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Rural-urban migration as an aspect of regional development policy : Jamaica examined as a case study 1970

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RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION AS AN ASPECT OF REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT POLICY: JAMAICA, EXAMINED AS A CASE STUDY by BLOSSOM ADOLPHUS B. A. (Hons.) University of Toronto, Toronto 1966 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts i n the School of Community and Regional Planning We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1970 In presenting this thesis in pa r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree tha permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. School of *m&$m<kk#l Planning The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada D a t e May, 1970 ABSTRACT The purpose of the study i s to substantiate and document the notion that a comprehensive planning p o l i c y f o r integrated socio-economic development aimed at solving the underlying problems of the r u r a l "push" factors would y i e l d more e f f e c t i v e solutions to rural-urban migration as a generic issue i n developing regions than measures already proposed i n these regions. The premise was examined within the context of the e x i s t i n g Government measures geared to make r u r a l l i v i n g more a t t r a c t i v e i n the developing country of Jamaica, West Indies. Based on a review of rural-urban migration i n Latin America, of which Jamaica i s a part, i t i s indicated that the movement has reached unprecedented l e v e l s . The impov- erished economic and s o c i a l conditions of the countryside are r e a l as evidenced by the ever increasing flow of rural-urban migration mainly to one urban area. The c i t i e s are unable to employ a l l t h e i r inhabitants and consequently various measures of r a i s i n g the l e v e l of r u r a l l i v i n g have been introduced. In Latin America the p r i n c i p a l focus has been on land tenure and colonization but these have always f a l l e n short of t h e i r aim. Such schemes need groupings of people into urban centres f o r t h e i r success. Bolder attempts at coordination of measures at the national and l o c a l l e v e l are v i t a l . The case study of Jamaica reveals that r u r a l to urban i i migration has become an increasingly important phenomenon. The main currents have meant a movement to the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area. However, the rate and volume of the movement f a r exceed the current absorptive capacities of t h i s area and t h i s has created problems pertaining to under-employment, housing shortages and certain s o c i a l i l l s . Faced with these problems, the Government of Jamaica has, since 193#, i n i t i a t e d measures to halt the growing trek of r u r a l population to the c i t y . The Land Settlement scheme involving the d i s t r i b u t i o n of small plots of land to the r u r a l population, previously introduced i n the l##©*s, was vigourously pursued a f t e r 1 9 3 8 . Since the 1 9 4 0 's, however, the main area of concentration of p o l i c y switched to measures f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the h i l l s i d e s and improvements with the land. These have been implemented through the Farm Improvement Scheme, 1947; the Land Authorities Law, 1951; the Farm Recovery Scheme, 1 9 5 1 ; the Farm Development Scheme, 1955; the A g r i c u l t u r a l Devel- opment Programme, I 9 6 0 and the Farm Production Programme i n 1 9 6 3 . Improvements to the s o c i a l environment have been mainly through the S o c i a l Development Commission and the U-E Glubs. While the schemes have been instrumental i n increasing t o t a l area under c u l t i v a t i o n they have been f a r from successful i n r a i s i n g r u r a l l e v e l s of l i v i n g with the aim of controllingrrural-urban migration. They were only i i i concerned with issues r e l a t i n g to the land with i n s u f f i c i e n t thought f o r the people who occupied that land. The attempts made by the S o c i a l Development Commission have achieved l i t t l e , i f any, success i n stemming r u r a l flows. This thesis reveals a formidable gap between these government measures and what r u r a l Jamaica requires. The needs of the l a t t e r are non-agricultural i n nature and revolve about the provision of modest urban services which have become a normal feature of d a i l y l i v i n g . I t i s con- cluded that t h i s could be achieved through a system leading to the "rurbanization" of r u r a l Jamaica—a process that would create an urban environment but at the same time would not be t r u l y urban. A l l the basic services and amenities would be provided and concentrated i n selected e x i s t i n g centres. These "rurban" centres arranged i n an integrated manner would have advantages that would serve to f a c i l i t a t e the transformation of r u r a l areas into stable s o c i e t i e s , and i n addition a s s i s t the process of moderni- zation which Jamaica i s now undergoing. For best r e s u l t s the island must be divided into regions. It i s concluded that the Town Planning Department of Jamaica should guide the physical planning of these settlements as i t i s already charged with the necessary powers. The solution has implications not only f o r Jamaica but also f o r other developing regions. Plans f o r r u r a l i v reconstruction aimed at curbing rural-urban migration i n these areas need to give a more prominent place to basic urban factors than has been customary i n the past. An urban environment i s necessary f o r the modernization process the regions are now pursuing. v TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE. ABSTRACT i i . TABLE OF CONTENTS v i . LIST OF FIGURES i x . LIST OF TABLES x. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x i . CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION 1 General Introduction 1 The Purpose of the Study 3 Scope of the Study 4 Planning and Rural-Urban Migration 4 The Significance of the Problem to Jamaica .. 12 Hypothesis of the Study 15 De f i n i t i o n of Terms 15 Organization of the Study 16 CHAPTER 2 - URBANIZATION AND RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION IN LATIN AMERICA 1# Introduction 1$ Growth of Urban Population 19 The Causes of Urban Growth 22 Rural-Urban Migration i n Latin America 27 Migration S e l e c t i v i t y 27 v i Pattern of Migration 29 Causes of Rural-Urban Migration .. 31 Ef f e c t s of Rural-Urban Migration 36 Measures to Balance Rural -Urban Migration ... 38 Summary 42 CHAPTER 3 - RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION IN JAMAICA 44 Introduction 44 Extent of Rural-Urban Migration 48 S e l e c t i v i t y of Migrants 52 Migration Patterns 53 Causes of Rural-Urban Migration 54 Measures to Control Rural-Urban Migration ... 70 Summary 79 CHAPTER. 4 - THE FAILURE OF MEASURES TO MAKE RURAL LIVING MORE ATTRACTIVE 82 Introduction 82 The Land Settlement Programme #2 Post World War II Schemes 8? Social Development Commission 91 Genuine Needs of Rural Jamaica 94 Summary 98 v i i CHAPTER 5 - A PROPOSED SOLUTION FOR STABILIZING RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION IN JAMAICA ..... 100 Introduction "100 Adoption of Incomes Policy 102 Location of Industry i n Rural Areas 106 Solution 110 Summary 121 CHAPTER 6 - IMPLICATIONS OF THE HYPOTHESIS FOR DEVELOPING REGIONS 124 Summary 129 BIBLIOGRAPHY 131 v i i i LIST OF EIBUBESATIONS AFTER FIGURE PAGE 1 MIGRATION INTO THE KINGSTON AND ST. ANDREW AREA, 1921-1943 4 9 2 MIGRATION INTO THE KINGSTON AND ST. ANDREW AREA FROM THE COUNTRY, 1959 51 3 KINGSTON - ST. ANDREW: INTENSITY OF IMMIGRATION BY CONSTITUENCIES, 1959 51 4 INTENSITY OF OUTMIGRATION,1959 51 i x LIST' OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1 DECENNIAL INCREASE IN URBAN AND RURAL POPULATION IN LATIN AMERICA 1920-1960 20 2 URBANIZATION DUE TO MIGRATION IN SELECTED LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES 26 3 ANNUAL RATES OF MIGRATION TO URBAN AREAS OF SEVERAL LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES (1938-1963.) 28 4 4 JAMAICA: GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT AT FACTOR COST (CURRENT PRICES) FOR SELECTED YEARS . 46 5 NET MIGRATION BY SEX INTO THE KINGSTON AND ST. ANDREW METROPOLITAN AREA 53 6 REASONS FOR MIGRATING FROM THE VILLAGE OF TOP ALBANY, ST. MARY 56 7 REASONS FOR REMAINING IN THE VILLAGE OF TOP ALBANY, STL MARY 58 8 NUMBERS OF FARMS BY SIZE GROUPS AND - PERCENTAGE TOTAL IN EACH GROUP: 1942, 1954, 1961 67 9 ACREAGE OF LANDS IN FARMS BY SIZE GROUPS AND PERCENTAGE TOTAL IN EACH GROUP: 1961 . 68 10 SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF FARMS ON LAND SETTLEMENTS, 1961 72 11 DEVELOPMENTS VILLAGERS WOULD LIKE TO SEE IN TOP ALBANY 9 5 x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many persons deserve gratitude f o r t h e i r special contributions to t h i s t h e s i s . Among these, I wish to express thanks e s p e c i a l l y to Dr. Craig Davis f o r his guidance and constructive c r i t i c i s m s ; Dr. H. Peter Oberlander f o r his he l p f u l suggestions; my f r i e n d , Jeniphier Nevers, a Jamaican, whose response to my proposed solution was of great importance to me; the many v i l l a g e r s of Top Albany who f r e e l y t o l d of the problems encountered i n t h e i r v i l l a g e ; the members of various departments of the Government i n Jamaica who w i l l i n g l y spoke to me and provided the necessary data without which the study could not have been done; and also Mrs. D. Van Tine who typed the paper. F i n a l l y , I am grateful to the Government of Jamaica f o r sponsoring my two-year study programme at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. x i CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION General Introduction Urbanization i s a world phenomenon which transcends natural boundaries and has been increasing p a r t i c u l a r l y since World War I I . This phenomenon represents a dramatic break with t r a d i t i o n a l habits, e s p e c i a l l y i n developing countries whose his t o r y b a s i c a l l y has been r u r a l . Con- vincing empirical evidence l i e s i n demographic f a c t o r s — factors r e l a t i n g to the population increase i n c i t i e s . 1 The most important of these i s i n t e r n a l migration, and i n p a r t i c u l a r , rural-urban migration. This movement has not only demographic but also socio-economic i m p l i - cations and i t s e f f e c t s are more serious i n the developing countries than i n the developed areas. 2 Although the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s implied i n t h i s phenomenon are somewhat si m i l a r to those of the l a t t e r nations, i t s background— 1 Glen Beyer, ed., The Urban Explosion i n Latin America (Ithaca, New York: C o r n e l l University Press, 1967J, P» 9 2 . 2 Toshio Kuroda, "Internal Migration: an overview of problems and studies", of Proceedings of the World Population Conference. 1 9 6 5 , Vol. IV (United Nations Conference on Population, E/conf :41/s, 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 5 0 5 . 2 e c o l o g i c a l pattern, technological standard and the extent of socio-economic development—is e s s e n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t ^ i n the developing countries. In the process, m i l l i o n s of a g r i c u l t u r a l workers are attracted to and t r y to enter the non-agricultural employment but the c i t i e s are more times than not unable to absorb the migrants at the pace at which they a r r i v e . Planners and others have thought in terms of the broad appeal of indus- t r i a l i z a t i o n to absorb the unemployed but Myrdhal maintains that because of the "low l e v e l of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n from which these countries begin, and the rapid population increase, modern industry even i f i t grows at an extremely rapid rate w i l l not be able to absorb more than a small f r a c t i o n of the natural increment i n the labour force f o r decades ahead".4 Realizing t h i s , various developing countries are implement ing several aspects of agrarian reform to a l l e v i a t e the impov- erished economic and s o c i a l conditions of the r u r a l a r e a s — the r e p e l l i n g f a c t o r s . However, the contributions of r u r a l programmes of t h i s nature to economic growth and consequently t h e i r control of rural-urban migration, always the subject of many c r i t i c i s m s , usually f a l l short of t h e i r aim. To Stavenhagen, " r u r a l communities have generally, on the 3 Toshio Kuroda, i b i d . , p. 505. ^ Gfunraar Myrdhal, Asian Drama (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1968), pp. 1202-1203. 3' whole, l o s t more than they have gained?.5 The programmes are usually spasmodic, few i n number, and are car r i e d out in i s o l a t i o n and i n a piecemeal fashion. This does not imply that the measures or the approach are necessarily wrong but they cannot stop at t h i s point i f movement to the urban areas i s to be curbed. However, i t seems reasonable to say that an increase i n such programmes w i l l not r e s u l t i n any substantial improve ments. The process must continue and the developing countries cannot wait u n t i l a higher economic l e v e l i s reached before taking ac t i o n . Thus i t seems reasonable to suggest that no improvements i n the r u r a l sector w i l l have an impact unless they are integrated within an o v e r a l l planning framework. Then and only then—and within the l i m i t s of the economic p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the developing c o u n t r i e s — w i l l the "pushing? character of r u r a l zones be decreased. In short, r u r a l and urban development w i l l move f o r greater balance. The Purpose of the Study The purpose of the study i s to substantiate the premise that e x i s t i n g measures of r a i s i n g l e v e l s of l i v i n g i n r u r a l areas are u n l i k e l y to s t a b i l i z e the 5 J . A. Ponsioen, "An analysis o f — a n d a p o l i c y r e g a r d i n g — r u r a l migration in developing countries", Proceedings of the World Population Conference ,1965, Vol. I f , op. c i t . . p. 519. 4 rural-urban migration. The study w i l l show further that the solution l i e s i n an integrated planning approach on a regional l e v e l . The objective i s to investigate these measures i n Jamaica and to e s t a b l i s h whether or not they are e f f e c t i v e l y integrated within a plan. Scope of Study This study, r e a l i z i n g that generalizations concerning rural-urban migration i n developing countries can be misleading, concentrates on conditions i n Latin America with s p e c i a l emphasis on Jamaica, West Indies. In essence, i t i s an attempt to provide a q u a l i t a t i v e framework and i f the general premise be accepted, then i t can serve as a basis f o r future quantitative studies; without the former, the l a t t e r cannot proceed i n a meaningful fashion. Most of the data used i s secondary, based on books, published documents and a r t i c l e s on the subject. Although there i s a considerable l i t e r a t u r e on urbanization i n L a t i n America, s t a t i s t i c a l studies and available estimates of rural-urban migration are incomplete. There exists also a dearth of empirical studies because the process i s complex and l i t t l e understood. The present study i s t h e o r e t i c a l rather than empirical i n nature. Such studies are valuable i n that they point the way f o r further empirical research, such as the t e s t i n g of the hypothesis i n t h i s paper. Planning and Rural-Urban Migration Throughout most of the history of developing countries, 5 measures to raise the r u r a l l e v e l of l i v i n g have received much les s attention than those used to stimulate industry or reinforce the c i t y — a c l e a r case of an urban bias. However, i n recent years these countries have recognized that r u r a l development exerts a "decisive influence on the urbanization process, while at the same time, i t i s an indispensable adjunct to o v e r a l l development of the country" . 6 To t h i s end, almost a l l countries have drawn up national plans incorporating programmes aimed at closing the conspicuous gap between the urban area and the country- side. Some programmes are very e x p l i c i t , others generalized; some are not designed f o r that purpose but do decrease r u r a l migration; some are only of an experimental nature while others exist at a national l e v e l but are not defined i n the l o c a l context. And, the delegation and success of these i s intimately connected with the e f f e c t i v e decision of the planning sector of the country. In many of the L a t i n American countries, e s p e c i a l l y i n Jamaica, programmes are di s t r i b u t e d among a whole gamut of government, semi-government or independent agencies which never seem to know what the other i s doing. So, besides the problem of i n i t i a t i n g the appropriate measures, there i s t h i s added one of a conspicuous lack of coordination within the administration. 6 P h i l i p Hauser, ed., Urbanization i n Latin America (Paris: UNESCO, 1961) , p. T>2~. 6 Mauser maintains that there i s a v i r t u a l absence of 6 planning i n these countries as i s evidenced by the following: 1. The formulation of detailed plans f o r distant areas, by planning agencies which are more often than not located i n the ca p i t a l s and frequently have l i t t l e relevance to the actual r u r a l s i t u a t i o n . Hence, the fa c t o r of the l o c a l communities playing a s i g n i f i c a n t role i s overlooked. 2. The provision of services are usually made ignoring any f i x e d order of p r i o r i t i e s — e s p e c i a l l y those of an economic nature. Invariably t h i s leads- to adverse effects on the economic development of the countries themselves. 3 . There i s not only a general lack of planning at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s but a great need to encourage planning among the p o l i t i c i a n s and the public.7 This negative approach to planning r e s u l t s no doubt from a lack of universal understanding about the nature of the problems or paths along which solutions mu6t be sought. It would be h e l p f u l f o r predictive purposes to be able to refe r to a model or theory of rural-urban migration i n these developing countries. But the f a c t i s that l i t t l e i s known about the phenomenon. Herrick maintains that: < "urban migration i s usually considered as a series of events occurring i n a dynamically changing economy....Movement from the countryside to the towns, necessary i f s t r i c t l y balanced growth of the two parts of the labour force i s to occur, becomes even more imperative i f an increase i n the size of the i n d u s t r i a l sector i s among the goals of the developing economy. This response of labour to a changing i n d u s t r i a l structure and tp i t s increasing demands f o r factors of production i s usually viewed cheerfully as 7 P h i l i p Hauser, op. c i t . . p. 76 7 evidence of a society's dynamism and economic f l e x i b i l i t y " . # But there i s yet another model i n which rural-urban migration i s an index of stagnation of the economy, r e f l e c t i n g the economic and demographic situations sur- rounding i t . A l l Latin American countries attest to t h i s pattern i n various degrees. Here much of the urban popu- l a t i o n growth has not occurred i n response to economic need f o r the c i t y as there i s a larger population "than i s j u s t i f i e d by the present l e v e l of agriculture and non- a g r i c u l t u r a l productivity".9 The s i t u a t i o n of both models i s paradoxical as i n both the most commonly accepted indexes of economic development—urban migration accompanied by expanding secondary and t e r t i a r y sectors and r e l a t i v e l y contracting primary oneslO—are seen but development i n terms of " i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n " i s occurring i n one but not i n the other. In t r y i n g to achieve some balanced measure of devel- opment, planners have argued on both sides of the coin. Some believe that the rate of urbanization should be slowed down s u b s t a n t i a l l y "and that to a t t a i n t h i s objective, much of the governments attention and investment should be 8 Bruce H. Herrick, Urban Migration and Economic Development i n Chile (Cambridge, Massachusetts: M.I.T. Press, 1965), P. 2. 9 P h i l i p M. Hauser, ed., Urbanization i n Asia and the Far East (Calcutta: UNESCO, 1957), p. 9. 10 Bruce Herrick, op. c i t . . p. 2. 8 directed to r u r a l rather than urban areas. I f r u r a l areas can be made more attractive....people w i l l be less l i k e l y to abandon them f o r c i t y l i f e " . 1 1 Others are sk e p t i c a l as there has been no conclusive evidence to indicate the effectiveness of any country c o n t r o l l i n g or regulating i t s rate of urbanization. And what might well be a most convincing notion i s the argument! that successful economic development i s best carried out i n urban areas. For example, large-scale regional devel- opment plans should stress urban factors more than has been customary i n the past. These debates are related to considerable disagreement as to whether rural-urban migration i s advantageous to Latin America*s development. That the process i s d e t r i - mental i s governed by three arguments.12 F i r s t , the magnitude of migration i s too great because i t r e s u l t s i n a s t r a i n on e s s e n t i a l urban services and reduces the e f f i c i e n c y of the c i t i e s themselves. Second, the s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the migrants, f o r example, educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , do not make f o r easy integration i n c i t y l i v i n g . As such they are said to represent a drag on the economy. Third, the migrants have great d i f f i c u l t i e s i n making s o c i a l and psychological adjustments to the c i t y . True enough, these negative c r i t i c i s m s hold, but 11 Glen H. Beyer, ed., The Urban Explosion i n Lat i n America (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1967), P. 74. 12 Ibid., p. 88. 9 positive arguments can also be found. The process, then, i s very involved and i t i s no small wonder that planners f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to reach useful conclusions. Yet another drawback to planning i s the lack of tested quantitative data to provide the necessary information base f o r the causes of migration so that more appropriate solutions can be found to improve the conditions i n which the migrants are l i v i n g . Theories of causes centre around two sorts of pressures—the "push" and the " p u l l " . As regards the former, the pressure of r u r a l poverty pushes the farmer o f f the land.13 The explanations f o r r u r a l poverty are numerous and include the following: over- population i n r u r a l areas which has implications i n land tenure r e l a t i o n s h i p s , employment and good; scarce oppor- t u n i t i e s i n government and business;14 low a g r i c u l t u r a l productivity determined by lack of education and energy of the c u l t i v a t o r s , "or on land tenure arrangements that f a i l to provide incentives f o r c a p i t a l improvements, or on government price p o l i c i e s that discourage investment i n agriculture";15 s o i l exhaustion, lack of welfare and good transportation.16 13 Bruce H. Herrick, op. c i t . . p. 14. 14 Gerald Breese, Urbanization i n Newly Developing Countries (Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: Prentice H a l l , 1966), P. 80. 15 Bruce H. Herrick, op. c i t . . p. 14. 16 Glen Beyer, e d i , op. c i t . . p. 97. 10 The " p u l l " theory r e s u l t s from the lure of more at t r a c t i v e opportunities of the c i t y . "The economist may tend to think f i r s t of job opportunities or chances f o r increased pay, but opportunities f o r education, entertainment, marriage, or even crime have also been considered i n the l i t e r a t u r e . The p u l l hypothesis can deal even with migration o r i g i n a t i n g from comparatively r i c h r u r a l regions. I t says simply that the attractions of the city...are s u f f i c i e n t to pluck some people out of the r u r a l population and deposit them i n the city'.'"17 However, the dichotomy i s not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . This makes the reasons f o r migration d i f f i c u l t to ascertain, and complicates planning. It i s quite evident that both factors have an impact on rural-urban migration: the "push" reinforced by the " p u l l " . But the nature of the mix between both factors i s ' l i k e ih#* ofehioken and egg" problem.1& The tendency i n Latin America i s to emphasize the "push" f a c t o r as the movement i s greater than employ- ing nt opportunities i n the c i t i e s . Herrick believes the two theories "may be u n i f i e d i n one, i n which urban migration i s a function of expected rural-urban income difference".19 But he goes on to say that t h i s makes the motivation purely economic which omits the l i n k s to 17 Bruce H. Herrick, op. c i t . . p. 14. 18 Irving L. Horowitz, !'Electoral P o l i t i c s , Urbani- zation and S o c i a l Development i n Latin America", Urban A f f a i r s Quarterly. II (March 1967), p. 11. 19 Bruce H. Herrick, op. c i t . f p. 14. 11 achievement d r i v e s . 2 0 These unresolved questions indicate the extent of planning to be done. It i s therefore not s u r p r i s i n g that t h i s aspect of urbanization, has received most attention so f a r as measures and proposals to retard i t are concerned. The r u r a l areas have many disadvantages and as "optimum use of renewal resources i s an important base f o r undertaking socio-economic programme i n developing countries" , 2 1 programmes directed toward r u r a l improvement are e s s e n t i a l . And bearing in mind that viable prospects "f o r future i n d u s t r i a l expansion are to a large extent dependent on the incorporation of the r u r a l sectors into the national communities, [and^ the improvement of the standard of l i v i n g or these s e c t o r s . . . i t i s easy to see that industry alone, during the next few years, w i l l not be capable of constituting the great energizing fa c t o r f o r development i n the countries of Latin America".22 I f attempts at solution have been t r i e d and have f a i l e d and i f conditions worsen, then more dr a s t i c ones may seem not only acceptable but appealing as the way out of an impossible s i t u a t i o n . But they cannot be carried out i n i s o l a t i o n and future plans had best take cognizance of the f a c t that they cannot now be concerned with the 20 p 0 r example, the desire to give t h e i r children better education and to take advantage of medical f a c i l i t i e s and other c u l t u r a l aspects of the c i t y . 21 Lawrence W. Bass and S. J . Langley, " U t i l i z a t i o n of Renewable Resources as a Stimulus f o r Socio-Economic Devel- opment", Proceedings of the World Population Conference, 1965, Vol?. I l l , op. c i t . . p. 312. 22 Claudio V e l i z , Obstacles to Change i n Latin America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 81. 12 welfare of the migrants themselves but rather with that of the whole society in which they l i v e . Planners cannot emphasize urban development at the expense of r u r a l areas. And the l a t t e r must be conceived as a whole unit to be linked with urban p o l i c y making for national integration. The Significance of the Problem to Jamaica Alarmed by the d r i f t to urban areas, the Government of Jamaica, since the 1 9 3 0 f s , has i n i t i a t e d various measures f o r r a i s i n g the l e v e l of l i v i n g i n r u r a l areas, and hence making l i f e i n the country parts more a t t r a c t i v e . An overview of these demonstrates the use of necessary tools possessed by the Government which could y i e l d more e f f e c t i v e development objectives i n the r u r a l areas. Among several national plans, that of the Five Year c Independence Plan 1963-1968 stands out as befng the f i r s t to embody a methodical survey of expected production targets i n the private sector. ?TThe Plan involves the integration of the e f f o r t s of the Government and of the private sectors into a set of o v e r a l l goals. The plan involves the i n t e r a c t i o n of development i n d i f f e r e n t sectors of the economy."23 i n addition, i t recognizes the need f o r comprehensive planning on a long term basis to "achieve rapid and balanced development and avoid 23 Jamaica: Ministry of Development and Welfare, Five Year Independence Plan 1 9 6 3 - 1 9 6 3 : A longjberm development programme f o r Jamaica (Kingston: The Government Pri n t e r , 1963), before p. 1 . 13 wastage and duplication''. 24 One of the Plan's major goals i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n places an emphasis "on the provision of economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l services mainly f o r the benefit of those sections of the community where the need i s greatest and where the demand f o r improvement has been c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d i n discontent and unrest over the years. This w i l l be p a r t i c u l a r l y directed towards the r u r a l a g r i c u l t u r a l economy i n a determined e f f o r t to reduce r u r a l migration to over-crowded towns".25 This i t i s hoped would r e s u l t i n development gains through the minimization of discontent which i t accepts as a deterrent to development. 2 0 However, the problem according to Walters i s , and the writer agrees, that "national planning i n Jamaica has been organized on a sectional basis without emphasis on the proper relationships between a l l sectors of the economy. This has had the e f f e c t of de-emphasizing the importance of agriculture i n the economy"27 and hence has contributed to the lag i n the r u r a l areas. Nor does the plan provide f o r any great d e t a i l at the l o c a l l e v e l . 24 I b i d . 25 Ibid., p. 51. 2 6 Ibid., p. 51. 27 Norma Walters, "Land Settlement Schemes in Jamaica" (Unpublished M. A. Thesis i n Geography, M c G l l l University, 1966), p. 86. 14 The plan also recognizes the multiple-service approach to community development i n order to a s s i s t i n upgrading the prospect of v i l l a g e l i f e . This means that "the same v i l l a g e where l i t e r a c y classes are organized should at the same time receive home economics t r a i n i n g , organize dance presentations, etc....(involving) the whole community i n various ways and creating the necessary impact £hat generates a f e r t i l e community charged with a c t i v i t y and the desire to succeed".23 However, i t does not provide a detailed and w e l l - integrated framework as to how t h i s section of the plan can be best carried out. Agencies engaged i n r u r a l devel- opment are myriad: A g r i c u l t u r a l Extension Services, Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l Society, the Jamaica S o c i a l Development Commission, 4-0 Clubs and Sugar Industry Labour Welfare Board are only a few. Usually^ i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d duplication of services which leads to great i n e f f i c i e n c y i n programmes.29 And planning i n programmes f o r agriculture i s at best land oriented. Fortunately, the need torplan f o r r u r a l areas to curb the out-migration to the urban areas, has been r e a l i z e d by the Government and stated i n various plans. However, as the main concern appears to be v i l l a g e improvement pro- grammes, i t i s obvious that what i s lacking here i s a 28 Jamaica, Ministry of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . p. 137. 29 Rene Dumont, Planning A g r i c u l t u r a l Development. Report to the Government of Jamaica (Rome: FAO of the United Nations, 1963), p. 27. 15 comprehensive planning approach. In spite of a l l the mistakes made, the writer believes that i t i s fe a s i b l e within the p r e v a i l i n g conditions on the island to integrate measures of c o n t r o l l i n g urban migration within a t o t a l planning framework. The i s l a n d must s t r i v e toward t h i s as i t has to make the best, use of i t s l i m i t e d resources. Hypothesis of the Study The hypothesis of the study can be stated as: A comprehensive planning p o l i c y f o r integrated socio-economic development aimed at solving the underlying problems of the r u r a l "push" factors would y i e l d more e f f e c t i v e solutions to r u r a l - urban migration as a generic issue i n developing regions than measures already proposed i n these regions. This hypothesis w i l l be tested within the context of ex i s t i n g Government measures i n Jamaica. Def i n i t i o n s of Terms The following meaning i s given to various terms i n t h i s Thesis: Rural to Urban Migrants: - Those people who move from area:s s t a t i s t i c a l l y c l a s s i f i e d as r u r a l to those s t a t i s t i c a l l y c l a s s i f i e d as urban. Urbanization: - The process whereby an increasing proportion of a country's population l i v e i n urban l o c a l i t i e s . Degree of Urbanization: - The proportion of the population resident i n urban places. 16 Urban Areas: - Excluding Jamaica, those conglomerates urban i n character possessing over 20,000 people. Rural Areas: - Excluding Jamaica, those areas having less than 20,000 people. Latin America: - Embracing a l l lands south of the Mexico-United States boundary including the Caribbean Islands. Organization of the Study In Chapter 2 a review i s made of the l i t e r a t u r e dealing;.!: with the contribution of rural-urban migration to urbanization i n Latin America, of which Jamaica i s a part. It w i l l demonstrate the alarm caused by the extent of the movement and, i n addition, the causes leading to such an exodus. I t w i l l also give the measures i n i t i a t e d to deal with t h i s urgent problem and t h e i r l i m i t e d success i n c o n t r o l l i n g r u r a l flows to the already overcrowded c i t i e s . The following three chapters introduce the main theme of the study which i s a detailed examination of r u r a l - urban migration i n one country of Latin America—the island of Jamaica, West Indies. Chapter 3 i l l u s t r a t e s f o r t h i s case study the extent of i t s rural-urban migration, the destination of i t s migrants, the s e l e c t i v i t y patterns and the causes f o r leaving the r u r a l areas. In addition, the e x i s t i n g government measures aimed at reducing the r u r a l "push" factors with a view to making r u r a l l i f e more a t t r a c t i v e , w i l l be be discussed. 17 Chapter k w i l l be an evaluation of these e x i s t i n g government measures i n order to show t h e i r inadequacy i n c o n t r o l l i n g rural-urban migration as stated i n the hypothesis of the study. To complete the analysis, Chapter 5 w i l l propose a solution f o r attacking the underlying problems of the r u r a l "push" factors i n Jamaica. Chapter 6 gives the implications of the hypothesis f o r developing regions. CHAPTER 2 URBANIZATION AND RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION IN LATIN AMERICA Introduction The growth of urbanization i n Latin America has been phenomenal. In 1950 and again i n I960 the percentage of i t s urban p o p u l a t i o n —2 5 $ and 32$ respectively—was above the average f o r the wor l d ' s —2 1 $ and 2 4 $ - 2 5 $ * -respectively— yet i t i s less urbanized than the developed c o u n t r i e s . 2 However, within Latin America there are differences i n the levels of urbanization. The degree of urbanization ranges from 11.6$ i n Honduras (1961) to 5 7 . 5 $ i n Argentina ( I 9 6 0 ) . 3 The l a t t e r , together with Chile ( 5 4 . 7 $ - 1 9 6 0 ) and Uruguay ( 4 9 . 5 $ - 1 9 6 3 are the most urbanized and exhibit a degree of urbanization greater than that of every other region of the world except A u s t r a l i a and New Zealand. 5 Next i s 1 Gerald Breese, op. c i t . . p. 3 3 . 2 Ibid., p. 3 3 . 3 John D. Durand and C. A. Palaez, "Patterns of Urbanization i n Latin America" i n fhe Role of Migration i n the Demographic Development of La t i n America, ed. by Louis J . Ducoff, Millbank Memorial Fund Quarterly. XGTII, (October 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 1 7 2 - 1 7 3 . 4 Ibid., p. 1 7 3 . 5> Gerald Breese, op. c i t . . p. 33 19 Venezuela with 47.2$ (1961) which i s on par with the United States i n t h i s respect. Several other Latin American countries are s l i g h t l y , i f any, less urbanized than some European countries, f o r example, B r a z i l and Mexico are only s l i g h t l y less urbanized than Switzerland and more urbanized than Czechoslovakia.6 L a t i n America, then, i s experiencing an extraordinary trend toward urbanization. And, probably i t s soundest empirical evidence rests i n demographic f a c t o r s — f a c t o r s r e l a t i n g to population increases i n the c i t i e s . Much of the overview which follows relates to the p a r t i c u l a r igp©et graphic aspect of rural-urban migration simply because the new migrants create problems greater than those r e s u l t i n g from natural population increase within c i t i e s . Although migration i s the major matter of concern, i t cannot be considered i n i s o l a t i o n . Any discussion related to i t must of necessity include the growth of urban population i n Latin America, the contribution of migration i n r e l a t i o n to other factors causing increase i n c i t y population, the s e l e c t i v i t y , pattern and causes of migration and the p o l i c i e s adopted to a l t e r i t s volume and d i r e c t i o n . Growth of Urban Population The trend towards urbanization has been both very recent and r a p i d — w i t h i n the l a s t three decades. Up to 6 John D. Durand and C. A. Palaez, op. c i t . . p. 171. 20 the 1920 rs, urbanization was minimal i n B r a z i l , Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic,7 f o r example. However, there are three notable exceptions: Argentina, Chile and Cuba. Here the urbanization process must have been i n i t i a t e d i n the nineteenth century because by the beginning of the twentieth century, the percentages of t h e i r population i n urban places were high: Argentina - 40.5$ (1914); Chile - 27.7$ (1907); Cuba - 24.3$ (1919).^ A general discussion on the growth of urban population i s a hazardous undertaking because of the great v a r i a t i o n of l e v e l s of rates of urbanization. However, some meaningful overview can be made. Urban population increases since the 1920 fs have been s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher than that of the r u r a l areas. Table 1 shows t h i s phenomenon. •Fable 1;9 DECENNIAL INCREASES IN URBAN AND RURAL POPULATION IN LATIN AMERICA 1920-1960 fRough Estimates by Per Cent); 1920-1930 1930-1940 1940-1950 1950-1960 Urban 40 39 61 67 Rural 17 17 16 19 7 Percentages are 11.3, 10.3, 9.2 and 3.5 respectively. Ibid., pp. 172-173. $ From what i s known about contemporary Uruguay, i t can be supposed that there was a s i m i l a r phenomenon• Pan American Assembly on Population, Population Dilemma i n Latin America (Washington: Potomac Book^ 1966J, p. 12. 9 Glen Beyer, ed., op. c i t . . p. 95. 21 Of paramount importance i s the fa c t that while the urban population increased from 39$ (1930-1940) to 61$ (1940- 1950), and again i n 1950-1960, that of the r u r a l areas has tended to remain somewhat stationary. "This i s not because of any f a i l u r e of the r u r a l populations to multiply. On the contrary, the r u r a l populations are increasing very rapidly; but ( i t ) i s outpaced by s t i l l f a s t e r rates i n the towns and c i t i e s . In a word, i n Latin America.... the rates at which towns and c i t i e s are growing are even higher than those f o r the r u r a l d i s t r i c t s . " 1 0 An important feature of urbanization i n Latin America i s i t s r e l a t i v e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . Sixteen of the 22 countries i n L a t i n America have one-half or more of t h e i r urban population concentrated i n one c i t y and a seventeenth country, Chile, was only s l i g h t l y below t h i s r a t i o (47.3$). In two countries (Paraguay and Costa Rica), the largest c i t i e s contained the t o t a l urban population. Jamaica was close behind with 94$ of i t s urban population concen- trated i n the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area. Urbanization i n Latin America i s consequently megalocephalic or exhibits megapolitanism as i t i s concentrated i n the largest or primary c i t y , usually the c a p i t a l . H • Three of the remaining f i v e countries do not conform to t h i s s i t u a t i o n of high primacy: Ecuador, B r a z i l and Colombia. However, the f i r s t two are only p a r t i a l 10 Thomas Lynn Smith, Latin American Population Studies ( G a i n e s v i l l e : University of F l o r i d a Press, I960}, p. 79. 11 John D. Durand and C. A. Palaez, op. c i t . . pp. 172- 173. 22 exceptions because both have two " f i r s t " c i t i e s of nearly equal size, either of which i s larger than the t h i r d city. 1 2 Thus a case of "shared" primacy or marked bicephalic con- centration e x i s t s . Colombia i s apparently the true exception, having by contrast an almost "normal" pyramidal hierarchy. Rates of growth are very high as between 1950 and I960 the urban population i n large c i t i e s increased from 25$ to 32$ of the t o t a l population.13 I f the urban concentration has been so conspicuous and as i t i s destined to be main- tained or increased, the next question i s why such an explosive urbanization i s taking place. The Causes of Urban Growth The increases i n c i t y population have resulted from a combination of migration from abroad, natural increase (excess of births over deaths) and i n t e r n a l migration. (a) Immigration Pr i o r to the 1 9 3 0 ts, immigration from abroad was the p r i n c i p a l source of population growth i n some of the largest c i t i e s , f o r example Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, 12 In B r a z i l , Rio de Janeiro with over 3 m i l l i o n and Sao Paulo with 2.5 m i l l i o n compare with Recife and i t s 7 0 0 , 0 0 0 . The d i f f e r e n t i a l i n Ecuador i s between Guayaquil (266,637) and Quito (212,135) and Guenca ( 4 2 , 0 0 0 h Carr B. L a v e i l . Population Growth and the Development of South America (Washington: Washington University, 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 8. 13 Glen Beyer, ed., op. c i t . . p. 9 3 . 20 Sao Paulo and Montevideo.14 Since then, i t s significance has been minimal and only sel e c t i v e immigration has been occurring. In Argentina and B r a z i l , the two leading countries where immigration was resumed a f t e r World War II (1947-1952), t h i s f a c t o r contributed only 105$ 5 of the post-war upsurge i n population, most of which was i n urban areas. Since 1952 the movement i n these two countries has f a l l e n from annual peaks of 100,000 to about 50,000*6, due i n part to high re-emigration rates. Currently, Venezuela i s the only country showing an upward trend i n an immigration which has made a contribution to c i t y growth. The net gain i n population i s , however, low because a substantial number re-emigrated—62$ between 1950-1955.17 Immigration into Latin America i n the near future i s not l i k e l y to exceed 300,000 1 8 annually, most of whom w i l l go to the three above-mentioned countries. It 14 United Nations, New York, Department of Economic and S o c i a l A f f a i r s , 1957 Report on the World Social S i t u a t i o n (E/CN.5/324/Rev.l), 1957, p. 174. 15 Richard Robbins, "Myth and R e a l i t i e s of International Migration in Latin America", Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social Science. CCCXVI (March 19,58), P. 102. 16 Ibid., p. 102. 17 Louis J . Ducoff, oyl c i t . . p. 128. 18 Richard Robbins, op. c i t . . p. 102. 24 therefore cannot d e c i s i v e l y a f f e c t rapid growth of urban population. (b) Natural Increase Studies i n Latin America indicate that urban f e r t i l i t y rates are lower than r u r a l areas and t h i s pattern i s indeed consistent throughout the world. Without exception, wherever the data are a v a i l a b l e , the r a t i o of children to women i n the reproductive ages, i s lower i n the c i t y than i n the country.19 Not only do the largest c i t i e s have the lowest r a t i o but the difference between them and the smalleyicifciess i s f a r less than that between the c i t i e s i n general and the rest of the country. In short, the gap between c i t i e s of various sizes i s less i n t h i s respect than that between urban and r u r a l areas.20 Urban rates, however, have remained very high.21 Evidence of mortality d i f f e r e n t i a l appears to be l e s s conclusive. However, to judge by reported rates, there i s no marked or consistent difference between c i t y and country. Thus i t can be inf e r r e d that the rural-urban differences i n f e r t i l i t y i s greater than that i n mortality. 19 Thomas Lynn Smith, op. c i t . . p. 47 • 20 Kingsley Davis and Ana Gasis, op. c i t . . Part 2, p. 296. 21 Harley L. Browning, "Recent Trends i n Latin American Urbanization", Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l Science. CCCXVI (March 1958). p. 118. ~~~ 25 As c i t i e s display a b i r t h rate lower than and a death rate equal to or higher than the r u r a l areas, t h e i r natural increase will, be less than the l a t t e r . This f a c t o r therefore cannot explain the rate of increase i n urban areas which frequently i s twice that i n the r u r a l areas. Accurate s t a t i s t i c s are too scant to permit a precise evaluation of the importance of t h i s f a c t o r of urban growth but i t i s sizeable.22 I f immigration i s only of minimal importance at the present time, and natural increase i s s i g n i f i c a n t but not decisive, t h i s can only mean that a substantial movement of population i s under way from r u r a l areas to urban l o c a l i t i e s . (c) Rural-Urban Migration Most studies, despite the l i m i t a t i o n s i n data and rough or crude assumptions, indicate that one-half or more of the urban population increase i s attr i b u t a b l e to migration from the countryside. The findings of a United Nations study indicate that i n 10 Latin American countries f o r the years preceding 1950, rural-urban migration accounted f o r between 40 and 70 per cent of urban growth.23 And the contribution of t h i s f a c t o r f o r 22 Harley L. Browning, op. c i t . . p. 118. 23 P h i l i p Hauser, op. c i t . . p. 110. 26 the decade 1950-1960 has been estimated at a magnitude of 43$ 2^ i n Latin America as a whole—the r u r a l population r e t a i n i n g 51$ of i t s natural increase i n comparison to 63$ f o r the previous decade. Thus the a b i l i t y f o r r u r a l areas to r e t a i n t h e i r increases seem to be dwindling.- A continued 16$ increase postulated per decade u n t i l 198025 seems a conservative estimate f o r appraising the future volume of r u r a l exodus. It i s impossible to give the v a r i a t i o n f o r each Latin American country, i n t h i s overview, so Table 2 has to be very s e l e c t i v e . Table 226 URBANIZATION DUE TO MIGRATION IN SELECTED LATIN AMERICAN COUNTIES Approximate percentage of urban growth due to Intercensal C i t y Period Natural Migration Venezuela 1941- •50 29 71 Colombia 1938- •51 32 68 Dominican Republic 1935- • 5© 35 65 Nicaragua 1940- •50 35 65 Paraguay 1937- •50 45 55 E l Salvador 1930- •50 46 54 B r a z i l 1940- •50 51 49 Chile 1940- •52 53 47 Mexico 1940- •50 58 42 Cuba 1931- •43 74 26 24 Louis J . Ducoff, "The Role of Migration i n the Demo- - graphic Development of Latin America", i n Louis J. Ducoff, ed., op. c i t . . p. 202. 25 Ibid., p. 203. 26 P h i l i p Hauser, op. c i t . . p. 110. 27 I t can be seen that rural-urban migration i s a powerful force and the increase of urbanization takes place at the expense of the r u r a l population. Careful consideration of i t s causes and impact must now be analyzed. Rural-Urban Migration i n Latin America S t a t i s t i c s and documents on rural-urban migration i n Latin America are scarce and fragmentary. However, enough exis t to assemble s a t i s f a c t o r y information on the process. To i d e n t i f y factors r e l a t i n g to i t s s e l e c t i v i t y , pattern, causes, implications and measures of control are the objectives of t h i s section. Migration S e l e c t i v i t y Who moves into the urban areas? Comparison by sex indicates that there i s a greater trend toward female migration than male migration i n Latin America, except with the Andean Indians, where males predominate.27 Table 3 i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s difference and i t i s most marked i n the Central American countries of Costa Rica, Panama and E l Salvador. Migration consists mainly of young adults between 15 and 3928 years of age with the highest mobility occurring 27 Gerald Breese, op. c i t . . p. 83. 28 United Nations, Population Branch, Demographic Aspects of Urbanization i n Latin America {E/CN.12/604J, 1958, p. 2. 28 fable 3 29 ANMJAL RATES OF MIGRATION TO URBAN AREAS OF SEVERAL LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES (1938-1963) Annual Rates {%) of Migration of People 10 or more years of age at End of Period Country and Period of Time Male Female Urban Area Chile (1952-1960} 1.6 1.7 Costa Rica (1950-63) 0.7 1.2 E l Salvador (1950-61) 0.7 1.0 Panama (1950-60) 1.7 2.2 Nicaragua (1950-63) 1.3 1.5 Colombia (1938-51) 2.8 3.2 Venezuela (1941-50) 3.7 3.7 between 15 and 29 y e a r s . J U Herrick explains t h i s s e l e c t i o n by sta t i n g that i t i s the task of the oncoming generation to adapt to the s o c i a l and economic changes taking place. "Where these changes require a s h i f t of population, i t i s the younger, more f l e x i b l e and less burdened members who re-examine the d i s t r i b u t i o n a l imbalance and make needed improvements."31 D i f f e r e n t i a l or se l e c t i v e migration by education i s 29 Adopted from Juan C. Eliza g a , op. c i t . f p. 147. 30 Juan C. Eliza g a , "Internal Migrations i n La t i n America", i n Louis J . Ducoff, ed., op. c i t . . p. 150. 31 Bruce H. Herrick, op. c i t . . p. 71. 29 most inconclusive. Some maintain that there i s a q u a l i - t a t i v e de-population i n the r u r a l areas as i t i s the more ambitious, l i t e r a t e and educated who leave. On the other hand, a sizeable proportion of the poor, the landless and the i l l i t e r a t e farmers have migrated. Thus i t appears that there i s no clear-cut generalization as to whether migration selects the l e a s t able or the most able. The migrants include representatives of various s o c i a l s t r a t a and the man with r e l a t i v e s or friends i n the c i t y seems more l i k e l y to migrate than the man with none. Pattern of Migration Even le s s iskknown about the pattern of migration but a few studies exist today which reveal more s p e c i f i c know- ledge than that gained from n o n - s c i e n t i f i c observation i n previous years. Elizaga points out that the volume of migration decreases with distance and that migrants from urban centres traverse longer distances than migrants from r u r a l areas.3 2 How much of t h i s involves a multi-stage process going from r u r a l to very small towns then to larger urban centres and f i n a l l y to the primate c i t y i s highly debatable. There i s some evidence of t h i s step migration i n C h i l e , Argentina, Venezuela and Uruguay,33 f o r example. In these 3 2 Juan C. Elizaga, op. c i t . . p. 163. 33 Marshal Wolfe, SRural Settlement Pattern and S o c i a l Change", La t i n American Research Review. 1 ( F a l l , 1965), p. 19. 30 countries the r u r a l people o r d i n a r i l y migrate d i r e c t l y to the nearby small towns (less than 2 0 , 0 0 0 } whereas the inhabitants of these towns leave f o r the larger centres. This type of movement contributes to the t r a n s i t i o n from dependence on a g r i c u l t u r a l work to a d i s p o s i t i o n to t r y anything. In a while these small towns have l i t t l e to o f f e r the migrant and he i s then ready f o r the next move or step to larger urban areas, his place presumably being taken by migrants from r u r a l areas.34 This staging process a s s i s t s i n quick adaptation of the migrant to the larger c i t y environment. This argument has been disputed by Harley Browning, who believes that migration does not proceed i n t h i s step- fashion. For example, in Mexico and Ecuador the r u r a l migrants often by-pass the intermediate forms of non- a g r i c u l t u r a l and semi-rural employment to become a factory worker i n the big c i t y . 3 5 i t appears also that there i s a cer t a i n amount of " f l o a t i n g " migrants who go from c i t y to c i t y hoping to f i n d t h e i r niche. "Push-back" migration from the c i t y i s not common and seems to exist only i n a c r i s i s s i t u a t i o n . The violence and economic disorganization following the B o l i v i a n rev- o l u t i o n i n 1952, f o r example, did t r i g g e r a back-to-the- 34 This migratory turnover of small towns may i n part be responsible f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e to develop. 35 R. M. Morse, "Latin American C i t i e s : Aspects of Function and Structure" i n Regional Development and Planning, ed. by J . Friedman and W. Alonso, 1964, p. 3 7 0 . 31 farm movement. 36 Causes of Rural-Urban Migration Basic to an understanding of the process i s an appreciation of the factors which induce r u r a l residents to move. However, they are a subject of speculation and is o l a t e d studies by s o c i o l o g i s t s and economists. Essen- t i a l l y the reasons may be l o g i c a l l y divided between two categories, economic and non-economic. Economic reasons f o r migrating include the following: poverty of v i l l a g e , labour c o n f l i c t s i n the v i l l a g e , lack of work, non-possession of property, unproductive land and the desire to improve one's economic s i t u a t i o n . Funda- mentally, these are rooted i n an i n e f f i c i e n t agrarian system, the key factors of which are: 1. The land tenure system which s i g n i f i e s a d i f f i c u l t access to land f o r the r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t . This i s char- acterized by the cone entration of land i n the hands of a few people—the l a t i f u n d i a — a s against the establishment of small property among the great masses of the r u r a l population—the minifundia. 2. Resident workers on these large estates are being uprooted by mechanization and e l e c t r i f i c a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e 3 7 36 Bruce H. Herrick, op. c i t . . p. 28. 3 7 Giorgio Mortara, "Factors A f f e c t i n g Rural-Urban Migration i n Latin America", i n Proceedings of the World Population Conference, IV, op. c i t . . p. 511. 32 thereby augmenting the class of landless workers. 3. Nuclei of small owner-cultivators are being squeezed by growing apportionment because of increase i n family s i z e , s o i l exhaustion and declining demand f o r seasonal labour on the large estates. 4. The l a t i f u n d i a give preference to export crops and do not fur n i s h enough food f o r the population. Reliance on t h i s has heightened v u l n e r a b i l i t y of the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector to fluctuations i n world prices and dec l i n i n g terms of trade i n these primary commodities. But a deterrent to t h i s i s the f a c t that some l a t i f u n d i a are exploited to only a very l i m i t e d extent. Even more serious i s the fac t that quite frequently there i s a lack of c u l t i v a t i o n as the owners are simply waiting f o r specu- l a t i v e v a l o r i z a t i o n of t h e i r respective lands. 5. Agriculture receives only a small s h a r e — l e s s than i t s contribution to the gross domestic product—of the t o t a l public investment.38 Thus attempts have been geared to r a i s e economic production through an expansion of the i n d u s t r i a l sector while assigning a low p r i o r i t y to a g r i - culture. There has also been serious repercussion to the small r u r a l handicraft industries because of imported goods. 6. A g r i c u l t u r a l incomes have been kept low due to 38 J . P . Cole, Latin America, an Economic and S o c i a l Geography (Washington! Butterworths, 1965)', p. 413. 33 p r i c i n g p o l i c i e s because i n an e f f o r t to s t r i k e a balance between farmers and food consuming urbanites, government more often than not have favoured the l a t t e r mainly out of fear of p o l i t i c a l u p r i s i n g i n the c i t i e s . 7. The existence of labour l e g i s l a t i o n , f o r example, trade unions, gives r e g u l a r l y employed urban workers i n La t i n America an important advantage over the r u r a l ones and consequently urban jobs are more secure. Non-economic causes f o r migration, on the other hand, include the following: s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l , psychological, m i l i t a r y , that of in s e c u r i t y , and physical. The s c a r c i t y of a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l service may operate as the s p e c i f i c reason f o r migration. In many r u r a l areas health protection does not e x i s t . There are f i v e times as many physicians i n the capi t a l s and large c i t i e s as i n the rest of the country. Santiago (Chile) has 30$ of the t o t a l population but 64$ of the doctors.39 Usually there are no pharmacists and hospitals can be located miles away. In education, as i n health, there i s a serious imbalance between the services available i n the c i t y and those i n the v i l l a g e . Not only are there no well d i s t r i b u t e d primary and secondary school systems, but the educational f a c i l i t i e s 39 United Nations, International S o c i a l Development Review, No. 1, Urbanization: Development P o l i c i e s and Planning (ST/SOA/Ser X / l ) , 1968, p. 92. 34 are limited40 and not geared to prepare the pup i l f o r r u r a l l i v i n g . There are v i r t u a l l y no i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher learning and as parents, no matter how poor, f e r - vently desire t h e i r children to r i s e to a higher s o c i a l l e v e l through education, they have no alternative but to migrate.M Of a study done on motives f o r rural-urban migration i n Peru, education was the t h i r d reason given out of seven.42 Furthermore, the c a l i b r e of teacher i s low as there i s a great reluctance of q u a l i f i e d teachers to go into these backward r u r a l zones. Often there i s a lack of police and j u d i c i a l services, and when they do e x i s t , protection i s often a farce as they can be influenced by those who dominate the l o c a l scene.43 Other s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l services, f o r example, water, e l e c t r i c i t y , s o c i a l welfare and s o c i a l insurance, l i b r a r i e s and recreational f a c i l i t i e s have r a r e l y penetrated the r u r a l areas. 40 For example, certain r u r a l primary schools i n Mexico o f f e r only two years of education. Ibid.. p. 94. 41 Giorgio Mortara, op. c i t . . p. 512. 42 Jose Matos Mar, Urbanization y Barriadas en America del Sur (Lima: I n s t i t u t o de Estudios Peruanas, 1968)', p. 33. 43 For example, i n Latin America the influence of a large landowner i s more strongly f e l t than i n urban areas where there are several such people. 35 The psychological determinants are more d i f f i c u l t to ascertain and include "the i l l u s i o n s inspired i n country people by the reports they hear of employment.«, in urban opportunities, the less arduous nature of such occupations and the ease with which the worker may move from one job to another" . 4 4 i n a l i k e manner the contempt given to rural labour and the lack of comforts help to strengthen the mirage of urban life» There i s also migration because of m i l i t a r y reasons. To enter t h i s service the entrant must come to the c i t y and t h e i r t r a i n i n g i s so geared that at the end of the process they are stimulated to remain i n the c i t y . The existence of i n s e c u r i t y as a contributing factor i s not unknown. During the Mexican revolution, f o r example, there was a f l i g h t to the c i t i e s f o r safety as l i f e and property were insecure i n the r u r a l areas.45 Physical reasons, f o r example, adverse cl i m a t i c conditions, have been a motivation f o r migration. North- east B r a z i l has been the source of chronic emigration because severe droughts have meant poor crops and pastures. Over and above these reasons are forces which have nourished and sustained migration. These include the development of communications and transport which has not only reduced t r a v e l time and cost but have linked the back-country with Giorgio Mortara, op. c i t . . p. 152. 4-5 George J . Eder, "Urban Concentration, Agriculture and Agrarian Reform", Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l Science. CCGLX (July 19&5). P. 32. 36 the c i t y ; imitation where a follow-my-leader mentality i s the impulse as those remaining believe that they too can f i n d a job; i n e r t i a when migration continues although the conditions creating i t i n the f i r s t place no longer e x i s t ; mass media reaching even the remotest r u r a l back- water i n e v i t a b l y draw r u r a l people into the currents of the modern world; and the demand of urban women for maids and of labour contractors f o r workers on construction jobs. The main causes therefore r e f l e c t poor l i v i n g conditions of r u r a l population and the imbalance r e s u l t i n g from the development of c i t i e s and the complete abandonment of a g r i - culture. Although an attempt has been made here to d i f f e r - entiate between causes of migration, such d i s t i n c t i o n i s more t h e o r e t i c a l than r e a l as there are several factors motivating the migrant. Economic, often the most important, i s not the only one. E f f e c t s of Rural-Urban Migration The role of migration represents normally a better d i s t r i b u t i o n of population to resources and the effectiveness of that r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i s always r e l a t i v e to the absorptive capacities of the areas receiving the migration streams.46 However, i n L a t i n America the movement is. so extensive that i t i s out of proportion to fresh opportunities f o r stable urban employment, e s p e c i a l l y that of i n d u s t r i a l . The c i t y 46 Louis J . Ducoff, op. c i t . . p. 207. 37 then i s unable to absorb a l l the migrants, who often are not s k i l l e d . L atin America represents, therefore, a clear case of an urbanization moving ahead of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n : i n Argentina, Chile, Venezuela and Colombia the index of urbanization was 48.3, 42.3, 31.0 and 22.3 while that of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was 26.9, 24.2, 15.6 and 14.6^7 res- p e c t i v e l y . Some writers describe the si t u a t i o n as "over- urbanization" but others challenge t h i s concept. The surplus labour has been r a p i d l y absorbed i n the t e r t i a r y or "services" sector and has resulted i n what could best be c a l l e d a true " t e r t i a r y " c r i s i s . The Hatio of t h i s sector approaches that of the United S t a t e s — 1.4^ as against 1.5 f o r the l a t t e r country—but they bear l i t t l e resemblance. In the United States the development of services was preceded by great increases i n productivity but i n Latin America expansion of services has preceded rather than followed growth. In addition, i t i s heavily weighed toward the least productive services: domestic service, petty commerce, street vending, home indus t r i e s , etc. As such Latin America i s overburdened with services, which are not central to the functioning of the urban process. 47 United Nations, "Demographic Aspects of Urbaniz- ation i n Latin America", op. c i t . . p. 52. Figures are for census years 1947* 1952, 1950 and 1951 respectively. 48 Harley L. Browning, op. c i t . . p. 116. 38 The c i t y has i n s u f f i c i e n t resources to absorb these migrants. This means that both the government and private enterprise lack the wherewithal to mount %rast housing pro- grammes. Therefore, many new migrants are foreed to b u i l d t h e i r own " c i t i e s " on the periphery of the existingoone, overburdening the e x i s t i n g services. These urban shanty towns or slums are the hallmark of La t i n American c i t i e s from Mexico to Argentina. Nomenclature vary from country to country: "barriada" (Peru), "favelas" ( B r a z i l ) , "callarapa" (Chile), franchos? (Venezuela), " v i l l a s miserias? (Argentina), etc. These settlements r e f l e c t i n g urban subsistence may be viewed as the l a s t stage i n a compli- cated and very imperfectly understood series of migratory pressures s t a r t i n g i n the countryside. There are also impacts on the sending areas. Although the movement leads towards improvement i n the level s of l i v i n g , the older population remaining are not receptive to innovation i n the r u r a l sector. Certain large land- owners are f i n d i n g i t d i f f i c u l t to secure labour while q u a l i t a t i v e l y the area i s worse o f f . Measures to Balance Rural-Urban Migration The preceding pages add up a dark picture of r u r a l l i f e . L a tin American countries have become s u f f i c i e n t l y alarmed to take corrective steps, as a lack of e f f o r t in t h i s d i r e c t i o n would mean that urbanization w i l l have a depressing e f f e c t . Thus the r u r a l lag i s now being attacked 39 by many instruments of po l i c y , among which agrarian reform stands paramount, and so f a r t h i s has embodied land tenure and colonization as i t s major p o l i c i e s . The overcrowding of the older a g r i c u l t u r a l areas under e x i s t i n g conditions of land tenure and production techniques and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of vast acreage of empty land make colonization of these lands one of the f i r s t p r a c t i c a l measures to be undertaken.49 B r a z i l , Peru, Ecuador, Guatemala and Venezuela^ 0 are notable examples but the success of t h i s measure; has been minimal. These resettlement schemes i n the main located farmers so f a r from t h e i r markets that commerce was impossible and i n addition, s o i l f e r t i l i t y was not taken into account. This objection i s not so relevant i n Colombia where f u l l penetration of the eastern jungle has not been attempted or to Venezuela where i t hugs the northern areas i n easy reach of the urban centres. But in Peru, Ecuador and B o l i v i a to a ce r t a i n extent, these areas are f a r removed from the c i t i e s which are the market and the manufacturing centres.51 These s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t "hidden" colonies can hardly rai s e the l e v e l of l i v i n g f o r 49 United Nations, Department of Economic and Social A f f a i r s , 1963 Report on the World S o c i a l Situation (E/CN.5/ 375/Rev. 1), 1963, p. 129. ~ ~" 50 John P. Powelson and A. A. Solow, "Urban and Rural Development i n Latin America", Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l Science. CCCLX (July 1965}, p. 57. 51 i b i d . , p. 53. 40 the r u r a l dweller. The opening of new lands such as these requires very- heavy investments i n roads, forest clearing, building of houses and schools, i n s t r u c t i o n i n new a g r i c u l t u r a l tech- niques, etc. Thus only those experienced i n commercial farming and with c a p i t a l to meet at le a s t part of t h e i r needs u n t i l the farm becomes productive can be delegated as f i t pioneers.52 Mexico has been the most successful country i n these pioneer schemes l a r g e l y through large scale i r r i - gation but although production has increased s u b s t a n t i a l l y the l o t of the small c u l t i v a t o r has remained the same. In recent years colonization p o l i c i e s are c a l l i n g f o r creation of compact planned settlement with f a i r l y elaborate a g r i c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l s ervices. These settlements as yet only include a minute f r a c t i o n of the people, are slow to succeed and become very expensive i n r e l a t i o n to the people involved. Too often these are too p a t e r n a l i s t i c i n aiding the colonist to be self-supporting farmers. The reform of land tenure i n the older a g r i c u l t u r a l areas has been most controversial and at times steeped i n p o l i t i c a l implications. The basic problem here i s to expropriate and s p l i t up the large holdings whereby the "minifundio" c u l t i v a t o r s or landless individuals are to 52 United Nations, 1963, op. c i t . . p. 130 41 receive holdings large enough to enable them to function as e f f i c i e n t family farmers.53 And, most of the reform laws set standards, varying with type of land, f o r the minimum size of economic holdings. However, to the extent that lands are expropriated, land tenure schemes have tended to take only i d l e or poorly c u l t i v a t e d lands and reform laws have usually designated that these must be f i r s t expropriated. Thus the receivers are b e n e f i c i a r i e s of submarginal parcels that w i l l only do very l i t t l e to r a i s e t h e i r standard of l i v i n g . The par- c e l l i n g of productive land i s therefore avoided on the basis of two economic arguments. F i r s t , i t i s said that production would diminish i f there was a change to small units as these could not take advantage of mechanization. But Powelson and Solow maintain that there i s nothing a machine can do that man cannot do equally well with a shovel and a hoe provided that there are enough m e n 5 4 „ - and i n Latin America hands abound. As these large farms have not been responsive to the demands of urbanization, only through family-sized units can r u r a l development be helped. And i n addition to the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of prod- uctive lands, roads to markets, i r r i g a t i o n , education and 53 United Nations, 1963, op. c i t . . p. 131. 54 John P. Powelson and A. A. Solow, op. c i t . . p. 59. 1 42 i c r e d i t schemes are necessary.55 A considerable number of r u r a l projects intended to rais e r u r a l l i v i n g exist throughout Latin America but none of these have been given the resources to operate on a national scale. Often there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t coordination and the presence of the l a t i f u n d i o at times destroy s e l f - help schemes. No one c?an endorse the colonization or resettlement schemes, land tenure changes and community organization as unqualified successes. What was planned was guided somewhat by interpretations of what people were looking f o r in the c i t y but the move to the c i t y continued. Rural reforms cannot be envisaged as a t r a n s i t i o n from unsatisfactory s t a t i c patterns to s a t i s f a c t o r y s t a t i c ones. 56 Such schemes need groupings of people into urban centres f o r t h e i r success. Rural l i f e i s i n d i v i s i b l e and the more they are integrated with each other the better they w i l l function. Summary This chapter has summarized the role of rural-urban migration i n the developing countries of Latin America. Here urbanization stand as v i s i b l e monuments to the neglect of the r u r a l areas. C i t i e s have f a i l e d to relate themselves 55 Ibid., p. 6 0 . 56 Marshal Wolfe, op. c i t . . p. 3 2 . 43 to the countryside and have created a r i g i d and d i s t i n c t l i n e between " r u r a l " on one hand and "urban" on the other. And from a l l evidences, c i t i e s 100,000 and over are con- tinuing to grow more r a p i d l y than the urban population as a whole. The impoverished economic and s o c i a l conditions of the countryside are r e a l as evidenced by the ever-increasing flow of rural-urban migration. But the c i t i e s are unable to employ a l l i t s inhabitants and consequently various measures of r a i s i n g the l e v e l of l i v i n g i n r u r a l Latin America have been introduced. The p r i n c i p a l focus has been on land tenure^and colonization, but these together with any alternative programmes have always f a l l e n short. The thesis has suggested that bolder attempts at coordination of measures at the national and l o c a l l e v e l are e s s e n t i a l . In short, a proper approach i s lacking. In the foregoing analysis an e f f o r t has been made to i d e n t i f y the significance of rural-urban migration i n Latin America. This chapter, then, has provided a general back- ground to set the stage f o r the case study of a smaller unit within L a t i n America—Jamaica, West,Indies. Chapter 3 •I therefore focuses on rural-urban migration i n Jamaica discussing such pertinent factors as: the extent, s e l e c t - i v i t y , pattern and causes of migration and also the e x i s t i n g government measures aimed at c o n t r o l l i n g the ifolow of rural-urban migrants. CHAPTER 3 RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION IN JAMAICA Introduction Jamaica, West Indies, became an independent country with Dominion status within the B r i t i s h Commonwealth i n August 1962. This " i s l a n d nation" l y i n g between 17° 43' and 18° 32* north l a t i t u d e i s about 150 miles long and 50 miles wide across the widest p a r t — t h e t h i r d largest i s l a n d i n the Caribbean Sea. "The present polyglot character of the population which has as i t s motto 'out of many, one people', has i t s origins i n Europe and A f r i c a supplemented by indentured labour brought from Asia a f t e r the ab o l i t i o n of slavery i n the 1830's and by small groups of miscellaneous migrants."1 The population of Jamaica was approximately 1.7 m i l l i o n i n 19612 and the population density 377 persons per square mile^ with the density per square mile of cu l t i v a b l e land nearly twice as high.4 1- International Bank f o r Reconstruction and Development, Current Economic Position and Prospects of Jamaica. 1968, p. 1. 2 Most recent Census. The population of the island i s now estimated at almost 2 m i l l i o n . y Jamaica, Ministry of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . p. 7. 4 International Bank f o r Reconstruction and Development, op. c i t . . p. 1. 45 This "population explosion" has been evidenced since the mid 1 9 4 0 Ts because of reduced mortality rates, brought about through advances i n public health and a progressive r i s e i n b i r t h rates. The Jamaican Government has taken cognizance of the population problem and i s making several attempts to cope with i t . Consequently, the demographic aspects of economic development have been greatly discussed. However, most emphasis has been placed on the rate of popu- l a t i o n growth and on external migration which, e s p e c i a l l y in the 1 9 5 0 's and early 1 9 6 0 fs, assumed high proportions.5' But an aspect of t h i s to which less attention has been paid and no doubt of equal importance both quant i t a t i v e l y and q u a l i t a t i v e l y i s that of i n t e r n a l migration and i n p a r t i c u l a r , rural-urban migration. Over the years, there has been a pattern of i n t e r n a l migration involving a s h i f t of r u r a l population toward certain urban areas and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , eastwards to the Kingston Metropolitan Area where development has been and i s most conspicuous. This has resulted i n an unbalanced s i t u a t i o n because i n the urban areas the rate of economic growth cannot cope with the abnormal growth i n population. Agriculture has been and s t i l l i s the a c t i v i t y i n which the greatest number of persons on the i s l a n d — 5 Nassau Adams, "Internal Migration i n Jamaica: An Economic Analysis", S o c i a l and Economic Studies. XVIII (June 1 9 6 9 ) , p. 137. 46 37$°—depend f o r a l i v e l i h o o d . However, since thell950's there has been a s i g n i f i c a n t broadening of the base of the island's economy. The major i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s (mining, manufacture, construction and i n s t a l l a t i o n ) have increased t h e i r contribution to the Gross Domestic Product to the point where they have exceeded that of agriculture and other primary enterprises (see Table 4). Thus agriculture has tended to lag not i n absolute terms but i n r e l a t i v e terms only. Table 4 7 JAMAICA: GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT AT FACTOR COST (Current Prices) f o r Selected Years (t million)8 1950 1961 1965 1968 Gross Domestic Product £> 70.1 £.244.3 £.297.1 £371.1 Contribution by (a) Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing fe 21.3 (30.8$) & 31.0 (12.7$) £, 34.5 (11.6$) £. 38.0 (10.2$) (b) Mining, Manufacture, Con- st r u c t i o n & I n s t a l l a t i o n fc 13.2 (18.9$) £> 80.0 (33.1$) £105.3 (35.4$) £.139.0 (37.4$) ° Jamaica, Ministry of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . p. 16. 7 Compiled from: (a) Jamaica, Ministry of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . pp. 12-13, and (b) Jamaica, Central Planning Unit, Economic Survey: Jamaica. 1968 (Kingston: The Government Printer, 1968), pp. 15-16. # £. equals $2,595 (Canadian). 47 A l l i n a l l , t h i s expansion i n production has produced a marked improvement i n the average standard of l i v i n g : per capita income at current prices has increased from L47.4 in' 1950 to £.170 i n 19689 i n spite of population growth as high as 3.2$ per annum.1° However, there has been a marked d i s p a r i t y i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h i s prosperity between the main urban centres of the islan d and the r u r a l areas. The data i n Table 4 provides a f a c t u a l basis f o r t h i s observ- ation since a l l the manufacturing operations apart from sugar m i l l i n g , are located f o r the most part i n the Kingston area. There i s the widely held opinion that industries should be located i n other parts of the i s l a n d so as to spread the benefits of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and reduce the flow of migrants to the Kingston Area where the labour market i s oversaturated and urban i l l s well displayed. However, as such a high percentage of the working population are on farms, i t i s not l i k e l y that t h i s s i t u a t i o n w i l l change fundamentally i n the near future, no matter how hard Jamaica t r i e s to indus- t r i a l i z e . The i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n programme, remarkable though i t i s , hassa long way to go before i t can be regarded as an adequate absorbent f o r m i g r a t i o n . ^ 9 Jamaica, Central Planning Unit, op. c i t . . p. 3 . 1° This was the rate between 1950 and 1961. However, i t has been de c l i n i n g since and registered 1.9$ between 1967 and 1968. Ibid., p. 45. 11 Rw. B. Davison, West Indian Migrants (London: Oxford University Press, 19o2), p. 6 4 . " 48 There i s therefore a pressing need f o r the development of the r u r a l sector to provide a higher standard of l i v i n g f o r i t s people, and Shaw maintains that t h i s indeed c o n s t i - tutes i n part a pre-requisite f o r further progress.I 2 A climate needs to be created i n which economic and s o c i a l goals can f l o u r i s h together f o r i t has been implied that there i s a fundamental r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two. True insights into the i n a b i l i t y of the r u r a l areas to hold i t s population can only be gained by examining the forces which have produced the e x i s t i n g condition of rural-urban migration. Extent of Rural-Urban Migration Traces of migration into Kingston were evidenced as early as 1881.13 However, biyc 1921 i t was better defined with a smaller movement to St. Andrew. Kingston gained 10,30014 migrants between 1911 and 1921,15 and the f a c t that the only parish which did not lose population to i t was St. Andrew s i g n i f i e d that at t h i s e arly date the growth of the l a t t e r as a suburban area had already started.16 1 2 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n Action", Kingston, 1964, p. 1 (Mimeographed). 13 w. G. Roberts, The Population of Jamaica (London: Cambridge University Press, 1957)!, p. 142. 14 I b i d . . Table 37, p. 150. 15 The extent of the movement w i l l be discussed between Census years. 1° W. G . Roberts, op. c i t . . p. 149. 49 A l l together, the movement s i g n i f i e d a growing p u l l of an expanding urban area. The most marked expansion enhancing Kingston's population to i t s present l e v e l began i n the 1 9 2 0 ' s . Suburban parts of St. Andrew also grew at a phenomenal rate f o r whereas i n the past Kingston was the main target area, a f t e r 1921 St. Andrew presented the greatest a t t r a c t i o n . Thus between 1921 and 1943 in-migration into St. Andrew t o t a l l e d 4 7 , 5 0 0 while the gain i n Kingston was only 2 1 , 5 0 0 , or less than one- half of that experienced by the former.17 And the decline of Kingston as a r e s i d e n t i a l area i s evidenced by the fact that i t provided the most migrants ( 1 1 , 3 0 0 ) to urban St. Andrew. Eisner maintains that "while the i s l a n d increase i n population was 4 4 . 2 $ , Kingston gained 7 2 . 8 $ and St. Andrew 1 3 4 . 7 $ . This was due....entirely to migration. In f a c t , of the t o t a l resident population of the c i t y i n 1943 , only 4 3 . 5 $ had been born there and i n St. Andrew the proportion was not much higher with 4 9 $ " . 1 8 Be that as i t may, the metropolitan area of Kingston and St. Andrew was well established i n t h i s period, and F i g . 1 gives the main currents of migration. The c i t y had not always been a t t r a c t i v e to migrants. In the early years of the English settlement,19 i t was 17 Ibid., p. 1 5 4 . 18 GUsela Eisner, Jamaica. 1 8 3 0 - 1 9 3 0 : A Study i n Economic Growth (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1 9 6 1 ) , p. 1 8 7 . 19 English settlement began i n 1 6 5 5 . Source: W. G. Roberts, op. cit. p. 157 50 merely the commercial c a p i t a l . During slavery t h i s function gave i t no greater pre-eminence over the administrative c a p i t a l , Spanish Town, probably because a large percentage of the exports (mainly a g r i c u l t u r a l ) and the imports came through minor ports. In f a c t , the c i t y was stagnant a f t e r emancipation as the plantation system declined and the needs of the peasantry were met mainly by subsistence as import duties were high.20 However, during the early years of the Crown Colony Government, Kingston became the administrative c a p i t a l (1872)21 and growth resulted with the expansion of the government services,2 2 the focus of an improved road system, the terminus of the r a i l r o a d , and the export point f o r important minor ccpps of the small farmer.23 Kingston's a t t r a c t i o n waned i n the late nineteenth century with the expansion of banana c u l t i v a t i o n i n the north-east and the emergence of ports i n that region and renewed opportunities abroad leading to emigration. The 1920's witnessed a reversal of the trend with the advent of certain p o s i t i v e f a c t o r s — f u r t h e r c e n t r a l i z a t i o n 20 G. E. Gumper, "Population Movements i n Jamaica 1830-1950", Soc i a l and Economic Studies (September 1956), p. 272. 21 Mary M. Garley, Jamaica, the Old and the New (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1963), p. 152. 22 Gisela Eisner, op. c i t . . p. 187. 23 G. E. Cumper, op. c i t . . p. 272. 51 of communication with the advent of motor transport, decline i n trade of outports and the i n a b i l i t y of the agrarian sector to keep i t s growing population. In addition, growth was fostered by re-emigrants i n the depression y e a r s — 28,000 between 1928-34—many of whom set t l e d in,Kingston. 24 The remarkable fa c t here i s that u n t i l 1938 there was l i t t l e manufacturing i n Kingston and St. Andrew. Consequently, most of the migrants found openings i n domestic services, petty trade or none at a l l . Between 1943 and I960 the magnitude of the movement was s t i l l directed primarily to the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area. St. Andrew, however, s t i l l exerts a greater pull—18,800 as against 4,592 f o r Kingston i n 1 9 5 9 2 5 — and there i s s t i l l a s i g n i f i c a n t migration loss,of Kingston's population to it—5,061 i n 1959. 2 o Figure 2 shows the migration into the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area while Figure 3 gives the main target zones within that area, and Figure 4 i l l u s t r a t e s the i n t e n s i t y of out-migration aireas in Jamaica f o r the year 1959. 2? 24 Ibid., p. 272. 2 5 Kalman Tekse, Internal Migration i n Jamaica. Jamaica. Department of S t a t i s t i c s (Kingston: Jamaica Times Ltd. 1967), Table 6, p. 12. ' 2 6 Ibid.. Table 6, p. 12. 2 ? Figures are based on the period 7 t h A p r i l , 1959 to 7th A p r i l , I960, and referred to as the calendar year 1959. This was estimated from the people enumerated at the l a s t Population Census of 7th A p r i l , I960. 1,272 mi St. Ann 114,360 St. Andrew 2 96,013 Kingston 123>403 KEY 1,000 Migrants Number of. Migrants Population Parish Boundary MIGRATION INTO THE KINGSTON & ST ANDREW AREA FROM THE COUNTRY 1959 10 10 miles Source: Kalman Tekse op. cit. after p. 8. K I N G S T O N - S T A N D R E W A R E A : I N T E N S I T Y O F I M M I G R A T I O N BY C O N S T I T U E N C I E S , 1 9 5 9 Source i Kalmao Tekso op. cit. after p. 16 K I N G S T O N - S T A N D R E W A R E A : I N T E N S I T Y O F IMMIGRATION BY C O N S T I T U E N C I E S , 195 9 Source: Kalman Tekse op. cit. after p. 16 FIG- 4 Number of Outmigrants Per 1,000 Population i i .r- .„ St. Ann 45-49 (Pop.) 50 & over Under 30 35™39• ̂ ^^^^ • AC\ _ AA INTENSITY OF OUTMIGRATiON,1959 Source:. .Kalman Tekse, O P . cit- after p. 12. 52 On an average, migration to urban areas i s twice as intensive as that to r u r a l areas but a s t r i k i n g outcome of t h i s movement was that migration to the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area was never matched by a s i m i l a r growth of other urban areas. Today there remains a trem- endous gap between the second largest town of the island, Montego Bay (23,610) and the major urban area (380,000).28 Consequently urbanization has meant no more than the expansion of the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area. " I t was not part of a general trend towards greater urbani- zation but simply an iso l a t e d movement." Migration was not i n response to the economic " p u l l " of the c i t y as i t was shown that before 1938 there were hardly any f a c t o r i e s and since then economic growth has been i n s u f f i c i e n t to handle the i n f l u x . S e l e c t i v i t y of Migrants In keeping with the trend i n Latin America, rural-urban migration i n Jamaica from the beginning has been predomi- •i nantly a movement of females.(see Table 5). This i s probably connected with the p a r t i c u l a r and peculiar s o c i a l and family structure of the society. It i s a matricentric one and consequently the high mobility of females i s related to a strong desire to become economically active and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t which cannot be f u l f i l l e d i n the face of 28 i 9 6 0 Census of Jamaica. 53 i < r e l a t i v e l y few l o c a l opportunities f o r employment. ; i Table 5 2 9 NET KINGSTON MIGRATION BY SEX INTO THE & ST. ANDREW METROPOLITAN AREA Year Male Female 1911-21 1921-43 1959 5,300 25,600 6,850 9,100 38,800 10 , 7 0 0 The most intensive migration takes place between the ages of 15 to 24 years, with the most mobile years being between 15 to 19^0 f o r both male and female. However, females over 30 years are more apt to migrate than males in that category. The urban area i s the only one i n the isl a n d with a net migration gain of females i n age group 15 to 24 years. The educational l e v e l of migrants i s generally higher than that of those l e f t behind and consequently the processs of r u r a l exodus draws away the "cream" from the countryside. Migration Patterns Roberts suggests that p r i o r to 1921, each parish s u f f e r i n g net losses of population l o s t most to the parishes 29 Compiled from: Kalman Tekse, op. c i t . . Table 7, p. 14 and W. G. Roberts, op. c i t . . Table 37, p. 150 and Table 38, p. 153. 30 Kalman Tekse, op. c i t . . Table 13, p. 19. 54 between i t s e l f and the urban area which suggest that most of the movement was not d i r e c t but took place i n stages.31 This trend, however, has been diverted somewhat since 1921 by the p u l l of MontegoBBay (St. James) as surrounding parishes have l o s t more to i t than the parish nearest the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area. A l l i n a l l , distance plays an important role i n r u r a l - urban migration i n Jamaica. The r e l a t i v e l y small size of the islan d might have led one to ignore t h i s f a c t o r , but Adams i n his study found t h i s an important variable "suggesting that even i n a small country the costs of moving (psychic and f i n a n c i a l ) are not n e g l i g i b l e and vary with distance".32 The migrants* intermediary "steps" are governed by t h e i r pockets and wage income d i f f e r e n t i a l s no doubt determine t h e i r paths. S t a t i s t i c s are hard to come by but there i s a large number, es p e c i a l l y from the eastern parishes who migrate d i r e c t l y to the urban area i n question. Causes of Rural-Urban Migration Before a remedy can be sought to control t h i s movement which i s making f o r an unhealthy expansion of the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area, i t i s necessary to know the reasons f o r migration. The author, r e a l i z i n g that many 31 W. G. Roberts, op. c i t . . p. 152. 3 2 Nassau A. Adams, op. c i t . . p. 150. 55 of these re s t i n the realm of unintegrated speculation, decided to go and t a l k to a sample of inhabitants i n the countryside to ascertain i f and why they were migrating. This was not done with any quantitative analysis i n mind. It was merely to discover the r e p e l l i n g factors from those experiencing r u r a l l i v i n g . The v i l l a g e selected was Top Albany (St. Mary), which i s situated 35 miles from Kingston with a population of approximately inhabitants. Choice of the v i l l a g e was governed by the f a c t that the author i s known i n the area and as such cooperation with the l o c a l f o l k would not be a problem; secondly, i t i s a t y p i c a l r u r a l v i l l a g e , and t h i r d l y , the p u l l of the metropolitan area i s f a i r l y strong thus making f o r better defined motives f o r migration. 34 Of the 47 individuals interviewed by the author, 20 were between the ages 15 to 29 years, 10 between 30 and 39 years, and 17 over 40 years,35 and except f o r three i n d i v - iduals (age 1 5 - 2 9 ) , a l l were employed—2 were students, 1 unemployed. From the t o t a l sample, 21 were d e f i n i t e that they were 33 This figure i s a very rough estimate as the v i l l a g e has no d i s t i n c t boundaries nor f i t s into any one Census D i s t r i c t . 34 This was not a house-to-house survey. Instead i t was conducted from i t s general store which caters to a l l and sundry i n the v i l l a g e . 35 As the primary school leaving age i s 15 years, no one under 15 was questioned. The weighting was a r b i t r a r y but a greater concern was put on the 15-29 age group as migration i s heaviest here. 56 leaving (13 from the group 1 5 - 2 9 ; 4 each from 3 0 - 3 9 and over 40 years) 5. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the majority of the movers support the statement on migration s e l e c t i v i t y made e a r l i e r . Most gave more than one reason f o r migrating. Table 6 gives the reasons f o r migrating i n order of t h e i r r e l a t i v e s i g n i f i c a n c e . Table 6 REASONS FOR MIGRATING FROM THE VILLAGE OF TOP ALBANY, ST. MARY Age Groups 3 0 - 3 9 over 40 Total (a) lack of employment oppor- t u n i t i e s ( e s p e c i a l l y lack of f a c t o r i e s / 7 3 1 11 (b) lack of s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s 3 2 2 7 (c) lack of public u t i l i t i e s (water, better roads, transportation f a c i l i t i e s ) 2 2 4 .(d) lack of educational f a c i l i - t i e s (includes high schools, vocational centres) 3 1 4 (e) lack of land f o r farming 2 1 3 (f) need a change 1 - 1 (g) wants a man to marry - 1 1 The interviewees were very positive in t h e i r r e p l i e s The r u r a l area had very l i t t l e to o f f e r and to hold them. It was very "drab", and according to one informant, " l i f e 57 r e a l l y hard here". For these potential migrants, Kingston and St. Andrew36 would at best allow them to l i v e and not ex i s t , and for the lady who wanted a spouse, a hunt far t h e r a f i e l d was urgent. the remaining 26 who wished to stay i n the v i l l a g e suggested to the author that rural l i f e must be s a t i s f y i n g to a ce r t a i n extent. Why do some stay i f the "push" i s very strong? Table 7 summarizes the reasons f o r staying, and here again i t was a combination of fa c t o r s . It i s important to note how these reasons exert t h e i r influence on s p e c i f i c age groups. The " p u l l " of the r u r a l area, then, i s mainly f o r family reasons. Most of the 15-29 group were mothers and were forced to remain but i n conversation the author got the idea that i f they were not " t i e d " down, they too would be on the move. And of course the possession of farms by the over 40 group freezes t h e i r a b i l i t y to migrate. The reasons f o r remaining are emotional f o r the most part and are quite d i f f e r e n t from those f o r migrating. The circum- stances which contribute to the l a t t e r mean that the r u r a l area does exert a "pushing" ef f e c t on some groups of inhabitants because these circumstances manifest themselves as being e s s e n t i a l f o r modernization and advancement. And as people s t i l l migrate i n the face of a shortage of jobs in the urban areas, the "push" becomes stronger than the " p u l l " . 36 Of the 21, 9 wanted to go there while 3 chose other urban areas. 58 Table 7 REASONS FOR REMAINING IN THE VILLAGE OF TOP ALBANY, ST. MARY Age Groups 15-29 3 0 - 3 9 over 40 Total (a) family reasons 4 3 1 $ (b) has farm - 1 3 4 (c) s e t t l e d 2 2 4 (d) home here (born here) - 4 (e) too old 3 3 (f) job here 1 2 3 (g) l i k e s farming - 2 2 (h) owns business - 2 2 ( i ) s tsJSTl at school 2 - 2 (o) l i k e s the area - 1 1 From the study i t was shown that the main reason f o r migrating was lack of employment f a c i l i t i e s , but here, as i n the other farming v i l l a g e s , paradoxically the supply of labour o f f e r i n g i t s e l f f o r work i s well below the demand.37 The s i t u a t i o n , then, i s one i n which employment on farms exi s t s along with voluntary unemployment. This i s probably due to the strong reluctance on the part of many individuals 37 Jamaica, Ministry of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . , p. 3 6 . 59 to undertake a g r i c u l t u r a l work at low l e v e l s with no continual employment and i n conditions which are hardly an inducement. And these do not possess s k i l l s to enable them to do much more than farming, nor i s there a lack of markets f o r food production as study a f t e r study show3# that l o c a l out-put and even that of some export crops, notably cacao and coffee, have continued to lag with the r e s u l t that prices have r i s e n and imported foodstuffs with unnecessarily high prices become unavoidable.39 There seems to be scope f o r a productive r u r a l sector but at the same time there are factors which make l i f e unattractive and give no incentive to workers to remain or work i n the r u r a l areas. Basic to these fundamental d i f f i c u l t i e s are the e x i s t i n g agrarian conditions dictated by h i s t o r y . Early attempts at settlement i n Jamaica i n the seventeenth century proved unsuccessful as the s e t t l e r s , mainly from England, found i t d i f f i c u l t to adjust to t r o p i c a l l i v i n g . The eighteenth century brought with i t a new system- large plantations growing sugar cane f o r export u t i l i z i n g slave labour. The plantations occupied the best lands 38 See f o r example: Ibid.,3 p. 18; Rene Dumont, op. c i t . ; Hugh Shaw, "Some Basic Problems of Jamaican Agriculture with Implications f o r Changes i n Development Policy", Kingston, February 13, 1968. (Mimeographed}; and "Basic Defects of Jamaican Agriculture", Paper found i n Jamaica Town Planning Department F i l e s , n.d. (Mimeo- graphed }. 39 Jamaica, Ministry of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . p. 18. 60 which were found on the a l l u v i a l areas, p a r t i c u l a r l y the inland v a l l e y s and basins and along the junction of the limestone h i l l s with the plains.40 Thus large parts of the is l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y the i n t e r i o r , were sparsely s e t t l e d . The plantation, ranging i n size from 800 to 2,000 or 3,000 acres,41 contained the basic unit of settlement upon which the communication network was based. This estate system contained two sectors, one devoted to sugar production and the other to the growing of ground provisions by which the slaves c u l t i v a t e d a large part of t h e i r food. The l a t t e r , a s p e c i f i c Jamaican character- i s t i c , lacking i n some of the other West Indian islands, consisted of "a piece of h i l l land, possibly separated from the body of the estate by several miles, where wood could be cut and slave allotments l a i d out".42 This plot came to be known as the "mountain"43 and more often than not there was a surplus available which gave r i s e to an i n t e r n a l marketing organization.44 The proceeds of t h i s sale belonged to the slave and t h i s ground provision 40 G . E. Gumper, op. c i t . . p. 2 6 5 . 41 P h i l i p D. Gurtin, Two Jamaicas (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1955), p. 11. 42 G. E. Gumper, op. c i t . . p. 267. 43 i b i d . , p. 267. 44 Mary M. Garley, op. c i t . . p. 52. 61 system was the prototype of agriculture practiced by many Jamaican small farmers today. This pattern persisted with the continued existence of slavery and the emancipation of slaves (1834-1838) brought considerable changes. There was a general exodus of slaves from the plantation to form an independent peasantry, and any r e s t r i c t i o n to keep the slave on the estate only served to hasten his departure. The magni- tude of t h i s exodus was considerable and i t s extent can be gleaned by examining the decline of labour on the estates. In 1832 the 138 estates i n c u l t i v a t i o n had 4 1 , 8 2 0 labourers but by 1947 t h i s had declined to 1 3 , 9 7 0 . 4 5 The i n i t i a l expansion was on: (a) the land cleared f o r estate c u l t i v a t i o n but abandoned, (b) t h e i r "mountain" partly c u l t i v a t e d under the provision ground system, (d) land belonging to absentee owners, or (d) moved onto the more inaccessible lands never before occupied .as the island at that time had a potential f r o n t i e r i n the North American sense.46 «phe slaves acquired land i n three ways.47 F i r s t of a l l , there were dire c t purchases of small plots 45 G . E. Cumper, "Labour Demand and Supply in the Jamaican Sugar Industry 1 8 3 0 - 1 9 5 0 " , S o c i a l and Economic Studies. II (March 1 9 5 4 ) , p,. 4 9 . 46 P h i l i p D. Gurtin, op. c i t . . p. 1 1 . 47 G. E. Gumper, ( 1 9 5 4 ) , op. c i t . . p. 5 0 . 62 from the planters;48 secondly by squatting; and t h i r d l y through j o i n t purchase made of a part or an entire estate f o r subdivision among a group of slaves. The church played a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the l a t t e r as they were instrumental i n organizing communities of small v i l l a g e s and were the only group interested in the l o t of the r u r a l dwellers. In a sense "the movement represented an expan- sion of the provision sector of the t r a d i t i o n a l economy on a new s o c i a l base with a corresponding decline of the sugar sector and of the towns which had catered to the needs of the old system".49 However, about a decade a f t e r the development of the freehold system, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of available land began to decline. Most of the estates were not sold as planters f e l t that there could be no alternative to plantation agriculture i n the West Indies, so that by 1865 about two- f i f t h s of the i s l a n d , that i s , approximately 1 m i l l i o n acres, had become "no man's land".50 At the same time the r a p i d l y increasing peasants created excessive f r a g - mentation of land and t r i e d to go further into h i l l s , as plots became exhausted. With the s h i f t in population there was a need f o r 48 Some slaves had acquired a substantial amount of money through the sale of t h e i r surplus. 49 G. E. Gumper, (1956), op. c i t . . p. 268. 50 Lord O l i v i e r , Jamaica: The Blessed Isle (London: The Century Company, 1936), p. 138. 63 governmental a c t i o n . Extension of communications were gravely required to serve the peasant v i l l a g e s and the old system of land t i t l e s geared toward plantation a g r i - culture was not applicable to the process of fragmentation. These d i f f i c u l t i e s , together with cries of abject poverty i n the r u r a l sector went unheard and provides a p a r t i a l explanation of the Morant Bay Rebellion i n 1865.51 However, i n these troubled times, had there been an i n t e l l i g e n t government, a progressive r u r a l sector could have been l a i d . Paget, and he i s not singular i n t h i s respect, maintains that " i t i s l i t t l e short of t r a g i c that the Government at that period missed i t s opportunity of carrying out a d e f i n i t e p o l i c y of settlement of the many emancipated people upon good land near to the estates and other centres where regular employ- ment might be obtained".52 This concept i s not new and was proposed as early as 1#40 when Robertson53 pointed to the advantages of lay i n g out 51 These r i o t s were not the r e s u l t of general r e b e l l i o n throughout the i s l a n d . The d i s t r i c t in which the disturbance broke out was Morant Bay (St. Thomas) and the r e b e l l i o n was led by Paul Bogle, a peasant proprietor i n that parish. The Gus'tbs SfiuSt. Thomas together with the magistrates and others were i n the courthouse when i t was surrounded by Bogle and his band of Negroes, most of whom were armed with s t i c k s and machetes. The police used firearms on the mobs and t h i s enraged the rebels. Murder and arson followed; and strong measures were taken by the Government. The f i n a l outcome was a change of Governor, the suspension of the elected Assembly and the establishment of Grown Colony Government. 52 Hugh Paget, "The Free V i l l a g e System i n Jamaica", Caribbean Quarterly. 1 (March 1964), p. 13. 53 Ibid., p. 13 64 towns or v i l l a g e s on regular plans within a s p a t i a l frame- work which would afford greater f a c i l i t y f o r education and other r u r a l amenities. However, i t i s i d l e to complain of what was not done considering that there was an absence of any i n t e l l i g e n t r u r a l p o l i c y i n England.54 Peasant expansion had to be a c t i v e l y encouraged aft e r the Rebellion but not u n t i l 1897 was there an o f f i c i a l pronouncement advocating the p o l i c y of small landowning settlement. At f i r s t land was recovered from squatters and subsequently rented on a seven year lease.55 But the system f a i l e d as rent payments f e l l into arrears, discour- aged good husbandry and led to widespread erosion which has persisted u n t i l today. As only few peasants could now buy lands i t was l e f t to government to i n i t i a t e a measure for the disposal of Crown Lands. Here, under Governor Blake, a scheme was introduced i n 1895 whereby peasants could buy plots i n l o t s between 5 and 50 acres.56 Blake also abandoned the former policy of providingcoammunication to the estates only, i n favour of one geared to the banana industry, then the major a g r i c u l t u r a l crop. The task was very formidable and the whole programme was l e f t incomplete 54 Lord O l i v i e r , op. c i t . . p. 142. 55 Gisela Eisner, op. c i t . . p. 222. 56 One-fifth of the purchase price was paid at the outset, the remainder being paid over a 10-year period, in t e r e s t f r e e . Norma Walters, op. c i t . . p. 51. 65 when he l e f t the i s l a n d . Theyheyday of the small farmer was roughly from 1900 to 1920, but a f t e r 1911 when expansion onto the Drown lands ended as most were marginal, the number of holdings s t i l l increased but only through excessive fragmentation of e x i s t i n g small and medium sized farms. P a r a l l e l l i n g t h i s fragmentation was a s i g n i f i c a n t population i n c r e a s e — 30$ between 1871 and 1911. By the 1920's poverty was r i f e i n the r u r a l areas what with slumps i n the banana and sugar industry and t h i s started the movement into Kingston. A l l i n a l l , between 1838 and 1938 the peasants c o n s t i - tuted at least 80$ of the t o t a l population, and 87$ of the farming sector. They were concentrated on only 25$ of the c u l t i v a t e d land with farms no larger than f i v e acres.57 For most of the time the peasants were l e f t to themselves to experiment with d i f f e r e n t crops and techniques and o f f i c i a l attention was only spasmodic. Norris sums up the s i t u a t i o n i n the, following manner: "Whilst the upper and middle classes were building an often strained i m i t a t i o n of B r i t a i n , the great Jamaican p r o l e t a r i a t l i v e d i n another world, a world with i t s roots i n A f r i c a and slavery and deprivation. L i t t l e had happened i n the i n t e r - vening century to change the economic and s o c i a l stature or the psychological habits connected with such a past. Emancipation had made 320,000 57 Katrin Norris, Jamaica, the Search f o r an Identity (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 12. 66 black slaves into c i t i z e n s . Apart from t h i s i t l e f t them to fend f o r themselves with no property, l i m i t e d p r a c t i c a l s k i l l s , no education and not even the i n s t i t u t i o n of family l i f e . " 5 8 The only s t r i k i n g change, then, was a numerical one and i t i s no wonder that there was widespread s o c i a l unrest which culminated in the r i o t s of 1938. These r i o t s demon- strated to the government an urgent need f o r r a i s i n g the l e v e l of r u r a l l i v i n g . However, over the years the gap between r u r a l and urban l e v e l s of l i v i n g has not been narrowed to any great extent. The a g r i c u l t u r a l sector i s s t i l l beset with the problem of a sharp d i v i s i o n between the preponderance of i n e f f i c i e n t microfundia c o n t r o l l i n g a small proportion of farm land and the small group of large farmers (see Tables 8 and 9), making fo r s o c i a l inequity. Land use factors of economic value important i n a distant past s t i l l p e r s i s t i n the agrarian sector. These include excessive p r i o r i t y given to export crops, p a r t i c - u l a r l y sugar cane on the best lands; u n d e r - u t i l i z a t i o n and o v e r - u t i l i z a t i o n of land; lack of a r a t i o n a l crop zoning system, and the steering function of prices.59 In addition, there are other weaknesses, the key factors of which are: li m i t e d research on l o c a l food crop production, i n f e r t i l i t y of most of the s o i l s t i l l e d by the peasants, gg.;ibidv; p i «11. 5 9 Ibid., pp. 2-9. 67 Table 8 6 0 NUMBER OF FARMS BY SIZE GROUPS AND PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL IN EACH GROUP - 1942, 1954 AND 1961 1942 1954 1961 1 Size Group of No. Farms tfo No. Farms No. Farms % 0 - / 5 acres 171,60061 83.7 139,000 69.9 112,600 71.0 5 - /25 acres 28,000 13.7 53,000 2616 41,000 25.7 25- /100 acres 4,000 2.0 5,600 2.8 3,800 2.4 100-/500 acres 900 0.4 900 0.5 800 0.5 500 plus acres 500 0.2 300 0.2 300 0.2 ALL FARMS 205,000 100.0 199,000 100.0 158,500 100.0 low c a p i t a l i z a t i o n on the small farms, lack of s k i l l s and know-how, lack of proper i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements, inadequacy of non-farm employment, and above a l l a lack of integration between agriculture and industry.62 with such i l l s i t i s no small wonder that there i s a general contempt for working in the r u r a l sector with the r e s u l t i n g paradox of unemployment 60 Rosley McFarlane, Nancy Singham, and I. Johnson, " A g r i c u l t u r a l Planning i n Jamaica" fPaper prepared f o r the Third A g r i c u l t u r a l Economics Conference, University of West Indies, Mona, A p r i l 1-6, 1968), p. 34. Includes 139,000 plots of land under one acre. Ibid.. p. 34. 62 Ibi d . . p. 9-10; and "The Need f o r Crop Zoning i n Jamaica", Part I, Paper found i n Ministry of Agriculture and Lands F i l e s , nsdi, p. 7 (Mimeographed);^ 68 Table 9°3 ACREAGE OF LANDS IN FARMS BY SIZE GROUPS AND PERCENTAGE OF TESTAL IN EACH GROUP - 1961 1961 Size Group of Farm Acreage i n Farms Per cent 0 - / 5 acres 198,000 11.6 5 - / 2 5 acres 389V441 22.8 25 - / 100 acres 167,607 9.8 100 - £ 500 acres 185,596 10.8 ALL FARMS 1,711,430 100.0 e x i s t i n g side by side with s c a r c i t y i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l labour market. 64 Noa? has the s o c i a l environment improved. In many areas peasants experience d i f f i c u l t y i n getting water and even when available i t i s at times inadequate i n volume or incon- veniently located.65 E l e c t r i c i t y i s d i s t r i b u t e d to only 20$ 6 6 of the islan d and t h i s i s b a s i c a l l y i n Kingston and the smaller urban areas. In addition, there i s usually no °3 Cited i n : Hugh Shaw, "Some Basic Problems of Jamaican Agriculture with Implications f o r Changes i n Development Policy", op. c i t . . p. 8. 64 "Basic Defects of Jamaican Agriculture", op. c i t . , p. 1, and pp. 8-9; Rene Dumont, op. c i t . , p. 38; Jamaica, Ministry of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . p. 36; and "The Need fo r Crop Zoning i n Jamaica", op. c i t . . p. 7« 65 Jamaica, Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, Agri- c u l t u r a l Development Programme, Series No] 1 (Kingston: City Printery Ltd., n.d.), p. 13. 66 The Jamaican Weekly Gleaner. March 25, 1970, p. 5. 69 telephone service, poor telegraphic communication, and lack of roads or bad roads. Kingston and St. Andrew urban areas have no r i v a l i n the c u l t u r a l f i e l d . Eighteen of the f o r t y - four secondary schools are located here and primary school conditions are better i f measured by student/teacher ratio.67 And while 84.4$ and 30.6$ of i t s households are equipped with radio and t e l e v i s i o n respectively, i n the country as a whole the respective figures are 42.3$ and 9.8$.68 The lack of other entertainment f a c i l i t i e s such as movies, dance-halls, etc. are well known i n the r u r a l areas. Norris sums up the s i t u a t i o n most aptly. "Much the greater part of c a p i t a l expenditure i n the budget i s assigned f o r Kingston, Montego Bay and other t o u r i s t areas such as Negril to create what are luxury conditions i n comparison with r u r a l Jamaica which does not even have basic requirements such as water, adequate school f a c i l i t i e s and h o s p i t a l s . Nearly a m i l l i o n people l i v e on the land, yet the 1961 budget set aside £30,000 f o r farm housing and 1.156,000 f o r government o f f i c e r s ' housing; the sum of 437,000 alone was paid f o r the purchase of a house f o r the new Central Bank manager. One of the main economic problems Jamaica suffers i s r u r a l poverty....Many r e a s o n s — t r a d i t i o n , i l l i t e r a c y , fear of s o c i a l v i c t i m i z a t i o n . . . ( l a c k of e s s e n t i a l amenities)69 are behind t h i s problem."70 67 Kalman Tekse, op. c i t . . p. 2 9 . 68 Ibid., p. 2 9 . 69 mine 70 Katrin Norris, op. c i t . . p. 6 5 . 70' Consequently f r u s t r a t i o n builds up i n r u r a l Jamaica. Rural exodus takes place and t h i s i s not because of increased a g r i c u l t u r a l e f f i c i e n c y or the p u l l of industry. Inhabi- tants migrate from the country to escape the "drabness of t h e i r l i f e i n the fbush*"71 and enter the main urban areas to taste the better services and amenities lorcated there. Those leaving are the ones needed to a s s i s t i n r u r a l devel- opment and any r u r a l programme usually requires s k i l l e d personnel and experts to reside i n the area. Often they are usually reluctant to l i v e i n these areas f o r the same reasons that rural people tend to leave.72 Measures to Control Rural-Urban Migration Measures of h a l t i n g the growing trek of r u r a l popu- l a t i o n to the c i t y started i n 1938. The deplorable conditions i n the r u r a l sector, emphasized by "land hunger" and the lack of jobs i n the c i t y , led to the b e l i e f that people would remain i n the r u r a l areas to engage i n farming i f land were av a i l a b l e . As a consequence, the administration decided on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of small plots of land to the r u r a l population. Thus i n 1938 a Lands Department was set up to administer a Land Settlement scheme. This scheme involved the Government buying up properties and sub-dividing them f o r re-sale to farmers on an easy payment plan. In the i n i t i a l stages the period of payment 71 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n Action", op. c i t . . p. 5. 72 i b i d . , p. 7. 71 was 1G y e a r s — t h e s e t t l e r s being required to make a down payment of one-tenth the cost of the land.73 However, as the programme developed the period was extended to 25 years and the down payment became one-tweentieth of land costs. The average sume paid was £ 1 9 or £ 2 0 , the basic cost being about £3 an acre.74 Failure to keep up pay- ments can mean f o r f e i t u r e even i f a house has been con- structed. The farmer cannot s e l l , sub-let or transfer his property without the consent of the Commissioner of Lands, u n t i l he has fi n i s h e d payments on his p l o t . While i n 1938 the area acquired was 7,43975 acres, that between the two years 1939 and 1940 was 62 ,921 acres76 and i n the l a t t e r period at least 11,000 families were placed on plots of an average size of 5 acres.77 Since then the programme has expanded and by 1967 the area acquired was 218,325 acres, of which there were 33,426 allotments with 35,576 acres reserved f o r certain factors 73 Jamaica, Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, Lands Department. 1938-1967 (n.p., August 1968), p. 2. 74 Mona Macmillan, The Land of Look Behind (London: Faber and Faber, 1957), p. 63. 75 Jamaica, Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, Di v i s i o n of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , "Land Reform i n Jamaica with Emphasis on Land Settlement" (Mimeographed), Hope, October 1962, p. 12. 76 i b i d . , p. 13. 77 Ibid., p. 13. 72 including roads and water supplies.7 8 Table 10 gives the size d i s t r i b u t i o n on farms i n 1961. Table 10?9 SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF FARMS ON LAND SETTLEMENTS, 1961 Size of Farms (Acres) Number of Farms Under 1 2,743 1 and less than 2 3,143 2 " " 4 8.657 4 " " 6 7,815 6 " " 10 4,455 10 " "25 1,843 25 n " 5 0 147 50 and over 7 Total 28,810 The major functions of the Lands Department are:80 1. Inspection, valuation and a c q u i s i t i o n of properties f o r subdivision and allotment to farmers. Location i s dictated where needs are greatest and heaviest concentration 78 Jamaica, Lands Department, p. 3. 79 Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, D i v i s i o n of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , op. c i t . . p. 22. 80 i b i d . , pp. 2-7. 73 i s i n the eastern parishes surrounding Kingston—St. Mary, Portland, St. Thomas and St. Andrew. 2. Processing of applications, s e l e c t i o n of s e t t l e r s and allotments. Applications are dealt with on a " f i r s t come, f i r s t served" basis and not on the farming a b i l i t y of the potential s e t t l e r . ^ 3. Sub-division surveys, l o c a t i o n and construction of roads and water supply schemes. The l a t t e r are the main item of expenditure and while each holding i s accessible by d r i v i n g or b r i d l e road, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of water i s governed by water sources. 4. Planning and development of settlement amenities, fo r example, Community Centres and Marketing Depots. 5. C o l l e c t i o n of instalments, and 6. Extension work. However, the f a c t o r of community development merits s p e c i a l attention. The scheme i s envisaged as "the welding of groups of farmers into communities. This e n t a i l s not only development of i n d i v i d u a l holdings, but the b u i l d i n g of new group l o y a l t i e s and the creation i n the s e t t l e r s of the desire and a b i l i t y to cope with the many problems involved."** 2 To t h i s end the farmers are encouraged to operate through associations and co-operatives of t h e i r 8 1 Norma Walters, op. c i t . , p. 7 2 . 8 2 Jamaica, Lands Department 1938-1967. p. 5. 74 own making f o r the good of t h e i r settlement, e s p e c i a l l y i n regard to disposal of crops. S o c i a l and educational a c t i v i t i e s are carried on i n Community Halls and take the form of learning a s k i l l , f o r example, handicraft, and home economics which could supply additional income to the family. Recreation grounds are also provided. The programme, administered j o i n t l y by the Jamaica S o c i a l Welfare Commission and the Lands Depart- ment, attempts to integrate the various aspects of devel- opment to make l i f e more a t t r a c t i v e i n the r u r a l sector. Other agencies p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n t h i s development include the Extension Div i s i o n of the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, the Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l Society and the 4-H Club. Land settlements established as cooperatives involving the operation of a f a i r l y large property as a single unit by leaseholders (99 year lease) have been very few i n number. During the 1940's two such schemes, Lucky H i l l (Stolary) and Grove Farm (St. Catherine) were started.83 The main idea behind these was to secure the benefits of large scale farming to a number of small s e t t l e r s . However, other aims, including viable communities and sel f - h e l p guided by education and t r a i n i n g were included i n the programme. The land settlement scheme, therefore, had as 83 Hugh Shaw and Nancy Singham, "Land Reform: Lessons from Other Countries as a Basis for Formulating a Policy f o r Jamaica" (Paper prepared f o r the A g r i c u l t u r a l Planning Committee i n the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, Jamaica, December, 1961)., p. 8. 75 i t s p r i o r i t y security of tenure based on a system of freehold tenure. Its importance, however, has declined since the 1950 Ts. Since the 1940's, however, the main area of concen- t r a t i o n switched to measures f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the h i l l s i d e s and improvements with the land. 84 These were implemented through the Farm Improvement Scheme i n 1947 and the Land Authorities i n 1951. Under the Farm Improve- ment Scheme a l l farmers were e n t i t l e d to assistance f o r land clearing, s o i l conservation and other land improvement works. In addition, minor i r r i g a t i o n projects were planned. However, immediately a f t e r the 1951 hurricane the Farms Recovery Scheme^was introduced f o r the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of agriculture i n the devastated r u r a l areas. The purpose of the Land Authorities was to make prov- i s i o n f o r "improvement and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , and to prevent the erosion and deterioration of land i n s p e c i a l a r e a s " . 8 0 To t h i s end two authorities were set up f o r the Yallahs Valley and the Christiana Area i n 1951 and 1952 respectively, where erosion and poverty had had long h i s t o r i e s . The authorities collaborate with other Government agencies— 84 "Basic Defects of Jamaican Agriculture", op. c i t . . p. 11. 85 Jamaica, Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, A g r i c u l t - u r a l Development Since 1938 and the Programme f o r 1955-69 (Kingston: Government Pr i n t i n g Office, 1954), p. 14. 8 0 Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l Society, The Farmers Handbook (Kingston: Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l Society, 1961), p. 157. 7 6 e s p e c i a l l y the Jamaica S o c i a l Welfare Commission—responsible f o r s o c i a l , educational and tec h n i c a l development. 4-H clubs, geared to youth of the areas, t r y to stimulate farming with a view of keeping them on the land, no doubt to take over from the aging farmers. In f a c t , the programmes here are s i m i l a r to those on the Land Settlement Scheme. Planning and execution of projects embody c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In 1955 a new Farm Development Scheme was launched. It was a more comprehensive approach and was based on the fundamental p r i n c i p l e of making the best VB e of Jamaica's l i m i t e d resources while endeavouring to meet the basic needs of the r u r a l population. 87 While geared towards production and land management, the scheme also assisted in the provision of r u r a l water supplies and housing. The A g r i c u l t u r a l Development Programme succeeded the above tfm I960 and was viewed as a comprehensive, balanced programme "with strong emphasis on education and self-help",88 seeking to engage the f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the farmer i n schemes f o r his development. Its aims were to a s s i s t farmers i n more than a g r i c u l t u r a l improvement by providing general community improvements including water supplies. The programme was, however, short l i v e d , and ended with the change of Government i n 1962. This was followed 87 Jamaica, Ministry of Development, A National Plan f o r Jamaica 1957-1967 (Kingston: The Government Printer, 1957), p. 16. 88 Jamaica, Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, The A g r i c u l t u r a l Development Programme. 1960-1965. Ministry Paper No. 42 (Kingston: The Government Printer, I960), p. 1. 77 by the Farmer's Production Programme i n 1963 which i s s t i l l i n existence and aims at reassessing the needs i n the a g r i - c u l t u r a l sector. Its objectives are centred on production, e f f i c i e n t land use and on r a i s i n g the standard of l i v i n g of the r u r a l population. Emphasis i s placed on marketing, growth of l o c a l f;ood crops which already have a market and assured prices, and farm machinery pool systems to aid i n land preparation, no doubt to make farming a t t r a c t i v e . The preceding measures f o r r a i s i n g r u r a l l i v i n g have centred on the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector, and of necessity the improvement of the s o c i a l environment has to be discussed. The major pioneer i n t h i s respect i s the S o c i a l Development Commission, an organization which has guided s o c i a l devel- opment over the l a s t t h i r t y years. It began as an indep- endent venture, Jamaica Welfare Limited i n 1937 by the United F r u i t Company f o r the welfare of the peasants i n r u r a l Jamaica. I t i s now under Government j u r i s d i c t i o n . The Commission appears to be "of the people by the p e o p l e " 8 9 a n d gets r i g h t into v i l l a g e l i f e . It does t h i s through four agencies. The S o c i a l Development Agency aims at coordinating project a c t i v i t i e s i n c r a f t , home economics, l i t e r a c y , arts and cooperatives. It i s thought that the teaching of such s k i l l s w i l l enable the r u r a l dwellers to supplement t h e i r income by the sale of t h e i r work— 89 Mona Macmillan, op. c i t . . p. 57. 78 e s p e c i a l l y c r a f t — a n d to provide them with a r t i c l e s not otherwise available to them. In addition, i t seeks to e f f e c t a multiple service approach to v i l l a g e l i f e and work i n l i a i s o n with other agencies both within and outside of the Commission. The Craft Development Agency concentrates on the t r a i n i n g of inst r u c t o r s , research, and the f i n d i n g and t e s t i n g of markets while the Youth Development Agency t r i e s to promote among youths educational, a g r i c u l t u r a l , r ecreational and c u l t u r a l patterns. The Sports Development Agency i s concerned with the organization of sports.90 Development i s carr i e d on through s e l f - h e l p projects and when work i s started i n a v i l l a g e the Commission organ- izes a V i l l a g e Committee to be replaced l a t e r by a Community Council, to study the needs of the community and a s s i s t s i n the formation of groups, f o r example Savings Union and Home Improvement Projects. Later the council w i l l a s s i s t i n carrying out projects l i k e the building of tanks and community centres, completion of farm houses by groups and the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n of v i l l a g e squares.91 Work i s carr i e d on i n 90 v i llages92 through established community centres and the v i l l a g e s come under the 100 Vi l l a g e s Development Project geared to fo s t e r community 90 Jamaica, S o c i a l Development Commission, Annual Report of the S o c i a l Development Commission f o r tHe Fi n a n c i a l Year Ending 31st March. 1966 (Kingston: The Government Printer, 1966), p. 10. 91 Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l Society, op. c i t . . p. 173. 92 i n the Sugar areas such a c t i v i t i e s are carried on by the Sugar Industry Labour Welfare Board. 7 9 development "to make l i f e i n the country parts more a t t r a c t - ive and to raise the standard of l i v i n g there, thus stopping the Thuman erosion' of the countryside" . 93 As the s h i f t of population from the land poses a r e a l problem both f o r the r u r a l and urban sectors, i t becomes v i t a l that the youths of the country should be grounded i n farming techniques. It i s thought that only then w i l l they acquire an understanding of agriculture as a way of l i f e and not as a despicable profession. To t h i s end the 4-H Club f o r r u r a l youth was i n i t i a t e d i n 1 9 4 0 , 9 4 and i t aims at educating the r u r a l youth i n agriculture and s o c i o l o g i c a l f i e l d s , e s p e c i a l l y homemaking. The above represent the main a c t i v i t i e s geared to make the agrarian sector more a t t r a c t i v e with the hope of stemming the "human erosion". They embody agrarian improvement and remedies f o r the i l l s of the countryside. The d r i f t of the r u r a l people, however, s t i l l continues and of necessity an evaluation of these measures must be given. This, then, i s the major task of Chapter 4 . Summary Rural-urban migration i n Jamaica, thougheevidenced as early as 1881 , did not reach alarming proportions u n t i l the 1 9 2 0 ' s . The s t r i k i n g outcome of t h i s movement was 93 Norma Walters, op. c i t . . p. 1 0 3 . 94 Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, Development Ministry Paper No. 4 2 , I 9 6 0 , op. c i t . . p. 3 . 80 that rural-urban migration meant a movement to the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area, which nowhere was matched by a s i m i l a r expansion of towns. Urbanization has therefore come to mean no more than the expansion of that metropolitan area. The most intensive migration takes place between the ages 15 to 24 years but the most mobile years are those between 15 to 19 years f o r both sexes. The migrants are primarily female but comprise the better educated members of both sexes. Migrants either move in steps, as distance plays an important role although the island i s small, or d i r e c t l y to the metropolitan area. The causes of r u r a l migration revolve around the drabness of the "bush1? with the lack of amenities i n the r u r a l area, p a r t i c u l a r l y economic and s o c i a l i n nature, and not the " p u l l " of industry located i n towns. The t i e to the r u r a l area i s governed most strongly by emotional and family t i e s , a f e e l i n g of i n e r t i a coupled with the owner- ship of a piece of land. Measures aimed at stemming the exodus had to be introduced i n 1938 to que l l the s o c i a l unrest brought about by deplorable conditions in the r u r a l sector. The Land Settlement Scheme previously i n i t i a t e d i n the 1880»s was vigourously pursued a f t e r 1938 and t h i s involved the s e l l i n g of small plots to peasants. Since then the main area of concentration of p o l i c y has s h i f t e d and has been implemented 81 through the Farm Improvement Scheme 1947, the Land Author- i t i e s Law 1951, the Farm Recovery Scheme 1951, the Farm Development Scheme 1955, the A g r i c u l t u r a l Development Programme I960 and the Farm Production Programme i n 1963. Improvements to the s o c i a l environment have been mainly through the So c i a l Development Commission and the 4-H Clubs. The author contends that these measures have f a i l e d to r a i s e the l e v e l of l i v i n g i n r u r a l Jamaica and discusses i n the next chapter t h e i r inadequacy i n c o n t r o l l i n g r u r a l - urban migration as stated i n the hypothesis of the study. CHAPTER 4 THE FAILURE OF MEASURES TO MAKE RURAL LIVING MORE ATTRACTIVE Introduction It i s by no means an easy task to evaluate the degree of success of these measures. Their magor thrust was at improving r u r a l welfare with the view of c o n t r o l l i n g r u r a l - urban migration. However, the d r i f t of r u r a l people to urban areas, and i n p a r t i c u l a r the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Areas, s t i l l continues and has i n f a c t increased.! It would therefore appear that these programmes have f a l l e n short of t h e i r aims. Thus i t i s v i t a l to assess them i n terms of t h e i r contribution to the attractiveness of the r u r a l areas. The Jamaica Land Settlement Programme A l l the c r i t i c s of the Jamaica Land Settlement Programme have agreed that the p o l i c y has made very l i t t l e meaningful contribution to the r u r a l sector. Consequently, the pro- gramme has now been v i r t u a l l y halted. Among the conspicuous,- 1 "Basic Defects of Jamaican Agriculture", op. c i t . . p. 13. 83 d e f i c i e n c i e s , the following are usually cited: 1' 1. The allotments on many schemes are too small to be economically v i a b l e . About 90$ are less than 2 acres and two-thirds are between 2 and 6 acres.3 2. The sub-divided land was badly eroded, steep, and generally poor with shallow s o i l s . It was sold to the government only because the owners had no use f o r i t . At times as much as 40$ of the land i s not c u l t i v a b l e . Such land can be made f e r t i l e only at exorbitant costs. 3. Inadequate or no provisions have been made for basic f a c i l i t i e s — w a t e r supply, housing, roads, e l e c t r i c i t y . "Failure to provide assistance f o r housing was undoubtedly l a r g e l y responsible f o r the f a c t that only about 3,600 purchasers out of 14,000 surveyed l i v e d with t h e i r f amilies on t h e i r holdings. On a l l of the 144 settlements there are only 50 entombed springs, 101 ponds, 40 catchment tanks, 13 wells and 15 pipelines."4 4. A substantial amount of farmers concentrate on the production of export crops and t h e i r holdings are usually too small to support the s e t t l e r s i n terms of sugar c u l t i v a t i o n , f o r example. Crops f o r l o c a l market receive less attention. ^ 2 Norma Walters, op. c i t . . pp. 163-164; International Bank fo r Reconstruction and Development, The Economic Development of Jamaica (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1952), pp. 194-195; "Basic Defects of Jamaican Agriculture", op. c i t . . pp. 10-11; Rene Dumont, op. c i t . . pp. 9-11. 3 International Bank f o r Reconstruction and Development, 1952, op. c i t . . p. 195. 4 Ibid., p. 195 84 5. These "mini" farmers lack s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l to develop t h e i r holdings. 6 . A number of settlements have no rationale f o r t h e i r l o c a t i o n . They are often inaccessible or have "roads" which make for inadequate transportation of crops f o r the market. In short, the drabness of the r u r a l area i s per- petuated and the contempt of the "countryman" maintained. The development of stable communities which become necessary adjuncts to economic farming units has been thwarted as a high percentage of mmers are absent. These are mainly individuals who wanted the security of owning a piece of land. 8. The holdings have often been given to people with l i t t l e or no farming experience (craftsmen, businessmen, c i v i l servants). It has been voiced that p o l i t i c s has played some role i n the selection of s e t t l e r s . Consequently, lands are not t i l l e d . "Altogether only 37,000 acres of a t o t a l c u l t i v a b l e area of 63,000 acres were act u a l l y cropped."5 9 . The development of good a g r i c u l t u r a l practices has been lacking on these farms as the s e t t l e r s were b a s i c a l l y l e f t to fend f o r themselves. The Lands Department does not have the s t a f f or the funds to i n s i s t on conservation tech- niques, f o r example. Their main function appears to centre around c o l l e c t i o n of repayment money, organization of clubs 5 Ibid., p. 195. 85 and coeoperatives and development of c r a f t s . 0 "Under t h i s s i t u a t i o n , much of the land has deteriorated. In a l l t h i s , productive invest- ments and professional t r a i n i n g of the farmers, which are the two major means of increasing a g r i c u l t u r a l production, seem to have been f a r too neglected."? 10. There has been someanount of f a i l u r e i n enforcing terms of payment and the Government has proceeded against defaulters i n only a few cases. 11. Marketing of crops i s very poorly organized and hence farmers face a problem i n t r y i n g to dispose of t h e i r produce. 12. Settlements which are located i n close proximity to urban areas tend to be sold f o r r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial purposes and consequently the owners prefer to s e l l . Such lands, then, are not put to the use f o r which they were intended. The whole scheme was too h a s t i l y drawn up. At most t h i s land-to-the-hungry policy, r e f l e c t i n g the theory that lack of ownership of a piece of land r e s u l t s i n r u r a l exodus, has increased "the number of people who owned land on a freehold basis but not necessarily the number who i n the f i n a l analysis would be capable of operating land successfully, given the e x i s t i n g l e v e l of s k i l l s , 6 Rene Dumont, op. c i t . f p. 11. 7 Ibid., p. 11. 86 the acreage size of farm, the grade of land available and ultimately the income which could be generated therefrom".8 The ef f e c t of the scheme has been to keep i n or bring into c u l t i v a t i o n land f o r which the plantation system i s not e f f e c t i v e l y competing. It therefore f a i l e d to integrate the various inter-dependent aspects of development—improved ag r i c u l t u r e , better housing, health, n u t r i t i o n , family l i v i n g and s o c i a l amenities which ought to be developed together. The programme was not connected to any r e a l development po l i c y and was conceived and implemented in a vacuum. The methods adopted were not appropriate to the fundamental problems and consequently has contributed to and aggravated the basic defects of Jamaican a g r i c u l t u r e . The programme has provided no incentives or s a t i s f i e d any needs of the young people. The increased production envisaged to provide returns which would a s s i s t i n closing the gap between urban and r u r a l l e v e l s of l i v i n g did not occur. Instead, production has decreased i n nearly a l l of the settlement areas and "so f a r from having improved, the small farmer's l o t has so gone backward i n r e l a t i o n to how the rest of the community has moved, that the second and t h i r d generations have l e f t the land and only people of an average age of 45 years and upward are l e f t on the holdings".9 8 R. Mcfarlane, N. Singham and I. Johnson, op. c i t . . p. 24. 9 Farm Reporter, "Land Authorities—whence and whither?", The Sunday- Gleaner. July 20, 1969, p. 11. 87 The programme aptly i l l u s t r a t e s the faet that a lack of well-conceived and balanced projects hinders the o v e r a l l national process of development. Post World War II Schemes The numerous schemes designed and implemented since shortly a f t e r the end of World War II have to be designated as dismal f a i l u r e s where control of r u r a l exodus i s concerned. The 1959 figures f o r migration bears evidence of the i n t e n s i t y of t h i s process-. They were concerned with the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and improvement of agriculture through r e s t o r i n g a crop or crops, correcting something that had gone wrong with the ecology or r e p a i r i n g the s o i l . The Farm Improvement and Farm Recovery Schemes have only u "sought to give back to the owner what he had l o s t while i t would have been better to take advantage of the destruction to e s t a b l i s h new, more e f f i c i e n t , more productive land structures, such as the farmer of tomorrow w i l l require, and not such as* suited the peasant of yesterday. Here again, the dynamic concept of a constant lookout f o r modernization was laeking".10 The Farm Development Scheme f a i l e d because of lack of support by the farmers i t was destined to serve. There was a lack of coordination with the various operations, and factors r e l a t i n g to plan evaluation and marketing were needed.11 Dumont maintains that the scheme was "over- ambitious" as i t "aimed at a s s i s t i n g a l l the farmers on the 10 Rene Dumont, op. c i t . , p. 24. 11 "Basic Defects i n Jamaican Agriculture", op. c i t . . p. 12. 88 i s l a n d i n a large va r i e t y of operations".12 The A g r i c u l t u r a l Development Programme was too short- l i v e d f o r any meaningful assessment to be made but cert a i n aspects appeared to be perpetuating past defects. With the Farmers Production Programme, the A g r i c u l t u r a l Mar- keting Corporation was established so as to ensure better markets f o r the farmer and to encourage production to overtake not only the demands of the good processors and the t o u r i s t trade but also to stop the very considerable amount of food imports each year. However, instead of importations having decreased, they have r i s e n steeply and consequently food prices have reached unprecedented l e v e l s . The Farm Machinery Pool set up during t h i s time to help farmers improve t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y , since they could not afford the high cost of h i r i n g the necessary t i l l a g e implements from private contractors , 1 3 i s worsening. 14 P o t e n t i a l l y t h i s scheme seemed to o f f e r a great a t t r a c t i o n to farming as manual work on farm i s despised, e s p e c i a l l y by the youth. However, payments by the farmers are currently in arrears and the implements supplied are now i n poor condition and breakdowns are too frequent to enhance 12 Rene Dumont, op. c i t . . p. 2 2 . 13 These were not interested i n jobs under 16 acres. 14 C. Roy Reynolds, "Farm Machinery Pool: worsening, not better", The Daily Gleaner. July 26, 1969, p. 7 . 89 operation. In f a c t , i n 1967-68 only 56$ of those who benefitted i n 1965-66 were using the scheme. The o v e r a l l e f f e c t of the Farm Development Scheme has not been t o t a l l y a f a i l u r e but i t has done l i t t l e to make the r u r a l areas a t t r a c t i v e . Associated with t h i s development has been a large number of agencies which have been set up to service the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector. However, there has been a s i g n i f i c a n t loss i n the degree of coordination and integration, the chief of which were:15 1. c o n f l i c t between the idea of coordination and the desire of the agencies to maintain t h e i r independent i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , 2. poor communication of decisions to the f i e l d s t a f f of some agencies, 3. too much overlapping and duplication of work between agencies, and 4. the absence of a coordinator to integrate the a c t i v i t i e s of the agencies involved. There are now some 29 units i n the Ministry of Agriculture and L a n d s — c o n s i s t i n g of Departments, Divisions, Statutory Boards and other agencies. And the present creation of a new 15 The Department of Extra-Mural Studies of the University of the West Indies and Jamaica, Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, Report on the Caribbean Conference on A g r i c u l t u r a l Extension.aJuly 18 -22. 1966 (Kingston: Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, The A g r i c u l t u r a l Information Service, 1966), p. 18. 90 Mi n i s t r y of Agriculture, while correcting certain d e f i c - iencies w i l l r e s u l t i n further duplication. A farmer can be attended to by one or more agencies a l l with the same aim i n view. The author r e c a l l s the numerous government o f f i c e r s who came to look at a s i t e chosen f o r a tank i n a r u r a l area. The basic premises of past a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s with t h e i r multitudinous services have f a l l e n short of t h e i r mark. One of these erroneous premises has been the confusion of achieving a greater measure of s o c i a l welfare while at the same time concern i s f o r a productive agriculture as seen i n the attempt to increase a g r i c u l t u r a l production by concentrating exclusively on the "mini-farmer".16 This, i t was hoped, would make the r u r a l environment more a t t r a c t i v e i n the matter of creating more employment opportunities f o r the r u r a l masses. "Where such an omnibus p o l i c y embracing both e f f i c i e n c y and welfare i s attempted, the danger i s that the c r i t e r i a of e f f i c i e n t production are often used to measure programmes which are e s s e n t i a l l y of a s o c i a l character."17 Cl e a r l y , then, two streams of p o l i c y must be separately 16 International Bank f o r Reconstruction and Devel- opment, 1968, op. c i t . . p. 34. 17 Hugh Shaw. "Planning Land Use in Jamaica", Kingston, A p r i l 1968, p. 6 (Mimeographed). 91 recognized and r e a l i s t i c a l l y pursued. In a l l of these a g r i c u l t u r a l schemes, l i t t l e consider- ation was given to the human element. They were a l l related to land, production, credit f a c i l i t i e s , finance, weather and to crops. But what about the people who occupied the land? Very l i t t l e was known about them nor was there any attempt to f i n d out about these i n d i v i d u a l s — t h e i r thoughts, t h e i r actions, t h e i r aspiration and t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n i n r u r a l Jamaica. Some time i n 1938 i t was decided that i f r u r a l people had lands they would remain i n that sector. And ever since then we have been caught in a psychological block on land "per se". As a consequence, there has been a lack of r e a l i z a t i o n that something i s wrong with the countryside of r u r a l Jamaica as a whole and not merely with farming methods. How can a farmer reap his due share of improved l i v i n g standards, provided that he does his job well, when t h e i r symbols are v i r t u a l l y non-existent i n the r u r a l areas? So c i a l Development Commission The attempts made by the Social Development Commission have achieved l i t t l e i f any success i n stemming r u r a l flows. The programmes do not seem to s a t i s f y the needs of the young people. The teaching of Home Economics i s a case i n point. It t r a i n s young g i r l s f o r employment as domestics. However, many of them r e f r a i n from attending 92 and would rather remain i d l e because they refuse to work as domestics. Domestic employment has been increasingly regarded over the recent years as a continuation of slave practices and nooone wants any part of i t . In the v i l l a g e studied, the g i r l s who attended were r i d i c u l e d by those not attending. The author believes that i f some other s k i l l , f o r example, dressmaking, were taught the young people would be more interested. And, some of the community centres where classes are taught are i n a state of d i s - r e p a i r . G i r l s trained i n c r a f t have l i t t l e opportunity to practice t h e i r s k i l l s . Therefore, they f i n d i t advantageous to move to the Kingston and St. Andrew Metropolitan Area, Montego Bay or some other t o u r i s t area to tap the t o u r i s t market there. But to provide an alternative to agriculture with the aim of making the r u r a l areas more a t t r a c t i v e by t r y i n g to engage a substantial portion of the v i l l a g e labour force i n handicraft production i s very u n r e a l i s t i c because of organizational and market d i f f i c u l t i e s . I f there are no orders forthcoming, these workers are forced to remain i d l e . Their r e l a t i v e contribution to the r u r a l sector i s therefore subject to many c r i t i c i s m s . These c r i t i c i s m s are j u s t i f i e d i n that these programmes are v i l l a g e improve- ment programmes rather than r e a l development ones. And as development implies growth, then i t i s clear that one 93 cannot develop an isol a t e d v i l l a g e . "Development always includes scale enlargement/... This means that i n the process of community the concept and the ' r e a l i t y ' of community must be enlarged...Indeed one must start by r e i n f o r c i n g the s e l f respect of e x i s t i n g communities (which may be v i l l a g e s or small areas) to be creative f o r implementing t h e i r needs andifeo promote leadership f o r changes. This approach i s not yet development, but i t promotes the pre- r e q u i s i t e s . It cannot stop at t h i s point. The process must continue; i f not greater f r u s t r a t i o n s and discontentment are to be expectedl$18 However, another serious misconception on which t h i s approach i s based i s that the v i l l a g e i s normally a true community. This i s not so as in the r u r a l areas of Jamaica v i l l a g e s are the organizational and d i s t r i b u t i o n a l centres f o r the hinterlands they service.19 Consequently, the se l e c t i o n of the v i l l a g e as locus of these development e f f o r t s tends to bypass the large number of persons who do not l i v e i n v i l l a g e s but are dispersed i n the communities which border upon i t . The community council set up by the S o c i a l Development Commission therefore serves a r t i f i c i a l u n i t s . The people i n the h i l l s i d e areas cannot be e f f e c t i v e l y reached by t h i s method. Consequently, i f the v i l l a g e i s to be retained as the centre of a c t i v i t y , arrangements must be made to reach 18 J . A. Ponsioen, op. c i t . . p. 521. 19 M. G. Smith, "Community Organization i n Rural Jamaica", S o c i a l and Economic Studies (Sept. 1956), p. 310. 94 out beyond them into the dispersed units where so many people l i v e . It becomes urgent, then, to stop thinking i n terms of these organizations or associations focused on s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t which go through a continuous succession of death and r e - b i r t h without any increase of effectiveness. Genuine Needs of Rural Jamaica It i s also wrong to assume that the v i l l a g e as i t i s , i s a viable unit i n the process of modernization. In the author's view, t h i s skepticism i s based on some knowledge that t r a d i t i o n a l peasant areas generally are quite r e s i s t a n t to the change required in that process. But t h i s i s not so, as mass media has shown r u r a l Jamaica higher l i v i n g standards i n the urban areas and they have reacted by migrating to these areas. Insofar as a programme of a g r i - c u l t u r a l development seeks to improve the economic and s o c i a l conditions of the peasants, i t bedomes v i t a l to know t h e i r a spirations. They are the ones experiencing r u r a l l i v i n g and consequently are best able to know of i t s shortcomings. The author, motivated by t h i s conviction, also asked the v i l l a g e r s i n the course of the interview about developments they would l i k e to see i n the v i l l a g e of Top Albany?© Table 11 summarizes the response; most individuals gave multiple answers. 20 Chapter 2, p. 10. 95 Table 11 DEVELOPMENTS VILLAGERS WOULD LIKE TO SEE IN TOP ALBANY Age Groups 15-29 30-39 over 40 Total (a) More s o c i a l amenities 2! 6 9 6 211 (bi Wider employment f a c i l i t i e s 2 2 (excludes farming) 8 1 6 15 (c) Factory development 5 4 6 15 (d) Presence of public u t i l i t i e s (includes water, housing, better roads and better trans- portation f a c i l i t i e s ) 4 11 15 (e) Better educational f a c i l i t i e s (includes need f o r high schools, vocational t r a i n i n g f o r youth) 8 2 2 12 (f) More agriculture incentives (includes aid, marketing f a c i l i t i e s ) 2 3 5 (g) Police station 5 - - 55 (h) A v a i l a b i l i t y of land f o r farming 2 1 — 33 CD Services (gas station) - 1 - 1 d l This includes amenities l i k e theatres, the f a c t that the community centre was most inadequate, and the drabness of the v i l l a g e . 22 Respondents never mentioned factory development "per se" and hence the l a t t e r was singled out. 96 The author was impressed by the fac t that these people knew what was lacking and they were not asking f o r much. Those who thought i n terms of factory development never v i s u a l i z e d heavy or complex industry. One informant stated that i t had to deal with agriculture and even went so f a r as to state where i t could be located. Everyone was gravely worried about the youth and in thinking of better educational a c t i v i t i e s need centred around the acquiring of s k i l l s — mechanics and dressmaking, f o r example. The p r i o r i t i e s given to s o c i a l amenities i s understandable because there i s v i r t u a l l y none i n the d i s t r i c t . The l o c a l general store from which the interviewing was done was the hub of "night- l i f e " as i t had a juke-box,23 the only one f o r miles. The low p r i o r i t y given to a g r i c u l t u r a l development strongly suggests that needs are non-agricultural i n nature. But would these developments control rural-urban migration? It would appear so as 1 3 2 ^ of 21 leaving stated that they would remain i f the v i l l a g e was developed a i they wanted i t . The facts presented demonstrate a formidable gap between what the government has done and what r u r a l Jamaica requires. This study i s not singular i n i t s findings but i s substantiated by the res u l t s of a study on education 23 Luckily t h i s v i l l a g e had e l e c t r i c i t y . 24 Eight from age group 15-29 years; three from 29-39 years; and four from the over 40 group. 97 and occupational choice i n r u r a l Jamaica. ? D a t a 2 0 f o r t h i s analysis was drawn from representative r u r a l samples. It was found that throughout the entire age span under study, 2 7 own-account farming was seldom chosen as an occu- pation; yet the overwhelming majority of the r u r a l f o l k derived'their l i v e l i h o o d from i t . The occupational c h o f e a s — c l e r i c a l , professional, factory, d i s t r i b u t i v e trade f o r example—reflect a desire to escape from the depressing conditions of r u r a l l i f e as i t now exists.28 gut programmes so f a r have been mainly a g r i c u l t u r a l i n nature. These not only have presupposed the farmers 1 i n t e r e s t , but also that the farmer wishes to remain a farmer and i n addition that his children w i l l do likewise. "Our data have shown an impressive preference f o r urban-type occupations among r u r a l f o l k , together with an underlying desire to escape from the peasant system. I t seems self-contradictory to fo s t e r an educational system which permits or encourages such pronounced urban orientations among r u r a l f o l k at the same time that one subsidizes only farm programmes which presupposes that Tthe peasants' heart i s i n his land' . " 2 9 The f a c t s reveal a serious imbalance between desire and r e a l i t y . The needs of r u r a l Jamaica are non-agricultural 25 M. G . Smith, "Educational and Occupational Ehoice i n Jamaica", S o c i a l and Economic Studies. 9 (September I960), pp. 332-354. 26 Occupational choice was investigated from a sample of 41 schools and £ r u r a l d i s t r i c t s representative of peasant areas and scattered throughout the i s l a n d . 27 10-16 years f o r elementary schools and 15-39 years i n the v i l l a g e s . 28 M. G . Smith, op. c i t . . p. 350. 2 9 Ibid., p. 352. 98 i n nature. Its s o c i a l system which fosters and then fr u s t r a t e s the aspirations of i t s people i s correspondingly i l l - i n t e g r a t e d . Provisions of farm programmes have ignored the countryside. There i s now an urgent need to focus current attention on the improvement of f a c i l i t i e s f o r health, housing, and edu- cation and provision i n some measure of those amenities' — water, e l e c t r i c i t y — w h i c h have become a normal feature of urban l i f e . And i f t h i s i s ignored, i n the race between development and discontent i n Jamaica, the l a t t e r w i l l undoubt- edly p r e v a i l . Mere exhortation to the people to stay on the land and not crowd the towns i s l i k e l y to be quite f u t i l e i n the absence of p o l i c i e s to correct the imbalance between the r u r a l and urban sectors. Chapter 5 attempts to outline a solution to t h i s problem. Summary The Land Settlement Programme, though instrumental i n increasing the t o t a l area under c u l t i v a t i o n , has been f a r from successful i n c o n t r o l l i n g rural-urban migration. Among i t s d e f i c i e n c i e s the following are c i t e d : poor land, inadequate size of allotments, poor selection of s e t t l e r s , f a i l u r e to enforce terms of payment, i n s u f f i c i e n t amenities, poor a g r i c u l t u r a l practices, concentration on export crops, i n s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l to develop holdings, i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y and absentee ownership. 99 The schemes implemented a f t e r World War II have also f a l l e n short of t h e i r aim i n improving agriculture with the view df r a i s i n g r p u r a l l e v e l s of l i v i n g . They were only concerned with the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and improvement of a g r i - culture through restoring a crop or crops, correcting something that had gone wrong with the ecology or repairing the s o i l . Associated with t h i s development was a large number of agencies set up to service the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r — agencies which were not successfully coordinated. In these schemes l i t t l e consideration has been given to the huntan element. A l l have been related to the land with i n s u f f i c i e n t concern f o r the people who occupied that land. The attempts made by the S o c i a l Development Commission have achieved l i t t l e i f any success i n stemming r u r a l flows. Its programmes are v i l l a g e improvement programmes and the v i l l a g e as i t now e x i s t s i s not a viable unit i n the process of modernization. The studies c i t e d demonstrate a formidable gap between what the Government has done and what r u r a l Jamaica requires. The needs of r u r a l Jamaica are non-agricultural i n nature and s t a b i l i t y may be achieved without extra assistance given to farming. Chapter 5 attempts to propose a method to resolve the underlying problems of r u r a l Jamaica. CHAPTER 5 A PROPOSED SOLUTION FOR STABILIZING RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION IN JAMAICA Introduction A g r i c u l t u r a l programmes and p o l i c i e s up to the present in Jamaica have been motivated by a need to make the country' side more a t t r a c t i v e . Unfortunately, these have not res- ulted i n any r u r a l reconstruction and consequently a plan of r u r a l development has yet to be created to y i e l d a viable and stable r u r a l society. Thecontinuance of t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i c y w i l l only prolong stagnation i n the r u r a l areas with the consequent dangers of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l disturbances- forces destructive of the entire society. There i s a d e f i n i t e need f o r r a d i c a l l y new approaches to bridge the gap between the modern and the " t r a d i t i o n a l " , thereby permitting the wholesale transformation of the countryside. Such r a d i c a l or revolutionary approaches become paramount and r e a l i s t i c because of certa i n f a c t o r s , c h i e f l y : the speed with which developments are taking place i n other parts of the world demands that Jamaica cannot lag behind or else she w i l l increasingly be at an economic disadvantage, e s p e c i a l l y i n world trade; the development i n 101 communication, e s p e c i a l l y the advent of t e l e v i s i o n and the spread of t r a n s i s t o r i z e d radios, a s s i s t i n creating i n the r u r a l people a yearning f o r the higher standards of l i v i n g eng?jyed by those l i v i n g i n the urban areas and i n more advanced s o c i e t i e s ; and the urgent need to erase the gap between urban and r u r a l l e v e l s of l i v i n g . Planning, therefore, becomes v i t a l as revolutions often prove abortive and usually r e s u l t i n economic setbacks. And, although the countryside i s beset with many and varied problems, the s i t u a t i o n i s by no means a dreary one. Not only does i t o f f e r unusual challenges f o r improvement, but the prospect of modernization i s eminently possible, and made easier by the f a c t that the peasant i s cooperative and receptive to new ideas.1 Planning must of necessity, then, be very ambitious as only an ambitious programme w i l l be capable of arresting the flow of population to the urban areas and l i f t i n g the standard of l i v i n g of the farming classes. It can only be done through a vigourous pursuit of new ideas which can r e s u l t i n the abandonment of p o l i c i e s and practices which stand i n the way of progress. The planning problem, then, i s to close the gap between urban and r u r a l l i v i n g standards by creating a viable and stable r u r a l sector which w i l l counteract the attractions 1 Mona Macmillan, op. c i t . . p. 175. 102 of the c i t y and as a consequence control rural-urban mig- r a t i o n . So f a r , arguments for solutions have centred mainly around two schools of thought: narrowing the d i s - p a r i t y between r u r a l and urban national incomes and the l o c a t i o n of agro-industries i n the r u r a l areas. The author contends that these remedies have several drawbacks. Adoption of Incomes Policy This has been suggested as i t was considered that the p r i n c i p a l obstacle i n transforming the agrarian sector was the general disregard and contempt f o r the peasant and a g r i c u l t u r a l worker, a r i s i n g from the wide income and status gaps which exist between a g r i c u l t u r a l and urban- i n d u s t r i a l pursuits. This disturbing d i s p a r i t y between r u r a l and urban incomes 2 was said to be so important that the conscious aim of policy should be towards implementing measures which would be designed s p e c i f i c a l l y to close 2 The available data cover f o r the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector only, farms of 500 acres and over, while those f o r the non- a g r i c u l t u r a l sector are confined to selected industry. Agriculture Non-Agricultural Unskilled Manual and Male-fc2tT7Tt6 - 3 n l l t t 3 £ 3 T T 1 8 T , 4 - 6 " 5 T , 4 Service Worker Female- I n l 9 « 6 - 2 n 4 n 9 3»»9»0-4"8tf2 Overseer 9"15n3-10t tOt t lO 18 »tl5tt8-22n4"8 Bookkeeper 8 n l 2 T t 4-15ttOTf8 Carpenter 5 «0n 5-5 " 4 n 2 8 n l l t t 6 - 9 " 9 » 0 Source: Jamaica, Department of S t a t i s t i c s , Annual Abstract of S t a t i s t i c s . 1967. No. 26 (Kingston: The Government Printer, 1 9 6 7 ) , p. 7 8 . 103 those gaps, thus bringing a g r i c u l t u r a l work, both of management and labour, on par or nearer i n income to other occupations. To t h i s end i t was thought that there should be exercised some control over the rapid increases i n urban income i n r e l a t i o n to a g r i c u l t u r a l income, which has been occurring within recent times. " I t may be necessary f o r Government to apply a brake on the r i s e of s a l a r i e s and higher wages in the on urban sector to r e l i e v e the hopelessness of the r u r a l and depressed urban areas. At the same time, i t i s recommended that the proportion of public c a p i t a l expenditure going to r u r a l development be i n c r e a s e d . . s u c h a measure would help to remove the not u n j u s t i f i e d view, among the a g r i c u l t u r a l population, that the r u r a l areas are neglected in preference f o r urban development."3 Shaw proposes a d i f f e r e n t strategy f o r closing the gap between r u r a l and urban incomes. ForiMm the chief requirement i s "the more equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of opportunities f o r earning income from the land and the rapid r a i s i n g of the o v e r a l l per capita income i n agriculture".4 To t h i s end his s o l u t i o n l i e s i n giving as many people as possible control of an adequate amount of land with which they could increase t h e i r income and i n addition be afforded a more equitable share of the rewards of production.5 3 "Basic Defects of Jamaican Agriculture", op. c i t . . p. 17. 4 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n Action", op. c i t . . p. 2. 5 Ibid., p. 3 . 104 A r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the lands held i n large estates and plantations (see Table 6, Chapter 3) would consequently r e s u l t i n a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of income. Shaw maintains, i n addition, that i f a l l the lands i n Jamaica were put into f u l l production with no change i n the present pattern of d i s t r i b u t i o n (Table 6, Chapter 3 ) , maldistribution of income and income opportunities would remain. He saw the approved land reform programme which then envisaged by 1968, 4,280 farms between 5 and 14 acres and 320 farms of an average size of 25 acres, representing a s i g n i f i c a n t improvement over previous land settlement p o l i c y . He f e l t , too, that the programme would have f a l l e n short of cl o s i n g the gap between r u r a l and urban incorres as the farm sizes were subject to a r b i t r a r y determination. Size of a farm forms only a li m i t e d i n d i c a t i o n of i t s income capacity. Physical f a c t o r s — q u a l i t y of s o i l , top- ography, water—enterprise combination and markets are very important determinants of the le-wel of income. Shaw therefore argues that i f the aim i s to provide "equal opportunity f o r generating a certain basic income, then i t can be r e a d i l y seen that the land area would necessarily have to vary considerably between certain parts of Jamaica". 0 Consequently, he associates with his concept of 6 Ibid., p. 5. 105 r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of income through r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of lands the requirement of an "income standard"? f o r the farmer to be based on the average income of his urban counterpart. This standard would therefore determine the size of farms and though the size of farms within a settlement area would vary, the income potential of each parcel of land would be approximately equal. This, then, represents greater preciseness i n determining farm size and at the same time assures that r u r a l and urban incomes can be cl o s e r . However, success would greatly depend on the a b i l i t y of the farmers to so assert themselves. Such proposals cannot be implemented without f i r s t providing the much needed " i n f r a - s t r u c t u r a l " amenities and conditions within r u r a l areas which w i l l a t t r a c t people rather than cause them to migrate to the urban areas where there are no jobs. And though one of the primary objects of economic develop- ment i n Jamaica, as in Latin America, i s that of increasing per capita r e a l income of the r u r a l population, i t must be r e a l i z e d that the general aims of development embrace other things besides increases i n income. They embody a desmre f o r p o s i t i v e reconstruction and improvement of a l l phases of the r u r a l people as well . Income p o l i c i e s cannot therefore stand alone or be the primary vehicle of r u r a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . 7 Ibid., p. 4. 106 Location of Industry i n Rural Areas In recent times, i t has been argued that the improve- ment of l i v i n g standards i n the r u r a l sector w i l l come about only through employment created outside of a g r i c u l t u r e . For t h i s reason i t was thought that as f a r as possible, industries should be located i n the r u r a l areas. "In f a c t , the long-term improvement of the whole a g r i c u l t u r a l sector i n terms oSThigher incomes and e f f i c i e n c y i s c l e a r l y dependent on greater i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the increase of non- a g r i c u l t u r a l employment and the resultant greater Shaw, i n another a r t i c l e , gives three ways in which industry can contribute to r u r a l development and welfare. These are:9 1. Industries within the r u r a l areas provide new on- the-spot employment opportunities f o r surplus labour released from ag r i c u l t u r e . People do not need to leave the v i l l a g e to f i n d work; and i n p a r t i c u l a r , the more s k i l l e d elements are retained. By reducing one of the main causes of r u r a l exodus, i n d u s t r i a l development within r u r a l communities helps to preserve the s t a b i l i t y of the r u r a l society. 2. The i n d u s t r i a l workers remaining in the r u r a l areas create a p r o f i t a b l e nearby market for a g r i c u l t u r a l produce. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n the case of perishable 8 Hugh Shaw, "Planning Band Use i n Jamaica", op. c i t . . p. 7. Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform in Action", op. c i t . . p. 6. 107 products u n t i l marketing and transportation f a c i l i t i e s are f u l l y developed. 3. The added value of industry both i n terms of income and amenities i s not concentrated i n the urban area but i s spread over a wide area, thus reducing the discrepancy between the standards of l i v i n g i n the town and the "country". It i s further argued that these advantages can outweigh "many of the so-called "economic" advantages which are usually taken into consideration i n l o c a t i n g and s e t t i n g up new p l a n t s " 1 0 — f o r example, the c a l c u l a t i o n of the p r o f i t of an i n d u s t r i a l plant merely on the basis of the i n d u s t r i a l process o n l y . H While r e a l i z i n g that big plants seem destined f o r the urban area, i t seemed feasible to suggest that r e l a t i v e l y small plants could be properly dispersed over the r u r a l areas. The type of industry i s not regarded as being important as long as ,.it f i t t e d into the general framework cffrural l i f e . Three categories of enterprises are usually c i t e d A 2 1. Processing industries triisdhin with the growth and d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e . Location and size of such an industry would be determined by economic c r i t e r i a . 10 Hugh Shaw, "Some Basic Problems of Jamaican Agri- culture with Implications f o r Changes i n Development Policy", op. c i t . . p. 15. 11 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n Action", op. c i t . . p. 6. 1 2 Compiled mainly from (1) Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n Action", op. c i t . . p. 7, and (2) Hugh Shaw, "Some Basic Problems of Jamaican Agriculture with Implications f o r Changes i n Development Policy", op. c i t . . pp. 15-16. 108 2. Link industries which involve the assembly of a r t i c l e s or the manufacturing of parts of an a r t i c l e f o r l a t e r assembly i n one central factory. The advantage of l i n k industries are that the work can be done by the farmer or his family i n the slack s e a s o n — e s p e c i a l l y i n areas of seasonal crops, f o r example, sugar cane—or as a spare-time a c t i v i t y unlike other i n d u s t r i a l enterprises requiring r i g i d work schedules. Industry then i s used as a balance. 3 . A u x i l i a r y industries - These are industries which are located i n r u r a l areas f o r the purpose of absorbing surplus manpower and do not necessarily have any connection with l o c a l conditions. A variety of industries of t h i s nature can be developed i n Jamaica, f o r example: fancy goods, ceramics, garments, jewellery, etc., taking advantage of the natural a b i l i t y of Jamaicans to develop s k i l l s of t h i s sort.1 3 what distinguishes an a u x i l i a r y plant from the ordinary factory i n the urban centre i s that i t s labour requirements are adjusted to the surplus labour supply i n the p a r t i c u l a r r u r a l area. The creation of agro-industries to be undertaken as part of the o v e r a l l planning process f o r the development of r u r a l areas i s therefore considered!a"s achieving to a great extent r u r a l s t a b i l i t y and a g r i c u l t u r a l i n a b i l i t y . The 13 Beginnings of such industries are those promoted by the Jamaican So c i a l Welfare Commission to which reference has already been made. 1 0 9 r u r a l communities must be improved i n t h i s way because the peasants are s t i l l a very high proportion of the t o t a l population and agriculture w i l l long be t h e i r mainstay. These arguments concerning r u r a l i n d u s t r i a l location sound very f e a s i b l e and l o g i c a l i n theory but the author cannot foresee such an happening in view of the present condition of r u r a l Jamaica. The l o c a l environment places manifold obstacles i n the way of incorporating the r u r a l areas into a dynamic process of industrJial growth. And i f these obstacles remain unchanged they are l i k e l y to frustrate plan formulated at the national l e v e l f o r integrating industry into the r u r a l sector. Thus, before i n d u s t r i a l and income p o l i c i e s geared to close the gap between r u r a l and urban l i v i n g standards can be implemented, there i s a genuine and urgent need for the underlying determinants of s o c i a l l i f e and s o c i a l i n s t i - t u t i o n s — e d u c a t i o n , public, health services and cinemas, f o r example—and the general provision of adequate amenities and services to be supplied i n the r u r a l areas. This, then, i s the major gap to be f i l l e d . For too long a period there has been a grave error i n thinking that r u r a l people are only concerned with the land and that they do not r e a l l y want a "better" l i f e because t h e i r aspirations seem modest. The thesis has shown the inadequacy of the e x i s t i n g government measures i n making r u r a l l i f e more a t t r a c t i v e . 110 It has also suggested what measures are necessary to counteract the attractions of the c i t y . Solution What type of p r a c t i c a l programme of r u r a l reconstruction seem p o l i t i c a l l y , economically and s o c i a l l y f e a s i b l e to control rural-urban migration? As was shown, only by the provision of adequate services and a suitable s o c i a l envir- onment can development a c t i v i t y be encouraged and inhabitants be induced to stay. Planning i n r u r a l Jamaica towards creation of towns would seem to provide t&rs answer, but Jamaica has not got the resources to b u i l d complete urban areas to be dispersed a l l over the i s l a n d . The author believes that a possible solution at t h i s time i s to devise a system leading to the "rurbanization"14 of r u r a l Jamaica— a process that would create an urban environment but at the same time would not be t r u l y urban. The point i s that a l l these basic services and amenities- e l e c t r i c i t y , water supplies, s o c i a l "overheads" such as roads, secondary education, vocational t r a i n i n g and the l i k e — w o u l d be provided and concentrated i n the e x i s t i n g v i l l a g e s . These planned "rurban" centres would then act as 14 The author, believing that she had coined the word, subsequently discovered that i t had been used by J. A. Ponsioen, op. c i t . . p. 521. I l l centres of development on a low l e v e l as no doubt they would be the central place f o r other small industries so often proposed, c r a f t s , recreation, sport events, and agro- business. It i s only by planning through "rurbanization" that r u r a l areas w i l l begin to have advantages that would serve to f a c i l i t a t e t h e i r transformation into stable, viable and a t t r a c t i v e s o c i e t i e s able to hold t h e i r inhabitants. And to ignore t h i s point i n formulating any p o l i c y f o r r u r a l reconstruction i s to jeopardize the whole process of modernization or westernization which Jamaica i s now under- going. The concept of "rurbanization" cannot be applied to a l l r u r a l settlement areas i n Jamaica. They must of necessity be confined to gathered or nucleated v i l l a g e s or else the development costs of the long network of roads, e l e c t r i c i t y and water l i n e s would be p r o h i b i t i v e . In a l i k e manner other amenities, f o r example schools and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , need concentration of people, nor would i t be economically f e a s i b l e or p r a c t i c a l to locate these anywhere and everywhere. The next question a r i s i n g i s the d e f i n i t i o n of a v i l l a g e . The term has no f u n c t i o n a l , legal, or administrative s i g n i f i - cance and thus i t seems unnecessary to attempt to define i t . However, a d e f i n i t i o n becomes relevant f o r future planning i f these are to become "rurban" centres. Residential densities cannot be used as a c r i t e r i a as c e r t a i n r u r a l areas i n Jamaica 112 have urban densities.15 A combination of c r i t e r i a seems l o g i c a l f o r Jamaica and r e l y i n g on a recent study of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of urban settlements i n Jamaica,1° the writer came to the conclusion that v i l l a g e s could be defined as centres containing 3,000 and less inhabitants. However, a l l these v i l l a g e s cannot become "rurban" centres and consequently i t becomes essential to e s t a b l i s h some c r i t e r i a for t h e i r selection so as to ensure that the needs of the more important can be adequately asiet. While the physical planning of the v i l l a g e must be dictated by the peculiar conditions occurring each case, positive decision guiding the selection of these v i l l a g e s must be based on f a c t u a l information r e l a t i n g to: s i z e , topography, a c c e s s i b i l i t y , water resources, e x i s t i n g agriculture i n the area, marketing p o s s i b i l i t i e s , and e x i s t i n g economic and s o c i a l services. V i l l a g e s r a t i n g high i n these aspects would be the ones most l i k e l y to be selected but there must be, i n addition, a conscious aim to disperse them in a meaningful manner over the i s l a n d . The r u r a l settlement pattern of Jamaica,,. then, most of necessity be studied i n i t s ent i r e t y with a view to demarcating those v i l l a g e s e l i g i b l e to become "rurban" 15 For example, northern Clarendon. 16 P. 0. Lefvert, "An Inventory and C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Urban Settlement i n Jamaica", Vol. I-IV, Jamaica: Town Planning Department, United Nations Special Fund Project, October 31, 1968 (Mimeographed). 113 centres. The next step must be concerned with selection based on s p a t i a l c r i t e r i a , i n order that c e r t a i n areas would not be neglected and integration could be maintained. The writer i s not proposing here any regular pattern of settlement l i k e that of G h r i s t a l l e r , but rather a r a t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of "rurban" centres so that inhabitants of v i l l a g e s not e l i g i b l e f o r selection w i l l be i n easy reach of these. A l l r u r a l Jamaicans would benefit. Of course, there w i l l be a point at which i t would not be economically fea s i b l e to "rurbanize" certain r u r a l concentrations. The determination of t h i s l e v e l i s outside the scope of t h i s thesis as i t would r e l y on detailed f e a s i b i l i t y studies. V i l l a g e s below trhis cut-off point might have to be considered, e s p e c i a l l y i n those areas lacking e l i g i b l e v i l l a g e s . This could very well provide the catalyst f o r r u r a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i n these areas. Rural development at the scale described above cannot be e f f e c t i v e i f the whole island i s regarded as a single area of operation. To t r y to locate every amenity into every "rurban" centre would make the task unmanageable, even useless, and f i n a n c i a l l y p r o h i b i t i v e . For best r e s u l t s , then, the is l a n d should be divided into regions based not so much on the e x i s t i n g geographical boundaries as on functional areas dictated by the scope of whatever project i s to be undertaken. Boundaries then would be determined a f t e r the se l e c t i o n of "rurban" centres so as to achieve an evenly di s t r i b u t e d and integrated pattern. I H Heavy f i n a n c i a l undertakings, f o r example, vocational schools, must serve wider areas than the "rurban" centres. Consequently, the regional approach i s p o t e n t i a l l y a sound and f e a s i b l e proposition f o r r u r a l reconstruction i n Jamaica. Such a framework within which r u r a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n should be planned would better embrace the integration of industries with the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector as the chosen centres would provide the basiii: p r e - r e q u i s i t e s — e l e c t r i c i t y , water supplies and a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The approach, too, would greatly f a c i l i t a t e the decentralization of i n d u s t r i a l p o l i c y being advocated i n Jamaica at present. In addition, i t would f u l f i l l requirements necessary to produce e f f e c t i v e community development stated i n the Five Year Independence Plan of Jamaica. The l a t t e r stresses the need f o r the multiple-servicel7 approach i n which the same v i l l a g e would be the recipient of a l l a c t i v i t i e s and services. This, i t further stated, would generate a "community charged with a c t i v i t y and the desire to succeed".18 Such a framework provides the basis f o r the a l l o c a t i o n of s o c i a l services and f a c i l i t i e s i n d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p to defined population clu s t e r s and needs on a common basis, upon which the many authorities concerned with develop- ment planning programmes may coordinate t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . 17 Jamaica, Ministry of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . p. 187. 18 Ibid., p. 187. 115 The execution of t h i s "rurbanization" programme requires an e f f e c t i v e administrative framework. The s e l e c t i o n of $rurban" centres aimed toward a meaningful integrated pattern cannot be l e f t to the free interplay of economic and s o c i a l forces. The process envisages such a dramatic change of the r u r a l sector that the Govern- ment must play the dominant r o l e . Steps i n the planning described above implies that the objective of the Jamaican government should be: To improve l i v i n g standards of the e x i s t i n g r u r a l population, to guarantee a secure future to succeeding generations engaged i n agriculture by establishing a l e v e l of services i n r u r a l areas comparable to the l e v e l of amenities i n urban areas, thereby ensuring greater s o c i a l and economic opportunities f o r r u r a l people. Such an objective demands an adequate body to guide the physical planning of these settlements i n order to avoid any substantial d i f f i c u l t i e s i n coordination. The writer suggests that the Town Planning Department could be responsible f o r such a task as the two main aspects of planning i t pursues are:19 1. the coordination of Government controlled devel- opment , and 2. advice on private development i n the public i n t e r e s t . The Department, too, i s charged with the power of both town 19 Jamaica, Town Planning Department, Annual Report of the Town Planning Department f o r the Year Ended 31st March, 1963-4 (Kingston: The Government Printer, 1964). 116 and country planning. The "Town and Country Planning Authority" i s the Government Town Planner, the head of the Town Planning Department of the Ministry of Finance and Planning. It i s i n the power of the authority a f t e r con- s u l t a t i o n with the Local Authority concerned to prepare a "Provisional Development Order...in r e l a t i o n to any land i n any urban or r u r a l area...with the general object of c o n t r o l l i n g the development of the land comprised i n the area to which the respective order applies and with a view to securing proper sanitary conditions...and the coordination of roads and public services, protecting and extending amenities and conserving and developing the resources of such an area".20 Such an order has to be confirmed by the Minister. So f a r only a l l the coastal areas, Kingston, Spanish Town, and the Bog Walk, Linstead, Ewarton Area have been covered by Provisional Development Orders.21 In none of these has any reference been made to the respective h i n t e r - lands or neighbouring areas. They contain no proposals f o r the substantial extension of coastal towns or for the loca t i o n of new towns,22 although the Department has the power to so act. The preparation of the framework fortfehe island within which development proposals can be more successfully worked 20 Ibid., p. 2. 21 S i r Robert Kirkwood, A Farm Production Policy f o r Jamaica (Kingston: Sugar Manufacturers Association of Jamaica, 1968), p. 36. 22 Second Schedule, Part VII, Section 3(a) and (b) of the Town §nd Country Planning Law, 1957. 117 out should provide a new challenge f o r the Town Planning Department. Their terms of reference to t h i s end would of necessity be: 1. To interpret the o v e r a l l l i n e s of Government p o l i c y as i t relates to r u r a l development and accordingly to a s s i s t and advise the Government i n the modification of e x i s t i n g p o l i c y and the creation of new ones. 2. To establish e f f e c t i v e l i a i s o n with other departments of Government and public agencies concerned with r u r a l devel- opment—especially the M i n i s t r i e s of Agriculture, Rural Development and Housing and Public U t i l i t i e s , the Survey Department and the S o c i a l Development Commission—and to coordinate t n e i r work i n the matter of establishing the c r i t e r i a f o r and the s e l e c t i o n of "rurban" centres. 3. To prepare maps—both at the l o c a l and regional levels—showing the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the "rurban" centres to each other with emphasis on roads, water d i s t r i b u t i o n network and other infrastructure developments. 4. To consider plans of development f o r each centre and to collaborate with other ministries or agencies (public or private) i n the promotion and establishment of r u r a l industries complementary to agriculture i n the selected centres. 5. To conduct any necessary studies into the various aspects of r u r a l development so as to y i e l d f a c t u a l information as the basis for planning and plan evaluation, 118 and 6 . To implement the plans made and to ensure proper coordination of the programme from the i n t e r - m i n i s t e r i a l and functional point of view and having f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r the execution and evaluation of the programme throughout a l l i t s stages. The writer suggests that the programme be carried out in two stages: 1. the investi g a t i o n and p i l o t stage, and 2. the expansion stage. During the f i r s t stage, the various i n i t i a l studies, surveys and t e s t i n g of methods on a lim i t e d scale would be conducted as a means of guiding the Town Planning Department in laying the foundation f o r the expansive stage of the programme. This stage, then, would be that "at which sound and at t r a c t i v e plans are prepared f o r presentation to international and other sources f o r the obtaining of money to finance the wider Programme".23 Plans based on fa c t u a l information incur minor d i f f i c u l t y i n obtaining the necessary funds. The writer i s not i n a position to determine the appropriate time l i m i t f or t h i s stage and w i l l only suggest that one be adopted. The speed at which the second stage w i l l develop w i l l be governed by the amount of f i n a n c i a l resources made available 23 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n Action", op. c i t . , p. 20. 119 and the res u l t s of the objective evaluation of accomplish- ments made during the f i r s t stage.24 Primary e f f o r t s at expansion should be concentrated i n a few selected areas, probably the more "prosperous" ones as implementation would be easier and res u l t s better advertised. Planners must also r e a l i z e that they are not only planning for the present generation and must think i n terms of generations i n the future. For thi s reason the programme must be dynamic and continuously evaluated to measure progress and to determine what changes—especially those brought about by economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s — i f any should be made. It must therefore make allowances f o r these issues. The writer i s convinced that plans f o r r u r a l recon- V s t r u c t i o n aimed at curbingrural-urban migration need to give a more prominent place to basic urban factors than has been customary i n the p a s t — a past geared only to "land" improvement. An urban environment i s not only inev i t a b l e but esse n t i a l f o r , and helps to ensure, the continuation of the process of modernization being pursued by Jamaica as a developing country. There i s l i t t l e evidence to suggest that urbanization can be controlled, e s p e c i a l l y by searching f o r alternatives to urban growth 24 Ibid., p. 20. 120 i n r u r a l areas. Consequently, i t seems more strategic to adcept the existence of long-run trends of urbanization and to work e f f e c t i v e l y within them. Jamaica, however, has not got the resources to b u i l d " B r a s i l i a s " but a balance can be made and maintained between r u r a l and urban development through the "rurbani- zation" process. Consequently the most suitable v i l l a g e s from the l o c a t i o n a l standpoint and other c r i t e r i a should be made the focus of attention and investment. These, the writer believes, would provide the b u i l t - i n stimulus needed i n r u r a l Jamaica to l i f t the status of the peasant and to control rutral-urban migration. Planning through these "rurban" centres i s ambitious and new but in the words of Shaw and Singham,25"Government and people must be w i l l i n g to make unprecedented changes and adjustments i n a l l phases of our national and economic life--changes designed to f a c i l i t a t e and stimulate prod- uction and ensure s o c i a l harmony. I f , on the other hand, the demands of nationalism and self-sustained development are ignored or i n s u f f i c i e n t l y met, under the conditions of the r i s i n g expectations of the majority of the population f o r a better l i f e , forces of an unplanned and undesirable 25 Hugh Shaw and Nancy Singham, "Land Reform: Lessons from Other Countries as a Basis f o r Formulating a Policy f o r Jamaica, Divi s i o n of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s " (Paper prepared f o r the A g r i c u l t u r a l Planning Committee i n the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, Jamaica, December, 1961), pp. 5 - 6 . 121 character are l i k e l y to b u i l d up in the society, which, i n t h e i r unconscious movement towards a solution of t h e i r problem, might create such havoc as w i l l be d i f f i c u l t to r e p a i r . Often with regard to changes necessary i n the agrarian organization, the choice l i e s between e f f e c t i n g these changes while the s i t u a t i o n i s s t i l l under control through peaceful democratic processes, and allowing the changes to be attempted ultimately v i a the d i s t a s t e f u l method of v i o l e n t physical revolution and anarchy." Summary To date, a g r i c u l t u r a l programmes i n Jamaica have not resulted i n any r u r a l reconstruction which would a s s i s t i n s t a b i l i z i n g rural-urban migration. There i s , therefore, a need f o r r a d i c a l l y new approaches to bridge the gap between the modern urban areas and the t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l areas. Planning therefore becomes v i t a l and ambitious as only an ambitious programme w i l l be capable of a r r e s t i n g the flow of population to the urban areas. So f a r , solutions have centred around narrowing the d i s p a r i t y i n the national income structure and the location of agro-industries i n the r u r a l areas. These remedies have serious drawbacks as the l o c a l environment as i t now exists places manifold obstacles i n the way of incorporating the r u r a l areas into a process of i n d u s t r i a l growth. Thus, before these schemes can be implemented, there i s an urgent need f o r the underlying determinants of s o c i a l l i f e and 122 s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n and the general provision of adequate amenities and services to be supplied i n the r u r a l areas. The author believes that a possible solution at t h i s time i s to devise a system leading to the "rurbanization" of r u r a l Jamaica. The point i s that the basic services and amenities which have become a normal feature of everyday urban l i v i n g would be provided and concentrated i n the e x i s t i n g v i l l a g e s . The concept of "rurbanization" cannot be applied to a l l r u r a l settlement areas in Jamaica as the programme demands concentrations of people. Decision guiding the s e l e c t i o n of v i l l a g e s must be based on s p e c i f i c information r e l a t i n g to: s i z e , topography, a c c e s s i b i l i t y , water resources, e x i s t i n g agriculture i n the area, marketing p o s s i b i l i t i e s and e x i s t i n g economic and s o c i a l services. V i l l a g e s r a t i n g high i n these aspects would be the ones most l i k e l y to be selected but there must also be a conscious aim to disperse them i n a meaningful and integrated manner over the i s l a n d . For best r e s u l t s , the is l a n d should be divided into regions based not on geographic boundaries but on functional areas dictated by the scope of whatever project i s to be undertaken. Planning f o r these "rurban" centres through t h i s integrated framework should be done by the Town Planning Department. It i s already charged with the power of both town and country planning. However, of necessity the department must be given certain terms of reference. It i s 123 suggested that the programme be carr i e d out i n two stages: 1. the investigation and p i l o t stage, and 2. the expansion stage. The writer i s convinced that plans f o r r u r a l recon- st r u c t i o n aimed at curbing rural-urban migration need to give a more prominent place to basic urban factors than has been customary i n the past. Planning through an integrated framework of "rurban" centres provides a solution f o r Jamaica. CHAPTER 6 IMPLICATIONS OF THE HYPOTHESIS FOR DEVELOPING REGIONS Although the study pertained to rural-urban migration in Jamaica, i t i s by no means an at y p i c a l case; i n f a c t the movement i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of other rural-urban migrations taking place i n other developing regions as stated i n the hypothesis of the study. And because of i t s number and importance, i t i s unquestionably among the most s t r i k i n g demographic features of the urban areas of these regions. The development process i s the main f a c t o r in r u r a l - urban migration. Economic and s o c i a l developments are unequally d i s t r i b u t e d i n developing regions,more so than i n developed ones^ and t h i s creates a more c r i t i c a l problem i n the former. Normally the role of migration i s the achievement of a better d i s t r i b u t i o n of population i n r e l a t i o n to resources, and economic and s o c i a l opportunities. However, i n developing regions the rate and volume of r u r a l - urban migration f a r exceed the current absorptive capacities of i t s p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s , thus creating widespread under- employment and serious housing, education and other s o c i a l 1 Glen Beyer, op. c i t . . p. 75. 125 problems.2 Urban concentration in the developing regions such as in Jamaica i s less the r e s u l t of economic development " p u l l i n g " r u r a l population into c i t i e s and more the r e s u l t of the "push" of the "troubled" r u r a l areas.3 There are only a few- primitive areas which have remained completely apart from the impact of modernization. Most have had a taste of modern l i f e without any attempts being made towards s u r a l recon- s t r u c t i o n . And once t h i s impact has been f e l t . n o one can r e a l l y be astonished that people-leave t h e i r r u r a l dwellings. The rapid rate of urbanization created by t h i s exodus i n the developing regions leads to suggestions to the e f f e c t that i t should be slowed down su b s t a n t i a l l y . But as was previously stated, there i s l i t t l e past or present evidence i n d i c a t i n g that any society has been e f f e c t i v e i n regulating or c o n t r o l l i n g i t s rate of urbanization. In a l i k e manner, with the exception of some crude measures on a r a c i a l basis, no Government, of whatever p o l i t i c a l structure has succeeded i n c o n t r o l l i n g "spontaneous" rural-urban migration by d i r e c t measures. The answer to the problem i n developing regions i s to accept the existence of long-run trends i n urbanization and to t r y to work within them rather than against them. 2 Louis J. Ducoff, op. c i t . . p. 207. 3 P h i l i p M. Hauser, "Population and Labour Force Resources as Factors i n Economic Development", United Nations Conference on Population, p. 1 (Mimeographed). 126 Consequently, instead of viewing the process from a negative point of view, i t should be seen as a b u i l t - i n stimulus or challenge to s o c i a l change.4 The basic s h i f t to urban l i f e i s the core process of modernization—a state a l l developing regions are t r y i n g to achieve. Resettlement schene s often thought of as a solution to migration have now demonstrated that they need some sort of urban area f o r t h e i r success.5 In fact these schemes have f a l l e n short of t h e i r aim. "The settlement of new areas appears to have been pushed almost to the l i m i t that i s practicable with present technology and only i n certain countries (for example, B r a z i l , Soviet Union, Chinese Mainland, Sub-Saharan Africa) i s the f r o n t i e r phase of popu- l a t i o n r e d i s t r i b u t i o n s t i l l extant. Even i n these areas, urbanization has gained ascendancy over land settlement."6 This substantiates the f a c t that r u r a l plans in developing regions should emphasize urban factors no matter how modest they may be. And, as was stated e a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter, urbanization i s e s s e n t i a l f o r the successful modernization of westernization of the developing regions. Thus an i n t e r - r e l a t i o n between r u r a l and urban devel- opment has to be taken into account so that the urbanization process w i l l a s s i s t i n bridging the gap between the "backward" 4 Glen Beyer, op. c i t . , p. 75. 5 Glen Beyer, op. c i t . , p. 108. 6 United Nations, Proceedings of the World Population Conference (E/CONF.41/1-3), 1966, p. 24. 127 r u r a l areas and the modern urban l o c a l i t i e s . If such a gap i s not f i l l e d , i t could create serious repercussions on the urban sector. For example, the undeveloped r u r a l areas w i l l not be able to provide a market f o r urban goods and consequently w i l l not stimulate greater productivity i n the i n d u s t r i a l sector that would at t r a c t more investment and create more jobs.7 i n short, steps taken to improve r u r a l l i v i n g conditions w i l l benefit urban areas 8 and consequently q u a l i t i e s of urban l i v i n g have to be viewed as part of a national problem and not merely from the "urban" point of view. Governments i n these developing regions must of necessity frame p o l i c i e s f o r r u r a l reconstruction s i m i l a r to that proposed f o r Jamaica which give prominence to urban f a c t o r s . The writer does not envisage f u l l scale new towns as resources in these regions are very l i m i t e d , but rather a "rurbanization" of the r u r a l areas whereby urban f a c i l i t i e s and functions are introduced which are accepted as normal features of d a i l y l i v i n g . An integrated provision of many kinds of services i n "rurban" centres would d e f i n i t e l y a s s i s t i n r a i s i n g l e v e l s of l i v i n g of r u r a l people. However, as i n Jamaica, the f a c t that these functions require a minimum of people i n one conglomeration 7 Glen Beyer, op. c i t . . p. 110. 8 Ibid.. p. 110. 128 cannot be ignored. The author cannot state the size of these "rurban" centres or the f a c i l i t i e s to be indluded. Rural needs f o r d i f f e r e n t countries cannot be met by any universal p o l i c y and t h i s can be stated with confidence. The widely d i f f e r i n g types of r u r a l settlement, stages of development of regions and a v a i l a b i l i t y of c a p i t a l , f o r example, demand d i f f e r i n g and f l e x i b l e strategies that w i l l depend on an intimate acquaintance with l o c a l sSituations.9 For example, the kinds of f a c i l i t i e s to be b u i l t should i d e a l l y be adjusted to the conditions that prompt migration from the area i n question. But i n view of the o v e r a l l s c a r c i t y of resources, l i k e Jamaica, i t i s not r e a l i s t i c to plan f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t expansion of services and amenities i n a l l r u r a l areas during the same period.10 General p r i n - c i p l e s f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n a l strategy must be developed and established. The major r u r a l problems cannot be solved by l o c a l i z e d planning nor i s i t only a matter of urban planning. " I t i s also a matter of reational planning i n which s o c i a l p o l i c i e s should bejjoined with economic and physical p o l i c i e s i n a geographical strategy of development."11 As the "primitive" r u r a l areas are the "pushing" zones, the 9 Marshal Wolfe, op. c i t . . p. 31. 10 United Nations, 1968, op. c i t . . p. 95. 1 1 Ibid.. P. 94. 129 towns a t t r a c t i n g ones and the shanty-towns the danger signs of over-migration*, developing regions and other areas with s i m i l a r situations must deepen t h e i r analysis of these areas. Studies should begin to take notice of environmental and human factors i n the process of rural-urban migration and not merely stop at movement "per se" of the people. These studies w i l l provide the background needed f o r planning, f o r i f the regions want development i t i s doubtful whether they can afford to maintain agrarian workers i n t h e i r present state of poverty and economic and s o c i a l non-participation. A progressively more vocal agrarian class makes i t u n l i k e l y that the regions can stave o f f r u r a l reconstruction much longer. Summary The concept suggested i n t h i s thesis can be applied to other developing regions as the movement i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c dirural-urban migration i n those areas. But there i s no uriirersally detailed p o l i c y that can be transplanted from one region to another. The widely d i f f e r i n g types of r u r a l settlement, the stage of development of regions and a v a i l a b i l i t y of c a p i t a l , f o r example, demand d i f f e r i n g and f l e x i b l e strategies that w i l l depend on an intimate acquaint- ance with l o c a l s i t u a t i o n s . An urban environment i s not only inevitable but es s e n t i a l 130 f o r and helps to ensure the process of modernization being pursued by developing regions. 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