Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Rural-urban migration as an aspect of regional development policy : Jamaica examined as a case study Adolphus, Blossom 1970-12-31

You don't seem to have a PDF reader installed, try download the pdf

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1970_A8 A36.pdf [ 7.34MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0102122.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0102122-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0102122-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0102122-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0102122-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0102122-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0102122-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0102122-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0102122.ris

Full Text

RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION AS AN ASPECT OF REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT POLICY: JAMAICA, EXAMINED AS A CASE STUDY by BLOSSOM ADOLPHUS B. A. (Hons.) U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto, Toronto 1 9 6 6  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master o f A r t s i n the School of Community and R e g i o n a l  Planning  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming required  t o the  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1 9 7 0  In presenting  t h i s thesis in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I further agree tha permission for extensive  copying of t h i s thesis  for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives.  I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  of t h i s thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission.  School of  *m&$m<kk#l P l a n n i n g The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada  D a t e  May,  1970  ABSTRACT The  purpose of the study i s t o s u b s t a n t i a t e  and  document the n o t i o n t h a t a comprehensive p l a n n i n g  policy  f o r i n t e g r a t e d socio-economic development aimed at s o l v i n g the u n d e r l y i n g problems o f the r u r a l "push" f a c t o r s would y i e l d more e f f e c t i v e s o l u t i o n s t o r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n  as  a g e n e r i c i s s u e i n d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s than measures a l r e a d y proposed i n these r e g i o n s . the context  The  premise was  examined w i t h i n  of the e x i s t i n g Government measures geared t o  make r u r a l l i v i n g more a t t r a c t i v e i n the d e v e l o p i n g  country  of Jamaica, West I n d i e s . Based on a r e v i e w of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i n L a t i n America, of which Jamaica i s a p a r t , i t i s i n d i c a t e d t h a t the movement has reached unprecedented l e v e l s . e r i s h e d economic and  s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of the  are r e a l as evidenced  The  impov-  countryside  by the ever i n c r e a s i n g f l o w of  r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n mainly t o one urban a r e a . are unable to employ a l l t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s and  The  cities  consequently  v a r i o u s measures of r a i s i n g the l e v e l of r u r a l l i v i n g have been i n t r o d u c e d .  In L a t i n America the p r i n c i p a l focus  been on l a n d tenure  and  has  c o l o n i z a t i o n but these have always  f a l l e n s h o r t of t h e i r aim.  Such schemes need groupings of  people i n t o urban c e n t r e s f o r t h e i r s u c c e s s .  Bolder  attempts at c o o r d i n a t i o n o f measures at the n a t i o n a l and l o c a l l e v e l are The  vital.  case study of Jamaica r e v e a l s t h a t r u r a l to urban ii  m i g r a t i o n has become an i n c r e a s i n g l y important phenomenon. The main c u r r e n t s have meant a movement t o the Kingston and S t . Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n Area.  However, the r a t e and volume  of t h e movement f a r exceed the c u r r e n t a b s o r p t i v e  capacities  of t h i s area and t h i s has c r e a t e d problems p e r t a i n i n g t o under-employment, housing shortages and c e r t a i n s o c i a l  ills.  Faced w i t h these problems, the Government of Jamaica has, s i n c e 1 9 3 # , i n i t i a t e d measures t o h a l t the growing t r e k of r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n t o the c i t y .  The Land Settlement scheme  i n v o l v i n g the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f s m a l l p l o t s of l a n d t o the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n , p r e v i o u s l y i n t r o d u c e d i n the l##©*s, was v i g o u r o u s l y pursued a f t e r 1 9 3 8 . S i n c e the 1 9 4 0 ' s , however, the main area o f c o n c e n t r a t i o n of p o l i c y switched t o measures f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the h i l l s i d e s and improvements w i t h the l a n d . implemented through the Farm Improvement Land A u t h o r i t i e s Law,  These have been Scheme, 1 9 4 7 ; the  1 9 5 1 ; the Farm Recovery Scheme, 1 9 5 1 ;  the Farm Development Scheme, 1 9 5 5 ; the A g r i c u l t u r a l D e v e l opment Programme, I 9 6 0 and the Farm P r o d u c t i o n Programme i n 1963.  Improvements t o the s o c i a l environment have been  mainly through the S o c i a l Development Commission and the U-E  Glubs. While the schemes have been i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i n c r e a s i n g  t o t a l area under c u l t i v a t i o n they have been f a r from s u c c e s s f u l i n r a i s i n g r u r a l l e v e l s of l i v i n g w i t h the aim of c o n t r o l l i n g r r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . iii  They were o n l y  concerned thought  w i t h i s s u e s r e l a t i n g t o the l a n d with  f o r the people who  occupied t h a t l a n d .  insufficient The  attempts  made by the S o c i a l Development Commission have achieved little,  i f any,  success i n stemming r u r a l f l o w s .  T h i s t h e s i s r e v e a l s a f o r m i d a b l e gap between these government measures and what r u r a l Jamaica r e q u i r e s . needs of the l a t t e r are n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l i n nature  The  and  r e v o l v e about the p r o v i s i o n of modest urban s e r v i c e s which have become a normal f e a t u r e of d a i l y l i v i n g . cluded t h a t t h i s c o u l d be achieved through  I t i s con-  a system l e a d i n g  t o the " r u r b a n i z a t i o n " of r u r a l J a m a i c a — a process that would c r e a t e an urban environment but at the same time would not be t r u l y urban.  A l l the b a s i c s e r v i c e s and  amenities would be p r o v i d e d and concentrated i n s e l e c t e d existing centres.  These "rurban" c e n t r e s arranged  i n an  i n t e g r a t e d manner would have advantages t h a t would serve t o f a c i l i t a t e the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of r u r a l areas i n t o s t a b l e s o c i e t i e s , and i n a d d i t i o n a s s i s t the process of moderniz a t i o n which Jamaica i s now  undergoing.  For best r e s u l t s the i s l a n d must be d i v i d e d i n t o regions.  I t i s concluded  t h a t the Town Planning Department  of Jamaica should guide the p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g of these s e t t l e m e n t s as i t i s a l r e a d y charged with the  necessary  powers. The  s o l u t i o n has i m p l i c a t i o n s not o n l y f o r Jamaica  but a l s o f o r other d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s . iv  Plans f o r r u r a l  r e c o n s t r u c t i o n aimed a t c u r b i n g r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i n these areas need t o give a more prominent place t o b a s i c urban f a c t o r s than has been customary i n the p a s t . urban environment i s necessary f o r the modernization the r e g i o n s are now  pursuing.  v  An process  TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE. ABSTRACT  i i .  TABLE OF CONTENTS  vi.  LIST OF FIGURES  ix.  LIST OF TABLES  x.  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  xi.  CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION  1  General I n t r o d u c t i o n  1  The Purpose o f the Study  3  Scope o f the Study  4  P l a n n i n g and Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n  4  The S i g n i f i c a n c e o f the Problem t o Jamaica ..  12  Hypothesis o f the Study  15  D e f i n i t i o n o f Terms  15  O r g a n i z a t i o n of the Study  16  CHAPTER 2 - URBANIZATION AND  RURAL-URBAN  MIGRATION IN LATIN AMERICA  1#  Introduction  1$  Growth o f Urban P o p u l a t i o n  19  The Causes o f Urban Growth  22  Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n i n L a t i n America  27  Migration S e l e c t i v i t y  27  vi  P a t t e r n of M i g r a t i o n  29  Causes of Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n  ..  31  E f f e c t s o f Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n Measures t o Balance Rural -Urban M i g r a t i o n  36 ...  Summary  38 42  CHAPTER 3 - RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION IN JAMAICA  44  Introduction  44  Extent o f Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n  48  S e l e c t i v i t y o f Migrants  52  Migration Patterns  53  Causes o f Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n  54  Measures t o C o n t r o l Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n Summary  ...  70 79  CHAPTER. 4 - THE FAILURE OF MEASURES TO MAKE RURAL LIVING MORE ATTRACTIVE  82  Introduction  82  The Land Settlement Programme  #2  Post World War  8?  I I Schemes  S o c i a l Development Commission  91  Genuine  94  Needs of R u r a l Jamaica  Summary  98  vii  CHAPTER 5 - A PROPOSED SOLUTION FOR STABILIZING RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION IN JAMAICA ..... Introduction Adoption  100 "100  o f Incomes P o l i c y  102  L o c a t i o n o f I n d u s t r y i n R u r a l Areas  106  Solution  110  Summary  121  CHAPTER 6 - IMPLICATIONS OF THE HYPOTHESIS FOR DEVELOPING REGIONS  124  Summary  129  BIBLIOGRAPHY  131  viii  LIST OF EIBUBESATIONS AFTER PAGE  FIGURE 1  MIGRATION INTO THE KINGSTON AND ST. ANDREW AREA, 1 9 2 1 - 1 9 4 3  49  MIGRATION INTO THE KINGSTON AND ST. ANDREW AREA FROM THE COUNTRY, 1 9 5 9  51  3  KINGSTON - ST. ANDREW: INTENSITY OF IMMIGRATION BY CONSTITUENCIES, 1 9 5 9  51  4  INTENSITY OF OUTMIGRATION,1959  51  2  ix  LIST' OF TABLES TABLE 1  DECENNIAL INCREASE IN URBAN AND RURAL POPULATION IN LATIN AMERICA 1 9 2 0 - 1 9 6 0  20  2  URBANIZATION DUE TO MIGRATION IN SELECTED LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES  26  3  4  PAGE  ANNUAL RATES OF MIGRATION TO URBAN AREAS OF SEVERAL LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES (1938-1963.)  28  JAMAICA: GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT AT FACTOR COST (CURRENT PRICES) FOR SELECTED YEARS .  46  5  NET MIGRATION BY SEX INTO THE KINGSTON AND ST. ANDREW METROPOLITAN AREA  53  6  REASONS FOR MIGRATING FROM THE VILLAGE OF TOP ALBANY, ST. MARY  56  7  REASONS FOR REMAINING IN THE VILLAGE  4  OF TOP ALBANY, STL MARY 8  NUMBERS OF FARMS BY SIZE GROUPS AND PERCENTAGE TOTAL IN EACH GROUP: 1 9 4 2 ,  1954,  9  1961  58  67  ACREAGE OF LANDS IN FARMS BY SIZE GROUPS AND PERCENTAGE TOTAL IN EACH GROUP: 1 9 6 1 .  68  10  SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF FARMS ON LAND SETTLEMENTS, 1 9 6 1  72  11  DEVELOPMENTS VILLAGERS WOULD LIKE TO SEE IN TOP ALBANY  95  x  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many persons deserve g r a t i t u d e f o r t h e i r  Among t h e s e , I wish t o  contributions to this thesis. express thanks e s p e c i a l l y  special  t o Dr. C r a i g Davis f o r h i s  guidance and c o n s t r u c t i v e c r i t i c i s m s ; Dr. H. Peter Oberlander f o r h i s h e l p f u l  s u g g e s t i o n s ; my f r i e n d ,  J e n i p h i e r Nevers, a Jamaican, whose response t o my proposed s o l u t i o n  was o f g r e a t importance t o me; the  many v i l l a g e r s o f Top Albany who f r e e l y t o l d o f the problems encountered i n t h e i r v i l l a g e ; the members o f v a r i o u s departments  o f the Government i n Jamaica who  w i l l i n g l y spoke t o me and p r o v i d e d the necessary data without which the study c o u l d not have been done; and a l s o Mrs. D. Van T i n e who typed the paper. F i n a l l y , I am g r a t e f u l  t o the Government of Jamaica  f o r s p o n s o r i n g my two-year study programme a t the University  o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  xi  CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION General  Introduction  U r b a n i z a t i o n i s a world  phenomenon which  transcends  n a t u r a l boundaries and has been i n c r e a s i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e World War I I .  T h i s phenomenon r e p r e s e n t s a dramatic  break w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l h a b i t s , e s p e c i a l l y i n d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s whose h i s t o r y b a s i c a l l y has been r u r a l . v i n c i n g e m p i r i c a l evidence  l i e s i n demographic  Con-  factors—  f a c t o r s r e l a t i n g t o the p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e i n c i t i e s . 1 The and  most important  o f these  i s internal  i n p a r t i c u l a r , rural-urban migration.  migration,  T h i s movement  has not o n l y demographic but a l s o socio-economic  impli-  c a t i o n s and i t s e f f e c t s are more s e r i o u s i n the d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s than i n the developed a r e a s .  2  Although the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i m p l i e d i n t h i s phenomenon are somewhat s i m i l a r t o those  o f the l a t t e r n a t i o n s , i t s b a c k g r o u n d —  1 Glen Beyer, ed., The Urban E x p l o s i o n i n L a t i n America ( I t h a c a , New York: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1967J, P» 9 2 . 2 Toshio Kuroda, " I n t e r n a l M i g r a t i o n : an overview o f problems and s t u d i e s " , o f Proceedings of the World P o p u l a t i o n Conference. 1 9 6 5 , V o l . IV (United Nations Conference on P o p u l a t i o n , E / c o n f : 4 1 / s , 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 5 0 5 .  2 e c o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n , t e c h n o l o g i c a l standard and the extent of socio-economic d e v e l o p m e n t — i s e s s e n t i a l l y  different^  i n the d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s . In the p r o c e s s , m i l l i o n s of a g r i c u l t u r a l workers  are  a t t r a c t e d t o and t r y t o e n t e r the n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employment but the c i t i e s are more times than not unable t o absorb the migrants at the pace at which they a r r i v e .  Planners and  others have thought i n terms of the broad appeal of i n d u s trialization  t o absorb the unemployed but Myrdhal maintains  t h a t because  o f the "low l e v e l of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n from  which these c o u n t r i e s b e g i n , and the r a p i d p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e , modern i n d u s t r y even i f i t grows a t an extremely r a p i d  rate  w i l l not be a b l e t o absorb more than a s m a l l f r a c t i o n of the n a t u r a l increment i n the l a b o u r f o r c e f o r decades  ahead".4  R e a l i z i n g t h i s , v a r i o u s d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s are implement i n g s e v e r a l aspects o f a g r a r i a n reform to a l l e v i a t e the impove r i s h e d economic and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of the r u r a l a r e a s — the  repelling factors.  However, the c o n t r i b u t i o n s of r u r a l  programmes of t h i s nature t o economic growth and consequently t h e i r c o n t r o l of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n , always the s u b j e c t of many c r i t i c i s m s , u s u a l l y f a l l Stavenhagen,  " r u r a l communities  3 Toshio Kuroda, i b i d . ,  p.  short of t h e i r aim.  To  have g e n e r a l l y , on the 505.  ^ Gfunraar Myrdhal, A s i a n Drama (New York: Century Fund, 1968), pp. 1202-1203.  Twentieth  3'  whole, l o s t more than t h e y have gained?.5 The programmes are u s u a l l y spasmodic, and are c a r r i e d out i n i s o l a t i o n and  few i n number,  i n a piecemeal  fashion.  T h i s does not imply t h a t the measures or the  approach  are n e c e s s a r i l y wrong but they cannot s t o p at  t h i s p o i n t i f movement t o the urban areas i s t o be  curbed.  However, i t seems reasonable t o say t h a t an i n c r e a s e i n such programmes w i l l not r e s u l t i n any s u b s t a n t i a l improve ments.  The  process must continue and the d e v e l o p i n g  c o u n t r i e s cannot wait u n t i l a h i g h e r economic l e v e l i s reached b e f o r e t a k i n g a c t i o n .  Thus i t seems reasonable t o  suggest t h a t no improvements i n the r u r a l s e c t o r w i l l have an impact u n l e s s they are i n t e g r a t e d w i t h i n an o v e r a l l p l a n n i n g framework.  Then and o n l y t h e n — a n d  w i t h i n the  l i m i t s o f the economic p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f the d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s — w i l l the "pushing? decreased.  c h a r a c t e r of r u r a l zones be  In s h o r t , r u r a l and urban development  will  move f o r g r e a t e r b a l a n c e . The Purpose o f the The  purpose  Study  of the study i s t o s u b s t a n t i a t e the  premise t h a t e x i s t i n g measures of r a i s i n g l e v e l s of l i v i n g i n r u r a l areas are u n l i k e l y t o s t a b i l i z e  the  5 J . A. Ponsioen, "An a n a l y s i s o f — a n d a p o l i c y r e g a r d i n g — r u r a l migration i n developing countries", Proceedings o f the World P o p u l a t i o n C o n f e r e n c e , 1 9 6 5 , V o l . I f , op. c i t . . p. 519.  4 rural-urban  migration.  The  study w i l l show f u r t h e r t h a t  the s o l u t i o n l i e s i n an i n t e g r a t e d p l a n n i n g a regional l e v e l .  The  approach  on  o b j e c t i v e i s t o i n v e s t i g a t e these  measures i n Jamaica and  t o e s t a b l i s h whether or not  are e f f e c t i v e l y i n t e g r a t e d w i t h i n a  they  plan.  Scope o f Study T h i s study, r e a l i z i n g t h a t g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s rural-urban  migration  i n developing  misleading,  concentrates  c o u n t r i e s can  on c o n d i t i o n s  i s an attempt to provide  the g e n e r a l  be  i n L a t i n America  w i t h s p e c i a l emphasis on Jamaica, West I n d i e s . it  concerning  In essence,  a q u a l i t a t i v e framework and i f  premise be accepted, then i t can serve as a  b a s i s f o r f u t u r e q u a n t i t a t i v e s t u d i e s ; without the  former,  the l a t t e r cannot proceed i n a meaningful f a s h i o n . Most o f the data used i s secondary, based on books, published  documents and  there i s a c o n s i d e r a b l e  a r t i c l e s on the s u b j e c t . l i t e r a t u r e on u r b a n i z a t i o n  America, s t a t i s t i c a l s t u d i e s and rural-urban dearth and  migration  Although in Latin  a v a i l a b l e estimates of  are incomplete.  There e x i s t s a l s o a  o f e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s because the process i s complex  l i t t l e understood.  The  present  r a t h e r than e m p i r i c a l i n n a t u r e . i n t h a t they p o i n t the way  study i s t h e o r e t i c a l  Such s t u d i e s are  f o r further empirical  such as the t e s t i n g of the hypothesis i n t h i s Planning  and  Rural-Urban  valuable  research,  paper.  Migration  Throughout most of the h i s t o r y of developing  countries,  5 measures t o r a i s e the r u r a l l e v e l o f l i v i n g have r e c e i v e d much l e s s a t t e n t i o n than those used t o s t i m u l a t e i n d u s t r y or r e i n f o r c e t h e c i t y — a  c l e a r case o f an urban b i a s .  However, i n r e c e n t years these c o u n t r i e s have r e c o g n i z e d t h a t r u r a l development e x e r t s a " d e c i s i v e i n f l u e n c e on the u r b a n i z a t i o n process, w h i l e a t the same time, i t i s an i n d i s p e n s a b l e adjunct t o o v e r a l l development o f t h e country".6 To t h i s end, almost  a l l c o u n t r i e s have drawn up  n a t i o n a l plans i n c o r p o r a t i n g programmes aimed at c l o s i n g the conspicuous side.  gap between the urban a r e a and the country-  Some programmes are v e r y e x p l i c i t ,  others g e n e r a l i z e d ;  some are not designed f o r t h a t purpose but do decrease r u r a l m i g r a t i o n ; some are o n l y o f an experimental  nature  while o t h e r s e x i s t a t a n a t i o n a l l e v e l but are not d e f i n e d i n the l o c a l context.  And, the d e l e g a t i o n and success o f  these i s i n t i m a t e l y connected  with the e f f e c t i v e d e c i s i o n  of the p l a n n i n g s e c t o r o f t h e c o u n t r y . In many o f the L a t i n American c o u n t r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n Jamaica,  programmes are d i s t r i b u t e d among a whole gamut o f  government, semi-government or independent never  seem t o know what t h e other i s d o i n g .  agencies which So, b e s i d e s  the problem o f i n i t i a t i n g t h e a p p r o p r i a t e measures, there i s t h i s added one o f a conspicuous  l a c k of c o o r d i n a t i o n  w i t h i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . 6 P h i l i p Hauser, ed., U r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America (Paris: UNESCO, 1 9 6 1 ) , p. T>2~.  6  Mauser maintains t h a t t h e r e i s a v i r t u a l absence o f 6 p l a n n i n g i n these c o u n t r i e s as i s evidenced by the f o l l o w i n g : 1.  The f o r m u l a t i o n o f d e t a i l e d plans f o r d i s t a n t a r e a s , by p l a n n i n g agencies which are more o f t e n than not l o c a t e d i n the c a p i t a l s and f r e q u e n t l y have l i t t l e r e l e v a n c e t o the a c t u a l r u r a l s i t u a t i o n . Hence, the f a c t o r o f the l o c a l communities p l a y i n g a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i s overlooked.  2.  The p r o v i s i o n o f s e r v i c e s are u s u a l l y made i g n o r i n g any f i x e d order o f p r i o r i t i e s — e s p e c i a l l y those of an economic n a t u r e . I n v a r i a b l y t h i s leads- t o adverse e f f e c t s on the economic development o f the c o u n t r i e s themselves.  3.  There i s not o n l y a g e n e r a l l a c k o f p l a n n i n g at d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s but a g r e a t need t o encourage p l a n n i n g among the p o l i t i c i a n s and the p u b l i c . 7  T h i s n e g a t i v e approach t o p l a n n i n g r e s u l t s no doubt from a l a c k o f u n i v e r s a l understanding  about the nature o f  the problems or paths a l o n g which s o l u t i o n s mu6t be sought. I t would be h e l p f u l f o r p r e d i c t i v e purposes t o be able t o r e f e r t o a model o r t h e o r y o f r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i n these developing c o u n t r i e s .  But the f a c t i s t h a t l i t t l e  about the phenomenon.  H e r r i c k maintains t h a t :  i s known <  "urban m i g r a t i o n i s u s u a l l y c o n s i d e r e d as a s e r i e s of events o c c u r r i n g i n a d y n a m i c a l l y changing economy....Movement from the c o u n t r y s i d e t o the towns, necessary i f s t r i c t l y balanced growth o f the two p a r t s o f the labour f o r c e i s t o occur, becomes even more i m p e r a t i v e i f an i n c r e a s e i n the s i z e o f the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r i s among the goals o f the d e v e l o p i n g economy. T h i s response of l a b o u r t o a changing i n d u s t r i a l s t r u c t u r e and t p i t s i n c r e a s i n g demands f o r f a c t o r s o f p r o d u c t i o n i s u s u a l l y viewed c h e e r f u l l y as 7 P h i l i p Hauser, op. c i t . .  p. 76  7 evidence of a s o c i e t y ' s dynamism and flexibility".#  economic  But t h e r e i s y e t another model i n which migration  rural-urban  i s an index of s t a g n a t i o n o f the economy,  r e f l e c t i n g the economic and demographic s i t u a t i o n s s u r rounding i t .  A l l L a t i n American c o u n t r i e s a t t e s t t o t h i s  p a t t e r n i n v a r i o u s degrees.  Here much of the urban popu-  l a t i o n growth has not occurred  i n response t o economic  need f o r the c i t y as there i s a l a r g e r p o p u l a t i o n is  j u s t i f i e d by the present  "than  l e v e l of a g r i c u l t u r e and  non-  agricultural productivity".9 The  s i t u a t i o n of both models i s p a r a d o x i c a l as i n  both the most commonly accepted development—urban migration  indexes of economic  accompanied by  secondary and t e r t i a r y s e c t o r s and  expanding  r e l a t i v e l y contracting  primary o n e s l O — a r e seen but development i n terms of " i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n " i s o c c u r r i n g i n one  but not i n the  other. In t r y i n g t o achieve opment, planners  some balanced measure of d e v e l -  have argued on both s i d e s of the  Some b e l i e v e t h a t the r a t e of u r b a n i z a t i o n should  coin. be  slowed down s u b s t a n t i a l l y "and t h a t t o a t t a i n t h i s o b j e c t i v e , much of the g o v e r n m e n t s a t t e n t i o n and investment should be 8 Bruce H. H e r r i c k , Urban M i g r a t i o n and Economic Development i n C h i l e (Cambridge, Massachusetts: M.I.T. Press, 1965), P. 2. 9 P h i l i p M. Hauser, ed., U r b a n i z a t i o n i n A s i a the F a r East ( C a l c u t t a : UNESCO, 1957), p. 9. 1 0 Bruce H e r r i c k , op. c i t . . p.  2.  and  8 d i r e c t e d t o r u r a l r a t h e r than urban a r e a s . I f r u r a l areas can be made more a t t r a c t i v e . . . . p e o p l e w i l l be l e s s l i k e l y t o abandon them f o r c i t y life".11 Others a r e s k e p t i c a l as t h e r e has been no c o n c l u s i v e evidence t o i n d i c a t e the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f any country c o n t r o l l i n g or regulating i t s rate of urbanization.  And  what might w e l l be a most c o n v i n c i n g n o t i o n i s the argument! t h a t s u c c e s s f u l economic development i n urban a r e a s .  F o r example,  i s best c a r r i e d out  large-scale regional devel-  opment plans should s t r e s s urban f a c t o r s more than has been customary i n the p a s t . These debates are r e l a t e d t o c o n s i d e r a b l e disagreement as t o whether r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i s advantageous t o L a t i n America*s development.  That t h e process i s d e t r i -  mental i s governed by t h r e e arguments.12 magnitude  F i r s t , the  o f m i g r a t i o n i s t o o great because i t r e s u l t s  i n a s t r a i n on e s s e n t i a l urban s e r v i c e s and reduces the e f f i c i e n c y o f the c i t i e s themselves.  Second, the s o c i a l  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the migrants, f o r example,  educational  q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , do not make f o r easy i n t e g r a t i o n i n c i t y living.  As such t h e y are s a i d t o r e p r e s e n t a drag on  the economy.  T h i r d , the migrants have great  difficulties  i n making s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l adjustments t o the city.  True enough, these n e g a t i v e c r i t i c i s m s h o l d , but  11 Glen H. Beyer, ed., The Urban E x p l o s i o n i n L a t i n America ( I t h a c a , New York: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967), P. 74. 12 I b i d . , p. 88.  9 p o s i t i v e arguments can a l s o be found. i s v e r y i n v o l v e d and  The  process,  i t i s no s m a l l wonder t h a t  then,  planners  f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t t o reach u s e f u l c o n c l u s i o n s . Yet another  drawback t o p l a n n i n g i s the l a c k of t e s t e d  q u a n t i t a t i v e data t o provide the necessary  i n f o r m a t i o n base  f o r the causes of m i g r a t i o n so t h a t more a p p r o p r i a t e s o l u t i o n s can be found  t o improve the c o n d i t i o n s i n which  the migrants are l i v i n g . two  Theories of causes centre around  s o r t s of p r e s s u r e s — t h e  "push" and the " p u l l " .  As  regards the former, the pressure of r u r a l poverty pushes the farmer o f f the land.13 poverty are numerous and  The  explanations f o r r u r a l  i n c l u d e the f o l l o w i n g :  over-  p o p u l a t i o n i n r u r a l areas which has i m p l i c a t i o n s i n l a n d tenure r e l a t i o n s h i p s , employment and good; scarce opport u n i t i e s i n government and business;14 low  agricultural  p r o d u c t i v i t y determined by l a c k of e d u c a t i o n and of the c u l t i v a t o r s , "or on l a n d tenure  energy  arrangements t h a t  f a i l t o provide i n c e n t i v e s f o r c a p i t a l improvements, o r on government p r i c e p o l i c i e s t h a t discourage i n a g r i c u l t u r e " ; 1 5 s o i l exhaustion,  investment  l a c k of w e l f a r e  and  good t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . 1 6 13 Bruce H. H e r r i c k , op. c i t . . p.  14.  14 G e r a l d Breese, U r b a n i z a t i o n i n Newly Developing C o u n t r i e s (Englewood C l i f f s , New J e r s e y : P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1966), P. 80. 15 Bruce H. H e r r i c k , op. c i t . . p. 16 Glen Beyer, e d i , op. c i t . . p.  14. 97.  10 The  " p u l l " theory r e s u l t s from the l u r e of more  a t t r a c t i v e o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f the c i t y . "The economist may tend t o t h i n k f i r s t o f job o p p o r t u n i t i e s o r chances f o r i n c r e a s e d pay, but o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r education, entertainment, marriage, o r even crime have a l s o been considered i n the l i t e r a t u r e . The p u l l hypothesis can d e a l even w i t h m i g r a t i o n o r i g i n a t i n g from comparatively r i c h r u r a l regions. I t says simply t h a t the a t t r a c t i o n s o f the c i t y . . . a r e s u f f i c i e n t t o pluck some people out o f the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n and d e p o s i t them i n the city'.'"17 However, the dichotomy i s not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . T h i s makes the reasons f o r m i g r a t i o n complicates  planning.  d i f f i c u l t t o a s c e r t a i n , and  I t i s q u i t e e v i d e n t t h a t both  f a c t o r s have an impact on r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n : "push" r e i n f o r c e d by the " p u l l " . mix  But the nature o f the  between both f a c t o r s i s ' l i k e ih#* ofehioken  problem.1&  the  and egg"  The tendency i n L a t i n America i s t o emphasize  the "push" f a c t o r as the movement i s g r e a t e r than employing nt o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n the c i t i e s . two  H e r r i c k b e l i e v e s the  t h e o r i e s "may be u n i f i e d i n one, i n which urban  migration  i s a f u n c t i o n o f expected r u r a l - u r b a n  difference".19 motivation  income  But he goes on t o say t h a t t h i s makes the  p u r e l y economic which omits the l i n k s t o  17 Bruce H. H e r r i c k , op. c i t . . p. 14. 18 I r v i n g L. Horowitz, !'Electoral P o l i t i c s , Urbaniz a t i o n and S o c i a l Development i n L a t i n America", Urban A f f a i r s Q u a r t e r l y . I I (March 1967), p. 11. 19 Bruce H. H e r r i c k , op. c i t .  f  p. 14.  11  achievement d r i v e s .  2 0  These u n r e s o l v e d questions  indicate  the extent of p l a n n i n g t o be done. I t i s t h e r e f o r e not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h i s aspect o f u r b a n i z a t i o n , has r e c e i v e d most a t t e n t i o n so f a r as measures and  proposals t o r e t a r d i t are concerned.  have many disadvantages  The r u r a l  areas  and as "optimum use of renewal  r e s o u r c e s i s an important  base f o r u n d e r t a k i n g  socio-economic  programme i n d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s " , 2 1 programmes d i r e c t e d toward r u r a l improvement are e s s e n t i a l . mind t h a t v i a b l e  And  bearing i n  prospects  " f o r f u t u r e i n d u s t r i a l expansion are t o a l a r g e extent dependent on the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the r u r a l s e c t o r s i n t o the n a t i o n a l communities, [and^ the improvement o f the standard o f l i v i n g or these s e c t o r s . . . i t i s easy t o see t h a t i n d u s t r y alone, d u r i n g the next few y e a r s , w i l l not be capable of c o n s t i t u t i n g the great e n e r g i z i n g f a c t o r f o r development i n the c o u n t r i e s of L a t i n America".22 I f attempts at s o l u t i o n have been t r i e d and have f a i l e d and may  i f c o n d i t i o n s worsen, then more d r a s t i c ones  seem not o n l y a c c e p t a b l e but a p p e a l i n g as the way  of an i m p o s s i b l e s i t u a t i o n .  But they cannot be  out i n i s o l a t i o n and f u t u r e plans had best take of the f a c t t h a t they cannot now  be concerned  out  carried cognizance  w i t h the  20 p example, the d e s i r e t o g i v e t h e i r c h i l d r e n b e t t e r e d u c a t i o n and t o take advantage of medical f a c i l i t i e s and o t h e r c u l t u r a l aspects of the c i t y . 0 r  21 Lawrence W. Bass and S. J . Langley, " U t i l i z a t i o n of Renewable Resources as a Stimulus f o r Socio-Economic Development", Proceedings of the World P o p u l a t i o n Conference, 1 9 6 5 , Vol?. I l l , op. c i t . . p. 3 1 2 . (New  22 C l a u d i o V e l i z , O b s t a c l e s t o Change i n L a t i n America York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 81.  12  welfare  of the migrants themselves but  r a t h e r with t h a t  of the whole s o c i e t y i n which they l i v e .  Planners cannot  emphasize urban development at the expense of r u r a l  areas.  And  be  the  l a t t e r must be  c o n c e i v e d as a whole u n i t to  l i n k e d w i t h urban p o l i c y making f o r n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n . The  S i g n i f i c a n c e o f the  Problem t o Jamaica  Alarmed by the d r i f t  t o urban areas,  of Jamaica, s i n c e the 1 9 3 0 s , has  initiated  f  measures f o r r a i s i n g the and  hence making l i f e  the Government various  l e v e l of l i v i n g i n r u r a l  i n the  areas,  country p a r t s more a t t r a c t i v e .  An overview of these demonstrates the use  of necessary  t o o l s possessed by the Government which c o u l d y i e l d more e f f e c t i v e development o b j e c t i v e s  i n the r u r a l  Among s e v e r a l n a t i o n a l p l a n s , c  areas.  t h a t of the F i v e Year  Independence P l a n 1 9 6 3 - 1 9 6 8 stands out as befng the t o embody a m e t h o d i c a l survey o f expected targets  i n the  private sector.  i n t e g r a t i o n o f the private sectors i n v o l v e s the  ? The P l a n T  first  production involves  e f f o r t s of the Government and  into a set of o v e r a l l goals.  The  the  of  the  plan  i n t e r a c t i o n o f development i n d i f f e r e n t  s e c t o r s of the  economy."23  i n addition, i t  the need f o r comprehensive p l a n n i n g t o "achieve r a p i d and  recognizes  on a l o n g term b a s i s  b a l a n c e d development and  avoid  23 Jamaica: M i n i s t r y of Development and Welfare, F i v e Year Independence P l a n 1 9 6 3 - 1 9 6 3 : A longjberm development programme f o r Jamaica (Kingston: The Government P r i n t e r , 1 9 6 3 ) , b e f o r e p. 1 .  13 wastage and d u p l i c a t i o n ' ' . 24 One  of the Plan's major goals i n t h i s  direction  p l a c e s an emphasis "on the p r o v i s i o n of economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l s e r v i c e s mainly f o r the b e n e f i t of those s e c t i o n s of the community where t h e need i s g r e a t e s t and where the demand f o r improvement has been c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d i n d i s c o n t e n t and u n r e s t over the y e a r s . T h i s w i l l be p a r t i c u l a r l y d i r e c t e d towards the r u r a l a g r i c u l t u r a l economy i n a determined e f f o r t t o reduce r u r a l m i g r a t i o n t o over-crowded towns".25 T h i s i t i s hoped would r e s u l t i n development gains through the m i n i m i z a t i o n o f d i s c o n t e n t which i t accepts as a deterrent to development.  20  However, the problem a c c o r d i n g to Walters w r i t e r agrees,  i s , and  the  that  " n a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g i n Jamaica has been organized on a s e c t i o n a l b a s i s without emphasis on the proper r e l a t i o n s h i p s between a l l s e c t o r s of the economy. T h i s has had the e f f e c t of de-emphasizing the importance of a g r i c u l t u r e i n the economy"27 and hence has c o n t r i b u t e d t o the l a g i n the r u r a l Nor  areas.  does the p l a n provide f o r any great d e t a i l at the  local  level. 24 I b i d . 25 I b i d . , p.  51.  I b i d . , p.  51.  2 6  27 Norma Walters, "Land Settlement Schemes i n Jamaica" (Unpublished M. A. T h e s i s i n Geography, M c G l l l U n i v e r s i t y , 1966), p. 86.  14 The  p l a n a l s o r e c o g n i z e s the m u l t i p l e - s e r v i c e approach  t o community development i n order t o a s s i s t i n upgrading the prospect o f v i l l a g e l i f e .  T h i s means t h a t  "the same v i l l a g e where l i t e r a c y c l a s s e s are o r g a n i z e d should at the same time r e c e i v e home economics t r a i n i n g , organize dance p r e s e n t a t i o n s , e t c . . . . ( i n v o l v i n g ) the whole community i n v a r i o u s ways and c r e a t i n g the necessary impact £hat generates a f e r t i l e community charged w i t h a c t i v i t y and the d e s i r e t o succeed".23 However, i t does not p r o v i d e a d e t a i l e d and i n t e g r a t e d framework as to how can be best c a r r i e d out. opment are myriad:  well-  t h i s s e c t i o n of the p l a n  Agencies  engaged i n r u r a l d e v e l -  A g r i c u l t u r a l E x t e n s i o n S e r v i c e s , Jamaica  A g r i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y , the Jamaica S o c i a l Development Commission, 4-0  Clubs and Sugar I n d u s t r y Labour Welfare  Board are only a few.  U s u a l l y ^ i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to  f i n d d u p l i c a t i o n of s e r v i c e s which leads t o great i n programmes.29  And  inefficiency  p l a n n i n g i n programmes f o r a g r i c u l t u r e  i s a t best l a n d o r i e n t e d . F o r t u n a t e l y , the need t o r p l a n f o r r u r a l areas t o curb the o u t - m i g r a t i o n t o the urban a r e a s , has been r e a l i z e d the Government and s t a t e d i n v a r i o u s p l a n s . the main concern  However, as  appears t o be v i l l a g e improvement pro-  grammes, i t i s obvious t h a t what i s l a c k i n g here i s a 28 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y of Development and op. c i t . . p. 137.  Welfare,  29 Rene Dumont, Planning A g r i c u l t u r a l Development. Report t o the Government o f Jamaica (Rome: FAO of the U n i t e d N a t i o n s , 1963), p. 27.  by  15 comprehensive p l a n n i n g approach.  In s p i t e o f a l l the  mistakes made, the w r i t e r b e l i e v e s t h a t i t i s f e a s i b l e w i t h i n the p r e v a i l i n g c o n d i t i o n s on the i s l a n d t o i n t e g r a t e measures o f c o n t r o l l i n g urban m i g r a t i o n w i t h i n a t o t a l p l a n n i n g framework.  The i s l a n d must s t r i v e toward t h i s  as i t has t o make the best, use o f i t s l i m i t e d  resources.  Hypothesis o f the Study The  hypothesis  o f the study can be s t a t e d a s :  A comprehensive p l a n n i n g p o l i c y f o r i n t e g r a t e d socio-economic development aimed at s o l v i n g the u n d e r l y i n g problems o f the r u r a l "push" f a c t o r s would y i e l d more e f f e c t i v e s o l u t i o n s t o r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n as a g e n e r i c i s s u e i n d e v e l o p i n g regions than measures a l r e a d y proposed i n these regions. T h i s hypothesis  w i l l be t e s t e d w i t h i n the context o f  e x i s t i n g Government measures i n Jamaica. D e f i n i t i o n s o f Terms The this  f o l l o w i n g meaning i s given t o v a r i o u s terms i n  Thesis: R u r a l t o Urban M i g r a n t s :  - Those people who move  from area:s s t a t i s t i c a l l y c l a s s i f i e d as r u r a l t o those s t a t i s t i c a l l y c l a s s i f i e d as urban. U r b a n i z a t i o n : - The process p r o p o r t i o n o f a country's  whereby an i n c r e a s i n g  p o p u l a t i o n l i v e i n urban  localities. Degree o f U r b a n i z a t i o n : - The p r o p o r t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n r e s i d e n t i n urban p l a c e s .  16 Urban Areas: - E x c l u d i n g Jamaica, those  conglomerates  urban i n c h a r a c t e r p o s s e s s i n g over 20,000 people. R u r a l A r e a s : - E x c l u d i n g Jamaica, those areas having l e s s than 20,000 people. L a t i n America: - Embracing  a l l lands south of the  Mexico-United S t a t e s boundary i n c l u d i n g the Caribbean Islands. O r g a n i z a t i o n of the Study In Chapter 2 a review i s made o f the l i t e r a t u r e dealing;.!: w i t h the c o n t r i b u t i o n of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n t o u r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America, demonstrate  of which Jamaica i s a p a r t .  It w i l l  the alarm caused by the extent o f the movement  and, i n a d d i t i o n , the causes l e a d i n g t o such an exodus.  It  w i l l a l s o g i v e the measures i n i t i a t e d t o d e a l w i t h t h i s urgent problem and t h e i r l i m i t e d success i n c o n t r o l l i n g r u r a l flows t o the a l r e a d y overcrowded  cities.  The f o l l o w i n g t h r e e chapters i n t r o d u c e the main theme of the study which i s a d e t a i l e d examination of r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n i n one country of L a t i n A m e r i c a — t h e of Jamaica, West I n d i e s .  island  Chapter 3 i l l u s t r a t e s f o r t h i s  case study the extent of i t s r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n , the d e s t i n a t i o n o f i t s migrants, the s e l e c t i v i t y p a t t e r n s and the causes f o r l e a v i n g the r u r a l a r e a s .  In a d d i t i o n , the  e x i s t i n g government measures aimed at r e d u c i n g the r u r a l "push" f a c t o r s w i t h a view t o making r u r a l l i f e more a t t r a c t i v e , w i l l be be d i s c u s s e d .  17 Chapter k w i l l be an e v a l u a t i o n o f these  existing  government measures i n order t o show t h e i r inadequacy i n c o n t r o l l i n g r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n as s t a t e d i n the of the study.  hypothesis  To complete the a n a l y s i s , Chapter 5 w i l l  propose a s o l u t i o n f o r a t t a c k i n g the u n d e r l y i n g problems of the r u r a l "push" f a c t o r s i n Jamaica. the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the hypothesis  Chapter 6 g i v e s  f o r developing  regions.  CHAPTER 2 URBANIZATION AND RURAL-URBAN  MIGRATION IN LATIN AMERICA  Introduction The  growth o f u r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America has been  phenomenal.  I n 1 9 5 0 and again  i t s urban p o p u l a t i o n — 2 5 $  i n I 9 6 0 the percentage o f  and 3 2 $ r e s p e c t i v e l y — w a s  the average f o r the w o r l d ' s — 2 1 $ yet i t i s l e s s urbanized  above  and 2 4 $ - 2 5 $ * - r e s p e c t i v e l y —  than the developed c o u n t r i e s .  2  However, w i t h i n L a t i n America there a r e d i f f e r e n c e s i n the levels of urbanization.  The degree of u r b a n i z a t i o n ranges  from 11.6$ i n Honduras ( 1 9 6 1 ) t o 5 7 . 5 $ i n A r g e n t i n a The  (I960).3  l a t t e r , t o g e t h e r w i t h C h i l e ( 5 4 . 7 $ - 1 9 6 0 ) and Uruguay  (49.5$-1963  are the most u r b a n i z e d  and e x h i b i t a degree  of u r b a n i z a t i o n g r e a t e r than t h a t o f every  other  of t h e world except A u s t r a l i a and New Z e a l a n d .  5  region Next i s  1 G e r a l d Breese, op. c i t . . p. 3 3 . 2  I b i d . , p. 3 3 .  3 John D. Durand and C. A. Palaez, " P a t t e r n s o f U r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America" i n f h e Role o f M i g r a t i o n i n the Demographic Development o f L a t i n America, ed. by L o u i s J . Ducoff, M i l l b a n k Memorial Fund Q u a r t e r l y . XGTII, (October 1 9 6 5 ) ,  p.  17 -173. 2  4 I b i d . , p. 1 7 3 . 5> G e r a l d Breese, op. c i t . . p. 33  19 Venezuela w i t h 47.2$ (1961) which i s on par with the United S t a t e s i n t h i s r e s p e c t .  S e v e r a l other  American c o u n t r i e s are s l i g h t l y , i f any, l e s s  Latin urbanized  than some European c o u n t r i e s , f o r example, B r a z i l and Mexico are o n l y s l i g h t l y l e s s u r b a n i z e d and more u r b a n i z e d  than  Switzerland  Czechoslovakia.6  L a t i n America, then, t r e n d toward u r b a n i z a t i o n . e m p i r i c a l evidence  than  i s e x p e r i e n c i n g an e x t r a o r d i n a r y And, probably  i t s soundest  r e s t s i n demographic f a c t o r s — f a c t o r s  r e l a t i n g t o p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s i n the c i t i e s .  Much o f  the overview which f o l l o w s r e l a t e s t o the p a r t i c u l a r igp©et graphic aspect o f r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n simply because the new migrants c r e a t e problems g r e a t e r than those  resulting  from n a t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e w i t h i n c i t i e s .  Although  m i g r a t i o n i s the major matter o f concern, considered  in isolation.  i t cannot be  Any d i s c u s s i o n r e l a t e d t o i t  must of n e c e s s i t y i n c l u d e the growth o f urban p o p u l a t i o n i n L a t i n America, the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f m i g r a t i o n  in relation  t o other f a c t o r s causing i n c r e a s e i n c i t y p o p u l a t i o n , the s e l e c t i v i t y , p a t t e r n and causes of m i g r a t i o n and the p o l i c i e s adopted t o a l t e r i t s volume and d i r e c t i o n . Growth o f Urban  Population  The t r e n d towards u r b a n i z a t i o n has been both very r e c e n t and r a p i d — w i t h i n the l a s t three decades.  Up t o  6 John D. Durand and C. A. Palaez, op. c i t . . p. 171.  20 the 1920 s, u r b a n i z a t i o n was r  Puerto R i c o , Nicaragua example.  minimal i n B r a z i l ,  Jamaica,  and the Dominican Republic,7 f o r  However, there are t h r e e n o t a b l e  A r g e n t i n a , C h i l e and Cuba.  exceptions:  Here the u r b a n i z a t i o n process  must have been i n i t i a t e d i n the n i n e t e e n t h century because by the b e g i n n i n g of the t w e n t i e t h century, the  percentages  of t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n i n urban p l a c e s were h i g h :  Argentina -  40.5$ (1914); C h i l e - 27.7$ (1907); Cuba - 2 4 . 3 $  (1919).^  A g e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n on the growth of urban p o p u l a t i o n i s a hazardous u n d e r t a k i n g because of the great of l e v e l s of r a t e s of u r b a n i z a t i o n . overview can be made.  variation  However, some meaningful  Urban p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s s i n c e the  1920 s have been s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i g h e r than t h a t of the f  r u r a l areas.  Table 1 shows t h i s phenomenon. •Fable 1;9  DECENNIAL INCREASES IN URBAN AND RURAL POPULATION IN LATIN AMERICA 1920-1960 fRough Estimates by Per Cent); 1920-1930 Urban Rural  40 17  1930-1940  1940-1950 61 16  39 17  7 Percentages are 11.3, I b i d . , pp. 172-173.  10.3,  9.2  and 3.5  1950-1960 67 19  respectively.  $ From what i s known about contemporary Uruguay, i t can be supposed t h a t t h e r e was a s i m i l a r phenomenon• Pan American Assembly on P o p u l a t i o n , P o p u l a t i o n Dilemma i n L a t i n America (Washington: Potomac Book^ 1966J, p. 12. 9 Glen Beyer, ed.,  op. c i t . . p.  95.  21 Of paramount importance i s the f a c t t h a t while the urban p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d from 39$  (1930-1940) t o 61$  (1940-  1950), and again i n 1950-1960, t h a t of the r u r a l areas has tended t o remain somewhat s t a t i o n a r y . "This i s not because o f any f a i l u r e of the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n s to m u l t i p l y . On the c o n t r a r y , the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n s are i n c r e a s i n g v e r y r a p i d l y ; but ( i t ) i s outpaced by s t i l l f a s t e r r a t e s i n the towns and c i t i e s . In a word, i n L a t i n America.... the r a t e s a t which towns and c i t i e s are growing are even h i g h e r than those f o r the r u r a l  districts."10  An important f e a t u r e o f u r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America is i t s relative centralization.  S i x t e e n o f the 22 c o u n t r i e s  i n L a t i n America have o n e - h a l f o r more o f t h e i r urban p o p u l a t i o n c o n c e n t r a t e d i n one c i t y and a seventeenth country, C h i l e , was In two c o u n t r i e s  o n l y s l i g h t l y below t h i s r a t i o  (Paraguay and Costa R i c a ) , the l a r g e s t  c i t i e s c o n t a i n e d the t o t a l urban p o p u l a t i o n . was  (47.3$).  Jamaica  c l o s e behind w i t h 94$ o f i t s urban p o p u l a t i o n concen-  t r a t e d i n the Kingston and S t . Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n Area. U r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America i s consequently megalocephalic or e x h i b i t s megapolitanism as i t i s c o n c e n t r a t e d i n the l a r g e s t or primary c i t y , u s u a l l y the c a p i t a l . H •• Three o f the remaining f i v e c o u n t r i e s do not conform t o t h i s s i t u a t i o n of h i g h primacy: Colombia.  However, the f i r s t  Ecuador, B r a z i l and  two are o n l y p a r t i a l  10 Thomas Lynn Smith, L a t i n American P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s ( G a i n e s v i l l e : U n i v e r s i t y o f F l o r i d a Press, I960}, p. 79. 11 John D. Durand and C. A. P a l a e z , op. c i t . . pp. 173.  172-  22  e x c e p t i o n s because both have two  " f i r s t " c i t i e s of n e a r l y  equal size, e i t h e r of which i s l a r g e r than the t h i r d  city.12  Thus a case of "shared" primacy o r marked b i c e p h a l i c centration exists.  Colombia  con-  i s a p p a r e n t l y the t r u e  e x c e p t i o n , having by c o n t r a s t an almost "normal" pyramidal hierarchy. Rates o f growth are v e r y h i g h as between 1950 and I 9 6 0 the urban p o p u l a t i o n i n l a r g e c i t i e s 32$ o f the t o t a l population.13  i n c r e a s e d from 25$ t o  I f the urban  concentration  has been so conspicuous and as i t i s d e s t i n e d t o be maint a i n e d o r i n c r e a s e d , the next q u e s t i o n i s why  such an  explosive urbanization i s taking place. The Causes  of Urban Growth  The i n c r e a s e s i n c i t y p o p u l a t i o n have r e s u l t e d a combination o f m i g r a t i o n from abroad, n a t u r a l  from  increase  (excess o f b i r t h s over deaths) and i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n . (a)  Immigration  P r i o r t o the 1 9 3 0 s , immigration from abroad was t  p r i n c i p a l source o f p o p u l a t i o n growth  the  i n some o f the  l a r g e s t c i t i e s , f o r example R i o de J a n e i r o , Buenos A i r e s , 12 In B r a z i l , Rio de J a n e i r o w i t h over 3 m i l l i o n and Sao Paulo w i t h 2.5 m i l l i o n compare w i t h R e c i f e and i t s 700,000. The d i f f e r e n t i a l i n Ecuador i s between Guayaquil ( 2 6 6 , 6 3 7 ) and Quito ( 2 1 2 , 1 3 5 ) and Guenca ( 4 2 , 0 0 0 h Carr B. L a v e i l . P o p u l a t i o n Growth and the Development o f South America (Washington: Washington U n i v e r s i t y , 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 8. 13 Glen Beyer, ed., op. c i t . .  p. 9 3 .  20 Sao Paulo and Montevideo.14  Since then, i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e  has been minimal and o n l y s e l e c t i v e immigration has been occurring.  In A r g e n t i n a and B r a z i l , the two  c o u n t r i e s where immigration was resumed  leading  a f t e r World  War  I I (1947-1952), t h i s f a c t o r c o n t r i b u t e d o n l y 105$ 5 o f the post-war upsurge i n p o p u l a t i o n , most o f which was i n urban a r e a s .  Since 1952 the movement i n these two  countries  has f a l l e n from annual peaks of 100,000 t o about 50,000*6, due i n p a r t t o h i g h r e - e m i g r a t i o n r a t e s . C u r r e n t l y , Venezuela i s the o n l y c o u n t r y showing an upward t r e n d i n an immigration which has made a c o n t r i b u t i o n t o c i t y growth.  The net g a i n i n p o p u l a t i o n i s , however, low  because a s u b s t a n t i a l number r e - e m i g r a t e d — 6 2 $ between 1950-1955.17  Immigration i n t o L a t i n America i n the near  f u t u r e i s not l i k e l y t o exceed 3 0 0 , 0 0 0  18  a n n u a l l y , most o f  whom w i l l go t o the t h r e e above-mentioned  countries.  It  14 U n i t e d N a t i o n s , New York, Department of Economic and S o c i a l A f f a i r s , 1957 Report on the World S o c i a l S i t u a t i o n (E/CN.5/324/Rev.l), 1957, p. 174. 15 R i c h a r d Robbins, "Myth and R e a l i t i e s of I n t e r n a t i o n a l M i g r a t i o n i n L a t i n America", Annals o f the American Academy o f P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S c i e n c e . CCCXVI (March 19,58), P. 102. 16 I b i d . , p. 102. 17 L o u i s J . Ducoff, oyl  c i t . . p. 128.  18 R i c h a r d Robbins, op. c i t . .  p. 102.  24 t h e r e f o r e cannot d e c i s i v e l y a f f e c t r a p i d growth of urban population. (b)  Natural  Increase  S t u d i e s i n L a t i n America i n d i c a t e t h a t urban r a t e s are lower than r u r a l areas c o n s i s t e n t throughout the w o r l d .  fertility  and t h i s p a t t e r n i s indeed Without e x c e p t i o n , wherever  the data are a v a i l a b l e , the r a t i o of c h i l d r e n t o women i n the r e p r o d u c t i v e ages, i s lower i n the c i t y than i n the country.19  Not  o n l y do the l a r g e s t c i t i e s have the  r a t i o but the d i f f e r e n c e between them and the  lowest  smalleyicifciess  i s f a r l e s s than t h a t between the c i t i e s i n g e n e r a l the r e s t of the country.  and  In s h o r t , the gap between c i t i e s  o f v a r i o u s s i z e s i s l e s s i n t h i s r e s p e c t than t h a t between urban and r u r a l areas.20  Urban r a t e s , however, have  remained very high.21 Evidence o f m o r t a l i t y d i f f e r e n t i a l appears t o be conclusive.  However, t o judge by r e p o r t e d r a t e s , there  i s no marked or c o n s i s t e n t d i f f e r e n c e between c i t y country.  Thus i t can be i n f e r r e d t h a t the  differences i n f e r t i l i t y  and  rural-urban  i s g r e a t e r than t h a t i n m o r t a l i t y .  19 Thomas Lynn Smith, op. p.  less  20 K i n g s l e y Davis and Ana 296.  c i t . . p. 47 • G a s i s , op. c i t . .  Part  2,  21 Harley L. Browning, "Recent Trends i n L a t i n American U r b a n i z a t i o n " , Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S c i e n c e . CCCXVI (March 1958). p. 118. ~~~  25  As c i t i e s d i s p l a y a b i r t h r a t e lower than and a death r a t e equal t o o r h i g h e r than the r u r a l areas, n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e w i l l , be l e s s than the l a t t e r .  their  This  f a c t o r t h e r e f o r e cannot e x p l a i n the r a t e o f i n c r e a s e i n urban areas which f r e q u e n t l y i s twice t h a t i n the r u r a l areas.  Accurate  s t a t i s t i c s are t o o scant t o permit  a  p r e c i s e e v a l u a t i o n o f the importance o f t h i s f a c t o r of urban growth but i t i s s i z e a b l e . 2 2 I f immigration present  i s o n l y o f minimal importance a t the  time, and n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e i s s i g n i f i c a n t but not  d e c i s i v e , t h i s can o n l y mean t h a t a s u b s t a n t i a l movement o f p o p u l a t i o n i s under way from r u r a l areas t o urban localities. (c)  Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n  Most s t u d i e s , d e s p i t e the l i m i t a t i o n s i n data and rough o r crude assumptions, i n d i c a t e t h a t one-half o r more o f the urban p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e i s a t t r i b u t a b l e t o m i g r a t i o n from the c o u n t r y s i d e . United Nations  study  The f i n d i n g s o f a  i n d i c a t e t h a t i n 10 L a t i n American  c o u n t r i e s f o r the years preceding  1950, r u r a l - u r b a n  m i g r a t i o n accounted f o r between 40 and 70 per cent o f urban growth.23  And the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f t h i s f a c t o r f o r  22 H a r l e y L. Browning, op. c i t . .  p. 118.  23 P h i l i p Hauser, op. c i t . . p. 110.  26 the decade 1950-1960 has been estimated a t a magnitude of 4 3 $ ^ i n L a t i n America as a w h o l e — t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n 2  retaining  51$ of i t s n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e i n comparison t o  63$ f o r the p r e v i o u s decade.  Thus the a b i l i t y f o r r u r a l  areas t o r e t a i n t h e i r i n c r e a s e s seem t o be dwindling.continued 16$ i n c r e a s e p o s t u l a t e d per decade u n t i l  A  1980 5 2  seems a c o n s e r v a t i v e estimate f o r a p p r a i s i n g the f u t u r e volume of r u r a l exodus. I t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o give the v a r i a t i o n f o r each American country, i n t h i s overview, very  Latin  so Table 2 has t o be  selective. Table  URBANIZATION DUE  226  TO MIGRATION IN SELECTED LATIN AMERICAN COUNTIES  Intercensal Period  City Venezuela Colombia Dominican Republic Nicaragua Paraguay E l Salvador Brazil Chile Mexico Cuba  1941193819351940193719301940194019401931-  Approximate percentage of urban growth due t o Natural  •50 •51 • 5© •50 •50 •50 •50 •52 •50 •43  29 32 35 35 45 46 51 53 58 74  Migration 71 68 65 65 55 54 49 47 42 26  24 L o u i s J . Ducoff, "The Role of M i g r a t i o n i n the Demo- g r a p h i c Development of L a t i n America", i n L o u i s J . Ducoff, ed., op. c i t . . p. 202. 25 I b i d . ,  p.  203.  26 P h i l i p Hauser, op. c i t . . p.  110.  27 I t can be seen t h a t r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n f o r c e and the i n c r e a s e o f u r b a n i z a t i o n takes expense of the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . i t s causes and  impact must now  be  i s a powerful  place at  the  C a r e f u l consideration of analyzed.  Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n i n L a t i n America S t a t i s t i c s and  documents on r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n  L a t i n America are scarce and  fragmentary.  in  However, enough  e x i s t t o assemble s a t i s f a c t o r y i n f o r m a t i o n on the  process.  To i d e n t i f y f a c t o r s r e l a t i n g t o i t s s e l e c t i v i t y ,  pattern,  causes, i m p l i c a t i o n s and measures o f c o n t r o l are  the  o b j e c t i v e s of t h i s s e c t i o n . Migration Who  Selectivity moves i n t o the urban areas?  Comparison by  sex  i n d i c a t e s t h a t there i s a g r e a t e r t r e n d toward female m i g r a t i o n than male m i g r a t i o n  i n L a t i n America, except  w i t h the Andean Indians, where males predominate.27 Table  3 i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s d i f f e r e n c e and  i t i s most marked  i n the C e n t r a l American c o u n t r i e s of Costa R i c a , Panama and E l  Salvador.  M i g r a t i o n c o n s i s t s m a i n l y o f young a d u l t s between 15 and  3928 years  of age w i t h the h i g h e s t m o b i l i t y o c c u r r i n g  27 G e r a l d Breese, op. c i t . . p.  83.  28 United Nations, P o p u l a t i o n Branch, Demographic Aspects of U r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America {E/CN.12/604J, 1958, p. 2.  28 fable 3 9 2  ANMJAL RATES OF MIGRATION TO URBAN AREAS OF SEVERAL LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES (1938-1963) Annual Rates {%) o f M i g r a t i o n o f People 10 o r more years o f age at End o f P e r i o d Country and P e r i o d o f Time  Male  Female  Urban Area C h i l e (1952-1960} Costa R i c a (1950-63) E l S a l v a d o r (1950-61) Panama (1950-60) Nicaragua (1950-63) Colombia (1938-51) Venezuela (1941-50)  between 15 and 29 y e a r s .  J U  1.6 0.7 0.7 1.7 1.3 2.8 3.7  1.7 1.2 1.0 2.2 1.5 3.2 3.7  Herrick explains t h i s  selection  by s t a t i n g t h a t i t i s the t a s k o f the oncoming g e n e r a t i o n t o adapt t o the s o c i a l and economic changes t a k i n g p l a c e . "Where these changes r e q u i r e a s h i f t o f p o p u l a t i o n , i t i s the younger, more f l e x i b l e and l e s s burdened members who re-examine the d i s t r i b u t i o n a l imbalance and make needed improvements."31 D i f f e r e n t i a l o r s e l e c t i v e m i g r a t i o n by e d u c a t i o n i s 29 Adopted from Juan C. E l i z a g a , op. c i t .  f  p. 147.  30 Juan C. E l i z a g a , " I n t e r n a l M i g r a t i o n s i n L a t i n America", i n L o u i s J . Ducoff, ed., op. c i t . . p. 150. 31 Bruce H. H e r r i c k , op. c i t . . p. 71.  29 most i n c o n c l u s i v e .  Some maintain t h a t t h e r e i s a q u a l i -  t a t i v e de-population ambitious,  i n the r u r a l areas as i t i s the more  l i t e r a t e and  educated who  leave.  On the  other  hand, a s i z e a b l e p r o p o r t i o n of the poor, the l a n d l e s s and the i l l i t e r a t e farmers  have migrated.  Thus i t appears t h a t  t h e r e i s no c l e a r - c u t g e n e r a l i z a t i o n as to whether m i g r a t i o n s e l e c t s the l e a s t able o r the most a b l e . The migrants i n c l u d e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of v a r i o u s s t r a t a and the man  with r e l a t i v e s or f r i e n d s i n the  seems more l i k e l y t o migrate  than the man  social city  with none.  P a t t e r n of M i g r a t i o n Even l e s s iskknown about the p a t t e r n of m i g r a t i o n but a few s t u d i e s e x i s t today which r e v e a l more s p e c i f i c knowledge than t h a t gained from n o n - s c i e n t i f i c o b s e r v a t i o n i n previous years.  E l i z a g a p o i n t s out t h a t the volume of  m i g r a t i o n decreases  w i t h d i s t a n c e and t h a t migrants from  urban c e n t r e s t r a v e r s e l o n g e r d i s t a n c e s than migrants from rural areas.3  2  How  much of t h i s i n v o l v e s a m u l t i - s t a g e  process going from r u r a l to v e r y s m a l l towns then l a r g e r urban c e n t r e s and f i n a l l y t o the primate highly  city is  debatable.  There i s some evidence  of t h i s s t e p m i g r a t i o n i n C h i l e ,  A r g e n t i n a , Venezuela and Uruguay,33 f o r example. 3  to  2  Juan C. E l i z a g a , op. c i t . . p.  In these  163.  33 Marshal Wolfe, SRural Settlement P a t t e r n and S o c i a l Change", L a t i n American Research Review. 1 ( F a l l , 1965), p.  19.  30  c o u n t r i e s the r u r a l people o r d i n a r i l y migrate  directly  t o the nearby s m a l l towns ( l e s s than 2 0 , 0 0 0 } whereas the i n h a b i t a n t s of these towns leave f o r the l a r g e r c e n t r e s . T h i s type  of movement c o n t r i b u t e s t o the t r a n s i t i o n from  dependence on a g r i c u l t u r a l work t o a d i s p o s i t i o n to t r y anything.  In a w h i l e these  s m a l l towns have l i t t l e  to  o f f e r the migrant and he i s then ready f o r the next move o r s t e p t o l a r g e r urban areas, h i s place presumably b e i n g taken by migrants from r u r a l a r e a s . 3 4  This staging  process  a s s i s t s i n quick a d a p t a t i o n of the migrant t o the l a r g e r city  environment. T h i s argument has been d i s p u t e d by H a r l e y Browning,  who  b e l i e v e s t h a t m i g r a t i o n does not proceed i n t h i s  fashion.  F o r example, i n Mexico and Ecuador the  rural  migrants o f t e n by-pass the i n t e r m e d i a t e forms of a g r i c u l t u r a l and  step-  non-  s e m i - r u r a l employment t o become a f a c t o r y  worker i n the b i g c i t y . 3 5  i t appears a l s o t h a t there i s  a c e r t a i n amount o f " f l o a t i n g " migrants who t o c i t y hoping t o f i n d t h e i r  go from c i t y  niche.  "Push-back" m i g r a t i o n from the c i t y i s not common and seems to e x i s t o n l y i n a c r i s i s and  situation.  The  violence  economic d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n f o l l o w i n g the B o l i v i a n r e v -  o l u t i o n i n 1 9 5 2 , f o r example, d i d t r i g g e r a  back-to-the-  34 T h i s m i g r a t o r y t u r n o v e r of small towns may be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e t o develop.  i n part  35 R. M. Morse, " L a t i n American C i t i e s : Aspects of F u n c t i o n and S t r u c t u r e " i n R e g i o n a l Development and Planning, ed. by J . Friedman and W. Alonso, 1 9 6 4 , p. 3 7 0 .  31  farm movement. 36 Causes o f Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n B a s i c t o an understanding o f the process  i s an  a p p r e c i a t i o n o f the f a c t o r s which induce r u r a l r e s i d e n t s t o move.  However, they are a s u b j e c t o f s p e c u l a t i o n and  i s o l a t e d s t u d i e s by s o c i o l o g i s t s and economists.  Essen-  t i a l l y the reasons may be l o g i c a l l y d i v i d e d between two c a t e g o r i e s , economic and non-economic. Economic reasons f o r m i g r a t i n g poverty  i n c l u d e the f o l l o w i n g :  of v i l l a g e , l a b o u r c o n f l i c t s i n the v i l l a g e ,  o f work, non-possession o f p r o p e r t y ,  unproductive l a n d  and the d e s i r e t o improve one's economic s i t u a t i o n . mentally,  lack  Funda-  these a r e r o o t e d i n an i n e f f i c i e n t a g r a r i a n system,  the key f a c t o r s o f which a r e : 1. access  The l a n d tenure system which s i g n i f i e s a d i f f i c u l t t o l a n d f o r the r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t .  T h i s i s char-  a c t e r i z e d by the cone e n t r a t i o n o f l a n d i n the hands o f a few  p e o p l e — t h e l a t i f u n d i a — a s a g a i n s t the establishment  of s m a l l property population—the 2.  Resident  among the great masses o f the r u r a l  minifundia. workers on these l a r g e e s t a t e s a r e being  uprooted by mechanization and e l e c t r i f i c a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r e 3 7 36 Bruce H. H e r r i c k , op. c i t . . p. 28. 3 7 G i o r g i o Mortara, " F a c t o r s A f f e c t i n g Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n i n L a t i n America", i n Proceedings o f the World P o p u l a t i o n Conference, IV, op. c i t . . p. 511.  32 thereby 3.  augmenting the c l a s s of l a n d l e s s workers. Nuclei of small owner-cultivators  are being  squeezed by growing apportionment because o f i n c r e a s e i n f a m i l y s i z e , s o i l exhaustion seasonal 4. and  and d e c l i n i n g demand f o r  l a b o u r on the l a r g e e s t a t e s . The l a t i f u n d i a give preference  t o export  crops  do not f u r n i s h enough food f o r the p o p u l a t i o n .  R e l i a n c e on t h i s has heightened  v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f the  a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r t o f l u c t u a t i o n s i n world d e c l i n i n g terms o f trade i n these  p r i c e s and  primary commodities.  But  a d e t e r r e n t t o t h i s i s the f a c t t h a t some l a t i f u n d i a are e x p l o i t e d t o o n l y a very l i m i t e d e x t e n t .  Even more s e r i o u s  i s the f a c t t h a t q u i t e f r e q u e n t l y there i s a l a c k o f c u l t i v a t i o n as t h e owners are simply w a i t i n g f o r specul a t i v e v a l o r i z a t i o n of t h e i r respective lands. 5.  A g r i c u l t u r e r e c e i v e s only a s m a l l s h a r e — l e s s than  i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the gross domestic p r o d u c t — o f p u b l i c investment.38  the t o t a l  Thus attempts have been geared t o  r a i s e economic p r o d u c t i o n through an expansion o f the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r while a s s i g n i n g a low p r i o r i t y t o a g r i culture.  There has a l s o been s e r i o u s r e p e r c u s s i o n t o t h e  s m a l l r u r a l h a n d i c r a f t i n d u s t r i e s because o f imported goods. 6.  A g r i c u l t u r a l incomes have been kept low due t o  38 J . . C o l e , L a t i n America, an Economic and S o c i a l Geography (Washington! Butterworths, 1965)', p. 413. P  33 p r i c i n g p o l i c i e s because i n an e f f o r t t o s t r i k e a balance between farmers  and food consuming urbanites, government  more o f t e n than not have favoured the l a t t e r mainly out of f e a r o f p o l i t i c a l u p r i s i n g i n the c i t i e s . 7.  The e x i s t e n c e o f l a b o u r l e g i s l a t i o n , f o r example,  t r a d e unions,  g i v e s r e g u l a r l y employed urban workers i n  L a t i n America an important and  consequently  advantage over the r u r a l ones  urban jobs are more s e c u r e .  Non-economic causes f o r m i g r a t i o n , on the other hand, i n c l u d e the f o l l o w i n g :  s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l ,  m i l i t a r y , t h a t o f i n s e c u r i t y , and p h y s i c a l . The  s c a r c i t y of a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l or c u l t u r a l  s e r v i c e may operate  as the s p e c i f i c reason f o r m i g r a t i o n .  In many r u r a l areas h e a l t h p r o t e c t i o n does n o t e x i s t .  There  are f i v e times as many p h y s i c i a n s i n the c a p i t a l s and l a r g e c i t i e s as i n the r e s t o f the c o u n t r y .  Santiago  (Chile)  has 30$ o f the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n but 64$ o f the doctors.39 U s u a l l y t h e r e are no pharmacists located miles  and h o s p i t a l s can be  away.  In e d u c a t i o n , as i n h e a l t h , t h e r e i s a s e r i o u s imbalance between the s e r v i c e s a v a i l a b l e i n the c i t y and those i n the v i l l a g e . and  Not o n l y are there no w e l l d i s t r i b u t e d  secondary s c h o o l systems, but the e d u c a t i o n a l  primary  facilities  39 United Nations, I n t e r n a t i o n a l S o c i a l Development Review, No. 1, U r b a n i z a t i o n : Development P o l i c i e s and P l a n n i n g (ST/SOA/Ser X / l ) , 1968, p. 92.  34 are l i m i t e d 4 0 and not geared t o prepare the p u p i l f o r rural living.  There are v i r t u a l l y no i n s t i t u t i o n s of  h i g h e r l e a r n i n g and as parents, no matter how  poor, f e r -  vently desire t h e i r c h i l d r e n to r i s e to a higher l e v e l through migrate.M  e d u c a t i o n , they have no a l t e r n a t i v e but t o  Of a study done on motives f o r r u r a l - u r b a n  m i g r a t i o n i n Peru, e d u c a t i o n was out of seven.42  the t h i r d reason  given  Furthermore, the c a l i b r e of t e a c h e r i s  low as t h e r e i s a great r e l u c t a n c e o f q u a l i f i e d to  social  go i n t o these backward r u r a l  teachers  zones.  Often t h e r e i s a l a c k of p o l i c e and  judicial  services,  and when they do e x i s t , p r o t e c t i o n i s o f t e n a f a r c e as they can be i n f l u e n c e d by those who Other s o c i a l and  dominate the l o c a l scene.43  c u l t u r a l s e r v i c e s , f o r example, water,  e l e c t r i c i t y , s o c i a l w e l f a r e and s o c i a l i n s u r a n c e , and r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s have r a r e l y penetrated rural  libraries the  areas.  40 For example, c e r t a i n r u r a l primary Mexico o f f e r o n l y two years o f e d u c a t i o n . 41 G i o r g i o Mortara,  op. c i t . . p.  schools i n I b i d . . p. 94.  512.  42 Jose Matos Mar, U r b a n i z a t i o n y B a r r i a d a s en America d e l Sur (Lima: I n s t i t u t o de E s t u d i o s Peruanas, 1968)', p. 33. 43 F o r example, i n L a t i n America the i n f l u e n c e o f a l a r g e landowner i s more s t r o n g l y f e l t than i n urban areas where t h e r e are s e v e r a l such people.  35  The  p s y c h o l o g i c a l determinants are more d i f f i c u l t  to  a s c e r t a i n and i n c l u d e "the i l l u s i o n s i n s p i r e d i n country people by the r e p o r t s they hear of employment.«, i n  urban  o p p o r t u n i t i e s , the l e s s arduous nature of such occupations and the ease with which the worker may to another".44 rural  move from one  job  i n a l i k e manner the contempt g i v e n t o  l a b o u r and the l a c k o f comforts h e l p to s t r e n g t h e n  the mirage o f urban life» There  i s a l s o m i g r a t i o n because of m i l i t a r y  reasons.  To e n t e r t h i s s e r v i c e the e n t r a n t must come t o the c i t y  and  t h e i r t r a i n i n g i s so geared t h a t at the end of the process they are s t i m u l a t e d t o remain The  i n the  city.  e x i s t e n c e o f i n s e c u r i t y as a c o n t r i b u t i n g  i s not unknown. t h e r e was  factor  During the Mexican r e v o l u t i o n , f o r example,  a f l i g h t t o the c i t i e s f o r s a f e t y as l i f e  and  p r o p e r t y were i n s e c u r e i n the r u r a l areas.45 P h y s i c a l reasons, f o r example, adverse  climatic  c o n d i t i o n s , have been a m o t i v a t i o n f o r m i g r a t i o n .  North-  east B r a z i l has been the source of c h r o n i c e m i g r a t i o n because severe droughts have meant poor crops and p a s t u r e s . Over and above these reasons are f o r c e s which have n o u r i s h e d and s u s t a i n e d m i g r a t i o n .  These i n c l u d e the development o f  communications and t r a n s p o r t which has not o n l y reduced t r a v e l time and c o s t but have l i n k e d the back-country with G i o r g i o Mortara, op. c i t . .  p.  152.  4-5 George J . Eder, "Urban C o n c e n t r a t i o n , A g r i c u l t u r e and A g r a r i a n Reform", Annals of the American Academy o f P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S c i e n c e . CCGLX ( J u l y 19&5). P. 32.  36 the c i t y ; i m i t a t i o n where a follow-my-leader i s the impulse  as those remaining  mentality  b e l i e v e t h a t they  too  can f i n d a job; i n e r t i a when m i g r a t i o n continues  although  the c o n d i t i o n s c r e a t i n g i t i n the f i r s t  longer  place no  e x i s t ; mass media r e a c h i n g even the remotest r u r a l backwater i n e v i t a b l y draw r u r a l people the modern world; and  i n t o the c u r r e n t s of  and the demand of urban women f o r maids  of labour c o n t r a c t o r s f o r workers on c o n s t r u c t i o n j o b s . The main causes t h e r e f o r e r e f l e c t poor l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s  of r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n and the imbalance r e s u l t i n g from the development of c i t i e s and the complete abandonment of a g r i culture.  Although  an attempt has been made here t o  differ-  e n t i a t e between causes of m i g r a t i o n , such d i s t i n c t i o n i s more t h e o r e t i c a l than r e a l as t h e r e are s e v e r a l f a c t o r s m o t i v a t i n g the migrant. i s not the o n l y  Economic, o f t e n the most  important,  one.  E f f e c t s of Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n The r o l e o f m i g r a t i o n r e p r e s e n t s normally a b e t t e r d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n t o r e s o u r c e s and the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f t h a t r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i s always r e l a t i v e t o the  absorptive  c a p a c i t i e s of the areas r e c e i v i n g the m i g r a t i o n streams.46 However, i n L a t i n America the movement is. so e x t e n s i v e t h a t it  i s out of p r o p o r t i o n t o f r e s h o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s t a b l e  urban employment, e s p e c i a l l y t h a t of i n d u s t r i a l . 46  L o u i s J . Ducoff, op. c i t . . p.  207.  The  city  37 then i s unable t o absorb a l l t h e migrants, who o f t e n are not  skilled.  L a t i n America represents, t h e r e f o r e ,  case o f an u r b a n i z a t i o n  a clear  moving ahead o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n :  i n A r g e n t i n a , C h i l e , Venezuela and Colombia the index o f urbanization  was 48.3, 42.3, 31.0 and 22.3 w h i l e t h a t o f  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n was 26.9, pectively.  Some w r i t e r s  urbanization" The  24.2, 15.6 and 14.6^7 r e s -  describe  t h e s i t u a t i o n as "over-  but others c h a l l e n g e t h i s concept.  s u r p l u s l a b o u r has been r a p i d l y absorbed i n the  t e r t i a r y or "services" sector c o u l d best be c a l l e d a t r u e  and has r e s u l t e d  "tertiary" crisis.  of t h i s s e c t o r approaches t h a t o f the U n i t e d 1.4^  as a g a i n s t  States—  In t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s the development  of s e r v i c e s was preceded by great i n c r e a s e s  i n productivity  i n L a t i n America expansion o f s e r v i c e s has preceded  r a t h e r than f o l l o w e d growth.  In a d d i t i o n ,  i t i s heavily  weighed toward the l e a s t p r o d u c t i v e s e r v i c e s : service, petty etc.  The H a t i o  1.5 f o r t h e l a t t e r c o u n t r y — b u t they bear  l i t t l e resemblance.  but  i n what  domestic  commerce, s t r e e t vending, home i n d u s t r i e s ,  As such L a t i n America i s overburdened w i t h  which are not c e n t r a l t o the f u n c t i o n i n g  services,  o f the urban  process. 47 U n i t e d Nations, "Demographic Aspects o f U r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America", op. c i t . . p. 5 2 . F i g u r e s a r e f o r census years 1947* 1952, 1950 and 1951 r e s p e c t i v e l y . 48 H a r l e y L. Browning, op. c i t . . p. 116.  38 The  c i t y has i n s u f f i c i e n t r e s o u r c e s t o absorb  migrants.  T h i s means t h a t both the government and p r i v a t e  e n t e r p r i s e l a c k the wherewithal grammes.  these  t o mount %rast housing  T h e r e f o r e , many new migrants  pro-  are f o r e e d t o b u i l d  t h e i r own " c i t i e s " on the p e r i p h e r y o f the e x i s t i n g o o n e , overburdening  These urban  shanty  towns o r slums are the hallmark o f L a t i n American  cities  from Mexico t o A r g e n t i n a .  country  to country:  the e x i s t i n g s e r v i c e s .  Nomenclature vary from  " b a r r i a d a " (Peru), " f a v e l a s "  "callarapa" ( C h i l e ) , franchos? (Argentina), e t c .  (Brazil),  (Venezuela), " v i l l a s m i s e r i a s ?  These s e t t l e m e n t s r e f l e c t i n g urban  s u b s i s t e n c e may be viewed as the l a s t stage i n a complicated and v e r y i m p e r f e c t l y understood  s e r i e s of migratory  p r e s s u r e s s t a r t i n g i n the c o u n t r y s i d e . There are a l s o impacts  on the sending a r e a s .  Although  the movement l e a d s towards improvement i n the l e v e l s o f l i v i n g , the o l d e r p o p u l a t i o n remaining a r e not r e c e p t i v e t o i n n o v a t i o n i n the r u r a l s e c t o r .  Certain large land-  owners are f i n d i n g i t d i f f i c u l t t o secure l a b o u r w h i l e q u a l i t a t i v e l y the area i s worse o f f . Measures t o Balance Rural-Urban  Migration  The p r e c e d i n g pages add up a dark p i c t u r e o f r u r a l life. alarmed  L a t i n American c o u n t r i e s have become s u f f i c i e n t l y t o take c o r r e c t i v e s t e p s , as a l a c k o f e f f o r t i n  t h i s d i r e c t i o n would mean t h a t u r b a n i z a t i o n w i l l have a depressing e f f e c t .  Thus the r u r a l l a g i s now being a t t a c k e d  39 by many instruments o f p o l i c y , among which a g r a r i a n reform stands paramount, and so f a r t h i s has embodied land tenure and c o l o n i z a t i o n as i t s major p o l i c i e s . The overcrowding o f t h e o l d e r a g r i c u l t u r a l areas under e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f l a n d tenure and p r o d u c t i o n techniques and the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f v a s t acreage o f empty land make c o l o n i z a t i o n o f these lands one o f the f i r s t measures t o be undertaken.49 and V e n e z u e l a ^  0  practical  B r a z i l , Peru, Ecuador,  Guatemala  are n o t a b l e examples but t h e success of t h i s  measure; has been minimal.  These r e s e t t l e m e n t schemes i n  the main l o c a t e d farmers so f a r from t h e i r markets t h a t commerce was i m p o s s i b l e and i n a d d i t i o n , s o i l was not taken i n t o account.  fertility  T h i s o b j e c t i o n i s not so  r e l e v a n t i n Colombia where f u l l p e n e t r a t i o n o f the e a s t e r n jungle has not been attempted  o r t o Venezuela where i t hugs  the n o r t h e r n areas i n easy r e a c h o f the urban c e n t r e s . But in  Peru, Ecuador  and B o l i v i a t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t , these  areas are f a r removed from t h e c i t i e s which are the market and the manufacturing centres.51  These  self-sufficient  "hidden" c o l o n i e s can h a r d l y r a i s e t h e l e v e l o f l i v i n g f o r 49 U n i t e d N a t i o n s , Department o f Economic and S o c i a l A f f a i r s , 1963 Report on the World S o c i a l S i t u a t i o n (E/CN.5/ 375/Rev. 1 ) , 1963, p. 129. ~ ~" 50 John P. Powelson and A. A. Solow, "Urban and R u r a l Development i n L a t i n America", Annals of t h e American Academy o f P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S c i e n c e . CCCLX ( J u l y 1965}, p. 57. 51 i b i d . , p. 53.  40 the r u r a l d w e l l e r . The  opening of new  heavy investments  lands such as these r e q u i r e s very-  i n roads, f o r e s t c l e a r i n g , b u i l d i n g of  houses and s c h o o l s , i n s t r u c t i o n i n new niques, e t c .  a g r i c u l t u r a l tech-  Thus o n l y those experienced i n commercial  farming and w i t h c a p i t a l t o meet at l e a s t p a r t of t h e i r needs u n t i l the farm becomes p r o d u c t i v e can be delegated as fit  pioneers.52  Mexico has been the most s u c c e s s f u l country  i n these p i o n e e r schemes l a r g e l y through l a r g e s c a l e  irri-  g a t i o n but although p r o d u c t i o n has i n c r e a s e d s u b s t a n t i a l l y the l o t of the s m a l l c u l t i v a t o r has remained the same. In  r e c e n t years c o l o n i z a t i o n p o l i c i e s are c a l l i n g f o r  c r e a t i o n of compact planned  settlement with f a i r l y elaborate  a g r i c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s .  These s e t t l e m e n t s as y e t  o n l y i n c l u d e a minute f r a c t i o n of the people, are slow t o succeed and become very expensive involved.  i n r e l a t i o n t o the  people  Too o f t e n these are too p a t e r n a l i s t i c i n a i d i n g  the c o l o n i s t t o be s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g farmers. The reform of land tenure i n the o l d e r a g r i c u l t u r a l areas has been most c o n t r o v e r s i a l and at times steeped i n p o l i t i c a l implications.  The b a s i c problem here i s t o  e x p r o p r i a t e and s p l i t up the l a r g e h o l d i n g s whereby the " m i n i f u n d i o " c u l t i v a t o r s or l a n d l e s s i n d i v i d u a l s are t o 52 U n i t e d N a t i o n s , 1963,  op. c i t . . p.  130  41 r e c e i v e h o l d i n g s l a r g e enough t o enable them to f u n c t i o n as e f f i c i e n t f a m i l y farmers.53  And, most of the reform  laws s e t standards, v a r y i n g w i t h type of l a n d , f o r the minimum s i z e of economic h o l d i n g s . However, t o the extent t h a t lands are e x p r o p r i a t e d , l a n d tenure schemes have tended  t o take o n l y i d l e or p o o r l y  c u l t i v a t e d lands and reform laws have u s u a l l y designated t h a t these must be f i r s t  expropriated.  are b e n e f i c i a r i e s of submarginal very l i t t l e  Thus the r e c e i v e r s  p a r c e l s t h a t w i l l o n l y do  t o r a i s e t h e i r standard o f l i v i n g .  The par-  c e l l i n g o f p r o d u c t i v e land i s t h e r e f o r e avoided on the b a s i s o f two economic arguments.  F i r s t , i t i s said that  p r o d u c t i o n would d i m i n i s h i f t h e r e was a change t o s m a l l u n i t s as these c o u l d not take advantage o f  mechanization.  But Powelson and Solow m a i n t a i n t h a t t h e r e i s n o t h i n g a machine can do t h a t man  cannot do e q u a l l y w e l l w i t h a  s h o v e l and a hoe provided t h a t t h e r e are enough m e n 5 4 „ and  i n L a t i n America hands abound.  As these l a r g e farms  have not been r e s p o n s i v e t o t h e demands o f u r b a n i z a t i o n , o n l y through helped.  f a m i l y - s i z e d u n i t s can r u r a l development be  And i n a d d i t i o n t o the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f prod-  u c t i v e l a n d s , roads t o markets, i r r i g a t i o n , 53 United N a t i o n s , 1963,  op. c i t . . p.  education and 131.  54 John P. Powelson and A. A. Solow, op. c i t . . p. 5 9 .  42  1  i  c r e d i t schemes are  necessary.55  A c o n s i d e r a b l e number of r u r a l p r o j e c t s intended t o r a i s e r u r a l l i v i n g e x i s t throughout  L a t i n America but none  of these have been given the r e s o u r c e s t o operate on a national scale.  Often t h e r e i s i n s u f f i c i e n t c o o r d i n a t i o n  and the presence  of the l a t i f u n d i o at times d e s t r o y  self-  h e l p schemes. No one  c?an endorse the c o l o n i z a t i o n o r r e s e t t l e m e n t  schemes, l a n d tenure changes and community o r g a n i z a t i o n as u n q u a l i f i e d successes.  What was  planned was  guided somewhat  by i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of what people were l o o k i n g f o r i n the c i t y but the move t o the c i t y c o n t i n u e d . cannot be envisaged  Rural  reforms  as a t r a n s i t i o n from u n s a t i s f a c t o r y  s t a t i c patterns to s a t i s f a c t o r y s t a t i c  ones. 56 Such schemes  need groupings success.  o f people  Rural l i f e  i n t o urban c e n t r e s f o r t h e i r  i s i n d i v i s i b l e and the more they  are  i n t e g r a t e d w i t h each other the b e t t e r they w i l l f u n c t i o n . Summary T h i s chapter has summarized the r o l e of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i n the d e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s of L a t i n America. Here u r b a n i z a t i o n stand as v i s i b l e monuments t o the n e g l e c t of the r u r a l a r e a s . C i t i e s have f a i l e d t o r e l a t e themselves 55 I b i d . , p. 6 0 . 56 Marshal Wolfe, op. c i t . . p. 3 2 .  43 t o the c o u n t r y s i d e and have c r e a t e d a r i g i d and l i n e between " r u r a l " on one And from a l l evidences,  hand and  distinct  "urban" on the  c i t i e s 100,000 and  other.  over are con-  t i n u i n g t o grow more r a p i d l y than the urban p o p u l a t i o n as a whole. The  impoverished  economic and  s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of  the c o u n t r y s i d e are r e a l as evidenced f l o w of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n .  by the e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g  But the c i t i e s are unable  t o employ a l l i t s i n h a b i t a n t s and  consequently  various  measures of r a i s i n g the l e v e l of l i v i n g i n r u r a l America have been i n t r o d u c e d .  The  Latin  p r i n c i p a l focus  been on land tenure^and c o l o n i z a t i o n , but these  has  together  w i t h any a l t e r n a t i v e programmes have always f a l l e n s h o r t . The  t h e s i s has  suggested  t h a t b o l d e r attempts at c o o r d i n a t i o n  of measures at the n a t i o n a l and l o c a l l e v e l are  essential.  In s h o r t , a proper approach i s l a c k i n g . In the f o r e g o i n g a n a l y s i s an e f f o r t has been made t o i d e n t i f y the s i g n i f i c a n c e of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i n L a t i n America.  T h i s chapter, then, has provided a general back-  ground t o s e t the stage f o r the case study o f a s m a l l e r u n i t w i t h i n L a t i n A m e r i c a — J a m a i c a , West,Indies.  Chapter 3  •I  t h e r e f o r e f o c u s e s on r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i n Jamaica d i s c u s s i n g such p e r t i n e n t f a c t o r s a s :  the extent,  i v i t y , p a t t e r n and causes of m i g r a t i o n and a l s o the  selectexisting  government measures aimed at c o n t r o l l i n g the ifolow o f rural-urban  migrants.  CHAPTER 3 RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION  IN JAMAICA  Introduction Jamaica, West I n d i e s , became an independent  country  w i t h Dominion s t a t u s w i t h i n the B r i t i s h Commonwealth i n August 1962.  T h i s " i s l a n d n a t i o n " l y i n g between 17° 43'  and 18° 32* n o r t h l a t i t u d e i s about 150 m i l e s l o n g and 50 m i l e s wide a c r o s s t h e widest  part—the third  largest  i s l a n d i n the Caribbean Sea. "The present p o l y g l o t c h a r a c t e r o f the p o p u l a t i o n which has as i t s motto 'out o f many, one people', has i t s o r i g i n s i n Europe and A f r i c a supplemented by indentured l a b o u r brought from A s i a a f t e r the a b o l i t i o n o f s l a v e r y i n the 1830's and by small groups o f m i s c e l l a n e o u s migrants."1 The  p o p u l a t i o n o f Jamaica was approximately  1.7 m i l l i o n  i n 19612 and the p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y 377 persons per square m i l e ^ w i t h the d e n s i t y p e r square m i l e o f c u l t i v a b l e l a n d n e a r l y twice as high.4  1- I n t e r n a t i o n a l Bank f o r R e c o n s t r u c t i o n and Development, Current Economic P o s i t i o n and Prospects o f Jamaica. 1968, p. 1. 2 Most r e c e n t Census. The p o p u l a t i o n o f the i s l a n d i s now estimated a t almost 2 m i l l i o n . y Jamaica, M i n i s t r y o f Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . p. 7. 4 I n t e r n a t i o n a l Bank f o r R e c o n s t r u c t i o n and Development, op. c i t . . p. 1.  45  T h i s " p o p u l a t i o n e x p l o s i o n " has mid  1940 s T  been evidenced  because of reduced m o r t a l i t y r a t e s , brought  about through advances i n p u b l i c h e a l t h and rise in birth rates. cognizance  The  a progressive  Jamaican Government has  of the p o p u l a t i o n problem and  attempts t o cope w i t h i t . aspects  s i n c e the  taken  i s making s e v e r a l  Consequently, the demographic  of economic development have been g r e a t l y d i s c u s s e d .  However, most emphasis has been p l a c e d on the r a t e of popul a t i o n growth and  on e x t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n which, e s p e c i a l l y  i n the 1 9 5 0 ' s  early 1960 s,  and  f  assumed high  proportions.5'  But an aspect of t h i s t o which l e s s a t t e n t i o n has p a i d and no doubt of equal and  been  importance both q u a n t i t a t i v e l y  q u a l i t a t i v e l y i s t h a t o f i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n and  p a r t i c u l a r , rural-urban migration.  Over the y e a r s ,  has been a p a t t e r n o f i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n i n v o l v i n g a of r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n toward c e r t a i n urban areas and,  in there shift in  p a r t i c u l a r , eastwards t o the Kingston M e t r o p o l i t a n Area where development has been and  i s most conspicuous.  This  has r e s u l t e d i n an unbalanced s i t u a t i o n because i n the urban areas the r a t e o f economic growth cannot cope w i t h the abnormal growth i n p o p u l a t i o n . A g r i c u l t u r e has been and  still  i s the a c t i v i t y i n  which the g r e a t e s t number o f persons on the  island—  5 Nassau Adams, " I n t e r n a l M i g r a t i o n i n Jamaica: An Economic A n a l y s i s " , S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s . XVIII (June 1 9 6 9 ) , p. 137.  46 37$°—depend  for a livelihood.  However, s i n c e t h e l l 9 5 0 ' s  t h e r e has been a s i g n i f i c a n t broadening o f the base of the i s l a n d ' s economy.  The major i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s  (mining,  manufacture, c o n s t r u c t i o n and i n s t a l l a t i o n ) have i n c r e a s e d t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the Gross Domestic  Product t o the  p o i n t where t h e y have exceeded t h a t o f a g r i c u l t u r e and o t h e r primary e n t e r p r i s e s  (see Table 4 ) .  Thus a g r i c u l t u r e  has tended t o l a g not i n a b s o l u t e terms but i n r e l a t i v e terms  only. Table  4  7  JAMAICA: GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT AT FACTOR COST (Current P r i c e s ) f o r S e l e c t e d Years ( t m i l l i o n ) 8 1950  1961  1965  1968  £> 70.1  £.244.3  £.297.1  £371.1  C o n t r i b u t i o n by (a) A g r i c u l t u r e , F o r e s t r y and F i s h i n g  fe 21.3 (30.8$)  & 31.0 (12.7$)  £, 34.5 (11.6$)  £. 38.0 (10.2$)  (b) M i n i n g , Manufacture, Construction & Installation  fc 13.2 (18.9$)  £> 80.0 (33.1$)  £105.3 (35.4$)  £.139.0 (37.4$)  Gross Domestic  Product  ° Jamaica, M i n i s t r y o f Development and Welfare, op. p. 16.  cit..  7 Compiled from: (a) Jamaica, M i n i s t r y o f Development and W e l f a r e , op. c i t . . pp. 12-13, and (b) Jamaica, C e n t r a l P l a n n i n g U n i t , Economic Survey: Jamaica. 1968 ( K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , 1968), pp. 15-16. # £. equals $2,595 (Canadian).  47 A l l i n a l l , t h i s expansion  i n p r o d u c t i o n has  produced  a marked improvement i n the average standard of l i v i n g : c a p i t a income at c u r r e n t p r i c e s has 1950  per  i n c r e a s e d from L47.4 in'  t o £.170 i n 19689 i n s p i t e of p o p u l a t i o n growth as h i g h  as 3.2$  per annum.1°  However, t h e r e has been a marked  d i s p a r i t y i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h i s p r o s p e r i t y between the main urban c e n t r e s of the i s l a n d and the r u r a l The  areas.  data i n Table 4 p r o v i d e s a f a c t u a l b a s i s f o r t h i s  a t i o n s i n c e a l l the manufacturing  observ-  o p e r a t i o n s a p a r t from  sugar m i l l i n g , are l o c a t e d f o r the most p a r t i n the  Kingston  area. There i s the w i d e l y h e l d o p i n i o n t h a t i n d u s t r i e s  should  be l o c a t e d i n o t h e r p a r t s of the i s l a n d so as t o spread b e n e f i t s o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and reduce the f l o w of to  the  migrants  the Kingston Area where the l a b o u r market i s o v e r s a t u r a t e d  and urban i l l s w e l l d i s p l a y e d . percentage  However, as such a high  of the working p o p u l a t i o n are on farms, i t i s  not l i k e l y t h a t t h i s s i t u a t i o n w i l l the near f u t u r e , no matter how trialize.  The  change fundamentally  hard Jamaica t r i e s  in  t o indus-  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n programme, remarkable  though i t i s , hassa  l o n g way  as an adequate absorbent  t o go b e f o r e i t can be  regarded  for migration.^  9 Jamaica, C e n t r a l P l a n n i n g U n i t , op. c i t . . p. 3 . 1° T h i s was the r a t e between 1950 and 1961. However, i t has been d e c l i n i n g s i n c e and r e g i s t e r e d 1.9$ between 1967 and 1968. I b i d . , p. 45. 11 Rw. B. Davison, West Indian Migrants (London: U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 19o2), p. 6 4 . "  Oxford  48 There i s t h e r e f o r e a p r e s s i n g need f o r the development of the r u r a l s e c t o r t o provide a h i g h e r standard of  living  f o r i t s people,  consti-  and Shaw maintains t h a t t h i s indeed  tutes i n part a p r e - r e q u i s i t e f o r f u r t h e r p r o g r e s s . I c l i m a t e needs t o be c r e a t e d i n which economic and  A  2  social  goals can f l o u r i s h t o g e t h e r f o r i t has been i m p l i e d t h a t t h e r e i s a fundamental r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two.  True  i n s i g h t s i n t o the i n a b i l i t y of the r u r a l areas to h o l d i t s p o p u l a t i o n can o n l y be gained by examining the f o r c e s which have produced the e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n o f r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . Extent of Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n Traces o f m i g r a t i o n i n t o Kingston were evidenced e a r l y as 1881.13  However, biyc 1921  i t was  with a s m a l l e r movement t o S t . Andrew. 10,30014 migrants between 1911  and  as  better defined  Kingston  gained  1921,15 and the  fact  t h a t the o n l y p a r i s h which d i d not l o s e p o p u l a t i o n t o i t was  S t . Andrew s i g n i f i e d t h a t at t h i s e a r l y date the  of the l a t t e r as a suburban area had a l r e a d y  growth  started.16  1 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n A c t i o n " , Kingston, p. 1 (Mimeographed). 2  13 w. G. Roberts, The P o p u l a t i o n o f Jamaica Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1957) , p. 142.  1964,  (London:  !  14 I b i d . . Table 37,  p.  150.  15 The extent of the movement w i l l be d i s c u s s e d between Census y e a r s . 1° W. G . Roberts,  op. c i t . . p .  149.  49  A l l t o g e t h e r , the movement s i g n i f i e d a growing p u l l o f an expanding urban a r e a . The most marked expansion to i t s present  enhancing Kingston's  l e v e l began i n the 1 9 2 0 ' s .  population  Suburban p a r t s of  S t . Andrew a l s o grew a t a phenomenal r a t e f o r whereas i n the past Kingston was Andrew presented  the main t a r g e t area, a f t e r 1921 S t .  the g r e a t e s t a t t r a c t i o n .  Thus between 1921  and 1943 i n - m i g r a t i o n i n t o S t . Andrew t o t a l l e d 4 7 , 5 0 0 while the g a i n i n Kingston was  o n l y 2 1 , 5 0 0 , or l e s s than  h a l f of that experienced  by the former.17  And  of Kingston as a r e s i d e n t i a l area i s evidenced t h a t i t p r o v i d e d the most migrants Andrew.  E i s n e r maintains  one-  the d e c l i n e by the  fact  ( 1 1 , 3 0 0 ) t o urban S t .  that  "while the i s l a n d i n c r e a s e i n p o p u l a t i o n was 4 4 . 2 $ , Kingston gained 7 2 . 8 $ and S t . Andrew 1 3 4 . 7 $ . This was d u e . . . . e n t i r e l y t o m i g r a t i o n . In f a c t , o f the t o t a l r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n of the c i t y i n 1 9 4 3 , o n l y 4 3 . 5 $ had been born t h e r e and i n S t . Andrew the p r o p o r t i o n was not much h i g h e r w i t h 4 9 $ " . 1 8 Be t h a t as i t may, S t . Andrew was  the m e t r o p o l i t a n area of Kingston  and  w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h i s p e r i o d , and F i g . 1  g i v e s the main c u r r e n t s o f m i g r a t i o n . The  c i t y had not always been a t t r a c t i v e t o  migrants.  In the e a r l y years of the E n g l i s h s e t t l e m e n t , 1 9 i t was 1 7 I b i d . , p. 1 5 4 . 18 G U s e l a E i s n e r , Jamaica. 1 8 3 0 - 1 9 3 0 : A Study i n Economic Growth (Manchester: Manchester U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961),  p.  187.  1 9 E n g l i s h s e t t l e m e n t began i n 1 6 5 5 .  Source: W.  G.  Roberts,  op. cit.  p.  157  50 merely the commercial  capital.  During s l a v e r y t h i s  function  gave i t no g r e a t e r pre-eminence over the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c a p i t a l , Spanish Town, probably because a l a r g e  percentage  o f the exports (mainly a g r i c u l t u r a l ) and the imports came through minor p o r t s . emancipation  In f a c t , the c i t y was  stagnant  as the p l a n t a t i o n system d e c l i n e d and  needs o f the peasantry were met  after  the  mainly by s u b s i s t e n c e as  import d u t i e s were high.20 However, d u r i n g the e a r l y y e a r s of the Crown Colony Government, Kingston became the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c a p i t a l (1872)21 and growth r e s u l t e d w i t h the expansion o f the government s e r v i c e s , 2 2 the focus o f an improved  road  system,  the terminus o f the r a i l r o a d , and the export p o i n t f o r important minor ccpps o f the s m a l l farmer.23  Kingston's  a t t r a c t i o n waned i n the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century w i t h the expansion o f banana c u l t i v a t i o n i n the n o r t h - e a s t and the emergence of p o r t s i n t h a t r e g i o n and renewed o p p o r t u n i t i e s abroad  leading to emigration.  The advent  1920's witnessed a r e v e r s a l o f the t r e n d w i t h the  of c e r t a i n p o s i t i v e f a c t o r s — f u r t h e r  centralization  20 G. E. Gumper, " P o p u l a t i o n Movements i n Jamaica 1830-1950", S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s (September 1956), p. 272. 21 Mary M. G a r l e y , Jamaica, the Old and the New George A l l e n & Unwin L t d . , 1963), p. 152. 22 G i s e l a E i s n e r , op. c i t . . 23 G. E. Cumper, op. c i t . .  p. p.  187. 272.  (London:  51 of  communication with the advent o f motor t r a n s p o r t , d e c l i n e  in  t r a d e of o u t p o r t s and the i n a b i l i t y of the a g r a r i a n  s e c t o r t o keep i t s growing p o p u l a t i o n . was  f o s t e r e d by re-emigrants  In a d d i t i o n , growth  i n the d e p r e s s i o n  28,000 between 1928-34—many of whom s e t t l e d The  remarkable f a c t here i s t h a t u n t i l 1938  manufacturing  i n Kingston and S t . Andrew.  most of the migrants  found  years— in,Kingston. 4 2  there was  little  Consequently,  openings i n domestic s e r v i c e s ,  p e t t y t r a d e or none at a l l . Between 1943 still  and  I960 the magnitude of the movement  d i r e c t e d p r i m a r i l y t o the Kingston  M e t r o p o l i t a n Area.  and t h e r e i s s t i l l  and S t . Andrew  S t . Andrew, however, s t i l l  greater pull—18,800  was  exerts a  as a g a i n s t 4,592 f o r Kingston i n 1 9 5 9  a s i g n i f i c a n t migration loss,of  population to it—5,061  i n 1959.  2o  2 5  —  Kingston's  F i g u r e 2 shows the  m i g r a t i o n i n t o the Kingston and S t . Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n Area while F i g u r e 3 g i v e s the main t a r g e t zones w i t h i n t h a t area, and F i g u r e 4 i l l u s t r a t e s the i n t e n s i t y of o u t - m i g r a t i o n aireas in  Jamaica f o r the year 24 I b i d . , p.  1959. ? 2  272.  5 Kalman Tekse, I n t e r n a l M i g r a t i o n i n Jamaica. Jamaica. Department of S t a t i s t i c s (Kingston: Jamaica Times L t d . 1967), Table 6, p. 12.' 2  2  6  I b i d . . Table 6 ,  p.  12.  ? F i g u r e s are based on the p e r i o d 7 t h A p r i l , 1959 to 7th A p r i l , I960, and r e f e r r e d t o as the c a l e n d a r year 1959. T h i s was estimated from the people enumerated a t the l a s t P o p u l a t i o n Census of 7th A p r i l , I960. 2  St. Andrew Kingston  1,272 mi St. Ann 114,360  Number  Source:  Kalman  Tekse  Migrants of. Migrants  Population Parish  op.  cit.  10  Boundary  after  p.  123>403  MIGRATION INTO THE KINGSTON & ST ANDREW AREA FROM THE COUNTRY 1959  KEY 1,000  2 96,013  8.  10 miles  KINGSTON -  ST  INTENSITY  OF  ANDREW  IMMIGRATION  CONSTITUENCIES, Source i  Kalmao  Tekso  op.  cit.  after  p. 16  AREA:  1959  BY  KINGSTON -  ST  INTENSITY  OF  ANDREW  IMMIGRATION  CONSTITUENCIES, Source: Kalman  Tekse  op. cit.  after  p. 16  AREA:  195 9  BY  FIG- 4  Number  of  Outmigrants  Per  1,000  i  Under 30  35™39•  AC\ _ AA  Source:. .Kalman  Tekse,  O P . cit-  Population  i  •  ^^^^^  after  INTENSITY .„ 45-49 .r-  50 & over  p. 12.  St. Ann (Pop.)  OF  OUTMIGRATiON,1959  52 On an average,  m i g r a t i o n t o urban areas i s t w i c e  as  i n t e n s i v e as t h a t t o r u r a l areas but a s t r i k i n g outcome of t h i s movement was  t h a t m i g r a t i o n t o the Kingston and  Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n Area was  St.  never matched by a s i m i l a r  growth of o t h e r urban a r e a s .  Today t h e r e remains a trem-  endous gap between the second  l a r g e s t town of the  Montego Bay Consequently expansion " I t was  (23,610) and the major urban area  island,  (380,000).28  u r b a n i z a t i o n has meant no more than  the  of the Kingston and S t . Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n Area.  not p a r t of a g e n e r a l t r e n d towards g r e a t e r u r b a n i -  z a t i o n but simply an i s o l a t e d movement." not i n response  Migration  t o the economic " p u l l " of the c i t y as i t  was  shown t h a t b e f o r e 1938  and  s i n c e then economic growth has been i n s u f f i c i e n t  handle  the  was  t h e r e were h a r d l y any  factories to  influx.  S e l e c t i v i t y of  Migrants  In keeping w i t h the t r e n d i n L a t i n America, r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i n Jamaica from the b e g i n n i n g has been predomi•i  n a n t l y a movement of females.(see probably connected  Table 5 ) .  w i t h the p a r t i c u l a r and p e c u l i a r  and f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e of the s o c i e t y . one  and  This i s  consequently  It i s a matricentric  the h i g h m o b i l i t y of females  i s related  t o a s t r o n g d e s i r e t o become e c o n o m i c a l l y a c t i v e and s u f f i c i e n t which cannot 28 i 9 6 0 Census o f  be f u l f i l l e d Jamaica.  social  i n the f a c e of  self-  53 i  <  ;  i  r e l a t i v e l y few l o c a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r employment. Table 5  2  9  NET MIGRATION BY SEX INTO THE KINGSTON & ST. ANDREW METROPOLITAN AREA Year 1911-21 1921-43 1959  Male  Female  5,300 25,600 6,850  9,100 38,800 10,700  The most i n t e n s i v e m i g r a t i o n takes p l a c e between the ages o f 15 t o 24 y e a r s , with t h e most mobile years b e i n g between 15 t o 19^0 f o r both male and female.  However,  females over 30 years are more apt t o migrate than males i n that category.  The urban area i s the o n l y one i n the  i s l a n d w i t h a net m i g r a t i o n g a i n o f females  i n age group  15 t o 24 y e a r s . The e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l o f migrants  i s generally higher  than t h a t o f those l e f t behind and consequently the processs of r u r a l exodus draws away the "cream" from the c o u n t r y s i d e . Migration Patterns Roberts suffering  suggests t h a t p r i o r t o 1921, each p a r i s h  net l o s s e s o f p o p u l a t i o n l o s t most t o the p a r i s h e s  29 Compiled from: Kalman Tekse, op. c i t . . Table 7, p. 14 and W. G. Roberts, op. c i t . . Table 37, p. 150 and Table 38, p. 153. 30 Kalman Tekse, op. c i t . . Table 13, p. 19.  54 between i t s e l f and the urban area which suggest t h a t most of the movement was  not d i r e c t but took p l a c e i n stages.31  T h i s t r e n d , however, has been d i v e r t e d somewhat s i n c e  1921  by the p u l l of MontegoBBay ( S t . James) as s u r r o u n d i n g p a r i s h e s have l o s t more t o i t than the p a r i s h n e a r e s t the Kingston and S t . Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n Area. A l l i n a l l , d i s t a n c e p l a y s an important r o l e urban m i g r a t i o n i n Jamaica.  in rural-  The r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l s i z e of  the i s l a n d might have l e d one t o i g n o r e t h i s f a c t o r , Adams i n h i s study found t h i s an important  but  variable  " s u g g e s t i n g t h a t even i n a s m a l l c o u n t r y the c o s t s of moving (psychic and f i n a n c i a l )  are not n e g l i g i b l e  and vary  with distance".32 The migrants*  i n t e r m e d i a r y " s t e p s " are governed  t h e i r pockets and wage income d i f f e r e n t i a l s no determine t h e i r paths.  doubt  S t a t i s t i c s are hard t o come by  but t h e r e i s a l a r g e number, e s p e c i a l l y p a r i s h e s who  by  from the e a s t e r n  migrate d i r e c t l y t o the urban area i n q u e s t i o n .  Causes of Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n Before a remedy can be sought t o c o n t r o l t h i s movement which i s making f o r an unhealthy expansion of the K i n g s t o n and S t . Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n Area, i t i s necessary t o know the reasons f o r m i g r a t i o n . 31 W. 3  2  The author, r e a l i z i n g t h a t many  G. Roberts, op. c i t . . p.  152.  Nassau A. Adams, op. c i t . . p.  150.  55  of these r e s t i n the realm o f u n i n t e g r a t e d s p e c u l a t i o n , decided t o go and t a l k t o a sample o f i n h a b i t a n t s i n the c o u n t r y s i d e t o a s c e r t a i n i f and why T h i s was I t was  they were m i g r a t i n g .  not done w i t h any q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s i n mind.  merely t o d i s c o v e r the r e p e l l i n g f a c t o r s from those  experiencing r u r a l  living.  The v i l l a g e s e l e c t e d was  Top Albany  ( S t . Mary),  which  i s s i t u a t e d 35 m i l e s from Kingston w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f approximately governed  inhabitants.  Choice of the v i l l a g e  was  by the f a c t t h a t the author i s known i n the area  and as such c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h the l o c a l f o l k would not be a problem;  secondly, i t i s a t y p i c a l r u r a l v i l l a g e ,  and  t h i r d l y , the p u l l o f the m e t r o p o l i t a n area i s f a i r l y s t r o n g thus making f o r b e t t e r d e f i n e d motives f o r m i g r a t i o n . 34  Of the 47 i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r v i e w e d by the author, 20 were between the ages 15 t o 29 y e a r s , 10 between 30 and 39 y e a r s , and 17 iduals  over 40 y e a r s , 3 5 and except f o r t h r e e i n d i v -  (age 1 5 - 2 9 ) ,  a l l were e m p l o y e d — 2 were s t u d e n t s , 1  unemployed. From the t o t a l sample, 21 were d e f i n i t e t h a t they were 33 T h i s f i g u r e i s a v e r y rough estimate as the v i l l a g e has no d i s t i n c t boundaries nor f i t s i n t o any one Census District. 34 T h i s was not a house-to-house s u r v e y . Instead i t was conducted from i t s g e n e r a l s t o r e which c a t e r s t o a l l and sundry i n the v i l l a g e . 35 As the primary s c h o o l l e a v i n g age i s 15 y e a r s , no one under 15 was q u e s t i o n e d . The w e i g h t i n g was a r b i t r a r y but a g r e a t e r concern was put on the 1 5 - 2 9 age group as migration i s heaviest here.  56  leaving  (13 from the group 1 5 - 2 9 ; 4 each from 3 0 - 3 9 and  over 40 y e a r s ) . 5  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note t h a t the  m a j o r i t y of the movers support the statement s e l e c t i v i t y made e a r l i e r . for  migrating.  on m i g r a t i o n  Most gave more than one  reason  Table 6 g i v e s the reasons f o r m i g r a t i n g i n  o r d e r of t h e i r r e l a t i v e  significance. Table 6  REASONS FOR  MIGRATING FROM THE  VILLAGE OF TOP Age  ALBANY, ST. MARY Groups  30-39  over  40  Total  l a c k of employment opport u n i t i e s (especially lack of f a c t o r i e s /  7  3  1  (b)  lack of s o c i a l  3  2  2  (c)  l a c k of p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s (water, b e t t e r roads, transportation f a c i l i t i e s )  2  2  4  l a c k of e d u c a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s (includes high schools, vocational centres)  3  1  4  (e)  l a c k o f l a n d f o r farming  2  (f)  need a change  1  (g)  wants a man  -  (a)  .(d)  The  facilities  to marry  i n t e r v i e w e e s were very  1  -  11 7  3 1  1  1  positive in t h e i r replies  The  r u r a l a r e a had very l i t t l e  t o o f f e r and t o hold them. I t  was  very "drab", and a c c o r d i n g t o one  informant,  "life  57  r e a l l y hard h e r e " .  F o r these p o t e n t i a l  migrants, Kingston  and S t . Andrew36 would a t b e s t a l l o w them t o l i v e and not e x i s t , and f o r the l a d y who wanted a spouse, a hunt  farther  a f i e l d was u r g e n t . the remaining 26 who wished t o s t a y i n the v i l l a g e suggested t o the author that to a c e r t a i n very strong?  extent.  rural  l i f e must be s a t i s f y i n g  Why do some s t a y i f t h e "push" i s  Table 7 summarizes t h e reasons f o r s t a y i n g ,  and here again i t was a combination o f f a c t o r s .  It i s  important t o note how these reasons e x e r t t h e i r  influence  on s p e c i f i c age groups. The  " p u l l " o f the r u r a l area, then, i s mainly f o r  f a m i l y reasons.  Most o f the 1 5 - 2 9 group were mothers and  were f o r c e d t o remain but i n c o n v e r s a t i o n t h e author got the i d e a t h a t i f they were not " t i e d " down, they too would be on t h e move.  And o f course the p o s s e s s i o n of farms by  the over 4 0 group f r e e z e s t h e i r a b i l i t y t o migrate.  The  reasons f o r remaining are emotional f o r the most p a r t and are  quite d i f f e r e n t  from those f o r m i g r a t i n g .  The c i r c u m -  stances which c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e l a t t e r mean t h a t the r u r a l area does e x e r t a "pushing" e f f e c t on some groups o f i n h a b i t a n t s because as b e i n g e s s e n t i a l as people s t i l l  these circumstances manifest  themselves  f o r m o d e r n i z a t i o n and advancement.  And  migrate i n the f a c e of a shortage o f jobs  i n t h e urban a r e a s , the "push" becomes s t r o n g e r than the "pull". 36  Of t h e 2 1 , 9 wanted t o go t h e r e w h i l e 3 chose other urban a r e a s .  58  Table 7 REASONS FOR REMAINING IN THE VILLAGE OF TOP ALBANY, ST. MARY Age 30-39  over 40  Total  4  3  1  $  -  1  3  4  2  2  4  -  4  15-29 reasons  (a)  family  (b)  has  (c)  settled  (d)  home here  (e)  too old  (f)  job  (g)  likes  (h)  owns b u s i n e s s  -  ( i ) s tsJSTl a t s c h o o l  2  farm  (born here)  here farming  l i k e s the area  (o)  Groups  3  1  3  2  3  2  2 2  2  -  -  2  1  1  From the s t u d y i t was shown t h a t the main reason f o r m i g r a t i n g was l a c k o f employment f a c i l i t i e s , but here, as i n the o t h e r farming v i l l a g e s , p a r a d o x i c a l l y the supply o f l a b o u r o f f e r i n g i t s e l f f o r work i s w e l l below the demand.37 The  s i t u a t i o n , then, i s one i n which employment on farms  e x i s t s along w i t h v o l u n t a r y unemployment.  T h i s i s probably  due t o the s t r o n g r e l u c t a n c e on the p a r t o f many i n d i v i d u a l s  cit.,  37 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y of Development and Welfare, op. p. 3 6 .  59 t o undertake a g r i c u l t u r a l work at low l e v e l s w i t h c o n t i n u a l employment and an inducement.  no  i n c o n d i t i o n s which are h a r d l y  And these do not possess  s k i l l s to  enable  them to do much more than farming, nor i s t h e r e a l a c k o f markets f o r food p r o d u c t i o n as study a f t e r study show3# t h a t l o c a l out-put and even t h a t of some export  crops,  n o t a b l y cacao and c o f f e e , have continued t o l a g with the r e s u l t t h a t p r i c e s have r i s e n and imported f o o d s t u f f s w i t h u n n e c e s s a r i l y high p r i c e s become unavoidable.39 There seems t o be scope f o r a p r o d u c t i v e r u r a l s e c t o r but a t the same time t h e r e are f a c t o r s which make l i f e u n a t t r a c t i v e and give no i n c e n t i v e t o workers to remain or work i n the r u r a l  areas.  B a s i c to these fundamental d i f f i c u l t i e s are the e x i s t i n g a g r a r i a n c o n d i t i o n s d i c t a t e d by h i s t o r y . attempts at settlement i n Jamaica i n the  Early  seventeenth  century proved  u n s u c c e s s f u l as the s e t t l e r s , mainly from  England,  i t d i f f i c u l t to adjust to t r o p i c a l  found  The e i g h t e e n t h century brought w i t h i t a new l a r g e p l a n t a t i o n s growing sugar cane f o r export slave labour. 38  The p l a n t a t i o n s occupied the best  living. system-  utilizing lands  See f o r example: I b i d . , 3 p. 18; Rene Dumont, op. c i t . ; Hugh Shaw, "Some Basic Problems o f Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e w i t h I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Changes i n Development P o l i c y " , K i n g s t o n , February 13, 1968. (Mimeographed}; and "Basic D e f e c t s o f Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " , Paper found i n Jamaica Town Planning Department F i l e s , n.d. (Mimeographed }. 39 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . p. 18.  60 which were found on the a l l u v i a l areas, p a r t i c u l a r l y  the  i n l a n d v a l l e y s and b a s i n s and along the j u n c t i o n o f the limestone h i l l s w i t h the p l a i n s . 4 0  Thus l a r g e p a r t s o f the  i s l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y the i n t e r i o r , were s p a r s e l y s e t t l e d . The  p l a n t a t i o n , r a n g i n g i n s i z e from 800 t o 2,000 or 3,000  acres,41  contained the b a s i c u n i t of settlement upon which  the communication network was  based.  T h i s e s t a t e system contained two  s e c t o r s , one  devoted  to sugar p r o d u c t i o n and the other t o the growing o f ground p r o v i s i o n s by which the s l a v e s c u l t i v a t e d a l a r g e p a r t of t h e i r food. istic,  The l a t t e r , a s p e c i f i c Jamaican c h a r a c t e r -  l a c k i n g i n some of the o t h e r West Indian  c o n s i s t e d o f "a p i e c e of h i l l  islands,  l a n d , p o s s i b l y separated  from the body of the e s t a t e by s e v e r a l m i l e s , where wood c o u l d be cut and s l a v e a l l o t m e n t s l a i d out".42  This plot  came to be known as the "mountain"43 and more o f t e n than not t h e r e was  a s u r p l u s a v a i l a b l e which gave r i s e to an  i n t e r n a l marketing s a l e belonged  organization.44  The  proceeds of t h i s  to the s l a v e and t h i s ground p r o v i s i o n  40 G . E . Gumper, op. c i t . . p.  265.  41 P h i l i p D. G u r t i n , Two Jamaicas (Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1955), p. 11. 42 G . E. Gumper, op. c i t . . p. 43 i b i d . , p.  267.  267.  44 Mary M. G a r l e y , op. c i t . . p.  52.  Harvard  61  system was the prototype  o f a g r i c u l t u r e p r a c t i c e d by  many Jamaican s m a l l farmers today. T h i s p a t t e r n p e r s i s t e d w i t h the continued of s l a v e r y and the emancipation o f s l a v e s brought c o n s i d e r a b l e  changes.  existence  (1834-1838)  There was a general  exodus  of s l a v e s from the p l a n t a t i o n t o form an independent peasantry, and any r e s t r i c t i o n t o keep the s l a v e on the e s t a t e o n l y served  t o hasten h i s d e p a r t u r e .  tude o f t h i s exodus was c o n s i d e r a b l e be  The magni-  and i t s extent can  gleaned by examining the d e c l i n e o f l a b o u r on the  estates.  I n 1832 the 1 3 8 e s t a t e s i n c u l t i v a t i o n had 4 1 , 8 2 0  labourers  but by 1947 t h i s had d e c l i n e d t o 1 3 , 9 7 0 . 4 5  The  i n i t i a l expansion was on:  (a) the l a n d  f o r e s t a t e c u l t i v a t i o n but abandoned, (b) t h e i r  cleared "mountain"  p a r t l y c u l t i v a t e d under the p r o v i s i o n ground system, (d) land belonging  t o absentee owners, o r (d) moved onto the  more i n a c c e s s i b l e lands never before  occupied  .as t h e  i s l a n d a t t h a t time had a p o t e n t i a l f r o n t i e r i n the North American sense.46 F i r s t of a l l ,  «ph s l a v e s a c q u i r e d e  l a n d i n three ways.47  there were d i r e c t purchases o f s m a l l p l o t s  45 G . E . Cumper, "Labour Demand and Supply i n the Jamaican Sugar I n d u s t r y 1 8 3 0 - 1 9 5 0 " , S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s . I I (March 1 9 5 4 ) , p,. 4 9 . 46 P h i l i p D. G u r t i n , op. c i t . . p. 1 1 . 47 G . E . Gumper, ( 1 9 5 4 ) , op. c i t . . p. 5 0 .  62 from the p l a n t e r s ; 4 8  secondly  by s q u a t t i n g ; and  thirdly  through j o i n t purchase made of a part or an e n t i r e e s t a t e f o r s u b d i v i s i o n among a group of s l a v e s . played  The  church  a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the l a t t e r as they were  instrumental  i n o r g a n i z i n g communities of s m a l l  villages  and were the o n l y group i n t e r e s t e d i n the l o t of the dwellers.  In a sense "the movement represented  rural  an expan-  s i o n of the p r o v i s i o n s e c t o r o f the t r a d i t i o n a l economy on a new  s o c i a l base w i t h a corresponding  sugar s e c t o r and  of the towns which had  d e c l i n e of  catered to  the  the  needs o f the o l d system".49 However, about a decade a f t e r the development of  the  f r e e h o l d system, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of a v a i l a b l e land began to decline.  Most of the e s t a t e s were not s o l d as p l a n t e r s  f e l t t h a t t h e r e c o u l d be no a l t e r n a t i v e to p l a n t a t i o n a g r i c u l t u r e i n the West I n d i e s , so t h a t by 1865  about  two-  f i f t h s of the i s l a n d , t h a t i s , approximately 1 m i l l i o n a c r e s , had become "no  man's land".50  At the same time  the r a p i d l y i n c r e a s i n g peasants c r e a t e d e x c e s s i v e f r a g mentation of l a n d and  t r i e d t o go f u r t h e r i n t o h i l l s ,  as  p l o t s became exhausted. With the s h i f t i n p o p u l a t i o n there was  a need f o r  48 Some s l a v e s had a c q u i r e d a s u b s t a n t i a l amount of money through the s a l e o f t h e i r s u r p l u s . 49 G. E. Gumper, (1956), op. c i t . . p. The  50 Lord O l i v i e r , Jamaica: Century Company, 1936), p.  The B l e s s e d 138.  268. Isle  (London:  63 governmental a c t i o n .  E x t e n s i o n o f communications were  g r a v e l y r e q u i r e d t o serve the peasant old  v i l l a g e s and  system of l a n d t i t l e s geared toward p l a n t a t i o n  c u l t u r e was  the agri-  not a p p l i c a b l e t o the process of f r a g m e n t a t i o n .  These d i f f i c u l t i e s , t o g e t h e r w i t h c r i e s of a b j e c t p o v e r t y i n the r u r a l s e c t o r went unheard and p r o v i d e s a p a r t i a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f the Morant Bay R e b e l l i o n i n 1865.51 However, i n these t r o u b l e d times, had there been an i n t e l l i g e n t government, a p r o g r e s s i v e r u r a l s e c t o r c o u l d have been l a i d .  Paget,  and he i s not s i n g u l a r i n t h i s  r e s p e c t , maintains t h a t " i t i s l i t t l e s h o r t of t r a g i c t h a t the Government at t h a t p e r i o d missed i t s o p p o r t u n i t y of c a r r y i n g out a d e f i n i t e p o l i c y of settlement of the many emancipated people upon good l a n d near t o the e s t a t e s and o t h e r c e n t r e s where r e g u l a r employment might be obtained".52 T h i s concept  i s not new  and was  proposed  as e a r l y as  1#40  when Robertson53 p o i n t e d t o the advantages of l a y i n g out 51 These r i o t s were not the r e s u l t o f g e n e r a l r e b e l l i o n throughout the i s l a n d . The d i s t r i c t i n which the d i s t u r b a n c e broke out was Morant Bay ( S t . Thomas) and the r e b e l l i o n was l e d by Paul Bogle, a peasant p r o p r i e t o r i n t h a t p a r i s h . The Gus'tbs SfiuSt. Thomas t o g e t h e r w i t h the m a g i s t r a t e s and others were i n the courthouse when i t was surrounded by Bogle and h i s band of Negroes, most of whom were armed w i t h s t i c k s and machetes. The p o l i c e used f i r e a r m s on the mobs and t h i s enraged the r e b e l s . Murder and arson f o l l o w e d ; and s t r o n g measures were taken by the Government. The f i n a l outcome was a change of Governor, the suspension of the e l e c t e d Assembly and the establishment of Grown Colony Government. 52 Hugh Paget, "The Free V i l l a g e System i n Caribbean Q u a r t e r l y . 1 (March 1964), p. 13. 53 I b i d . , p. 13  Jamaica",  64 towns or v i l l a g e s on r e g u l a r plans w i t h i n a s p a t i a l framework which would a f f o r d g r e a t e r f a c i l i t y f o r e d u c a t i o n other r u r a l amenities. of  what was  of  any  However, i t i s i d l e t o  and  complain  not done c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t there was  an absence  i n t e l l i g e n t r u r a l p o l i c y i n England.54  Peasant expansion  had t o be a c t i v e l y encouraged  the R e b e l l i o n but not u n t i l 1897  was  there an  after  official  pronouncement advocating the p o l i c y o f s m a l l landowning settlement.  At f i r s t  land was  recovered from s q u a t t e r s and  subsequently  r e n t e d on a seven year lease.55  system f a i l e d as r e n t payments f e l l  But  the  into arrears, discour-  aged good husbandry and l e d to widespread e r o s i o n which has p e r s i s t e d u n t i l today.  As o n l y few peasants  buy  lands i t was  for  the d i s p o s a l o f Crown Lands.  now  l e f t t o government t o i n i t i a t e a measure  Blake, a scheme was c o u l d buy  could  Here, under Governor  i n t r o d u c e d i n 1895  p l o t s i n l o t s between 5 and  whereby  peasants  50 acres.56  Blake  a l s o abandoned the former p o l i c y of  providingcoammunication  to  geared t o the banana  the e s t a t e s only, i n f a v o u r of one  i n d u s t r y , then the major a g r i c u l t u r a l c r o p .  The  v e r y f o r m i d a b l e and the whole programme was  left  54 Lord O l i v i e r , op. c i t . . p. 55 G i s e l a E i s n e r , op. c i t . . p.  task  was  incomplete  142. 222.  56 O n e - f i f t h of the purchase p r i c e was p a i d at the o u t s e t , the remainder b e i n g p a i d over a 10-year p e r i o d , i n t e r e s t f r e e . Norma Walters, op. c i t . . p. 51.  65 when he l e f t the  island.  Theyheyday of the s m a l l farmer was to  1920,  but a f t e r 1911  when expansion  roughly from  1900  onto the Drown  lands ended as most were m a r g i n a l , the number of h o l d i n g s still of  i n c r e a s e d but o n l y through e x c e s s i v e fragmentation  e x i s t i n g s m a l l and medium s i z e d farms.  t h i s fragmentation was 30$ between 1871  Parallelling  a s i g n i f i c a n t population i n c r e a s e —  and 1911.  By the 1920's poverty was  rife  i n the r u r a l areas what w i t h slumps i n the banana and sugar i n d u s t r y and t h i s s t a r t e d the movement i n t o K i n g s t o n . A l l i n a l l , between 1838  and 1938  the peasants  consti-  t u t e d at l e a s t 80$ of the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n , and 87$ o f the farming s e c t o r .  They were concentrated on o n l y 25$ of the  c u l t i v a t e d l a n d w i t h farms no l a r g e r than f i v e  acres.57  F o r most of the time the peasants were l e f t t o  themselves  to  experiment  official  w i t h d i f f e r e n t crops and techniques  a t t e n t i o n was  o n l y spasmodic.  and  N o r r i s sums up the  s i t u a t i o n i n the, f o l l o w i n g manner: "Whilst the upper and middle c l a s s e s were b u i l d i n g an o f t e n s t r a i n e d i m i t a t i o n of B r i t a i n , the great Jamaican p r o l e t a r i a t l i v e d i n another world, a world w i t h i t s r o o t s i n A f r i c a and s l a v e r y and d e p r i v a t i o n . L i t t l e had happened i n the i n t e r vening c e n t u r y t o change the economic and s o c i a l s t a t u r e or the p s y c h o l o g i c a l h a b i t s connected w i t h such a p a s t . Emancipation had made 320,000 57 K a t r i n N o r r i s , Jamaica, the Search f o r an (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1962), p. 12.  Identity  66  b l a c k s l a v e s i n t o c i t i z e n s . Apart from t h i s i t l e f t them to fend f o r themselves with no property, l i m i t e d p r a c t i c a l s k i l l s , no e d u c a t i o n and not even the i n s t i t u t i o n of f a m i l y l i f e . " 5 8 The and  o n l y s t r i k i n g change, then, was  i t i s no wonder t h a t t h e r e was  which culminated strated  l e v e l of r u r a l l i v i n g .  one  widespread s o c i a l u n r e s t  i n the r i o t s of 1938.  t o the government an urgent  a numerical  These r i o t s demon-  need f o r r a i s i n g the  However, over the years the  gap  between r u r a l and urban l e v e l s of l i v i n g has not been narrowed t o any great e x t e n t .  The a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r i s  s t i l l beset w i t h the problem of a sharp d i v i s i o n between the preponderance o f i n e f f i c i e n t m i c r o f u n d i a  controlling  a s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n of farm l a n d and the s m a l l group o f l a r g e farmers  (see Tables 8 and 9 ) , making f o r s o c i a l  inequity. Land use f a c t o r s distant  past s t i l l  of economic value important  persist  in a  i n the a g r a r i a n s e c t o r .  i n c l u d e e x c e s s i v e p r i o r i t y given to export  crops,  These partic-  u l a r l y sugar cane on the best lands; u n d e r - u t i l i z a t i o n o v e r - u t i l i z a t i o n of l a n d ; l a c k of a r a t i o n a l crop system, and the s t e e r i n g addition, which a r e :  f u n c t i o n of p r i c e s . 5 9  i n f e r t i l i t y o f most of the s o i l s t i l l e d by the gg.;ibidv; p i «11. 5 9  zoning  In  t h e r e are other weaknesses, the key f a c t o r s l i m i t e d r e s e a r c h on l o c a l food crop  Ibid.,  pp.  2-9.  and  of  production, peasants,  67 Table  8  6 0  NUMBER OF FARMS BY SIZE GROUPS AND PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL IN EACH GROUP - 1942, 1954 AND 1961 1942 S i z e Group o f No. Farms 0-/5  acres  1954 tfo  171,60061 83.7  1961 No. Farms  No. Farms  1  %  139,000  69.9  112,600  71.0  5 - /25 a c r e s  28,000  13.7  53,000  2616  41,000  25.7  25- /100 acres  4,000  2.0  5,600  2.8  3,800  2.4  100-/500 acres  900  0.4  900  0.5  800  0.5  500 p l u s acres  500  0.2  300  0.2  300  0.2  205,000 100.0  199,000  100.0  ALL FARMS  158,500 100.0  low c a p i t a l i z a t i o n on the s m a l l farms, l a c k o f s k i l l s and know-how, l a c k of proper  i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements, inadequacy  o f non-farm employment, and above a l l a l a c k o f i n t e g r a t i o n between a g r i c u l t u r e and i n d u s t r y . 6 2  with  such i l l s  i t is  no small wonder t h a t t h e r e i s a g e n e r a l contempt f o r working i n the r u r a l s e c t o r w i t h the r e s u l t i n g paradox o f unemployment 60 R o s l e y McFarlane, Nancy Singham, and I . Johnson, " A g r i c u l t u r a l Planning i n Jamaica" fPaper prepared f o r t h e T h i r d A g r i c u l t u r a l Economics Conference, U n i v e r s i t y o f West I n d i e s , Mona, A p r i l 1-6, 1968), p. 34. I n c l u d e s 139,000 p l o t s o f land under one a c r e . I b i d . . p. 34. 62 I b i d . . p. 9-10; and "The Need f o r Crop Zoning i n Jamaica", Part I , Paper found i n M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands F i l e s , n s d i , p. 7 (Mimeographed);^  68 Table  9°3  ACREAGE OF LANDS IN FARMS BY SIZE GROUPS AND TESTAL IN EACH GROUP - 1961  PERCENTAGE OF  1961 S i z e Group of Farm 0-/5  acres  5-/25  acres  25 - / 100  Per cent  Acreage i n Farms  acres  100 - £ 500 a c r e s ALL FARMS  198,000  11.6  389V441  22.8  167,607  9.8  185,596  10.8  1,711,430  100.0  e x i s t i n g s i d e by s i d e with s c a r c i t y i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r market. 64 Noa? has the s o c i a l environment improved. peasants  experience d i f f i c u l t y i n g e t t i n g water and even  when a v a i l a b l e i t i s at times inadequate v e n i e n t l y located.65 20$  6 6  In many areas  i n volume or i n c o n -  E l e c t r i c i t y i s d i s t r i b u t e d to o n l y  of the i s l a n d and t h i s i s b a s i c a l l y i n Kingston  the s m a l l e r urban a r e a s .  and  In a d d i t i o n , there i s u s u a l l y no  °3 C i t e d i n : Hugh Shaw, "Some B a s i c Problems o f Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e with I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Changes i n Development P o l i c y " , op. c i t . . p. 8. 64 "Basic Defects of Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " , op. c i t . , p. 1, and pp. 8-9; Rene Dumont, op. c i t . , p. 38; Jamaica, M i n i s t r y of Development and Welfare, op. c i t . . p. 36; and "The Need f o r Crop Zoning i n Jamaica", op. c i t . . p. 7« 65 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, A g r i c u l t u r a l Development Programme, S e r i e s No] 1 (Kingston: C i t y P r i n t e r y L t d . , n.d.), p. 13. 66 The Jamaican Weekly Gleaner. March 25, 1970,  p.  5.  69 telephone s e r v i c e , poor t e l e g r a p h i c communication, and of  roads or bad roads.  have no r i v a l f o u r secondary  Kingston and S t . Andrew urban  i n the c u l t u r a l  field.  lack areas  E i g h t e e n of the f o r t y -  s c h o o l s are l o c a t e d here and primary s c h o o l  c o n d i t i o n s are b e t t e r i f measured by s t u d e n t / t e a c h e r r a t i o . 6 7 And w h i l e 84.4$ and 30.6$ of i t s households  are  equipped  w i t h r a d i o and t e l e v i s i o n r e s p e c t i v e l y , i n the country as a whole the r e s p e c t i v e f i g u r e s are 42.3$ and 9.8$.68  The  lack of o t h e r entertainment f a c i l i t i e s such as movies, d a n c e - h a l l s , e t c . are w e l l known i n the r u r a l a r e a s . N o r r i s sums up the s i t u a t i o n most a p t l y . "Much the g r e a t e r p a r t of c a p i t a l expenditure i n the budget i s a s s i g n e d f o r Kingston, Montego Bay and o t h e r t o u r i s t areas such as N e g r i l t o c r e a t e what are l u x u r y c o n d i t i o n s i n comparison w i t h r u r a l Jamaica which does not even have b a s i c requirements such as water, adequate s c h o o l f a c i l i t i e s and h o s p i t a l s . N e a r l y a m i l l i o n people l i v e on the l a n d , y e t the 1961 budget s e t a s i d e £30,000 f o r farm housing and 1.156,000 f o r government o f f i c e r s ' housing; the sum of 437,000 alone was p a i d f o r the purchase of a house f o r the new C e n t r a l Bank manager. One of the main economic problems Jamaica s u f f e r s i s r u r a l poverty....Many r e a s o n s — t r a d i t i o n , i l l i t e r a c y , f e a r of s o c i a l v i c t i m i z a t i o n . . . ( l a c k of e s s e n t i a l amenities)69 are behind t h i s problem."70 67 Kalman Tekse, op. c i t . . p. 2 9 . 68  I b i d . , p. 2 9 .  69 mine 70 K a t r i n N o r r i s , op. c i t . . p. 6 5 .  70' Consequently f r u s t r a t i o n b u i l d s up i n r u r a l Jamaica. R u r a l exodus takes p l a c e and t h i s i s not because o f a g r i c u l t u r a l e f f i c i e n c y or the p u l l of i n d u s t r y .  increased  Inhabi-  t a n t s migrate from the country  t o escape the  their l i f e  e n t e r the main urban areas  i n the bush*"71 and f  t o t a s t e the b e t t e r s e r v i c e s and  amenities  "drabness o f  lorcated t h e r e .  Those l e a v i n g are the ones needed t o a s s i s t i n r u r a l opment and personnel  any and  r u r a l programme u s u a l l y r e q u i r e s experts  t o r e s i d e i n the a r e a .  devel-  skilled  Often  they  are u s u a l l y r e l u c t a n t to l i v e i n these areas f o r the same reasons t h a t r u r a l  people tend t o leave.72  Measures to C o n t r o l Rural-Urban M i g r a t i o n Measures o f h a l t i n g the growing t r e k of r u r a l popul a t i o n t o the c i t y s t a r t e d i n 1938. in  The  deplorable  conditions  the r u r a l s e c t o r , emphasized by "land hunger" and the  lack  of jobs i n the c i t y , l e d to the b e l i e f t h a t people would remain i n the r u r a l areas t o engage i n farming available.  i f land were  As a consequence, the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  decided  on the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f s m a l l p l o t s of land t o the population. administer  Thus i n 1938  a Lands Department was  rural s e t up t o  a Land Settlement scheme.  T h i s scheme i n v o l v e d the Government buying up and  properties  s u b - d i v i d i n g them f o r r e - s a l e t o farmers on an easy  payment p l a n .  In the i n i t i a l stages  the p e r i o d o f payment  71 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n A c t i o n " , op. c i t . . p. 72 i b i d . , p.  7.  5.  71 was  1G y e a r s — t h e  s e t t l e r s b e i n g r e q u i r e d t o make a down  payment o f one-tenth the c o s t o f the land.73  However, as  the programme developed the p e r i o d was extended t o 25 years and the down payment became o n e - t w e e n t i e t h o f land costs.  The average sume p a i d was £ 1 9 o r £ 2 0 , the b a s i c  cost b e i n g about £ 3 an acre.74  F a i l u r e t o keep up pay-  ments can mean f o r f e i t u r e even i f a house has been constructed.  The farmer cannot s e l l ,  sub-let or transfer  h i s p r o p e r t y without the consent o f the Commissioner o f Lands, u n t i l he has f i n i s h e d payments on h i s p l o t . While i n 1938 the area a c q u i r e d was 7,43975  acres,  t h a t between the two years 1939 and 1940 was 62,921 acres76 and i n the l a t t e r p e r i o d a t l e a s t 11,000 f a m i l i e s were p l a c e d on p l o t s o f an average s i z e o f 5 acres.77  Since  then the programme has expanded and by 1967 the area a c q u i r e d was 218,325 a c r e s , o f which t h e r e were  33,426  a l l o t m e n t s w i t h 35,576 acres r e s e r v e d f o r c e r t a i n  factors  73 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, Lands Department. 1938-1967 (n.p., August 1968), p. 2. 74 Mona Macmillan, The Land o f Look Behind (London: Faber and Faber, 1957), p. 6 3 . 75 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, D i v i s i o n of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , "Land Reform i n Jamaica w i t h Emphasis on Land S e t t l e m e n t " (Mimeographed), Hope, October 1962, p. 1 2 . 76 i b i d . , p. 13. 77  I b i d . , p. 1 3 .  72  i n c l u d i n g roads and water s u p p l i e s . 7 8  Table  10 gives the  s i z e d i s t r i b u t i o n on farms i n 1961. Table 10?9 SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF FARMS ON LAND SETTLEMENTS, 1961 S i z e o f Farms (Acres)  Number o f Farms  Under 1  2,743  1 and l e s s than 2  3,143  2  "  " 4  8.657  4  "  " 6  7,815  6  "  " 10  4,455  10 "  "25  1,843  25  147  "50  n  50 and over  7 28,810  Total  The major f u n c t i o n s of the Lands Department are:80 1.  I n s p e c t i o n , v a l u a t i o n and a c q u i s i t i o n o f p r o p e r t i e s  f o r s u b d i v i s i o n and a l l o t m e n t  t o farmers.  Location i s  d i c t a t e d where needs are g r e a t e s t and h e a v i e s t  concentration  78 Jamaica, Lands Department, p. 3. 79 M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, D i v i s i o n o f Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , op. c i t . . p. 22. 80 i b i d . , pp. 2-7.  73 i s i n the e a s t e r n p a r i s h e s surrounding K i n g s t o n — S t . Mary, P o r t l a n d , S t . Thomas and S t . Andrew. 2.  Processing of a p p l i c a t i o n s , s e l e c t i o n of s e t t l e r s  and a l l o t m e n t s . come, f i r s t of  s e r v e d " b a s i s and not on the farming  the p o t e n t i a l 3.  of  A p p l i c a t i o n s are d e a l t with on a  "first ability  settler.^  S u b - d i v i s i o n surveys, l o c a t i o n and c o n s t r u c t i o n  roads and water s u p p l y schemes.  The  l a t t e r are the  main item o f expenditure and while each h o l d i n g i s a c c e s s i b l e by d r i v i n g or b r i d l e road, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of water i s governed by water s o u r c e s . 4. for  P l a n n i n g and development o f settlement a m e n i t i e s ,  example, Community Centres and Marketing 5.  C o l l e c t i o n of i n s t a l m e n t s , and  6.  E x t e n s i o n work.  Depots.  However, the f a c t o r of community development m e r i t s special attention. of  groups of farmers  The scheme i s envisaged as "the i n t o communities.  welding  T h i s e n t a i l s not  o n l y development of i n d i v i d u a l h o l d i n g s , but the b u i l d i n g of  new  group l o y a l t i e s and the c r e a t i o n i n the s e t t l e r s o f  the d e s i r e and involved."**  2  a b i l i t y t o cope w i t h the many problems To t h i s end the farmers are encouraged t o  operate through a s s o c i a t i o n s and c o - o p e r a t i v e s o f t h e i r 8  1  Norma W a l t e r s , op. c i t . ,  8  2  Jamaica,  p.  72.  Lands Department 1938-1967. p.  5.  74 own making f o r the good o f t h e i r s e t t l e m e n t , e s p e c i a l l y i n regard t o d i s p o s a l o f c r o p s . S o c i a l and e d u c a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s are c a r r i e d on i n Community H a l l s and take the form o f l e a r n i n g a s k i l l , f o r example, h a n d i c r a f t , and home economics which c o u l d supply a d d i t i o n a l income t o the f a m i l y . also provided.  R e c r e a t i o n grounds a r e  The programme, a d m i n i s t e r e d  the Jamaica S o c i a l Welfare  j o i n t l y by  Commission and the Lands  Depart-  ment, attempts to i n t e g r a t e t h e v a r i o u s aspects o f d e v e l opment t o make l i f e  more a t t r a c t i v e i n the r u r a l s e c t o r .  Other agencies p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n t h i s development i n c l u d e the E x t e n s i o n D i v i s i o n o f the M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, the Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y and the 4-H C l u b . Land s e t t l e m e n t s e s t a b l i s h e d as c o o p e r a t i v e s  involving  the o p e r a t i o n o f a f a i r l y l a r g e p r o p e r t y as a s i n g l e u n i t by l e a s e h o l d e r s (99 y e a r l e a s e ) have been very few i n number.  During the 1940's two such schemes, Lucky H i l l  ( S t o l a r y ) and Grove Farm ( S t . C a t h e r i n e ) were started.83 The main i d e a behind  these was t o secure the b e n e f i t s o f  l a r g e s c a l e farming t o a number of s m a l l s e t t l e r s .  However,  o t h e r aims, i n c l u d i n g v i a b l e communities and s e l f - h e l p guided by e d u c a t i o n and t r a i n i n g were i n c l u d e d i n t h e programme.  The l a n d settlement scheme, t h e r e f o r e , had as  83 Hugh Shaw and Nancy Singham, "Land Reform: Lessons from Other C o u n t r i e s as a B a s i s f o r F o r m u l a t i n g a P o l i c y f o r Jamaica" (Paper prepared f o r the A g r i c u l t u r a l Planning Committee i n the M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, Jamaica, December, 1961)., p. 8.  75 i t s p r i o r i t y s e c u r i t y of tenure based on a system of freehold tenure. s i n c e the  I t s importance, however, has  declined  1950 s. T  S i n c e the  1940's, however, the main a r e a of concen-  t r a t i o n switched t o measures f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f h i l l s i d e s and  improvements w i t h the l a n d . 4  These were  8  implemented through the Farm Improvement Scheme i n and  the Land A u t h o r i t i e s i n 1951.  works.  1947  Under the Farm Improve-  ment Scheme a l l farmers were e n t i t l e d t o a s s i s t a n c e land c l e a r i n g , s o i l c o n s e r v a t i o n  the  and  for  o t h e r land improvement  In a d d i t i o n , minor i r r i g a t i o n p r o j e c t s were planned.  However, immediately a f t e r the  1951  hurricane  the Farms  Recovery Scheme^was i n t r o d u c e d  f o r the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of  a g r i c u l t u r e i n the devastated r u r a l a r e a s . The  purpose of the  Land A u t h o r i t i e s was  i s i o n f o r "improvement and the  e r o s i o n and  To t h i s end V a l l e y and  two  to make prov-  r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , and  t o prevent  d e t e r i o r a t i o n of land i n s p e c i a l a r e a s " . a u t h o r i t i e s were set up f o r the  the C h r i s t i a n a Area i n 1951  where e r o s i o n and  poverty had  had  and  1952  8 0  Yallahs respectively,  long h i s t o r i e s .  The  a u t h o r i t i e s c o l l a b o r a t e w i t h o t h e r Government a g e n c i e s — 4 11. 8  p.  "Basic D e f e c t s o f Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " , op. c i t . .  5 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, A g r i c u l t u r a l Development S i n c e 1938 and the Programme f o r 1955-69 (Kingston: Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1954), p. 14. 8  Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y , The (Kingston: Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y , 8  0  Farmers Handbook 1961), p. 157.  76  e s p e c i a l l y the Jamaica S o c i a l Welfare  Commission—responsible  f o r s o c i a l , e d u c a t i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l development.  4-H  clubs,  geared t o youth of the a r e a s , t r y t o s t i m u l a t e farming w i t h a view o f keeping them on the l a n d , no doubt t o take over from the a g i n g f a r m e r s .  In f a c t , the programmes here are  s i m i l a r t o those on the Land Settlement Scheme. and e x e c u t i o n of p r o j e c t s embody c i t i z e n In 1955 was  a new  fundamental  participation.  Farm Development Scheme was  a more comprehensive  Planning  approach and was  launched.  It  based on the  p r i n c i p l e of making the best VB e of  Jamaica's  l i m i t e d r e s o u r c e s while endeavouring t o meet the b a s i c needs o f the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . 87  While geared towards  p r o d u c t i o n and l a n d management, the scheme a l s o  assisted  i n the p r o v i s i o n of r u r a l water s u p p l i e s and housing. The A g r i c u l t u r a l Development Programme succeeded above tfm I960 and was  viewed as a comprehensive,  the  balanced  programme "with s t r o n g emphasis on e d u c a t i o n and s e l f - h e l p " , 8 8 s e e k i n g to engage the f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the farmer i n schemes f o r h i s development.  I t s aims were t o a s s i s t  farmers i n more than a g r i c u l t u r a l improvement by p r o v i d i n g g e n e r a l community improvements i n c l u d i n g water s u p p l i e s . The programme was,  however, s h o r t l i v e d , and ended  w i t h the change of Government i n 1962.  T h i s was f o l l o w e d  87 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y of Development, A N a t i o n a l Plan f o r Jamaica 1957-1967 ( K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , 1957), p. 16. 88 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, The A g r i c u l t u r a l Development Programme. 1960-1965. M i n i s t r y Paper No. 42 ( K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , I960), p. 1.  77 by the Farmer's P r o d u c t i o n Programme i n 1963  which i s s t i l l  i n e x i s t e n c e and aims a t r e a s s e s s i n g the needs i n the cultural sector.  I t s o b j e c t i v e s are centred on  e f f i c i e n t land use  and  on r a i s i n g the standard  o f the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n .  agri-  production, of l i v i n g  Emphasis i s placed on marketing,  growth of l o c a l f;ood crops which a l r e a d y have a market assured  and  p r i c e s , and farm machinery p o o l systems t o a i d i n  l a n d p r e p a r a t i o n , no doubt t o make farming The  attractive.  p r e c e d i n g measures f o r r a i s i n g r u r a l l i v i n g have  centred on the a g r i c u l t u r a l  s e c t o r , and o f n e c e s s i t y the  improvement o f the s o c i a l environment has to be  discussed.  The  Development  major pioneer  i n t h i s r e s p e c t i s the S o c i a l  Commission, an o r g a n i z a t i o n which has opment over the l a s t t h i r t y y e a r s . endent venture,  guided  social  I t began as an  Jamaica Welfare L i m i t e d i n 1937  by  develindepthe  United F r u i t Company f o r the w e l f a r e of the peasants i n r u r a l Jamaica. The people"  I t i s now  under Government j u r i s d i c t i o n .  Commission appears to be "of the people by  8 9 a n  d  gets r i g h t  through f o u r a g e n c i e s .  into village l i f e . The  the  I t does t h i s  S o c i a l Development Agency aims  at c o o r d i n a t i n g p r o j e c t a c t i v i t i e s i n c r a f t , home economics, l i t e r a c y , a r t s and  cooperatives.  I t i s thought t h a t the  t e a c h i n g o f such s k i l l s w i l l enable the r u r a l d w e l l e r s supplement t h e i r income by the s a l e of t h e i r 89 Mona Macmillan, op. c i t . . p.  57.  work—  to  78 e s p e c i a l l y c r a f t — a n d t o p r o v i d e them w i t h a r t i c l e s not otherwise a v a i l a b l e t o them.  In a d d i t i o n , i t seeks t o  e f f e c t a m u l t i p l e s e r v i c e approach t o v i l l a g e l i f e  and work  i n l i a i s o n w i t h other agencies both w i t h i n and o u t s i d e o f the Commission.  The C r a f t Development Agency concentrates  on the t r a i n i n g o f i n s t r u c t o r s , r e s e a r c h , and the f i n d i n g and t e s t i n g o f markets w h i l e the Youth Development t r i e s t o promote among youths e d u c a t i o n a l , r e c r e a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s .  Agency  agricultural,  The Sports Development  Agency i s concerned w i t h the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f s p o r t s . 9 0 Development i s c a r r i e d on through s e l f - h e l p p r o j e c t s and when work i s s t a r t e d i n a v i l l a g e the Commission organi z e s a V i l l a g e Committee t o be r e p l a c e d l a t e r by a Community C o u n c i l , to study the needs of the community  and a s s i s t s i n  the f o r m a t i o n o f groups, f o r example Savings Union and Home Improvement  Projects.  L a t e r the c o u n c i l w i l l  assist  i n c a r r y i n g out projects l i k e the b u i l d i n g o f tanks and community  c e n t r e s , completion o f farm houses by groups and  the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f v i l l a g e squares.91 Work i s c a r r i e d on i n 90 v i l l a g e s 9 2 through e s t a b l i s h e d community  c e n t r e s and the v i l l a g e s come under the 100  V i l l a g e s Development P r o j e c t geared t o f o s t e r  community  90 Jamaica, S o c i a l Development Commission, Annual Report o f the S o c i a l Development Commission f o r tHe F i n a n c i a l Year Ending 31st March. 1966 ( K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , 1966), p. 10. 91 Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y , op. c i t . .  p. 173.  92 i n the Sugar areas such a c t i v i t i e s a r e c a r r i e d on by the Sugar Industry Labour Welfare Board.  79  development "to make l i f e ive  and  i n the country  to r a i s e the standard  p a r t s more a t t r a c t -  of l i v i n g t h e r e , thus  stopping  countryside".93  the human e r o s i o n ' of the T  As the s h i f t o f p o p u l a t i o n  from the l a n d poses a r e a l  problem both f o r the r u r a l and urban s e c t o r s , i t becomes v i t a l t h a t the youths o f the country farming t e c h n i q u e s .  should  be grounded i n  I t i s thought t h a t only then w i l l  acquire  an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f a g r i c u l t u r e as a way  of  and not  as a d e s p i c a b l e  the  Club f o r r u r a l youth was at  educating  fields, The  profession.  To t h i s end  i n i t i a t e d i n 1 9 4 0 , 9 4 and  they  life 4-H  i t aims  the r u r a l youth i n a g r i c u l t u r e and s o c i o l o g i c a l  e s p e c i a l l y homemaking. above r e p r e s e n t  the main a c t i v i t i e s geared t o make  the a g r a r i a n s e c t o r more a t t r a c t i v e w i t h the hope of stemming the  "human e r o s i o n " .  remedies f o r the  ills  They embody a g r a r i a n improvement of the c o u n t r y s i d e .  r u r a l people, however, s t i l l  continues  e v a l u a t i o n of these measures must be  and  given.  The  d r i f t of  of n e c e s s i t y  and the an  T h i s , then, i s  the major t a s k of Chapter 4 . Summary Rural-urban m i g r a t i o n e a r l y as 1 8 8 1 , the 1 9 2 0 ' s . 93  i n Jamaica, thougheevidenced  d i d not reach  The  alarming  proportions  s t r i k i n g outcome o f t h i s movement  Norma W a l t e r s , op.  c i t . . p.  until was  103.  94 M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, Development M i n i s t r y Paper No. 4 2 , I 9 6 0 , op. c i t . . p. 3 .  as  80 t h a t r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n meant a movement t o the and  Kingston  S t . Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n Area, which nowhere was  by a s i m i l a r expansion of towns.  U r b a n i z a t i o n has  come to mean no more than the expansion of t h a t  matched therefore  metropolitan  area. The  most i n t e n s i v e m i g r a t i o n takes p l a c e between the  ages 15 to 24 years but the most mobile years are between 15 t o 19 years f o r both sexes. p r i m a r i l y female but of both sexes.  e i t h e r move i n s t e p s , as  r o l e although  d i r e c t l y t o the m e t r o p o l i t a n The  migrants are  comprise the b e t t e r educated members  Migrants  p l a y s an important  The  those  distance  the i s l a n d i s s m a l l , o r  area.  causes of r u r a l m i g r a t i o n r e v o l v e around the  drabness of the "bush ? w i t h the l a c k of amenities 1  r u r a l area, p a r t i c u l a r l y economic and  i n the  s o c i a l i n nature,  not the " p u l l " of i n d u s t r y l o c a t e d i n towns.  The  and  t i e to  the r u r a l area i s governed most s t r o n g l y by emotional  and  f a m i l y t i e s , a f e e l i n g of i n e r t i a coupled w i t h the owners h i p of a p i e c e of l a n d . Measures aimed at stemming the exodus had to be introduced  i n 1938  t o q u e l l the s o c i a l u n r e s t brought about  by d e p l o r a b l e c o n d i t i o n s i n the r u r a l s e c t o r . Settlement  The  Land  Scheme p r e v i o u s l y i n i t i a t e d i n the 1880»s  v i g o u r o u s l y pursued a f t e r 1938 of s m a l l p l o t s t o peasants.  and t h i s i n v o l v e d the  was selling  Since then the main area of  c o n c e n t r a t i o n of p o l i c y has s h i f t e d and has been implemented  81 through the Farm Improvement  Scheme 1947, the Land Author-  i t i e s Law 1951, the Farm Recovery Scheme 1951, the Farm Development Scheme 1955, the A g r i c u l t u r a l  Development  Programme I960 and the Farm P r o d u c t i o n Programme i n 1963. Improvements t o the s o c i a l environment have been mainly through the S o c i a l Development Commission and the 4-H Clubs. The author contends t h a t these measures have f a i l e d t o r a i s e the l e v e l o f l i v i n g i n r u r a l Jamaica and d i s c u s s e s i n the next chapter t h e i r inadequacy i n c o n t r o l l i n g  rural-  urban m i g r a t i o n as s t a t e d i n the h y p o t h e s i s o f the study.  CHAPTER 4 THE  FAILURE OF MEASURES  TO MAKE RURAL LIVING MORE ATTRACTIVE Introduction I t i s by no means an easy t a s k to evaluate the of  success o f these measures.  T h e i r magor t h r u s t was  improving r u r a l w e l f a r e w i t h the view of c o n t r o l l i n g urban m i g r a t i o n .  degree at rural-  However, the d r i f t o f r u r a l people t o  urban areas, and i n p a r t i c u l a r the Kingston and S t . Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n Areas, s t i l l  c o n t i n u e s and has i n f a c t i n c r e a s e d . !  I t would t h e r e f o r e appear t h a t these programmes have f a l l e n s h o r t of t h e i r aims.  Thus i t i s v i t a l t o assess them i n  terms of t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the a t t r a c t i v e n e s s o f the r u r a l areas. The  Jamaica Land Settlement Programme A l l the c r i t i c s  of the Jamaica  Land Settlement Programme  have agreed t h a t the p o l i c y has made very l i t t l e  meaningful  c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the r u r a l s e c t o r .  the pro-  gramme has now  p.  Consequently,  been v i r t u a l l y h a l t e d .  1 "Basic D e f e c t s of Jamaican 13.  Among the  conspicuous,-  A g r i c u l t u r e " , op. c i t . .  83 d e f i c i e n c i e s , the f o l l o w i n g are u s u a l l y c i t e d : ' 1  1.  The  a l l o t m e n t s on many schemes are too small t o  be e c o n o m i c a l l y v i a b l e .  About 90$ are l e s s than 2 acres  and t w o - t h i r d s are between 2 and 6 acres.3 2.  The  s u b - d i v i d e d l a n d was  g e n e r a l l y poor w i t h s h a l l o w s o i l s .  b a d l y eroded, I t was  steep,  and  s o l d t o the  government o n l y because the owners had no use f o r i t . times as much as 40$ o f the l a n d i s not c u l t i v a b l e .  At Such  l a n d can be made f e r t i l e o n l y a t e x o r b i t a n t c o s t s . 3.  Inadequate or no p r o v i s i o n s have been made f o r  b a s i c f a c i l i t i e s — w a t e r supply, housing, roads,  electricity.  " F a i l u r e t o provide a s s i s t a n c e f o r housing was undoubtedly l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the f a c t t h a t o n l y about 3,600 purchasers out of 14,000 surveyed l i v e d w i t h t h e i r f a m i l i e s on t h e i r h o l d i n g s . On a l l of the 144 s e t t l e m e n t s t h e r e are o n l y 50 entombed s p r i n g s , 101 ponds, 40 catchment tanks, 13 w e l l s and 15 p i p e l i n e s . " 4 4.  A s u b s t a n t i a l amount of farmers  concentrate  on  the p r o d u c t i o n of export crops and t h e i r h o l d i n g s are u s u a l l y too s m a l l t o support the s e t t l e r s i n terms of c u l t i v a t i o n , f o r example. less attention.  sugar  Crops f o r l o c a l market r e c e i v e ^  Norma W a l t e r s , op. c i t . . pp. 163-164; I n t e r n a t i o n a l Bank f o r R e c o n s t r u c t i o n and Development, The Economic Development of Jamaica ( B a l t i m o r e : Johns Hopkins Press, 1952), pp. 194-195; " B a s i c Defects of Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " , op. c i t . . pp. 10-11; Rene Dumont, op. c i t . . pp. 9-11. 2  1952,  3 I n t e r n a t i o n a l Bank f o r R e c o n s t r u c t i o n and op. c i t . . p. 195. 4  I b i d . , p.  195  Development,  84 5.  These " m i n i " farmers l a c k s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l t o  develop t h e i r h o l d i n g s . 6.  A number o f s e t t l e m e n t s have no r a t i o n a l e f o r  their location.  They are o f t e n i n a c c e s s i b l e or have  which make f o r inadequate market.  "roads"  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of crops f o r the  In s h o r t , the drabness o f the r u r a l area i s per-  petuated and the contempt o f the "countryman"  maintained.  The development of s t a b l e communities which become necessary adjuncts t o economic f a r m i n g u n i t s has been thwarted  as a h i g h percentage  of mmers are absent.  These  are mainly i n d i v i d u a l s who wanted the s e c u r i t y of owning a piece of land. 8. little civil  The h o l d i n g s have o f t e n been given t o people with or no farming experience  servants).  (craftsmen, businessmen,  I t has been v o i c e d t h a t p o l i t i c s has  played some r o l e i n the s e l e c t i o n o f s e t t l e r s . lands are not t i l l e d .  Consequently,  " A l t o g e t h e r o n l y 37,000 acres o f a  t o t a l c u l t i v a b l e area of 63,000 a c r e s were a c t u a l l y cropped."5 9.  The development of good a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s has  been l a c k i n g on these farms as the s e t t l e r s were b a s i c a l l y l e f t t o fend f o r themselves.  The Lands Department does not  have the s t a f f or the funds t o i n s i s t on c o n s e r v a t i o n t e c h n i q u e s , f o r example.  T h e i r main f u n c t i o n appears t o centre  around c o l l e c t i o n of repayment money, o r g a n i z a t i o n o f clubs 5 I b i d . , p. 1 9 5 .  85 and c o e o p e r a t i v e s and development of  crafts.  0  "Under t h i s s i t u a t i o n , much of the l a n d has d e t e r i o r a t e d . In a l l t h i s , p r o d u c t i v e i n v e s t ments and p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g of the farmers, which are the two major means of i n c r e a s i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n , seem t o have been f a r too n e g l e c t e d . " ? 10.  There has been someanount of f a i l u r e i n e n f o r c i n g  terms of payment and the Government has proceeded a g a i n s t d e f a u l t e r s i n o n l y a few 11.  Marketing  hence farmers  cases.  of crops i s very p o o r l y organized  and  f a c e a problem i n t r y i n g t o d i s p o s e of t h e i r  produce. 12. to  Settlements which are l o c a t e d i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y  urban areas tend to be s o l d f o r r e s i d e n t i a l and  purposes and  consequently  commercial  the owners p r e f e r t o s e l l .  Such  l a n d s , then, are not put t o the use f o r which they were intended. The whole scheme was t h i s land-to-the-hungry  too h a s t i l y drawn up.  At most  p o l i c y , r e f l e c t i n g the t h e o r y that  l a c k o f ownership of a p i e c e of land r e s u l t s i n r u r a l exodus, has  increased  "the number o f people who owned l a n d on a f r e e h o l d b a s i s but not n e c e s s a r i l y the number who i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s would be capable o f o p e r a t i n g l a n d s u c c e s s f u l l y , g i v e n the e x i s t i n g l e v e l of s k i l l s , 6 Rene Dumont, op. c i t . 7 I b i d . , p.  11.  f  p.  11.  86 the acreage s i z e of farm, the grade of l a n d a v a i l a b l e and u l t i m a t e l y the income which c o u l d be generated therefrom".8 The  e f f e c t of the scheme has been to keep i n or b r i n g  i n t o c u l t i v a t i o n l a n d f o r which the p l a n t a t i o n system i s not e f f e c t i v e l y competing.  It therefore f a i l e d to integrate  the v a r i o u s inter-dependent aspects of development—improved a g r i c u l t u r e , b e t t e r housing, h e a l t h , n u t r i t i o n , l i v i n g and s o c i a l amenities which ought t o be together.  The programme was  development p o l i c y and was vacuum.  developed  not connected t o any  real  conceived and implemented i n a  The methods adopted were not a p p r o p r i a t e t o the  fundamental  problems and consequently has c o n t r i b u t e d t o  and aggravated the b a s i c d e f e c t s of Jamaican The  family  agriculture.  programme has p r o v i d e d no i n c e n t i v e s or  any needs of the young people.  The  satisfied  increased production  envisaged t o p r o v i d e r e t u r n s which would a s s i s t i n c l o s i n g the gap between urban and r u r a l l e v e l s of l i v i n g d i d not occur.  Instead, p r o d u c t i o n has decreased i n n e a r l y a l l of  the settlement areas  and  "so f a r from having improved, the s m a l l farmer's l o t has so gone backward i n r e l a t i o n t o how the r e s t of the community has moved, t h a t the second and t h i r d g e n e r a t i o n s have l e f t the l a n d and o n l y people of an average age of 45 years and upward are l e f t on the h o l d i n g s " . 9  p.  8 R. M c f a r l a n e , N. Singham and I . Johnson, op. c i t . . 24.  9 Farm Reporter, "Land A u t h o r i t i e s — w h e n c e The Sunday- Gleaner. J u l y 20, 1 9 6 9 , p. 1 1 .  and whither?",  87 The  programme a p t l y i l l u s t r a t e s the f a e t t h a t a l a c k o f  w e l l - c o n c e i v e d and balanced p r o j e c t s h i n d e r s the  overall  n a t i o n a l process of development. Post World War  I I Schemes  The numerous schemes designed and implemented s i n c e s h o r t l y a f t e r the end of World War  I I have t o be  designated  as d i s m a l f a i l u r e s where c o n t r o l of r u r a l exodus i s The  1959  f i g u r e s f o r m i g r a t i o n bears evidence of the  of t h i s process-.  They were concerned w i t h the  concerned. intensity  rehabilitation  and improvement o f a g r i c u l t u r e through r e s t o r i n g a crop o r crops, c o r r e c t i n g something t h a t had gone wrong with the e c o l o g y o r r e p a i r i n g the s o i l .  The Farm Improvement  Farm Recovery Schemes have o n l y  u  and  "sought to give back t o the owner what he had l o s t w h i l e i t would have been b e t t e r t o take advantage of the d e s t r u c t i o n t o e s t a b l i s h new, more e f f i c i e n t , more p r o d u c t i v e land s t r u c t u r e s , such as the farmer of tomorrow w i l l r e q u i r e , and not such as* s u i t e d the peasant of y e s t e r d a y . Here a g a i n , the dynamic concept of a constant lookout f o r modernization was l a e k i n g " . 1 0 The Farm Development Scheme f a i l e d because of l a c k of support by the farmers was  i t was  destined to serve.  There  a l a c k of c o o r d i n a t i o n w i t h the v a r i o u s o p e r a t i o n s ,  and f a c t o r s r e l a t i n g t o p l a n e v a l u a t i o n and marketing were needed.11  Dumont maintains t h a t the scheme was  "over-  ambitious" as i t "aimed at a s s i s t i n g a l l the farmers on the 10 Rene Dumont, op. c i t . , p.  p.  24.  11 " B a s i c Defects i n Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " , op. c i t . . 12.  88  i s l a n d i n a l a r g e v a r i e t y of The  operations".12  A g r i c u l t u r a l Development Programme was  l i v e d f o r any meaningful  too s h o r t -  assessment t o be made but  a s p e c t s appeared to be p e r p e t u a t i n g past d e f e c t s .  certain With  the Farmers P r o d u c t i o n Programme, the A g r i c u l t u r a l Mark e t i n g C o r p o r a t i o n was  e s t a b l i s h e d so as to ensure b e t t e r  markets f o r the farmer and t o encourage p r o d u c t i o n to overtake  not o n l y the demands o f the good p r o c e s s o r s  and  the t o u r i s t t r a d e but a l s o t o stop the v e r y c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f food imports  each y e a r .  i m p o r t a t i o n s having decreased, consequently The  However, i n s t e a d o f  they have r i s e n s t e e p l y and  food p r i c e s have reached  unprecedented l e v e l s .  Farm Machinery Pool s e t up d u r i n g t h i s time to  h e l p farmers  improve t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y , s i n c e they c o u l d not  a f f o r d the h i g h cost o f h i r i n g the necessary  tillage  implements from p r i v a t e c o n t r a c t o r s , 1 3 i s worsening. 14 P o t e n t i a l l y t h i s scheme seemed to o f f e r a great t o farming as manual work on farm i s d e s p i s e d , by the youth.  However, payments by the farmers  i n a r r e a r s and  the implements s u p p l i e d are now  attraction especially are c u r r e n t l y i n poor  c o n d i t i o n and breakdowns are too f r e q u e n t t o enhance 12 Rene Dumont, op. c i t . . p.  22.  13 These were not i n t e r e s t e d i n jobs under 16 a c r e s . 14 C. Roy Reynolds, "Farm Machinery P o o l : worsening, not b e t t e r " , The D a i l y Gleaner. J u l y 2 6 , 1969, p. 7 .  89 operation.  In f a c t , i n 1967-68 o n l y  benefitted  i n 1965-66 were u s i n g the  56$  scheme.  e f f e c t of the  Farm Development Scheme has  a f a i l u r e but  i t has  done l i t t l e  of those  who  The  overall  not been t o t a l l y  to make the  r u r a l areas  attractive. Associated  w i t h t h i s development has  been a  large  number of agencies which have been s e t up t o s e r v i c e agricultural sector.  However, t h e r e has  l o s s i n the degree of c o o r d i n a t i o n  and  the  been a s i g n i f i c a n t  integration,  the  c h i e f o f which were:15 1.  c o n f l i c t between the  d e s i r e o f the  idea of coordination  and  the  agencies t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r independent  identification, 2.  poor communication o f d e c i s i o n s  to the  field  staff  o f some agencies, 3. agencies, 4.  too much o v e r l a p p i n g  d u p l i c a t i o n of work between  and the  absence of a c o o r d i n a t o r  a c t i v i t i e s of the There are now  agencies  to integrate  the  involved.  some 29 u n i t s i n the M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e  Lands—consisting and  and  of Departments, D i v i s i o n s , S t a t u t o r y  other agencies.  And  the  present c r e a t i o n o f a  and  Boards  new  15 The Department o f Extra-Mural S t u d i e s of the U n i v e r s i t y o f the West Indies and Jamaica, M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, Report on the Caribbean Conference on A g r i c u l t u r a l E x t e n s i o n . a J u l y 1 8 - 2 2 . 1966 (Kingston: M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, The A g r i c u l t u r a l I n f o r m a t i o n S e r v i c e , 1966), p. 18.  90 M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e , while c o r r e c t i n g c e r t a i n iencies w i l l result  in further duplication.  defic-  A farmer can  be a t t e n d e d t o by one o r more agencies a l l w i t h the same aim i n view.  The author r e c a l l s the numerous government  o f f i c e r s who  came t o l o o k at a s i t e chosen f o r a tank i n  a r u r a l area. The b a s i c premises o f past a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s w i t h t h e i r m u l t i t u d i n o u s s e r v i c e s have f a l l e n s h o r t of t h e i r mark.  One  of these erroneous premises has been the c o n f u s i o n  of a c h i e v i n g a g r e a t e r measure o f s o c i a l w e l f a r e w h i l e at the same time concern i s f o r a p r o d u c t i v e a g r i c u l t u r e as seen i n the attempt to i n c r e a s e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n by c o n c e n t r a t i n g e x c l u s i v e l y on the "mini-farmer".16 i t was  This,  hoped, would make the r u r a l environment more a t t r a c t i v e  i n the matter o f c r e a t i n g more employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the r u r a l masses. "Where such an omnibus p o l i c y embracing both e f f i c i e n c y and w e l f a r e i s attempted, the danger i s t h a t the c r i t e r i a o f e f f i c i e n t p r o d u c t i o n are o f t e n used t o measure programmes which are e s s e n t i a l l y of a s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r . " 1 7 C l e a r l y , then, two streams of p o l i c y must be  separately  16 I n t e r n a t i o n a l Bank f o r R e c o n s t r u c t i o n and Development, 1968, op. c i t . . p. 34. 17 Hugh Shaw. " P l a n n i n g Land Use A p r i l 1968, p. 6 (Mimeographed).  i n Jamaica", Kingston,  91 r e c o g n i z e d and r e a l i s t i c a l l y  pursued.  In a l l o f these a g r i c u l t u r a l ation  schemes, l i t t l e c o n s i d e r -  was given t o the human element.  They were a l l r e l a t e d  to land, production, c r e d i t f a c i l i t i e s , and t o crops. land?  f i n a n c e , weather  But what about the people who occupied the  Very l i t t l e  was known about them nor was there any  attempt t o f i n d out about these i n d i v i d u a l s — t h e i r t h e i r actions, t h e i r aspiration r u r a l Jamaica.  thoughts,  and t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n i n  Some time i n 1938 i t was decided that i f  r u r a l people had lands they would remain i n t h a t And ever s i n c e then we have been caught b l o c k on l a n d "per se".  i n a psychological  As a consequence,  a l a c k o f r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t something  sector.  t h e r e has been  i s wrong w i t h the  c o u n t r y s i d e o f r u r a l Jamaica as a whole and not merely w i t h f a r m i n g methods. improved  How can a farmer reap h i s due share o f  l i v i n g standards, p r o v i d e d t h a t he does h i s job  well,  when t h e i r symbols are v i r t u a l l y n o n - e x i s t e n t i n t h e  rural  areas?  S o c i a l Development Commission The attempts made by t h e S o c i a l have achieved l i t t l e flows.  Development Commission  i f any success i n stemming r u r a l  The programmes do not seem t o s a t i s f y the needs  of the young people. a case i n p o i n t . as domestics.  The t e a c h i n g o f Home Economics i s  I t t r a i n s young g i r l s f o r employment  However, many o f them r e f r a i n from a t t e n d i n g  92  and would r a t h e r remain i d l e because they r e f u s e t o work as domestics.  Domestic employment has been i n c r e a s i n g l y  regarded over the recent p r a c t i c e s and  of s l a v e  nooone wants any p a r t o f i t . In the  s t u d i e d , the g i r l s who not a t t e n d i n g . skill,  years as a c o n t i n u a t i o n  The  village  attended were r i d i c u l e d by those  author b e l i e v e s t h a t i f some other  f o r example, dressmaking, were taught the young  people would be more i n t e r e s t e d .  And,  some of the  community  c e n t r e s where c l a s s e s are taught are i n a s t a t e of  dis-  repair. G i r l s t r a i n e d i n c r a f t have l i t t l e practice their s k i l l s .  Therefore,  t o move t o the Kingston and Montego Bay  But  to  they f i n d i t advantageous  S t . Andrew M e t r o p o l i t a n  o r some other t o u r i s t area t o tap the  market t h e r e . w i t h the aim  opportunity  to provide  Area, tourist  an a l t e r n a t i v e to a g r i c u l t u r e  of making the r u r a l areas more a t t r a c t i v e  t r y i n g t o engage a s u b s t a n t i a l p o r t i o n of the v i l l a g e force i n handicraft production of o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and no orders  i s very u n r e a l i s t i c  market d i f f i c u l t i e s .  by labour  because  I f there  are  forthcoming, these workers are f o r c e d to remain  idle. Their relative  c o n t r i b u t i o n to the  t h e r e f o r e s u b j e c t to many c r i t i c i s m s .  r u r a l sector i s These  criticisms  are j u s t i f i e d i n t h a t these programmes are v i l l a g e  improve-  ment programmes r a t h e r than r e a l development ones.  And  as development implies growth, then i t i s c l e a r t h a t  one  93  cannot develop an i s o l a t e d  village.  "Development always i n c l u d e s s c a l e enlargement/... T h i s means that i n the process of community the concept and the ' r e a l i t y ' of community must be enlarged...Indeed one must s t a r t by r e i n f o r c i n g the s e l f r e s p e c t of e x i s t i n g communities (which may be v i l l a g e s or s m a l l areas) t o be c r e a t i v e f o r implementing t h e i r needs andifeo promote l e a d e r s h i p f o r changes. T h i s approach i s not yet development, but i t promotes the prerequisites. I t cannot s t o p at t h i s p o i n t . The p r o c e s s must c o n t i n u e ; i f not g r e a t e r f r u s t r a t i o n s and discontentment are t o be expectedl$18 However, another s e r i o u s misconception on which t h i s approach  i s based  community.  i s t h a t the v i l l a g e i s n o r m a l l y a t r u e  T h i s i s not so as i n the r u r a l areas of  Jamaica  v i l l a g e s are the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and d i s t r i b u t i o n a l c e n t r e s f o r the h i n t e r l a n d s they s e r v i c e . 1 9 selection  Consequently,  the  of the v i l l a g e as l o c u s of these development  e f f o r t s tends t o bypass the l a r g e number o f persons  who  do not l i v e i n v i l l a g e s but are d i s p e r s e d i n the communities which border upon i t . The community c o u n c i l s e t up by the S o c i a l Commission t h e r e f o r e serves a r t i f i c i a l u n i t s .  Development The  people  i n the h i l l s i d e areas cannot be e f f e c t i v e l y reached by method.  Consequently,  this  i f the v i l l a g e i s t o be r e t a i n e d as  the centre o f a c t i v i t y , arrangements must be made t o r e a c h 18 J . A. Ponsioen, op. c i t . . p.  521.  19 M. G. Smith, "Community O r g a n i z a t i o n i n R u r a l Jamaica", S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s (Sept. 1956), p.  310.  94 out beyond them i n t o the d i s p e r s e d u n i t s where so many people l i v e .  I t becomes urgent, then, t o s t o p t h i n k i n g i n  terms of these o r g a n i z a t i o n s or a s s o c i a t i o n s focused on s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t which go through a continuous s u c c e s s i o n of  death and r e - b i r t h without any i n c r e a s e of e f f e c t i v e n e s s .  Genuine Needs of R u r a l Jamaica I t i s a l s o wrong t o assume that the v i l l a g e as i t i s , i s a v i a b l e u n i t i n the process of m o d e r n i z a t i o n .  In the  author's view, t h i s s k e p t i c i s m i s based on some knowledge t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l peasant areas g e n e r a l l y are q u i t e to so,  the change r e q u i r e d i n t h a t p r o c e s s .  resistant  But t h i s i s not  as mass media has shown r u r a l Jamaica h i g h e r l i v i n g  standards i n the urban areas and they have r e a c t e d by m i g r a t i n g t o these a r e a s .  I n s o f a r as a programme of a g r i -  c u l t u r a l development seeks to improve  the economic and  s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s o f the peasants, i t bedomes v i t a l t o know t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s .  They are the ones e x p e r i e n c i n g  r u r a l l i v i n g and consequently are best able t o know of i t s shortcomings.  The author, motivated by t h i s  conviction,  a l s o asked the v i l l a g e r s i n the course of the i n t e r v i e w about developments they would l i k e t o see i n the v i l l a g e of Top Albany?© Table 11 summarizes the response; most i n d i v i d u a l s gave m u l t i p l e answers. 20 Chapter 2, p.  10.  95 T a b l e 11 DEVELOPMENTS VILLAGERS WOULD LIKE TO SEE IN TOP ALBANY Age 15-29  Groups  30-39 over 40 T o t a l  6  9  6  211  Wider employment f a c i l i t i e s 2 (excludes farming)  8  1  6  15  (c)  Factory  5  4  6  15  (d)  Presence o f p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s ( i n c l u d e s water, housing, b e t t e r roads and b e t t e r t r a n s portation f a c i l i t i e s ) 4  11  15  2  2  12  2  3  5  (a)  More s o c i a l  (bi  (e)  (f)  amenities ! 2  2  development  Better educational f a c i l i t i e s ( i n c l u d e s need f o r high schools, vocational t r a i n i n g f o r youth)  8  More a g r i c u l t u r e i n c e n t i v e s ( i n c l u d e s a i d , marketing facilities)  (g)  Police station  5  -  -  (h)  A v a i l a b i l i t y o f land f o r farming  2  1  —  Services  -  1  -  CD  (gas s t a t i o n )  55 33 1  T h i s i n c l u d e s amenities l i k e t h e a t r e s , t h e f a c t t h a t the community centre was most inadequate, and the drabness of the v i l l a g e . d  l  22 Respondents never mentioned f a c t o r y development "per s e " and hence the l a t t e r was s i n g l e d o u t .  96  The  author was impressed by the f a c t t h a t these people  knew what was l a c k i n g and they were not asking f o r much. Those who thought i n terms o f f a c t o r y development never v i s u a l i z e d heavy o r complex i n d u s t r y . that  One informant  stated  i t had t o d e a l with a g r i c u l t u r e and even went so f a r  as t o s t a t e where i t c o u l d be l o c a t e d .  Everyone was  w o r r i e d about the youth and i n t h i n k i n g o f b e t t e r a c t i v i t i e s need centred  gravely  educational  around the a c q u i r i n g o f s k i l l s —  mechanics and dressmaking, f o r example.  The p r i o r i t i e s  given t o s o c i a l a m e n i t i e s i s understandable because i s v i r t u a l l y none i n the d i s t r i c t .  there  The l o c a l general  store  from which t h e i n t e r v i e w i n g was done was the hub o f " n i g h t l i f e " as i t had a juke-box,23 the o n l y one f o r m i l e s . low p r i o r i t y g i v e n t o a g r i c u l t u r a l development  The  strongly  suggests t h a t needs are n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l i n n a t u r e . But would these developments c o n t r o l migration?  rural-urban  I t would appear so as 1 3 ^ o f 21 l e a v i n g 2  stated  t h a t they would remain i f the v i l l a g e was developed a i they wanted i t . The f a c t s presented demonstrate a formidable gap between what the government has done and what r u r a l Jamaica r e q u i r e s . but  T h i s study i s not s i n g u l a r i n i t s f i n d i n g s  i s substantiated  by the r e s u l t s o f a study on education  23 L u c k i l y t h i s v i l l a g e had e l e c t r i c i t y . 24 E i g h t from age group 1 5 - 2 9 y e a r s ; years; and f o u r from the over 40 group.  three  from 2 9 - 3 9  97 and o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e i n r u r a l Jamaica. t h i s a n a l y s i s was I t was  ?  Data  2 0  drawn from r e p r e s e n t a t i v e r u r a l  for samples.  found t h a t throughout the e n t i r e age span under  s t u d y , 7 own-account f a r m i n g was 2  p a t i o n ; y e t the overwhelming  seldom chosen as an occu-  m a j o r i t y o f the r u r a l  d e r i v e d ' t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d from i t .  folk  The o c c u p a t i o n a l c h o f e a s —  c l e r i c a l , p r o f e s s i o n a l , f a c t o r y , d i s t r i b u t i v e trade f o r example—reflect  a d e s i r e t o escape from the d e p r e s s i n g  c o n d i t i o n s of r u r a l l i f e  as i t now  exists.28  gut programmes  so f a r have been mainly a g r i c u l t u r a l i n n a t u r e . not o n l y have presupposed the f a r m e r s  1  These  i n t e r e s t , but a l s o  t h a t the farmer wishes t o remain a farmer and i n a d d i t i o n t h a t h i s c h i l d r e n w i l l do  likewise.  "Our data have shown an i m p r e s s i v e p r e f e r e n c e f o r urban-type o c c u p a t i o n s among r u r a l f o l k , t o g e t h e r with an u n d e r l y i n g d e s i r e t o escape from the peasant system. I t seems s e l f - c o n t r a d i c t o r y t o f o s t e r an e d u c a t i o n a l system which permits or encourages such pronounced urban o r i e n t a t i o n s among r u r a l f o l k at the same time t h a t one s u b s i d i z e s o n l y farm programmes which presupposes t h a t t h e peasants' heart i s i n h i s l a n d ' . " 2 9 T  The f a c t s r e v e a l a s e r i o u s imbalance between d e s i r e and r e a l i t y .  The needs o f r u r a l Jamaica are n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l  25 M. G . Smith, " E d u c a t i o n a l and O c c u p a t i o n a l Ehoice i n Jamaica", S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s . 9 (September I960), pp. 332-354. 26 O c c u p a t i o n a l c h o i c e was i n v e s t i g a t e d from a sample of 41 s c h o o l s and £ r u r a l d i s t r i c t s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f peasant areas and s c a t t e r e d throughout the i s l a n d . 27 10-16 years f o r elementary s c h o o l s and 15-39 years i n the v i l l a g e s . 28 M. G . Smith, op. c i t . . 2  9  I b i d . , p. 3 5 2 .  p.  350.  98 i n nature.  I t s s o c i a l system which f o s t e r s and then  the a s p i r a t i o n s of i t s people  i s correspondingly  P r o v i s i o n s of farm programmes have ignored the There i s now  frustrates  ill-integrated.  countryside.  an urgent need t o f o c u s c u r r e n t a t t e n t i o n on  the improvement of f a c i l i t i e s f o r h e a l t h , housing,  and edu-  c a t i o n and p r o v i s i o n i n some measure o f those amenities' — water, e l e c t r i c i t y — w h i c h have become a normal f e a t u r e of urban l i f e .  And  i f t h i s i s i g n o r e d , i n the race between  development and d i s c o n t e n t i n Jamaica, the l a t t e r w i l l undoubtedly p r e v a i l .  Mere e x h o r t a t i o n t o the people  to s t a y on  the  land and not crowd the towns i s l i k e l y t o be q u i t e f u t i l e i n the absence of p o l i c i e s t o c o r r e c t the imbalance between the r u r a l and urban s e c t o r s . a s o l u t i o n to t h i s  Chapter 5 attempts t o o u t l i n e  problem.  Summary The  Land Settlement  Programme, though i n s t r u m e n t a l i n  i n c r e a s i n g the t o t a l area under c u l t i v a t i o n , has been f a r from s u c c e s s f u l i n c o n t r o l l i n g r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . i t s d e f i c i e n c i e s the f o l l o w i n g are c i t e d : inadequate  poor l a n d ,  s i z e of a l l o t m e n t s , poor s e l e c t i o n of  f a i l u r e t o enforce terms of payment, i n s u f f i c i e n t  settlers, amenities,  poor a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s , c o n c e n t r a t i o n on export insufficient  c a p i t a l t o develop  and absentee ownership.  holdings,  Among  crops,  inaccessibility  99 The schemes implemented a f t e r World War  I I have a l s o  f a l l e n s h o r t of t h e i r aim i n improving a g r i c u l t u r e with the view d f r a i s i n g r p u r a l l e v e l s of l i v i n g .  They were o n l y  concerned w i t h the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and improvement of a g r i c u l t u r e through r e s t o r i n g a crop or crops, c o r r e c t i n g something the s o i l .  t h a t had gone wrong w i t h the ecology or r e p a i r i n g A s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h i s development was  a large  number o f agencies s e t up to s e r v i c e the a g r i c u l t u r a l  sector—  agencies which were not s u c c e s s f u l l y c o o r d i n a t e d . In to  these schemes l i t t l e  the huntan element.  c o n s i d e r a t i o n has been given  A l l have been r e l a t e d t o the land  w i t h i n s u f f i c i e n t concern f o r the people who land.  The attempts  made by the S o c i a l Development Commission  have achieved l i t t l e Its  i f any success i n stemming r u r a l f l o w s .  programmes are v i l l a g e improvement programmes and  v i l l a g e as i t now of  occupied t h a t  e x i s t s i s not a v i a b l e u n i t i n the process  modernization. The s t u d i e s c i t e d demonstrate  a formidable gap between  what the Government has done and what r u r a l Jamaica The needs of r u r a l Jamaica and s t a b i l i t y may given t o f a r m i n g . to  the  requires.  are n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l i n nature  be achieved without e x t r a a s s i s t a n c e Chapter 5 attempts  t o propose  r e s o l v e the u n d e r l y i n g problems of r u r a l  a method  Jamaica.  CHAPTER 5 A PROPOSED SOLUTION FOR STABILIZING RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION  IN JAMAICA  Introduction A g r i c u l t u r a l programmes and p o l i c i e s up t o the present i n Jamaica have been motivated s i d e more a t t r a c t i v e .  by a need t o make the country'  Unfortunately,  these have not r e s -  u l t e d i n any r u r a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n and consequently  a plan  o f r u r a l development has y e t t o be c r e a t e d t o y i e l d a v i a b l e and  stable rural society.  Thecontinuance o f t r a d i t i o n a l  p o l i c y w i l l o n l y prolong s t a g n a t i o n i n the r u r a l areas the consequent dangers o f s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l  with  disturbances-  f o r c e s d e s t r u c t i v e o f the e n t i r e s o c i e t y . There i s a d e f i n i t e need f o r r a d i c a l l y new approaches to  bridge the gap between the modern and the " t r a d i t i o n a l " ,  thereby  p e r m i t t i n g the wholesale t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f the  countryside.  Such r a d i c a l o r r e v o l u t i o n a r y approaches  become paramount and r e a l i s t i c chiefly:  the speed with which developments are t a k i n g p l a c e  i n other p a r t s o f the world behind  because o f c e r t a i n f a c t o r s ,  o r e l s e she w i l l  disadvantage,  demands t h a t Jamaica cannot l a g  i n c r e a s i n g l y be a t an economic  e s p e c i a l l y i n world t r a d e ; the development  i  n  101 communication, e s p e c i a l l y the advent  o f t e l e v i s i o n and  the  spread of t r a n s i s t o r i z e d r a d i o s , a s s i s t i n c r e a t i n g i n the r u r a l people a y e a r n i n g f o r the h i g h e r standards of  living  eng?jyed by those l i v i n g i n the urban areas and i n more advanced s o c i e t i e s ; and the urgent need t o erase the between urban and r u r a l l e v e l s of  gap  living.  P l a n n i n g , t h e r e f o r e , becomes v i t a l as r e v o l u t i o n s o f t e n prove a b o r t i v e and u s u a l l y r e s u l t i n economic s e t b a c k s . And,  although the c o u n t r y s i d e i s beset w i t h many and  problems, the s i t u a t i o n i s by no means a d r e a r y one. o n l y does i t o f f e r unusual  i s eminently p o s s i b l e ,  made e a s i e r by the f a c t t h a t the peasant ideas.1  Not  c h a l l e n g e s f o r improvement, but  the prospect of modernization  r e c e p t i v e t o new  varied  and  i s c o o p e r a t i v e and  P l a n n i n g must of n e c e s s i t y , then,  be very ambitious as o n l y an ambitious programme w i l l  be  capable o f a r r e s t i n g the f l o w o f p o p u l a t i o n to the urban areas and l i f t i n g the standard of l i v i n g of the farming classes. of new  I t can o n l y be done through a vigourous  pursuit  ideas which can r e s u l t i n the abandonment of p o l i c i e s  and p r a c t i c e s which stand i n the way The  of p r o g r e s s .  p l a n n i n g problem, then, i s t o c l o s e the gap between  urban and r u r a l l i v i n g standards by c r e a t i n g a v i a b l e s t a b l e r u r a l s e c t o r which w i l l counteract the 1 Mona Macmillan,  op. c i t . . p.  175.  and  attractions  102  of the c i t y and ration.  as a consequence c o n t r o l r u r a l - u r b a n mig-  So f a r , arguments f o r s o l u t i o n s have  mainly around two  schools of thought:  centred  narrowing the  p a r i t y between r u r a l and urban n a t i o n a l incomes and l o c a t i o n o f a g r o - i n d u s t r i e s i n the r u r a l a r e a s .  disthe  The  author contends t h a t these remedies have s e v e r a l drawbacks. Adoption o f Incomes P o l i c y T h i s has been suggested as i t was p r i n c i p a l obstacle i n transforming the general d i s r e g a r d and  considered  that  the  the a g r a r i a n s e c t o r  was  contempt f o r the peasant  a g r i c u l t u r a l worker, a r i s i n g from the wide income s t a t u s gaps which e x i s t between a g r i c u l t u r a l and industrial pursuits.  and urban-  T h i s d i s t u r b i n g d i s p a r i t y between  r u r a l and urban incomes the conscious  and  2  was  s a i d t o be so important t h a t  aim of p o l i c y should be towards implementing  measures which would be designed s p e c i f i c a l l y t o c l o s e The a v a i l a b l e data cover f o r the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r only, farms o f 5 0 0 acres and over, while those f o r the nona g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r are c o n f i n e d to s e l e c t e d i n d u s t r y . Agriculture Non-Agricultural U n s k i l l e d Manual and Male-fc2tT7Tt6-3nlltt3 £3TT18T,4-6"5T,4 S e r v i c e Worker Female- I n l 9 « 6 - 2 n 4 n 9 3»»9»0-4"8tf2 2  9"15n3-10ttOttlO  Overseer  Bookkeeper  5 «0n 5 - 5 " 4 n 2  Carpenter  18  »tl5tt8-22n4"8 8nl2Tt4-15ttOTf8  8nlltt6-9"9»0  Source: Jamaica, Department o f S t a t i s t i c s , Annual A b s t r a c t of S t a t i s t i c s . 1967. No. 26 (Kingston: The Government Printer,  1967),  p.  78.  103 those gaps, thus b r i n g i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l work, both o f management and  labour,  on par or nearer i n income to  other  occupations. To t h i s end exercised  i t was  thought t h a t t h e r e  should  some c o n t r o l over the r a p i d i n c r e a s e s  be  i n urban  income i n r e l a t i o n t o a g r i c u l t u r a l income, which has o c c u r r i n g w i t h i n recent  on  been  times.  " I t may be necessary f o r Government t o apply a brake on the r i s e of s a l a r i e s and higher wages i n the urban s e c t o r to r e l i e v e the hopelessness o f the r u r a l and depressed urban a r e a s . At the same time, i t i s recommended t h a t the p r o p o r t i o n of p u b l i c c a p i t a l expenditure going to r u r a l development be i n c r e a s e d . . s u c h a measure would help to remove the not u n j u s t i f i e d view, among the a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n , t h a t the r u r a l areas are neglected i n preference f o r urban development."3 Shaw proposes a d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g y f o r c l o s i n g the  gap between r u r a l and  urban incomes.  ForiMm the  chief  requirement i s "the more e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r e a r n i n g income from the l a n d and the r a p i d r a i s i n g o f the o v e r a l l per c a p i t a income i n agriculture".4 To t h i s end  h i s s o l u t i o n l i e s i n g i v i n g as many people  as  p o s s i b l e c o n t r o l of an adequate amount of l a n d w i t h which they could i n c r e a s e t h e i r income and  in addition  be  a f f o r d e d a more e q u i t a b l e share of the rewards of 3 "Basic Defects  of Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " , op.  4 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n A c t i o n " , op. 5 I b i d . , p.  3.  production.5 c i t . . p.  c i t . . p.  2.  17.  104 A r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the lands h e l d i n l a r g e e s t a t e s and plantations  (see Table 6, Chapter  3) would  r e s u l t i n a r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f income.  Shaw maintains, i n  a d d i t i o n , t h a t i f a l l the lands i n Jamaica full  were put  into  p r o d u c t i o n with no change i n the present p a t t e r n of  distribution  (Table 6, Chapter 3 ) , m a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of  income and income o p p o r t u n i t i e s would He  saw the approved  envisaged by 1968, 320  consequently  remain.  land reform programme which then  4,280 farms between 5 and 14 acres  farms o f an average  and  s i z e o f 25 a c r e s , r e p r e s e n t i n g a  s i g n i f i c a n t improvement over previous l a n d settlement policy.  He f e l t ,  t o o , t h a t the programme would have f a l l e n  s h o r t of c l o s i n g the gap between r u r a l and urban incorres as the farm s i z e s were s u b j e c t t o a r b i t r a r y d e t e r m i n a t i o n . S i z e o f a farm forms o n l y a l i m i t e d i n d i c a t i o n of i t s income c a p a c i t y .  P h y s i c a l f a c t o r s — q u a l i t y of s o i l ,  ography, w a t e r — e n t e r p r i s e combination important  determinants  top-  and markets are very  of the le-wel of income.  t h e r e f o r e argues t h a t i f the aim i s t o provide  Shaw "equal  o p p o r t u n i t y f o r g e n e r a t i n g a c e r t a i n b a s i c income, then i t can be r e a d i l y seen t h a t the land area would n e c e s s a r i l y have t o v a r y c o n s i d e r a b l y between c e r t a i n p a r t s of Consequently, 6  I b i d . , p.  he a s s o c i a t e s w i t h h i s concept 5.  Jamaica". of  0  105 r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f income through r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of lands the  requirement of an "income standard"? f o r the farmer  t o be based on the average  income o f h i s urban c o u n t e r p a r t .  T h i s standard would t h e r e f o r e determine the s i z e o f farms and though the s i z e o f farms w i t h i n a settlement area would vary, the income p o t e n t i a l of each p a r c e l of land would be approximately e q u a l .  T h i s , then, r e p r e s e n t s g r e a t e r  p r e c i s e n e s s i n d e t e r m i n i n g farm s i z e and a t the same time assures t h a t r u r a l and urban incomes can be  closer.  However, success would g r e a t l y depend on the of the farmers t o so a s s e r t themselves. cannot be implemented  without f i r s t  ability  Such p r o p o s a l s  p r o v i d i n g the much  needed " i n f r a - s t r u c t u r a l " amenities and c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n r u r a l areas which w i l l a t t r a c t people r a t h e r than cause them t o migrate t o the urban areas where there are no  jobs.  And though one of the primary o b j e c t s of economic development i n Jamaica, as i n L a t i n America,  i s that of i n c r e a s i n g  per c a p i t a r e a l income o f the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n , i t must be r e a l i z e d that the g e n e r a l aims of development t h i n g s b e s i d e s i n c r e a s e s i n income. for  embrace other  They embody a desmre  p o s i t i v e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n and improvement o f a l l phases  of the r u r a l people as w e l l .  Income p o l i c i e s  cannot  t h e r e f o r e stand alone or be the primary v e h i c l e o f r u r a l rehabilitation. 7 I b i d . , p. 4.  106 L o c a t i o n of Industry i n R u r a l Areas In r e c e n t times,  i t has been argued t h a t the  ment of l i v i n g standards  improve-  i n the r u r a l s e c t o r w i l l come  about o n l y through employment c r e a t e d o u t s i d e o f a g r i c u l t u r e . For t h i s reason  i t was  thought t h a t as f a r as p o s s i b l e ,  i n d u s t r i e s should be l o c a t e d i n the r u r a l  areas.  "In f a c t , the long-term improvement of the whole a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r i n terms oSThigher incomes and e f f i c i e n c y i s c l e a r l y dependent on g r e a t e r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the i n c r e a s e of nona g r i c u l t u r a l employment and the r e s u l t a n t g r e a t e r Shaw, i n another  article,  gives three ways i n which  i n d u s t r y can c o n t r i b u t e t o r u r a l development and  welfare.  These are:9 1.  I n d u s t r i e s w i t h i n the r u r a l areas provide new  the-spot  on-  employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s u r p l u s l a b o u r  r e l e a s e d from a g r i c u l t u r e . v i l l a g e to f i n d work; and elements are r e t a i n e d .  People do not need to leave in particular,  By r e d u c i n g one  the more  the  skilled  of the main causes  of r u r a l exodus, i n d u s t r i a l development w i t h i n r u r a l  communities  helps t o preserve the s t a b i l i t y of the r u r a l s o c i e t y . 2.  The  i n d u s t r i a l workers remaining  create a p r o f i t a b l e  nearby market f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l  This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t  areas  produce.  i n the case o f p e r i s h a b l e  8 Hugh Shaw, " P l a n n i n g Band Use p.  i n the r u r a l  i n Jamaica", op. c i t . .  7. Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n A c t i o n " , op. c i t . . p.  6.  107 products fully  transportation f a c i l i t i e s  are  developed. 3.  and  u n t i l marketing and  The  amenities  spread  added value o f i n d u s t r y both i n terms of income i s not concentrated  i n the urban area but i s  over a wide a r e a , thus r e d u c i n g the  between the standards  discrepancy  of l i v i n g i n the town and the  I t i s f u r t h e r argued t h a t these  "country".  advantages can outweigh  "many o f the s o - c a l l e d "economic" advantages which are u s u a l l y taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n l o c a t i n g and up new  setting  p l a n t s " 1 0 — f o r example, the c a l c u l a t i o n of the  of an i n d u s t r i a l p l a n t merely on the b a s i s of the process  only.H  profit  industrial  While r e a l i z i n g t h a t b i g p l a n t s seem  d e s t i n e d f o r the urban area, i t seemed f e a s i b l e t o suggest that r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l p l a n t s could be p r o p e r l y d i s p e r s e d over the r u r a l a r e a s . as b e i n g important  1.  type of i n d u s t r y i s not  as l o n g as ,.it f i t t e d i n t o the  framework c f f r u r a l l i f e . are u s u a l l y c i t e d  The  A  regarded  general  Three c a t e g o r i e s of e n t e r p r i s e s  2  P r o c e s s i n g i n d u s t r i e s triisdhin with the growth  d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e .  L o c a t i o n and  an i n d u s t r y would be determined by economic  and  s i z e of such  criteria.  10 Hugh Shaw, "Some Basic Problems of Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e with I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Changes i n Development P o l i c y " , op. c i t . . p. 15. 11 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n A c t i o n " , op. c i t . . p.  6.  1 Compiled mainly from (1) Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n A c t i o n " , op. c i t . . p. 7, and (2) Hugh Shaw, "Some Basic Problems of Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e with I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Changes i n Development P o l i c y " , op. c i t . . pp. 15-16. 2  108 2.  Link i n d u s t r i e s which i n v o l v e the  assembly of  a r t i c l e s or the manufacturing of p a r t s o f an a r t i c l e f o r l a t e r assembly i n one link  central factory.  The  advantage o f  i n d u s t r i e s are t h a t the work can be done by  farmer or h i s f a m i l y i n the areas of s e a s o n a l crops,  the  slack season—especially  in  f o r example, sugar c a n e — o r as a  spare-time a c t i v i t y u n l i k e o t h e r i n d u s t r i a l r e q u i r i n g r i g i d work s c h e d u l e s .  Industry  enterprises  then i s used  as  a balance. 3. are  A u x i l i a r y i n d u s t r i e s - These are  l o c a t e d i n r u r a l areas f o r the  surplus  manpower and  purpose o f a b s o r b i n g  do not n e c e s s a r i l y have any  with l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s . nature can be  i n d u s t r i e s which  connection  A v a r i e t y of i n d u s t r i e s of  developed i n Jamaica, f o r example:  this fancy  goods, ceramics, garments, j e w e l l e r y , e t c . , t a k i n g  advantage  of the n a t u r a l a b i l i t y of Jamaicans t o develop s k i l l s this sort.13 the  ordinary  what d i s t i n g u i s h e s an a u x i l i a r y p l a n t from f a c t o r y i n the urban centre  requirements are a d j u s t e d the p a r t i c u l a r r u r a l The  i s t h a t i t s labour labour  supply i n  area.  o v e r a l l planning  r u r a l areas i s t h e r e f o r e extent  to the s u r p l u s  c r e a t i o n of agro-industries  p a r t of the  of  t o be undertaken as  process f o r the development of  considered!a"s a c h i e v i n g  r u r a l s t a b i l i t y and  to a  agricultural inability.  great  The  13 Beginnings of such i n d u s t r i e s are those promoted by the Jamaican S o c i a l Welfare Commission to which r e f e r e n c e has a l r e a d y been made.  109  r u r a l communities must be peasants are  still  p o p u l a t i o n and  improved i n t h i s way  because  a very h i g h p r o p o r t i o n of the  agriculture  w i l l l o n g be  total  t h e i r mainstay.  These arguments c o n c e r n i n g r u r a l i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n very f e a s i b l e  and  l o g i c a l i n theory but  the  f o r e s e e such an happening i n view of the of r u r a l Jamaica. o b s t a c l e s i n the  The  way  o b s t a c l e s remain unchanged they are  rural  be  gap  tutions—education, public,  t h e n , i s the t h e r e has are  frustrate  integrating  income p o l i c i e s geared urban l i v i n g standards  implemented, there i s a genuine and  s e r v i c e s to be  i f these  l i k e l y to  u n d e r l y i n g determinants of s o c i a l l i f e  and  And  into  sector.  between r u r a l and  f o r example—and the  r u r a l areas  national level for  Thus, b e f o r e i n d u s t r i a l and c l o s e the  condition  l o c a l environment p l a c e s m a n i f o l d  a dynamic process of i n d u s t r J i a l growth.  i n d u s t r y i n t o the  sound  author cannot  present  of i n c o r p o r a t i n g the  p l a n formulated at the  the  urgent need f o r and  social  h e a l t h s e r v i c e s and  to can the  insti-  cinemas,  g e n e r a l p r o v i s i o n of adequate amenities  s u p p l i e d i n the  major gap  to be  r u r a l areas.  filled.  For  too  This,  long a period  been a grave e r r o r i n t h i n k i n g t h a t r u r a l people  o n l y concerned w i t h the  land and  t h a t they do  not  r e a l l y want a " b e t t e r " l i f e because t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s seem modest.  The  thesis  has  shown the  inadequacy of the  government measures i n making r u r a l l i f e more  existing  attractive.  110 I t has a l s o suggested  what measures are necessary t o  c o u n t e r a c t the a t t r a c t i o n s of the  city.  Solution What type of p r a c t i c a l programme of r u r a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n seem p o l i t i c a l l y , e c o n o m i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y f e a s i b l e t o c o n t r o l rural-urban migration?  As was  shown, o n l y by the  p r o v i s i o n of adequate s e r v i c e s and a s u i t a b l e s o c i a l e n v i r onment can development a c t i v i t y be encouraged and i n h a b i t a n t s be induced t o s t a y .  Planning i n r u r a l Jamaica towards  c r e a t i o n o f towns would seem to provide t&rs answer, but Jamaica has not got the resources t o b u i l d complete urban areas t o be d i s p e r s e d a l l over the i s l a n d .  The  b e l i e v e s t h a t a p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n at t h i s time  author i s to d e v i s e  a system l e a d i n g to the " r u r b a n i z a t i o n " 1 4 of r u r a l  Jamaica—  a process t h a t would c r e a t e an urban environment but at the same time would not be t r u l y urban. The  p o i n t i s t h a t a l l these b a s i c s e r v i c e s and  e l e c t r i c i t y , water s u p p l i e s , s o c i a l "overheads" such roads, secondary  e d u c a t i o n , v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g and  l i k e — w o u l d be provided and concentrated i n the villages.  These planned  amenitiesas the  existing  "rurban" c e n t r e s would then a c t as  14 The author, b e l i e v i n g t h a t she had coined the word, subsequently d i s c o v e r e d t h a t i t had been used by J . A. Ponsioen, op. c i t . . p. 521.  Ill c e n t r e s o f development on a low l e v e l as no doubt  they  would be the c e n t r a l place f o r other s m a l l i n d u s t r i e s so o f t e n proposed, c r a f t s , r e c r e a t i o n , s p o r t events, business.  and  agro-  I t i s o n l y by planning through " r u r b a n i z a t i o n "  t h a t r u r a l areas w i l l b e g i n to have advantages t h a t would serve t o f a c i l i t a t e t h e i r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n  into stable, viable  and  a t t r a c t i v e s o c i e t i e s able t o h o l d t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s .  And  to ignore t h i s p o i n t i n f o r m u l a t i n g any p o l i c y f o r  r u r a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i s to j e o p a r d i z e the whole process modernization  or w e s t e r n i z a t i o n which Jamaica i s now  of  under-  going. The  concept of " r u r b a n i z a t i o n " cannot be a p p l i e d to a l l  r u r a l settlement  areas  be c o n f i n e d t o gathered  i n Jamaica.  They must o f n e c e s s i t y  or n u c l e a t e d v i l l a g e s or e l s e the  development c o s t s o f the l o n g network of roads, and water l i n e s would be p r o h i b i t i v e . other a m e n i t i e s ,  The  social  nor would i t be  f e a s i b l e or p r a c t i c a l t o l o c a t e these The  In a l i k e manner  f o r example schools and  need c o n c e n t r a t i o n of people,  electricity  institutions,  economically  anywhere and  everywhere.  next question a r i s i n g i s the d e f i n i t i o n o f a v i l l a g e .  term has no f u n c t i o n a l , legal, or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  signifi-  cance and thus i t seems unnecessary t o attempt t o d e f i n e i t . However, a d e f i n i t i o n becomes r e l e v a n t f o r f u t u r e i f these  are to become "rurban"  centres.  planning  Residential densities  cannot be used as a c r i t e r i a as c e r t a i n r u r a l areas  i n Jamaica  112 have urban d e n s i t i e s . 1 5  A combination o f c r i t e r i a seems  l o g i c a l f o r Jamaica and r e l y i n g on a r e c e n t study of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of urban s e t t l e m e n t s i n Jamaica,1° the w r i t e r came to the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t v i l l a g e s could be d e f i n e d as c e n t r e s c o n t a i n i n g 3,000 and l e s s  inhabitants.  However, a l l these v i l l a g e s cannot become "rurban" c e n t r e s and consequently i t becomes e s s e n t i a l t o e s t a b l i s h some c r i t e r i a f o r t h e i r s e l e c t i o n so as t o ensure that the needs of the more important can be adequately asiet.  While  the p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g of the v i l l a g e must be d i c t a t e d  by  the p e c u l i a r c o n d i t i o n s o c c u r r i n g each case, p o s i t i v e d e c i s i o n g u i d i n g the s e l e c t i o n o f these v i l l a g e s must be based on f a c t u a l i n f o r m a t i o n r e l a t i n g t o :  size,  topography,  a c c e s s i b i l i t y , water r e s o u r c e s , e x i s t i n g a g r i c u l t u r e i n the area, marketing p o s s i b i l i t i e s , and e x i s t i n g economic and social services.  V i l l a g e s r a t i n g high i n these aspects  would be the ones most l i k e l y t o be s e l e c t e d but there must be, i n a d d i t i o n , a conscious aim t o d i s p e r s e them i n a meaningful manner over the  island.  The r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n of Jamaica,,. then, most of n e c e s s i t y be s t u d i e d i n i t s e n t i r e t y with a view t o demarcating those v i l l a g e s e l i g i b l e t o become "rurban" 15 F o r example, n o r t h e r n Clarendon. 16 P. 0. L e f v e r t , "An Inventory and C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Urban Settlement i n Jamaica", V o l . I-IV, Jamaica: Town P l a n n i n g Department, U n i t e d Nations S p e c i a l Fund P r o j e c t , October 31, 1968 (Mimeographed).  113 centres.  The next s t e p must be concerned  based on s p a t i a l c r i t e r i a ,  with  selection  i n order t h a t c e r t a i n  areas  would not be n e g l e c t e d and i n t e g r a t i o n c o u l d be maintained. The w r i t e r i s not proposing here any r e g u l a r p a t t e r n o f settlement l i k e t h a t o f G h r i s t a l l e r , but r a t h e r a r a t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f "rurban" c e n t r e s so t h a t i n h a b i t a n t s o f v i l l a g e s not e l i g i b l e f o r s e l e c t i o n w i l l be i n easy of t h e s e .  reach  A l l r u r a l Jamaicans would b e n e f i t .  Of course, there w i l l be a p o i n t at which i t would not be e c o n o m i c a l l y f e a s i b l e t o " r u r b a n i z e " c e r t a i n concentrations.  rural  The d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h i s l e v e l i s o u t s i d e  the scope o f t h i s t h e s i s as i t would r e l y on d e t a i l e d f e a s i b i l i t y studies.  V i l l a g e s below trhis c u t - o f f p o i n t  might have t o be c o n s i d e r e d , e s p e c i a l l y i n those lacking e l i g i b l e v i l l a g e s .  areas  T h i s could very w e l l provide  the c a t a l y s t f o r r u r a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i n these  areas.  R u r a l development a t the s c a l e d e s c r i b e d above cannot be e f f e c t i v e i f the whole i s l a n d i s regarded area o f o p e r a t i o n .  as a s i n g l e  To t r y t o l o c a t e every amenity i n t o  every "rurban" centre would make t h e t a s k unmanageable, even u s e l e s s , and f i n a n c i a l l y p r o h i b i t i v e .  For best  r e s u l t s , then, the i s l a n d should be d i v i d e d i n t o r e g i o n s based not so much on the e x i s t i n g g e o g r a p h i c a l  boundaries  as on f u n c t i o n a l areas d i c t a t e d by the scope o f whatever p r o j e c t i s t o be undertaken. determined  Boundaries  then would be  a f t e r the s e l e c t i o n o f "rurban" c e n t r e s so as  t o achieve an evenly d i s t r i b u t e d and i n t e g r a t e d p a t t e r n .  IH Heavy f i n a n c i a l u n d e r t a k i n g s , f o r example,  vocational  s c h o o l s , must serve wider areas than the "rurban" c e n t r e s . Consequently, the r e g i o n a l approach i s p o t e n t i a l l y a sound and f e a s i b l e p r o p o s i t i o n f o r r u r a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i n Jamaica. Such a framework w i t h i n which r u r a l  rehabilitation  should be planned would b e t t e r embrace the i n t e g r a t i o n o f i n d u s t r i e s w i t h t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r as the chosen c e n t r e s would p r o v i d e t h e basiii: p r e - r e q u i s i t e s — e l e c t r i c i t y , water s u p p l i e s and a c c e s s i b i l i t y .  The approach, t o o , would  g r e a t l y f a c i l i t a t e the d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f i n d u s t r i a l being advocated i n Jamaica a t p r e s e n t . would f u l f i l l community  policy  In a d d i t i o n , i t  requirements necessary t o produce e f f e c t i v e  development s t a t e d i n the F i v e Year Independence  Plan o f Jamaica.  The l a t t e r s t r e s s e s the need f o r t h e  m u l t i p l e - s e r v i c e l 7 approach i n which the same v i l l a g e would be the r e c i p i e n t o f a l l a c t i v i t i e s and s e r v i c e s . T h i s , i t f u r t h e r s t a t e d , would generate a  "community  charged w i t h a c t i v i t y and the d e s i r e t o succeed".18  Such  a framework p r o v i d e s the b a s i s f o r the a l l o c a t i o n o f s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s  i n direct relationship to  d e f i n e d p o p u l a t i o n c l u s t e r s and needs on a common b a s i s , upon which the many a u t h o r i t i e s concerned with development p l a n n i n g programmes may c o o r d i n a t e t h e i r 17 Jamaica, M i n i s t r y o f Development op. c i t . . p. 187. 18 I b i d . , p. 187.  activities.  and Welfare,  115 The  e x e c u t i o n of t h i s " r u r b a n i z a t i o n " programme  r e q u i r e s an e f f e c t i v e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e framework. s e l e c t i o n of $rurban"  c e n t r e s aimed toward a  meaningful  i n t e g r a t e d p a t t e r n cannot be l e f t t o the f r e e The  interplay  of economic and  social forces.  such a dramatic  change of the r u r a l s e c t o r that the Govern-  ment must p l a y the dominant r o l e .  process  The  envisages  Steps i n the  planning  d e s c r i b e d above i m p l i e s t h a t the o b j e c t i v e o f the Jamaican government should  be:  To improve l i v i n g standards of the e x i s t i n g r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n , t o guarantee a secure f u t u r e to succeeding g e n e r a t i o n s engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e by e s t a b l i s h i n g a l e v e l of s e r v i c e s i n r u r a l areas comparable t o the l e v e l o f amenities i n urban areas, thereby e n s u r i n g g r e a t e r s o c i a l and economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r r u r a l people. Such an o b j e c t i v e demands an adequate body to  guide  the p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g o f these settlements i n o r d e r to a v o i d any  substantial d i f f i c u l t i e s  w r i t e r suggests  in coordination.  The  t h a t the Town P l a n n i n g Department could be  r e s p o n s i b l e f o r such a t a s k as the two  main aspects of  p l a n n i n g i t pursues are:19 1.  the c o o r d i n a t i o n of Government c o n t r o l l e d d e v e l -  opment , and 2. The  advice on p r i v a t e development i n the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t .  Department, t o o , i s charged w i t h the power of both town  19 Jamaica, Town Planning Department, Annual Report o f the Town Planning Department f o r the Year Ended 31st March, 1963-4 ( K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , 1964).  116 and country p l a n n i n g .  The "Town and Country  Planning  A u t h o r i t y " i s the Government Town Planner, the head o f the Town P l a n n i n g Department o f t h e M i n i s t r y o f Finance and Planning.  I t i s i n the power o f the a u t h o r i t y a f t e r  s u l t a t i o n with the L o c a l A u t h o r i t y concerned  con-  t o prepare a  " P r o v i s i o n a l Development O r d e r . . . i n r e l a t i o n t o any l a n d i n any urban or r u r a l area...with the g e n e r a l o b j e c t o f c o n t r o l l i n g the development o f the l a n d comprised i n the area t o which the r e s p e c t i v e order a p p l i e s and w i t h a view t o s e c u r i n g proper s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s . . . a n d the c o o r d i n a t i o n o f roads and p u b l i c s e r v i c e s , p r o t e c t i n g and extending amenities and c o n s e r v i n g and d e v e l o p i n g the r e s o u r c e s o f such an area".20 Such an order has t o be confirmed by the M i n i s t e r . So f a r o n l y a l l the c o a s t a l areas, Kingston,  Spanish  Town, and the Bog Walk, L i n s t e a d , Ewarton Area have been covered by P r o v i s i o n a l Development Orders.21  In none o f  these has any r e f e r e n c e been made t o the r e s p e c t i v e h i n t e r lands o r neighbouring a r e a s .  They c o n t a i n no p r o p o s a l s  f o r the s u b s t a n t i a l extension o f c o a s t a l towns o r f o r the l o c a t i o n of new towns,22 although the Department has the power to so a c t . The  p r e p a r a t i o n o f the framework fortfehe i s l a n d w i t h i n  which development p r o p o s a l s can be more s u c c e s s f u l l y worked 20 I b i d . , p. 2. 21 S i r Robert Kirkwood, A Farm P r o d u c t i o n P o l i c y f o r Jamaica ( K i n g s t o n : Sugar Manufacturers A s s o c i a t i o n o f Jamaica, 1968), p. 36. 22 Second Schedule, Part V I I , S e c t i o n 3(a) and (b) o f the Town §nd Country P l a n n i n g Law, 1957.  117 out should p r o v i d e a new Department. necessity 1.  c h a l l e n g e f o r the Town P l a n n i n g  T h e i r terms of r e f e r e n c e t o t h i s end would of  be: To i n t e r p r e t the o v e r a l l l i n e s of Government  policy  as i t r e l a t e s to r u r a l development and a c c o r d i n g l y t o a s s i s t and a d v i s e the Government i n the m o d i f i c a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g p o l i c y and the c r e a t i o n of new 2.  ones.  To e s t a b l i s h e f f e c t i v e l i a i s o n w i t h o t h e r departments  o f Government and p u b l i c agencies concerned w i t h r u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t — e s p e c i a l l y the M i n i s t r i e s of A g r i c u l t u r e , R u r a l Development and Housing  and P u b l i c U t i l i t i e s , the  Survey  Department and the S o c i a l Development Commission—and t o c o o r d i n a t e t n e i r work i n the matter o f e s t a b l i s h i n g the c r i t e r i a f o r and the s e l e c t i o n of "rurban" c e n t r e s . 3.  To prepare m a p s — b o t h at the l o c a l and r e g i o n a l  l e v e l s — s h o w i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the "rurban" c e n t r e s to each other with emphasis on roads, water d i s t r i b u t i o n network and other i n f r a s t r u c t u r e 4.  developments.  To c o n s i d e r plans of development f o r each c e n t r e  and to c o l l a b o r a t e w i t h other m i n i s t r i e s or agencies or p r i v a t e ) i n the promotion  (public  and e s t a b l i s h m e n t of r u r a l  i n d u s t r i e s complementary t o a g r i c u l t u r e i n the  selected  centres. 5.  To conduct  any necessary s t u d i e s into the v a r i o u s  aspects of r u r a l development so as t o y i e l d  factual  i n f o r m a t i o n as the b a s i s f o r p l a n n i n g and p l a n e v a l u a t i o n ,  118 and 6.  To implement the plans made and t o ensure  proper  c o o r d i n a t i o n o f the programme from the i n t e r - m i n i s t e r i a l and f u n c t i o n a l p o i n t o f view and having f u l l  responsibilities  for  the execution and e v a l u a t i o n o f the programme  all  i t s stages. The w r i t e r suggests  throughout  t h a t the programme be c a r r i e d out  i n two s t a g e s : 1.  the i n v e s t i g a t i o n and p i l o t  2.  the expansion  During the f i r s t and  stage, and  stage.  stage, the v a r i o u s i n i t i a l  s t u d i e s , surveys  t e s t i n g o f methods on a l i m i t e d s c a l e would be  conducted  as a means o f g u i d i n g the Town Planning Department i n l a y i n g the f o u n d a t i o n f o r the expansive  stage of the programme.  T h i s stage, then, would be t h a t " a t which sound and a t t r a c t i v e plans are prepared  f o r p r e s e n t a t i o n t o i n t e r n a t i o n a l and  o t h e r sources f o r the o b t a i n i n g o f money to f i n a n c e the wider Programme".23  Plans based on f a c t u a l i n f o r m a t i o n  i n c u r minor d i f f i c u l t y i n o b t a i n i n g the necessary  funds.  The w r i t e r i s not i n a p o s i t i o n t o determine the a p p r o p r i a t e time l i m i t  f o r t h i s stage and w i l l o n l y suggest  t h a t one be  adopted. The  speed a t which the second stage w i l l develop w i l l be  governed by t h e amount o f f i n a n c i a l resources made a v a i l a b l e 23 Hugh Shaw, "Land Reform i n A c t i o n " , op. c i t . , p. 20.  119 and t h e r e s u l t s o f the o b j e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n o f accomplishments made d u r i n g the f i r s t expansion  stage.24  Primary e f f o r t s at  should be concentrated i n a few s e l e c t e d areas,  p r o b a b l y the more "prosperous"  ones as  implementation  would be e a s i e r and r e s u l t s b e t t e r a d v e r t i s e d .  Planners  must a l s o r e a l i z e t h a t they a r e not o n l y p l a n n i n g f o r the present g e n e r a t i o n and must t h i n k i n terms o f generations i n the f u t u r e .  F o r t h i s reason the programme must be  dynamic and c o n t i n u o u s l y e v a l u a t e d t o measure progress and to determine  what c h a n g e s — e s p e c i a l l y those brought  about  by economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s — i f any should be made.  I t must t h e r e f o r e make allowances  f o r these  issues. The w r i t e r i s convinced t h a t plans f o r r u r a l V  recon-  s t r u c t i o n aimed a t c u r b i n g r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n need t o give a more prominent p l a c e t o b a s i c urban f a c t o r s  than  has been customary i n the p a s t — a past geared o n l y t o " l a n d " improvement.  An urban environment i s n o t o n l y  i n e v i t a b l e but e s s e n t i a l f o r , and helps t o ensure, the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f the process o f modernization b e i n g by Jamaica  as a d e v e l o p i n g country.  pursued  There i s l i t t l e  evidence t o suggest t h a t u r b a n i z a t i o n can be c o n t r o l l e d , e s p e c i a l l y by s e a r c h i n g f o r a l t e r n a t i v e s t o urban growth 24 I b i d . , p. 20.  120  i n r u r a l areas.  Consequently, i t seems more s t r a t e g i c t o  adcept the e x i s t e n c e o f long-run t r e n d s o f u r b a n i z a t i o n and t o work e f f e c t i v e l y w i t h i n them. Jamaica, however, has not got the r e s o u r c e s t o b u i l d " B r a s i l i a s " but a balance can be made and maintained between r u r a l and urban development zation" process.  through t h e " r u r b a n i -  Consequently the most s u i t a b l e  villages  from the l o c a t i o n a l s t a n d p o i n t and o t h e r c r i t e r i a should be made the focus o f a t t e n t i o n and investment.  These, the  w r i t e r b e l i e v e s , would p r o v i d e the b u i l t - i n s t i m u l u s needed  i n r u r a l Jamaica t o l i f t  the s t a t u s o f the peasant  and t o c o n t r o l rutral-urban m i g r a t i o n . P l a n n i n g through these "rurban" c e n t r e s i s ambitious and new but i n t h e words o f Shaw and Singham,25"Government and people must be w i l l i n g t o make unprecedented  changes  and adjustments i n a l l phases o f our n a t i o n a l and economic l i f e - - c h a n g e s designed t o f a c i l i t a t e and s t i m u l a t e produ c t i o n and ensure s o c i a l harmony.  I f , on the o t h e r hand,  the demands o f n a t i o n a l i s m and s e l f - s u s t a i n e d  development  are i g n o r e d o r i n s u f f i c i e n t l y met, under the c o n d i t i o n s o f the r i s i n g e x p e c t a t i o n s of the m a j o r i t y o f the p o p u l a t i o n for a better l i f e ,  f o r c e s o f an unplanned and u n d e s i r a b l e  25 Hugh Shaw and Nancy Singham, "Land Reform: Lessons from Other C o u n t r i e s as a B a s i s f o r F o r m u l a t i n g a P o l i c y f o r Jamaica, D i v i s i o n o f Economics and S t a t i s t i c s " (Paper prepared f o r t h e A g r i c u l t u r a l P l a n n i n g Committee i n the M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, Jamaica, December, 1 9 6 1 ) , pp. 5 - 6 .  121 c h a r a c t e r are l i k e l y to b u i l d up i n the s o c i e t y , which, i n t h e i r unconscious  movement towards a s o l u t i o n of t h e i r  problem, might c r e a t e such havoc as w i l l be d i f f i c u l t repair.  to  Often with regard t o changes necessary i n the  a g r a r i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n , the choice l i e s between e f f e c t i n g these changes while the s i t u a t i o n i s s t i l l under c o n t r o l through  p e a c e f u l democratic  processes, and a l l o w i n g the  changes to be attempted u l t i m a t e l y v i a the method o f v i o l e n t p h y s i c a l r e v o l u t i o n and  distasteful anarchy."  Summary To date, a g r i c u l t u r a l programmes i n Jamaica have not r e s u l t e d i n any r u r a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n which would a s s i s t i n s t a b i l i z i n g rural-urban migration. need f o r r a d i c a l l y new  There i s , t h e r e f o r e , a  approaches to b r i d g e the gap between  the modern urban areas and the t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l Planning t h e r e f o r e becomes v i t a l and ambitious ambitious of  areas.  as o n l y an  programme w i l l be capable of a r r e s t i n g the  p o p u l a t i o n to the urban a r e a s . So f a r , s o l u t i o n s have c e n t r e d around narrowing  d i s p a r i t y i n the n a t i o n a l income s t r u c t u r e and the of  flow  a g r o - i n d u s t r i e s i n the r u r a l a r e a s .  location  These remedies have  s e r i o u s drawbacks as the l o c a l environment as i t now p l a c e s manifold o b s t a c l e s i n the way  exists  of i n c o r p o r a t i n g the  r u r a l areas i n t o a process of i n d u s t r i a l growth.  Thus,  before these schemes can be implemented, t h e r e i s an need f o r the u n d e r l y i n g determinants  the  of s o c i a l l i f e  urgent and  122 s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n and the g e n e r a l p r o v i s i o n of adequate amenities and The time  s e r v i c e s t o be s u p p l i e d i n the r u r a l  areas.  author b e l i e v e s t h a t a p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n at t h i s  i s t o d e v i s e a system l e a d i n g to the " r u r b a n i z a t i o n "  o f r u r a l Jamaica.  The  p o i n t i s t h a t the b a s i c s e r v i c e s  and amenities which have become a normal f e a t u r e of urban l i v i n g would be p r o v i d e d and concentrated existing villages.  The  concept  everyday  i n the  of " r u r b a n i z a t i o n " cannot  be a p p l i e d t o a l l r u r a l settlement areas i n Jamaica as the programme demands c o n c e n t r a t i o n s of  people.  D e c i s i o n g u i d i n g the s e l e c t i o n of v i l l a g e s must be based on s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n r e l a t i n g t o :  s i z e , topography,  a c c e s s i b i l i t y , water r e s o u r c e s , e x i s t i n g a g r i c u l t u r e i n the area, marketing social services.  p o s s i b i l i t i e s and  e x i s t i n g economic  V i l l a g e s r a t i n g h i g h i n these  and  aspects  would be the ones most l i k e l y to be s e l e c t e d but t h e r e must a l s o be a conscious aim t o d i s p e r s e them i n a meaningful i n t e g r a t e d manner over the i s l a n d .  For best r e s u l t s , the  i s l a n d should be d i v i d e d i n t o r e g i o n s based not on boundaries  and  geographic  but on f u n c t i o n a l areas d i c t a t e d by the scope o f  whatever p r o j e c t i s t o be  undertaken.  Planning f o r these "rurban" c e n t r e s through  this  i n t e g r a t e d framework should be done by the Town Planning Department.  I t i s a l r e a d y charged  town and country p l a n n i n g .  w i t h the power of both  However, o f n e c e s s i t y the  department must be given c e r t a i n terms of r e f e r e n c e .  It i s  123 suggested  t h a t the programme be c a r r i e d out i n two s t a g e s :  1.  the i n v e s t i g a t i o n and p i l o t stage, and  2.  the expansion  stage.  The w r i t e r i s convinced t h a t plans f o r r u r a l  recon-  s t r u c t i o n aimed at c u r b i n g r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n need to give a more prominent p l a c e to b a s i c urban f a c t o r s has been customary i n the past.  than  P l a n n i n g through an  i n t e g r a t e d framework o f "rurban" c e n t r e s provides a s o l u t i o n f o r Jamaica.  CHAPTER 6 IMPLICATIONS OF THE Although  HYPOTHESIS FOR  DEVELOPING REGIONS  the study p e r t a i n e d to r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n  i n Jamaica, i t i s by no means an a t y p i c a l case; i n f a c t  the  movement i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of o t h e r r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n s t a k i n g place i n o t h e r d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s as s t a t e d i n the h y p o t h e s i s of the study. importance,  And because o f i t s number and  i t i s unquestionably  among the most s t r i k i n g  demographic f e a t u r e s o f the urban areas of these r e g i o n s . The  development process i s the main f a c t o r i n r u r a l -  urban m i g r a t i o n .  Economic and  s o c i a l developments are  u n e q u a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d i n d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s , m o r e so than i n developed  ones^ and t h i s c r e a t e s a more c r i t i c a l problem  i n the former.  Normally  the r o l e of m i g r a t i o n i s the  achievement o f a b e t t e r d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to r e s o u r c e s , and economic and s o c i a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s . However, i n d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s the r a t e and volume o f r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n f a r exceed the c u r r e n t a b s o r p t i v e c a p a c i t i e s of i t s p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s , thus employment and  c r e a t i n g widespread under-  s e r i o u s housing,  1 Glen Beyer, op. c i t . . p.  education and 75.  other  social  125 problems.2 Urban c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n the d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s such as in  Jamaica i s l e s s the r e s u l t of economic development  "pulling"  r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n i n t o c i t i e s and more the r e s u l t of the of  the " t r o u b l e d " r u r a l areas.3  There are o n l y a few-  p r i m i t i v e areas which have remained completely the impact of m o d e r n i z a t i o n . l i f e without struction.  Most have had a t a s t e of modern  in  recon-  once t h i s impact has been f e l t . n o one  r e a l l y be a s t o n i s h e d t h a t people-leave The  apart from  any attempts b e i n g made towards s u r a l And  "push"  their rural  can  dwellings.  r a p i d r a t e of u r b a n i z a t i o n c r e a t e d by t h i s exodus  the d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s leads to suggestions  t h a t i t should be slowed down s u b s t a n t i a l l y . previously stated, there i s l i t t l e i n d i c a t i n g that any  t o the But as  past or present  effect was  evidence  s o c i e t y has been e f f e c t i v e i n r e g u l a t i n g  or c o n t r o l l i n g i t s r a t e o f u r b a n i z a t i o n .  In a l i k e manner,  w i t h the exception of some crude measures on a r a c i a l b a s i s , no Government, of whatever p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e has succeeded in  c o n t r o l l i n g "spontaneous" r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n  by  d i r e c t measures. The  answer t o the problem i n d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s i s t o  accept the e x i s t e n c e of long-run trends i n u r b a n i z a t i o n and to  t r y to work w i t h i n them r a t h e r than a g a i n s t them. 2  L o u i s J . Ducoff,  op.  cit..  p.  207.  3 P h i l i p M. Hauser, " P o p u l a t i o n and Labour Force Resources as F a c t o r s i n Economic Development", United Nations Conference on P o p u l a t i o n , p. 1 (Mimeographed).  126  Consequently,  i n s t e a d o f v i e w i n g the process from a n e g a t i v e  p o i n t of view, i t should be seen as a b u i l t - i n s t i m u l u s or c h a l l e n g e to s o c i a l change.4  The b a s i c s h i f t t o urban  i s the core p r o c e s s of m o d e r n i z a t i o n — a  life  state a l l developing  r e g i o n s are t r y i n g to a c h i e v e . Resettlement m i g r a t i o n have now  schene s o f t e n thought  of as a s o l u t i o n t o  demonstrated t h a t they need some s o r t  urban area f o r t h e i r success.5 f a l l e n s h o r t of t h e i r  of  In f a c t these schemes have  aim.  "The settlement of new areas appears t o have been pushed almost t o the l i m i t t h a t i s p r a c t i c a b l e w i t h present technology and o n l y i n c e r t a i n c o u n t r i e s ( f o r example, B r a z i l , S o v i e t Union, Chinese Mainland, Sub-Saharan A f r i c a ) i s the f r o n t i e r phase of popul a t i o n r e d i s t r i b u t i o n s t i l l e x t a n t . Even i n these areas, u r b a n i z a t i o n has gained ascendancy over land settlement."6 T h i s s u b s t a n t i a t e s the f a c t t h a t r u r a l plans i n d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s should emphasize urban f a c t o r s no matter how they may  be.  And,  as was  stated e a r l i e r i n this  modest  chapter,  u r b a n i z a t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l f o r the s u c c e s s f u l modernization of w e s t e r n i z a t i o n o f the d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s . Thus an i n t e r - r e l a t i o n between r u r a l and urban d e v e l opment has t o be taken  i n t o account  so t h a t the u r b a n i z a t i o n  process w i l l a s s i s t i n b r i d g i n g the gap between the "backward" 4 Glen Beyer,  op. c i t . , p.  75.  5 Glen Beyer,  op. c i t . ,  108.  p.  6 United Nations, Proceedings of the World P o p u l a t i o n Conference (E/CONF.41/1-3), 1966, p. 24.  127 r u r a l areas and the modern urban l o c a l i t i e s . gap  i s not f i l l e d ,  i t could create  on the urban s e c t o r .  and  greater p r o d u c t i v i t y  i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r t h a t would a t t r a c t  c r e a t e more jobs.7  more investment  i n s h o r t , steps taken t o  r u r a l l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s w i l l b e n e f i t urban a r e a s consequently q u a l i t i e s  improve and  8  of urban l i v i n g have t o be  as p a r t of a n a t i o n a l problem and  rural  a market f o r urban goods  consequently w i l l not s t i m u l a t e  i n the  repercussions  For example, the undeveloped  areas w i l l not be able to provide and  serious  I f such a  viewed  not merely from the  "urban" p o i n t of view. Governments i n these developing  regions  must of  n e c e s s i t y frame p o l i c i e s f o r r u r a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n  similar  to t h a t proposed f o r Jamaica which give prominence t o urban f a c t o r s . new  The  w r i t e r does not  towns as resources  envisage f u l l  i n these r e g i o n s  are v e r y  scale limited,  but r a t h e r a " r u r b a n i z a t i o n " of the r u r a l areas whereby urban f a c i l i t i e s and f u n c t i o n s are i n t r o d u c e d  which are  accepted as normal f e a t u r e s o f d a i l y l i v i n g .  An  integrated  p r o v i s i o n of many kinds  of s e r v i c e s i n "rurban"  would d e f i n i t e l y a s s i s t  i n r a i s i n g l e v e l s of l i v i n g  r u r a l people.  7 Glen Beyer, op. Ibid..  of  However, as i n Jamaica, the f a c t t h a t these  f u n c t i o n s r e q u i r e a minimum of people i n one  8  centres  p.  110.  c i t . . p.  110.  conglomeration  128 cannot be i g n o r e d . these  The author  cannot s t a t e the s i z e o f  "rurban" centres o r the f a c i l i t i e s t o be i n d l u d e d .  R u r a l needs f o r d i f f e r e n t  c o u n t r i e s cannot be met by any  u n i v e r s a l p o l i c y and t h i s can be s t a t e d with  confidence.  The w i d e l y d i f f e r i n g types o f r u r a l settlement, stages o f development o f r e g i o n s and a v a i l a b i l i t y o f c a p i t a l , f o r example, demand d i f f e r i n g and f l e x i b l e s t r a t e g i e s t h a t w i l l depend on an i n t i m a t e acquaintance  w i t h l o c a l sSituations.9  For example, the kinds o f f a c i l i t i e s t o be b u i l t should i d e a l l y be a d j u s t e d t o the c o n d i t i o n s t h a t prompt m i g r a t i o n from the area i n q u e s t i o n .  But i n view o f the o v e r a l l  s c a r c i t y o f r e s o u r c e s , l i k e Jamaica, i t i s not r e a l i s t i c to p l a n f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t expansion  o f s e r v i c e s and amenities  i n a l l r u r a l areas d u r i n g the same period.10  General  c i p l e s f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n a l s t r a t e g y must be developed  prinand  established. The major r u r a l problems cannot be s o l v e d by l o c a l i z e d p l a n n i n g nor i s i t o n l y a matter o f urban p l a n n i n g . " I t i s a l s o a matter o f reational p l a n n i n g i n which s o c i a l p o l i c i e s should b e j j o i n e d with economic and physical p o l i c i e s i n a geographical strategy of development."11 As the " p r i m i t i v e " r u r a l areas are the "pushing" 9 Marshal Wolfe, op. c i t . . p. 31. 10 United Nations, 1  1  I b i d . . P. 94.  1968, op. c i t . . p. 95.  zones, the  129  towns a t t r a c t i n g ones and the shanty-towns the danger s i g n s of over-migration*, d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s and other areas with s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s must deepen t h e i r a n a l y s i s o f these areas.  S t u d i e s should begin t o take n o t i c e o f environmental  and human f a c t o r s i n the process o f r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n and not merely stop at movement "per s e " o f the people. These s t u d i e s w i l l p r o v i d e the background needed f o r p l a n n i n g , f o r i f the r e g i o n s want development i t i s d o u b t f u l whether they can a f f o r d t o m a i n t a i n a g r a r i a n workers i n t h e i r  present  s t a t e o f poverty and economic and s o c i a l n o n - p a r t i c i p a t i o n . A p r o g r e s s i v e l y more v o c a l a g r a r i a n c l a s s makes i t u n l i k e l y t h a t the r e g i o n s can stave o f f r u r a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n much longer. Summary The  concept  suggested  i n t h i s t h e s i s can be a p p l i e d t o  o t h e r d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s as the movement i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  dirural-urban  m i g r a t i o n i n those a r e a s .  But t h e r e i s no  uriirersally d e t a i l e d p o l i c y t h a t can be t r a n s p l a n t e d from one  r e g i o n t o another.  The w i d e l y d i f f e r i n g types o f  r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t , the stage o f development o f r e g i o n s and a v a i l a b i l i t y o f c a p i t a l , f o r example, demand d i f f e r i n g and f l e x i b l e s t r a t e g i e s t h a t w i l l depend on an i n t i m a t e a c q u a i n t ance w i t h l o c a l  situations.  An urban environment i s not o n l y i n e v i t a b l e but e s s e n t i a l  130 f o r and h e l p s t o ensure pursued  the process o f modernization  by d e v e l o p i n g r e g i o n s .  There i s l i t t l e  being  evidence  t o suggest t h a t u r b a n i z a t i o n can be c o n t r o l l e d and consequently it  seems more s t r a t e g i c t o accept i t s long-run t r e n d s and t o  work e f f e c t i v e l y w i t h i n them.  BIBLIOGRAPHY  132 BIBLIOGRAPHY LATIN AMERICA Books Beyer, Glen H., ed., The Urban E x p l o s i o n i n Latifti America* I t h a c a , New York! C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967. Breese, G e r a l d W. U r b a n i z a t i o n i n Newly Developing C o u n t r i e s . Englewood C l i f f s , New J e r s e y : P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1966. C o l e , J . P. L a t i n America, an Economic and S o c i a l Geography. Washington: Butterworths, 1965. ' D o r s e l a e r , Jaime and Gregory, A l f a n s o . La U r b a n i z a c i o n en America L a t i n a . Fiburgoy Bogota: Centro I n t e r n a c i o n a l de I n v e s t i g a c i o n e s S o c i a l e s de F e r e s , 1962. Hauser, P h i l i p . U r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America. UNESCO, 1961.  Paris:  H e r r i c k , Bruce H. Urban M i g r a t i o n and Economic Development in C h i l e . Cambridge, Massachusetts: Massachusetts I n s t i t u t e o f Technology Press, 1965. Hirschman, A l b e r t 0. Journey toward P r o g r e s s . Twentieth Century Fund, 1963. Mar,  New York:  Jose Matos. U r b a n i z a c i o n y B a r r i a d a s en America d e l Sur, Lima: I n s t i t u t o de E s t u d i o s PerUanos, 1968.  Morse, R. M. " L a t i n American C i t i e s : Aspects o f F u n c t i o n and S t r u c t u r e " . R e g i o n a l Development and P l a n n i n g . E d i t e d by J . Friedman and W. Alonso. Cambridge, Mass., 1964. Smith, Thomas Lynn. L a t i n American P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s Gainesville: U n i v e r s i t y o f F l o r i d a Press, I960.  133 Thiesenhusen, W i l l i a m C. C h i l e ' s Experiments i n A g r a r i a n Reform. Madison: U n i v e r s i t y o f W i s c o n s i n Press, 1966. V e l i z , C l a u d i o . O b s t a c l e s t o Change i n L a t i n America. York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1965.  New  A r t i c l e s and Reports B r a d f i e l d , S. "Some O c c u p a t i o n a l Aspects o f M i g r a t i o n " . Economic Development and C u l t u r a l Change, XIV (October, 1965), 61-70. Browning, H a r l e y L. "Recent Trends i n L a t i n American U r b a n i zation". Annals o f t h e American Academy o f P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S c i e n c e . CCCXVI (March. 1958). 111-120. Charlesworth, James C., ed. " L a t i n America Tomorrow". Annals of the American Academy o f P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S c i e n c e , CCCLX ( J u l y , 1965). : D a v i s , K i n g s l e y and C a s i s , Ana. " U r b a n i z a t i o n i n L a t i n America". Milbank Memorial Fund Q u a r t e r l y . XXIV ( A p r i l and J u l y , 1946), pp. 286-207; 292-313. Ducoff, L o u i s J . , ed. "The Role o f M i g r a t i o n i n the Demographic Development o f L a t i n America". Milbank Memorial Fund Q u a r t e r l y . X L I I I , Part 2 (October, 1965). Fischlowitz, Estanislao. " D r i v i n g Forces i n I n t e r n a l M i g r a t i o n in Brazil". M i g r a t i o n News, XIV (November/December, 1965), 1-9; XV (January/February, 1966), 10-13. Horowitz, I r v i n g L. " E l e c t o r a l P o l i t i c s , U r b a n i z a t i o n and S o c i a l Development i n L a t i n America". Urban A f f a i r s Q u a r t e r l y . I I (March, 1967), 3-35. MacDonald, L. D., and MacDonald, J . S. "Motives and O b j e c t i v e s of M i g r a t i o n " . S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s . XVII (December, 1968), 417-434.  134 Morse, R i c h a r d . "Recent Research i n L a t i n American U r b a n i zation". L a t i n America Research Review. I ( F a l l , 1965), 35-74. Powelson, John P. and Solow, A. A. "Urban and Rural Development i n L a t i n America". Annans o f the American Academy o f P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S c i e n c e . CCCLX ( J u l y , 1965), 48-61. Smith, T. Lynm. "Un a n a l i s i s , comparative de l a m i g r a c i o n r u r a l - u r b a n a en L a t i n o a m e r i c a " . E s t a d i s t i c a . XVI (December, 1958), 436-453. United N a t i o n s . Conference on P o p u l a t i o n . Proceedings o f the World P o p u l a t i o n Conference (E/CONF.41/4); (E/CONF. 4 1 / 5 ) , 1965. United N a t i o n s . Department o f Economic and S o c i a l A f f a i r s . 1957 Report on the World S o c i a l S i t u a t i o n (E/CN.5/324/ R e v . l ) , 1957. United Nations. Department o f Economic and S o c i a l A f f a i r s . 1963 Report on the World S o c i a l S i t u a t i o n (E/CN.5/375/ R e v . l ) , 1963. United N a t i o n s . Economic Commission f o r L a t i n America, 9 t h S e s s i o n , Santiago, C h i l e . P r e l i m i n a r y Study M the Demographic S i t u a t i o n i n L a t i n America (E/CN.12/604), May, 1961. United N a t i o n s . Economic Commission f o r L a t i n America. R u r a l Settlement Patterns and S o c i a l Change i n L a t i n America. Economic B u l l e t i n f o r L a t i n America, X (March, 1965), 1-21. United N a t i o n s . I n t e r n a t i o n a l S o c i a l Development Review, No. 1. U r b a n i z a t i o n : development p o l i c i e s and p l a n n i n g (ST/SOA/Ser X / l ) . 1968. Wolfe, Marshal. "Rural Settlement P a t t e r n and S o c i a l Change i n L a t i n America: Notes f o r a S t r a t e g y o f R u r a l Development". L a t i n American Research Review. I ( S p r i n g , 1966), 17-W. :  135 Wolfe, M a r s h a l . "Some I m p l i c a t i o n s of Recent Changes i n Urban and R u r a l Settlement P a t t e r n s i n L a t i n America". E k i s t i c s . XXI (January, 1966), 28-31. JAMAICA Books Abrahams, P e t e r . Jamaica, an i s l a n d mosaic. Majesty's S t a t i o n e r y O f f i c e , 1957. Bent, R. M. and Bent-Golding, E n i d L. o f Jamaica. London and Glasgow:  London:  Her  A Complete Geography C o l l i n s , 1966.  C a r l e y , Mary Manning. Jamaica: The Old and the New. George A l l e n & Unwin L t d . , 1963. C u r t i n , P h i l i p D. Two Jamaicas. e r s i t y P r e s s , 1955.  Cambridge:  London:  Harvard Univ-  Eisner, Gisela. Jamaica, 1830-1930: a study i n economic growth. Manchester: Manchester U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961. I n t e r n a t i o n a l Bank f o r R e c o n s t r u c t i o n and Development. Economic Development of Jamaica. B a l t i m o r e : The Johns Hopkins Press, 1952. Macmillan, Mona. The Land of Look Behind. and Faber, 1957.  London:  The  Faber  N o r r i s , K a t r i n . Jamaica, the Search f o r an I d e n t i t y . Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1962.  London:  O l i v i e r , Lord. 1936.  Faber,  Jamaica; the b l e s s e d I s l a n d .  Roberts, W. G. The P o p u l a t i o n of Jamaica. U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1957.  London:  London:  Cambridge  136 A r t i c l e s and Reports Abt,  and Shaw, Hugh. "Proposed Procedure i n the P l a n n i n g of Land Settlement under the Land Reform Programme", K i n g s t o n , n.d. (Mimeographed).  Adams, Nassau A. " I n t e r n a l M i g r a t i o n i n Jamaica: An Economic A n a l y s i s " . S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s , (June, 1969), 137-151.  18  A g r i c u l t u r a l P o l i c y Committee of Jamaica 1945. Special Report. Land S e t t l e m e n t . Kingston,- Jamaica: Government P r i n t e r , 1945. " A g r i c u l t u r e " , paper found i n Jamaica Town P l a n n i n g Department F i l e s , n.d. (mimeographed). " B a s i c Defects o f Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " , paper found i n Jamaica Town Planning Department F i l e s , n.d. (mimeographed ). C h i e f T e c h n i c a l O f f i c e r , M i n s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands. "Background t o Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " . Address d e l i v e r e d at the Mona Campus of t h e " U n i v e r s i t y o f the West I n d i e s t o V i s i t i n g Students from the U n i v e r s i t y of West I n d i e s , C o l l e g e o f A g r i c u l t u r e , S t . Augustine, T r i n i d a d , n.d. (mimeographed). Cumper, G. E. "Labour Demand and Supply Ih the Jamaican Sugar I n d u s t r y 1830-1950". S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s . I I (March 1954). Cumper, G. E . " P o p u l a t i o n Movements i n Jamaica, 1830-1950". S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s . 5 (September, 1956), 261-280. The D a i l y G l e a n e r .  The Doxey Report, October 18,  1969.  Dumont, Rene. Planning A g r i c u l t u r a l Development. Report t o the Government of Jamaica, Rome: FA0 o f the United Nations, 1963.  137 Farm R e p o r t e r . "Land A u t h o r i t i e s - whence and w h i t h e r ? " . The Sunday G l e a n e r . (Kingston, J u l y 20, 1969), p. 11. H a r r i s , R. N. and S t e e r , E. S. "Demographic-Resource Push i n R u r a l M i g r a t i o n " . S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s . 17 (December, 1968), 398-406~I Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y . A g r i c u l t u r e i n the new Jamaican Economy. K i n g s t o n : Herald L t d . , 1964. Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y . The Farmer's Handbook with Directory. K i n g s t o n : Jamaica A g r i c u l t u r a l S o c i e t y ,  I96T:  JamaicaV C e n t r a l P l a n n i n g U n i t . Economic Survey: Jamaica. 1964. K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , 1 9 6 4 . Jamaica. C e n t r a l P l a n n i n g U n i t . Economic Survey: Jamaica. 1968. K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , 1968. Jamaica. Department o f S t a t i s t i c s . Annual A b s t r a c t of S t a t i s t i c s . 19671 K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r ,  Jamaica. M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands. Agricultural Development Programme. S e r i e s No. 1. K i n g s t o n : City P r i n t e r y L t d . , n.d. Jamaica. M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands. The A g r i c u l t u r a l Development Programme. 1960-1965. M i n i s t r y Paper No. 42. K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , I960. Jamaica. M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands. Agricultural Development Since 1938 and the Programme f o r 1955-1960. K i n g s t o n : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1954. Jamaica. M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands. ment. 1938-1967. nop., August, 1968.  Lands Depart-  138 Jamaica. M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands. "Priorities i n A g r i c u l t u r a l Research f o r Famaica", Hope, June 19, 1965. (Mimeographed). j  Jamaica. M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, D i v i s i o n o f Economics and S t a t i s t i c s . "Land Reform i n Jamaica w i t h Emphasis on Land Settlement", Hope, October, 1 9 6 2 , (mimeographed). Jamaica. M i n i s t r y o f Development and W e l f a r e . F i v e - y e a r Independence P l a n . 1963-1968: a l o n g term development programme f o r Jamaica. K i n g s t o n : M i n i s t r y o f Development and Welfare, 1963. Jamaica I n d u s t r i a l Development C o r p o r a t i o n . Annual Report. 1962-iL$63. K i n g s t o n : Jamaica I n d u s t r i a l Development C o r p o r a t i o n , 1963. Jamaica I n d u s t r i a l Development C o r p o r a t i o n . Annual Report. 1966-1967. K i n g s t o n : Jamaica I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation, 1967. Jamaica, S o c i a l Development Commission. Annual Report o f the S o c i a l Development Commission f o r the F i n a n c i a l Year ending 31st March. 1966. K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , 1966. Kirkwood, Robert. A Farm P r o d u c t i o n P o l i c y f o r Jamaica. K i n g s t o n : Sugar Manufacturers of Jamaica, 1968. K r u i j e r , G. J . S o c i o l o g i c a l Report on the C h r i s t i a n a Area. K i n g s t o n : The A g r i c u l t u r a l I n f o r m a t i o n S e r v i c e , M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e and F i s h e r i e s , 1969. L e f v e r t , P. 0. "An Inventory and C l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f Urban Settlement i n Jamaica". V o l . I-IV. Jamaica: Town P l a n n i n g Dept., U n i t e d Nations S p e c i a l Fund P r o j e c t , October 3, 196B (Mimeographed). Lewis, W. A. Economic  "Issues i n Land Settlement P o l i c y " . Review. I l l (October, 1951).  Caribbean  139  McFarlane, Rosley; "Agricultural f o r the Third University of  Singham, Nancy; and Johnson, I r v i n g . P l a n n i n g i n Jamaica". Paper prepared A g r i c u l t u r a l Economics Conference, t h e West I n d i e s , Mona, A p r i l 1-6, 1968.  M u l l i n g s , F. A. R. " A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Aspects o f P l a n n i n g i n Jamaica", Paper presented a t the United Nations Economic and S o c i a l C o u n c i l Seminar on A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Aspects of Plan Implementation, S a n t i a g o , C h i l e , 19-28 Febr u a r y , 1968. "The Need f o r Crop Zoning i n Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " , Part I, Paper found i n M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands F i l e s , n.d. (Mimeographed). Paget, Hugh. "The Free V i l l a g e System i n Jamaica". Q u a r t e r l y . 1 (March, 1 9 6 4 ) , 7-19.  Caribbean  P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n D i v i s i o n o f the United N a t i o n s . "Some Aspects o f A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f P r o j e c t s w i t h i n the Context of Development P l a n n i n g " , Paper presented a t the U n i t e d Nations Economic and S o c i a l C o u n c i l Seminar on A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Aspects o f P l a n Implementation, Santiago, C h i l e , 19-28,February, 1968, Report o f the A g r i c u l t u r a l P o l i c y Committee o f Jamaica 1945. K i n g s t o n : The Government P r i n t e r , 1945. Shaw, Hugh. " B a s i c C o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n P l a n n i n g the Development o f the Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e " , K i n g s t o n , May 25, 1969 (Mimeographed). Shaw, Hugh. "Land Reform i h A c t i o n " , Kingston, 1964. (Mimeographed). Shaw, Hugh. " P l a n n i n g Land Use i n Jamaica". A p r i l , 1968. (Mimeographed).  Kingston,  Shaw, Hugh. "Some Basic Problems o f Jamaican A g r i c u l t u r e w i t h I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Changes i n Development P o l i c y " . Kingston, February 13, 1968. (Mimeographed).  140 Shaw, Hugh and Singham, Nancy. "Land Reform: Lessons from other C o u n t r i e s as a B a s i s f o r Formulating a P o l i c y f o r Jamaica". Paper prepared Bor the A g r i c u l t u r a l P l a n n i n g Committee i n the M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, Jamaica, December, 1961. Smith, M. G. "Community O r g a n i z a t i o n i n R u r a l Jamaica". S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s . 5 (September, 1 9 5 6 ) , 295-314.  Smith, M. G. " E d u c a t i o n a l and O c c u p a t i o n a l Choice i n Jamaica". S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s . 9 (September, 1960),  332-354.  Smith, M. G. A Report on Labour Supply i n R u r a l Jamaica. K i n g s t o n : Government P r i n t e r , 1956. T e c h n i c a l Committee on Land Reform. F i r s t I n t e r i m Report o f t h e T e c h n i c a l Committee on Land Reform, Jamaica: M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e and Lands, 1 2 t h August, 1 9 6 4 . 1  Tekse, Kalman. I n t e r n a l M i g r a t i o n i n Jamaica. Department o f S t a t i s t i c s , A p r i l , 1967.  Kingston:  W a l t e r s , Norma. "Land Settlement Schemes i n Jamaica". Unpublished M.A. d i s s e r t a t i o n , M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , 1 9 6 6 .  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0102122/manifest

Comment

Related Items