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Olbia as a frontier society Teece , Edwin Philip 1971

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O L B I A A S A FRONTIER SOCIETY by Edwin P h i l i p Teece B.A., V i c t o r i a College, 1963 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of CLASSICS We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard. THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1971 In present ing th i s thes i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the Un i ve r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b ra ry sha l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I f u r the r agree that permission for extens ive copying of th i s thes i s f o r s cho l a r l y purposes may be granted by.the Head of my Department or by h i s representa t i ves . It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s thes i s f o r f i n anc i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion. Department of dftSSICS  The Un ive r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date Sff i f l l f l r ABSTRACT In t h i s study the Greek colony of Olbia, on the north coast of the Black Sea, i s examined i n the l i g h t of both the l i t e r a r y and the archaeological evidence r e -l a t i n g to the c i t y ' s f i r s t two centuries of settlement. The e f f e c t s upon the co l o n i s t s of i s o l a t i o n from the great centres of Greek urban l i f e , of the h o s t i l e p h y s i c a l en-vironment into which the Greek s e t t l e r s transplanted th e i r c i v i l i z a t i o n , and of the barbarian peoples who surrounded the colony are studied. I t can be seen from the evidence gathered here that the O l b i o p o l i t a i , while struggling to maintain a Greek way of l i f e i n the i r c i t y , y i e l d e d i n some measure to the a r t i s t i c , r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l i n -fluences of the i r Scythian neighbours. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT S I'would l i k e to express my gratitude to Professor Malcolm F. McGregor, who offered care-f u l and detailed c r i t i c i s m of the f i r s t draft, and to P h i l l i p E. Harding, who provided the i n s p i r -ation f o r , and participated closely i n the pre-paration of this study. TABLE OF CONTENTS I INTRODUCTION . . p . l II TESTIMONIA p. 8 III LIFE IN A NEW ENVIRONMENT p. 39 IV THE SCYTHIANS p.56 V CONNEXION WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD. . . p.70 VI THE OLBIAN WAY OF LIFE p.83 VII THE HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK p.98 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . p. 105 APPENDIX p. 109 I ( • . INTRODUCTION Olbia, also c a l l e d Borysthenes-jj was founded on the Hypanis (the Bug) River, north of the Black Sea, by co l o n i s t s from Miletos during the second half of the seventh century B.C. Eusebios f i x e s the date of i t s foundation as the f i r s t year of the t h i r t y - f o u r t h Olympiad, 6i][/3 B.C. Archaeological evidence confirms the presence of Greek co l o n i s t s on the s i t e during at l e a s t the f i n a l quarter of the seventh century. One of the most f a s c i n a t i n g aspects of t h i s colony dur-ing the f i r s t two centuries of i t s existence i s i t s i s o l a t i o n ; both i n the Greek imagination and i n f a c t the shores of the Northern Pontos were i n a world apart from and a l i e n to the f a m i l i a r environment of the Aegean. Not only i t s great d i s -tance from home (Olbia was nearly a thousand miles by sea from Mil e t o s ) , but the harshness of i t s climate and the strange-ness of the native Scythian culture, into close contact with which the colonists at Olbia were forced, evoked i n the G r e e k 1 Herodotos i s the f i r s t writer who uses the name "Bory-sthenes'. Coins and i n s c r i p t i o n s from the colony at every date r e f e r to the c i t y as Olbia. 2. inhabitants of the northern coast of the Black Sea a f e e l i n g of e x i l e . And, because of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of transport and communication that arose from navigational hazards peculiar to the Black Sea, t h i s I s o l a t i o n was more than an i l l u s i o n ; i t was a f a c t . In spite of the hardship, r e a l and imagined, that might have deterred a prospective colonist from exchanging the warm c i v i l i z a t i o n of Miletos f o r the c h i l l y wilderness of the Hy-panis River i n Pontos, there were incentives f o r the adventur-ous. Chief among these was the abundance of arable land on the Hypanis, f o r , although Miletos and the Ionian coast were not, i n the seventh century, so desperately short of land as the c i t i e s of the mainland of Greece, their f i e l d s were never quite enough, and, after the Persian conquest of Lyriia i n the mid-s i x t h century, the Milesians perhaps foresaw a possible shrink-age of the lands available f o r t h e i r use. In addition to prod-uctive land, the Black Sea's northern coast offered the pos-s i b i l i t y of l u c r a t i v e trade; the Scythian natives of the region could supply c a t t l e , hides, slaves and c e r t a i n kinds of decor-ative art, and i n exchange they were glad to obtain wine and o i l and other products of a warmer climate. Another promising industry suggested i t s e l f i n the convenient coincidence of abundant edible f i s h i n the estuaries of the great r i v e r s and natural deposits of the s a l t that i s used to preserve f i s h f o r export. A f i r s t glance at the s i t u a t i o n of Olbia's e a r l i e s t colon-i s t s — the prospects that lured them there, and the harsh un-f a m i l i a r i t y of the environment into which they found themselves transplanted — suggests an obvious analogy: European s e t t l e r s i n early North America found themselves i n a very similar s i t u -ation. In both cases the c o l o n i s t s placed themselves into c i r c -umstances of more or l e s s permanent e x i l e as a r e s u l t of the problems of transport and the distances involved. In both cases, too, the people involved were adventurers, w i l l i n g to aban-don the f a m i l i a r i t y and security of home i n order to f i n d mat-e r i a l wealth and a better way of l i f e . And i n both seventeenth-century America and seventh-century Olbia the c o l o n i s t s were faced with the problem of e s t a b l i s h i n g workable r e l a t i o n s with native populations. The physical environment i n each case was of an unaccust-omed harshness. Just as the s e t t l e r s of the North American f r o n t i e r created a special l o r e about the barrenness of the p l a i n s and the unearthliness of the winters, so the Greeks developed, In connexion with the Euxine region, a p a r t i c u l a r l y forbidding environmental l o r e ; the Greeks at home heard exag-gerated tales of eternal mists, grey, stunted vegetation, and bizarre physiological e f f e c t s of the f r i g i d northern climate. By greatly increasing the reluctance of t r a v e l l e r s to voyage to the northern colonies, these f a n c i f u l reports tended to aggrav-ate the i s o l a t i o n of outposts such as Olbia. In the case of the North American settlement, the harsh environment, the contact with a native population, the almost l i m i t l e s s a v a i l a b i l i t y of productive land and, above a l l , the i s o l a t i o n of the s e t t l e r s from their mother countries, led to the evolution of a style of l i f e that was d i f f e r e n t i n many r e -spects from that of Europe. During the centuries of North American colonization there existed i n d u s t r i a l enterprises, modes of architecture and even a sty l e of l i v i n g that were pe-c u l i a r to the f r o n t i e r society. Did the strangeness of the environment, the contact with a native population (the Scythians) and the i s o l a t i o n of Olbia produce i n that colony a unique way of l i f e ? To what extent, i n the f i r s t two centuries a f t e r the c i t y ' s founding, did the inhabitants c l i n g , i n spite of the " f r o n t i e r " aspect of their existence, to Greek t r a d i t i o n s i n the administration of th e i r 5. c i t y , i n their architecture, their art, t h e i r r e l i g i o n and generally i n t h e i r way of l i f e ? An examination of the evidence bearing on these quest-ions i s the concern of t h i s study. The evidence, although i t i s incomplete, does appear to warrant some conclusions, and some tentative answers to the questions. L i t e r a r y sources f o r Olbia before I4.OO B.C., and f o r l i f e on the northern coast of the Black Sea, are not voluminous. References to t h i s region i n the writings of Archilochos, Herodotos, Hippokrates, Homer, Strabo and Theophrastos pro-vide a sketch of the conditions under which l i f e had to be l i v e d at Olbia — the climate, the condition of the s o i l , the f l o r a and fauna, and the resources of the area. In the fourth book of Herodotos one find s a wealth of d e t a i l about the Scythian people and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s with the s e t t l e r s of Olbia. Hippokrates describes some of the physical p e c u l i a r -i t i e s of the Scyths. The s i t e of the c i t y and i t s a r c h i -tecture are b r i e f l y touched upon by a number, of authors, notably Dio Chrysostom, Herodotos and Strabo. The region's industries are discussed by Polybios and Strabo. About the O l b i o p o l i t a i themselves at t h i s early period 6. there i s only a smattering of written information. Dio Chrys-ostom provides a hint about the mode of dress at Olbia, Dio-doros and Herodotos mention the co l o n i s t s ' M i l e s i a n o r i g i n and describe t h e i r dealings with the Scythians, and Strabo t e l l s us that a major,preoccupation of the O l b l o p o l i t a i was trade. A few i n s c r i p t i o n s provide a fragmentary picture of Oibian ex-ternal r e l a t i o n s i n the s i x t h and f i f t h centuries. A l l the l i t e r a r y evidence i s presented, under the heading "Testimonia, 1 1 i n the next chapter. We must turn to archaeology i n order to f i l l the rather spacious gaps i n the written t r a d i t i o n about Olbia. Unfortun-ately, although the s i t e ( near Nikolaev i n Southern Russia) has been excavated, much of the d e t a i l e d information regarding the Russian excavators' work i s d i f f i c u l t of access i n the West-ern hemisphere. Prom the reports that are ava i l a b l e , however, e s p e c i a l l y the l i s t s of a r t i f a c t s recovered from the c i t y ' s e a r l i e s t layers, one can make a good beginning i n the task of reconstructing d e t a i l s of Oibian l i f e i n the si x t h and f i f t h centuries B.C. Some s i g n i f i c a n t observations can be based upon the Oibian f a c t o r i e s that s p e c i a l i z e d i n imitations of Scythian art, upon the domestic architecture adapted In construction 7. and s t y l e to the special demands of the Olbian climate, and upon the pottery that originated i n the f a c t o r i e s of i o n i a n Greece and Athens, as well as upon Olbian coins that bear some in t e r e s t i n g p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s clues. An appendix pro-vides i l l u s t r a t i o n s of some f i n d s of pottery and metalwork, part-i c u l a r l y those e x h i b i t i n g a d i s t i n c t l y Scythian influence i n their design. Epigraphical evidence at Olbia i s scanty for the e a r l i e s t centuries of her existence. Pew of the many i n s c r i p t i o n s un-earthed on the s i t e can be dated before the thi r d century B.C.; apart from b r i e f sepulchral monuments, only one or two i n s c r i p t -ions can be said to antedate the end of the f i f t h century. From the evidence that does e x i s t , however, an attempt can be made to reconstruct the Olbian way of l i f e i n the f i r s t two centuries after the colony's foundation. This evidence w i l l be examined with a view to uncovering, where possible, the aspects of l i f e i n the Olbian society that represent a depart-ure from the style of l i f e "at home." 8. II TESTTMONIA The l i t e r a r y evidence f o r the arguments of the following chapters i s set out here both i n the Greek and i n tr a n s l a t i o n . The Greek text of each author i s that of the e d i t i o n c i t e d i n the bibliography, except i n the case of i n s c r i p t i o n s , where I use the publications of Latyschev 1 and Tod 2 and c i t e by number. The material has been roughly c l a s s i f i e d according to con-tent under the following headings: The Site and Surrounding Country, The Climate and L i v i n g Conditions, Resources and Ind-u s t r i e s , The Scythians, The O l b i o p o l i t a i , External Relations. In the body of thi s study, reference w i l l be made to these testimonia by number. a. THE SITE AND SURROUNDING COUNTRY T l . Dio Chrysostom, XXXVI, '1,2. rj yap 710X15 TO uev etXncpev anb TOC Bopuo^evou? 6ioc TO ndWo? 1. Latyschev, B a s i l i u s , Inscriptiones Antiquae Orae Septentrion-a l l s Pontl Euxlnl Graecae et Latinae, Hildesheim, 1965. 2. Tod, Marcus N., A Selection of ;Greek H i s t o r i c a l I nscriptions II , Oxford, 19l|8. ~ 9. x a \ TO ueye^os TOG noTauou, xetTat 6e %pbq TCU Tndvi6t, r{ TC vuv xa Nt i i n p o r e p o v ourto? coxelTO, OU TCOXU a v i o S e v ir{c; TTCTCO\CXOU xaAoujie ' vnc; a x p a c , ev TG Ha t * dvTtxpu. TOGTO 6e eaTt TT}C; x ^ p a g o£u x a \ aTepebv Monep e u ^ o X o v , uep ' t o auuntTCTOuatv o l TtoTap.ot. TO 6e e v T e u ^ e v T(6T) X t u v a C o u a t ne'xpt ftaXxcTTnc; eVt a T a b t o u c , axebo'v T t b t a x o a t o u s * not Tb e u p o g ov\ T)TTOV TauTT) TCOV TtoTau&v. eoVl 6e a i i T o u TO u.ev TC\E'OV T e ' v a y o ? x a t YaXT)VTi xalc; e u b t a t g e v \ tp.vT) y t y v e T a t O T a S e p a ' . F o r , the c i t y has taken i t s name from the Borysthenes because of that r i v e r ' s great size and beauty; i t l i e s on the Hypanis River — a n d the o r i g i n a l settlement was founded on t h i s s i t e — n o t f a r upstream from the headland c a l l e d Hippolaus, on the opposite side of the r i v e r . This point of land about which the two r i v e r s converge i s sharp and l i k e a ramming- beak, but the t e r r a i n from there to the sea f o r almost two hundred stades forms a marshy basin, and the width of the r i v e r here i s not less than that. There i s In that region a great deal of shoal water and a calm brought about by the lack of winds, such as one fi n d s on a quiet lake. T 2 . Dio Chrysostom, XXXVI, 6. Enue 'Cov 6e TT)C; d v a a T a o e w s r{ Te m a u X o r i r s tfiv otxo6ou.np.dTwv x a t TO a u v e a T a M t a t TTIV TCOXLV hq Ppaxu. u e p e t Y « P t ^ v t n p o a w x o b o i a n T a t TOU T t a X a t o u - r c e p t p d X o u , x a $ ' o u t f p Y o t T t v e g ou TCO\\O\ b t a u e v o u a t v 1 0 . ov upbs T O uxYeftoc, ou6e upvo$ X T J V tox^v TT]S noXeto?. The poor q u a l i t y of the buildings and the shrinking of the c i t y within narrow l i m i t s are evidence of i t s overthrow; for I t has been b u i l t up near one p a r t i c u l a r section of the o l d c i t y - w a l l along which a small number of towers remain stand-ing, now disproportionate to the size and power of the c i t y . T3. Herodotos, IV, 101. anb y ap.Iaxpou kn\ Bopua$ e v e a Sena T i u e p e w v 06 6q, anb Bopua&eveoc; xe erci T T ) V xCuvnv xrjv Matf)xuv exe'petov dena• K O U T O anb S-aXaaanc; e$ ueaoYaiav es xoug MeXayxXaivouc; xot>s HaxO'iTep-&e Exu-frecov O ! H T ) -nevous etnoat riuepe'cov 0605. TI 6e 060s TJ tiuepnaCn ava 6ir)K<5caa axa6ia aupipepXnxai u o i . ovxws av eiT) xf)s Z H U $ I H T ) S xa eTuxapaia xexpaHtaxi»Xiu)v o*xa6£wv nat xa op&ta xa ec, X T ) V neaoyatav cpepovxa exe'pwv xoaouxtov axa6uiov. rj utv vuv yt) curcn eax\ u-eya^os xoa-auxT). Prom the Istros to the Borysthenes River i t i s a ten-day journey, and ten days' farther t r a v e l brings one to the Mai-otian Lake; from the sea inland to the Black Cloaks who dwell beyond the Scythians i s a journey of twenty days. Now, since by my reckoning a day's journey i s approximately two hundred stades, the breadth of Scythla would be about four t'aotisand stades, and the inland distance a similar number of the same un i t s . The land, then, i s of this order of magnitude. 11 Tlj.. Strabo, V I I , lj . ,8 . &r)pai 6' elotv, ev |iev xois eXeatv eXacpwv not o-aaypcov, ev 6e xolc; ne6Cot? ovaypwv xa\ 6opxa6wv. 'tduov 6 e 'xt xoa T O aexov UT) Y^vea^at ev x o t c ; X O ' T C O I C, xouxotc;. eaxt 6e x(3v xexpaTiodcov o xa\-ouuevos xoXos, uexa£i> . k X a c p o u H O I xpiou xo pi^Ye^og, Xeuxo'e;, o£uxepos xouxcov x Q 6po^ici), Ttlfviov x o t c , pio'&cucav eie; T T ) V xe9a\T)v, etx* evxeu^ev e'u? T)uxpas xauteviov TtXet'ovc,, wax''ev x p &vv6p({) v ^ -ea$ou pa6u*)s. xotaurq nev rj exxbc;'laxpou rcScra TI nexaEu xou 'Prfvou xou x o O Tavaidoc, Ttoxauoft, ue ' x p i x^novxtxf}? ftaXaxxnc; xcu XT\<; Maiotfxifios. The wild game i n the marshes include deer and wild boar, while on the plains there are wild asses and antelope. But i t i s a strange f a c t that the eagle Is not found i n t h i s coun-t r y . There i s a four-footed creature c a l l e d the "stump-horn-ed goat," which f a l l s between the deer and the domestic sheep i n s i z e , but i s more swift-footed than either of them. The creature, which i s white ii colour, drinks up water through i t s n o s t r i l s into i t s head, managing on that supply f o r many days afterward so that i t survives without d i f f i c u l t y i n waterless regions. Such i s the whole region beyond the Istros River from the Rhenos to the Tanais as f a r as the Black Sea and Lake Maiotis. 12. T5. Strabo, V I I , 3 , 1 7 . e i x a BopuaSevTK noxa^bc; nXwxbc; e<p' efcaHoaious axadCouc; wai TtXnaiov IxXXoc; noxaubs"Y-rcavK nat VTIOOS rcpb xou axouaxoc; xou Bopua$evouc;, exouaa X i u ^ v a . TiXetfaavxi, 6e xbv Bopua^evn a x a 6 i -ouc; dianoat'ouc; 6u(j5vup.os xQ uoxauQ TIOXIC;. r) 6' OCUXT) not ^OXBia x a X e i x a i , \x£ya eunoptov, xxtaua MIXT|O-IGJV . r\ 6e 6uepHetnevTi uaaa X<4pa xou Xex^evxo? u.exa£u BopuaSevouc; x a i / T a x p o u upwxri u.ev eaxtv i l xwv Texcov epnuta, 'ercetxa ou T u p e y e x a i , ued' ouc; ou 'icfeuYec; Zapuaxat x a \ o l BaatXeiou X e y o V e v o i x a V Oupyot, xo u£v itXeov voua6es, bXiYOi- °£ HCXI yewPY^S emueXouuevoi. Next i s the Borysthenes R i v e r , n a v i g a b l e f o r a d i s t a n c e of s i x hundred stades, and a d j o i n i n g i t there i s another r i v e r c a l l e d the Hypanis. At the mouth of the Borysthenes there i s an i s l a n d t h a t has an anchorage. I f one s a i l s two hundred stades up the Borysthenes, one w i l l come upon a c i t y of the same name as the r i v e r ; the c i t y i s a l s o c a l l e d O l b i a . I t i s a gr e a t t r a d i n g c e n t r e , a colony of M i l e t o s . Of a l l the t e r r i t -ory beyond whst I have d e s c r i b e d , between the Borysthenes and the I s t r o s , the f i r s t p a r t i s the D e s e r t of the G e t a i , and then one comes to the Tyregetans and the I a z y g i a n Sarmatians, the s o - c a l l e d R o y a l S c y t h i a n s , and the Ourgoi, who are nomads f o r the most p a r t , a l t h o u g h a few of them engage i n f a r m i n g . 13. b. THE CLIMATE AND LIVING CONDITIONS T6. Herodotos, IV, 28. 6vax£M-i£poc; 6e auTT) rj xaTa\ex$e*to"a uaaa x^pn OUTW 6T/ T t e a T t , ev$a Tobs uev OHTW TGV unvflv acpopnTos oTos y^veTat npuuos, ev T o t a t ubiop CHX&XC, 7tn\bv ou Tcotrfaets, rcGp 6e avaHatwv Tcotrfaets T[T)\ov. T) 6e daXaaaa Ti^yvuTat xat 6 Bo'aTtopos Ttas 6 Kt | iu.eptos, not era TOU xpuaTaWou ot evTbs Tacppou Enu&at HaTOtHnu.evot a T p a T -euovTat na't Tas a u a £ a s iTteAauvouat Ttepnv £s TOU? E t v b o u s . OUTIO uev 6r) TOUS OHTIO uflvac; 6 t aTe \ e e t xe^ P-wv eiov, TOUS 6* ent\otTtous Teaaepas 4>uxea auTO$t e a T t . nextoptaTat 6e OUTOS O XELHWV TOUS TPOTCOUS Ttaat T o t a t ev a W o t a t xupioioa Y< « Y v o u e v o t a t xziiiQoi, 'ev TtJ TT)V |iev copatnv OUH uet Xoyou a £ t o v oubev, TO 6e $epos ua)v OUH a v t e t . A l l t h i s land that I have described suffers harsh winters to such a degree that f o r eight months of the year there occurs unbearable cold, and In these months you cannot create mud by pouring out water, but by l i g h t i n g a f i r e . The sea and a l l the Kimmerian Bosporos freeze over, and a l l the Scyths who dwell on t h i s side of the channel make expeditions across the ice and dri v e their wagons across to the Sindoi. Thus winter continues f o r eight months, but there i s cold weather there during even the four remaining months. This kind of winter Is In-d i f f e r e n t from the winters that occur i n a l l other lands; here, i n the season when one would expect r a i n , none f a l l s worth recording, but during the summer i t never stops r a i n i n g . T7. Homer, Odyssey, XI, 13-19. TI 6' ec; TteCpad* I'xave Ba^uppoou "'Qxeavolo. ev$a 6e Kuujjeptwv hvdpGiv 6f]uo/c; xe TCOXIC; xe, T j e p i xai, verpeXn xexaXuauevoi• ou6e TIOX'auxouc; TieXioc; $ae^u)v xaxade'pxexai axxiveaaLv, ou$' 6 n o V civ axeixnai rcpbc, oupavbv aaxepoevxa, ou$' oV av a4; eiu YCUBV cW oOpocvodev T t p o x p a t r n x a i , aXX' ETCI v0£ oXor) xexaxcu SeLXo'iai. ppoxo'Dai. She came to the ends of deep-flowing Ocean, where the race of the Kimmerians have their c i t y , and are shrouded i n mist and clouds. Never does the sun look down upon them with his rays either when he i s r i s i n g into the starry he 9ven, or when again he sets from the heavens, earthward; but unbroken night covers lowly mortals. T8. Strabo, I I , 1,16. anaaa 5' rj xwpa 6uax£iuepos iaxi u^ x p i xflv eVt tfaXaxtr, T^TXOJV TWV pxTafcu Bopoo^evouc; xai xou axouaxoc; T f f c Mcuwxi6oc. auxwv 15. 6e T<3V ent $a \ aTTr ) xh a p x T t x i o r a T a -to xe axou,a xr\q Matcoxtboc;. xa\ ex\ u'aWov TO xou Bopua^ e'vouc; xai o' uuxdc; TOO Tauupdxou x o X u o u , xa \ Kapxtv^xou, xa$'$v 6 tadubc; XTJC, \xeya\r)<; Xeppovifaou. 6TI\O1 6e xa ipu'xTl, xatrcep ev rcebtotc; otxou'vxcov* ovou? Te yap ou xpecpouat (bJaptyov yap TO C&OV), ot T e poe? ot uev axepto yev-viovxat, TOJV 6'(XTtopptvaJat xa xepaxa (xat yap TOUTO buaptyov TO fiepos), o t TC u u i o t u t x p o t , T a 6e T t p o p a T a ueyaXa* p i f r T O V T a t 6e xaKxal ubp ta t , Ta 6' evoyTa auurciftTeTat. TQV 6e Twfytov TI a<po6po/TT)s ud\ terra ex Tt13v a u u p a t v c f v T i o v T tep v t Tb a T O u a Tfic; Ma tu re t -6oc, 6T)\O'S £ c r t t v . du.a£eueTat yap 6 b t d n X o u c ; o etc; $ a v a y o p t a v Ix TOU n a v T t x a n a t o u , coerce xa\ r c a y o v el v a t xa\ o6ov. A l l t h i s region as f a r as the coastal land between the Borysthenes River and the entrance to Lake Maiotis suffers ex-treme' winters. In f a c t , of the places on the Pontos, the most northerly are the mouths of the Maiotis and the even more northerly Borysthenes, and the lagoon of the Tamyrakian Gulf and the K a r k i n i t i s into which projects the isthmus of Great Ghersonesos. Although there are people l i v i n g on the p l a i n s , i t i s certa i n that i t i s a cold region. Por the inhabitants do not breed tbe ans, a species that i s i n t o l e r a n t of the cold, and they have c a t t l e without horns, or else they f i l e the horns off because the horns are a part of the animal that i s i n t o l e r a n t of the cold. Their horses are small, and the sheep la r g e r . 16. When the f l u i d within freezes s o l i d , bronze jars s p l i t open. But the i n t e n s i t y of the cold i s demonstrated most clear-l y by the phenomenon of the entrance to Lake Maiotis: there the channel between Pantikapaion and Phanagoria i s crossed by wagon, the ice being as s o l i d as a highway. T9. Hippokrates, de Aere, 19. t j x taxa TCOXU\OVOV e a x t , x a \ rf xwpn e Xax t a xa S np t a xpecpet xaxd ueye^ os xai. . TCXT)$OS. x e t x a t yap uV auxf iat x p a t v d p x x o t s x a t x o l s #peat %oi<z P m a t o t a t v , o$ev 6 popenc; nvel. o xe rjXtoc xeXeuxuW hyyvxa-za y t v e x a t , oxdxav eVt xd? $ep t vd s eX$n rceptobous x a \ xoxe oXtyov xpovov $epua£vet x a t ou acpobpa* x d xe n v e u -uaxa o u x d cp txve txa t , T)v UTI o X t y a x t s x a \ d a ^ e v e a , aXX* anb xu>v 'dpxxoov d t e \ Tcveouat nveuuaxa (puxpa drcd' xe xi'Ovoc; xcu xpuaxaXXou x a i ubdxwv TCOXXSV . oube ' r t oxe be x"a opea e x X e t u e t * d i r o xouxcov be 6 u a o t X T i x d e ' ax tv . Tirfp xe xaxexei - noXus xf]s iiue'pnc; xd u e b t a , xoct ev x o u x o t a t b t a t x e u v x a t * waxe xbv u"ev xe^P^vcx ate\. e l v a t , xb b'e $epoc; bXtyac; T lH^pas x a \ xauxa? nr) X t n v . iiexeiopa yap to rcebta x a i iptXd x d \ oux eaxecpdvwvxat o p e a t v , aXX* rj dvdvxea anb xwv 'dpxx iov auxo&t x a \ xd $x\pCa ob yivexai ueyaXa , aXX' o^ta xe ' e a x t v u n o yriv a x e T t a C e a d a t . 6* Y&P xe^U^v xooXuet xou, xTje; Y * k TJ (JHXOXTJS, oxt o u x e a x t v dXen o u b e axe 'Tin. a t be uexapoXaX xOv topewv o u x e t a t ueyaXat oube t a x u p a t , 'aXX* o u o t a t x a t bx f yov uexaXXaaaouaat• b t o x t x a t xd e t b e a o'uotot a u x o \ ecouxo lc ; e t a t a txw xe x p e w u e v o t a t e \ o'uotu) eadr)xt xe XT) auxr} x a \ $epeoc; x a t XELH^VOS, x b v xe i ie 'pa u b a x e t v b v eXxovxes x a \ rcaxu'v* xd xe u o a x a utvovxec; arco X t b v o c , x a t Tcayexcov, x o u xe x a X a t T t i u p o u a u e o v x e c ; . 17. The Scythian race i s f a r from p r o l i f i c and t h e i r t e r r i t -ory breeds animals that are very small i n both size and number. The reason f o r t h i s i s that the region l i e s near the northern extremities of the world and the Rhipaian mountains from which the north wind blows. As f o r the sun, even when i t i s nearest, at the end of the period of i t s passing through the summer s o l s t i c e , i t r a i s e s the temperature for only a b r i e f period, and to a small degree. Winds blowing from the warm l a t i t u d e s never reach so f a r north, except feebly on rare occasions. Prom the a r c t i c regions, however, winds c h i l l e d by snow, ice and heavy rains blow unendingly. Because this cold never leaves the mountains, they are uninhabitable. The Scythians spend their l i v e s on pla i n s over which mists hang throughout the day, so that winter i s continuous, and a dubious sort of summer l a s t s only a few days. Although the plains, which are high and unwooded, are not e n c i r c l e d by mountains, they are steep i n t h e i r northern reaches. No sizeable beasts are indigenous to t h i s region, but only the species that can shelter under ground. The reason for t h e i r s c a r c i t y i s the cold and the bareness of the land, which provides no warmth or shelter. As for the seasons, their 18 changes are s l i g h t and i n s i g n i f i c a n t , a l l months being much the same without v a r i a t i o n . Thus the people here a l l look a l i k e because they a l l eat the same food and wear the same clothing, summer and winter; and they are a l l subject to breath-ing the thick, moist atmosphere, and to drinking water that comes from snow and i c e , and to avoiding heavy exertion. c. RESOURCES AND INDUSTRIES T10. Dio Chrysostom, XXXVI, 3. . . . T O 6e XO C T C O V rjtov ianv k\u6r)<; xa\ 6aae1a xa\.auu> xat 6ev-6potc;. tpauvexat 6e xflv 6efv6pu)v TtoWa xal ev ut:ap XT) Xtuvp, u$s taxots T c p o a e o t n e v a t , xai ffcn xtvec; xQv anetpox£pajv 6uriuapxovf we; in\ nXola enexovxes. xauxr) 6e xal x&v ci\u)v eaxt xb TX\T)VOS , o$ev ot %\eiovq xflv BapBapwv Xaupavouaiv wvouuevou T O U C ; aXac; xa\ x<3v 'EWrfvwv xal Zxu&Sv oi Xeppovnaov olxoGvxec; X T J V Tauptxrfv. The remainder of the r i v e r s i d e i s marshy and t h i c k l y covered with reeds and trees. In f a c t many of the trees stand up even f a r out i n the r i v e r , giving the appearance of ship's masts, so that there have been occasions when ce r t a i n rather inexperienced men, supposing themselves to be approaching ships, have been l e d off course. Here too i s the great concentrat-ion of s a l t works from which most of the barbarians and the Greek and Scythian inhabitants of the Tauric Chersonese pur-chase s a l t . 19 T i l . Herodotos, IV, 53, 2-lj.. . . .ntvea&at xe nbtaxos eaxt, peet xe xa$apbs napd ^oXepdTat, aTtopos xe Ttap* auxbv aptaxos ytvexat, notn xe, xri ou aitetpexat TI x^PT)» pa&uxdxiT aXes xe era xQ axbuaxt auxou auxo'uaxot TCTIY-vuvxat aitXexof xfijed xe ueyaXa dvdxav^a, xd dvxaxatous xaXe-ouat, Ttapexexat i s xapCxeuatv.... (The Borysthenes) i s the sweetest of r i v e r s from which to drink, and compared to other r i v e r s , which are muddy, i t flows c r y s t a l clear. The best crops grow along i t s banks, and very t a l l grass wherever the land i s not c u l t i v a t e d . At the r i v e r ' s mouth, boundless natural salt-beds accumulate, and great schools of spineless f i s h , which they c a l l antnkaiol, are available f o r s a l t i n g . T12. Polybios, IV, 38,J+-5. rcpbs uev yap xaq dvayxatas xou ptou xP E^ AS tcx xe ^peuuaxa not TO x<3v els tas bouXetixs dyoue'viov au)p.dxu)v TCXT}§OS ot xaxd xbv IIovxov f\\itv xonot TtapaaxeuaCouat bacHXe'axaxov xa\ x P U a t ^ x a T O V ouoXoyouue'vws, Tipbs b£ ueptouatav ueXt Hrjpbv xdptxos dcp^ bvcos T\utv xoPT^youatv. bexovxat yz urjv xu3v ev xol^s ^ap Jiu/tv xo'rcots neptxxeubvxwv eXatov xat rcav o'tvou yevoc;. atxu) 6J duetpovxat, Ttoxe uev euxatptos bibovxes Ttoxe b£ Xaupdvovxes. As f o r the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e , everyone agrees that the region of the Black Sea provides most abundantly and conven-i e n t l y our supply of c a t t l e and the greatest number of men 20. who can be used as slaves. And In addition that region sup-p l i e s an abundance o f honey, wax, and preserved f i s h without l i m i t , r e ceiving from our l o c a l i t i e s i n exchange our p l e n t i -f u l o l i v e o i l and wine o f every kind. But as f o r grain, the s i t u a t i o n varies; i n some growing-seasons they export grain, and i n others they import i t . T13. Strabo, VII, 6,2. . . .els ous ( sc. XOXTTOUS) iiinCnxovaa TJ TcnXauuc; a X u a x e T t u p a -6uu>s 6ude x e TO TtX.fv&os OCUTTIS x a u TT)V B u a v TOO a u v e X a u v o v T O S pro0 xou TV o*TevoTT)Tcx TOV H6\TIWV, <&rce x a u x e p c u v a\uaxea$au 6ua TTJV a T e v o x w p u a v . y e v v a x a u u e v oSv TO Cwov e v TOUS e\eau M a u -WTU6OS, laxuaav 6e uuxpbv exuuVteu 6ua TOO aTouaTos ayeX-n&bv xau cpepexau naph TTJV J A a u a v r ) v 'rjuova ue'xpu TpaneCouvTOs xa\ $apvaxuas* e v T a u ^ a 6e i x p o T e p o v a u v C a T a a ^ a u auuSau'veu TTJV -ihjpav, o u i t o W r j 6'* eaTuv o u yap TOO TXO rcpoaT)xov ^ x e i ueyeSos. els 6e Euvunrnv rcpo'uoOaa wpauoTepa 7tpos Te TTJV $ r j p a v x a \ TTJV T a p u x e u a v COTUV. The tunny f i s h , rushing down into these (the Bosporan) s t r a i t s , are ea s i l y caught because o f their great number and the force o f the current that drives them along, combined with the narrowness o f the waters; here, because o f the con-f i n e d passage, they can be caught even by hand. The tunnies 21. begin l i f e i n the shallows of Lake Maiotis, and then, having gained a l i t t l e strength, they migrate i n schools out through the narrows and are swept along the Asian coast toward Trap-ezos and Pharnakia where f o r the f i r s t time I t i s possible to make a catch of them,- although not a great one. At th i s point they have not yet reached a usefu l s i z e . But by the time they have reached Sinope, they are more nearly ready for catching and s a l t i n g . Tllj.. Theophrastos, IV, 5,3 TWV 6e T^uepouu-evtov T p t t a x d cpaatv e v To"ts i p u x p o i s u n o u - e v e i v 6occp-v n v xou. uupptvnv, x a \ TOUTWV 6e TJTTOV ZXI TT)V u . u p p t v T ) v . . . . e v 6e TU> nbvxa ) rcept navTtxdrtatov ovtf erepov xatrcep a T c o u b a C o v T i o v x a i TidvTa p i nxava juevwv npb<z xa<z t e p o a u v a s * a u x a t 6e T coXXa \ x a \ e u -ueye&etc ; x a t p o t a \ 6e T t e p t a x e u a C o u e v a t . a u t o t 6e xaY unXeat T tXe ' t -a x a t x a \ TxavTobanurcaTat x d \ x P ^ o t a t . a u r a t 6' e a p t v a \ TtX^jv e t apa &iHat« xr\c; 6e a y p t a c ; u\ns e a T t 6p0s r c T e X e a u eX t a x a t o a a x o t -auTtt. Tieuxn 6e x a \ ikdxr) x a \ TUTUS OUX e a T t v o u 6 l o'Xcos ou6ev f v b c t b o v • u y p a 6e a u r n x a t xzipwv TCOXU xr\c\ I t v w u t x f i s , w o r e ou6e TCOXU x P ^ v x a t a\)xr\ TtX^v Ttpbs xa uTtat-Opta. xaOxa u x v o t v rcep\ xbv n d v T O v TI e v T t a t ye T O T t o t s auTOU. Of g l l the domestic plants, they say that the l a u r e l and the myrtle are lea s t able to stand the cold, and the myrtle l e s s than any.... In the Pontos near Pantikapaion neither grows, 22. even though people are most anxious to r a i s e these plants, and try every means to encourage them because they are need-ed f o r r e l i g i o u s r i t e s . But many good-sized f i g and pome-granate trees are cu l t i v a t e d under shelter, and numerous pear and apple trees of various kinds — a l l of them p r o l i f i c — grow there. These bear f r u i t i n the spring except when they are retarded. Although the indigenous f o r e s t includes such trees as oak, elm and ash, neither f i r , pine, nor any of the resinous woods occur at a l l . The wood here i s damp and v a s t l y i n f e r i o r to that of Sinope, so that they do not make much use of i t , except f o r outdoor construction. Such are the trees of most of the Pontic region. T15. Strabo, XI, 2,3. nv 6' euTcopia v xotvov Ttuv xe 'Aataviov xa\ xuiv EuptoTtauov vop.a6wv xat xuiv ex xoG Boarco'pou xr)v \i4ivnv nXeovxiov, xtov uev dv6paTto6a ayo'vxtov xaNt 6epuaxa xa\ el' xt a\\o xQv voua6tx<2v, xtov 6' eaSnxa xa\ olvov xat xaWa, oaa XTIS riuepou 5tatxns otxeta, dvxtcpop-xtCoue'viov. I t (Tanais) was a common market-place to both Asian and European nomads and to the seamen who s a i l e d from the Bos-poros into the lake. The nomads had slaves and hides f o r sale, 23 and whatever else nomads possess, while the others offered clothing, wine and the other items of everyday use. d. THE SCYTHIANS Tl6 . Herodotos, IV, 1^,2. TO 6e uey toxov ouxw a<pt aveupnxat waxe anoyvycZv t e u.nde 'va ine\$6vxa ini acpeac;, at) SouXouevouc; xe e£eupe$f|vat xaxaXaBetv UTI o 'to'v xe e t v a t * x o t a t y ^ P aaxea u r j x e x e t x e a p exx taue ' va , a \Xa <j>epeotxot eo'vxes rcavxec; ewai i i tTtoxoSoxat, £c3vxec; at) a n ' apdxou 'aXX' a-rcb xxrjveujv, olxr i iaaxa xe' aqpt Ceuyewv, xw? oux a v e ' t n a a v ot>xot auaxot xe x a \ a r c o p o t i x p o a u L a y e t v ; Now the greatest thing they have learned i s the means to prevent anyone who attacks them from making a safe r e t r e a t , or from catching up with them when they do not wish to be found. Certainly to men who have neither established c i t i e s nor f o r t -i f i c a t i o n s , but who by custom are a l l nomads and mounted arch-ers l i v i n g not by agriculture but by r a i s i n g c a t t l e , and who have their homes on wagons, there i s a sure state of in v i n c -i b i l i t y and d i f f i c u l t y of approach. T17 . S t r a b o , V I I , Ij., 6 ot uev ouv Nouddec; noXeu taxa \ uaXXo'v e t a t v TJ X n a x p t x o t , rcoXeu-21*. ovai 6e urcep %Qv cpopiov. e T t t T p e i p a v T e s yap e ' xe tv TTJV yr\v T o t s ede 'Xouat yewpytZv avx\ x a u T T i s ayanQai cpopouc; Xau^ d v o v T e s TOUC; auvTeTayuevouc; ueTptoug Ttv d s OUX e l ? Tteptouatav, ' a \ \ ' e t s T& i ^ i f f a e p a x a l x d d v a y x a t a TOU ptou* at} 6c6o'vTajv 6e, auTot^ Tco\euouatv. Now the Scythian nomads are warriors rather than bandits, but when they go to war, i t i s f o r the sake of trib u t e ; f o r they turn over th e i r land to whoever wants i t f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes, and are happy to c o l l e c t the moderate t r i b u t e that they have assessed. Their p r i c e s are f a i r because they are not interested i n luxury, but only i n t h e i r d a i l y needs :«nd the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e . But, i f the tenants do not pay the fee, the Scythians go to war with them. Tl8. Hippokrates, de Aere, 18 TI 6e Exu$eu>v e p n u t T i xaXeuu.e'vT) rtedtac; e a T t x a i \etuaxio6ris x a t <\>i\r) xast e ' v ubpos u e T p t w s . rcoTaum yap e t a t u e y a X o t ' , o^ ££o-X e T e u o u a t TO u6iop e x TC3V Tte6t iov. £ v T a O $ a xat o t E x u & a t 5t-a t T e u v T a t , Noua6es 6e x a X e O v T a t , 6rt o u x e a T t v oixTfuaxa, Ja\\* e v a u a S p a t v o t x e u a t v . at 6e aua£at e t a t v at u e v e \ . d x t a T a t TeTpd-x u x X o t , ai 6e e£axux \ot* au\at 6e T t tXo tc ; n e p tTtecpayp - e v a t • e t a t 6e xa\ T e T e x v a a u e v a t coarcep otxTfuata Ta u e v 6tTt\a, Ta 6e T p t T t X S . T a u T a 6e xa\ a T e y v d npbq u6top xa\ up'bc; x ^ ^ v a xa\ npos Ta T t v e u ' -uaTa. Tdc; 6e dud£as e 'x.xouat Ceuyea Tae; u e v 6 u o , xa<z 6e Tpt'a 25. 8ouW xepujc; axep. ou yap exouat xepaxa UTIO xou (l^xeos. ev xauxrjat ubv o'Sv xrjatv audSrjatv at yuvatxec. 6tatxe0vxat« auxot 6' eY i i w oxeOvxac ot av6pes. ETtovxat 6e auxotc, xa\ xa upoS-axa xa e<W xa\ at Boec xal ot t T i n o t . ue'vouat 6'ev xw aux<3 xoaottxov xpovov, oaov av aTxoxpf) auxotat xoTs xxnveatv o' xopxoe;. oxdxav 6e unxe'xt, ec; exepnv x^prjv e'pxovxat. -Che region c a l l e d the Scythian wilderness i s a l e v e l raeadowland devoid of trees but f a i r l y well-watered; there are i n f a c t great r i v e r s that drain the w ater from these plains, i n t h i s region too l i v e the Scythians who are c a l l e d ^omads because they have no permanent dwellings, but l i v e i n wagons the smallest of which are four-wheeled, although some have s i x wheels. These wagons have canvas coverings and are l a i d out l i k e houses, some two-roomed and others three-roomed, and im-pervious to Cain, snow and winds. Teams of hornless oxen— two, or sometimes t h r e e — p u l l these wagons. I t i s because of the cold that the beasts do not have horns. While the women l i v e i n these wagons, the Scythian men r i d e along on horseback, and behind them follows the t r a i n of t h e i r sheep, c a t t l e and horses. The Scythians remain i n one place only as long as i t provides them with s u f f i c i e n t fodder for the c a t t l e ; when i t no longer does so, they move to another place. 26. T19. Herodotos, IV, 17-18 ctTto TOO Bopua$evetxeu)v eurcoptou (xoOxo yicp x&v uapa^aXaaatwv ueaatxaxo'v eaxt Ttaarjc; xf]c; 2xu$tT)s)> dub x o u x o u rcpuixot KaWin-itt6at ve'uovxat eovxec;"EXXrjvec; Exu^at, UTi£p 6e xouxwv 'aXXo e$voc; ot *AXaCoves xaXeovxat. ouxot 6e xat ot KaXXtuutdat xa uev cxXXa xaxa xauxa £xu$nat eTtaaxe'oucH, atxov 6£ xa\ auetpouat xa\ atxe'-ovxat, xa\ xpou-uua xa\ axopo6a xa\ 9axo\>s xat xeyxpou?. <5uep 6e 'AXaCo'vcov oixe'ouat £xu$at apoxfjpec;, ot oux'eui atxrfat artetp-ouat xbv atxov 'aXX* eVt tcpnat. xouxwv 6e xaxtfrcep^e olxeouat Neupot\ Neupwv 6e xNo upbc; Boperjv aveuov e'prpov av^paJTcwv, oaov TjueC? tbuev. xaOxa Uev uap'a xbv ifnavtv itoxauov eVrt e#vea upb? eanepris x o u BopuaSeveos* axap btaBavxt xbv Bopua$evea dub ^aXa'aanc; up'toxov uev T) ^Xatr), dub 6e xauxrjc; a\/u) tovxt odxeouat £xu$at ye^PY0^* x o u ? c/EXXr)vee; ot otxe'ovxe? erct xwVrcavt uoxauS) xaXeouat Bopua-•ftevetxac;, aqpe'ac; 6e auxouc;-"OXB tOTtoX^xac ;. ouxot Sv ot yewpyo\ Exu$at veuovxat xb u.ev up'bc; XTJV r)w £TCI xpetc; rfue^pas obou, xax-rjxovxec; ent noxaubv xw 06'voua xetxat navxtxa'Ttnc;, xb 6e upbs Boperjv &veu,ov TCXO'OV dva xbv Bopua^evea rjuepe'cdv evbexa. r)5r) 6e xaxuuep$e xouxwv rj eprjuo'c; e'axt eVt TIOXXOV . uexa 6e xr jv epT juov >Av6potpayot otxeouat, e^voc; e o v 7t6tov xa\ ou6auwc; Xxu^txo'v. xb 6e xouxeov xaxurcep^e eprjuov T)6T) aXr)$ewc; xa\ e'-frvoc; dv^pujmuv ou6e/v, 6aov rju,etc; ' t d u e v . Beyond the market c i t y o f the Borysthenitai, which i s the midway point o n the entire extent of the Scythian coast, the f i r s t inhabitants are the Kallippidai who are Scythian 27. Greeks. Northward of them dwells another people c a l l e d the Alazones. Both these men and the K a l l i p p l d a i l i v e i n the manner of the Scythians; i n p a r t i c u l a r they sow grain f o r their own consumption, as well as onions, leeks, l e n t i l s , and m i l -l e t . Beyond the Alazones l i v e the l a n d - t i l l i n g Scythians who sow wheat not f o r t h e i r own consumption, but f o r sale. And beyond these people the Neuroi l i v e , and to the north of them the land i s empty as f a r as we know. These, then, are the peoples who populate the shores of the Hypanis, which l i e s to the west of the Borysthenes. Be-yond the Borysthenes River near the sea one comes f i r s t upon the Woodland, and going inland from t h i s one meets the next inhabitants, Scythian farmers whom the Greeks l i v i n g on the Hypanis River c a l l Borysthenitai (to themselves these Greek colonists give the name O l b i o p o l i t a i ) . These Scythian farm-ers occupy the t e r r i t o r y stretching three days' t r a v e l east-wards as f a r as a r i v e r to which i s given the name Pantikapes, and eleven days 1 t r a v e l northward up the Borysthenes. And just above these regions there i s a land that i s f o r the most part empty, and s t i l l f u r ther beyond there dwell the Man-eaters, a separate and non-Scythian race. And beyond these the land i s t r u l y empty and, as f a r as we know, devoid of human l i f e . 2 8 . T20. Herodotos, IV, 7 6 , 7 8 - 8 0 Setvtxo'tat be vouaii'otat xat ourot atv&c; xpSa^at cpeuyouat, U T ) T E xe&v c/xXwv, fEXXnvtxotat be xa\ ffxtaxa, 005 6tebe£av 'Avd-Xapat'c; xe xa\ beuxepa auxts ExuXnc;. xoOxo uev ydp sAvax«po*tc; ETtetxe vf}v TCOXXT)V ^ecoprfaac; na\ aKo6e^duevo? nax* auxriv aocptnv uoXXriv exoutCexo hq Tv&ea xd Zxudewv, TcXeiov 6t <E\\T)and'vxou Txpoataxet iq KuCtxov n o t eupe yap Tf) unxp\ xcOv $e<2>v dvdyovxaq xobq KuCtxnvous opxrjv u e y a X o n p e T t e l o c ; xdpxa, eu£axo xr| unxp\ d 'Avdxapatg, fiv aQq ndt uytT)c; aTtovoaxrfaT) iq ewuxou, &uaetv xe xaxa xauxd xaxa topa xdvq KuCtxrjvouc; rtoteOvxac; xa\ Tiavvuxtba axrfaetv. <Jq be dutxexo iq X T J V Zxufttxrjv, xaxabuc; ec; XT*|V xaXeo-uevnv''YXatnv (r\ 6* eaxt uev napd xbv ^AxtXXrjtov bpbuov, xuyxdWi <SL 7i2aa eoGaa devbp&w navxottov TtXer]), e$ xauxnv br) xaxabu? d ' A v d x a p a t s X T ) V opx^v eitexeXee u a a a v xp $ew xOuTiavov xe e'xwv not ^xbnaduevos'ayaXuaxa. xa\ x<3v xiq Exu&etov xaxacppaa^el? auxbv xaGxa uoteOvxa £ar)\xT)ve xai paatXet EauXtw* 6 be xat auxbs a T c t H O u e v o s u>q elbe xov ' A v d x a p a t v T t o t e u v x a xaOxa, xo£euaa? a6xbv drtexxetve. xa\ vuv ffv xt? e t ' p n x a t %ep\ 'Avcgcapatc;, ou cpaat \iiv Exu$at y^vioaxetv, btd xouxo oxt e^ebrfunae xe iq xr)v *EXXdoa xat Cetvtxo'tat e^eat btexpifcraxo. Ouxos u^v vuv ouxu) b?| enpT)£e btd £etv txd xe vo'uata xat 'EXXrjvi-Yihq 6u.t\tas. TtoXXotat be xdpxa exeat uaxepov IxuXn^ 6 'Apta-nefoeoq e'lia^e napaTtXTjata xouxw. 'Aptarcet^et ydp xfi Exu^e'cov pa-atXet y ^ v e x a t uex* d'xXujv ua^bwv ExuXnc; • e£ *Iaxptrjvnc; be Y u v a t x d < ; ouxos yCvexai xat oubaucus eyXW^S* tbv r\ prfxrip a u x n yXwaaav xe 4EXXdba xdl ypaupaxa ebtbacle. uexd b e xp°"vw uaxepov JAptaneu^-r)q pev xeXeux'a boXw unb ZTtapYotTtet^eoc; xoO'Ayaxupawv paatXe'oc;, 2xu\n<; 6e TTIV x e paatXTitnv Ttap£paXe x d t xrjv yuvaCxa xou Ttaxpoyc;, xt) ovoua nv OTiotn* nv be auxn n Ortotrj aaxrj, e£ rjg n v Optxo? 2 9 . ' Ap ta r tE t^Et natc;. BaatXsuwv 6E Exude'wv 6 ExuXnc; 6tatxr) ou6au.G>c; TJPEOXEXO Exu^txr) aXXa TIOXXOV npbc; x a c E X X r j v t x a uSXXov x £ x p a ^ -uevoc; T)V drab Ttat6Euatoc; xf]c; Eit£nat6Euxo, e n o ^ e e x e xo toOxo* EUXE dyayot xrjv axpaxtr jv xrjv EXU&EWV EC; t b Bopua^svE txswv d'axu ( o t 6e Bopucr&EVE'txat ouxot Xeyouat acpe'ac; auxouc; eTvat MtX^atbuc;) ec; xouxouc; OMWS eX&oi o Exuftrjc;, XT)V u£v axpaxtr jv xaxaXtuEaxE EV xw upoaaxEtw, auxbc; 6b oxwg ^X$ot E'C; xb xEtxoc, xat xac; -rcuXac; EyxXVjaEtE, xrjv axoXrjv dito^eliEvoc; xr)v Exu^txrjv XaBEaxE av f EX -Xr)vt6a E a ^ f j x a , EXWV 6 ' 'av xauxrjv rVyopaCe OUXE bopucpopwv EKOUE'VWV OUXE aXXou OU6EVOC;» xac; 6E nuXac, EqpuXaaaov, u r f xtc, a t v EXUSE'WV J t 6o t ^xovxa xauxrjv xrjv axoXrfv. x a \ xaXXa EXP&XO 6 t a t x r j fEXXt?v-t x r i x a \ SEOIOI t pa ETCO^ EE x axa vououc, xodc, 'EXXTJVWV . 6xe 6E 6taxpt(pEte uf]va f) TIXEOV XOUXOU, a T c a X X a a o E x o E'vbuc, xrjv Zxu&txrjv a x o X r f v . . . . ' E u E t x E 6e ?lbz£ o t xaxwc, yEVE^a^at, e y t v e x o drcb Tipo9a 'atoe; x o t f j abE . £7t£$u|ir)aE Atovubxj) BaxxEtw x£X£a$f)vat* uxXXovxt 6E ot EC, x e ^ P a c . 'dy£a$at xrjv XEXEXTJV EYE'VEXO 9aaua u £ y t a x o v . rjv ot EV B opua -E^VEIXEWV xfj ito'Xt otx£r)C, uEydXric; x a \ TIOXUXEXEOC, TCEptBoXrf, xfjc, x a \ oXtyw x t updxEpov xouxcov a v r fu r i v s t x o v . xrjv TC£pt£ Xeuxou Xt&ou aqptyyEc; XE xa t ypuTCEc; • Eaxaaav * £c, xauxrjv 6 $Ebc, 'sv£axr)(|>e BEXOC;. x a t r] UEV xaxExdrj n aaa , EXUXTJC; 6E OU6EV XOOXOU E^vsxa rjaaov IUEXEXEOE xrjv XEXEXTJV . ZxuQ-at 6E XOU BaxxeuEtv TiE'pt *EXX-r i a t 6v£ t 6 t C o u a f ou yap cpaat otxoc, £ ? v a t $EOV E££UptaxEtv xouxov baxtc. ua t v£a$a t evayEt dv^pwrtouc;.... 'Qc, 6e UEXOC xaOxa E£r)Xauve 6 ExuXric; EC, rv9-£a xa EWUXOC, ot Exu$at u p o a x r i a a u E v o t x b v abEXcpebv auxou ' O x x a u a a d b r j v , yEyovdxa EX xf)c; TrjpEU) Q-uyaxpbc;, s r c a v t a x E a x o xw ZxuXrj. 30. These Scythians scrupulously avoid f a l l i n g i n with f o r -eign customs, and of a l l nations' customs they shun those of the Greeks e s p e c i a l l y ; both Anachari-is and Skyles were cases i n point. When Anacharsis, after having seen much of the world and having proved the greatness of his wisdom during his tra v e l s , was returning to the Scythian country he s a i l e d through the Hellespont and landed at Kyzikos. There he found the c i t i z e n s celebrating very l a v i s h l y a f e s t i v a l i n honour of the Mother of the Gods, and he, Anacharsis, vowed to the goddess that, i f he made a safe a r r i v a l home, he would offe r s a c r i f i c e using the r i t e he had observed the Ky z i k o i p r a c t i c i n g , and he would e s t a b l i s h a f e s t i v a l of worship. So when he had arriv e d In Scythia, going off into the region c a l l e d the Woodland, which l i e s near the Racetrack of A c h i l l e s and which happens to be covered with trees of a l l kinds, Anacharsis carried out i n f u l l the r i t e of the goddess, complete with cym-bals and statues. But one of the Scythians observed him i n the .act, and reported him to King Saulios^who, when he arrived on the scene and with his own eyes witnessed Anacharsis doing these things, k i l l e d him with an arrow. If anyone nowadays inquires about Anacharsis, the Scythians say they have never heard of him, because he t r a v e l l e d to Greece and took up f o r -eign customs. 31. So he fared because of his f o r e i g n ways and his assoc-i a t i o n with the Greeks. But many years l a t e r a similar case occurred, i n v o l v i n g Skyles the son of Ariapithes. Skyles was one of several children born to Ariapithes, king of the Scyth-ians, but he was the o f f s p r i n g of an I s t r i a n rather than a native mother,who took i t upon her s e l f to teach him the Greek language, both spoken and written. After a time, however, when Ariapithes had died by treachery at the hands of Spar-gapithes the Agathyrsian king, Skyles i n h e r i t e d both the throne and the wife of his father. This woman, whose name (after her native town) was Opoeia, had borne a son, Orikos, to A r i a -pithes; Skyles, however, assumed leadership of the Scythians. But since he was altogether d i s s a t i s f i e d with the Scythian way of l i f e , and greatly preferred H e l l e n i c customs because of the education that he had enjoyed, he used to do as follows: he would lead the Scythian army to the c i t y : o f Borysthenes (the inhabitants of t h i s c i t y r e f e r to themselves as Milesians) and, leaving the army to wait on the c i t y ' s o u t s k i r t s , he himself would enter within the walls and close the gates behind him. Then, throwing aside his Scythian costume and putting on Greek clothing, he used to go about the streets dressed thus, and unattended by spearmen or anyone else. Meanwhile someone 32. used to guard the gates to prevent any of the Scythians from seeing him wearing t h i s mode of dress. Skyles conformed to a l l aspects of Greek l i f e , even to the extent of performing s a c r i f i c e according to the Greek r i t e s . F i n a l l y , when he had spent a month or more i n thi s fashion, he would put on Scyth-ian clothing and depart. He d i d this quite frequently. He even had a house b u i l t i n Borysthenes, and he married a l o c a l woman. But sooner or l a t e r things had to turn out badly f o r him, and i t happened under the following circumstances: he wished to be admitted to the r i t e s of the BaKchic Dionysos, but, as he was on the point of undertaking t h i s , a very s i g n i f i c a n t portent occurred. Skyles had i n the c i t y of Borysthenes a great and expensive house, which I mentioned a few l i n e s above, around which sphinxes and g r i f f i n s i n white stone formed a decoration; upon t h i s house the god l e t f a l l a thunderbolt. But, although the entire b u i l d i n g was burned down, Skyles nevertheless carried out the BaKchic r i t e . The Scythians, how-ever, object to the Greek custom of engaging i n t h i s r i t e , on the ground that i t i s unreasonable to worship a god who drives men int o a frenzy.... 33. So, when after t h i s Skyles rode back to his own people, the Scythians, e n l i s t i n g the leadership of his own brother Oktamasades the grandson of Teres, r e b e l l e d against Skyles. d. THE OLBIOPOLITAI T21. Athenaios, XII, 523 M U T I C H O I 6' eio? uev O U H expt^ cpcov, ev6tu>v E H O O C S , IOS cpocatv 'jUcpopos, H C U xag xe eV <E\\naTtbvxu) noXeic; enxtcrav H C U xbv Etfeetvov T I O ' V X -O V naxt^Huaav tcoXeai Kauixpa'ts, H C U ndvxe? urcb xf}v MtXnxov e$eov. cu? 6e i57iT)x^no-av nbovp H C U xpucpfj, naxeppun xb xffo itoXeux; dvbpeX-ov, ^acav 6 'Apiaxoxe'XTis, nal Tiapocu^a xt? ^YYevvfat) In' auxflv ucxXcu TCOX'rfaav aXniuot MiArfaioi,. As long as the Milesians d i d not y i e l d to soft l i v i n g they held the Scythians i n control, as Ephoros t e l l s us, and founded the c i t i e s on the Hellespont and s e t t l e d the Euxine with renowned c i t i e s . At Miletos everyone competed i n the races. But when they were overcome by plessure and luxury, the state's manliness drained away, as A r i s t o t l e records, and a maxim about these people became current: "Once long ago the Milesians were stout-hearted men." T22. Dio Chrysostom, XXXVI, 7 TtapeCwaxo be uaxaipav ueyaXnv xwv I T I T U H I U V not ava£upibas etxe 31* - . xat TT)V a\\r)v axo\i)v Zxu^txrfv, avw$ev be xtov touiov tuaxtov utxpbv ue\av, XETIXO'V, coarcep etateaatv ot Bopua$evetxat. He wore on his b e l t a great cavalry sword, and was dress-ed i n trousers and the r e s t of the Scythian costume, and over his shoulders he wore a black cloak of l i g h t c l o t h , as the Borysthenitai generally do. f . EXTERNAL RELATIONS T23.. Archilochos, f r a g . 7 9 (Diehl) xuu[aat] Tt\a[ Coji] evo? . xav Ea\uu6[ naa]tut yuiivbv evcppove'at xaxa] ©pj|K£S axpo[x]ouot \apotev —ev$a nbW dvatc\T)aet xaxdc 6ou\tov apxov e&tov — ptyet rceTtnyoV auxbv. May the mop-haired Thracians merrily seize him, sent astray by the waves and naked at Salmydessos — f o r there he w i l l have his f i l l of numerous troubles as he eats the bread of slaves -his body s t i f f e n e d by the cold. T21|. Xenophon, Anabasis, VII, 5, 12-11). ev$a xwv eiq xbv IIovxov nXeouaulv vetov Tto\\a\ bxeMouat xa\ ex-7itnxoucrf xe'vayos ydp eaxtv kiii •jrdu.TtoA.u xf)$ $a\dxxr)s xa"t ©paxes 35. ot xaxa xauxa O I X O O V X E S axT)Xas optadpiEvot xd xa&' auxouc; ex-n^Ttxovxa exaaxot X^Covxat. xeuvs 6\ }£\zyov 7tp\v 6ptaaa$at dp-jtaC-ovxac; rtoXXouc; uV aXXrjXwv aTto^vpaxEtv. evxaO-fra nuptoxovxo uoXXaY U E V xX?vat, noXXd 6e xtptoxta, ttoXXat 6e ptpXot yEypau-UEvat, xat xaXXa TioXXd oaa E V £uXCvot$ xeuxeat vauxXrjpot ayouatv. Here (Salmydessos i n northern Thrace) many of the ships bound f o r Pontos run aground and are wrecked — the r e s u l t of shoals that abound i n this part of the sea. And the Thrac-ians who inhabit t h i s coast plunder the ships that run aground, each band descending upon those ships within i t s own marked boundaries. Por a time, apparently, before they established these boundaries, they used to attack and k i l l one another i n numbers. Here were discovered many beds, many boxes and written books, and many other e f f e c t s of the sort that ship-owners carry i n wooden c o f f e r s . T25. P l i n y , Nat. Hist.,IV, 13, 93 Non est omittenda multorum opinio, priusquam digredimur a Ponto, qui maria omnia i n t e r i o r a i l l o capite nasci, non Gaditano f r e t o , existimavere haut improfobili argumento, quoniam aestus semper e Ponto profluens numquam reci p r o c e t . Before passing on from the Pontos, one ought not to over-look the theory of many people who believe that a l l the waters 36. within the Mediterranean arise from that source, and not through the S t r a i t s of Gades; and their argument derives prob-a b i l i t y from the f a c t that there i s a current flowing con-tinuously out of the Pontos, and never any i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n . T26. Latyschev, Inscriptione3 Antlquae Orae Septentrlonalis  Ponti Euxini Graecae et Latinae, 20 (Olbian pro-xeny-decree, 5th c.) Tuxrjt ava$f]t. 'OXB touoXtxat '^ bwxav Xatptyevet Mr)xpo6topou Me^ri-Pptavoot auxak xa\ i n -yovotc; -rtpoclevtav, rcoXtxetav, dxeXetav rcavxcov xpTlridxwv, (Lv av auxbc; elaayr\i rj eCayrit, r) raxtoec;, n a-beXcpot ofc; xotva xd uaxpuka, f) $epa7twv xat et'cmXouv xat exrcXouv xat e[u] TioXeuwt xa\ ev eCpr(vr|t aauXe[\] xa"t d a r c o v 6 e [ t] . With the blessing of the gods, the O l b i o p o l i t a i have de-37. c r e e d p r oxeny to C h a i r i g e n e s o f Me sembr i a , son o f M e t r o d o r o s , and t o h i s d e s c e n d a n t s ; and a l s o the r i g h t o f c i t i z e n s h i p , and o f e x e m p t i o n from a l l t a r i f f s on what he h i m s e l f o r h i s c h i l d -r e n o r h i s b r o t h e r s and c o - h e i r s o r h i s agent may i m p o r t o r e x p o r t upon e n t e r i n g and l e a v i n g the c i t y i n w a r t i m e o r i n p e a c e , i n v i o l a b l y and w i t h o u t t r e a t y . T27. T o d , 195 ( t r e a t y be tween O l b i a and M i l e t o s , _ca.330 B.C.) xd6e Tidxpta 'OXBtouoXtxatc; x a t Mt\r)a[ t ] | otc.. xbu MtXrfatov ev >OXBtr)7t6Xet ux; 'ox) p tOTioX^xnv #uetv kn\ xuiv auxwu BooJuQv x a \ etc. x a i e p d xd auxd cpotxav x d |J b n u o a i a xaxd x a auxd x a t 'OXBtorcoXtJ x a ? * e t v a t 6e x a \ dxeXetac. MtXrjatotc. xajfoxaaa x a t -rcpdxepov r i a a v eav 6e $eXr]tJ xtuouxt&u, i i e x e x e t v , ent BouXriv entxajj x a t d u o -Ypa<peNtc; uexexexw xa t ^axooJJ evxeXrfc;, x a^ox t x a \ ot &XXot -rcoXtxatj e t a t v e t v a t 6e x a t rcpoebptay, n a t e t a x n j p u a a e a S a t etc; xouc. dyflvac; x a \ | T i a J p d a $ a t xa'Cc; x p t a x a a t y , xaSaaaa x a \ J eu MtXrfxwt e-rcapwvxat* edv 6e x t auuBoJxatov ^ ( t ) xfflt MtXnacwt e v ' 0 X 8 t a t , taxexw 6t|xr iY n a \ uuexe 'xu) iu, rcevS* rpepatc. e-rctjxou bnuoxtxou b t x a a x n p t o u * e t v a t 6e J [ d jxeXetc ; uavxac. MtXnaifous, n\r)v oaot ev aXXr^ t } uoXet uoX txeubvxa t x a \ dpxe tw ( u ) | uexe 'xouatY not 6 t x -a a x n p u j v . xaxd x a u | x a 6e x a l '0X8toTcoXtxac, eu, MtXrfxiot dxelXel lc. e t v a t , x a \ x d d'xXa xaxa xbv auxbv j xpouov ' 0X8touoXtxatc. eu M tX -r|xu>t U T K x p j x e t Y x a^ox t x a \ MtXnatotc. ev 'OXBtouoXet. The f o l l o w i n g p r o v i s i o n s a re cu s tomary f o r t he O l b i o p o l -38. i t a i end the Milesians: that the Milesian In Olbia may sac-r i f i c e at the same al t a r s as an Oibian c i t i z e n , and enter the public temples on the same terms as the c i t i z e n s ; and that there are the same exemptions from taxation f o r the M i l e s i a n as there formerly were, except that, i f he wishes to hold the o f f i c e of a magistrate, he must go before the Council to be r e g i s t e r e d before holding o f f i c e , and must then be subject to taxation, just as the other c i t i z e n s are; and, furthermore, that the M i l e s i a n may enjoy a seat of honour at, and the right to compete i n , the games, and the r i g h t to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the prayers on the Trikades, just as they do i n Miletos; and that, i f a lawsuit involves a M i l e s i a n i n Olbia, i t s h a l l come to t r i a l and receive judgement within f i v e days before the people's t r i b u n a l . A l l Milesians are to be exempt from taxation, except those who have c i t i z e n s h i p or hold a c i v i c or j u d i c i a l magistracy i n another state. This agreement also ensures that O l b i o p o l i t a i are s i m i l a r l y exempt from taxation i n Miletos, and that a l l the other provisions are to apply to Olbians i n Miletos just as they do for Milesians i n Olbia. 3 9 . I l l LIFE IN A NEW ENVIRONMENT That the archaeological s i t e on a wedge of land j u t -ting southward into the Bug River near Nikolaev i n Southern Russia i s , i n f a c t , the Olbia of the ancient l i t e r a r y t r a d i t -ion i s not a matter of dispute. Although Strabo^ places the c i t y of Borysthenes (also c a l l e d Olbia) at a point two hun-dred stades up the r i v e r of the same name — the modern Dnieper — t h i s Is an e a s i l y explained anomaly; the Bug and the Dnieper Rivers share a common estuary, the vast Dnieper "liman," which i s by i t s e l f over two hundred stades i n length. Thus the ap-proach to Olbia on the Bug River involved a voyage of nearly that distance up the.estuary of the Borysthenes to the point of the two r i v e r s ' confluence. Herodotos unequivocally i d e n t i f i e s the O l b i o p o l i t a i as "the Greeks l i v i n g on the Hypanis River," and Dio Chrysostom^ explains that, although the c i t y was named Borysthenes be-1. T5. 2. T19. 3. T l . ho. THE SITE OP OLBIA (after Minns, Mongait). I Sixth-century graves. I I . F i f t h s fourth-century graves. I I I . H e l l e n i s t i c graves. X Archaic masonry. in. cause the inhabitants were impressed by the beauty of that r i v e r , the s i t e was not on the Borysthenes, but on the Hypanis River (the Bug). He goes on to describe the l o c a t i o n i n de-t a i l that leaves no doubt about the exact p o s i t i o n , just above the sharp beak of land that separates the two r i v e r s , and on the bank of the Hypanis opposite the promontory. He also provides a measure of the distance from the mouth of the estu-ary to the point where the Hypanis flows past the cape to empty Into the Borysthenes — two hundred stades. Oibian coins and Inscri p t i o n s found i n great number on the s i t e near the mouth of the Hypanis confirm the ancient c i t y ' s i d e n t i t y . 1 2 The information given by Strabo and Herodotos that Olbia was a colony of Miletos i s supported by the e a r l i e s t pottery found on the s i t e . Although pottery appears to have been im-ported to Olbia at an early date from many parts of Greece — an E r e t r i a n black-figure vase and a sim i l a r vase of A t t i c manu-facture, both of the f i r s t half of the six t h century B.C., are 3 among the e a r l i e s t — most of the pottery found i n the low-est s t r a t a i s of East Greek o r i g i n . Chian and Rhodian vases recovered from the s i t e belong to the f i n a l quarter of the seventh century, very shortly after the date &1/3) given by Eusebios f o r Olbia's founding. Small terracotta figures rang-1. T5-2. T20. Ing In style and date from archaic to H e l l e n i s t i c appear to be almost excl u s i v e l y from As i a Minor.^ The same i s true of Greek jewellery found i n Oibian tombs; except for pieces of Scythian design, the jewellery i s of Ionian o r i g i n i n most 2 cases. An e s p e c i a l l y valuable i n d i c a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of Miletos and Olbia i s a fourth-century i n s c r i p t i o n found at Miletos, o u t l i n i n g the r i g h t s of c i t i z e n s of each c i t y who take up residence i n the other.^ The region of which Olbia eventually formed an important centre was, as we have seen above, the coast and i t s h i n t e r -land of the great northern bulge of the Black Sea. The land upon which Olbia depended f o r her a g r i c u l t u r a l l i v e l i h o o d was the quite exotic t e r r a i n of the southern Ukranian steppes, drained by the mighty Bug and Dnieper Rivers. In a number of important ways t h i s region represented, to s e t t l e r s coming from Aegean shores a thousand miles to the south, a very a l i e n environment. Olbia must, i n f a c t , be regarded as the most northerly ground to which Greek c i v i l i z a t i o n was ever successfully trans-planted. Its vast hinterland of inhospitable wilderness, i t s 1 . Cf. Boardman, "Greek Archaeology on the Shores of the Black Sea," Arch. Reports 1 9 & 3 , PP.31+-5I. 2 . Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks i n South Russia, pp.6^-70. 3 . This i n s c r i p t i o n ( T 2 7 ) i s discussed i n chapter V below. 1*3. Olbia , Tyras 'CMetsos 5/ f\eien(»V>r)a Chersonese foruslhene 'river , jiPanVicapaiod THRACE. THE BLACK SEA IN ANCIENT TIMES unfamiliar t e r r a i n , i t s severe climate and the p r i v a t i o n that the somewhat limited native f l o r a represented demanded a very special e f f o r t of adaptation on the part of i t s new inhabitants. One of the f i r s t e f f e c t s of the region upon the q u a l i t y of l i f e among the Greek s e t t l e r s there was a process of s e l -ection and elimination. That the population of the f i r s t set-tlement on the Hypanis River was composed only of men having unusual courage and i n i t i a t i v e can be deduced from the f o r b i d -ding picture of the North Euxine region that had to be shrug-ged off by any man who, i n the s i x t h or even the f i f t h century B.C., contemplated venturing northward. Even i f the general Impression of the northern wastes as an abode of mythical monsters was treated with some incred-u l i t y , the detailed enumerations of the region's natural haz-ards remained to be considered. The f i r s t of these consider-ations was the great d i f f i c u l t y of entering the Black Sea at 1 ? a l l . Both Pliny and the modern Black Sea P i l o t describe the southward-flowing current through the Bosporos as a. consider-able obstacle to entry into the Black Sea. "The surface cur-rent," says the Black Sea P i l o t , " i s similar i n character to 1. T2S, 2. Black Sea Pilot.P,21, l i n e 1*5. t h a t which would be produced by a g r e a t j e t of water, under h i g h p r e s s u r e , d i r e c t e d down the narrow and i r r e g u l a r channels." Rhys Carpenter, i n a study* of the e f f e c t of t h i s c u r r e n t on a n c i e n t s h i p s , p o i n t s out t h a t the p r e v a i l i n g n o r t h e r l y winds i n the Bosporos made a voyage under s a i l i n t o the B l a c k Sea i m p o s s i b l e . O a r - d r i v e n v e s s e l s , on the other hand, had to evolve f o r many c e n t u r i e s b e f o r e they achieved a s u s t a i n e d oar-powered speed g r e a t enough to make headway a g a i n s t the u n r e l e n t -i n g f o u r - k n o t c u r r e n t i n the Bosporos. Even the Greek t r i -reme of c l a s s i c a l times, Carpenter argues, seems not to have been capable of s u s t a i n i n g o a r - d r i v e n speeds exceeding f i v e or s i x k nots. To the Greek n a v i g a t o r p l a n n i n g a voyage from M i -l e t o s to O l b i a i n the s i x t h century the passage through the Bosporos must c e r t a i n l y have loomed as a f o r b i d d i n g l y d i f f i c u l t u n d e r t a k i n g . While c o n s i d e r i n g the problems of the northward passage, a p r o s p e c t i v e c o l o n i s t c o u l d w e l l have asked h i m s e l f how f r e q u e n t and dependable O l b i a ' s c o n t a c t s w i t h the Aegean wo r l d might be. 1. Carpenter, "Greek P e n e t r a t i o n of the B l a c k Sea," A.J.A. L I I (191+8), pp. 1-10. 2. That Carpenter i s not g r e a t l y u n d e r e s t i m a t i n g the speed of a n c i e n t v e s s e l s i s i n d i c a t e d by Casson (Ships and  Seamanship i n the A n c i e n t World, pp.282-281+), whose t a b l e s of passages made by a n c i e n t s h i p s show av-erage speeds between three and s i x knots i n normal c o n d i t i o n s of wind and c u r r e n t . 1*6. Even after a successful passage of the 3osporos a Greek ship i n the -sixth century was not guaranteed a safe voyage to the northern coast. At the beginning of the seventh century B.C., Greek colonists from the Aegean had Archilochos as a witness^- that Thracian pirates awaited t r a v e l l e r s along th e i r Pontic coast. Xenophon provides l a t e r and much f u l l e r de-t a i l s about th i s hazard off Salmydessos; the maze of uncharted shoals along the coast, he t e l l s us, formed a natural net f o r the capture and destruction of northbound ships. The vessels that went aground, laden with goods f o r c o l o n i s t s on the Black Sea, were i r r e s i s t i b l y a l l u r i n g targets f o r the professional plunderers of North Thrace. If the prospect of getting there seemed poor, the prospect of surviving on the f r i g i d steppes of the Northern Pontos were made to seem equally hopeless. At the date of Olbia's found-3 ation, Homer's de s c r i p t i o n of the Cimmerian kingdom was a v a i l -able as a hint of what the t r a v e l l e r could expect to f i n d : fog, clouds, and a sunless c h i l l f o r most of the year. In the f i f t h century Herodotos put on record^- the tales that were current about that northern Euxine coast; there were frozen 1. T23. 2. T2l*. 3. T7. 1*. T6. 1*7. harbours that promised winter-long i s o l a t i o n f o r c o l o n i s t s , and unending summer ra i n s that would cheat sun-loving Greeks of the few months of outdoor weather the climate had to o f f e r . These were the s t o r i e s about the north coast of the Black Sea, i n spite of which the boldest of the Milesians were not deterred from migrating to that region, because, i n the words of E l l i s Minns,1" "the Euxine coast was the f i r s t E l Dor-ado, the f i r s t mysterious land to draw adventurers across broad seas i n search of fame and treasure." But what was the environmental r e a l i t y ? How forbidding was the world that Ol-bian s e t t l e r s found on the Hypanis River and the steppes of the hinterland? There i s a considerable body of ancient evidence of what the c o l o n i s t s found i n t h e i r new surroundings, and how they reacted. To the Greek physical c o n s t i t u t i o n , the climate of the region seemed nearly as i n t o l e r a b l e as t r a v e l l e r s had been led to expect. Fascinated by the v a r i e t y of their new ex-periences with i c e , snow and f r e e z i n g conditions generally, the Greek inhabitants of a l l the northern Euxine colonies c o l l e c t -ed a body of l o r e , a canon of s t o r i e s about the sort of thing they were faced with i n an a l i e n climate. Both Herodotos and p Strabo record reports of cavalry expeditions conducted by the 1. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, p.1+36. 2. T6, T7. 1*8. Scythians on the ice of the frozen seas along the northern eoasts, and Strabo mentions-*- the customary use of the i c e -covered s t r a i t s at the mouth of Lake Maiotis (the Sea of Azov) as a winter highway f o r wagons. Strabo and Hippokrates 2 des-cribe herds of c a t t l e Indigenous to the region, t h e i r horns stunted because of the cold, and horses displaying retarded development f o r the same reason. T y p i c a l of stories intended to impress strangers to the northern Euxine i s the report by Strabo^ (which he considers s u f f i c i e n t l y noteworthy to warrant t e l l i n g twice) about the fate of bronze water-jars l e f t out-doors; when their f l u i d contents s o l i d i f y , the jars shatter. One of the most important e f f e c t s of the cold winter clim-ate, from the c o l o n i s t s ' point of view, was the I n a b i l i t y of the region to support c e r t a i n kinds of vegetation. Theophrast-os^- i n his essay de Plantlbus , elaborates on t h i s theme, cata-loguing the plant-species that w i l l (or w i l l not) grow i n the harsh conditions of the Black Sea's highest l a t i t u d e s . Laurel and myrtle cannot survive the cold, he says. F r u i t - t r e e s , which do exi s t on the coast, are sometimes reluctant to bear f r u i t . S i g n i f i c a n t also i s the lack of b u i l d i n g timber of good q u a l i t y ; the few kinds of trees that grow i n the region are 1. T8. 2. T8, T18. 3. T 7 , T 8 . 1*. T i l * . 1*9. damp, stunted and f a r i n f e r i o r to wood produced further south. That o l i v e s and grapes could not be persuaded to mature i n the north Euxine climate i s implied by Strabo and P o l y b i o s . 1 It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to compare these ancient observations of the climate and productivity of the Pontic coast with mod-ern cl i m a t o l o g i c a l records f o r the same region. S t a t i s t i c s published by the B r i t i s h Meteorological O f f i c e 2 indicate that s e t t l e r s from Miletos did, indeed, f i n d conditions to which they were not accustomed. At Odessa, on the coast i n the v i c -i n i t y of Olbia, a January minimum of minus eleven degrees Fahrenheit can be expected; at Izmir on the Turkish coast near the s i t e of Miletos the records indicate that midday temperat-ures of seventy degrees — subtropical warmth — are not rare i n January. The v a l l e y of the Bug River near i t s mouth i s , as the ancient writers noted, better suited to the production of hardy cereals than of trees or subtropical plants; the chief ind-ustry of the region today i s wheat-farming. The p o s s i b i l i t y of luxuriant forest-growth i s r u l e d out not only by the low winter temperatures, but also by the annual r a i n f a l l of only about f i f t e e n inches. (This does not c o n f l i c t with the ancient complaint about annoying r a i n f a l l ; nearly half of the t o t a l f a l l s during the summer months, just as Herodotos recorded.3) 1. T15, T12. 2. Great B r i t a i n , Meteorological O f f i c e , Tables of Temperature. 3. T6., 50. Yet the implication that f r u i t and vines were int o l e r a n t of the v i c i n i t y ' s f r o s t s i s perhaps exaggerated. The coast i s described today 1 as supporting "some orchards and virteyards." Not a l l the environmental conditions on the north Eux-ine coast as described by the ancient writers were matters f o r complaint; the ijegion had i t s advantages as well. There was much wild game to be hunted, including c e r t a i n species with which the Greeks had not previously been f a m i l i a r , as Strabo 2 records. The c i t y of Olbia was i d e a l l y situated, as both Dio •x Chrysostom and Herodotos inform us, to reap the advantages of a natural s a l t deposit at the junction of the Borysthenes and Hypanis Rivers, and of the r i c h sturgeon-fishing grounds of the Borysthenes estuary. (The commercially more despicable tunny f i s h , however, although they spawned i n the northern wat-ers of the Black Sea, were large enough fo r catching only after they had l e f t the v i c i n i t y of Olbia. ) The region surrounding Olbia provided the arable land 5 that M i l e s i a n s e t t l e r s had hoped f o r , Herodotos and Polybios describe the abundance of wheat and ca t t l e that the country 1. Hooson, The Soviet Union, p . l 5 6 . 2. T5. 3 . T10, T i l . 1*. T13. 5. T19, T12. 51. supplied. The mouth of the Hypanis River, with i t s sheltered anchorage^", offered the natural advantage of a port from which the region's produce could be embarked f o r export. And f i n a l l y , 2 as DIo Chrysostom observes, the s i t e was not without i t s aesthetic charms. Although evidence f o r the d e t a i l s of everyday l i f e i n the s i x t h or f i f t h century at Olbia i s not p l e n t i f u l , there are in d i c a t i o n s of some adaptations forced upon the inhabitants by the demands of the physical environment. That the business of export and import formed an e s s e n t i a l basis of the Oibian e x i s t -ence i s i m p l i c i t i n the colony's p o s i t i o n ; to maintain a Greek way of l i f e so f a r beyond the range of the Mediterranean clim-ate must have required a continuing supply of many commodities from the south. The wheat and f i s h i n which the region abound-ed formed O l b i a 1 s medium of trade. I t seems that extensive areas immediately adjacent to the town i t s e l f were used for the 3 c u l t i v a t i o n of cereals, and a large submerged structure i n the Bug River about f i f t y yards off the present shoreline of the Oibian "lower town" appears to have been a quay f o r deep-draft 1. T l , T5. 2. T l . 3. Cf. Mongait, Archaeology i n the U;S.S.Retranslated by David SKirsky, pp.190-195. 52. vessels. A feature of excavation at Olbia i s the frequency of the appearance of point-based amphorai that were used f o r the storage and shipping of food products.* Although the presence i n Olbia of pottery from every part of the Greek world, even early i n the s i x t h century B.C., and of much jewellery and small statuary artwork imported from Ionia, as well as the quite early attempts at a highly c i v i l i z -ed s t y l e of substantial hewn-stone houses i n the town >are evid-ence that the colonists of Ol b i a were eager to reproduce i n the i r c i t y the d e t a i l s of l i f e at home i n Greece, nevertheless conditions forced upon them some p r a c t i c a l measures that r e -mind one of the pioneering aspect of th e i r f i r s t encounter with these northern lands. No l i f e - s i z e d sculpture has been found on the s i t e of Olbia, and no marble appears to have been used. L o c a l l y made representations of f i g u r e s are small terracottas 2 and rather crude carvings i n stone. As f o r the matter of personal dress, Herodotos t e l l s u s J that the O l b i o p o l i t a i went about the streets of their colony i n t r a d i t i o n a l Greek a t t i r e ; yet Dio Chrysostom describes^ an 1. Cf. Mongait, Archaeology i n the U.S.S.R., pp.190-195. 2. Cf. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, p.317. 3. T20. 1*. T22. 53. Oibian f r i e n d who, probably because of the northern climate, has adopted the trousers and cloak of the Scythian natives. A small te r r a c o t t a statuette, possibly of Oibian manufacture, i l l u s t r a t e s a Greek colonist wearing p r e c i s e l y this mode of dress.^ The e a r l i e s t houses of the s e t t l e r s , as revealed by excav-ations at both Olbia and the primary settlement on the i s l a n d of Berezan at the mouth of the estuary, are another concession to the d i f f i c u l t y of the circumstances. The f i r s t Oibian houses were simply p i t s i n the earth roofed over with s a i l s and some-2 times equipped with adjacent storage p i t s . Second-generation-houses, dated to the middle of the s i x t h century B.C., are one-or two-roomed mudbrick structures on unusual foundations of ashes and clay, demanded by the spongy nature of the r i v e r s i d e b u i l d i n g s i t e s . Even i n the much l a t e r houses constructed at a time when Oibian prosperity made grander buildings and greater freedom of design possible, considerations of the l o c a l climate seem to have been as important as the requirements of t r a d i t i o n . A l -2 though the best preserved example of an Oibian house belongs 1. For a representation of t h i s terracotta f i g u r e , see the appendix. 2. Cf. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, pp.l|50-l4.90. 5k. to a period l a t e r than the pioneer era of the s i x t h century at Olbia (It i s a H e l l e n i s t i c house of the t h i r d century B.C.), s t i l l , the l o c a l f a c t o r s that influenced i t s design are i n d i c -ative of the special a r c h i t e c t u r a l problems that the Olbian s i t e forced upon builders there at any period. The p o s i t i o n i n g of the house i s a s i g n i f i c a n t feature; the prostas, which i n Greece would usually open to the south, faces toward the north-east, because i n O l b i a a house f a c i n g south would be unbearably hot i n summer, while i f i t faced west i t would be exposed to the severe westerly winds of the steppe. Another purely l o c a l aspect of the building's design i s I t s roof. Heavy winter snow-f a l l s explain the comparatively steep p i t c h of the roof on t h i s Olbian house; the remains show vestiges of eaves at an angle of more than twenty degrees. If the physical environment of O l b i a exerted an influence upon the l i v e s of the Greek c o l o n i s t s , a dominant part of that influence must have bjelonged to the r i v e r i t s e l f . The Hypanis was one of those impressive south Russian r i v e r s whose grand scale was beyond the experience of the Greeks at home. The Borysthenes estuary, which opened just four miles below Olbia to a breadth of more than ten miles, was a sheltered inland sea that must hsoe dominated the l i v e s of the s e t t l e r s around i t s 5 5 . shores. The Borysthenes, Strabo t e l l s us , was navigable f o r a distance of six hundred stades; Dio Chrysostom 2 describes the r i v e r ' s magnificent beauty, and Herodotos^ adds that i t s exceptionally pure waters were the source of the surrounding f e r t i l i t y and the robust crops along the riverbank. •••he importance of the r i v e r i n the l i v e s of the Greek c o l -onists i s pointed out by G.M. H i r s t , ^ who makes reference to the c u l t of the River-God Borysthenes at Olbia. The c u l t , Miss H i r s t Informs us, i s represented on Oibian coins more often than any other except that of Apollo. I l l u s t r a t i o n s of some Oibian coins that depict the River-God are provided i n the ap-pendix below. The e f f e c t of an a l i e n landscape upon the l i v e s of the Greek colonists i s undeniable; we have both the testimony of the ancient authors and the evidence of archaeology to support t h i s b e l i e f . But the Greeks In the north Euxine region faced an i n -fluence upon their l i v e s f a r more powerful than t h e i r physical surroundings i n the Scythian natives with whom they had to deal on an everyday basis. We must now consider the nature of those people and of their i n t e r a c t i o n with the s e t t l e r s of Olbia. 1. T5. 2. T l . 3 . T i l . k. H i r s t , "The Cults of Olbia," J.H.S. XXII ( 1 9 0 2 ) , pp.2ll5-267. 56. IV THE SCYTHIANS In almost every aspect the Scythian way of l i f e was quite a l i e n to the Greeks; to the nomadic Scythians who inhabited the north coastal region of the Black Sea, the s t a b i l i t y and re-s t r i c t i v e n e s s of Greek urban l i f e were equally strange. In spite of the c u l t u r a l differences, however, the contact between Scyth-ian natives and Greek c o l o n i s t s was at most times b e n e f i c i a l to both peoples, and was to the Greeks an e s s e n t i a l factor i n the successful development of their Euxine colonies. Nowhere was t h i s more true than at Olbia. The reference above to the Scythian "natives" i n the v i c i n i t y of Olbia i s perhaps yet something of an anachronism i n mid-seventh century, the period of Olbia's f i r s t settlement. I t was during the seventh century thajs the Scythians them-selves l a i d claim to the t e r r i t o r y that Greek colonists found them occupying along the Black Sea's northern shores. The Scyths had moved into the region from the east—Herodotos describes the migration i n his history'''— and had spent most of the seventh 1. IV, 2. 58. century wresting control of the land from i t s previous tenants, the warlike Cimmerians. The period immediately preceding the a r r i v a l of the Oibian s e t t l e r s was, therefore, a time of v i o -lent unrest along the north Euxine coast. The c o n f l i c t ended with the expulsion of the Cimmerian nomads and the control of their, t e r r i t o r y by the also nomadic Scythian t r i b e s . I t was the eventual Scythian monopoly and the r e s u l t i n g absence of i n t e r - t r i b a l s t r i f e over t e r r i t o r y that gave the north coast of the Black Sea the s t a b i l i t y necessary f o r successful colonization by the Greeks. Rostovtzeff says:^ The Greek colonies on the Black Sea owed t h e i r very existence to the formation of stable kingdoms on the Russian steppes....The Black Sea colonies, exposed as they were to attack from the north, could only survive and prosper i f the surrounding country was i n a more or l e s s s e t t l e d condition. Just as the prosperity of the Greek colonies i n Asia Minor depended on the existence of the kingdoms of Lydia and Persia, of which they were the maritime outlets, so Olbia, Pantlcapae.um and Cher-sonesos only throve because a united kingdom i n the Rus-1 . Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks i n South Russia, p . 1 2 . 59. sian steppes guaranteed them free intercourse with peoples on the banks of the great Russian r i v e r s . Coexistence with the Scythian peoples meant, f o r the Greeks, a confrontation with a way of l i f e that was from their point of view somewhat u n c i v i l i z e d . There was uncertainty, f o r i n -stance, i n dealing with a people who did not inhabit permanent c i t i e s , but were e s s e n t i a l l y nomads. The elusive nature: of the Scyths i s a theme upon which Greek writers dwelt at great length. Herodotos* points out that, having no f i x e d headquart-ers, the Scythians are capable of moving s w i f t l y across the land, attacking and dispersing into the hinterland where they are i n v i n c i b l e . Hippokrates 2 describes the wagons i n which the nomads make their homes; a nation on wheels seemed rather un-trustworthy to the Greek c o l o n i s t s . Although i t Is true that In Herodotos' day the Scythian t r i b e s near Olb i a had begun to adopt the stationary, a g r i c u l t -i. u r a l l i f e of their Greek neighbours, they must s t i l l have been warrior nomads i n the l a s t h a l f of the seventh century, so shortly after their expulsion of the Cimmerians. Sophisticated 1. T16. 2. Tl8. 3. T19. 60. though these Scythians may have been i n some ways — p a r t i c u l a r -l y i n the excellence of their a r t s , as we s h a l l s e e — they presented what must have been a very savage exterior. In the roughness of their d r e s s , 1 i n t h e i r d i s d a i n for the c i v i l i z e d 2 pursuit of agriculture, and In the cruel harshness of th e i r r e l i g i o u s r i t e s (which occasionally demanded human s a c r i f i c e ^ ) , the Scythians offered cause f o r hesitancy on the part of new-comers to their t e r r i t o r y . That the f i r s t M ilesian migrants to the Borysthenes estu-ary f e l t uneasy about t h e i r nomadic neighbours can be seen i n the cautious nature of their f i r s t settlement. As a prelude to entering the Hypanis River and es t a b l i s h i n g the c i t y of Olbia i t s e l f , the colonists stopped i n i t i a l l y at Berezan, an i s l a n d i n the mouth of the estuary. Pit-dwellings and s l i g h t l y more elaborate single-roomed mudbrick houses have been found on the i s l a n d , as well as pottery of the l a t e seventh century, a l l of i t East Greek — Rhodian, Chian and Klazomenian wsre. The o r i g i n a l motive f o r the choice of Berezan as a s i t e f o r the colony was c l e a r l y not navigational convenience; the is l a n d , which faces the open sea and i s beyond the protection of the estuary, has a reasonable anchorage, but no true harbour. 1. T9. 2. T16. 3. Herodotos, IV, 72. 61. Apart from the island's strategic p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the sturgeon-fishing industry, i t f a i l e d to provide access to the natural ( c h i e f l y a g r i c u l t u r a l ) resources of the mainland. C l e a r l y a major consideration was the separation of the island from mainland neighbours whom the f i r s t c o l o n i s t s did not t r u s t . Eventually, however, the Greeks, i f a successful colony such as Olbi a was ever to become a r e a l i t y , had to e s t a b l i s h a basis of cooperation with the Scythian peoples. There i s evid-ence i n both the l i t e r a r y and the archaeological records that trade was the means by which t h i s cooperation was effected. I t can be seen i n the Scythians' own a r t i s t i c endeavours that they prized the luxuries of artwork and f i n e craftsmanship; the colonists at Olbia were a source of these Items and other com-modities that the northern steppes lacked — c h i e f l y wine and o i l . To acquire these luxuries the Scythians had to have out-l e t s f o r the products of their own society, hides, metals, wheat and slaves, 1" the export of which th e i r u n f a m i l i a r i t y with ships and the sea greatly hindered. That the Scythians welcomed a f r i e n d l y exchange of goods with the Greek colonists at Olbi a at an early stage of the 1. Tl5 (a d e s c r i p t i o n of the exchange of goods between Greeks and Scythians at Tanais, but equally de s c r i p t i v e of the trade at nearby O l b i a ) . 62. colony's development i s evident i n the East Greek pottery and jewellery that appears i n Scythian graves near Olbia. One of the e a r l i e s t Greek vases recovered i n South Russia i s from a Scythian tomb of the l a t e seventh century, near Nemirov on the Bug River, two hundred miles upstream from O l b i a . 1 Nearer O l -b i a , i n sixth-century Scythian tombs on the Borysthenes estu-p ary, there are Greek bronze mirrors with figured supports, and north of Olbia remains of archaic Greek bronzes including a large bronze crater. At a l a t e r stage, i n an early f i f t h - cent-ury tomb on the estuary between Olbia and Berezan, the occup-ant of the grave, a Scythian warrior, i s provided with two Chian wine j a r s , an Athenian cup, a Greek bronze dipper and a s t r a i n -er incised with a Greek design. By the date at which this warrior was buried, accompanied by items acquired at nearby Olbia, a f i r m pattern of commerc-i a l intercourse had been established between the colonists and 3 their Scythian neighbours. Herodotos t e l l s of l a n d - t i l l i n g Scythians who r a i s e crops not f o r t h e i r own consumption, but purely f o r sale to the c o l o n i s t s at Olbia. Rostovtzeff^" com-1. Boardman, The Greeks Overseas, p.2£2. 2. i b i d . , p.272. 3. T19. I*. Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks i n South Russia, p.12. 63. ments that "Scythians and Greeks constituted an economic unit, and their muttial influence was necessarily the dominant f a c t -or i n their l i v e s . " The cooperation between Scythians and Greeks at Olbia i s seen not only i n their mutually b e n e f i c i a l trading arrange-ments, but i n the eventual p a r t i c i p a t i o n of at l e a s t some Scyth-ians i n the urban l i f e of Olbia. In f a c t the precise p o s i t i o n of the Greek co l o n i s t s seems to have been that of tenants on t e r r i t o r y leased from the Scythian t r i b a l kings,, who retained the r i g h t to some sort of representation i n the administration of the colony. Strabo t e l l s us that the a g r i c u l t u r a l lands used by the colonists i n a l l the Greek c i t i e s on the north Euxine coast are leased to them by the Scythians, whose peace-f u l cooperation depends upon a regular payment of rent. Some of the Scythians apparently resided within Olbia; among the graves i n the cemeteries immediately outside the c i t y ' s walls are a number of obviously Scythian b u r i a l s , with the bodies l a i d i n t h e i r tombs i n the f o e t a l p o s i t i o n (a Scytohian custom) and buried with Scythian weapons. Prom the size and 1. Although there i s no evidence f o r the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t -ure of the colony i n the early period, much l a t e r i n -s c r i p t i o n s and coins issued at Olbia i n the fourth and t h i r d centuries Indicate the existence of a magistrate (perhaps a figurehead), the "King Archon," whose repres-entation on the coins i s often as a long-haired, bearded Scythian type. One such King Archon, depicted on a f i f t h -century coin of Olbia (Minns, Scythians and Greeks, p.ij . 8 7 ) , has the probably Scythian name f r M i r ' A K O . 2. T17. 61*. style of these graves i t appears that the occupants were not important c i t i z e n s , nor prominent i n their own Scythian soc-i e t y . As a r u l e , i t seems, Scythian residents i n Olbia did not occupy positions of any considerable authority. A.J. Graham observes 1 that, "of the names preserved on i n s c r i p t i o n s from the s i x t h to the fourth centuries, only four are non-Greek, and among the names of the magistrates, none." Here Graham i s ex-cluding, of course, the numismatic evidence. But the house i n O l b i a of a wealthy Scythian i s described by Herodotos i n his story of Skyles, one of the Scythian kings. The at l e a s t u n o f f i c i a l influence of a Scythian king i n the Greek colony can be read between the l i n e s of t h i s story, which occupies chapters seventy-eight to eighty, i n c l u s i v e , of Book IV. One derives considerable i n s i g h t into the s t r a t e g i c r e l a t -ionship between the Greek colonists and the Scythian kings — the tenants and their l a n d l o r d s — w h e n one reads of Skyles marching up to the gates of Olbia with the Scythian army at his back. I t i s l i t t l e wonder that he f e l t quite at his ease while playing the game of Oibian c i t i z e n s h i p , knowing that his army attended him at the gates of the c i t y . 1. Graham, Colony and Mother C i t y i n Ancient Greece, p.101*. 2. T20. 65. The Olbian house of Skyles, as described by Herodotos, i s a measure of his influence and prominence In the Greek colony. I t i s a "great and expensive house" and, with i t s ostentatious decoration, one of the showplaces of the c i t y . I t i s i n t e r e s t -ing to note, too, that Skyles' wife was an Olbian woman; here we have the most celebrated story of intermarriage between a Scythian and a Greek c o l o n i s t . * The story of Skyles, of course, represents the p o t e n t i a l influence of a Scythian king at Olbia, rather than the normal r e l a t i o n s h i p of the kings and the Olbian c o l o n i s t s . Herodotos' purpose i n r e l a t i n g t h i s story, as i n the story of Anacharsis that precedes i t , i s to acknowledge two notable exceptions to the general observation that "these Scythians scrupulously avoid f a l l i n g i n with f o r e i g n customs, and of a l l nations' customs they shun those of the Greeks e s p e c i a l l y . " 2 Yet, as we have seen i n the archaeological evidence mentioned above, the Scyth-ians were not averse to accepting the material benefits of the' Greek culture; i t appears to have been Greek r e l i g i o n , specif-i c a l l y , from which they preferred to remain aloof. 1. Intermarriage at O l b i a and i t e f f e c t s w i l l be further d i s -cussed i n Chapter VI below. 2. IV, 76. 6 6 . The r e l i g i o n of the Scythians was powerfully governed by two dominant f a c t o r s : the physical environment, i n intimate con-tact with which these nomads l i v e d , and the immense importance that they attached to the l i f e beyond the grave. Their homage was paid, Herodotos t e l l s u s , l to gods representing motherhood and the earth — T a b i t i and Apia. Their own ancestor was the River God, Borysthenes. The place of their worship was the land i t s e l f ; temples, as Herodotos observes, were not a normal part of their r e l i g i o n . The important place held i n the Scythian r i t u a l by death and i t s aftermath can be seen i n the l a v i s h l y extravagant b u r i a l r i t e s ^ involving embalming of the body, s e l f - m u t i l a t i o n by r e l -atives and followers, the Inhumation of treasure, and, most dramatically, human s a c r i f i c e . Archaeological corroboration of th i s Herodotean information i s found i n the magnificent tumuli of the noble Scyths, the only s i g n i f i c a n t monumental remains of t h e i r culture. A l l these aspects of the Scythian r e l i g i o n were founded upon i n s t i n c t s s u f f i c i e n t l y powerful to withstand, to a large extent, the i n f i l t r a t i o n of incompatible ideas. Thus, i n the 1. IV, 59. 2. IV, 5. 3. IV, 71. 6 7 . s i x t h century when the Scythian philosopher Anacharsis, ireturn-ing to Scythia after consorting with the Greeks at Athens, was observed p r a c t i s i n g a Greek r e l i g i o u s r i t e , his own brother slew him with an arrow. In the story of Skyles, too, the Scyth-ian king's association with the mistrusted Greek r i t e of Dio-nysos r e s u l t s i n his expulsion from the ranks of his own people. Of perhaps greatest importance i n a catalogue of the at-tributes of the Scythian people i s the excellence of their art, p a r t i c u l a r l y l n the f i e l d of wrought and cast metal-work. The col o n i s t s at Olbia, encountering the quite non-Greek styl e s of Scythic art f o r the f i r s t time i n their early trade with the coastal natives, were immediately exposed to the most powerful single influence t h e i r new environment would ever b r i n g to bear upon them. Although the Scythic s t y l e i s so d i s t i n c t i v e that i t can ea s i l y be described v e r b a l l y , the i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n the appendix to t h i s study w i l l a s s i s t the reader i n grasping the q u a l i t y of some of the work. While Greek a r t i s t s experimented widely with the human f i g u r e , and with the portrayal of human a c t i v i t y , scenes including the human f i g u r e were e s s e n t i a l l y f o r e i g n to the Scythic a r t i s t . The basic themes f o r Scythian works of art i n bone, wood or metal are f l o r a l and animal shapes depicted 68. i n the form of swirling semi-abstract designs. A s t r i k i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Scythian animal-style i s the use of sharply contrasted slanting planes that meet along d i s t i n c t junctures to create bold, curving l i n e s of design. The most ex c i t i n g aspect of t h i s work i s the discovery, by the Scythian a r t i s t , of the secret of capturing the essence of mot-ion, while depicting an animal subject at r e s t ; i t i s a matter of s t r i k i n g the body through and through with t i g h t l y c o i l e d patterns of sinuous l i n e . This l i v e l y style was applied by i t s Scythian inventors to a wide v a r i e t y of p r a c t i c a l c r a f t s . I t characterizes the dec-oration of the weapons and the personal jewellery found i n Scyth' ian tombs of the early s i x t h century, and i t i s the basis of an entire Scythian industry — the production of worked metal plaques (often gold) that became an e s s e n t i a l part of the c l o t h -ing, armour and r i d i n g equipment of the Scyths. Among the forms most often represented on these plaques and i n the jewel-l e r y are the stag, the l i o n and the g r i f f i n . The l a t t e r had special s i g n i f i c a n c e to the Scythians, as It had also to the Egyptians and the Syrians; i t i s a motif that appears everywhere 1. See Minns, "The Art of the Northern Nomads," Proceedings of the B r i t i s h Academy(191*2) , pp.lj.7-8l; Rice, The Scythians, passim. 69. i n Scythic art,.Including, as Herodotos noted, the decoration of Skyles 1 house at Olbia. In contrast with the magnificence of t h e i r metal-working ar t s , the pottery of the Scyths i s uninteresting; i t i s purely u t i l i t a r i a n i n design. The bowls, jars and drinking vessels of Scythian o r i g i n are simple i n decoration, and normally grey or d u l l black i n colour. From the discussion above, one can gather some f e e l i n g f o r the Scythian world into which the colonists at Olbia transplant-ed their Greek society. In some aspects i t was a harsh and f r i g h t e n i n g world; the best of the natives were apparently un-c i v i l i z e d nomads, and the worst were reputed 1 to be cannibals. Other aspects of the Scythian people were more appealing; they were w i l l i n g to coexist with the Greeks, and i n c e r t a i n f i e l d s of endeavour each of the two races found that . the other could be of service. I f the r e l a t i o n s h i p tended to be that of power-f u l , though benevolent, kings and t h e i r rent-paying guests, s t i l l the Olbian way of l i f e was capable of arousing a cautious re-spect i n the minds of the best of the Scythians. And i n return, as we s h a l l see i n a l a t e r chapter, the Greeks paid the Scythians, to at l e a s t a l i m i t e d extent, the compliment of im i t a t i o n . 1. T19. 70. V. CONNEXION WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD The power of the unfamiliar physical environment of the Hypanis River and of the a l i e n and h a l f - c i v i l i z e d Scythian people to shape the development of Olbia's culture was depend-ent, i n part, on the exclusiveness of t h e i r influence upon the Oibian c o l o n i s t s . To what extent was the colony i s o l a t e d i n these surroundings, and what was the nature of her contact with other centres of Greek l i f e ? I t i s clear that i n the e a r l i e s t period of Olbia's e x i s t -ence her connexion with the outside world was tenuous. As we have seen In Chapter I I I , t r a v e l northward into the Black Sea was a d i f f i c u l t undertaking because of the natural hazards to navigation on the route, and because of piracy, which s t i l l threatened every ship that ventured along the Euxine coast of northern Thrace. The distance of Olbia from the mother c i t y , Miletos, was almost a thousand miles by sea, a considerable voy-age f o r oar-driven ships that were capable of an average speed, against the p r e v a i l i n g northerly winds, of perhaps three or 71. four knots. Ancient references to these various d i f f i c u l t i e s 2 are found i n Archilochos, Xenophon and Pliny, as we have not-ed above. The nearest centres of Greek c i v i l i z a t i o n were, of course, the other Greek colonies situated on the shores of the Black Sea; i t was to these c i t i e s that Olbians could most e a s i l y s a i l , keeping at a l l times within sight of the coast and within mod-erate range of the r e l a t i v e security of t h e i r own t e r r i t o r y . In the f i r s t decades of i t s settlement Olbia was t r u l y i s o l a t e d , fo r there were few close neighbours. Although the founding of Olbi a during the f i r s t of three waves of colonization into the 3 Black Sea was roughly contemporaneous with that of Istros on the western shore of the Euxine, and Sinope on the south coast, these settlements were quite remote from Olbia. The journey to Istros involved a coastal voyage of over two hundred miles; the journey to Sinope — a d i r e c t , open-sea crossing — was three hundred and f i f t y miles. A second wave of colonization, In the f i r s t half of the s i x t h century B.C., added two important settlements to the 1. Carpenter, OJJ. c i t . , pp.1-10. 2 . T 2 3 , T21+, T 2 £ . 3. Roebuck, Ionian Trade and Colonization, p. 121*. 72. north c o a s t — P a n t l k a p a i o n , two hundred miles east of Olbia, and Tyras, less than a hundred miles to the west. In the second half of the sixth century numerous other colonies sprang up along the north coast, including Chersonesos, which, located on a sheltering harbour near the southern t i p of the Crimean pen-i n s u l a , formed an important halfway stop-over on both the long crossing to Sinope and the eastward coastal voyage to Pantikap-aion. The most important reason f o r maintaining r e l a t i o n s with other Greek c i t i e s on the Black Sea was what had prompted the f i r s t contact between the colonists and t h e i r Scythian neigh-bours — the need f o r trade. A natural exchange of commodities between the c i t i e s of the north coast and those of the south ( e s p e c i a l l y the important colony of Sinope) arose because of the geographical differences of the two regions. While timber of good q u a l i t y f o r construction was, as Theophrastos t e l l s us, 1 rare on the north coast of the Black Sea, Sinope with i t s a l -most sub-tropical climate was provided with luxuriant f o r e s t -growth, the nearest exportable timber supply to Olbia. The superb harbour of Sinope, the only harbour on the entire south 1. T i b , . 7 3 . coast, made that c i t y a market f o r the southward-moving trade of the Black Sea, f o r the grain, hides, slaves and refined s a l t that were Olbia's exportable products. In i t s key po s i t i o n Sinope was the natural meeting place f o r the trading enterprises of the north and east coasts of the Black Sea; Strabo 1 confirms that t h i s was the case. Although Olbia was the most remote Black Sea colony from t h i s centre of commerce, her trading vessels found t h e i r way e a s i l y into the busy harbour of Sinope. Seamen navigating south from Olbia by way of the stopping-place at Chersonesos could, on days of clearest v i s i b i l i t y , just catch sight of the headland at Sinope while the h i l l s of the Crimea were s t i l l v i s -i b l e astern. The passage from Ghersbnesos to Sinope i s the only d i r e c t crossing of the Black Sea that can be made without l o s -2 ing sight of land. Strong trading connexions between Olbia and the neighbour-ing colonies are r e f l e c t e d i n numerous i n s c r i p t i o n s granting proxeny to c i t i z e n s of these states. The e a r l i e s t decree, a 1. XII, 3 , 1 1 . 2 . Leaf, "The Commerce of Sinope," J.H.S., XXXVI ( 1 9 1 6 ) , p p . 1 - 1 5 . Ik. f i f t h - c e n t u r y i n s c r i p t i o n , extends the r i g h t of c i t i z e n s h i p and special trading p r i v i l e g e s to a family of Mesembrla, a colony of Megara on the western shore of the Black Sea. It can be seen from the regular trading r e l a t i o n s established i n t h i s treaty between Olbia and colonists at Mesembria that, by the f i f t h century at l e a s t , long coastal voyages were a normal and frequent undertaking i n the Black Sea. The passage to Mesem-b r i a , a southward journey of nearly four hundred miles along the western shore of the sea, would involve stops at several maj-or centres, including Tyras, Istros, Tomis, K a l l a t i s and Odessos. Although similar voyages were also made to the eastern c i t i e s of the north coast, the tedious route around the great protruding headland of the Crimea (whose coastal c i t i e s were not established u n t i l the l a t e wave of colonization near the end of the s i x t h century) created a geographical hiatus between the two d i s t i n c t groups of colonies on the north coast. Olbia, the most prominent settlement of the western group, found her most natural contacts i n the nearby c i t i e s to the west — Tyras and Is t r o s . Pantikapaion, which l a t e r assumed leadership of the c i t i e s clustered around the Cimmerian . Bosporos (the mod-ern Kerch S t r a i t ) to form the Regnum Bosporanum, n a t u r a l l y 1. T26 . 75. looked to these e a s i l y accessible centres on the eastern side of the Crimean b a r r i e r . A f t e r the end of the s i x t h century, however, ships from Olbia, making use of the shelter provided at Chersonesos and Theodosia, could pass the dangerous promontory of the Crimea i n order to reach the important c i t i e s of Pantikapaion and Phana-goria. Discussing the s i t e s of the l a t e r colonies on the Black Sea's north coast, Roebuck observes* that "the s e l e c t i o n of Chersonesos probably indicates the k n i t t i n g together of the Eux-ine colonies i n the l a t t e r part of the century, f o r i t was a useful port of c a l l on crossings. . . from Olbia to the towns i n the Cimmerian Bosporos." By the end of the period under study here, contact between c i t i e s of the eastern and western groups was frequent. Both Herodotos and Strabo (who, of course, des-cribes the region at a l a t e r date) discuss the v i c i n i t i e s of the Borysthenes and the Cimmerian Bosporos as parts of a single neighbourhood. But Olbia's intercourse was c l e a r l y not only with c i t i e s within the Black Sea. Numerous finds of pottery and other manu-1. Roebuck, Ionian Trade and Colonization, p,12lj.. 2. T6, T 8 . 76. factured goods that had t h e i r o r i g i n s i n a surp r i s i n g v a r i e t y of Greek c i t i e s attest to the continuing influence of the out-side world upon Olbia at quite an early date. In addition to the p l e n t i f u l East Greek pottery that one might expect to f i n d on the s i t e of a Milesian colony, Olbia has y i e l d e d A t t i c , Kor-in t h i a n and even E r e t r i a n vases of the e a r l i e r h a l f of the s i x t h century B.C. Among the most exotic wares recovered from the s i t e are a sixth-century goblet from Naukratis and a f i f t h - cent-ury black-figure hydria of shape and technical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that suggest Etruscan o r i g i n . Graves at Olbia of both Greeks and Scythians contain many luxury items imported from c i t i e s i n Greece, including jewellery, o i l f l a s k s and s t r i g i l s . A l -though no l i f e - s i z e d statuary has been unearthed at Olbia, small terracottas and bronzes are found, imported from Ionia, and a fourth-century i n s c r i p t i o n , 1 apparently a fragment from the base of a work of sculpture, contains the name of P r a x i t e l e s . That Olbia's connexion with the Greek c i t i e s from which such imports arrived was a commercial connexion i s suggested by the great mimber of point-based amphorai found on the s i t e , of a type used f o r the storage and shipping of food. 1. Latyshev, Inscriptiones Orae Septentrionalis Ponti Eux-i n i ,J I, p. 11*5. 77. There i s evidence f o r the existence of transport f o r passengers between the Euxine and Greece as early as the begin-ning of the s i x t h century. The journey of the Scythian p h i l -osopher Anacharsis to the c i t i e s of Greece i n Solon's day (prob-ably as a passenger on a Greek ship t r a v e l l i n g south and re-turning to Olbia, since the Scythians themselves were landsmen) i s reported by Herodotos.^ I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t also that Hero-dotos himself i n the f i f t h century found i t possible to t r a v e l extensively i n the northern Euxine. If the remoteness of i t s p o s i t i o n and the hazards of navi-gation forced upon Olbia a degree of i s o l a t i o n i n the e a r l i e s t period of settlement, that i s o l a t i o n was no longer a r e a l i t y i n the l a t t e r half of the f i f t h century. The voyage of PerIkies 2 into the Black Sea may have been an attempt to secure f o r Athens the important grain-producing centres of the region by replacing with Athenian t i e s the c o l o n i s t s ' older l o c a l t i e s with Scythian kings. In the years following P e r i k l e s ' tour of the Euxine, many of the colonies appeared on an Athenian l i s t of Pontic states; i n t h i s panel, c a l l e d " C i t i e s of the Euxine," 1. T20. 2. See Chapter VII f o r a discussion of the date of this voyage. 3. A9, IV, 162, i n Me r i t t , Wade-Gery and McGregor, The Athenian Tribute L i s t s , I I , p.109. 78. most of Olbia's nearest neighbours can be i d e n t i f i e d , i n -cluding Tyras immediately to the west and K a r k i n i t i s and Tamy-rake immediately east of Olbia. Although the name of Ol b i a cannot be i d e n t i f i e d with certainty on the l i s t , i t i s l i k e l y that the colony was included. There i s an assessment of one talent entered for a state ,0[- - , which could be restored as Olbia. Since other Pontic c i t i e s that had grain f o r export to Greece — notably Pantikapaion and other colonies on the Cim merian Bosporos — were l i s t e d as po t e n t i a l t r i b u t a r i e s to Athens, I t i s probable that Olbia, also competing i n the grain-exporting market, was among the c i t i e s that appeared on the l i s t . In:any case near the end of the f i f t h century Olbia no longer occupied a p o s i t i o n of i s o l a t i o n from the Greek world. The possible t r i b u t a r y r e l a t i o n s h i p of the colonies to Athens and the large-scale export of produce from the Black Sea made the Euxine a f o c a l point of Greek maritime t r a f f i c . While attempting to assess the effect of Olbia's remote northern l o c a t i o n on the l i v e s of the colonists one must con-sider the connexion of Olbia to the mother c i t y , Miletos. A l -though the r e l a t i o n s h i p of colony to mother c i t y i n ancient 79. Greece did not usually involve the p o l i t i c a l dependence that bound a nineteenth-century B r i t i s h colony, f o r Instance, to the mother country, commercial l i n k s were l i k e l y to e x i s t . In the case of O l b i a there i s an i n d i c a t i o n i n the predominantly East Greek pottery found on the s i t e , as we have seen, that much of the colony's commercial intercourse was with Miletos. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to observe that, according to Herodotos, 1 the inhabitants of Olbia r e f e r r e d to themselves as Milesians. Yet, although t h i s f a c t i s evidence of the c o l o n i s t s ' continuing i n t e r e s t i n the mother c i t y , i t does not imply the p o l i t i c a l 2 dependence of Olbia upon Miletos. As Graham points out, there are numerous instances that i l l u s t r a t e the practice of designate ing c o l o n i s t s by the ethnic adjective of t h e i r places of o r i g i n ; he c i t e s as examples the name of rTo94yo/3<*s SVpioc , a c i t i z e n not of Samos but of Kroton i n Magna Graecia, and Thucydides' reference to c o l o n i s t s from Zankle as o< ^A.McSrjs-The precise nature of the c o l o n i s t s ' connexion with M i l -etos i s outlined i n a fourth-century inscription^- from Miletos. The importance of t h i s decree, which was Inscribed on stone 1. T20. 2. Graham, Colony and Mother City i n Ancient Greece, p.100. 3 . V I , 5, 1. k. T27. 80. about 330 B.C., i s increased f o r the present study by the f a c t that i t appears to be a restatement of terms that were estab-l i s h e d at a much e a r l i e r date. The evidence f o r thi s w i l l be considered aft e r we have examined the contents of the decree. The document, although I t i s worded i n such a way as to deal primarily with the r i g h t s of a M i l e s i a n i n the colony of Olbia, i s a treaty between equal states; i t s terms apply equally to Milesians at Olbia and Olbians at Miletos. A c i t i z e n of the mother c i t y i s exempt from taxation in- the colony. He may hold Olbian c i t i z e n s h i p and be e l i g i b l e f o r magistracies i n Olb i a on the condition that he be entered i n the r o l l s for tax-ation. I f a Milesian at Olbia becomes involved i n a l e g a l act-ion, his case, Tike that of a c i t i z e n , w i l l be heard before the SqponKov SiKAcnvfp(ov of the colony. The same p r i v i l e g e s and obligations belong automatically to an Olbian who returns to re-side at Milet o s . In every case the terms of this agreement ap-ply only to c i t i z e n s of either c i t y who do not hold c i t i z e n s h i p or public o f f i c e l n any t h i r d state. The decree therefore i n -volves two states that, being equal and independent, neverthe-l e s s recognize a sp e c i a l t i e of kinship. I t can be inf e r r e d that movement of i n d i v i d u a l s from one c i t y to the other was a frequent occurrence. 81. The f i r s t i n d i c a t i o n that the decree i s a restatement of an old r e l a t i o n s h i p rather than the establishment of a new one Is the bald, unelaborated preamble to the document — a single clause noting that the provisions of the treaty are customary f o r the O l b i o p o l i t a i and the Milesians. Further evidence oc-curs i n the body of the treaty where, Inserted among the terms r e l a t i n g to exemption from taxation, the phrase M9^OA K*1 npmpw n<rdv occurs. That the o b l i g a t i o n of taxation f o r a c i t i z e n or^mag-i s t r a t e i s described as an exception to the former terms i s another i n d i c a t i o n that t h i s decree i s an adjustment to an older agreement. Graham suggests* that the occasion of the re-establishment of r e l a t i o n s with Olbia was the f r e e i n g of Miletos from Persian control by Alexander i n 332; possibly the o r i g i n a l agreement had been i n abeyance since an e a r l i e r period'when Miletos was free of external controls. The l a t e s t date at which the f i r s t treaty with Olbia might have been l i k e l y i s the m i d - f i f t h cent-ury, when Miletos was an autonomous member of the Delian Confed-eracy. The e a r l i e s t date might be the early s i x t h century, before the f i r s t invasion of Ionia by the Persians. At whatever 1. 0£. c i t . , p.102. 82. date an agreement of t h i s sort f i r s t existed, the existence of such t r a d i t i o n a l conditions of mutual p r i v i l e g e i s evidence of a close r e l a t i o n s h i p between Olbia and Miletos from e a r l i e s t times. We have seen now that after the f i r s t decades of the colony's existence, when Olbia was more or less alone on the north coast, i n t e r c o l o n i a l t r a v e l within the Black Sea became frequent. Trade with the c i t i e s of Greece and the exchange of raw materials from the Euxine f o r luxury products from the south were a normal procedure. And with Miletos e s p e c i a l l y O l b i a maintained f a i r l y close contact. Thus, i f i s o l a t i o n was a f a c t o r i n the shaping of the Oibian way of l i f e , the e f f e c t s of that i s o l a t i o n were, to an increasing degree as time passed, mitigated by communication with the world beyond the colony's own immediate surroundings. 83 . VI THE. 0 LB IAN WAY OF LIFE In i t s remote p o s i t i o n above the : Black Sea, Olbia was, as we have seen, the most northerly centre at which a sizeable Greek c i t y ever developed. In establ i s h i n g t h e i r way of l i f e the colonists faced not only the problems of an a l i e n climate and landscape, but the c u l t u r a l influence of a neighbouring race that was s t r i k i n g l y d i f f e r e n t from the Greeks In many ways. While there i s ample evidence that these colonists strove from the very beginning to make the new society at Olbia a copy of the Greek society of the i r mother-city, there are also i n d i c -ations that aspects of th e i r s t y l e of l i f e were peculiar, i f not to Olbia alone, at l e a s t to the settlements of the north Euxine. The material trappings of normal Greek urban l i f e have been found i n abundance on the s i t e of Olbia. Even i f l i f e -sized sculpture and monumental buildings are absent, there are numerous smaller works of art and manufactured items from Miletos and other parts of Greece. In addition to the imported wares, there appears to have been l o c a l manufacture of pottery i n t r a d i t i o n a l Ionian fashions at Olbia. Pottery — both 8 1 * . rough and decorative ware — t h a t can be i d e n t i f i e d by i t s chemical constituents as l o c a l l y made^ retains the styles of the archaic period i n Ionia, even when i t i s found i n the l e v e l s of l a t e r date. In t h i s we have an i n d i c a t i o n of a t y p i c a l c o l -o n i a l phenomenon, the adherence to-the mother culture with some neglect of current fashion. In certain other respects the colonists appear to have mat-ched, i n t h e i r own c i t y , developments that were"simultaneously occurring i n the Greek c i t i e s around the shores of the Aegean. One such feature of O l b i a 1 s growth was the laying out of streets on a regular, right-angled g r i d . The e a r l i e s t i n d i c a t i o n of t h i s type of street-planning, which appears on the upper part of the s i t e north of the agora, dates from a period immediate-l y after the devastation of the c i t y by Scythians, following the r e t r e a t of Dareios. The Russian archaeologist Parmakovsky dated the establishment of the g r i d plan at Olbia at approx-imately 500 B.C., apparently e a r l i e r than the f i r s t use of the grid-plan at Miletos. I t might be supposed, i n f a c t , that the advent of street-planning i n Miletos was an innovation f i r s t 1. See Minns, "Thirty Years of Work at Olbia," J.H.S., LXV (191*5), pp. 109-112. 2. Mongait, Archaeology i n the U.S.S.R., p.190. 85. observed at and copied from the colonies on the Black Sea. The layout of streets i n O l b i a r e f l e c t s not only planning, but also considerable prosperity. The basic pattern of the c i t y , as i t appears to have been formalized at the end of the f i f t h century, i s a main thoroughfare ten metres wide, intend-ed f o r two-way vehicular and pedestrian t r a f f i c , and secondary streets about three metres wide, i n t e r s e c t i n g the c e n t r a l thoro-fare at r i g h t angles. The buildings that l i n e d the central street included some large private dwellings, a u x i l i a r y s t r u c t -ures such as storehouses, and workshops connected with metal-working i n d u s t r i e s , about which more w i l l be said below. Rec-ent excavations by Russian a r c h a e o l o g i s t s 2 have uncovered the traces of a large stoa that formed the northern end of the Ol-bian agora at an early date. Evidence of the continuing uneasiness of the colonists i n the Scythian-dominated region of the Hypanis i s seen i n the massive defensive walls that surround the s i t e . A large f o r t -i f i e d gate on the northern edge of the s i t e , described by Minns-^ as polygonal masonry of the archaic period, and lookout towers 1. There i s , however, evidence of grid street-planning also at Smyrna i n East Greece before the beginning of the f i f t h century. 2. L e v i , O l ' v i i a : Temenos i Agora, p.5. 3. Minns, Scythians and Greeks,p. 1+52. 86. at both ends of the western side have been excavated, i n d i c a t -ing the size and nature of the sixth-century defensive wall at O l b i a . 1 Although the c i t y had shrunk i n size by H e l l e n i s t i c times, Dio Chrysostom i n the f i r s t century of our era was aware 2 of the existence of the ancient c i r c u i t wall and of defensive towers that, i n his own day, were no longer i n use. , An important aspect of c o l o n i a l l i f e at Olbia, i n spite of the occasional uncertainty of r e l a t i o n s with the Scyths that made great defensive works necessary, was the commercial de-pendence of the O l b i o p o l i t a i upon their Scythian neighbours. A s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t of t h i s commercial intercourse was the est-ablishment near Olbia of a number of small mixed communities on the Borysthenes estuary i n which (as the graves of the i n -habitants demonstrate) Greek and Scythian peoples and customs intermingled. In the hinterland immediately north of Olbia, as Herodotos t e l l s us, the inhabitants were the K a l l i p p i d a i , or "Scythian Greeks." In many of these small communities, as well as In Olbia 1. The plan of Olbia (see Chapter III) shows the f u l l c i r c u i t of this c i t y - w a l l . I t s eastern side, traces of which now l i e beneath the Bug River, indicates that the s i t e has been reduced by erosion since ancient times. 2. T2. 3. T19. 87. i t s e l f , the basis of the r e l a t i o n s h i p was the Scythian w i l l i n g -ness to pay fo r the products of Greek workmanship. The vigour of Oibian industry came to depend not only on sale to the Scyth-ians of wares imported from Greece, but also on items manu-factured at Olbia i n a new Graeco-Scythic st y l e e s p e c i a l l y f or the Scythian market. The products of t h i s new industry begin to appear as early as the l a t t e r half of the six t h century B.C. Among the items found both at O l b i a 1 and i n Scythian tombs, manufactured by Greek craftsmen f o r Scythian buyers, are sixth-century gold earrings, early f i f t h - c e n t u r y cruciform metal plaques of the kind o r i g i n a l l y developed by the Scythians them-selves, an unusual bone buckle, hand-mirrors with s t y l i z e d anim-al decoration i n the Scythian fashion (but'-with handles, a feature that Scythian craftsmen never added to their m i r r o r s ) , and a cast bronze quiver-decoration with Scythian embellish-ment. The Oibian o r i g i n of many of these manufactured goods found i n Scythian tombs i s beyond doubt. Mirrors of the type mentioned above were discovered i n the remains of an extensive 1. L i s t s of these f i n d s appear i n Minns, "Thirty Years of Work at Olbia," J.H.S., LXV(19i|5) , pp.109-112, and Rice, The Scythians, p. 11*0. I l l u s t r a t i o n s of products by Greek craftsmen at Olbia manufactured i n the Scythic st y l e are provided i n the Appendix to t h i s study. 88. metal workshop unearthed at Olb i a i n 1.91+8• An even more s i g n i -f i c a n t f i n d at Olbia was a mould discovered by Parmakovsky, used f o r casting bronze f i t t i n g s l i k e the one found on the Scyttv i a n quiver. This was the industry that made intercourse between Greeks and Scythians l u c r a t i v e f o r the s e t t l e r s i n the v i l l a g e s on Olbia*s f r i n g e s . Of the commerce i n these towns, as evidenced by the a r t i f a c t s that have come to l i g h t , Boardman s a y s : 1 These apparently mixed communities, and the re-markable monuments of Greek work f o r the Scythians, are more eloquent testimony to the r e l a t i o n s between the two peoples — the colonists and the natives — than the f i n d s of objects imported from other parts of the Greek world. They show that the wealth of the Scythians and of the Black Sea trade attracted some of the f i n e s t Ion-ian a r t i s t s to the northern colonies, where they adapt-ed their natural s t y l e to the tastes and styles of the Scythians. 1. Boardman, The Greeks Overseas, p.275. 8 9 . We have already seen that from e a r l i e s t times the s e t t l e r s at Olbia attempted, through trade and diplomatic connexions with the Greek world and through the import of pottery, worka of a r t , luxury foods and other commodities"1" that were absent from th e i r new surroundings, to maintain i n th e i r outpost a Greek way of l i f e . But th e i r intimacy with the Scythians — an es s e n t i a l part of Olbian l i f e —was a fact o r not present i n the l i f e of a normal Greek c i t y . In the new sty l e of art that evr olved as a r e s u l t of the combined Greek and Scythian industry described i n the foregoing paragraphs we have the most tangible evidence of the Scythian influence upon the Greeks at Olbia. Rostovtzeff says'1- about art co l l e c t e d i n the Hermitage Museum at Kerch from excavations on the northern shores and hinterlands of the Black Sea: The scholar above a l l c a r r i e d away quite novel Impressions. He r e a l i z e d that i n these rooms he was i n the presence Of a new world, i n which Greek art appeared i n an altered, sometimes almost unrecogniz-able form, and i n which side by side vrith t h i s a r t , another art was revealed, new and strange. 1. I t can be argued from Xenophon's catalogue of the contents of a wrecked ship i n the Black Sea [T2l+') that written books from Greece and the ideas contained i n them were i n de-mand i n the Euxine colonies. 2. Iranians and Greeks i n South Russia, p.3. 9 0 . In a previous chapter we examined the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c e l -ements df the Scythic s t y l e ; now we may discuss some s p e c i f i c pieces of north Euxine Greek art that i l l u s t r a t e the new style to which Rostovtzeff r e f e r s . Since most of the Scythian proto-types are examples of metalwork, the products of Oibian c r a f t s -manship are also c h i e f l y metal.. Certain images, ever pres-ent i n the art of the nomads, appear commonly i n the art of Olbia. The sphinx and the g r i f f i n , which adorned the house of Skyles, a landmark of f i f t h - c e n t u r y Olbia, recur frequently on jewellery i n a s t y l e that suggests i m i t a t i o n of Scythic models. An example of the sphinx motif on a Greek gold diadem i s i l -l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 2 i n the Appendix. A general s i m i l a r i t y of aspect, e s p e c i a l l y i n the s t y l i z e d curves >of the creatures' wings, can be seen i n the representation on th i s Greek diadem and the animal on a purely Scythian plaque shown i n Figure 3. A small t e r r a c o t t a statue (Figure 1) from the north Euxine coast —probably of Oibian manufacture— portrays a human f i g u r e that looks half Scythian and half Greek. A l -though the costume depicted i s almost purely Scythian, the stat-ue i s c e r t a i n l y Greek; both the terracotta medium and the human-figure theme are uncha r a c t e r i s t i c of the Scythian a r t i s t . 91. I f the statue i s a p o r t r a i t of a Greek c o l o n i s t , as suggested by Dio Chrysostom 1s d e s c r i p t i o n * of an Olbian i n Scythic cost-ume, then the influence of Scythian style i s seen not only i n the statue i t s e l f , but In the general aspect of personal dress i n the colony. The f i n e s t i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the Graeco-Scythic style are two famous embossed gold plaques from Scythian tombs, the Vett-e r s f e l d f i s h and the Kul Oba stag. Although these b e a u t i f u l pieces were both discovered at s i t e s distant from Olbia, they are the work of Greek craftsmen from the northern Euxine, and are t y p i c a l of the metalwork that was being done at the begin-ning of the f i f t h century i n the f a c t o r i e s of Olbia. The Kul Oba stag should be compared with a similar animal of purely Scythic design and workmanship. The gold stag from the Kuban (Figure 1+) i s t y p i c a l of the Scythian style i n the elegant simp- -l i c i t y of i t s abstract design. The tortuous curves of the exaggerated antlers and the sweeping l i n e s of the body that characterize Scythian work are c l e a r l y seen — and nothing else. In contrast, the Kul Oba stag i s a departure from .the basic style i n that i t s open spaces have been f i l l e d with designs that are not complementary to the o v e r a l l theme of the design, but 1. T 2 2 . 9 2 . extraneous to i t . In the purely Scythian design, every l i n e i s part of the animal's body; i n the Greek design, l i o n s , rams and the ubiquitous g r i f f i n cover the animal's body and hreak i t s unity. The V e t t e r s f e l d f i s h (Figure 5 ) i s an even more extreme example of the simple l i n e of a Scythic design complicated by the addition of i r r e l e v a n t symbols. If t h i s plaque i s not the work of a Greek i m i t a t i n g and elaborating the Scythic s t y l e , i t i s a Scythian craftsman's i m i t a t i o n of the new Graeco- Scyth-i c s t y l e of the Greek colonies on the Black Sea. "The Greeks," Minns declares, " s p o i l t the Scythic style i n the West." In Olbia as early as the s i x t h century, therefore, the influence of the Scythians, with whom the Greek colonists had established a pattern of intimate contact, could be seen i n a style of art that combined the motifs of the Scythian c r a f t s -man with elements that were a l i e n to the purely Scythian work. While much of t h i s work from Olbia i s highly sophisticated i n technique and b e a u t i f u l In e f f e c t , some of i t i s rather crude and unattractive. One of a pair of l i o n s , roughly carved 1. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, p. 7 5 . Minns suggests 1|75 B.C. as the date of the Kul Oba stag and 5 2 5 B.C. for the V e t t e r s f e l d f i s h . 93. from stone and covered with i n s c r i b e d symbols, i s shown i n Figure 6. These objects, found at Olbia, may be the work of Greek craftsmen or may have been imported into the colony from Scythia. But i n the p r a c t i c a l and applied arts at Olbia there were fashions dictated not by Scythian models but by the demands of l i f e i n the colony. Of sp e c i a l i n t e r e s t i s the domestic woodwork of Olbia, because from no other s i t e i n the Greek world have so many a r t i c l e s of wooden construction been recov-ered i n t a c t . Domestic appliances made of wood i n simple, f u n c t i o n a l designs were a feature of l i f e at Olbia. T y p i c a l of the unornate Olbian style i s a chest (one of many found on the si t e ) i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 7 of the Appendix. Minns 1 suggests that It was used f o r storage of clo t h i n g . The manu-facture of coins, which seems to have begun before $00 B.C. i n the colony 2, i s another p r a c t i c a l operation i n which the Olbian technique i s somewhat unusual; the coins of Olbi a were not stamped, as l n most other Greek c i t i e s , but cast. Coins found on the s i t e provide the most e x p l i c i t clues 1. Minns, Scythians and Greeks, p.322. 2. Coins minted at Olbia have been found on the Berezan s i t e , which appears to have been abandoned shortly a f t e r $00 B.C. 91*. to the r e l i g i o u s observance of the O l b i o p o l i t a i . The most frequently represented deity on the coins of O l b i a i s Apollo, who appears, as Miss H i r s t 1 observes, to have been the c i t y -deity of the new colony just as he was the chief deity of MiLe-Hos. " I t seems reasonable to believe," says Miss H i r s t , "that the e a r l i e s t c o l o n i s t s brought with them from Miletos t h i s c u l t , of special appropriateness f o r those who were going to found a c i t y i n a new land." Demeter i s another frequent subject of p o r t r a i t s on Oibian coins. But more frequently than any other deity except Apollo, a s t r i c t l y l o c a l deity, the r i v e r god Borysthenes, appears on coins of the colony, represented as a long-haired, bearded Scythian king. The reverse of a l l these coins of Borysthenes depicts the battle-axe and sheathed bow of the Scythian war-r i o r . (The coins are i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 8 of the Appendix.) Miss H i r s t observes that t h i s c u l t , an obvious r e a c t i o n to the overpowering influence ,of the r i v e r on the s e t t l e r s ' l i v e s , was the only element i n the r i t u a l of the O l b i o p o l i t a i that was added to the purely H e l l e n i c c u l t s . 1. H i r s t , "The Cults of O l b i a , " J.H.S.,XXII(1902), p.2 5 5 . 95. The portrayal on a large number of Olbian coins of a f i s h — the dolphin or, more l i k e l y , the sturgeon — i s an i n d i c a t i o n of the importance i n the l i v e s of the c o l o n i s t s of the f i s h i n g industry, another aspect of the influence of the River Borys-thenes upon the colony. Of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of the colony i n the e a r l i e s t centuries of i t s existence, nothing Can be said with cert a i n t y . I n s c r i p t i o n s that describe the functioning of government at Olbia do not pre-date the fourth century, by which time decrees begin with a formula acknowledging a /3ou\rf and I K K V ^ O - * ' * . as the l e g i s l a t i v e bodies, as i n Athenian democracy. By the fourth century, executive power was i n the hands of f i v e archons, i n addition to whom, two other magistrates held of-f i c e — a f i n a n c i a l adviser and the King Archon, presumably the representative, as we have seen above, of the Scythian king whose t e r r i t o r y the O l b i o p o l i t a i occupied with t h e i r colony. The c o n s t i t u t i o n represented i n these decrees belongs, of course, to a period beyond the one under study here, and after the est-ablishment of frequent contact with the Athenian empire i n the second half of the f i f t h century. In the government of the colony during the f i r s t cent-ury, or more, of i t s existence, the p o s i t i o n of the Scythian 96. king's representative may have been much stronger than his r o l e as a figurehead i n the fourth century. Guessing at the c i r -cumstances of t h i s period, R o s t o v t z e f f 1 expresses the b e l i e f that, i n a context where only dynastic kings were recognized as true r u l e r s , the Greek colonists must have been very slow, even during the f i f t h century, to move at a l l i n the d i r e c t i o n of democracy. It may have been necessary to accept as tyrants i n t h e i r colony the Hellenized Scythians who represented the kings, and who l a t e r became the le s s powerful King Archons. Tyranny at Olbia d i d not, one may surmise, pass quickly as a temporary phase, but existed as the s e t t l e d form of government fo r centuries. But, as we s h a l l see i n the next chapter, i t was during these early centuries that Olbia enjoyed her greatest prosper-i t y . The most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c aspect of l i f e i n Olbia i n the s i x t h and f i f t h centuries was i t s dependence upon trade — not only the trade with Scythian neighbours mentioned above, but also the export of l o c a l products ( e s p e c i a l l y food) to the Greek c i t i e s of the Aegean. In summary, l i f e at O l b i a i n the f i r s t two centuries after 1 . Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks i n South Russia, p . 7 1 . 9 7 . i t s foundation was, to the best of the co l o n i s t s ' a b i l i t y , a Greek way of l i f e , l i k e the existence they had known at home. Greek art, Greek industry, Greek r e l i g i o n and domestic l i f e were preserved with the greatest possible f i d e l i t y . But i n spite of their determination to l i v e the l i f e of Hellenes, the O l b i o p o l i t a i did make concessions i n their d a i l y l i f e to the art, r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c a l power of th e i r Scythian neighbours on the Euxine coast. 93 V I I THE HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK From l i t e r a r y sources alone the h i s t o r y of O l b i a during the centuries under consideration i n t h i s study i s extremely s l i g h t ; i f they are to reveal anything at a l l of the e a r l i e s t events i n the colony, they must receive heavy support from archaeology. Since much of the h i s t o r i c a l material has been re f e r r e d to i n the preceding chapters, t h i s f i n a l chapter w i l l be, i n e f f e c t , a summary i n chronological order of the evidence that exists f o r the events of Olbia's early h i s t o r y . The founding of c i t i e s on the Propontis and e s p e c i a l l y of Byzantion, dated by the chronology of Eusebios (with archae-o l o g i c a l corroboration) as mid-seventh century, may be taken as an i n d i c a t i o n of the f i r s t surge of commercial t r a f f i c through the Bosporos. I t i s i n the second half of the seventh century, a decade or two aft e r the founding of Byzantion, that the f i r s t wave of Greek colonization begins to occupy the.sites of the e a r l i e s t major settlements on the Black Sea — Sinope on the south coast, Istros on the west, and Olbia on the north-ern coast. 99. A f t e r a b r i e f i n i t i a l stop on the i s l a n d of Berezan, a t -t e s t e d by p o t t e r y and domestic remains r a t h e r than l i t e r a r y evidence, the c o l o n i s t s founded O l b i a on the west bank of the Bug (Hypanis) R i v e r , f o u r m i l e s from the confluence of the Hypanis and the Borysthenes. Eusebios p l a c e s the f o u n d a t i o n of O l b i a i n the f i r s t y ear of the t h i r t y - f o u r t h Olympiad, 6144/3 B.C. 'The e a r l i e s t p o t t e r y r e c o v e r e d from the s i t e a l -lows v e r i f i c a t i o n of E u s e b i o s ' date o n l y to the extent of i n d i c -a t i n g o c c u p a t i o n of the s i t e d u r i n g the l a s t decade of the seventh century. E q u a l l y i n e x a c t i s the r e f e r e n c e i n the geo-g r a p h i c a l poem of the pseudo-Skymnos 1 to O l b i a 1 s date of found-a t i o n as contemporaneous w i t h the Median Empire, which, as we see i n Herodotos, Book I, p e r s i s t e d u n t i l s h o r t l y b e f o r e the i n v a s i o n of L y d i a by Cyrus i n the middle of the s i x t h c entury. The o r i g i n a l c o l o n i s t s were M i l e s i a n s , as Herodotos i n -p forms us, the connexion between O l b i a and M i l e t o s i s c l e a r l y s t a t e d i n the f o u r t h - c e n t u r y t r e a t y ^ r e g a r d i n g c i t i z e n s h i p i n the two c i t i e s . The symbolism of the ear of wheat and the f i s h ( e i t h e r 1. L i n e s 806-9 ( M u l l e r , G e o g r a p h i c ! G r a e c i Minores, I, p.196.) 2. T20. 3. Ta?. 100. dolphin or sturgeon) on the e a r l i e s t coins minted at O l b i a i s probably a good i n d i c a t i o n of the chief industries of the c o l -onists i n their f i r s t decades of l i f e on the Hypanis River. But the close cooperation with t h e i r Scythian neighbours that was to open new commercial avenues for the O l b i o p o l i t a i began very early i n O l b i a 1 s his t o r y . The philosopher Anacharsis, whom Herodotos describes* as a thoroughly Hellenized Scythian, was contemporary with Solon, as Lucian t e l l s us i n the d i a -logue JAv<x\ctpcrts. The next f a c t , chronologically, that can be ascertained i n the colony's history i s established e n t i r e l y by archaeolog-i c a l evidence. During the s i x t h century O l b i a expanded to f i l l a s i t e larger than that occupied by the c i t y at any subsequent period. A trench that formed the defensive c i r c u i t around the colony established by the e a r l i e s t s e t t l e r s was f i l l e d and b u i l t over, apparently at the beginning of the s i x t h century. Proper ci t y - w a l l s surrounding the entire peninsula upon which Olbia was located were i n place l a t e r In the same century. The great size of Olbia i n the s i x t h century and i t s shrinking ex-tent i n l a t e r centuries are suggested by the l o c a t i o n of the 1. T20. 101. c o l o n i s t s ' tombs. As indicated on the s i t e - p l a n i n Chapter I I I , sixth-century tombs lay beyond the farthest northern boundary of the s i t e , while f i f t h - . a r i d fourth-century graves are closer to the centre, and H e l l e n i s t i c graves are closer s t i l l . Once again we may r e c a l l Dio Chrysostom 1s observations 1 on the shrinking of the c i t y as seen i n the broad extent of i t s ancient remains. The prosperity of Olbi a i n the s i x t h century i s a c e r t a i n i n d i c a t i o n of successful r e l a t i o n s between the co l o n i s t s and th e i r neighbours during the period. Excavation shows, hoxvever, that at some time near the end of the century t h i s s t a b i l i t y came to an end and was replaced by a b r i e f outbreak of v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t . The c i t y was devastated and r e b u i l t shortly before 500 B.C., possibly at the time of the r i s i n g of the Scyths against the invading Dareios and his a l l i e s i n t h i s campaign, p the Ionian Greeks. Herodotos t e l l s us that the Scythians had good reason to be vexed with the Greeks because of the Ionian treachery i n playing the Scythians and Persians against each other. The grid-plan of the colony as i t was r e b u i l t after the 1. T2. 2. IV, 136-11*0. 102. destruction was disturbed by no further disruption i n the cent-ury that followed. That the former close r e l a t i o n s between Greeks and Scythians at Olbia resumed shortly after the recon-s t r u c t i o n of the c i t y i s seen i n Herodotos 1 story of Skyles. Although Herodotos introduces the tale of Skyles with only a vague chronological r e f e r e n c e 1 (Skyles' sojourn at Borysthenes was "many years l a t e r " than the episode of Anacharsis), a close reading of the narrative permits one to construct a gene-alogy connecting Anacharsis with Skyles i n such a way as to place the l a t t e r i n the f i r s t half of the f i f t h centirry. Ana-charsis! nephew Idanthyrsos, who i s shown to have been the 2 adversary of Dareios during the l a t t e r ' s invasion of Scythia, must have fl o u r i s h e d about B.C. His son Ariapithes, whom Herodotos i d e n t i f i e s ^ as the father of Skyles, f l o u r i s h e d therefore about JL4.9O B.C., and Skyles himself perhaps about I 4 . 7 O . Thus, from the time of Anacharsis to that of Skyles — a period of a century or more— the fortunes of Olbia were c l o s e l y t i e d to the colon i s t s ' r e l a t i o n s with kings of a single Scythian family.^ The p o s i t i o n of the O l b i o p o l i t a i i n t h i s period, 1. T20 . 2. IV, 126. 3. IV, 78. Saulios Anacharsis (ca555.7 1;.. This family's descent, as i t i s I represented by Herodotos, may Idanthyrsos (ca 5 l £ ) by outlined as seen here: . I Ariapithes (ca I4.9O) Skyles ( c a ^.70-60) 10}.. from the early s i x t h to m i d - f i f t h century, i s that of t r i b u t -ary subjects of the neighbouring Scythian kings. Within t h i s framework of Greek/Scythian r e l a t i o n s , a f f a i r s apparently went forward uneventfully at Olbia u n t i l the Athen-ian naval expedition around the coasts of the Black Sea under the command of Pe r i k l e s i n the second half of the century — at nearly the end of the period under study here. As we have seen i n Chapter V, the consequences i n Olbia of this Athenian mission into the Black Sea are unknown. I t i s cert a i n , however, that, sometime a f t e r - t h i s expedition, colonies adjacent to Ol-b i a on the northern coast appeared i n a Euxine panel of asses-sed members of the Athenian empire (an Athenian mission, appar-ently f o r the purpose of c o l l e c t i n g t r i b u t e , s a i l e d i n t o the Black Sea i n I4.2I+ B.C.). 1 Olbia may have been included on this l i s t . The date of the expedition that brought t h i s Athenian i n -fluence to bear upon the colonies of the Black Sea i s a matter of uncertainty. Although the report of the mission, i n Plut-arch, P e r i c l e s , 20, contains no d e f i n i t e chronological i n d i c a t -ions, the content and context of the passage provide clues to 1. Thucydides, IV, 1-2. 101*. the date. Because t h i s expedition i s described as a show of Athenian strength on the Euxine coast of Asia Minor, M e r i t t , Wade Gery and McGregor* view i t as a breach of the terms of the Peace of K a l l i a s , unless i n f a c t i t occurred before those terms were drawn u p — p r o b a b l y as early as l * $ 0 . Another view, held by Beloch, 2 Rostovtzeff,3 Ehrenberg^-and others, places the mission at a much l a t e r date, about 1*35, after the period of scrupulous observance of the terms of the peace. For our purpose we may accept a date within these lim-i t s — that i s , between 1*50 and 1*35. At whatever date the mission of PeriKles to the Black Sea occurred, i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e i s that i t brought the north shore of the Euxine i n t o a more pressing contact with the outside world than had been experienced before. C e r t a i n l y by t h i s per-i o d — the second half of the f i f t h century — Olbia was no long-er eit h e r an Isolated outpost, nor i n any sense a pioneer com-munity. After two centuries of growth and development, the colony was an established centre of urban c i v i l i z a t i o n , and Its character as a c i t y had been permanently moulded. 1. M e r i t t , Wade Gerv and McGregor, The Athenian Tribute L i s t s , I I I , p.116. 2 . Beloch, Attlsche P o l l t l k . p . 3 2 5 . 3 . Rostovtzeff. Iranians and Greeks i n South Russia, p . 6 ? . 1*. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates, p.1*1*1*. 10$. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Ancient Sources Anthologia L y r i c a Graeca, edited by Ernest D i e h l , L e i p z i g , I96I4.. Dio Chrysostom tWorks-, with an Engl i s h t r a n s l a t i o n by J.W. Co-hoon (Loeb C l a s s i c a l Library, Cambridge, 1961) Eusebios, Eusebi Chronlcorum L i b r i Duo, edited by A l f r e d Schoene (Zurich, 1967) Herodotos, Persian Wars, with an English t r a n s l a t i o n by A.D. Godley (Loeb C l a s s i c a l Library, Cambridge, 1963) Hippokrates tWorksj with an English t r a n s l a t i o n by W.H.S. Jones (Loeb C l a s s i c a l Library, Cambridge, 1962) Homer, The Odyssey, with an English t r a n s l a t i o n by A.T. Murray (Loeb C l a s s i c a l Library, Cambridge, i960) Jacoby, F e l i x , ed., Die Fragmente der g.rlechischen H i s t o r i k e r , IIA (Leiden, 19oT] Latyschev, B a s i l i u s . Inscriptiones Antiquae Orae Septentrion-a l i s Ponti Euxini Graecae et Latinae, I (Hildesheim, 196$ [191675 Pli n y , Natural History, with an Engl i s h t r a n s l a t i o n by H Rackham (Loeb C l a s s i c a l Library, Cambridge, 1961) 106. Polybios, H i s t o r i e s , with an English t r a n s l a t i o n by W.R. Pat-on (Loeb C l a s s i c a l Library, Cambridge, i960) Strabo, Geography, with an English t r a n s l a t i o n by H.L. Jones (Loeb C l a s s i c a l Library, Cambridge, i960) Theophrastos, Enquiry into Plants, with an English t r a n s l a t i o n by S i r Arthur Hort (Loeb C l a s s i c a l Library, Cambridge, 1961) Thucydides, H i s t o r l a e . edited by Henry Stuart Jones (2 vols., Oxford, 1%2) Xenophon, Anabasis, with an English t r a n s l a t i o n by C.L. Brown-son (Loeb C l a s s i c a l Library, Cambridge, 1961) I I . Modern Sources. Boardman, John, "Greek Archaeology on the Shores of the Black Sea," Archaeological Reports, 1962-3, pp. 3I4.-51. Boardman, John. The Greeks Overseas (Harmondsworth, 1961*) Burn, A.R. "Dates i n Early Greek History," Journal of H e l l e n i c  Studies, LV (1935), PP.133-136. Carpenter, Rhys, "Greek Penetration of the Black Sea," American  Journal of Archaeology, LII (19^8), P P . 1-10. Casson, L i o n e l , Ships and Seamanship i n the Ancient World (Pr inc e ton, 1971) 107. Cook, R.M., " I o n i a and Greece i n the E i g h t h and Seventh Cent-u r i e s B.C.," J o u r n a l of H e l l e n i c S t u d i e s , LXVI (191*6), pp. 67-98. Graham, A . J . , Colony and Mother C i t y i n A n c i e n t Greece (Man-c h e s t e r , I96I*) Great B r i t a i n , M e t e o r o l o g i c a l O f f i c e , T a b l e s of Temperature (London, 1958) H i r s t , G.M.,"The C u l t s of O l b i a , " J o u r n a l of H e l l e n i c S t u d i e s XXII (1902), pp. 21*5-267. Hooson, D a v i d J . , The S o v i e t Union (London, I966) L e a f , Walter, "The Commerce of Sinope," J o u r n a l of H e l l e n i c  S t u d i e s , XXXVI (1916), pp. 1-15. L e v i , E . I . , 0 1 ' v i i a : Temenos 1 Agora (Moscow, 1961*) M e r i t t , Benjamin Dean, H.T. Wade-Gery and Malcolm F r a n c i s McGregor, The At h e n i a n T r i b u t e L i s t s (1* v o l s . , Cambridge 1939-1953) Minns, E l l i s H., "The a r t of the N o r t h e r n Nomads," Pr o c e e d i n g  of the B r i t i s h Academy, 19l*2, pp. l*7-8l. Minns, E l l i s H., S c y t h i a n s and Greeks (New York, 1965 c;1913j ^  Minns, E l l i s H., " T h i r t y Y e a r s of Work at O l b i a , " J o u r n a l of H e l l e n i c S t u d i e s , LXV (191*5), pp. 109-112. Mongait, Alexander, Archaeology i n the U . S . S . R . , t r a n s l a t e d from the Russian by David S k i r s k y (Moscow, 1959) 108. Rice, Tamara Talbot, The Scythians (London, 1957) Roebuck, Ca r l , Ionian Trade and Colonization (New York, 1959) Rostovtzeff, M., "Greeks i n South Russia," vAmerlean Journal of  Archaeology, XLIII (1939), P.308. Rostovtzeff, M., Iranians and Greeks i n South Russia (Oxford, 1922) Tod, Marcus N., A Selection of Greek H i s t o r i c a l I n s c r i p t i o n s , II (Oxford, i^B) Waldhaver, 0., "A Black-Figured Hydria of the Polygnotan Per-i o d , " Journal of H e l l e n i c Studies, XLIII (1923), pp. 170-17FI 109. APPENDIX I l l u s t r a t i o n s of NORTH EUXINE ART 11U. FIGURE 1 COSTUME OF THE NORTH EUXINE COAST. CREEK TERRA COTTA FOUND IN THE CRIMEA (AFTER MfNNS) I l l ABOVE, THET GOLD STAG FROM THE KUBAN; BELOW, THE KUL OBA STAG-, (AFTER BOARDMAN, p|. 23) FIGURE 113. F I G U R E 5 GOLD FISH FROM VETTERSFELD (AFTER, BOARDMAN) 111*. ( A F T E R M I N N S / H 5 . FIGURE 8 BRONZE: COINS OF OLBIA (AFTER HIRST) FrGURE 9 BONE BUCKLE FROM OLBIA ( A F T E R MOHGAir) 116. 

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