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Hogart's "Progress" : a detailed analysis Crockford, Charles Henry 1971

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HOGARTH'S "PROGRESSES": A DETAILED ANALYSIS by CHARLES HENRY GROCKFORD B.Ed., University of Alberta, 1962 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Fine Arts We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1971 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o lumbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Fine Arts  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date September 1, 1971 In this study, two of William Hogarth's graphic series, "A Harlot's Progress" and "A Rake's Progress," are examined in detail. In order to carry out this examination, Hogarth's original prints were closely studied, and an ex-haustive study was made of the literature pertaining to these two series, as well as of the literature pertaining, to Eighteenth Century English art and l i f e in Eighteenth Centu-ry England. It was found that "A Harlot's Progress," which f i r s t appeared in 1732, t e l l s the story of a young woman from the time she arrives in London to the time she dies. In Plate 1, the series' central character, Miss Hackabout, has just ar-rived in the Bri t i s h capital, and seems to have just been approached by a person said to be "Mother" Needham, the pro-prietress of a fashionable London bagnio, who i s no doubt taking advantage of Miss Hackabout's naivete. In the second scene, Miss Hackabout i s apparently the mistress of a well-to-do gentleman; when we see her, she i s diverting the l a t -ter's attention while another man leaves her room. The third plate shows Miss Hackabout in a room in a disreputable neighborhood; she now appears to be a common prostitute. Some men are seen entering her room; one of these i s said t o be S i r John Gonson, a m a g i s t r a t e noted f o r h i s v i g o r o u s apprehension of "women of the n i g h t . " P l a t e 4 shows Miss Hackabout c o n f i n e d i n a house o f c o r r e c t i o n ; she i s apparent-l y b e i n g t h r e a t e n e d w i t h punishment i f she does not beat the hemp t h a t i s i n f r o n t of her. In the next scene Miss Hack-about i s e i t h e r g r a v e l y i l l , or e l s e has j u s t passed away, and i n the s i x t h and f i n a l p l a t e the f i g u r e o f Miss Hackabout i s not one o f those d e p i c t e d , as her body l i e s i n a c o f f i n seen i n the c e n t e r o f the p r i n t . Hogarth's "A Rake's Pr o g r e s s , " which f i r s t appeared i n 1735, commences w i t h a scene i n which Tom Rakewell, the s e r i e s ' main c h a r a c t e r , i s attempting t o "buy o f f " a young lady named Sarah Young whom he has, wronged.; w h i l e he does t h i s , the i n h e r i t a n c e l e f t him.by h i s f a t h e r i s being c a l -c u l a t e d . The second scene i n d i c a t e s t h a t Tom i s now r e s i d -i n g i n a f i n e house, and has adopted the ways of the "upper c l a s s , " and i n P l a t e 3 Tom i s seen, c a r o u s i n g i n a t a v e r n . In the next p r i n t , Tom i s i n the process of be i n g a r r e s t e d (probably f o r debt) while on h i s way t o S t . James' Palace i n a sedan c h a i r ; however, Sarah Young has happened along at t h i s moment, and she i s o f f e r i n g her own money t o h e l p Tom. The f i f t h p l a t e shows Tom marrying an o l d e r woman, most l i k e l y f o r her money, and the next p l a t e shows him i n a gambling house presumably a f t e r he has j u s t l o s t a sub-s t a n t i a l sum. In the seventh scene Tom i s shown c o n f i n e d i n the F l e e t P r i s o n , a p r i s o n t o which debtors were s e n t . And i n the e i g h t h and l a s t p l a t e , Tom i s m e n t a l l y u n b a l -anced, as he i s c o n f i n e d i n Bethlehem h o s p i t a l (otherwise known as Bedlam); i n a d d i t i o n , \ t h e r e i s a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t when we see him he i s d y i n g . I t was a l s o noted t h a t while the i n c i d e n t s and de-t a i l s i n "A Rake's Progress" and "A H a r l o t ' s Progress" must be examined i f these s e r i e s are t o be f u l l y understood and a p p r e c i a t e d , both s e r i e s are much more than " i n t e r e s t i n g s t o r i e s . " And i t was f u r t h e r observed t h a t , w h i l e both i l -l u s t r a t e the moral precept t h a t a departure from v i r t u e i s a descent from happiness, "Hogarth the M o r a l i s t " i s over-shadowed by "Hogarth the S o c i a l Commentator" and "Hogarth the S a t i r i s t . " Two hundred years ago, when d i s c u s s i n g the works of W i l l i a m Hogarth, Horace Walpole remarked " u n f o r t u n a t e l y , some circumstances, t h a t were temporary, w i l l be l o s t t o p o s t e r i t y , the f a t e o f a l l comic authors; and i f ever an author wanted a commentary t h a t none of h i s b e a u t i e s might be l o s t , i t i s Hogarth . . . That some "circumstances" were indeed "temporary" i s borne out by the f a c t t h a t w h i l e today's average viewer i s able t o understand the s t o r y de-p i c t e d i n a s e r i e s such as "A H a r l o t ' s P r o g r e s s , " he w i l l not r e a l i z e the. s i g n i f i c a n c e o f many of the d e t a i l s and i n -c i d e n t s Hogarth i n c l u d e d i n the s i x p l a t e s . For example, few viewers would be f a m i l i a r w i t h the s t o r y connected w i t h the " P a s t o r a l L e t t e r " d e p i c t e d i n P l a t e 3> and few c o u l d ex-p l a i n why the woman i n the l e f t f oreground of P l a t e 6 holds a s p r i g of rosemary i n her hand. T h i s being the case, some form of "commentary" does indeed appear necessary i f Hogarth's works are t o be f u l l y understood and a p p r e c i a t e d by those who view them. I t i s t h e r e f o r e the purpose o f t h i s t h e s i s t o ana-l y s e i n d e t a i l two of Hogarth's g r a p h i c s e r i e s , "A H a r l o t ' s P r o g r e s s " and "A Rake's P r o g r e s s . " However, i t i s hoped t h a t the d i s c u s s i o n which f o l l o w s w i l l be c o n s i d e r e d more than a simple description of each scene, as an attempt has been made to supplement the descriptive text concerning each plate with relevant explanatory material and commentary, and not only to suggest possible sources of the various d e t a i l s and incidents with which the viewer i s confronted, but also to suggest possible sources of each series and of the i n d i -v i d u a l plates each series contains. To accomplish t h i s , the body of l i t e r a t u r e concern-ing Hogarth and the two series being discussed was exten-s i v e l y explored; many of the a r t i s t ' s o r i g i n a l drawings, paintings, and prints were examined (the two "Progresses" were examined i n minute d e t a i l ) ; and numerous references concerned with Eighteenth Century B r i t i s h l i f e , a r t , and various other related topics were consulted. It is.therefore hoped that a meaningful contribution, however small, has been made to the body of knowledge con-cerning Hogarth's works, and that increased understanding and appreciation of "A Harlot's Progress" and "A Rake's Progress" w i l l come about as a r e s u l t . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i PREFACE v LIST OF PLATES . . i x PART I: A HARLOT'S PROGRESS INTRODUCTION TO "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" . . . . . . 2 Chapter I. PLATE I OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" . . . B I I . PLATE II OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" . . . 23 I I I . PLATE I I I OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" . . 31 IV. PLATE IV OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" . . . 41 V. PLATE V OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" . . . 46 VI. PLATE VI OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" . . . 57 (continued) PART I I : A RAKE'S PROGRESS Page INTRODUCTION TO "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" 66 Chapter V I I . PLATE I OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" . . . . 70 V I I I . PLATE I I OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" . . . . 80 IX. PLATE I I I OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" . . . 91 X. PLATE IV OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" . . . . 100 XI. PLATE V OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" . . . . 110 X I I . PLATE VI OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" . . . . 118 X I I I . PLATE V I I OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" . . . 125 XIV. PLATE V I I I OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" . . . 131 PART I I I : FURTHER CONSIDERATION OF HOGARTH'S "PROGRESSES" XV. FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS 142 CONCLUSION 150 PLATES 151 FOOTNOTES 166 BIBLIOGRAPHY 273 LIST OF PLATES Plate Page I. Plate 1 of "A Harlot's Progress" 152 I I . Plate 2 of "A Harlot's Progress" 153 I I I . Plate 3 of "A Harlot's Progress" 154 IV. Plate 4 of "A Harlot's Progress" 155 V. Plate 5 of "A Harlot's Progress". . . . . . 156 VI. Plate 6 of "A Harlot's Progress" 157 VII. Plate 1 of "A Rake's Progress" 158 VIII. Plate 2 of "A Rake's Progress" 159 IX. Plate 3 of "A Rake's Progress" 160 X. Plate 4 of "A Rake's Progress" 161 XI. Plate 5 of "A Rake's Progress" 162 XII. Plate 6 of "A Rake's Progress" 163 XIII. Plate 7 of "A Rake's Progress" I64 XIV. Plate 6* of "A Rake's Progress" 165 PART I A HARLOT'S PROGRESS INTRODUCTION TO "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" On March 8, 1732, the following advertisement ap-peared in the Daily Post: The Six Prints from Copper Plates, representing a Harlot's Progress, are now Printing off and will be ready to be deliver'd to the Subscribers, on Monday the 10 Day of April next. N. B. Particular care will be taken, that the Impressions shall be good. Subscriptions will be taken in, t i l l the 3d day of April next, and not afterwards; and the Publick may be assured, that no more will be print-ed off than shall be Subscribed for within that Time.1 The prints described in this advertisement are, of course, those contained in William Hogarth's "A Harlot's Progress." This series presumably appeared on or about the date specified by the art i s t , 2 and, according to Dobson, its success "seems to have been instantaneous."3 For the sum of one guinea,^ the subscriber received a set of six prints which depicted the adventures of a young woman from the time she arrived in London to the time she died not too many years later.^ This series was the fir s t of those Hogarth produced which dealt with what the artist called "modern moral subjects." 0 Vertue suggests that this series came about as a result of Hogarth's paint-ing a single picture, apparently the one from which the third plate was produced. According to this source, Hogarth "began a small picture of a common harlot, supposed to dwell i n drewry lane, just r i s e i n g about noon out of bed, and at breakfast, a bunter waiting on her."''7 Many of the a r t i s t ' s v i s i t o r s were pleased by the young lady's " d e s a b i l l e " and her "pretty Countenance and a i r , " ^ and they "advisd him to make another, to i t as a pair, which he did. then other thoughts encreas'd and multiplyd by his f r u i t f u l invention, t i l l he made s i x . d i f f e r e n t subjects which he painted so nat u r a l l y . . . that i t drew every body to see them . . . ."• Regardless of whether or not t h i s account has any basis i n f a c t , i t does constitute an i n t e r e s t i n g story. Major, on the other hand, asserts, that " i t seems undeniable that he [Hogarth] owed his e a r l i e s t fame, as a Moral and Dramatic Painter, to a hint taken from the noblest of moral works, the Spectator I" This source states that the following passage (from an essay by Steele that ap-peared i n The Spectator) inspired "A Harlot's Progress": It must not be Thought a Digression from ray i n -tended Speculation, to t a l k of Bawds i n a Discourse upon Wenches; f o r a Woman of the Town i s not thor-oughly and properly such, without having gone through the Education of one of these Houses: But the compassionate Case of very many i s , that they are taken into such Hands without any the least Sus-picion, previous Temptation, or Admonition to what Place they are going. The l a s t Week I went to an Inn i n the City, to enquire f o r some Provisions which were sent by a Waggon out of the Country; and as I waited i n one of the Boxes t i l l the Cham-b e r l a i n had looked over his Parcels, I heard an old and a young Voice repeating the Questions and Re-sponses of the Church Catechism. I thought i t no Breach of good Manners to peep at a Crevise, and look i n at People so well employed; but who should I see there but the most a r t f u l Procuress i n the Town, examining a most b e a u t i f u l Country-Girl, who had come up i n the same Waggon with ray Things, Whether she was well educated, could forbear playing the Wanton with Servants and i d l e Fellows, of which t h i s Town, says she, i s too f u l l : At the same Time, Whether she knew enough of Breeding; as that i f a Squire or a Gentle-man, or one that was her Betters, should give her a c i v i l Salute, she could c u r t s i e and be humble never-theless. Her innocent forsooths, yes's, and 't please you's, and she would do her Endeavour, moved the good old Lady to take her out of the Hands of a Country Bumkin her brother, and hire her f o r her own maid. I stay'd t i l l I saw them a l l . marched out to take Coach; the Brother loaded with a great Cheese, he prevailed upon her to take f o r her C i v i l i t i e s to Si s t e r . 1 - 3 Then, too, i t must not be overlooked that Hogarth no doubt noticed references to prostitutes and other "low types" i n the l i t e r a t u r e and newspapers of the time. Indeed, the series may have come about as a r e s u l t of his reading an item such as t h i s one from the Grub-street Journal of August 6, 1730, i n which we are informed that a u t h o r i t i e s had taken into, custody: the famous Kate Hackabout (whose brother was l a t e l y hang'd at Tyburn) a woman noted i n and about the Hundreds of Drury, f o r being a very termagant, and a t e r r o r , not only to the c i v i l part of the neigh-bourhood, by her frequent fighting., noise, and. swear-ing i n the streets i n the night time, but also to other women of her own profession, who presume to pay or pick up men i n her d i s t r i c t , which i s ha l f one side of the way i n Bridges-street. ^  Another example of t h i s type of item which Hogarth may have seen, and one which seems to have p a r t i c u l a r relevance to Plate 4 of t h i s s e r i e s , i s found i n the Grub-street Journal of September 14, 1730: One Mary Moffat, a woman of great note i n the hundreds of Drury, who about a fo r t n i g h t ago was committed to hard labour i n T o t h i l l F i e l d s , Bridewell, by nine j u s t i c e s , brought his Majesty's writ of habeas corpus, and was c a r r i e d before the Right Honourable the Lord Chief-Justice Raymond, expecting to have been eithe r b a i l e d or discharged; but her committ-ment appearing to be l e g a l , his lordship thought f i t to remand her back again to her former place of confinement, where she i s now beating hemp i n a gown very r i c h l y laced with silver.-*-? And we must not forget Kurz's assertion that a connection exists between "A Harlot's Progress" and c e r t a i n I t a l i a n moral t a l e s . Kur.z t e l l s us. that: the moral t a l e t o l d in. pictures was known i n I t a l y a century or more before Hogarth's time. Indeed, i t was the sad story of the courtesan and the miserable end of the youth who frequents harlots which were the theme par excellence of these e a r l i e r narratives, and . . . Hogarth drew i n s p i r a t i o n from some of the s t i l l extant v e r s i o n s . 1 " Thus, seeing an example of the above, or perhaps even noting a reference to " l o w - l i f e " i n some broadside or seeing a p i c -ture depicting such a scene, may have given Hogarth the idea of doing "A Harlot's Progress." For a person of Hogarth's imagination, the s l i g h t e s t reference to such a topic would have been enough to have suggested such a s e r i e s . It i s apparent, therefore, that more than one sug-gestion can be put f o r t h as to what the stimulus was that prompted Hogarth to create "A Harlot's Progress." Of course, such theorizing would not be necessary had the a r t i s t made a d e f i n i t e statement regarding t h i s matter i n his writings. Unfortunately, while he does.offer some general comments as to why he started to paint "modern moral, subjects," these comments are of a very general nature; not only is. "A Harlot's Progress" not s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioned, but his comments mention no s p e c i f i c item or incident, and they do not rule out any of the above-mentioned suggestions as being the stimulus.,in question. Hogarth, states: I then married, and commenced painter of small Conversation pieces, from twelve to f i f t e e n inches high. This having novelty, succeeded f o r a few years. But though i t gave somewhat more scope to the fancy, was s t i l l but a less kind of drudgery; and as I could not bring myself to act l i k e some of my bretheren, and make i t a sort of manufactory, to be c a r r i e d on by the help of back-ground and drapery painters, i t was not s u f f i c i e n t l y p r o f i t -able to pay the expenses my family required. I therefore turned ray thoughts to . . . painting and engraving modern moral subjects . . . The a r t i s t continues: The reasons which induced me to adopt t h i s mode of designing were, that I thought both writers and painters had, i n the h i s t o r i c a l s t y l e , t o t a l l y overlooked that intermediate species of subjects, which may be placed between the sublime and grotesque . . . . He further asserts: I therefore wished to compose pictures on canvas, s i m i l a r to representations on the stage; and f u r -ther hope that they w i l l be t r i e d by the same t e s t , and c r i t i c i z e d by the same c r i t e r i o n . Let i t be observed, that I mean to speak only of those scenes where the human species are actors, and these I think have not often been delineated i n a way of which they are worthy and c a p a b l e . " Thus i t i s impossible to state exactly what i t was that triggered the creation of "A Harlot's Progress," and u n t i l further information i s discovered on t h i s topic the question w i l l have to remain unresolved. At this, point, therefore, the focus of t h i s paper w i l l s h i f t to a study of the i n d i v i d u a l plates that make up t h i s s e r i e s . This discussion w i l l be found i n the f o l -lowing six.chapters, with each chapter being devoted to the study of one scene. PLATE I OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" An examination of Plate 1 shows that Hogarth has commenced t h i s series with a scene i n which an older woman i s speaking to a woman much younger than h e r s e l f . This ac-t i o n i s apparently taking place i n the yard, of an inn, as the scene contains not only a b u i l d i n g bearing signs, asso-ciated with such establishments, but also a wagon and v a r i -ous items of baggage. Thus, when one r e a l i z e s the fate that i s i n store f o r the younger of the two women, the s i m i l a r i t y between t h i s scene and the one described by Steele i n the Spectator (and quoted e a r l i e r i n t h i s paper) 1 becomes obvi-ous. However, while the p o s s i b i l i t y exists that Steele's essay did i n s p i r e t h i s scene, t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s s t i l l o very much open to question. The younger of the two women i n Plate 1 i s the cen-t r a l character of t h i s s e r i e s . A trunk i n the r i g h t f o r e -ground of t h i s scene-^ has on i t s l i d the l e t t e r s "M H"; Plate 3 includes a note written "To Md. Hackabout"; Plate 5 has the l e t t e r s "M H" written on the roof of the room i n which t h i s scene takes place; and the name "M. Hackabout" i s inscribed on the c o f f i n - p l a t e i n Scene 6. Thus there i s no doubt that the young lady's l a s t name i s Hackabout. In view of t h i s person's profession, the name i s indeed an apt one, as "hack" means a carriage f o r h i r e , and "about" im-pl i e s movement from one place to another. The name Hack-about occurs i n an item i n the Grub-street Journal of Au-gust 6, 1730,^ and i t i s therefore possible that there may be a connection between t h i s news item and the a r t i s t ' s choice of a surname f o r the main character i n t h i s s e r i e s . The same surname, only t h i s time preceded by the Ch r i s t i a n name "Jane," i s also found i n a chap-book which appeared i n 1730 e n t i t l e d Fortune's F i c k l e D i s t r i b u t i o n : In Three Parts  Containing, F i r s t . The L i f e and Death of Moll Flanders. Sec- ondly the L i f e of Jane Hackabout. her Governess. Thirdly.  The L i f e of James McFaul. Moll Flander's Lancashire Husband.5 This "Hackabout" had engaged i n various nefarious a c t i v i -t i e s , one of which was harlotry; thus we here have another possible source not only of a name, but of the series i t -s e l f . 6 However, regardless of the source of our Miss Hack-about 's surname, 7 we are at least c e r t a i n that t h i s was the name she was given by her creator. The same cannot be said f o r her C h r i s t i a n name, however, since the closest Hogarth comes to imparting t h i s name to the viewer i s to provide us with the l e t t e r s "M" and "Md." Miss Hackabout has been referred to as "Kate,"9 but t h i s i s obviously i n error i n view of the above.^ The name "Mary," and i t s variant "Moll" have also been suggested. 1 1 The l a t t e r suggestion as a name f o r Miss Hackabout i s an i n t e r e s t i n g one; the term "moll" means both "a female companion of a crim i n a l or vag r a n t " 1 2 and a " p r o s t i t u t e , " 1 ^ and Miss Hackabout was both during her short l i f e t i m e . And as Defoe's novel Moll Flan- ders appears to have been popular with the reading p u b l i c , 1 ^ i t i s possible that Hogarth might have given Miss Hackabout the.name of Defoe's heroine. 1-* It i s also of i n t e r e s t to note that the association of the name "Moll" with Miss Hackabout i s not an occurrence of recent o r i g i n , since on A p r i l 24, 1732, a pamphlet appeared which purported to be "the t a l e of the noted Moll Hackabout, i n Hudibrastick Verse, containing.her whole L i f e ; which i s a key to the Six Prints l a t e l y publish'd by Mr. Hogarth . . . . " l o On the other hand, i n spite of the fac t Hogarth could have given t h i s name to Miss Hackabout, i t should be pointed out that the above-mentioned account does not appear to have been written with either the help or approval, of. Hogarth himself, and thus the f a c t i t gives the name "Moll" does not mean t h i s was the name intended; furthermore, while the a r t i s t may have namedMiss Hackabout a f t e r Moll Flanders., such an assumption i s pure conjecture. Then, too, while the term "moll" c a r r i e s with i t today the aforementioned denotations which make the name "Moll" most appropriate f o r Miss Hack-about, t h i s term does not appear to have been one. which was l i s t e d i n d i c t i o n a r i e s during the.Eighteenth Century;"^ thus, unless the terra was a slang expression which the.com-p i l e r s of the aforementioned d i c t i o n a r i e s did not include., i t would seem that the term was not i n use at the time "A Harlot's Progress" was conceived, i n which case i t could not be argued.that Miss Hackabout's name was probably "Moll" because the name so aptly.suited her character. Therefore, while i t i s quite possible that Miss Hackabout was c a l l e d "Mary" or " M o l l , " 1 8 the p o s s i b i l i t y s t i l l remains that Hogarth intended the "M" i n "M. Hackabout" to stand f o r a name other than either of those given above. Miss Hackabout i s described by Ireland as being " i n a t t i r e , neat,—plain,—unadorned; . . . i n the bloom of youth . . . she i s dressed i n the a t t i r e of a country g i r l , and she ca r r i e s a small bag, or bundle, on her r i g h t arm. A pair of scissors and a pincushion hang at her waist, she wears a long apron, and she has a rose i n f u l l bloom on the bosom of her dress (this l a t t e r possibly an a l l u s i o n to, as Ireland phrased i t above, her "bloom of youth"). She seems to have a ce r t a i n "healthy look" about her, while at the same time her features suggest a degree of "pertness," and are not at a l l unpleasant to look at. Her eyes are cast downward, and she does not appear to be the least b i t forward i n manner. To judge by the trunk and other luggage i n the fore -ground of the picture, and the wagon, we can see i n the mid-dle distance, our heroine appears to have just arrived at her destination. This destination was the c i t y of London, as an address tag on one of the items of luggage contains the words "For ray Lofing Gosen i n Terns Stret i n London." Although we are not t o l d why Miss Hackabout has journeyed to London, she seems to have brought a f a i r amount of luggage with her as i f she intended to stay i n the c i t y , so we might assume she intends to obtain a job here. However, as Glerk points out: the neatness of her a t t i r e , the modest s i m p l i c i t y of her manners, her native innocence, the bloom of youth, a l l concure to give an i n t e r e s t to her per-son, and render her an easy prey to the wiles of the wretch who i s addressing her. 2^ For the woman speaking to Miss Hackabout, and who, according to Glerk " i s apparently h i r i n g her as a domestic . . . , " 2 1 i s said to be the notorious Mother (Elizabeth) Needham, the "proprietress of a fashionable bagnio i n Park Place, near St. James S t r e e t . " 2 2 The procuresses and bawds of Eighteenth-Century London appear to have been f a i r l y numerous—and well known. We know, f o r example, that a Mrs. Douglas had an establishment i n Covent Garden; a Mrs. Goadly was located i n Berwick Street; a Mrs. Theresa Berkeley had a house i n Bloomsbury; and a Mrs. Potter had-a place i n Albion Terrace, Chelsea; however, Mother Needham had the advantage of being located close to St. James's 23 Palace. J We find that the press referred to her as "noted" or "famous,"2^ and that Pope mentioned her i n Book One of the "Dunciad": "God save King Gibber I" mounts i n every note. Familiar Whites, "God save King Colly!" cries; "God save King Colly I" Drury-lane replies: To Needham's quick the voice triumphal rode, But pious Needham dropt the name of God; Back to the Devil the last echoes r o l l , 2(-And " C o l l ! " each Butcher roars at Hockley-hole. 5 We are also told that i t was her constant prayer that she might "get enough by her profession to leave i t off i n time, and make her peace with God." However, such was not to be the case, as we can see from items contained in the Grub- street Journal. For example, the edition of this paper published on March 25, 1731, contains the following: Yesterday, at the quarter-sessions for the c i t y and lib e r t i e s of Westminster, the infamous Mother Need-ham, who has been reported to have been dead for some time, to screen her from several prosecutions, was brought from The Gatehouse, and pleaded not guilty to an indictment found against her for keep-ing a lewd and disorderly house; but, for want of sureties, was remanded back to prison. 2' We are then told, in the A p r i l 29, 1731 edition of the Grub-street Journal, that: the noted Mother Needham, convicted for keeping a disorderly house in Park Place, St. James's, was fined One S h i l l i n g , to stand twice in the p i l l o r y , and fined sureties for her good behavior for three years. 2 8 This was followed by the following account i n the May 6 , 1731 edition of the same paper: Yesterday the noted Mother Needham stood i n the p i l l o r y i n Park Place, near St. James»s-street, and was roughly handled by the populace. She was so very i l l that she lay along, [and] . . . i t i s thought she w i l l die i n a day or two. 2* And i n the May 7, 1731 e d i t i o n of the Grub-street Journal we are t o l d that: yesterday morning died Mother Needham. She declared i n her l a s t words, that what most affected her was the t e r r o r of standing i n the p i l l o r y tomorrow i n New Palace-yard, having been so ungratefully used by the populace on Wednesday.3° Thus we can see that Mother Needham did not l i v e to achieve her aim. It i s also of inte r e s t to note that the a t t i r e i n which Hogarth has dressed her i n Plate 1 appears to be of a much r i c h e r q u a l i t y than that worn by Miss Hackabout; f u r -thermore, her r i g h t hand holds a glove and an object which i s probably a fan, and she i s also seen to have a watch. Numerous beauty patches are to be found on. her face;- 3 1 these might be used i n part to conceal the e f f e c t s of smallpox. Close to Mother Needham, i n the foreground of the picture, we can see the various items of luggage referr e d to e a r l i e r . 3 2 The trunk i s d e f i n i t e l y Miss Hackabout's,33 and, although the b a r r e l shown behind the trunk might not belong to our heroine, i t appears as i f the. other items, or at least the majority of them, are probably hers. The box i n the foreground, as well as being securely t i e d with a rope, has what appears to be an address tag on i t , but unfortunately what i s written on the tag cannot be read. What i s possibly the most i n t e r e s t i n g item i n the group, however, i s a basket containing a goose; the goose's neck hangs limply over the side of the basket, and t i e d around i t i s the previously-mentioned address tag bearing the words "For my Lofing Gosen.in Terns Stret i n London."34 This goose might possibly be meant.to hint at Miss Hackabout*s g u i l e -lessness , 3 5 o r to imply her fate, 3 ° and Kurz asserts that "the goose i s , no doubt, a near r e l a t i o n of the chicken . . . " 3 7 found i n the second scene of an I t a l i a n moral t a l e e n t i t l e d "Lo Specchio a l F i n de l a Putana . " 3 ^ Behind the luggage we can see two men standing i n the doorway of the inn. One of these gentlemen c a r r i e s a cane, and i s observing what i s taking place i n the innyard. Rouquet states that t h i s person was a "grand seducteur de campagnardes,"39 and other sources associate t h i s figure with Colonel Francis. Charteris (or "Chartres"), who had died shortly before "A Harlot's Progress" was printed.^ 4" 0 Thus Rouquet's description might be apt, f o r an epitaph written f o r Charteris reads: Here continueth to rot The body of Francis Chartres, Who with an i n f l e x i b l e constancy, And inimitable uniformity of l i f e , Persisted, In spite of age and i n f i r m i t i e s , In the practice of every human vic e , Excepting p r o d i g a l i t y and hypocrisy: His i n s a t i a b l e avarice exempted him from the f i r s t , His matchless impudence from the second. Nor was he more singular i n the undeviating pravity Of his manners Than successful i n accumulating wealth. For, without trade or profession, Without t r u s t of public money, And without bribe-worthy service, He acquired, or more properly created, A m i n i s t e r i a l estate. He was the only person of his time, Who could cheat without the mask of honesty, Retain his primeval meanness When possess Td of ten thousand a year, And having d a i l y deserved the gibbet f o r what he did, Was at l a s t condemn'd to i t f o r what he c o u l d n o t do. Oh indignant reader! Think not his l i f e useless to mankind! Providence conniv'd at his execrable designs, To give to after-ages A conspicuous proof and example, Of how small estimation i s exorbitant wealth In the sight of God, By his bestowing i t on the most unworthy of A l l mortals.41 An explanatory note attached to Pope's "Moral vEssays" r e -ferr e d to Charteris, who was by b i r t h a gentleman,**2 as being "a man infamous f o r a l l manner of v i c e s , " ^ and stated that: when he was an ensign i n the army, he was drummed out of the regiment f o r a cheat; he was next banish-ed Brussels, and drummed out of Ghent, on the same account. After a hundred t r i c k s at the gaming tables, he took to lending of money at exorbitant i n t e r e s t and on great penalties, accumulating premiums, i n t e r -est, and c a p i t a l into a new c a p i t a l , and s e i z i n g to a minute when the payments, became due; i n a word, by constant attention to the vices, wants and f o l l i e s of mankind, he acquired an immense fortune. His house was a perpetual bawdy-house. Indeed, i t was h i s association with members of the opposite sex that led to his infamy, f o r his greatest fame was as a "seducer or r a p i s t of w o m e n . W e are t o l d that on one occasion a woman's rumor that her s i s t e r was i n Charteris' house was s u f f i c i e n t to cause a mob to congregate and clamor for the s i s t e r ' s release; t h i s woman then apparently came out of the house and t o l d the mob she did not want to be released!** 6 We are also t o l d that Charteris projected a charity school f o r his natural children, and drew up plans f o r alms houses f o r women who claimed he had ruined them.^7 On one occasion, Charteris. was accused of raping a woman he had met i n a country lane near Edinburgh; f o r t h i s he was condemned- to death, but before the sentence was car-r i e d out he was pardoned by George I.** 8 Then, i n 1730, he was again accused of rape, t h i s time by a servant g i r l who claimed she had been decoyed to his house by a woman. Once again he was. condemned to death, but his f r i e n d s , who i n -cluded his son-in-law, the E a r l of Wemyss, and Robert Wal-pole, r a l l i e d around him; the case was referred to the Privy Council, and he was pardoned by George 11.^ However, ac-cording to Sala, he was. compelled to pay a sizable s e t t l e -ment to Ann Bond, the young lady i n question;-^ we are also t o l d that: the s h e r i f f s of London, and the high b a i l i f f of Westminster, had, moreover, made a seizure of his r i c h goods and chattels, immediately a f t e r his conviction. He had to compound with them f o r the r e s t i t u t i o n of his e f f e c t s , and t h i s cost him nearly nine thousand pounds. The pr o f l i g a t e old miser had to s e l l his South Sea stock, to raise the amount; a fact which the newspapers of the day record with much exultation.51 About t h i s incident, i t i s also of i n t e r e s t to note that Francis Hackabout, the brother of the Kate Hackabout men-tioned e a r l i e r , 5 2 was sentenced to hang at the same time and i n the same place as Charteris was sentenced.53 Fur-thermore, the same issue of the Grub-street Journal that c a r r i e d the aforementioned item concerning Kate Hackabout^ presented, i n the next column, an item about Charteris and his wife, who, according to t h i s account, had become "per-f e c t l y reconciled to each other " ; 5 5 he was sa i d to have "cashiered his tr u s t y Jack and others of his e v i l agents . . • , " 5 ° and i t was stated that the two were "to be pre-sented to t h e i r majesties . . . . " ^ 7 Paulson suggests that " t h i s i r o n i c juxtaposition may have in s p i r e d Hogarth to bring the two [Miss Hackabout and Charteris] together i n his p r i n t . " ^ ^ And i t was also i n 1730 that a pamphlet ap-peared en t i t l e d . Some Authentick Memoirs of the L i f e of Colonel Ch — s . Rape-Master-general of Great B r i t a i n by an Impartial Hand which contained much i n t e r e s t i n g but pos-s i b l y overcolored information about his exploits ; 5 9 thus Colonel Charteris even had a pamphlet written about him.' Charteris* method of seduction seems to have been to put agents i n innyards to spot g i r l s newly arri v e d from the country, and to employ the g i r l who was obtained i n t h i s fashion as a servant i n his house.^ Wilenski as-serts that Mother Needham was one of the people Charteris employed to obtain young women.01 Whether or not such was the case (in Plate 1, i t might perhaps be thought that the woman was not acting on the man's behalf, since i f she were one would not expect to see the latter included i n the scene) the two seem to have been linked i n the mind of the ordinary Londoner; in a tract published i n 1732 entitled Don Francisco's Descent into the Infernal Regions, an Inter- lude , Needham. proposes i n h e l l to marry Golonel Charteris, and the lat t e r i s appalled at the idea.' Two years after his last rape t r i a l , i n 1732, Colonel Charteris passed away,°3 no doubt to the r e l i e f of many. It must not be thought, however, that the general populace allowed him to be peacefully l a i d to rest. Indeed, they most certainly did not, for they attacked the hearse carrying his body, pelted i t with garbage, t r i e d to tear the corpse out of the coffin, and, as a f i n a l gesture, threw dog and cat carcasses into his tomb.°^ The other gentleman standing i n the doorway to the inn, according to one source, i s "John Gourlay a Pimp, whom he [Charteris] always kept about his person."°5 Another reference asserts that this person i s "John Gover, a pimp in his [Charteris'] employ; or Anthony Henley." 0 0 It would appear to be quite l i k e l y that either Gourlay or Gover was the "trusty Jack" referred to i n the previously-mentioned item concerning Colonel Charteris which was contained i n the Grub-street Journal of August 6 , 1730 . 6 ? The inn depicted i n Plate 1 appears to be rather run-down; portions of the exterior facing have f a l l e n away, leaving the underlying bricks exposed. Close to the inn's door there i s a sign which has on i t a picture of a b e l l , leading us to believe that the inn might be c a l l e d the " B e l l I n n . " 6 8 Beside t h i s sign, above the doorway to the inn, we note another sign made up of numerous l i g h t and dark squares arranged i n a checkerboard pattern. Although only the lower portion of the sign i s v i s i b l e i n the pr i n t , there are seven squares (three l i g h t and four dark) i n the bottom horizontal row. According to Lichtenberg, a sign with a checkerboard pattern i s one which i s displayed by places s e l l i n g strong s p i r i t s . The Warren family, whose coat-of-arms contained a checkerboard pattern, had the exclusive r i g h t to d i s t r i b u t e licences to such r e t a i l e r s , and i t was customary, f o r the convenience of the tax c o l l e c t o r , f o r establishments s e l l i n g strong s p i r i t s to display a sign having such a pattern so that they could be recognized from a distance. 6^ Across from the inn a woman?*-* i s seen hanging what appears to be a pair of stockings over the r a i l i n g of a sec-ond story balcony.71 Two inverted pots have been placed i n the balcony's r a i l i n g ; Lichtenberg i d e n t i f i e d these as chamber pots.? 2 Between two posts which extend above t h i s r a i l i n g a clothe s l i n e has been strung, and three items are presently hanging on the l i n e . The pronounced sag of the clo t h e s l i n e does nothing to a l l a y the f e e l i n g that the area i n which. Miss Hackabout now finds h e r s e l f i s not one of London 1s better d i s t r i c t s . The wagon referred to e a r l i e r i n t h i s paper?-^ i s found at the. f a r l e f t o f . t h i s scene. Something has been written on the side of t h i s conveyance, but since only a portion of the wagon can be seen, we are not shown the writing i n i t s e n t i r e t y . However, from the "B.R." shown on the f i r s t l i n e , the "York" shown on the second, and the "gon" given on the t h i r d , we are led to understand that the wagon i s a "York wagon" that has come down from Yorkshire. That Miss Hackabout has apparently t r a v e l l e d from Yorkshire i n such a conveyance suggests she could not af f o r d to trav-e l by coach, f o r i f she could have afforded the stagecoach fare she would probably have used t h i s method of transpor-t a t i o n . This i s no doubt also true f o r the two female pas-sengers we see s i t t i n g i n the wagon and looking out.?** Travel by wagon was the cheapest form of t r a v e l , and also the slowest.?5 Passengers sat or lay among the goods the wagon was carrying, and the wagoner either rode or walked beside his team. The journey from the north would have taken many days,? 6 and, according to George, would have cost about a s h i l l i n g a day, or, i n terms of milage, ap-proximately a halfpenny a mile.?? Near the wagon i s a gentleman astride a horse. By his a t t i r e we recognize this, person as being a clergyman.'''8 On the assumption that Miss Hackabout would probably not have made the journey to London unaccompanied by a male escort, i t i s possible that t h i s clergyman has come from Yorkshire with our heroine. And perhaps, as Rouquet sug-gests, Miss Hackabout "fut l a f i l l e du pretre . . . , "7°-although such a r e l a t i o n s h i p , while e n t i r e l y possible, might not necessarily be the c a s e . ^ The gaunt-faced c l e r i c appears oblivious to what i s occurring around him, as he i s intent on reading a l e t t e r he holds addressed "To the Right Reverend Father i n God." As the clergyman i s now i n London, i t seems probable that the l e t t e r i s meant f o r the bishop of London, who at that time was Edmund Gibson;** 1 indeed, the fourth state of t h i s plate shows the word "London" written below the words "Father i n God." 8 2 And while the c l e r i c reads the l e t t e r , his horse i s busy eating, knocking over a stack of containers i n the process. These containers are shown "frozen" i n time and.space, 8^ and the f a c t they are f a l l i n g might be an.allusion to Miss Hackabout's " f a l l , " which begins i n t h i s scene. 8^ PLATE II OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" When Plate 2 i s examined, i t becomes apparent that the Miss Hackabout portrayed i n t h i s scene i s a.changed per-son from the one Hogarth depicted i n Plate 1; as Townsend asserts, "she i s no longer the raw country g i r l . " 1 Indeed, her dress i s made of a.r i c h material, she wears.beauty patches on her face, her right arm i s extended i n what might be termed a " l a d y l i k e " fashion, the general pose she has assumed suggests an assertiveness not v i s i b l e i n the previous plate, and the expression on her face i s not one that would l i k e l y have been associated with the young lady i n Plate 1. It would seem that our heroine i s now the mistress of the gentleman shown s i t t i n g on a chair and holding, a cup and saucer i n his r i g h t hand. This, person (who, to judge by his dress, i s obviously a person of means), i s i d e n t i -f i e d by Rouquet as being of Jewish descent, and other com-mentators, when r e f e r r i n g to the n a t i o n a l i t y of Miss Hack-about 's provider, also assert he i s a member of t h i s race.3 No commentator states the reason why he makes t h i s assump-t i o n , but the f a c i a l features of t h i s gentleman appear to d i f f e r somewhat from those of the gentlemen i n Plate 1; f u r -thermore, the features of the former are such that they might be considered "Jewish."^" The only items i n the series which might i n any way be associated with the Jewish race are pictures found i n t h i s scene and the following plate, and the "Jew's bread" found i n Plate 5. While i t might per-haps be debated whether anything contained i n these pictures can be taken as in d i c a t i n g that Miss Hackabout's provider was of Jewish descent, i t appears quite l i k e l y there i s a connection between t h i s gentleman and the Jew's bread. Such a p o s s i b i l i t y i n no way furnishes conclusive proof that t h i s person i s , to use Cook's words, a " d i s c i p l e of Moses,"^ but i t does make the assumption more a t t r a c t i v e . Thus, when a l l factors are considered, i t seems reasonable to assume that Miss Hackabout's provider was probably of Jewish descent. That t h i s gentleman- appears to be a member of the Jewish race i s a d e t a i l worth noting. The Jewish people had been expelled from England i n 1290,°^ and not re-admitted u n t i l Cromwell's time.7 Thus the Jewish colony i n England was s m a l l ; 8 i n the middle of the Eighteenth Century i t was said not to have exceeded seven or eight thousand families.9 When speaking of the Jewish population i n England at t h i s time, Quennell asserts that: the poorer sort retained t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l h a b i t s — a Jewish pedlar tramping from place to place was among the very few wearers of a beard that the aver-age Englishman had yet seen; but the merchant whom Moll exploits and deludes . . . has assumed the embroidered coat, r u f f l e d s h i r t and c r i s p l y curled wig of a metropolitan man of the world. He cuts, nevertheless, a s l i g h t l y exotic f i g u r e — f o r Hogarth's audience he was, indeed, something of a r a r i t y . . . . 1 0 What, therefore, might have prompted Hogarth to give Miss Hackabout a Jewish p r o v i d e r ? 1 1 This idea may have been suggested to the a r t i s t by a work which appeared i n 1700 e n t i t l e d Letters on Several Occasions and which contained a •t • "Letter to Madame , Kept by a Jew i n Covent Garden." It might also be suggested that having our heroine's pro-vider come from a r a c i a l stock other than Anglo-Saxon adds va r i e t y to the scene, and thus increases the plate's i n t e r -est. And i t i s also possible that, i f Hogarth did not think too highly of people of the Jewish r a c e , 1 ^ he may have made t h i s gentleman a Jew i n order to poke fun at a member of t h i s race, and to show such a person i n an unfavorable l i g h t . For not only does the action taking place behind t h i s gentleman's back1** make him look rather f o o l i s h (since he i s apparently supporting, i n fin e fashion, a woman who i s seeing other men), but he i s indulging i n the practice of keeping a woman as a m i s t r e s s — a practice which, a l -though not uncommon, and perhaps even spoken of with a "knowing wink," was possibly considered b a s i c a l l y immoral by the majority of the middle, c l a s s . As mentioned e a r l i e r , Miss Hackabout's provider i s s i t t i n g on a chair, and holding a cup and saucer i n his r i g h t hand; tucked under his l e f t arm we can see his three-cornered hat. However, as we see him i n t h i s scene, he i s not, as we might expect, smiling amiably while he exchanges pleasantries with his mistress; on the contrary., he has a rather s t a r t l e d , surprised look on his face, as Miss Hack-about has just kicked, over the table at which he s i t s . The china on the table i s sent f l y i n g ; ^ 5 some has already been broken on the f l o o r , and a teapot, and.some, other chinaware i s shown suspended i n space much as t h e . f a l l i n g containers were shown frozen i n space i n the previous scene. And why has our heroine kicked over the g r a c e f u l l y -carved table? This action was no mere accident, but a planned incident calculated to prevent the occurrence of a very "embarrassing" s i t u a t i o n , f o r behind Miss Hackabout's provider we see a gentleman who i s . i n the process of t i p -toeing towards, the door of Miss Hackabout's room. From the state of t h i s gentleman's dress, i t would appear l o g i c a l to assume that he and our heroine were involved i n an "amorous interlude" when Miss Hackabout's provider arrived,unexpect-edly to v i s i t his mistress. The f i r s t v i s i t o r , who seems younger than the other gentleman i n the room, may have h i d -den i n our heroine's bed (which i s seen at the right-hand side of the p i c t u r e ) 1 ^ u n t i l he had an opportunity to make good his escape, which he i s now doing with the aid of 17 Miss Hackabout's diversion. ' From the expression on his face, his pose, and the f a c t he i s t i p - t o e i n g i n h i s stock-ing feet, we gather that, as one might expect, he i s being very c a r e f u l to make his e x i t without being detected. Miss 'Hackabout..'s maid, who i s dressed i n the conventional maid's costume of the day, i s standing by the doorway holding the door open f o r him; she also holds his shoes i n her r i g h t hand. 1 8 In the lower right-hand corner of t h i s scene, a l i t -tle.. Negro servant., dressed i n a costume that includes.a plumed turban, i s shown carrying a ke t t l e which presumably contains more water f o r the tea; t h i s l i t t l e fellow, as one might expect, seems s t a r t l e d by the action that has taken place. Across from him, close to the lower left-hand corner of the picture, a monkey i s scampering across the f l o o r , taking with i t an item which Cook i d e n t i f i e s as a head-dress. ^  The monkey also seems to have been s t a r t l e d , and, as Antal points out, i t s face somewhat resembles that of our heroine's provider. 2^ The negro servant and the monkey indicate that our heroine i s l i v i n g i n a rather elegant fashion; as Keatinge and Perry state, i n the f i r s t h a l f of the Eighteenth Century " i t was a sign of luxury to own a monkey or parrot, but those who could afford i t bought a negro boy slave to attend them dressed i n bright c l o t h e s . " 2 1 Miss Hackabout's " t o i l e t t e - t a b l e " (as i t i s termed by Cook 2 2) i s found i n the lower left-hand corner of the picture.. Among the items found thereon i s a mask, which implies that Miss Hackabout attended the masquerades, which, according to Cook, were "a very fashionable amusement."2^ On the wall of Miss Hackabout's room are four p i c -tures, the two largest of which depict scenes, from the Old Testament. The picture on.the wall above our heroine's maid2'1' i s taken from.the Book of Jonah: And the Lord God prepared a gourd, and.made i t to come up over Jonah, that i t might be a shadow over his head, to d e l i v e r him from h i s g r i e f . So Jonah was exceeding glad of. the gourd. But God prepared a worm when the morning rose the next day, and i t smote the gourd that i t with-ered. And i t came to pass, when the sun did a r i s e , that God prepared a vehement east wind; and the sun beat upon the head of Jonah, that he fainted, and wished i n himself to die, and said, I t i s bet-t e r f o r me to die than to l i v e . 2 * Hogarth may perhaps have intended to suggest that ° Miss Hackabout would soon be l i k e Jonah, who was protected but i s now suffering; she would no longer be "protected" by her Jewish provider, but would be reduced to l i v i n g i n a f a r less pleasant fashion than she i s now doing. The second large picture seems to have been derived from two. separate verses from the Second Book of Samuel. The f i r s t of these t e l l s of the k i l l i n g of Uzzah: And when they came to Kachon's threshing f l o o r , Uzzah put f o r t h h i s hand to the ark of God, and took hold of i t ; f o r the oxen shook i t . And the anger of the Lord was kindled against Uzzah; and God smote him there f o r his error; and there he died by the ark of God. 2? The second verse appears to be the following.: And as the ark of the Lord came int o the C i t y of David, Michal Saul's daughter looked through a window, and saw king David leaping and dancing be- . fore the Lord; and she despised him i n her h e a r t . 2 8 Hogarth may have wanted us to equate the figures of Michal and David with Miss Hackabout and her provider respectively, perhaps to suggest that just as David, triumphantly and joy-f u l l y entered the "City of David," so did our heroine's provider possibly enter his-mistress's room with much the same feelings., and perhaps also to suggest that, just as Michal.despises David., so does.Miss Hackabout not hold her provider i n too high esteem. Furthermore, the k i l l i n g of Uzzah would seem to r e f e r to punishment being handed out, possibly to Miss Hackabout. 2^ Thus, i f we consider the three incidents depicting Jonah, Uzzah, and David and Michal. from r i g h t to left,3° we f i n d that we are possibly being t o l d that Miss Hackabout does not think too highly of her provider, that she i s going to be punished f o r some-thing she has done., and that she w i l l soon f i n d h e r s e l f without her provider's support and i n rather unpleasant circumstances; thus Hogarth may have intended these two pictures to give a sequential account of t h i s period of Miss Hackabout's l i f e . The two smaller pictures each contain one person only. In the copy of t h i s series that was printed f o r Giles King (which seems to have been authorized by Hogarth),-* 1 one picture was l a b e l l e d "Woolston," and the other "Clarke";-* 2 thus i t seems possible these pictures i n Hogarth's Plate 2 were intended to be p o r t r a i t s of gentlemen that had these surnames. 3 3 i t appears as. i f the name "Woolston" would r e -f e r to Thomas Woo1ston, who i s described by one source as being an "enthusiast and f r e e t h i n k e r , " ^ and-that the name "Clarke" probably refers to Samuel Clark, the divine. 3-* i t i s possible, that, p o r t r a i t s .of these two men. appear i n . t h i s scene because they were both considered to be "freethink-e r s . " 3 6 PLATE III OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" An examination of Plate 3 shows us that once again Miss Hackabout's l i f e has undergone a change. Perhaps be-cause- of the " i n d i s c r e t i o n " that was noted i n the previous scene, or possibly because of not only t h i s - i n c i d e n t but of others as well, our heroine has, i n Ireland's words, " f a l l e n from her high e s t a t e . " 1 Apparently cast aside by her Jewish provider, she i s no longer l i v i n g i n high fashion, but i n very dreary quarters; indeed, when describing her l i v i n g quarters, Cook sees f i t to r e f e r to "the deplorable appear-2 ance of every object i n t h i s wretched receptacle • . . ." When we see our heroine she i s s i t t i n g on the edge of her bed having seemingly just a r i s e n . T h e q u a l i t y of the at-t i r e worn by Miss Hackabout seems out of place i n such dingy surroundings; therefore i t might possibly be. assumed that what she i s wearing i s l e f t over from the days when she was l i v i n g i n quite d i f f e r e n t circumstances. In her l e f t hand she holds a watch whose hands indicate 11:45.^ Cook as-serts that t h i s timepiece was "doubtless stolen from a g a l -lant, as p i l f e r i n g i s supposed to be a branch of the bus i -ness of a prost i t u t e , and i s considered as a p r i n c i p a l source of her support";-* t h i s does appear a l i k e l y p ossi-b i l i t y , and the owner of the watch may even have been the gentleman whose wig i s seen hanging against the back bed curta i n . From the pos i t i o n of her face, and the expression on i t , i t might perhaps be the case that, as Lichtenberg suggests, "her head [ i s ] i n a l i s t e n i n g a t t i t u d e . Evident-l y the watch i s a repeater and i s striking, the hour." 6 Or she might even be daydreaming, perhaps about what she w i l l do with the money she w i l l receive f o r the watch.? The fa c t that the watch i s turned so that we can see i t s face i s . a l s o worthy of mention; since the timepiece indicates the hour i s 11:45, perhaps Hogarth wishes to suggest that, just as the morning i s almost over, so i s Miss Hackabout's time running out. 8 Attending our heroine i s a woman described by Paulson as being, a servant.^ In contrast to the maid seen i n Plate 2, t h i s woman i s not only portly, but she wears a ragged, s k i r t and has a dis f i g u r e d f a c e . 1 0 When we see her she i s i n the process, of preparing, "a slovenly dish of tea . . . , n l 1 pouring the contents of a receptacle held i n her r i g h t hand, into the teapot held in.her l e f t . That the container i n t h i s woman's ri g h t hand i s not a k e t t l e sug-gests that such an item i s not available f o r use; such a lack would seem l i k e l y to be due to a very unfavorable f i -n ancial s i t u a t i o n , and would therefore be another i n d i c a -t i o n of how f a r our heroine has f a l l e n since we saw her i n the previous scene. 1 2 In the center foreground there i s a small, round table which, as i t lacks the grace and elegance of the table being kicked over i n the previous plate, contrasts notice-ably with i t . On t h i s table we can see Miss Hackabout's breakfast; presumably the person holding the teapot i s not eating.at t h i s time, as only one cup and saucer i s i n e v i -dence. Among the other items on the table 1-* are a knife (apparently rather c a r e l e s s l y placed on the tabletop, or else accidently nudged, as i t s blade hangs over the edge of the t a b l e ) , a small bowl, a loaf of bread., and some b u t t e r 1 ^ r e s t i n g on a piece of paper on which are the words "Pastoral Letter t o . " The l a t t e r would appear to be one of the pas-t o r a l l e t t e r s written by the then bishop of London, Edmund Gibson, who was referred to e a r l i e r . ^ Gibson, by both h i s writings and his actions, r e s o l u t e l y opposed the e v i l s of the day, 1^ including the previously-mentioned masquerades. 1 7 Thus the butter's being on the pastoral l e t t e r might be meant to indicate the opinion of Gibson held by Miss Hack-about and/or the woman making the tea; there i s even a pos-s i b i l i t y i t might be s p e c i f i c a l l y intended to show our heroine's opinion of Gibson's opposition to the masquerades, as i t seems l i k e l y she was attending them when we saw her i d i n Plate 2, ° and that she i s s t i l l attending them when we see her i n t h i s s c e n e . ^ Then, too, t h i s d e t a i l might i l -l u s t rate what.were perhaps Hogarth's own f e e l i n g s concern-ing Gibson and some.of his ideas, or, what i s also possible, the a r t i s t may have included i t because poking fun at some of Gibson's writings was something, which was being done at the t i m e . 2 0 And i t i s even possible that Hogarth's f r i e n d -ship with Bishop Hoadly of Winchester led to t h i s feature's inclusion., as Hoadly and Gibson have been described as being 21 "opponents." Coming through the doorway on the. righti-hand. side of the picture, and unobserved by the other two figures i n the 22 scene, i s a group of at least four people. The person leading t h i s group, who seems to be advancing-very slowly as he takes notice of Miss Hackabout's room, i s described by Rouquet as being "un commissaire qui se d i s t i n g u o i t extre-mement par son zele. pour l a persecution des f i l l e s de joye, & l a suppression des mauvais l i e u x , " 2 3 and i s said to be S i r John Gonson;2^- indeed, i t seems, possible that the figu r e i n the p r i n t was a close likeness of the aforementioned gentleman.2-* Gonson was a London magistrate who died, i n 1756. 2 6 According to Quennell, during the years 1730 and 1731 he undertook: a series of extraordinary minor l e g a l operations . . . against "night houses," "night c e l l a r s " and s i m i l a r disorderly houses, "whereby several Persons who kept the same" were "brought to condign Punish-ment, and others f l e d from t h e i r Habitations to avoid the l i k e Fate." S i r John's campaign was en t h u s i a s t i c a l l y approved of by his fellow c i t i z e n s . He soon earned a high reputation as the "harlot-hunting magistrate," the t e r r o r of bawds and pros-t i t u t e s , from obscure courts i n the eastern slums, where Moll Hervey, a l i a s Mackeig, and Elizabeth Allen, a l i a s "Fighting Bess," and myriads of t h e i r kind, u n t i l S i r John's advent had held almost un-disputed sway, to Mother Needham's expensive estab-lishment i n Park Place, o f f St. James Street. Drunken pickpockets and a r i s t o c r a t i c lechers found his abrupt descents equally o b j e c t i o n a b l e . 2 7 The other gentlemen i n the group would seem to be b a i l i f f s . 2 8 They carry staves, 29 one of which seems, to have something on the top of i t , ^ ^ and one of the men holds what Paulson states i s "a long cane, used f o r i n f l i c t i n g s t r i p e s . " - 3 1 As Gonson appears to have been zealous i n . h i s apprehension of women of easy v i r t u e , he has possibly come to arrest Miss Hackabout f o r her a c t i v i t i e s as a p r o s t i t u t e . On the other hand, Ldchtenberg associates t h i s group's v i s i t with the watch our heroine, i s holding, and asserts "evident-l y the watch i s a small item of booty from l a s t night, and the loser has perhaps complained to the a u t h o r i t i e s . " ^ 2 Upon consideration, however, i t might appear as i f the former s i t u a t i o n i s perhaps the most l i k e l y . Miss Hackabout's bed should be mentioned at t h i s point, a s . i t . e x h i b i t s some i n t e r e s t i n g features. In con-t r a s t to the bed depicted i n the previous plate, t h i s one has a rather dilapidated appearance, since a portion of the fa b r i c around the top of the bed i s loose and i s dangling down. Another feature of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r bed i s that the curtain behind the woman holding the teapot has been knotted, In t h i s knot Ireland can see a face,33 and when commenting on t h i s assertion Lichtenberg states that: i t c e r t a i n l y i s not out of keeping with Hogarth's Character as poet and a r t i s t to give the knot i n a curtain around the a l t a r of Venus Pandemos the form of a miserable face which, with averted eyes, weeps f o r the s a c r i f i c e s which are offered up there.34 While Hogarth may possibly have meant the folds i n the knot to resemble a face, f o r the reason Lichtenberg suggests or fo r some other, such an occurrence i s perhaps not very l i k e -l y . And perhaps even less l i k e l y i s Cook's assertion that the knot represents, " i n some degree, the head of an owl, and was perhaps intended as the symbol of the wisdom of an old woman."35 i t might also be suggested that the knot i s to be likened to a "Gordian Knot," and that Hogarth i s im-plying that i t w i l l be d i f f i c u l t f o r Miss Hackabout to es-cape su f f e r i n g the consequences of her actions, but here again t h i s i s perhaps rather u n l i k e l y . Above the heads of the two ladies i n the scene, and resti n g on the top part of our heroine's bed i n such a way that one of i t s corners i s j u t t i n g out into space, i s a box lab e l l e d "James Dalton his Wigg box." Dalton was a highway-man who was famous f o r his boldness. About t h i s person, Paulson states that: As a boy he rode to his father's execution s i t t i n g between his legs; his adventures extended from lock-ing the Bloomsbury watch into t h e i r own watch house to s e i z i n g a ship on which he was being transported; he even attempted to rob the Queen, but stopped the wrong coach.3° Thus i t appears that Miss Hackabout i s associating with criminals, which i s perhaps not surprising f o r a person i n her p o s i t i o n . 3 ? The "Jane Hackabout" referre d to e a r l i e r i n t h i s paper3** became the mistress of "Whitney the Highway-man";3^ perhaps t h i s was the source, from which Hogarth ob-tained the idea of associating our heroine with a highway-man. And i t might also be suggested that the wig box atop the bed i s perhaps intended as a parody of the crown that was to be found on the beds of n o b i l i t y . In the lower right-hand corner of the scene i s a table on which can be seen a chipped.punch bowl with a ladle r e s t i n g against i t s inside edge and a piece of what appears to be peel dangling over i t s side;^° leaning, against t h i s bowl i s a triangularly-shaped piece of mirror; and by these two items are to be found a comb, a pot of. pomatum, a cov-ered d i s h , ^ 1 another container, a pewter measure f o r s p i r i t s , and an upturned s p i r i t glass that has no foo.t.^ 2 This table also has an open drawer, and i n t h i s drawer i s the previously-mentioned l e t t e r addressed "To Md. Hackabout."^ 3 Beside t h i s table on the f l o o r are what appear to be various "receptacles," possibly mugs and measures.^ The one c l o s -est to the viewer i s on i t s side, and the t a l l one next to i t ( i d e n t i f i e d by Paulson as being a "pewter measure"^) has written on i t "[John? James?] Dea[?] i n Drury Lane." This i n s c r i p t i o n was probably introduced to suggest to the viewer that Miss Hackabout was l i v i n g on or near Drury Lane, which, according to Townsend, "was at that time a pleasure-quarter, where prostitutes and brothels f l o u r i s h e d . By the edge of Miss Hackabout's s k i r t i s a cat, which, as we l l as suggesting that the room required i t s ser-vices (which might well be imagined), might also be intended to make reference to certain, aspects of our heroine's char-acter or p e r s o n a l i t y . ^ Near the cat, i n the lower l e f t -hand corner of the picture, i s a chair^S from which a jacket i s hanging. On the seat of t h i s chair i s a bo t t l e into which a candle has been placed, and a bowl said by Clerk to be an "earthenware-basin."^ Above the chair can be seen two windows, both of which appear to have some glass missing. On the ledge of one i s a small container said by Paulson to be an ointment pot,5° and on the ledge of the other are two items i d e n t i -f i e d as medicine b o t t l e s . ^ 1 I f t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s cor-re c t , she i s possibly now suffering from the disease which seems to have taken her l i f e . ' ' 3 On the wal l behind the chair there i s a small round picture or plaque containing a half-length representation of a human f i g u r e . This figure seems to have a halo around i t s head, and Ireland suggests that i t i s a p o r t r a i t of.the V i r g i n Mary.54 This assumption might perhaps be questioned, however, since i t appears quite possible the fig u r e i s that of a man.55 Above t h i s figure i s a picture (probably a print) l a b e l l e d "Gapt. Mackheath," Macheath being the hero of John Gay's The Beggar's Opera.56 w h i c h was f i r s t produced i n 1728.5 7 Beside Macheath's picture i s another picture (also probably a print) which i s l a b e l l e d "Dr. Sacheveral S.T.P. ,"5 8 Henry Sachevere11 being a notorious Tory divine who died i n 1724.^ Paulson suggests that the p o r t r a i t s of Macheath and Sacheverell " i l l u s t r a t e her [Miss Hackabout's] f a l s e ideals."6^0 And i n the upper left-hand corner of t h i s plate there i s one more picture (also probably a print) which, unlike the others, depicts a b i b l i c a l scene. This picture i s a f t e r T i t i a n ' s "The S a c r i f i c e of I s a a c , " 6 1 and i l l u s t r a t e s the following well-known verses from the Book of Genesis: And they came to the place which God had t o l d them of; and Abraham b u i l t an A l t a r there, and l a i d the wood i n order, and bound Isaac his son, and l a i d him on the a l t a r upon the wood. And Abraham stretched f o r t h h i s hand, and took the knife to slay his son. And the angel of the Lord c a l l e d unto him out of heaven, and said, Abraham, Abraham: and he said, Here am I. And he said, Lay not thine hand upon the lad, neither do thou anything unto him: f o r now I know that thou fearest God, seeing thou hast not with-held thy son,, thine only son from m e . ° 2 It seems possible that t h i s picture was meant to be a s s o c i -ated with our heroine's impending arrest by Gonson. Kurz asserts that "the Angel arresting Abraham's arm may possi-bly symbolize the action of the law, i n preventing the har-l o t from sinning further." 6-* And i t i s also possible that Hogarth meant us to associate Abraham with Gonson, and Isaac with our heroine, and that he was suggesting Miss Hackabout should be shown mercy. PLATE IV OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" Once again the locale of our. story has. changed, f o r our heroine, as a r e s u l t of the action which was presumably about to take place i n the previous scene, or as a r e s u l t of a subsequent arrest, i s now i n a house of correction. This i n s t i t u t i o n might be, as Paulson asserts, "Bridewell Prison, the House of,Correction i n T o t h i l l F i e l d s , Westminster, for prostitutes, bawds, cardsharps, and the l i k e , " 1 or i t might be the i n s t i t u t i o n on Bridge Street, B l a c k f r i a r s , r e f e r r e d to by Mayhew and Binny as the "City B r i d e w e l l . " 2 When we see. Miss Hackabout, she i s beating hemp while wearing a very expensive-appearing gown. Although such expensive gowns were not common i n houses of c o r r e c t i o n ^ they were not com-pl e t e l y unknown there,^ and Hogarth may have been in s p i r e d to do Plate 4 by a newspaper account of such an occurrence.^ As to why our heroine i s wearing a gown of t h i s q u a l i t y , Sala asks i f she might have put on a f i n e dress " i n order to captivate the . . . just i c e s . . . " before whom she would appear. 6 Then, too, she may just simply have wanted to "look her best," or, i f her being i n prison r e s u l t s from an arrest that took place a f t e r the one that seemed imminent i n the previous scene, t h i s gown may have been the one i n which she was dressed, at the time. The hemp our heroine i s beating rests on a "bench" which seems to be nothing more than a piece of a log from which the bark may have been removed. Miss Hackabout stands behind t h i s loosely holding a wooden mallet i n her hands; from the expression on her face, she i s f i n d i n g her present s i t u a t i o n a very t r y i n g one. On her r i g h t i s the warder, or labour-master. In his l e f t hand he holds, i n a very threat-ening fashion, a cane, or "rattan," of the type c a r r i e d by one of the gentlemen depicted i n the previous scene,? and with his r i g h t hand he. seems, to be pointing to a piece of wood to which i s attached.a chain that has a r i n g on the end of i t , which was a device used f o r the punishment of i n -mates. 8 By the angry expression on his.face, as well as by the gestures mentioned above, t h i s "savage taskmaster" (as Ireland terms him) ,9 appears to be t e l l i n g our heroine to work harder, and to be threatening her with punishment, i f she does not. And there i s l i t t l e wonder that he might be endeavouring to make Miss Hackabout work harder, f o r he sold the beaten hemp to a merchant, keeping the money that remained a f t e r the prisoners' food had been paid f o r . 1 0 Behind our heroine i s a one-eyed woman who might, as Lichtenberg suggests, be the labour-master's w i f e , 1 1 or who might simply be another inmate of the house of correc-t i o n . This person seems to be holding on to portions of our heroine's a t t i r e , 1 2 and, according to Paulson, i s "jeer i n g at her [Miss Hackabout's] f i n e r y . A n d at t h i s point i t should also.be noted that Kurz, when mentioning,the story of Jane Hackabout referre d to earlier, 1^* - states that: Jane Hackabout . . . was "seized f o r a nightwalker and taken to Bridewell, where she soon made away with her Cloathes and what she had and then was turned out." Hogarth l e t s us witness something of what i s said here: the j a i l e r ' s wife, a l e e r -ing, one-eyed hag, has taken hold of the g i r l ' s lace bonnet stri n g s , to compare them with an inimitable gesture to her own ragged 'fichu'. One can see that a l l the other dainty garments w i l l soon have gone the same way . . . . Per-haps . . . [Miss Hackabout's] lace i s being sac-r i f i c e d so that she may escape [being punished with the block and chain] . . . ,*-5 Also i n the same, .portion of the picture as Miss Hackabout, the labour-master, and the one-eyed woman i s an-other f i g u r e , t h i s one largely hidden from view. This f i g r ure, which i s behind the one-eyed woman, i s that of a man who i s being punished i n the stocks. And i t w i l l be noted that on the stocks i s written "Better to Work than Stand thus." Beside the four people referred to i n the above paragraph, 1 6 there are eight other people i n t h i s scene. 1 7 In the center of the p i c t u r e . i s a gentleman wearing a r a t h -er fancy coat; behind him there i s a hat (probably his own) hanging on the wall, and by his "workbench" i s a torn card which appears to be the eight of diamonds. 1 8 The card i s h i s ; i t was possibly torn i n a f i t of anger or disgust, and i s l i k e l y intended to indicate that t h i s person i s a gam-bler.19 Beside him i s a female who seems younger than the other people i n the scene, 2 0 and by her i s a person who, i n contrast to the other two,people so f a r described i n t h i s paragraph (both of whom are i n the process of beating the hemp that i s i n front of them), i s bending over and re s t i n g her mallet on her hemp. Next to her i s a woman who has her mallet raised; beside her i s a woman with her mallet r e s t -21 ing on her shoulder who i s possibly of Negroid ancestry; and alongside her a. portion of another figure can be s e e n . 2 2 Behind t h i s group of s i x figures i s a whipping post with the words "The Wages of Idleness" written upon i t , and on the wall behind these figures a p e t t i c o a t 2 3 and another a r t i c l e (perhaps also an item of a t t i r e ) are hanging. The, other two figures i n t h i s scene are i n the low-er right-hand corner of the picture. One of these women i s the person with the damaged nose whom we f i r s t saw i n the previous plate. She has one foot 2 /* on her "workbench," and i s putting on her garter; she also seems to. be laughing at Miss Hackabout's being threatened by the labour-master. 2^ The woman beside her, according to Paulson, i s "destroying vermin i n her clothes . . . . " 2 6 And i t i s of in t e r e s t to note that neither of these two women has any hemp on her "workbench," while the other "benches" that are v i s i b l e i n t h i s picture a l l have hemp on them. On the wall, above these two women, i s a basket con-ta i n i n g what appears to be hemp. I f t h i s area of the p i c -ture i s further examined, a shutter w i l l be found upon which has been drawn (no doubt by a prisoner) a crude fig u r e hang-ing from a gallows. This figure i s i d e n t i f i e d (by the l e t -t ers "Sr J G n written above i t ) as S i r John Gonson, the leader of the group of men depicted i n Plate 3. 2 7 Behind t h e . s h u t t e r 2 8 i s some m a t e r i a l 2 ^ that has been hung over a beam, and covering the building, i s a roof whose holes- 3^ indicate that not much emphasis was placed on keeping the building i n a good state of r e p a i r . - 3 1 PLATE V OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" Once more the l o c a l e of our s t o r y has changed, and our heroine i s now i n a room t h a t i s even l e s s a p p e a l i n g than the one d e p i c t e d i n P l a t e 3. Examination o f the r o o f of t h i s room 1 i n d i c a t e s t h a t i t , or at l e a s t a good, p o r t i o n t h e r e o f , i s a c t u a l l y the r o o f of the house i n which Miss. Hackabout's room i s contained; thus, when i t i s c o n s i d e r e d t h a t l a r g e areas o f p l a s t e r are m i s s i n g from the room's w a l l s , t h a t a wad of c l o t h seems t o be p l u g g i n g a hole i n one w a l l , and t h a t the door t o t h i s , room i s a v e r y b a s i c a f f a i r made even l e s s e l e g a n t by the a p p l i c a t i o n o f crude patches, i t i s obvious t h a t t h i s room i s a "miserable g a r -r e t " i n the t r u e s t sense of the term. Probably at l e a s t f o u r years have gone by s i n c e the a c t i o n shown i n the f o u r t h scene took p l a c e , and have d e f i n i t e l y gone by s i n c e the oc-currence of the a c t i o n d e p i c t e d i n P l a t e 3, as our h e r o i n e i s now shown as being.the mother of a boy who appears t o be between f o u r and e i g h t years of age. T h i s young, f e l l o w , who i s wearing a coat w i t h s l e e v e s t h a t seem too long f o r him, 3 i s k n e e l i n g on one knee i n f r o n t of the f i r e p l a c e . ^ His a t t e n t i o n i s taken up by a l e n g t h of wire or c o r d ^ b e i n g used t o suspend a pie c e o f meat 6 i n the f i r e p l a c e ; he i s e i t h e r p l a y i n g w i t h t h i s m a t e r i a l , o r e l s e doing some-t h i n g p e r t a i n i n g t o the a c t u a l cooking o f the meat. 7 In the c h a i r b e s i d e t h i s young l a d i s h i s mother, Miss Hackabout. T h i s . i s not, however, a h e a l t h y Miss Hack-about, such as was seen i n the f i r s t p l a t e o f t h i s s e r i e s , but a Miss Hackabout who appears to. be j u s t the o p p o s i t e ; indeed, she seems t o be e i t h e r e x p i r i n g , 8 or perhaps even t o have j u s t passed away,^ a v i c t i m (as w i l l become apparent) of v e n e r e a l d i s e a s e . Her head i s t i l t e d back, her eyes are c l o s e d , her mouth i s s l i g h t l y open, and her whole body seems, at f i r s t g l a n c e , t o be slouched back i n her c h a i r as i f she has n e i t h e r the s t r e n g t h nor the d e s i r e t o s i t i n a more up-r i g h t p o s i t i o n ; t h i s l a t t e r might be. a d i f f i c u l t p o i n t t o prove, however, s i n c e our heroine i s , as Paulson observes, "wrapped up i n 'sweating' b l a n k e t s , " 1 0 and her f a c e i s the only part o f her person not so covered. On her r i g h t i s the woman with the d i s f i g u r e d nose whom we have seen i n the pre -v i o u s two p l a t e s . T h i s person has her l e f t arm around Miss Hackabout, e i t h e r as a ge s t u r e of companionship, comfort, or p r o t e c t i o n , o r t o h e l p support our heroine i n her c h a i r . C l ose t o t h i s woman are two gentlemen, one q u i t e l e a n , and the o t h e r o f a. r a t h e r s t o c k y b u i l d . Rouquet as-s e r t s t h a t these are "deux medecins ou p l u t S t deux e m p i r i -ques, fameux dans ce tems-la pur l a g u e r i s o n des maladies veneriennes . . . , n J- L Nichols asserts that "the lean Doctor i s Misaubin . . . , " 1 2 and the other gentleman i s "Dr. Rock, or Dr. Ward." 1 3 Ireland also states that the th i n figure i s Misaubin, 1^ and Paulson believes that t h i s figure " i s probably intended f o r Dr. Jean Misaubin . . . ."^ Foster t e l l s us that "the likeness of Misaubin was so s t r i k -ing that he was recognized by a l l . . . ,"16 a n c i whether or not t h i s statement i s correct there does seem to be a resem-blance between the figure shown i n t h i s plate and the figure i n an engraving made by Pond, i n 1739, of a caricature Watteau had made of Misaubin. 1? This gentleman had been born i n France, and "graduated M.D. at the un i v e r s i t y of Cahors on 7 July 1637. He s e t t l e d i n London, and became a l i c e n t i a t e of the College of Physicians on 25 June 1719;" 1 8 however, according to Dudden, "though he had.~been licensed by the College of Physicians, he was regarded by the f a c u l t y as an ' i l l i t e r a t e empiric'; and his broken speech, odd f o r -eign manners, and boundless arrogance excited general d e r i -sion. n l 9 At the. same time, there i s a p o s s i b i l i t y that he might perhaps also have been p o l i t e , witty, elegant, and e r u d i t e . 2 0 He l e f t no published works behind him when he passed away on A p r i l 20, 1734. 2 1 In Tom Jones, F i e l d i n g states "the learned Dr. Misaubin used to say, that the pro-per d i r e c t i o n to him was 'To Dr. Misaubin, i n the World'; intimating that there were few people i n i t to whom his great reputation was not k n o w n . M i s a u b i n seems to have owed his reputation to a " L i t t l e P i l l " he had created which was advertised as a cure f o r p r a c t i c a l l y every type of d i s -order, 23 venereal disease i n c l u d e d . 2 ^ This p i l l , to once again quote Dudden, "was eagerly swallowed by the credulous multitude, [and] brought him a generous income." 2^ Misaubin and h i s . p i l l are mentioned i n the following l i n e s written during.the Eighteenth Century: Should I perchance be fashionably i l l , I'd send f o r Misaubin, and take his p i l l . I should abhor, though.in utmost need, Arbuthnot, H o l l i n s , Wigan, Lee or Mead; But i f I found that I grew worse and worse, I'd turn, o f f Misaubin. and take a nurse. 2" Misaubin was caricatured by F i e l d i n g i n his play The Mock  Doctor, or the Dumb Lady Cured. 2 7 f i r s t staged on June 23, 1732, ° and Paulson i s of the.opinion that the room depicted i n Plate 3 of "Marriage a l a Mode" i s "the house, or 'museum' of Dr. Misaubin, 96 St. Martin's Lane, Westminster . . . ," 29 As f o r the i d e n t i t y of the second gentleman i n Plate 5 of "A Harlot's Progress," Baum3° and Townsend^l both are of the opinion that the person represented i s Dr. Ward, a well-known quack-32 who made a fortune from p r a c t i c i n g medi-cine before he died i n 1761.33 i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y , however, that Paulson3^ and Foster35 are correct i n b e l i e v -ing, that the second gentleman.in t h i s scene i s not Dr. Ward, but Dr. Rock. Although Dr. Ward's p i l l was f i r s t made known i n England i n 1731-1732,3° i t appears that the gentleman himself did not arrive i n London u n t i l 1733, furthermore, Ward i s said to have had a portwine birthmark on h i s f a c e , 3 8 and the figure in.question does not appear to have any such mark. Then, too, i n the t h i r d state of t h i s p r i n t the name "Dr Rock" appears on the sheet of paper seen i n the lower right-hand portion of t h i s p i c t u r e , 3 ^ and while t h i s need not necessarily mean that one of the gentlemen i s . t h i s per-son, the p o s s i b i l i t y exists that Hogarth included, the name so that the gentleman i n question could be p o s i t i v e l y iden-t i f i e d . ^ 0 Dr. Rock was a quack doctor, who, l i k e Misaubin, was well-known, f o r his treatment of venereal disease;^ - 1 he had concocted a p i l l advertised as "The Famous, Anti-Vene-r e a l , Grand, Specifick P i l l . " ^ 2 He died, i n November of 1777 at the age of 87,^3 and was thus about 42 years of age when t h i s series appeared. Goldsmith, i n his The C i t i z e n  of the World, asserts: I formerly acquainted thee . . . with the excel-ence of the English i n the art of healing. The Chinese boast t h e i r s k i l l i n pulses, the Siamese t h e i r botanical knowledge, but the English adver-t i s i n g physicians alone, of being the great restorers of health, the dispensers of youth, and the ensurers of longevity. . . . I must present-you, inadequate as my a b i l i t i e s are to the subject, with some account of those per-sonages who lead i n t h i s honorable profession. The f i r s t upon the l i s t of glory, i s doctor Richard Rock, F.U.N. This great man i s short of stature, i s f a t , and waddles as he walks. He always wears a white three t a i l ' d wig, n i c e l y combed and f r i z z e d upon each cheek. Sometimes he c a r r i e s a cane, but a hat never; i t i s indeed very remarkable, that t h i s extraordinary personage should never wear an hat, but so i t i s , he never wears an hat. He i s usually drawn at the top of his own b i l l s , s i t t i n g i n his arm chair, holding a l i t t l e b ottle between his finger and thumb, and surrounded with rotten teeth, nippers, p i l l s , pacquets, and gally-pots. No man can promise f a i r e r nor better than he; f o r , as he observes, "Be your disorder never so f a r gone, be under no uneasiness, make yourself quite easy, I can cure y o u . " ^ And Hogarth also mentions Dr. Rock i n his "The March.to Finchley," and i n the "Morning." p r i n t from his series "The Four Times of the Day." In the f i r s t of these, a sign bear-ing the name "Dr Rock" i s being regarded by a s o l d i e r who i s grimacing i n pain while, he. urinates, against a wall, and i n the second a sign with "Dr Rock's" written on i t i s being held by a gentleman (perhaps intended f o r Dr. Rock himself) who seems to be attempting to arouse the i n t e r e s t of the people around him. The figure i d e n t i f i e d as Dr. Misaubin holds a small container i n his right hand, and his stockier counterpart holds a cane i n his r i g h t hand, and a small container of some sort i n his l e f t . The two gentlemen appear to be car-rying on a heated discussion, and since the leaner of the two figures i s either touching, or pointing towards, the container he is.holding, the topic being so hotly discussed would seem to have some connection with the contents of t h e i r respective containers; thus they are probably arguing about the treatment of Miss Hackabout's malady, and the merits of the nostrums that are no doubt to be found i n the aforementioned containers. The figure i d e n t i f i e d as Misau-bin has just stood up, apparently doing so quite suddenly, as the chair upon which he was s i t t i n g appears to be i n the process of tipp i n g over.^5 The woman beside Miss Hackabout has her rig h t arm-outstretched, and her ri g h t hand i s i n a v e r t i c a l p o sition with i t s f i n g e r s spread apart; fu r t h e r -more, her face bears.an expression of anger, or of. mixed surprise and anger. Thus she i s either irate, about the way the doctors have treated our.heroine's disease, and is. toll - r -ing them she wants no.more of t h e i r ministering; very annoy-ed about t h e i r arguing, and wants them to stop; or i s both s t a r t l e d and annoyed by what the thin.gentleman.has done,^° and i s putting out her arm i n an attempt, to stop the afore-mentioned chair from ti p p i n g over completely. In the lower left-hand.corner a woman i s seen going through a trunk. This, trunk i s the one with our heroine's i n i t i a l s - o n i t s l i d that i s seen, i n Plate l . ^ 7 As f o r the i d e n t i t y of the woman, and-the reason f o r her rummaging through the trunk, Cook states t h i s person is."the nurse,"^ 8 and i s taking the opportunity "of plundering her [Miss Hack-about's] trunk of the few poor remains of grandeur";^ Paulson, on the other hand, believes she i s a woman "who has come to prepare the corpse . . . ,"5° and who " i s going through the trunk i n an e f f o r t to f i n d some decent grave clothes . . . ,"51 while Lichtenberg describes t h i s person as "perhaps formerly a sort of chaperone to the g i r l , or else a r e l a t i o n of hers . . . , or what i s most l i k e l y , her present landlady to whom something i s probably owing f o r rent and expenses,"5 2 and states she i s "securing posses-sion of the g i r l ' s [Miss Hackabout's] l i t t l e a l l , or at least she i s reckoning i t up, f o r the sake of her peace of mind."-*3 Then, too, she could even be our heroine's bawd. On the f l o o r beside this, person, and apparently r e -moved from the trunk, are a pair of Miss Hackabout's shoes, the witch's hat seen i n Plate 3,5^ and a mask with a fan put through i t s eyeholes.55 A dress can be seen hanging down over the side of the trunk,5 6 and hanging, over the trunk's l i d are two s t r i p s of cl o t h , both perhaps belonging to t h i s gown. A small, dark shape can be seen s t i c k i n g up above the trunk. While t h i s could be the t i p of something leaning against the l i d , or even the t i p of something being held i n the woman's hand, i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y that i t i s the hasp on the l i d of the trunk.57 On the wall, between the door and the left-hand edge of the picture, two c a n d l e s ^ are seen hanging up, and above these, close to the corner of the door, i s the "Jew's bread" referred to earlier. 5 9 One source describes t h i s as "a dry tasteless b i s c u i t perforated with many holes, and formerly given away i n great quantities at the Feast of the Pass-o v e r . " 6 0 This source goes on to state that i t was "general-l y used.only as a f l y trap, and hung, up as such against the wall . . . . I have frequently met with [ i t ] . . . i n mean houses." 6 1 Gur heroine's bed i s seen i n the background of t h i s scene, and i t appears to be i n much better condition than the bed noted i n Plate 3. It i s also of. i n t e r e s t to note that one of the curtains across the end of t h i s bed has been p a r t i a l l y pulled to one side.. I t i s perhaps not l i k e l y that Miss Hackabout would have been eithe r taken or helped from her bed.through, t h i s egress, as i t i s . a t the end of the bed, and. not the side.; perhaps, the. blanket i n which Miss. Hack-about i s wrapped came from on the bed, and the opening i n the curtains was made when the blanket was obtained. 6 3 In the upper right-hand corner of the picture i s a clo t h e s l i n e on which various items.are hanging; among these are a pair of gloves, a pair.of stockings, and an a r t i c l e which i s probably a nightgown. 6^ And among-the miscellane-ous vessels on the mantlepiece behind Miss Hackabout, one of which seems to be a. chipped mug. or s t e i n , can be seen some 6*5 medicine b o t t l e s , and hanging above the mantlepiece i s a bladder-shaped item which i s possibly associated with a form of treatment of the sick which Lichtenberg terms "the vomit and lavage method." u u Hanging beside.the f i r e p l a c e , s l i g h t l y below the l e v e l of the mantlepiece, i s a four-sided object said by Gook to be a g r i d i r o n , 6 ^ and by L i c h -tenberg to be a m i r r o r , 6 8 and hanging below t h i s i s a b e l -lows . In the center of the f l o o r i s the overturned table mentioned elsewhere; 6^ as a r e s u l t of t h i s table's having been knocked over, an ink b o t t l e (with a q u i l l pen s t i l l contained i n i t s upper portion) l i e s broken on the f l o o r , as does a bowl. Ink from the bo t t l e has s p i l l e d out onto the f l o o r , and the contents, of the bowl are on the f l o o r . a l s o . A spoon i s seen l y i n g close to the pieces of the bowl, and there i s a p o s s i b i l i t y that t h i s v essel contained soup or a t h i n gruel that had. been made f o r Miss Hackabout. Also on the f l o o r , only i n the lower right-hand corner of the p i c -ture, are a p i l e of coal and an item, i d e n t i f i e d by Paulson as a "bedpan . . . covered with a plate engraved with the name of the owner . . .";?° on the plate the words "B Cook at the [ ?]" can be distinguished. To the r i g h t of t h i s can be seen a small coal shovel, and a round, drum-like, proba-bly two-handled? 1 object which i s perhaps the receptacle i n which Miss Hackabout normally would keep her c o a l . On top of the l a t t e r are a pipe; a bowl? 2 that i s either f i l l e d so f u l l that some of i t s contents have come over i t s rim, or else covered over with a c l o t h of some kind;? 3 and an item which may or may not be what Lichtenberg says i t i s — a "Dutch spittoon (Quispedor je) ."? / f Also on the above-mentioned drum-like object i s the paper that had Dr. Rock's name added to i t . 7 ^ On t h i s pa-per are some small objects which Ireland states are p i l l s . 7 0 Close examination suggests, however, that such an i d e n t i f i -cation can be questioned, and that these items are probably not p i l l s , but teeth, a suggestion put f o r t h by both Paul-s o n 7 7 and Townsend. 7 8 Such being the case, i t would appear that these teeth would be our heroine's; they were probably loosened by the element mercury, which was used during t h i s time f o r t r e a t i n g s y p h i l i s . 7 0 ' A. few feet away from these items, on the f l o o r beside the spoon and the broken bowl, 8 0 i s some paper on which the words "PRACTICAL SCHEME" and "ANODYNE" can be made o u t . 8 1 Below t h i s .last word i s a 82 drawing of what i s probably a necklace, as the reference here i s to an anodyne necklace. A t y p i c a l advertisement f o r one of these necklaces claims i t i s a cure " f o r Children's Teeth, F i t s , Fevers, Convulsions, & c. and the great Speci-f i c k Remedy f o r the Secret Disease." 83 Thus i t i s possible that such a necklace was being used to tre a t our heroine's son, 8^ or was perhaps being used by Miss Hackabout as t r e a t -ment f o r her venereal disease. PLATE VI OF "A HARLOT'S PROGRESS" With P l a t e 6, Hogarth f i n i s h e s h i s account of a har-l o t ' s progress. Unlike the other scenes i n t h i s s e r i e s , however, the f i g u r e of Miss Hackabout cannot be seen, f o r she has now passed away, and her body i s hidden by the c o f -f i n i n which she has been placed. The date of our heroine's death, and her age at the time of her demise, are given by a p l a t e on the c o f f i n ' s l i d t h a t reads "M. Hackabout Died Sepr 2d 1731 aged 23." 1 The room depicted i n t h i s p l a t e resembles t h a t shown i n the t h i r d p l a t e i n t h a t i t i s not i n a good s t a t e of r e -p a i r ; the window i s broken, 2 the w a l l s are c r a c k i n g i n v a r -ious p l a c e s , and the. r o o f i s not i n very good c o n d i t i o n . And while, i t s g e n e r a l appearance makes i t somewhat a k i n t o the room shown i n the. previous p l a t e , these two.rooms do not seem t o be the same; thus the room might belong t o a person who had been.a f r i e n d of our heroine's, or perhaps t o the undertaker i n charge of our heroine's f u n e r a l arrangements. 3 On the r e a r w a l l of t h i s room can be seen a set of a r m o r i a l bearings f o r the deceased which Stephens describes as "assure, p a r t i per chevron, s a b l e , three f o s s e t s [ f a u c e t s ] , i n which three spiggots are inserted, a l l proper."^ Also hanging on the back wall i s a hat that i s eithe r the one that was worn by our heroine i n the f i r s t plate, or one s i m i l a r to i t ; thus Hogarth has introduced into t h i s plate an object that reminds the viewer of Miss Hackabout's days of innocence. Our heroine's c o f f i n (which i s raised up o f f the f l o o r by what might be two small tables, one under either end) i s i n the middle of the. room. Thirteen people are grouped around the c o f f i n ; 0 Miss Hackabout's son 7 s i t s i n front of i t on what i s probably a box, two people are on one side of i t near the left-hand side of the picture, and the remaining ten are arranged along the back of the room and the wall that i s seen on the right-hand side of the p i c -t u r e . 0 The boy i s his mother's chief mourner. 1 0 He has a black cape over his shoulders, and wears a wide-brimmed black hat. The l a t t e r i s edged with lace, and has on i t a s t r i p , or s t r i p s , of black material. This material seems to be wrapped around the crown of the hat; i t i s also t i e d into a knot on the hat's brim, and i t hangs down from t h i s to a point below the boy's shoulder. And, while describing t h i s boy, i t should be mentioned that i n t h i s scene he i s happily playing with the peg-top he i s h o l d i n g . 1 1 On the f l o o r , close to Miss Hackabout's son, i s a plate on which can be seen some sprigs of yew; i t also ap-pears as i f a sprig of the same material i s l y i n g on the l i d of the c o f f i n , and i n front of the aforementioned boy. Ac-cording, to Paulson, yew was -found at a funeral because..it was "thought to prevent i n f e c t i o n . " 1 2 In the lower l e f t -hand corner of t h i s scene there i s . a woman who i s s i t t i n g next to a man. Some sources i d e n t i f y the former as E l i z a -beth Adams, 1 3 but t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n should perhaps be con-sidered rather doubtful. 1^" When we see t h i s woman she has her l e f t arm under the r i g h t arm of the male.sitting next to her, and i s holding, a spri g of rosemary i n her l e f t hand (Paulson states that, l i k e yew, rosemary was thought to ward of f i n f e c t i o n 1 ' ' ) . The gentleman referred, t o i n the previous sentence can be seen by his a t t i r e to be a clergyman; f u r -thermore, he has been, i d e n t i f i e d i n one of.the unauthorized versions of t h i s series as being "the famous Couple-beggar i n the Fleet, a wretch who there screens himself from the Justice due to his Y i l l a n i e s , and d a i l y repeats them." X 0 Thus t h i s person is. said t o be one of the infamous "Fleet Chaplains" or "Fleet Parsons." George describes these c l e r -gymen as follows: Fleet parsons were a class of clergy, peculiar to the years from about 1666 to 1754, that reached the lowest depths of degradation. Two things made t h i s possible. One, the fa c t that marriages without bans or licence, performed anywhere, at any time, were v a l i d , though against the canons. In 1666 the Ec-c l e s i a s t i c a l Commissioners took steps to prevent the con t r o l l a b l e and removable clergy from per-forming such marriages. But among the debtors i n Fleet Prison and i t s Rules (extending nearly a mile outside i t ) , there were many d e r e l i c t and dissolute parsons who saw t h e i r opportunity. F i r s t , i n the prison chapel and then outside; i n taverns or g i n -shops or anywhere, i n a room f i t t e d up f o r the pur-pose, they performed these marriages, competitively employing touts c a l l e d 'plyers'. Fees were of course the sole object. The r e s u l t was the encouragement of every abuse connected with marriage.-^-seduction, marriage as a drunken f r o l i c , pretended marriages. Entries i n the Fleet Registers c o u l d — a t a p r i c e — be antedated, inserted, or removed. Women were de-coyed, stripped of t h e i r fortune and deserted. Men also could be ruined . . . .17 Thus the "Fleet Chaplains" could.not be considered to be very upstanding members... of t h e i r profession. Whether or not he i s one of the.above, the clergyman, i n Plate.6 i s holding a glass, of what i s perhaps, brandy i n his. l e f t hand; he i s not paying attention to t h i s glass, however, as i t s contents are s p i l l i n g into the piece of c l o t h 1 8 on his lap. His hat, which has on i t the same black material-as the hat the boy i s wearing, 1 0 i s being held by his companion. Possibly she i s attempting, to s h i e l d from the others i n the room what t h i s clergyman.is doing with his r i g h t hand, f o r there seems l i t t l e doubt that he i s , as Townsend so d e l i c a t e l y phrases i t , engaged i n "an amorous occupation, his fingers making 20 tentative explorations among his neighbour's petticoats." v Knowing t h i s , the appropriateness of the expressions on the faces of these-two people becomes apparent. On the left-hand side of t h i s picture i s an item which appears to be a screen of some sort; the purpose of t h i s would seem to be to i s o l a t e the area i n which Miss Hackabout's funeral i s taking place from the remaining por-t i o n of the room. The woman with the d i s f i g u r e d nose (the one who has appeared i n the previous three plates) i s stand-ing next to t h i s . The expression on her face suggests that she has. been greatly moved by Miss Hackabout's death, and i t seems as i f she i s now perhaps engrossed i n her own thoughts, even although she might be i n the process.of carrying out some other a c t i v i t y . The c o f f i n l i d i s l y i n g crosswise on the main part, of the c o f f i n , and t h i s woman's, r i g h t hand.is around the neck of a b o t t l e that i s on. t h e . c o f f i n l i d and that presumably contains, an a l c o h o l i c beverage. Her l e f t hand i s either holding onto a dish or tray that i s r e s t i n g , or partly r e s t i n g , on the l i d of the c o f f i n , or else her hand i s on the edge of the c o f f i n l i d and her thumb i s over the edge of the tray. On the tray i s a. glass, which appears about two-thirds f u l l ; thus t h i s person may have just set the b o t t l e back down on the c o f f i n l i d a f t e r f i l l i n g the glass. Leaning over the lower h a l f of the c o f f i n l i d i s a woman2! who i s looking into the c o f f i n at Miss Hackabout, possibly regarding our heroine as a "memento mori." S i t -t i n g by the back wall are two figures dressed i n black, or, as Clerk phrases i t , "habited i n a l l the pride.of funeral woe . . . . " 2 2 These two have t h e i r heads close together. One of them i s clasping her hands.together, and seems to be r a i s i n g her eyes upward, while the other i s holding a glass to her l i p s with her l e f t hand and touching the other wo-man* s arm with her r i g h t . The two women thus appear to be discussing, i n either an earnest or mocking manner, some, item of sad news, and to be accompanying t h i s discussion with exaggerated gestures. And i n the corner, standing and looking at her r e f l e c t i o n i n a mirror, i s a woman who seems to be tying her bonnet. Between t h i s woman and the one who i s looking into the c o f f i n are two figures who are standing together. One i s apparently weeping, and i s wiping her eye with a handker-chief held i n her l e f t hand. Her other hand i s held out t o -wards her companion, who i n turn holds the former's index and middle f i n g e r s , one i n each hand. It has been suggested that t h i s action centers around a r i n g , 2 ^ but t h i s seems un-l i k e l y , as the position of the hands does not seem to be one that would normally be arrived at i f a r i n g were being put on or shown. Then, too, although there i s a bump on the middle finger of the hand being examined, t h i s perhaps looks more l i k e a swollen knuckle, or another bump on the skin, than a r i n g . Thus i t seems l i k e l y that an examination i s taking place of one, or both, of the fingers being held; perhaps the aforementioned bump i s being looked at, or per-haps there i s a bump, cut, or diseased area that cannot be seen (by the person looking at Plate 6 ) on one or both of the aforementioned digits. 2'*' In the lower right-hand corner of the scene i s an upside-down glass and a bott l e of "NANTS" (brandy 2^). S i t -t i n g on a chair beside t h i s bottle i s a woman i d e n t i f i e d as Mother Bentley, a procuress who was a well-known character i n London. The apparent age of t h i s person suggests she i s perhaps more l i k e l y a procuress than a pro s t i t u t e , and whether or not she i s Mother Bentley or another such person the p o s s i b i l i t y exists that she was Miss Hackabout's bawd. This would perhaps explain t h i s person's impassioned lamen-t a t i o n ; i f she i s not genuinely sorry that our heroine has died, she is, putting on a very good show. 2 7 Beside t h i s woman i s a small, round table, and on i t are some gloves and an item i d e n t i f i e d by Lichtenberg as a glove stretcher. 0 A man and a. woman are standing, between t h i s table and the window mentioned e a r l i e r . 2 0 The gentle-man i s . looking longingly at his companion, and at the same time making advances to her by either putting on, or taking o f f , the glove that covers her rig h t hand (and a good por-t i o n of her arm), with i t perhaps being more l i k e l y he i s putting the glove on;30 while he i s doing t h i s , the woman i s s t e a l i n g a handkerchief from his pocket. Clerk suggests t h i s gentleman i s the undertaker,3 1 and Stephens asserts he i s "the mercer or undertaker who supplied the funeral ..32 .... Thus, with the scene described above, Hogarth con-eluded his story. He had now depicted the l i f e of a harlot; i n his next series, he would depict the l i f e of a rake. PART II A RAKE'S PROGRESS INTRODUCTION TO "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" No doubt encouraged by the success of h i s "A H a r l o t ' s P r o g r e s s , " 1 Hogarth began work on another s e r i e s , t h i s one w i t h a male as i t s c e n t r a l f i g u r e . This s e r i e s was the sec-ond of the "Progresses," f o r i t was Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress." He may have commenced work on sketches f o r t h i s s e r i e s not too long a f t e r the f i r s t "Progress" had appeared, 2 or l a t e r i n the same year, as a p a i n t i n g sometimes c a l l e d "The Marriage Contract," and which contains elements found i n P l a t e 2 of "A Rake's Progre s s , " 3 was p o s s i b l y painted i n 1732.^ In any case, the London Journal of December 22, 1733, contained the f o l l o w i n g advertisement: Mr. Hogarth being now engraving nine Copper-plates from P i c t u r e s of h i s own P a i n t i n g , one of which rep-resents the Humours of a F a i r ; the other e i g h t , The Progress of a Rake; [ o f f e r s ] the P r i n t s by Subscrip-t i o n on the f o l l o w i n g Terms: Each S u b s c r i p t i o n t o be one Guinea and a h a l f ; h a l f a Guinea t o be paid at the Time of s u b s c r i b i n g , f o r which a r e c e i p t w i l l be given on a new etched P r i n t , d e s c r i b i n g a pleased audience at a Theatre; and the other Payment of one Guinea on D e l i v e r y of a l l the P r i n t s when f i n i s h e d , which w i l l be wi t h a l l convenient Speed, and the Time p u b l i c k l y a d v e r t i s e d . The F a i r being already f i n i s h e d , w i l l be d e l i v e r e d t o the Subscribers on s i g h t of the Receipt, on the 1st Day of January next, i f r e q u i r e d ; or i t may be subscribed f o r alone at 5s. The whole Payment t o be paid at the Time of Sub s c r i b i n g . S u b s c r i p t i o n s w i l l be taken i n at Mr. Hogarth's the Golden Head i n L e i c e s t e r - F i e l d s , where the p i c t u r e s are t o be seen.-* More than two months later, on November 2, 1734, the following advertisement appeared in the same paper: Mr. Hogarth hereby gives Notice, That having found i t necessary to introduce several additional Char-acters in his Paintings of the Rake's Progress, he could not get the Prints ready to deliver to his Subscribers at Michaelmas [Sept. 29] last (as he proposed.) But a l l the Pictures being now entirely finished, may be seen at his House, the Golden Head In Leicester-Fields, where Subscriptions are taken; and the Prints being in great Forwardness, w i l l be finished, with a l l possible Speed, and the Time of Delivery advertised. Thus Paulson i s perhaps correct in stating that the paintings were not completed.until the middle of 1734,7 although, as Kunzle asserts, Hogarth may only have made a few minor addi-tions, and touched up a few details, during this period, 8 with the real reason for the. delay in producing these prints being that the ar t i s t was waiting for the "Engraver's Copy-right Act" to come into e f f e c t . 0 That this may have been the case i s suggested by the following, which appeared a l -most six months later, oh May 10, 1735: N.B. Mr. Hogarth was, and i s oblig'd to defer the Publication and Delivery of the above said Prints t i l l the 25th of June next, in order to secure his Property, pursuant to an Act lately passed both Houses of Parliament, now waiting for the Royal Assent, to secure a l l new invented Prints that shall be published after the 24th of June next, from being copied without consent of the Proprie-tor, and thereby preventing a scandalous and un-just Custom (hitherto practised with Impunity) of making and vending base Copies of original Prints, to the manifest Discouragement of the Arts of Painting and Engraving. The s u b s c r i p t i o n t o "A Rake's Prog r e s s " seems t o have been c l o s e d oh June 23, 1735, as a p o r t i o n o f an adver-tisement i n the London Evening Post o f June 3, 1735, s t a t e s : The Nine P r i n t s , from the P a i n t i n g s o f Mr. Hogarth, one r e p r e s e n t i n g a F a i r , and the others a Rake's Prog-r e s s , are now p r i n t i n g o f f , and w i l l be ready t o be d e l i v e r e d on the 25th i n s t a n t . S u b s c r i p t i o n s w i l l be taken at Mr. Hogarth's, the Golden Head, i n L e i c e s t e r -f i e l d s , t i l l the 23 T d of June, and no l o n g e r , a t h a l f a guinea t o be p a i d on s u b s c r i b i n g , and h a l f a guinea more on d e l i v e r y of the P r i n t s at the time above men-t i o n e d ; a f t e r which the p r i c e w i l l be two guineas, a c c o r d i n g t o the P r o p o s a l . 1 1 The p r i n t s themselves almost a l l bear the date June 25, 1735, which was the date the "Engraver's Copyright A c t " went i n t o e f f e c t . They seem t o have appeared on or about t h i s date, s i n c e i n an advertisement i n the London D a i l y Post of June 30 the s e r i e s i s r e f e r r e d t o as having been " j u s t pub-l i s h ' d . " 1 3 Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress" c o n t a i n s e i g h t prints 1'*' t h a t c h r o n i c l e events i n the l i f e o f a young man who squanders h i s i n h e r i t a n c e w h i l e pursuing, an intemperate mode o f l i f e . Hogarth was not the f i r s t t o t e l l , the s t o r y of a rake; even b e f o r e the s t a r t of the Seventeenth Century, i n 1592, the e s s e n t i a l t r a i t s o f such a t a l e had appeared i n Greene's Groatsworth of Witte. Bought w i t h a M i l l i o n of Re- pentance. D e s c r i b i n g the F o l l i e o f Youth, the Falsehood o f  Makeshift F l a t t e r e r s , the M i s e r i e of the N e g l i g e n t and M i s - c h i e f e s o f D e c e i v i n g C o u r t i z a n s . W r i t t e n before His Death  and P u b l i s h e d at His Dying R e q u e s t . ^ Kurz has produced evidence to show that not only the progress of a harlot but also "the rake's progress [was found] in Italian engravings almost a century anterior to Hogarth's," 1 6 and asserts that Hogarth drew inspiration for his "A Rake's Progress" from the foregoing series. 1? Gombrich refers to the Tabula 1 rt Cebetis x (a work dating back to the classical period that was a popular moral tract in England, and that i s described by Gombrich as being "a dialogue purporting to describe a vast panoramic painting of human l i f e in allegorical terms" 1^), and suggests that possibly "the prestige of the classical picture may really have encouraged Hogarth . . ."; 2 0 the art-i s t may have been familiar with a written version of this work, or even with one of the attempts to reconstruct the philosophic p i c t u r e . 2 2 Furthermore, the gossip of the day may have contained stories about actual English rakes, and Hogarth may have reasoned that a series depicting the prog-ress of a rake would be a logical follow-up to his series dealing with a harlot. Thus more than one possible source can be suggested for "A Rake's Progress." 2 3 At this point, therefore, the focus of this paper w i l l be directed towards an examination of the plates that make up this series, with one plate being discussed in each of the following eight chapters. PLATE I OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" 0 V a n i t y of Age, untoward, Ever Spleeny, ever froward! Why those B o l t s , & Massy Chains, Squint S u s p i c i o n s , jealous Pains? Why, thy toilsome Journey o'er, Lay'st thou i n an useless Store? Hope along w i t h Time i s flown, Nor canst thou reap ye. F i e l d thou'st sown. Hast Thou a Son? In Time be w i s e — He views thy T o i l w i t h other E y e s — Needs must thy k i n d , p a t e r n a l Care, Lock'd i n thy Chests, be b u r i e d t h e r e : Whence then s h a l l f l o w y t . f r i e n d l y Ease, That s o c i a l Converse, horaefelt Peace, F a m i l i a r Duty without Dread, I n s t r u c t i o n from Example bred, That y o u t h f u l Mind w i t h Freedom mend, And w i t h ye. Father mix the F r i e n d ? 1 An examination of the f i r s t p l a t e of "A Rake's Prog-r e s s " shows that, the a c t i o n depicted i n t h i s scene i s t a k i n g place i n a room which, although not i n the same t e r r i b l e s t a t e of r e p a i r as the room shown i n P l a t e 5 of "A Ha r l o t ' s P r o g r e s s , " 2 has nevertheless not been well-maintained, as numerous cracks are v i s i b l e i n i t s c e i l i n g and w a l l s . This room (which i s s a i d by Sa l a t o be a " p a r l o u r , " 3 and by Bake-w e l l t o be a storeroom t h a t has always been "kept c l o s e lock'd . . . n / f ) , contains seven people: a man standing on a ladder; an o l d woman w i t h a load of s t i c k s ; a man t a k i n g some money from a sm a l l sack f i l l e d w i t h c o i n s ; two women (one of them crying, the other with an expression of anger on her face) standing near the room's doorway; a young gentleman holding some coins i n his l e f t hand; and a man kneeling on one knee and holding i n his hands what appears to be a tape measure. The aforementioned person on the ladder^ i s i n the process of t a c k i n g 6 black c l o t h to the molding that runs a-long the top of one of the room's walls,? which suggests that someone formerly associated with t h i s room has recently passed away. At the p a r t i c u l a r moment i n time i n which we see the man on the ladder, he appears to have just broken a portion of the wooden molding. As the two broken pieces of wood come away from the area they had o r i g i n a l l y occupied, a small hole i s exposed i n the wall, and some c o i n s 8 are seen f a l l i n g ^ from t h i s h o l e . 1 0 Further examination of t h i s area of the print shows that d i r e c t l y below the f a l l i n g coins there i s a picture of a man s i t t i n g at a table, engrossed i n using a set of scales; i n front of him are some stacks of coins and some small sacks which no doubt contain some more of his riches. On his head t h i s man i s wearing a cap which i s trimmed with what appears to be f u r . This same c a p 1 1 can be seen on the mantelpiece that i s found i n the left-hand portion of t h i s plate, which suggests that the owner of t h i s cap i s the person depicted i n the picture on the wall. Furthermore, since t h i s person's picture i s hanging i n t h i s room, there seems l i t t l e doubt that t h i s room was h i s , and as he i s not one of the seven people i n t h i s scene, i t i s l o g i c a l to assume that he i s the person referred to e a r l i e r who has recently d i e d . 1 2 In addition, since the picture on the wall i s no doubt intended to give us some ins i g h t into t h i s person's character, i t would appear that he was ex-tremely fond of money. Therefore, he was probably the per-son who hid the aforementioned coins behind the wall mold-ing, ^  and he more than l i k e l y did not have the cracks i n the c e i l i n g and walls of t h i s room1'*' seen to because he was too penurious to do so. One i s thus i n c l i n e d to agree with Stephens when he asserts that t h i s room "had been occupied by a m i s e r . n 1 ^ In the lower left-hand corner of t h i s p r i n t i s a memorandum book i n which i s written "Memodms: 1721 May 3d. My Son Tom Came from Oxford 4 t h . Dined, at the French Ordi-nary 5th. of June—Put of my bad S h i l l i n g — . " 1 0 There i s l i t t l e doubt that t h i s book had belonged to the deceased person mentioned i n the preceding paragraph; thus, the young man with the coins i n his hand, 1 7 who i s the ce n t r a l character i n t h i s scene, can be assumed to be the miser's son, Tom. Although Tom's surname i s not given i n t h i s plate, evidence found i n Plate 2 points to t h i s name being " R a k e w e l l " 1 8 — a name which i s , as Moore suggests, "as s u i t -able to the father as to the son, though i n an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t way . . . ,T,19 since the elder Rakewell's main concern was "raking i n " money, and the younger Rakewell, as w i l l be seen, became a " r a k e . " 2 0 Tom Rakewell appears to be between 17 and 23 years of age. 2 1 When we see him, his eyes are open wide, his mouth i s s l i g h t l y open, and Ireland, no doubt because of Tom's expression, states the young man i s "marked with that easy, unmeaning vacancy of face, which speaks him formed by 22 nature f o r a DUPE." While the expression on Tom's face does seem somewhat vacant, which might be taken as i n d i c a t -ing he i s no "mental giant," or that he i s perhaps somewhat naive, the look on his face might also be the r e s u l t of his being i n the process of asking the younger of the two women standing by the door to accept the money he i s holding out towards her2^- i n his l e f t hand.2-* And while Tom i s doing t h i s , he i s also holding the rig h t edge of his coat back with his r i g h t hand f o r the convenience of the person kneel-ing beside him on one knee. 2 6 This person, who i s wearing a cap, i s ". . . [taking] the length of the young man's breeches . . * , " 2 7 and thus, as Felton points out, seems to be the t a i l o r who "has the mourning to make." The aforementioned young woman to whom young Rake-well i s o f f e r i n g the money warrants further mention at t h i s point as she appears again i n various other plates i n t h i s s e r i e s . 2 9 This young l a d y , 3 0 who i s a t t i r e d i n a simple dress, a cap,-'-1 and an apron, i s stooping over slightly, and resting her l e f t elbow on the back of a chair seen in the lower right-hand portion of the print. When we see her she is crying and holding a handkerchief up to her face with her lef t hand. And her right hand i s not empty, since she i s holding a ring between her thumb and index finger. The sec-ond woman standing near the open door^ 2 i s said to be the mother of the one who i s crying.33 This person is. wearing a bonnet, a dress made from a patterned material, and an apron. The bottom portion of her apron i s cast over her l e f t arm, and lying in the portion of her apron that i s between her arm and her waist are some letters, on one of which can be read the words "Dearest Life . . . & marry you . . . ," and on another "To Mrs Sarah Young in Oxford."3^ And when we see her, she i s looking towards young Rakewell; an expres-sion of extreme anger i s on her face, and her right hand (three fingers of which have rings on them) is clenched in anger. Her l e f t hand i s under the younger woman's right arm, and appears to be gesturing toward the latter's lower abdomen, which seems to bulge suspiciously. This young wom-an appears to have a daughter when we see her in Plate 7; thus, when everything i s considered, there seems l i t t l e doubt that, as Bakewell asserts, "[she] i s with child . . . ."35 And i t therefore appears that the two women, i Sarah Young and her mother,3° have come from 0xford37 to see Tom Rakewell, the apparent f a t h e r of the unborn c h i l d . Young Tom seems t o h a v e . e a r l i e r proposed marriage t o the young l a d y , 3 8 and the r i n g h e l d by her probably, as Stephens suggests, was given t o her by young Rakewell as a g i f t . 3 ^ But when we see the young man, he appears t o be o f f e r i n g the young woman money i n place of marriage; i n I r e l a n d ' s words, "he v i o l a t e s every former p r o t e s t a t i o n , refuses her mar-r i a g e , and attempts by a b r i b e t o get a r e l e a s e from h i s ob-l i g a t i o n . " ^ 0 Thus the i r a t e expression on the face of the young lady's mother i s understandable, as her daughter i s not only pregnant, but i s being refused marriage by the per-son r e s p o n s i b l e f o r her c o n d i t i o n . Behind. Tom Rakewell i s the person who i s t a k i n g some money out of a c o i n - f i l l e d sack.^" 1 This man, who i s termed an " a p p r a i s e r " by G i l p i n , ^ z i s s a i d by S a l a t o be a stew-a r d , ^ 3 and by an unnamed source t o be an u n d e r t a k e r . ^ Paulson a s s e r t s he i s a steward or a l a w y e r , ^ Townsend^-6 and Stephens^"? s t a t e he i s a lawyer, and I r e l a n d a s s e r t s most em p h a t i c a l l y t h a t : I t has been g e n e r a l l y s a i d t h a t t h i s i s an ap p r a i s e r and undertaker; l e t not these venerable dealers i n dust any longer s u f f e r the disgrace of so unjust an i n s i n u a t i o n : t h a t the a r t i s t intended to d e l i n e a t e a lawyer, i s c l e a r l y i n t i m a t e d by h i s o l d , uncurled t i e - w i g , and the baize bag [presum-ably what i s seen between h i s r i g h t arm and h i s body, w i t h i t s drawstring over h i s r i g h t forearm]. We cannot mistake these o b t r u s i v e ensigns of the CRAFT, or MYSTERY, or PROFESSION, of which t h i s hoary v i l l a i n i s a member.^8 Whatever the case, i t appears th a t t h i s person, who has a q u i l l pen clenched between h i s t e e t h , and who has what ap-pears t o be a large wart on h i s forehead, i s "examining documents and making an invent o r y of the miser's property . . . ."49 His r i g h t arm i s p a r t i a l l y r e s t i n g on a table,5° and i n f r o n t of him, under a q u i l l . p e n t h a t i s s i t t i n g i n an i n k w e l l , are two documents, both of which bear the phrase "An Inventory of . . . ." These two documents, are l y i n g one on top of the other, and the bottom one, which i s much long-er than the other, c u r l s down and touches a p i l e of docu-ments th a t i s l y i n g on the f l o o r ; among these documents are ones l a b e l l e d "Mortgages," "Lease & Release," " I n d i a Bonds," "Fines & Recoverys," and "This Indenture." And by t h i s p i l e of documents, i n f r o n t of t h i s aforementioned t a b l e , i s an open chest c o n t a i n i n g " p l a t e and bags of c o i n . . . ,"51 wi t h one bag of coins being l a b e l l e d "1000," another "2000," and the t h i r d "3000." A f e r o c i o u s - l o o k i n g c a t , 5 2 i t s f e e t on a c l o s e d book l y i n g on the f l o o r , i s standing on i t s hind legs w i t h i t s f r o n t legs r e s t i n g on the top edge of one of the s i d e s of t h i s chest. This animal appears t o be q u i t e guant, and Bakewell i s q u i t e p o s s i b l y c o r r e c t i n a s s e r t i n g i t i s a " h a l f - s t a r v ' d Cat searching f o r V i c t u a l s . " 5 3 By the room's f i r e p l a c e can be seen the o l d woman-wi t h the load of s t i c k s . 5 ^ This person, who seems t o have a deformed back, i s bending down t o put the s t i c k s i n the f i r e p l a c e . Ireland asserts that "the grate . . . has no marks of even a remaining cinder,"55 and i t seems that the aforementioned cap seen on the mantelpiece,5 6 and a coat seen hanging up i n the left-hand portion of t h i s p r i n t , were possibly used by the miser f o r warmth; he no doubt used these items^? i n place of a f i r e i n order to save money. And on the aforementioned mantelpiece, there are, as well as the cap, some items described by Stephens as being "a f l a t candlestick with a spike to hold the candle, and a piece of candle stuck i n a save-all,"5^ while the miser's spectacles hang on a n a i l or a hook that has been put into the mantel-piece. 59 In the lower right-hand corner of t h i s print i s the chair upon which Sarah Young i s l e a n i n g . 6 0 On the seat of t h i s chair i s a bolt of black c l o t h , the end of which hangs down over the chair's edge. In the f i r s t and second states of t h i s plate a draper's b i l l i s seen with t h i s c l o t h , 6 1 and on t h i s b i l l can be seen the words "London Bought of Wm. To t h a l l Wollen Draper i n Govent Garden." William T o t h a l l was not only an actual person, but also a good f r i e n d of Hogarth's, 6 2 and i s supposedly one of the figures i n the a r t i s t ' s "A Chorus of S i n g e r s . " 6 3 In the upper right-hand corner of t h i s p r i n t , above the doorway to the room, can be seen "a Sconce f o r one can-d l e , " 6 ^ and on either side of t h i s "hang two boards on which respectively are painted escutcheons of arms, intended f o r those of the deceased; the bearings are, sable, three hand vices, proper; the motto i s 'Beware'."65 In the other upper-corner of t h i s print there can be seen a cupboard with i t s door open. A padlock hangs beside the cupboard on a U-shaped "staple," suggesting that t h i s cupboard was kept pad-l o c k e d , 6 6 and inside the cupboard can be seen "a disused s p i t and smoking jack . . . . " 67 Below t h i s cupboard i s a closet with i t s door open, and among the items seen therein are some wigs hanging on the wall near the top of the c l o s -et, and a cracked jug and a.bowl on a shelf beneath the wigs. Beneath these there appears to be another w i g , 6 8 two swords (which possibly "may be considered as trophies of his [the 69 miser's] youthful prowess . . . ," or, as Sala suggests, "kept f o r fear of robbers . . ."?°), and what seems to be a boot;? 1 on the f l o o r i s a box containing some boots, and e i -ther behind t h i s , or i n the back portion of i t , i s either t h i s box's l i d or another box. And. beside the closet can be seen a crutch and a walking s t i c k which had no doubt been the property of Tom's f a t h e r . ? 2 In the lower left-hand corner of the p r i n t can be seen a closed book ly i n g on the f l o o r , and the aforemention-ed box on which i s found the i n i t i a l s "P G";?3 according to Paulson, t h i s box contains "a large lantern with broken glass and a 'hanging-bar' f o r a kitchen grate, a:.spade, and other objects . . . ." 7^ A short distance away from t h i s box, a pair of shoes i s l y i n g on the f l o o r . And as mention-ed e a r l i e r , 7 5 the memorandum book found i n this, area i n the f i r s t and second states of t h i s p r int has been moved to a d i f f e r e n t place i n the t h i r d state, and i n t h i s l a t t e r s t a t e 7 6 the area formerly occupied by the memorandum book i s taken up by a B i b l e . The cover of t h i s Bible i s i n very poor condition, since not only i s i t almost completely apart, but a sole-shaped piece has been cut out of the cover, and, i n the t h i r d s t a t e , 7 7 t h i s piece of the Bible's cover has been used to resole one of the shoes that i s mentioned above. And i t should also be noted that, i n the t h i r d state of t h i s p r i n t , Hogarth added another box behind the one that bears the i n i t i a l s ; unlike the l a t t e r , however, the a d d i t i o n a l box has a l i d on i t . 7 8 Thus, i n Plate 1, Hogarth prepares the way f o r the plates that follow. Young Rakewell i s introduced into the series, and, i n addition, the viewer not only learns the na-ture of Tom's re l a t i o n s h i p with Sarah Young, but also learns that Tom's father (a miserly i n d i v i d u a l who apparently hated to part not only with his money but with his possessions as well) has recently passed away, leaving what seems to be a considerable estate. PLATE I I OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" P r o s p e r i t y , (with H o r l o t ' s s m i l e s , Most p l e a s i n g , when she most be g u i l e s , ) How soon, Sweet fo e , can a l l thy T r a i n Of f a l s e , gay, f r a n t i c k , loud & v a i n , Enter the unprovided Mind, And Memory i n f e t t e r s bind; Load f a i t h and Love w i t h golden c h a i n , And s p r i n k l e Lethe o're the Brain.' Pleasure on her s i l v e r Throne Sm i l i n g comes, nor comes alone; Venus moves w i t h her along, And smooth Lyaeus, ever young; And i n t h e i r T r a i n , t o f i l l the Press, Come ap i s h Dance, and swolen Excess, Mechanic Honour, v i c i o u s Taste, , And f a s h i o n i n her changing Vest. Examination of the t h i r d or f o u r t h s t a t e s of P l a t e 2 o of t h i s s e r i e s suggests t h a t a few years have gone by s i n c e the a c t i o n depicted i n P l a t e 1 took place.^ I t a l s o seems qui t e p o s s i b l e t h a t Bakewell i s c o r r e c t when he s t a t e s Tom Rakewell "having s e t t l e d h i s a f f a i r s i n the Country, . . . [has taken] a f i n e house i n London . . . , l , / f since h i s r e s i -dence does appear to be q u i t e s u b s t a n t i a l , and s i n c e , t o judge from the way of l i f e Tom has adopted, he would proba-b l y want t o l i v e i n London, Eighteenth-Century England's "only 'great c i t y ' . . . ,"5 Our hero has decided "to as-sume the character and manners of what he t h i n k s an accom-p l i s h e d gentleman." 0 P l a t e 2 shows him at h i s morning levee,? dressed i n " s l i p p e r s , s t o c k i n g s , dressing-coat, and nightcap . . . ,"° and surrounded by a group of people of diverse t a l e n t s who are described by Paulson as being "rapa-cious hangers-on."^ In h i s r i g h t hand Rakewell holds a l e t -t e r which has w r i t t e n on i t "Sr. the Capt. i s a Man of Hon-our, h i s Sword may Serve you y r s . Wm. Stab." Tom i s l o o k i n g t o h i s l e f t and p o s s i b l y speaking t o the man i n question, who has presumably brought Rakewell the l e t t e r . The "Cap-t a i n " i s a r a t h e r s u r l y - l o o k i n g i n d i v i d u a l who i s wearing h i s lace-trimmed, three-cornered hat pushed forward on h i s head; h i s r i g h t hand grasps the h i l t of h i s sword, and he i s pre s s i n g h i s l e f t hand on h i s b r e a s t , perhaps., as Stephens suggests, as a p r o f e s s i o n of "devotion t o h i s [Tom's] s e r -v i c e . . . ."1° Near him i s a man who i s blowing a horn. Since t h i s type of horn was "used f o r c a l l i n g hounds t o the c h a s e , " 1 1 i t s i n c l u s i o n i n t h i s scene i s probably intended to suggest t h a t Tom took part i n t h i s a c t i v i t y . And i n the lower right-hand corner of the p i c t u r e , i n f r o n t and s l i g h t -l y t o the l e f t of Rakewell, i s the aforementioned f i g u r e of the jockey who i s h o l d i n g the engraved cup t h a t has on i t the f i g u r e of the horse and r i d e r , and the words "Won at Epsom" and " S i l l y Tom." 1 2 Thus, as mentioned e a r l i e r , Rake-w e l l a l s o seems t o be the owner of a r a c e h o r s e . 1 3 To the r i g h t of Rakewell, and s l i g h t l y behind him, a man can be seen who i s h o l d i n g i n h i s r i g h t hand a paper on which i s w r i t t e n "Garden p l a n , " and on which can a l s o be seen a plan f o r a g a r d e n . ^ Although one source asks " I s that Mr. Kent . . . t h r u s t i n g the plan of a garden upon . . . Tom?," 1 5 t h i s person i s g e n e r a l l y s a i d t o be not W i l l i a m Kent but another person a s s o c i a t e d w i t h Lord B u r l i n g t o n , Charles Bridgeman. 1 7 Bridgeman, a c e l e b r a t e d landscape gar-dener who died i n 173 was gardener t o George I and George I I . 1 Q He began the replanning of Kensington Gardens f o r Queen C a r o l i n e , designed the park at Stowe, and advised Pope on the layout of h i s pleasure grounds at Twickenham. w In a d d i t i o n , he was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the haha i n t o E n g l i s h landscape gardening. x When we see him, he has apparently brought a garden p l a n f o r Rakewell t o view. When i t i s r e c a l l e d t h a t Hogarth, t o use Quennell's words, considered Lord B u r l i n g t o n t o be "the a r c h - p r i e s t of pp f a l s e t a s t e , " the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the i n c l u s i o n of a mem-ber of B u r l i n g t o n ' s "group" becomes apparent. Not too f a r away from Bridgeman, p a r t i a l l y b l o c k i n g Bridgeman Ts f i g u r e from view, can be seen a r a t h e r effeminate gentleman h o l d -i n g a s m a l l v i o l i n i n h i s l e f t hand and a v i o l i n bow i n h i s r i g h t . This person, who seems t o have j u s t taken a very " d a i n t y " step forward i n such a f a s h i o n t h a t h i s r i g h t l e g i s d i r e c t l y i n l i n e w i t h h i s l e f t l e g (or perhaps even t o the l e f t of h i s l e f t l e g ) , i s s a i d by one source t o be "Mr. Essex, the dancing-master . . . [who was] w e l l known at the time . . ."; * Stephens, however, a s s e r t s he i s a "French dancing master," 2 / f as does Paulson. 2-* As mentioned e a r l i -e r , ° Hogarth was s t r o n g l y p r e j u d i c e d against people who were not B r i t i s h ; t h e r e f o r e , i f Hogarth intended t h i s f i g u r e t o represent a person of French ancestry, t h i s f i g u r e , l i k e the f i g u r e of Bridgeman, assumes a d d i t i o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . Another f i g u r e t h a t i s p a r t l y obscured by the danc-i n g master i s a man standing w i t h h i s arms f o l d e d across h i s chest. This man has two q u a r t e r - s t a f f s which he supports by b r a c i n g them i n the crook of h i s l e f t arm. 2? This person i s s a i d t o be " F i g g , the noted p r i z e - f i g h t e r , q u a r t e r - s t a f f , and backsword p l a y e r of h i s day . . . James Fig g was *the p u g i l i s t i c champion of England f o r 15 years, beginning i n 1719?9 His most famous f i g h t was on June 6, 1727, when he fought Ned S u t t o n . 3 0 According t o Paulson: the f i g h t c o n s i s t e d of three d i v i s i o n s : back-sword p l a y , a f i s t f i g h t , and a cudgel match. The winner had t o e x c e l i n a l l three, which Figg d i d . During h i s l i f e t i m e the "Father of the Ring" was b e t t e r known as a cudgel and backsword player . . . ; Jack Broughton l a t e r developed the s u b t l e -t i e s of f i s t i c u f f s . 3 1 According t o Godfrey, Figg was: the A t l a s of the Sword; and may he remain the g l a d i a t i n g s t a t u e ! In him s t r e n g t h , r e s o l u t i o n , and u n p a r a l l e l e d judgement, conspired t o form a matchless master. There was a majesty shone i n h i s countenance, and blazed i n a l l h i s a c t i o n s , beyond a l l I ever saw. His r i g h t l e g b o l d and f i r m ; and h i s l e f t , which could hardly ever be d i s t u r b e d , gave him the s u r p r i s i n g advantage a l -ready proved, and stuck h i s adversary w i t h des-p a i r and panic. He had t h a t p e c u l i a r way of stepping i n I spoke of, i n a parry; he knew h i s arm, and i t s j u s t time of moving; put a f i r m f a i t h i n t h a t , and never l e t h i s adversary escape h i s parry. He was j u s t as much a g r e a t e r master than any other I ever saw, as he was a g r e a t e r judge of time and measure.-3* A r a t h e r i n t e r e s t i n g s t o r y concerning t h i s person i s r e l a t e d by yet another source. This source was informed by F i g g t h a t : he [Figg] had not bought a s h i r t f o r more than twenty years, but had s o l d some dozens. I t was h i s method, when he fought i n h i s amphitheatre ( h i s Stage bearing t h a t superb t i t l e ) , t o send round t o a s e l e c t number of h i s s c h o l a r s , t o bor-row a s h i r t f o r the ensuing combat, and seldom f a i l e d of h a l f a dozen of superfine Holland from h i s prime p u p i l s (most of the young n o b i l i t y and gentry made i t a part of t h e i r education t o march under h i s w a r l i k e banner). This champion was g e n e r a l l y conqueror, though h i s s h i r t seldom f a i l e d of g a i n i n g a cut from h i s enemy, and some-times h i s f l e s h , though I t h i n k he never r e c e i v e d any dangerous wound. Most of h i s s c h o l a r s were at every b a t t l e , and were sure t o e x u l t at t h e i r great master's v i c t o r i e s , every person supposing he saw the wounds his. s h i r t r e c e i v e d . Mr. Figg took h i s opportunity t o inform h i s lenders of l i n e n of the chasms t h e i r s h i r t s r e c e i v e d , w i t h a promise t o send them home. But, s a i d the i n -genious courageous F i g g , I seldom r e c e i v e any other answer than D-mn you, keep it.'33 Standing close t o Figg (who, as a matter of i n t e r e s t , died i n 173h^^) i s a person who i s h o l d i n g i n h i s r i g h t hand a sword th a t appears t o be t i p p e d . This man i s standing i n what i s perhaps commonly regarded as the " ' c l a s s i c " fencer's stance, w i t h h i s sword held out i n f r o n t of him not q u i t e p a r a l l e l w i t h the f l o o r , h i s body turned so t h a t i t does not form a n i n e t y degree angle w i t h h i s r i g h t arm but approaches a p o s i t i o n p a r a l l e l t o i t , h i s l e f t arm behind him w i t h i t s elbow bent so t h a t h i s l e f t hand i s above the l e v e l of h i s shoulder, h i s r i g h t f o o t i n f r o n t of h i s l e f t , and h i s l e f t f o o t at an approximate n i n e t y degree angle w i t h h i s r i g h t . This person i s s a i d t o be a f e n c i n g master named Dubois. 3^ Dubois apparently met h i s death at the hands of an Irishman who a l s o bore the name D u b o i s ; 3 6 The D a i l y Post of May 11, 1734, s t a t e s : Yesterday between 2 and 3 i n the afternoon, a duel was fought i n Mary-le-bone f i e l d s between Mr. Dubois a Frenchman, and Mr. Dubois an Irishman, both fenc-i n g masters, the former of whom was run through the body; but walked a considerable way from the place; and i s now under the hands of an able surgeon, who has great hopes of h i s r e c o v e r y . 3 ? Less than two weeks a f t e r t h i s , the Grub-street Journa l of May 2 3 , 1734, informed i t s readers t h a t "yesterday morning died Mr. Dubois, of a wound he r e c e i v e d i n a d u e l . " 3 8 As Dubois was a Frenchman, the i n c l u s i o n of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r person might p o s s i b l y be due t o Hogarth's aforementioned pr e j u d i c e against those people who were not B r i t i s h . 3 9 On the w a l l behind the e i g h t people described above can be seen three p i c t u r e s . The two outside p i c t u r e s are both s m a l l e r than the one i n the middle, and each d e p i c t s a cock. Presumably these are "the cocks he [Tom] f i g h t s at Newmarket . . ,";^° i f so, t h i s i s another a c t i v i t y i n which he p a r t i c i p a t e s . ^ 1 The large p i c t u r e between the two s m a l l e r ones d e p i c t s the judgment of P a r i s , and was no doubt a work that had been imported from the continent. At the time when Hogarth produced "A Rake's Progress," the "art market" was flooded by foreign pictures** 2 described by Quennell as being "generally very bad p i c t u r e s — a l l e g e d I t a l i a n 'Old Masters' of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, often i n extremely poor condition and obscured by a coating of var-nish and d i r t . " ^ Hogarth not only r e a l i z e d that the qual-i t y of these works was generally low,"*** but also thought that they "perverted the taste of his contemporaries" ;**5 therefore, Hogarth would not think too highly of Rakewell's large picture. The wall on which the above-mentioned pictures hang i s broken by an arched egress, which leads to "an antecham-ber, lighted by two windows."**0 In t h i s antechamber can be seen s i x f i g u r e s — f i v e men and one woman. Five of these people are i d e n t i f i e d by Bakewell as being "a Poet, with an E p i s t l e to him [Rakewellj; his Perukemaker, Taylor, Hatter, and M i l l i n e r . " * * 7 One of the figures holds the aforemention-ed " E p i s t l e to Rake . . . ,"**8 and would thus appear to be a poet.**° Standing near t h i s person i s a man with a box un-der h i s arm; t h i s figure i s possibly the one Bakewell sug-gests i s a "Perukemaker," but apart from the fact t h i s per-son i s wearing a wig there i s no i n d i c a t i o n he i s associated with wigs i n any way. Near him stands a person with a coat over h i s arm, and there seems l i t t l e reason to doubt that t h i s i s a "Taylor"5° who has brought Tom a new coat. Bake-w e l l probably i d e n t i f i e d one of these f i g u r e s as a "Hatter" because the person next t o the " T a y l o r " i s h o l d i n g a hat i n h i s r i g h t hand, but since t h i s f i g u r e i s p o s s i b l y t a l k i n g t o the young lady who i s i n t h i s group, and since he holds h i s hat i n f r o n t of him at face l e v e l as i f he has j u s t r e -moved i t from h i s head, Bakewell's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of t h i s person could perhaps be questioned. The l a s t person i d e n -t i f i e d by Bakewe -the " M i l l i n e r " — i s s a i d by Paulson to "probably [be] a m i l l i n e r . . . ,"52 and, indeed, t h i s i d e n -t i f i c a t i o n could be c o r r e c t . However, when t h i s young lady i s compared w i t h the f i g u r e of Sarah Young i n P l a t e 4, i t w i l l be noted t h a t both c a r r y boxes.53 Therefore, might the young lady i n the second p l a t e be Sarah Young, as one source suggests?^^ Kunzle, w h i l e not b e l i e v i n g t h a t the f i g u r e i n P l a t e 2 i s Sarah Young,55 wonders whether i t occurred t o Hogarth t h a t the former might be mistaken f o r the l a t t e r . 5 6 Upon c o n s i d e r a t i o n of these two questions, i t might perhaps be suggested t h a t there i s a d e f i n i t e p o s s i b i l i t y the young woman i n the second p l a t e i s Sarah Young. Indeed, there would appear l i t t l e reason t o i n c l u d e i n t h i s p l a t e a f i g u r e t h a t could be mistaken f o r Sarah unless t h i s f i g u r e was actu-a l l y intended t o be the aforementioned person; i n a d d i t i o n , the appearance of Sarah i n the background of P l a t e 2 would be of b e n e f i t t o the s t o r y l i n e of t h i s s e r i e s , as t h i s person's i n c l u s i o n i n the second p l a t e would serve as a " t r a n s i t i o n " between her appearances i n P l a t e s 1 and 4, and make the circumstances surrounding her appearance i n the l a t -t e r p l a t e appear more b e l i e v a b l e . At t h i s p o i n t , the only one of 15 people found i n t h i s s c e n e 5 7 t h a t has not so f a r been discussed i s the per-son seated at the h a r p s i c h o r d 5 8 i n the lower l e f t - h a n d c o r -ner of t h i s p r i n t . Although t h i s man, whose face i s not shown, has been s a i d t o be Handel,5° Wheat.ley a s s e r t s t h i s i s u n l i k e l y , and I r e l a n d suggests that t h i s f i g u r e "does, not seem t o be the d e l i n e a t i o n of any p a r t i c u l a r person, but g e n e r a l l y a professor of m u s i c . " 0 1 Paulson makes the f o l -lowing comments: The musician at the harpsichord may . . . be i n -tended f o r Handel h i m s e l f , who was famous i n h i s younger days f o r performances on the harpsichord i n f a s h i o n a b l e drawing rooms . . . . At t h i s time Handel was f i g h t i n g f o r s u r v i v a l against the r i v a l company at the King's Theatre d i r e c t e d by N i c c o l a Porpora, but while the i n s c r i p t i o n s surrounding him could c o n t a i n an i r o n i c reference t o the setbacks he was s u f f e r i n g , they are more l i k e l y an attempt, t o g e n e r a l i z e Handel and Porpora i n t o one f i g u r e . 0 2 The h a r p s i c h o r d i s t has h i s l e f t hand on the keyboard of the harpsichord, and h i s r i g h t hand i s t u r n i n g a page of the mu-s i c book t h a t i s on the r e s t i n f r o n t of him. On one page of t h i s book can be read the words "The Rape of the Sabines, a New Opera."°3 On the other page i s a l i s t of "Performers" which, w i t h Paulson's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of these people 0** add-ed t o c l a r i f y i t , reads as f o l l o w s : $9 Roraulos Sen: Far l i . [ F a r i n e l l i ] 1 Ravisher Sen: S en no. [Senesino] 2 Ravisher Sen: Gar ne. [ C a r e s t i n i ] 3 Ravisher Sen: Goz n. [Senora Cuzzoni] Sabine Women Senra. S t r _ dr [Strada] Senra. Ne [Negri] Senra. Ber_ l e [ B e r t o l l e ] In commenting on the above, Paulson a s s e r t s t h a t : C a r e s t i n i and Strada were Handel's s i n g e r s , the others having deserted him f o r Porpora; F a r i n e l l i was Porpora's recent d i s c o v e r y . Hogarth's imaginary opera plays* upon the i r o n y of eunuchs as " r a v i s h e r s " ( r a p i s t s and causes of rapture) and of n o t o r i o u s l y -loose sopranos as Sabine " v i r g i n s . " Cuzzoni f i g u r e s , as a r a v i s h e r because of h i s great p o p u l a r i t y . . . . 5 Hanging down behind the c h a i r on which the h a r p s i c h o r d i s t s i t s , w i t h i t s bottom p o r t i o n r e s t i n g on the f l o o r behind the c h a i r , i s a s c r o l l of paper on which i s the aforementioned l i s t of people who gave g i f t s t o F a r i n e l l i . 6 6 This l i s t reads as f o l l o w s : A L i s t of the r i c h Presents Signor F a r i n e l l i the I t a l i a n Singer Condescended t o Accept of ye E n g l i s h N o b i l i t y & Gentry f o r one Nights Performance i n the Opera A r t a x e r s e s — A p a i r of Diamond Knee Buckles Presented by A Diamond Ring by A Bank Note enclosed i n a Rich Gold Case by A Gold Snuff box Chace'd w i t h the Story of Orpheus Charming ye Brutes by T: Rakewell Esq: 100? 20[03?] 100U?] Under the end of the above s c r o l l of paper i s the aforemen-t i o n e d t i t l e page that bears the words "A Poem dedicated t o T. Rakewell Esq." 6? Also on t h i s page can be seen a seated man on a pede s t a l ( l o o k i n g l i k e "an antique d i v i n i t y . . . n 6 s ) , and an a l t a r before t h i s person's f e e t on which two hearts are burning; i n a d d i t i o n , "many l a d i e s are o f f e r -in g burning hearts t o the person on the pe d e s t a l . . . . " 6 9 These women are exclaiming "One G___d one F a r i n e l l i . " Thus the man on the p e d e s t a l i s F a r i n e l l i — t h e person who i s men-t i o n e d i n the music book on the h a r p s i c h o r d , and who i s the r e c i p i e n t of the g i f t s mentioned on the s c r o l l of p a p e r . 7 0 I r e l a n d a s s e r t s t h a t the o f f e r i n g of hearts and the c r i e s of "One God one F a r i n e l l i " i n t i m a t e s "the v i o l e n t rage of the f a s h i o n a b l e world f o r the most f r i v o l o u s of a l l amusements, the I t a l i a n o p e r a . " 7 1 I t i s a l s o of i n t e r e s t t o note t h a t the c r y of "One God one F a r i n e l l i " i s " s a i d t o have been u t t e r e d by a lady at a p u b l i c entertainment t o express her rapture at F a r i n e l l i 1 s s i n g i n g . . . ," 7 2 and t h a t t h i s lady was p o s s i b l y Lady R i c h , a well-known patroness of operas. 73 Thus P l a t e 2 of "A Rake's Progress" leaves no doubt i n the mind of the viewer t h a t Tom Rakewell has adopted the ways of Eighteenth-Century E n g l i s h s o c i e t y . And from the d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s p l a t e , i t might be deduced t h a t Hogarth would t h i n k t h a t by f o l l o w i n g the t a s t e s and d i c t a t e s of " s o c i e t y , " young Rakewell was being l e d a s t r a y . PLATE I I I OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" 0 V a n i t y of l o u t h f u l l Blood, So by Misuse to poison Good I Woman, form'd f o r S o c i a l Love, F a i r e s t G i f t of Powers above! Source of every Household B l e s s i n g , A l l Charms i n Innocence possessing: But turn'd t o V i c e , a l l Plagues above, Foe t o thy Being, Foe t o Love I Guest Divine t o outward Viewing, Abler M i n i s t e r of Ruin I And Thou, no l e s s of G i f t d i v i n e , Sweet Poison of Misused Wine I With Freedom l e d t o every P a r t , And s e c r e t Chamber of ye. Heart; Dost Thou thy f r i e n d l y Host betray, And Shew thy r i o t o u s Gang ye. way, To enter i n w i t h covert Treason, O'erthrow the drowsy Guard of Reason, To ransack the abandon'd Place, And r e v e l there w i t h w i l d E x c e s s ? 1 In P l a t e 3 of "A Rake's Progress," we see Tom Rakewell "engaged i n one of h i s midnight f e s t i v i t i e s : f o r g e t f u l of the past, and ne g l i g e n t of the f u t u r e , he r i o t s i n the pres-2 ent." The scene i s g e n e r a l l y considered to be set i n a London establishment c a l l e d the "Rose T a v e r n , s i n c e t h i s p l a t e contains a f i g u r e of a man hold i n g a metal p l a t t e r on which i s w r i t t e n "John Bonvine at the Rose Tavern Drury Lane."** Tom's watch i n d i c a t e s t h a t the time i s three o'clock—undoubtedly 3 A.M. r a t h e r than 3 P.M., t o judge by the type of a c t i v i t y t h a t i s depi c t e d , and the l i g h t e d candles seen i n the room. Tom i s described by Bakewell as "being very drunk (as express'd i n h i s Face and Posture) 5 . . . ," and Lichtenberg a s s e r t s t h a t : of the s i x senses he brought w i t h him, h a r d l y a s i n g l e one remains, and the t r a c e s of those not yet completely departed are not worthy of mention. His c l o t h e s hang l o o s e l y around him and on him . . . . The . . . [ r i g h t ] s t o c k i n g has already reached the lowest point and w i t h the l e a s t j e r k the . . . [ l e f t ] w i l l f o l l o w i t s example, and,then no doubt the master hi m s e l f w i l l f o l l o w s u i t . 0 Tom does indeed appear t o be under the i n f l u e n c e of a l c o h o l , and h i s r i g h t hand holds a g l a s s which presumably contains such a beverage. Tom i s seated ("sprawling" might perhaps be a more d e s c r i p t i v e word) on a c h a i r ; ? h i s r i g h t f o o t r e s t s on the f l o o r , while h i s other f o o t i s e i t h e r braced against the edge of a t a b l e that can be seen i n the center of t h i s p r i n t , or e l s e i n mid - a i r as a r e s u l t of Tom's being i n the process of throwing h i s l e f t l e g over the knees of the young lady s i t t i n g c l o s e t o him, and around whom he has probably placed h i s l e f t arm.^ Tom wears a hat, and, as Stephens suggests, "seems t o be s i n g i n g . . . ." 1 0 He i s a l s o wear-i n g a sword, but appears t o have missed the mark when a t -tempting t o put the sword i n t o i t s scabbard. On the f l o o r beside him can be seen a ba t t e r e d watchman's l a n t e r n , and a s t a f f which has on i t the arms of the C i t y of London. 1 1 The l o c a t i o n of Tom's sword, combined w i t h the i n c l u s i o n i n t h i s p r i n t of the l a n t e r n and s t a f f , l e d Stephens t o assume t h a t "the Rake has drawn h i s sword w i t h the f i g h t w i t h the watchman, and afterwards returned the weapon to his b e l t , but i n doing t h i s he missed the scabbard and thrust the blade through the pendant part of the b e l t . " 1 2 The aforementioned young lady s i t t i n g next to Tom, and around whom Tom l i k e l y has his l e f t arm, i s probably a p r o s t i t u t e — a statement which i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d can be made about a l l the women depicted i n t h i s scene. 1- 3 The parti c u -l a r person, who i n the t h i r d state 1* 4" of t h i s print has had her cap replaced by what i s possibly a man's hat, has her l e f t arm across Rakewell's chest, and her l e f t hand under his s h i r t . However, as well as keeping our hero "entertain-15 ed," t h i s young lady has managed to s t e a l his watch, ' and i f. i s passing i t to another woman who i s seen behind Tom leaning on a chair that seems to have a broken back. 1 7 Be-hind t h i s person i s a young Negro woman wearing a cap. She appears to be looking to her l e f t , i s smiling broadly, and has a bent f i n g e r 1 8 held up to her mouth; 1 0 perhaps the thef t of Tom's watch has brought about t h i s smiling, f i n g e r - i n - t h e -mouth pose, or perhaps i t was brought about by what i s hap-pening i n general. On the right-hand side of t h i s print there i s an open doorway, and through t h i s doorway can be seen some s t a i r s ; a person carrying a t r a y 2 1 i s seen descending these s t a i r s . Another male figure i s seen i n the doorway i t s e l f . This per-son has a grinning, wide-eyed look on his face, caused no doubt by what he sees before him. This person, who i s h o l d -i n g the metal p l a t t e r mentioned e a r l i e r , 2 2 and who i s a l s o h o l d i n g a candle, has been i d e n t i f i e d as "Leather Goat," 2 3 a p o r t e r at the Rose Tavern who was famous f o r the str e n g t h of h i s r i b s ; f o r a pot of beer, he would l i e i n the road and l e t a c a r r i a g e wheel run over him.2/+ Stephens a s s e r t s t h a t t h i s person i s t a k i n g away the p l a t t e r he i s carrying, 2-> while Paulson a s s e r t s he i s e n t e r i n g the room; although i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t "Leather Coat" i s l e a v i n g the room w i t h the p l a t t e r , and has turned around t o view something t h a t i s t a k i n g place i n the room, i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y t h a t Paulson's suggestion i s c o r r e c t . On "Leather Coat's" r i g h t , separated by the open door, can be seen a man p l a y i n g a harp 27 and another p l a y i n g a trumpet, while on h i s l e f t i s a young woman wearing a ragged dress and apron. This young woman holds i n her r i g h t hand a piece of paper on which i s w r i t t e n "Black Ioke," and as her mouth i s open wide i t i s g e n e r a l l y assumed she i s s i n g i n g ; 2 ^ Stephens i d e n t i f i e s her as being a " s t r e e t b a l l a d s i n g e r . . . ." 3 0 Her l e f t f o r e -arm i s t h r u s t i n s i d e her c l o t h i n g , and while i t might per-haps be wondered i f t h i s might account f o r the b u l g i n g of her a t t i r e i n the region of her abdomen, i t has been sug-gested t h a t she i s " f a r advanced i n pregnancy . . . ." 3 1 Near the lower right-hand corner of t h i s p l a t e there i s a young woman s i t t i n g on a c h a i r , her r i g h t l e g crossed over her l e f t . This person i s not f u l l y dressed, and one item of her a t t i r e hangs over the back of the chair on which she i s s i t t i n g , while "her stays and outer robes l i e on the f l o o r near her feet."3 2 She i s wearing a necklace, and has beauty patches on her face.-3-3 The stocking she wears on her l e f t leg has a small hole i n i t , suggesting i t has seen use before, and a coronet that i s embroidered on t h i s stocking implies that i t had previously belonged to a countess.3** When we see the young woman who i s being described,35 her right hand rests on her rig h t leg,3° and the index finge r of her l e f t hand seems to be inside her right shoe between the shoe and her foot. From her pose, the fa c t she i s not com-pl e t e l y dressed, and the clothes seen p i l e d by her, i t be-comes apparent that t h i s woman i s either "dressing her-s e l f , ' ^ 7 as Stephens asserts, or "undressing,"3 8 as Ireland believes. This person i s said to be a "posture woman" who performs on the pl a t t e r "Leather Coat" i s carrying;39 t h i s p l a t t e r i s put on the table, and the "posture woman" perches naked upon i t , whirling and assuming various "postures."** 0 Thus, as i t appears as i f "Leather Coat" i s entering the room rather than leaving i t , * * 1 i t might be assumed that the "posture woman" i s getting ready to "perform,""*2 and would therefore be i n the process of undressing rather than put-t i n g her clothing on.**3 Behind the posture woman there i s a woman seated at the aforementioned t a b l e ^ who i s wearing a patterned shawl or cape; she grasps a wine b o t t l e with her l e f t hand, and holds a glass i n her rig h t hand. Beside her i s another wom-an who i s wearing what i s possibly a hooded outer cloak. This person i s attempting to drink from a punch bowl, but, probably because she i s "very t i p s y . . . ,"A5 she i s s p i l l -ing the l i q u i d i t contains. Next to her i s a woman wearing a cap on her head, and a necklace around her neck. This person's r i g h t hand appears clenched, she has an angry ex-pression on her face, and she i s gesturing threateningly with what i s either a knife^° or a razor^? that she holds i n her l e f t hand. While she i s doing t h i s , she i s being s q u i r t -ed by another woman seated at the table who i s sq u i r t i n g an alcoh o l i c beverage out of her mouth;'*8 t h i s l a t t e r person holds a bottle on the table i n front of her, and, l i k e the person she i s squ i r t i n g , she wears a cap and a n e c k l a c e . ^ Between these two women can be seen a woman who i s s i t t i n g on a chair and a man who i s standing beside her. The man i s touching the woman's neck with his l e f t hand, while the woman's l e f t arm i s behind the man's neck; i n the process of putting her arm i n t h i s position, the woman has knocked o f f her companion's wig, and i t can be seen behind the man's head, braced there by t h i s woman's arm. Behind t h i s couple, a woman i s holding above her head a candle-holder that has a lig h t e d candle i n i t ; she does t h i s i n order to set f i r e t o a map of the world t h a t i s on the w a l l . 5 0 This person must be standing on something ( p o s s i b l y a c h a i r ) w h i l e she 51 i s s e t t i n g f i r e ^ t o t h i s wall-map, which bears the t i t l e "TOTUS MUNDUS." The room i n which the above-mentioned a c t i o n i s tak-ing place appears t o have taken a considerable b e a t i n g i n the course of the n i g h t ' s r e v e l r y . A m i r r o r , l o c a t e d on the w a l l next t o the map of the world, has been b r o k e n . 5 2 Also on the same w a l l as these two items, as w e l l as on the other w a l l of t h i s room t h a t i s shown i n t h i s scene, are " T i t i a n ' s p o r t r a i t s of the Roman emperors. These, placed out of t h e i r n a t u r a l order, are [ l a b e l l e d ] 'AUGUSTUS,' 'NERO,' 'TITUS,' 'OTHO,' 'VITELIUS,' and 'VESPATIANUS.' The heads of a l l but the most depraved of them, Nero, have been cut out." 5- 3 In the f i r s t and second s t a t e s of t h i s plate, 5* 4 - another por-t r a i t of the same type i s seen i n the upper l e f t - h a n d corner of the p r i n t . 5 5 L i k e most of the other p o r t r a i t s , t h i s one has been m u t i l a t e d . However, u n l i k e a l l the others , t h i s one has no name on i t s frame; t h e r e f o r e , as a p i c t u r e of a head seen on the f l o o r by Rakewell's chair 5° bears the name "JULIUS," i t might be assumed t h a t t h i s head belongs i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r p i c t u r e . In the t h i r d s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e , 5 7 a l -though the head l a b e l l e d "JULIUS" i s s t i l l seen on the f l o o r , the p o r t r a i t from which i t was taken now contains the f i g u r e of a f a t man, and on i t s frame i s the name "PONTAC." There was, at the time "A Rake's Progress" was produced, a French eating-house i n London c a l l e d "Pontac's . " 5 ^ Wheatley's ac-count of t h i s establishment i s quite i n t e r e s t i n g , as i t s t a t e s t h a t : Pontack's eating-house i n Abchurch Lane was the most expensive and esteemed r e s o r t of the fas h i o n a b l e world from the R e s t o r a t i o n t o about the year 1780. Misson, the French refugee, d i d not g r e a t l y esteem our mode of l i v i n g , but he made an exception i n the case of Pontack's. He says i n h i s " T r a v e l s , " "Those who would dine at one or two guineas per head are handsomely accommodated at our famous Pontack's." The place was noted f o r i t s wine, and S w i f t ( J o u r n a l t o S t e l l a ) says: "Pontack t o l d us, although h i s wine was so good, he s o l d i t cheaper than others; he took but seven s h i l l i n g s a f l a s k . Are not these p r e t t y r a t e s ? " A t r a c t e n t i t l e d "The Metamorphoses of the Town or a view of the Present Fashion" (1730), shows the p o s i t i o n of Pontack's as the c h i e f r e s o r t of e x t r a -vagant e p i c u r e s . Among the items i n the B i l l - o f - f a r e of a guinea o r d i n a r y f i g u r e "a ragout of f a t t e d s n a i l s , " and "chickens not two hours from the s h e l l . " The s i t e of t h i s o r d i n a r y was occupied before the Great F i r e by the White Bear, but on the r e b u i l d i n g a Frenchman, described by Evelyn as M. Pontack, the son of the President of Bordeaux, owner of a d i s t r i c t whence are imported t o England some of the most es-teemed c l a r e t , was encouraged t o e s t a b l i s h a tavern w i t h a l l the n o v e l t i e s of French cookery. Pontack was somewhat of a ch a r a c t e r , w e l l read i n philosophy, but c h i e f l y of the rabb i n s , exceedingly addicted t o c a b a l i s t i c f a n c i e s and "an e t e r n a l babbler." He set up as h i s s i g n the p o r t r a i t of h i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d f a t h e r . Pontack's p o r t r a i t i s introduced i n the t h i r d p l a t e of the "Rake's Progress" as having been put up i n place of t h a t of J u l i u s Caesar. In the e a r l y years of the Royal S o c i e t y the Fellows dined at Pontack's, and t h i s shows t h a t the philosopher's at th a t day had a t a s t e f o r good l i v -i n g . Mrs. Susannah A u s t i n , who kept the Pontack's Head i n Hogarth's day, married W i l l i a m Pepys, banker i n Lombard S t r e e t , at S t . Clement's Church on January 15, 1736. 5 9 Other suggestions of wild merrymaking (in addition to the mutilated p o r t r a i t s and broken mirror) are found on the table and the f l o o r . Among the items seen on the table are bottles and glasses; one of the l a t t e r i s l y i n g on i t s side, i t s contents s p i l l e d on the table, and near i t there seems to be another glass that i s broken. 0 0 On the f l o o r near Rakewell i s a broken glass and a p i l l b o x with i t s con-tents s p i l l e d on the f l o o r . 0 1 And on the f l o o r i n the r i g h t -hand corner of the p r i n t , along with a drinking glass that i s l y i n g on i t s side, are some other objects described by Stephens as being "the waste of a meal, cut lemons, plates, forks, the body and legs of a fowl, a broken walking-stick, and a deep bowl, part of the contents of which, the vessel being overset, flows over the food."° 2 Thus, to paraphrase Ireland's comment that appeared at the f i r s t of t h i s chapter,°^ Tom Rakewell i s indeed-"riot-ing i n the present." And as a f i n a l comment on t h i s revelry, i t might be appropriate to mention Ireland's assertion that: so d i f f e r e n t are the manners of the year 1792, from those of 1734, that I much question whether a simi-l a r exhibition i s now to be seen i n any tavern of the metropolis. That we are less l i c e n t i o u s than our predecessors, I dare not affirm; but we are cer- , t a i n l y more delicate i n the pursuit of our pleasures. 0** PLATS IV OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" 0 V a n i t y of y o u t h f u l Blood, So by Misuse t o poison Goodl Reason awakes, & views unbar'd The sacred Gates he watch'd t o guard; Approaching views the Harpy Law, And Poverty w i t h i c y Paw Ready t o s i z e the'poor Remains That Vice hath l e f t of a l l h i s Gains. Cold Penitence, lame After-Thought, With Fears, Despair, & Horrors f r a u g h t , C a l l back h i s g u i l t y Pleasures dead, Whom he hath wrong'd, & whom betray'd.-*-Examination of the f i r s t s t a t e of P l a t e 4 2 shows th a t the a c t i o n depicted i n t h i s p l a t e , u n l i k e t h a t shown i n the previous three p l a t e s , takes place out-of-doors. This scene takes place on a corner of St. James' S t r e e t , West-m i n s t e r , 3 since i n the background, beneath a cloudy sky,*^ conveyances are seen a r r i v i n g at St. James' Palace.-> A c l o c k on the palace w a l l i n d i c a t e s t h a t the hour i s twenty minutes to two, and "the l i g h t , as the shadows of the houses slope from the west, shows t h a t i t i s a f t e r n o o n . " 0 In a d d i t i o n , a f i g u r e at the l e f t of t h i s p l a t e , who i s seen w i t h h i s hands i n a muff,? wears a leek i n h i s hat,^ which suggests t h a t t h i s i s "the f i r s t of March . . . the anniversary of St. David." 9 This date was a l s o Queen C a r o l i n e ' s b i r t h d a y , 1 0 and Wheatley a s s e r t s t h a t "the f a c t t h a t i t was the anniversary of St. David i s only an incident; the r e a l l y im-portant event connected with March 1 then was that i t was Queen Caroline's birthday and therefore a Court day." 1 1 This would account f o r the appearance of the conveyances at the gate of St. James' Palace. In the foreground of t h i s print can be seen a sedan 12 chair which has stopped moving. The person who c a r r i e s the front portion of the chair i s bending over, s t i l l hold^-ing onto the chair's poles, while his companion at the rear of the chair (who, l i k e the person on the l e f t of the p i c -ture, wears a leek i n his hat) holds up the top of the se-dan chair's body while i t s occupant emerges. This occupant i s none other than Tom Rakewell—a very well-dressed Tom Rakewell, i t must be added, who, along with other items of fine a t t i r e , wears a " r i c h l y bedizened coat . . . . T , 13 From the position of Tom's hands, and the expression on his face, he appears to be surprised or shocked as he gets out of the sedan chair. 1* 4 - It might be expected that Tom would r e g i s t e r some emotion, since his sedan chair has apparently been stopped by the two men seen beside the person holding the chair poles, and one of these men has grabbed either Tom's la p e l or his shoulder with his l e f t hand, and i s holding out a paper marked "Arrest" with his r i g h t hand. These men are i d e n t i f i e d as b a i l i f f s . 1 5 Both wear kerchiefs around t h e i r necks, and both carry what appear to be s t a f f s with knobs on their top ends; in addition, the one standing furthest away from Rakewell (who holds the sedan chair's door) has a patch on his forehead, and seems to have a lump on the side of his f a c e . 1 6 Thus i t appears that Tom was headed for St. James' Palace 1? when his sedan c h a i r 1 8 was stopped by the b a i l i f f s so they could arrest him. 1 9 However, Sarah Young 2 0 was ap-parently "passing by" as this was taking place, and she i s seen in this plate holding the right arm of the paper-holding b a i l i f f with her l e f t hand while she holds out a small bag with her right. x The sack presumably contains money, and there seems l i t t l e doubt that Sarah i s offering her own money in order to help Rakewell. Behind Sarah can be seen a small dog, i t s rear feet presumably on the road-way and i t s front feet on the sidewalk, and behind this dog is one of the "objects" that Wheatley seems to have believed "marked the edge of the pavement in most of the London 22 streets . . . ." In the lower right-hand corner of this plate can be seen a small figure identified by Stephens as "a ragged shoe-black, a boy carrying his brushes in a basket which, with a stool, hangs on his arm . . ."; 2 3 this young lad, taking ad-vantage of the situation, "pilfers the Rake's gold-headed cane . . . ."^ And near the upper right-hand corner of the print can be seen a man standing on a ladder placed against a lamp-post. He i s "replenishing the lamp with o i l . . ." 2 5 by pouring o i l from a container held by his l e f t hand in t o a receptacle held by his r i g h t . He has an amused look on his face, and i s probably looking down at the a c t i v i t y taking place below him, with the r e s u l t that o i l i s s p i l l i n g over 2d the side of the receptacle into which i t i s being poured. And before proceeding to a discussion of the t h i r d state of t h i s plate, i t should be mentioned that i n the lower left-hand corner of t h i s p r i n t , one of the pieces of material of which the sidewalk i s composed appears to have been d i s l o d g e d . 2 7 Mention should also be made of the two signs found i n t h i s scene. One of these i s attached to a building seen on the left-hand side of t h i s p r i n t ; 2 8 perhaps t h i s sign 2° marks the location of a tavern. And behind the man on the ladder i s a sign on which i s written "H0DS[ON?j SADLE[R?]," and which i s surmounted by a figure of a horse.3° I f the t h i r d state of Plate 4 i s examined, and com-pared to the unaltered version of the f i r s t state of t h i s plate, i t w i l l be noted that the sky has been changed and lightning has been added, a group of boys has been included i n the lower right-hand corner of the picture (the cane-ste a l i n g incident has been eliminated), and the window on the l e f t side of the sedan c h a i r ^ 1 has i t s curtain only par-t i a l l y drawn across i t ; i n addition, the sign on the l e f t -hand side of the print now i s l a b e l l e d " W H I T E S , " an object w i t h "BLACKS" w r i t t e n on i t i s seen near the group of boys, and the sidewalk has been changed. 3 2 As the sky i n the t h i r d s t a t e appears darker than the sky i n the f i r s t , and as a jagged streak of l i g h t n i n g f l a s h e s down out of the sky, t h i s s t a t e might perhaps be s a i d t o c o n t a i n a g r e a t e r sense of drama than the f i r s t . On the p r i n t , the t i p of the f l a s h of l i g h t n i n g appears to be c l o s e t o the b u i l d i n g bearing the s i g n "WHITES." Perhaps t h i s was purposely done t o draw the viewer's a t t e n t i o n t o t h i s establishment, which was a "notorious gambling house . . . . r t 3 3 Concerning "White's," Wheatley s t a t e s : Clubs were e s t a b l i s h e d at most of the coffee-houses and taverns, but these were only given accommodation, and the houses where they were h e l d continued t o be f r e e t o the p u b l i c who pa i d t h e i r f e e s . The clubs often moved from house t o house, but the club at White's became so important t h a t i n the course of time i t drove out the p u b l i c a l t o g e t h e r and r e t a i n e d the house f o r i t s e l f , becoming a p r o p r i e t a r y c l u b . This occurred i n 1755, twenty years a f t e r the pub-l i c a t i o n of the 'Rake's Progress' . . . .3*+ Bourke, w r i t i n g i n 1892, s t a t e s t h a t : When at the end of the seventeenth century a company of gentlemen founded the club at White's by drawing up a few simple r u l e s t o r e g u l a t e t h e i r p r i v a t e meet-ings at the Chocolate-House, there were few clubs i n e x i s t e n c e , and none th a t have s u r v i v e d t o the present day. Clubs then, were e i t h e r assemblies of men bound together by strong p o l i t i c a l f e e l i n g l i k e the October; s m a l l groups of philosophers and r h e t o r i c i a n s who met to d i s c u s s a b s t r a c t t h e o r i e s of e t h i c s l i k e the Rota; or bands of choice s p i r i t s , such as those whose very questionable doings found a h i s t o r i a n i n Ned Ward of the London Spy. Club l i f e as we know i t , began w i t h the establishment of White's n e a r l y two c e n t u r i e s ago . . . Regarding the actual history of "White's," Wheatley (writing in 1909), states that: White's Chocolate-House was opened in 1693 by Francis White at a house on the site of Boodle's Club (No. 38 St. James's Street). Francis White removed the Chocolate-House in 1697 to the site of the present Arthur's Club (69 and 70) on the opposite side of the street. About this time the Old Club was founded. White died in 1711, and his widow suc-ceeded him as proprietress. John Arthur succeeded Madam White as proprietor in 1725. On April 28, 1733, White's at four o'clock in the morning was entirely destroyed by f i r e , with two houses adjoining . . . . The King and Prince of Wales came from St. James's Palace, and stayed about an hour encouraging the f i r e -men and people to work at the engines. The King order-ed twenty guineas among the firemen and others, and five guineas to the guard. The Prince ordered the firemen to receive ten guineas. White's was always the headquarters of gaming, and [according to Swift in his Essay on Modern Education] Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford, in the time of his min-is t r y never passed the house "without bestowing a curse upon that famous academy, as the bane of half the Eng-l i s h nobility . . . ." After the f i r e the Club and Chocolate-House were removed to Gaunt's Coffee-House on the west side of the street and two doors from the end of the street and Cleveland Row . . . . In 1736 the Club was removed to the premises re-built on the site of the present Arthur's Club. , Robert Arthur succeeded John Arthur as proprietor.3° In a publication that appeared in 1753, reference i s made to "the Club at White's being a select company above stairs, where no person of what rank soever i s admitted without f i r s t being proposed by one of the Cl u b . " 3 ? Bourke s t a t e s t h i s i s the l a s t mention of the Chocolate House he found, and he adds "there i s l i t t l e doubt t h a t the Chocolate-House was ex-t i n g u i s h e d on the removal of the Clubs [Old and New] t o the present b u i l d i n g i n 1755." 3 8 The name "BLACKS," which appears near the lower right-hand corner of the p r i n t , 3 9 was s a i d by an u n i d e n t i f i e d source t o have been i n c l u d e d t o emphasize the d i s t i n c t i o n be-tween the gambling t h a t took place at "White's" and the gam-b l i n g t h a t i s being done by some of the boys i n the group seen i n the lower right-hand corner of the print.^° This group of boys,^ 1 which seems t o be on a second " l a y e r " of sidewalk t h a t Hogarth has added t o the o r i g i n a l , s i d e w a l k seen i n the f i r s t s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e , was p o s s i b l y i n c l u d e d by Hogarth t o add a d d i t i o n a l i n t e r e s t t o the scene; f u r t h e r -more, the f a c t t h a t some of the boys are gambling, combined wi t h the i n c l u s i o n of "White's" i n t h i s s t a t e , might p o s s i -b l y be meant t o i n d i c a t e t h a t Tom Rakewell has squandered h i s fortune gambling. At the r e a r of t h i s group a young l a d wearing a hat i s s t e a l i n g Rakewell's handkerchief. A second boy (seen at the extreme r i g h t of the p r i n t ) i s p l a y i n g cards w i t h the l a d across from him; he holds h i s cards w i t h h i s l e f t hand, and w i t h h i s r i g h t "appears about t o pl a y a knave . . . . , u + 2 This boy wears a broad b e l t across h i s shoulder, and on his head he wears a full-bottomed wig.**^ In the extreme lower right-hand corner of t h i s p r i n t i s a "shoeblack's basket with a brush, pot, and s t i c k . . ,"**** which i s said by Paulson to belong to t h i s boy.**5 His oppo-nent, who holds one card i n his r i g h t hand, and his other cards i n his l e f t , * * 0 wears what Stephens describes as "an old f e l t cap which i s t i e d with a s t r i n g about his head . . . , "**? and between t h i s s t r i n g and the hat i s a paper on which can be seen the words "Your Vote & I n t e r e s t — L i b e r -tys"; t h i s figure also has a horn stuck i n his b e l t , which suggests he i s "one of those who sold newspapers about the streets of London, and were c a l l e d 'Mercuries' . . . ."48 A fourth boy s i t s behind the aforementioned lad with the horn i n his b e l t ; he looks at the l a t t e r ' s cards and holds up two fingers as a: s i g n a l to the cardplayer wearing the wig. A f i f t h lad " i s making a cast of dice from a box . . ,"^ 7 held i n his r i g h t hand, while with his l e f t hand he seems to be gesturing to a basket i n front of him which con-tains "a blacking pot, s t i c k , brush, and r a g . " 5 0 This f i g -ure, who thus appears to be a bootblack, " i s naked, except f o r a pair of very short trousers and a ragged night-cap [or "stocking-cap"] . . . , " 5 1 and a six-pointed star i s either tattooed or painted on the r i g h t side of his body. 5 2 As he holds up the "dice box," he looks toward a s i x t h boy s i t t i n g crosslegged on his l e f t . This figure "has his beaked cap turned sideways [or backwards] over his white peruke or bushy hair . . . ,"53 a n c a has between his knees a jacket, a b e l t or strap, and what i s probably a brush.54 While the above-mentioned jacket may be one the person holding i t has taken o f f (as Stephens s u g g e s t s ^ ) , i t appears f a r more l i k e l y that he has won the jacket, and probably also the other items as well, from the boy with the star on his body.5° The s i x t h lad i s leaning away from t h i s boy (the one with the star on his body), but at the same time he i s looking towards him, while with his l e f t hand he seems to be reach-ing down and to his l e f t , as i f he i s getting ready to stop the dice being thrown by the other boy from r o l l i n g out of reach.57 It might also be noted that alongside the boy with the jacket between his knees are some small items which Stephens asserts "look l i k e three thimbles and, i f they are 58 such, were probably intended f o r use i n gambling."-^ And while a l l t h i s i s going on, a seventh young lad i s s i t t i n g on the edge of the added "layer" of sidewalk,59 his feet presumably on the sidewalk's lower l e v e l ; he i s smoking a pipe and reading a paper c a l l e d "THE FARTHING POST," which according to Paulson was "a p i r a t i c a l paper that vended gos-s i p and news at a low cost by evading the stamp t a x . " 0 0 To the r i g h t of t h i s boy i s a small container c a l l e d a "nog-g i n , " 0 1 as well as an inverted s p i r i t glass, which suggests that one of the boys i n t h i s group (perhaps the boy reading the paper), i s an unlicensed s e l l e r of s p i r i t s . Thus, i n t h i s plate, the viewer i s shown how Tom Rakewell i s presumably saved from prison by Sarah Young. According to Ireland, i n t h i s scene Sarah Young "generously offers her purse f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of . . . worthless [Tom Rakewell] . . . . This releases the captured beau, and d i s -plays a strong instance of female a f f e c t i o n ; which, being once planted i n the bosom, i s r a r e l y eradicated by the cold-est neglect, or the harshest c r u e l t y . " 0 2 PLATE V OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" New to ye. School of hard Mishap, Driven from ye. Ease of Fortune's Lap, What Shames w i l l Nature not embrace, T'avoid less Shame of lean Distress? Gold can the Charms of youth bestow, And mask Deformity with Shew; Gold can avert ye. Sting of Shame, In Winter's Arms create a Flame, Can couple Youth with hoary Age, And make Antipathies engage. 1 Examination of the t h i r d state of Plate 5 of "A Rake's Progress" 2 reveals that t h i s scene i s taking place i n a church. An i n s c r i p t i o n appearing i n the church which reads "The Church of St Mary le Bone was Beautifyed i n the Year 1725 Tho Sice Tho Horn Church Wardens" i d e n t i f i e s the b u i l d -ing i n which t h i s scene i s taking place at Marylebone Old Church. On the right-hand side of t h i s p r i n t , a rather short clergyman 3 wearing a pair of glasses appears to be performing a service from a book he i s holding. One page of t h i s book i s headed by the words "OF MATRIMONY," which leaves no doubt as to what i s taking place. When we see the minister,^ he seems to have glanced up from the book i n front of him, and i s either looking upwards or else looking at the bride. This woman i s shorter than the groom, seems to have lo s t her l e f t eye, and probably has a deformed back;5 she wears beauty spots on her faee, and appears to be older than the man she i s marrying. 6 She i s described by Stephens as being "magnificently dressed," 7 and i n her l e f t hand she holds a fan and what i s probably the glove from her ri g h t hand. Her r i g h t hand i s being held by the ri g h t hand of the groom, who i s none other than Tom Rakewell. Bakewell suggests that Tom has found himself " i n very bad Circum-stances, his Estate and Credit being gone," 0 so "he marries a r i c h . . . Widow . . . # " 1 0 The groom holds a r i n g i n his l e f t hand, 1 1 and i s either i n the process of putting t h i s r i n g on his bride's finger or else w i l l do so momentarily. 1 2 Rakewell holds his head high, and looks very much the suave, young, man-about-town.^ He has what i s possibly a smug, s e l f - s a t i s f i e d expression on his face, and he i s looking down and to h i s r i g h t . While i t i s possible that the Rake i s meant to be looking at hi s bride's hand, i t i s also pos-s i b l e that Tom i s meant to be looking at the person who i s behind his bride. 1** This person i s a young woman15 who i s probably kneeling while she "adjusts the sash or the 'pan-i e r ' . . . " 1 d of the bride's dress. And while she i s doing t h i s , a young boy (said by Townsend to be a charity-boy 1 7}, who i s seen crouching down on one knee beside the bride, i s i n the process of moving a kneeling pad. This young lad has a tear i n his coat, and most of the remainder of his a t t i r e appears the worse f o r wear; Townsend suggests that his "ragged appearance . . . r e f l e c t s on his. guardians." 1 8 In the upper left-hand portion of t h i s plate there 19 i s a balcony, and i n t h i s balcony there i s a man 7 with h i s l e f t forearm (and possibly also his right) r e s t i n g on the ledge that runs along the top of the front of t h i s balcony. This person's head i s not erect, but appears v i r t u a l l y h o r i -zontal, and i t seems l i k e l y that he i s meant to be looking down at what, i s going on below him. For below the balcony can be seen not only a young woman holding a c h i l d i n her arms, but also two other women who are f i g h t i n g . The woman with the c h i l d i s almost undoubtedly Sarah Young, 2 0 and the woman closest to her i s most l i k e l y her mother. The l a t -t e r 's l e f t hand, which i s clenched into a f i s t , i s held up i n the a i r , and her r i g h t hand i s up against the face of the t h i r d woman, and seems to be either t r y i n g to grab hold of i t , push i t , or scratch i t . This t h i r d woman's l e f t f o r e -arm appears to be against the side of Sarah's mother's body, and her l e f t hand i s possibly gripping Sarah's l e f t arm, while her ri g h t hand i s raised i n the a i r , and holds some k e y s . 2 2 Ireland i d e n t i f i e s t h i s person as being a "pew-opener," 2 3 as does Paulson. 2^ The former source suggests that Sarah Young, "accompanied by her c h i l d and mother, . . . [ i s ] endeavouring to enter the church, and f o r b i d the banns," 2 5 but i s being opposed by the "pew-opener," 2 o while Stephens asserts that: [Sarah Young's mother] seems, i n order to stop the ceremony or otherwise a s s a i l the man, to have at-tended the wedding of her daughter's seducer. Sarah Young, i n order to reproach Rakewell, accom-panies her mother, bearing the l i t t l e one. The zealous pew opener, endeavouring to drive the young woman and her infant from the church, was assailed by the mother . . . While i t i s perhaps possible that Sarah Young might wish to "fo r b i d the banns," or that she might want to "reproach Rakewell," i t i s perhaps even more l i k e l y , to judge from what has been seen of Sarah i n previous plates, that she does not want to do either of these things; quite possibly she i s at the church at the insistence of her mother, who wants to "stop the ceremony or otherwise a s s a i l " Rakewell, or, i f Sarah herself wished to be present at Tom Rakewell's wedding, t h i s was perhaps due to her intere s t i n Rakewell, or to the hope that when Tom saw her with t h e i r c h i l d , he would take some int e r e s t i n the l a t t e r . 2 8 The church i n which the wedding ceremony i s taking place does not appear to be i n a very good state of repair; not only are cracks seen i n i t s walls, but portions of the material with which these walls are surfaced have come off, and i n some areas the underlying bricks are exposed. 2 0 This i s of in t e r e s t i n view of the aforementioned i n s c r i p t i o n ^ 0 which reads "This Church of St Mary le Bone was Beautifyed i n the Year 1725 Tho Sice Tho Horn Church Wardens."3 1 As mentioned e a r l i e r , - 3 2 t h i s church i s Marylebone Old Church, which, according to Nichols and Steevens, at the time t h i s plate was produced "was considered at such a distance from London as to become the usual resort of those who, l i k e our Hero, wished to be p r i v a t e l y married." 3 3 This church was o r i g i n a l l y constructed i n the year 1400, 3^ and Wheatley, writing i n the early Twentieth Century, points out that when "A Rake's Progress" appeared: the church was then nearing the end of i t s days, f o r i n 1741 i t was pulled down and the old church now i n High Street, Marylebone, was b u i l t on i t s s i t e . The Bishop of London of the day gave orders that a l l the old tablets should be f i x e d as nearly as possible i n t h e i r former places, and the i n s c r i p t i o n on the front of the g a l l e r y pews [the one quoted above] i n the picture [Plate 5] i s s t i l l to be seen. The great Francis Bacon was married i n Hogarth's church i n 1606, and Sheridan was married to Miss Linley i n the s t i l l standing church i n 1773. 3^ In the lower left-hand portion of t h i s p r i n t can be seen what appears to be a box pew. On t h i s pew (and also on the right-hand side of t h i s p r i n t ) , can be seen what Paulson terms "evergreens . . . appropriate to the perennial q u a l i t y of the [bride's] . . . lus t and (as Hoadly suggests i n his verses) the wintry marriage t h i s one w i l l be." 3° On the side of the pew i s a box i d e n t i f i e d as "THE POORS BOX"; a cobweb extends from the side of the pew to the outside edge of t h i s box, blocking t h i s receptacle's opening, which sug-gests that the box was infrequently used. In front of the pew are two dogs, one s i t t i n g on a s t o o l , 3 ? and the other with i t s two front feet on the st o o l , and i t s hind feet on the f l o o r of the church. A kneeling pad i s seen on the f l o o r beside the s t o o l . Stephens suggests that the dog s i t -t i n g on the s t o o l i s being "rather f i e r c e l y wooed . . ."38 by the other dog, and Paulson points out that "the two dogs . . . of f e r a p a r a l l e l to the human si t u a t i o n ; l i k e the old woman, the courted dog has only one eye."39 Written on the pew i t s e l f i s the i n s c r i p t i o n "THESE PEWES VNSGRVD: AND: TAN: IN. SVNDE[R] IN. STONE: THERS: GRAVEN: WHAT: IS: VNDER TO. WIT: A: VALT: FOR: BVRIAL: THERE: IS WHICH: EDWARD: FORSET: MADE: FOR: HIM: AND: HIS." Nichols and Steevens assert that such an i n s c r i p t i o n at one time a c t u a l l y e x i s t -ed,*4"0 and they further state that: part of these words, i n raised l e t t e r s , at present Lat the time the work quoted was written] form a panel i n the wainscot at the end of the right-hand g a l l e r y , as the church i s entered from the stre e t . —No hei r of the Forset family appearing, t h e i r vault has been claimed and used by his Grace the Duke of Portland, as lo r d of the manor.**1 In the background of t h i s scene there i s a round-headed window.*4-2 Below t h i s i s an item on the wall that Stephens describes as "a small sculptured monument";*4^ i t seems possible that t h i s depicts four kneeling figures (two children and two adults), and perhaps also an object of some sort.*4"** Nichols and Steevens i d e n t i f y t h i s as "the mural monument of the Taylors, composed of lead g i l t over . . . ."*+ Near t h i s i s the church's p u l p i t . The c l o t h on t h i s p u l p i t bears the l e t t e r s "IHS,"*4-0 with these being contained inside a c i r c l e that has lines r a diating from i t , and Paulson points out that "the encircled TIHS T . . . makes a mock halo be-hind the [bride's] . . . head . . . ."^? Concerning the pulpit, Stephens asserts: the back of the pulpit i s continued upwards to support the sounding board; on i t are smear-like marks, one a vaguely-defined circular patch; the other, which i s below the former, having the shape of the head and shoulders of a man. It i s probable that these marks were produced—the former by the clergyman's custom to hang his hat on a n a i l while he preached; the l a t -ter by Ms resting against the back of the pulpit • • • • Hanging on the wall seen on the right-hand side of this print i s an item that has features that cannot be clear-ly distinguished; Stephens describes this as "a cartouche, enclosing an escutcheon, with an inscription which i s not legible; over this i s a knight's helmet, having for i t s crest a demi lion rampant (?); at the sides are two cherubim, at the bottom i s a third cherub.'"*9 Below this, in what ap-pears to be a frame, i s the Creed, but the surface on which the Creed i s written has either rotted, or been torn away, so that only a small portion of the f i r s t part of the Creed can s t i l l be seen.5° Beside this, also possibly in a frame 51 (or a portion thereof), can be seen a tablet^ bearing the numbers VI, VII, VIII, IX, and X, and various other marks which, although they cannot be read, are no doubt intended to represent writing. Thus this would appear to be a tablet on which i s written the last five Commandments. What i s of interest about this tablet i s that three of these Command-merits, a l l of which deal with duties to one's neighbour, have l i t e r a l l y been broken, as a crack runs diagonally across the tablet.-* 2 Thus,5 i n Plate 5 of "A Rake's Progress," i t appears as i f Tom Rakewell i s resorting to a "marriage of conven-ience" i n order to overcome f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s . 5 3 PLATE VI OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" Gold, Thou bright Son of Phoebus, Sourse Of Universal Intercourse; Of Weeping Virtue Sweet Redress, And blessing Those who l i v e to bless; Yet oft behold t h i s Sacred Trust The Fool of Avaritious Lust, No longer Bond of Humankind, But Bane of every virtuous Mind. What Chaos such Misuse attends.' Friendship Stoops to prey on Friends; Health, that gives Relish to Delight, Is wasted with ye. Wasting Night: Doubt & Mistrust are thrown on Heaven, And a l l i t s Power to Chance i s given. Sad Purchace, of repentant Tears, Of needless Quarrels, endless Fears, Of Hopes of Moments, Pangs of Years! Sad Purchace, of a tortur'd Mind, To an imprison'd Body j o i n ' d ! 1 When Plate 6 of "A Rake's Progress" i s examined, 2 i t w i l l be noted that the action being depicted i n t h i s scene i s taking place i n a gambling house. In the foreground of t h i s print i s a snarling (or barking) dog that wears a c o l -l a r on which can be seen "Covent Gar[den]," which would per-haps suggest that the gambling establishment depicted i n t h i s scene was located i n Covent Garden. However, Hogarth also appears to have had. White's^ i n mind, since both smoke and flames are seen where the wall i n the background of the print meets the c e i l i n g , and smoke i s seen through a doorway located on the left-hand side of the plate.^ Of the seven-teen figures depicted i n Plate 6 , only three appear to no-t i c e the f i r e . One of these figures i s just entering the room. This person c a r r i e s a lantern i n his l e f t hand and a s t a f f i n his r i g h t , and i s i d e n t i f i e d as a watchman.5 He holds the lantern high (no doubt to cast as much l i g h t as possible on the area i n the room i n which he sees the flames), and seems to be pointing to the f i r e or the smoke with his s t a f f ; i n addition, his mouth i s open, and he may be crying out the alarm "Fi r e I" i n an attempt to warn the people i n the room. A second person, t h i s one standing with his back to the viewer, points to the flames with his r i g h t hand, and beside him a t h i r d f i g u r e , apparently a " c r o u p i e r , " 0 who holds a "money rake"''7 i n his l e f t hand and a "candlestick with a very long stem" 0 i n his r i g h t , has turned his head and i s looking up at the f i r e ; the position of the former's l e f t hand, combined with the way i t s fingers are spread apart, and also the angle at which the l a t t e r figure holds the "money rake," suggest that both these men are " s t a r t l e d " by what they see. 9 Tom Rakewell i s seen i n the foreground of t h i s p r i n t , kneeling on his l e f t knee; on the f l o o r beside him i s an overturned c h a i r ^ 0 that he probably knocked over when he rose up from s i t t i n g on i t . Both his hands are clenched into f i s t s , his r i g h t hand i s held high i n the a i r , and his wig (which he may have pulled o f f his head, or knocked o f f accidentally, or else which has f a l l e n o f f on i t s own accord) l i e s on the f l o o r below his l e f t hand.1-1- Tom looks upward, a fearsome, almost i r r a t i o n a l look i n his eyes; i n addition, his mouth i s open i n such a fashion that his teeth are bared. Thus i t would appear that Rakewell has just been subjected to an extremely upsetting experience, since when we see him he appears overcome by what Stephens suggests i s "rage and despair . . . . " 1 2 And i t seems-logical to assume that the loss of a great sum of money was the "upsetting experience" the Rake1-* has just undergone. On the right-hand side of the p r i n t , s i t t i n g on a chair i n front of a f i r e p l a c e , i s a man who "wears long horseman's boots with spurs, and a large r i d i n g coat; a hat i s under his arm; he s i t s with one knee crossing i t s fellow and clasped by his locked fingers." 1** In t h i s person's coat pocket can be seen a p i s t o l , and another item i d e n t i f i e d by Townsend as a "black mask." 1 5 This person would appear to be a highwayman, 1 0 and when we see him, his mouth i s drawn down at the corners, and he seems to be looking down and to his r i g h t out of the corners of his eyes. Beside him i s a young boy holding a small tray on which there i s a g l a s s . 1 7 This lad i s looking at the highwayman, and has his mouth open as i f he i s y e l l i n g at him, but the highwayman does not appear to notice the boy. Ireland states the highwayman " i s a losing gamester . . . absorbed i n r e f l e c t i o n . . . , " 1 8 while Paulson asserts that he i s "melancholy at having gam-bled away his loot (he i s so preoccupied that he ignores the boy who has brought him a drink) . . . . Or he eavesdrops so he can l a t e r rob the winner." 1 9 Beside the boy i s a f i r e p l a c e covered by a screen, and on the wall above the f i r e p l a c e i s "a sconce, with a single lighted candle i n i t . . ."; 2 0 also on the wall above the f i r e p l a c e i s a paper on which i s written "R. Justian Card Maker to his Maj[esty] . . . royal Family." And behind the young lad with the glass i s a man who appears to be leaning p a r t l y against the "frame" that goes around the f i r e p l a c e and p a r t l y against the wall by the f i r e p l a c e . This person has his hat pulled down over his forehead. His r i g h t hand i s clenched into a f i s t ; his l e f t hand i s up to his mouth, and he i s possibly p u l l i n g his lower l i p or, i n Kunzle's words, "gnawing neu-21 r o t i c a l l y at his fingers." In the lower left-hand portion of t h i s p r i n t there i s 22 a table covered with a ragged cl o t h , and on t h i s c l o t h i s a candle-holder with a l i g h t e d candle i n i t . Seated at t h i s table i s an e l d e r l y man wearing glasses who i s writing some-thing i n a book with a q u i l l pen. Ireland, writing i n the late Eighteenth Century, states that t h i s figure " i s said to be old Manners, brother to the late Duke of Rutland's father . . . ," 2 3 and describes t h i s figure as the person "to whom the old Duke of Devonshire l o s t the great estate of Leicester Abbey";2** he further asserts that "Manners was the only per-son of his time who had amassed a considerable fortune by the profession of gamester." 2 5 In the book he holds can be seen the words "Lent to Ld. Gogg 500[Z?]," and i t seems l i k e -l y that the "splendidly dressed gentleman" 2 6 leaning across the table, his right hand on the table near the candle--holder i s Lord Cogg. 2 7 Seated to the l e f t of the gentleman t e n t a t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d as Lord Gogg i s a man whose ri g h t arm rests on the top edge of what seems to be the back of a c h a i r . 2 8 A l -though t h i s person appears to be seated at the table seen i n the center of t h i s p r i n t , he i s not looking towards t h i s t a -ble. He i s perhaps supposed to be looking at the gentleman with his index finger extended, or at something not v i s i b l e to the viewer because i t i s outside the bounds of the p i c -ture; on the other hand, i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y his posi-t i o n has come about as a r e s u l t of the entrance of the watch-man, 2 0 and he i s perhaps supposed to be looking at t h i s per-son, or i s i n the process of turning to look at him. Also seated at the table i s a person dressed i n black who, l i k e the above-mentioned gentleman, i s not facing the table. This figure i s said by Ireland to be "a person i n mourning . . . ,"3° and by Kurz to be "a c l e r i c . . . ."-*1 Whichever i s the case, the man would appear to have just l o s t some money, and to be reacting by going through some exaggerated gestures and bodily motions, since when we see him he has his l e f t foot i n the a i r , his body appears to be somewhat twisted and leaning to one side, his head i s bent forward, and he i s p u l l i n g at his hat with both his hands. And also seated at the table i s another figure who, unlike the per-son i n black, appears to be a winner, as he s i t s with his l e f t forearm on the table, and his l e f t hand on the many coins found thereon as i f he i s going to gather t h i s money towards him. Standing near the above-mentioned seated figure are two men, one of whom i s dropping some coins into the cupped hands of the other. At f i r s t glance, i t would appear as i f t h i s person i s paying o f f a gambling debt, but from the ex-pressions on t h e i r faces i t appears that they are possibly, i n Cook's words, "two c o l l u s i v e associates, d i v i d i n g the booty of the evening." 3 2 On the other side of the room, near a hat and what i s possibly a cloak hanging i n the cor-ner of the room seen i n the left-hand portion of t h i s plate, are three figures, one of whom appears very angry. This person i s wigless, and holds a sword i n his l e f t hand. This sword i s not held i n the usual fashion, however, as i t i s pointing downward and being held about h a l f way along i t s blade; i n addition, the h i l t of the sword i s higher than the head of the man holding i t . Thus, i t seems quite possible that the person holding the sword i s attempting to use i t as a club, with the object of t h i s man's i r e being the cowering figure seen i n the center of t h i s p r i n t . This l a t t e r person i s being helped, however, by a richly-dressed man who stands in front of the person holding the sword. This person, 3 3 by physical means, and probably also by speaking to the sword-wielding f i g u r e , 3 ^ attempts to prevent the person i n the center of the print from being i n j u r e d . 3 ^ Thus, i n Plate 6 of "A Rake's Progress," the Rake seems to have lo s t a large sum of money. Kurz asserts that t h i s money has been l o s t " i n a gambling h e l l . . . where . . . a f i r e i s just breaking out, to make i t an almost per-fect e f f i g y of another p l a c e " ; 3 0 quite l i k e l y Tom Rakewell might be tempted to think he i s i n "another place" at the moment the viewer sees him i n Plate 6 . PLATE VII OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS' Happy the Man, whose constant Thought (Tho i n the School of Hardship taught,) Can send Remembrance back to fetch Treasures from L i f e ' s e a r l i e s t Stretch: Who Self-approving can review Scenes of past Virtues that Shine thro' The Gloom of Age, & cast a Ray, To g i l d the Evening of his Day.' Not so the G u i l t y Wretch confin'd: No Pleasures meet his roving Mind, No Blessings fetch'd from early Youth, But broken Faith, & wrested Truth, Talents i d l e , &unus'd, And every G i f t of Heaven abus'd,— In Seas of sad Reflection l o s t , From Horrors s t i l l to Horrors tos t , Reason the Vessel leaves to Steer, And Gives the Helm to mad Despair. 1 An examination of Plate 7 of "A Rake's Progress" 2 shows that the scene depicted i n t h i s plate takes place i n a prison. In the lower left-hand corner of t h i s p r i n t i s a s c r o l l on which i s written "Being a New Scheme f o r paying ye 3 Debts of ye. Nation by T: L: now a prisoner i n the Fleet,"^ which suggests that the prison i s the Fleet Prison, which was a prison f o r debtors.** One source describes t h i s prison as "an h i s t o r i c London prison, formerly situated on the east side of Farringdon street, and deriving i t s name from the Fleet stream." 5 The Fleet Prison became prominent: from being used as a place of r e c e p t i o n f o r persons committed by the S t a r Chamber, and, afterwards, f o r debtors, and persons imprisoned f o r contempt of court by the court of chancery. I t was burnt down i n the great f i r e of 1666; r e b u i l t , destroyed i n the Gordon r i o t s of 1780 and again r e b u i l t i n 1781-82. In pur-suance of an act of 1842 by which the Marshalsea, F l e e t and Queen's Bench prisons were c o n s o l i d a t e d under the name of Queen's p r i s o n , i t was f i n a l l y c l o s e d , and i n 1844 s o l d t o the c o r p o r a t i o n of the C i t y and p u l l e d down. The head of the p r i s o n was termed "the warden," who was appointed by patent. I t became a frequent p r a c t i c e of the holder of the patent t o "farm out" the p r i s o n t o the highest b i d -der. I t was t h i s custom which made the F l e e t p r i s o n long notorious f o r the c r u e l t i e s i n f l i c t e d on p r i s o n -e r s . The l i b e r t i e s or r u l e s of the F l e e t were the l i m i t s w i t h i n which p a r t i c u l a r p r i s o n e r s were allowed t o r e s i d e outside the p r i s o n w a l l s subject t o c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s . 0 Tom Rakewell i s seen s i t t i n g on a c h a i r ? i n the low-er right-hand p o r t i o n of t h i s p r i n t . Stephens describes Tom as being " h e l p l e s s , bewildered, and d e s p a i r i n g . . ."; 8 i n -deed, both the expression on h i s f a c e , and the gesture he i s making w i t h h i s hands, suggest t h a t Tom i s q u i t e dejected and overcome by a f e e l i n g of hopelessness. 9 On a t a b l e 1 0 beside Tom are some sheets of paper th a t have been r o l l e d up and t i e d w i t h cord, and on one of these sheets i s p r i n t e d "Act 4." Also on the t a b l e i s a sheet of paper on which i s w r i t t e n "Sr. I have read your Play & f i n d i t w i l l not doe y r s . J . R..h." Thus i t appears t h a t , i n an attempt t o ob-t a i n some money, Tom wrote a play t h a t was subsequently r e -j e c t e d by John R i c h , the manager of the Covent Garden Thea-t r e . 1 1 Standing beside Rakewell i s a s u r l y - l o o k i n g young l a d wearing a ragged outer garment. His l e f t hand holds a mug of beer that he i s rest i n g on the table, and he extends his r i g h t hand palm upward; thus, i t appears the boy i s de-manding payment before he parts with the beer he has brought. Behind the Rake's chair stands a man who, because of a large key he c a r r i e s , can be i d e n t i f i e d as "a turnkey of the 12 Fleet." This person holds a book with his l e f t hand i n which i s written "Garnish money," and his r i g h t index f i n g e r seems to be pointing to an entry written i n t h i s book. As he i s looking downward, and as he seems to be speaking, i t appears that he i s asking Rakewell f o r "garnish money." In addition, Tom's one-eyed wife stands to the ri g h t of him; anger shows on her f a c e , 1 ^ her f i s t s are clenched, 1** her mouth i s open, and there seems l i t t l e doubt that she i s un-leashing a tirade of i n v e c t i v e 1 5 that i s directed toward her husband. Thus, while the r e j e c t i o n of the play would by i t -s e l f be enough to put Tom i n his present mood, the actions of the three people referred to above would no doubt have contributed towards his f e e l i n g of d e s p a i r . 1 0 Another group of figures i s seen i n the left-hand portion of t h i s plate. The central figure i n t h i s group i s Sarah Young, who has apparently fainted, and who i s being helped by the three adults standing beside her. A woman who 17 i s possibly Sarah's mother ' holds Sarah's l e f t hand with her r i g h t , and seems about to slap Sarah's palm with her l e f t hand i n an attempt to revive her. Another woman, t h i s one younger than the one mentioned above, seems to.be sup-porting S a r a h 1 8 with her r i g h t hand while holding a b o t t l e of what i s probably "smelling s a l t s " under Sarah's nose with her l e f t . Sarah's right arm i s being held by a man with a beard who has "a long, very ill-combed wig over his own hair . . . , " 1 9 and who wears what Stephens states i s a "dressing gown" 2 0 that appears much the worse f o r wear. This person seems to be providing more physical support f o r Sarah than the two women, since he not only gives her sup-port by putting his r i g h t arm under hers, but he has also raised up his r i g h t leg and i s supporting her with the upper portion of t h i s leg. This person i s the "T.L." who wrote the aforementioned "New Scheme f o r Paying ye Debts of ye. Nation"; he has apparently just dropped t h i s s c r o l l , the 22 23 paper under i t , and probably the s c r o l l on the.floor as well. He also seems to be about to drop another s c r o l l on which can be made out the word "Debts," which Paulson sug-gests i s "a memory of the South Sea Company."2'* And, as well as the aforementioned three adults, one other figure i s seen near the limp figure of Sarah Young. This figure i s that of her young daughter,2-> who i s seen looking up at her mother; her mouth i s open wide, and, as i t seems l i k e l y there are tears under her eyes, i t would appear that she might be cry-2ft ing because her mother has fainted. ° In the background of t h i s scene, either s i t t i n g or k n e e l i n g on one knee beside what appears t o be a furnace, i s a man wearing a c a p , 2 7 a long outer garment, and g l a s s e s . In h i s r i g h t hand he holds what i s p o s s i b l y a r e c e p t a c l e of some s o r t , and i n h i s l e f t hand he has a p a i r of tongs which he holds i n the flames t h a t can be seen i n the furnace. S i t t i n g atop t h i s furnace i s a device Stephens describes as "a s t i l l , " and t h i s source suggests t h a t the man wearing the cap i s "occupied i n attending t o the furnace of . . . [ t h i s ] s t i l l . . . ." 2° While t h i s could p o s s i b l y be the case, i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y t h a t , whether or not the der-v i c e atop the furnace i s a d i s t i l l i n g apparatus or a device of another type, t h i s person i s intended t o be h o l d i n g w i t h the tongs a s m a l l item, or piece of m a t e r i a l , t h a t he i s heating i n the flames.- 3 0 Behind the above-mentioned man i s a bed,- 3 1 and r e s t -i n g on the top of t h i s bed i s a large p a i r of b i r d l i k e wings^ 2 which appear t o have been intended as a means of en-a b l i n g a man t o f l y . I t seems p o s s i b l e t h a t these wings are the property of the man seated by the f u r n a c e . I n the background of t h i s scene there i s a l s o a b r i c k chimney-3*4" which has a v e r t i c a l chimney pipe coming out of i t ; another s e c t i o n of pipe j o i n s the v e r t i c a l piece at an angle, and the uppermost p o r t i o n of the former goes through the g r a t i n g t h a t covers a window found near the c e i l i n g of the c e l l . Also going through t h i s g r a t i n g i s a long c y l i n d r i c a l object s a i d by Paulson t o be a t e l e s c o p e , 3 ^ but by Lichtenberg t o be "probably . . . a rough, s o l i d c y l i n d e r w i t h which t o push open or c l o s e the heavy window shutters."-* 0 And beneath the window i s a s h e l f on which can be seen three rece p t a -c l e s 3 ? (they might p o s s i b l y be " c r u c i b l e s , " as Stephens sug-g e s t s 3 8 ) , and two books, one of which does not s i t properly on the s h e l f , and the other of which has a piece of paper (on which i s w r i t t e n the word " P h i l o s o p h i c a l " ) stuck between i t s pages. In the lower right-hand corner of t h i s p r i n t can be seen "a large bundle, w i t h a g r i d i r o n t i e d t o i t . " 3 9 Bake-w e l l suggests t h a t these are "ready t o be c a r r i e d o f f f o r h i s [Tom's] Fees, & c.,"**0 while Cook s t a t e s t h a t they have been "brought here f o r h i s [Tom's] use i n t h i s degraded s t a -t i o n . . . J'2*-1 And i n the lower l e f t - h a n d p o r t i o n of t h i s plate** 2 are an overturned s t o o l and some items of feminine a t t i r e , the l a t t e r probably belonging t o Sarah loung. PLATE V I I I OF "A RAKE'S PROGRESS" Madness, Thou Chaos of ye. B r a i n , What a r t ? That Pleasure g i v ' s t , and Pain? Tyranny of Fancy's Reign I Mechanic Fancy; t h a t can b u i l d Vast Labarynths, & Mazes w i l d , With Rule d i s j o i n t e d , Shapeless Measure, F i l l ' d w i t h Horror, f i l l ' d w i t h P l e a s u r e ! Shapes of Horror, t h a t wou'd even Cast Doubt of Mercy upon Heaven. Shapes of Pleasure, t h a t but Seen, Wou'd s p l i t the Shaking Sides of Spleen. 0 V a n i t y of Age! here see The Stamp of Heaven e f f a c ' d by Thee— The headstrong Course of Youth thus run, What Comfort from t h i s d a r l i n g Son! His r a t t l i n g Chains w i t h T e r r o r hear, Behold Death g r a p p l i n g w i t h Despair; See Him by Thee t o Ruin Sold, , And curse thy s e l f , & curse thy Gold. An examination of the second s t a t e of P l a t e 8 of "A o Rake's Progress" suggests t h a t the a c t i o n depicted i n t h i s scene i s t a k i n g place i n an i n s t i t u t i o n f o r the mentally d i s -turbed. This i n s t i t u t i o n i s probably "Bedlam," as Bakewell suggests.3 The name "Bedlam" was the popular name f o r Beth-lehem h o s p i t a l , which was "the f i r s t E n g l i s h l u n a t i c asy-lum.""* According t o one source: I t was o r i g i n a l l y founded by Simon FitzMary, s h e r i f f of London, i n 1247, as a p r i o r y f o r the s i s t e r s and bretheren of the order of the Star of Bethlehem. I t had as one of i t s s p e c i a l objects the housing and entertainment of the bishop and canons of S t . Mary of Bethlehem, the mother church, on t h e i r v i s i t s t o England. I t s f i r s t s i t e was i n Bishopsgate s t r e e t . I t i s not c e r t a i n when l u n a t i c s were f i r s t r e c e i v e d i n Bedlam, but i t i s mentioned as a h o s p i t a l i n 1330 and some were there i n 1403. In 1547 i t was handed over by Henry V I I I w i t h a l l i t s revenues t o the C i t y of London as a h o s p i t a l f o r l u n a t i c s . With the ex-c e p t i o n of one such asylum i n Granada, Sp., the Bethlehem h o s p i t a l was the f i r s t i n Europe. I t became famous and afterward infamous f o r the b r u t a l i l l - t r e a t m e n t meted out t o the insane.-> Bedlam escaped the Great F i r e of London, but as i t had become qu i t e d i l a p i d a t e d and inadequate f o r i t s purpose, a new h o s p i t a l was b u i l t i n M o o r f i e l d s ; t h i s b u i l d i n g was completed i n J u l y of I676.0 In 1815, the h o s p i t a l was moved to St. George's F i e l d s . ? Tom Rakewell i s seen i n the foreground of t h i s p r i n t , and i s obviously an inmate of the aforementioned i n s t i t u t i o n . Bakewell suggests t h a t "the R e f l e c t i o n on h i s past e x t r a v a -gant L i f e , and the wretched Circumstances he was l e f t I n , i n the l a s t P l a t e , together w i t h the repeated Aggravations of h i s Wife, and h i s Want of common Necessaries, q u i t e over-power'd h i s Reason . . . ." Tom s i t s on the f l o o r , support-i n g h i m s e l f w i t h h i s r i g h t arm and seemingly s c r a t c h i n g h i s head 9 w i t h h i s l e f t h a n d . 1 0 He wears no c l o t h i n g except f o r a p a i r of breeches that cover the lower p o r t i o n of h i s t o r s o and h i s t h i g h s , 1 1 and on h i s chest i s a b l a c k patch which, as Townsend suggests, "could i n d i c a t e an u n s u c c e s s f u l a t -1 2 tempt t o take h i s own l i f e . " Kneeling behind Tom, her r i g h t hand r e s t i n g l i g h t l y on Tom's r i g h t forearm, i s Sarah Young. 1 3 Sarah i s c r y i n g , and w i t h her l e f t hand she holds a handkerchief to her l e f t eye. Standing beside Sarah i s a man whose l e f t hand i s on Tom's l e f t shoulder, and whose rig h t hand seems to be above Sarah's head as i f t h i s person i s i n the process of moving t h i s hand;1** his head i s bent down, and he may be looking at his right hand or at the area toward which he i s perhaps moving t h i s hand. In the second state of t h i s plate 1-* t h i s person has l i g h t h a i r (or a l i g h t -colored wig), and under his outer garment he wears an item of apparel that i s open part of the way down i t s front, but i n t h i s plate's t h i r d s t a t e 1 6 his hair (or his wig) has been darkened, and "he i s given c l e r i c a l bands instead of the open c o l l a r . " 1 ? And near t h i s person, on Tom's l e f t , i s an-other man who i s either s i t t i n g or kneeling on the f l o o r , and whose l e f t hand i s beside (perhaps even touching) a 1 rt shackle that i s around Tom's ri g h t ankle. Paulson sug-gests that t h i s person i s "an attendant [who] i s fastening manacles on his [Tom's] a n k l e s , " 1 9 and Antal states that Tom " i s [being] put into chains by an attendant to prevent his committing s u i c i d e . " 2 0 Kurz, on the other hand, states that the attendant " i s unlocking the f e t t e r s . . . , " 2 1 and Kun-zle asserts that the idea "Rakewell i s being put into chains 22 to prevent his attempting suicide again" i s "an old and recently repeated misconception . . . , " 2 3 Consideration of these opposing views suggests that the l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s perhaps correct. Not only i s the attendant's pose perhaps more suggestive of his being about to take o f f the shackle on Tom's right leg rather than having just put i t on, but a res t r a i n i n g device might perhaps no longer be considered necessary, since i t appears quite l i k e l y that Kurz i s cor-rect i n asserting that "Tom Rakewell i s here a c t u a l l y dying u24 • • * • At the left-hand side of t h i s print can be seen a c e l l with the number "54" written above i t s doorway. The door of t h i s c e l l i s open, and inside the c e l l can be seen a man with a very "wild" expression on his face. This person appears naked except f o r something that seems to cover his lower abdomen.25 On the f l o o r of t h i s c e l l i s a stone "bench," or "bed," or " b l o c k " 2 0 with straw l y i n g on top of i t . The position of the c e l l ' s occupant i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s stone block i s somewhat d i f f i c u l t to ascertain. Both of t h i s person's elbows are bent; his l e f t elbow i s either touching, or else almost touching, the straw that i s on top of the stone block, and his r i g h t elbow i s perhaps not quite touch-ing the straw. His hands are clasped together under his chin, 2? and the greater portion of one of his legs can be seen above the l e v e l of the straw. Since a cross and three pictures l a b e l l e d respectively "[St.?] [C]lemen[t]," 2 9 "St Athanatius," 3 0 and "St Lawrance" 3 1 are found i n t h i s man's c e l l , Paulson i s probably correct i n terming him "a re l i g i o u s f a n a t i c , " 3 2 and i t i s possible that when we see him he i s praying. Thus i t might perhaps be thought that t h i s person's right leg i s hidden behind the stone "block," and that he i s kneeling on his right knee, having just r aised his l e f t leg up from a kneeling position because he i s i n a highly aroused emotional state. However, while there i s perhaps a s l i g h t p o s s i b i l i t y t h i s i s the correct i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n of t h i s pose, i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y that he i s i n -tended to be, as Stephens suggests, " r e c l i n i n g on a couch of stone covered with straw . . . ."33 The above-mentioned person3-* i s not the only man oc-cupying a c e l l . In the center portion of t h i s print i s an-other c e l l , t h i s one l a b e l l e d "55." Like c e l l 54, t h i s c e l l i s open,35 and the occupant of the c e l l can be seen. This person s i t s on a p i l e of straw that i s either inside a low wooden "retaining wall" or on top of a raised platform, and the only item that he seems to be wearing i s a crown that Stephens states i s made from straw.3° In his l e f t hand he holds a piece of wood which seems to serve him as a sceptre. His eyes appear to be open wide. Kunzle states that "[the] King beams at his sceptre . . ., '^ while Stephens states that his face expresses "a lunatic's i d e a l of a mighty pride."3 8 And i t should also be pointed out that t h i s per-son, i n Stephen's words, "appears to be making water."39 Standing near the door to c e l l 54 are two women. These two are v i s i t o r s who have come to view the inmates of Bedlam, f o r , according t o W i l e n s k i , " i n Hogarth's day . . . Bedlam was open t o the p u b l i c , who went t o g i g g l e and t i t t e r at the inmates and t a l k t o them and take obscene d e l i g h t , ini t h e i r o b s c e n i t i e s . " * * 0 One of the aforementioned women stands behind the other w i t h her l e f t hand on the l a t t e r ' s l e f t arm. She i s e i t h e r l o o k i n g (or attempting t o look) at the person i n c e l l 55, or e l s e l o o k i n g at the woman w i t h whom she i s standing.** 1 And although she i s perhaps i n the process of speaking t o the l a t t e r person, t h i s could be debated, as could the suggestion her l e f t index f i n g e r i s p o i n t i n g t o -wards the man wearing the crown. The second female v i s i t o r stands w i t h her l e f t arm bent so t h a t her forearm i s i n f r o n t of her body. Her r i g h t hand holds up a fan i n such a p o s i -t i o n t h a t i t would block her view of the occupant of c e l l 55, and her head i s turned s l i g h t l y t o her l e f t . Thus she has e i t h e r seen, or i s being t o l d about, the occupant of c e l l 55, and the p o s i t i o n of her fan probably i s a r e s u l t of her modesty or her d i s t a s t e f o r what she has seen or i s being t o l d , or e l s e i n d i c a t e s she i s f e i g n i n g the foregoing.** 2 The p o s i t i o n of her head i s perhaps a l s o due t o t h i s , a l -though i f the other woman i s t a l k i n g , the woman w i t h the fan might perhaps have turned her head s l i g h t l y so as t o be f a c -i n g more i n the d i r e c t i o n of the speaker. Behind these two women i s another c e l l , t h i s one l a -b e l l e d " 5 0 . " Unlike the two c e l l s mentioned thus f a r , the door to t h i s c e l l i s closed. Near t h i s c e l l (on the ex-treme right-hand side of the print) can be seen some bars which appear to extend from the c e i l i n g to the f l o o r , and which also seem to divide the room depicted i n t h i s plate. On the other side of these bars to the two female v i s i t o r s described above can be seen two figures, and near them i s another c e l l which, l i k e c e l l 50, has i t s door closed. As mentioned earlier,**4 the door to c e l l 55 i s open, and standing behind t h i s open door i s a man who i s writing on the wall.^5 On t h i s wall i s a diagram showing the earth divided by li n e s of lati t u d e and longitude** 0 ( i t also appears as i f the earth i s attached to a chain that begins at, or near, the edge of the doorway to c e l l 54**?); a picture of a ship; a crescent moon; a "mortar with a bomb discharged from i t . . . " j 2 * - 8 the l e t t e r s "L E"; the word "Longitude"; and other diagrams. Paulson asserts that the man using the wall f o r a writing surface i s c a l c u l a t i n g longitude,** 9 and the "mortar with a bomb discharged from i t " i s said by another source to be an a l l u s i o n to "[William] Whiston's proposed method of discovering the Longitude by the f i r i n g of bombs."50 The l e t t e r s "L E," according to Paulson, "may stand f o r the dramatist Nathaniel Lee . . . who went mad i n 1684 and was confined i n Bedlam t i l l 1689." 5 1 In addition to the figures that have already been described, there are f i v e others that have not as yet been mentioned, two of which are seen near the center portion of t h i s p r i n t . One of the l a t t e r holds what appears to be a r o l l of paper i n his l e f t hand. He holds one end of t h i s up to his l e f t eye, and appears to be using the r o l l as a t e l e -scope. 5 2 Near t h i s person i s a figure Stephens describes as "a crazy t a i l o r i n a dishevelled dressing gown, wearing straw under his hat instead of a wig, having s t r i p s of c l o t h , or patterns sewn on to the front of his hat, and, while squatting t a i l o r fashion on the f l o o r , playing with a tape measure . . . . " 53 The remaining three figures are a l l found i n the right-hand portion of t h i s p r i n t . One of these i s a man who stands beside a staircase playing a v i o l i n . He holds the v i o l i n with his r i g h t hand, the bow i s held i n his l e f t hand, and he wears a f u l l wig on top of which i s a book of music. 5 5 At the extreme right of t h i s print i s a figure who i s s i t t i n g on the s t a i r s wearing a pointed " c a p " 5 0 on his head, and who i s dressed i n what appears to be a l o o s e - f i t t i n g garment of some kind. His arms appear to be folded across his chest with his l e f t hand under his r i g h t sleeve and his r i g h t hand under his l e f t sleeve. Held between his right arm and his body i s a "wooden t r i p l e c r o s s . " 5 7 Stephens asserts that t h i s person "imagines himself a Pope . . i n addition, t h i s figure's mouth i s open wide, and t h i s source asserts that "he i s speaking aloud, and supposed to be saying a mass."59 The remaining figure i n t h i s scene, l i k e the one mentioned above, i s also s i t t i n g on the s t a i r s . He wears a coat, breeches, s t o c k i n g s , 0 0 and shoes; i n addition, he has a band of straw around his neck, 0 1 and has what Paulson i d e n t i f i e s as "a picture of a woman"02 hanging around his neck. His hands are clasped i n front of him, and he has, i n the words of one source, "a lugubrious expression on his countenance." 0 3 This person i s said by Paulson to be a "melancholy lover."°4 That the disturbed mental state that caused t h i s person to be sent to Bethlehem h o s p i t a l was caused by the love of a woman, i s suggested not only by the picture hanging around his neck, but also by the name "Charm-ing Betty Careless" 6^ that i s seen on the staircase's hand-r a i l ; presumably t h i s man was responsible f o r the writing, or carving, of t h i s name. At the foot of the s t a i r s , standing with i t s hind legs on the f l o o r and i t s front legs on the f i r s t step, i s a dog which seems to be barking at one of the men s i t t i n g on the s t a i r s . On the l e f t of t h i s dog i s a newel post on which are the l e t t e r s "S H" (with the "S" reversed) contain-ed within a figure that i s perhaps supposed to represent a church; 0? also on t h i s post, d i r e c t l y below the foregoing, i s a f a i n t mark which Stephens states "looks l i k e ' i S ' . " 0 8 Thus, with a scene that takes place within the walls of Bedlam, Hogarth's story ends. The a r t i s t had now depicted, f o r his own generation and f o r the generations that were to follow, not only the story of an Eighteenth Century English harlot, but also the story of an Eighteenth Century English rake. PART I I I FURTHER CONSIDERATION OF HOGARTH'S "PROGRESSES" FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS From the foregoing discussion, i t i s apparent that Hogarth's "A Harlot's Progress" and "A Rake's Progress" con-t a i n a wealth of incident and d e t a i l , and i t i s easy to understand why these two series are s t i l l i n t r i g u i n g viewers almost 250 years a f t e r they f i r s t appeared. However, while a comprehensive examination of the d e t a i l s and incidents found i n "A Harlot's Progress" and "A Rake's Progress" i s necessary i f these two series are to be understood and ap-preciated to t h e i r f u l l e s t extent, i t would be an under-estimation of both i f they were considered to be merely " i n -te r e s t i n g s t o r i e s . " For even although Hogarth (as was men-tioned e a r l i e r 1 ) asserted he "turned . . . [his] thoughts to . . . painting and engraving modern moral subjects . . . " because painting small conversation pieces "was not s u f f i * c i e n t l y p r o f i t a b l e to pay the expenses . . . [ h i s ] family required," the a r t i s t , when producing his two "Progresses," did much more than produce a p a i r of "graphic potboilers." It w i l l be noted that, i n the above statement, Hogarth uses the term "modern moral subjects." Hogarth's contemporary and f r i e n d , Henry Fi e l d i n g , stated i n the Champion: I esteem the ingenious Mr. Hogarth as one of the most u s e f u l s a t i r i s t s any age hath produced. In h i s e x c e l l e n t works we see the d e l u s i v e scene exposed w i t h a l l the f o r c e of humour, and on c a s t i n g your eyes on another p i c t u r e , you behold the d r e a d f u l and f a t a l consequence. I almost dare t o a f f i r m t h a t those two works of h i s , which he c a l l s the Rake's and the Har-l o t ' s Progress, are c a l c u l a t e d more to serve the cause of v i r t u e , and the p r e s e r v a t i o n of mankind than a l l _ the f o l i o s of m o r a l i t y which have ever been w r i t t e n . Then, too, the Reverend John T r u s l e r , w r i t i n g s h o r t l y a f t e r Hogarth's death, says of "A H a r l o t ' s Progress": In t h i s age, when wickedness i s i n search t o en-t r a p the unwary; and man, t h a t a r t f u l d eceiver, rack-i n g h i s i n v e n t i o n f o r w i l e s t o delude the innocent, and rob them of t h e i r v i r t u e s ; i t i s more p a r t i c u l a r l y necessary t o warn the r i s i n g generation of the im-pending danger; l a y before the female world the p e r i l s they are exposed t o ; open t o t h e i r view a s i g h t of th a t wretchedness t h a t w i l l , i n e v i t a b l y , be the con-sequence of t h e i r misconduct: and, by a t i m e l y admo-n i t i o n , prevent, i f p o s s i b l e , the inevocable m i s f o r -tunes attendant on a l i f e of p r o s t i t u t i o n , brought on by f a l l i n g , perhaps, i n an unguarded moment. This was the design of HOGARTH, i n the h i s t o r y of the h a r l o t . . . ; i n the prosecution of which, he has minutely p i c t u r e d out the most m a t e r i a l scenes of her l i f e , from the time of her f a l l from v i r t u e t o the hour of her death; a h i s t o r y f u l l of such i n t e r e s t i n g circumstances as must c e r t a i n l y give the u n t h i n k i n g maid a sense of her danger, and alarm her, l e s t she a l s o becomes a prey t o man.3 T r u s l e r then proceeds t o use "A H a r l o t ' s Progress" (and a l s o "A Rake's Progress") as the b a s i s f o r what i s , i n essence, a sermon on m o r a l i t y ; note the f o l l o w i n g passage taken from the f i n a l p o r t i o n of h i s remarks concerning "A H a r l o t ' s Progress": From t h i s d i s t r e s s f u l story l e t me warn my female readers of the lurking danger that threatens them. As there i s no greater Chr i s t i a n v i r t u e than Chastity, none more pleasing to God or more agreeable to man, i t i s the in t e r e s t of every young lady to be p a r t i c -u l a r l y attentive to i t : i t i s not that I imagine them i l l - i n c l i n e d i n t h e i r d i s p o s i t i o n ; but i t i s t h e i r natural easiness of temper, and then too favor-able opinion of the world, that exposes them to the p e r i l s I have mentioned. Men, however they may de-test the loss of vi r t u e i n the women, are continually laying snares to rob them of i t ; and the women, who are no proof against the attacks of the men, too often f a l l t h e i r v i c t i m . . . . [A] woman by losing her reputation, loses every f r i e n d she has, exposes herself to the derision of the world, and becomes the object of contempt; no person of cr e d i t w i l l ever be seen i n her company; she does not partake of the comforts of society; nor does she reap one blessing that i s even common to her sex: while others are enjoying the sweets of happiness, she i s completely miserable: jeered by the world, and pointed at by a l l her acquaintance, she wastes her days i n scorn and reproach, l i v e s a burden to herself, a disgrace to her sex, and a nuisance to the neighbourhood . . . .4 And Antal, writing almost 200 years a f t e r Trusler, states that "the outstanding specimens of his [Hogarth's] a r t , the cycles, would not exist and are unthinkable divested of moral teaching." 5 However, while both "A Harlot's Progress" and "A Rake's Progress" do enforce "the simple moral lesson that a deviation from virt u e i s a departure from happiness," 0 i t might perhaps be said that i n these two series "Hogarth the Moralist" i s overshadowed by "Hogarth the S a t i r i s t " and "Hogarth the Social-Commentator." 7 In the case of "A Harlot's Progress," the viewer i s i n c l i n e d to regret that death claimed Miss Hackabout at such an early age. Had Hogarth's heroine come to London f o r the express purpose of becoming a "woman of the night," the viewer's fee l i n g s towards Miss Hackabout would be d i f f e r e n t . However, i t appears l i k e l y that the naive, t r u s t i n g country g i r l seen i n Plate 1 was unknowingly lured into a s i t u a t i o n from which she was unable to escape. Therefore, her "devi-ation from v i r t u e " (and her death, which was apparently a di r e c t r e s u l t of her way of l i f e ) might be thought of as having been caused by society, and Miss Hackabout might be thought of as being society's victim. Thus the f e e l i n g i s created that Hogarth deplored the existence of conditions such as those that led to his heroine's downfall. And while society per se cannot r e a l l y be blamed f o r Tom Rakewell's misfortunes, as Tom himself was the i n i t i a t o r of the actions that led to the scene i n Bethlehem ho s p i t a l , the v i v i d por-t r a y a l of various aspects of Eighteenth Century English so-c i e t y continually reminds the viewer of the society of which the Rake was a part. Plate 2 of "A Rake's Progress," i n which the Rake (in Paulson's words) i s "surrounded by rapacious hangers-on . . ." 8 of diverse tal e n t s , can be taken as a s a t i r e on B r i t i s h "high-society." In addition, the fa c t Tom i s c o l -l e c t i n g a type of art Hogarth had l i t t l e use f o r suggests the a r t i s t did not think very highly of t h i s class's a r t -i s t i c and aesthetic s e n s i b i l i t i e s , as does the i n c l u s i o n i n t h i s scene of a landscape gardener who was associated with Lord Burlington. 0 And the a r t i s t ' s opinion of a person who would adopt the ways of the aforementioned segment of society i s indicated by Hogarth's naming Rakewell fs horse " S i l l y Tom." Hogarth also shows the viewer, i n Plates 3 and 6 of "A Rake's Progress" (the "Tavern Scene" and the "Gambling Scene") that a "man-about-town" did not devote a l l his time to "refined" pursuits such as viewing works of a r t . Plate 6 of "A Harlot's Progress" presents a v i v i d i l l u s t r a t i o n of human callousness; Miss Hackabout l i e s i n her c o f f i n , yet the majority of people i n the scene show no in d i c a t i o n they are sorry she has died. And the e f f e c t i s heightened by the conduct of the two men depicted i n t h i s plate, both of whom seem to place t h e i r amorous pursuits above propriety. Miserliness i s graphically depicted i n Plate 1 of "A Rake's Progress," and the person i n the same scene who i s taking money out of a c o i n - f i l l e d sack person-i f i e s avarice and dishonesty. The medical profession i s s a t i r i z e d by the two doctors seen i n Plate 5 of "A Harlot's Progress," and residents of the B r i t i s h Isles who were not of B r i t i s h r a c i a l stock are r i d i c u l e d i n Plate 2 of "A Har-l o t ' s Progress," since i n t h i s scene Miss Hackabout's pro-vider i s made to look f o o l i s h . The l e t t e r from John Rich found i n Plate 7 of "A Rake's Progress" i s possibly intend-ed as a gibe directed at the aforementioned person; Hogarth, i n his "Masquerades and Operas" of 1723/4, 1 0 and his "A Just View of the B r i t i s h Stage" of 1724, 1 1 shows himself to be a f i g h t e r " f o r serious drama against the public's penchant f o r the pantomimes produced by R i c h . " 1 2 And science t h e o r i s t s are s a t i r i z e d i n Plate 8 of "A Rake's Progress," as are economic t h e o r i s t s i n Plate 7 of the same se r i e s . Hogarth, who according to Antal was a "good, r a t i o n a l l y minded [mem-ber] . . . of the Established Church, anti-Catholic and a n t i -Wesleyan," 1 3 s a t i r i z e s the Roman Catholic Church and r e l i -gious fanaticism i n Plate 8 of "A Rake's Progress." The clergy are not depicted i n a very favourable l i g h t i n "A Harlot's Progress"; the minister depicted i n Plate 6 of t h i s series i s engaged i n an a c t i v i t y unbecoming a member of his profession, and the clergyman i n the f i r s t plate (who, i t might be assumed, would be strongly opposed to a young wom-an's becoming a prostitute) i s either too naive i n the ways of the world to r e a l i z e the plans Mother Needham has f o r Miss Hackabout, or else i s too engrossed with his own a f f a i r s when he should be giving some thought to the well-being of the aforementioned young lady. And the presence of the piece of butter on the Pastoral Letter i n Plate 3 of "A Harlot's Progress" requires no further comment. The presence of a coat of arms i n Miss Hackabout Ts funeral scene i s possibly intended to s a t i r i z e ostentatious funerals. And by i n d i c a t i n g (in the second and t h i r d plates of "A Ha r l o t ' s Progress") t h a t Miss Hackabout attends the masquerades, Hogarth a s s o c i a t e s the masquerades w i t h l i c e n -t i o u s behavior; he had e a r l i e r s a t i r i z e d the immoral nature of the masquerades i n h i s "Masquerade T i c k e t " of 1727. 1 / + Some of the consequences of gambling are shown, or at l e a s t h i n t e d a t , i n the s i x t h p l a t e of "A Rake's Progress," and the changes made i n the second s t a t e of P l a t e 4 of t h i s s e r i e s s a t i r i z e s t h i s a c t i v i t y . P l a t e s 1 and 2 of "A Har l o t ' s Progress" i l l u s t r a t e how much a person ( i n t h i s case Miss Hackabout) can change i n a r e l a t i v e l y short p e r i o d of time; these two p l a t e s show a change i n both appearance and manner. The appearance of Tom Rakewell's wife i n P l a t e 5 of "A Rake's Progress" might a l s o be mentioned, as the appearance of t h i s person might be pointed t o as an example of feminine v a n i t y . The second and f i f t h scenes,in Miss Hackabout's s t o r y are of i n t e r e s t because they i l l u s t r a t e two d i f f e r e n t types of l i v i n g accommodation, w i t h the former scene t a k i n g place i n a fa s h i o n a b l e , w e l l - k e p t room, and the l a t t e r scene o c c u r r i n g i n a room tha t i s obvi o u s l y j u s t the opposite. And i n the f o u r t h p l a t e of t h i s s e r i e s (the p l a t e i n which Miss Hackabout i s being threatened by a warder whi l e confined i n a house of c o r r e c t i o n ) , i t seems l i k e l y t h a t Hogarth " i s p r o t e s t i n g . . . against the obscene c r u e l t i e s t h a t were p r a c t i s e d i n the [house of c o r r e c t i o n ] . . . , l , 15 a s v / i l e n s k i a s s e r t s . As a f i n a l note i n t h i s chapter, mention must be made of the t h i r d s t a t e of P l a t e 8 of "A Rake's Progress." For i t was i n t h i s p r i n t t h a t Hogarth added the drawing of a r e -verse side of a half-penny to a w a l l of Bedlam. Thus, i n t h i s scene i s found the f i g u r e of B r i t a n n i a , w i t h the date "1763" w r i t t e n below i t - , which suggests t h a t as Hogarth ap-proached the end of h i s years, he e i t h e r began t o f e e l that England deserved t o be confined t o an i n s t i t u t i o n such as Bedlam, or e l s e he f e l t t h a t England was Bedlam i t s e l f . From the foregoing discussion, i t i s apparent that Hogarth's "A Harlot's Progress" and "A Rake's Progress" both contain a wealth of incident and d e t a i l . This being the case, there can be l i t t l e argument with Horace Walpole's aforementioned assertion that " i f ever an author wanted a commentary that none of his beauties might be l o s t , i t i s Hogarth . . . . u l In addition, the previous discussion has also made i t apparent that, while the aforementioned i n c i -dents and d e t a i l s are of i n t e r e s t i n themselves, and while they must be c a r e f u l l y examined i f the two series are to be f u l l y understood and appreciated, "A Harlot's Progress" and "A Rake's Progress" do not exist on t h i s l e v e l alone. Wilenski asserts that Hogarth "asks us to read his pictures from corner to corner, inch by inch, because the sum of the parts i n his pictures i s intended to contribute to t h e i r product . . . ." 2 I f t h i s study has f a c i l i t a t e d the "reading" of "A Harlot's Progress" and "A Rake's Progress," and i f i t has contributed to the understanding of the significance of what has been read, then i t s purpose has been achieved. PLATES I. P la te I of "A Harlot 's P rogress " (Fourih S t o rk ) I—1 IT. Plate Z of "A Hanoi's Progress" (fouHh Sick) • • "£H:. Plaie I of "A Rake's Progress" (Third Slate) H E . P l a t e 8 of "A Rake's P r o g r e s s " (Th.rd State) Preface -••Horace Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting i n England; with Some Account of the P r i n c i p a l A r t i s t s , ed. R. Wornum (rev. ed.; London: Ghatto and Windus, I 8 7 6 ), I I I , p. 4. Part I: Introduction •••Daily, Post (London), March 8, 1732, quoted i n Ronald Paulson, Hogarth's Graphic Works (rev. ed.; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970), I, p. 141. The same adver-tisement, or one much l i k e i t , also appeared i n the Daily  Journal (Peter Quennell, Hogarth's Progress [London: C o l l i n s , 1955] P. 91). And as one of the surviving sub-s c r i p t i o n t i c k e t s produced f o r t h i s .series bears the date March 8, 1731, the subscription appears to have been i n progress f o r some time before the advertisement appeared (Paulson, I, p. 140). 2Paulson, I, p. 141. John Nichols, writing i n the l a t t e r part of the Eighteenth Century, dates t h i s series no e a r l i e r than 1733 (John Nichols, Biographical Anecdotes of  William Hogarth: with a Catalogue of His Works Chronologi-c a l l y Arranged: and Occasional Remarks L3d ed. rev.; London: John Nichols, 1785J, p. 188). The available evidence, how-ever, suggests that Nichols was mistaken i n t h i s regard. ^Austin Dobson, William Hogarth (rev. ed.; London: William Heinemann, 1907), p. 38. **Quennell, p. 91. This amount was paid i n two i n -stallments, with one payment being made when the subscrip-t i o n was taken out, and the other half when the pri n t s were ready (I b i d . ) . 5Prior to issuing the p r i n t s , Hogarth completed paintings of the s i x scenes. These are generally considered to have been completed i n September of 1731, as t h i s date appears on the Harlot's c o f f i n i n the last scene. The paintings were purchased i n 1745 by W. Beckford f o r 14 guineas each, and were unfortunately destroyed by f i r e at Fonthill Abbey ten years later (R. B. Beckett, Hogarth ["English Master Painters": Boston: Boston Book and Art Shop, 1955], p. 10). It should also be mentioned that Hogarth apparently originally intended to have help in producing the etched and engraved plates from which his series was printed. However, the Country Journal; or. the Craftsman of January 29, 1732 contained the following announcement: "The AUTHOR of the Six COPPER PLATES, representing a Harlot's Progress; being disappointed of the Assistance he proposed, i s obliged to - engrave them a l l himself, which w i l l retard the Delivery of the Prints to the Subscribers about Two Months . . ." (Country Journal; or. the Craftsman [London], January 29, 1732, quoted in Paulson, I, p. 141). °William Hogarth, "Anecdotes of Hogarth, Written by Himself," in Anecdotes of William Hogarth. Written by Him-self: With Essays on His Life and Genius, and Criticisms of  His Works. Selected, from Walpole. Gilpin. J. Ireland. Lamb. Phillips, and Others. To Which Are Added a Catalogue of His  Prints; Account of Their Variations. and Principal Copies; Lists of Paintings. Drawings and Etc.. ed. J. B. Nichols (London: J. B. Nichols and Son, 1333), p. 8.. 7George Vertue, "Vertue Note Books: Volume Three," Walpole Society. XXII (1934), p. 58. Slbid. °Ibid. lOlbid. Hsome authorities have stated that they think the account might be correct. Waterhouse states i t "smacks of the truth and i s so true to our other knowledge of Hogarth's character that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to disbelieve" ( E l l i s Water-house, Painting in Britain: 1530-1790 ["The Pelican History of Art"; London: Penguin Books, 1953J, p. 129), and Antal asserts that he can "well believe that Vertue's account i s true: i t certainly has a true ring and suggests to me pre-cisely the way in which Hogarth's creative process might have unfolded i t s e l f " (F. Antal, "The Moral Purpose of Hogarth's Art," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Insti-tutes . XV [1952], p. 176. If the account i s correct, i t might have been the case that the figures in the background of Plate 3 of "A Harlot's Progress" were not included in the original paint-ing, for while these figures make a definite contribution to the six-print series, there would appear to be l i t t l e j u s t i -fication for their inclusion in a work meant to be seen alone. 1 2John Major, "Introductory Essay," in J. Trusler, Hogarth Moralized, ed. John Major (London: Henry Washburn, 1841), p. v i i i . 13The Spectator (London), Jan. 4, 1712, quoted in G. Smith (ed.), The Spectator ("Everyman's Library"; London: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1956), II, pp. 293-94. The fact that this essay appeared approximately twenty years before "A Harlot's Progress" was published does not increase one's confidence in Major's statement. •-^Grub-street Journal (London), August 6, 1730, quoted in Paulson, I, p. 143. l^Grub-street Journal (London), September 14, 1730, quoted in John Ireland and John Nichols, Hogarth's Works: With Life and Anecdotal Descriptions of His Pictures (Edin-burgh : Oliphant, Anderson, and Ferrier, 1873), I, p. 112. l 6 H i l d e Kurz, "Italian Models of Hogarth's Picture Stories," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes. XV (1952), p. 136. It should perhaps be pointed out, how-ever, that the Italian series function at a much lower level than does "A Harlot's Progress"; to quote Kurz, "these ear-l i e r serials remained within the convention of folktales" (Ibid.). Furthermore, the Italian series u t i l i z e both pic-tures and words, and i f the text i s separated from the i l l u s -trations, the former i s found to furnish a much clearer ac-count than the latter. 1 7Hogarth, "Anecdotes . . . ," in Anecdotes of  William Hogarth, Written by Himself: With Essays on His  Life and Genius . . . , ed. Nichols, p. 8. 1 8 I b i d . 19ibid.. pp. 8-9 Part I : Chapter I Above, pp. 3-4. fcIt might be mentioned t h a t Moore t h i n k s i t d o u b t f u l Hogarth obtained m a t e r i a l f o r P l a t e 1 from Steele's essay (R. Moore, Hogarth's L i t e r a r y R e l a t i o n s h i p s [Minneapolis: U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota Press, 1948j, p. 11). 3 This trunk i s a l s o seen i n Miss Hackabout's room i n Plate 5. ^Above, p. 4. 5G. A. A i t k e n , " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " i n D a n i e l Defoe, M o l l  Flanders. ed. G. A. A i t k e n ("Everyman's L i b r a r y " ; London: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1963), p. v i . The chap-book i s , ac-cording t o Kurz, "a p l a g i a r i s m of Defoe's M o l l Flanders . . ." (Kurz, J o u r n a l of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , XV, p. 149). The second part of the book i s devoted t o "Jane Hackabout", M o l l ' s governess. The governess invented by the author of the chap-book appears t o be the same type of person as was the governess i n Defoe's o r i g i n a l , but i n Defoe's work the governess i s never r e f e r r e d t o by name. 6 l t should be pointed out t h a t while Jane Hackabout had been a p r o s t i t u t e , she does d i f f e r from the c e n t r a l character i n Hogarth's s e r i e s ; f o r example, while the former was pregnant when she a r r i v e d i n London, the Miss Hackabout we f i n d i n P l a t e 1 of "A H a r l o t ' s Progress" does not appear t o be i n such a c o n d i t i o n . Thus, i f the chap-book d i d prompt Hogarth t o create "A Ha r l o t ' s Progress," the l a t t e r cannot be considered a p l a g i a r i s m of the former. 7 0 f course, the p o s s i b i l i t y remains t h a t the a r t i s t conceived the name him s e l f . However, i n view of t h e . f a c t the name does seem t o have been i n use during the e a r l y Eighteenth Century, i t would seem p o s s i b l e Hogarth might have n o t i c e d i t . 8The "d" of the "Md." i s w r i t t e n above the l i n e i n the same f a s h i o n as the " t " of "Capt." i s w r i t t e n on the p i c t u r e of "Capt. Mackheath" t h a t i s found i n the same scene. Although the "d" i s at f i r s t not o v e r l y c l e a r t o the viewer, c l o s e examination leaves l i t t l e doubt t h a t the l e t -t e r i s a "d" and not something e l s e . yJ. Hannay, J. Trusler, and E. Roberts, The Com-plete Works of William Hogarth, i n a Series of One Hundred  and F i f t y Steel Engravings from the O r i g i n a l Pictures (London:William MacKenzie, n. d.), I l l , p. 106. l % h e name "Kate," while i t does indicate an apparent lack of knowledge of the prints on the part of the writer, might perhaps have been taken from the previously-mentioned item i n the Grub-street Journal (above, p. 4 ) . ^Dobson c a l l s Miss Hackabout "Mary" (Dobson, p. 34); Townsend c a l l s her "Moll" ( P a t r i c i a Townsend, Hogarth: P i c -t u r e d Morals [London: H i s t o r i c a l Arts, 1967J, n. p.); and Paulson uses both names when r e f e r r i n g to the young lady (Paulson, I, pp. 145-46). l 2Clarence L. Barnhart (ed.), Thorndike-Barnhart  Comprehensive Desk Dictionary (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1955), p. 508. 1 3 l b i d . l^The f i r s t e d i t i o n of t h i s work appeared i n January of 1722, and by the end of that year two subsequent editions had been published (Aitken, "Introduction," i n Defoe, Moll  Flanders, ed. Aitken, p. v ) . 15And indeed, although the incidents i n the l i f e of Miss Hackabout that are depicted by Hogarth give no i n d i c a -t i o n that her adventures were as varied as those of Moll Flanders (who, a f t e r being "born i n Newgate, . . . was twelve years a whore, f i v e times a wife . . . , twelve years a t h i e f , eight years a transported felon i n V i r g i n i a , at l a s t grew r i c h , l i v e d honest, and died a penitent" [Defoe, n. p . j ) , i t i s possible that there may be a connection be-tween Defoe's work and the creation of "A Harlot's Progress." l°Moore, pp. 31-32. l ?The term "Moll" was not found i n either Sheridan's dictionary (Thomas Sheridan, A General Dictionary of the  English Language. One Main Object of Which. Is. To Estab-l i s h a Plain and Permanent Standard of Pronunciation. To Which Is Prefixed a Rhetorical Grammar LLondon: J. Dodsley, C. D i l l y and J. Wilkie, 1750], I I , n. p.), the dictionary compiled by Bailey (N. Bailey, A-Universal Etymological English Dictionary [17 ed.; London: T. Osborne et a l . . 1757J, n. p.), the one compiled by P h i l l i p s (Edward P h i l l i p s , The New World of Words: or. a Universal English Dictionary [London: R. Bentley, J . P h i l l i p s , H. Rhodes, and J. Taylor, I969], n.p.), Entick's dictionary (John Entick, Entick's New Spelling Dictionary [London: C. D i l l y , 1789], p. 243), or i n Johnson's work (Samuel Johnson, A Dictionary  of the English Language: In Which the Words Are Deduced  from the O r i g i n a l s , and I l l u s t r a t e d i n Their Different Sig-n i f i c a t i o n s by Examples from the Best Writers. To Which are  Prefixed, a History of the Language, and an English Grammar [7 ed.; London: J. Rivington et a l . , 1785J, n.p.). 18ln the middle of the Eighteenth Century, almost twenty percent of the female children i n England were bap-t i z e d with the name "Mary" (E. Withycombe, The Oxford Dic-tionary of English Christian Names L2d ed.; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969J, p. 201). It w i l l also be r e c a l l e d that i n Plate 3 our heroine i s referred to as "Md. Hackabout" (above, p. 8). While the two l e t t e r s i n "Md." might be the f i r s t and l a s t l e t t e r s of her C h r i s t i a n name (in which case her name might be Magnild, M a l f r i d . Marid, Marigold, Maud, Meliad, Meraud, Mildred, or Moridd [F. Loughead, Dictionary of Given Names with Their  Origins and Meanings (Glendale, C a l i f o r n i a : Arthur H. Clark Co., 1934), pp. 294-313]), i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y that the "Md." i s an abbreviation of "Madam." 1 9 J o h n Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d (London: George Routledge and Sons, 1884), p. 60. 2 0Thomas Clerk, The Works of William Hogarth. (In-cluding the "Analysis of Beauty") Elucidated by Descriptions. C r i t i c a l , Moral, and H i s t o r i c a l ; Founded on the Most Approved  Authorities. To Which Is Prefixed Some Account of His L i f e (London: R. Scholey, 1821), I, p. 62. 2 1 I b i d . It i s e n t i r e l y possible that t h i s woman did t e l l Miss Hackabout that she wanted to hire her as a domes-t i c . Apparently ladies who needed servants might meet i n -coming wagons i n an attempt to hire g i r l s from the country (M. D. George, Hogarth to Cruikshank: S o c i a l Change i n  Graphic Satire [London: The Penguin Press, 1967J, p. 51); thus the woman speaking to Miss Hackabout may have used t h i s method of h i r i n g g i r l s . However, the position of the older woman's r i g h t hand suggests that she wanted to have as good a look as possible at Miss Hackabout's face, and that she i s possibly f a r more interested i n the young lady's appearance than she would have been had she not had other ideas i n mind f o r Miss Hackabout. Paulson, I, p. 144. 23Quennell, p. 84. 2-»Ibid. ^Alexander Pope, "Dunciad," i n The Best of Pope, ed. G. Sherburn (New York: The Ronald Press, 1940), p. 295. F i e l d i n g also mentions Mother Needham, as we can see by the following quotation from the epilogue i n "Pasquin" (Henry F i e l d i n g , Pasquin ["The Works of Henry F i e l d i n g , " Vol. XII, Pt. 2; New York: Eighteenth Century Club, 1902], p. 195): "The play, once done, the epilogue, by r u l e , Should come and turn i t a l l to r i d i c u l e ; Should t e l l the ladies that the tra g i c bards, Who prate of Virtue and her vast rewards, Are a l l i n je s t , and only fo o l s should heed 'em; For a l l wise women fl o c k to Mother Needham. This i s the method epilogues pursue, But we to-night i n everything are new. Our author then, i n jest throughout the play, Now begs a serious word or two to say." 2 oTownsend, n.p. 2 7Grub-street Journal (London), March 25, 1731, quoted i n Nichols, Biographical Anecdotes of William Hogarth; with a Catalogue of His Works PP. 189-190. 2^Grub-street Journal (London), A p r i l 29, 1731, quoted i n Nichols, Biographical Anecdotes of William Hogarth; with a Catalogue of His Works . . . . p. 190. " 2°Grub-street Journal (London), May 6, 1731, quoted i n Nichols, Biographical Anecdotes of William Hogarth; with  a Catalogue of His Works . . . , p. 190. 3 nGrub-street Journal (London), May 7, 1731, quoted i n Nichols, Biographical Anecdotes of William Hogarth; with  a Catalogue of His Works . . . . p . 190. ' ~~ 31ln the fourth state of t h i s plate, Mother Needham i s shown as having fewer beauty patches than she had i n ear-l i e r states (Paulson, I, p. 143). However, the suggestion regarding t h e i r use would s t i l l appear to hold true. At the same time as he made the above change, Hogarth made other rather extensive changes i n the figure of Mother Needham, but these changes do not a l t e r her o v e r a l l appearance or pose. (It should also be pointed out that whenever a spe-c i f i c state of a plate i s mentioned i n t h i s study, the nu-merical designation of the state was determined by reference to Paulson's analysis as contained i n his Hogarth's Graphic Works, Vol. I.) 3 2Above, p. 12. 33Above, p. 8. 34Above, p. 12. 35Rurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  Ins t i t u t e s , XV, p. 149. 3°Paulson, I, p. 143. 3?Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  Ins t i t u t e s , XV, p. 149. 3 8 I b i d . , p. 146. T h i s series (by C. Castagna, and possibly engraved by G. P i c c i n i [Ibid.3) seems to have been produced i n the middle of the Seventeenth Century (Ibid.). An a r t i s t i c a l l y i n f e r i o r version, with the scenes reversed, was published by G. Longhi between 1655 and 1658 (Ibid.). This t a l e i s one of the I t a l i a n "moral-tale[s] t o l d i n p i c -tures" referred to e a r l i e r (above, p. 5 ) . 39Jean Rouquet, Lettres de Monsieur -ft ^ a un de ses  Amis a Paris pour Lui expliquer les Estampes de Monsieur  Hogarth (London: R. Dodsley, 1746), p. 5. ^ 0Paulson, I, p. 144. Z f lJohn Arbuthnot, "Epitaph," Gentleman's Magazine. II (1732), p. 718, quoted i n G. Lichtenberg, Lichtenberg's  Commentaries on Hogarth's Engravings, trans. Innes Herdan and Gustav Herdan (London: Cresset Press, 1966), p. 11. The above-mentioned Lichtenberg's Commentaries on  Hogarth's Engravings w i l l be referred to throughout t h i s study. This work was written by a German, Georg Lichtenberg, Professor of Physics at the University of Gottingen (Innes Herdan and Gustav Herdan, "Introduction," i n Lichtenberg, Lichtenberg's Commentaries on Hogarth's Engravings, trans. Innes Herdan and Gustav Herdan, p. XI), who visited England in 1770-1771 and 1774-1775 (Ibid., p. XIII). His comments on Hogarth's works f i r s t appeared between 1784 and 1786 in the Gottinger Taschenkalender (Ibid.. p. IX). This series was so successful that an enlarged and revised version was published separately in installments between 1794 and 1799 -(Ibid.). It i s the latter version that i s the source of the translated edition referred to in this study (Ibid.). Lichtenberg's work i s a valuable source of information; how-ever, while i t was being written Lichtenberg had in front of him copies of Hogarth's works made by the German.engraver E.. Riepenhausen (Ibid.. p. XIII), and i t might be wondered i f some of his comments would have been different had he been looking at the original prints. -+2Paulson, I, p. 144. ^Alexander Pope, Moral Essays ("The Works of Alex-ander Pope Esq. With His Last Corrections, Additions, and Improvements: Together with the Commentary and Notes of His Editor," Vol. I l l ; London: A. Millar et a l . . 1766), p. 276. ^ I b i d . 45Paulson, I, p. 144. 4 6 i b i d . 47ibid. 4#R. H. Wilenski, English Painting (3d ed. rev.; London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1954), p. 80. 49ibid. 5nG. Sala, William Hogarth: Painter. Engraver, and  Philosopher. Essays on the Man, the Work, and the Time (London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1866), p. 163. 5 1Ibid. 52Above, p. 4. 53Paulson, I, p. 144. 54Above, p. 4. 55Grub-street Journal (London), August 6, 1730, quoted in Paulson, I, p. 144. 5 6 I b i d . 5 7 I b i d . 5 8 P a u l s o n , I, p. 144. 5°Quennell, p. 94 . 6 0 P a u l s o n , I , p. 144. 6 l W i l e n s k i , p. 80. 6 2 P a u l s o n , I , p. 144. 6 3 L i c h t e n b e r g , p. 12. °%ilenski, p. 80. °5Nichols, B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes of W i l l i a m Hogarth; w i t h a Catalogue of His Works . . . . p. 189. • ~~ 0 0 J . B. N i c h o l s , "Catalogue of Hogarth's P r i n t s , " i n Anecdotes of W i l l i a m Hogarth. W r i t t e n by Himself: With Es-says on His L i f e and Genius . 7~. , ed. N i c h o l s , p. 181. 6 7Above, p. 18. 6#There apparently was an i n n of t h a t name on Wood Str e e t ( I r e l a n d and N i c h o l s , Hogarth's Works: With L i f e and  Anecdotal D e s c r i p t i o n s of His P i c t u r e s , p. 102). ^ L i c h t e n b e r g , pp. 8-9. I t might be pointed out th a t the board on which checkers i s played today, and on which i t was played i n the Eighteenth Century, had eigh t squares along each s i d e , not seven (T. Wisw e l l , "Draughts," Encyclopedia B r i t a n n i c a . ed. W. Yust, V I I [i960], p. 623); the same i s t r u e of both today's chessboard and the chess-board of two hundred years ago (H. Golombek, "Chess," Encyclopedia B r i t a n n i c a . ed. W. Yust, V [I960], p. 427). 70while t h i s person could be a g i r l , her o v e r a l l appearance seems t o suggest she i s a person of more mature years. 7 1 H e r e again i t i s impossible t o s t a t e d e f i n i t e l y t h a t t h i s i s the case, f o r although t h i s appears the most l i k e l y e x p lanation others could be suggested; f o r example, the person i n question could simply be le a n i n g on the r a i l -i n g and l o o k i n g down. Lichtenberg s t a t e s t h a t t h i s person " i s holding either a pair of boots or a p a i r of s t i f f stock-ings which seem to have a generous admixture of water" (Lichtenberg, p. 9 ) . While she might be holding the two items as opposed to hanging them over the r a i l i n g , the l a t -t e r would seem to be a more l i k e l y p o s s i b i l i t y ; and as f o r the items of wearing apparel being boots rather than stock-ings, the o v e r a l l appearance of these objects seems to sug-gest that they are stockings and not boots, although here again t h i s could be debated. 7 2Lichtenberg, p. 9 . 7 3Above, p. 12. 74The two female passengers mentioned are the only ones that one can d e f i n i t e l y see i n the wagon. A shape seen i n the i n t e r i o r of the conveyance might indicate the pres-ence of another passenger, but t h i s shape could also i n d i -cate something other than a person's head. And while the shape seen beside one of the above-mentioned female passen-gers at f i r s t glance appears to be a portion of a person's body, close examination shows that the shape must indicate something else, as no head can be seen to go with t h i s shape. 75George, p. 5. 7°The occupants would have spent t h e i r nights i n the wagon, or i n an out-house or barn; according to George, "the humblest class of t r a v e l l e r was seldom admitted to the inns where the wagon put up, and could seldom a f f o r d the cost" (Ibid.). 77ibid. 78That t h i s person i s a clergyman, and that he might also be said to be approximately under the three items of laundry mentioned e a r l i e r (above, pp. 20-21), suggests an i n t e r e s t i n g p o s s i b i l i t y , as does the fact the figure associ-ated with Colonel Charteris i s standing under a sign showing a checkerboard pattern having seven squares i n i t s bottom horizontal row (above, p. 20). For Hogarth may have shown three items on the cloth e s l i n e (rather than four or f i v e ) as an a l l u s i o n to the Holy T r i n i t y , i n order to indicate that the clergyman was indeed a very righteous person; further-more, Hogarth may have meant the seven squares i n the bottom row of the checkerboard pattern to suggest the "Seven Deadly Sins" to the viewer, and thereby impress upon him the type of person the man standing i n the doorway was. Upon consid-eration, however, i t would seem that while such a l l u s i o n s are possible, to treat these two configurations of elements as such i s probably t o read i n t o them more than the a r t i s t intended. (Regarding the seven squares i n each h o r i z o n t a l row of the aforementioned checkerboard p a t t e r n , i t should be noted t h a t a s i m i l a r s i g n i s found i n Hogarth's "Beer S t r e e t " p r i n t , which appeared i n 1751 [Paulson, I , p. 206], In the l a t t e r s i g n , the v e r t i c a l rows i n the checkerboard p a t t e r n c o n t a i n seven squares [ u n f o r t u n a t e l y , the number of squares i n the h o r i z o n t a l rows cannot be a c c u r a t e l y determined]. In t h i s same p r i n t , on a post t h a t supports a s i g n f o r a t a v e r n , another checkerboard p a t t e r n can be seen. This p a t t e r n , which would q u i t e p o s s i b l y be paint e d on a l l f o u r sides of t h i s post, has seven squares i n each of i t s v e r t i c a l rows.) 7 9Rouquet, p. 4. An i n t e r e s t i n g s i t u a t i o n e x i s t s regarding Rouquet's comments on Hogarth's works. Rouquet appears t o have been an acquaintance of Hogarth's; f o r exam-p l e , i n a l e t t e r t o Hogarth w r i t t e n i n P a r i s on March 22, 1753, Rouquet r e f e r s t o a l l t h a t he has t o t e l l the a r t i s t when they meet ( L e t t e r from Jean Rouquet t o W i l l i a m Hogarth, March 22, 1753, quoted i n John La Farge and A u s t i n Dobson, The Works of W i l l i a m Hogarth. I n c l u d i n g the A n a l y s i s of  Beauty and F i v e Day's P e r e g r i n a t i o n [ P h i l a d e l p h i a : George B a r r i e and Son, 1900], I I I , p. 16), and continues: " F i r s t , I hope you are i n p e r f e c t h e a l t h ; and the next news I want to hear i s , when your book [The  A n a l y s i s of Beauty] i s t o be published. I have r a i s e d some expectations about i t amongst a r t i s t s and v i r t u o s i here, and hope t o have the f i r s t t h a t s h a l l come over, t h a t I may boast of your f r i e n d -s h i p by being the f i r s t usher of a performance which, I am sure, w i l l make many people wish they were acquainted w i t h you." We are a l s o t o l d by N i c h o l s ( N i c h o l s , B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes  of W i l l i a m Hogarth: w i t h a Catalogue of His Works . . . , pp. 103-105), t h a t Rouquet's publication.was: " c e r t a i n l y suggested by Hogarth, and drawn up at h i s immediate request. I r e c e i v e t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n from undoubted a u t h o r i t y . Some of the circumstances ex-planatory of the p l a t e s , he communicated; the r e s t he l e f t t o be s u p p l i e d by Rouquet h i s near neighbour . . . . [Rouquet] was l i b e r a l l y paid by Hogarth, f o r having cl o a t h e d h i s sentiments and i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n a f o r e i g n dress . . . . The e n t i r e performance, however, i n my o p i n i o n , e x h i b i t s very strong marks of the v i v a c i o u s compiler's t a s t e , country, and pre-j u d i c e s . Indeed many passages must have been i n s e r t -ed without the p r i v i t y of his employer, who had no s k i l l i n the French language . . . . This e p i s t l e bears also i n t e r n a l evidence to the suggestions Rouquet received from Hogarth. I am authorized to add, thar [ s i c ] Hogarth, not long before his death, had determined, i n compliance with the repeated s o l i c i t a t i o n s of his customers, to have t h i s work enlarged and rendered into English, with the addition of ample comments on a l l his per-formances undescribed by Rouquet." Thus, while Rouquet's work would appear to have some authority behind i t , his statements should not necessarily be regarded as accurate. 8 0 I f t h i s gentleman had journeyed from the north with Miss Hackabout, he might simply have been the l o c a l parson; he may have decided to journey to London, and Miss Habkabout may have made the journey at the same time so that she would have the benefit of a trustworthy male guardian. Ireland states that the young lady "may possibly be daughter . . ." to the clergyman (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 6 0 ) , while Wheatley (H. B. Wheatley, Hogarth's London: Pictures  of Manners of the Eighteenth Century LLondon: Constable and Co., 1909], p. 273), on the other hand, asserts that: " I t i s scarcely possible that Hogarth intended the poor clergyman on his half-starved horse to be the g i r l ' s father. I f he had been such, he could not have allowed his daughter to f a l l into the hands of the brazen, procuress . . . ." So here again we have a problem of interpretation that re-mains open to debate. However, i t might perhaps be suggest-ed that a series i n which a young woman became a pr o s t i t u t e , and died at an early age, might possibly have more impact on the viewer i f the young lady i n question had been raised i n a Chri s t i a n household than i t would have i f the young woman had not been raised i n such an environment. Then, too, we are t o l d by a Frenchman who t r a v e l l e d i n England during the reign of George III that v i c a r s ' daughters "'furnished' most of the 'houses' and streets i n London . . .'? ( Grosley, quoted i n A. Parreaux, Daily L i f e i n England i n the Reign of  George I I I , trans. C. Congreve [London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1969], p. 135). This statement, although i t should not be taken l i t e r a l l y , might perhaps present, or be an exaggeration of, a commonly-held opinion of the time. I f such were the case, Hogarth would have had an add i t i o n a l reason f o r making the clergyman our heroine's father. 8 1Edmund Gibson was born i n 1669 and died i n 1748 (George Perry, "Gibson, Edmund," The Dictionary of National  Biography, ed. L. Stephen and S. Lee, I I I L1964J, p. 1153). He became bishop of London i n 1720, and remained bishop of t h i s diocese u n t i l his death. Gibson was a p r o l i f i c writer, and one of his works was the authoritative Codex Juris  Ecclesiae Anglicanae; or the Statutes, Constitutions. Canons. Rubrics, and A r t i c l e s of the Church of England Digested  under Their Proper Heads, with a Commentary H i s t o r i c a l and  J u d i c i a l (Ibid., p. 1154). He was, f o r a long period of time, on intimate terms with S i r Robert Walpole, even serv-ing as Walpole*s chief advisor i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l matters, and contemporary notices picture him as a patron of learned men (Ibid.). 8 2Paulson, I, p. 143. Examination of the early states of t h i s scene shows that some lines of shadow, and some writing, were removed from the master plate before i t was used to print the f i r s t state. Close scrutiny of t h i s state (by means of enlarged photographs) suggests that the writing that was removed (a f a i n t , b l u r r y outline of which i s s t i l l v i s i b l e i n the early states) was probably also the word "London." And why would Hogarth f i r s t want t h i s word included i n the scene, then decide to remove i t , and f i n a l l y , at a l a t e r date, replace i t ? Late i n 1744, Hogarth announced the "Second Impression, of the Harlot's Progress of the O r i g i n a l Plates, at One Guinea each Sett" (London Evening Post. Dec. 29, 1744, quoted i n Paulson, I, p. 1 4 3 ) . I t seems l i k e l y that i t was at t h i s time Hogarth added a Latin cross to the plate below the actual scene (Paulson, I, p. 143). A state Paulson ref e r s to as "State 2" (Ibid.),.. contains a Latin cross, but does not show the word "London"; thus i t i s possible that the plates to which Hogarth referred i n the preceding announcement did not contain the aforementioned word i n the l e t t e r the clergyman i s holding. Therefore, the word "London" may not have been added to the plate u n t i l a f t e r the year 1744, which raises the p o s s i b i l i t y i t was not added u n t i l a f t e r Edmund Gibson died i n 1748 (above, p.179 )• And i f such were the case, i t would seem that Hogarth r e -moved the word i n order to avoid making a d i r e c t reference to the aforementioned bishop of London. #3Hogarth uses t h i s same technique i n the second plate of t h i s s e r i e s . 8^Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 150. Part I: Chapter II •^ -Townsend, n.p. 2Rouquet, p. 5. 3Rouquet was not the f i r s t to give the heroine of the series a Jewish provider. For example, copies of these plates put out by Thomas and John Bowles (which presumably appeared before the end of A p r i l , 1732 [Paulson, I, p. 142]), had below them explanatory verses, and i n the verse explain-ing Plate 2 t h i s person i s said to be of the Jewish race (Nichols, Biographical Anecdotes of William Hogarth; with a  Catalogue of His Works . . . , p. 198). 4Indeed, Quennell refers to t h i s person's "Sephardic p r o f i l e " (Quennell, p. 95). 5T. Cook (ed.), Anecdotes of the Celebrated William  Hogarth, with an Explanatory Description of His Works (London: John Stockdale, 1813), p. 269. °G. M. Trevelyan, English Social History; A Survey  of Six Centuries. Chaucer to Queen V i c t o r i a ("Pelican Books"; Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 1967), p. 46. 7 l b i d . , p. 410. 8Quennell, p. 95. 9Ibid. 1 0 I b i d . U l r e l a n d states that t h i s person "has been said to be a p o r t r a i t , but of whom, I never could get any informa-t i o n " (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 64), and Moore i s of the opinion that the gentleman was "probably a r e a l person" (Moore, p. 26). In the absence of d e f i n i t e proof, however, such an assertion must remain conjectural. 1 2Paulson, I, p. 145. 13Antal states that " i n accordance with the p a t r i -o t i c sentiments of his class and somewhat i n contrast to the more internationally-minded aristocracy, Hogarth was strongly prejudiced against a l l foreigners . . .tt (F. Antal, Hogarth  and His Place in European Art [London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1962j, p. 3 ) . Thus i t i s conceivable the art i s t may have been prejudiced against members of the Jewish race l i v -ing in England. •*^This action i s described later in this chapter (above, p. 26). 15 This scene i s much like a picture that illustrated "The Taming of the Shrew" in Nicholas Rowe's edition of Shakespeare works, which appeared in 1709 (Antal, Hogarth  and His Place in European Art, p. 105). In this i l l u s t r a -tion, in which the "suspended action" technique i s seen, the anonymous il l u s t r a t o r shows Petruccio overturning a table and scattering the dishes that were upon i t , while Catherine and two others look on with expressions of surprise or fright on their faces (Ibid., p i . 36a). Since at the time Hogarth's series appeared Rowe's edition was the edition of Shakespeare (F. Antal, "Hogarth and His Borrowings," The Art Bulletin. XXIX [March, 1947], p. 41), i t i s quite possible Hogarth was familiar with i t . Therefore, as Paulson suggests (Paulson, I, p. 145), certain elements in the second plate of "A Har-lot's Progress" may have been derived from the aforemention-ed i l l u s t r a t i o n . !6This appears to be the only place in the room where this gentleman could have hidden and from where he could have tip-toed unobserved to his present position. 1 7From the position of Miss Hackabout's right hand and fingers, she may have signalled her f i r s t v i s i t o r when to begin making his escape. 1 8 I t i s of interest to note that, in the sixth scene of the previously-mentioned Italian moral tale entitled "Lo Specchio a l Fin de l a Putana" (above, p. 15), the courtesan i s being greeted by a well-dressed Polish gentleman (Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XV, p. 150), while at the back of the room another man slips through a curtain that i s held open by a maid (Ibid.). Thus Hogarth could conceivably have obtained the basic idea for Plate 2 from this scene. And before we terminate the discussion of the maid and the young gentleman for whom she i s holding open the door, i t might be mentioned that the latter has his sword and cane tucked under his l e f t arm. It would seem to be the former item which gave Quennell the id e a t h a t he was a fenc-i n g master (Quennell, p. 94), an assumption which i s a l s o put f o r t h by Townsend (Townsend, n.p.). This suggestion would seem t o be erroneous, as we are t o l d by Ashton t h a t , i n Queen Anne's time, "every gentleman c a r r i e d a sword . . ." (John Ashton, S o c i a l L i f e i n the Reign of Queen Anne: Taken  from O r i g i n a l Sources [London: Chatto and Windus, 1919J, p. 118), and t h a t "with a beau, h i s sword, as every other part of h i s dress, r e c e i v e d h i s s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n , and he was very seldom without i t , except when dancing" ( I b i d . ) . Furthermore, Keatinge and Perry s t a t e t h a t , i n the l a s t quar-t e r of the Eighteenth Century, "the p r a c t i c e of wearing swords f e l l i n t o disuse . . . " (M. W. Keatinge and D. G. Perry, L i f e and Progress H i s t o r i e s . V o l . IV: B r i t a i n i n the  Eighteenth Century [London: A. and C. Black L t d . , 1949J, p. 253). Thus, at the time "A H a r l o t ' s Progress" appeared, i t would seem t h a t a gentleman would not have t o be a fenc-i n g master t o c a r r y a sword.. And regarding canes, Ashton t e l l s us t h a t they were "equal, at l e a s t , i n importance t o the sword" (Ashton, p. 120). 1 QCook (ed..), p. 268. 20Antal, Hogarth and His Place i n European A r t , p. 132. In P l a t e 4 of Hogarth's "Industry and I d l e n e s s " s e r i e s published i n 1747 (Paulson, I , p. 194), the expres-sions of the man and the dog i n the lower l e f t - h a n d corner appear somewhat s i m i l a r , and i n h i s "The Gate of C a l a i s , or the Roast Beef of Old England" published i n 1749 ( I b i d . , p. 202), there i s a resemblance between the g r i n n i n g women and the r a y - f i s h i n the foreground of the p i c t u r e . Thus Hogarth may have i n t e n t i o n a l l y shown s i m i l a r i t i e s of appear-ance between human beings and animals, and i n P l a t e 2 of "A Ha r l o t ' s Progress" he may have wanted t o suggest t h a t Miss Hackabout's p r o v i d e r was c l o s e l y a k i n t o the animal scampering across the f l o o r . This would be i n keeping w i t h the previously-mentioned suggestion of a n t i - J e w i s h p r e j u d i c e on Hogarth's part (above, p. 1 8 l ) . 2 1 K e a t i n g e and Perry, p. 254. I t might a l s o be noted t h a t , i n the previously-mentioned s i x t h scene of "Lo Specchio a l F i n de l a Putana" (above, p. 18l)» the P o l i s h gentleman i s being attended by two black pages, one of whom has a monkey on h i s shoulder (Kurz, Jour n a l of the Warburg  and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , XV, p. 150T~. 2 2Cook (ed.), p. 269. -'Ibid. Gook asserts that Miss Hackabout's mask "may further be understood to s i g n i f y that those who have deviated from the paths of v i r t u e , are frequently constrain-ed to cover i n f i d e l i t i e s with at least a f i g u r a t i v e mask" (Ibid.). While the mask might possibly be taken as s i g n i f y -ing t h i s , and while other interpretations might be suggested, i t cannot be established with any degree of certainty that Hogarth intended the mask to imply anything other than that our heroine had attended the masquerades. Regarding the masquerades themselves, these became fashionable under Heydegger i n the early part of the Eight-eenth Century (W. C. Sydney, England and the English i n the  Eighteenth Century: Chapters i n the S o c i a l History of the Times L2d ed.; Edinburgh: John Grant, n.d.J, I, p. 144). Sydney further asserts (Ibid.. p. 145) that: "masquerades were productive of an i n f i n i t e l y greater amount of e v i l than good. 'The midnight orgy and the mazy dance, The smile of beauty and the f l u s h of wine, For fops, f o o l s , gamesters, knaves, and lords combine; Each to his humor—Comus a l l allows: Champagne, dice, music, or your neighbours spouse.' The episcopal bench inveighed against t h e i r vices and f o l l i e s . The poets and essayists lashed them. The grand jury of Middlesex at l a s t presented those that were held at the King's Theatre, 'conceiving the same to be a wicked and unlawful design to carry on gam-ing, chances by way of l o t t e r y , and other impious and i l l e g a l practices.' Not withstanding a l l t h i s , masquerades appear from the newspapers and published correspondence of t h i s period to have held t h e i r ground . . . ." Masquerades were much patronized by the court (Perry, The Dictionary of National Biography. VII, p. 1154). According to Hughes (T. Hughes. "Costume." Johnson's England: An Account of the L i f e and Manners of His Age, ed. A. Tu r b e r v i l l e [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933J, I, p. 403), they f e l l into disrepute with " p o l i t e company" early i n the 1780's. i n t e r e s t i n g feature of t h i s picture i s that a portion of t h i s picture's frame has been cut away to accom-modate the molding around the doorway t o our heroine's room. Is t h i s supposed t o represent an a c t u a l p i c t u r e t h a t has had i t s frame a l t e r e d i n t h i s fashion? Or are we supposed t o b e l i e v e t h a t the p i c t u r e frame i s i n t a c t , and merely hidden by a doorway which has been recessed i n t o the room? And there i s even the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t , as Lichtenberg s t a t e s , t h i s p i c t u r e "may even be woven i n t o the t a p e s t r y " ( L i c h t e n -berg, p. 23). While two of these p o s s i b i l i t i e s should i d e -a l l y be discarded i n f a v o r of the most l i k e l y suggestion, none of the above-mentioned s o l u t i o n s appears t o be unques-t i o n a b l y more l i k e l y than any other. Thus, t h i s question should perhaps not be pursued f u r t h e r u n t i l a d d i t i o n a l e v i -dence comes to l i g h t . 2 S J o n a h 4: 6-8. 2 o I t i s of i n t e r e s t t o note t h a t the p r e v i o u s l y -mentioned I t a l i a n moral t a l e "Lo Specchio a l F i n de l a Putana" (above, p. 15) c o n t a i n s , i n Kurz's words, "the i d e a t h a t the p i c t u r e s adorning a room should e x p a t i a t e on the scene enacted i n i t . . ." (Kurz. J o u r n a l of the Warburg and  Gourtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 151). 2 7 l l Samuel 6: 6-7. In the p i c t u r e , Uzzah i s shown being k i l l e d by a mitred p r i e s t , who stabs him i n the back. Paulson s t a t e s t h a t "the p i c t u r e i s a memory of Laguerre's headpiece f o r 2nd Samuel, engraved by C. Dupuis, i n the 'Vin-egar B i b l e ' (Baskett, 1717), i n which T h o r n h i l l ' s work a l s o appeared" (Paulson, I , p. 323). ( S i r James T h o r n h i l l was Hogarth's f a t h e r - i n - l a w . ) 2 8 I I Samuel 6 : 16. 2 9 P a u l s o n a s s e r t s t h a t both of the l a r g e p i c t u r e s i n P l a t e 2 "imply the s t e r n Old Testament j u s t i c e t h a t M o l l can expect from the Jew when he disc o v e r s her d u p l i c i t y " (Paulson, I , p. 145). 3°To consider them i n t h i s order i n the p r i n t would be t o consider them from l e f t t o r i g h t i n the o r i g i n a l , p r o v i d i n g t h i s p r i n t i s a r e v e r s a l of the o r i g i n a l (which i t might p o s s i b l y be); thus, since we read from l e f t t o r i g h t , we are p o s s i b l y c o n s i d e r i n g them i n the order i n which they were meant t o be examined. 31paulson, I , p. 145. 3 2 i b i d 3 % i c h o l s suggests the one p i c t u r e i s of Henry Fox and not of a person named Woolston ( N i c h o l s , "Catalogue of Hogarth's P r i n t s , " i n Anecdotes of W i l l i a m Hogarth, W r i t t e n  by Himself: With Essays on His L i f e and Genius . . . , ed, N i c h o l s , p. 182). While t h i s might be the case, N i c h o l s does not s t a t e the source of h i s i n f o r m a t i o n ; t h e r e f o r e , s i n c e we do have some b a s i s f o r assuming t h i s person was named Woolston, we should perhaps consider t h i s t o be a more l i k e l y p o s s i b i l i t y than the suggestion proposed by N i c h o l s . Another source i n f e r s t h a t at one point Hogarth had l a b e l l e d one of the p i c t u r e s "Woolston," but t h a t he subse-quently removed the name from the p l a t e (John N i c h o l s and George Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m Hogarth; I l -l u s t r a t e d w i t h B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes, a C h r o n o l o g i c a l Cat-alogue, and Commentary LLondon: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1808J, I I , p. 99). The v e r a c i t y of t h i s statement might perhaps be questioned, however, as i t would appear there i s a p o s s i b l i t y t h i s a s s e r t i o n was made not on the ba-s i s of a c t u a l examination of such a p r i n t , but on hearsay evidence (Paulson, I , p. 145). 34Alexander Gordon, "Woolston, Thomas," The D i c t i o n -ary of N a t i o n a l Biography, ed. L. Stephen and S. Lee, XXI (1964), p. 908. Woolston was born i n 1670, and d i e d i n 1733 ( I b i d . ) . According t o Gordon, "he bore the repute of a sound s c h o l a r , a good preacher, a c h a r i t a b l e and estimable man" ( I b i d . ) . He was a p r o l i f i c w r i t e r , two of h i s works being The Old Apology f o r . . . the C h r i s t i a n R e l i g i o n Re-v i v e d , which came out i n 1705. and The Exact F i t n e s s of the  Time i n which C h r i s t Was Manifested, published i n 1722. In 1725 he published A Moderator between an I n f i d e l and an  Apostate, and two supplements t o t h i s work; i n these he c a r -r i e d a l l e g o r y t o the length of q u e s t i o n i n g the v i r g i n b i r t h of C h r i s t and the h i s t o r i c r e a l i t y of the r e s u r r e c t i o n (he had e a r l i e r adopted the i d e a of i n t e r p r e t i n g the s c r i p t u r e s as a l l e g o r y from Origen). The government i n d i c t e d . h i m f o r blasphemy, but d i d not proceed w i t h the case. In 1726 h i s A Defence of the M i r a c l e of the Thundering Legion appeared; t h i s i s s a i d t o be a remarkable "tour de f o r c e . " Between 1727 and 1729 he published s i x "Discourses" ( I b i d . . pp. 908-910). A f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n of the f o u r t h , the government resumed prosecution against him ( I b i d . , p. 910). He was found g u i l t y on f o u r counts, and sentenced t o a f i n e and a year's imprisonment. Gordon s t a t e s t h a t "he purchased the l i b e r t y of the r u l e s of the king's bench, and there remain-ed t i l l h i s death, being unable t o pay the f i n e . . . " ( I b i d . ) . 35 Les l i e Stephen, " C l a r k e , Samuel," The D i c t i o n a r y  of N a t i o n a l Biography, ed. L. Stephen and S. Lee, IV (1964), p. 443. Clarke was born i n 1675, and d i e d i n 1729. He ob-t a i n e d a B.A. i n I695, and h i s D.D. degree i n , or s l i g h t l y a f t e r , 1709. A f t e r the death of Locke i n 1704, he was gen-e r a l l y regarded as the f i r s t of E n g l i s h metaphysicians ( I b i d . ) . Stephen a s s e r t s t h a t " h i s a p r i o r i philosophy was e n t i r e l y opposed t o the s p i r i t of Locke's t e a c h i n g , and he r e j e c t e d the s c e p t i c a l conclusions of Locke's d i s c i p l e s " ( I b i d . ) . Clarke was the founder of the s o - c a l l e d " i n t e l -l e c t u a l " s c h o o l , which "deduced the moral law from a l o g i -c a l n e c e s s i t y " ( I b i d . ) . Stephen s t a t e s t h a t , according t o C l a r k e , " i t i s . . . as absurd t o deny th a t I should do t o my neighbor as he should do t o me as t o a s s e r t t h a t , though two and three are equal t o f i v e , f i v e i s not equal to two and t h r e e " ( I b i d . ) . His t h e o l o g i c a l d o c t r i n e r e s u l t e d i n h i s becoming i n v o l v e d i n c o n t r o v e r s i e s w i t h many t h i n k e r s of opposite schools. Orthodox d i v i n e s condemned him " f o r preaching a d i s g u i s e d deism, wh i l e the d e i s t s condemned him f o r r e t a i n i n g orthodox phraseology and an h i s t o r i c a l element of b e l i e f " ( I b i d . ) . Among h i s numerous published works are Paraphrases  on the Four Gospels, published i n 1701-1702; The S c r i p t u r e  Doctrine of the T r i n i t y , which appeared i n 1712; and Seven-teen Sermons, published i n 1724 ( I b i d . , p. 446). I t was a f t e r the p u b l i c a t i o n of the second of these works t h a t he was 0accused of Arianism; Stephen t e l l s us t h a t the general tendency of t h i s work was " c l e a r l y i n t h a t d i r e c t i o n " ( I b i d . , p. 444). 3°Paulson, I , p. 145. Part I : Chapter I I I ^ I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 65. 2Cook (ed.), p. 271. 3The s i m i l a r i t i e s between P l a t e 3 and the scene which Vertue suggests l e d t o the c r e a t i o n of t h i s s e r i e s (above, p. 3) w i l l become apparent as t h i s p l a t e i s described. •^The view through the doorway at the r i g h t of the p i c t u r e seems t o show t h a t i t i s l i g h t o u t s i d e , thus p l a c i n g the time as being c l o s e t o noon r a t h e r than almost midnight. SCook (ed.), p. 270. °Lichtenberg, p. 2.8, 7 0 f course, there i s the possibility she was given the watch, and that she i s daydreaming about the events of the previous evening. 8 I t does not seem likely that Hogarth would show us the face of the watch for the sole purpose of t e l l i n g us that our heroine was not arising u n t i l noon; there seems no reason why Hogarth should wish to stress this point, particularly since i t might be surmised that this scene i s taking place during the day (above, p. 166) > and since i t might perhaps also be surmised that Miss Hackabout has just arisen. °Paulson, I, p. I46. Nichols terms this person a "maid" (Nichols, "Catalogue of Hogarth's Prints," in Anec-dotes of William Hogarth, Written by Himself: With Essays  on His Life and Genius . . . , ed. Nichols, p. 183), and Townsend calls her a "bunter charwoman" (Townsend, n.p.), probably taking the term "bunter" from Vertue's account (above, p. 3). Lichtenberg states she i s "evidently the president of the establishment" (Lichtenberg, p. 29), a situation which, although possible, i s perhaps not li k e l y . l°The t i p of her nose appears to be missing. It also appears virtu a l l y impossible that this woman i s the same person who i s holding the door open in Plate 2. --•-•Quennell, p. 96. l 2Felton, a commentator who lived in the Eighteenth Century, includes the lack of a kettle in his l i s t of " i n -stances of her [Miss Hackabout's] poverty" ( Felton, An Explanation of Several of Mr. Hogarth's Prints [London: Felton, 1785J, p. 6). 1 3 A factor contributing towards the room's disorder-ly appearance i s the cloth item (possibly an article of wearing apparel) hanging over one of this table's rungs. ^Paulson, I, p. 146. Although this item perhaps appears d i f f i c u l t to identify, there seems l i t t l e reason to doubt i t i s butter. p. 1154. 15Above, p. 22. l oPerry, The Dictionary of National Biography, VII, l^Above, P« 2 8 » Perry states that "Gibson remon-strated p r i v a t e l y with the k i n g , and procured a p e t i t i o n signed by several bishops f o r the abandonment of these enter-tainments [masquerades]" (Perry, The Dict ionary of Nat ional  Biography. V I I , p. 1154). 1 8 A s mentioned e a r l i e r , a mask i s seen on her dress-ing table (above, p. 28) . w i t c h ' s hat i s hanging on the w a l l ; i f she were not s t i l l attending the masquerades there would be l i t t l e reason f o r i t s being there . Below the hat i s what appears to be a broom, or a port ion thereof . This might be a part of her costume, or i t could be an a r t i c l e used to s a t i s f y f l a g e l l a n t s (Townsend, n . p . ) . And i t might perhaps be wondered i f Hogarth's p l a c -ing a w i t c h ' s costume i n our heroine 's possession might be intended as a comment on Miss Hackabout during t h i s period of her l i f e . 2GAc cording to Paulson, Gibson's " P a s t o r a l Letters d irected against the Deists were the object of much s a t i r i c w i t " (Paulson, I , p. 146). 21paulson, I , p. 305. Before terminating discuss ion of the p a s t o r a l l e t t e r and the butter s i t t i n g on top of i t , reference should be made to Rouquet's commentary. For Rouquet asserts that t h i s p a s t o r a l l e t t e r was one which "un grand pre'lat addressa dans ce tems-la a son diocese, & dont plusieurs exemplaires eurent le malheur d'etre renvoyes a l ' e p i c i e r " (Rouquet, p. 8 ) . And Ire land and Nichols state the above-mentioned feature of t h i s plate " int imates that the w r i t i n g s of grave prelates were sometimes to be found i n chandler 's shops . . . " (Ireland and N i c h o l s , Hogarth's  Works: With L i f e and Anecdotal Descript ions of His P i c t u r e s , p. 110). ' ' z 2 I t i s not c l e a r whether or not the f a i n t shadow seen i n the doorway i s meant to be another man. And while discussing t h i s area of the p i c t u r e , i t should be mentioned t h a t , since sky i s v i s i b l e i n the upper port ion of the doorway, our heroine 's room i s poss ib ly (as might be expected.) on one of the upper f l o o r s . 23Rouquet, p. 8. ^ P a u l s o n , I , p. 146. 2 5 T h i s p o s s i b i l i t y i s suggested i n an anecdote men-tioned by Nichols and Steevens (Nichols and Steevens, The  Genuine Works of William Hogarth: I l l u s t r a t e d with Biograph-i c a l Anecdotes . . . . I ? p. 56). This source states that: "At a Board of Treasury, . . . a copy of i t [the t h i r d plate of 'A Harlot's Progress'] was shewn by one of the Lords, as containing, among other excellences, a s t r i k i n g likeness of S i r John Gonson. It gave un i -v e r s a l s a t i s f a c t i o n ; from the Treasury each Lord repaired to the print-shop f o r a copy of i t . . . ." 2 6Paulson, I, p. 146. 2 7Quennell, p. 82. Quennell also states that the papers followed his e f f o r t s d a i l y ( I b i d . ) . Gonson was also mentioned i n the l i t e r a t u r e of his day, and i n a poem w r i t -ten by T. G i l b e r t (T. G i l b e r t , "A View of the Town," quoted i n Clerk, I, p. 71), the following l i n e s are found: "Though laws severe, to punish crimes, were made, What honest man i s of these laws afraid? A l l felons against judges w i l l exclaim, As harlots tremble at a Gonson's name." 28 Paulson, I, p. 1 4 6 . 2°If we assume that each b a i l i f f would have one s t a f f , then the f a i n t shadow i n the doorway would probably be another person (above, p. 188 ). 3 QThus i t i s possible that the term " s t a f f , " when applied to this.item, i s a misnomer. 31Paulson, I, p. 146. 3 2Lichtenberg, p. 29. Kurz would also appear to be i n agreement with Lichtenberg»s suggestion (Kurz, Journal  of the Warburg and Cpurtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 152). 33j 0hn Ireland, quoted i n Lichtenberg, p. 37. 34\Lichtenberg, p. 37. 35cook (ed.), p. 271. 3°Paulson, I, p. 146. On May 11, 1730, Dalton was executed at Tyburn f o r highway robbery ( I b i d . ) . -''One source suggests that Gonson and his group entered Miss Hackaboutfs room because they were looking for Dalton (Hannay, Trusler, and Roberts, III, p. 110). 38Above, p. 9. 39Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  Institutes. XV, p. 152. *+°Thus i t would seem possible that the bowl had been used recently, perhaps the previous evening. the third state of this plate this i s changed to a gin bottle (Paulson, I, p. 146). 42jn general, Paulson's identification of these ob-jects (JJbid.) has been followed. Above, p. 8. 44xhere also seems to be a tobacco pipe and a piece of a pipe on the floor in the same area. ^Paulson, I, p. 146. **°Townsend, n.p. •^Cook, for example, suggests that i t might "intimate the wantonness" of Miss Hackabout (Cook [ed.], p. 271). **8The seat portion of this chair looks like i t might be made from a fibrous material, and Stephens suggests that the chair i s "rush-bottomed" (F. G. Stephens, Catalogue of  Prints and Drawings in the British Museum, Div. I: P o l i t i c a l  and Personal Satires, Vol. III. Pt. I [London: Printed by order of the Trustees of the British Museum, 1877], p. 41). It i s also of interest to note that the tops of the two front legs of this chair are above the level of the seat. ^ C l e r k , I, p. 70. 5°Paulson, I, p. I46. 5 1 I b i d . 5 2Clerk refers to "the phials and boxes of nostrums, that are deposited in the window" (Clerk, I, p. 70), and Cook makes references to the "phials and pill-boxes in the window" (Cook [ed.], p. 270),. ^ G l e r k states that "though her countenance s t i l l e xhibits a few traces of that beauty which in that f i r s t print attracted our nature, i t i s bloated and marked with disease . . . ." (Clerk, I, p. 70). Examination of the face of our heroine suggests that Clerk i s probably mistaken. 5*+ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 65. 55indeed, i t might perhaps even be suggested that the odds favor the figure's being masculine rather than feminine. 5°Martin S. Day, History of English Literature ("College Course Guides"; Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1963), p. 87. Macheath i s the leader of a gang of highwaymen. He i s betrayed by his father-in-law, Jeremy Peachum (an apparently respectable gentleman who i s i n r e a l i t y the gang's "fence," and who i s an informer to the law when i t serves his i n t e r e s t s ) , and imprisoned. He es-capes, i s recaptured, t r i e d , and sentenced to death. How-ever, Macheath i s reprieved, and on his release he promises his wife, Polly (who had remained f a i t h f u l to him although he had made love to many women), that he w i l l be true to her (Ibid.). 5 7 I b i d . , p. 86. 58The l e t t e r s "S.T.P." stand f o r "Sanctae Theologiae Professor" (Lichtenberg, p. 33). 59paulson, I, p. 146. Sacheverell was born on or about 1674 (William Hunt, "Sacheverell, Henry," The Di c t i o n -ary of National Biography, ed. L. Stephen and S. Lee, XVII L1964J, p. 569). He attended Oxford, and was awarded B.A., M.A., B.D., and D.D. degrees. In both the sermons and the pamphlets that he wrote, he advocated "the high-church and tory cause, and v i o l e n t l y abused dissenters, low churchmen, l a t i t u d i n a r i a n s , and whigs" (Ibid.). As a re s u l t of remarks made i n two sermons he preached i n 1709 (and which were pub-lis h e d i n the same year), he was impeached. His case, which was made a t r i a l of strength between the whigs and the t o r i e s , was heard i n Westminster H a l l . The f e e l i n g o f the country was strongly on Sacheverell's side, and excitement about the case reached a high p i t c h (Ibid., p. 570). He was praised i n sermons., and on the second day.of his t r i a l r i o t -ing broke out. On March 20, 1710, he was declared g u i l t y by a vote of 69 to 52. According to Hunt (Ibid.. p. 571): "Sentence was given on the 23rd. It was merely that he should be suspended from preaching f o r three years; he was l e f t at l i b e r t y to perform other c l e r i c a l func-tion s , and to accept preferment during that period. His two sermons were ordered to be burnt by the com-mon hangman. Such a sentence was f e l t to be a t r i -umph f o r him and the high-church and tory party, and the news of i t was received with extraordinary enthusiasm throughout the kingdom . . . ." During the t r i a l he had been presented to the l i v i n g of Selattyn i n Shropshire, and the journey that he made to t h i s place about three months l a t e r , and his subsequent journey back, are likened by Hunt to "royal progresses" (Ibid.); f o r example, at Shrewsbury the p r i n c i p a l gentry and some f i f t y thousand people assembled to meet him (I b i d . ) . In the general e l e c t i o n of November, 1710, the t o r i e s gained an overwhelming v i c t o r y over the whigs. Hunt (Ibid.) states that: " i t was recognized at the time that the tr a n s f e r -ence of power from the whigs to the t o r i e s was larg e l y due to the i l l - j u d g e d impeachment of Sacheverell. Much, however, as they owed to him, the leading t o r i e s d i s l i k e d and dispised him . . . ." In 1713 the queen presented him to the r i c h l i v i n g of St. Andrew's, Holborn. He died on June 5, 1724 (Ibid. 7 . Sacheverell seems to have had a " f i n e presence" (Ibid.. p. 572), and to have dressed well; he also appears to have been bold, insolent, passionate, and vain. And, to once again.quote Hunt (Ib i d . ) : "his f a i l i n g s stand i n a strong l i g h t , because the whigs, instead of t r e a t i n g him. and his u t t e r -ances with the contempt they deserved, forced him to appear as the champion of the church's cause, a part which, both by mind and character, he was u t t e r l y u n f i t t e d to play even respectably, yet the eager scrutiny of his enemies could f i n d l i t t l e of importance to allege against his conduct . . . ." DQpauls.on, I, p. 146. 6lThe most noticeable change occurs i n the figure of Abraham. In T i t i a n ' s work, Abraham's ri g h t hand holds the blade and i s raised, while his l e f t hand holds Isaac; i n Hogarth's p i c t u r e , these f u n c t i o n s are reversed ( i t should not be thought, however, t h a t Hogarth's " S a c r i f i c e of Isaac" i s a r e v e r s a l of T i t i a n ' s , s i n c e i n both p i c t u r e s the angel i s i n the upper l e f t - h a n d corner, and Isaac and the a l t a r i n the lower r i g h t ) . o 2 G e n e s i s 22: 9-12. °3Kurz, Jo u r n a l of the Warburg and Gourtauld  I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 152. Part I : Chapter IV ^Paulson, I , p. 147. 2H. Mayhew and J . Binny, The C r i m i n a l Prisons of London and Scenes of P r i s o n L i f e (2d ed.; London: Frank Cass and Co., 1968), p. 362. Sala would seem t o be of the opinion Miss Hackabout was sent here, r a t h e r than t o the i n s t i t u t i o n i n T o t h i l l F i e l d s ( S a l a , p. 144). I t should perhaps be pointed out tha t houses of c o r r e c t i o n were c a l l e d " B r i d e w e l l s , " t h i s name being taken from the former r o y a l palace of B r i d e w e l l i n which the f i r s t house of c o r r e c t i o n was founded i n the S i x t e e n t h Century (L. W. Fox, The E n g l i s h  P r i s o n and B o r s t a l Systems [London: Routledge and Kegan Paul L t d . , 1952j, p. 24). 3Townsend, n.p. *+Above, p. 5. ^The s i m i l a r i t y between t h i s scene and the p r e v i o u s l y -quoted newspaper passage concerning Mary Moffat (above, p. 5) w i l l be noted. Yet another passage has come, t o l i g h t t h a t may have suggested t h i s scene t o Hogarth. This account ap-pears i n a l a t e r e d i t i o n , of the Grub-street J o u r n a l (Grub-s t r e e t J o u r n a l [London], November 28, 1730, quoted i n Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 153), and s t a t e s t h a t : "the notorious M o l l Freeman, a l i a s T a l l b o y . . . was committed t o hard labour as an i d l e and d i s o r d e r l y person, by S i r John Gonson . . . . [She] . . . was remanded back again t o her former task of beating hemp . . . . [ M o l l ] . . . beats hemp one day i n v e l v e t , and another day i n a gown r i c h l y trimmed w i t h s i l v e r . " I t should a l s o be noted t h a t Miss Hackabout i s wear-i n g an apron, and would thus appear t o be concerned about p r o t e c t i n g her dress. This, apron i s not a long u t i l i t a r i a n model such as she wore i n P l a t e 1, but a s m a l l e r v e r s i o n which i s much more " c h i c " i n appearance. 6 S a l a , p. 145. 7Above, p. 35. ^Paulson, I , p. 147. Q I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 67. l°Ibid. Consequently, the inmates worked from s i x i n the morning u n t i l s i x at n i g h t ( I b i d . ) . ^ L i c h t e n b e r g , p. 45. 1 2 L a Farge and Dobson (La Farge and Dobson, I I I , p. 20), s t a t e t h a t t h i s person i s i n the process of p i c k i n g Miss Hackabout's pocket, but t h i s appears d o u b t f u l . ^ P a u l s o n , I , p. 147. -^Above, p. 9. 15Kurz, J o u r n a l of the Warburg and Courtauld  I n s t i t u t e s , XV, p. 153. !6it i s of i n t e r e s t t o note t h a t t h i s group appears t o be standing on a r a i s e d p o r t i o n of the f l o o r . One edge of t h i s area can be seen by the b l o c k of wood t h a t has the chain attached t o i t , and another edge seems t o be l o c a t e d by the dog which i s found i n the lower center p o r t i o n of t h i s p l a t e . As a r e s u l t of t h i s area's being r a i s e d , the dog (which does not seem t o be standing up) has i t s lower p o r t i o n blocked from view. 1 7 I t might be wondered i f the appearance of twelve f i g u r e s i n t h i s scene i s a chance occurrence, or whether Hogarth had some as yet undiscovered reason f o r i n c l u d i n g i n t h i s p i c t u r e an even dozen people. (Although i t i s tempting t o assume there i s a connection between t h i s "twelve" and the "twelve" i n the "quarter-to-twelve" shown i n the watch i n the previous p l a t e [above, p. 32], i t i s perhaps not too l i k e l y Hogarth intended such a connection t o be made.) Li5It does not seem l i k e l y that the numerical value of the card, or the location of the tear across i t (dividing i t so that there are three diamonds on one portion and f i v e on the other), were intended by Hogarth to be a l l u s i o n s . •^Although Hogarth could have intended the diamonds on the card to be associated with r e a l diamonds, with the torn card thereby suggesting that the gambler's dreams of wealth have been shattered, t h i s does not appear too l i k e l y ; indeed, since a diamond i s probably one of the easiest s u i t symbols to put on a pri n t i n g plate, and also probably one of the better s u i t symbols as f a r as c l a r i t y of reproduction i s concerned, these factors may account f o r the card's belong-ing to the diamond s u i t . 2 0 T h i s would seem to be the figure that Ireland states "appears scarcely i n her teens" (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 68). 2 1 I r e l a n d terms t h i s person a "black woman" (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 6 8 ) . While t h i s person's skin does seem darker than the skin of the other people i n the picture, so does her cap, and there seems to be a p o s s i b i l i t y that her skin might be shown as being dark because she i s i n a shadow. Her features might perhaps be taken as being more suggestive of a Negro than a Caucasian, but t h i s i s possibly open to debate. Therefore, while t h i s person i s possibly of Negroid ancestry, i t cannot be stated d e f i n i t e l y that she i s of t h i s r a c i a l stock. 2 2 T h i s i s an arm that i s raised i n the a i r and hold-ing a mallet. The person to whom t h i s arm belongs would ap-pear to be a female. 2 3 L a Farge and Dobson, I I I , p. 20. ^She i s wearing a very ornate pair of shoes; i t might be wondered i f these had o r i g i n a l l y belonged to Miss Hackabout. 25jCurz, when speaking about the I t a l i a n moral t a l e "Lo Speechio a l Fi n de l a Putana" (above, p. 15), states that t h i s person's posture " r e c a l l s the 'crafty maid's' rude ges-ture exacerbating her mistress's d i s t r e s s i n scene VIII . . . where the courtesan i s forced to s e l l her fi n e things" (Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XY, p. 153). Paulson, I, p. 147. 2 7Above, p. 34. 2 ^ A t f i r s t glance the s h u t t e r appears t o be set i n the r e a r w a l l of the b u i l d i n g , and t o be c l o s e d . Further examination, however, shows tha t i t i s more l i k e l y an open sh u t t e r t h a t i s not set i n t o the r e a r w a l l , but attached t o the s i d e w a l l . 2°This m a t e r i a l i s d i f f i c u l t t o i d e n t i f y ; hemp would appear to be a l i k e l y p o s s i b i l i t y . 3 nThese holes were e l i m i n a t e d i n the t h i r d s t a t e of t h i s p r i n t (Paulson, I , p. 147). (At the same time, Hogarth a l s o a l t e r e d the w a l l behind Miss Hackabout and the g e n t l e -man i n the fancy coat. A l l other changes are of a minor nature.) 3 1 M e n t i o n should also, be made of the gable t h a t i s p a r t i a l l y v i s i b l e i n t h i s scene, s i n c e at l e a s t a p o r t i o n of i t i s not f i l l e d i n . Part I: Chapter V •-•It i s on t h i s r o o f t h a t Miss Hackabout's i n i t i a l s appear (above, p. 8). A f t e r the "M H" some other p r i n t i n g can be seen; the f i r s t l e t t e r of t h i s group i s "C", but what f o l l o w s t h i s i s not c l e a r . And i t might be mentioned t h a t N i c h o l s and Steevens a s s e r t t h a t o r i g i n a l l y on the r o o f "a c e r t a i n obscene word was more v i s i b l e t h a n . i t i s at present" (Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m Hogarth; I l l u s t r a t e d w i t h B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes . . . . I I , p. 101); they f u r t h e r s t a t e t h a t Hogarth removed t h i s word "before these P l a t e s were d e l i v e r e d t o the s u b s c r i b e r s . . ." ( I b i d ) . 2There seems l i t t l e doubt t h a t the boy i s Miss Hack-about's son. The e s t i m a t i o n of t h i s young lad's age i s made d i f f i c u l t by the f a c t t h a t he i s depicted i n t h i s scene as having a r a t h e r mature-looking face; furthermore, he i s shown again i n P l a t e 6, and here he appears younger than what he seems t o be i n P l a t e 5. 3 H i s l e f t sleeve seems e i t h e r too long, or e l s e ragged, w i t h the l a t t e r being the l e a s t l i k e l y of the two p o s s i b i l i t i e s . 4He a l s o appears t o be s c r a t c h i n g h i s head, perhaps i n d i c a t i n g t h a t he has l i c e . ^Gook c a l l s t h i s a piece of s t r i n g (Cook [ e d . ] , P. 275). 6 Townsend describes t h i s as being a "scanty remnant of pork . . ." (Townsend, n.p.). At f i r s t glance i t might appear as i f the boy i s l o o k i n g at t h i s piece of meat, but c l o s e r s c r u t i n y i n d i c a t e s . t h a t t h i s i s not the case. 7 'Behind t h i s piece of meat can be seen a pot t h a t has been placed on the f i r e ; t h i s pot appears t o be t i l t e d (perhaps i t s p o s i t i o n was a c c i d e n t a l l y d i s t u r b e d by the a c t i o n of the boy), and i t i s l o s i n g some of i t s contents. And on the f l o o r beneath the meat, p a r t l y r e s t i n g on the boy's coat, i s what appears t o be a p l a t t e r ; p o s s i b l y some m a t e r i a l from the f i r e has f a l l e n onto t h i s . 8 P a u l s o n , I , p. 148. °F. F o s t e r , " W i l l i a m Hogarth and the Doctors," B u l l e t i n of the Medical L i b r a r y A s s o c i a t i o n XXXII ( J u l y , 1944), p. 357. When the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t she has j u s t d i e d i s considered along w i t h the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t we are seeing her before her death has occurred, the l a t t e r perhaps ap-pears the most l i k e l y . 1 0 P a u l s o n , I , p. 148. •^Rouquet, pp. 9-10. 1 2 N i c h o l s , "Catalogue of Hogarth's P r i n t s , " i n Anecdotes of W i l l i a m Hogarth. W r i t t e n by Himself: With  Essays on His L i f e and Genius . . . , ed. N i c h o l s , p. 182. 1 3 I b i d . ^ I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 69. 1 5 P a u l s o n , I , p. 148. l o F o s t e r , B u l l e t i n of the Medical L i b r a r y A s s o c i a -t i o n . XXXII, p. 35o\ ^ A n t a l , Hogarth and His Place i n European A r t , p i . 36b. 1 8Norman Moore, "Misaubin, John," The D i c t i o n a r y of  N a t i o n a l Biography, ed. L. Stephen and S. Lee, X I I I (1964), p. 493. 1 9 F . H. Dudden, Henry F i e l d i n g : His L i f e . Works, and  Times (Hamden, C o n n e c t i c u t : A r c h o n Books, 1966), I , p. 113. 2 Q I b i d . . p. 114. 2 l M o o r e , The D i c t i o n a r y of N a t i o n a l Biography. X I I I , 498. 22 Henry F i e l d i n g , The H i s t o r y of Tom Jones, a Foundling ("The Modern L i b r a r y " ; New York:Random House, 1950), p. 600. 2 3Dudden, I , p. 113. 2 ^ P a u l s o n , I , p. 148. 25Dudden, I , p. 114. 2 o_ Bramston, quoted i n Wheatley, p. 115. 2 7Dudden, I , p. 113. To c a r r y the j e s t s t i l l f u r -t h e r , he dedicated t h i s play t o Misaubin, w r i t i n g a dedica-t i o n i n which some of Misaubin's c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were "eul o -g i z e d w i t h pleasant i r o n y " ( I b i d . , p. 114). He a l s o r e f e r s t o Misaubin's p i l l i n t h i s d e d i c a t i o n , and s t a t e s "Forgive me, s i r , i f I am not able t o c o n t a i n myself while I am t a l k -i n g of t h i s i n v a l u a b l e remedy, t o which so many owe t h e i r h e a l t h , t h e i r pleasure, nay, the very p r e s e r v a t i o n of ".their being" (Henry F i e l d i n g , The Mock Doctor, or the Dumb Lady  Cured, quoted i n Dudden, I , p. 114). 2 8Dudden, I , p. 111. 2 9 P a u l s o n , I , p. 271. The doctor i n P l a t e 3 of "Marriage a l a Mode" appears t o be of a d i f f e r e n t b u i l d than the one s a i d t o be Misaubin i n P l a t e 5 of "A Ha r l o t ' s Prog-ress..." Paulson s t a t e s t h a t the l a t t e r i s "a much leaner doctor than t h i s one [ i n P l a t e 3 of "Marriage a l a Mode"], whom Hogarth may have wished t o g e n e r a l i z e " ( I b i d . ) . 3 0 R i c h a r d M. Baum, "Hogarth and F i e l d i n g as S o c i a l C r i t i c s , " The A r t B u l l e t i n . XVI (March, 1934), p. 33. 3lTownsend, n.p. 3 2Baum, The A r t B u l l e t i n . XVI, p. 33. 33paulson, I , p. 174. The f i g u r e i n the upper r i g h t -hand corner of Hogarth's "The Company of Undertakers" i s s a i d t o be Dr. Ward ( I b i d . ) . ^ I b i d . , p. 148.. 35Foster, B u l l e t i n of the M e d i c a l L i b r a r y A s s o c i a -t i o n . XXXII, p. 357. 3°Wheatley, p. 226. 37 - " F o s t e r , B u l l e t i n of the M e d i c a l L i b r a r y A s s o c i a - t i o n . XXXII, p. 357. 3 8 P a u l s o n , I , p. 174. The person i n the upper r i g h t -hand corner of "The Company of Undertakers" mentioned e a r l i e r (above, p. 198) has a birthmark on the l e f t - h a n d side of h i s face. 39Paulson, I , p. 147. While there i s nothing w r i t -ten on t h i s sheet of paper i n the e a r l i e r s t a t e s of t h i s p l a t e t h a t Paulson has examined ( I b i d . ) , N i c h o l s and Steevens (Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m Hogarth; I l l u s t r a t e d w i t h B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes . ~. .. , I I , p. 101) a s s e r t t h a t t h i s piece of paper o r i g i n a l l y had a "gross" i n -s c r i p t i o n w r i t t e n on i t , and t h a t t h i s i n s c r i p t i o n , l i k e the obscene word they say was o r i g i n a l l y w r i t t e n on the roof (above, p. 196), was removed "before these P l a t e s were de-l i v e r e d t o the s u b s c r i b e r s . . . " (Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m Hogarth: I l l u s t r a t e d w i t h  B i o g r a p h i c a l AnecdotesT » . , I I , p. 101). ^ F o s t e r seems to base h i s assumption t h a t the sec-ond gentleman i s Dr. Rock (above, p. 49) on the three p o i n t s mentioned i n the main body of t h i s paper ( F o s t e r , B u l l e t i n of the M e d i c a l L i b r a r y A s s o c i a t i o n . XXXII, pp. 357-58): Ward's apparent date of a r r i v a l i n London; the absence of a birthmark on the f i g u r e ' s face; and the appearance of the name "Rock" on the piece of paper. ^ P a u l s o n , I , p. 148. 4 2Country J o u r n a l ; or. the Craftsman (London), February 24, 1733, quoted i n Paulson, I , p. 148. ^ F o s t e r , B u l l e t i n of the Medical L i b r a r y A s s o c i a -t i o n . XXXII, p. 358^ ^ O l i v e r Goldsmith, The C i t i z e n of the World: Or. L e t t e r s from a Chinese Philosopher. Residing i n London, t o  His Friends i n the East (Dublin: The United Company of B o o k s e l l e r s , 1775), I I , pp. 22-24. i s another example of the use of "froz e n ac-t i o n " such as was seen i n P l a t e 1 (above, p. 22) and Pl a t e 2 (above, p. 26). **°rt i s a l s o perhaps p o s s i b l e t h a t , immediately p r i o r t o t i p p i n g the c h a i r , t h i s doctor knocked over the ta b l e seen l y i n g on the f l o o r . 4 7Above, p. 14. 4 8Cook (ed.), p. 275. 49lbid. 5 C )Paulson, I, p. 148. 5 1 I b i d . ^ L i c h t e n b e r g , p. 59. 53ibid. 54Above, p. 183. 5 5 F e l t o n , p. 7. F e l t o n s t a t e s he i s "at a l o s s t o know why the fan i s put through the eyes . . . " ( I b i d . ) . P u t t i n g the fan through the mask's eyes may i n d i c a t e nothing more than Hogarth thought Miss Hackabout would do something l i k e t h i s , perhaps f o r the sake of convenience; on the other hand, i t might a l s o be of symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e , and could perhaps even r e f e r t o the two doctors' i n a b i l i t y t o cure Miss Hackabout. 5°The woman who i s kneeling over the trunk i s pos-s i b l y h o l d i n g on t o the upper p o r t i o n of t h i s dress w i t h her l e f t hand. 57The trunk, when viewed i n P l a t e 1, seems t o have such a hasp attached t o the l i d near i t s center. On the trunk i n Pl a t e 5, there appears t o be an item attached t o the trunk's l i d which might be a p o r t i o n of the hasp; the shape s t i c k i n g up above the trunk's open l i d seems t o be a t -tached t o t h i s . Admittedly, the hasp on the trunk i n P l a t e 1 i s "below" the base of the i n i t i a l s on the trunk, while i n P l a t e 5 the hasp i s "above" the "M H"; however, t h i s could have been a mistake or an oversight on Hogarth's p a r t , or he may have r e a l i z e d there was a discrepancy here, but wanted the i n i t i a l s t o be " r i g h t - s i d e - u p " r e g a r d l e s s . 5 8Cook (ed.), p. 275. 60, 5°Above, p. 24. 'Nichols and Ste evens, The Genuine Works of William Hogarth: I l l u s t r a t e d with Biographical Anecdotes . . . . I. p. 62. 6 l l p i d . ^ Above, p. 35. Might t h i s be because our heroine's a c t i v i t i e s have f o r some time been greatly reduced because of her disease, and that as a re s u l t the curtains on t h i s bed have not been used as roughly as the curtains on the bed in Plate 3? 6 3 0f course, i t i s possible that Hogarth intended t h i s opening i n the curtains to be the one through which Miss Hackabout was taken, or helped, from her bed; he may have inadvertently placed t h i s opening at the end of the bed rather than the side, or he may knowingly have placed the opening i n t h i s rather u n l i k e l y location i n order to increase the contrast between the bed and the two women (our heroine and the woman beside her) so that more attention would be focused on Miss Hackabout. °4Lichtenberg, p. 52. 6 5Ibid., p. 64. 6 6 i b i d . 67cook (ed.), p. 276. o 8 L i c h t e n b e r g , p. 65. °9Above, p. 200. 7°Paulson, I, p. 148. There appears to be a piece of cloth wrapped around the bedpan's handle. 7l0ne handle can be seen, and i t would appear l i k e l y there would be another opposite i t . 7 2There is perhaps a p o s s i b i l i t y that t h i s item i s a basket. 7 3 A s f o r the suggestion that the assumption the bowl has some of i t s contents (or some other material) over i t s rim i s a mistaken one brought about by the bowl's having a jagged rim, close examination suggests that t h i s possibility-i s perhaps not too l i k e l y . ^ L i chtenberg, p. 63. Kurz agrees with Lichtenberg that t h i s i s a spittoon (Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and  Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 15477 7 5Above, p. 50 . 7 o I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 69. 7 7Paulson, I, p. 148. 7^Townsend, n.p. 7 9 E . Clark and W. Harris, "Venereal Diseases," Encyclopedia Britannica. ed. W. Yust, XXIII ( i 9 6 0 ) , p. 42. It might also be pointed out that Dr. Rock had concocted a remedy f o r toothache "without drawing" (Paulson, I, p. 148); t h i s and his "Anti-Venereal, Grand Specifick P i l l " (above, p. 50) were often advertised i n p a r a l l e l columns. It i s perhaps rather u n l i k e l y , however, that Hogarth intended the presence of the teeth on the sheet of paper bearing Rock's name to be an a l l u s i o n to t h i s gentleman's toothache remedy. 8 0Above, p. 55. 8 l I n the word "ANODYNE" the two "N's" are reversed. 8 2Below t h i s drawing are some marks which, although unreadable, are probably meant to stand f o r a word. 33Country Journal; or. the Craftsman (London), December 2, 1732, quoted i n Paulson, I, p. 143. 84j.t i s also of i n t e r e s t to note that Lichtenberg states anodyne necklaces were o r i g i n a l l y intended only f o r the use of children suffering from r i c k e t s , "about which the unfounded prejudice prevailed . . . that i t i s usually the f r u i t of tainted love" (Lichtenberg, p. 58); he further as-serts that Miss Hackabout's son "may be s u f f e r i n g from r i c k -ets" (Ibid.. p. 59), and that "from the boy's puny legs [as seen i n Plate 6] we might almost conclude that the anodyne necklaces have not been of much use" (Ibid.. p. 77). And i t might also be suggested that perhaps Miss Hackabout has passed venereal disease on to her son, and that an anodyne necklace was being used to treat t h i s boy f o r congenital s y p h i l i s . Part I: Chapter VI xAb ove, p. 166 . 2There seems to be an object i n the hole i n t h i s window. Although i t i s not clear i f t h i s i s meant to repre-sent the object that caused some (or a l l ) of the damage, or i f i t i s supposed to represent material placed i n t h i s hole i n an attempt to at least p a r t i a l l y plug i t up, the l a t t e r i s perhaps the more l i k e l y p o s s i b i l i t y . ^Lichtenberg asserts i t i s eit h e r the l a t t e r or "a room on the ground f l o o r of the house wherein our heroine died . . ." (Lichtenberg, p. 69). ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 66. Needless to say, armorial bearings were not present at the funerals of people of our heroine's occupation. Lichtenberg states that Hogarth "has drawn the three cocks [the spiggots and faucets], probably with intention, i n such a way that, seen from a distance, they could be taken f o r the three French l i l i e s " (Lichtenberg, p. 78). Upon con-sideration however, although there i s a s l i g h t resemblance when viewed from a distance, i t seems doubtful that any such s i m i l a r i t y was intended by Hogarth. It i s perhaps possible that he drew the spiggots and faucets the way he thought they would appear on a r e a l set of armorial bearings, and that these items were chosen because of the symbolism that i s suggested when our heroine's occupation i s considered. ^Therefore, t h i s plate contains items that remind the viewer of both Miss Hackabout's years spent as an inno-cent r u r a l g i r l and of those i n which she was a "woman of pleasure" i n the c i t y of London. The armorial bearings and the hat thus give us our heroine's story i n "capsule" form. °While i t i s perhaps possible Hogarth i s here draw-ing a connection between "bad luck" and our heroine's l i f e , or included 13 people because he thought t h i s number would be appropriate f o r a scene of t h i s type, i t i s also perhaps possible that he did not have a d e f i n i t e number of people i n mind when he designed the scene. 7Above, p. 46. 8Kurz states that t h i s i s a "low s t o o l " (Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , XV, p. 154), but examination of the portion of t h i s item that i s v i s i b l e suggests t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s incorrect. °Antal suggests that "the impressive e f f e c t of 'The Harlot's Funeral', with the c o f f i n i n the middle of the room and mourners around i t . . (Antal, Hogarth and His Place i n European Art, p. 238), may have been taken from an i l l u s -t r a t i o n i n the 1711 edition of Fletcher's "The Tamer Tamed" (Ibid.). 1 0 I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 72. Ireland f u r -ther asserts that having a boy "as chief mourner, to attend his parent to the grave" (Ibid.) was a v i o l a t i o n of "pro p r i -ety and custom" (Ibid.). 1 : LPaulson, I, p. 149. 1 2 I b i d . -^Nichols makes t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n (Nichols, Bio-graphical Anecdotes of William Hogarth; with a Catalogue of  His Works . ~. , p. 194), as does Ireland (Ireland, Hogarth  I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 71). Ireland asserts t h i s person "on the 10th of September, 1737, at the age of t h i r t y , was executed for a robbery, which had been attended with circumstances that aggravated the crime" (Ibid.), while Stephens states she was "executed f o r robbery, Jan. 18, 1738" (Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p. 65). --•^Nichols states that "the common print of her [Elizabeth Adams] w i l l j u s t i f y t h i s assertion [that the wo-man i n question i s Elizabeth Adams]" (Nichols, Biographical  Anecdotes of William Hogarth: with a Catalogue of His Works . . . , p. 194), but Stephens asserts that although "there are p o r t r a i t s of t h i s woman i n which certain elements of a likeness to the harlot i n question i n Hogarth's design are distinguishable, they are, however, s l i g h t , and not pecul-i a r " (Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 65). In addition, i t i s perhaps u n l i k e l y that Hogarth had any reason to include Elizabeth Adams i n t h i s series (Ibid.); therefore the iden-t i f i c a t i o n of the figure i n Plate 6 as t h i s woman would ap-pear to be open to question. 1 5Paulson, I, p. 149. It might perhaps be wondered, however, whether i n Hogarth's time these were a c t u a l l y used at funerals to prevent i n f e c t i o n , or whether, while they may perhaps have started out being used f o r t h i s purpose, t h e i r use i n Hogarth's time was thought of as being a custom to be followed rather than a health measure. l o N i c h o l s , "Catalogue of Hogarth's Pr i n t s , " i n Anecdotes of William Hogarth. Written bv Himself; With Es-says on His L i f e and Genius . . . . ed. Nichols, p. 185. Although t h i s gentleman should not be p o s i t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d on the basis of t h i s information, consideration of a l l the factors involved suggests there i s a d e f i n i t e p o s s i b i l i t y he i s a "Fleet Chaplain." (It might also be pointed out that t h i s person has also been i d e n t i f i e d as "Orator" Henley, one of the more notorious figures i n London at t h i s time [Paul-son, I, p. 311]. However, most, i f not a l l , of the disrep-utable parsons i n Hogarth's works have been so i d e n t i f i e d [Ibid., p. 1493.) •^George, P» 33. ISThis i s perhaps a handkerchief. 19Above, p. 5 8 . Paulson asserts that what we see on these hats are "weepers" (Paulson, I, p. 149). 2 0Townsend, n.p. Not every description of the a c t i v -i t y indulged i n by the clergyman i s as d e l i c a t e l y phrased as Townsend's. In one description that appeared i n a poem that purported to be a key to "A Harlot's Progress," and which Moore quotes a f t e r f i r s t explaining that, i n reproducing i t , he was "allowing truth to triumph over taste, f o r i t must be seen to be believed" (Moore, p. 33), the a c t i v i t y the parson was engaged i n was described as follows (The Harlot's Prog-ress: Or, the Humours of Drury Lane. In Six Cantos [London: S. Dickinson et a l . . 1732J, n.p., quoted i n Moore, p. 33) : "For he had got the p r e t t i e s t Doxy, And made his F r do by Proxy, What would become a nobler Part, To do with Pleasure, and with Art . . . He f e l t , she grin'd and leer'd, and he Star'd, and he grin'd as well as she; And le s t the rest see t h i s and that, He l a i d a Cover o n ' t — h i s Hat; The deepest Thing Man has discover'd; A Myst'ry deep, unfathomable, As Bay of Biscay with a Cable; And tho' the Pr sts have hidden Springs, They can't discover hidden things, Without the Help of Revelation, For Reason's Rules are now D on." 2 1 I t appears quite l i k e l y that t h i s woman, and the others that w i l l be described l a t e r , were a l l associated with the " l i n e of work" that Miss Hackabout had pursued. -^Clerk, I, p. 80. 2 3 I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 72. 2i»-Lichtenberg states that "the sufferer has warts on her fingers and, as i s well known, the dead know better how to remove warts than the l i v i n g . The [woman holding the other's fingers] . . . seems only to think of ways and means of bringing a wart between the fingers i n contact with the corpse" (Lichtenberg, p. 72). 2 5Paulson, I, p. 148. 26Townsend, n.p. 2 7There i s also the p o s s i b i l i t y that, whether or not th i s person i s our heroine's bawd, t h i s figure i s , as Kurz suggests (Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Gourtauld I n s t i -tutes. XV, p. 153), the same person that i s seen going through the trunk i n Plate 5 (above, p. 52). Although com-parison of the faces i n the two plates i s d i f f i c u l t , there would appear to be possible s i m i l a r i t i e s . Furthermore, the figure i n Plate 6 i s kicking up one of her feet, and as a result one of her shoes i s v i s i b l e . While t h i s kick could be intended to indicate only the i n t e n s i t y of t h i s person's lament, the shoe that i s v i s i b l e i s possibly one of the shoes seen near the trunk i n Plate 5 (above, p. 53), and Hogarth perhaps de l i b e r a t e l y showed i t (rather than keeping i t hidden under the woman's dress) so that the viewer would have a reason to connect the two figures. Then, too, Kurz might perhaps be correct i n stating that the above shoe does not f i t the foot on which i t i s being worn (Kurz. Journal of  the Warburg and Cpurtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 153), which might perhaps be intended to indicate that i t did not o r i g i -n a l l y belong to the woman who i s wearing i t . ^Lichtenberg, p. 78. 29Above, p. 57. 3°While i t might be suggested that the gloves on the table are ones some of the women have taken o f f , and that the glove on the woman i n question i s being taken off and w i l l be added to the ones on the table, t h i s would not r e a l -ly o f f e r a s a t i s f a c t o r y explanation f o r the glove stretcher. Thus i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y that the gloves on the table are new gloves (which would explain the stretcher), and that the gentleman i s putting a new glove on the woman's hand rather than taking i t o f f . The gloves themselves are perhaps ones that are to be given to some of the women depicted i n t h i s scene. 3 1 C l e r k , I, p. go. 3 2Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 66. A "mercer" i s .a "dealer i n c l o t h " (Clarence L. Barnhart [ed.], Thorndike-Barnhart Comprehensive Desk Dictionary [Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1955], p. 494). Part I I : Introduction xAbove, p. 2. 2Kunzle suggests that he may have started making sketches soon a f t e r the end of May, 1732 (D. Kunzle, "Plagiaries-By-Memory of the Rake's Progress and the Genesis of Hogarth's Second Picture Story," Journal of the Warburg  and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX [1966], p. 312). This same source also suggests that i t i s l i k e l y Hogarth was thinking about t h i s series "probably soon a f t e r he had started work on the 'Harlot' . . . " (Ibid.). 3 I n "The Marriage Contract," the shape of the area i n which the action i s taking place i s s i m i l a r to that de-picted i n Plate 2 of "A Rake's Progress"; furthermore, i n both pictures there i s a figure kneeling on one knee and holding a large bowl, and both scenes have figures i n the small room or hallway shown at the l e f t of each picture, with the figure on the extreme l e f t of t h i s group i n "The Marriage Contract" being quite s i m i l a r to the corresponding figure i n "A Rake's Progress." (And i t might be pointed out that a s i m i l a r i t y also exists between "The Marriage Contract" and Plate 1 of Hogarth's series "Marriage a l a Mode." The l a t t e r not only depicts a "marriage contract" scene, but, as i n "The Marriage Contract," the "groom-to-be" i s not paying any attention to his future bride.) ^Beckett states that t h i s work i s "possibly of 1732" (Beckett, p. 71). ^London Journal (London), December 22, 1733, quoted i n Paulson, I, p. 154. This same advertisement also appeared i n the Country Journal; or. the Craftsman, on December 29 of the same year (Kunzle. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  Institutes . XXIX, p. 314). However, Hogarth seems to have accepted subscriptions before the above advertisements ap-peared, as two subscription t i c k e t s have come down to us which have on them the dates December 12 and December 18 respectively ( I b i d . ) . The f i r s t p r i nt referred to i n the quoted advertise-ment i s Hogarth's "Southwark F a i r . " It appears l i k e l y that t h i s print was available on or about the date mentioned i n t h i s advertisement, as the London Journal of January 19. 1734 (and also the issue of January 26 of the same year), contained an advertisement that stated i n part "The F a i r be-ing already finis h e d , [ i t ] w i l l be delivered at the time of subscribing" (London Journal [London], January 19, 1734, quoted i n Paulson, I, p. 154). Dobson asserts that the p r i n t was not available u n t i l 1735 (Dobson, p. 241), but consider-ation of the available evidence seems to suggest that Dobson was probably mistaken i n t h i s regard. (There would appear to be no debate as to when the o r i g i n a l painting of t h i s subject was completed, as i t i s signed and dated 1733 [Paulson, I, p. 154].) °London Journal (London), November 2, 1734, quoted i n Paulson, I, p. 158. ^Paulson, I, p. 158. °Kunzle, Journal of the Warburg and Gourtauld I n s t i -tutes, XXIX, pp. 315-16. The paintings are now i n the Soane Museum, London. According to Dobson (Dobson, p. 201), the pictures were "sold by Hogarth on February 1745 f o r £184 16s. [They] belonged to Alderman Beckford; then to Col. Fullarton, who bought them at the Beckford sale f o r <£632 10s . . . . Mr. (afterwards S i r John) Soane gave ,£598 10s f o r them i n 1802." 9 T h i s act, which i s sometimes referred to as "Hogarth's Act," received royal assent on May 15, 1735, and became law on June 25 of the same year (Paulson, I, p. 9). Although t h i s act was not the r e s u l t of the e f f o r t s of Hogarth alone (others, including Vertue, Isaac Ware, and Gerard Vandergucht, were also involved), Hogarth, i n Paul-son's words, "was the undisputed leader" (Ibid.). This act "forbade copies of an engraving without the designer's per-mission and imposed a fine . . . f o r every impression of a pirated copy found i n a p r i n t s e l l e r ' s possession" (Ibid.). The copyright lasted f o r a period of fourteen years from the date on the print (Ibid.). Although there was a loop-hole (the f a u l t of Hogarth's f r i e n d , William Huggins, who drew up the act [Dobson, p. 40]), the law appears to have been generally e f f e c t i v e , p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r Hogarth himself, for although Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress" was pirated even before i t was published, the a r t i s t had r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e trouble with p irates thereafter (Paulson, I , p. 9 ) , and apart from a few Dublin p i r a c i e s (Dublin p r i n t s e l l e r s were beyond the reach of Engl ish law) unauthorized copies of Hogarth's pr ints v i r t u a l l y disappeared u n t i l the 1750's, when the copyrights began to run out ( I b i d . ) . After Hogarth's death the number of p irated copies of h is works great ly increased ( I b i d . ) . and i t i s of i n t e r e s t to note t h a t , fo l lowing a p e t i t i o n by his wife f o r help against the p i r a t e s , Parliament added a clause to the end of the amended copyright act (which was passed on June 2 9 , 1767) g iv ing her a further exclusive term of twenty years copyright e f fect ive from January 1 of 1767 ( I b i d . . p. 0 8 ) . •^London Journal (London), May 10, 1735, quoted i n Paulson, I , p. 158. Paulson states that the passage of so much time between the appearance of the advertisement i n the November 2, 1734 issue of the London Journal (above, p. 67) and the appearance of the pr ints "was due p a r t l y to engrav-ing d i f f i c u l t i e s and p a r t l y to the Engraver's Act . . . " (Paulson, I , p. 158). •^London Evening Post (London), June 3, 1735, quoted i n Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m  Hogarth; I l l u s t r a t e d wi th Biographica l Anecdotes . . . , I, p. 82. Hogarth appears to have changed the price he was asking for these p r i n t s , since the price quoted i n t h i s ad-vertisement d i f f e r s from that given i n the advertisement that appeared i n the London Journal of December 22, 1733 (above, p. 66). I t should also be pointed out t h a t , although i t might seem from the London Evening Post advertisement that Hogarth's "Southwark F a i r " d id not appear u n t i l the time "A Rake's Progress" was issued, t h i s p r i n t , as mentioned e a r l i e r (above, p. 208), probably came out on or about January 1, 1734. Paulson (who does not bel ieve that Hogarth held back "Southwark F a i r " u n t i l "A Rake's Progress" appeared [Paul-son, I , p. 154]), as w e l l as mentioning the newspaper s t a t e -ments given previously (above, p. 208), suggests that i f Hogarth had held back t h i s p r i n t u n t i l the "Engraver's Copy-r i g h t Act" came i n t o e f fec t , "he would have changed the date on 'Southwark F a i r ' from '1733' to June 25, 1735 . . . . Moreover, though 'Southwark F a i r ' was p i r a t e d , he never men-t ions i t when he rebukes the p irates of the 'Rake'" (Paulson, I , p. 154). 1 2 Above, p. 208. The f i r s t state of Plate 3 i s dated June 24 (Paulson, I , p. 164), but the other states of t h i s p r i n t are dated June 25 ( I b i d . ) . I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note that i n an announcement appearing i n the June 3, 1735, issue of the London Evening Post. Hogarth asserts that "several P r i n t s e l l e r s who have of late made t h e i r chief Gain by un-j u s t l y pyrating the Inventions and Designs of ingenious Art-i s t s . . . [are] now prohibited such scandalous Practices from the 24th Day of June . . . " (London Evening Post [Lon-don], June 3, 1735, quoted i n Paulson, I, p. 159); thus there i s perhaps a p o s s i b i l i t y that Hogarth at one time thought the act took effect on, and not a f t e r , June 24. 13London Daily Post (London), June 30, 1735, quoted in Paulson, I, p. 159. As mentioned e a r l i e r (above, pp. 208-209), pirated copies of t h i s series appeared before the o r i g i n a l s came out. An advertisement i n the Daily Advertiser of June 3, 1735, which informed the reader there was "now printing, and i n a few days w i l l be publish'd, the Progress of a Rake, exempli-f i e d i n the Adventures of Ramble Gripe, Esq.; Son and Heir of S i r Positive Gripe; curiously design'd and engrav'd by some of the best a r t i s t s " (Daily Advertiser [London], June 3, 1735, quoted i n Kunzle, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  Institutes . XXIX, pp. 316-17), i s of interest i n t h i s re-gard, as i s a subsequent advertisement i n the Whitehall  Evening Post of June 21, 1735, that stated these prints were "just publish'd" and were s e l l i n g for eight s h i l l i n g s (Whitehall Evening Post [London], June 21, 1735, quoted i n Kunzle, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , XXIX, p. 317). And Hogarth asserts, i n his announcement that appeared i n the June 3, 1735, issue of the London Evening  Post (and which was referred to e a r l i e r [above, p. 210J, that the p r i n t s e l l e r s who pirated his prints " i n a clandes-tine Manner procured mean and necessitous Persons to come to Mr. William Hogarth's House, under Pretence of seeing his RAKE *S PROGRESS [as prospective subscribers], i n order to pyrate the same . . . " (London Evening Post [London], June 3, 1735, quoted i n Paulson, I, p. 159). Shortly before his o r i g i n a l "A Rake's Progress" was scheduled to appear, Hogarth (London Daily Post [London], June 16, 1735, quoted i n Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine  Works of William Hogarth; I l l u s t r a t e d with Biographical Anec-dotes . ~. ~. , I, pp. 84-85) announced that: "certain P r i n t s e l l e r s intending not only to injure Mr. Hogarth i n his property, but also to impose t h e i r base imitations of his Rake's Progress on the publick; he, i n order to prevent such scandalous practices, and shew the Rake's Progress exactly (which the imita-tors by memory cannot pretend t o ) , i s obliged to permit h i s o r i g i n a l p r i n t s t o be c l o s e l y copied; and the s a i d Copies w i l l be published i n a few days, and s o l d at 2s. each s e t , by Thomas Bakewell, p r i n t and mapseller, next Johnson's-court i n F l e e t - s t r e e t , London, —N.B. The usual allowance w i l l be made to B o o k s e l l e r s , P r i n t s e l l e r s , and others, i n Town and Country, who s e l l them again; and a l l persons may s a f e l y s e l l the same Copies without i n c u r r i n g any penalty f o r so doing, Mr. Hogarth having consented to the p u b l i c a t i o n and s a l e thereof pursuant t o the Act of Parliament." These p r i n t s (which, although p r i c e d at two s h i l l i n g s i n the above advertisement, are p r i c e d at two s h i l l i n g s and sixpence i n an advertisement quoted by Kunzle [Kunzle, J o u r n a l of the  Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 317J, and i n an-other given by Paulson [Paulson, I , p. 1593), were a d v e r t i s e d on J u l y 26 "to be published i n ten days without f a i l . One of the Engravers having been i l l , has occasioned the p u b l i c a t i o n to be delayed" (St. James 1 Evening Post [London], J u l y 26, 1735, quoted i n Paulson, I , p. 160), and were f i n a l l y an-nounced as published on August 11, 1735 (Paulson, I , p. 160). Bakewell's copies are of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t because they were accompanied by a double-column broadside e x p l a i n i n g the p r i n t s (Paulson, I , p. 160); as the i s s u i n g of such a broad-side was probably a u t h o r i z e d by Hogarth, t h i s e x planation of the s e r i e s might p o s s i b l y be an accurate one. l**At the bottom of each p r i n t are some l i n e s of verse w r i t t e n by Dr. John Hoadly. Hoadly, the son of Bishop Hoadly, the Bishop of Winchester (above, p. 34), was born i n 1711 and died i n 1776. During h i s l i f e t i m e he was a dramatist, c l e r g y -man, and Chancellor of the Diocese of Winchester (Paulson, I , p. l 6 0 ) . I t might be wondered i f the p o p u l a r i t y of the un-authorized verses w r i t t e n about h i s "A Ha r l o t ' s Progress" prompted the a r t i s t t o i n c l u d e verses w i t h each scene of t h i s s e r i e s . While t h i s may have been a f a c t o r i n Hogarth's d e c i -s i o n t o i n c l u d e stanzas of verse, i t must a l s o be remembered that t h i s was not the f i r s t time Hogarth had i n c l u d e d such m a t e r i a l i n a p r i n t ; i n h i s "The South Sea Scheme," f o r ex-ample, which was published i n 1721 ( I b i d . . p. 94), l i n e s of verse are i n c l u d e d . And i t should perhaps a l s o be mentioned at t h i s point that, i n the preparation of the etched and engraved p l a t e s from which the s e r i e s was p r i n t e d , Hogarth appears t o have been a s s i s t e d , at l e a s t w i t h Plate 2, by Louis S c o t i n . S c o t i n , or t o be more p r e c i s e , Louis Gerard S c o t i n the younger, was both the nephew and the p u p i l of the engraver Ge'rard S c o t i n , and was born i n 1690. A r r i v i n g i n London i n 1733, he was a well-known engraver i n t h i s c i t y by the year 1738, and was one of the people involved i n the production of plates f o r Hogarth's "Marriage a l a Mode" ( I b i d . . p. 6 5 ) . Regarding S c o t i n ' s connection with the plates for "A Rake's Progress," Paulson ( I b i d . . p. 158) asserts t h a t : "Scot in must have made the f i r s t etching, since the plate i s unreversed from the p a i n t i n g , and the en-graving (or f i n i s h i n g ) of the p l a t e . His signature appears on the f i r s t engraved s tate ; i t disappears, however, from the published state af ter Hogarth r e -engraved one of the faces . . . . The other p l a t e s , reversed from the paint ings , were probably etched by Hogarth and f i n i s h e d by S c o t i n , and then (character-i s t i c a l l y ) worked over by Hogarth." 1 5 K u r z , Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i -tutes . XV, p. 155. I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note t h a t , i n Hogarth's own era , p r i o r to the appearance of "A Rake's Progress," F i e l d i n g had w r i t t e n The Temple Beau, a comedy which was produced i n 1730 ( " F i e l d i n g , Henry," Encyclopedia  B r i t a n n i c a . ed. W. Yust, IX [ I 9 6 0 ] , p. 223) . This play has for i t s c e n t r a l character "a young scapegrace named Wilding" (Dudden, I , p. 4 6 ) , who, although supposedly studying law, i s i n r e a l i t y occupying h i s time with "dress and l a d i e s " (Henry F i e l d i n g , The Temple Beau [1730] , quoted i n Dudden, I , p. 4 6 ) . l o K u r z , Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i -t u t e s . XV, p. 146"7 l 7 I b i d . , p. 136. I t might a lso be mentioned that various cycles deal ing with the " P r o d i g a l Son" (described by Anta l as being "the rake of the times" [ A n t a l , Hogarth  and His Place i n European A r t , p. 98]) were to be found during the Seventeenth Century ( A n t a l , Journal of the Warburg  and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 172). In the f i r s t h a l f of t h i s century the French etcher C a l l o t , whose work (or at least a port ion thereof) was known to Hogarth (Paulson, I , p. 130), produced a set of miniature p r i n t s i l l u s t r a t i n g t h i s story (S. Bechte l , Jacques C a l l o t [New York: George B r a z i l l e r , 1955], p. 4 3 ) . Thus i t i s possible that a Seventeenth-Century vers ion of a story from the B i b l e was perhaps a factor which led Hogarth to create a ser ies about a young man who "wasted h is substance with r io tous l i v i n g " (St. Luke 15: 13) . --^E. H. Gombrich, "A C l a s s i c a l Rake's Progress," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, (1952), pp. 254-56. X 7 I b i d . . p. 255. 2 0 I b i d . , p. 256. 21 A portion of an Eighteenth-Century version of the Tabula Cebetis (The Emperor Marcus Antonius His Conversation  with Himself . . . to Which Is Added the Mythological Pic-ture of Cebes the Theban. trans. Jeremy C o l l i e r 117011, p. 248, quoted i n Gombrich, Journal of the Warburg and Cour- tauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 255) reads as follows: "Do you see then, continues the Gentleman, how the Passage through t h i s Gate, leads you into an-other Court upon an Ascent, and that there are sev-e r a l women dress'd l i k e Wenches, standing at the Portal? I see them. I must t e l l you then, t h e i r quality i s very Course, two of them are Lewdness and Luxury, and the other F l a t t e r y and Covetousness. And what do they stand staring here for? To spy out those to whom Fortune has been any thing kind. And what then? Then they appear mightily transported, make up to them with great Endearingness, and ply them strongly with Compliment and Fl a t t e r y : They i n v i t e them to s e t t l e them i n Sat i s f a c t i o n ; and that with-out the least Intermission, or Incumbrance whatsoever. Now those who are gain'd to Libertinism with t h i s Courtship, think themselves i n a delicate way, and are strangely pleased with t h e i r choice at f i r s t . But after some time when they begin to r e c o l l e c t , they perceive the Entertainment was nothing but a Visionary Cheat; and instead of a Regale, they have been pray'd upon, and i l l used. Now when Men come to t h i s pass, and have spent a l l that Fortune had furnish'd them with, they are forced to go to service to these Women; and here a l l manner of Affronts and scandalous Practises must be digested: They must bear with every thing, and boggle at noth-ing: They must Cheat, or betray t h e i r Trust, pick a Pocket, or rob a Church, as occasion serves. And when a l l these Tricks f a i l them, they are sent to the House of Correction. And how are they handled? Dont you see, says he, a l i t t l e Door opening into a narrow, dark place? I do; and several ugly, s l u t t i s h Women i n Rags, are the Inhabitants. You are r i g h t . And to describe them to you; she with the Whip i n her Hand i s c a l l e d D i s c i p l i n e , she with the Head bending down to her knees i s Grief, she that tears her Hair i s Pain: But pray, said I, whatt i l l - l o o k T d Skeleton of a Fellow i s that, with ne'er a Tatter to his Limbs, and that Woman too by him, that i s Beauty enough to be his Sister? You have guessed the Relation exactly, and to s a t i s f y your Question the Man i s complaining Sorrow and that S i s t e r of his i s Despair. To t h i s Company the Rakes above mention'd are sent, where they are move'd and mortified s u f f i c i e n t l y , and a f t e r they have gone through t h e i r Exercise i n t h i s Bridewell, they are committed to Gaol, where Unhappiness i s t h e i r Keeper: and here they are fas t f o r t h e i r Life-time, unless they happen to l i g h t upon Repentance." 2 2 0 n e such work was done i n I67O by Romeyn de Hooghe (Gombrich, Journal of the Warburg and CourtauLd I n s t i t u t e s , XV, p. 256); Gombrich asserts that some of the figures i n t h i s print "seem ready to step onto Hogarth's stage" (I b i d . ) . 2 3 I n 1732, there appeared some pamphlets which were concerned with rakes (Kunzle, Journal of the Warburg and  Courtauld In s t i t u t e s , XXIX, p. 3 l J H It i s perhaps u n l i k e l y , however, that these were sources of Hogarth's series; indeed, as Moore suggests (Moore, p. 52), i t i s possible that these pamphlets were produced as a r e s u l t of t h e i r authors' having heard that Hogarth was planning a series involving a rake (one of these pamphlets presents the progress of a rake by means of a ten-canto poem e n t i t l e d The Progress of a Rake: or. the Templar's E x i t , and Kunzle suggests that "the ten cantos of t h i s poem, with i t s t i t l e stolen from Hogarth, should r e f l e c t opinion that Hogarth's second story was to contain t h i s number of stages" [Kunzle, Journal of the War-burg and Courtauld Ins t i t u t e s , XXIX, p. 313J). Part I I : Chapter VII !john Hoadly, verses appearing below Plate 1 of William Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress," 1735. 2Above, p. 46. 3 S a l a , p. 189. ^Thomas Bakewell, An Explanation of the Eight P r i n t s  Of the Rake's Progress (London: Thomas Bakewell, 1735), n.p. Concerning the above-mentioned broadside (Bakewell Ts An Explanation of the E i g h t P r i n t s of the Rake's Progress), i t should be pointed out t h a t i t was t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t was i n c l u d e d w i t h Bakewell's p r i n t s of "A Rake's Progress" (above, p. 211). As Bakewell's s e r i e s was a u t h o r i z e d by-Hogarth (above, pp. 210-211), i t seems qu i t e p o s s i b l e t h a t the i n f o r m a t i o n contained i n Bakewell's e x p l a n a t i o n was ob-t a i n e d from Hogarth him s e l f . However, there i s no proof t h a t such was the case. Therefore, while i t i s p o s s i b l e Bakewell's explanation might be r e l i a b l e i n a l l r e s p e c t s , the l a c k of d e f i n i t e proof t h a t i t i s suggests t h a t the i n f o r m a t i o n t h i s explanation contains i s not above question. Thus, while Bakewell might perhaps be c o r r e c t i n as-s e r t i n g t h a t the room depicted i n the f i r s t p l a t e of t h i s s e r i e s i s a storeroom, the p o s s i b i l i t y s t i l l remains t h a t the room was not used f o r storage purposes, and t h a t the containers and documents now seen i n t h i s room have j u s t r e c e n t l y been placed i n i t f o r the sake of convenience. 5Above, p. 70. Paulson s t a t e s t h i s person i s a s e r -vant (Paulson, I , p. 161), while Stephens a s s e r t s he i s "an undertaker's man" (Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 105). E i t h e r suggestion i s p o s s i b l e . °This person has a hammer i n h i s l e f t hand ( i n the p i c t u r e from which t h i s p r i n t was copied t h i s f i g u r e holds the hammer i n h i s r i g h t hand, but s i n c e the p r i n t reverses the o r i g i n a l p i c t u r e t h i s person here appears to be l e f t -handed) . 7The molding t h a t runs along the top of the other w a l l t h a t i s v i s i b l e i n t h i s p l a t e has a l s o had black c l o t h tacked t o i t , and a p o r t i o n of t h i s c l o t h i s hanging down below the upper edge of a window lo c a t e d between the door-way (above, p. 71) and the w a l l against which the ladder (above, p. 71) i s l e a n i n g . Quite l i k e l y t h i s c l o t h was a l -so hung by the person seen standing on the ladder (above, p. 71). 8 A l t h o u g h these items cannot be c l e a r l y d e l i n e a t e d because of t h e i r s i z e , there i s no doubt that they are coins (Bakewell r e f e r s t o them c o l l e c t i v e l y as "Money" [Bakewell, n.p.]). °Here again Hogarth uses the "frozen action" tech-nique he employed i n "A Harlot's Progress" (above, p. 200). l°As there i s no evidence suggesting otherwise, the discovery of t h i s money seems to have been e n t i r e l y accidental. H i t does not seem l i k e l y that Hogarth would have shown, on the mantelpiece, a cap of the same type as i s seen i n the picture on the wall unless he intended the one to be considered a p i c t o r i a l representation of the other. l 2Above, p. 71. 13Above, p. 71. l^Above, p. 70. l 5Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I , p. 105. l oBelow t h i s notation i s a l i n e of what at f i r s t glance appears to be writing. When t h i s l i n e i s examined, however, i t i s found to be merely a l i n e made up of strokes which resemble l e t t e r s , and which cannot be read. This i s also true of the six l i n e s of "writing" seen on the page op-posite the one on which the quoted notation i s written. And i t should be pointed out that, i n the t h i r d state of t h i s print (Paulson, I , p. 160), the memorandum book has been moved to a position close to the lower r i g h t -hand corner of the p r i n t . This book i s smaller than i t s counterpart i n the f i r s t state, i t i s not open " f l a t " (the book i n the f i r s t state i s ) , and the notation has been changed s l i g h t l y to read "Memordums: 1721 May 3 my Son Tom came from Oxford 4th Dine at ye French Ordinary 5th Put o f f my Bad S h i l l i n g . " (Stephens asserts that the f i r s t date i n the above i s "May 1" [Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I , p. 109], as does Paulson [Paulson, I , p. 160], Close examination of t h i s date, however, suggests that the date i s probably "May 3," the same date that i s given i n the f i r s t state.) 17Above, p. 71. ^Examination of the t h i r d or fourth states (Paulson, I , p. 162) of Plate 2 of "A Rake's Progress" shows that t h i s scene i s taking place i n a person's residence, and that t h i s residence no doubt belongs to the person who i s wearing a nightcap. This person i s also the central figure i n the scene. Since t h i s series t e l l s the story of one man, i t might be expected that the central figure i n Plate 2 i s the person whose story i s being t o l d . And as the same might be said about the c e n t r a l character i n Plate 1, i t seems l i k e l y that the central figures i n Plate 1 and Plate 2 are repre-sentations of the same person. (This i s further suggested by the appearance, i n Plate 2, of a jockey holding a cup which has engraved on i t a picture of a horse and r i d e r , the notation "Won at Epsom," and the name of the h o r s e — " S i l l y Tom." It seems l i k e l y that the jockey has brought the cup here i n order to present i t to the owner, and since the jockey came to the residence of the person i n the nightcap in order to do t h i s , i t would appear l i k e l y that the l a t t e r person owns the horse. Furthermore, as the name " S i l l y Tom" would probably refer i n some way to someone who had some connection with t h i s horse, and as t h i s person would l i k e l y be the owner, i t appears quite possible that the owner's name i s Tom. And f i n a l l y , i t does not seem l i k e l y Hogarth would have c a l l e d t h i s person "Tom" unless he had meant him to be the "Tom" of Plate 1.) Having thus established that the central figure i n Plate 2 i s almost undoubtedly the "Tom" of Plate 1, and since the former figure appears to be i n his own residence, i t seems l i k e l y that the man i n the background of Plate 2 who i s wearing a dark wig, and who i s holding a piece of paper i n his hand, has come to see Tom. The words " E p i s t l e to Rake . . ." can be distinguished on the paper t h i s person i s hold-ing, suggesting the p o s s i b i l i t y the f i r s t portion of Tom's surname begins with "Rake." Further examination of t h i s plate reveals a piece of paper lying on the f l o o r of the room close to Tom's right foot, and on t h i s paper, which appears to be an engraved t i t l e page, i s the notation "A Poem dedi-cated to T. Rakewell Esq." Thus, there seems l i t t l e reason to doubt that the ce n t r a l character i n t h i s series i s c a l l e d "Tom Rakewell." (It might also be noted that t h i s person's name appears again i n t h i s plate, t h i s time on a l i s t of people who gave g i f t s to an I t a l i a n singer.) And while discussing the name of the c e n t r a l character i n the series, mention should be made of the i n i t i a l s found on the box that i s i n the lower left-hand corner of a l l states of Plate 1. (Kunzle states that these i n i t i a l s " i n Hogarth's painting, and i n the t h i r d state of the engraving . . . are c l e a r l y marked . . . " [Kunzle, Journal of the War-burg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . X X I X , p. 319J; however, he also implies that these i n i t i a l s are not to be found i n the f i r s t two states of Plate 1 [Ibid.3, which, as Paulson points out [Paulson, I, p. 323], i s i n c o r r e c t ) . As t h i s box almost undoubtedly was the property of the elder Rakewell, i t would be expected that the second i n i t i a l would be an "R." This i s not the case, however, as the i n i t i a l s are "P G." Thus i t appears l i k e l y that Hogarth may have o r i g i n a l l y intended to give the miser a name other than "Rakewell" and which would f i t the i n i t i a l s "P G." In t h i s regard, i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that, i n a p l a g i a r i z e d version of t h i s series that appeared before Hogarth's own series was issued [above, p. 210], the miser was given the name "Positive Gripe"; could t h i s be the name Hogarth had o r i g i n a l l y intended to c a l l the miser? 1 QMoore, p. 50. 2 0Thus, while the elder Rakewell appears to have made every e f f o r t to avoid spending any of his money, his son seems to have had no qualms about spending his i n h e r i t e d wealth. The idea of a raiser having a son that did not f o l -low his father's miserly ways was used by Pope i n Of the Use  of Riches, an E p i s t l e to the Right Honorable Allen Lord Bathurst, dated 1732, but not published u n t i l January 15, 1733 (Earl Wasserman, Pope's E p i s t l e to Bathurst: A C r i t i c a l  Reading with an E d i t i o n of the Manuscripts [Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1960J, p. 60). A portion of t h i s work (Alexander Pope, Of the Use of Riches, an E p i s t l e to the  Right Honorable Allen Lord Bathurst [London: Lawton G i l l i v e r , 1732], 11. 177-222, quoted i n Wasserman, pp. 140-41) reads as follows: "Old Cotta Sham'd his fortune, and his b i r t h , Yet was not Cotta void of wit and worth: What tho' (the use of barb'rous Spits forgot) His Kitchen vy'd i n coolness with his Grot; His Court with Nettles, Moat with Cresses stor'd, With Soups unbought, and Sallads, blest his board. If Cotta l i v ' d on Pulse, i t was no more Than Bramins, Saints, and Sages did before; To cram the Rich, was prodigal expence, And who would take the Poor from Providence? Like some lone Chartreuse stands the good old H a l l , Silence without, and Fasts within the wall; No r a f t e r ' d Roofs with Dances and Tabor sound, No Noontide-bell i n v i t e s the Country round; Tenants with sighs the smoakless Tow'rs survey, And turn th' unwilling Steeds another way, Benighted wanderers, the Forest o'er, Curse the sav'd Candle, and unopening Door: While the gaunt Mastiff, growling at the Gate, A f f r i g h t s the Beggar whom he loves to eat. Not so his Son, he mack'd t h i s oversight, And then mistook reverse of wrong f o r r i g h t : For what to shun w i l l no great knowledge need, But what to follow i s a task indeed. What slaughter'd Hecatombs, what f l o o d s of wine, F i l l the capacious Squire and deep Divine.' Yet no mean motive t h i s p r o f u s i o n draws, His Oxen p e r i s h i n h i s Country's cause. 'Tis the dear Prince ( S i r John) th a t crowns thy cup, And Zeal f o r h i s great House th a t eats thee up. The woods recede around the naked seat, The syIvans groan—no m a t t e r — " f o r the F l e e t . " Next goes h i s w o o l — " t o c l o t h e our v a l i a n t bands": Last, f o r h i s country's l o v e , he s e l l s h i s lands. Bankrupt, at Court i n v a i n he pleads h i s cause, His thankless Country leaves him t o her Laws. The Sense t o value Riches, w i t h the Art T'enjoy them, and the V i r t u e t o impart, Not meanly, nor a m b i t i o u s l y persu'd Not sunk by s l o t h , nor r a i s e d by s e r v i t u d e ; To balance Fortune by a j u s t expence, Joyn w i t h Oeconomy, Magnificence; With Splendor C h a r i t y , w i t h Plenty Health; Oh teach us, Bathurst yet u n s p o i l ' d by wealth: That secret r a r e , between the extremes t o move Of mad Good nature, and of mean S e l f - l o v e . " 2 l l n the t h i r d s t a t e of t h i s p r i n t (Paulson, I , p. 160), Rakewell's face has been reworked, and Paulson as-s e r t s i t i s " t h i n n e r and o l d e r . . . " ( I b i d . ) . Townsend, when d e s c r i b i n g the t h i r d s t a t e of P l a t e 1, suggests t h a t he i s 19 or 20 years o l d (Townsend, n.p.). 2 2 I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 75. S a l a , how-ever, s t a t e s t h a t he " d i s c e r n [ s j i n poor young Tom's counte-nance the s i m p l i c i t y , the eagerness, and the carelessness of youth, as yet unmarred by the stamp of c y n i c a l s i n f u l n e s s " ( S a l a , p. 193). 23Above, pp. 70-71. 2*+Rouquet (Rouquet, p. 15), suggests t h a t the money i s being o f f e r e d t o the other woman who i s standing near the door (above, pp. 70-71). While i t i s q u i t e conceivable Rake-w e l l might o f f e r t h i s person the money, c l o s e examination of the p r i n t suggests t h a t when we see him he i s o f f e r i n g i t t o the younger woman. 2^He does not seem t o be e i t h e r pleading w i t h her t o accept the money or attempting t o f o r c e i t upon her, nor does he seem angry or upset. 2 6Above, p. 71. 2 7 S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , P t . I , p. 105. This person's l e f t hand, as w e l l as h o l d i n g the measure, i s a l s o h o l d i n g a p a i r of s c i s s o r s . 2 g F e l t o n , p. 13. 2°Although i t i s impossible t o t e l l by her f a c i a l f e a t u r e s t h a t t h i s i s the person seen i n the background of Pla t e 5, f o r example, there seems l i t t l e doubt t h a t i t i s indeed the young lady found i n Pl a t e 1 who appears i n P l a t e 5 and throughout t h i s s e r i e s . There i s a p o s s i b i l i t y she was introduced i n t o "A Rake's Progress" at the suggestion of one of Hogarth's f r i e n d s ( A n t a l , Hogarth and His Place i n European A r t , p. 229). 3°ln the t h i r d s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e (Paulson, I , p. 160) her face has been reworked, and she looks o l d e r than the f i g u r e t h a t appears i n the e a r l i e r s t a t e s ; indeed, one source suggests t h a t "the g i r l ' s face . . . [was] a l t e r e d f o r the worse, from the appearance of a c h i l d of s i x t e e n t o a woman of t h i r t y . . . " ( N i c h o l s , "Catalogue of Hogarth's P r i n t s , " i n Anecdotes of W i l l i a m Hogarth. W r i t t e n by Himself: With Essays on His L i f e and Genius . . . , ed. N i c h o l s , P. 190). 31m t h i s p l a t e ' s t h i r d s t a t e ( I b i d . ) a change i s n o t i c e d i n the cap t h i s person i s wearing. In the f i r s t two s t a t e s her cap can be seen t o be "bound w i t h a black ribbon . . ." (Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 105), w h i l e i n the t h i r d s t a t e t h i s ribbon cannot be seen; t h i s would appear t o a r i s e e i t h e r as a r e s u l t of t h i s cap's being viewed from a d i f f e r e n t angle, or because i n the t h i r d s t a t e she i s wear-i n g a d i f f e r e n t type of cap. 3 2Above, pp. 70-71. 33cook (ed.), p. 43. There appears l i t t l e doubt t h i s assumption i s c o r r e c t . And i t might a l s o be noted t h a t Bakewell a s s e r t s t h i s person i s young Rakewell's "Bedmaker" (Bakewell, n.p.). 34From the previously-mentioned entry i n the memo-randum book (above, p. 72), i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d t h a t Tom a l s o seems t o have been at Oxford. (Perhaps he was going to u n i v e r s i t y there [Paulson, I , pp. 161-162].) 35Bakewell, n.p. 3°There i s no doubt t h a t the young lady i s c a l l e d "Sarah Young." While the aforementioned l e t t e r addressed t o "Mrs Sarah Young" might at f i r s t be taken t o suggest t h a t t h i s person's mother was "Sarah Young,"_this assumption might be questioned, since i t would seem l o g i c a l the l e t t e r would not appear i n t h i s scene unless i t had been w r i t t e n by Tom, and i f Tom had w r i t t e n t h i s l e t t e r , i t would have been w r i t t e n t o the daughter and not the mother, i n which case the younger woman's name would be "Sarah Young." This sus-p i c i o n i s confirmed i n Plate 4, since i n t h i s .plate a sew-in g box bearing the name "Sarah Young" i s seen f a l l i n g t o the ground, and the person -who has dropped i t i s d e f i n i t e l y not the o l d e r of the two women seen i n the f i r s t p l a t e . (Thus, as there i s v i r t u a l l y no p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the young lady i n Pl a t e 1 i s married, i t might be concluded t h a t the term "Mrs" t h a t appears on the aforementioned l e t t e r i s mis-l e a d i n g . ) 37The area i n which the a c t i o n depicted i n t h i s p l a t e i s t a k i n g place i s not known, although Bakewell as-s e r t s that the miser " l i v ' d i n the Country" ( I b i d . ) . 3 8There i s l i t t l e reason f o r the l e t t e r c o n t a i n i n g the words "marry you" t o be found i n t h i s scene unless i t was w r i t t e n by Tom. 39stephens, V o l . I l l , P t. I , p. 105. 4°Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 76. However, t o judge by the impression t h a t i s formed of t h i s young lady from her appearances i n other p l a t e s , i t seems h i g h l y un-l i k e l y t h a t she would accept the money—the "Handful of Guineas," as Bakewell c a l l s i t (Bakewell, n . p . ) — t h a t i s o f f e r e d her. ^Above, p. 70. Although i t seems most l i k e l y t h a t t h i s man i s indeed t a k i n g money from the sack i n f r o n t of him (La Farge and Dobson, p. 51), S a l a does not b e l i e v e t h i s i s the case, s t a t i n g t h a t he " b e l i e v e s i n . . . [ t h i s per-son's] f i d e l i t y , and only t h i n k [ s ] him t o be remonstrating on the f o l l y of spending money at a l l " ( S a l a , p. 193). In a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , however, Sala i s i n c o r r e c t i n t h i s regard. G i l p i n , An Essay on P r i n t s (5th ed.; London: T. C a d e l l and W. Davies, 1802), p. 153. 43sala, p. 193. ^ I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 76. ^Paulson, I, p. 162, ^°Townsend, n.p. ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 105. ^ I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 76. ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 105. 5°His ri g h t elbow i s o f f the table's edge. 5 1Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 106. 52Some of the shaded areas that appear on t h i s a n i -mal i n the f i r s t and second states of t h i s plate have been darkened i n the t h i r d state (Paulson, I, p. 161) so that i n t h i s state the cat seems to have some dark spots i n i t s coat, ^Bakewell, n.p. As t h i s animal had i n a l l proba-b i l i t y belonged to the miser, i t s gaunt appearance i s no doubt attributable to the miser's pennypinching ways. Above, p. 70. She appears to be using either her apron or her s k i r t to help her carry her load. ^ I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 75. Bakewell as-serts that "In the Grate are Bricks, to save Goals" (Bakewell, n.p.). 5°Above, p. 71. ^ 7As pointed out e a r l i e r (above, p. 71), the cap i s being worn by the miser when we see him i n the picture above the mantelpiece (above, p. 71). He i s also shown as wearing a coat. The coat seen hanging up i n the room, while i t does not appear to be exactly the same as the one worn by the miser, was quite possibly intended to be the same coat. 5 8Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p. 106. Paulson i n -forms his readers that the " s a v e - a l l " was used " f o r the l a s t stub of a candle" (Paulson, I, p. 161). 59ireland i s of the opinion that what i s seen here i s just "a spectacle frame, without glasses . . . " (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 75). Unfortunately, i t i s impos-s i b l e to d e f i n i t e l y determine whether or not the frame contains lenses. 6 0Above, p. 74. In the t h i r d s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e (Paulson, I , p. 160) t h i s b i l l i s not i n c l u d e d . o 2 C h a r l e s M i t c h e l l (ed.), Hogarth's P e r e g r i n a t i o n (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952), p. X V I I I . T o t h a l l was about the same age as Hogarth. His f a t h e r , who was an apoth-ecary, died young, and h i s mother placed him w i t h an uncle who was a fishmonger. He hated the t r a d e , however, and ran away ( I b i d . , p. X V I I ) . According t o M i t c h e l l ( I b i d . . pp. X V I I - X V I I I ) , he: "boarded a West-Indianraan and remained at sea t i l l he was about t h i r t y . He made s e v e r a l voyages t o Newfoundland, c o l l e c t e d r a r e s h e l l s i n the West I n d i e s , and was once taken p r i s o n e r by the Spaniards who marched him up country w i t h nothing but a woollen cap and a brown waistcoat f o r covering and a s t a f f to support him . . . . Round about 1727 he returned t o London and became shopman t o a woollen-draper o f f Tavistock Court, Covent Garden. His master took to him and l e n t him money to open a s i d e - l i n e i n haberdashery. One day an acquaintance i n the West Indies sent him a present of a puncheon of rum which h i s master ad-v i s e d him t o s e l l r e t a i l , lending him a c e l l a r f o r the purpose. The s a l e was p r o f i t a b l e , T o t h a l l ordered f r e s h s u p p l i e s and thus combined drapery w i t h a f l o u r i s h i n g trade as a rum and brandy merchant. When h i s master r e t i r e d he s o l d T o t h a l l h i s business, a l l o w i n g him t o pay f o r i t out of p r o f i t s . This probably happened e a r l y i n 1732 . . . . T o t h a l l . . . was a c l o s e f r i e n d of Hogarth, who once lodged w i t h him . . . . By 1746 T o t h a l l had made enough t o r e s i g n h i s business t o h i s shopman . . . . He r e t i r e d t o Dover where Hogarth sometimes went down t o h i s house near the Rope Walk t o s p i n a yarn w i t h him. Resourceful as ever, he became a smuggler; but fortune turned against him when the boat he had f i t t e d out foundered on passage t o Belgium w i t h a cargo of horses on board. Never-t h e l e s s , h i s luck was not yet q u i t e out, f o r one day, w h i l e d i g g i n g i n the garden of the l i t t l e c o t -tage he f i n a l l y took outside Dover, he turned up some ra r e f o s s i l s which, as h i s biographer observed, 'to a man of h i s t a s t e was a s i n g u l a r t r e a s u r e . ' He d i e d , t h i s eager v i r t u o s o and commercial man, i n 1768, aged seventy . . . ." -^Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m  Hogarth; I l l u s t r a t e d w i t h B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes . . . , 1 1 , p. 1 0 9 . T h i s p r i n t appeared i n 1732 (Paulson, I , p. 149). ^ S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 106. 6 5 I b i d . . pp. 105-106. O DWhen d i s c u s s i n g t h i s cupboard, i t i s of i n t e r e s t to note t h a t the " s t a p l e " beside the cupboard seems t o be l o c a t e d at too low a l e v e l t o match up w i t h the c l a s p seen on the cupboard door; these two would have t o f i t i f the cupboard were t o be padlocked. Furthermore, the door i t s e l f appears as i f i t might not be as wide as the width of the cupboard. o 7 P a u l s o n , I , p. 161. Bakewell a s s e r t s t h a t these items "have been lo c k ' d up many years, being of no Use t o the o l d Man" (Bakewell, n.p.). Thus Hogarth's miser appears to have much i n common w i t h "Old Cotta" i n Pope's E p i s t l e t o  Bathurst , f o r i n the p o r t i o n of t h i s work quoted e a r l i e r (above, p. 218), i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d t h a t Pope r e f e r s t o "the use of barb'rous S p i t s f o r g o t , " not t o mention "smoakless Tow'rs" and "the sav'd Candle"! o 8Stephens a s s e r t s there are "four o l d wigs" (Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 106) i n t h i s c l o s e t . Thus t h i s item probably i s a wig, as there would appear t o be three wigs i n the row at the top of the c l o s e t . °QIreland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 75. 7 G S a l a , p. 193. 7 1 T h e r e seems to be another item next t o the swords, but t h i s item cannot at present be i d e n t i f i e d . 7 2 F e l t o n s t a t e s t h a t " h i s [the miser's] remaining c r u t c h i s another instance of h i s savingness; f o r , having broke one, he makes a w a l k i n g - s t i c k serve i n i t s stead, r a t h e r than purchase another" ( F e l t o n , p. 14), while L i c h -tenberg .suggests t h a t these items were " e v i d e n t l y designed f o r hemiplegia [ p a r a l y s i s of one s i d e ] " (Lichtenberg, p. 195). Unfortunately, i t i s impossible t o s t a t e d e f i n i t e l y whether e i t h e r of the foregoing explanations, or some other, i s c o r r e c t . 73Above, pp. 217-218. '"•Paulson, I , p. 161. I t i s of i n t e r e s t t o note t h a t , i n the f i r s t and second s t a t e s of t h i s p l a t e , on the s e c t i o n of f l o o r l o c a t e d i n t h i s p r i n t to the r i g h t of the box being discussed, two e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t sets of l i n e s d e l i n e a t i n g the f l o o r b o a r d s can be seen. 7 5Above, p. 216. 7 o P a u l s o n , I , p. 161. 7 7 I b i d . 7 8 I b i d . . I I , p i . 139. Part I I : Chapter V I I I John Hoadly, verses appearing below P l a t e 2 of W i l l i a m Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress," 1735-. In the f o u r t h s t a t e of t h i s p r i n t (Paulson, I , p. 162), the s p e l l i n g of the word " H o r l o t ' s " i s changed to " H a r l o t ' s . " 2 P a u l s o n , I , p. 162. The f i n a l form of t h i s p l a t e warrants e x p l a n a t i o n . Unlike the other p l a t e s i n "A Rake's Progress," t h i s p r i n t i s not the reverse of the p a i n t i n g . Furthermore, the f i r s t s t a t e of t h i s p r i n t ( I b i d . ) i s an un-f i n i s h e d proof i n which the f i g u r e s have not been "worked up" as much as they are seen to be i n the t h i r d and f o u r t h s t a t e s ( I b i d . ) , and i n which the paper hanging over the back of the c h a i r (above, p. 217), and the t i t l e page (above, p. 217), have not been i n c l u d e d (these are a l s o absent i n the p a i n t i n g from which t h i s p r i n t was taken). In the second s t a t e (Paulson, I , p. 162), everything has been "worked up" except the face of a man who i s h o l d i n g two quarter staves ( t h i s face i s now completely b l a n k ) ; i n a d d i t i o n , the a f o r e -mentioned s t r i p of paper and the t i t l e page are i n c l u d e d , but these, and a l l the other documents i n the p i c t u r e , are blank. In the t h i r d and f o u r t h s t a t e s , the above-mentioned areas are completed, and the only d i f f e r e n c e s i n the scenes depicted i n these two s t a t e s are minor d i f f e r e n c e s i n shad-i n g . 30ne source suggests "something more than a y e a r — perhaps . . ." (Hannay, T r u s l e r , and Roberts, I I , p. 82), while another a s s e r t s t h a t "three years have elapsed . . . " (Cook [ed. ] , p. 44). The l a t t e r appears most l i k e l y . ^"Bakewell, n.p. While the p o s s i b i l i t y exists that t h i s action depicted i n t h i s plate i s taking place at a country estate, consideration of the various factors i n -volved suggests that t h i s i s perhaps u n l i k e l y . 5Trevelyan, p. 407. °Gook (ed.), p. 44. 7Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i -tutes , XV, p. 156. Kurz (Ibid.) suggests that Hogarth prob-ably derived the idea of Rakewell's levee from a poem e n t i -t l e d The Rake or the Libertine's Religion, published i n 1693. A portion of t h i s poem (The Rake or the Libertine's  Religion [R. Taylor, 1693J, St. 4, quoted i n Kurz, Journal  of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , XV, p. 156) reads as follows: "Jack Wildblood come my levie to attend, Tom Ramble too—my Dear and Bosom Friend. But see Ned Hopeful makes Approach, More than h a l f Crop-sick with l a s t Night's Debauch: W i l l Friendly comes, as sure a card as ever, Took Bumpers of f at Vintner's Bar. Hah!—my two Twins of Chirck and Ripartee, Are come from Wi l l ' s to wait on me. Welcome dear Rogues . . . ." ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 117. 9Paulson, I, p. 162. 1 0Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 117. Stephens might be mistaken about t h i s , however, for i f t h i s gesture i s considered along with t h i s figure's expression, and the angle at which he i s t i l t i n g his sword (which i s i n the scabbard hanging at his waist), i t i s possible that the "Captain" i s taking exception to something Rakewell i s saying about him. ^Paulson, I, p. 163. From the expression on the face of the man holding t h i s horn, there appears to be l i t -t l e doubt that the horn i s being blown; therefore, i f Tom i s i n the process of speaking to the "Captain" when we see him here, he can either be heard above the sound of the horn, or else i s pausing momentarily (while about to say something) because the horn i s being blown. f Above, p. 217. The jockey i s dressed i n h i s r i d i n g garb, and i s k n e e l i n g on h i s l e f t knee. The cup r e s t s on h i s r i g h t knee, and i s s t e a d i e d by both of h i s hands; h i s r i g h t arm passes over the top of the cup, and the p o r t i o n of the cup's top edge th a t i s nearest t o him seems t o be pressed a g a i n s t , or at l e a s t t o be q u i t e c l o s e t o , h i s r i g h t armpit. Furthermore, h i s l e f t hand, as w e l l as steadying the cup, a l s o holds h i s whip. 1 3Above, p. 217. ^ T h e r e i s e i t h e r another paper under t h i s one, or e l s e the paper the man i s h o l d i n g i s f o l d e d i n h a l f . I t a l -so seems p o s s i b l e t h a t t h i s man i s r e s t i n g h i s r i g h t hand (and perhaps h i s l e f t hand too) on the back of a c h a i r . 1 5Hannay, T r u s l e r , and Roberts, I I , p. 84. l o P a u l s o n , I , p. 162. 1 7Townsend, n.p. l 8 Q u e n n e l l , p. 128. 1 Q I b i d . 2 0 I b i d . 2 1 I b i d . 2 2 Q u e n n e l l , p. 187. 2 3Hannay, T r u s l e r , and Roberts, I I , p. 84. ^ S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 117. 2 5 P a u l s o n , I , p. 163. Above, pp. 180-181. 2 7He might a l s o be h o l d i n g these two q u a r t e r - s t a f f s w i t h h i s r i g h t hand, which is.-hidden from view. And i t might a l s o be noted t h a t the ends of these q u a r t e r - s t a f f s r e s t on the f l o o r by t h i s person's r i g h t f o o t . 2 8Hannay, T r u s l e r , and Roberts, I I , p. 84. The f i g u r e on the f l o o r i n the foreground of Hogarth's "A Mid-nig h t Modern Conversation," published i n March of 1732/3, might a l s o p o s s i b l y be intended f o r t h i s person (Paulson, I , p. 152), as might the f i g u r e on the horse i n the lower right-hand corner of Hogarth's "Southwark F a i r , " p u b lished i n January of 1733/4 ( I b i d . , p. 158). ( I t i s of i n t e r e s t t o note t h a t , w h i l e the f i g u r e i n "A Midnight Modern Conversa-t i o n " bears some resemblance t o the f i g u r e i n "Southwark F a i r , " there seems t o be l i t t l e resemblance between e i t h e r of these and the f i g u r e i n P l a t e 2 of "A Rake's Progress.") 2°Pau l s o n , I , p. 314. 3°Ibid. Even S i r Robert Walpole attended t h i s f i g h t ( I b i d . ) . 3 1 I b i d . 3 2 J o h n Godfrey, T r e a t i s e upon the U s e f u l Science of  Defence (London, 1747), p. 41, quoted i n N i c h o l s , Biograph-i c a l Anecdotes of W i l l i a m Hogarth; w i t h a Catalogue of His  Works . . . , p. 210. 3 3Chetwood, H i s t o r y of the Stage, p. 60, quoted i n N i c h o l s and Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m Hogarth; I l l u s t r a t e d w i t h B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes . . . , 1 1 , p. 117. ^ S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , Pt. I , pp. 118-19. 35Paulson, I , p. 163. ^ S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , P t. I , p. 118. 3?The D a i l y Post (London), May 11, 1734, quoted i n Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 118. 3 8 G r u b - s t r e e t J o u r n a l (London), May 23, 1734, quoted i n N i c h o l s and Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m Hogarth; I l l u s t r a t e d w i t h B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes . . . . I I , p. 118. 3 9Above, pp. 180-181. 4 0 P a u l s o n , I , p. 163. ^ P a u l s o n a l s o suggests t h a t "the cocks may be an a l l u s i o n t o Rubens' 'Cock and P e a r l ' (Aachen)" ( I b i d . ) . ^ 2 Q u e n n e l l , p. 139. ^ 3 I b i d . ^ I b i d . ^5Paulson, I, p. 18. ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 118. ^Bakewell, n.p. 4 8Above, p. 217. ^ P a u l s o n i d e n t i f i e s t h i s person as an "old poet . . . " (Paulson, I, p. 163). 5°Stephens suggests t h i s figure i s a t a i l o r (Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p. 118). 5^The person not i d e n t i f i e d by Bakewell appears to be the figure standing with his baek to the window who i s to a great degree obscured by the person who i s holding the pa-per i n his hand. Hogarth does not appear to have given the viewer any clues as to the former person's occupation. 5 2Paulson, I, p. 163. 5 3Above, p. 220. 5*+Hannay, Trusler, and Roberts, I I , p. 85. -^Kunzle, journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  In s t i t u t e s. XXIX, p. 320. 5°Ibid. 5 7This figure does not include those seen i n the picture on the wall behind Rakewell. 5 8This harpsichord i s marked " I . Mahoan F e c i t , " which i s no doubt a reference to Joseph Mahoon, harpsichord maker to the king (Paulson, I, p. 162). ^ N i c h o l s , "Catalogue of Hogarth's Pr i n t s , " i n Anec-dotes of William Hogarth. Written bv Himself: With Essays  on His L i f e and Genius . . . . ed. Nichols, p. 189. 6 GWheatley, p. 123. o l I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 78. 6 2Paulson, I, p. 162. -'The bottom h a l f of t h i s page i s blank. However, i n the p a i n t i n g from which t h i s p l a t e was taken, the i n i t i a l s "F H" can be seen at the bottom of the page; these probably stood f o r "George F r i d e r i c Handel." Thus, while t h i s might p o s s i b l y suggest that Hogarth intended the h a r p s i c h o r d i s t t o be Handel, i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y t h a t h i s omission of these i n i t i a l s i n the p r i n t i n d i c a t e s he d i d not i n t e n d the f i g u r e i n Plate 2 t o be t h i s famous composer. 6 i*Tbid.. PP. 162-63. 6 5 I b i d . . p. 163. 66Above, p. 217. 6 7Above, p. 217. 6 8 S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , P t. I , p. 118. °QIbid. 7 0 F a r i n e l l i , whose r e a l name was Carlo Brosehi (Paulson, I , p. 163), was a great c a s t r a t o soprano who was born i n 1705 and d i e d i n 1782 ( I b i d . ) . According t o Paulson ( I b i d . ) , F a r i n e l l i : "made h i s triumphant E n g l i s h debut on October 29, 1734 i n Hasse's 'Artaxerxes' and was showered w i t h g i f t s . While h i s s a l a r y was £1,500 a year, h i s income was c l o s e r t o £5,000 . . . . In 1737 he departed, i n -tending t o r e t u r n the next season, but he was per-suaded i n s t e a d t o go t o Madrid and s i n g f o u r a r i a s from 'Artaxerxes* each nig h t t o the King of Spain at £3,000 a year." Another source (Charles Burney, A General H i s t o r y of Music: From the E a r l i e s t Ages t o the Present Period L1789J. ed. Frank Mercer LNew York: Dover P u b l i c a t i o n s , Inc., 1957], I I , pp. 789-90), w r i t i n g i n the Eighteenth Century, s t a t e s t h a t : "No v o c a l performer of the present century has been more unanimously allowed by p r o f e s s i o n a l c r i t i c s , as w e l l as general c e l e b r i t y t o have been g i f t e d w i t h a v o i c e of such uncommon power, sweetness, extent, and a g i l i t y , as Carlo Brosehi Detto F a r i n e l l i . . . . N i c o l i n i , Senesino, and C a r e s t i n i , g r a t i f i e d the eye as much by the d i g n i t y , grace, and p r o p r i e t y of t h e i r a c t i o n and deportment, as the ear by the j u d i c i o u s use of a few notes within the l i m i t s of a small compass of voice; but F a r i n e l l i without the assistance of s i g n i f i c a n t gestures or graceful attitudes, enchanted and astonished his hearers by the force, extent, and mellifluous tones of the mere organ, when he had nothing to execute, a r t i c u l a t e , or express. But though during the time of his singing he was as motionless as a statue, his voice was so active, that no i n t e r v a l s were too close, too wide, or too rapid f o r his execution. It seems as i f the com-posers of these times were unable to invent passages s u f f i c i e n t l y d i f f i c u l t to display his powers, or the orchestras to accompany him i n many of those which had been composed f o r his peculiar t a l e n t . There was none of a l l F a r i n e l l i ' s excellencies by which he so f a r surpassed a l l other singers, and as-tonished the public, as his messa d i voce, or swell; which, by the natural formation of his lungs, and a r t i f i c i a l oeconomy of breath, he was able to pro-t r a c t to such a length as to excite i n c r e d u l i t y even i n those who heard him; who, though unable to detect the a r t i f i c e , imagined him to have had the latent help of some instrument by which the tone was con-tinued, while he renewed his powers of r e s p i r a t i o n . " From previous comments made about Hogarth's opinion of people who were not English, i t i s probably not necessary to suggest what Hogarth thought of F a r i n e l l i (or, as Hogarth c a l l e d him on the s c r o l l of paper seen i n t h i s p r i n t , "Signor F a r i n e l l i the I t a l i a n Singer" tabove, p. 89]). However, mention should perhaps be made of the fa c t that Hogarth does not say the g i f t s l i s t e d on the aforementioned s c r o l l were g i f t s that were "Presented to Signor F a r i n e l l i , " but he says they were g i f t s t h i s person "Condescended to Accept" (above, p. 89), which i n i t s e l f i s i n d i c a t i v e of Hogarth's a t t i t u d e . And i t can e a s i l y be imagined what Hogarth would think of the idea of giving F a r i n e l l i a g i f t ! 7 1 I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 79. 7 2Paulson, I, p. 163. 7 3 I b i d Part I I : Chapter IX John Hoadly, verses appearing below Plate 3 of William Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress," 1735. ''Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. $0. •^Townsend, n.p. 4The " Rose Tavern" was located on the east side of Bridge Street at the corner of Russell Street. It was torn down i n 1775-1776 when the Drury Lane Theatre was enlarged (Paulson, I, p. 164). And i t i s of i n t e r e s t to note that, i n the afore-mentioned poem The Rake of the Libertine's Religion (above, p. 226), a portion of the f i f t h stanza (The Rake of the  Libertine's Religion, stanza 4, quoted i n Kurz, Journal of  the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 157) reads as follows: "Come l e t us leave t h i s smoaky House, And at next Tavern take a large Carouse, A large Carouse to spur us on, To do what never yet was done, By Antient Hector or by Modern Rake . . . ." ^Bakewell, n.p. °Lichtenberg, p. 216. 7Although no chair back can be seen, which suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y he might be seated on a bench, i t seems un-l i k e l y that Tom could be i n the position he i s i n unless he were supported by the back of a chair. 8 A n t a l might possibly believe t h i s i s the case (Antal, Hogarth and His Place i n European Art, p. 99). This source further asserts that "the pose of Hogarth's Rake with one leg on the table i s . . . reminiscent of s i m i l a r young t i p -plers i n Steen drinking with a g i r l , as i n "The World Re-versed (Vienna) . . ." (Ibid.), and that "Steen's frequent motif of a man seated with one leg raised was an imitation of a famous antique statue, the Barberini 'Faun' . . . . Thus Hogarth's rake, following i n the steps of Steen. unwit-t i n g l y echoed a motif from antiquity" (Ibid.. p. 237). 9Tom's l e f t arm i s not shown. Stephens, V o l . I l l , P t . I , p. 128. 1 3 - I b i d . 12j.bid, This would appear t o be a d e f i n i t e p o s s i b i l i t y . --^Ten women are in c l u d e d i n t h i s p l a t e , and Bakewell s t a t e s t h a t these are "ten of the most noted whores . . . " (Bakewell, n.p.). ^ P a u l s o n , I , p. 164. 1 5The watch being r e f e r r e d t o i s the one t h a t was mentioned e a r l i e r (above, p. 91). This might a l s o be a s u i t a b l e point t o mention Wi l e n s k i ' s a s s e r t i o n t h a t P l a t e 3 " i s a d i r e c t descendant of the Dutch ' P r o d i g a l Son' t a v e r n scenes where po c k e t - p i c k i n g so f r e q u e n t l y appears" ( W i l e n s k i , p. 77). A n t a l ( A n t a l , Hogarth and His Place i n European A r t . pp. 98-99) a l s o com-ments on t h i s p o i n t , s t a t i n g t h a t t h i s scene " c e r t a i n l y harks back t o a type of Dutch genre p a i n t i n g r e p r e s e n t i n g the P r o d i g a l Son, or, d i s c a r d i n g the B i b l i c a l p r e t e x t , an orgy pure and simple (the Hals school i n Haarlem; D i r k Hals, A. Palamedes, e t c . ) . " l o I n the t h i r d s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e (Paulson, I , p. 164) the p o s i t i o n of the hand wi t h which t h i s person i s r e c e i v i n g the watch has been changed. In the e a r l i e r s t a t e s she i s t a k i n g the watch w i t h her f i n g e r s , but i n the t h i r d s t a t e she i s t a k i n g i t w i t h the palm of her hand. The watch i t s e l f i s f a c i n g the viewer. This p o s i t i o n i s q u i t e l o g i c a l , since there i s no reason why the watch should be f a c i n g i n any other d i r e c t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , showing the watch i n t h i s p o s i t i o n leaves no doubt whatsoever as t o the i d e n t i t y of t h i s o b j e c t , and allows the time at which the a c t i o n d e p i c t -ed i n t h i s p l a t e i s t a k i n g place t o be d e f i n i t e l y e s t a b l i s h e d . I t i s a l s o of i n t e r e s t t o r e c a l l t h a t , i n P l a t e 3 of "A Har l o t ' s Progress," Miss Hackabout i s seen h o l d i n g a watch (above, p. 31). While there i s a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t Hogarth intended the watch s t o l e n from Tom Rakewell t o be the one t h a t i s being h e l d by Miss Hackabout, thus l i n k i n g the two s e r i e s together, the l i k e l i h o o d t h a t t h i s connection was intended appears remote. 1 7 T h i s c h a i r i s near Tom, and a p o r t i o n of h i s coat r e s t s on the c h a i r ' s seat. hand. °This appears to be the index f i n g e r of her l e f t person holding a bent finger up to her mouth would probably be thought to be thinking. As t h i s person i s smiling, Kunzle would seem to be correct i n suggesting that " t h i s gesture (a bent finge r held up to the mouth) i n i t s e l f can be interpreted widely under the general heading of 'new and/or pleasant thought'. . ." (Kunzle, Journal of  the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 331). (As Kunzle points out, t h i s action does not appear to be "one of pointing or beckoning, nor, f o r that matter, . . . one of enjoining s i l e n c e " [Ibid.].) ^Kunzle i s of t h i s opinion (Ibid.). He asserts that t h i s pose "implies passive complicity: the negress having noticed the t h e f t , enjoys i t and looks round to transmit her enjoyment, and to a t t r a c t . . . attention . . . to the sleight-of-hand . . . (Ibid.). ^Unfortunately, what i s on the tray cannot be i d e n t i f i e d . 22 Above, p. 91. Cook asserts that t h i s p l a t t e r "served f o r many years as a sign to a pewterer on Snow-Hill . . ." (Cook [ed.], p. 47). 23paulson, j ? p < ±6i+. F i e l d i n g used t h i s person, as "Leatherside," i n his The Covent-Garden Tragedy (Ibid.). 2-*Ibid. Cook states that "Leather Coat" was "re-markable f o r his universal knowledge of the women of the town" (Cook [ed.], p. 47). ^Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p. 129. 2 oPaulson, I, p. 164. 27ste phens asserts that these two people are per-forming "loudly on t h e i r instruments" (Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 128).. The trumpeter i s holding his horn up i n front of him, and i t would appear that Hogarth intended t h i s person to be thought of as playing his instrument,* therefore, although the harpist's hands cannot be seen, i t would appear l i k e l y that he i s playing his instrument too. It might also be noted that Cook suggests that the l a t t e r person i s b l i n d (Cook [ed.], p. 47); while t h i s i s possible, i t i s also possible that the harpist i s not s i g h t l e s s , but that his gaze i s directed downward. And as a further item of i n t e r e s t , i t might be noted that Felton suggests the figure decorating the uppermost corner of t h i s person's harp i s "King David . . ." (Felton, p. 16). 26 "Black Joke" was the t i t l e of a famous obscene song (Kunzle. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 331). 2°Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 81. There i s l i t t l e doubt that t h i s i s what she i s doing. 3°Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 128. 3 l I b i d . 3 2 I b i d . 3 3Some of the other women i n t h i s scene are also shown as wearing beauty patches ( i . e . the aforementioned woman who has stolen Tom's watch (above, p. 93). 3**Paulson, I, p. 165. 35This figure has been worked over i n the t h i r d state of t h i s print (Ibid.. p. I64), with the most notice-able changes being to her l e f t breast, her face (her features seem s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t ) , and her hair (in the t h i r d state, she does not have the loose strands of hair that hang down the l e f t side of her head i n the e a r l i e r s t a t e s ) . 3 6 l t cannot be determined whether or not she i s g r i p -ping her stocking. 3 7Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 128. 3 8 I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 81. J Above, p. 94. 4°Paulson, I, p. 165. 4 1Above, p. 94. 4 2As mentioned e a r l i e r , t h i s figure i s changed s l i g h t l y i n the t h i r d state of t h i s p r i n t . One of the changes concerns her hair, which i n the t h i r d state appears much neater than i t does i n the e a r l i e r states. Might Hogarth have made t h i s change to avoid the p o s s i b i l i t y that the viewer might think her hair has come down as a re s u l t of her having already "performed"? 4 3 A n t a l , who believes t h i s person i s undressing (Antal, Hogarth and His Place i n European Art, p. 99), as-serts (Ibid.) that t h i s figure "was possibly i n s p i r e d by Steen who often painted a woman dressing i n a s i m i l a r a t t i -tude, with one knee crossed over the other (e.g. TLa T o i l e t t e , ' formerly Kann C o l l e c t i o n Paris; de Bruyn, Hague)." This same source also mentions that "a woman with her knees crossed while washing her feet i n a brook was also a recur-rent motif of Siberechts" (Ibid.. p. 237). •W-Above, p. 92. ^Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p. 128. •+°Bakewell, n.p. 4 7Cook (ed.), p. 43. ^Concerning t h i s incident, Smith (J.T. Smith, Nollekens and His Times: And Memoirs of Contemporary A r t i s t s  from the Time of Roubiliac. Hogarth, and Reynolds, to that of  F u s e l i . Flaxman. and Blake, ed. W. Whitten (London: John Lane, 1920), I I , p. 271) states that: "Hogarth . . . went to Moll King's, i n Covent-Garden, accompanied by his f r i e n d Hayman, who was at a l l times highly delighted to see that 'moral teacher of mankind' sketch from Nature. They had not been i n the brothel ten minutes, before Hogarth took out his book to draw two la d i e s , whose dispute bespake a warm contest; and, at l a s t , one of them, who had taken a mouthful of wine or gin, squirted i t i n the other's face, which so delighted the a r t i s t , that he exclaimed, 'Frank, mind the b 's mouth I ' This incident Hogarth has introduced i n the t h i r d plate of his Rake's Progress." Oppe believes that the above account "amounts to a 'reductio ad absurdum' of the legends about his drawing from the l i f e " (A. P. Oppe'', The Drawing of William Hogarth [New York: Phaidon Publishers Inc., 1948J, p. 11), while Antal asserts that " i t i s not impossible that [the above account] . . . of Hogarth's youthful experience i n a tavern with Hayman has some substance . . . " (Antal, Hogarth and His Place i n  European Art, p. 222). Win the t h i r d state of t h i s plate (Paulson, I, p. 164), the appearance of these figures has been changed, but the changes are only minor. t h i s person i s holding the candle-holder i n a near-horizontal position, there appears l i t t l e doubt that she i s indeed deliberately s e t t i n g f i r e to the map. ^Kunzle asserts that "to f i r e " was "current i n eighteenth-^century slang of venery" (Kunzle, - Journal of the  Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 326); could t h i s account f o r Hogarth's i n c l u s i o n of t h i s incident? On the other hand, might Hogarth have wished to suggest to the view-er that Tom Rakewell's "world" was soon going to be destroyed? 5 2 T h i s mirror has a very ornate frame. Two candle-holders are a part of t h i s frame, and a candle i s burning i n each of these. 5 3Paulson, I, p. 164. One of these heads can be seen on the f l o o r , p a r t l y covered by the p i l e of clothes beside the "posture woman." And i t i s of i n t e r e s t to note that, i n the area of the print i n which Nero's picture i s found, a cord can also be seen. As t h i s cord looks as i f i t i s meant to be pulled, perhaps i t i s used f o r summoning a waiter to the room. 5-*Ibid. 5 5 T h i s p o r t r a i t hangs between the broken mirror and a curtain that can be seen at the l e f t of t h i s p r i n t . This curtain i s being held to one side by a hook that seems to have been intended f o r t h i s purpose. 5°Since two of these pictures of heads are seen on the f l o o r , i t seems l o g i c a l to assume that the mutilation of the p o r t r a i t s occurred during the course of t h i s evening's revelry. 5 7 I b i d . 5 8 I b i d . 5 QWheatley, pp. 274-75. It w i l l be r e c a l l e d that a "French Ordinary" i s referred to i n the memorandum book i n Plate 1 (above, p. 72). Regardless of whether or not Hogarth meant t h i s establishment to be "Pontac's," the deci-sion to include.an eating-house of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r type may have been prompted by Hogarth's knowledge of the famous London establishment. o uThe base of t h i s g l a s s i s p o s s i b l y l y i n g on the t a b l e behind i t s cone-shaped p o r t i o n , and the s m a l l item near the edge of the t a b l e i s p o s s i b l y t h i s g l a s s ' s stem, the l a r g e r object t h a t i s l y i n g on i t s side i s probably a b o t t l e . Another item on the t a b l e seems t o be a piece of f r u i t ; near t h i s i s what appears t o be e i t h e r a whole f r u i t or a piece t h e r e o f ; and cl o s e t o t h i s i s something which can-not be r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i e d ( t h i s looks l i k e a s n a i l s h e l l ; however, i n the lower right-hand corner of t h i s p r i n t i s what appears t o be a s i m i l a r item that i s not completely r o l l e d up). °"*"The viewer might suspect t h a t anyone who indulged i n the type of merrymaking depicted i n t h i s p l a t e may have e a r l i e r c o ntracted a venereal disease. Perhaps these p i l l s are meant t o suggest t h a t t h i s i s indeed, the case. o 2 S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 128. 63Above, p. 91. °4lreland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 81. Part I I : Chapter X i j o h n Hoadly, verses appearing below P l a t e 4 of W i l l i a m Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress," 1735. 2 P a u l s o n , I , p. 165. 3 i b i d . This s t r e e t "was the very centre of High L i f e i n London . . . " (Wheatley, p. 123). ^ I n a v e r s i o n of t h i s s t a t e t h a t has been a l t e r e d w i t h i n k (Paulson, I , p. 165), the sky i s "dark and stormy" r a t h e r than "cloudy," and r a i n appears t o be f a l l i n g i n the dis t a n c e ; i n a d d i t i o n , Sarah Young's cap has been changed. 5one of the f i g u r e s i n the background—a f e m a l e — i s described by Lichtenberg as being "a queen f i g u r e ; i t a l -most seems t o have something l i k e a beehive perched upon i t s head" (Lichtenberg, p. 234); t h i s same source a l s o s t a t e s t h a t , since i t i s r a i n i n g , " i t i s easy t o understand why a g i r l should dive underneath an empty basket" ( I b i d . ) . How-ever, i t i s not r a i n i n g i n the o r i g i n a l v e r s i o n of the f i r s t s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e , nor i s i t r a i n i n g i n t h i s p l a t e ' s t h i r d s t a t e (Paulson, I I , p i . 144); i n a d d i t i o n , w h i l e i t appears t o be r a i n i n g i n both the a l t e r e d v e r s i o n of the f i r s t s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e ( I b i d . , p i . 246) and t h i s p l a t e ' s second s t a t e ( I b i d . . p i . 247), the r a i n does not seem t o be f a l l i n g on the f i g u r e i n question. Therefore, i t i s perhaps u n l i k e l y t h a t t h i s person would "dive underneath an empty basket." In a d d i t i o n , i t i s not c l e a r i f t h i s f i g u r e ' s head i s a c t u -a l l y covered by the item mentioned above. Thus, upon c o n s i d -e r a t i o n , i t appears impossible at t h i s time t o o f f e r a d e f i n -i t i v e e x planation of t h i s f i g u r e . ^Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 140. 7 I b i d . This person has an expression of what seems t o be e i t h e r i n d i g n a t i o n , amazement, or s u r p r i s e on h i s face (perhaps most l i k e l y the l a t t e r ) . 8 I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 82. ^ N i c h o l s , B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes of W i l l i a m Hogarth: w i t h a Catalogue of His Works . . . , pp. 214-15. 1 Q I b i d . . p. 214. i : LWheatley, p. 298. 1 2Sedan c h a i r s were f i r s t used i n London " i n 1623. They d i d not become r e a l l y f a s h i o n a b l e u n t i l the time of Queen Ann. In 1711, two hundred were l i c e n s e d ; t h e i r t a x was f i x e d at 10s. per year, and the a l l o t t e d f a i r was I s . a m i l e " (Townsend, n.p.). 1 3 L a Farge and Dobson, I I I , p. 66. Behind Tom's head can be seen an item which Lichtenberg s t a t e s i s a "hair-bag . ... [ r i s i n g ] o f f h i s shoulders as i f standing on end . . ." (Lichtenberg, p. 227). I t might be wondered i f Lichtenberg i s c o r r e c t i n t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , or i f t h i s item i s some-t h i n g e l s e which cannot at present be p o s i t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d . 1 4 L a Farge and Dobson s t a t e t h a t "the rake, who has become proof against many b e t t e r emotions, i s powerless against t h a t of t e r r o r , which i s l o u d l y proclaimed i n h i s featu r e s and a t t i t u d e " (La Farge and Dobson, I I I , p. 66). While he might be s u r p r i s e d or shocked, Tom's expression and gestures do not appear t o be suggestive of t e r r o r . ^ Stephens, V o l . I l l , P t. I , p. 140. l o L i c h t e n b e r g a s s e r t s t h a t t h i s person, "even while d i s c h a r g i n g o f f i c i a l d u t i e s , i s chewing tobacco-. . ." (Lichtenberg, p. 228). 'Stephens suggests that Tom i s "endeavouring to ret r i e v e his injured fortune by attendance at Court, i n hopes of obtaining a place . . . " (Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p. 140). •*-8This sedan chair bears the number "41." It might be wondered whether t h i s number was chosen at random, or whether i t had some s p e c i f i c significance at the time t h i s series appeared. It might also be convenient at t h i s point to mention a suggestion put f o r t h by Antal regarding the source of t h i s scene. Antal (Antal, The Art B u l l e t i n . XXIX, p. 41) states that: "the scene of the rake, c a r r i e d i n a sedan chair and, as a debtor held up by b a i l i f f s . . . , i s obviously derived from G i l l o t ' s composition, 'Scene des Carrosses' (ca. 1707, o r i g i n a l picture i n the Louvre), . . . which Hogarth could have known through Huquier's engraving. This represents an incident from an i n -terlude, based on an actual happening, which was enacted i n Paris i n 1707, i n the ' I t a l i a n ' comedy, 'La Foire St. Germain': dressed as women and c a r r i e d along i n sedan chairs, Arlequin and Scaramouche, sup-ported by t h e i r lackeys, are quarreling as to which s h a l l pass, while a policeman i s t r y i n g to separate them." 1 Q I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note that the window on the side of the sedan chair v i s i b l e to the viewer has i t s cur-t a i n drawn across i t "as i f Rakewell had hoped to escape observation during his journey . . . " (Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 140). 2 0 S a r a h i s i d e n t i f i e d by the box referred to i n an e a r l i e r chapter (above, p. 221). It might also be noted that, although t h i s box i s i n an upside-down position, the name "Sarah Young" that i s on the side of t h i s box i s writ-ten so that from the viewer's position i t i s "right side up." 2^Sarah wears a dress, cap, and necklace; i n addition, she i s also wearing an apron. The box seen on her r i g h t i s not only f a l l i n g i n an upside-down position, but i t s l i d i s open, and i t s contents are seen f a l l i n g out. Paulson asserts that "by her sewing box . . . we see that she i s a seamstress . . ." (Paulson, I, p. I65), while Ireland states she " i s now a m i l l i n e r . . ." (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 82). It might also be noted that the b a i l i f f with the patch on his forehead i s probably looking at Sarah (his head i s turned away from Tom Rakewell, and while i t i s d i f -f i c u l t to ascertain exactly what he i s looking at, i t would seem l o g i c a l that he would be looking at Sarah). 2 2¥heatley, p. 299. 2 3Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, pp. 140-41. 2 4 I b i d . . p. 141. 2 5 l b i d . , p. 140. 2 o L i c h t e n b e r g states that "the mischievous lamp-l i g h t e r i n t e n t i o n a l l y o v e r f i l l s the lamp, and the surplus streams onto Rakewell Ts f e s t i v e clothes. That he does t h i s purposely can be surmised from his lower l i p , and his eye looking where there i s less to see than i s below him" (Lichtenberg, p. 227). These statements might be questioned, however, f o r although i t i s impossible to accurately deter-mine where the man on the ladder i s looking, i t would appear l i k e l y that he i s supposed to be looking at what i s taking place below him. I f t h i s were the case, he could e a s i l y s p i l l the o i l without meaning to do so. In addition, there would seem to be l i t t l e reason f o r him to i n t e n t i o n a l l y s p i l l the o i l on Rakewell. And, while the o i l might well be about to land on Tom (which, as Kurz suggests, may be intended to symbolize Tom's plight [Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and  Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XV, p. 158j), i t i s impossible to state d e f i n i t e l y that t h i s w i l l happen, as there seems to be a p o s s i b i l i t y that the o i l w i l l miss him (although to judge by the location i n which Hogarth placed the man on the l a d -der, i t i s perhaps l i k e l y that the a r t i s t intended the o i l to be thought of as f a l l i n g onto Rakewell). 2?There i s also a p o s s i b i l i t y that a portion of t h i s piece of material has been broken o f f . 2 8What i s on t h i s sign cannot be c l e a r l y distinguished. 2 9 l t might also be noted that near t h i s sign i s a pole that projects out over the street at an angle. 3°This sign appears to be mounted on a very s o l i d -looking structure which somewhat resembles a door. 3 1Above, p. 240. 3 The second state of this plate differs from the third state only in that the sky and the lightning are d i f -ferent, the curtain on the sedan chair's window is drawn completely across this window in the second state (as i t i s in the f i r s t state), and the third state i s more shaded than the second. 3 3Paulson, I, p. 165. 3ifWheatley, p. 294. -^Algernon Bourke, The History of White's (1892). quoted in Wheatley, pp. 294-95. 3°Wheatley, pp. 295-99. 3 7The Polite Gamester; or the Humours of Whist: A  Dramatick Satyre as Acted Every Day at White's and Other L2_J Goffee Houses and Assemblies (1753). quoted in Wheatley, p. 299. 3°Bourke, The History of White's, quoted in Wheatley, p. 300. 3 9Above, p. 104. Wheatley seems to have been of the opinion that the "object" on which this i s written i s one of "the posts which marked the edge of the pavement in most of the London streets . . ." (Wheatley, p. 299). The "object" on the left-hand side of this print which Wheatley also seems to identify as one of these "posts" (above, p. 102) i s short-er than the one on which "BLACKS" i s written, and while both are topped by similarly-shaped pieces the main bodies of these two "objects" would appear to have differently-shaped cross sections. ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. .142. It i s also possible that, rather than being concerned with "emphasizing the distinction" between the two types of gambling, Hogarth's intention was to add a touch of humor to this print by re-ferring to the area in which the boys were gambling as "Black's." ^Kurz suggests that these boys were "inspired per-haps, by the group of l i t t l e boys playing marbles . . . " i n the foreground of the second scene of an anonymous series of twelve engravings published around the years 1660-75 and entitled "La Vita del Lascivo" (Kurz, Journal of the Warburg  and Courtauld Institutes, XV, p. 158). (The main character of this series seems to have been to Seventeenth Century Italy what Tom Rakewell was to Eighteenth Century England.) And i t has also been suggested that one of the boys i n the group seen beside Rakewell "was painted from a French boy, who cleaned shoes at the corner of Hog-Lane" (Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine Works of William Hogarth: I l l u s t r a t e d  with Biographical Anecdotes . . . , I I . p. 121). : ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 142. 43 Pauls on, I, p. 166. ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 142. 45Paulson, I, p. 166. Paulson also suggests that t h i s lad uses his wig on shoes, as "old wigs were the best possible polishing cloths" (Ibid .). 46This person i s either i n the process of playing the card i n his right hand, or else i s arranging his cards. 4 7Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 142. 4 % b i d . 49ibid.. p. 143. The dice show the numbers "1" and " 3 " respectively. 50lbid. 5 1 I b i d . This cap seems to have a hole i n i t through which hair i s protruding. 52stephens says that t h i s star has f i v e points (Ibid.), but there appears to be l i t t l e doubt that the star i s s i x -pointed. It might be wondered whether a star of t h i s type had any s p e c i f i c s ignificance at the time t h i s plate was produced. 5 3 l b i d . 5 4 l b i d . 5 5 I b i d . 5 o I t might be noted that the gesture made by t h i s boy (the one having the star on his body) towards his basket and i t s contents possibly indicates that, as Ireland sug-gests, he i s "now throwing for his stock i n trade . . . " (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. S3). •"The di c e i n the "d i c e box" appear t o be i n the process of being thrown out of the box. (This d i c e , as w e l l as the box Sarah Toung drops i n t h i s p l a t e , are f u r t h e r examples of "suspended a c t i o n " such as i s seen i n P l a t e 1 of "A Harl o t ' s Progress" [above, p. 22].) 5 8Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 143. There i s pos-s i b l y another even sm a l l e r item by the three thimble-shaped items. Could a l l these comprise the "equipment" necessary t o operate the " s h e l l game" i n which a person t r i e s t o guess which " s h e l l " the "pea" i s under? 5 9Above, p. 106. 6 o P a u l s o n , I , p. 166. 6 l S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 143. o 2 I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 82. Part I I : Chapter XI Ijohn Hoadly, verses appearing below P l a t e 5 of W i l l i a m Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress," 1735. . 2The d i f f e r e n c e s t h a t e x i s t between the f i r s t and t h i r d s t a t e s of t h i s p l a t e (Paulson, I , p. 166) are, on the whole, of a r e l a t i v e l y minor nature. 3 T h i s person can be i d e n t i f i e d by h i s s u r p l i c e . ^Standing t o the r i g h t of the m i n i s t e r i s a person i d e n t i f i e d as a " c l e r k " (La Farge and Dobson, I I I , p. 72). ^Stephens s t a t e s that she has a l s o l o s t her t e e t h (Stephens, V o l . I l l , P t . I , p. 147). 60ne source describes the b r i d e as " l i t t l e l e s s than r e p u l s i v e . . ." (La Farge and Dobson, I I I , p. 72), while Kunzle a s s e r t s t h a t "on c l o s e i n s p e c t i o n , Hogarth's b r i d e i s not so bad a f t e r a l l ; a s l i g h t l y r a i s e d shoulder, and of course the missing eye . . . are the only d e f o r m i t i e s " (Kunzle, J o u r n a l of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 333TI : " ' S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 147. Ireland asserts that her face expresses "an amor-ous leer, which she d i r e c t s to her youthful husband . . ." (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 8 4 ) . This might be ques-tioned, however, f o r not only i s i t debatable whether the expression on her face could be termed a " l e e r , " but she i s neither facing the groom nor looking at him with her one good eye. °Bakewell, n.p. 1 0 I b i d . As the bride does seem to have some physical defects, i t i s l o g i c a l to assume that Rakewell i s marrying her because he i s short of money and she i s not. And while there i s no concrete proof that the bride i s a widow, t h i s might e a s i l y be the case. U s t e phens states that Tom holds t h i s r i n g between his " f i r s t and second . . . fingers . . . " (Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p. 1 4 7 ) . While Rakewell does appear to be hold-ing the r i n g i n t h i s fashion, i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y that he holds i t between his f i r s t (index) finge r and his thumb, with his thumb being hidden by the other three fingers of his hand. 1 2 A s the print reverses the o r i g i n a l painting, the finger on which the r i n g w i l l be put i s on the bride's r i g h t hand. •-•^in the f i r s t state of t h i s plate (Paulson, I, p. 166) Rakewell's r i g h t leg i s bent, and the heel of his r i g h t foot i s to the l e f t of his right leg. Even considering that he has possibly just taken a step forward with his l e f t foot, the pose i n which we see him i n the f i r s t state gives him what might possibly be termed a somewhat "affected" a i r . ^ I r e l a n d suggests Tom i s looking at t h i s person (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 6*5). ^Stephens says she i s "a lady's maid . . . " (Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 1 4 7 ) . The head of t h i s figure i s reworked i n the t h i r d state (Paulson, I, p. 1 6 6 ) ; Paulson states that her face was changed "so as not to resemble Sarah Young's" (Ibid.). ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 147. I7Townsend, n.p. IS i b i d °In the t h i r d s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e (Paulson, I , p. 166), t h i s man's h a i r (or wig) i s very much darker than i t i s i n the f i r s t s t a t e ( I b i d . ) . 2OThere would appear t o be l i t t l e reason f o r Hogarth to i n c l u d e , i n t h i s scene, a woman who i s ho l d i n g a c h i l d , unless he wanted the f i g u r e t o be i d e n t i f i e d as Sarah Young. ( I t might a l s o be mentioned t h a t t h i s woman's face has been reworked i n the t h i r d s t a t e [ I b i d . 3 of t h i s p l a t e . ) 2 1Stephens i d e n t i f i e s the woman w i t h the c h i l d as Sarah Young (Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 14#), and sug-gests the person next t o her i s probably her mother ( I b i d . ) . ***• I t appears l i k e l y t h a t Sarah's mother's antagonist i s going t o h i t Sarah's mother w i t h e i t h e r these keys or her r i g h t hand. I t i s a l s o q u i t e p o s s i b l e t h a t Sarah's mother i s about t o h i t her antagonist w i t h her l e f t hand (the one that i s clenched i n t o a f i s t ) . 2 3 i r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 85. ^ P a u l s o n , I , p. 166. 2 5 I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 85. 2 6 I b i d . 2 7Stephens, V o l . I l l , P t . I , p. 148. 2 8 W h i l e reference i s being made t o the c h i l d Sarah i s c a r r y i n g , mention should perhaps be made t o one source's suggestion t h a t over f i v e years have gone by sin c e the ac-t i o n depicted i n Pl a t e 4 took place (Hannay, T r u s l e r , and Roberts, I I , pp. 91-92). However, the c h i l d being c a r r i e d by Sarah does not appear o l d enough t o al l o w t h i s suggestion t o be c o r r e c t . 2°It might a l s o be wondered whether the post seen on the l e f t of the person behind the b r i d e i s an o r i g i n a l sup-p o r t , or one t h a t had t o be added because the church's con-d i t i o n was such t h a t a d d i t i o n a l support was r e q u i r e d . 3°Above, p. 110. This i n s c r i p t i o n appears on the f r o n t of the balcony r e f e r r e d t o e a r l i e r (above, p. 112). 3^-Nichols and Steevens a s s e r t t h a t " i t appears, on examination of the R e g i s t e r s , & c. t h a t Tho. Sice and Tho. Horn are not f i c t i t i o u s names. Such people were r e a l l y churchwardens when the r e p a i r s i n 1725 were made" (Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m Hogarth: I l l u s - t r a t e d w i t h B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes . . . . I I Y p. 123). 3 2Above, p. 110. - ^ N i c h o l s and Steevens, The Genuine Works of W i l l i a m  Hogarth: I l l u s t r a t e d w i t h B i o g r a p h i c a l Anecdotes . . . , I I , p. 124. Wheatley suggests t h a t "the Rake would n a t u r a l l y not wish t o show h i s deformed wife before a la r g e audience" (Wheatley, p. 412). Regarding the l o c a t i o n of t h i s church i n r e l a t i o n t o the c i t y of London, Wheatley a s s e r t s t h a t "at the end of the eighteenth century London had j o i n e d Marylebone (Wheatley, p. 412), and I r e l a n d points out t h a t , i n 1688, "the annual amount of the taxes f o r the whole p a r i s h was four-and-twenty pounds; i n 1788, the annual amount was four-and-twenty thou-sand" ( I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 84). 34wheatley, p. 411. 3 5 I b i d . 3°Paulson, I , p. 166. C l e r k i d e n t i f i e s these as "branches of h o l l y and bay . . ." ( C l e r k , I , p. 100), and suggests t h a t they "mark the pe r i o d of the year when t h i s u n n a t u r a l j u n c t i o n i s t a k i n g place t o be about Christmas" ( I b i d . ) . 37stephens describes t h i s dog as "a robust, but r a t h -er s m a l l b i t c h . . ." (Stephens, V o l . I l l , P t. I , p. 148), and suggests t h a t i t i s "probably the pet of the lady . . ." ( I b i d . ) . There are c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i t i e s between t h i s dog and the one i n the previous p l a t e (above, p. 1&2), but i t i s perhaps d o u b t f u l t h a t the two dogs were intended t o be one and the same (cl o s e examination suggests t h a t the ears of the dog i n P l a t e 4 are longer than those of the dog i n P l a t e 5 ). 3 8 I b i d . 39paulson, I , p. 166. Thus, since there i s t h i s p a r a l l e l between the dog on the s t o o l and the woman Rakewell i s marrying, i t i s q u i t e l i k e l y t h a t Hogarth intended t h i s dog t o be thought of as being t h i s woman's pet, i n which case Stephens' a s s e r t i o n concerning t h i s matter (above, p. 247) i s c o r r e c t . It might also be pointed out that the dog Hogarth owned at the time he produced t h i s plate quite possibly-served as a model f o r the male dog shown i n t h i s scene. This dog may have been the one referred to i n the following newspaper advertisement from the Country Journal; or, the  Craftsman (Country Journal; or, the Craftsman [London], Dec. 5, 1730, quoted i n Paulson, I, p. 205): "LOST, From the Broad Cloth Warehouse, i n the l i t t l e Piazza, Covent Garden. A Light-colour Td Dutch DOG, with a black Muzzle, and answers to the Name of Pugg. Whoever has found him, and w i l l bring him to Mr. Hogarth, at the said place, s h a l l have half a Guinea Reward." Paulson suggests that either the above-mentioned Pugg, "or Trump posed f o r the dog i n [ t h i s plate] . . . " (Paulson, I, p. 205). Trump i s the dog that appears i n Hogarth's print "GULIELMUS HOGARTH" (Ibid.), and the dog said by Nichols and Steevens (Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine Works of William  Hogarth; I l l u s t r a t e d with Biographical Anecdotes . ~ , I I , p. 122) to be i n t h i s plate. (Trump was succeeded, i n the 1750's by another pug c a l l e d "Crab" [Paulson, I, p. 205].) However, while either Pugg or Trump may have served as a model f o r the male dog i n Plate 5 of "A Rake's Progress," Hogarth may not have seen Pugg again a f t e r l o s i n g him; i n addition, as the painting from which the "GULIELMUS HOGARTH" print was taken was not painted u n t i l 1745 (Beckett, p. 55), and as Trump possibly l i v e d into the 1750's, i t i s possible Trump may not have been born when the painted version of Plate 5 was completed. Thus, the p o s s i b i l i t y exists that, i f one of Hogarth's dogs served as a model f o r the male dog i n Plate 5 (which seems very l i k e l y ) , i t may have been paint-ed from a dog other than Pugg or Trump; i n other words, Hogarth may have owned a dog between Pugg and Trump that served as his model. But. whichever dog was the one from which the dog i n Plate 5 was taken, i t i s perhaps not l i k e l y that the dog i n the print was intended to be Hogarth's pet; rather, the dog i n Plate 5 i s perhaps more l i k e l y to have been intended to be another dog of the same breed. ^ N i c h o l s and Steevens, The Genuine Works of William  Hogarth: I l l u s t r a t e d with Biographical Anecdotes . . . , I I , p. 123. ^ I b i d . i p ** Another window is also seen, this one on the right-hand side of the print. This window has a horizontal head, and i s possibly part of a door. ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 147. ^Unfortunately, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to make out what i s depicted on the right-hand side of this "small sculptured monument." ^Nichols and Steevens, The Genuine Works of William  Hogarth; Illustrated with Biographical Anecdotes . . . .'II. p. 123. Nichols and Steevens also state that, at the time the work referred to above was written, this small monument was s t i l l preserved (Ibid.). 4°These are the f i r s t three letters of the name of Jesus in Greek. ^Paulson, I, p. 166. 4 8Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 147. Although no na i l i s visible on which the clergyman could hang his hat, i t appears quite possible that Hogarth intended the "vaguely-defined circular patch" to have resulted from the clergyman's having done just this; not only does no other explanation appear likely, but in Hogarth's "The Sleeping Congregation," published in 1736 (Paulson, I, p. 170), the speaker's hat hangs on the pulpit behind him (Paulson, II, p i . 151). ^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 147. 5°Cook suggests that "the damps of the church . . . " (Cook [ed.], p. 51) have almost destroyed the creed. The words "I Believe" can be made out, and there appear to be a few i l l e g i b l e words below these. S^-This tablet i s against the right-hand margin of the print. 52The diagonal crack appears to start on the edge of the tablet at a point slightly above the written portion of the Seventh Commandment, and seems as i f i t might just touch the written portion of this Commandment. It cuts through the next two Commandments, but seems to "peter out" before going through the Tenth Commandment. 5-*Before terminating discussion of this plate, men-tion should be made of Antal's assertion that "the pattern of the three main figures—bride, bridegroom, and clergyman— i n the 'Marriage of the Rake' . . . , t h e i r arrangement w i t h -i n the s e t t i n g and even the stooping a t t i t u d e of the boy be-s i d e the b r i d e , seem to d e r i v e from P i c a r t ' s 'Catholic Wed-ding i n Church' . . . " ( A n t a l , Hogarth and His Place In  European A r t , p. 100). Part I I : Chapter X I I !john Hoadly, verses appearing below P l a t e 6 of W i l l i a m Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress," 1735. 2The three s t a t e s of t h i s p l a t e (Paulson, I , p. 167) are a l l e s s e n t i a l l y the same. 3Above, p. 104. 4 I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d t h a t White's was destroyed by f i r e (above, p. 105). Wheatley a s s e r t s t h i s happened on A p r i l 28, 1733 (Wheatley. p. 295), while Paulson s t a t e s i t occurred on May 3, 1733 (Paulson, I , p. 168). 5Cook (ed.), p. 52. Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 155. 7 I b i d . 8 I b i d . Two l i g h t e d candles are stuck i n t h i s " l o n g -stemmed c a n d l e s t i c k . " °Bakewell suggests t h a t the person h o l d i n g the "long-stemmed c a n d l e s t i c k " s t a r t e d the f i r e ( B a k e w e l l , n.p.). l°The dog r e f e r r e d t o e a r l i e r (above, p. 118) has i t s f r o n t f e e t on t h i s c h a i r ( i t s r e a r f e e t are on the f l o o r ) . And i t might a l s o be mentioned t h a t t h i s dog does not appear to be the same animal t h a t i s seen i n P l a t e 4 (above, p. 102), nor does i t appear t o be the same animal as e i t h e r of the dogs i n P l a t e 5 (above, p. 114). I l A l s o on the f l o o r are two items i d e n t i f i e d by Kurz as Rakewell's "cravat and h i s empty purse . . . " (Kurz, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , XV, p. 158). The one item i s q u i t e p o s s i b l y h i s "empty purse," but the other would appear t o be not a " c r a v a t " but the bow from h i s wig. 1 2 S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , P t. I , p. 155. Stephens a l s o s t a t e s that Tom i s g r i n d i n g h i s t e e t h ( I b i d . ) . 1 3 R e g a r d i n g the Rake's pose, Kunzle s t a t e s t h a t the h a l f - k n e e l i n g p o s i t i o n i s " f a m i l i a r enough from representa-t i o n s of the P r o d i g a l Son repentant . . . " (Kunzle, J o u r n a l  of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 336). Was t h i s the source of the above-mentioned aspect of Rake-w e l l ' s pose? And i f i t were, d i d Hogarth wish t o suggest that when we see him i n P l a t e 6 Tom i s repentant? ^ Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 155. 15Townsend, n.p. Paulson a l s o s t a t e s t h i s i s a black mask (Paulson, I , p. 168), but Kunzle, when comparing t h i s person t o the corresponding f i g u r e i n a p l a g i a r i z e d v e r s i o n of t h i s p l a t e , s t a t e s t h a t Hogarth's f i g u r e "has no mask . . . " (Kunzle, J o u r n a l of the Warburg and Courtauld  I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 335). l o F e l t o n , p. 22. i ^ I r e land s t a t e s t h i s i s a g l a s s of water ( I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 88), but i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y t h a t the g l a s s would be f i l l e d w i t h an a l c o h o l i c beverage. ^ I r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 87. ^ P a u l s o n , I , p. 168. Kunzle a s s e r t s t h a t "the high-wayman i s l y i n g i n wait . . . " (Kunzle, J o u r n a l of the War- burg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 335), and f u r t h e r suggests ( I b i d . ) t h a t : "The boy may have t o shout more because of the general d i n than because of the raptness of h i s customer. The highwayman i s s u r e l y very much awake; f u r t h e r , he may be i g n o r i n g the boy because he de-t e c t s the a r r i v a l of the moment of confusion which he intends t o e x p l o i t . " 2 0Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 156. 2 1 K u n z l e , Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i -t u t e s , XXIX, p. 336^  This f i g u r e appears t o be q u i t e con-cerned about something. Most l i k e l y loses i n c u r r e d at the gaming t a b l e are the cause of h i s concern. 2 2 A s Kunzle points out, t h i s i s the only s i g n of " p h y s i c a l d e l a p i d a t i o n " t h a t can be seen i n t h i s p r i n t ( I b i d . , p. 337). "^Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 88. George as-serts t h i s person i s a member of the Jewish race (George, p. 43), but there would appear to be no r e a l basis f o r t h i s assertion. 2 4 l r e l a n d , Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 88. 2 5 I b i d . 2 6Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, pp. 155-56. 2 7 T h i s person seems to be looking at either the man wearing the glasses or the book he i s holding; i n addition, he may be speaking to the older man (Stephens i s of t h i s opinion [Ibid.. p. 156]). The well-dressed gentleman also seems to be holding something i n h i s - l e f t hand which may be a r o l l of coins (Stephens i d e n t i f i e s t h i s as a r o l l of coins, terming i t a "rouleau" [ I b i d . ] ) , and the index finger of t h i s hand i s extended. 28This would not be the same chair as the one on which t h i s person i s s i t t i n g . 2°Above, p. 119. 3°Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 88. 3 1 K u r z , Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i - tutes . XV, p. 158^ ! 3 2Cook (ed.), p. 53. It i s perhaps u n l i k e l y that the figure receiving the coins i s borrowing money from the other person, since Hogarth would possibly not wish to i n -clude a second "moneylending" incident i n t h i s scene. 3 3 i t might also be noted that t h i s person appears to be somewhat inebriated, as Ireland suggests when he describes t h i s figure as "one of those staggering votaries of Bacchus who are to be found i n every company where there i s good wine . . . " (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 88). 34This man's mouth i s open as i f he were speaking. 35it i s perhaps rather u n l i k e l y that the man with the sword was merely waving the sword i n anger, and would not s t r i k e the person towards whom his wrath was directed. 3 6 K u r z , Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld  Ins t i t u t e s , XV, p. 158. Part I I : Chapter X I I I iJohn Hoadly, verses appearing below P l a t e 7 of W i l l i a m Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress," 1735. 2 I n the s t a t e s of t h i s p l a t e whose l o c a t i o n s are known, the changes made i n the depicted scene are minor, being confined t o changes i n shading (Paulson, I , p. 168). However, Paulson s t a t e s t h a t , i n the f i r s t s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e (the present l o c a t i o n of which i s unknown), the nota-t i o n "'Garnish Money' does not yet appear i n the J a i l e r ' s book; the w r i t i n g on the paper under the 'Scheme f o r paying the N a t i o n a l Debt' i s b a r e l y i n d i c a t e d . The p l a t e i s not f i l l e d up t o the l e f t margin . . . " ( I b i d . ) . 3 This s c r o l l i s seen f a l l i n g t o the f l o o r , along w i t h a sheet of paper; another s c r o l l l i e s on the f l o o r be-neath the l a t t e r . (The sheet of paper appears t o have w r i t -i n g on i t , but c l o s e r examination r e v e a l s t h a t what i s on t h i s paper i s not a c t u a l l y w r i t i n g , but merely l i n e s t h a t are meant to resemble w r i t i n g . ) ••Paulson, I , p. 166. This i s the same p r i s o n w i t h which the " F l e e t Chaplains" r e f e r r e d t o e a r l i e r (above, pp. 59-60) were a s s o c i a t e d . 5"Fleet P r i s o n , " Encyclopedia B r i t a n n i c a , ed. W. Yust, IX (I960), p. 368. 6 I b i d . , pp. 368-69. Concerning the wardenship of the F l e e t P r i s o n , Wheatley (Wheatley, p. 391) informs us t h a t : "John Huggins purchased the Wardenship of the F l e e t . . . from the E a r l of Clarendon f o r £5000. The term of the patent was f o r h i s own and h i s son's l i f e , but h i s son W i l l i a m Huggins having no wish t o take upon himself the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of such an o f f i c e , John Huggins, i n August 1728, s o l d i t to Thomas Bambridge and Dougal Cuthbert f o r the same amount he paid f o r i t . ? ' On February 25, 1728/9, a Committee of the House of Commons (of which Hogarth's f a t h e r - i n - l a w . S i r James Thorn-h i l l , was a member) was appointed t o examine the kingdom's j a i l s ( I b i d . . p. 389). This i s presumably the committee Wheatley r e f e r s t o ( I b i d . , p. 388-89) when t h i s source men-t i o n s a committee t h a t looked i n t o the management of debtor's p r i s o n s : "[and] brought t o l i g h t a s e r i e s of e x t o r t i o n s and c r u e l t i e s which would have been considered i n c r e d i b l e were not the evidence so i n c o n t r o v e r t i b l e . When the Committee paid t h e i r f i r s t and unexpected v i s i t t o the F l e e t P r i s o n , they found S i r W i l l i a m R i c h confined i n a loathsome dungeon and loaded w i t h i r o n s because he had given some s l i g h t offence t o Barabridge." Regarding t h i s l a t t e r person (and a l s o h i s predecessor, Huggins), Wheatley s t a t e s t h a t they were both "declared 'no-t o r i o u s l y g u i l t y of great breaches of t r u s t , e x t o r t i o n s , c r u e l t i e s , and other high crimes and misdemeanors.' They were sent t o Newgate, and Bambridge was d i s q u a l i f i e d by Act of Parliament from enjoying the o f f i c e of Warden of the F l e e t " ( I b i d . , p. 392). Wheatley ( I b i d . . p.. 388) a l s o as-s e r t s t h a t : "there i s every reason t o b e l i e v e that i n g i v i n g way t o h i s abominably c r u e l nature Bambridge was f o l l o w i n g the precedent set by former Wardens of the F l e e t . In the Calendar of State Papers (Domestic, 1619^-23) there i s note of a l e t t e r from Rookwood t o S i r Clement Edmondes (August 2, 1619), i n which i t i s s t a t e d t h a t 'the Warden has put i n t o the dungeon c a l l e d Boulton's Ward, a place newly made to e x e r c i s e h i s c r u e l t y , three poor men, Pecke, Seager, and Myners, notw i t h -standing the express command of the C o u n c i l t h a t they should be favourably d e a l t w i t h t i l l f u r t h e r orders, they are s t a r v i n g from want of food'." In 1728/9 (Beckett, p. 41), Hogarth d i d a monochrome o i l sketch showing members of the aforementioned Commons Committee and Bambridge ( I b i d . , p i . 8); the f i g u r e of Bambridge i s the one t h a t Beckett describes as "showing t r e p i d a t i o n . . ." ( I b i d . , p. 41). A painted v e r s i o n of t h i s subject was done, but i t s l o c a t i o n i s at present un-known ( I b i d . ) . Another v e r s i o n was ordered by S i r A r c h i b a l d Grant (a member of the Committee) on November 5, 1729; Beckett s t a t e s t h i s was " s t i l l u n f i n i s h e d on 1st Jany., 1731" ( I b i d . ) . And Beckett s t a t e s that the p i c t u r e d e a l i n g w i t h t h i s subject t h a t i s i n the N a t i o n a l P o r t r a i t G a l l e r y , which i s s a i d t o be the one ordered by Grant, "appears t o be only a copy" ( I b i d . ) . 7 L i c h t e n b e r g a s s e r t s t h a t t h i s i s "a r a t h e r f i n e cane c h a i r . . . " (Lichtenberg. p. 262) t h a t "Rakewell has brought w i t h him . . . " ( I b i d . ) . ^Stephens, V o l . I l l , P t . I , p. 163. 9Tom's wig i s pushed back on his head to the point where some of his hair i s showing, which contributes to the f e e l i n g the viewer has regarding Rakewell's mood. Lichtenberg i s correct concerning the chair upon which Tom i s s i t t i n g , perhaps t h i s table i s Tom's also, since i t i s possibly of a better qu a l i t y than what one might expect to f i n d i n Tom's c e l l . ^Paulson, I, p. 169. John Rich, a pantomimist and t h e a t r i c a l manager, i s said to have been born about 1682 (Joseph Knight, "Rich, John," The Dictionary of National  Biography, ed. L. Stephen and S. Lee, XVI L1964J, p. 1001). When his father died, he and his brother "came into posses-sion of the new theatre, then a l l but completed, i n Lincoln's Inn F i e l d s " (Ibid.). This theatre was opened on December 18, 1714 (Ibid.). Knight (Ibid.) states that: "No s p e c i a l feature distinguished at the outset Rich's management. His theatre was large, and had a large stage, gorgeously furnished with mirrors. The opening receipts were 143£., a sum r a r e l y exceeded during the season. Shorn [by t h i s theatre] . . . of some of i t s best actors, Drury Lane, under the admir-able management of Colley Cibber, Booth, and Wilks, s t i l l possessed the more capable company, and the new theatre held a secondary place i n public estima-t i o n . Rich accordingly began i n 1716 to give enter-tainments i n the I t a l i a n s t y l e , which speedily devel-oped into pantomime. On 22 A p r i l the performance of the 'Cheats' was followed by that of a piece unnamed, of which the characters only are given. These consist of Harlequin by Lun, Punch by Shaw, and Scaramouch by Thurmond. Lun was the name under which i n pantomime Rich invariably appeared. Rich i s thus credited with the invention of what i n England has, under changing conditions, been known as pantomime. Davies says, concerning these entertain-ments: 'By the help of gay scenes, f i n e habits, grand dances, appropriate music, and other decorations, he exhibited a story from Ovid's "Metamorphoses," or some other fabulous writer. Between the pauses or acts of t h i s serious representation he interwove a comic fable consisting c h i e f l y of the courtship of Harlequin and Columbine, with a v a r i e t y of surprising adventures and t r i c k s which were produced by the magic wand of Harlequin, such as the sudden transformation of pal-aces and temples to huts and cottages, of men and women into wheelbarrows and j o i n t - s t o o l s ' ( L i f e of Garrick, i . 130). Rich himself inva r i a b l y played Harlequin. From 1717 to 1760, the year before his death, Rich produced a pantomime annually. Few f a i l e d of success, most of them running f o r t y or f i f t y nights consecutively; Drury Lane, put on the defensive, was obliged r e l u c t a n t l y to follow the example set at Lincoln's Inn F i e l d s . " It i s of inte r e s t to note at t h i s point that, on January 29, 1728, Gay's Beggar's Opera was presented. This work, refused by Drury Lane but accepted by Rich, "eclipsed a l l previous success, making, as was said, 'Gay r i c h , and Rich gay.' It was given without intermission sixty-three times, and was revived next season and played both by the regular company and by children" (Ibid., p. 1002). In 1730, "Rich set foot on a subscription to b u i l d a house i n Bow Street, Covent Garden, and gave a public exhibi-t i o n of the designs of his architect, Shepherd. Before January 1731 s i x thousand pounds were subscribed and the building begun" (Ibid.). This new theatre opened on Decem-ber 7, 1732, with a r e v i v a l of Wycherley's Way of the World (Ib i d . ) . On November 26, 1761, Rich passed away i n London. He had been married twice, and his second wife survived him (Ibid., p. 1003). Knight asserts that, as Harlequin, "Rich seems to have been unequalled. Davies . . . declared that i n f i f t y years no man approached him, and that Garrick's action was not more pe r f e c t l y adapted to his characters than were Rich's attitudes and movements to Harlequin" (Ibid.). Knight (Ibid.) also states that: "Rich was uneducated, and was quite i l l i t e r a t e . He talked of 'laming' Wilkinson to be a player; t o l d Signora S p i l e t t a to lay the emphasis on the 'adjutant,' and said 'turbot' f o r turban. He had some curious af f e c t a t i o n s . He pretended never to r e c a l l a name. Addressing Tate Wilkinson, he would c a l l him i n turns Williamskin, Whittington, or whatever other name came into his head." 12Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. I63. 13lt might also be noted that her hair i s very "messy." ^ H e r right arm i s extended, which suggests that i f her f i s t i s not merely clenched i n anger, she might be going to h i t her husband. Her l e f t f i s t seems to rest on Tom's shoulder, and there i s a p o s s i b i l i t y she may have just given Tom a blow with t h i s f i s t . 1 5 Q u i t e understandably, t h i s woman would not be at a l l pleased with her husband's handling of her money. In addition, she may have just found out about Tom's connection with Sarah Young, as the l a t t e r person (along with Tom's i l l e g i t i m a t e daughter) i s also present at t h i s time. •*"°Kunzle refers to "the innocent bewilderment of . . . Rakewell . . ." (Kunzle, Journal of the Warburg and  Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 337), and states that he "unconsciously reveals his helplessness . . ." (Ib i d . ) . This source then puts f o r t h the suggestion that " t h i s i s . .- . his [Tom's] permanent condition at t h i s stage, and not a sudden emotion caused by the r e j e c t i o n of his play . . . " (Ibid., pp. 337-38), but then suggests that, "as a compromise, one could s e t t l e f o r a condition induced partly by the refus-a l , p a rtly by the simultaneous badgering of Turnkey, Boy, and his Wife, and partly by his debts i n general" (Ibid.. p. 338). It might be thought that his wife's verbal tirade would possibly arouse Tom's anger. However, while Tom might soon become angry i f his wife's tirade continues f o r any length of time, at t h i s point i t seems quite l i k e l y that t h i s "verbal barrage" would simply increase his f e e l i n g of hopelessness regarding his present s i t u a t i o n . (The position of Tom's r i g h t leg and foot i s of i n t e r e s t . Is he i n the process of moving his right leg, perhaps because his wife's comments, coupled with the demands of the turnkey and the boy, are making him f e e l "uncomfortable," or i s the back portion of the heel of Tom's right shoe ac t u a l l y on the f l o o r , with the fact his foot i s not f l a t on the f l o o r being intended as another manifestation of his mood?) ^Bakewell asserts t h i s person i s Sarah's mother (Bakewell, n.p.), but Stephens apparently either does not think so or has not considered the p o s s i b i l i t y , as he refers to t h i s figure as simply "the other woman . . . " (Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 163). Upon consideration, i t appears quite possible that t h i s figure i s intended f o r Sarah's mother. Admittedly, her being older than Sarah, and her ap-pearance i n t h i s scene, does not necessarily mean she i s t h i s person, but the fact that t h i s figure's dress i s made from a patterned material might possibly indicate that Hogarth meant the viewer to associate t h i s person with the figure seen i n Plate 1 who wears a patterned dress and who i s i d e n t i f i e d as Sarah's mother (above, p. 74). - I d x o S a r a h may have fainted while s i t t i n g on a chair, as the legs of an overturned chair (or, what i s perhaps less l i k e l y , an overturned stool) can be seen under her dress. •^Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 163). His hair can be seen below the edge of his wig. 2 Q I b i d . 2lAbove, p. 125. Since Hogarth included the i n i t i a l s "T. L . " on t h i s s c r o l l although i t was not necessary that he do so, i t seems l i k e l y that "T. L." was a r e a l person. Un-fortunately, the i d e n t i t y of t h i s person, i f he did ac t u a l l y e x i s t , i s not known at t h i s time. 2 2Above, p. 253. 2 3Above, p. 253. 2 / +Paulson, I, p. 169. 25stephens suggests that t h i s l i t t l e g i r l i s "about three years of age . . . " (Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 163), but she appears to be s l i g h t l y older than t h i s ; she i s perhaps approximately four years of age, or possibly even approaching f i v e . 2 o I t might be pointed out that there i s l i t t l e doubt t h i s g i r l i s indeed the daughter of Sarah Young and Tom Rakewell. There was no reason f o r Hogarth to include the l i t t l e g i r l i n t h i s scene unless he intended t h i s figure to be the daughter of the two aforementioned people. Furthermore, as t h i s c h i l d appears to be upset, and as her attention i s directed towards the woman who has fainted (not only i s the l i t t l e g i r l looking at t h i s f i g u r e , but she also appears to be tr y i n g to put her arms around the limp adult), there i s l i t t l e doubt that the woman who has fainted i s Sarah Young. Sarah, as Ireland suggests, has come to the prison "perhaps to comfort him [Tom],—to, a l l e v i a t e his sorrows, to sooth his sufferings . . . " (Ireland, Hogarth I l l u s t r a t e d , p. 90), or possibly to o f f e r him any aid she could. (There i s perhaps a s l i g h t p o s s i b i l i t y that, i f the woman wearing the patterned dress i s Sarah's mother, Sarah has come to see Rakewell at the insistence of her mother, who perhaps wanted to see Tom to "heap abuse" upon him and to gloat over his present state; however, i n view of Sarah's kind gesture i n Plate 4, i t appears f a r more l i k e l y Sarah v i s i t e d Tom f o r one of the reasons noted above.) Regarding Sarah's f a i n t i n g , Sala suggests that "there i s a passage of arms, or rather of words, between the two [Tom's wife and Sarah], The ex-old maid has the best of the encounter over the ex-young one. Sarah f a i n t s . . . " (Sala, p. 211). While t h i s i s possible, i t i s perhaps more l i k e l y that, i f Sarah at t h i s point harboured some "tender f e e l i n g s " f o r Rakewell (which seems quite l i k e l y ) , the sight of him i n prison, combined with the r e a l i z a t i o n that Tom has gotten himself into a very bad predicament, would cause Sarah to f a i n t (Tom's present mood would probably have increased the impact of the above on Sarah). 2 7Stephens' assertion that t h i s i s a "nightcap" (Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. 163) might perhaps be questioned. 2 8Stephens, Vol. I l l , Pt. I, p. I63. 2 9 l b i d . 3°This figure i s not at a l l involved i n the action that centers around Tom and Sarah. Townsend asserts that he i s "so infatuated with his work that he w i l l not be disturbed by anything less than the roof f a l l i n g i n " (Townsend, n.p.). 31-The material that goes around the top of t h i s bed, as might be expected, i s ragged. 3 2These wings are shaped l i k e a bird's wings, and ap-pear to have r e a l feathers on them. They were no doubt b u i l t to resemble r e a l wings as c l o s e l y as possible (on the other hand, Hogarth may perhaps have intended them to be r e a l wings from a large b i r d ) . ^Townsend, however, suggests that they were not the property of t h i s man, but of "some poor wretch [who] had i n -tended [to use them] to escape—but finding them inadequate for the execution of his project, he has placed them on the tes t e r of the bed" (Townsend, n.p.). 34The c e l l walls appear to be made of stone. ^^Paulson, I, p . 169. 3°Lichtenberg, p. 2 6 l . 3 7 T h e s Q a r e n u m D e r e ( i " i ( n " 2 , " and " 3 " respectively, and the second one has what i s probably the handle of some item s t i c k i n g up above i t s rim. 3 8Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p . 163. 3 9 i b i d . The handle of the g r i d i r o n appears to be under the rope that goes around t h i s "bundle." Bakewell suggests the l a t t e r i s a bed (Bakewell, n.p.), as does Cook (Cook [ed.], p. 55 ) . ^Bakewell, n.p. ^Cook (ed.), p. 55. **2It should also be noted that the portion of the c e l l ' s f l o o r seen i n the lower right-hand corner of t h i s print d i f f e r s from that seen i n the lower left-hand- part of t h i s plate. While the former area appears smooth, the l a t t e r area i s either rough (as i f t h i s portion of the f l o o r i s e i t h e r damaged or unfinished), or else i t has had some unid e n t i f i a b l e substance(s) and/or material(s) s p i l l e d on i t . Part I I : Chapter XIV Ijohn Hoadly, verses appearing below Plate 8 of William Hogarth's "A Rake's Progress," 1735. 2Paulson, I, p. 169. The f i r s t state of t h i s plate i s an unfinished proof"(Ibid.). This plate's t h i r d state (Ibid.), as might be expected d i f f e r s i n c e r t a i n respects from the second. The most important of these changes w i l l be described during the course of the examination of t h i s plate. ^Bakewell, n.p. ••"Bedlam," Encyclopedia Britannica. ed. W. l u s t , III (I960), p. 301. 5Ibid. 'Wheatley, p. 370. 'Ibid.. p. 373. ^Bakewell, n.p. 9 l n the t h i r d state of t h i s print (Paulson, I, p. I69), Tom's head i s smaller; some changes have also been made i n his face, and, either purposely or by chance, Tom perhaps looks less demented i n the t h i r d state than i n the second (Kunzle, however, would appear to believe just the opposite [Kunzle, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld In- s t i t u t e s . XXII, p. 342J). : 1 0 T h i s figure i s said to be a free version of Caius Gabriel Cibber's statue of "Melancholy Madness" (Antal, Hogarth and His Place i n European Art, p. 102). (This s t a t -ue was completed about the year 1680, and at the time "A Rake's Progress" appeared was over the por t a l of Bethlehem h o s p i t a l [Ibid.3. At present t h i s work i s i n the G u i l d h a l l Museum, London [Paulson, I, p. 170].) However, Paulson as-serts that "the pose of Rakewell's head and l e f t arm . . . may have been based on Marcus Gheeraerts the Elder's etching 'The Painter torn between Olympus and Everyday L i f e ' . . ." (Ibid.). •^An item that appears to be Tom's coat i s seen on the f l o o r . (Part of t h i s garment can be seen on the f l o o r beside him, another portion " s t i c k s up" by his r i g h t side and his back, and he might even be s i t t i n g on another part of t h i s garment.) In addition, his shoes are on the f l o o r beside his l e f t foot. Thus these items have possibly been recently removed by either Tom or someone else. •-*2Townsend, n.p. 1 3 T o the r i g h t of Sarah, i n the lower left-hand cor-ner of t h i s print., can be seen a large pot and a bowl. The pot and the bowl contain what Stephens states i s gruel (Stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p. 168). The bowl i s not s i t -t i n g i n a l e v e l position, and as a re s u l t i t i s i n the proc-ess of losing some of i t s contents. The handle of what i s probably a ladle s t i c k s up out of the gruel i n the pot, and what i s probably the pot's handle can be seen at the side of the pot. It appears l i k e l y that the bowl was f i l l e d from the pot, and that what i s i n the bowl was intended f o r Tom. ^ I n the t h i r d state of t h i s plate (Paulson, I, p. I 6 9 ) , Sarah's face and cap have been changed. Thus i n t h i s state there i s d e f i n i t e l y some space between the r i g h t hand of the man standing beside Sarah and Sarah's cap, while i n t h i s p l a t e ' s second s t a t e ( I b i d . ) , the man's r i g h t hand might almost be taken as r e s t i n g against Sarah's cap (however, even i n the t h i r d s t a t e , t h i s man's r i g h t arm looks as i f i t might be touching the top of Sarah's cap). ^ P a u l s o n , I , p. 169. l 6 I b i d . 1 7 I b i d . x o A chain i s attached t o t h i s shackle, and the per-son beside Tom may be h o l d i n g t h i s chain w i t h h i s r i g h t hand. 1 9 I b i d . 2 0 A n t a l , Hogarth and His Place i n European A r t , p. 102. 21 x K u r z , J o u r n a l of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i -t u t e s , XV, p. 154. 2 2 K u n z l e , J o u r n a l of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i -t u t e s . XXIX, p. 340. 2 3 I b i d . 2 4 K u r z , Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i -t u t e s , XV, p. 1547 Kurz a s s e r t s t h a t "though i t Lthe i d e a Tom i s dying] was made c l e a r p i c t o r i a l l y by the a r t i s t , i t has been overlooked h i t h e r t o . . . " ( I b i d . ) . Kunzle once again agrees w i t h Kurz, s t a t i n g t h a t Rakewell i s "on the point of death . . . " (Kunzle, J o u r n a l of the Warburg and  Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s . XXIX, p. 341). ~ ' The assumption t h a t Hogarth intended the Rake t o be dying i s perhaps supported by one of the l i n e s of verse i n -cluded w i t h t h i s scene,, f o r Hoadly wrote a l i n e which reads "Behold Death g r a p p l i n g w i t h Despair" (above, p. 131). In a d d i t i o n , i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that, while the person stand-i n g behind Tom i s apparently a member of the h o s p i t a l .staff i n the second s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e , i n the t h i r d s t a t e he wears " c l e r i c a l bands" (above, p. 133). This change q u i t e p o s s i b l y i n d i c a t e s Rakewell i s dying, since there seems l i t -t l e reason why i t should have been made unless Hogarth f e l t the viewers d i d not r e a l i z e Tom was e x p i r i n g , and thought he should i n c l u d e a clergyman i n t h i s scene t o emphasize t h i s . ? I t might be debated whether or not an a r t i c l e of clothing i s covering t h i s portion of his body, as his lower abdomen could perhaps be covered by part of a blanket. ^"Portions of either one or two chains can be seen touching the side of the stone block; one of these portions seems to be anchored to the block, and the other seems to disappear into the straw that i s on top of the block. (It i s impossible to ascertain whether or not the person i n the c e l l i s chained.) It might also be noted that beside the block i s a bowl which appears to be empty. 2 7He does not appear to be resting his chin on his hands (in addition, the fact that his mouth i s open makes t h i s u n l i k e l y ) . 2 8 T h i s cross appears to be made of wood, and the crosspiece i s perhaps supposed to be t i e d to the other part of the cross. Near t h i s cross i s a barred window, and l i g h t coming through t h i s window i s seen f a l l i n g on the cross. 29 T h i s i s possibly Clement the F i r s t , who " i s gener-a l l y reckoned to be Peter's t h i r d successor" (Donald Att-water, The Penguin Dictionary of Saints ["Penguin Reference Books"; Harraondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 1965], p. 88). Attwater (Ibid.) states that: "he i s famous f o r the l e t t e r sent by him from the church of Rome to the church of Corinth, the occa-sion of which was the revolt of some Corinthian Chritians against the leaders of t h e i r church. It i s the f i r s t known example of a bishop of Rome i n -tervening i n the a f f a i r s of another church . . . . On the strength of the authentic l e t t e r St. Clement i s accounted the f i r s t of the Apostolic Fathers. He i s venerated as a martyr, but there i s no good evidence that he was one. The t a l e that he was sentenced to hard labour i n the Crimea and was there lashed to an anchor and thrown into the sea i s legendary; but i t became popular . . . ." Clement I died at the end of the f i r s t century (Ibid., p. 37). 3°This i s possibly St. Athanasius, a bishop and "one of the four great Greek doctors of the church . . . " (Ibid., pp. 53-54). He was born i n Alexandria c. 296, and died there i n 373 (Ibid., p. 53). Attwater (Ibid.) asserts that: "When a deacon, Athanasius accompanied his bishop to the f i r s t Council of Nicaea i n 325, at which the Arian heresy was condemned, and three years l a t e r he was himself elected to the see of Alexandria. He pre-sided over t h i s church for f o r t y - s i x years, of which over seventeen were passed i n e x i l e on account of his vigorous opposition to the spread of Arianism, which had the support of cert a i n of the emperors. He was f i r s t banished, to T r i e r , i n 335, but was allowed to return i n 337, only to be banished again two years l a t e r . This time he went to Rome and was away f o r seven years. From 346 to 356 was r e l a t i v e l y his most peaceful period and some of his most important writ-ings date from t h i s time. But the emperor, Constantius, was bent on getting him deposed, and soldiers were sent to arrest him. Athanasius went into hiding i n the desert, and guided his f l o c k from there t i l l Constantius died i n 361. There were two more short periods of ex-i l e , and then from 366 he was able to rule his church i n peace u n t i l his death. He devoted himself to re-pairing the harm done by a l l the years of dissention and violence, and was able to return to his writing and preaching undisturbed." 3-'-This i s possibly St. Lawrence, who died i n Rome i n 258 (Ibid., p. 214). About t h i s person, Attwater (Ibid.) states: " I t i s known that he was one of the seven deacons of Rome, and that he was martyred there four days afte r Pope St. Sixtus II i n 258, and was buried i n the ceme-tery on the road to T i v o l i , where the church of St. Lawrence-outside-the-Walls now stands. According to t r a d i t i o n , when ordered by the c i t y prefect to hand over the church's valuables, he assembled the poor and sick and presented them to the prefect: 'Here,' he said, ' i s the church's treasure.' Thereupon he was put to death by being roasted on a g r i d . It i s more l i k e l y that i n fact he was beheaded as St. Sixtus was . . . . [From] the fourth century he was venerated as one of the most famous martyrs of the c i t y of Rome." 3 2Paulson, I, pp. 169-70. 33stephens, V o l . I l l , Pt. I, p. 169. 3 4Before proceeding to discussion of the next fi g u r e , mention should be made of Antal's assertion that the source of the figure i n c e l l 54 was Caius Gibber's statue "Raving Madness" ( A n t a l , Hogarth and His Place i n European A r t , p. 102). Like Cibber's "Melancholy Madness" (above, p. 2 6 l ) , t h i s statue was completed about the year 1680, and at the time t h i s s e r i e s appeared was over the gate of Bethlehem h o s p i t a l ( I b i d . ) . At present t h i s statue i s i n the G u i l d -h a l l Museum, London (Paulson, I , p. 170). 35AISO l i k e the previously-mentioned c e l l , t h i s c e l l has a barred window l e t t i n g i n l i g h t . 3°Stephens, Vol.. I l l , Pt. I , p. 169. 3 7 K u n z l e , Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i -t u t e s . XXIX, p. 342. 3 8 S t e p h e n s , V o l . I l l , Pt. I , p. 169. 3°Ibid. Paulson (Paulson, I , p. 170) i s perhaps more e x p l i c i t when he s t a t e s t h a t the person i n c e l l 55 "unconcernedly u r i n a t e s s t r a i g h t ahead." ^O w i l e n s k i , p. 83. Admission was charged t o view the inmates, and at one time Bethlehem h o s p i t a l d e r i v e d a revenue of at l e a s t £400 a year from t h i s p r a c t i c e (Wheatley, pp. 370-71). However, Wheatley ( I b i d . , p. 371) s t a t e s t h a t : "In 1770 i t appeared at l a s t t o have dawned upon the i n t e l l i g e n c e of the a u t h o r i t i e s t h a t the i n t r o d u c t i o n of v i s i t o r s 'tended t o d i s t u r b the t r a n q u i l i t y of the p a t i e n t s . ' In May 1775 Johnson and Boswell v i s i t e d the H o s p i t a l , but i n J u l y 1784 Cowper w r i t i n g t o Newton speaks of the custom having been a b o l i s h e d . " " ^ I n the t h i r d s t a t e of t h i s p l a t e (Paulson, I , p. 169), t h i s woman's head has been reworked. 4 2There i s a l s o perhaps a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t h i s fan i s being h e l d up t o prevent the other woman from seeing the man i n c e l l 55. * * 3 l n t h i s p l a t e ' s t h i r d s t a t e (Paulson, I , p. 169), t h i s woman's head covering has been changed, and her face has been made more a t t r a c t i v e . In a d d i t i o n , her head i s now s l i g h t l y t i l t e d , and she i s t u r n i n g i t t o the l e f t v i r t u a l l y as much as i s p o s s