water from Twin Lakes. They c u l t i - vated vegetables and a twelve-acre orchard of apples and pears, selling their produce in Ashcroft and Kamloops, and to the C.P.R. and C.N.R. 6 3 Included the total Walhachin acreage excluding twelve acres of townsite and three orchard lots on which families in Britain continued to pay taxes. While President of the University of Bangor, Wales, the Marquis sold the property to Ferguson for $40,000, just prior to his death at his estate of Plas-Newydd on the Isle of Anglesey in 1947. Ferguson used the property at Walhachin for a winter grazing range, just as Pennie had done earlier, and began a process whereby the vegetative cover was once again altered: this time back to its original grassland state. Orchard and sagebrush were cleared, grass seeded and I r - rigation water applied (obtained mainly from the renewed Brassey Greek system) which transformed large acreages again to hay and meadow land. The adjustment process appears to have made the f u l l cycle (grassland to sagebrush to orchards to sagebrush to grassland) and to have stabilized, with cattle ranching continuing to be the most optimal type of land use up to the present. This type of land use is able to support relatively small numbers of people, and settlement with an horticultural base appears not to have been viable. Was Walhachin not a viable settlement? It existed over a period of nearly thirteen years during which time the fundamental agricultural resource base experienced l i t t l e change. The following chapter presents an inter- pretation of the major factors which account for Walhachin's failure and abandonment. 64 Chapter 4 Adjustments and Failure Variables Introduction During the years that Walhachin appeared to function as a successful settlement the settlers, either consciously or unconsciously, attempted to adjust to their new environ- ment. These adjustments were many and varied, major and inconsequential, attempted as a group and individually, and were successful or unsuccessful in varying degrees. It is the intent of this chapter to identify those major adjustments which either were, or became, maladjustments and eventual components of a failure process. The failure variables w i l l be examined individually but when considered in composite should explain the failure ex- perienced by the Walhachin settlement. While attention is ex p l i c i t l y focused upon failure variables, some examination of the variables that might have led to success i s implicit. The Irrigation System The irrigation system was, and remains, the most ob- vious adjustment made by the settlers to the Dry Belt conditions. It was one of the major l i f e - l i n e s 1 upon which the-settlement depended and with its decline came Walhachin's decline. As a consequence of its Importance and status as the most Identifiable variable associated Another major l i f e - l i n e was Walhachin's financial linkage with England (a topic discussed later i n Chapter 4.) VJ1 66 with Walhachin'a f a i l u r e , the irrigation system warrants special consideration. It w i l l be deacribed and examined •'in detail in order to provide an explanation for i t s failure and w i l l serve aa an introduction to a more complete explanation of the settlement's demise. The location of Walhachin in the Dry Belt of British Columbia necessitated the formation of an agricultural set- tlement to t a l l y dependent upon an irrigation system. Due to the distant water source and the intended expansion of Walhachin, the system was relatively extensive and built on a large scale compared to systems in the Okanagan Valley and elsewhere in the Thompson Valley. The orchards at Walhachin included acreage on the north as well as the aouth aide of the Thompson River and therefore the water works may be discuaaed in two correaponding aectiona, each dealing with one aide of the river (aee Map 6). To serve the south aide there were three main sourcea of water covered by licenaea. In order of quantitative significance they wereJ diversion license on Barnea Cj»eek and atorage rights for 643 acre-feet in Twin Lakea with water to be transferred down Braaaey Gulch to Lot 404, diveraion license on Upper Ranch Creek to L Q t 421, and 2 a l l watera from Jimmie Creek. 2 Britiah Columbia, Department of Lands, Water Rights Branch Report, No's 42-6-7, 45-6-7, and 43-46-1. These were a l l originally f i l e d by C. A. Pennie in 1872 and were subsequently transferred to the Barnes ^states. The storage facilities, consisting of two earthen dams at the outlets of Tvdn Lakes and Bull Lake, were sufficient to provide water for domestic use at the Ranch and for the irrigation of Lot kOh but the water supply for Lot ij.21 was not adequate. Jimmie Creek and a natural spring provided water for the townsite*s domestic system. The water was transferred from the natural channels by flume, pipe, and open ditch. The 300 acres of orchard and cropland on the south side required 1^ miles of wooden 3 ' flume, 1 mile of ditch, 4~mUe of wooden pipe, and % mile of steel pipe. The north side of the river required a much more elaborate system of water works since i t was to service three times as much acreage as well as provide water to the south side to overcome the water deficiencies on Lot I4.2I. In 1 ° 1 0 , the Snohoosh Water, Light and Power Com- pany Limited, a subsidiary of the Barnes Estate Limited,3 was granted 3900 acre-feet of storage rights on Snohoosh Lake, a diversion license for 56 c.f.s. from Deadman Creek and storage rights for 250 acre-feet in Mowich Lake.^ ^ Water companies were established in conjunction with most land companies in the Dry Belt since the law re- quired that anyone applying for water rights describe the specific property to receive water. A company, however, could apply for a license to irrigate a large tract of land and dispose of the water as i t deemed necessary. This was the function of the Snohoosh Company. ^ W. H. Moodie, Report on the Anglesey Estate. Walhachin. B.C.. Kamloops Land Office, 1920, p. 3 (Mimeographed). Photo 20. The original Snohoosh Lake Dam - located approximately thirty miles from Walhachin. Photo 21. View of Snohoosh Lake from the dam. Construction in foreground shows the flood control gate in disrepair. 69 With this was the right to " s e l l , barter, or exchange" water within a prescribed area and to provide water for the 1049 acres belonging to the Savona Orchard Lands 5 which would pay an annual rental of $1500.00 . This right was part of an attempt by the government to encourage settlement in the Dry Belt region. They realized the necessity of irrigation works and were ex- tremely willing to grant privileges to those who would invest their own capital in order to construct i r r i g a - tion projects. At Snohoosh Lake, storage was guaranteed by a substantially constructed dam. A twenty-foot rock- f i l l e d crib-dam provided storage in excess of 5,000 acre- feet in a three-mile-long lake with an area of 350 acres see Photo 20 and Photo 21). From the lake, the water flowed in the natural channel of ^eadman creek to a diversion point 13 miles south and 3 miles west, a distance of 18 miles considering the meandering creek bed. The diversion dam on ^eadman Creek was a temporary structure, used only when the creek dropped to a level below the entrance of the diversion channel. Th e main aqueduct, beginning at this point, was composed of four sections: 1^ miles of earth ditch and 7|r miles of wooden flume (six feet wide) to Bate's Flat, 2 miles of earth 5 E. H. Tredcroft, Conditions of Bams on Vidette Lake and Snohoosh Lake: Department of Indian Affairs Report, Kamloops, Dominion Water Power and Reclamation Service, 1929, p. 19. P h o t o 22. M a i n f l u m e i n d i c a t i n g f l i m s y c o n s t r u c t i o n P h o t o 23. M a i n f l u m e , l a t e r a l f l u m e , a n d o p e n s p i l l w a y . 71 ditch across the f l a t , 3̂ - miles of wooden flume (four feet wide) and l|r miles of earth ditch across the highest portion of the orchard lands, and 2 miles of wooden flume (three feet wide) and 1 mile of earth ditch covering the undeveloped portion of Walhachin (see Photos 22-25). The flume narrowed from six feet to three feet throughout i t s length and was built to the western edge of the Company's property since their intention was to eventually s e l l water to a number of adjacent ranches. Since acreage south of the river had an Inadequate, water supply, an attempt was made to service the B. 0. Horticultural Estates with water from Snohoosh Lake. A f i r s t attempt to convey water across the river was made by the Pacific Coast Pipe Company who laid a steel pipe through the river in Ap r i l , 1911. As a result of the debris and quantity of water occurring during the spring runoff, the pipe was washed out two months after i t s instal- lation. A suspension bridge was then built across the river on which a six-inch steel pipe was hung (see Photo ' 23"). Unfortunately the pipe was too small to provide an adequate water flow. It was not unt i l three years later, when the lvia.rqU3.g purchased Lot 421 and wished i t to be f u l l y developed, that further efforts were taken. He replaced the six-inch steel pipe with a twelve-inch Q wooden pipe in February, 1914. Although i t could provide a. British Columbia, Department of Lands, Water Rights Branch Report, No. 5243, p. 6. sufficient water i t was undependable. The supporting suspension bridge was so low that when the pipe was f i l l e d with water, the added weight caused i t to sag to such an extent that closure was necessary during high water in the Thompson which usually continues well into the irrigation season. Some years the orchards on the south side, dependent on the siphon, received no water as late as the 4th of August due to the closure and the fact that the buckling of the pipe caused excessive leakage.^ In order to distribute the water over the Barnes Estate, laterals from the main aqueduct were constructed and totalled: 6 miles of wooden flume, 2-g- miles of wooden stave pipe, and 3/4 mile of steel pipe to feed the siphon system which had to l i f t water nearly 150 feet to the townsite level. Added to the lateral system were 5|r miles of open ditch. When a l l of the distributive system is considered (both the Barnes Estates and B. C. Horticultural Estates) i t totals 37^ miles and combined with the 2&k miles of natural channels, 63f miles of irrigation works were required, to supply water to the individual orchards. Theoretically the gravity-fed system could have 7 At i t s maximum efficiency the pipe syphoned five second-feet across the river. Q Moodie, op. c i t . , p. 7. provided an adequate water supply f o r i r r i g a t i o n and domestic purposes. The amount of water f lowing through the canal o across Bate ' s F l a t ^ when the flume was f i r s t used i n 1910 was measured to be t h i r t y cubic feet per second. Considering the amount of arable l a n d , t h i s was ample w a t e r . ^ The t o t a l acreage of Walhachin, 5,000 acres , could have received one acre - inch per week which i s considered su i tab le f o r t h i s area but i n a c t u a l i t y there were l e s s than 1,000 acres of arable l a n d . I f water were appl ied only nine hours per day, the orchards 7 Bate 's F l a t was a large terrace on the north-east edge of the Walhachin property over which a l l the water serving Barnes Estates f lowed. The adequacy i s evident when the water flow i s expressed i n acre- inches , the measuring uni t f o r i r r i g a t i o n a p p l i c a t i o n . The flow i s equal to 5 0 f t . sec. x 62.4 l b . 3 f t . x 1 g a l . 1 min. x 60 min. — 673920 g a l . 1 h r . h r . Since 1 aclre-inch = 22653 g a l . The flow i s equal to 673920 g a l , x 1 acre- inch - 29.75 a c r e - i n s . h r . 22653 s a l . h r . or 29.75 a c . - i n s . x 188 hr . h r . wk. 4998 acre-inches week i f water was: appl ied c o n t i n u a l l y . The Snohoosh i r r i g a t i o n system was fed by a 500 mile drainage basin, and i n 1911, 1912, and 1913 a measurement gauge was set up i n Deadman's Creek above the Wal- hachin d ivers ion and found a 30,000 acre-foot flow during the i r r i g a t i o n period t o t a l l y s u f f i c i e n t . could have received two applications per week not con- sidering the water sources south of the river. What then was the problem with the irrigation? Although the source was sufficient, the system was in- adequate and proved to be unreliable. This introduces one of the most c r i t i c a l factors related not only to the irrigation system but also to the whole settlement — what may be termed the speculative factor. It reappears throughout this analysis of failure factors in various forms and is here associated with the irrigation system. Walhachin was the product of a land colonizing company which accounts in part for the poor planning and quality of the water system. Most of the system was built over a period of six months and was designed as only a "temporary structure to be reconstructed when the property got self-supporting — to a permanent structure." The developers were not interested in the system's long-term capabilities and l i k e l y had l i t t l e concern whether or not Walhachin would one day be self-supporting. Apparently the B.C.©.A. was not an anomaly since W. A. Carrothers, discussing various British settlement schemes attempted during the same period as Walhachin's inception, Minutes of the Ashcroft Court House, Case of Steward vs. Indian Department - The Safety of the Snohoosh Lake Dam, April 17, 1929 (in the f i l e s of the British Columbia Department of Lands, Water Rights Branch, Victoria). suggests that, "perhaps It is not uncharitable to say that only a proportion of these were designed in the 12 genuine interest of the emigrants." Since the system was hastily constructed to serve only as a temporary f a c i l i t y , the design was faulty and the planning was minimal. The main flume varied from three to six feet wide with three and four foot high sides. It was constructed of one inch to one and three- quarters Inch single dressed shiplap which was not thick enough (especially the one inch) to be satisfactorily 13 _ caulked. This resulted in a good deal of leakage and maintenance beyond that usually required. The leakage was further Increased by the use of open earthen ditches. The soils at Walhachin are extremely sandy and gravelly which resulted In a considerable loss of water through seepage. A conservative estimate was that "40$ of water was lost in transmission through the ..14 ditches." Although the B.C.D.A. originally planned to ^ 2 W. A. Carrothers, Emigration From the British Isles. London, P. S. King and Son Ltd., 1929, p. 228. 13 Proper flumes were constructed using two-inch plank- ing which were caulked by placing oiled rope between the planks. At Walhachin, the flume joints were caulked with oakum only where the flume circumvented bluffs and the flume received tar applications only in some sections which were apparently usually neglected. 1 4 British Columbia, Report of the British Columbia Hydrographic Survey, Sessional Paper. No. 25F, 1913, p. 193. line the ditches with concrete, only l/22 of the total ditch system received a lining. Further concrete work was abandoned due to insufficient .time, since the Company wanted the irrigation system to be in operation for the 1911 planting season. The open ditches that fed the flumes caused further problems. Erosion occurred on the bottom and walls of the ditches followed by deposition in the flume. This added weight to the already overburdened substructure. F i l l e d with water, a twenty-foot section would weigh in excess of ten tons. This was much too heavy and to avoid extreme buckling throughout the flume system, a depth of 15 six inches was the maximum amount of water possible. The haste with which the flume was constructed is evident from the neglect to assure solid footings. Settle- ment of up to eight inches occurred in some sections and, considering the excessive leakage, were i t not for the rocky texture of the surface on which the greater portion of the flume was built, i t would undoubtedly have failed long before i t did. The lumber for the construction of the flume, obtained from the Monarch Lumber Company at Savona, led to further problems and ultimately, abetted in the f i n a l J-P This suggests the inadequacy of the design since i t was anticipated the flume would deliver nearly six times this quantity. Photo 26. Sketch of the flume twisted down after a small section had b een washed out. Photo 27. View of Barnes Estates showing lateral system. Note vegetation zonation on the distant slope. destruction of the flume. Recognizing the inexperience of the settlers managing the construction and wishing to minimize costs by doing as l i t t l e sawing as possible, the lumber delivered for the flume was abnormally lengthy and in varying lengths. Not recognizing the problem, and to save time, the builders interlinked the flume sections by using the varying board lengths which resulted in the whole flume being essentially one unit. Consequently, i f a washout occurred, rather than only one section breaking off from the flume, a whole series of sections would be twisted down. This occurred at least once a season during the l i f e of the system (see Photo 26). The f i n a l flume'disaster in 1918 occurred when a rainstorm washed out a small section of the flume but due to i t s interwoven nature, a long section of the flume (nearly |. of a mile) was wrung down. Although the extensive lateral system was installed almost totally by the British Columbia Development Assoc tion, they failed to use a standard design. Many extra- vagant designs were used such as cross-sections of 2,\y x 10" when a 1' x 18" lateral dimension would have bjiven a comparable carrying capacity with less evaporation and 16 requiring considerably less material in substructure. 16 A twenty-foot lateral section 2-J' x 10" would have 2-g- times more surface area than a 1' x 18" section and would need much more framework to carry the laterals above ground level through the orchards. (For an i l l u s - tration of the lateral pattern see Photo 27). Photo 28. An example of the four-furrow system used to irrigate the orchards at Walhachin. Photo 29. 'The siphon used to transfer water from the Barnes Estates to the south side of the river. As well aa the structural part of the Irrigation system, even the natural channela proved to be problematic. In the natural channela of Deadman and Brassey Creeka, beavera were a continual nuisance. They erected dama to reatrict and/or divert the flow of water which neceaaitated weekly patrola during the apring and aummer aeaaon along the twenty-six milea of atream bed to keep the channela clear. When the conatrictiona were permit- ted to build up, upon their destruction the audden ruah of water occaaionally damaged the flow gatea on the aqueduct and reaulted in the eroaion of aome aectiona of the orcharda. The method of water application in the orcharda waa furrow irrigation (aee Photo 28). The water ran into four ahallow furrows apaced about three feet apart, aet between each row of f r u i t treea. Orchards could only be located, on the gently sloping terraces since with furrow irrigation, too much slope caused saturation and accumulation at the ends of furrows and with too l i t t l e slope the areas near the water source became over- irrigated, while areas farther from the source received inadequate water. Since the B.G.D.A. eventually expected to be paid for the irrigation system when the settlement became self- supporting, i t is useful to formulate some idea of the capital costs involved. Lumber for the flume totalled 81 1,350,000 board-feet which was worth about $20,250.00; the Marquis paid $7,275 to construct the f i n a l siphon across the river (see Photo 29); and i t would have cost $4,800 to make relatively simple repairs to the Snohoosh Dam in 1927. The most significant figure appears in a report prepared for the provincial government in 1920. In 1919 the Marquis had asked assistance from the government to repair the water-works and had been abrupt- l y turned down. He then offered to give his share of Walhachin to the government to be used as a Soldier Reset- tlement Area since the provincial government, led by Premier John Oliver, was planning to settle many of the returning soldiers through government-sponsored land settlement schemes. The government then became interested in the costs necessary to revitalize the irrigation system and assessed the cost, "necessary to put the system in satisfactory working order..." to be $240,058.00.19 Moodie also mentions that the original construction of the flume, including labor costs, averaged between $16,000.00 and $18,000.00 per mile and the lateral system cost a total of $22,000.00.20 Considering there were fifteen miles of 1 7 British Columbia Lumberman Manufacturer's Association, Price L i s t . 1910, p. 1. , 1 8 W. C. Warren, Snohoosh Lake Dam and Suggested Alterations, A Report to the British Columbia Department of Lands, Water Rights Branch, Victoria, 1927, p. 18. 1 9 Moodie, Op. c i t . . p. 11. 20 Ibid., p. 10. flume, i t alone would have required an investment of approximately $255,000.00. When combined with the additional costs, of which only a portion are outlined above, i t would indicate an overall capital expenditure in excess of l/3 of a million dollars only to i n s t a l l the water system. With less than 1,000 acres capable of supporting agriculture, the installation cost of the Irrigation system would exceed $350.00 per arable acre. The individual settler eventually would have had to be responsible for this, plus the yearly maintenance costs,- which made the cost of water application uneconomical. Irrigation costs remained excessively high u n t i l late i n the 1950's when technology had reached a stage sufficient to provide inexpensive water for the croplands. In 1944 an investigation on behalf of the British Columbia Water Rights Branch was carried out to determine the f e a s i b i l i t y of providing irrigation for the Walhachin fl a t s in order to grow a l f a l f a . Even at this time, long after Walhachin's abandonment, the engineer.in charge stated, " . . . i t would bring the f i n a l cost of operation per acre so high as to render any project uneconomical. 1 , 2 1 The following year a further inquiry was made by agri- culturists from various Interior centers as to Walhachin's P i E. H. Tredcroft, Possible Hydro Electric Power Development on Deadman River, Brief No. 198, British Columbia Department of Lands, Water Rights Branch, Victoria, 1944, p. 3. Acres (lOO's) BROUGHT ADJUSTMENT.'" i BY IRRIGATION Acreage for which"irrigation waa provided Acreage i n crop which required i r r i g a t i o n 1910 1912 1914 1916 1918 1920 1922 1924 Cropland '•• Explanation - I r r i g a t i o n Explanation - Pennie Ranch Orchard Period of yearly planting of new orcharda Acreage decline S l i g h t •after troops r e v i v a l leave f o r the after front W.lfiT./II Years of rapid decline Ranch water a ys tern Construction of Snohoosh Dam and water works Plume Washout Decline in maintenance Decline i n flume mainten- ance and major flume washout Plume washout Siphon breaks Abandonment Chinese gardeners tend small acreage Declining maintenance Return from War Twin Lakes System p o t e n t i a l , again, as an area for s e t t l i n g re turning s o l d i e r s . They s i m i l a r l y concluded that "cost would be too high f o r development under present condi t ions" and estimated that i r r i g a t i o n would require a c a p i t a l investment of $209 per acre 22 and an annual r e n t a l of $31.40 per acre. The cost to provide water f o r the orchards at Walhachin was exhorbitant and a d i r e c t cause of i t s f a i l u r e . The extent to which t h i s made qgr i cu l ture unprof i table w i l l be discussed l a t e r i n t h i s chapter when market p r i c e s are examined. Figure 5 portrays g r a p h i c a l l y the adjustment attempted by the s e t t l e r s to overcome the acute drought condit ions at Walhachin. The i r r i g a t i o n system's p o t e n t i a l i s i n d i c a t e d by the large reserve-margin during the 1911 season with the unrel iableness evident i n the repeated f l u c t u a t i o n s of s e r v i c e . The major f l u c t u a t i o n , caused by the 1918 v/ashout, was fol lowed by decl ine i n service and f i n a l l y abandonment i n 1922. A small acreage had been provided with water from the Twin Lakes Reservoir p r i o r to Walhachin's founding, and continued to be serviced by the same r e s e r v o i r a f t e r 1923 when the land was c u l t i v a t e d by .Chinese. B r i t i s h Columbia, Department dT Agriculture- , Proceedings of the Reclamation Committee, B r i e f No. 2, Kelowna, 19^5, p . 11. The water system had potential in terms of providing a water supply but as w i l l be seen, this proved to be immaterial in that the water could not have been used effectively had i t been available. This was due in part to human errors and inadequacies, just as the Irrigation system's shortcomings, and w i l l be dealt with in the following section. Environmental ^actors Walhachin began during a period of great geographical experiment in British Columbia — a time of empirical test ing of the qualities of the land, farm by farm, d i s t r i c t by d i s t r i c t . Arguments raged over where the limits of agriculture lay, for those limits, as well as the exis- tence of the marginal lands, and the extent of the fer- t i l e , reasonably reliable country, had not been defined. The problem for the settlers in British Columbia was made more complex as the agricultural frontier line was not as evident or so easily defined as in Australia or on the Great ^lains where one could "cross over lands vita ich many people had judged as marking the limits of ag- 23 r i c u l t u r a l productivity". In British Columbia there was no fixed line or even a strip of marginally potential agricultural land to Indicate a frontier; there were a series of valley bottoms of which only some were suited 6 0 D. W. Meinig, On The Margins of the Good Earth. Chicago, Rand McNally and Company, 1962, p. 207. for agriculture. The f i r s t settlers in these areas, almost of necessity, made false starts and i t was only after a period of t r i a l and error that the agricultural limits became set. Any group of immigrants migrating into such an area, intent on beginning an agricultural enterprise is con- fronted at once with certain environmental conditions to which they must adapt their agricultural practices or shape to their own uses. By innovation, by invention and by borrowing, techniques must be adapted to -cope with the new environment. On these techniques and the settler's a b i l i t y , courage and ingenuity, rests the per- manence and v i a b i l i t y of their settlement and standard of l i v i n g which they w i l l be able to achieve. These environmental factors are d i f f i c u l t to over- come but usually are not d i f f i c u l t to recognize and in- terpret. They may be variance in s o i l qualities, climatic probabilities or a topography which lends i t s e l f to some agricultural practices and not others. In sum, the success of a settler depends part i a l l y upon his a b i l i t y to interpret the physical environment and wrest from that environment a net income sufficient to enable a standard of l i v i n g which w i l l permit him to make progress as h 6 conceives progress. T n i S section w i l l deal with the fundamental environmental factors which hindered the progress of Walhachin and will be followed by an analysis of 'human' factors. Although Walhachin normally experiences summer day- time temperatures exceeding 100° F for periods lasting up to one week, the Company promoters boasted of the long warm season (over 50° P) which extended over a 5-jg- month period. This apparently added to the area's attractive- ness. However, the 3§- months of cold season (less than 32°P proved to be one of Walhachin's shortcomings. Temperature v a r i a b i l i t y and frost conditions are important to a l l farmers but for those at Walhachin they proved to be of special significance. When one is de- pendent on hard and soft f r u i t crops these conditions are abnormally c r i t i c a l . Por most farmers, relying upon annual crops such as wheat or potatoes, one extreme climatic variation results in the'failure of one season's crop. Por some perennial crops, such as those at Walhachin, years of maturation are required before they approach a bearing state. An apple orchard "should begin paying after five years and after seven to nine years a profit w i l l occur." 2 4 Any reference to average or normal temperatures at Walhachin is of l i t t l e significance; the importance is temperature extremes. As a result of i t s Dry Belt loca- tion, summer temperatures could be termed excessive. These high temperatures, combined with low humidity as 2 4 M. Smith, "Farmers Institute Report, Horticulture and Agriculture", British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1912, p. K20. - " 88 found in this semi-arid region, created a situation which resulted in heat scalding of the f r u i t ; a condition practically unique to this area in the Canadian Fruit Industry. In 1917 Intense summer heat was not only responsible for considerable orchard loss, from sun scald- ing, at Walhachin, but also for an outbreak of codling moth disease which resulted in large acreages being in 25 quarantine for a number of years. Related to high temperature i s moisture loss through evaporation. The importance of evaporation rate can hardly be overstated in the study of an agricultural settlement, especially one dependent upon irrigation. In order to measure evaporation, relative humidity (R/H) can give an approximation of the a b i l i t y of the atmosphere to take up moisture although such factors as wind, amount of ex- posure, and kind of evaporating surface must also be taken into account. If, for example, an orchardist had decided to conserve water by irrigating at night when the R/H is high, his saving w i l l be minimal i f he f a i l s to take note of a strong wind. From Figure 1, the R/H is seen to fluctuate considerably between summer and winter, and dur- ing the warm months may experience a daily range of more than 55$. This is due in part to the semi-arid condition of the valley as well as to the fact that Walhachin re- ceives more hours of bright sunshine than practically any area of the province, with July receiving six times as British.Columbia, Department of Agriculture, 12th Annual Report. 1918, p. Nl5. 89 much sunshine as December. The sensitiveness of the f r u i t blossoms at Walhachinv made cold temperatures a f r o s t hazard. Although some damage would occur during l i g h t f r o s t s , the k i l l i n g f r o s t s came with temperatures less than 29°P. T w o conditions bring f r o s t to the v a l l e y . The most serious occur when either Polar Maritime or Polar Continental a i r masses l a y over the plateau and descend into the valle y . Much of Walhachin i s composed of gently sloping terraces which, to the orchar- d i s t , were b e n e f i c i a l . As a rule the cold upland a i r d i s - charges through t r i b u t a r y valleys such as Brassey Creek and Deadman Creek and tends to flow down these g u l l i e s , which cut through the terraces, u n t i l It reaches the v a l l e y f l o o r . The terraces act as islands between flows of cold a i r . how- ever, much of Walhachin i s composed of draws and g u l l i e s opening onto the large terraces allowing the cold a i r masses to c o l l e c t and l i e over the orchards. S i m i l a r l y , the or- chards planted on the a l l u v i a l fans were subject to the cold a i r masses. Walhachin was less fortunate than orchard areas i n the Okanagan V a l l e y i n that i t had no lake to act as a moderating influence. The second condition f o r f r o s t e n t a i l s a i r which to begin with, i s near freezing, and i s subsequently cooled to bel ow free z i n g by contact with the ground which loses heat through r a d i a t i o n . This type of f r o s t i s e s p e c i a l l y harmful to ground crops and sometimes damages the buds on the lower branches of a tree. 90 Thus, Walhachin Is susceptible to serious frosts: both inversion frost on clear calm nights in spring, which damages the young f r u i t , and more serious, the cut- ting icy winds of abnormally cold winters, against which there is no satisfactory defense. The trees of whole sections of carefully tended orchards may b e frost k i l l e d by the invasion of the unusually cold polar a i r . Walhachin1s marginality as a fruit-producing area is evident from Figure 6. Following the winter of 1949-50, when the temperature at Penticton sank as low as -16°F., widespread damage followed with only 5% of the trees 2 6 yielding f r u i t the following year. At Walhachin, the Figure 6 JANUARY TEMPERATURE EXTREMES 1916191719181919192019471948194919501951195219531954 Walhachin -31 -28 -16 -23 -11 -26 4 -22 -35 -23 -22 -7 -27 Kelowna -15 -11 -5 -15 6 -9 12 -9 -24 -5 -16 10 -3 Penticton -9 -5 2 -3 6 -4 9 -4 -16 1 -7 15 -16 B. Kerr, "The Physical Basis of Agriculture in British Columbia", Economic Geography. 28 ( July, 1952), p. 235. temperature f e l l substantially lower, indicating the general relationship of Walhachin's temperature to those inthe Okanagan Valley. The winter temperatures decrease as one moves northward in the Okanagan but the moderating effect of the lake system creates conditions so that in the central Okanagan at Kelowna, temperature extremes average 10°F. warmer than at Walhachin. Soft f r u i t s (with a c r i t i c a l bud-killing temperature of -12°F.) could not be grown at Walhachin. I n 1912, - 50 acres of peaches were planted as f i l l e r s in the apple orchards and that winter the entire crop was destroyed. The northern Okanagan i s best suited to grow only apples. The northward adjustment in the Okanagan which employs the more hardy f r u i t crops is demonstrated by considering the recent regional distribution of apple acreage: 25$ of the total acreage of the Osoyoos-Oliver area, 33$ 2V at Pent!cton, 50$ at Kelowna a n (3 a _ t Vernon. Further north, the B. C. Fruit Growers stated that "in favorable locations only — Mcintosh on hardy framework is the only 28 recommended f r u i t . " This would refer to the Walhachin region where the Mcintosh variety, however, amounted to only about 5$ with the chief varieties being Wealthy, 2 7 E. Wahl, "Penticton and Its Region" (unpublished Master's thesis, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, 1955), p. 159. 2 8 British Columbia Fruit Growers Association, "Fruit Varieties, Rootstocks and Frameworks Recommended for Commercial Planting in Southern Interior of British Columbia", Quarterly Report, Vol. 2, No. 4, March 1958, p. 24. Wagener, Jonathan, Spitzenberg and Rome Beauty. Climatic statistics suggest that Walhachin's potential based on tree-fruit economy was extremely limited since only the most hardy strains could survive the winter temperatures. The area was one of orchard marginality which i s demon- strated by the fact that over the past 60 years, growers there have adjusted to the climate so that today less than 1% of British Columbia's present orchards are located 29 in the Upper Fraser-Thompson Valley region. Having considered the av a i l a b i l i t y of water and the topographic limitations in previous sections and now tem- perature va r i a b i l i t y , i t w i l l now be useful to comment on the soils at Walhachin. No study had been made of soils in the area u n t i l 1953 when s o i l profiles from various terrace levels were studied. This study found that none of the soils tested were suitable for tree-fruits and only 159 acres at 30 Walhachin were suitable for vegetable cultivation. R. R. Krueger, "The Geography of the Orchard Industry of Kelowna, Canada"Geographical Bulletin, Vol. 7, 1965, p. 62. British Columbia, Department of Agriculture, Proceedings of the Reclamation Committee, Brief No. 23 (March, 1953), p. 3. The best soils were categorized as: - 222 acres are too rocky for any agriculture - f r u i t or vegetables. - 72 acres had "good s o i l " potential but would be expensive and-low yielding. (This l i k e l y refers to irrigation problems and/or topographic problems). - 159 acres good for vegetables (potatoes, carrots, onions, beans, tomatoes, cucumbers, asparagus and peppers). 93 In 1962 a comprehensive classification of soils in the Walhachin area was undertaken by the Soil Survey Branch of the Department of Agriculture in order to de- termine the arable acreage and included a classification according to s u i t a b i l i t y for irrigation. These c l a s s i f i - cations are presented in Appendices 2 and 3. It was previously stated that overgrazing destroyed the original climax of bluebunch wheatgrass and seriously reduced the carrying capacity of the range. As a result of the s o i l survey, i t was determined that the most economically feasible use for the valley lands would be to restore them to grazing. The most important asset of the area is the hot summers which can be ut i l i z e d to obtain yields of a l f a l f a , and which permit the production of heat- loving vegetables. About 200 acres or &% of the total lands were found to have s o i l conditions that could pro- duce vegetables and nearly 90$ could grow a l f a l f a . The main types of vegetables that can be grown are tomatoes, cucumbers, onions and asparagus but their potential as an economic base for a settlement was very limited. They would not have produced sufficient profits. In 1913, the Marquis built a cannery and hired as manager an ex- perienced canner from a New Westminster cannery. In P. N. Sprout and C. C. Kelley, Soil Survey of the Ashcroft-Savona Area, Thompson River Valley British Columbia, British Columbia Department of Agriculture, Interim Report, Kelowna, March 1963, p. 59. the f a l l of 1913 and 1914 tomatoes and pumpkins were canned there and sold to the C.P.R. The growers received only $11.00-$>12.00 per ton for the vegetables. Consider- ing that the 1963 s o i l survey indicated that approximately ten tons of tomatoes could be expected on the best soils, this would have grossed the grower less than $1200.00 for a ten-acre estate. Calculating the cost which this figure would have had to cover as well as the variance of soils over any one estate, this return would have, been inadequate to provide an acceptable standard of l i v i n g . Walhachin had l i t t l e potential as a commercial orchard region and a very limited future as a vegetable producing area. The only crop that could have been grown extensively was a l f a l f a which, had irrigation been available cheaply, would have supported at best, only a few families. Currently, about 100 acres of a l f a l f a and feeder-corn are grown on two terraces which provide winter feed for one rancher's cattle. Fundamentally, the choice of C. E. Barnes to build a settlement at the Pennie Ranch was one of the leading factors relating to Walhachin's fa i l u r e . The location was a poor one. Had he chosen instead the southern Okanagan, the Saanich Peninsula or the Lower Fraser' Valley, events might have progressed much more favorably. The environmental factors of settlement failure are relatively easy to recognize and to interpret; but more complicated and more d i f f i c u l t to interpret are the reasons f o r economic f a i l u r e . These are associated with problems of economic 'organization, the infringement of organization on the i n d i v i d u a l s e t t l e r , distances from market, cost of land, cost of l i v i n g , demand and value of products, cost of transportation, and the cost of the materials which must be purchased. Walhachin was located i n as advantageous a position as any of the i n t e r i o r orchard regions i n terms of transport f a c i l i t i e s . Located on the mainlines of both the C.P.R. and C.N.R., i t was closer i n terms of distance and time to the p r a i r i e and coast markets than t h e i r of i t s two competitive areas -- the Okanagan and the ^-ootenays. B. C. f r u i t s were advertised widely and were in demand throughout a l l of Western Canada. As ea r l y as 1900, orders for s p e c i f i c v a r i e t i e s were received from Europe and A u s t r a l i a . During the time of Walhachin's development these orders were d i f f i c u l t to f u l f i l since the f r u i t 32 industry i n the province was just beginning. During 1919 and 1920, apple prices were high but be- gan to f a l l i n 1921 and continued to f a l l f o r a number 32 Commercial orchards were f i r s t planted i n the Okanagan i n 1892 with extensive f r u i t tree planting on the v a l l e y benches commencing around 1900. These continued on a comparatively large scale u n t i l 1914 after which time, plantings were on a smaller scale and more related to market requirements. 96 of y e a r s . 3 3 Although the o v e r a l l decline was gradual, there were extreme f l u c t u a t i o n s . Por example, the average p r o f i t per b ox of f r u i t f e l l from 75jzf i n 1921 to 2 7 . 5 ^ a box i n one season. This was due i n large part to the change i n labor conditions i n the post-war period when seasonal labor became extremely d i f f i c u l t to procure. This drop in p r o f i t of 37$ i n one season i s an Indication of the v a r i a b i l i t y i n the p r i c i n g structure, since market- ing was not governed by any l e g i s l a t i o n . Por years, apple growers had been experimenting with schemes of co-op marketing, but the r e f u s a l of the independent growers to accept regulations v o l u n t a r i l y , eventually led to a 34 demand f o r compulsory control of sales. This demand was f i r s t met by the 1924 Produce Marketing Act which was concerned with sales of tree f r u i t s and vegetables. Walhachin Ts pote n t i a l as a fruit-producing area can be assessed by hypothesizing that Walhachin could have produced f r u i t equivalent to average production i n the Okanagan. If so, i t s annual production during i t s most 35 productive years would have amounted to 146 packed boxes 3 3 Concurrent with the post-war price decline was an increase in f r e i g h t rates on the r a i l r o a d s . 3 4 M. Ormsby, B r i t i s h Columbia: A History, Toronto, The Macmillan Company of Canada Ltd., 1958, p. 428. 35 The weight of a box of f r u i t has varied a few pounds during the years of the B. C. f r u i t industry, with the weight in 1909 being 40 pounds in a box 20 inches long, 11 inches wide and 10 inches deep. per a.cre.6b The varieties comprising the most extensive acreages at W ainachin were ..Wagener, Wealthy, and Jonathon which would have brought a seasonal average price of just less than $2.00 per box. '^his would have resulted in a gross return of $292.00 per acre. The average operating cost of the Okanagan's most efficient operations in 1919 was $226.03 per acre with water cost amounting to 37 only 2% of the total. Assuming that water costs were equivalent at Walhachin, this would yield an annual pro- f i t of $659.70 for the average Walhachin estate. However, considering the assumptions held, as well as the fact that Okanagan orchards averaged 95$ production level (acreage), and that orchardists did a good deal of their own work, the $659.70 represents an excessively optimistic figure for Walhachin's profits per estate. Por a further indication of the area's f r u i t poten- t i a l , one could compare Walhachin's shipping figure with that of one orchard at Kelowna. between 1902 and 1906 a Kelowna orchard of 16 acres averaged an annual produc- tion of 150 tons of f r u i t , whereas in i t s best two years of production, the whole acreage at Walhachin W. A. Middleton, Cost of Producing Apples in the Okanagan and Average Yields and Prices for Leading,Varieties, British Columbia Department of Agriculture, Circular Wo. 38, 1921, p. 10. 3 7 Ibid., p. 5. averaged o n l y 38.3 tons of f r u i t and v e g e t a b l e s a n n u a l l y . F i g u r e 4 p o r t r a y s Walhachin's r e l a t i v e l y p r o d u c t i v e y e a r s , and t h e i r d e c l i n e . The n e a r l y f i v e - f o l d i n c r e a s e i n p r o - d u c t i o n between 1916 and 1917 was a r e s u l t of some t r e e s r e a c h i n g t h e i r mature b e a r i n g s t a g e . However, t h e washout and d r o u g h t - k i l l i n 1918 i s p o r t r a y e d i n t h a t y e a r ' s p r o d u c t i o n f i g u r e s . V e g e t a b l e s came t o a c c o u n t f o r v i r - t u a l l y a l l t h e e x p o r t s a f t e r 1920. The sudden i n c r e a s e i n the v e g e t a b l e p r o d u c t i o n i n 1924 was due t o t h e e f f o r t s of the Chinese who l e a s e d l a n d f r o m t h e Marquis f o r v e g e t a b l e c u l t i v a t i o n . The b e s t adjustment made by the s e t t l e r s t o overcome the l o w p r o d u c t i v i t y was i n c r e a s i n g the s c a l e o f t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s . The average s i z e of h o l d i n g i n the Okanagan V a l l e y i n 1920 was 22.8 a c r e s , whereas a t W a l h a c h i n t h e average h o l d i n g was 10 a c r e s . However, t h o s e who succeeded i n o b t a i n i n g a t l e a s t a p o r t i o n o f t h e i r l i v i n g f r o m t h e l a n d a t W a l h a c h i n had a l l I n c r e a s e d t h e i r a c r e a g e s t o t h i r t y t o f o r t y a c r e s on which t h e y c o u l d make use o f o n l y 39 the b e s t s o i l s . But t h i s was s t i l l n o t a n adequate 3 8 D. E. Lee, "Some F a c t o r s Making For The Success 0 r F a i l u r e o f A g r i c u l t u r e " , ( U n p u b l i s h e d M a s t e r ' s T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C olumbia, 1 9 2 5 ) , p. 53. 39 The l a n d s a t W a l h a c h i n were s u r v e y e d , p r o c e e d i n g s e t t l e m e n t , 1908 and 1910. T n Q s u r v e y l i n e s i g n o r e d the obvious s o i l d i f f e r e n c e s c o m p l e t e l y , and l i t t l e thought, was g i v e n to t h e v a r i e d t o p o g r a p h y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , s e t t l e r s a r r i v e d a t t h e i r e s t a t e s , u s u a l l y purchased s i g n t unseen, t o f i n d v a r y i n g p o r t i o n s u n a r a b l e . 99 adjustment when the high c a p i t a l investment required for such a small acreage of arable land and the problem with i r r i g a t i o n water i s taken into consideration. B. C. Settlement Atmosphere E s s e n t i a l l y , the years of Walhachin's growth occurred during a period of an immigration boom and high optimism in the province. The years 1905 to 1912 were B r i t i s h Columbia's boom years and almost anywhere i n the province 40 in 1905 and 1906, one could f e e l a new s p i r i t of optimism. For those attempting some a g r i c u l t u r a l pursuit i n the i n - t e r i o r of the province, t h i s optimism i s e a s i l y understood since no accurate information r e l a t i n g to agriculture was avail a b l e . What was available was an abundance of promo- ti o n a l l i t e r a t u r e expounding on the excellent p o t e n t i a l of v i r t u a l l y every i n t e r i o r v a l l e y . It was not u n t i l 1921 i n the Okanagan and 1934 i n the Thompson V a l l e y that government experimental farms were founded. Most information available to prospective set- t l e r s (government reports and maps, promotional l i t e r a t u r e ) was so inaccurate and/or biased that i t u s u a l l y rendered any judgment based on i t unsound. One example of fact d i s t o r t i o n was a pamphlet published by the Grand Trunk Railway, that stated "B. C. i s the largest and most suitable Ormsby, op. c i t . . p. 341 100 province i n Canada ... i t s area being as large as Ontario, Nova S c o t i a , New Brunswick, Prince, Edward Island and Manitoba combined." 4 1 Kamloops was ad v e r t i s e d as the Los Angeles of Canada and brochures announced that there were "ten r a i l w a y s b u i l d i n g or chartered — some surveyed -- a l l heading to Port George. 4 2 This w a s t n e period when P r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c i a n s used the slogan "McBride P r o s p e r i t y " . The Conservative McBride government was c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d < with London. McBride himself acted as a one-man B r i t i s h Columbia p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s man. He founded B r i t i s h Columbia House i n London and was renowned f o r h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as a " B r i t i s h " B r i t i s h Columbian. The l i t e r a t u r e d i s t r i - buted by the o f f i c e of the Agent-General i n London was so persuasive that even the Governor-General of Canada f e l l v i c t i m t o the promise of high p r o f i t s a w aiting c l e v e r c u l - t i v a t o r s . He f e l t the f r u i t farmer was "par e x c e l l a n c e , 44 nature's gentleman . Hundreds of B r i t i s h e r s were s i m i l a r l y persuaded, and with c a p i t a l , but l i t t l e f r u i t - g r o w i n g experience, pur- chased orchard lands throughout B r i t i s h Columbia. The province was regarded very h i g h l y by people from other parts of Canada and throughout the B r i t i s h I s l e s . The a t t i t u d e of many i s suggested by a comment made by h i s 42 Ormsby, op. c i t . , p. 359. 43 I b i d . , p. 371 4 4 I b i d . , p. 354. 4 1 Grand Trunk Railway, General Information f o r Intending S e t t l e r s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. V i c t o r i a , 1914, p. 1 101 excellency, Earl Grey,, who upon the opening of the New Westminster Fruit Exhibition i n London, described f r u i t farming as an art and went on to describe British Columbia saying, "Gentlemen, here is a state of things which appears to offer the opportunity of l i v i n g under such ideal condi- tions as struggling humanity has only succeeded in reaching 45 in one or two of the most favored parts of the earth." That some would choose Walhachin as a place to settle is not surprising. During the period 1905-1915 settlers arrived in the Thompson and neighboring valleys to start 46 m • = small farms on almost a l l the vacant land. The pros- pects of successful f r u i t farming in the area were heightened by government reports indicating that, "It is now an established fact that apples of excellent quality wi l l grow as far north as Hazelton, on the Skeena River, 47 between 55 and 56 degrees north." Therefore, In many aspects, Walhachin was merely a part of a larger process occurring at the time and i t is only i n this context of settlement act i v i t y and excitement that Walhachin's beginning and fate can be explained. Earlier discussion dwelt upon the more visible factors which influenced the settlement's development but these-alone are not sufficient to explain Walhachin's 45 F. Fairford, British Columbia. London, Sir Isaac Pitman and Sons, Ltd., 1914, p. 64. 4 6 M . Balf et a l . A History of the Di s t r i c t to 1914. Kamloops, Kamloops Museum Association, 1969, p. 129. 4 7 British Columbia, Handbook of British Columbia. Canada. Victoria, Bureau of Public Information, Bulletin No.23, 1913, p. Z 102 fai l u r e . The settlers obviously did not know the Walhachin r e a l i t y but rather some mental Images of what Walhachin could be and more accurately, what they wished i t to be. They were aided in large by the Company promoters who emphasized a scene of prosperity, growth and excitement. They saw the positive aspect of the environment and negated the harsh realities of isolationism and a r t i f i c i a l i s m . The choice to settle at Walhachin for many, was the result of one book, "Fruit Farming in the Dry Belt of British Columbia." Written by J. S. Redmayne, a Company promoter, i t was published by the Times Book Club in 1909 and dis- tributed widely throughout England. An examination of five of its statements w i l l reveal Its encouragement to settle not only in British Columbia's Dry Belt but specifically at Walhachin: - Fruit growing has acquired the distinction of being a beautiful art as well as a most profitable industry. - 10 acres should yield «£ 600 from apples plus <£ 400 ad- ditional from intermediate crops. - Fruit farming in the Dry Belt of British Columbia is the best paying investment in the world. - Those who take up f r u i t farming in the British Columbia 'Dry Belt' are ...men of the better class, people of education and refinement. - Best location is where conditions are similar to Wenatchee and Yakima Valleys — say somewhere in the Thompson River d i s t r i c t between Kamloops and 103 Lytton. This subtle but misleading introduction to Walhachin was carried further by an i n c l u s i o n at the end of the book of a chapter which explained the B.C.D.A. development at a l o c a t i o n between Kamloops and Lytton. Anticipating that some parents might be reluctant to send t h e i r sons out to the Dry Belt with no agriculturalexperience, the author included a description of the Residential Prac- t i c a l Training School the Company planned to establish at Walhachin to teach h o r t i c u l t u r e . This was nothing more than a paper plan intended,to entice more s e t t l e r s to purchase the Company's properties. Finangial Decline In the study of B. C. Settlement, the r o l e of the land speculator on the f r o n t i e r has not been adequately studied. These individuals or companies were d i r e c t l y responsible for the development of many of the populated areas i n the i n t e r i o r and i n d i r e c t l y associated with the province's development. They c a p i t a l i z e d upon the natural impetus of immigration and p o l i t i c a l development of the period and bought tracts of cheap land, made minimal improvements, and sold i t to newly arrived s e t t l e r s . Such was the case at Walhachin. Walhachin was a land settlement scheme designed to make money f o r the shareholders of the London-based J. S. Redmayne, F r u i t Farming on the Dry Belt of B r i t i s h Columbia, London, The Times Book Club, 1909, pp. 10, 50, 79, 82, and 94. 104 B.C.D.A. The Company had issued 39,382 common shares at i l l each and had raised-£l66,433 in debenture loans to further i t s developments, of which Walhachin was by f a r the l a r g e s t , ^ts Intent was eventually to s e l l a l l i t s properties to the s e t t l e r s at Walhachin, but i t ran into f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y . On June 7, 1912, the Company was ordered to wind-up on the p e t i t i o n of the debenture holders who eventually received only 9d on the after the Company 49 had sold : what i t could to the residents of Walhachin. Even to the debenture holders and the major stockholders i n the B.C.D.A., Walhachin was a f a i l u r e as an investment. The wind-up took nearly six years after which the Anglesey Estates owned most of the property formerly held by the Barnes Estates and B r i t i s h Columbia H o r t i c u l t u r a l Estates, both i n turn, subsidiaries of the B.C.D.A. This gradual change i n settlement control through land ownership had disastrous e f f e c t s , the r e s u l t of which i s dealt with l a t e r i n thi s chapter. Most of the residents received monthly sums of money from either parents or r e l a t i v e s i n Great B r i t a i n i n order to finance t h e i r estates and a c t i v i t i e s at Walhachin. These funds usually were substantial enough to permit the recipients to l i v e quite well but were discontinued when the men l e f t f o r the Front or when conditions i n England became such that support of those overseas was no longer 4 9 Great B r i t a i n , Public Record O f f i c e , B r i t i s h Columbia Development Association, Company Records, No.81-013, 1931, p.5. 105 p o s s i b l e . The war and post-war years were f i n a n c i a l l y d i s a s t r o u s f o r Walhachin and although the B.C.D.A. had c a j o l e d the Marquis i n t o i n v e s t i n g h e a v i l y i n order t h a t they could r e t r i e v e some of t h e i r expenses, he too was unable t o make an adequate investment t o r e v i t a l i z e the settlement. In 1905, the Marquis had i n h e r i t e d not only the t i t l e from h i s cousin (Henry C y r i l Paget, 5th Marquis of Anglesey) but a l s o h i s debts. Upon h i s cousin's death at Monte C a r l o , j- 50 h i s debts were reported to be i n excess of^544,000. As a r e s u l t of these debts and more l i k e l y the f a c t t h a t the f a m i l y (the Pagets) had a long h i s t o r y of scandals and f i n a n c i a l blunders, v a r i o u s c r e d i t o r s had placed pressure on the Marquis t o r e t r i e v e t h e i r money. This pressure was heightened when the Marquis found, i n 1920, that he had been a v i c t i m of a Turner V a l l e y O i l F i e l d swindle. During h i s l a s t v i s i t to Walhachin p r i o r to the war, 5-1 he had invested h e a v i l y i n one of the f i v e hundred new o i l companies formed i n Calgary a f t e r the f i r s t Turner V a l l e y naphtha and n a t u r a l gas w e l l began producing i n 1914. Only f i f t y companies ever attempted any d r i l l i n g 5 0 G. E. Cockayne, The Complete Peerage of England Scotland I r e l a n d Great B r i t a i n and United Kingdom.London, The S t . Catherine Press L t d . , V o l . 1, 1910, p. 141. 51 The w r i t e r was unable to a s c e r t a i n the exact f i g u r e . However, i n personal i n t e r v i e w s , members of the Paget f a m i l y and the Marquis' son i n d i c a t e d the sum was indeed considerable. and moat never advanced beyond the paper stage. 'The f i n - a n c i a l loaaea experienced by the Marquia are indicated by the f a c t that i n 1920 he advertised to s e l l the family'a anceatral home and. properties at Beaudesert, i n Stafford- s h i r e . He succeeded eventually i n a e l l i n g the manaion and i t a furnishings, as well as part of the 17,500 acrea of estate to cover the family's outstanding debts. The Walhachin s e t t l e r s , a c t u a l l y through l i t t l e e f f o r t of t h e i r own but pr i m a r i l y through the B.C.D.A., managed to create an impreaaion of aucceaa and v i a b i l i t y . This was made poaaible aa long as the settlement could r e l y upon England aa a source of c a p i t a l . This o r i g i n - a l l y occurred through the B.C.D.A. and th e i r apeculative e f f o r t s and eventually, although to a leaaer degree, through the s e t t l e r ' s c o n t a c t s 5 2 In England. W n Q n the flow of c a p i t a l into Wa]_hachin terminated, the aettlement waa unable to exiat on i t a own resources. Any beginning s e t t l e r uaually depends upon outside resources i n order to esta b l i s h himself. These take various forms such as savings or credit and are required for varying lengths of time depending upon the i n t e r v a l u n t i l returns are forthcoming from the enterprise i n which the s e t t l e r haa inveated. The resourcea and time Theae contacta were us u a l l y families for the younger men and either f a m i l i e s or Government Agencies (Pension sources), or both, for the older residents. i n t e r v a l depend very much on each i n d i v i d u a l . At Walhachin, there were e s s e n t i a l l y two groups of s e t t l e r s which i n simple terms can be called the 'haves' and the 'have-nots'. Those with s u f f i c i e n t family support to enter Walhachin without reliance on credit were the fortunate group; even i f they needed to borrow funds they were able to do so on their inherited s e c u r i t y or over t h e i r family's signature. It i s the men of the second group that had the problems, for they had l i t t l e or no family support to acquire orchards and the re- quired operating materials. However, with these groups, an i n t e r e s t i n g d i s t i n c t i o n occurred. Contrary to the expected outcome, i t was the second group, the 'have-nots' who were most successful at Walhachin. Although th e i r numbers were small and t h e i r success r e l a t i v e , they were the only s e t t l e r s to obtain any return from their orchard lands. However, t h i s group represented a small minority and was not representative of the Walhachin community. Considered as a whole, the community was r e l a t i v e l y inept at dealing with the new environment, but In spite of i t , development occurred. Considering the formative years, development occurred at a phenomenal rate; 1083 acres planted and i r r i g a t e d i n four years. Plans f o r orchard monorails, unlimited ex- pansion of commercial orchard, and large self-contained communities appeared to be possible since i n four years Walhachin had developed acreage amounting to l / l O of 108 a l l the commercial orchards in the Okanagan. Most of the development had been accomplished through the pro- motional efforts of the B.C.D.A. since the settlers had arrived possessing few s k i l l s and l i t t l e a b i l i t y or willingness. The development was carried out generally under the very capable leadership of C. E. B arnes, director for the B.C.D.A., with a work force at times numb ering more than 150 men. Quality of the Settlers The s e t t l e r s ' . a b i l i t y to pursue the duties of a horticulturist was limited since most had either recently completed public school at Eton and MarlborCugh or had retired from the British Military or C i v i l S Qrvice. None had any knowledge of farming practices and their w i l l i n g - ness to learn Is exemplified in that only two men ever attended the winter courses in horticulture offered at the Pullman T Q C h n i c a l College in Pullman, Washington. Although the number i t s e l f suggests l i t t l e , considered with the situation in which the men found themselves during the winter, i t is indicative of the settler's lack of ser- iousness and attitude. There were large numbers of single men, most had more than adequate finances, and vi r t u a l l y none had any commitments at Walhachin during the winter. Therefore, a l l had the opportunity to attend the College i f they desired. The fact that only two men attended leaves one to suspect that for most, the social l i f e available at Walhachin was more appealing than studying 109 h o r t i c u l t u r e . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , the men who a t t e n d e d were l a r g e l y 'on t h e i r own' and as a r e s u l t of t h e i r l i m i t e d s u c c e s s , were the l a s t t o l e a v e t h e i r e s t a t e s a f t e r the War. The unpreparedness of t h e s e t t l e r s r e s u l t e d i n a h o s t of a g r i c u l t u r a l b l u n d e r s and i n poor r e s o u r c e u t i l i z a t i o n and management. F r u i t v a r i e t i e s were p l a n t e d s i m p l y be- cause t h e y were grown i n B r i t a i n , w i t h l i t t l e c o n s i d e r a - t i o n as to t h e i r s u i t a b i l i t y t o t h e r e g i o n and t o the v a r y i n g market c o n d i t i o n s . T h e i r major attempt a t adjustment was e v e n t u a l l y t o p l a n t as many v a r i e t i e s as p o s s i b l e t o see which t h r i v e d b e s t . T h i s r e s u l t e d i n d u p l i c a t i o n of t e s t i n g a l r e a d y done by t h e i r n e i g h b o r s and n e c e s s i t a t e d more r e p l a n t i n g t h a n s h o u l d have o c c u r r e d , because the f r o z e n t e n d e r v a r i e t i e s had t o be r e p l a c e d by t h o s e more h a r d y . The d u p l i c a t i o n happened s i n c e the s e t t l e r s had l i t t l e c o n t a c t w i t h t h e i r n e i g h b o r s . T h i s i s one a s p e c t t h a t s e t W a l h a c h i n a p a r t f r o m the t r a d i t i o n a l s e t t l e m e n t p r o c e s s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Large areas o f t h e p r o v i n c e were s e t t l e d b y i n d i v i d u a l s p o s s e s s i n g v a r i e d e t h n i c and o c c u p a t i o n a l backgrounds, whose s e t t l e m e n t s were n a t u r a l outgrowths of a c o m p e t i t i v e system, and whose o u t s t a n d i n g p e r s o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i t y and c o o p e r a t i v e n e s s . The r e s u l t was t h e f o r m a t i o n o f a number of heterogeneous communities. A l t h o u g h l o c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s gradually evolved, the process of settlement under these conditions was usually long and arduous. Walhachin, as previously discussed, was an ethnic settlement. As an English settlement, Walhachin d i f f e r - entiated i t s e l f well from the neighboring ranching centers of Ashcroft and Kamloops. Its u n o f f i c i a l name of L i t t l e England r e f l e c t s i t s somewhat ethnocentric nature and with regard to at t i t u d e s , dress, and recreation Walhachin was< closer to London and V i c t o r i a than to any of the neighboring communities. The settlement was ex- tremely self-centered and stood aloof from the f r o n t i e r mentality which prevailed In the majority of other com- munities i n B r i t i s h Columbia and was only p a r t i a l l y susceptible to the play of forces which operated to break down the barriers that separated the honogeneous groups 53 from th e i r neighbors. The s e t t l e r s themselves were extremely self-centred and wished l i t t l e contact with the neighboring communities other than to p a r t i c i p a t e i n sporting events. Social contact was minimal outside the settlement and is best displayed by the Marquis himself. An older brother had emigrated e a r l i e r to a ranch in the C h i l c o t i n d i s t r i c t and often spoke highly of his brother i n England. The Marquis, whose wife accompanied him only once and remained 53 Many inhabitants of neighboring towns and from nearby farms and ranches regarded Walhachin as being 'odd' and re i t e r a t e d numerous instances to exemplify the Walha- chin s e t t l e r ' s ineptness i n that f r o n t i e r environment. f o r a few days, v i s i t e d the s e t t l e m e n t each summer, y e t never made any e f f o r t to c o n t a c t h i a b r o t h e r . T h i s i s o l a t i o n o f the s e t t l e m e n t h i n d e r e d d e v e l o p - ment i n many i n d i r e c t ways and d i r e c t l y by c r e a t i n g a s i t u a t i o n so t h a t u s e f u l s u g g e s t i o n s b y n e i g h b o r s were seldom o f f e r e d . Any s t u d y of a f r o n t i e r r e g i o n i n d i - c a t e s the u s e f u l n e s s o f p r a c t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n and c o o p e r a - t i o n w i t h t h o s e more e x p e r i e n c e d . As mentioned p r e v i o u s l y , , the p l a n t i n g o f as many v a r i e t i e s as p o s s i b l e t o f i n d thoae moat s u i t a b l e c o u l d have been a v o i d e d had b e t t e r o u t a i d e c o n t a c t s been a v a i l a b l e . A t W a l h a c h i n , the s e t t l e r s were l e f t alone t o a d j u s t t o the new environment and had t o depend e s s e n t i a l l y upon t h e i r own e x p e r i e n c e and v e r y l i m i t e d a g r i c u l t u r e and b u s i n e s s a b i l i t y . J u s t as. most e t h n i c communities a re viewed as b e i n g an a l i e n element on the l a n d s c a p e , the n e i g h b o r i n g people saw Wal h a c h i n aa b e i n g d i f f e r e n t and u n n a t u r a l and f a i l e d t o u n d e r s t a n d i t . They viewed the s e t t l e m e n t w i t h s k e p t i c i s m , and a l t h o u g h t h e y f e l t the whole.scheme was an i n t e r e s t i n g e x p e r i m e n t , t h e y r e c o g n i z e d i t as b e i n g n o t h i n g more. They were u n w i l l i n g t o r e s p e c t men who d i d l i t t l e of t h e i r own work and spent moat o f t h e i r time p u r s u i n g l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s . The f r i e n d s h i p r i f t 5 4 A p a r t i a l e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the M a r q u i s ' b e h a v i o r may be the f a c t t h a t t h i s b r o t h e r was an i l l e g i t i m a t e son of t h e M a r q u i s ' f a t h e r and c o n s e q u e n t l y was not con- s i d e r e d an h e i r and n o t r e g a r d e d h i g h l y b y the f a m i l y . 112 or contact r i f t was increased when twice, people from neighboring properties took the B.C.D.A. to court — once when the Company violated a water rights agreement and once over the matter of a workman not permitted to drink in the Company's hotel. Neighboring settlers and communities accused the Walhachin settlers of riotous l i v i n g using as a basis for such a statement the fact that they organized card nights to raise money for school and community f a c i l i t i e s . A practice, thought by many, to be akin to saloon gambling. The attitude of the people in the area around Walhachin is identified pre- cisely by an author writing about settlement in Western Canada about the time of Walhachin's development who remarks, "...that special class of emigrant, the English gentleman's son, who as a group can be consigned to have had l i t t l e lasting influence on the landscape since a great majority of them have failed and passed from active rural l i f e . Canadians have no view of them collectively as settlers and ridicule them mercilessly...."^ Lands conquered for agriculture and settlement by hydraulic improvements are extraordinarily sensitive to 5 6 variations in the natural and human environments. It Robert England, The Colonization of Western Canada, A Study of Contemporary Land Settlement, London, P. S. King and Son, Ltd., 1936, p. 193. A. 3 estine, "Regressive Phases in the Development of the Cultural Landscape", Readings In Cultural Geography, eds. P. L. Wagner and M. W. Mikesell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 485. 113 is not enough to create improvements, but they must be maintained by a vigilant expenditure of energy and de- pend heavily upon strong leadership. Leadership may be in the form of a group or an individual and, as has often occurred, changes in leadership may result in a settlement's collapse. After 1913, the Marquis continued to expand his holdings, u n t i l he eventually took control of the settle- ment in 1919. His estate director was R. Chetwynd in 1919 replaced C. E. Barnes as Director of Walhachin. Chetwynd lacked Barnes' a b i l i t y , charm, and general leadership qualities and was unable to hold the settle- ment together through the post-war years. Barnes was an older and more respected man! respected for his background, experience, and for his a b i l i t y . Chetwynd, in contrast, was simply chosen from the rank and f i l e of young men at Walhachin whose main qualification for 57 the position was his relationship with the Marquis. His a b i l i t y i s best described by an exampie. H e was placed in the position to supervise the lining of the V-flume from B r assey Creek with a tarred roofing paper. The roofing sheets were placed in such a manner that the lower sheet overlapped the upper, so when the gates were opened the force of the flowing water ripped out a l l the lining in the two-mile flume. As a weak leader, Chetwynd 5 7 The Marquis' cousin, the 5th Marquis of Anglesey had married the eldest daughter of Sir George Chetwynd, baronet. found i t d i f f i c u l t to organize and motivate the settlers t care for the irrigation aystem as a whole. Each waa satis fied provided that adequate water reached his property, and par t i a l l y due to this attitude and Chetwynd's i n a b i l i t to deal with i t , the entire system rapidly deteriorated after 1919. Implicit in a discussion dealing with an individual's a b i l i t y to be successful is the individual's quality in terms of some specific c r i t e r i a . 'At• Walhachin, the criter ion is the a b i l i t y to adjust to a new environment and quality refers to the training or background of the individual settlers. Their preparedness and attitude have been dealt with, both e x p l i c i t l y and implicitly, through- out this paper but one last statement is required. For many, Walhachin served as a last or only alternative. Settlers came to Walhachin for as many reasons as there were settlers, but for most, had they had a choice, few would have come. The young men usually had one of three backgrounds: one of repeated failure or behavioral problems at school, one of personal scandal or legal d i f f i c u l t i e s , or one of military service expulsion. Gener a l l y their families were at a loss as to what to do with 58 them so the boys were encouraged to go overseas to 58 Alternatives other than Walhachin were usually to join the clergy, c i v i l service or the army and many eventually chose one of these after experiencing failure at Walhachin. However, some had no alternative since they were sent to Walhachin as a disciplinary measure and/or to learn self-discipline. An example would be Cecil Rhodes' nephew who was sent to Walhachin after Inciting a re.volution in Costa &ica. 115 m a n a g e t h e f a m i l y ' s n e w l y a c q u i r e d p r o p e r t i e s a t W a l h a c h i n . A s t o t h e p o t e n t i a l o f t h e s e b o y s b e i n g s u c c e s s f u l s e t t l e r s , s p e a k i n g o f a s i m i l a r s e t t l e m e n t , W . A . C a r r o t h e r s s t a t e s t h a t " . . . w i t h a d o z e n , t w e n t y o r t h i r t y p u b l i c s c h o o l b o y s . . . o f a c l a s s t h a t p r o d u c e s t h e l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n o f t h o s e w h o n e e d a s t r o n g h a n d , s u c c e s s i s p r a c t i c a l l y i m - chi 60 to p o s s i b l e . 7 - I n d e e d , t h e q u a l i t y o f s e t t l e r a t W a l h a c i n l e f t m u c h t o b e d e s i r e d : l i t t l e w i l l i n g n e s s t o w o r k , l a c k o f u s e f u l s k i l l s , l i t t l e m o t i v a t i o n t o s u c c e e d , o r a s o n e i n f o r m a n t s t a t e d , " W a l h a c h i n w a s a c a t c h - a l l f o r r e j e c t s . " ^ M a n y e l d e r l y s e t t l e r s c a m e t o W a l h a c h i n t o e n j o y t h e w h o l e s o m e c l i m a t e d u r i n g t h e i r r e t i r e m e n t y e a r s . T h e a i r w a s t h o u g h t t o b e e x t r e m e l y h e a l t h y d u e t o i t s d r y n e s s a n d t h e p r o m o t e r s e m p h a s i z e d t h a t t h e s i t e h a d b e e n c h o s e n b y t h e p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t f o r t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a C o n s u m p t i v e S a n i t o r i u m b u t h a d b e e n p u r c h a s e d b y t h e B . C . D . A . b e f o r e t h e P r o v i n c i a l M e d i c a l O f f i c e r c o u l d m a k e h i s o f f e r . T h u s , a t l e a s t f o r s o m e , W a l h a c h i n w a s r e g a r d e d a s b e i n g l i t t l e m o r e t h a n a r e t i r e m e n t h o m e . 5 9 ^ ' W . A . C a r r o t h e r s , E m i g r a t i o n F r o m t h e B r i t i s h I s l e s . L o n d o n , P . S . K i n g a n d S o n s L t d . , 1929, p . 207. ^ ° T h e a t t i t u d e o f t h e r e m i t t a n c e m a n t o w a r d s w o r k w a s c a p t u r e d i n t h e s t a t e m e n t , " t h e w e s t e r n s c h e m e o f l i f e , a k n o w - n o t h i n g w o r s h i p o f h a r d w o r k a n d d o l l a r s . . . i s n o t t h e l i f e ' s i d e a l o f t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e e n l i g h t e n e d a n d c u l t i v a t e d p e o p l e o f t h e e a r t h ' s s u r f a c e t o d a y , n o r w i l l i t e v e r b e " , q u o t e d i n C a r r o t h e r s , o p . c i t . T p . 193. ^ I n t e r v i e w w i t h W a l h a c h i n s e t t l e r , B . F o o t n e r , M a y 17, 1969. 6 2 J . S . R e d m a y n e , F r u i t F a r m , i n , g o n The D r y B e l v o f B r j £ i a k C o l u m b i a . L o n d o n , T h e T i m e s B o o k Club, 1909, p . 38. 116 The v i a b i l i t y o f a s e t t l e m e n t i s r e l a t e d t o the s e t t l e r ' s l e v e l o f e x p e c t a t i o n . E x p e c t a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g a c c e p t a b l e l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s , are r e l a t i v e . What one man a c c e p t s , another r e j e c t s . The s t a n d a r d of l i v i n g e xpected and sought by the s e t t l e r s a t W a i h a c h i n was f u n d a m e n t a l l y urban i n o r i g i n and r e f l e c t e d c o n s e r v a t i s m and e l i t i s m . U n l i k e the major- i t y o f B r i t i s h immigrants who emigrated t o B r i t i s h Columbia a f t e r t h e Boer War f r o m the w o r k i n g and m i d d l e c l a s s e s , t h e s e were from the r a n k s of B r i t i s h a r i s t o c r a c y . They were members of some of the w e a l t h i e s t f a m i l i e s i n B r i t a i n i n c l u d i n g descendants o f C e c i l Rhodes, Prime M i n i s t e r A s q u i t h , L Q r d N e l s o n , and ^ i n g George V. Conse- q u e n t l y , upon a r r i v a l a t W a l h a c h i n , the s e t t l e r s e x p e c t e d a r e l a t i v e l y h i g h s t a n d a r d of l i v i n g . The Marquis had h i s own swimming p o o l , f a m i l i e s d i n e d i n the e x t r a v a g a n t h o t e l , P a d e r e w s k i ' s p i a n o was purchased f o r c o n c e r t s h e l d i n the e l a b o r a t e town h a l l , and workmen were r e q u i r e d t o d r i n k a t a s e p a r a t e b a r . Such c o n d i t i o n s i n d i c a t e the l i f e - s t y l e e x p e c t ed by t h e r e s i d e n t s . For W a l h a c h i n t o p r o v i d e t h i s type of l i v i n g and c o r r e s p o n d i n g f a c i l i t i e s , something more th a n a p p l e o r c h a r d s was r e q u i r e d . H a v i n g now r e a c h e d the p o i n t where many f a c t o r s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Walhachin's f a i l u r e , d e c l i n e and abandon- ment have been d i s c u s s e d , one f a c t o r remains which a c t e d as a c a t a l y s t i n the abandonment p r o c e s s — t h e F i r s t World War. Effect of World War I The Walhachin Squadron of the 31st British Columbia Horse l e f t on August 27, 1914 for Salisbury Plain where i t remained in training for fourteen months before moving to the Front. The squadron included a l l the single men in the settlement, with only one exception. Their motives for immediate departure were essentially three. They were linked very closely to England through families and finance, and wished to contribute their share to the war cause. Along with this patriotic inducement was the opportunity to be involved in an actual combat situation. The troopers had been training for twenty-six months in tri-weekly exercises at ^alhachin as well as summer f i e l d - camps- at the Vernon Training Camp. Consequently, they were anxious to put their training to the test. Last, and possibly the most c r i t i c a l , was the fact that the - War provided an excuse to leave Walhachin. In 1914 there were forty single men livin g at Walhachin not Including the laborers, and very few single women. A glance at the settlement's population profile indicates this skewed! sex proportion which was further emphasized by the fact that the settlers had l i t t l e contact with neighboring communities. The men had spent five years at Walhachin and had become somewhat disenchanted with the settlement:. They were receptive to any opportunity for a change and were provided with an opportunity by the declaration of war in 1914. 118 The care of the orchards was l e f t to the older and the married men who managed as many as six tenj^acre es- tates. Labor was d i f f i c u l t to obtain during the war years and what work that was done at Waihachin w a s done primarily by Chinese and local Indian laborers. With a decline in funds from England, a weakening leadership, and a labor shortage, the orchards began to deteriorate. This led to a number of family men volunteering and as more men l e f t , the settlement began to decline through neglect of homes, services, orchards, and the water system. By the end of the War, when most settlers were returning, the fate of Walhachin had become increasingly clear. The Marquis' plea to the government for aid to revitalize the settlement was refused. The War had not only changed Walhachin but the province as well. Never again would the province have the verve and the quality of l i f e of the days of Sir Richard McBride. From this time forth, the relative proportion of British university graduates, remittance men and younger sons of nobis families in its population would be diminishing. In the country d i s t r i c t s , a few families would try to keep alive the r i t u a l of the weekly tennis and cricket matches, but now there were few who had the leisure or the means to indulge a taste for fox-hunting and polo.^ 3 John Oliver's Liberal Party had replaced McBride's pro-British Conservative government and the new Premier 6 3 Ormsby, op. c i t . , p. 402. 119 had l i t t l e in common with the Englishmen who were re- turning to Walhachin. 6 4 His attitude is suggested by his refusal of the Marquis' offer to give his extensive property at Walhachin to the government to be used as a Soldier's Resettlement Area and chose instead property belonging to the South Okanagan Land Company.6^ The settlers.then suspected an anti-British attitude on the part of the government but were also aware that Oliver was l i k e l y a shareholder in the South'Okanagan Land Company especially since the land was sold for a much greater price than the Company had i t valued. With Walhachin's future in doubt, the ultimate adjustment was attempted1 the settlers sold or attempted to s e l l out. They recognized the f u t i l i t y in continuing since after eight to twelve years of capital and personal investment, few returns had occurred and most of their Professor Ormsby brings this out with great c l a r i t y by mentioning that Oliver had l i t t l e formal education and was proud of the fact that he was a plain "dirt farmer" who had 'dug ditches by the side of Chinamen"; see p. 398, British Columbia, A History, Toronto, The Macmillan Company of C a n ada, Ltd., 1958. S. L. Medland, "Economic Aspects of the Southern" Okanagan Lands Project, "Transactions of the 7th British Columbia Natural Resources Conference, 1954, p. 50. 'This property became the S o u t h Okanagan Lands Project which included 4800 acres (similar to Walhachin) and cost $2.5 million to prepare (Ormsby, p. 417). Although the government's decision to reject Walhachin was ultimately sound, considering that so l i t t l e was known about both sites at the time, the decision was perplexing to those concerned. 120 holdings had been severely set back by the War. F a c i l i - tating this adjustment was the fact that many had received offers for lucrative positions and careers while overseas. Through renewed family and business contacts, opportuni- ties had been offered them providing satisfactory incomes and prestige. Examples of positions which were eventually f i l l e d by Walhachin residents were : Plantation Director in Barbados, Secretary of the Royal Agricultural Society, Estate Director in Malaya, Police Chief in Sudan, M. P. in England, Cabinet Minister In British Columbia, and M.J), in Victoria. The alternatives available to most Walhachin r e s i - dents not on pension provided a relatively easy 'adjustment out' of the endeavor at which they had fa i l e d . For most, their experiences were considered as representing 'lost years' of their lives when their efforts had brought few returns. They saw the First World War and the attitudes held by the government and neighboring communities as the reason for their failure and that of Walhachin. Thus, the essence of Walhachin's abandonment: even in retrospect the settlers xvere unable to determine the most fundamental problem and cause for failure — the people themselves I Chapter 5 Conclusion Through examining the hypothesis, regarding Walhachin's v i a b i l i t y as an agricultural settlement, the following conclusions maybe made: 1) A settlement, at that particular site, based on an agricultural economy, could l i k e l y never have endured as a self-supporting entity, regardless of the level of expectation held by the settlers. 2) Walhach in's failure and subsequent abandonment cannot be f u l l y explained by the single factor analysis which would have suggested World War I as the sole cause of the settlement's fate. 3) A settler's behavioral pattern (emphasizing his mental set) Is crucial in evaluating his potential to achieve success at agricultural settlement. These conclusions were determined by examining, In depth, the processes of Walhachin's settlement and identifying and analyzing the most c r i t i c a l factors associated with the settlement's decline and abandonment. Although the identification of these factors was a relatively easy task, any attempt to establish a mean- ingful ranking of the factors proved impracticable as a result of the interrelationships and interdepen- dencies among them. Figure 7 A POSTERIORI PARADIGM: VARIABLES INFLUENCING SETTLEMENT FAILURE CULTURAL FACTORS K o - S - o H E H P H W o « PH SITE (ENVIRONMENTAL) CONSTRAINTS HUMAN ADJUSTMENTS LAND USE CAPITAL LOSS 4- ECONOMIC FAILURE DECREASE IN SCALE 123 Figure 7 represents a posteriori paradigm which, through an inductive approach, suggests the fundamental factors inherent in the failure of any agricultural settlement. Most agricultural settlements that have failed may be effectively analyzed by considering their i n - herent factors which would be included within the general categories presented in Figure 7. Out of the analysis should emerge an identification of more sig- nificant factors responsible for the settlement's deterioration. Perhaps some rank order would be recog- nized or alternatively, an ordering of factors directly and Indirectly related to the failure process. Walhachin may be recognized as paradigmatic of agricultural settlement f a i l u r e . Figure 8, indicating variables which influenced Walhachin's failure process, Is a specific example of a settlement which failed. It is particularly useful for i t s transferability to other settlements since the variables outlined in Figure 8 w i l l be found in virtually any settlement to a greater or lesser degree^. By viewing how other settlements which 1 The famous B a r r Colony at Lioydminster and Cannlngton Manor (very similar to Walhachin) in S. E. Saskatchewan were both English settlements and eventually failed as a result of the very variables presented in Figure 8. Each are described by W. A. Carrothers in Emigration From the British Isles, London, P. S. King and Son Ltd., 1929, pp. 239-247. Figure 8 VARIABLES INFLUENCING WALHACHIN'S FAILURE CULTURAL FACTORS (A) Factors Remaining Constant Level of expectation Available technology Degree of Insularity Population Composition Instigating Motives (B) Factors Changing Over Time Quality of Leadership Ava i l a b i l i t y of capital P o l i t i c a l Cooperation Fluctuating markets and competition • O - P CO <D EH * \ 03 §3 <D a fx, - P • H +3 o • P H rt EH P H ro O © K W rH P H rt > 4 SITE (ENVIRONMENTAL) CONSTRAINTS Climate Soils Topography HUMAN [ADJUSTMENTS Scale of operations Irrigation system Outside Capital Scale increase Financial security Alternative pursuits Abandonment ; I CROP TYPES Apple orchards Limited vegetables N INADEQUATE PRODUCTION CAPITAL LOSS ECONOMIC DECLINE WITH ITS SOCIOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS have experienced failure were similar or different from Walhachin, explanation of their abandonment may be f a c i l i - tated. How many of Walhachin's failure factors, for ex- ample, were also influential within other settlements? What settlement processes were similar? The cultural factors in Figure 8 have been divided into two groups: the A-set which remained relatively consistent over time and the B-set which experienced alterations. Those in section A were a l l introduced into Walhachin in a negative state and remained so un t i l the end. For example, the educational background of a l l the settlers was inadequate. They possessed no s k i l l s applicable to the endeavor with which they had become in- volved and over the years as a group they did l i t t l e to im- prove themselves. In section B, the factors were originall of a positive nature but subsequently were transformed into factors detrimental to the success of the settle- ment. Leadership, which was so c r i t i c a l in such a settlement dependent upon irrigation, was largely respon- sible for the development that occurred before the "rejection mechanism" set in, and the production during Walhachin's formative years. However, as time progressed and leadership changed, the quality of authority and direction declined to such an extent that many of the settlement functions ceased to operate effectively. 126 In any discussion,of how factors had transformed, or were transformed by, the • landscape and settlement process,- i t is^useful to view them as being influenced by a per- ception screen. Specifically the values and attitudes which serve as a f i l t e r through which the individual or group- views the landscape and then proceeds to act upon i t . Any study f a i l i n g to recognize the influencing nature of the settlers' perception would indeed,, be less than complete. The site resulted in a poor mix of conditions, ^either the climate nor the soils were conducive to sustaining the community agriculturally. The crops most suitable to the existing conditions were similar to the natural vegetation climax, namely they were feed crops for livestock. But this type of agriculture could, at best, support a limited • number of people. On the other hand, the topography was suitable for horticulture. The valley terraces provided ideal orchard locations had the climate been suitable. However, had they been 120-200 feet lower in elevation, water may have been supplied at a much lower cost which could have resulted in a higher net income for the settlers. But i t i s the category of human adjustments that is most c r i t i c a l in an examination of frontier settlement. Adjustments are functions of the problems. The problems which confront the settler are of varying magni- tude which require a corresponding degree of adjustment. For example, the problem of an enterprise which is too small-scale was easily overcome by an adjustment in the scale of operation. The climate, however, presented a 127 permanent drought condition which required a major adjust- ment i n operations — an elaborate and costly i r r i g a t i o n system — to meet the demand created by the problem. Once the fate of Walhachin became evident, the obstacle created was nearly insurmountable and required the ultimate adjust- ment — abandonment. Had the human and physical obstacles been leas forbidding, the attempted adjustments at Walhachin might have been adequate to cope with them. H o w e v e r > con- sidering the circumstances, the s e t t l e r s were l e f t with l i t t l e choice but to leave their s i t u a t i o n . Repeatedly, inadequate production and overwhelming crop f a i l u r e produced c a p i t a l loss and subsequent decline in operations. The settlement entered a pattern of per- petual f a i l u r e . Such a pattern w i l l continue for varying periods of time depending on the i n d i v i d u a l settlement. In Walhachin's case, the s e t t l e r s were not f u l l y dependent on the settlement's production for t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d so i t continued for a longer period than would normally be expected. Twelve years of continual f a i l u r e were needed to make some recognize the f u t i l i t y of continuing. Indeed, one now would tend to agree with the statement made by A. P. King when he summarized his Inquiry into group colonization schemes by saying, "yet of a l l emigrants...the 2 Englishman i s the l a s t who should s e t t l e i n groups." A. P. King, Hprizons Abrpad, London, A. A. Henry and Sons, Ltd., 1922, p. 211. Although in many ways Walhachin may be considered sui generis, many of its characteristics can be found in other frontier settlements, not necessarily of a similar composition. Its characteristics are also found in individual's attempts at settlement and consequently serves as a useful case-study of frontier abandonment. With a good deal of British Columbia's sequent occupance relating to an advancing and receding frontier line, the failure factor analysis Is useful for the explanation of settle- ment patterns, both past and present. 129 Appendix No. 1 Research Techniques Information for the Walhachin study was derived through archival and f i e l d research and personal inter- views, over a period of five months during the spring and summer of 1969. Archival research involved the study of journalistic accounts of Walhachin, Lands Service re- ports, Water Rights reports, promotional literature, general government reports, company f i l e s , and personal f i l e s . Although the two latter were often the most useful for gathering certain types of data, they also proved to be the greatest source of bias through selec- tive deposit and selective retention. Personal records were occasionally selected for my scrutiny while many had been selectively destroyed. The reason for this action becomes evident in the study. Interviews included the use of both open and closed questionnaire techniques depending upon the information desired. Factual data was usually elicited with a closed questionnaire; whereas the open-ended questionnaire and focused interview provided greater f l e x i b i l i t y in obtain- ing subjective information and for probing the sentiments that underlay certain opinions and attitudes. This particular study required interviews rather than mailed questionnaires as the number of reliable in- formants was extremely limited, ©ue to the relative lack z 130 of written material, questionnaire cr e d i b i l i t y was im- portant and during the interviews the interviewer had numerous opportunities to appraise the v a l i d i t y of the informant's responses. The types of informants could be classified into seven categories: Numbers interviewed 13 original English settlers at Walhachin 17 descendents of these settlers 7 those directly involved with the settlement (teachers, laborers, station agents) 7 settlers from adjacent lands and communities 6 people involved indirectly (agriculturists, salesmen, police) 3 people involved with the management of the scheme 11 others (people with an interest in and some knowledge of the area) Although the numbers of interviews refer to personal interviews, every effort was made to complement this with informal group discussions made up usually of two or three informants from various categories. These often proved to be the most useful In terms of data collection as the individuals tended to jog one another's memories (very useful considering the mean age of the informants was 72 years) and would discuss questions freely with one another that had met reluctance in the personal interview. This aspect of the research, as well as the archival, included work in both British Columbia and Great Britain. Field research at Walhachin focused on the inter- pretation of air photographs using photos flown as early as July, 1928. As no detailed mapping had been done previously, the air photos, used in conjunction with archival, interview, and f i e l d information provided the basis for the maps used to illustrate this study. Unless otherwise indicated, the maps, figures, and dia- grams used throughout this thesis are the result of the writer's research. 132 APPENDIX No. 2 CLASSIFICATION OF SOIL AT WALHACHIN Parent Material Orthic Regosols Mull Regosols Rego Brown Orthic Brown Medium to moderately- fine textured glacial t i l l deposits' - Cheetsum (CT) Gravelly river and stream deposits Thompson (TN) Tsotin (TS) Anglesey (AY) Walhachin (WA) Coarse textured Eolian deposits Savona (sv) Joeross (JS) Coarse to moderately coarse textured shallow (14-24") Eolian deposits over- lying river gravels or fan deposits Lopez (LZ) Coarse to moderately fine textured alluv- i a l - colluvial fan deposits Barnes (BS) Taweel (TL) Semi in (SE) Clemes (CM) Description of Soil Subgroups 1) Orthic Regosolic Soils This subgroup includes mineral soils with l i t t l e or no profile development. They either lack observable horizons or have very weakly developed AL horizons. These These s o i l descriptions are taken from the Soil Survey of the Ashcroft-Savona Area, Thompson River Valley, British Columbia, by P. N. Sprout and C. C. Kelley. soils occur on recently depositees material along the Thompson River and are subject to flooding most years; drainage is variable and dependent upon river levels. Vegetation cover varies from occasional Ponderosa Pine to moderately heavy deciduous growth. 2) Mull Regosollo Soils The Mull Regosol subgroup consists of mineral soils whose profile development is restricted to a distinct AL horizon. The AL horizon is not of sufficient thick- ness, nor does i t have the organic matter content or color to meet the requirements of a Rego-Chernozem. They occur on recently deposited materials, a l l u v i a l terraces and eolian sediments. L i t t l e leaching has occurred and free lime is at or near the surface; the reactions range from mildly to strongly alkaline. They vary from rapidly to moderately well drained, and they developed chiefly under bunchgrassea. 3) Rego-brown soils These soils consiat of mineral aoils which develop In a dry climate under natural bunchgrasses. The profile development is restricted to the formation of a brownish AL horizon containing an accumulation of organic matter. A strongly calcareous Ck horizon is generally present beneath the AL horizon at from six to fourteen inches from the surface. Salts may or may not be present in the subsoil. Leaching is slight and the surface reactions 1 3 4 range from s l i g h t l y to moderately a l k a l i n e . C u l t i v a t e d s o i l s are calcareous near the surface and are from r a p i d l y t o moderately w e l l drained. 4) Ortho Brown S o i l 3 'This subgroup c o n s i s t s of m i n e r a l s o i l s which developed i n a d r y climate under n a t u r a l buhchgrasses. The p r o f i l e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a brownish AL h o r i z o n u n d e r l a i d by a s t r u c t u r e d Bm h o r i z o n , which i s s l i g h t l y b r i g h t e r i n c o l o r and f r e e of carbonates. S l i g h t l y more leaching occurs than i n the Rego-Brown s o i l s w i t h surface r e a c t i o n s ranging from n e u t r a l t o s l i g h t l y a l k a l i n e . These s o i l s developed on. a v a r i e t y of parent m a t e r i a l s , and range from r a p i d l y t o w e l l d r a i n e d . 5) Miscellaneous Land Types B l u f f areas of s t e e p l y s l o p i n g land with gradients that g e n e r a l l y exceed 50$. They include a v a r i e t y of m a t e r i a l s , i n c l u d i n g sandy and g r a v e l l y outwash, g l a c i o - l a c u s t r i n e s i l t s , g l a c i a l t i l l and bedrock. The topo- graphy i s so steep t h a t the b l u f f s are being c o n s t a n t l y eroded. There i s l i t t l e or no p r o f i l e development and g e n e r a l l y a l a c k of v e g e t a t i o n . Outcroppings of bedrock are frequent on the v a l l e y sides and form low h i l l s i n part of the v a l l e y . M a p to supplement A P P E N D I X 2 and 3 V \ SOILS AND IRRIGATION LAND CLASSES T L - 5 \ ~ l SE_4C:ATHJ^ V DO Legend Soi l bounda ry So i l type — s e e Append ix 2 I r r i ga t i on c l a s s — s e e A p p e n d i x 3 _3 V M A Y - 5 _ > ^ - s B S - N S S Bluff • ^ X ^ ^ - J Bluff L ' W ~ > ; J VCT-NA" 7) >SV-2.// Examp le of map symbol A n g l e s e y (Soil ser jes) A Y — 4 I r r igat ion L a n d C l a s s APPENDIX No. 5 C l a s s i f i c a t i o n According To S u i t a b i l i t y For Irrigation"*" Class I Soils This class includes deep, uniform, well-drained s o i l s of medium to moderately f i n e textures, such as fine sandy loam, s i l t loam, and si'lty c l a y loam. The s o i l s have desirable structure and other p r o f i l e features with l i t t l e or no deduction for a l k a l i , s a l i n i t y , stoniness of adverse topography. Soils of t h i s class are the most suitable f o r i r r i g a t i o n and are capable of producing most crops which can be grown under the p r e v a i l i n g climatic conditions. Class II Soils Included i n t h i s class are well-drained clays and sandy loams as well as s o i l s of medium to moderately fine textures with moderate deductions f o r stoniness, adverse topography, impeded drainage, e t c. Most Class II s o i l s have crop adaptations s i m i l a r t o those of Class I, but are given a lower c l a s s i f i c a t i o n because of less uniformity. Class I I I Soils Class I I I , which includes s o i l s with similar textures to those i n Class I and I I , has moderate to high deductions 1 The method of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n according to s u i t a b i l i t y for i r r i g a t i o n i s outlined i n B. C. Department of Agriculture, Proceedings of the Reclamation Committee., B r i e f No. 22, Kelowna, B. C , 1953. for stoniness, adverse topography, impeded drainage, etc. Class III also includes moderately well-drained heavy clays and comparatively stone-free gravelly river terrace and channel deposits. These soils are classed by a more limited range of crop adaptation or less compatibility to irrigation practices. Class IV Soils This class includes soils having limited use as a result of thin solums, heavy concentrations of gravels or stones, adverse topography, salinit y , poor drainage, etc. The range of crops is definitely limited, and good management is required for satisfactory results. Class V Soils This class includes soils of poor to doubtful suit- a b i l i t y for irrigation. Such soils are characterized by coarse and shallow solums, or very rough topography, high salt content, extreme stoniness, etc. They are of very limited use, often restricted to growing only one crop, or to crops which form a permanent cover. Non Irrigable Soils not recommended for irrigation under present conditions. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. BOOKS Andrews, J. (ed.). Frontiers and Men. Melborne: F. W. Chester Ltd., 1966. Armytage, W. H. G. Heavens Below; Utopian Experiments In England 1560-1960. Toronto: University o f Toronto Press, 1961, Armytage, W. H. G. Yesterday's Tomorrows. A Historical Survey of Future Societies. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968. Ashley, C. A. (ed.). Reconstruction In Ganada. Toronto: University of Toronto Bess, 1943. Baedeker, K. The Dominion of Canada. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1922. Bailey, L. H. The Country-Life Movement In The United States. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1919. Balf, M. et a l . A History Of The District To 1914. Kamloops: Kamloops Museum Association, 1969. 3ealby, J. T. Fruit Ranching In British Columbia. London: Adam and Charles Black, 1909. Bealby, J. T. How To Make An Orchard In British Columbia. London: Adam and C a r l e s Black, 1912. Benvenuti, B. Farming In Cultural Change. Netherlands: Netherlands: Van Gorcum and Company, 1962. Billington, R. A. (ed.). The Frontier Thesis. San Francisco Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1967. Boam, H. J. British Columbia. London: The Gresbom Press, 1912. Bowman, I. The Pioneer Fringe. New York: American Geographical Society Special Publication No. 13, 1931. Bradley, A. G. Canada In The Twentieth Century. London: Archibald Constable and Co. Ltd., 1905. Burke, Sir Bernard. Burke's Peerage, Baronetage, and Knightage. London: H a r r i s o n and ^ons, 1959. Carrothers, W. A. Emigration From The British Isles. London* P. S. King and ^on Ltd., 1929. 138 Chisholm, M. Rural Settlement and Land Use. London: Hutchinson University Library, 1962. Cockayne, G. E. The Complete Peerage of England Scotland Ireland Great Britain and the United Kingdom. London: The St. Catherine Press Ltd., vol. 1, 1910. Copping, H. The Golden Land: The True Story Of British Columbia Settlers in C a n ada. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1911. Dafoe, J. W. Clifford Sifton-In Relation T 0 His Time. Toronto: The MacMillan Company of Canada Ltd., 1931. Davidson, B. R. The Northern Myth. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1966. Dawson, C. A. Group Settlement' Ethnic Communities In Western Canada. Toronto: 'ihe Macmillan Company Of Canada ^td., 1936. Dawson, C. A. and C. A. Younge, Pioneering In The Prairie Provinces: The Social Side Of The Settlement Process. Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada Ltd., 1940. Egerton, H. E. Historical Geography of the British Dominions. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1917. England, R. The Colonization of Western Canada: A Study of Contemporary  hand Settlement (1896-1954)~ London: P. S. King and Son, Ltd., 1936. Fairford, P. British Columbia. London: Sir Isaac Pitman and Sons Ltd., 1914. Field, T. P. Postwar Land Settlement In Western Australia. Lexington* University of Kentucky Press, 1963. Flick, C L. A Short History of the British Columbia Horse. Victoria, Reliable Press,.1922. Florin, L. A Guide To Western Ghost Towns. Seattle: Superior Publishing Company, 1967. Francis, E. K. In Search of Utopia: The Mennonites in Manitoba. Aitona, Manitoba: D. W. Prieson, 1955. Galloway, C. P. J. The Call of the West - Letter From British Columbia? ^ond on * T. Fisher Unwin Ltd., 1916. Gosnell, R. E. T h 6 Yearbook of British Columbia and Manual of Provincial Information. Victoria: Provincial Government 1911. 139 G o t t s c h a l k , L., G. K i u c k h o l m and R . A n g e l l . The U a Q of P e r s o n a l Documents i n H i s t o r y . A n t h r o p o l o g y , and S o c i o l o g y . S o c i a l S c i e n c e s Research C o u n c i l B u l l e t i n 53, 1945. Grand Trunk R a i l r o a d . G e n e r a l I n f o r m a t i o n f o r I n t e n d i n g S e t t l e r s f o r B r i t i s h Columbia. V i c t o r i a , 1914. H a r g r a v e s , M. W. M. D r y Farming i n the N o r t h e r n Great P l a i n s . 1900-1925. Cambridge: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1957. H a v i n d e r , M. A. and Wood, P. D. E s t a t e V i l l a g e s . London: P e r c y Lund, Humphries, and Company L t d . , 1966. Hawthorn, H. B. The Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia and Dent, 1955. • H o l l o n , W. E. The Great American D e s e r t . Then and N o w . New York: O x f o r d d i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1966. H o s t e t l e r , J . I i . and G. E. H u n t i n g t o n . The H u t t e r i t e s i n N o r t h A m e r i c a . New Y o r k : H o l t , R i n e h a r t and Winston, 1967. H u t c h i s o n , B. The F r a s e r . T o r o n t o : C l a r k e , I r w i n and Company, L t d . , 1950. Jahoda, M., M. Deutsch and Cook, S. Research Methods i n S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s . New York* The Dryden P r e s s , 1951. James, P. E. ( e d . ) . American Geography: I n v e n t o r y and P r o s p e c t . A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers. S y r a c u s e : Syracuse U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1954. Kendrew, W. G. and D. P. K Q r r . The C l i m a t e of B r i t i s h Columbia and the Yukon T e r r i t o r y . O t t a w a T h e Queens P r i n t e r , 1956. K i n g , A. P. H o r i z o n s Abroad. London: A. A. H e n r y and Sons L t d . , 1922. K r a e n z e l , C. F. Great P l a i n s i n T r a n s i t i o n . Normon: Oklahoma P r e s s , 1S55. L o w e n t h a l , D. ( e d . ) . E n v i r o n m e n t a l P e r c e p t i o n and B e h a v i o r . Department of G e Q g r a p h y Research Paper No. 109, / C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1967. M a c k i n t o s h , W. A. P r a i r i e S e t t l e m e n t : The G e o g r a p h i c a l S e t t i n g . T o r o n t o : -The m a c m i l l a n Company o f Canada L t d . , 1934. M a q u i r e , T. M. The Gates o f our Empire - B r i t i s h Columbia. London: T h e . A n g l o - B r i t i s h Columbia Agency, L t d . , 1910. 140 •MciVlanis, D . R. The I n i t i a l Evolution and U t i l i z a t i o n of the I l l i n o i s P r a i r i e , 1815-1840. Dept. of Geography Research Paper No. 94, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964. Me g i l l , W. (ed.). Patterns of C a nada. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1966. Meinig, D. W. On the M a r g : j n 3 0 f the G 0 0 e B a r t h . Chicago: The Rand McNally and Company, 1962. Morton, A. L. The English Utopia. London: Lawrence and Wishart, Ltd., 1952. Morten, A. S. H j 3 t o r y of P r a i r i e Settlement. Toronto: The Macmillan Company of C a nada Ltd., 1938. Mumford, L. The Story of Utopia. New York: Viking Press, 1963. Ormsby, M. A. B r i t i s h Columbia: A History. Toronto: The Macmillan Company of °anada H d ., 1958. Ottoson, H. E., E. M. Birch, P. A. Henderson and A. H. Anderson. Land and People in the'Northern Plains Transition Area. L i n c o l n : University of Nebraska Press, 1966. Parrington, V. L. American Dreams; A Study of American Utopias. New York: Russell and Russell Inc., 1964. Redfield, R. The L i t t l e Community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. Redmayne, J. S. F r u i t Farming on the Dry Belt of B r i t i s h Columbia. London^ The Times Book Club, 1909. Rosenthal, R. and R. Rosnow, A r t i f a c t s in Social Research. New York, Academic Press, 1968. Saarinen, T. F. Perception of the Drought H a z a r d of the  Great Plains. Department of Geography Research Paper Wo. 105, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966. Seebohm, F. The English V i l l a g e Community. London: Longmans, Green and Company, 1915. Segall, M., D. Campbell and M. S. Herskovits. The Influence of Culture on Visual Perception. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 1966. S e l l t i z , C , M. Jahoda and-M. Ceusch, S. W. Cook. Research Methods i n S o c i a l Relations. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1964. 3 m i t 5 ' NM V i r g l n L ^ j , The America Weat as S^hol M z t h . New York: Random House, 1955. 141 Stein, M. R. The Eclipse of 'Community. New York: Harper Torchbook, 1964. ' ' Stuart, D. The Canadian Desert $ An Attempt to Stay the Loss of the West. Toronto: The Ryerson ^reaa, 1938. Swierenga, R. P. Pioneers and Profits: Land Speculation On the Iowa Frontier. Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1968. Turner, F. J. The Frontier in American History. San Francisco: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. Vinogradoff, P. The Growth of the Manor. London: George Allen U n w i n Ltd., 1904. Vogt,- E. 2. Modern Homesteaders. Cambridge: Belknop ^ Press of Harvard University Press, 1955. Weaver, E. P. Canada and the British Immigrant. London: The Religious Tract Society, 1914. Webb, W. P. The Great Plains. New York, Grosset and Dunlop, 1931. We i r , T . R. Ranching in the Southern Interior Plateau of British Columbia. Geographical Branch, Mines and Technical Surveys, Memoir 4, Ottawa, 1964. B. ARTICLES AND PERIODICALS Billlngton, R. A. "The Origin of the Land Speculator as a . ^ Frontier Type", Agricultural History. (October, 1955), pp. 204-212. Borthwick, ^. "Settlement in British Columbia", Transactions of the 8th British Columbia Natural Resources Conference, S February 23, 1955, pp. 97-108. Bowman, I. "Planning in Pioneer Settlement", Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 1932, pp. 93-107. Cant, R. G. "The Agricultural Frontier in Miniature; A Microstudy of the Canterbury Plain", New Zealand  Geographer, October, 1968, pp. 155-167. Chapman, J. D. "The Climate of British Columbia," Transactions of the 5th British Columbia Natural Resources Conference, February 27, 1952, pp. 8-37. 142 Chilcott/, S. C. "Some Misconceptions Concerning Dry Farming", Yearbook of the United States Department of Agriculture.- 1911, pp. 256-261. Davis, E. "The.Development of I r r i g a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia," The I r r i g a t i o n Review. July, 1924, p p . 241-245. Duncan, H. c. "A Study i n the Process of Assimilation", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Society apers. v o l . 23, 1922, pp. 184-187. Fox, R. "Landscape i n Transition", Landscape, Spring, 1959, pp. 1-5. F r e i l i c h , M. "Cultural Models and Land Holdings", Anthropology Quarterly. October 1960, pp. 188-197. Hodsdon, D. W. "The Southern Okanagan Lands Project", Transactions of the 7th B r i t i s h Columbia Natural Resources Conference. 1954, pp. 46-49. Ireland, 1 . E. "fhe H i s t o r i c a l Evolution of the Present Settlement Pattern", Transactions of the B r i t i s h Columbia Natural Resources Conference. 1954, pp.197-201, James, P. E. "On the Origin and Persistence of ̂ r r o r in Geography", Annals of the Association of American Geographers, March 1967, pp. 1-24. Johnson, P. H. "Old Ideals Versus New Ideas i n Farm L i f e " , Farmers i n a Changing World; Yearbook of Agriculture. 1940, pp.. 111-170. Kerr, D . "TheyPhysical Basis of Agriculture in B r i t i s h Columbia," Economic Geography, July 1952, pp. 229>-239. Krueger, R. R. "The Geography of the Orchard Industry of Canada", Geographical B u l l e t i n , v o l . 7, 1965, pp. 28-71. Krueger, R. H. "The Physical Basis of the Orchard Industry of B r i t i s h Columbia", Geographical B u l l e t i n , vol.20 , 1963, pp. 5-38. Lee, L. B. "Dominion Ditches and B r i t i s h Columbia C a n a l s ; A History of the Western Canada I r r i g a t i o n Association", Journal of the w e s t . v o l . 8, 1968, pp. 31-40. . Malin, J. "On the Mature of Local History", Wisconsin Magazine of History, Summer 1957, pp. 227-230. Medland, S. L. "Economic Aspects of the Southern Okanagan Lands Project", Transactions of the 7th B r i t i s h Columbia Natural Resources Conferences, 1954, pp. 50-54. 1 4 3 Meinig, D . W. "Colonization of Wheatlands: Some Australian and American Comparisons , The Australian Geographer. August 1 9 5 9 , pp. 2 0 5 - 2 1 3 . Morton, W. L. "The Significance of Site in the Settlement of the American and Canadian West", A g r i c u l t u r a l H i s t o r y , July 1 9 5 1 , pp. 9 7 - 1 0 3 . Richardson, S. A. "The Use of Leading Questions in Non-schedule Interviews", Human Organization, v o l . 1 9 , 1 9 6 0 , pp. 8 6 - 8 9 . Richter, J .-J. "The Developing Pattern of B r i t i s h Columbia Agriculture", Transactions of the 15th B r i t i s h Columbia Natural Resources Conference, 1 9 6 4 , pp. 1 5 1 - 1 6 6 . Roe, F. G . "Early Agriculture i n Western Canada i n Relation to Climatic S t a b i l i t y " , A g r i c u l t u r a l History. July 1 9 5 2 , pp. 1 0 4 - 1 2 3 . Rosenblatt, P. C. "Origins and Effects of Croup Ethno- centrism and Nationalism", Journal of C o n f l i c t Resolutions, v o l . no. 8 , 1 9 6 4 , pp. 1 3 1 - 1 4 6 . S c h e l l , H. S . "Adjustment Problems in South Dakota", A g r i c u l t u r a l History, A p r i l , 1 9 4 0 , pp. 6 6 - 7 4 . , " - S e s t i n i , A. "Regressive Phases i n the Development of the S Cultural Landscape", Readings i n Cultural Geography. Wagner-, P. L., and M. W. Mikesell, Chicago' University of Chicago Press, 1 9 6 7 , pp. 4 7 9 - 4 9 0 . Smalley, W. A. "Making and Keeping Anthropological Pield Notes", P r a c t i c a l Anthropology, v o l . 7 , no. 4 , 1 9 6 0 , pp. 1 4 5 - 1 5 2 . Trewartha, G. T. "Types of Rural Settlement i n Colonial America", Geographical Review. XXXVI, 1 9 4 6 , pp. 5 6 8 - 5 9 6 . Watson, J. W. "The Role of I l l u s i o n i n North American Geography: A Note on the Geography of North American / Settlement", The Canadian Geographer, Spring 1 9 5 9 , pp. 1 0 - 2 7 . Whittlesey, D. "Sequent Occupance", Annals of the Associa- t i o n of American Geographers". 1 9 2 8 , pp. 1 6 2 - 1 6 5 . 144 C. UNPUBLISHED MATERIAL Anglesey Papers up to 1911. Special Collections, University of Bangor, Wales. Bockemuehl, H. W. "Doukhobor Impact on the British •. •Columbia 'Landscape"... ,.• Unpublished'Master ' s disserta- :tion, Department of Geography, Western Washington State College, 1968. Brink, V. C. "Climates of British Columbia for Agronomy". Agronomy Department, University of British Columbia.. (Mimeographed). British Columbia Lumberman Manufacturer's Association. "Price L i s t " . Vancouver, 1910. Gunn, A. M. "Gold and the Early Settlement of British Columbia". Unpublished Master's dissertation, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, 1965. Laing, P. W. "Colonial Pre-emptions on the Mainland of British Columbia". Provincial Archives, Victoria, 1939. Lee, D. E. "Some Factors Making for Success or Failure of Agriculture in British Columbia." Unpublished Master's dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1925. Moodie, W. H. "Report on the Anglesey Estates, Walhachin, British Columbia". Kamloops Land Office, 1920. (Typewritten). O'Reilly, P. "Report to the Chief Commission of Lands and Works". Simpson's Papers, August 26, 1868, Kamloops Museum, Kamloops, British Columbia. Siemens, A. H. "Mennonite Settlement in the Lower Fraser Valley". Unpublished Master's dissertation, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, 1960. Tredcroft, E. H. "Conditions of °ams on Vidette Lake and Snohoosh Lake". Department of Indian Affairs Report, Dominion Water Power and Reclcmation Service, Kamloops, 1929. Varco, C. "Hearing of Stewart-Indian Department". Ashcroft Court House, April 17, 1929. 145 Wahl, E. "Penticton and its Region". Unpublished Master's dissertation, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, 1955. Warren, W. C. "Report on the Inspection of Snohoosh Lake Dam and Suggested Alterations". Provincial Water Rights Department, Victoria, 1927. D. PUBLIC DOCUMENTS British Columbia. Handbook of British Columbia. Bulletin No. 23, Bureau of Public Information, Victoria, 1913. British Columbia, Department of Agriculture. Annual Reports, 1914 (8th), 1918 (12th), and 1923 (17th). British Columbia, Climate of British Columbia. Report for 1965 and 1966, Queen's Printer, Victoria. British Columbia. Soil Survey for the Okanagan and Similkameen Valley. Report No. 3, by C. C. Kelley, and R. H. Spilsbury, January, 1949. British Columbia, Soil Survey of the Ashcroft-Savona Area, Thompson River Valley, British Columbia. Interim Report by P. N. Sprout and C. C. Kelley, March, 1963. British Columbia. Proceedings of the Reclamation Committee. Brief No. 23, 1953, and Brief No. 2, 1945. British Columbia. "Cost of Producing Apples in the Okanagan and Average Yields and Prices for Leading Varieties", Agricultural Department Circular No. 38, 1921. British Columbia. "Recommendations of the Okanagan Agricultural Club Committee on Post-War Rehabilitation and Reclamation Problems", Brief No. 2, 1945. British Columbia, Fruit Growers Association. "Fruit Varieties Rootstocks and Frameworks Recommended for Commercial' Planting in the Southern Interior of British Columbia", Quarterly Report, vol. 2, No. 4. March, 1958. British Columbia, Department of Lands. Reports from the Field. Nos. 42-6-7, 45-6-7, 43-46-1, and 5243. Water Rights Branch, Victoria. 146 British Columbia. Possible Hydro-Electric Power Develop- ment on Deadman River, by E. H. Tredcroft, Brief No. 198, 1944. British Columbia. Sessional Papers. 1912, B63: 1913, F25: and 1915, K20. Great Britain. Public Record Office. Memorandum of Association of the British Columbia Development Association Ltd. 1895 and 1904. Great Britain. Public Record Office. B.C.D.A. (Company  Records). 1951. E. NEWSPAPERS Ashcroft Journal. January 11, 1903 to May 11, 1918 inclusive. Ashcroft Journal. May 10, 1956. British Colonist. July 17, 1910. British Columbian, September 26, 1945. Inland Sentinal. August 22, 1914. Kamloops Sentinal. August 11, 1964. London Daily Mirror. September 1, 1914. Times. London, February 22, 1947. Vancouver Province. November 20, 1954. Vancouver Sun. February 18, 1956. Vancouver Times. September 20, 1945. Walhachin Chronicle. (Ashcroft Journal), December 16, 1911. Walhachin Times. March 21, 1912. 147 F. OTHER SOURCES British Columbia Development Association. Walhachin. Promotional Brochure, Provincial Archives, Victoria, 1909. British Columbia Directory. Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. Taped interview with Mr. Harry Ferguson, 1961 Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. Walhachin. Documentary film, 1965. Canadian Pacific Railway. Windermere Di s t r i c t . British Columbia. London: Canadian Pacific Railway Land Department, 1910. Land Registry Early Records, Kamloops. University of Bangor, Wales. Charles Henry Alexander Paget (the 6th Marquis of Anglesey),.Pamphlet of the Univer- si t y President, 1946. ^

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