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Comparative biographies of two British Columbia anthropologists : Charles Hill-Tout and James A. Teit Banks, Judith Judd 1970

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COMPARATIVE BIOGRAPHIES OF TWO BRITISH COLUMBIA ANTHROPOLOGISTS: CHARLES HILL-TOUT AND JAMES A. TEIT by JUDITH JUDD BANKS B.A., University of Hawaii, 1966 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1970 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r ee t h a t t he L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r ag ree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rpo se s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Anthropology The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Co lumb ia Vancouve r 8, Canada Date September 28, 1970 ABSTRACT The l i v e s and work of two pioneer B r i t i s h Columbia anthropologists (Charles Hill-Tout and James A. Teit) are examined and compared. This i s a study of the multiple forces at work including t h e i r personal backgrounds, i n t e l l e c t u a l backgrounds, differences i n temperament which shaped the s c i e n t i s t s they were, t h e i r concepts, some of the motivations behind t h e i r concepts, a description of t h e i r methods and f i e l d work, personal i n t e r a c t i o n with others, including correspondence and c o n f l i c t s . In short, t h i s i s an e f f o r t to recreate part of the world of anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1895 and 1915 — a world which no longer ex i s t s . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my appreciation to Dr. Harry B. Hawthorn f o r giving me the idea of writing comparative biographies of Charles Hill-Tout and James A. T e i t , as well as f o r his continuing help and guidance i n preparing t h i s manuscript. I also wish to thank Dr. Wilson Duff and Dr. Michael Kew f o r t h e i r constructive c r i t i c i s m and suggestions. To the people who were w i l l i n g to give me t h e i r time and share t h e i r memories with me I owe a great deal. These includet Mr. Thomas Ainsworth, Mrs. Ruth Corbett, Mr. Charles B. Hi l l - T o u t , Mr. Donald A. McGregor, Mrs. Inga T e i t Perkins, Mr. Erik T e i t , Mr. Sigurd T e i t and Dr. M.Y. Williams. It i s impossible to t r y to single out everyone who contributed to the making of t h i s manuscript. The help, comments and writings of many people, some known and some unknown to the author, are g r a t e f u l l y acknowledged. CONTENTS Introduction i Chapter I Pioneer Anthropologists of British Columbia ... . • 1 II Charles Hill-Tout 9 III James A. Teit 40 IV Hill-Tout and Anthropology 70 V Teit and Anthropology ... 8** VI The Jesup Expedition 97 VII Hill-Tout's Writing I l l VIII Teit's Writing 140 IX Differences of Opinion 156 X Some Comparisons 177 Appendix i Chapter Notes 195 i i Hill-Touti Published Works 222 i i i Teiti Published Works ... 226 iv Hill-Tout - L i s t of Events 229 v Teit - L i s t of Events 232 Bibliography 236 INTRODUCTION While the imaginative s p i r i t and wide-ranging i i n t e r e s t s of Charles H i l l - T o u t may arouse the admiration of the student of anthropology* his work i s now seldom consulted f o r i t s information but increasingly i s becoming of greater antiquarian i n t e r e s t . The steady industry of James A. Teit however, resulted i n an output almost e n t i r e l y empirical i n content, which s t i l l i s consulted as standard reference material by the serious student of Indian l i f e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The difference i n the s u r v i v a l value of t h e i r work i s puzzling when we consider that they studied adjacent areas (sometimes overlapping) and during approximately the same period of time, from about 1895 to 1915* In addition, when we compare the education of H i l l - T o u t , who from his e a r l i e s t years had been exposed to scholarly t r a d i t i o n with the adequate, but ruder background of Te i t and see that the work of the f i r s t i s l e f t to moulder on archival shelves while the other has entered the mainstream of anthropology, our c u r i o s i t y i s aroused. In the b e l i e f that a study of t h e i r l i v e s may shed l i g h t on t h i s phenomenon I have coll e c t e d biographical material, much of i t personal i n nature. I t i s almost c e r t a i n l y true i i that from among the facts which were available there may be some which are nothing more than that, while others may be helpful i n making inferences and drawing conclusions. Because I may not have distinguished c o r r e c t l y I have l e f t i n a l l of the history available to me, drawing on that which I thought most useful. However, much of what I deemed i r r e l e v a n t someone more apt may f i n d pertinent i n making other deductions. In addition to being the unfolding story of two men, the l i f e and work of a t h i r d runs through l i k e a contra-puntal theme. Franz Boas provided that interplay of elements -now complementary, now contrasting — which added extra dimension and depth to the study at hand. B r i t i s h Columbia figured importantly i n his work, serving as a proving ground where he set the patterns f o r anthropology i n North America f o r decades to come. The task i s undertaken at t h i s time while an4hro™ throppldgy s t i l l has l e f t at l e a s t some hearsay evidence of i t s own history and of i t s pioneers. It i s already too l a t e to glean anything but the most meager personal r e c o l l e c t i o n s from the few people i n B r i t i s h Columbia who remember Charles H i l l - T o u t , James A. Teit and Franz Boas. The few people remaining who knew these men are now old and t h e i r memories are of themselves as i i i youngsters and the others as older men. No one i s now l e f t who from an adult vantage point remembers Hi l l - T o u t , T e i t and Boas i n t h e i r productive prime. And few remain who remember the B r i t i s h Columbia to which these pioneer anthro-pologists came i n the l a t e 1800's. It i s my hope to evoke a f e e l i n g f o r the^diverse back-grounds, the i n t e l l e c t u a l currents of the time, the r i v a l r i e s and the kind of place that B r i t i s h Columbia was i n those days. I have t r i e d to do t h i s through the use of d i r e c t quotations from taped interviews with r e l a t i v e s , friends, old-time newspapermen, and museum curators of former years. In addition I have haunted archives and l i b r a r i e s combing through yellowed newspapers, the b r i t t l e pages of ancient manuscripts and long-forgotten l e t t e r s . Although I did not r e a l i z e i t when I began, my investigations were to carry me into a strange land. Quite unexpectedly I was doing ethnography. The natives, i t i s true spoke English, and we seemed to be of a s i m i l a r t r a d i t i o n . But soon I found our culture and assumptions-.were d i f f e r e n t . They t r i e d to convey to me the l i v i n g presence of two men long gone as well as what l i f e had been l i k e i n a Canadian f r o n t i e r town when Queen V i c t o r i a was s t i l l on the throne. But how could I know i f the words they used to describe t h e i r own mental images evoked the same pictures i n my mind? We had i v our problems i n communication. I remember during a conversation with Mr. Charles B. H i l l - T o u t of V i c t o r i a , his t e l l i n g me about the d i f f i c u l t i e s of moving a truck whose wheels became stuck between the wooden planks with which the streets were paved. I commented that surely i t could not have been that d i f f i c u l t to move i t — a f t e r a l l , trucks have powerful motors. Mr. Hi l l - T o u t looked at me speechlessj his eyes showed a dawning comprehension of the chasm between us. Then he exclaimed, " I t was a dray! A horsedrawn truck!" This i s primarily an ethnography of two early B r i t i s h Columbia anthropologists and an attempt to view them i n terms of t h e i r context and also see how well t h e i r theories have held up i n the l i g h t of research by l a t e r scholars. Although Hill-Tout and Tei t were born and brought up during the Vi c t o r i a n era i n Great B r i t a i n , they were raised i n regions which were at the geographical extremes of the kingdom and they were thus the products of two widely d i f f e r i n g t r a d i t i o n s . The early personal tragedy i n Hill-Tou t ' s l i f e resulted i n an i n s t i t u t i o n a l upbringing, while T e i t enjoyed the advantages of a normal family l i f e . With such diverse beginnings i t i s not su r p r i s i n g that they developed d i s t i n c t i v e p e r s o n a l i t i e s , e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t perceptions of the world and that the in d i v i d u a l course of each man's l i f e as well as his V approach to anthropology varied widely. I did not undertake t h i s study with any preconcep-tions or with an hypothesis and i n f a c t , I had no cl e a r idea of what I was doing when I started — and as the unkind may say, nor when I f i n i s h e d . Like a sculptor working with stone the form seemed inherent i n the material i t s e l f and aft e r a time seemed to take shape independently. Therefore, i t was a f t e r the information was assembled that I arrived at these conclusions! 1. H i l l - T o u t and T e i t can only be understood i n the context of t h e i r widely d i f f e r i n g person-a l i t i e s , shaped by t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l h i s t o r i e s , t h e i r own special circumstances i n the B r i t i s h Columbia of those days and the i n t e l l e c t u a l currents of t h e i r time. 2. An antipathy existed between them and they had sharply d i f f e r i n g attitudes. This can be inferred from l e t t e r s , t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n anthropology as well as from the writings of Boas. 3. The burden of erudition which H i l l - T o u t brought with him from the Old World hindered his i n t e l l e c t u a l progress, while Teit's lack of informational baggage gave him the freedom to move with the new currents of thought. 4. The r e s u l t was that H i l l - T o u t to a great extent remained a gentleman-amateur, a s e l f made anthropologist; while T e i t , with Boas as his teacher, became a trained s p e c i a l i s t . Writing about two men who l i v e d at the turn of the cen-tury and are known mainly i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and even then to but a few s p e c i a l i s t s , may seem a kind of exercise of l i t t l e importance i n the l a r g e r world. Yet just as the ethnography of one in d i v i d u a l from a small obscure t r i b e can shed l i g h t on some l a r g e r problem, perhaps the biography of our l o c a l anthropologists may also add i n some small way to the sum of knowledge. CHAPTER I SOME BRITISH COLUMBIA FIELD WORKERS. 1895-1915 This i s the story of Charles H i l l - T o u t and James A. T e i t and mainly covers t h e i r most productive years i n anthro-pology — from about 1895 to 1915. During that time Hill-Tout accomplished the bulk of his creative work and much, though not a l l , of his w r i t i n g i n the years that followed consisted of restatements of his e a r l i e r thinking or was based on i t . During that same time span Teit also made his major contribu-tions to anthropology. Towards the end of that time he began to f e e l that his most pressing o b l i g a t i o n was to ameliorate the l o t of the Indians and that became his major commitment u n t i l the end of his l i f e . During the years from 1895 to 1915 there were also other indiv i d u a l s i n B r i t i s h Columbia who devoted themselves to tasks which were associated with anthropology. The follow-ing i s a b r i e f discussion of some of those people whose a c t i v i t i e s touched upon the l i v e s of H i l l - T o u t and T e i t . One of the most i n f l u e n t i a l anthropologists i n North America was Franz Boas (1858-19^2). His research i n the Northwest Coast began as early as 1883. He was a s p e c i a l i s t i n the cultures and languages of American Indians and his own special study was on the Kwakiutl of B r i t i s h Columbia. Boas was born i n Germany and received his Phd. i n 2 Physics from the University of K i e l . His in t e r e s t i n the Northwest Coast began while he was s t i l l i n Germany. In 188? he became a permanent resident of the United States and was editor of Science. In 1888 he became an in s t r u c t o r at Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts, and i n I896 joined the s t a f f at Columbia University, a po s i t i o n he held f o r the rest of his l i f e . There he b u i l t up one of the foremost departments of anthropology i n the United States and trained and influenced many noted anthropologists and l i n g u i s t s . He was l a r g e l y responsible f o r encouraging women to enter the f i e l d . From 1901 to 1905 he was Curator of Anthropology at the American Museum of Natural History and l e d the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition under i t s auspices. He established the International Journal of L i n g u i s t i c s , was one of the founders of the American Anthropological Association and was i t s p r e s i -dent i n 1931» He was a member of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and of many other s o c i e t i e s . Boas emphasized facts rather than in t e r p r e t a t i o n , which r e f l e c t e d a widespread reaction against the sweeping theories on c u l t u r a l evolution popular during the nineteenth century. Boas was the trusted f r i e n d and mentor of Tei t and c r i t i c of H i l l - T o u t . Edward Sapir (1884-1939) was a noted U.S. l i n g u i s t and anthropologist. He was born i n Pomerania and i n 1889 was 3 brought to the United States by his family. In 1909 he received a Phd. from Columbia University. He was named Chief of the D i v i s i o n of Anthropology at the Canadian National Museum i n 1910. He came to B r i t i s h Columbia to work with the Nootka i n 1911. In 1925 he joined the s t a f f of the University of Chicago and i n 192? joined the s t a f f at Yale. He became interested i n l i n g u i s t i c s c h i e f l y through the influence of Boas. He wrote Language, published i n 1921, which was considered one of the most stimulating books on the subject ever written. Sapir was a s c i e n t i s t of extraordinary breadth who kept the study of l i n g u i s t i c s i n proper perspective as part of the study of man. His collected essays are edited by David G. Mandelbaum i n Selected Writings i n Language. Culture  and Personality. Sapir occasionally was a guest of T e i t ' s at Spences Bridge and the l a t t e r stayed at the Sapir home when he made t r i p s to Ottawa. Charles F. Newcombe (1851-1924) was B r i t i s h Columbia's f i r s t p s y c h i a t r i s t , p r a c t i s i n g a profession which i n his day was more concerned with the physical nervous system than i t i s now.1 He was born i n Newcastle-on-Tyne, Englandj studied medicine at Aberdeen University and did postgraduate work i n Germany. He married and with his growing family moved to Oregon where he began his practice as a physician and p s y c h i a t r i s t . 4 He became interested i n botany and c o l l e c t i n g Indian a r t i -f a c t s . In 1885 the family moved to V i c t o r i a . There Charles Newcombe joined the V i c t o r i a Natural History Society and made expeditions i n his own boat. He had two sons who as they grew older joined him i n c o l l e c t i n g animal and plant specimens, as well as marine specimens and Indian a r t i f a c t s . Accompanied by his two sons (especially William) he explored the coast of the Queen Charlotte Islands and l a t e r explored as f a r north as Alaska. In 1904, he took a group of B r i t i s h Columbia Indians to the Louisiana Purchase Exposition i n St. Louis. H i l l - T o u t was acquainted with Newcombe and corres-ponded with him f o r a few years. T e i t acted as Newcombe*s agent i n c o l l e c t i n g ethnographical specimens and carried on a correspondence of many year's duration. At the age of twenty William Newcombe (1884-1960) gave up a scholarship to accompany his father to the Louisiana Purchase Exposition i n St. Louis and had no further formal education. He was described as "untutored but self-taught." He became Assistant B i o l o g i s t at the B r i t i s h Columbia Pr o v i n c i a l Museum. He l i v e d i n an old house near the beach and l a t e r i n l i f e became a recluse and beachcomber. In his house he kept what was l a t e r c a l l e d the "The Newcombe C o l l e c t i o n of Indian A r t i f a c t s , " purchased i n 1962 a f t e r his death by the Pro v i n c i a l Government. The c o l l e c t i o n included about one hundred canvasses by Emily Carr, the well known painter of B r i t i s h Columbia scenes. 5 According to some sources he kept the c o l l e c t i o n secret because he feared his ownership would be challenged. However, according to Dr. Harry B. Hawthorn, the various itemsi ••.were c a r e f u l l y stored i n cabinets, drawers, etc. He was proud to show them to serious scholars, and developed a very e f f e c t i v e b a r r i e r (for instance, not answering the door) against others...He said, "I l i k e to be of help to people l i k e you, Drucker and Barnett."3 The Newcombes mainly contributed to anthropology as co l l e c t o r s and cataloguers f o r museums and important c o l l e c t i o n s . These included museums i n Europe; the American Museum of Natural History i n New York; the World's Columbian Exposition i n Chicago i n 1893» which became the nucleus of an important exhibit i n the F i e l d Museum of Natural History i n Chicago; the B r i t i s h Columbia Pr o v i n c i a l Museum i n V i c t o r i a and the Canadian National Museum i n Ottawa. Largely unrecognized, but of extreme value were Charles Newcombe*s museum catalogues and c o l l e c t i o n notes. Perhaps the major c o l l e c t o r i n B r i t i s h Columbia was Lieutenant George T. Emmons who specialized i n the Plateau Culture area where T e i t l i v e d and did much of his research. He contributed monographs to the Memoirs of the American Museum  of Natural History. These werei "The Basketry of the T l i n g i t , " and "The Chilkat Blanket" with "Notes on the Blanket Designs" by Franz Boas. Te i t appeared i n the footnotes as a source of information* Like the Newcombes, Emmons' museum catalogues and c o l l e c t i o n notes are of inestimable value to anthropology. 6 The other f i e l d workers important to t h i s history were the members of the Jesup Expedition, which was sponsored by the American Museum of Natural History. Apparently they were a l l acquainted with H i l l - T o u t and T e i t . Livingston Farrand (1867-1939) was an ethnographer who wrote several papers f o r the Publications of the Jesup  North P a c i f i c Expedition. These were* "Basketry Designs of the S a l i s h Indians," "Traditions of the C h i l c o t i n Indians," and "Traditions of the Quinault Indians" (assisted by W.S. Kahnweiler). Harlan Ingersoll Smith (1872-1940) was the Expedi-tion's archaeologist. His contributions to the Publications were 1 "The Archaeology of Lytton, B r i t i s h Columbia," "Archaeology of the Thompson River Region," "Cairns of B r i t i s h Columbia and Washington" (with Gerard Fowke), "Shell-Heaps of the Lower Fraser River," and "Archaeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound." John R. Swanton, also a member of the Expedition i s remembered l a r g e l y f o r his three hundred-page work, "Contribu-tions to the Ethnology of the Haida," and his f i v e hundred and thirty-one page monograph, "Haida Texts," and his works;on the T l i n g i t . Of a l l of these people, only two were native to the P a c i f i c Northwest. George Hunt was a Kwakiutl Indian who was Boas's informant f o r more than f o r t y years. He co-authored with Boas four major contributions to the Publications. These 7 werei "Kwakiutl Texts" (Parts I, II and III) and "Kwakiutl Texts" (Parts 1, Second Series). Henry W. Tate was a Tsimshian Indian. Like Hunt he was a Boas trainee and an informant of his for many years. He co-authored with Boas a massive work on Tsimshian mythology. Farther to the north i n B r i t i s h Columbia was another i n d i v i d u a l who also figures i n t h i s history. He was the missionary, Father A.G. Morice, O.M.I. (1858-1938), an anthropologist and student of Indian languages. He came to B r i t i s h Columbia from France i n 1880, and at f i r s t stayed at Williams Lake Mission where he learned the language of the C h i l c o t i n . In 1885 he was transferred to Stuart Lake Mission (now Fort St. James) where he remained f o r nineteen years. He studied the customs and languages of the Carrier Indians and also those of the Sekani and Babine Indians. He also devised a special syllabary f o r them f o r t h e i r own use. Father Morice wrote four books and thirty-two mono-graphs on anthropology. His ethnographic descriptions of many t r a d i t i o n a l Indian customs and a r t i f a c t s were given i n great d e t a i l and are an invaluable source of information f o r scholars. He did much of his w r i t i n g a f t e r he had been transferred to Winnipeg. Hil l - T o u t respected and acknowledged him as an import-ant source of information. Teit apparently knew and occasion-8 a l l y corresponded with him. For a while Morice and Sapir carried on a s p i r i t e d discussion through the pages of the American Anthropologist. Although located f a r to the north he was a member of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association of Vancouver. 9 CHAPTER II LIFE OF CHARLES HILL-TOUT Early L i f e and Training That Charles H i l l - T o u t was born i n England i s uni v e r s a l l y agreed upon. But his birthplace i s variously given as Plymouth or Buckland or Buckland-Tout. The year of his b i r t h i s equally i n doubt, being eith e r 1858 or 1859. There i s even some confusion concerning his name. According to the Encyclopedia Canadiana, 1 he was born September 28, 1858 at Buckland, Devon, to John Tout and Elizabeth H i l l . Properly pro-nounced the name Hill-Tout rhymes with w i l l - t o o . Speaking about his father's name, date and place of b i r t h , his son, also Charles, saidi I think i t ' s September 28th — I think. But he's gone a long time. I don't remember. I don't know the year either. I've got no records of anything l i k e that. But he was born i n Buck-land, a v i l l a g e i n Devon. My name i s Buckland — Charles Buckland H i l l - T o u t . He only had the name Charles H i l l - T o u t . That's a l l , that's a l l he had. 2 According to a c l i p p i n g (source unknown) i n the Vancouver City Archives the Hill-Tout family dates back to the Conquest. Concerning the family's having i l l u s t r i o u s fore-bears, his son, Charles said»s "Sure we have, but who knows anything about i t beyond my father. We never heard about his family." Various biographical sketches d i f f e r concerning the d e t a i l s of the early l i f e of H i l l - T o u t . One stated that he l i v e d the f i r s t s i x or seven years of his l i f e i n Plymouth and that l a t e r he was sent to a private school at Oxford. A short biography accompanying a 19^8 r e p r i n t of his speech, "The Great Fraser Midden," published by the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Society, said that he spent his early boyhood at Oxford where he had his f i r s t schooling, l a t e r he went to school at Weston-super-Mare, and that following t h i s he l i v e d at home with his parents i n Somersetshire.-^ His son, Charles, said: He never spoke much about his childhood. I know that he had a brother and a s i s t e r and they l o s t t h e i r parents, and the Cowley Fathers — kind of English monks — brought him up and educated him. Anglican Church. I understand i t was a small u n i t . I don't know; he never spoke much about his childhood. His father was a farmer — I believe. I don't know anything at a l l about his father or his mother. He never mentioned them as f a r as I know. I don't know whether he (Hill-Tout's father) was ac t u a l l y on his own farm. We never heard about his family. ...As I understand he and his brother and s i s t e r were l e f t orphans. I never heard about his mother. And his father was a laborer i n Devon I expect — or Somerset, they're side by each. Concerning whether the Cowley Fathers had also educated Hil l - T o u t ' s brother and s i s t e r , Charles said: I don't know about the brother and the s i s t e r . No, I don't think so. The Cowley Fathers took him and educated him to the church. The Cowley Fathers, I understand, were i n Devon, but I don't know whether they were a self-contained group or what. They were associated with the Church of England. 11 Education Regarding Hill-Tout's l a t e r education, again the accounts vary considerably. His son, Charles, said, "He went to Oxford; he t o l d us he went to Oxford." One b r i e f bio-graphical sketch stated that he was an Oxford graduate. Alfred Buckley i n B r i t i s h Columbia, From the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present, refers to Hill-T o u t ' s coming to B r i t i s h Columbia "with l i t t l e to c a l l his own except the scholarly endowment that Oxford had given him."^ Buckley wrote that a f t e r the f i r s t s i x or seven years of his l i f e j ...He was sent to a private school at Oxford and the Oxford s p i r i t , more dominatingly r e l i g i o u s than i t i s today, but always stimula-t i n g and r e f i n i n g , found i n him the best of material f o r i t s impress? s e n s i t i v e , eager to learn, affectionate and responsive to the advances of his seniors and f i n e l y tuned, then and now, to the attractions of poetic mysticism. A short residence i n the clergy house at Roath, Ca r d i f f , brought him under the influence of Father P u l l e r , who was a f r i e n d of Pusey's and a member of the Puseyite movement. When Father P u l l e r entered the Cowley Monastery, at Oxford, Mr. H i l l - T o u t decided to follow him and f o r sometime l e d the simple l i f e of the fathers, intending to j o i n the order, (pp, 119^ and 1196) According to newspaperman Donald A. McGregor, Judge F.W. Howay and E.O.S. Schofield, published the several-volume publication c a l l e d , B r i t i s h Columbia, From the E a r l i e s t Times to  the Present. To make the venture pay, two of the volumes were biographical and the people whose h i s t o r i e s appeared i n them paid for the p r i v i l e g e . Howay i r r e v e r e n t l y used to r e f e r to the 12 biographical sections as the "mag volumes."^ Noel Robinson's b r i e f biography i n the 19^8 Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association Reprint supports the factual material quoted above and further states that H i l l -Tout l a t e r went to L i n c o l n for the theological course, "taking lectures at Oxford whenever possible." Another account states that he was sent to school and u n i v e r s i t y at Oxford where he became a student of d i v i n i t y . He came under the influence of Father Benson, founder and head of the Cowley Fathers, and l i v e d i n t h e i r r e l i g i o u s community just outside Oxford f o r some years. From university he pro-ceeded to the theological college at L i n c o l n where he came under the influence of Bishop Wordsworth, brother of the poet and head of the college "whose well known hymns he divides into two categories — the beautiful and the doggerel."? Donald A. McGregor mentioned that Hill-Tout used to be c a l l e d by the other students at Oxford, "Tootles."" Mrs. Ruth Corbett, former Assistant Curator of the Vancouver Museum Q said that she had known that H i l l - T o u t was c a l l e d "Tootles." She mentioned that Joe Capilano, a Squamish Indian spokesman, used to c a l l him, "My f r i e n d , Toot," or sometimes, " H i l l - T o o t . " 9 Whether Hi l l - T o u t was a c t u a l l y an Oxford University graduate seems doubtful and with how much scepticism the various printed accounts of his education should be taken as true i s not to be known. None o f f e r s any reference or source of information. 13 Marriage Hill-Tout married while he was l i v i n g in Lincoln. Concerning his mother, Charles Buckland Hill-Tout saidt Mother's maiden name was Edith Mary Stothert, from Cardiff, Wales, but she was not a Welsh g i r l . Her father was English from the north of England but he came down to Cardiff} he had a big iron works. He came down from the north? I don't know whether i t was before she was born or after. The name Stothert i s around Cardiff — you'll find that i n more than one place. I remember seeing i t on a great big building when I was going in there one time. Stothert Iron Works and Foundries. He was a divinity student and I think she must have seen or heard him sometime. In fact, she told me one time, that when he was taking some service in some church she thought, "Oh what a lovely voice} what a lovely man he i s ! " A l o t of people thought the same. I think she met him in church, but I don't know anything at a l l about i t j we never thought to ask. Religious Attitudes At some time during the latt e r part of his student years Hill-Tout apparently underwent an intellectual, and probably a spiritual c r i s i s , or as Alfred Buckley put i t : ...Mr. Hill-Tout was awakened from his dogmatic slumbers and the old story of shifting theological moorings was repeated in another young soul. He spent two years at the Scholae Cancellarii (Schools of the Chancellor) at Lincoln, studying theology with a view to missionary work in South Africa} or a l i v i n g i n his own country, the g i f t of a relative, was at his service. But once more the bondage of subscription to r i g i d dogmas became intolerable and once more a brave young s p i r i t rebelled. (Buckley* p. 1196) Buckley also said that during the time he lived in 14 Oxford, H i l l - T o u t met Max Muller, "who f i r s t created i n his mind an int e r e s t i n anthropology." 1 0 Noel Robinson wrote that H i l l - T o u t , during his time at Oxford had come under the influence of Huxley and Darwin, which resulted i n i n t e l l e c t u a l d i f f i c u l t i e s and he gave up the idea of ordination. Concerning Hill-Tout's r e l i g i o u s attitudes, Donald A. McGregor saidt H i l l - T o u t had a son who l i v e d i n V i c t o r i a who was a Ch r i s t i a n S c i e n t i s t . I was t a l k i n g to t h i s son one day and he said he had known that his father was not a Chri s t i a n S c i e n t i s t . The son said to me, "I know he wasn't, but he t o l d me once that he wished he could be." But I think he couldn't be because he couldn't believe i n that sort of t h i n g . 1 2 However, Hi l l - T o u t was not an atheist but f e l t that r e l i g i o n and science could be reconciled. This i s made clear i n his book, Man and His Ancestors i n the Light of Organic Evolution ( 1 9 2 5 ) . 1 ^ In i t he quoted Father Wasman, Jesuit p r i e s t and b i o l o g i s t : Because, being a p r i e s t , he cannot be said to favor the Doctrine of Evolution at the cost of Sc r i p t u r a l truth..."We must f i r s t of a l l state c l e a r l y , " says he, (Father Wasman) "that the Bible i s not intended to in s t r u c t us i n modern science; and we s c i e n t i s t s of the twentieth century ought not to seek zoological information i n i t . The Bible i s meant to give i n s t r u c t i o n not on science, but on the way of salvation." We commend t h i s very pertinent statement of the reverend Father to the consideration of our Fundamentalist friends. It seems to us to h i t the n a i l straight on the head. (p. 14) The book concluded with a chapter on phil o s o p i c a l and s p i r i t u a l l i n e s . The following reveals H i l l - T o u t ' s attitudes towards the s p i r i t u a l and mystical» ...The very fact that we experience s p i r i t u a l longings, have s p i r i t u a l aspirations, f e e l s p i r i t u a l needs, seek and f i n d s p i r i t u a l s a t i s f a c t i o n s , proves to us the existence of a s p i r i t u a l world. These cannot be found i n or got out of a physical realm. Religion and r e l i g i o u s experiences — and these also cannot be denied — would be meaningless i f there were no s p i r i t u a l realm to give them sig n i f i c a n c e , and t h e i r very u n i v e r s a l i t y i s proof of t h e i r deep r e a l i t y and of a source from which they must come. Where ever man i s found, no matter what his state of culture, high or low, we f i n d he i s a r e l i g i o u s being, that he has r e l i g i o u s needs and seeks to s a t i s f y them. (p. 154) Emigration to Canada Soon a f t e r his marriage, an event which seemed to coincide with his "abandoning his dogmatic slumbers" and giving up his plans f o r ordination, the H i l l - T o u t family emigrated : from England. According to Alfred Buckleyi Mr. H i l l - T o u t abandoned the idea of a c l e r i c a l l i f e and turned his thoughts to Canada. Dr. Daniel Wilson was then President of Toronto University and, on his advice, Mr. H i l l - T o u t took up educational work i n that c i t y as pro-p r i e t o r of a private school. There his impulse to anthropology was greatly strengthened by Dr. Wilson, but f o r a time teaching and farming absorbed his attention. He bought a farm and soon resigned his scholastic work, but a f t e r about eighteen months of farming, sold out p r o f i t a b l y and, i n 1889, moved west to B r i t i s h Columbia. (p. 1196) Noel Robinson wrote that i n 1884, at the age of twenty-f i v e , H i l l - T o u t emigrated with his wife and baby daughter to Canada. He bought a hundred-acre farm on the shore of Lake 16; Ontario, which he farmed successfully, but sold a f t e r several years. For unknown reasons he resolved to return to England but f i r s t decided to v i s i t the west, where he was "impressed by the infant c i t y of Vancouver" and made up his mind to s e t t l e there. However, he carried out his o r i g i n a l plan of returning to England. By t h i s time he had several children. The family stayed i n England two years and then returned to Vancouver. According to his son, Chariest He married i n England. My eldest s i s t e r (Beatrice Mary) was born i n England. Then he came out here and I was born i n Ontario --and another boy (William Stothert). He had a farm a few miles out of Toronto...He must have been there some years... Then he went back to England again. Like every other Englishman — couldn't stand the damn country; took two breaths and then came back to Canada and never saw England again. Every Englishman has to go back once and that's a l l they want....He never went a second time to B r i t a i n . As to why H i l l - T o u t l e f t England or Ontario, Charles speculated: "I don't know — maybe the f e e l i n g that he wasn't getting anywhere." When Charles Hill-Tout came to Canada he took advan-tage of his being unknown i n new surroundings and changed the sound of his name, though not the s p e l l i n g . In England the family name was pronounced as i f i t rhymed with "will-out." In Canada he changed the pronunciation so that i t rhymed with " w i l l - t o o . " H i l l - T o u t ' s son, Charles said: We c a l l i t " H i l l - t o o . " When they came to Canada he didn't l i k e the sound "Towt" because 17 tout i s a racetrack (term) and so he c a l l e d i t "Hill-Too." Sounds nice, but "Hill-Towt" does not. My uncle and a l l his family — and there's quite a large family, as b i g as ours there — they c a l l i t "Hill-Towt." And one sister-in-law t o l d me, "I hate the sound "Hill-towt," she said, "But I l i k e the way you say i t — ' H i l l - t o o . ' " I t o l d our kids there's only one family with a name l i k e that and no one's been i n j a i l yet and don't you be the f i r s t . The s i m i l a r i t y between the sound of "Tootles" (by which he was c a l l e d i n his student days) and the pronunciation "Hill-Too" suggests he may have i n i t i a t e d the name change much e a r l i e r than his son r e a l i z e d . Vancouver at the Turn of the Century In 1890 the family returned to Vancouver. Hi l l - T o u t was prompted to do t h i s by a friendship formed at Oxford with Father Finnes Clinton, who at the time of his a r r i v a l was lk rector at the pioneer Anglican Church of St. James. Noel Robinson described Vancouver i n the early days ast ... a township — though i t had already been incorporated — i n the bush, magnificently situated but c l i n g i n g to the south shore of Burrard Inlet and with a population of a l i t t l e over. l^jSOOl? a c i t y , moreover, almost e n t i r e l y dependent f o r i t s existence upon the logging industry. (Those were)...the years when the l a d i e s of the community wore picture hats, t i g h t bodices, with mutton chop sleeves and long s k i r t s — quite unknown to t h e i r descendants except i n photographs. 15 18 Thomas Ainsworth, former Curator of Vancouver City Museum r e c a l l e d the c i t y as i t was about 191Ot Vancouver i t s e l f was small...nothing but bush, By bush I mean a second growth as much had been logged i n the early days. The stores were small then, no chains. I t was a t y p i c a l small town...It was known a l l over the world as a seaport. Much lumber was cut here - at Hastings M i l l down on the waterfront. Only the weather was the same} very foggy at times...I never saw i t thicker i n London — and the sound of foghorns! There were places over l i t t l e ravines...where there were bridges with no r a i l i n g , so you had to proceed c a r e f u l l y or else you'd be down below. There were plenty of logsj False Creek was always covered with them. .Vancouver was a great lumber and f i s h i n g town. 1 6 Charles had childhood memories of the family always l i v i n g i n the same b u i l d i n g as the schools where his father taught, both Whetham and Buckland Colleges. Speaking of his early memories of Vancouver, about 1893* he said i Down on Cordova Street and Water Street I remember them paved the long way with wooden planks...and I remember seeing a great b i g truck there, and the wheels went through the planks, r i g h t alongside the car tracks, and they couldn't get i t to move...it was a dray, a horsedrawn truck. H i l l - T o u t as a Teacher According to some accounts, upon a r r i v i n g i n Vancouver Hi l l - T o u t either taught or took charge of St. James School. Other accounts record that he f i r s t taught at Whetham College, a high school f o r boys and about ten years l a t e r founded his own school, on Burrard Street, Buckland College, named af t e r , h i s birthplace. ' Charles said that the family always l i v e d i n the same building as the school. Donald A. McGregor re-ca l l e d that Whetham College had been founded by a young Ontario doctor with a degree from a u n i v e r s i t y i n Washington State. McGregor saidj At the time he (Whetham) came there was a mild boom i n r e a l estate a f t e r the a r r i v a l of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railroad. The C.P.R. came about *86. Vancouver had about two thousand people then — mostly bush, and h i l l s and ravines and creeks and swamps. When they started to clear the townsites the f i r s t b u i l d -ings were not b u i l t on land that was cleared, but were b u i l t on the beach. When they cut down the timber the brush was so thick they had no place to put the s t u f f they cut down. That's why they b u i l t on the beach. Then they started to burn bush a f t e r a time and they set f i r e to the town. That was the big f i r e i n June, '86. Whetham arranged f o r subdivision, surveying of townsites and was s e l l i n g l o t s down i n the business section. He apparently had a l i t t l e money and he bought some town l o t s on Granville and Pender Streets. He started Whetham College i n a b u i l d i n g near the corner of Georgia and Granville Streets, where the Birks Building (Birks Jewelry Store) i s now. There was a buil d i n g there known as the Strathcona Block. The school was i n the block. Hi l l - T o u t sometime i n the early nineties was a teacher there. Whetham became more interested i n speculation and business than the college and quit. H i l l -Tout and some of the other teachers took i t over. Then Whetham died i n a typhoid epidemic i n Vancouver about '91. Hill-Tout was well thought of as a teacher and some insi g h t into his methods may be gained from excerpts from l e t t e r s which were used as recommendations when he was a candi-date f o r the post of Superintendent of Schools i n Vancouver 2.Q about 1899. Mr. W.H. Howland of Toronto, March h, 1892, wrote to H i l l - T o u t i n Vancouver: I believe the college has acted wisely i n securing your services, as while many men may teach, i t i s only a very few who can educate. I have always f e l t indebted to you f o r the r e s u l t of your t r a i n i n g i n the case of my own boy. It was not the volume that he was taught, as the f a c t that you trained him so that he worked things out f o r himself, and the r e s u l t has been most s a t i s -factory. His a f t e r school l i f e has been the best evidence as to the superior character of your grounding. I am convinced that t h i s i s a f a c u l t y that you s p e c i a l l y have. I t i s easy to cram boys but i t i s r e a l l y the work of an educator to get them to work things out and understand them f o r themselves. I t makes a man who can f i n d his own way along i n l i f e . Another l e t t e r s a i d i I do not forget how he coached my boys f o r t h e i r examination i n law. Another s a t i s f i e d parent wrote: The boys showed much more careful preparation than many of those who came to t h i s college and they were at once able to enter upon the work of t h e i r forms to good advantage. In a l e t t e r to the Board of School Trustees May 3» 1899, the Reverend H.J. Underhill wrote: I have had good f a c i l i t i e s f o r observing the r e s u l t s of his work, as two of my nephews have been under his care f o r the past eighteen months, and the progress they have made has been most sa t i s f a c t o r y . The boys have been taught to think fo r themselves, and not crammed with a mass of i n d i g e s t i b l e f a c t s ; and t h i s , I take i t , i s the best kind of education. In spite of the nature of the recommendations (or perhaps because of them) Hi l l - T o u t was unsuccessful i n obtaining the post. The Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association One of the most important events i n the c u l t u r a l l i f e of Vancouver and i n the personal l i f e of Charles H i l l -Tout was the founding of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association i n 1894. According to Noel Robinson i n his history of the organization the idea had come from a l e t t e r sent from London, England, to the Vancouver News Advertiser by Hyde Clarke, D.C.L., a f t e r a v i s i t to the c i t y . 1 ? The l e t t e r begins t Now that the future of B r i t i s h Columbia and i t s great destiny i s recognized on a l l hands i t would be well i f i t s c i t i z e n s remember that they have a history. He urged the preservation of books concerning the history of the c i t y , the province and also of "Indian r e l i c s " and other materials i n a future museum. This l e t t e r was published September 2 2 , 1887. I t was followed by an e d i t o r i a l which c a l l e d attention to the l e t t e r and suggested the p o s s i b i l i t y that: Mr. Clarke and other friends of the Colony i n England would w i l l i n g l y a s s i s t such a movement by securing f o r us any materials obtainable there which would a id the object which the Society would have i n view. Robinson's a r t i c l e noted: Internal evidence i n the old minute books of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Society points to the f a c t that i t was t h i s l e t t e r and e d i t o r i a l that provided the stimulus which l e d to the founding 22 of an Art Association upon a date and at a place i n the c i t y , to which there i s no exact reference. In 1892, at a meeting of the Art Association, i t was moved and seconded that the Association enlarge i t s scope and the name "Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Society" was suggested. Among the members of the committee elected to carry out the motion was Charles H i l l - T o u t . In the meantime other meetings were held f o r various purposes, some of them concerned with the urgent business of securing the ra p i d l y disappearing B r i t i s h Columbia Indian a r t i f a c t s . Two years l a t e r on A p r i l 17, 1894, a public meeting was held and the Vancouver Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association o f f i c i a l l y came into being. The l i s t of the f i r s t members of the Association included the names of Mr. and Mrs. Charles H i l l - T o u t . A count of that membership l i s t according to sex reveals that the Association began i t s l i f e with a membership of s i x t y - f i v e men and one hundred and thir t y - t h r e e women. Among the early addresses delivered before the memb-ers; was one given by H i l l - T o u t on "A Unique S k u l l " which he had excavated i n 1895 from a grave i n an old b u r i a l mound at 20 Hatzic i n the Fraser Valley. Concerning the forming of the Association, Noel Robinson commented1 When i t i s remembered that three-fourths of the population were loggers or employed i n Hastings M i l l or otherwise engaged i n the lumbering industry some idea may be gathered 23 of the enterprise and v i s i o n of the other fourth which sought to give an i n t e l l e c t u a l foundation to that pioneer settlement, a foundation upon which future generations would be able to b u i l d . F i f t y years l a t e r ( 1 9 ^ ) i n the society's Golden Jubilee Year, Charles H i l l - T o u t was one of a handful of survivors. He was then i n his eighty-eighth year and had been President f o r ten successive years of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association. Organizations and Honors Hil l - T o u t was at Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada; Fellow and Local Correspondent of the Royal Anthro-pological I n s t i t u t e (England); Member of the Executive of the School of American Research; Past Vice-President the Canadian Department of the American In s t i t u t e of Archaeology; formerly Organizing Secretary of the Committee appointed by the B r i t i s h Association f o r the Advancement of Science f o r the Ethnological Survey of Canada; E t c . 2 1 He was appointed to a Committee "to organize an Ethnological Survey of Canada" by the B r i t i s h Association f o r 22 the Advancement of Science i n November, 1898. Upon the death of Dr. George Dawson, noted Canadian geologist, he was appointed organizing secretary. He accepted and held t h i s o f f i c e f o r the next twenty-five years. In the 1902 Report on the Ethnological Survey of  Canada, i n the section c a l l e d "Archaelogy," H i l l - T o u t indicated that he was connected with the Dominion Geological 24 Survey and the National Museum at Ottawa through Dr. Dawson. He was also a fellow of the Alaska Geographical Society of Washington. 23 He was a member of the Canadian Authors* Association and was elected president of the Vancouver Branch i n 193k, As mentioned e a r l i e r , H i l l - T o u t was a charter member of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association (now incorporated into the Vancouver Museums Association) and was 2 4 i t s president f o r the l a s t ten years of his l i f e . Another one of the groups which Hi l l - T o u t helped form was the Vagabonds Club, which wast ...Formed i n 1915 by a colourful group of c l a s s i c a l l y educated expatriate Englishmen to promote good fellowship and c u l t i v a t e i n t e l l e c t u a l vagabondage... It gave us, writers, a r t i s t s , musicians, an outlet f o r whatever small talents we possessed i n a c i t y i n which the buying and s e l l i n g of re a l estate was the main preoccupation of the inhabitants. I t kept a l i v e a spark of l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c culture the c i t y needed so badly. z^ The Vagabonds Club l a s t e d only ten years and did not accomplish much i n i t s own r i g h t , but i t s members inspired many of the organizations which are s t i l l active, such as the Vancouver L i t t l e Theatre. Veteran newsman Donald A. McGregor r e c a l l e d H i l l -Tout's r e s t r a i n t i n regard to J. Francis B u r s i l l , founder of the club i The founder of the Vagabonds was J. Francis Bursill} probably the oldest member. He was 25 an old newspaper man, f u l l of s t o r i e s , eccentric, regarded as being born at the time of Methusaleh. The people i n the club were always teasing him because he seemed to know a l l history. But I never knew Hi l l - T o u t to take part i n the teasing, though nearly everybody else had a whack at B u r s i l l . But Hill-Tout l e t the old man alone. He wasn't of a teasing character. He also remembered having heard H i l l - T o u t speak at the Club on the subject of Continental Driftt I heard him talk at the Vagabonds Club. There was a theory at the time the various continents were f l o a t i n g on something, not stationary, but moving apart or together. If you look at a map of the A t l a n t i c you see that the two sides are roughly shaped as i f they had been together. H i l l - T o u t took up t h i s idea and used to talk about i t quite a l o t . He thought i t seemed reasonable. 2° Hil l - T o u t was honored numerous times by being appoint-ed or elected an o f f i c e r of almost every organization to which he belonged. He was also sought a f t e r as a l e c t u r e r and writer. In addition he was honored by France i n 1939* On that occasion the following a r t i c l e appeared* Recognize Work of S c i e n t i s t Professor H i l l - T o u t was presented with a diploma from the H i s t o r i c a l and Heraldic Council of France i n appreciation of his work at the annual meeting of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association. Professor J.A. Irving announced the presen-t a t i o n . "I remember," he said, "answering examination questions based on Dr. H i l l -Tout's work when a student i n the University of Toronto. I figured then i f he was s u f f i c i e n t l y important to get on 'exam papers' he must be pretty good." 2? 2.6 In 1 9 ^ , H i l l - T o u t was honored with the presenta-t i o n of an illuminated address by the mayor. The event was the highlight of Vancouver's City Museum Golden Jubilee Week. The address was described as "a fine piece of art work done by T.P.O. Menzies, Secretary-Curator of the Museum and was adorned with a border of Indian Symbols i n color." 2** Financial Problems Hil l - T o u t was never a r i c h man and money worries seemed to have beset him most or a l l of his l i f e . He had eight children to provide f o r . After Beatrice Mary was born i n England, Charles Buckland and William Stothert were born i n Ontario, followed by the b i r t h of f i v e other children i n Vancouver: Harold, Edith L i l l i a n , Mildred, P h y l l i s and James; 2Q a l l of whom l i v e d at l e a s t to young adulthood. 7 His eldest son, Charles said, "He never had any money. He'd barely get by —• a l l the time." Mrs. Ruth Corbett, who had known him l a t e r i n l i f e , since 192^, described him as "a man who had no money at a l l . " However, Donald A. McGregor, who had known him s o c i a l l y since 1915 said? He had property i n the Fraser Valley, at Abbotsford — he had a saw m i l l there. He t o l d me that one time he had made as much as f o r t y thousand d o l l a r s per year out of the m i l l . Commenting on t h i s , his son said; No, he didn't have any money at a l l . He wasn't able to leave us anything. My father 27 could make any statement, any time, anywhere, three times and believe i t himself. Accuracy was not a gem as f a r as he was concerned. He was human, yes. He was better than the average. He gave work to a l o t of people. He ran his mill...and t i e camp. He didn't make any money because you don't run a saw-m i l l , a sawmill runs you. Charles explained about Hill-T o u t ' s sawmill a c t i v i t i e s i He had a bush ranch near Abbotsford. I t was a l l bush. When I say "bush" I mean big trees, three, four and f i v e foot through. Majority of them were three foot through. He went out there i n 1892 and 1893 f o r the summer holidays. He l i v e d there from 1900 — he and Mother l i v e d there. We had a large house on top of a h i l l . H i l l - T o u t bought some rough bush a few miles from Abbotsford and b u i l t a l o g home. Later he bought a nearby farm and started operating a sawmill. As he explained l a t e r , he knew nothing about t i e - c u t t i n g , but t h i s did not stop him from contracting with the C.P.R. to supply them with f i f t y thousand hewn t i e s f o r the Nicola railway brancht In my ignorance, I hired lumberjacks instead of t i e - c u t t e r s to do the work...with the re s u l t that the inspector c u l l e d f i f t y percent of the t i e s , whereupon the lumberjacks l a i d down t h e i r axes and demanded f u l l payment of t h e i r cheques f o r f i f t y thousand t i e s , h a l f of which they had not cut correctly.30 However, the enterprise eventually went through, though not without a struggle. His son sa i d i We had the t i e camp. Would you know what a t i e camp was s i x t y or seventy years ago? The camp was b u i l t up of tents, big tents — cook tents and sleeping tents. One of the men had a heavy undershirt and he put i t on 28 and my father made some remark about, "Oh, i t ' l l stay on u n t i l i t f a l l s o f f . " He was serious. The only time they'd get a bath would be when they'd get to town maybe once a year and maybe buy some new clothes and put them on then. Later on the law got around so they had to have a shower f o r the men. Two or three years l a t e r when a l l the trees suitable f o r hand-hewn t i e s were used on the various l o t s that he had acquired, he put a sawmill i n on the lake and brought i n some trees that were too big f o r hand hewing and sawed them into t i e s . He ran the sawmill f o r several years. His eldest son was about fourteen years old when H i l l - T o u t decided on an additional venture. Charles s a i d i Then he put a shingle m i l l i n much against my wish and w i l l , because he said, "Charles, what I'm going to do i s give you a s t a r t i n l i f e ; What I'm going to do i s give you a partner and you can have a shingling m i l l and do well." I said "I don't want the shingling m i l l t " He said, "Why not?" I said, "I've b£en to Vancouver, to the biggest m i l l , Hastings Saw and Shingling M i l l , and was t a l k i n g to the chief sawyer there and he said, 'Whatever you do, don't go into shingling t h i s yeari they're bringing l e s s than they cost. The bottom of the market w i l l drop r i g h t out.'" I said, "I don't want i t ! " He had the m i l l , of course, and the m i l l went broke — nat u r a l l y . We had the sawmill and he added the shingling m i l l and l o s t everything, and of course, he said i t was bad management on my part. It was the wrong year. During World War I, his sons, who had been helping him, went overseas and he ran the farm short-handed u n t i l the end of the war. Then he sold some of his land and divided the rest between tw6 of his sons.' He r e t i r e d to Vancouver, bought 29 the Fontenac Apartments and l i v e d there u n t i l he died.31 His son, Charles, saidt He owned the Fontenac Apartments but i t was l i k e t h i s — I don't suppose there's one building i n ten, and c e r t a i n l y not one i n f i v e i n t h i s town that are owned by the people who own them. They're owned by the mortgage people. He had traded some vacant land up at Abbotsford. He had bought a l o t of land there to get the timber o f f — at a very low price — and took the timber o f f and then as taxes started to r i s e he got r i d of some of i t by trading one or two of these sections on t h i s property and taking over a huge debt, which i s s t i l l there. The debt was never wiped out i n his l i f e t i m e and I don't know what happened to i t afterwards. He had about twenty d i f f e r e n t apartments there — the Fontenac's a b i g place — three st o r i e s and s i x or eight apartments per f l o o r . I don't know how many. This was during the depression and he l e t some of the people l i v e i n them without paying. He had no money. One man was going to sue him about something and he said, "Go ahead, you can't get blood from a stone. I haven't got any money — along with a few other hundred thousands." K i t s i l a n o Beach Hil l - T o u t took part i n the naming of K i t s i l a n o Beach and described the s i t u a t i o n i n the following l e t t e r which was sent to the Vancouver City A r c h i v i s t , Major Matthews, f o r the purpose of becoming o f f i c i a l record i n the Vancouver City Archives:^ 2 Vancouver, B.C. May 8, 1931 My Dear Major Matthewsi Replying to your l e t t e r of May 4th i n which you request me to put i n w r i t i n g f o r purposes of record the manner i n which that part of the c i t y we know as KITSILANO got i t s name, and also the significance of the word i n the Indian tongue from whence i t was drawn. To the best of my knowledge i t came about i n the following manner. The name by which the K i t s i l a n o d i s t r i c t was f i r s t known was "GREER'S BEACH," so c a l l e d because a squatter by the name of Greer had erected a dwelling there near the beach. The land at that time was i n :control of the C.P.R., and when they opened i t up f o r s e t t l e -ment they desired to give the d i s t r i c t a more suitable name than Greer's Beach, and, knowing that Mr. Jonathan M i l l e r , who was postmaster of Vancouver, was on f r i e n d l y terms with the Indians, they requested him to f i n d an appropriate Indian name for the settlement. Mr. M i l l e r referred the request to me knowing that I had given considerable time and study to the customs, habits, and place namesof the l o c a l t r i b e . - After some l i t t l e consideration I chose the hereditary name of one of the chiefs of the Squamish people, namely "KAHT-SA-LAN-OGH", or modified i t a f t e r the manner i n which "KAPILANOGH" had been modified by dropping the f i n a l g u t t e r a l . We thus got the word "KAHT-SI-LANO»." This Mr. M i l l e r , or the C.P.R, further modified by changing the long "a" i n the f i r s t s y l l a b l e into an " i " , and thus we have "KITSILANO". You may be interested to know that the Indian pronunciation of KAPILANO was "KHA-AP-PO-LAN-OGH" This also was an hereditary name of the chief who l i v e d near the mouth of the r i v e r which we know by t h i s name. Both names had the same ending — "LANOGH". This s u f f i x s i g n i f i e s man. We f i n d i t also i n another of t h e i r names "KALANOGH", meaning " f i r s t man". I could not 32 l e a r n what significance of the f i r s t part of the other two hereditary names was. The Indians did not appear to know i t them-selves. The terms are very ancient. I hope the account I have given i s what you require. Yours sincerely, (signed) Chas. Hi l l - T o u t Personality and Relationships In a 1934 newspaper a r t i c l e whose authorship was indicated only by the i n i t i a l s "N.R." (presumably Noel Robinson) H i l l - T o u t was characterized asi A fluent and informed public speaker, a most entertaining companion, a very medium bridge player, and — with some few exceptions — a more medium poet. The same a r t i c l e also stated1 Occasionally, i n his e a r l i e r years i n B.C. Charles H i l l - T o u t descended from the Olympian Heights, implied by his a c t i v i t i e s i n seeking to unravel the mysteries of the evolution of man, into the maelstrom of p o l i t i c s , and has taken the platform i n both p o l i t i c a l and municipal a f f a i r s , once running unsuccessfully f o r the reeveship of Matsqui. But he has long since l e f t the hurly-burly of those arenas, which, he suggests, usually r e s u l t i n "more kicks than ha'pence."33 Donald A. McGregor recalled» Hi l l - T o u t was very pleasant to t a l k to and generally regarded as an i n t e l l e c t u a l . There are thousands of people around here now who regard themselves as i n t e l l e c t u a l s , but there weren't so many i n those days. H i l l - T o u t was regarded as a cut above the average and he prided himself on being that, i n maintaining 32 that position. Hill-Tout became involved i n arguments — i t was fun. There was no entertainment in those days except what you made yourself. Mrs. Ruth Corbett, former Assistant Curator of the Vancouver Museum, said that she had attended many of Hill-Tout's lectures and recalled« He had the English language at the t i p of his fingers, (sic) When you came away from one of his lectures you knew something. He used simple words. He didn't use these long words people didn't understand, he used the ordinary simple English language. He had a wonderful g i f t of knowing the English language. He was very gentle and charming. He liked to talk and argue. He would talk or discuss with anyone. He was a good conversationalist. His son, Charles saidi His health was poor. He was very irascible. And so, most of the time i t was l i k e l y we'd get our scalp taken off. Mrs. Corbett also recalledi He was a great ladies' man. The ladies adored him! He was a great ladies' man when he was married too. They a l l loved Hill-Tout. It i s d i f f i c u l t to think of the Hill-Tout family in today's termsj his son's recollections suggest the Victorian patricentric family with submissive wife and obedient children. He reminiscedi He could turn on the charm — no man more charming than he — but his family didn't see i t very often. Mother had a very d i f f i c u l t time. Mother was very subdued and he was very autocratic. Mother was wonderful! He didn't put the 33 charm on at home much. You couldn't f i n d a man more charming*more delight-f u l anywhere — when he wanted to be. When he didn't, he was just the opposite. Their s o c i a l l i f e was average. Mother had i n friends once i n a while. I don't know too much because I was a c h i l d . The young people i n those days were kept out of sight. Some people f e l t that Hill-Tout did not pay enough attention to the education and upbringing of his children. The g i r l s of the family were considered very bright, e s p e c i a l l y P h y l l i s , who died young, but t h e i r schooling was not mentioned at a l l . At that time, as long as a g i r l appeared well bred, higher education was not considered necessary. Opportunities f o r the education of boys were very l i m i t e d i n Vancouver i n the early part of the century. H i l l - T o u t gave his son, Charles, a good basic education and t r i e d to set him up i n business. The other "three boys did go to college, though James, the young-est, put himself through college and l a t e r became a well-known educator i n the Vancouver area. Charles r e c a l l e d the educa-t i o n he and the next two brothers received. I only went to his school (Buckland College) but the brother next to me, he went down to O.A.C. (Ontario A g r i c u l t u r a l College) at Guelph. And Harold...he went there f o r a year, but Harold was not able to apparently absorb book learning much and so he was only there f o r the one term, but B i l l y was there I think two, at l e a s t two. I didn't go there, I didn't go anywhere. He had his own school and I was there i n the school room. 3 4 Though never a champion of "causes," Hi l l - T o u t believed i n the equality of the races and spoke out i n favor of r a c i a l intermarriage as shown i n the following* INTERMIXING OF WHITES AND ORIENTALS IN B.C. ADVOCATED BY HILL-TOUT (Special to Province) Toronto, May 22. -Intermixing and marriage between the Japanese and Chinese and white races i n B r i t i s h Columbia would not only s e t t l e the so-called r a c i a l problem, i n the opinon ( s i c ) of Dr. Chas. Hi l l - T o u t , noted anthropologist of Vancouver, now attending the Royal Society of Canada meetings at the University of Toronto, but the resultant race would probably be superior to both the present white and yellow races. In ten generations, i f r a c i a l and c u l t u r a l prejudice could be broken down and cross-breeding continued, the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the new race would be fixed, Dr. H i l l -Tout stated. " I t i s the same with organisms i n animal or plant l i f e , " he explained. Only by intermarriage to the f u l l e s t degree could Dr. H i l l - T o u t see any soluti o n to the p o s s i b i l i t y of an ultimate race war, with the colored peoples against the whites. "I think such a c o n f l i c t i s a p o s s i b i l i t y , " he said, " i f we don't check up on our a i r of super i o r i t y i n dealing with the A s i a t i c peoples and give India self-government. That seems the only way to me of preventing India from a l i g n i n g i t s e l f with some enemy of Europe. " A l l t h i s f o o l i s h prejudice of race — just as strong on the part of the Japanese-should be broken down," he continued. Denying emphatically the common b e l i e f that a mixture of the races 35 usually retains the vices of both and the virt u e s of neither, Dr. Hill-Tout said that was simply because, "with our c u l t u r a l prejudice, the resultant product i s forced back into the lower of the two races c u l t u r a l l y . " I t was that way with the half-breeds of Western Canada, he said, who on account of the race pride of the whites were forced back to l i v e with the Indians.34 Hil l - T o u t was often admired f o r the content and s t y l e of his writing, but his penmanship was so poor that before those v i r t u e s could be displayed to the public his son attested that* When I was young my father's w r i t i n g was very t e r r i b l e and we had to transcribe i t so that the publishers could read i t . Sometimes even he couldn't t e l l you what a word was without reading the whole sentence. We didn't have to help write any of i t j he had i t a l l written out. We spent a winter evening many and many a time — write so many passages every night. It was a chore. I say "we" but I don't remember i f anybody else did i t . I sat at the dining room table an hour or two at night time. Mrs. Corbett r e c a l l e d that H i l l - T o u t had an English accent, and others thought perhaps i t was an Oxford accent, however, Charles s a i d i He did not have a decided accent of any kind at a l l . There were two words, "dance," and another word l i k e i t — I have the "ah" and he had the (hard) "a" (as pronounced i n U.S.A.) but otherwise, his d i c t i o n was good. Hill-Tout's appearance i s usually described as t a l l * slim and distinguished looking, and his manner as d i g n i f i e d and scholarly. He had a beard, a f u l l head of hair and i n his l a t e r years wore glasses f o r reading. He i s often characterized as having had a l o t of energy. Mr. Donald A. McGregor described himi He was not nervous, though not slow and deliberate. He was v i t a l and i n t e r e s t i n g . Mrs. Ruth Corbett recalledt He was a r e s t l e s s soul, had to be on the move and on the go a l l the time. He worked by himself. He was a man who couldn't work with anybody. He was too independent. Hill-Tout had f a r more energy and enthusiasm than the average person. His son, Charles s a i d i He was i n i l l health a l o t of the time. He wasn't bad a l l the time. But sometimes he was bad. Stomach trouble comes and goes. He didn't get up early i n the l a t t e r years. He was very i r a s c i b l e . He wasn't i n good health. He was never strong. He was not robust. No, he'd not much strength. When I remember him, day a f t e r day f o r breakfast he'd have a piece of bread put i n a soup plate and pour b o i l i n g water on i t . Pour the water o f f and pour a l i t t l e milk on and that was his break-f a s t . His stomach was bad. I expect i t was ulcer s . He was not strong at a l l . He couldn't work much. He'd work f o r an hour or two on the ranch and he'd be absolutely a l l i n . He'd spend some of the time i n bed. He had no strength. He died of old age at eighty-seven. Noel Robinson characterised him asi A man i n his e a r l i e r years of very d i f f e r e n t views along p o l i t i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l l i n e s , he could express himself very vigorously upon the public platform and occasionally he entered i n public controversy, but i n his l a t e r years, he became increasingly mellow and would admit, with a tolerant smile, that there > were usually two sides to most questions.35 L a t t e r Years During World War I three of Hill-Tout's sons went overseas with the Canadian forces. H i l l - T o u t himself, though over s i x t y years of age, volunteered and somehow managed to get into uniform. He got as f a r as Montreal when his age was discovered and he was not allowed to go farther. He then returned to B r i t i s h Columbia and ran his farm during the war.3^ As mentioned e a r l i e r , a f t e r the war he sold his property i n Abbotsford, bought a heavily mortgaged apartment house i n Vancouver and r e t i r e d . Mrs. H i l l - T o u t died i n 1931» survived by her husband, seven children and twenty-grandchildren. Her obituary noted that she was hospitable, kindly and an a r t i s t i c accompanist on the piano.3? Ten years l a t e r H i l l - T o u t married again. Under a heading, "Romance that Began at Picnic i n Park," an account of his wedding to Meada Alyce Wilcox was published.^® Accord-ing to his son Charles, Miss Wilcox had been his father's housekeeper. Concerning how H i l l - T o u t met her, Charles s a i d i Here's the way to look at i t ; he belonged to the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association and other i n t e l l e c t u a l groups l i k e that and so n a t u r a l l y you meet a l l kinds. I don't know i f she belonged too. 38 Well, my brother t o l d him one time, he said, "Why don't you marry again, instead of l i v i n g alone there." ...Why didn't he get married and l i v e a normal l i f e . With Mother gone there was no two ways about that...My brother Harold, said, "Why don't you marry her and then — save a l l the bother of things." She was a nice looking woman, medium s i z e . I only saw her two or three times. You see I had a family of young people and I never made much money...We never went to Vancouver to see them — only r a r e l y went there because i t meant staying overnight — more expense. According to Noel Robinson, i n his l a t t e r years Hi l l - T o u t enjoyed l i f e to the f u l l "and when well past three score and ten was seen at s o c i a l and l i t e r a r y gatherings and often on the dance f l o o r . " When he was eighty-four his picture appeared i n the paper over the heading! "Professor Gives His Unrehearsed Idea of Rumba — or Something. Happier Old Age Folks Swing on Down." The a r t i c l e t o l d of a "gray haired anthropologist who danced a j i g i n front of 650 people and diagnosed his action simply as itchy f e e t . " H i l l - T o u t , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , was president of the Happier Old Age Club.39 Hill-Tout's active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n numerous organizations was i n apparent c o n f l i c t with his son's statement that his father had never been i n good health and was not strong. Concerning t h i s Charles said i That's not any workj that's just occupying the day. He hadn't written anything since I was married and that's f i f t y - f i v e years •39 ago. He wrote when we were children. Once when Hil l - T o u t was very i l l a f t e r a major operation a newspaper writer came to v i s i t him i n the h o s p i t a l . He t o l d H i l l - T o u t that he had just written his obituary t The patient almost immediately proceeded to get better. The v i s i t o r knew his man, and the stimulant, applied at just the r i g h t juncture i n the case of Professor Charles H i l l - T o u t proved remarkably e f f e c t i v e . 40 Hill - T o u t died i n 1944, survived by his second wife, seven children by his f i r s t marriage, twenty-two grandchildren and three great grandchildren. Hundreds gathered to pay tr i b u t e to him at his funeral services. A long and appreciative obituary appeared i n Man, leading anthropological journal of 41 Great B r i t a i n and Ireland. > N-CHAPTER III LIFE OF JAMES A. TEIT Growing Up i n the Shetlands James Alexander Tait (which he l a t e r changed to Teit) was bom i n the Shetland Islands on the chief isl a n d of Mainland i n the county town of Lerwick. The Shetland Islands are a bleak and barren group of rocky outcroppings r i s i n g from the North Sea, and l i e seventy-five miles north-east of the extreme northerly t i p of Scotland. They are also almost d i r e c t l y opposite Bergen i n Norway. Teit's daughter, Mrs. Inga T e i t Perkins described her v i s i t there: I went back there a few years ago. Lerwick — i t was a beautiful town. It i s very old looking and the streets are very, very narrow, crooked and have a l o t of l i t t l e lanes that are steep — r o l l i n g grass lands a l l around, but there are no trees. The wind i s quite strong. I was there i n the end of June. They don't have very good weather there a l l year — maybe a couple of months i n the summer. I was lucky; I was there only three days and I had l o v e l y weather. Lerwick i s a small town; mostly stone homes. Stone i s easy to get; they don't have wood there. Stone would stand against the winds and they have l o t s of stone there — so why not use i t ? They don't do a l o t of farming i n Shetland; they mostly have sheep. Lerwick i s a f i s h i n g port with a good natural harbour and the chief catch i s herring, which i s smoked or cured i n the town. When James was a boy the diminutive Shet-land ponies were bred i n the islands f o r work i n the B r i t i s h coal mines. A special dwarf breed of sheep were also raised 41i f o r t h e i r fine wool* James's father owned a general store i n Lerwick and concerning i t his daughter recalleds I have seen i t , you know. It was a f a i r l y big store i n the l i t t l e town there, and on his store i t was " T a i t . " I think i t was c a l l e d a "licensed grocers" because he was allowed to s e l l l i q u o r . James's mother was a Murray, of Highland Scots descent, born i n Aberdeen. She had come to Lerwick to take a p o s i t i o n caring f o r some orphaned children. There she met John Tai t and married him. In due time James arrived, the f i r s t of twelve children. His daughter Inga said, about her father's familyi He had three s i s t e r s and four brothers that l i v e d (to adulthood). I think there were twelve i n the family altogether but only eight l i v e d beyond infancy — pretty good fo r those days. The family was considered well o f f — not r e a l l y well o f f — but they were not c r o f t e r s ; they were business people. The family's r e l a t i v e affluence may have accounted fo r the goodly number of children who survived infancy and also f o r the f a c t that young James attended school u n t i l 1880, when he was sixteen years old, at a time when twelve or t h i r t e e n was the usual age f o r ending one's formal education. His eldest son, E r i k , said that his father had no t r a i n i n g f o r any p a r t i c u l a r occupation. With school behind him James worked i n the family store and also f o r about a year as a bank clerk. Another son, Sigurd, believed his father also went out with fishermen i n 42 the North Sea, which was a d i f f i c u l t and dangerous occupa-t i o n . 3 However, at t h i s period l i f e f o r the young man seems to have included more than work alone. His daughter said* He went out on boats. They used to s a i l on weekends to Norway — the young people. He could speak Norwegian. He did not have r e l a t i v e s he went to see, but friends. I t i s n ' t so f a r but there are t e r r i b l e seas across the North Sea. I know he made some t r i p s . Some of the photographs we have of him and his brothers were taken i n Oslo — i t ' s written r i g h t under them. They would go over there and have t h e i r photographs taken. James developed an intense i n t e r e s t i n the old myths of Shetland and began an almost mystical search f o r his own Norse roots. The Shetland Islands were a possession of Norway u n t i l the f i f t e e n t h century, and the islanders have preserved many Scandinavian customs. An I n v i t a t i o n to B r i t i s h Columbia When James was about eighteen or nineteen years old a l e t t e r came from John Murray, his mother's brother. Murray had o r i g i n a l l y come to B r i t i s h Columbia about 1858 during the Cariboo Gold Rush. According to E r i k , T e i t ' s eldest son, Murray had l a t e r s e t t l e d i n Spences Bridge, B r i t i s h Columbia, where he had a general store and was a f r u i t farmer. He also grew the f i r s t apple at Spences Bridge, which l a t e r became popularly known as the "Smith Apple," as the property was sold %3; to a rancher of that name. Murray was a bachelor and i n his l e t t e r he promised that i f one of the boys would come to Spences Bridge he would make him his h e i r . However, Inga stated that at his deathi John Murray didn't have anything l e f t to give because he gave everything away. This sounds t y p i c a l . This i s the kind of thing my father was always doing. He (Murray) was going to make Tei t his heir and by the time he became his h e i r there was nothing l e f t to i n h e r i t . He was very generous. John Murray was a very good Scotch Presbyterian — an i n t e r e s t i n g character. His daughter also said that i n the Shetland Islands James, as the f i r s t born son would have inherited a l l of the family property. However, of the f i v e brothers i t was he who decided to go to f a r - o f f B r i t i s h Columbia. Inga said of the s i t u a t i o n : He gave up everything. In Scotland they have very peculiar inheritance laws. You have to be the oldest son of an oldest son of an oldest son. And my father had to turn everything over to the next oldest brother, John, who would i n h e r i t everything instead of him. After l e g a l l y signing over his b i r t h r i g h t to the next eldest brother, James embarked on a ship i n the winter of I883 and made the perilous t r i p around the Horn. It i s l i k e l y that he worked f o r his passage. He arrived i n Spences Bridge i n March, 1884. According to some accounts he s e t t l e d permanently i n Spences Bridge immediately on a r r i v a l , and according to others, he worked f o r a few years i n various places around 44 B r i t i s h Columbia, including a coal mine i n Nanaimo, a town where several people of Shetland o r i g i n have s e t t l e d . According to his son, E r i k , none of James's brothers or s i s t e r s ever came to Spences Bridge. T a i t a T e i t James altered the s p e l l i n g of the family name when he came to Canada but kept the o r i g i n a l pronunciation. Concerning the change Inga explained! His father used the name Ta i t but i t seems the family before that had used Te i t at one time. I think they always considered that they were Nordic i n t h e i r ancestry and that i t was a name that had come from Norway l i k e a l o t of Scottish names have. They're very proud of t h e i r Nordic: ancestry — the Shetlanders. An awful l o t of Scandinavian names among the place names; streets as well as people's names. James was Ta i t u n t i l he came to Canada and he knew i t (Teit) was the o r i g i n a l family name. He thought, "Now I'm i n Canada I ' l l go back to the o r i g i n a l family name." But i n Scotland they a l l s p e l l i t T a i t . He changed i t back — he was a l i t t l e eccentric about things l i k e that. I think he thought, "Well, that's our o r i g i n a l name and why shouldn't I take i t now I'm i n Canada?" He was always studying up about things l i k e that; he was always very interested i n anyone's family name. He was always looking f o r roots to d i f f e r e n t words and d i f f e r e n t names. Teit' s son, Sigurd, r e c a l l e d with amusement his father's poring over family genealogies, determined to f i n d at l e a s t some Norwegian ancestry on his mother's side. He said that T e i t wanted to be known as Scandinavian. However, Sigurd's own mother had t o l d him that Teit had retained a Shetland accent, quite Scottish i n character and a l l written accounts r e f e r to him as either a Shetlander or a Scot. Years l a t e r T e i t gave a l l of his f i v e children Scandinavian names — E r i k , Inga, Magnus, Sigurd and Thorald.^ F i r s t Marriage The f i r s t o f f i c i a l information concerning James A. Te i t i n B r i t i s h Columbia appeared i n the Yale Register of Marriages, recording his wedding to Lucy Artko or A t e l l o on September 12, 1892.5 Of the f i r s t Mrs. Teit l i t t l e i s known except that she was a Thompson Indian. Sigurd Teit said that he had heard his mother, the second Mrs. T e i t , say of his father that "he'd sooner have i t forgotten." She t o l d Sigurd that i t was the only thing that Teit had ever done that he had regretted because he f e l t that Indians "should marry themselves." However, Sigurd f e l t that i t was u n l i k e l y that t h i s was a c t u a l l y T e i t ' s own attitude but probably r e f l e c t e d his mother's f e e l i n g s . Sigurd mentioned an a r t i c l e which said i n e f f e c t i "Hardly out of his teens, Teit married an Indian..." He pointed out that by 1892 his father had been a grown man of twenty-eight and he said, "They were t r y i n g to play i t down and make i t seem as i f he didn't know what he was doing." In March 1899, Lucy T e i t died of pneumonia or tuberculosis. The couple had no children. Sigurd said that near a road leading into Spences Bridge i s a graveyard. There 46 Lucy's grave i s marked by a marble stone with a sentence i n the Thompson Indian language. Anthropology In I894 Franz Boas met T e i t during a b r i e f stay i n Spences Bridge. The meeting seemed to mark a sudden turning point i n Teit's l i f e . However, as the well-known columnist of the time "Lucian," pointed outi ...While yet a youth and almost a stranger to t h i s country, he became interested i n the Indians. He hunted and fished with them, shared t h e i r adventures, t h e i r hard-ships, t h e i r entertainments, smoked and drank with them. He became acquainted with t h e i r habits of thought, t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s , t h e i r superstitions, t h e i r f o l k l o r e , t h e i r craftsmanship. Quite unconsciously he was preparing f o r the work of his l a t e r years and f o r the splendid assistance he was able to give to research workers from the u n i v e r s i t i e s and learned s o c i e t i e s . 0 Boas was a great teacher and i n Te i t he found an apt p u p i l . Admittedly T e i t had the potential but i t was l a r g e l y Boas who developed Teit the anthropologist. Guide Trips T e i t earned part of his l i v i n g from the store i n Spences Bridge and also from the growing and shipping of apples. But most of his income came from his work as a guide which he often combined with his f i e l d work. He began a correspondence with Charles Newcombe i n 1900 and many of his l e t t e r s reveal the dates and routes taken on many of these 47 t r i p s , the animals hunted by the parties he l e d , as well as the nature of the f i e l d work he often attempted to do at the same time. In a l e t t e r written i n August, 1903, Teit t o l d Newcombe: I am leaving here on the ?th f o r the Stikine River to hunt moose Northeast of Telegraph Greek and w i l l not be back u n t i l November. In another l e t t e r dated A p r i l 5» 1905, Teit said he was "going to Nicola the day a f t e r tomorrow and w i l l not be back f o r eight days." On August 5» of the same year, he wrote: I am leaving here on the 1 2 t h i n s t . f o r Vancouver and w i l l proceed north to Cassiar on a hunting t r i p . I expect to be back sometime i n October. On November 15, 1907, he wrote: I received your l e t t e r of 6 t h i n s t . and had I not been away deer hunting would have answered i t sooner. In his monograph, "The Shuswap," published i n 1909, T e i t gave many d e t a i l s of his journeys made by pack-train, mentioning the routes he took as well as dates. He owned a number of pack horses f o r t h i s purpose. His a r t i c l e , "Notes on the Tahltan Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," published i n 1906, mentioned that he obtained the information at i n t e r -vals when hunting moose during the f a l l of 1903 and big-horn sheep i n the f a l l of 1905. Sigurd Teit said that his father earned good wages as a guide. Sigurd thought that his father had begun doing 48 t h i s work as early as 1890. However, i n the Shuswap a r t i c l e Teit said that he was acquainted with the region of the western and northern bands of the Fraser River as he had made several hunting and exploring t r i p s through i t i n I887, 1888 and 1892. Sigurd said that everyone at Spences Bridge including the Indians traded at Uncle John Murray's store. Teit hunted and fished with the Indians, learned from them the l o c a t i o n of the best hunting grounds and t h i s l e d to his becoming a guide to the hunting parties which came to B r i t i s h Columbia from a l l over the world. In the e a r l i e r years he guided mainly around the Thompson area but l a t e r he took hunting parties farther a f i e l d . His d a u g h t e r I r i g a said that on her b i r t h cert-i f i c a t e his occupation "was given as guide." She r e c a l l e d that the parties he l e d did not go to Spences Bridge but that he met them i n Vancouver and then took them up to Telegraph Creek, the Cassiar or to Wrangell, Alaska. She said that her father was well known as a guide because "one person would t e l l another." Franz Rosenberg, a Norwegian b i g game hunter from K r i s t i a n i a wrote about Teit i n a book c a l l e d Big Game  Shooting i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Norway,8 In t h i s book each page has i t s own heading and Page 15 i s c a l l e d "Jimmy T e i t . " Rosenberg t o l d of t r a v e l l i n g on the steamer "Princess Royal," i n 1910 i n mid-August. There were four parties of hunters bound fo r Telegraph Creek. Rosenberg wrote 1 49 Among the hunters was a Shetlander, a most i n t e r e s t i n g personality, by name Jimmy T e i t . He had come out to Canada as a youngster, had quickly become intensely interested i n the Indians, and had t r a v e l l e d a great deal amongst them. Being well educated, and of a s c i e n t i f i c turn of mind, he soon became a recognized authority on Indian Tribes of B r i t i s h Columbia, and was often employed by the Government i n i t s dealing with the t r i b e s , besides being i n great demand as a guide to various s c i e n t i s t s who were studying the Indians, t h e i r history, languages, etc. Thus Te i t accompanied the well-known ethnologist, Professor Franz Boas, on several expeditions i n B r i t i s h Columbia. T e i t and I became great friends during the t r i p , a friendship which resulted i n steady correspondence a f t e r my return to Norway, and continued u n t i l he died a couple of years ago, only just over f i f t y years of age. (p. 15) Rosenberg mentioned Homer Sargent, a Pasadena, C a l i f o r n i a m i l l i o n a i r e who financed some of the f i e l d work necessary f o r Teit's Indian studies, and commented* T e i t had several times been to Telegraph Creek to study the Tahltan Indians of the Upper Stikine, and on t h i s t r i p he was to guide an American sportsman, Mr. Sargent, on a shooting expedition. Mr. Sargent also being of our party on board, (p. 16) It was Mr. Sargent's t h i r d t r i p to the Cassiar, and Te i t had accompanied him on both of his two former t r i p s , (p. 33) The "Princess Royal" missed connections and the part i e s on board werei ...obliged to remain i n Wrangell f o r some days. I spent the time going about the town i n company with T e i t . (p. 20) One day Te i t and I c a l l e d on Shake, the chief of the Wrangell Indians.•.Teit was an old acquaintance 50 of Shake's, and they conversed f r e e l y i n the Chinook language, the Esperanto of the North American Indians, which i s understood by nearly a l l the t r i b e s , (p. 21) During the time they stayed i n Wrangell T e i t compiled a l i s t of supplies which Rosenberg and his party would need f o r t h e i r coming t r i p . Rosenberg commented« The l i s t of provisions made up f o r me by Teit...proved to be considerably more complicated and extravagant than what I had been accustomed to, but Tei t t o l d me that these Indians had to be fed well on such a t r i p , which to them i s a holiday, i f they were to work well and w i l l i n g l y . And we found l a t e r on that with t h e i r quite superhuman appetites they made short work of a l l such luxuries as butter, sugar, syrup, dried f r u i t s , etc., long before we were half way through with the t r i p . During the stopover i n Wrangell Rosenberg reported an unsuccessful attempt to sleep i n his hotel room one night* I was roused by a t e r r i f i c din downstairs i n the hotel bar, and I thought I might as well dress again and go down to see the fun. There was a fellow s i t t i n g i n the bar playing a j i g on a f i d d l e while i n the middle of the f l o o r Jimmy Teit was executing a pas seul, and the rest of the company were clapping hands i n time to the tune. They proved to be a Norwegian crew o f f a f i s h i n g smack just back from a successful t r i p . . . Plate X, opposite page 56 i s a photograph of "Jimmy Teit and a Rocky Mountain Goat." Against a background of snow covered mountains he stands, a dark figure with a dark wide-brimmed hat, l i g h t gloves and a l i g h t moustache. R i f l e i n hand, his feet widely planted on the steep rocky foreground, a huge white t h i c k l y - f u r r e d goat l i e s before him. Rejected Suitor The year 1902 was an important one for Te i t not i n the f i e l d of anthropology, but on a personal l e v e l . F i r s t he suffered the disappointment of having his o f f e r of marriage rejected by Miss Leonie Josephine Morensi second, he made a journey back to the Shetland Islands and t h i r d , he became interested i n socialism. Leonie Morens was the daughter of Leon Morens, a stock owner and dairyman of Spences Bridge. French was spoken i n t h e i r home. Teit wanted to marry her and take her to Europe on t h e i r honeymoon. Although she l a t e r did marry him, she refused him that year. Commenting on the matter, t h e i r daughter Inga said, "I don't know why Mother didn't want to marry him them. Perhaps she just wasn't ready." Teit was t h i r t y - e i g h t years old and Leonie Morens was twenty-one. Return of the Native Tei t made the voyage back to the Shetland Islands, again round the Horn. His son, Sigurd, had heard that he went to London at t h i s time with a band of Indians to see the Queen. However, he doubted that t h i s was true. Such a v i s i t i s most u n l i k e l y as Teit made his journey i n 1902 and the Queen had died the year before. However, Tei t did v i s i t England, Edinburgh i n Scotland, some friends i n Norway and his father i n Lerwick. Sigurd said that Teit found that the 2. family in Shetland ( s t i l l Tait) was "well fixed." He added that Teit had always been different from the rest of the family i n that he had a marked dislike for "dressing up," and Sigurd said with wry amusement that the Shetland branch celebrated Teit's return by staging a "dressy" dinner party. Teit attended the gala function attired in his ordinary working clothes. Q Socialism Teit apparently returned to British Columbia by the summer of 1902, as his name appeared in the "Canadian Socialist" dated August 9* of that year. Under the heading, "From the Local Field," the t i t l e of a column which appeared semi-regularly on the last page, was the following item* "I am in favor of socialism and wish to understand i t s aims better. It i s gaining ground here and i f a socialist i s run in the Yale-Kootenay d i s t r i c t next election I think he i s sure to go i n . " — Comrade Teit, Spences Bridge, P.O. "The Canadian Socialist" was a four-page semi-weekly Vancouver Newspaper which had originally been published in Toronto, Ontario, as "Citizen and Country." On i t s mast-head appeared the motto* "You Might As Well Try to Keep Back the Waves of English Bay with a Toothpick as Keep SOCIALISM Out of the UNIONS." It had timely headlines such as, "COMRADE DEBS VISITS VANCOUVER," ;-;with a column mentioning that Eugene V. Debs, noted U.S. Labor leader, urged working men to "buy more books and less booze." The paper carried advertising, 53 the l o c a l union news, as well as items from Eastern Canada, "Uncle Sam's Domain," and even international news — "Spain now has f i f t e e n s o c i a l i s t newspapers." An a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Workers Gulp The P i l l , " revealed that the working class was being fooled by swallowing the sugar coated promises of c a p i t a l i s t s . "The Canadian S o c i a l i s t " changed i t s name to "The Western S o c i a l i s t " and l a t e r to "The Western Clarion." Finances appeared to have been a continual problem and "The Western Clarion" seemed to suffe r the most severe setbacks. The day the paper shrank to almost pamphlet size a headline declaredi "CAPITALISM PASSINGI" Later the paper recovered. Teit's name occasionally appeared i n one of the small columns on the l a s t page, which were f a i r l y regular features of the papers. The approximate date of his joining the party probably can be inferred from the following i n the "Western S o c i a l i s t , " November 1, 1902J A Talk With Our Busy Co-Workers Comrade Eeii * ( s i c ) of Spence's Bridge, B.C. sends along $2 f o r f i v e sub-cards, asks f o r a s o c i a l i s t button, and two ap p l i c a t i o n forms to j o i n the S o c i a l i s t Party of B.C. There i s n ' t a nook or corner i n t h i s province but what i s becoming permeated with socialism. The reason i s o b v i o u s — i t f i l l s the b i l l . At another time the Minutes of the Executive Meetings of the S o c i a l i s t Party of B r i t i s h Columbia, which were a regular feature of the paper, mentioned (November 29, 1902): 5 4 "Correspondence was received from J.A. T e i t , Spence's Bridge...." That Teit was an active participant i s apparent i n t h i s item of March 7* 19031 Comrade J.A. T e i t , of Spence's Bridge, who has been spending some time on the coast at various points, returns to the i n t e r i o r t h i s week en route home. Both coming up and going Comrade Teit hands i n the names of new subscribers. Moving around the province a good deal he finds everywhere increasing inter e s t i n the p o l i t i c a l gospel of socialism. Other evidence of his effectiveness can be seen i n the following mention dated A p r i l 10, 19031 Comrade T e i t , Spence's Bridge, B.C., sends along $8 on share account, and i s redoubling his e f f o r t s to push the s u b - l i s t up to the 10,000 mark. Let every reader get a reader i n his plan. Comrade Teit i s a hustler. "The Western S o c i a l i s t " changed i t s name to "The Western Clarion" i n May 1903 and on June 26 i n a new column c a l l e d "Among Ourselves" the following appeared.' Comrade T e i t , Spence's Bridge, B.C. sends along his renewal t h i s week, adding, "labor problems and socialism are c e r t a i n l y coming to the f r o n t . " According to his son, E r i k , his father had also at one time been a Mason. He said, "However, that had to be before he became a Catholic." Marriage and Family L i f e The following year T e i t made front page news i n a paper of quite a d i f f e r e n t type, The Ashcroft Journal, of 1 0 B r i t i s h Columbia ($2 per annum). This announcement appeared: 55 TEIT - MORENS A very pretty and in t e r e s t i n g wedding took place on Tuesday, the 15th day of March at the residence of the bride's mother, Mrs. P. Morens, Four-Mile Ranch near Spence's Bridge, the contracting parties being Mr. James A. Teit and Miss Leonie Josephine Morens. The ceremony was performed by the Reverend Father J.M.R. LeJeune O.M.I, of Kamloops. Miss Pauline Morens, s i s t e r of the bride, acted as bridesmaid while Mr. J.L. Guichon of Fort Guichon supported the groom. The bride looked charming i n a pretty costume of cream serge trimmed with white s a t i n and s i l k applique with the customary v e i l and orange blossoms. The bridesmaid was a t t i r e d i n a pretty costume of maize cashmere trimmed with black velvet baby ribbon and wore a large picture hat. A large number of friends and r e l a t i v e s of both parties witnessed the ceremony and afterwards partook of the sumptuous wedding supper, a f t e r which the happy couple l e f t f o r C a l i f o r n i a and the Coast c i t i e s . They w i l l be away about a month when they w i l l take up residence at Spence's Bridge. The bride's t r a v e l l i n g dress was a very pretty Oxford gray with a large picture hat. A l i s t of wedding g i f t s followed. The names of the donors are omitted heret Amongst the numerous and costly wedding presents received by the bride were» gold necklace, china tea set, chamber set, s i l v e r cake basket, cheque, set of s i l v e r coffee spoons, set of bath towels, s i l v e r berry spoon, cut glass perfume bo t t l e , l i n e n tablecloths and ser v i e t t e s , handkerchief and glove cases, parlour lamp, s i l v e r f r u i t dish, imitation oak teapot and china mustard pot, s i l v e r sugar s h e l l , set of s i l v e r knives and forks. Father LeJeune, who o f f i c i a t e d at the wedding, was the well-known Oblate missionary. To reach the f e s t i v i t i e s 56 on the other side of the creek» both the minister and the wedding guests were rowed across i n a canoe by Teit and an Indian f r i e n d . Leonie Josephine Morens was a Catholic and T e i t became a convert. His daughter, Inga, s a i d i I imagine he was brought up as a Scotch:.': Presbyterian. In Shetland they have the Church of Scotland, the Episcopal Church and Methodist Church. I just sort of assume he was Presbyterian. E r i k , his eldest son, said he did not f e e l r e l i g i o n was important to his father but that he believed strongly i n being a good f r i e n d to the Indians. Inga r e c a l l e d that he went to church only occasionally. Concerning his having r e l i g i o u s feelings she s a i d i I don't know about i n an orthodox way, but I think he did. I suppose everybody thinks that t h e i r parents are good l i v i n g and a l l that, but I think he had very stpongcconvie-tions about what was r i g h t and what was wrong. I think he was very anxious for ustto be brought up good Catholics. I think that when he died that he was very glad that he was a good Catholic — anyhow my mother gave me the impression that he was. Inga t o l d of three mysterious incidents involving her f a t h e n Father was psychic. He had a f e e l i n g when things were going good or bad. Mother t o l d me that he was i n Vancouver when his Uncle died. He was i n a hotel? he checked put — had a bad f e e l i n g . A wire arrived at the hotel but he was already on the t r a i n . 57 When Mother's mother died, i t was at breakfast. He hitched up the horses because he f e l t some-thing was wrong. He met someone on the way and found out Grandma had died. Both were unexpected deaths. Once when he was out hunting he had a dream — about a hole i n a mountain. He was leading a hunting party and he knew the v a l l e y where the game should be but there was no game for the three days of searching. He had a dream one night that he came to a mountain and looked through i t and saw a l o t of sheep. The Indians considered him psychicj some took his name, T e i t , because of t h i s . They t o l d him to act out the dream. He did and a c t u a l l y came to a tunnel through the mountain and on the other side there were l o t s of game. Inga compared her parentsi They were very d i f f e r e n t p e r s o n a l i t i e s . He belonged to the f i r s t S o c i a l i s t Party that was here i n B.C....not much of a party i n those days — mostly L i b e r a l s and Conservatives. Mother was not the type of person who would have mentioned much about socialism. She was very conservative. He was always at the l a s t minute catching t r a i n s . Mother wanted to be early but he would say, "Oh, we have l o t s of time!" Then they would get there just as the t r a i n was p u l l i n g out. He was very easy-going — loved to tease and joke and laugh. His fa v o r i t e expression was, " F i r s t r ate!" What upset Mother was that he never c r i t i c i z e d . She wanted c r i t i c i s m . She would cover a chair or make a new dish f o r dinner. He wouldn't even notice u n t i l she showed him. Then he'd say, " F i r s t r a t e ! " And she'd get so mad • Their son, Sigurd, described his mother as "very quick tempered." He r e c a l l e d ! She would get very mad at him, while he would s i t there and pay no attention. And that would make her even madder. He was an easy-going person. 58 His brother-in-law said he was the hardest person to get mad he ever knew. But some-times he flew o f f the handle and then would forget a l l about i t . He had a dry humor and was a good story t e l l e r ; he t o l d Indian s t o r i e s . His eldest son, Erik, described his father as being gentle, kind and calm. He could remember him being i n a bad temper only once. Inga saidi He loved the babies. After E r i k and me they came every four years. The l a t e s t baby was always his f a v o r i t e , then he'd forget that one when the next one came. I can remember him waltzing around the house, from room to room, holding a baby i n his arms l i k e a dancing partner. Of her father and of Spence's Bridge she s a i d i He loved to dance. I remember him at dances because i n the days when I was a c h i l d you took a l l your family to the dances. And you know, even i f you were s i x or seven years old, you got up and danced with the adults and they'd dance with you. He loved dancing. They had a great big dance h a l l , a beautiful b i g dance h a l l , a fabulous place, great big! I think Spence's Bridge at one time must have been a very fun place. There weren't many people there, but everybody was f u l l of l i f e and they'd go f o r miles and gather at these dances. I think the people from Lytton used to come to the dances i n Spence's Bridge because they had a beautiful b i g h a l l there. His son, Sigurd, r e c a l l e d his father as having brown hair, freckled with f a i r skin and yet his mother t o l d him that i n the summer Teit got "as black as an Indian." His daughter Inga described himi He seemed big to me but he was r e a l l y not a t a l l man. My hands remind me of his hands. His arms were milk white when he r o l l e d up 59 his sleeves. He had a ruddy complexion with large features — not good looking — with blue eyes, dark brown hair and a very red moustache and his beard, when he l e t i t grow, was red. He loved the outdoors, he l i k e d to hump and work hard. He l i k e d to study too. He was very keen on doing nothing but s i t t i n g and thinking and puffing away on his pipe. He l i k e d to be exposed to the wind and the elements. He had a habit of looking up. People teased him. He said that a l l Shetlanders look up at the weather i n the sky. Indian Rights By 1910 Te i t appeared to have been a c t i v e l y working on behalf of the Indians. However, as early as 1900, i n his monograph, "The Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Teit 11 voiced his concern over t h e i r p l i g h t . He noted the decrease of the native population and said that many supposed t h i s was due to the dying o f f of old people and the s t e r i l i t y of women. However, he offered figures of increase and decrease showing that Indians had not only a high death rate, but a high b i r t h rate as w e l l . His figures supported his conten-t i o n that the Indian decrease was due to the-great mortality among children. He f e l t the high death rate among a l l ages r e f l e c t e d the epidemics of measles, influenza and tuberculosis and among young people, venereal disease and whiskey, both of which had been introduced by the Whites. He noted that the percentage of deaths from the l a t t e r two was small and consid-ered them an i n d i r e c t cause. He made the suggestion that the Indian Department provide physicians f o r Indians. He also mentioned another possible factor i n the decrease i n the native population! The b e l i e f that they are doomed to e x t i n c t i o n seems to have a depressing e f f e c t on some of the Indians. At almost any gathering where chiefs or leading men speak, t h i s sad, haunting b e l i e f i s sure to be referred to. (p. 177) Teit wrote a l e t t e r to Charles F. Newcombe on August 6, 1910, i n which he mentioned magazine a r t i c l e s , museum c o l l e c t i o n s and shipments and concluded with a state-ment showing his involvement with Indian causesi I enclose a copy of the Indian Declaration signed by the twenty-four Shuswap, Okanagon and Thompson chiefs who attended the meeting here l a s t month. In another l e t t e r to Newcombe on January 1, 1911, he wrote! The Indian Rights movement i s going ahead. There w i l l be a b i g meeting of Indian Chiefs ( i n t e r i o r ) at Kamloops on the 3rd Feb. next. The United Shuswap, Okanagon and Thompson Tribes presented a memorial dealing with t h e i r grievances to S i r Wilfred Laurier when he was i n Kamloops l a s t August. January 27* 1911» he wrote to Newcombe saying1 I am going to Kamloops for the Indian meeting of the 5 t h and 6 t h February...There w i l l be another one here at Spences Bridge. I believe a general meeting i s to be held on the 1 s t March at V i c t o r i a . I w i l l l i k e l y be there with some chiefs from the i n t e r i o r and hope to have the pleasure of seeing you then and having a chat. 61 The columnist, "Lucian," was present at one of those meetings and wrote an account of his impressions! Several years ago there was held i n Vancouver a conference of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian chiefs, gathered at the request of Mr. Duncan Campbell Scott, to discuss Indian r i g h t s . A f r i e n d i n v i t e d me to attend, There were present some white advocates of Indian claims. One of the participants was Rev. C.M. Tate of V i c t o r i a , t r a n s l a t o r of the Gospel of Mark into Chinook, who made the f i r s t speech i n Chinook that I ever heard. On a low chair by the table among the chiefs sat a s i l e n t white man, who took no part i n the proceedings u n t i l the chiefs began to address the superintendent-general, each i n his own language. Then he began to i n t e r -pret. As one a f t e r another of the natives poured out his complaint or expressed his opinions i n various forms of aboriginal eloquence. Mr. Teit i n a low, quiet voice, rendered his appeal or argument into clear and cultured English. I was struck with the s i m p l i c i t y , f e l i c i t y and clearness of his l a n g u a g e E v e r y sentence was ready f o r the press.. And though he must have.interpreted from four or f i v e d i a l e c t s he showed no doubt or he s i t a t i o n , though he occasionally asked the.speaker a question or made a suggestion evidently i n the intere s t of clearness. When i t was oyer, I made some enquiries and Rev. Lashley. H a l l , an old f r i e n d of Mr. Teit made us acquainted. After that I met Mr. Teit sometimes when he came to town, but not nearly so often as I wished. 1 2 His.son, Sigurd, said that the Indians had i m p l i c i t t r u s t i n T e i t . He said that Teit organized the A l l i e d Tribes of the In t e r i o r and was t h e i r treasurer and spokesman and that a f t e r his death the organization f e l l apart. As treasurer, T e i t c o l l e c t e d money from the Indians to finance work f o r land claims and he also contributed money himself. As spokesman for the Allied tribes, Teit served as interpre-ter at local court t r i a l s and also accompanied delegations to Ottawa where they met Sir Wilfred Laurier, the Prime Minister. He also accompanied a delegation to Victoria when 13 Laurier was there. . Inga remembered that after every t r i p to Ottawa her father always brought home l i t t l e gifts for the children — usually fancy-shaped maple sugar. She recalled on one occasion his bringing her a doll, which she called "Ottawa." Sigurd mentioned that Dr. Peter Kelly, a Haida minister of the United Church who was for long one of the spokesmen for Indians in the Province, had told him that on these occasions Teit wore moccasins and "was one of the Indians." He dressed as they did and had a very deep tan. On one t r i p to the capital someone commented with surprise to Teit that he had not known before there were any blue-eyed Indians. Teit told the man that he belonged to a "different tribe." Books and Photography His daughter, Inga, recalled? Father was a self-taught man. He knew an awful l o t of languages. He had any amount of dictionaries in a l l kinds of languages in our home. I don't know i f he had a Latin dictionary. But I can remember as a child 6 3 seeing German and Spanish and French d i c t i o n a r i e s on the shelves. But I was very young and not interested. In those days books were treasures and children didn't handle them. You looked at them on the shelves and that's a l l . Inga had many of her father's books i n her own home and she said that he always made many notes on the margins. Many of his books had been destroyed i n a f i r e and the moisture from the f i r e hoses could be seen on those that were l e f t . She r e c a l l e d that Livingston Farrand had given a book to him. The books on the shelves included several volumes on botany, history, poetry, a natural history dictionary and various books on the Shetland Islands, as well as Through the Sub-Arctic Forest by Warburton Pike, L i f e Among the Indians by George C a t l i n , Sport and Travel i n Canada, The Time and Place of Homer, a t r e a t i s e on botany by J. Fletcher, dated 1885, and books of poetry by Robert Burns, his f a v o r i t e poet. According to Inga many more were i n her basement and she sa i d i A f t e r he died mother had his books a l l boxed and stored i n the basement of the general store i n Spences Bridge. The proprietor was a good f r i e n d of father's. He had a f i r e and a l o t of water from f i r e hoses wet everything. He wrote to M e r r i t t where t r a i n s ran about twice a week and by the time Mother got the l e t t e r and got back to Spences Bridge they had a l l swelled from moisture and broken the boxes open and they were a l l mouldy and a mess. Mother and I had. to sort them and take p i l e s of them, wheelbarrows and wheelbarrows of them away to be destroyed. Mother was heartbroken because she knew he treasured those books so much. We l i v e d i n a very small home i n Me r r i t t 64 and had no room f o r them. She stored them hoping we'd get a bigger place or one of the children would have the books some day. But I don't know what books were destroyed. James Teit had a long-continuing i n t e r e s t i n photography as shown i n the following l e t t e r to Charles F. Newcombe dated January 4, I9O81 I have looked over a l l the photos I have and f i n d there would be very few that would be suitable f o r your purposes. Many years ago when I used to be t r a v e l l i n g through the upper Fraser and Nichaco Qifechakq] , Blackwater, Stuart's Lake and etc. I carried no Kodak and therefore have no pictures of that country. Given the.pictures I have of the Fraser River are a l l from Dog Creek down and nearly a l l taken by other people...1 also have some pictures of Thompson Indians — some of them i n native costume. His daughter Inga, recalled1 He had a very good camera and he .took a l o t of good photographs, family photographs. I think somebody s t i l l has that camera. I t was one of those old cameras where you put a hood over yourself and you pulled out.a piece of metal. You saw everthing upside down when you looked through the camera. He took outdoor pictures.of us. I remember s i t t i n g on the veranda r i g h t beside the house and he took our pictures. He developed his own pictures. Quite a few of his photos and negatives are l e f t . Sigurd has reprinted them and made s l i d e s of them He has a wonderful c o l l e c t i o n o f . s l i d e s of photos made by Father — a few of Indians; a l o t of c o l l e c t i o n s of hunting t r i p s . Father was forever making l i s t s of plants and l i s t s of photographs of plants. He never wrote on the photographs but put l i s t s i n the front of the photo albums so i t wouldn't efface the photos. Teit's Interest i n Botany Many of Teit's l e t t e r s , which are preserved i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Pr o v i n c i a l Archives i n V i c t o r i a concern plants. His correspondence with Charles Newcombe, which l a s t e d over many years, began with the inquiry by Newcombe, Ch£..V,.-Pg> 190» about native plants he had seen mentioned i n Teit ' s work. In the intervening years the l e t t e r s covered many other subjects but botany was of continuing i n t e r e s t . Teit wrote i n his. very l a s t l e t t e r to Newcombe: It was a disappointment not to have you along. The weather was ideal and no mosquitoes nor f l i e s . We found the flowering season was more advanced than at the same time l a s t year. This by about two weeks. But there was no.harm i n t h i s as some plants not i n flower l a s t year when we were there we found i n flower. He also wrote a very long l e t t e r i n answer to an inquiry from E.O.S. S c h o l e f i e l d , . B r i t i s h Columbia A r c h i v i s t , regarding " c u l t i v a t i o n of the s o i l i n p r e h i s t o r i c times i n B.C." He said that the Tahltan claimed that they had grown tobacco before even the f u r traders came. Although Te i t did not doubt that t h i s was true, he f e l t the tobacco plant was not indigenous to the area. His daughter Inga said: The things I remember more about my father than anything else were things about botany. I remember the botanists coming to our home, and I can remember Professor John Davidson. He's a well-known botanist. He made a big c o l l e c t i o n of plants of i n t e r i o r B.C. f o r the u n i v e r s i t y and Father helped on t h i s . Teit had been i l l from January to June of 1914 with what he referred to as a "hard sickness," which included fever 66 and rheumatism. He apparently recovered by summer and on June 11, 1914 he wrote to Newcombe« I am lea v i n g on a 10 days t r i p i n the neighbourhood botanizing with Prof. Davidson. Davidson was a professor of botany at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia f o r many years. Concerning Teit's work with him, his daughter, Inga, said her father was not ambitious, not interested i n money. She thought he was r e l i g i o u s as he was anxious to do things f o r people, adding that when he f a i l e d to get cr e d i t f o r the assistance he gave to scholars he said, •It doesn't matter; I enjoyed the work.' He was a very modest person." - About the p o s s i b i l i t y of some of Teit' s material being i n the Botany Department at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Inga said* Yes, but i t wouldn't be.under his name. I think the Davidson c o l l e c t i o n went to the Natural History Society. I'm a member of that myself. Mother was very interested i n botany and a very good botanist and t r i e d to int e r e s t us. We had a l o v e l y garden .-- a l l wild flowers; every wild flower i n the region. He couldn't stand people picking flowers. V i s i t o r s at the Family Home Inga mentioned the family home (the Morens farm) which she referred to as the "farm" or sometimes as the "ranch." 6? They had quite a few v i s i t o r s to the farm. The farm was four miles out of Spences Bridge — the Morens place. At school age Father "built a l i t t l e house i n town so the kids could go to school. We went back to the farm on weekends and Christmas. She r e c a l l e d some of the guests who stayed therei Professor Davidson stayed at the ranch. It (the home) i s s t i l l there but i t hasn't been i n the family f o r many years. The house where Boas stayed was Mother's people's home, a b i g ranch house. Most v i s i t o r s to Spences Bridge stayed there because they had a l o t of room. My grandmother and my aunt were good cooks and they loved company. Erik T e i t also remembered Boas coming to Spences Bridge and staying with the Morens family outside of town. He had memories of Boas covering himself with a blanket, singing Indian songs and dancing. He also r e c a l l e d seeing Sapir at Spences Bridge. Inga saidi I remember Sapir. He and father sat there and they played an old gramophone. They had a new record with John McCormack singing "My Mother Came From Heaven." I remember Father getting l e t t e r s . He went to Ottawa f a i r l y often. I think he stayed with Sapir. I think a baby was born one of those times. Last Days James A. Te i t died November 3, 1922, i n M e r r i t t , a f t e r a lengthy i l l n e s s . Sigurd T e i t said that tissues had been sent to the Mayo C l i n i c but that there had been no reply. The family did not know what caused his death but thought i t was an abscessed prostate gland: probably not cancer. \ 68 Teit's daughter said Boas had paid a v i s i t to Spences Bridge earlier i n the year, probably because he knew that Teit was very i l l . The date was August 30, 1922. Inga saidi I remember him just before my father died. He came there that summer and I can remember him quite well. He was an awfully nice fellow. He might have been there before, but I don't remember him other times. Several months before Father died Boas came to Spences Bridge. Father was sick i n bed, very sick and couldn't get up to come to the door. I remember walking with Dr. Boas down from the house to where the bridge was going across the river. I remember him talking to me and he seemed such a nice person. He made himself quite young with me. He teased me about being an only g i r l and how spoiled I was with a l l the brothers, you know. On August 30, 1922, Boas wrote one of his childreni The v i s i t here i s very sad. An old companion of my travels i s dying of cancer of the bladder. I spend much time with him trying to give him courage.1^ The family moved Teit from Spences Bridge to Merritt, perhaps because medical care was available i n the larger town. Teit was fifty-eight when he died and l e f t a widow and five children — Erik, seventeen; Inga, fourteen; Magnus, twelve; Sigurd, seven; and Thorald, three. Boas made another t r i p to Spences Bridge as the following excerpts from two of his letters show:J Vancouver, Nov. 13, 19231 Monday night I arrived at about 1 a.m. at Spences Bridge... Then I went to Mrs. Tei t who had come from ...(Merritt) with two of her children. I sat with her over some papers which she had c l a s s i f i e d and which she i s going to send to New York. (p. 277) Vancouver, November 14, 1 9 2 3 « I was i n Spences Bridge from Sunday night u n t i l Monday. I looked through and brought to order a l l the papers T e i t l e f t there. He has many notes, which I have sorted, I s h a l l l e t a few of my students sort these things, (p. 278) CHAPTER IV HILL-TOUT AND ANTHROPOL0GY Archaeologist and Ethnographer While others were building up t h e i r fortune, he was grubbing among the midden heaps and cemeteries of a dying race, sharing the l i f e of the Indian Tribes, methodizing t h e i r language from grunts and monosyllables, making l i t e r a t u r e of t h e i r unwritten t r a d i t i o n s , lending his mind out, as Browning's Fra Lippo has i t , that the coming race of students i n B r i t i s h Columbia should have l i g h t and guidance concerning the f i r s t dwellers i n t h i s wonderful western land. (p. 1196) Thus Alfred Buckley described Hill-Tout's early days i n B r i t i s h Columbia. It i s quite l i k e l y that many of his contemporaries f e l t that the young schoolmaster was not making the most of the f i n a n c i a l opportunities which were opening up i n the bounteous new land. However, Hi l l - T o u t was fascinated by the Indians, past and present, and he devoted as much time as he could to acquiring knowledge about them. His anthropological work may be divided into two types as his studies covered both the archaeology and the ethnography of the region. Archaeological F i e l d Methods Unfortunately Hill-Tout had no t r a i n i n g i n archaeology and apparently had not educated himself on i t s technical aspects. He did not use a datum point, make a grid 71 or know how to dig in the scie n t i f i c sense of the word.1 Howeverj his explorations in the middens along the banks of the Fraser River excited greater public interest than did his ethnographic work among the l i v i n g Indians. It was on the basis of his publications and theories concerning his archaeological finds that his reputation, at least in the popular mind, rested. He also studied a few other areas including Hatzic Prairie mounds about 1 8 9 5 . In his article, "The Story of the Most Unique Fossil Beds Known to Science," concerning Rancho La Brea in Los Angeles, California, Hill-Tout wrote, "Various institutions and individuals, of whom the writer was one, took 2 part in the work of excavation." These explorations began in 1906 and continued until 1913* but information i s lacking as to when he took part i n them. His son discussed Hill-Tout's archaeological workt The only time I went with him was out to Steveston and I was grubbing around there in an Indian midden and I dug out a nice bone spearhead. It had four barbs on i t , but possibly the point or something was broken and that's why i t was discarded. Digging up the artifacts was something he could do himself, the other (ethnography) he had to discuss i t with the Indians. The Great Fraser Midden Hill-Tout's most important archaeological explora-tions were made at a site for which he proposed the name, The 72 Great Fraser Midden, but which was also known as Eburne Midden and l a t e r was c a l l e d Marpole Midden. Mr. Thomas Ainsworth, former Curator of Vancouver City Museum, said» I always associated Hill-Tout with the discovery of Marpole Midden at the foot of Granville Street. I t used to be ca l l e d Eburne Road a f t e r Mr. Eburne, who was a neighbour of mine. We arranged the a r t i f a c t s i n the museum i n a sequence to show the evolution of the Indians from the Stone Age to the height of the totemic a r t . According to newsman, Donald A. McGregor, while Hill-Tout was teaching at Whetham College i n 1902 workmen began to cut through a new road i n an area known as Marpole at the foot of Granville Street on the Fraser River. The new street was c a l l e d Eburne Road. McGregor had heard that one of Hill-Tout's pupils came from t h i s area and that he had brought a few a r t i f a c t s to school, which immediately had excited his teacher's i n t e r e s t . However, Hill-Tout seems to have known about the Marpole s i t e much e a r l i e r as his f i r s t published work "Later P r e h i s t o r i c Man i n B r i t i s h Columbia" ( 1 8 9 5 ) . dealt with t h i s midden, as did his a r t i c l e , "The Preh i s t o r i c Races of B r i t i s h Columbia" (Christmas Number 1 8 9 9 ) , of the Mining Record. On May 29, 1955, Lieutenant Colonel H. St. G. Hamersley presented to the Vancouver City Archives a small carving and document of presentation e n t i t l e d , "Stone Relic from Eburne M i d d e n . T h e r e l i c was described as being two 75 inches long, three eighths of an inch wide, weighing three quarters of an ounce and as drab, dark brown. The presenta-tion stated* Atstone image I dug up about 1895 i n an ancient midden where the old road, through the forest, from Vancouver reached the North Arm of the Fraser River. As a boy I went with Professor Hill-Tout to dig. It was beside a skull. The skull had a slate or shale spearhead i n i t . The Midden at Eburne, now called Marpole was on the North bank of North Arm of the Fraser River and covered two to three acres on a f l a t summit of a c l i f f . The low land bordering the river lay about thirty feet below. The whole area of the midden was hidden beneath a dense forest of towering trees varying from saplings to seven feet diameter. The exact site was a few yards east of the junction of Granville Street South and West Marine Drive, and is now crossed by a busy thoroughfare, smooth paved, flanked by business buildings. Relics were unearthed at depths from a few inches to five or six feet. Charles E. Borden, Professor of Archaeology at the University of British Columbia wrote* The large shell-heap at Eburne, as the present Marpole d i s t r i c t used to be called, has been known since 1889, when the road leading south from Vancouver was extended to connect with the bridge to Sea-Island. The new section of the road was cut through the middle of the Marpole Midden and Mr. William Oliver, who was in charge of this work observed the occurrence of artifacts and asked his men to save a l l specimens that came to their notice. Oliver's observations and the collection which was then made drew the attention of other observers to the place. Among these was Charles Hill-Tout, who published the f i r s t account of this midden under the t i t l e , "Later Prehistoric Man in British Columbia" (Transactions Royal Society ?4 of Canada, Second Series, 1895-96, v o l . I, section I I , pp. I O 3 - I I 3 ) . Harlan I. Smith, the archaeologist with the Jesup Expedition conducted excavations i n the Eburne mound i n I898 and published a report on t h i s and other work i n "Shell-heaps of the Lower Fraser River, B r i t i s h Columbia" (Memoirs American Museum of Natural History, Vol. I l l , Part 4, 1 9 0 3 ) . (p. 12) In his 1938 Address c a l l e d the "Great Fraser Midden," Hill-Tout said, "the f i r s t thing that arrested my attention was i t s apparent immense extent." Concerning the size of the midden, Borden wrote 1 According to H i l l - T o u t , who surveyed the s i t e with G.F. Monckton, a mining engineer, the midden had a length of more than 1400 feet and covered an area exceeding four-and-a-half acres i n extent. The approximate average depth of the deposit i s said to have been f i v e feet with a maximum depth i n places of f i f t e e n feet. The small remaining portion of the midden where we were able to work had a maximum depth of l e s s than s i x feet. (p. 14) In the meantime, due to a lack of funds, H i l l - T o u t could do l i t t l e more than conduct s u p e r f i c i a l investigations. However, when the new road was cut through i n 1902, the project became what was l a t e r to known as "salvage archaeology," that i s archaeology salvaged from public works or other projects or gathered i n haste before they begin — seldom permitting the most refined recovery techniques, but giving r e s u l t s that are better than nothing. Realizing the importance of the s i t e H i l l - T o u t pleaded f o r funds over a long period of time. After many years (about the 1930*s) the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c 75 Association was able to devote a small amount to the project. However the only person i n the early days who had f i n a n c i a l backing f o r digging at the midden was Harlan I. Smith. Borden's own l a t e r explorations of the s i t e have been hampered by lack of funds as well as urban development and i n d u s t r i a l expansion. Borden wrote« "The recent history of t h i s s i t e i s t r a g i c and not a c r e d i t to Canada and the c i t i z e n s of t h i s province." He also wrote» For half a century a f t e r Smith's investigations t h i s important s i t e was l e f t to the mercy of amateur diggers and .^souvenir hunters. Much of the material they dug up has been scattered and l o s t . However, thanks to Mr. Hill-Tout and other interested persons, many f i n e items have been saved... (p. 13) An important figure i n the early Marpole Midden explorations was Herman Leisk of Powell River, as he did the actual excavation. The Museum Curator, Thomas P.O. Menzies, c i t e d Leisk's " s k i l f u l management" and said that i t was because of him that the Vancouver Museum has i t s "splendid c o l l e c t i o n " from the midden.-* Mrs. Ruth Corbett, former Assistant Curator, discussed the Marpole finds and t h e i r arrangement i n the old Museum. (However, i t should be remembered that when she became Assistant Curator i n 1923 Hill-Tout was over s i x t y , and that she spoke somewhat from hearsay.) She said i I arranged the exhibits. He (Hill-Tout) had nothing to do with the museum beyond being the President. It was an honorary pos i t i o n . He didn't contribute things to the Museum. It was he who had the 76 Marpole Midden dug up. Herman Leisk did the digging at Marpolei he dug up a l l the artifacts and they were brought to the Museum. He (Leisk) was a working man, not an archaeologist. According to Menzies, the method of digging the midden was to trench down to rock bottom, then work forward on a face. The exact position of every item was carefully measured from the surface. Concerning early digging techniques Borden wrotet Smith was dependent for assistance on unskilled local labourers who dug fast, but paid l i t t l e attention to where the various o b j e c t s they found came from. I think we are fortunate to have Smith's publication. However, the science of archaeology has grown more exacting since those early days, and modern investigatdrs regret that Smith was not able to pay more attention to stratigraphy, that i s to the chronological sequence of finds, (pp. 12-13) Regarding one of the interesting finds from the midden, Ainsworth saidi Dr. Kidd examined a trephined skull that was found there. I think Kidd and Hill-Tout disagreed on the interpretation of the skull. This skull created a l o t of interest. Concerning the dating of the trephined skull, Mrs. Ruth Corbett saidi He (Hill-Tout) dated the trephined skull at the museum. He dated i t by looking at i t and knowing what he was doing. He was a great anthropologist. He was a very clever man. However, these remarks may be unfair to Hill-Tout, because his dating techniques, though not up to modern standards, 7? were not whimsical and impressionistic. Regarding "the length of time man had been i n B r i t i s h Columbia, he wroteJ ...Man has been here a considerable period of time. This evidence i s mainly seen i n the numerous great midden-heaps and ancient bu r i a l mounds that are found scattered up and down the province. Some of the former are of enormous extent covering several thousand acres of land and containing thousands of tons of extraneous matter. Not only do these huge masses of camp refuse indicate long periods of settlement at these centres, but the presence of dense forests growing over and out of them — some of the trees of which indicate they are at l e a s t a thousand years old — shows these middens belong to a distant past and are not of modern formation. The b u r i a l mounds of t h i s region are likewise structures of a r e l a t i v e l y distant past, f o r out of the crowns of some of them huge f i r and cedar trees have grown whose annular rings show them to be over a thousand years old. Borden wrote that coniferous trees do not become established on s h e l l middens u n t i l c e r t a i n i n t e r n a l changes i n the midden mass have taken place and i t i s not known how long t h i s takes, (p. 14) Hill-Tout estimated that i t took at l e a s t a thousand years to accumulate the refuse i n the large middens of t h i s region and added that "we may reasonably conclude that a primitive people had s e t t l e d on t h i s spot at l e a s t two thousand years ago, and i t may have been considerably e a r l i e r . " ? H i l l - . Tout's early estimate was remarkably accurate f o r his time as the l a t e r C^^ dating method has yielded a date of about 2,000 years B.P. f o r t h i s region. However, knowledge of the area 78 i s i n a state of flux and estimates of the length of human occupation of British Columbia increase every few years as dating and recovery techniques improve. In the early days the finds from the midden were housed in the basements and homes of local citizens. The Vancouver City Archives contain numerous newspaper clippings detailing Hill-Tout's continued pleas for money from the city fathers so that a museum could be established. After much time a very small amount of space was f i n a l l y allotted for that purpose. Hill-Tout continued his battle for larger quarters. Thomas Ainsworth described the old museum: Andrew Carnegie donated the building where the old library i s on Main and Hastings. The museum was on the very top floor. When the library moved the museum was given the entire building. The museum was on the top floor when I took i t over and i t was there for several years. When we got the whole building we put in material from other areas. I don't know what they use that old building for now. Ethnographic Field Work Regarding his ethnographic work, Noel Robinson wrote that as the years went by Hill-Tout visited the various divisions of the Salish and gathered information from the oldest of the Indians. "He devoted much time and attention to their languages, elaborated their grammar and collected vocabularies." Robinson wrote: To get the material f o r these reports he often went to l i v e among the Indians to obtain his information f i r s t hand about them and t h e i r past, customs, habits and totemistic b e l i e f s . 1 0 H i l l - T o u t ' s method of obtaining s t o r i e s was to write down phonetically the s t o r i e s t o l d to him, give an i n t e r l i n e a r t r a n s l a t i o n and then write a free t r a n s l a t i o n . About 1899 H i l l - T o u t t r i e d to l e a r n a story from an ancient Indian named Mulks, who was nearly one hundred years old, born shortly a f t e r Captain Vancouver s a i l e d up Howe Sound i n the Discovery at the close of the 18th century. Hi l l - T o u t r e c a l l e d the episode* Unfortunately as his archaic Squamish was beyond my poor knowledge of the language, i t was necessary to have to resort to the t r i b a l i nterpreter. The account w i l l , i n consequence, be l e s s f u l l and l i t e r a l . By the time i t had been determined who should act as interpreter, the large room i n which the meeting was held was f u l l of people, but before the old man was allowed to begin his r e c i t a l , c e r t a i n preparations were deemed necessary by the elderly men present. These c h i e f l y consisted i n making a small bundle of short wooden rods about six inches i n length. These played the part of t a l l i e s , each rod representing to them a p a r t i c u l a r paragraph or chapter i n the r e c i t a l . They apologized f o r making these, and were at pains to explain to me that these rods were, to them, what books were to the white man. The rods were placed at i n t e r v a l s around the edge of the table at which some of us sat, and a f t e r some animated discussion between the interpreter and the others as to the r e l a t i v e order and names of the t a l l i e s , the old man was t o l d he might begin. 80 The f i r s t t a l l y being placed i n his hand, f o r he was too bli n d from old age to see them himself, he began his r e c i t a l i n a loud, high-pitched voice, as i f he were addressing a large audience i n the open a i r . He went on without pause f o r about ten minutes and then the interpreter took up the story. The r e c i t a l was c l e a r l y either beyond the interpreter's power to render f u l l y into English, or there was much i n i t he did not care to re l a t e to a white stranger, f o r I did not get a t h i r d of what the old man uttered? and i t was only by dint of questioning and cross-questioning that I was able to get anything l i k e a connected narrative from him at a l l . The old man r e c i t e d his story chapter by chapter, that i s , t a l l y by t a l l y , and the interpreter followed i n l i k e o r d e r . . . 1 1 According to another account Hill-Tout was an authority on the language and customs of the Coast Sali s h and the Dene i n the i n t e r i o r and« He spent long stretches of time among the Indians, winning t h e i r confidence, l i s t e n i n g to t h e i r legends and recording t h e i r languages. His work was mostly among the old men, for these alone were i n touch with the past of the t r i b e s . Now, these are gone and there i s no l i n k save the. professor's s t u d i e s . 1 2 His son, Charles, said i As f a r as I know he didn't go with others to see the Indians. I know pe r f e c t l y well that he found his greatest assistance with the Catholic p r i e s t s , wherever he happened to be, which v i l l a g e he was i n . He only made one t r i p you know, up Prince Rupert and down. But the Catholic p r i e s t s were the ones that he depended on... They were educated men l i v i n g with the Indians and he would get the as information from them as well as from the Indians. The p r i e s t s spoke English and the natives t o l d him the s t o r i e s . He went up the coast one time and came through what i s more or l e s s the l i n e of the Canadian Northern to Prince Rupert and came down the Fraser Valley r i g h t through to Vancouver. And he l i v e d with the Indians i n there a day or two here, a day or two there, to get t h e i r history and so fo r t h . One way he would talk to the chief and the chief would have a l i t t l e p i l e of small s t i c k s and he would make some statements and then put one s t i c k over to one side. That indicated one chapter and that way he would get a l l his information from that source that he could. He wrote a book, what you might c a l l a dictionary on the Kwakiutl. In a forward to his monograph on the Mainland Halkome'lem i n the 1902 Ethnological Survey his d i f f i c u l t i e s 14 i n the f i e l d were discussed« Mr. Hill-Tout has continued to carry on his investigations among the S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia under greater d i f f i c u l t i e s than usual during t h i s past year. Two of the three t r i b e s which he has at present under observation were quarantined on account of an outbreak of small-pox among them just at the season when i t i s most convenient to be among them. This and the shortness of funds with which he was provided to prosecute the work have proved most serious obstacles to the completion of his report... (pp. 1-2) i n the same monograph Hill-Tout wrote about his f i e l d methodsi In the compilation of these notes I have followed my usual practice and employed two or three Indians together. I have found t h i s to be an imperative necessity. The personal difference i n a r t i c u l a t i o n and enunciation, through l o s s of teeth or malformation of some 82 voice organ, i s sometimes very great. Moreover, the spread and use of English among the Indians i s seriously a f f e c t i n g the pu r i t y of the native speech. Frequently they are i n doubt about the correctness of some form or phrase, and have to appeal one to the other to know which i s r i g h t , (pp. 17-18)15 In his ethnological papers Hill-Tout usually devoted one or more paragraphs to a discussion of his informants. In his report i n the Ethnological Survey of 1899, which was a study of the N'tlaka'pamuQ (the Thompson), he noted that his p r i n c i p a l informant had been Chief Mischelle, who died the following year. The following notation i s t y p i c a l as i t combines remarks regarding his informants with other observa-tions. In his study of the Sk'go'mic (Squamish) Hi l l - T o u t wrote t Having found an i n t e l l i g e n t helper t h i s spring i n my studies i n the person of a half-breed named Annie Carrasco, I have taken advantage of her assistance to gather a f a i r l y extensive l i s t of phrases and sentences i l l u s t r a t i v e of the laws and structure of the language... (p. ^95) My methods of working was to supplement the services of Mrs. Carrasco with those of one or more f u l l blooded Sk'go'mic. These were generally a woman named Annie Rivers and Chief Thomas of Kuk'aio's. My notes therefore, w i l l , I t r u s t be free from those errors which sometimes creep into our studies of native tongues when only the.services of half-breeds, with l i m i t e d and imperfect knowledge of the language are employed. There are many ways of expressing the same thoughts and ideas i n Sk'go'mic as i n other tongues. I have, however, i n my grammar notes sought to record at a l l times the correct or ' c l a s s i c ' forms. Colloq-uialisms and 'slangey' phrases are quite common and these are active factors of change i n the Sk'go'mic language as i n others. Chief Thomas and others of older men informed me that the language had changed considerably during the past f i f t y years, and that every generation of speakers had brought i n new phrases and expressions, some of which die out and are forgotten, while others are perpetuated and i n time become ' c l a s s i c ' or correct forms of speech, (pp. 495-6) H i l l - T o u t found missionary help valuable i n his Report f o r the Ethnological Survey of 1902 (Mainland Halkomelem) he wrote about informants» The Indians most useful to me i n my studies of the Tcil'Qe'uk were — 'Captain' John, Chief of the Suwa'le sept; his son-in-law, •Commodore,* and David SEla'kEtEn of 'Cultus' Lake. I also desire to express my thanks to the Rev. W. Barraclough for the use of his private Tcil'Qe''uk vocabulary... (p. 18) CHAPTER V TEIT AND ANTHROPOLOGY Teit Becomes Anthropologist At a time when ambitious pioneers were seeking opportunities to grow r i c h i n t h i s new country, i t would be thought by the wise and prudent that t h i s young Scottish s e t t l e r was not l i v i n g up to the standards of his countrymen, and was wasting years of valuable time f o r no gain. He was, i n fa c t , going through a period of apprenticeship i n Goethe's sense. It was seen afterwards that i n no other way could he have obtained that intimate and., sympathetic knowledge which he acquired. In a remarkably s i m i l a r (though l e s s f l o r i d ) way the above paragraph by "Lucian" about T e i t repeated almost exactly the sentiments expressed by Al f r e d Buckley when he wrote of Hi l l - T o u t . While Hill-Tout's i n t e r e s t i n anthropology had developed over a period of time, Teit's entry into the f i e l d can be dated exactly. On September 19 and 2 0 , 1894, a meeting took place which was to have great importance for the future of anthro-pology i n B r i t i s h Columbia and which gave special d i r e c t i o n to Teit's own l i f e . Franz Boas passed through Spences Bridge and he and Teit met f o r the f i r s t time. The meeting was described as follows t Boas l e f t Kamloops on September 18 and stopped i n Spences Bridge on his way to North Bend, Mission City and Vancouver. He met James A. Teit — "A redheaded Scotsman who i s married to an Indian woman" (Boasi 9/21/94) — near Spences Bridge. T e i t l a t e r became one of Boas';- p r i n c i p a l informants f o r many years. On t h i s occasion he simply employed Teit f o r two days to a s s i s t with the measurements, but T e i t also agreed to write a description of the t r i b e s along the Thompson River which Boas intended to Incorp-orate i n his own r e p o r t . 2 Ronald Rohner's An Ethnography of Franz Boas records many l e t t e r s Boas sent from the Northwest.-^ i n one l e t t e r Boas wrote to his wife from North Bend September 21, 1894, giving his own impression of the h i s t o r i c occasion* I l e f t the t r a i n at Spences Bridge, which i s a l i t t l e dump of three or four houses and a hotel r i g h t at the station. I had to make a l o t of noise before I was heard... In the morning everything looked quite hopeless. I took a ferry across the r i v e r because the bridge had been washed away i n the spring. On the other side I went to see a man, a Salvation Army Warrior and big farmer, who r a i s e s . . . f r u i t and i s supposed to know the Indians very well. He sent me to another young man, who l i v e s three miles away up the mountain and who i s married to an Indian. So I started up the mountain i n the great heat and f i n a l l y found the house, where he l i v e s with a number of Indians. He was not at home. I waited, entertained by his wife and an old man, and a f t e r an hour he came. The young man, James Te i t , i s a treasure! He knows a great deal about the t r i b e s . I engaged him ri g h t away. With his help I measured a l l the Indians who l i v e there. Since I didn't know that Indians l i v e d on the mountain, I did not have my instruments, so that I had to go down, cross the r i v e r , and go up again. In the evening I was t e r r i b l y t i r e d and slept well i n spite of everything. Yesterday we l e f t at 5»30 and rode horseback to the various camps. Since the Indians are scattered a l l around, I cannot 86 f i n i s h here but hope to be able to come back l a t e r . This depends on what I f i n d c i n Fort Rupert, (p. 139) On the same date Boas also wrote a l e t t e r ( p a r t i a l l y quoted above) to his parents: (I met) a red-headed Scotsman (James Teit) who i s married to an Indian woman. He knows a great deal about the Indians and was es p e c i a l l y kind. I engaged him r i g h t o f f . Around him l i v e a great number of Indians... (p. 140) (Regarding his description as a "redheaded Scots-man," T e i t ' s children born years l a t e r remember him as having brown hair without a trace of red, but with a bright red beard and moustache. They added that since he almost always wore a wide-brimmed hat i t may have appeared from the color of these that he had red hair. However, hair color changes and i n l a t e r years darker pigments could have masked the red. Boas could very l i k e l y have been r i g h t i n 1894.) The l e t t e r continued 1 Yesterday morning the Scotsman came down with horses, and we v i s i t e d the Indian tents. The Indians here i r r i g a t e the land and r a i s e horses and cows on the i r r i g a t e d pastures...The Indians were scattered a l l over the countryside, some hunting i n faraway f i e l d s , and therefore I could not do very much. (p. 140) Two days l a t e r (September 23) Boas wrote to his wife from his hotel i n North Bend: I l i k e i t here very much i n the handsome, clean hotel at the P a c i f i c Railroad, esp e c i a l l y a f t e r the f i l t h i n Spences Bridge. (p. 14,1) 8? I t seems that Boas was quick to r e a l i z e the potential of his new informant, kept him i n mind, and during I894 returned to see him at l e a s t two more times as the following excerpts showi To his wife, October 21 , 1894i Mr. T e i t , from Spences Bridge, about whom I wrote you before, promised i n his l e t t e r to send me a description of the t r i b e s along the Thompson River. You probably remember that I found him very well versed and had asked him to write such a report f o r me which I want to incorporate i n my own report, as much as f e a s i b l e . He also wrote that he would help me with the measurements. (p. 162) November 10, 1894, to his -wife: From V i c t o r i a I w i l l go again to Spences Bridge and into the Nicola Valley. This w i l l take about ten days, so that I w i l l be back i n V i c t o r i a on the twenty-fifth, (pp. 174-175) To his wife, V i c t o r i a , December 8, 1894i I sent a telegram to Spences Bridge so that my companion w i l l be ready. I cannot be there before that. I hope I s h a l l be f i n i s h e d there i n one week. (p. 192) As f a r as I can t e l l now, I s h a l l be i n Spences Bridge on the twelfth; on the fourteenth I s h a l l be back there again, and w i l l leave there on the f i f t e e n t h , (p. 193) To his parents, Lytton, December 14, 1894s I had ordered the same informant I had i n the f a l l , with two horses, and we went around a l l day long up the h i l l s and down the h i l l s , from house to house, to make measurements. 88 To his wife, Lytton, December 15» 1894i My informant i s a very nice man. He comes from the Shetland Islands and has bummed around here a l o t i n a l l kinds of capacities. He i s very much interested i n the Indians and i s writing a report f o r me about t h i s t r i b e which w i l l be very good, I hope. He w i l l also make a c o l l e c t i o n f o r me. His name i s James T e i t . (p. 196) Two years l a t e r i n I 8 9 6 , T e i t ' s f i r s t a r t i c l e was published. "A Rock Painting of the Thompson River Indians, B r i t i s h Columbia," appeared i n the B u l l e t i n of the American Museum of Natural History, edited by Franz Boas. A c t i v i t i e s i n Anthropology In 1897 (June 4 to ,6) Boas again stopped at Spences Bridge. It was the s t a r t of the famous Jesup Expedition (Chapter VI). Concerning t h i s Ross Parmenter wrote« Boas made his f i r s t sweeping tour of the north central i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia i n I 8 9 7 . He began his investigations i n Spences Bridge and then went up the Fraser River to L i l l o o e t . (p. 191) Teit i n his a r t i c l e "The Shuswap" said that he had accompanied Dr. Boas on his v i s i t s to a l l the Western Shuswap bands, and across C h i l c o t i n country to Be l l a Coola i n 1897. In 1900 Teit's f i r s t work as a member of the Expedition appeared i n Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c  Expedition, Volurabe I, Franz Boas, editor. I t was a 229 page work c a l l e d , "The Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia." 89 On June 21, 1900, Boas made M s t h i r d journey to Spences Bridge. Following his v i s i t Teit worked on two projects at one time, both under the d i r e c t i o n of Boas. The f i r s t was a continuation of his work fo r the Jesup Expedition. In his Shuswap monograph he recorded that i n 1900 he made a journey with pack-train at the request of Dr. Franz Boas and that he v i s i t e d the western and northern bands of the Fraser River and spent almost a l l summer and f a l l among them. (This was the area he had previously journeyed through i n 1887, 1888 and 1892.) Teit mentioned that during the season of 1900 he c o l l e c t e d the bulk of his information from several old men i n the v i c i n i t y of Canoe Creek and Dog Creek and e s p e c i a l l y from one old man who was very i n t e l l i g e n t , w e l l-t r a v e l l e d and informed on the area. He stated that he returned home v i a Bonaparte. He worked on t h i s project f o r the Jesup Expedition at various periods f o r several years including the summer of 1904. Teit said that during these years he had v i s i t e d a l l the bands of the Shuswap except the i s o l a t e d ones of Upper North Thompson River at Jasper House, the Kinbaskets on the Columbia River and the Arrow Lake Band. Te i t added that i t would have been i n t e r e s t i n g and perhaps of value to have v i s i t e d these bands, but the time and money required would have doubled the expenses of the Shuswap expedition. In the meantime, Teit worked on another project. In his Foreword to "The Middle Columbia S a l i s h , " Boas revealed that from 1900 to 1910 under his d i r e c t i o n Teit carried through an investi g a t i o n of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Salishan t r i b e s . These studies were financed by Homer E. Sargent of Pasadena, C a l i f o r n i a , U.S.A. Boas i n his preface to Teit's "The Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateau," acknowledged that "Mr. Homer E. Sargent of Pasadena, C a l i f o r n i a , defrayed f o r years the very considerable expenses of Teit's work." According to Teit's son, Sigurd, Sargent had f i r s t met Tei t when the l a t t e r served him as a guide. Teit's daughter, Inga, r e c a l l e d that T e i t had guided Sargent, who was a m i l l i o n a i r e , at l e a s t twice with a hunting party and that she hers e l f had met Sargent. The Teit-Newcombe Correspondence-* As a r e s u l t of the a r t i c l e s on the Thompson River Indians a correspondence between Teit and Charles F. Newcombe was started i n 1900 which continued u n t i l about 1918. In February, 1900, T e i t received a l e t t e r signed by the President of the Natural History Society of B r i t i s h Columbia. The writer said that he was making a c o l l e c t i o n f o r the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, to represent the use of native plants by Indians of the Northwest t r i b e s and that he had seen references to several plants i n Teit's work on the Thompson River Indians and these plants had not been used by the Coast Indians. He added: 93 I should be greatly obliged i f you could get me specimens to represent Indian plants on the enclosed l i s t . Let me know t h e i r cost. Although Newcombe was a physician and p s y c h i a t r i s t with an M.D. degree, Teit wrote to him as "Mr." He r e p l i e d to Newcombe's enquiry as follows: Mr. Charles F. Newcombe, V i c t o r i a Dear S i r , Your l e t t e r of 2 0 t h i n s t . duly to hand. I presume that it3s specimens of the plants you desire to procure, but am not quite sure. Do you wish them when they are i n flower so t h e i r exact names can be determined or do you want entire specimens f o r propagation. Please l e t me know and oblige. Yours t r u l y , (signed) J.A. Tei t P.S. I f i t i s only specimens of the plants you want i t w i l l not cost much but i f i t i s specimens of a r t i c l e s used by the Indians representing these plants then i t w i l l cost a good deal. Let me know and I s h a l l give you an approximate of the cost. J.A.T. In a l e t t e r to Newcombe dated June 19. 1903, Teit again wrote about various plants. This l e t t e r showed that he was already part of the then small world of B r i t i s h Columbia anthropology: I am glad to hear that you have seen Father Morice. I sent him a note i n your care which please give or send to him. A l e t t e r to Newcombe i n August, 1903. revealed that he was also part of the lar g e r world of anthropology and also gave information concerning his f i e l d work. The l e t t e r said 92 that he was forwarding specimens he had collected f o r the F i e l d Columbian Museum. He added: I have just l a t e l y returned from my t r i p among the Shuswaps. I did not f i n d a great deal of old s t u f f amongst them although I v i s i t e d a number of out of the way places and got altogether some one hundred odd specimens f o r the New York people. I would l i k e you to l e t me know how your account i s with me. That i s to say at the time we parted i n Kamloops. I do not know i f I have i t r i g h t . The s t u f f I am sending consists of two bales and one box and I hope everything w i l l a r r i v e i n good order and that you w i l l be pleased with a l l . Let me hear from you at your l e i s u r e . Some of the l e t t e r s reveal his attitudes towards finances.-. Many consist i n part of long l i s t s of the names and prices of the various a r t i c l e s he packed i n large parcels and sent to Newcombe. One such l e t t e r sent i n A p r i l , 1905» s a i d : The cost of the nine specimens i s $10.25* The actual cost was $9-50 and I am allowing 750 to myself f o r packing i f you take them. In another l e t t e r concerning finances dated A p r i l 10, 1910, Teit wrote: Your l e t t e r of 5 t h i n s t . came to hand, and I was glad to hear you had an engagement to arrange the N.W. c o l l e c t i o n i n the Museum at Ottawa. I s h a l l be glad to prepare the map f o r them, but I have no idea what the job i s worth. I think I better leave i t with you to make the arrangement and what-ever price you set w i l l be s a t i s f a c t o r y with me. Ei t h e r that or you might give me an idea of what to charge. I suppose i t ought to be worth $10 anyway... Many of his l e t t e r s contained b i l l s . May, 1903, Teit sent the following short b i l l to Newcombe from Nicolat 1 bark cape .50 1 dentalium head drip $ 2 . 2 5 1 bark hood 1 .50 1 necklace .75 1 ... needle .25 Other b i l l s were longer. The following was sent December 1, 1903. Moss cloak $ 5 . 0 0 Sagebark cape 2 . 5 0 Sagebark shoes 1 .00 Altogether $ 8 . 5 0 Balsam Horiz'a seeds 4 . 0 0 Mortar Bag f o r seeds 2 . 5 0 Moss Leggings and Man's moss s h i r t 6 . 3 0 Necklace of Elaeagnus seeds Fisher skin Headband 1 .50 Boy's moss leggings, moss shoes, moss cap and Elaeagnus poncho 3»75 Moss Shoes, moss leggings, sheep skin leggings and knife sheath 3*75 Elaeagnus cape, Elaeagnus k i l t and Cixcuxxelp bark cape 1 .50 Round snowshoes Stiwixamux snow shoes 6 . 0 0 Tent mat, cedar bark b e l t , sap scraper 2 . 5 0 C h i l c o t i n basket, man's Musquash cap, bone awls, Elaeagnus cloak 7.75 Altogether $44.25 Paid F i x i n g large basket, f i x i n g e cradle .65 Fixing spear, making beaver tooth knife .55 Pipestem, f i x i n g salmon spear .85 Stone for, and f i x i n g skin scraper .40 Altogether $46.70 F i e l d Work Teit's knowledge of the Indians was not based on special expeditions into the f i e l d to gather information. Rather he was immersed i n Indian experience. Thus, i n a s t r i c t sense he did not do f i e l d work. The writer, "Lucian," recognized t h i s when he wrote: Professor Boas could not, i n f i f t y years of study as a research student, have gained d i r e c t l y from the Indians as much as he obtained i n two or three summers with Mr. T e i t . You can not by searching f i n d out what the Indians know. They would not i f they could and could not i f they would reveal themselves to a superior stranger asking them questions. What they knew, but did not r e a l i z e that they knew, could only be gathered by a comrade, who was never i n a hurry, who did not make much fuss, but took i t a l l i n as a matter of course and showed no sign of l i t e r a r y or s c i e n t i f i c intention. Nor i s i t l i k e l y that the young man himself could have learned h a l f as much i f he had been consciously gathering knowledge f o r a useful purpose. He had no p a r t i c u l a r motive, i n q u a l i f y i n g himself to determine on the examination of a basket or mat or pai r of moccasins or a rude wood carving, i n what d i s t r i c t and by what band of Indians i t was made. When he began to l e a r n one af t e r another the various languages and di a l e c t s spoken i n the i n t e r i o r of the province he never knew that he was becoming a phonologist. These were the days when In conversation with old men he gained informa-t i o n which assisted him i n making and c l a s s i f y i n g c o l l e c t i o n s of Indians r e l i c s . On the other hand, i t would not have been possible f o r him to become the high authority that he was had he not l a t e r made his home i n a v i l l a g e and se t t l e d down where he could continue his studies under what may be c a l l e d 95 service conditions. The l i f e that was suited f o r gaining o r i g i n a l information was not adapted to the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and record of his knowledge, the c o l l e c t i o n of material, and communication with other students.7 Tei t ' s accounts of his informants varied widely. In some of them he did not mention informants, i n others he mentioned a few and i n one report ("Coiled Basketry") t h i r t y -8 f i v e i n d i v i d u a l informants were l i s t e d . This l i s t was compiled under unusual and t r a g i c circumstances. Boas wanted a report on c o i l e d "basketry and sent Dr. Herman Karl Haeberlin to T e i t to s t a r t the research. Haeberlin gathered his informa-t i o n , returned to New York and continued his studies. However, before he could f i n i s h them he succumbed to a disease. In the meantime T e i t who was busy with his work fo r the welfare of the Indians had assembled some notes on basketry. But before he could f i n i s h his studies he became i l l and died. Helen H. Roberts then took Haeberlin's and Teit's manuscripts, arranged the material, wrote the text and prepared i t f o r publication. An entire section c a l l e d "The Informants" consisted of a l i s t of the i n d i v i d u a l names of each Indian woman who wove baskets, the name of her band, her r e l a t i o n s h i p to other artisan-informants, the age when she began to make baskets and age at the time of the interview. Regarding Te i t ' s manner of working his daughter r e c a l l e d : 96 Father was completely relaxed with the Indians. He had a very big o f f i c e — two desks and an old Edison Gramophone with cylinders. The Indians came i n and sang to them. He recorded t h e i r songs and conversation. He parcelled them up and mailed them. The Indians stayed a l l day and the place would be blue with smoke. Father chewed on a. pipestem and was soft spoken and quiet. I remember as a c h i l d he had instruments f o r measuring heads. He would measure v i s i t o r s and the family and some of the Indians and anybody. He measured a l l us children — measured a l l our heads. I often used to see him measuring heads. Sigurd T e i t said that the Indians accompanied his father and worked with him on the guide t r i p s and that he col l e c t e d notes a l l the time. At nights the big game hunters stayed i n tents of t h e i r own, while Teit l i v e d i n the Indian tents. In t h i s way he learned about Indian l i f e , language and customs as an i n s i d e r . T e i t learned the language of the Thompsons and he could also converse i n related d i a l e c t s . Sigurd related that Teit was so fluent i n the language and his accent so good, that an Indian had said that i n a dark room "you couldn't t e l l him from an Indian speaking." 99 CHAPTER VI THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION Aims of the Expedition In his introduction to the Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition Boas explained his choice of the area, and outlined his philosophy and the aims of the Expedition. He wrote that although anthropology had been a science f o r only a few years, i t was already approach-ing the solution of i t s problem — that i s , the l a y i n g down of laws governing the growth of culture. He also expressed the b e l i e f that the history of anthropology was l i k e that of other sciences. At f i r s t f a c ts arranged themselves i n seeming order and the ultimate goal of inquiry seemed to be near at hand. But as investigations*, continued new facts were disclosed, and: The b e a u t i f u l , simple order i s broken and the student stands aghast before the multitude and complexity of f a c t s . ...The phenomena, as long as imperfectly known, lend themselves to grand and simple theories that explain a l l being. But when painstaking and laborious inquiry discloses the complexity of the phenomena, new foundations must be l a i d , and the new e d i f i c e i s erected more slowly. Its outlines are not l e s s grand, although l e s s simple. (p. 3-4) Boas explained that anthropology had reached the stage where a firm b e l i e f i n far-reaching theories had been shaken. He said: Heretofore we have seen the features common to a l l human thought; Now we "begin to see t h e i r differences. We recognize that these are no l e s s important than t h e i r s i m i l a r i t i e s , and the value of detailed studies becomes apparent. Our aim has not changed, but our method must change, (p. 4) In these few words Boas was s t r i k i n g a blow at the proponents of psychic unity and u n i l i n e a r evolution, both of which often l e d to "grand theories." In addition, he was committing himself to a s t r i c t l y empirical approach based on f i e l d work. He stated the goal of the Expedition« Its aim i s the' i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the history of man i n a well-defined area, i n which problems of great importance await solution. The expedition has f o r i t s object the in v e s t i g a t i o n of the t r i b e s , present and past, of the coasts of the North P a c i f i c Ocean, beginning at the Amoor River i n Asia, and extending Northeast-ward to Bering Sea, thence southeast-ward along the American coast as f a r as Columbia River. The peculiar i n t e r e s t that attaches to t h i s region i s founded on the fact that here the Old World and New come into close contact. The geographical conditions favor migration along the coast-line, and the exchange of culture. Have such migrations, has such exchange of culture, taken place? (p. 4) He pointed out that the two continents were widely separated and that i t had been assumed that the development of New World culture was uninfluenced by the causes acting i n the Old World. In the Old World there was probably not a single group of people that had not been influenced by others. " I f the development of culture i n the New World has been quite independent of the advances made i n the Old World, i t s culture w i l l be of the greatest value f o r the purpose of comparison." Boas f e l t that i t was important to investigate a l l possible l i n e s and areas of contact and that of a l l of them, the North P a c i f i c coast was probably the most important. He set f o r t h the problem of the investigation noting that although there was an American race, a number of d i s t i n c t types had developed showing that a long period was necessary f o r t h e i r development. He observed that although the v a r i a b i l i t y of each type was s l i g h t , "the members of each type show a remarkable degree of uniformity." He concluded that "the small v a r i a b i l i t y i s an i n d i c a t i o n of lack of mixture, and therefore of long-continued development by d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . " He stated that the probable long occupancy of the American continent implied that the American culture had passed through a long period of development. " I t i s l i k e l y that the d i s t i n c t types of the race developed i n is o l a t e d spots, and therefore culture must also have followed d i s t i n c t l i n e s of growth." However, he noted that the period of i s o l a t i o n was so f a r i n the past that even archaeological evidence showed contact between t r i b e s i n a l l directions and "imply a mixture of blood, as well as exchange of a c u l t u r a l achievement." Boas noted that the people of the North P a c i f i c coast of America, while of the American type, show an a f f i n i t y 10,0 to North A s i a t i c formsi ...and the question a r i s e s , whether t h i s a f f i n i t y i s due to mixture, to migration, or to gradual d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . The culture of the area shows many t r a i t s that suggest a common o r i g i n , while others indicate diverse l i n e s of development. What r e l a t i o n these t r i b e s bear to each other, and p a r t i c u l a r l y what influence the inhabitants of one continent may have exerted on those of the other, are problems of great magnitude. Their solution must be attempted by a careful study of the natives of the coast, past and present, with a view of discovering so much of t h e i r history as may be possible. (p. 6) Origins of the Expedition According to Boas, "The Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition was organized early i n the year 1897."^ However, that may have been an ove r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n , as the roots of the Expedition l a y further i n the past and there were a number of events p r i o r to that time which l e d to the manner i n which i t was organized. In 1884 The B r i t i s h Association f o r the Advancement of Science (B.A.A.S.) i n Montreal appointed the B r i t i s h Association Committee on an Ethnological Survey to make studies i n the various provinces, including a systematic investigation 4 of the t r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia. The committee studied the languages, customs, and physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the natives of the region. By I896 i t had accomplished the main part of i t s goals except f o r a study of the physical types of Northern I n t e r i o r B r i t i s h Columbia. Plans f o r t h i s f i n a l phase 101 had already been worked out. According to Boas, "The operations of the committee extended over a period of four-teen years, and field-work was conducted under the auspices of the committee from 1888 to 189?." Hi l l - T o u t was closely connected with the work of the B.A.A.S. Although the Association had formed a standing committee to secure funds from the Dominion Government and the various p r o v i n c i a l governments, he found i t necessary to contact various people and organizations to plead f o r money to carry on his work fo r the Ethnological Survey, which was conducted under the auspices of the B.A.A.S. That he had a d i f f i c u l t time f i n d i n g money to support his work i s attested by t h i s l e t t e r to Newcombe, dated February 2 0 , 1901:^ ...My f i e l d expenses are about $500 a year. I have received about $150 a season...The re s t has come out of my pocket but I cannot keep t h i s up. Must drop the work i f I do not receive outside help. I am asking f o r $500 per season. Of course I s h a l l be glad to get even a smaller sum but that i s about what I spend i n the f i e l d . Please give us your valuable assistance and influence. For some reason Newcombe had apparently disclaimed any knowledge of the survey. This can be inf e r r e d from H i l l -Tout's l e t t e r to Newcombe dated March 4 , 1901i You say you know l i t t l e of the-Ethndlogical Survey. I thought you were thoroughly conversant with the whole scheme and i n hearty sympathy with i t . Let me then explain a l i t t l e . For years past the B.A.A.S. ( B r i t i s h Association f o r the Advancement of Science) has been carrying 1 4 2 on an ethnological survey i n the United Kingdom. When the meeting of the Associa-tion was held in Canada in - '97 (sic) i t was thought advisable to extend the survey to the Dominions. To encourage the work the B.A.A.S. made a temporary grant o f ^ 5 0 . They have oontinued this thus for each year. This i s . . . the pounds we have had at our disposal. It has been as you see largely a work of love on the part of the committee, no one getting more than a portion of his f i e l d expenses paid. As I told you the work I have been and am s t i l l carrying on has taken about $500 a year and the most I have received has been about $100. I . . . thought at the inception of the survey that the several Provincial authorities would assist in the work and help i t along by small annual grants. Thus far B.C. has done nothing for the work. I have mainly supported the movement here myself but can afford to do this no longer. If the work i s to be continued other help must be forthcoming. I am willing to give my time but my f i e l d expenses must be found...Each year I am now devoting more than six months to the work. I do not want to boast but I think the work I have already accomplished stands as an excellent argument for granting the assistance I am asking. The next month Hill-Tout wrote to Newcombe saying that he had received a postcard informing him that funds were not forthcoming and that he found this "inexplicable." However, in 1902, the Report on the Ethnological Survey of Canada stated* It i s encouraging to report that the Government of British Columbia has recognized the value and importance of Mr. Hill-Tout's work, and has this year assisted him by a grant of $150 towards his f i e l d expenses. (p. 2) 103 However, several years e a r l i e r Boas had not only set before the B.A.A.S. the plan of an expedition which would complete the work of the B.A.A.S. committee, but unlike H i l l - T o u t , he also had his own f i n a n c i a l backingJ ...Morris K. Jesup, 'The Father of Rapid Transit,' i n New York, r e t i r e d banker and philanthropist, was president of the , (American) Museum (of Natural History.) Boas was curator of the Museum, which sponsored a number of studies i n various departments, including entomology zoology and palaeontology and published the findings. One of i t s sections was anthropology, and under t h i s heading i t published the work of scholars i n various i n t e r e s t and geographical areas. The Anthropology Department's f i r s t major organized project was an expedition on both sides of the Bering S t r a i t s , and i t s problems "induced him (Jesup) to provide personally with great l i b e r a l i t y the means for carrying on investigations The Expedition was given Jesup's name. Combining the work of the B.A.A.S. committee with that of the Jesup Expedition had some advantages f o r the B r i t i s h Association, of which, i t i s l i k e l y , f i n a n c i a l backing was not the l e a s t . The advantage to the Jesup Expedition i s l e s s clear. Concerning the cooperation between the two associations, Boas stated: Since the plan of the l a t t e r (Jesup) expedition made i t necessary to supple-ment the work of the committee of the 104 B r i t i s h Association, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n regard to archaeological and somatological research, i t was deemed best to combine the two expeditions. The committee of the B r i t i s h Association and Mr. Jesup agreed to pursue a common plan. It i s due to t h i s enlightened p o l i c y that unnecess-ary duplication of work was avoided, and that the new work can be taken up where the old work ceased. During the year 1897 anthropometric work i n northern B r i t i s h Columbia, and l i n g u i s t i c work on the tri b e s of southern B r i t i s h Columbia, was carried on for the B r i t i s h Association fo r the Advancement of Science, while a l l the remaining work was done for the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition." It was not mentioned that the excluded "anthropo-metric work i n Northern B r i t i s h Columbia, and the l i n g u i s t i c work on the tr i b e s of southern B r i t i s h Columbia," ( i n which Hill-Tout was engaged) would benefit from Mr. Jesup*s largesse. The Expedition Starts The Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition got under way i n June, I 8 9 7 . Boas and Hil l - T o u t were then t h i r t y - e i g h t years of age, Tei t was thirty-three and Smith was twenty-f i v e . Boas i n his "Operations of the Expedition" recorded that the people who began the expedition consisted of% Mr. Franz Boas, of the American Museum of Natural History? Mr. Livingston Farrand, of Columbia University, New York; and Mr. Harlan I. Smith, of the American Museum of Natural History. This party was assisted by Mr. James T e i t , of Spences Bridge, B.C.; Mr. George Hunt, of Fort Rupert, B.C., and Mr. F i l l i p Jacobsen, of Clayoquot, B.C. (p. 8) Boas said that the party made preparations in Victoria and then proceeded to Spences Bridge, "where they arrived on the June 2, and were met toy* Mr. uJames..A. 'Teit." On June 5t he wrote to his wife from Spences Bridges 9 We can be satisfied with the results of our f i r s t two days here. If i t only w i l l continue this way! We have measured ten people and have photographed them, and I bought a small collection of ethnographic artifacts. It was not much effort, though. Teit had prepared everything for us very well. (p. 202) The next day he wrote to his wifet This afternoon Jimmy Teit and I went down to the village and collected melodies. The phonograph works very well, and got ten good songs. The rhythms seem to be rather d i f f i c u l t , although the songs themselves are very simple. The few hours in the village were very interesting, (pp. 202-203) In his "Operations of the Expedition" Boas wrote that Harlan Smith had found i n making preparations to conduct archaeological investigations i n the valley of the Thompson River that Spences Bridge was not a favorable place for excavationsi ...and for this reason Mr. Smith moved his base of operations f i r s t to Kamloops, and later on to Lytton, which i s situated at the confluence of Fraser River and Thompson River. At the l a t t e r place Mr. Smith was ably assisted by Mr. Charles Hill-Tout of Vancouver, B.C., well known for his researches on the archaeology of British Columbia. The Expedition i s under great obligations to Mr. Hill-Tout for the deep interest that he manifested i n i t s work, and for the kindly assistance rendered by him. (p. 8) 1@6 Harlan I. Smith i n his "Archaeology of Lytton, British Columbia" (Vol. I, pt. I l l ) , wrotei In the f i e l d , assistance was rendered by Mr. Charles Hill-Tout of Vancouver, who for many years has been much interested i n the antiquities of British Columbia, and whose "Later Prehistoric Man i n British Columbia, is . t h e . f i r s t resume of British Columbia archaeology' fpT 130) However, Lytton was Thompson Indian Country, there-fore Teit's name appears more times i n Smith's text as an important source of information and interpretations than does Hill-Tout. The Jesup Expedition was not an expedition in the usual sense — that i s a band of people making a journey together. This f i r s t phase in 1897 was the closest approach to such a group excursion, although actually i t was more i n the nature of a lengthy summer f i e l d t r i p . Teit made the arrangements for horses and supplies as he had done many times before for hunting groups. The party, which had started from Spences Bridge early in June, continued a l l summer with members spreading out to various places and joining together at a later date. Boas wrote that while Smith conducted extensive excavations at Kamloops and Lytton, "Mr. Boas and Mr. Farrand, accompanied by Mr. Teit, started on a lengthy t r i p northward..." He recounted that the party had started with a train of ten horses from Spences Bridge, travelling to Lillooet, where 10? Farrand "visited the villages of the Upper Lillooet on Seton and Anderson Lakes." The pack-train proceeded slowly along a wagon road leading to the Cariboo, v i s i t i n g a l l the villages near the road and collecting anthropometric data. Farrand rejoined the party, which continued on to Soda Creek on the Fraser River to v i s i t "the most northern village inhabited by the Shuswap tribe," then crossed the river through the territory of the Chilcotin. Farrand stayed behind to study them while the rest of the party continued on to Bella Coola. Boas, in "Operations of the Expedition" described proceeding along narrow t r a i l s i n the mountains, following rivers, travelling across snowfields, climbing t r a i l s to a height of five thousand feet and viewing mountain peaks and enormous glaciers. He also mentioned crossing a "deep and rapid river," reporting thati The party built a r a f t , on which an Indian embarked in order to fetch a canoe that was seen on the other side. In this the men crossed the river, while the horses swam over. (p. 10) At Bella Coola the party was met by George Hunt, Boas's Kwakiutl informant and co-author with him of several volumes i n the Jesup Publications. There Teit with his pack-train returned to the Fraser River and Spences Bridge while the others continued with their various acti v i t i e s and side t r i p s . In a le t t e r to his wife and parents (July 31) Boas wrotei 108 Teit l e t the horses rest for two days and l e f t the afternoon of the twenty-third, since i t had rained heavily in the morning. Until then I stayed with them i n the tent, and also slept there. (Rohneri pp. 214-215) The last stop was Rivers Inlet. On September 5» Boas wrote from there to his wife. Today I also had word from Teit, who fi n a l l y arrived happily i n Spences Bridge on August 18. (Rohner» p. 241) From Rivers Inlet George Hunt returned to his home in Fort Rupert and Boas and Farrand returned to New York. In the meantime Smith had been exploring the shell-mounds at the mouth of the Fraser River. Concerning this Boas noted i n "Operations," "The results that were here obtained are so important that i t w i l l be necessary to continue the researches during the coming year." (p. 11) The same account mentioned that* "The expedition i s also under great obligations to Dr. Charles F. Newcombe, who contributed an interesting collection from Queen Charlotte Islands." (p. 11) Beginning in 1897* the expedition lasted for ten years but the remaining studies were never again made on a group basis. Rather i t consisted of one or two individuals making investigations, with Boas providing the direction, either i n the f i e l d or from the American Museum of Natural History. Results of the Expedition In the "Introductory" to Teit's "Mythology of the Thompson Indians" (Vol. VII), Boas revealed that compromises had to be made in the publication of the results of the Expedition. He wrotei The following collection of myths of the Indians has been i n my hands for quite a number of years. Their publication has been delayed because i t seemed desirable, on account of the large amount of mytho-logical material brought together by the Jesup Expedition, to devote a whole volume and a complete discussion to this subject. Unfortunately this has not been possible; and i t has been necessary to scatter the material i n a number of publications, and much of i t remains s t i l l unpublished. For this reason the present series, given with-out a detailed comparison, would have to be repeated and expanded when the reference to the unpublished material should become available. It i s hoped that after publica-tion of the original data, the general discussion can be given i n the f i n a l volume of this series, (p. 203) A l i s t of planned publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition shows that the actual results differed from Boas's expectations. The Siberian material was not as f u l l as Boas intended, and also there were to have been twelve volumes, including a separate volume on physical anthropology and a concluding summary with f i n a l results. The Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition actually consist of nine volumes, plus an "Ethnographical Album," which was not given a volume number.10 110 The Ethnographical Album mainly consists of photographs of individual Indians from certain groups — Thompson, Shuswap, Half-blood Shuswap and Lil l o o e t . Before each group a brief one-paragraph description i s given of the dialect, habitat, measurements of stature and head and face, and the number of men and women measured. The plates are i n groups of three to a page showing f u l l face, three-quarter face and profile of the same individual. In addition there are several photographs of items of interest such as the view of the Thompson River from Spences Bridge and of special rocks, lodges and sweat houses. Almost a l l the "plates (were) reproduced from negatives taken by Mr. Harlan I. Smith," except for three plates of the Lillooets taken by Roland B. Dixon. CHAPTER VII HILL-TOUT'S WRITING Hill-Tout was the author of two books and about thirty-five articles published over a period of forty-three years from 1895 to 1938. In 1913. when Hill^Tout farmed in Abbotsford he wrote a paper on farmers' problems called "Government Aid to Agriculture," for the Canadian P o l i t i c a l Science Association. 1 He also had written for the Proceedings 2 of the Psychical Research Society of England. Although most of Hill-Tout's work on anthropology appeared in s c i e n t i f i c journals occasionally some of i t was published under somewhat less scholarly auspices. The Illustrated London News featured an art i c l e by him headedi The Art of the Wolves of the Sea — Master-pieces of the Once Ferocious Haida Indians of British Columbia Exhibited at Vancouver, which the Lord Mayor of London i s Visiting for i t s Jubilee!3 Hill-Tout was intensely interested in origins. When he noted similarities (either physical or cultural) he tended to use them as a basis for speculating on the origins of the peoples involved. His writing was concerned with archaeology and ethnography, including mythology and lin g u i s t i c s . His findings in these areas were used to support his theories. Between 1895 and 1901 Hill-Tout had committed himself in print to his three major theories. F i r s t , the earliest inhabitants of British Columbia were Eskimoj second, present-life day Indians of the region were of Maiayo-Polynesian o r i g i n with some A s i a t i c influence} and t h i r d , totemism was a method of naming based on animistic concepts of the universe. Archaeology Hil l - T o u t ' s f i r s t published monograph, "Later P r e h i s t o r i c Man i n B r i t i s h Columbia" ( 1895), was very important f o r him i n several ways. I t was the e a r l i e s t published report of the archaeological riches of B r i t i s h Columbia and as i t was incorporated i n the Proceedings and  Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, i t attracted attention to the area and to him.^ Also, i t served as a basis f o r l a t e r a r t i c l e s and lectures on the archaeology of the area and he used the same material without substantial change f o r many years. In addition, he used i t to expound the f i r s t of hi s major theories — that the e a r l i e s t inhabi-tants of the area were Eskimos — a view which he held u n t i l the end of his l i f e . According to him the s k u l l s which he unearthed from the midden had "keel ridges" ( s a g i t t a l crests) as do many Eskimo s k u l l s , and the " n o s t r i l s are pinched so that the indraughts of a i r into the lungs are reduced i n comparison to those people who dwell outside the a r c t i c c i r c l e . " His measurements revealed that the present Native people were broad headed and that no long-headed t r i b e s were known i n B r i t i s h Columbia. He wrote that i n the lower layers of the midden however, long-headed s k u l l s had been found. These he said had a c r a n i a l index of the Eskimo type and had s t r i k i n g differences from present day Indians, (p. 112) H i l l - T o u t ' s monograph appeared i n 1895, but a few years l a t e r , by 1905* studies were published showing that cephalic index i s not a single-gene c h a r a c t e r i s t i c and may be influenced by environment. These early studies (reinforced by l a t e r findings) confirmed that cephalic index was of l i t t l e use as a c r i t e r i o n of race. Nevertheless, as l a t e as 1938 i n an address given at the dedication of a c a i r n on the s i t e of the Marpole Midden, H i l l - T o u t revealed his unchanged attitude i n the following statement: The importance of t h i s difference i n head-form w i l l be best r e a l i z e d i f I state that anthropologists regard the contours and indices of the head or s k u l l as one of the best and most r e l i a b l e c r i t e r i a of race that can be found. He also noted that Eskimos have a t r a d i t i o n that t h e i r people come from the south. Some of the problems i n evaluating H i l l - T o u t ' s archaeological monographs are that he did not keep proper records, he did not use accepted excavation procedures (although they were known at that time) and also he did not say exactly how he measured the s k u l l s . Later measurements show them to be brachycephalic, not dolichocephalic, and the Vancouver Centennial Museum has only one long-headed s k u l l i n i t s c o l l e c t i o n and i t i s apparently recent. The Museum also has s k u l l s with keel ridges, but these are of indiputable recent and Indian o r i g i n . Many of the s k u l l s were deformed either a r t i f i c i a l l y or by earth pressure and 7 i t i s not c l e a r i f H i l l - T o u t always recognized t h i s . Immediately below Hill-Tout's 1895 a r t i c l e appear a few short paragraphs by Franz Boas e n t i t l e d , "Remarks on a Skull From B r i t i s h Columbia." Boas wrote that he had examined a fragment of a s k u l l found by H i l l - T o u t and said that i t had been deformed i n two ways, by pressure from the ground and by a r t i f i c i a l deformation during l i f e . He wrote that i t had been a r t i f i c i a l l y deformed i n the same manner as that practised by c e r t a i n "present day" Indians of nearby areas. He concluded that the face resembled that of the present Indians of the area and there was some pathology but not of s y p h a l i s t i c o r i g i n . " Origins of B.C. Indians In H i l l - T o u t ' s 1897 monograph, "Notes on the Cosmogony and History of the Squamish Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," he f i r s t began to develop his theory that Indian US languages were l i n g u i s t i c a l l y related to Maiayo-Polynesian and to Asiatic languages and that this pointed to the origin of the Indians themselves.9 The art i c l e i s also interesting as an account of his f i e l d work (as cited earlier in Chapter IV) as i t told how the story was conveyed to him, the various parts being marked off by sticks from a bundle. The story told of the origins of the Squamish Indians* First the Great Spirit created man and woman and in time their descendants peopled the earth. But the people were wicked and the Great Spirit caused a flood to cover the earth. A man and a woman who fled to the top of a mountain were saved and when the water subsided, they came down and their descendants multiplied. Later the Great Spirit sent a snow storm and the only people to survive were a man and his daughter, who became husband and wife and produced offsprings. Then salmon covered with sores came and the people ate them and got sores and died. A remnant were l e f t , who again prospered and multiplied. Then Vancouver sailed up Howe Sound. At this point Hill-Tout abruptly discontinued the tale, saying the rest of i t was not important. He did not press the point of the Biblical a f f i n i t i e s as flood stories 116 are very widespread, but seized upon as interesting and significant the various names used in the story. The remainder of his article was concerned with demonstrating that they were related l i n g u i s t i c a l l y to Polynesian names. He very specifically posited a relationship between the Kwakiutl-Nootka and Salish with Malayo-Polynesian, Haida-Tlingit with "Japo-Corean," and Dene with archaic Chinese. He noted that the similarities were in the vocabularies and the morphologies of the languages. A large part of the arti c l e was devoted to l i s t s comparing Indian words with similar ones found in various Polynesian languages. Hill-Tout further developed this theory i n his I898 a r t i c l e , "Oceanic Origins of the Kwakiutl-Nootka and Salish Stocks of British Columbia and Fundamental Unity of Same with Additional Notes on the Dene. 1 0 His basic thesis was that Indian vocabularies were Oceanic and their grammar was East Asian in structure. He followed a common scholarly procedure of praising the opposition before demolishing i t . He noted that more than two-thirds of a l l l i n g u i s t i c stocks i n North America are found between the Rockies and the Coast. "Various theories have been offered by ethnologists to account for this singular bunching of stocks i n this limited territory, the most plaus-ible of which i s that put forward by the late Horatio Hale" (p. 18?)• Hale's explanation had been that children of different sexes orphaned i n the wilderness would grow up and frame a language of their own which would become the mother tongue of a new lin g u i s t i c stock. Hill-Tout argued the d i f f i c u l t i e s of surviving, even for adults, i n the rigorous climate of the region. He pointed to the numerous voyages and the peopling of the Pacific Islands by the "Oceanic Race," and wrotet ...there i s nothing antecedently impossible or even improbable in the hypothesis of an extra-American origin for our west coast tribesj and the disfavor with which this view i s held by some of our eastern Americanists has long been a matter of astonishment to me. And again, why so much objection to an Asian origin for some of our northwestern stocks on the part of the eastern investigators, who have never studied our western tribes i n their own home and who have to rely upon the labours of others for the information concerning them? (p. 190) Hill-Tout pointed to the similarities — "physical, psychical and l i n g u i s t i c " between Asian peoples and "our Indians." He cited Boas, Morice and R. Virchow i n support of this view. He statedt The Salish approximate more nearly both physically and l i n g u i s t i c a l l y to the Malayo-Polynesianst the Nootka more so than their congeners the Kwakiutl, who with the Bilqula, Tsimshian, and Haida-Tlingit show unmistakable evidence of Asian contact both i n habitus and speech. I know of no other instance i n the f i e l d of ethnology where li n g u i s t i c and physical data so clearly coincide, as i n this case, (p. 190) 118 He pointed out that the vocabulary of the Kwakiutl-Nootka " i s , l i k e Salish, of Maiayo-Polynesian origin, but the post position of i t s particles and i t s general structure mark i t s a f f i n i t y to the Dene of the interior on the one hand and the East Asian stocks on the other-(p. 190)• A major part of the a r t i c l e was devoted to tables comparing the "radicals" of Oceanic languages with those of the Kwakiutl-Nootka and the Salish. Hill-Tout's exuberance i n putting his theories across makes i t d i f f i c u l t to assess the amount of subtlety involved i n his analysis of Indian languages. In one sense he understood he could not impose the Indo-European scheme on them because he suggested their grammar was East Asian i n structure. But on the other hand he seemed to view them i n terms of nouns, pronouns and verbs, as well as the usual tenses found in English plus the Greek aorist tense. It i s also d i f f i c u l t to say from his interlinear translations which appeared i n his other works whether he simply viewed these languages as exotic utterances by which Indians expressed themselves i n a peculiar scrambled manner, or whether he realized they were structures which actually could be under-stood only i n the context of Indian cultural perceptions. Sweeping theories, such as his assertions of Malayo-Polynesian, "'&a&o-CoreanM and archaic Chinese a f f i n i t i e s seem irrelevant now, or at any rate they seldom appear i n the literature. 119 Later analysts of Northwest Indian languages such as Sapir contented themselves with assigning various d i a l e c t s and languages to l a r g e r North American l i n g u i s t i c f a m i l i e s , often t e n t a t i v e l y and with many reservations. Totemism The Royal Society of Canada published two mono-graphs by Hi l l - T o u t on the subject of totemismi "The Origin of the Totemism of the Aborigines of B r i t i s h Columbia" (1901) and "Totemismi A Consideration of Its Origi n and Import" ( 1 9 0 3 ) . 1 1 In them he developed and committed himself to the idea that totemism was a method of naming based on animistic concepts of the universe, acknowledging that Tylor's work was the basis of t h i s viewpoint. In his f i r s t a r t i c l e he wrote that the Indians of the Northwest coast had i n t e r e s t i n g p e c u l i a r i t i e s i n t h e i r s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and customs and that t h e i r totems and totemic systems appeared to d i f f e r from that of people elsewhere. He said that many scholars (including Prazer and J.W. Powell) believed that a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of totemism wasi ...that the members of a totem are consanguineally related to each other through a common descent from t h e i r totem prototypes, or the members of a totem are blood r e l a t i v e s through a common descent from t h e i r totem prototype, (p. 3) H i l l - T o u t believed that t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was e n t i r e l y l a c k i n g from the totemic systems of the coast and 12.0 that northwest coast Indians did not consider themselves related to nor descended from their totem prototype, "nor, in the case of the northern clan totems, from a common ancestor" (p. 3)« He wrote that the origin of totemism was not known and reviewed the various theories that had been advanced, saying that they did not satisfy him. One, Herbert Spencer*s "confusion theory" was that the origin of totemism could be found i n the primitive custom of naming children after natural objects from some accidental circumstance or fanciful resemblance. Or i t resulted from confusing real objects with their ancestors of the same name and paying them the same reverence as they did their ancestors. Lubbock, Hill-Tout said, "leaned to the 'supposed resemblance theory.'" Tylor saw totemism as arising from the habit of the primitive mind of personifying a l l the objects of i t s material environment, (p. 4) McLennan thought that imitation of animal forms and habits and consequently the naming of "neighbouring hordes" by each other might explain the origin of totemism. Hill-Tout wrote that the origin might be found i n part i n a l l these views, but especially that of Tylor. His own studies of British Columbia he wrote, confirmed this as " i t i s manifestly born of the animistic conceptions of the native mind." He explained that he could not accept the definition of Powell, because he made no mention of personal 123 totems, only clan totems. Hill-Tout f e l t that to understand northwest coast totemism one must consider the personal elementi ...for there i s l i t t l e room f o r doubt that our clan totems are a development of the personal or in d i v i d u a l totem or tu t e l a r s p i r i t , as t h i s i s i n turn a development of an e a r l i e r fetishism, (p. 5) H i l l - T o u t took as a "given" the idea of stages, i n t h i s case from fetishism, to personal totem, to clan totem, and wrote that though he did not know i f most natives of North America had gone through these stages, i t was highly probable. He quoted Powell as saying, " . . . i t was customary fo r each clan to adopt a t u t e l a r god," which "always gave the name to the clan." Hill-Tout remarked, "One hesitates to put oneself i n c o n f l i c t with such an authority on matters Indian as Major Powell unquestionably i s j but here no alternative i s l e f t one." He wrote that he could not v i s u a l i z e a clan s i t t i n g down "to consider anddetermine what deity they s h a l l 'adopt' by whose name they s h a l l c a l l themselves" (p. 6 ) . He pointed out that the main drawback of various theories was that they looked at things from the culture state of the European and not of the "savage," addingi To r i g h t l y understand savage conceptions one must view things as f a r as i s possible from the standpoint and mental view of the savage. Many of our mistakes are due to our forgetfulness or our i n a b i l i t y to do t h i s . (p. 7) 122 He noted that, "totemism and i t s kindred i n s t i -tutions are obviously the outcome of animistic conceptions of the universe," and made the following eight pointsi F i r s t , Indian personal and gentile (clan) names are very often taken from animals, plants and f a m i l i a r objects. Second, they are given shortly a f t e r b i r t h before any resemblance i s apparent or possible. He wrote that to. ...those of us who have passed beyond the animistic stage of philosophy t h i s may seem strange. But the savage, who sees no  d i s t i n c t i o n and recognizes no essential  difference between mankind and the rest  of creation, such names are at once most r a t i o n a l and appropriate, (p. 7) He observed that to Northwest Coast Indians animals and plants and other objects i n nature are transformed human or semi-human beings and may possess the power to appear i n human guise at w i l l . "They l i k e himself possess a shade or s p i r i t u a l essence." (p. 7) He made his t h i r d point using S a l i s h myths concern-ing transformations, where the animal or object bore i t s name before i t changed form* Instead of the native c a l l i n g himself by the name of animals and plants, i t i s r e a l l y the other way about; and these now bear the names formerly applied to them when they were conceived and regarded as having human or semi-human form. The measure of the universe to the savage i s t r u l y and l i t e r a l l y — Man. In other words a l l plants, animals and objects were 123 at f i r s t men. At that time when they were i n human form they had t h e i r present names. Then they changed into t h e i r present-day form, r e t a i n i n g the names they had when they were human. Fourth, among the Sali s h were beings who could take the form of man or animals at w i l l . After the t r i b a l heroes or great transformers, they changed permanently to animal forms and l o s t the power to assume human form. But t h e i r shades or essences s t i l l possess human or semi-human forms which sometimes appear to people. He noted that Eskimos have a s i m i l a r b e l i e f . He added that i t was natural f o r people who looked at t h e i r environ-ment with animistic eyes not to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the names they give to clans, to persons, to plants, animals and objects. " I t i s hardly necessary to point out that where there i s no d i s t i n c t i o n there can be no •confusion.*" F i f t h , totems are not d e i t i e s or gods i n t h i s region. Sixth, i t i s always the s p i r i t u a l essence or "mystery" which becomes the totem, not the bodily form of the animal or object. This perhaps i s the reason i t i s a l r i g h t to k i l l an animal, as i t i s merely the body not the s p i r i t u a l essence which i s being k i l l e d , (pp. 7-9) The seventh point o f f e r s a reason why totemic carvings and representations were usually kept covered — where there i s an outward form there i s an inward "mystery." 1^ -According to H i l l - T o u t , i n the primitive mind these are inseparable (an apparent contradiction of his s i x t h point.) His eighth point dealt with the order of totemic development from f e t i s h to personal totem to clan totem. In support he wrote that Boas expressed the b e l i e f that among the Kwakiutl the personal totem gave r i s e to the clan totem. 1^ H i l l - T o u t wrote that proceeding from the t r i b e s of the i n t e r i o r down the Fraser to the coast there i s increasing complexity i n s o c i a l organization. Among inland t r i b e s the totem i s unknown, the s o c i a l organization i s loose and simple and the only incest i s between blood r e l a t i v e s . Personal or t u t e l a r s p i r i t s are common and d i f f e r l i t t l e from f e t i s h e s . Although he did not define fetishism he stated that the b e l i e f i n personal s p i r i t s i s a connecting l i n k between pure fetishism and the totemism of the region. In support of his theory i n his second paper on totemism he outlined the following categoriesi Personal 1. The name acquired by a person during the puberty ceremonials} 2. The object or thing from which the name i s taken} 3. The symbol or representation of the object. Kinship Group 1. The name of a group of people united by t i e s of consang-uinity} 2. The object from which that name i s taken} 3. The crest of kindred symbol or representation of the object. S o c i a l Organization 1. The name of a "medicine" or " r e l i g i o u s " society} 2. The object or thing to which that society i s devoted} 3. The emblem, symbol or representation of that object or thing. : (pp. 63-64) 125 H i l l - T o u t pointed out that a l l three categories have the same underlying concept and the same three elements: name, object and symbol. Each object i s the source of the name and i n i t i s the tut e l a r y guardian s p i r i t . The connecting l i n k i s the ghostly helper or s p i r i t . This, said H i l l - T o u t , i s the essential element of totemism: i t i s totemism shorn of a l l i t s " s o c i a l accessories." In applying the same name to a l l three elements, we are following the custom of the natives and regarding the subject from t h e i r point of view. To a "savage" a name i s an essential part or att r i b u t e of a thing. To receive a name of an animal orvplant or object was to be endowed with the essence or s p i r i t of that object, to be under i t s protection, to become one with i t i n a very special and mysterious sense. Hi l l - T o u t l i s t e d European views of totemism which he f e l t were not true: 1. Totemism i s not herit a b l e . 2. Under matriarchy founders of families are not men. 3. Totemism i s a class of objects, not an in d i v i d u a l object. 4. Canons of Totemism are exogamy and taboo * 5. Canon of Provender (increases supply of plants and animals), (p. 75) He f e l t that the f i r s t two points (Lang's) could be disproved because i n his investigations he had found the personal totem i s transmissible and herit a b l e . People are l i n e a l descendants of the man or woman who f i r s t acquired the 126 personal totem, adding there i s evidence "direct and ample" of the h e r i t a b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l totem and that American data abound i n i t * Concerning the second point, H i l l - T o u t f e l t i t was incorrect because of Lang's single misconception! "Under mother-right men are never founders of f a m i l i e s , clans or totems." He f e l t that the b i g stumbling block of European students was that they could not v i s u a l i z e any descent being true descent except through a l i n e of sons. He pointed out that the man could be the founder of the family and the l i n e continue through his s i s t e r ' s children and that descent reckoned i n t h i s manner could also be v a l i d . The t h i r d point (Frazer's), that totemism i s a class of objects, not an i n d i v i d u a l object, he dismissed as i r r e l e v a n t . Concerning Frazer's "canons" H i l l - T o u t wrotet - 0 ...Totemism r i g h t l y considered i s not a set of practices or ceremonies, but c l e a r l y a b e l i e f , which i s the e f f i c i e n t cause of these practices. Hence to attempt to judge totemism by "canons" and " t e s t s , " i s to regard the form or expression of the doctrine rather than the enforming p r i n c i p l e or concept which underlies and prompts, to take the s h e l l f o r the kernel, and to open the door to endless differences of opinion. He pointed out that the underlying p r i n c i p l e i s the same everywhere but i t s outward manifestations d i f f e r s i d e l y . He suggested that errors arose from the "preconcep-127 tions of the savant rather than the r e a l b e l i e f s of the savages," because the former regard totemism as a set of rules rather than as an expression of r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g and that these have been confused with other customs that have l i t t l e to do with totemism. Hi l l - T o u t concluded by saying that the basic difference i s that Americanists show "that...totemism i s r i g h t l y regarded as a system of naming, i n the sense i n which the savage regards names, and not as a system of s o c i a l r u l e s and regulations, as held by most European students..." (p.99) The problem of totemism has been argued f o r about a century. I t has been described as being involved and i n t r i c a t e , as indefinable, and as Levi-Strauss suggested i f we follow Boas's idea that myth i s a category of thought, then* S i m i l a r l y , totemism i s an a r t i f i c a l unity, e x i s t i n g s o l e l y i n the mind of the anthropologist, to which nothing . s p e c i f i c a l l y corresponds i n r e a l i t y . 1 4 , Levi-Strauss equated -totemism with hysteria, i n that both were i n t e l l e c t u a l fads at the turn of the century. They served the purpose of o f f e r i n g a comforting separation of the "normal, white, adult man" from the primitive ( i n the case of totemism) and from the female or from mental patients ( i n the case of hysteria.) He f e l t that what was spoken of as totemism was act u a l l y the confusion of two problems* f i r s t , the i d e n t i f i -128 cation of human beings with plants and animals (nature): and second, the designation of kinship groups with animal and vegetable names (culture)• "The term 'totemism' covers only-cases i n which there i s a coincidence of the two orders." Thus he put nature and culture into separate categories. I t i s l i k e l y that perceiving things i n terms of oppositions i s a way of looking at them from "the culture state of the European" and not of the "savage" as H i l l - T o u t would have sa i d . Indian Culture H i l l - T o u t also published a number of other papers containing ethnographic information. These were l a r g e l y f a c t u a l , some with the known history of the group written about, notes from a journal such as the diary of Captain Vancouver, as well as observations on the s o c i a l organization and kinship structure. They covered b i r t h , puberty, court-ship, marriage and mortuary customs; and also various feasts. He often included a small section on the archaeology of the area and the information was s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same as that i n "Later P r e h i s t o r i c Man." Also offered was information about dwellings, dress, shamanism and usually one or more myths. He occasionally t o l d of his f i e l d methods. (See Chapter IV, section on " F i e l d Work.") Language was almost always an important part of 129 his studies and touched upon vowels, dipthongs, consonants, accent, number, diminutives, reduplication, various noun types, compound terms, parts of speech, gender and sometimes included a glossary of common terms. His "Notes on the Sk»qo'mic of B r i t i s h Columbia, a Branch of the Great Sal i s h Stock of North America" ( 1 9 0 0 ) , i 5 began rather puzzlingly with the introductory statement: "This report i s accompanied by nineteen photographs of Indians, taken by Mr. H i l l - T o u t . . . " (p. 470) The photographs were also referred to i n the body of the a r t i c l e , but not one accompanied i t . Like T e i t , H i l l - T o u t gloomily predicted: In a few years, a l l those who l i v e d under the old conditions i n the prae-missionary times, and who now alone possess the knowledge we desire to gather, w i l l have passed away, and our chances of obtaining further r e l i a b l e information of the past w i l l have gone with them. (p. 472) His l i n g u i s t i c studies often l e d him into specula-t i v e byways concerning the o r i g i n or at l e a s t possible migra-tions of the S a l i s h and other groups. His report f o r the 1902 Ethnological Survey of Canada (B.A.A.S.) on the Halkomelem was an ethnographic report with l i t t l e t h e o r y . 1 6 However, Hill-Tout did note that the speakers of t h i s language were on the Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia, they were also on Vancouver Island, occupied a l a r g e r and more scattered t e r r i t o r y than other S a l i s h d i v i s i o n s 136 and also were surrounded by people who did not speak the same language* He suggested that t h i s meant that they had not occupied t h e i r present t e r r i t o r i e s f o r a long time but were comparative l a t e comers, (p. 3) The a r t i c l e also offered a small census of the Tcil'qe'uk (Chilliwack) group only and named the old settlements. His monograph e n t i t l e d , "Report on the Ethnology of the Okanak.en of B r i t i s h Columbia, an I n t e r i o r D i v i s i o n of the S a l i s h Stock," consisted of about three pages of facts and the remainder of i t s thirty-one pages was devoted to speculation! And t h i s leads me to the point where I may with propriety o f f e r a few remarks upon the o r i g i n or source of the S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia i n so f a r as my studies of t h i s stock bear upon that question. (p. 1 3 2J 1? Hil l - T o u t expressed the opinion that c e r t a i n features of t h e i r language and culture and a new element — mythology! •..make i t quite c e r t a i n that wherever else t h e i r o r i g i n a l or early home was i t was not on the r i v e r s and waters of the North P a c i f i c Slope, (p. 133) He believed that they came from the south-east to the north-west, "as did other S a l i s h t r i b e s of B r i t i s h Columbia." He restated his b e l i e f that the "stock" had o r i g i n a l l y come into the American continent by way of the P a c i f i c Ocean because t h e i r language had l i n g u i s t i c a f f i n i t i e s with Oceanic peoples. He wrotei 131 At what point i t (the S a l i s h Stock) entered the continent i s not at present cl e a r , except that i t would appear to have been south of the area where the salmon forms the staple food supply f o r the l i t t o r a l t r i b e s * (p. 133) Almost every l i n g u i s t i c d i v i s i o n (of Sal i s h speakers) has d i s t i n c t and unrelated terms fo r the salmon which no method of l i n g u i s t i c equation can show to be the same or to have had a common o r i g i n , (p. 134) He also noted that no two salmon o r i g i n myths were a l i k e and "the very possession of a myth of salmon o r i g i n shows that they believe that once they lacked t h i s a r t i c l e of t h e i r d i e t . " H i l l - T o u t often mentioned his informants, Indian and missionary, by name or acknowledged his indebtedness to other sources. In his paper on the Okanagon he wrotet Regarding t h e i r past a careful inquiry at various centres reveals that t h e i r culture followed so c l o s e l y that of neighbouring d i v i s i o n s , that a description of one i s v i r t u a l l y a description of the other. Teit ' s account of Thompson culture might have been written, with a few minor and unimportant points of difference, f o r the Okanak.'en. (p. 131) In general Hill-T o u t ' s accounts of most of the manifestations of Indian culture were factual and offered without judgment of Native morals. However, the Okanagon monograph revealed that he did have his opinions concerning Indian contact with the Whites. (Compare with T e i t i n the following chapter.) H i l l - T o u t wrote 1 o 132 F i f t y years of more or less close contact with the Whites has greatly modified the lives and conditions of the Okanak.en. As in other centres they have much decreased in numbers. They now l i v e on Reserves, some of the finest tracts of country having been set aside for their use. I cannot say that they have taken much advantage of their opportunities. With rare exceptions here and there, and generally where the infusion of white blood makes itself apparent, they are content to muddle along i n their old hand-to-mouth style of l i v i n g . They display l i t t l e or no concerted action i n their labours. Each family i s satisfied to c u l t i -vate a small patch of vegetables or grain for i t s e l f , whereas i f they showed any energy or enterprise they might a l l be wealthy, or at any rate well-to-do, i n a few years. Certainly no Indians in the Province have better opportunities or more valuable lands either for agricultural or stock-raising purposes, (p. 131) Equality of the Races One of Hill-Tout*s more interesting and confusing articles i s one i n which he posed the question, "Is There a Fundamental Difference in Racial Aptitudes and Capacities, and Does the Mind of the Savage Differ Essentially From That of the Savant?" 1 8 He suggested that the reason we study the past and primitive people (practically the same in his mind) was so that we could understand our own c i v i l i z a t i o n . He wrote» The question i s often asked. What i s the essential difference between the mind of the savant and the mind of the savage? Are they different i n kind or only i n degree? And i s the difference one merely of c u l t u r a l environment, or does i t l i e deeper? F i r s t , then, by way of cl e a r i n g the ground, l e t me explode the notion so common among people of European descent that the white race i s superior i n a l l respects to a l l other races. This naive assumption, so f l a t t e r i n g to our self-esteem, i s based wholly on r a c i a l prejudice and conceit, and finds no support i n actual f a c t , (p. 150) H i l l - T o u t continued his argument with a kind of reverse race prejudice i n which he found the "Polynesian race" and the "Zulu race of South A f r i c a " p h y s i c a l l y superior. On the other hand he pointed out that physical characteris-t i c s do not indicate r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y and wrotet It i s only our r a c i a l conceit that leads to such an unwarrantable conclusion as t h i s . We of the white races of Europe have to remember, too, that we did not evolve the c i v i l i z a t i o n , of which we are so proud, unaided...we f i n d f i r s t one race and then another — Hamitic, Semitic, Mongolian, Aryan, black, yellow and white — a l l contributing to the common structure, (p. 150) He said that a l l the present races have evolved on the plane of humanity so that there i s l i t t l e difference i n the fundamental q u a l i t i e s of the mind. He discussed various studies of the brain weight of various races and noted that a difference had been found, but concludedt •..whatever differences exist i n the f a c u l t i e s of man they are not the consequence of the weight of the brain when these l i e within normal l i m i t s , (p. 1 5 2 ) 13** He also discussed women's brainst ...the woman's brain i s much lighter, height for height, than that of a man ...a woman's mental faculties are qualitatively different from those of a man, there i s no justification for regarding them as fundamentally inferior... (p. 152) He wrote that the differences between races could not be found i n brain size but must be sought elsewhere. He suggested that environment played a large part i n the evolution of racial and social characteristics. He then asked and followed the question by his own answert Why i t i s that some races have never risen out of the same state and apparently never would rise out of i t i f l e f t to themselves uninfluenced by more-advanced people? The answer i s surprisingly simple when we once find i t . It i s because they have lacked the necessary impulse or stimulus, (p. 15k) Hill-Tout wrote that i f a man were supplied with his fundamental needs of food, shelter and clothing his l o t actually would not be an unfavorable one. To him the surpris-ing fact was that man should have ever been stimulated to move out of savagery. "In other words, and speaking biologically, the natural state of man i s not c i v i l i z a t i o n , which i s an a r t i f i c i a l condition but savagery, or, at best, barbarism." He discussed the Indians of North America1 Socially they were organized into tribal, sub-tribal and family groups directed and controlled by their chiefs or eldermenj had woll-defined ideas concerning a l l the essential questions of social l i f e i could. 135 indeed, in many respects, give points to ourselves i n this directions led decent, orderly and mostly, chaste lives; respected each other's rights and property; had no slums, no destitute indigent class; no vexed social problems; no husbandless women; no wifeless men, and no homeless and friendless children, (p. 155) He added that the more we learn of the conditions of "man in"the so-called uncivilized state, the less we wonder why he remained so long i n that state..." (p. 155) Hill-Tout f e l t that of a l l the steps by which people pass into c i v i l i z a t i o n slavery was perhaps the most important. He f e l t that the social and economic conditions resulting from slavery seemed to furnish the essential factors for the evolution of i the savage or barbarous horde (into) a more or less c i v i l i z e d people. But even the difference which exists between the sophisticated mind of today and the mind of the untutored savage i s s t i l l only one of degree and not of kind.•. It i s found to be the result, i n the main, of the difference i n his intellectual and social conditions...it i s only where their training and experiences d i f f e r that a distinction arises; and this distinction i s seen to be mainly a cultural one.•.in a word the c i v i l i z e d man intellectualizes his experiences of l i f e — the savage emotionalizes them. (p. 156) He further pointed out that the "savage" is l i k e a child, a child of nature, a creature of his emotions, who 136 l i v e s l a r g e l y i n the senses. However, he o p t i m i s t i c a l l y predictedi Give the backward races the same opportunities we ourselves enjoy and I am convinced they w i l l play t h e i r part worthily and make t h e i r own c h a r a c t e r i s t i c contribution to the world's future progress, (p. 156) In t h i s a r t i c l e Hill-Tout wrote that the differences between races did not exis t per se but were the r e s u l t of differences i n t r a i n i n g and experience. He noted that women are i n t e l l e c t u a l l y d i f f e r e n t i n a q u a l i t a t i v e sense but seemed to assume that they were products of the same c u l t u r a l pressures as the men of a given society. A f t e r comparing some of the security afforded by American Indian l i f e , and by inference the deprivations of the c i v i l i z e d state, he implied that i t was not only i n e v i t a b l e but desirable that a l l races evolve towards the culture stage of the White European. And further, that t h i s pinnacle was achieved through the despised i n s t i t u t i o n of slavery. Hill- T o u t ' s Books Although Hill-T o u t ' s work appeared i n a number of books he himself actually wrote only two. The f i r s t of these comprised Volume I i n a series c a l l e d Native Races of the  B r i t i s h Empire. His work was e n t i t l e d B r i t i s h North America. The Far West. The Home of the Sa l i s h and Dene. 1? The book was 137 a summary of most of the known data concerning the Indians 'of B r i t i s h Columbia. In a number of places Hill-Tout acknowledged his indebtedness to Father A.G. Morice f o r information about the Dene. He wrote that he had r e l i e d mainly on his own knowledge and studies f o r his treatment of the Sal i s h , supplementing i t with the work of others. As w i l l be noted l a t e r (Chapter IX, "Differences of Opinion") he granted T e i t the skimpiest acknowledgement possible on the very l a s t page while using Teit's work extensively. The work was l a r g e l y factual and objective and i n i t he offered information about the geography, climate and history of the area. He also mentioned a number of o r i g i n theories; some of these he obviously found absurd. Included was the Ten Lost Tribes theory as well as Cotton Mather's idea that the Devil created Indians on a continent apart so that he could have an entire race to himself which was denied Divine Grace. Hill-Tout did not mention the p o s s i b i l i t y that Indians may have come from Asia across the Bering S t r a i t s i n t h i s book, although he had i n e a r l i e r works. Of a l l the theories he did not seem to favor any one over another. Much of the book was devoted to a discussion of physical c h a r a c t e r i s i t c s , habitations, dress, personal adorn-ment, food and cooking, an elaborate section on basketry and bark vessels (based on a Daniel Brinton c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ) , implements of war and the chase, s o c i a l organization, r e l i g i o u s 138 beliefs and practices, social customs, folktales and myths, games, feasts, etc* The Salish and Dene were not discussed separately but under each heading they were compared with each other* In several places Hill-Tout voiced his concern about the treatment and decline of the Salish Indians adding, "Father Morice has the same to say of the Dene" (p. 28)* Hill-Tout wrote. The shores and bays of both groups of islands were i n the days of the early navigators of these western waters comparatively densely peopled with native tribes. This can scarcely be said to be the case today. The mortality of the native races sinces the advent of the whites has been excessive and nowhere more so than among these island tribes, (p. 5) Hill-Tout published his second book Man and His 20 Ancestors i n the Light of Organic Evolution i n 1925. It presented his views on the evolution of man and i n parts i t s tone i s somewhat polemic. It was apparently inspired by the "Scopes Monkey T r i a l " i n Tennessee where a school teacher named Scopes had been accused of teaching evolution, contrary to state law. Hill-Tout never specifically mentioned the t r i a l . However, he presented what was at times an almost impassioned defense of evolution declaring* "Organic evolution i s a 'fact,' i t i s i t s factors which are in dispute" (p. 145). His religious bent can be inferred from his numerous 139 remarks such as, "Life proceeds from some intelligent force" (p 23)t and references to the "Secret workshop of Nature" (p. 39)» as well as use of the terms "Nature," "Creative Principle," and "Ultimate Source." He wrote 1 "...we may say that Nature has been preparing herself a l l down the long ages, a highly specializing agent...man" (p. 61). His final chapter was written along philosophical and spiritual lines. He also accepted Lamarckian ideas and noted that Darwin was a Lamarckian (p. 137) and wrote that he himself believed, "Lamarck was not wholly i n error" (p. 1^5). The book was his summary of many of the processes involved in evolution. He made a great deal of use of other people's ideas, sorting them out and usually acknowledging their source i n the text. Origins was apparently written for the layman and does not contain a bibliography. 140 CHAPTER VIII TEIT'S WRITING Early Work Two years after his f i r s t meeting with Boas in 1894, Teit's f i r s t a rticle was published, "A Rock Painting of the Thompson River Indians, British Columbia."1 It was a four page ar t i c l e consisting of a one-page introduction by Boas, a sketch of the painting, and two pages were explana-tions of the figures i n the drawing, which had been numbered. Boas's Introduction said that Teit had found the rock near Spences Bridge and that the Indians had explained i t to him in detail. The drawings were part of puberty rites for young gi r l s and were a record of offerings made and ceremonies performed. Teit's next published work was his "Traditions of the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia" with an introduction by Boas. In his preface Boas wrote that the a r t i c l e was the result of the long-continued studies of James Teit and that the stories had been "recorded with great care." Organization of Teit's Writing In order to give consistency to his ethnographic studies i t i s l i k e l y that Teit and Boas arrived at an agreement on the information Teitwas to obtain i n the fields perhaps he even went out armed with a l i s t . This inference can be made because the subjects covered in Teit's ethnographies usually appear i n the same sequence, which i s as followst I. Introduction, Historical and Geographical II. Manufactures III. House and Household IV. Clothing and Ornaments V. Subsistence VI. Travel and Transportation VII. Warfare VIII. Games and Pastimes IX. Sign Language X. Social Organization and Festivals XI. Birth, Childhood, Puberty, Marriage, Death XII. Religion XIII. Medicine, Charms, Current Beliefs. The above l i s t i s from MThe Thompson Indians of British Columbia," Teit's f i r s t contribution to the Jesup series.^ Teit i n his Introduction included a discussion of names of the tribes, habitat, divisions of the tribe, popula-tion, migrations and intercourse, and mental t r a i t s . His a r t i c l e , "The Lillooet Indians," omitted a discussion of mental t r a i t s , but contained a paragraph on temperament as well as a section on smoking and tobacco.** In addition, items III through VI (above) were subsumed under "Manufactures." However, these were minor variations and the 1M overall pattern was maintained i n most of his writing. Articles concerned with special subjects such as coiled basketry did not, of course, follow this form. Manner of Writing Teit's writing was largely factual and l i t t l e concern-ed with hypothesis or theory. It was characterized by abundant detail and thoroughness i n reporting minute elements of Indian l i f e . He wrote detailed descriptions of technology, such as special knots used in f i s h nets, construction of house posts, .. basket weaving and aspects of canoe making. In the same care-fu l manner he described the social l i f e including rules of games and of warfare, as well as many customs and ri t u a l s . In an Editor's Note Boas wrote that "The Thompson Indians of British Columbia" was based on two manuscripts prepared by Teit. One, describing the Upper Thompson Indians, was written i n I 8 9 5 , (drawing on studies made by Teit a f u l l two years before the Jesup Expedition was begun.) The other was written i n 1897 as the result of work done by Teit for the Expedition. Boas stated that Teit wast f u l l y conversant with the language of the Thompson Indians and, owing to his patient research and intimate acquaintance with the Indians, the information contained in the following pages i s remarkably f u l l , (p, 165) This ar t i c l e has numerous footnotes referring the reader to explanations at the end of the art i c l e and these 143 usually begini "The f u l l version of this passage i s as follows..." The complete account i s then given i n Latin. In translation i t appears that this was a device for avoiding some of the more hearty passages in Thompson Indian folklore. Boas, i n his work used Latin to present similar material which was f a i r l y standard practice at the time. It i s not known whether Teit knew Latin and could make such translations. However, similar explicit phrasing, either in English or Latin i s not apparent i n Teit's later work. In his remarks entitled "Operations of the Expedi-tion i n 1897*" Boas wrotei The great familiarity with the language of this area which Mr. Teit has acquired during a long period of residence here* and the deep interest which he i s taking i n the Indians, make him a most valuable assistant i n the investigations. Early in the year 1897 he collected notes on the Thompson River Indians, for the use of the Jesup Expedition} and with his help a number of additional data were obtained, mainly bearing upon the art of the Indians, their language and physical character-i s t i c s , (p. 8) Throughout his articles Teit made no apparent value judgements, whether in commenting that the Indians ate corn, squash and turnips or» ...the Lillooets ate dog-flesh extensively, and many families raised dogs for their flesh and skins, (p. 223) He was equally matter-of-fact in discussing the care of hunting dogs, trading practices and efforts to retard the 144 growth of whiskers. Thus i n "The Lillooet Indians" he wrotei Trained hunting dogs were taken good care of. Some men washed them regularly, purged them with medicine, and even wiped and cleaned their noses, (p. 223) Among themselves one slave was valued at ten sheets of copper and two strings of copper tubes (a string of these was generally one half fathom long). One good hound dog was counted equal to one large dressed elk-skin, (p. 233) Young men smeared their faces with snail-slime, or rubbed the snails themselves over their faces, so that they might not have any whiskers, (p. 267) In the same bland manner he discussed the less exotic but far more emotionally charged and controversial subjects of Indian motfalDiity/ and addiction to liquor. By covering a f u l l range of subjects with the same impartial ai r he was able to give his writing an appearance of being completely factual. Actually, he was a very subtle man and writer, who i n his seemingly objective material, was able to inject much of his own personal bias and have i t appear as pure fact. He was heavily pro-Indian and opposed to the exploitive policy of the Whites.-* "The Thompson Indians of British Columbia" contained numerous factual descriptions of many aspects of Thompson Indian l i f e as well as Teit's impressions. In the Introduction under"Mental Traits" he wrote 1 As with every other people there are both bad and good among them* but on the whole they are more honest and industrious, intelligent and receptive, than other Indian tribes. They are quiet, sociable, and hospitable: yet combined with the last two qualities are often pride and suspicion. Some are of a jocular, humorous temperament) and some are courageous, determined, and persevering, although the last-named quality i s not characteristic of the tribe as a whole. Some show i t , however, to a marked degree when hunting or fishing. Being proud, they are easily offended, but seldom allow their wrath to get the mastery of them. As a rule, they are not vindictive. They admire a man who is athletic, active, energetic, industrious, strong to endure, brave, hospitable, neighbourly, sociable, and kind. They are fond of the wonderful, of oratory, gambling, story-telling, hunting, and horseback-riding. They are not as proud spirited as they were, nor do they take as much interest in games, athletic exercises, and fun, as formerly. Disease and the knowledge that they are doomed to extinction are the chief causes for thist while change of pursuits, and the acquirement of new ideas, also have their effect. At present these people both socially and otherwise, may be said to be in a state of transition from the customs and modes of l i f e of the past, to those at present in vogue among the surrounding whites, (pp. 180-181) Teit also wrote that some of the old people clung to the traditional ways of l i f e but the young people tried to copy the Whites i n as many ways as possible. He added that whiskey could be obtained easily: ...And i s the <cause of ruin, both moral and physical of many of the young people, as well as of brawls, and sometimes loss of l i f e . Be i t said to their honor, however, many of the tribe have l i t t l e or no desire for liquor, and, thoughifciseasily procurable, never avail them-selves of the opportunities so flagrantly brought 146 to their notice. Those Indians who indulge i n whiskey almost always do so to excess, and they are generally those members of the tribe who most closely copy the whites i n other particulars. Moreover, these are often included among the most industrious and progressive members of the tribe. On the other hand, those individuals who are more exclusive and conservative have, as a rule, l i t t l e or no craving for whiskey, and refuse to use i t , nor w i l l they accept other innovations brought by the white man. (p. 181) In the same article in the section called, "Ethical Concepts and Teachings," Teit mentioned many of the tr a i t s to which the Indians object such as, "It i s bad to steal," or, "It i s bad to l i e , " followed by the consequences of such undesirable actions. These are, "people w i l l not l i k e you," or "no one w i l l want to marry you." It was also bad to be lazy, adulterous, cowardly, inhospitable, and stingyj each with i t s consequences. An addition to these more usual sins was the injunctioni "It i s bad to boast i f you are not great." The l i s t i s very similar to another well-known l i s t of "Thou-shalt-nots." It i s a moot question whether Teit presented these values in this way due to his own pre-conditioning, because he wanted to present Indians i n a favorable l i g h t , or because these concepts were of major importance to the Indian way of l i f e . In any case, i t seems l i k e l y when comparing this a r t i c l e with his others, that although he was i n general pro-Indian, he was especially fond of the Thompson Indians. This can be i n f e r r e d from the facts of Te i t ' s own l i f e — he l i v e d with the Thompson Indians, knew them better than the others and had married one of them. In addition, he admired the f a c t that they kept more to t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l ways than the other Indians, thereby preserving t h e i r own i d e n t i t y . "The L i l l o o e t Indians," by T e i t was very s i m i l a r i n presentation to his Thompson a r t i c l e . However, there was a section on "Smoking and Tobacco," with a detailed treatment of the methods of planting and the v a r i e t i e s grown. Near the end i n a paragraph l a b e l l e d "Temperament," Teit wrotei In temperament the L i l l o o e t much resemble the lower Thompson. Most of them are of somewhat milder d i s p o s i t i o n than the average member of the southern i n t e r i o r t r i b e s . In former days they were noted as being unwar-l i k e and lovers of peace. They are i n t e l l i g e n t , receptive, quiet, good natured, and kindly disposed, and are equally as honest, industrious and hospitable as other neighbouring t r i b e s , (p. 202) Teit's monograph, "The Shuswap" covers the same subjects as his other work including "Mental T r a i t s " as well as a long section on myths.^ Boas wrote the Introductions to the Thompson and L i l l o o e t monographs and Teit wrote the pre-face f o r t h i s one. In i t he included the dates on which he obtained his material (1900 and 1903) and, for the f i r s t time, his sources of information were discussed t I collected the bulk of my information from several old men i n the v i c i n i t y of Canoe Creek and Dog Creek and e s p e c i a l l y from a very i n t e l l i g e n t old man c a l l e d Sixwi'lexken... 148 Under "Mental T r a i t s " T e i t wrotei The Shuswap seems to be l e s s conservative than the Thompson Indians, and have been quicker to accept the teachings of the whites, and to discard t h e i r old ways of l i f e . This i s evidenced i n many ways. Shamans s t i l l p ractise among the Thompson Indians; and dancing, feasting, and potlatching of d i f f e r e n t kinds are not infrequent. Basket, bag and mat making are s t i l l important in d u s t r i e s . Parts of the old s t y l e of dress, and a few men with long and braided hair, may s t i l l be seen; and stone pipes are s t i l l commonly used. Among the Shuswap a l l these have disappeared e n t i r e l y , or almost e n t i r e l y . The Shuswap are affectionate and indulgent to t h e i r children, courteous to strangers, and kind to t h e i r friends, although i n these points probably not much more than are other neigh-bouring t r i b e s . They are more reserved than the Thompsons, have a more serious mien, and on the whole are perhaps s l i g h t l y l e s s a f f a b l e , and not so i n c l i n e d to be helpful to strangers, except when asked. However, i n general deport-ment, i n honesty, and i n manner of speech, they resemble the Thompson t r i b e , (pp. 469-70) In discussing alcohol i n "The Shuswap," Tei t made pos i t i v e correlations between the use and non-use of alcohol and cert a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . He wrote; The people of those bands formerly noted f o r warfare are now the most industrious; generally the wealthiest, have most money, u t e n s i l s , stock, etc; usually the most addicted to l i q u o r , and on account of t h i s the greatest offenders against the law. On the other hand, those people formerly noted as of mild temperament are l e s s industrious; l i v e somewhat i n the old way; are poorer, or have at l e a s t fewer white man's goods and food; do not care much fo r l i q u o r ; and l i v e up to t h e i r r e l i g i o u s professions better, (p. 472) The following table i s derived from Tei t ' s material. 149 A summary of the t r a i t s of drinkers and non-drinkers shows an unexpected juxtaposition of "good" and "bad" characteristics according to White valuesi Drinkers Non-Drinkers Young people Older people Formerly war-like Mild Follow White ways Follow Indian ways Progressive Conservative Industrious Not industrious Wealthy Poor Law Breaking Law Abiding Less religious More religious Teit did not define "l i v i n g up to their religious professions" and i t i s not clear whether he meant indigenous Indian beliefs as outlined in his Thompson paper, or Christian teachings. He seemed to be making the point that neither ethical code could be reconciled with White rapacity and that wealth, though an index of accomplishment, could not be reconciled with morality. Teit related a story which his Shuswap informant, Sixwi'lexken, told him he had heard sixty years earlier around 1840i Long before the arrival of the f i r s t white miners, a Hudson Bay half breed told the Shuswap that after a time strange men would come among them, wearing black robes (the priests). He advised them not to l i s t e n to these men, and although they possessed much magic, and did some good, s t i l l they did some e v i l . They were descendants of the Coyote, were also foolish, and told many l i e s . They were simply Coyote returning to earth in another form. If the Indians paid attention 15-0 to and followed the directions of these "black-robes," they would become poor, f o o l i s h , and helpless t and diseases of a l l kinds would cut them o f f . I f they avoided them, they would remain contented, happy, and numerous. Some Indians believed what was t o l d them and f o r t h i s reason c a l l e d the f i r s t p r i e s t whom they saw "Coyote." At the present time some Indians wonder whether, i f they had taken the half breed's advise, i t would have turned out as he said, and whether i t i s r e a l l y the p r i e s t s and t h e i r r e l i g i o n that are the cause of the people dying so much, and not being so well o f f as they might be. (p. 621) Teit ' s opposition to White exp l o i t a t i o n comes through even i n a work compiled by someone else and based on his f i e l d notes. This i s the case i n a book edited by E l s i e V i a u l t Steedman, on the "Ethnobotany of the Thompson Indians."? One section contains a glossary of terms i n r e l a t i o n to disease. Included are the following d e f i n i t i o n s i Consumption of the lungs. This disease i s said to have been rare formerly but common since the whites came to the country. Venereal diseases. These were unknown before the coming of the whites, (p. 456) "The Middle Columbia S a l i s h " written much l a t e r and published posthumously seems more an expression of Teit's own Q personality than many of his other writings. The a r t i c l e i t s e l f and even the footnotes are written i n the f i r s t person. Also, he expresses doubts i n many places (e.g. "My notes do not make i t clear...") which are not always t y p i c a l of his other work. He also expresses his judgment of his informants — "He was a v e r i t a b l e storehouse of knowledge," and "I found 15.1 him very i n t e l l i g e n t and generally well informed." In addition, concerning native myths, he expressed the opinion that a large amount of valuable material "even now" can be obtained. He warned that "much of t h i s w i l l have passed away i n a few years, and what remains w i l l be obscure, and hard to obtain." Some of Teit's early l e t t e r s to Newcombe reveal the v i c i s s i t u d e s of authorship. In his l e t t e r of March 4, 1901 he wrote o p t i m i s t i c a l l y 1 I am very glad to l e a r n that my work on the Thompsons has been of value to you. I have just f i n i s h e d w r i t i n g a paper on the L i l l o o e t t r i b e which w i l l probably be printed before very long. On A p r i l 5* 1905* he wrotet I have been writing a long paper on the Shuswap f o r Dr. Boas since 1st January and just f i n i s h e d a few days ago. A p r i l 30, 1905* be wrote to Newcombe* ...I am writing a short paper on the C h i l c o t i n s at present. I made a c o l l e c t i o n of baskets from that t r i b e i n 1900 and was successful i n getting the meanings fo r nearly a l l the designs. I don't think Swanton's report on the Haida i s published yet. I t w i l l probably be a good while before my paper on the Shuswaps w i l l be published as they have not managed to get out my L i l l o o e t paper yet which was written several years ago. The paper on the L i l l o o e t , which he f i n i s h e d i n 1901 was printed i n 1906. The Shuswap a r t i c l e , completed i n 1905 was published i n 1909. "Notes on the G h i l c o t i n Indians" mentioned i n the 1905 l e t t e r was published i n 190?. Altogether 152 about twenty-nine of his papers appeared in various publica-tions (some reprinted several times) spanning the sixty-year period from I896 to 1956. Some of his work was published posthumously. Occasionally the researcher comes across information i n an unexpected way. The present writer, while leafing through a library copy of the Sixth Report of the North-Western Tribes of Canada dated 1890, of the B.A.A.S, which largely consisted of a paper by Boas, "Notes on the Indians of British Columbia" (Report IV), found that the particular copy was neatly inscribed i n ink on the t i t l e page in Teit*s own handwriting! "J.A. Teit, Spences Bridge, B.C." Apparently the volume had originally belonged to him. In this report Boas wrote that his information on the Ntlakya'pamuQ had been obtained in part from Teit, and i n part from the Indians whose statements were interpreted by Teit. Inside were several pencilled phono-logical notations on various pages. On Boas's table of measure-ments of individual Indians of the Ntlakya'pamuQ group l i s t e d by personal name, Teit had written i n the margin opposite many of the names, "Dead." Boas had included a small section on "The Tinneh Tribes of Nicola Valley" (p. 30). Teit supple-mented this a few pages later on a blank page on the back of a map. He wrote in pencil! 153 May 1900 About 40 years ago 6 to 8 old people i n Nicola s t i l l talked Tinneh. About 70 years ago 30 to 35 people i n the whole Nicola talked Tinneh, but a great number on the Similkameen talked that language at that time. About 50 years ago very few remained i n Nicola who could talk that language but probably 50 or more s t i l l used i t at that time on the Similkameen. The l a s t Tinneh t a l k i n g people died i n the Nicola & Similkameen about the same time. (Nic) Tinneh used to go to Nikaumen to buy salmon. Tinneh had winter houses as f a r up as the head of Nicola Lake and Okanagon who had se t t l e d around Douglas Lake & intermarried with Tinneh occupied the country there. Before the Okanagon came there the Shuswap held the country from the head of Nicola Lake and Douglas Lake & Fish Lake f o r hunting and f i s h i n g . The e d i t o r i a l writer, "Lucian," paid t r i b u t e to Te i t ' s w r i t i n g a b i l i t y 1 When i t became known that he was a good inte r p r e t e r and guide, that he knew where archeological treasures could be found, and could explain and int e r p r e t them, he found plenty of learned f r i e n d s . Scholars discovered that here was a man with a mine of o r i g i n a l knowledge, a l i n g u i s t i n native tongues, an authority i n Indian work and f o l k l o r e , who had no ambition to appear i n p r i n t , who claimed no copy-rights, who was glad to t e l l a l l he knew to any man who could make use of i t . He was not (sic ) denied the mere courtesy of mention i n sources of information, i n learned papers of which he was the r e a l author of a l l but the phraseology. 154 Such effacement did not disturb him. He modestly explained to me, some ten years ago, that while he had a great deal of odds and ends of knowledge about the Indians, he had l i t t l e g i f t of w r i t i n g or other form of expression, and therefore i t seems f i t t i n g that he should gather a l l he could and^pass i t along to authors who could make i t a v a i l a b l e . My remonstrance based on his t r a n s l a t i o n of the Indian meetingwas probably not e f f e c t i v e . But i t i s pleasant to know that several years ago he began to come to his own. His own countryman (s i c ) at l a s t gave him o f f i c i a l recognition as an ethologist ( s i c ) and made him a place on the appropriate branch of the geological survey, which fortunately i s not confined to geology. I f anyone wished to know whether James Tei t could write l e t him take that monumental work i n twenty-two volumes, edited by Mr. Doughty, and c a l l e d "Canada and i t s Provinces." In volume 21, pages 283 to 312, w i l l be found his contribution on "Indian Tribes of the I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia." ...This account i s s i n g u l a r l y c l e a r and precise, without r h e t o r i c a l adornment, and f a r l e s s techniacl ( s i c ) than the corresponding account of the Coast Indians by Dr. E. Sapir i n the same work. 9 F a i r l y l a t e i n his l i f e T e i t returned to one of his e a r l i e s t i n t e r e s t s and wrote "Water Beings i n Shetlandic Folk-Lore, As Remembered by Shetlanders i n B r i t i s h Columbia." 1 0 The work began with a detailed Table of Contents although i t was only twenty pages long. The a r t i c l e discussed the Water-Horse, Sea-People, Seal-People, Sea-Trolls, Sea-Monsters, Sea-Phantoms, Sea-Spirits, Sea-Witches, Sea-Language and the Sea-God. In a statement reminiscent of his remarks on Indians he wrote that knowledge of the old b e l i e f s was f a s t passing away. He also statedi 155 Shetlandic f o l k - l o r e , i n my opinion, i s decidedly Scandinavian i n character, as many of the surviving b e l i e f s , practices, and tales are i d e n t i c a l with those l a t e l y current i n the Faroe Islands, Iceland and Norway. This i s , moreover, i n accord with the history of the country. It may be noted that there i s p r a c t i c a l l y no such thing as Shetland-Canadian f o l k -l o r e , or Scandinavian-Canadian f o l k - l o r e , i n the sense, f o r instance, of French-Canadian, or even German - and Scotch-Canadian f o l k - l o r e , as Scandinavian s e t t l e -ment i n Canada i s as a whole quite recent and unt i l l a t e l y has never been compact enough to allow the homeland l o r e to take root. For t h i s reason the Canadian of Scandinavian descent, when born i n Canada, retains generally l i t t l e or nothing of the l o r e of his ancestral lands, (p. 182-3) This statement seems to be a de-emphasis of the Scottish ancestry of Shetlanders and stresses t h e i r Norse heritage. The a r t i c l e has many references to various sources showing Te i t was well read on the subject of Scandinavian t r a d i t i o n s . 156 CHAPTER IX DIFFERENCES OF OPINION In the early days a l l those concerned with anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia including Hill-Tout, Teit and Boas were involved i n various d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t contro-v e r s i e s . Somehow Hil l - T o u t more than the others managed to be the most noticeable target and attracted the most f i r e . On one occasion he was even the center of c o n f l i c t i n the popular press. In general, he either ignored the arguments or returned the remarks with a few restrained r e t o r t s . Boas took him to task a number of times i n the pages of scholarly journals. Verbally Teit contented himself with some i n d i r e c t remarks from the s i d e l i n e s . However, his a c t i v i t i e s (and those of other c o l l e c t o r s ) constituted a major assault on one of Hill-Tout's most cherished hopes, a f i n e museum for Vancouver. This caused Hill-Tout to f i g h t a long drawn out defensive action from a l o s i n g p o s i t i o n . The struggle was over the d i s p o s i t i o n of Indian archaeological and ethno-graphic specimens. Indian Specimens As mentioned e a r l i e r , one of the p r i n c i p a l aims of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association founded i n 1894, was obtaining and preserving "Indian R e l i c s " f o r a future museum. As an important member of the new Association, Hill-Tout immediately devoted himself to the task of c o l l e c t i n g and keeping Indian ethnographic and archaeological specimens i n the province. (He has been c a l l e d "B.C.'s f i r s t B.C.-F i r s t e r . " ) 1 B r i t i s h Columbia had long been a happy hunting ground f o r the unsystematic plunderings of amateur, d i l e t t a n t e and professional c o l l e c t o r s , but f o r H i l l - T o u t the worst was yet to come. The same year that the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f -i c Association was formed (1894), Teit met Boas and entered the world of anthropology. There were already other c o l l e c t o r s i n the area, such as Lieutenant Emmons, and with each new one Hill-Tout's task became increasingly f r u s t r a t i n g . Teit's f i r s t l e t t e r , c i t e d e a r l i e r , to Charles F. Newcombe showed that he was quite w i l l i n g to obtain and ship out anything from plant specimens to a r t i f a c t s . His l a t e r communications contain numerous detailed descriptions of "the s t u f f " he was sending to Dr. Boas at the American Museum of Natural History i n New York and to Chicago's F i e l d C u l u : ; - 1 Museum. His l e t t e r s mention that he "got together only some one hundred odd specimens f o r the New York people," or, t y p i c a l l y , "the s t u f f I am sending consists of two bales and one box.*." That H i l l - T o u t was aware of and troubled by the continuing exodus of native materials from B r i t i s h Columbia i s 1,58 evidenced by a March 4, 1901 l e t t e r to Newcombe. In i t he expressed fears that his appeal f o r funds had been rejected due to confusing the Ethnological Survey with the Jesup Expedition. His l e t t e r stated t The complaint was made "that while the B.A.A.S. received many reports thus the agency you represent very few specimens found t h e i r way to England but were ultimately lodged i n the United States." W i l l you kindly allow me to assure the National Society that no specimens c o l l e c t e d by me or any other member of the Survey Committee, have ever been sent or found a place i n the United States. Indeed, I am one of those who never ceases to express regret that so many of our archaeological treasures pass into that country and regard i t as a serious r e f l e c t i o n upon the Province that i f anyone wishes to study the technology of the aborigines of t h i s region he must go to New York to do i t . As a matter of f a c t , the Ethnological Survey has done no d i r e c t archaeological work. What has been done along the l i n e s I did on behalf of the Dominion Geological Museum at Ottawa or pri v a t e l y on my own behalf. A l l specimens that I have person-a l l y checked are either i n the Pro v i n c i a l Museum at V i c t o r i a or i n the Museum and the Dominion Geological Survey at Ottawa with the exception of a few I presented to the l o c a l Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association at Vancouver. 2 What may have amounted to a long continuing race f o r a r t i f a c t s with several participants i s suggested by a l e t t e r from Teit to Newcombe dated November 28, 1914, which mentions Hi l l - T o u t 1 I received your l e t t e r of recent date. I have no jade cutters on hand of any kind and have not had an opportunity of getting any f o r a number of years. I heard some Lytton Indians had some they found a year or two ago and on further inquiry learned that they had disposed of them along with a block of jade showing two cuttings to some c o l l e c t o r s whom I suppose might be Lieutenant Emmons or Hi l l - T o u t . Had I any spare ones I would c e r t a i n l y l e t you have some but I have none at a l l . The only stone implements I have are hammers, pestles, spear, knife and arrow points and skin scrapers.3 Charles B. Hil l - T o u t said that his father, due to f i n a n c i a l problems, did s e l l and export Indian r e l i c s on two occasions. He reminiscedi Franz Boas. I remember Boas...when he came to Vancouver and we were l i v i n g i n Whetham College. Was i t ninety-one? I rather think we were there when he came i n ninety-one to B.C. ...He came there on a v i s i t to my father and was t a l k i n g about the d i f f e r e n t Indian r e l i c s . My father on account of necessity, he sold his Indian things twice. Once to the h i s t o r i c a l one i n New York (American Museum of Natural History.) In his 1902 Ethnological Report on the Mainland Halkomelem Hi l l - T o u t said that he had given a s k u l l to Boast no date was mentioned. Boas, at the s t a r t of the Jesup Expedition (June 3t 1897) wrote to his wife from Vancouver1 This afternoon the t r i p goes on, and at l i t 0 0 we s h a l l be at Spences Bridge. Mr. Hil l - T o u t here gave me f i v e s k u l l s t h i s morningi one of them very valuable. 4" A series of l e t t e r s written i n 1905 and 1906 shows that H i l l - T o u t did ship one item out of the country, and also hint at work he and Newcombe were doing f o r Boast 16,0 Abbotsford, B.C. September 15. 1905 Dear Dr. Newcombe, I too was sorry not to be able to say goodbye to you. I should have l i k e d to spend some of t h i s l a s t Sunday with you but I was too seedy as you know. I spent a day at the f a i r on my way back. The Government exhibit was the only thing worth stopping f o r . I have not received any communication from Boas. When I do I w i l l endeavour to do as you ask. I s h a l l have to take a photo of the small totem before I can send f o r one and as I do not develop them myself now up here, i t may be some time before I can forward you a photo of i t . I am glad I met you again at F r i s c o . You had almost become a stranger. Don't l e t us lose sight of each other so long next year. We can work together. To use your own expression, "You scratch my back and I ' l l scratch yours." Believe me, Sincerely yours, (signed) Charles Hill-Tout In a l e t t e r dated October 3°» 1905 Hill-Tout wrote to Newcombet Since I l a s t wrote to you I received a l e t t e r from Boas. The p a r t i c u l a r s of the papers are the same as you gave i n your l e t t e r . I am wr i t i n g him by t h i s mail to say I cannot do my paper t i l l February. I can't see what the hurry i s , the meeting doesn't take place t i l l October. I am shipping you that precious grave totem by Freight. I s h a l l take i t over on the American side so there w i l l be no customs bothers. You w i l l doubtless see i t i n due course. I was down at V i c t o r i a the other day and hear that you had passed that way or just back from F r i s c o . An unsigned copy of a l e t t e r dated November 17, 1905, presumably from Newcombe states i n p a r t i Your l e t t e r of October 3° i s encouraging. I am very glad to hear t h a t you are shipping that grave totem and hope that you w i l l kindly also send the notes you spoke of. Please send shipping receipt.•• December 14, 1905. H i l l - T o u t r e p l i e d ! ...I don't know what I have done with the shipping b i l l of the totem. I put i t away too c a r e f u l l y to l a y my hand upon i t now that I want i t . But as I did not prepay the charges I don't see what good i t i s to you...Before I enclose t h i s I ' l l have another look f o r that receipt. Newcombe also collected f o r the F i e l d Museum, so presumably t h i s was the destination i n t h i s instance. He re p l i e d to Hil l - T o u t i n a l e t t e r dated December 2?, 1905i Yours of the 14th was forwarded to me at Toronto but I postponed answering u n t i l my return to Chicago. We are extremely obliged to you for l e t t i n g us have (emphasis added) the totem pole and I hope that you w i l l also kindly send us the story about i t which you mentioned to me you had obtained of the specimen. When i n Canada I took the opportunity to run over to Ottawa and spend three days at the museum of the Geological Survey there. Since Dr. Dawson died no one has replaced him i n regard to ethnological material, and a l l the specimens they have hitherto c o l l e c t e d are massed together i n such a fashion that i t i s impossible to examine i t . Indeed so seldom are the cases opened that the keys were l o s t and carpenters had to be employed to break them open. There i s absolutely no room at present to make a display, and the new museum w i l l not be opened under f i v e years, so they t o l d me. Many thanks f o r your hints as to Dr. Boas desiderata. He does not seem to ask f o r the same notes from me however as he has written about to you. The correspondence apparently ended when Hill-Tout 162 sent the story of the grave totem to Newcombe April 4, 19061 ...With respect to the history of the totem i t i s one that came from Harrison River. As far as I could gather from my native informant i t represented a native of a family whose ancestors were "real men" and not descendants of mythical creatures as most of the ancestry of Upper Delta tribes i s supposed to be. I have referred to these "just men" which I have likened to the ertwa of the Australians in my report on the Skatlamtt, a copy of which I am mailing you. It appears that the shipping of the grave totem was a favour and not a sale. Nowhere i n the entire exchange of letters i s a price mentioned. The closest thing to i t i s the use of the phrase, "You scratch my back and I ' l l scratch yours," — perhaps an indication that Hill-Tout expected Newcombe to return the favour in kind. At the same time that Hill°Tout was endeavouring to keep Indian ethnographic and archaeological specimens at home, Teit was busily shipping them out by the bale and box. Although he discussed other matters in his letters to Newcombe, they were largely concerned with shipments. March 4, 1901, he wrote, "Regarding the specimens you want I expect that they w i l l cost some way between $50 and $60 that encludes (sic) a l l those you mentioned excepting the specimens to be manufacr tured from dogwood, yew and nettle." A l e t t e r to Newcombe concerned a shipment whose destination was not mentioned. The museum i n Victoria was not set up to store artifacts un t i l 1912-1914, therefore i t i s l i k e l y i t was sent to Chicago. The l e t t e r dated December 6, 1903 statedt 163 The things of yours I have on hand yet are the unfinished mat, deerskin mat, horsehair robe, antler hook and two saddles. I procured a necklace of Elaeagnus seeds f o r you the other day which I w i l l forward with the next l o t of s t u f f , probably i n the spring. In 1910 T e i t wrote to Newcombei "I have jwst l a t e l y shipped part of the c o l l e c t i o n I had on hand to the F i e l d Museum. Over 160 specimens." However, Newcombe was not Te i t ' s only customer. This i s apparent i n some of his l e t t e r s , such as the following excerpt written A p r i l 5» 1905» I have some duplicates on hand i f you think they w i l l be of value to your museum you better buy them. I f not I can probably dispose of them to dealers I know. Newcombe purchased specimens f o r the B r i t i s h Columbia Prov i n c i a l Museum and the F i e l d Chicago Museum. Boas bought them for the American Museum of Natural History. Some things were purchased f o r the National Museum i n Ottawa, According to Mrs. Corbett T e i t never contributed anything to the Vancouver Ci t y Museum, never came there and she never had occasion to keep a f i l e on him. In a l l his l e t t e r w riting T e i t never once mentioned the Vancouver Museum and the c i t y i t s e l f was only referr e d to as a place to pick up hunting parties. The T e i t -Vancouver neglect was mutual as the Vancouver City Archives have absolutely no material on him, although there i s a f i l e , on Morice, who was farther from the area. 164 Hard f e e l i n g s may have been precipitated by Boas as early as 1895 when Hill-Tout's f i r s t paper, "Later Prehistor-i c Man," was published. In i t Hill-Tout suggested that c e r t a i n s i t e s had been abandoned by the early inhabitants with "the intr u s i o n of the Salishan emigrants into t h i s d i s t r i c t . . . " He added, "Should t h i s conjecture hereafter prove to be the truth, the re s u l t s of Dr. Boas's study of the Cowichan tongue, w i l l receive an i n t e r e s t i n g and independent confirmation" (p. 1 0 5 ) . H i l l - T o u t ' s main hypothesis i n t h i s paper was that the s k u l l s he found were " s t r i k i n g l y d i f f e r e n t from present day Indians." In the early nineties H i l l - T o u t had presented Boas with a s k u l l . Therefore i t may have been a l i t t l e u n s e t t l i n g f o r him to f i n d that his very f i r s t published e f f o r t had r i g h t below i t a contradictory paragraph by Boas headed, "Remarks on a Skull From B r i t i s h Columbia." In i t Boas stated that the face resembled the "present Indians" of the area, (p. 122) In Hill-Tout's "Notes on the Sk.qo'mic" published i n 1900 he wrotei With the exception of about a score of photographs of men and boys of the Sk»qo'mic I regret to say that I can add no new material to our knowledge of the physical characteris-t i c s of t h i s t r i b e . Dr. Boas's e a r l i e r work along these l i n e s among them so prejudiced t h e i r minds against anything of the kind that I found i t impossible to do anything with thems 165 more p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the death of the l a t e Bishop Durieu, who had a -great influence over them... He t o l d me himself that on occasion of Dr. Boas's v i s i t many of the Indians ran away and hid themselves i n the woods rather than submit to the examinations, (p. 491) In the same paper Hill-Tout wrote that he found vowel sounds troublesome — "no two Indians u t t e r i n g them exactly a l i k e . " Several times he complained that he could not f i n d c e r t a i n sounds as recorded by Boas. (Apparently Hill-Tout's ear was better than the l i n g u i s t i c scholarship of the time. I t i s l i k e l y that the few phonemes were recorded i n a number of non-significant variations by other early anthropologists.) In his 1902 paper on the Mainland Halkomelem under " L i n g u i s t i c s " H i l l - T o u t wrote that Boas had noticed s l i g h t differences between the Island and the Fraser groups. Accord-ing to H i l l - T o u t Boas had said that the most s t r i k i n g difference was "1" f o r "n" and "a" f o r "a" on the Fraser River. H i l l -Tout remarked, "In making t h i s general statement, Dr. Boas i s s l i g h t l y i n error." (p. 17) Elsewhere he noted, "Dr. Boas i s not quite r i g h t . " One of the more devastating scholarly attacks against H i l l - T o u t was made by Boas, with Teit passing him the ammuni-t i o n . An addition to Teit's 1906 publication, "The L i l l o o e t Indians," was an appendix by Boas e n t i t l e d , "Notes" (p. 2 9 2 ) . 166 These were not l i s t e d i n the index. "Notes" consisted of deta i l e d c r i t i c i s m by Boas of Hill-Tou t ' s "Report on the Ethnology of the StlatlumH of B r i t i s h Columbia," based on information supplied by Te i t . Boas wrotes StlatlumH i s Mr. Hill-Tout's s p e l l i n g f o r the name by which the Upper L i l l o o e t are ca l l e d by the Thomson and Shuswap Indians. His description i s based l a r g e l y upon information obtained from the Lower L i l l o o e t , and i n t h i s respect supplements i n certain l i n e s Mr. Te i t ' s information, which seems to be the f u l l e s t on the Upper L i l l o o e t . New fact s and corrections found i n Mr. Hill-Tou t ' s paper are given i n the following notes, i n which, also, corrections of statements made by Mr. Hill-Tout are included. The information f o r these was furnished by Mr. T e i t . (p. 292) Boas suggested that since Captain Paul, H i l l - T o u t ' s informant, was of mixed descent "belonging p a r t l y to the Fraser River Delta, p a r t l y to the L i l l o o e t , i t seems probable that much of the information that he gave was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the mixed families of Douglas." He addedi For t h i s reason Douglas i s as l i t t l e a favorable place to obtain f u l l information among the L i l l o o e t as the v i l l a g e s at the foot of Harrison Lake are a favorable place f o r c o l l e c t i n g information of the t y p i c a l t r i b e s of Fraser River Delta, (p. 292) The remainder of Boas's c r i t i c a l remarks were systematically numbered. Note.l. had to do with v i l l a g e s , t h e i r number, when inhabited and t h e i r names. Boas said that Hill-Tout's " l i s t i s incomplete," and that at l e a s t one name was "ce r t a i n l y not 16? correct." Boas wrote that his information had come from Tei t who had* ...passed four times over the country between Douglas and Pemberton, — twice on horseback, once on foot, and once by canoei and that he has seen every one of the v i l l a g e s , the names of which were supplied by Chief James of Pemberton. (p. 292) Boas included l i s t s i n p a r a l l e l columns of v i l l a g e s according to H i l l - T o u t and according to T e i t , followed by a l i s t of place names co l l e c t e d by T e i t and the 1903 Annual Report of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s showing the population of various Indian bands.- (pp. 293-4) Note 2. wrotei "Mr. H i l l - T o u t gives a description of the house of the Lower L i l l o o e t which i s not very c l e a r . " This was followed by Teit's description and information. Note 3. said that Hill-Tout stated "that the L i l l o o e t , l i k e the Thompson Indians...had nicknames and names taken from t h e i r guardian s p i r i t s , " and that "women never had nicknames." Boas remarked that Mr. T e i t "thinks Mr. H i l l - T o u t i s not quite r i g h t . . . " followed by a discussion of naming systems. Note 4, quoted a paragraph of Hil l - T o u t ' s concerning b i r t h customs and the quotation was allowed to stand without comment. Note 5. had to do with the p u r i f i c a t i o n of young g i r l s . Boas stated c a t e g o r i c a l l y i "The p u r i f i c a t i o n of 168 adolescent g i r l s did not exist among the Upper Lillooet." Note 6. concerned adolescent youths and Boas allowed a brief quotation from Hill-Tout to stand without comment. Note 7. said that Hill-Tout had ascribed certain marriage customs to the Lower Lillooet which Teit had reported were current among the Squamish and Delta tribes. Note 9- concerned mortuary customs. Hill-Tout was quoted, sometimes i n detail, concerning a custom and each quotation was followed by a refutation* "Mr. Teit remarks that he heard nothing of funerary shamans," or where Hill-Tout had said the use of red-fir was customary, "Mr. Teit remarks that rose-branches were used." Where Hill-Tout had made a statement concerning the Upper Lillooet i n general, Boas wrote* "Mr. Teit thinks that this may be the individual view held by.. Captain Paul" (Hill-Tout*s informant). Note 10. was a quotation from Hill-Tout concerning sock-eye salmon and was allowed to stand without comment. Note 11. said that Hill-Tout treated "the subject of guardian s p i r i t s under the heading of totemism," a classification which Boas f e l t was unwarranted. He further stated that his own book, The Social Organization and the  Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians "was partly re-stated by Mr. Hill-Tout in his paper "The Origin and Import of Totemism." 169 I t i s l i k e l y that Boas and Tei t did not endear themselves to Hill-Tout with the publication of these "Notes." Hill-Tout's book, B r i t i s h North America: The Far West, The Home of the S a l i s h and Dene, was published i n 1907. He derived a major portion of his material from his own studies and also drew heavily from Morice and Teit, with perhaps even more from the l a t t e r . The organization of the book i s remarkably s i m i l a r to the o v e r - a l l plan employed by T e i t i n many of his a r t i c l e s , though s i m i l a r chapter headings were widely used by many writers. Hill-Tout's material was organized as follows: I. Introductory: geography, climate, history I I . The Native Races: o r i g i n theories, d i s t r i b u -t i o n , physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s I I I . Habitations IV. Dress and Personal Adornment V. Food and Cooking VI. Basketry and Bark Vessels VII. Implements of War and the Chase VIII. Social Organization IX. Religious B e l i e f s and Practices X. Social Customs XI, Folktales and Myths XII. From the Cradle to the Grave: customs of b i r t h , early l i f e , education, games, gambling and feasting. 170 Hi l l - T o u t quoted Tei t ' s "The Thompson River Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," almost verbatim from pages 4 ? , 48 and 4 9 . This part i s the Indian equivalent of the Ten Commandments, with each one beginning, " I t i s bad to be — " followed by the consequences. H i l l - T o u t did not acknowledge the source except i n an extremely i n d i r e c t manner at the end of the book. Hil l - T o u t was almost effusive i n acknowledging his indebtedness to Morice. His name appeared throughout the book both i n the body of the text and i n footnotes. In the "Author's Preface" H i l l - T o u t wrote1 Foremost among these (sources) i s my always courteous friend and fellow-student, the Reverend Father Morice of the Oblate Mission at Stuart's Lake, B r i t i s h Columbia. This able and scholarly missionary has spent a large portion of his l i f e among the Dene t r i b e s , and i s more f a m i l i a r with a l l that appertains to t h e i r l i v e s and customs, both past and present, than any other man l i v i n g . To him I have gone f o r much of my information on t h i s stock, as also for confirmation of doubtful points drawn from others, and my readers may f e e l assured that what I have written upon the De"ne i s accurate and r e l i a b l e , (p. v i i ) As mentioned e a r l i e r he had drawn from his own studies of the Coast Sal i s h and also heavily from Teit's work on the I n t e r i o r S a l i s h and yet concerning them he merely said i In my treatment of the Sal i s h , with whom I have myself been i n close and f r i e n d l y contact f o r the past f i f t e e n years, I have r e l i e d mainly on my own personal knowledge and studies, supplementing these, where I thought desirable, with 171 information gathered by others who have made special studies of particular tribes or subjects. For such help I believe I have always made acknowledge-ment i n the text. This was followed by a statement of obligation to Dr. Otis Mason and others, but with no mention of Teit. In his bibliography he acknowledged Father Morice as his principal source of information for the De'ne. Here on the bottom of the la s t page he did make a minor mention by la s t name only, of Teiti Salish! In addition to papers by the present author in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, etc., Teit may be consulted. His reports on the Thompson River Indians are published by the American Museum of Natural History? i n the Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society, vol. v i , are a number of myths and folk-tales. It i s possible that when the post of Dominion Ethnologist f e l l vacant Hill-Tout would have liked to have had i t . In a le t t e r to Newcombe dated January 1, 1 9 1 1 . Teit cheerfully wrotei I was glad to hear Sapir had received the appointment of Dominion Ethnologist. No doubt he i s a good man, and w i l l do good work i n various parts of B.C. and elsewhere in Canada. His l e t t e r written to you from Alberni i s very interesting, and gives a person some idea of the west coast f i e l d . I am glad the work of writing up the B.C. Indians has been allotted to you. I think that forty pages gives too l i t t l e scope for even a very concise description of the B.C. Indians. There are so many different 1?2 li n g u i s t i c stocks, physical types and etc. Because of this they ought to allow more space for the B.C. Indians than i s required for the Indians of any other province in Canada. I should think about twice as much i f a l l points concerning the various stocks are to be touched on. re. the Indians of the Interior I think a l l those of the Southern Interior - at least a l l the Interior Salish can be grouped together. I shall be glad to help you in the description of the interior types. Preferably I would li k e you to write up the interior. In 1916 Boas attempted to disassociate himself from the possibility that he and Hill-Tout held ideas in common and for the second time suggested that Hill-Tout had based his theory of totemism on his (Boas's) ideas. In his book, Tsimshian Mythology, Boas wrote* In the numerous discussions of totemism published during the last few years much has been said about the "American theory" of totemism, -- a theory for which I have been held responsible conjointly with Miss Alice C. Fletcher and Mr. Charles Hill-Tout. This theory i s based on the idea that the clan totem has developed from the individual manitou by extension over a kinship group. It i s true that I have pointed out the analogy between totem legend and the guardian-s p i r i t tale among the Kwakiutl, and that I have suggested that among this tribe there i s a likelihood that under the pressure of totemistic ideas the guardian-spirit concept has taken this particular line of develop-ment. Later on Mr. Hill-Tout took up my suggestion and based on i t a theory of totemism by generalizing the specific phenomena of British Columbia. My own point of view — and I should l i k e to state this with some emphasis — is a quite different one. I ;do believe in the existence of analogous psychical processes among a l l races wherever analogous s o c i a l conditions prevail} but I do not believe that ethnic phenomena are simply expressions of these psychological laws. On the contrary, i t seems to my mind that the actual processes are immensely d i v e r s i f i e d , and that s i m i l a r types of ethnic thought may develop i n quite d i f f e r e n t ways. Therefore i t i s e n t i r e l y opposed to the methodological p r i n c i p l e s to which I hold to generalize from the phenomenon found among the Kwakiutl and to interpret by i t s means a l l totemic phenomena. -5 Teit was apparently the target of Boas's c r i t i c i s m only once — and then posthumously. Teit had undertaken a study of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the Salishan t r i b e s during the years 1900 through 1910. The r e s u l t s , "The Middle Columbia Sa l i s h , " were published i n 1928. Boas wrote a foreword to the work, presumably at the same time as the study was made f o r he wrote i n the present tense 1 Mr. Teit's perception of sounds i s not very d e f i n i t e . He does not distinguish c l e a r l y between velars and middle palatals and does not always hear l a b i a l -i z a t i o n , (p. 89) Hill-Tout's Professional Standing Hill-Tout apparently never achieved f u l l recognition i n the world of anthropology, at l e a s t i n North America. I t i s l i k e l y that t h i s may have rankled him as well as others who had a precarious footing i n the academic world. There are hints that he may have wanted a position at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. However as Mrs. Corbett pointed outt U.B.C. didn't have a seat f o r anthropology i n those days. That's a recent development. U.B.C. never recognized him anyhow. There were better men I know than U.B.C. w i l l ever turn out. He knew his anthropology r i g h t to the f i n g e r t i p s , and he never went to the university. Ainsworth was not a univer s i t y man, neither was Menzies and neither was I. Later the museum was taken over by people who had gone to univer s i t y and they wanted university g i r l s and I was thrown into the dustbin. Concerning his father's not being recognized by the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Charles B. Hi l l - T o u t sa i d i It was quite l i k e l y (that his feelings were hurt) but I wouldn't know. You see we were young and Father talked to Mother of course, but he never talked to us. Mrs. Corbett also sai d i H i l l - T o u t didn't believe i n u n i v e r s i t i e s . He said you could work your way up, you could do anything you l i k e without a University degree. Although not commenting s p e c i f i c a l l y on the value of a university education i n 1931 H i l l - T o u t compared the state of knowledge i n his youth with l a t e r yearst ...Then a man was not considered properly educated unless he was a scholarly compendium of a l l the knowledge of his days and i t was actu a l l y possible, a half century ago, f o r an in d i v i d u a l to grasp and comprehend the essential facts and p r i n c i p l e s i n every l i n e of human endeavour, and make himself f a m i l i a r with what his fellows had accomplished. Today t h i s i s u t t e r l y beyond his powers, so voluminous and so.specialized has modem knowledge become.6 1 Professor Hill-Tout? In 193^ a l e t t e r - t o - t h e - e d i t o r column i n the Vancouver Province, c a l l e d "The People's Safety Valve," carried a series of l e t t e r s variously headed, "Unsports-manlike Attack," "Vents His Spleen," and "Unsporting Sniping The furor had been caused by another column i n the same newspaper written by Jim B u t t e r f i e l d . In i t he questioned the management and e f f i c i e n c y of the c i t y museum and i n addition, and more importantly, he had objected to H i l l - T o u t being c a l l e d "professor." Mr. B u t t e r f i e l d wrotet I would l i k e to know i n the f i r s t place i n what he i s a professor of, and, i n the second place, what are his contributions to the science of anthropology outside the achievement of having probably read every-thing that experts have written on the subject? 8 B u t t e r f i e l d apparently had no defenders, though numerous people rose on H i l l - T o u t ' s behalf. Noel Robinson expressed a majority opinion when he wrote» Professor H i l l - T o u t consistently objected f o r years to being so styled, but eventually had to submit to the i n e v i t a b l e . In Great B r i t a i n the p r e f i x i s only applied to a man who occupies a chair at a university. On t h i s continent i t i s often a courtesy t i t l e as well. The dictionary d e f i n i t i o n i s one who s p e c i a l i z e s i n cer t a i n subjects and lectures on them. He has lectured on his own subjects scores of times, not only here, but at a number of leading U n i v e r s i t i e s on t h i s continent, including, i n Canada — McGill and Dalhousie. 176 Other l e t t e r s to the editor c i t e d H i l l - T o u t ' s numerous writings, membership i n s c i e n t i f i c s o c i e t i e s , f i r s t hand studies of B r i t i s h Columbia Indians, his being quoted by S i r James Frazer i n his work on totemism and that "Andrew Lang held back his work, 'The Secret of the Totem,' i n order to meet the arguments used by H i l l - T o u t i n a monograph on totemism i n Canada," The editor f i n a l l y drew the controversy to a close with his "Editor's Note* A number of other l e t t e r s have been received by the Province taking exception to Mr. B u t t e r f i e l d ' s remarks." 177 CHAPTER X SOME COMPARISONS Retrospective Studies Despite a l l the resources of modern psychology such as depth interviews, Rorschach tests and various case study methods, there i s probably no completely r e l i a b l e manner of determining why any given l i v i n g person acts and thinks the way he does. Retrospective case studies of deceased persons are surely even l e s s dependable. Neverthe-l e s s , i n analyzing h i s t o r i c a l figures there are many precedents.. One of these was provided by Sigmund Freud, who i n collaboration with William C. B u l l i t t , attempted to analyze Woodrow Wilson i n t h i s manner and predictably, among other conclusions found that the American President's d i f f i c u l t i e s arose from a subconscious Oedipal r i v a l r y with his f a t h e r . 1 Historian Barbara W. Tuchman i n reviewing t h e i r book wrote* This seemingly bizarre combination has produced a fa s c i n a t i n g but distorted book. As an analysis of the deep mainsprings of motivation of one of the most complex and puzzling public characters who ever l i v e d i t i s sharply illuminating, and with cert a i n reservations, convincing* i t makes the contradictions i n Wilson's behavior f a l l into place with an almost audible c l i c k . But as an o v e r a l l estimate of the whole man, i t i s lamentable, and as an inte r p r e t a t i o n of events i t f a l l s to pieces. It i s good psychology but bad h i s t o r y . . . 2 More recently E r i k H. Erikson has attempted several retrospective analyses. In the l a t t e r part of his book, Childhood and Society he offered a b r i e f study of Adolph H i t l e r ' s childhood and another of Maxim Gorky.^ He devoted an entire book, Young Man Luther, to an analysis of one in d i v i d u a l . Both books stress the importance of the "id e n t i t y c r i s i s , " a concept which was Erikson's special contribution to personality studies. In his study of Luther Erikson explainedi I have c a l l e d the major c r i s i s of adolescence the i d e n t i t y c r i s i s ; i t occurs i n that period of the l i f e cycle when each youth must forge f o r himself some central perspective and d i r e c t i o n , some working unity, out of the e f f e c t i v e remnants of his childhood and the hopes of his anticipated adulthood; he must detect some meaningful resemblance between what he has come to see i n himself and what his sharpened awareness t e l l s him others judge and expect him to be. This sounds dangerously l i k e common sense; l i k e a l l health, however, i t i s a matter of course only to those who possess i t , and appears as a most complex achievement to those who have tasted i t s absence...In some young people, i n some classes, at some periods i n history, t h i s c r i s i s w i l l be minimal; i n other people, classes, and periods, the c r i s i s w i l l be c l e a r l y marked o f f as a c r i t i c a l period, a kind of "second b i r t h , " apt to be aggravated either by widespread neuroticisms or by pervasive i d e a l o g i c a l unrest. Some young individuals w i l l succumb to t h i s c r i s i s i n a l l manner of neurotic, psychotic, or delinquent behaviour; others w i l l resolve i t through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n id e o l o g i c a l movements passionately concerned with r e l i g i o n or p o l i t i c s , nature or a r t . S t i l l , others, W9 although s u f f e r i n g and deviating dangerously through what appears to be a prolonged adolescence, eventually come to contribute an o r i g i n a l b i t to an emerging s t y l e of l i f e j the very danger which they have sensed has forced them to mobilize capacities to see and say, to dream and plan, to design and construct, i n new ways, (pp. 14-15) The i d e n t i t y c r i s i s concept seems p a r t i c u l a r l y applicable to the h i s t o r i e s of Hill-Tout and T e i t . It i s hoped that i t also may prove f r u i t f u l to consider the know-ledge we have of these men i n terms of the knowledge we have of the context of the time i n which they l i v e d , and attempt to come to some commonsense understanding of why they acted and thought as they did. A restatement of cert a i n facts i s necessary i n the following sections to show the c r u c i a l part they played i n the l i v e s of the people we are considering. Hi l l - T o u t - The Personal Side We know that Hill-Tout was born to farming people and that he and a brother and s i s t e r were orphaned when he was about seven years of age. In addition, he was separated from his brother and s i s t e r and adopted by the Cowley monks. We know also that to a seven-year-old the l o s s of his parents followed by separation from a brother and s i s t e r i s a catas-trophic blow. Hi l l - T o u t was adopted by Anglican Monks (the Cowley 180 Fathers) and raised by a community of men in a religious atmosphere. He was brought up for the church and given a gentleman's education! the time and place was Victorian England. A l l these factors played an important part in determining his sense of values, identity and role. Such a large amount of research has been devoted to the study of children raised in institutional settings that i t has practically become a f i e l d by i t s e l f . The l i k e -lihood of emotional shallowness in such children and the adults they become is well documented.-* Raised in an all-male cle r i c a l atmosphere Hill-Tout lacked the total experience of family l i f e , of knowing a father and mother, and learning to respond to closeness and warmth as well as to r i v a l r i e s and bickerings. Such experiences contribute to a child's developing sense of how to relate to others, not only i n the family but in the larger world as well. They also prepare him for his future role as spouse and parent. It is l i k e l y that among the monks Hill-Tout found the quickest way to approval was to be bright and knowlegeable in the class-room. Therefore, he learned to be dependent on others for self-fulfilment and mainly developed the impersonal and public side of his nature. In his book on Luther, Erikson wrote that some young people give themselves an extended moratorium, a "way of postponing the decision as to what one i s and i s going to be," 181 by devoting themselves to some cause or study not knowing that J they are marking time before they come to their crossroad, which they often do in the late twenties, belated just because they gave their a l l to the temporary subject of devotion. The c r i s i s in such a young man's l i f e may be reached exactly when he half-realizes that he i s fatally overcommitted to what he i s not. (p. 43) Hill-Tout's son said that his mother had been attracted to his father and f i r s t met him when the latter was offi c i a t i n g at a religious service, showing he was already well launched on a career in the church. Several aspects of Hill-Tout's history suggest that he underwent an "identity c r i s i s " and that sometime around his twenty-sixth year he went through a convulsive period during which he turned from orthodox religion and gave up becoming a minister. Such a reversal suggests great inner turmoil, for changing his beliefs also meant the loss of a status and role held in high esteem and made the search for a new identity imperative. S i g n i f i -cantly about the same time he assumed two new rolest he became a husband and shortly thereafter a father. In addition, he changed his name from the plebian-sounding "Hill-Towt" to the more refined "Hill-Too," as i f to pull away from his farming origins and create a new self-image. During this same period Hill-Tout and his new family made an apparently abrupt departure from the land of their birth to make a home in a 182 strange and distant place. A l l of t h i s suggests that H i l l -Tout went through a state of c r i s i s from which he could see only one way out — by abandoning a l l of his previous l i f e and seeking a "second b i r t h " i n Canada. It may therefore seem paradoxical that when H i l l -Tout came to Canada he became a farmer as his father had been before him. Along with farming Hill-Tout became a schoolmaster and followed both occupations for the rest of his working l i f e . It i s d i f f i c u l t to completely deny one's past, and i n becoming a farmer and a teacher H i l l - T o u t was following the examples of masculine occupations to which he had been exposed. The great enjoyment he l a t e r got from giving public lectures showed that something of the preacher s t i l l remained with him. It i s l i k e l y that the Cowley Fathers were authori-t a r i a n without being harsh. This i s suggested by the f a c t that Hi l l - T o u t never had to r e j e c t them to the point where he became an outright atheist, a person to whom God i s so import-ant that He constantly must be denied. That Hill-Tout could make a break with the church on a reasoning basis and that l a t e r as a teacher his main goal was to teach others to think f o r themselves i s a possible r e f l e c t i o n of the methods used by the Cowley Fathers. Having had no patterns f o r family l i f e H i l l - T o u t apparently was not able to perform well i n terms of the husband 185 and father r o l e . When Hil l - T o u t was angry at home i t was ch a r a c t e r i s t i c of him to become i r a s c i b l e and surly and express his negative feelings very openly. His becoming i l l and f e e l i n g weak only occurred at home. This, plus his r e t i r i n g to his bed were ways of avoiding unpleasantness, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and being non-supportive i n his role as spouse and parent. However, i t must not be forgotten that H i l l - T o u t was a product of middle-class V i c t o r i a n England as well as an upbringing by monks. Much of his authoritarian behavior which seems unreasonable today, was derived from t h i s background and was eminently suitable i n the V i c t o r i a n context where the husband was the centre of the family, the wife submissive and the bhildren were to be seen but not heard. In public, stimulated by the admiring attention of friends and audiences H i l l - T o u t seemed to blossom. There was such a noticeable difference between his conduct at home and outside that one might be tempted to conclude that he was dissembling i n public, while actually t h i s was not the case. He simply was not able to function well i n the mundane, day af t e r day, face to face situations of family l i f e . He needed admiration and attention to bring out the best i n him. Because i t i s not possible to be the star, a l l or even much of the time i n the average home si t u a t i o n , he was l e a s t able to be at his best i n the bosom of his family. 184 T e i t - The Personal Side Teit had the advantages of a more secure background than H i l l - T o u t , He was raised by his own parents who were well established, prosperous store owners i n a small sheep-r a i s i n g and f i s h i n g community. He received a good basic education and his formal schooling ended when he was sixteen — well beyond the usual f o r his time and class. Being raised as a part of a family meant that he had a pattern f o r being a family man, and important f o r his l a t e r work, fo r being part of a team. I t i s l i k e l y that as the f i r s t c h i l d his parents had l e s s r e a l i s t i c expectations and standards f o r him than f o r the other children, such as being more mature and responsible than his age warranted as well as being something of a parent-surrogate to the younger children -- at l e a s t t h i s i s often the l o t of the eldest c h i l d . I t seems apparent that Teit also went through an " i d e n t i t y c r i s i s , " though at an e a r l i e r age and not as protracted as H i l l - T o u t ' s . At nineteen he was not committed to a p a r t i c u l a r way of l i f e and the decision was not postponed while he "marked time." It was i f he were waiting f o r just such an opportunity as his uncle's l e t t e r gave him to give up his family inheritance, leave the Shetland Islands and head f o r a distant place. It i s l i k e l y he was t i r e d of family entanglements, the r e s t r a i n t s of his Scotch-Presbyterian 185 background and i n a state of mild r e b e l l i o n . He asserted his independence and ri g h t of self-determination by leaving a l l t h i s behind him and heading f o r the unknown. His reverting to the Norse "T e i t , " from the family s p e l l i n g of " T a i t " i s an important i n d i c a t i o n that he too was seeking a new s e l f -image and i d e n t i t y . Although his children said that r e l i g i o n was not important to him, the fa c t of a Scotch-Presbyterian's conversion to Catholicism possibly indicates that i t was very important to him and that a large residue of r e b e l l i o n always remained. Except f o r extremely rare episodes of " f l y i n g o f f the handle," Te i t did not express negative f e e l i n g openly. When Mrs. Teit ' s temper became too much f o r him he took refuge i n i n a c t i v i t y . I t was what he did not do and did not say that p r a c t i c a l l y drove her into a frenzy. Not being on time, not n o t i c i n g her homemaking e f f o r t s , not responding to her anger may have been ways of goading her. Si m i l a r l y when there were strained feelings between the Hi l l - T o u t and Boas-Teit factions, Teit was never the one to engage i n open combat, but allowed Boas to perform that service while he helped from the s i d e l i n e s . Teit chose a way of l i f e that made i t necessary f o r him to be away from home f o r months at a time — either on guide and f i e l d t r i p s or on behalf of the Indian rig h t s movement. Worthy as such e f f o r t s were, they were made at the 186 expense of the family, and at these times he was emotionally non-supportive i n his ro l e as husband and father. Having grown up i n a patterned family, Teit apparently performed adequately i n his role as husband and father. This i s suggested by his wife's great sense of l o s s when the books were destroyed, as i f she were l o s i n g him a l l over again. Also, there i s the evident fondness with which his children remembered him. Teit was a product of the e g a l i t a r i a n t r a d i t i o n s of r u r a l Scotland and had a love of nature as expressed by his fav o r i t e poet, Robert Burns. I t i s curious that although "he couldn't stand people picking flowers," he guided them to where they could k i l l animals. Teit's attitudes were well suited to the pro l e t a r i a n outlook of the f r o n t i e r men i n the New World while Hill-T o u t ' s stern pater familias image seemed harsh i n t h i s more e g a l i t a r i a n society. H i l l - T o u t and Teit - Anthropology Hill-Tout had no formal t r a i n i n g i n anthropology but had read a great deal on the subject i n his student days. It i s recorded that the c r i s i s he went through came about a f t e r his being exposed to the thinking of Max Muller, Thomas Henry Huxley and Charles Darwin. As noted e a r l i e r , Max Muller was an Anglo-German o r i e n t a l i s t and comparative p h i l o l o g i s t and his works stimulated widespread i n t e r e s t i n the study of l i n g u i s t i c s , mythology and r e l i g i o n . It seems possible that young Hill-To u t ' s encounter with MuLler gave him his taste f o r the exotic and an i n t e r e s t i n l i n g u i s t i c s and mythology which was to characterize his anthropological work i n B r i t i s h Columbia. It i s l i k e l y that Hill-Tout came under the influence ( i f only i n d i r e c t l y ) of works such as J.J. Bachofen's Das Mutterrecht and S i r Henry Maine's Ancient Law. Both Bachofen and Maine were u n i l i n e a r e v o l u t i o n i s t s . It seems that these influences were to have a devastating e f f e c t on his future i n anthropology. The one area where some under-standing of method would have been important — archaeology — he apparently overlooked. We f i n d Hill-Tout's work heavily burdened with references to evolution by stages and associated concepts. These ideas lead to, and lean heavily on, an anthropology of speculation and theorizing, both of which are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of much, though not a l l of his writing. Thus his early exposure to Huxley, Darwin and presumably some of the u n i l i n e a r e v o l u t i o n i s t s , made Hill-Tout's thinking old-fashioned even before he l e f t the shores of England and began his work i n the New World. James A. Teit had come to B r i t i s h Columbia burdened by l i t t l e more than a good basic knowledge of reading and 188 writing. His personal interest and reading i n the f i e l d of Norse f o l k l o r e and mythology prepared him well f o r an under-standing of the importance of Indian myths. He had not "been exposed to anthropology as a f i e l d of study and thus had no preconceptions. T e i t , with his keen personal i n t e r e s t i n the Indians, his in s i d e r ' s knowledge of t h e i r language and ways, adapted so well to the empirical approach and data c o l l e c t i n g methods of the new approach to anthropology that i t almost seemed made to order f o r him. Thus Hi l l - T o u t had arrived with that lack of potential inherent i n something or somebody highly developed. He had what Veblen c a l l e d "the penalty of taking the lead," while T e i t had what Trotsky referred to as "the p r i v i l e g e of h i s t o r i c backwardness." Trotsky was wri t i n g about countries but his words may apply to i n d i v i d u a l s i Although compelled to follow a f t e r the advanced countries, a backward country does not take things i n the same order. The p r i v i l a g e of h i s t o r i c backwardness — and such a p r i v i l e g e exists — permits, or rather compels, the adoption of whatever i s ready i n advance of any sp e c i f i e d date, skipping a whole series of intermediate stages.© Hill-Tout i n his writings did so much theorizing, speculating and expounding of personal views that his prejudices are there f o r a l l to see. Like every person, he operated on the basis of the assumptions of his time. These are always so 189 mundane, so taken f o r granted, that i t takes special experience to make us aware of t h e i r existence. At times Hi l l - T o u t was able to perceive t h i s i n s e n s i b i l i t y i n others. For instance i n his arguments concerning totemism he showed that a stumbling block of many European scholars was t h e i r blindness to the f a c t that descent could not only be reckoned through a l i n e of sons, but also i n other ways which were equally v a l i d . That he was unable to perceive or even guess at his own imbedded assumptions suggests that his f i e l d work was not an immersing experience. Some of the contradictions i n his wr i t i n g may be due to his i n t e l l e c t u a l or conceptual r e a l i z a t i o n of alternatives without an experiential comprehension of them. It cannot be assumed that Teit remained completely immune to the e x i s t i n g prejudices of his time. There i s l e s s evidence of t h i s simply because his writings did not express as many personal opinions. There i s evidence that despite his admiration and defense of Indians he had an imbedded assumption that the White people were the standard against which others<; were to be measured. This i s apparent i n an occasional stray sentence such as the following from "The Thompson River Indians i " With the steady progress of c i v i l i z a t i o n the t r i b e s have become equally as law-abiding as the whites themselves, and even more hospitable. (p. 271) In many ways Hil l - T o u t was l i k e Darwin whose father had intended him for the church and l a t e r became a farmer. Like his i l l u s t r i o u s predecessor Hill-Tout worked hard and l i v e d long though s u f f e r i n g most of his l i f e from an undiagnosed i l l n e s s . H i l l - T o u t was also l i k e Darwin who was once described as having an "old-fashioned outlook which kept i n touch with the well-educated, but not too well educated, public and out of touch with the ideas of younger men."-Hil l - T o u t was e s s e n t i a l l y a conservative person of the educated class whose prejudices were e s s e n t i a l l y the same as the c i r c l e i n which he moved. When he lectured at the Vagabonds Club; the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association and even when he wrote f o r learned B r i t i s h journals he was addressing a l a r g e r version of himself. For Hill-Tout Vancouver was the place where he could be "the big f i s h i n the small pond." It was well suited to an i n t e l l i g e n t , obviously ambitious man, who lacked formal credentials. Much has been said about Teit's easy-going ways and lack of ambition. But surely t h i s cannot be altogether true. The large body of his published work speaks f o r the i n t e n s i t y of purpose and the drive which lurked beneath his mild-mannered exterior. Te i t was apparently able to communicate e a s i l y with m a l l kinds of people. He was an unaffected man who did not attempt to maintain an image of himself either as a scholar or as "a cut above the average." He was apparently well l i k e d by everyone — s o c i a l i s t s , m i l l i o n a i r e s , Indians, hunters and learned men. He had no pretensions to scholar-ship, yet was a storehouse of knowledge and was sought out by scholars. T e i t , from the obscure l i t t l e hamlet of Spences Bridge, belonging to no formidable s c i e n t i f i c associations, seeking no honours, seemingly r e t i r i n g and unambitious, some-how managed to make the world of anthropology appreciate him. In a cert a i n sense Teit was a good psychologist and p o l i t i c i a n . He knew how to operate as part of a team. He must have been very sensitive to the vulnerable points which even renowned s c i e n t i s t s have. His t o t a l lack of credentials was an asset making him no threat to anyone's self-esteem. In addition to serving a v a l i d s c i e n t i f i c service, he played the p o l i t i c a l game well when he gave three powerful people (Boas, Sapir and Newcombe) what they wanted — i n f o r -mation and native ethnographic specimens. Hi l l - T o u t seems to have lacked p o l i t i c a l acumen. Although he had memberships i n numerous organizations and held many o f f i c e s , e s s e n t i a l l y he was unable to work with or under anyone; b a s i c a l l y he was always alone. He had no powerful person guiding his e f f o r t s or backing him as T e i t did but t r i e d \ 192 to compete with other anthropologists on t h e i r own ground i n terms of authoritative utterances, while l a c k i n g the credentials. It was to his great disadvantage that he was an alienated person. Largely because of t h i s he always retained the mark of the gentleman amateur, the self-made anthropologist, while T e i t became a trained s p e c i a l i s t . Religion i s sometimes defined as that which i s of ultimate importance. In t h i s sense Teit's children f e l t that he was t r u l y r e l i g i o u s i n his r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r his fellow man as shown by his work f o r Indians. Because there i s l i t t l e i n Teit's history to suggest he had a background of misery and oppression i t i s u n l i k e l y that his working f o r oppressed Indians arose from feelings of that kind of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with them. But he did i d e n t i f y with them on another l e v e l . He e s p e c i a l l y admired those Indians who, against great odds, retained t h e i r own i d e n t i t y . It was these aspects of p o s i t i v e self-image and rig h t s of s e l f -determination, which had been part of his own struggle — these were the Indian values he i d e n t i f i e d with and fought for. Te i t , i n contrast to H i l l - T o u t , did very l i t t l e speculating and theorizing i n his writing. Therefore i t i s d i f f i c u l t to say how, on the i n t e l l e c t u a l l e v e l he regarded his work f o r the Indians. There are many things we do not know. For instance, i n terms of culture change did he see m change as dysfunction? Did he see Indian l o s s of i d e n t i t y with many of t h e i r p r i o r structures as complete l o s s of ident i t y ? Was he i n the t r a d i t i o n of seeing native cultures as s t a t i c ? a po s i t i o n which has a great deal of appeal. Did he r e a l i z e that i f any culture i s to survive i t must adapt and yet r e t a i n i t s own iden t i t y ? H i l l - T o u t was the more vocal about preserving Indian ethnographic specimens i n B r i t i s h Columbia while Teit was the one who shipped them out of the province. Now, several generations l a t e r , we are i n a pos i t i o n to evaluate these two opposing views and the actual r e s u l t s of them. Concerning the c o l l e c t i o n which the old Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association put together, although i t i s i n Canada and i t i s i n Vancouver i t i s not of the f i n e s t . Although Teit sent material out of the province, i n doing so he helped to preserve i t at a time when there were no good f a c i l i t i e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, not even i n V i c t o r i a . T e i t helped Newcombe and others to assemble specimens for several major c o l l e c t i o n s of Northwest materials. These include an exhibit at the American Museum of Natural History i n New York, the F i e l d Musuem of Natural History i n Chicago, contributions preserved i n several European Museums as well as an excellent c o l l e c t i o n which remained i n Canada i n the National Museum, and l a t e r another i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n the Provincial Museum i n V i c t o r i a . As f o r the writing of H i l l - T o u t and T e i t , i t was the l a t t e r * s which preserved more fa c t s about the Indians of the southern part of the province, and for anyone wishing to study them reading Teit's work i s e s s e n t i a l . While Hill-Tout also did a great deal of research i n the f i e l d and factual writing, much of his work was concerned with speculation and theory. Concerning the ephemeral nature of theorizing, Frazer once wrote to two anthropologists i n the field» Works...recording a phase of human history which before long w i l l have passed away, w i l l have a permanent value so long as men exist on earth and take an inte r e s t i n t h e i r own past. Books l i k e mine, merely speculative, w i l l be superseded sooner or l a t e r (the sooner the better f o r the sake of truth) by better induc-tions based on f u l l e r knowledge; books... containing records of (observation, w i l l never be superseded.° f> 195 APPENDIX i NOTES CHAPTER I SOME BRITISH COLUMBIA FIELD WORKERSt 1895-1915 1. Paterson, T.W., "Gentleman S c i e n t i s t s , " The Islander, Daily Colonist Magazine* V i c t o r i a , B.C., Jan. 11, 1970. 2. Hudson, Bert, "V i c t o r i a ' s Gentle Servant to the Arts." 3. Personal communication from Dr. Harry B. Hawthorn, Professor of Anthropology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. 4. The information on Father Morice comes from F i f t y Years  i n Western Canada, Being the Abridged Memoirs of Rev. A. G. Morice, O.M.I.. by D.L.S. (pseud.1 The Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1930. The i d e n t i t y of "D.L.S." i s not known at the present time. The most plausible theory was offered by S i s t e r Mary Paul, R.S.M. (Irene C. Howlett) of Vanderhoof, B. C. S i s t e r Paul suggested that "D.L.S." was probably a close f r i e n d of Father Morice's who had access to the l a t t e r ' s personal journal, and that he incorporated much of the journal exactly as i t was written into F i f t y Years, but without i d e n t i f y i n g the quoted passages by means of quotation marks. 1>96 NOTES CHAPTER II LIFE OF CHARLES HILL-TOUT 1. Encyclopedia Canadiana, The Canadiana Co., Ltd., Ottawa, p. 127 2. Charles B. Hill-Tout quotations are from a taped interview. 3. Noel Robinson i n a 1948 r e p r i n t of "The Great Fraser Midden (With Added Papers), Art, H i s t o r i c a l and Scien-t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C. Robinson Docket, Vancouver City Archives. Noel Robinson (18?9-1966) pioneer Vancouver newspaperman, worked f o r newspapers i n B r i t a i n , emigrated to Vancouver i n 1908, but returned to Europe as a s o l d i e r during World War I. He wrote a r t i c l e s f o r a l l the Vancouver newspapers including the World. Star and Province. He also wrote a book on the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway c a l l e d , Blazing the T r a i l Through  the Rockies, and a r t i c l e s f o r various publications including the Museum Notes of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association. He served as president of that organization i n i t s l a t e r years. 4 . Lowther, Barbara J. and Muriel Laing, A Bibliography of  B r i t i s h Columbia, Laying the Foundations, 1849-1899. University of V i c t o r i a , V i c t o r i a , B.C. 1968. The information i n t h i s annotated bibliography also indicates that H i l l - T o u t ' s immigration to B r i t i s h Columbia was i n the 1880's and claims that his monograph on the archaeology of B.C. "led to the extensive investigations of Jesup i n the area." A l l of these statements are garbled and contrary to f a c t . 5. Buckley, A l f r e d , M.A., "Charles H i l l - T o u t , " B r i t i s h  Columbia from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present, Biographical, Vol. IV, pp. 1194-7, Howay, F.W., and E.O.S. Scho l e f i e l d , eds., S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, Vancouver, 1914. 6. Howay and Scholefield Dockets, Vancouver City Archives. Judge Frederick William Howay (1867-1943) - B r i t i s h Columbia J u r i s t and h i s t o r i a n , was noted f o r his h i s t o r i c a l research and writings. Ethelbert Olaf Stuart S c h o l e f i e l d was pr o v i n c i a l a r c h i v i s t and l i b r a r i a n at V i c t o r i a before World War I. He and Howay collaborated on B r i t i s h Columbia  from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present. 7. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, "Delves Deep into History," anon, e d i t o r i a l , unknown newspaper, Jan. 2 3 , 1934. 8. Mrs. Ruth Corbett quotations are from a taped interview. 9. Capilano Dockets, Vancouver City Archives. A 1939 c l i p p i n g (no source) noted* I f Chief Joe Capilano of the Squamish t r i b e i s presented to King George VI on May 19> he w i l l be meeting the grandson of the King who received his father, Chief Mathias. Another c l i p p i n g (no source) r e f e r r i n g to the e a r l i e r v i s i t was headed: F i f t y Years Ago - August, 1906 FUTILE - Chief Joe Capilano has arrived home a f t e r an interview with King Edward VII, and t o l d his followers of the f u t i l i t y of his e f f o r t s to see redress i n Indian problems. He was "Capilano Joe" before he went. After he came back he was Chief Joe Capilano. Actually he was not a Capilano at a l l — not by blood. (It i s l i k e l y that the group bestowed the name, Capilano, on him fo r the t r i p to enhance h i s prestige at court. Personal communication* Professor Wilson A. Duff, Anthropologist, University of B r i t i s h Columbia.) 10. F r i e d e r i c h Max Muller (1823-1900) was an Anglo-German o r i e n t a l i s t and comparative p h i l o l o g i s t . His works stimulated widespread i n t e r e s t i n the study of l i n g u i s -t i c s , mythology and r e l i g i o n . He was an authority on Sanscrit and wrote i n his l a t e r years on Indian philosophy. 11. Thomas H. Huxley (1825-1895) English b i o l o g i s t , who wrote and lectured i n the 1860's and 1870*s supporting Darwin's theory of evolution. 12. Donald A. McGregor quotations are from a taped interview. 13» H i l l - T o u t , Charles, Man and His Ancestors In the Light of  Organic Evolution, Cowan Brookhouse, Ltd., Vancouver, B.C., 1925. 198 14. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, "Delves Deep into History." 15. Robinson, Noel, "History of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association." Vancouver's F i r s t Cultural Association," Vancouver City Museum Golden Jubilee, 1894-1944, Art H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C. 16. Thomas Ainsworth quotations are from a taped interview. 17. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, various c l i p p i n g s . 18. Charles Ben Hi l l - T o u t F i l e , Vancouver Centennial Museum, Vancouver, B.C. 19. Robinson, Noel, "History of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association." 20. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, newspaper c l i p p i n g (no source) 1945: F i f t y Years Ago A p r i l 19, 1895. — Charles H i l l - T o u t has returned from exploring the mound at Hatzic P r a i r i e . He got a number of curious specimens which must be at l e a s t 1500 years old. 2 1 . H i l l - T o u t , Charles, Man and His Ancestors i n the Light  of Organic Evolution, t i t l e page. 22. Charles Ben Hil l - T o u t F i l e , Vancouver Centennial Museum. 23. Charles Ben Hi l l - T o u t F i l e , Vancouver Centennial Museum. 24. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives. 25» Hooper, Jacqueline, "John Francis B u r s i l l i Founder of the Vagabonds Club," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l  Quarterly, Vol. 32, No. 1, Vancouver, B.C., July, 1968. 26. Donald A. McGregor described the group i n his e d i t o r i a l column i n the Province: This club was a curious mixture of people chosen pa r t l y because they made congenial companions and partly because they were opposites i n character and temperament and could provoke clashes and create uproars at the meetings. The 199/ meeting that ended with the most broken heads — metaphorically broken, that i s — was the most successful one. The members, f o r the most part, held jobs that were more or l e s s routine. They were accountants or lawyers, doctors, newspaper-men, a few u n i v e r s i t y professors, a few musicians, a couple of l i b r a r i a n s , and quite a l o t who could not f i t into any category. They l i k e d to l e t t h e i r memories run, to a i r t h e i r ideas and prejudices, to l i s t e n to the other fellow's s t o r i e s and to sharpen t h e i r minds on the other fellow's s t e e l . The club was useful i n providing a forum. The Vagabonds had a c o n s t i t u t i o n f u l l of "whereases" and "notwithstandings" which i t never followed. I t had a presiding o f f i c e r c a l l e d "Mine Host," a secretary c a l l e d a scribe and a bursar with an empty bag. It never had a home nor dreamed of having one. I t wandered about, taking the l e a n things with the f a t . Sometimes, when i t was i n funds, i t entertained i t s friends i n the old Hotel Vancouver or Glencoe Lodge or the University Club — places a l l vanished now. At other times i t was on short commons. During pro-h i b i t i o n days, i t met, now and then i n the reformed bar-room of the Abbotsford Hotel. Again, i t met i n Hamilton H a l l , a de-consecrated church on Dunsmuir Street. Its happiest days were probably those when i t could count on f i n d i n g a welcome i n a great barn of a room — a sort of rookery f i l l e d with shabby and old fu r n i t u r e , pictures, p r i n t s , books and miscellaneous bric-a-brac maintained by J . Francis B u r s i l l on Pender Street. 27. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, Jan. 25, 1939. 28. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, clippings (no source) dated March 28 and A p r i l 28, 1944. 29* Much of the family information comes from Charles Buckland H i l l - T o u t of V i c t o r i a , (born 1885 i n Ontario.) A r t i c l e s i n the H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver C i t y Archives r e f e r to him as "Button and Badge King of Canada." He had the world's greatest c o l l e c t i o n i n the United Services Museum i n London, consisting of one hundred thousand buttons and f i f t y thousand badges, as well as a ten thousand d o l l a r stamp c o l l e c t i o n . He had hoped that the c o l l e c t i o n eventually would be housed i n a national museum, but f e l l 200 upon hard times and sold i t . One of Charles' sons, Ben H i l l - T o u t , was a well-known photographer who won a number of prizes i n photographic competitions. He died i n 195^ at the age of twenty-nine. A Benjamin Charles H i l l - T o u t Memorial Fund has been established at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia f o r excellence i n photography. Beatrice Mary (born i n 1884 i n England) married a mining engineer c a l l e d Pearson and they emigrated to Chile. She and a l l her family are now Chileans. Charles r e c a l l e d that her son came up to San Francisco on a Chilean naval vessel and while i t was there f o r repairs he t r a v e l l e d north to v i s i t the family i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The r e s t of the family includes William Stothert (born i n Ontario, 1887): Edith L i l l i a n , now deceased ("Of course, none of us are young."): Mildred, who married Scotty Dunlop: P h y l l i s , who died i n the ' f l u epidemic of 1918, and James, a noted educator i n the Vancouver area. 3 0 . H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, "Delves Deep Into History." 31. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, "Delves Deep Into History." 32. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, l e t t e r to Major J.S. Matthews, V.D., R.O., Vancouver City Archives. 3 3 . H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, by N.R., c l i p p i n g (source unknown) 1934. 34. This undated c l i p p i n g was found pasted on the l a s t page of a second hand copy of Man and His Ancestors i n the Light of Organic Evolution, when the volume was purchased from a used book dealer. 35. Robinson, Noel, added paper i n "The Great Fraser Midden," re p r i n t , 1948. 3 6 . Robinson, Noel, added paper i n "The Great Fraser Midden," r e p r i n t , 1948. 37. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, The Star, Oct. 9 . 1931. 20$ 38. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, The Sun, p. 24, Mar. 6, 1941. 39. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, source unkown, Feb. 6, 1942. 40. Hi l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, "Delves Deep Into History." 41. Robinson, Noel, added paper i n "The Great Fraser Midden," r e p r i n t , 1948. 202 NOTES CHAPTER III LIFE OF JAMES A. TEIT 1. Inga T e i t Perkins quotations are from a taped interview. 2. Information and quotations from Erik T e i t , personal communication. 3. Information and quotations from Sigurd T e i t , personal communication. 4. Er i k , draftsman, was a tennis champion, hockey player, interested i n music and a bachelor. Inga, a registered nurse, has raised two sons. Magnus, an executive with a construction firm, i s interested i n sports, i s married and has two children. Sigurd, a logger, said to be the most l i k e his father, i s married and has two children* Thorald, also a logger, i s married. 5 . Teit F i l e , B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a , B.C. 6. The M e r r i t t Herald, Mer r i t t B.C., March 9 and 16, 1923, = i n an a r t i c l e headed "James Teit's Work Given Recognition," reprinted i n two installments an account of T e i t ' s l i f e and works written by "Lucian" which had o r i g i n a l l y appeared i n the Vancouver Daily Province. According to Donald A. McGregor "Lucian" was the pen name of Dr. Snowden Dunn Scott, who had an honorary degree from the University of New Brunswick. He came to Vancouver about 1910 and was the editor of the morning News-Advertiser u n t i l i t s demise i n 1912 when he became an e d i t o r i a l writer f o r the Province where he remained u n t i l about 1923. 7. Te i t Correspondence F i l e , B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a B.C. A l l quotations from the T e i t -Newcombe correspondence are from t h i s f i l e . 8. Rosenberg Frantz, Big Game Shooting i n B r i t i s h Columbia  and Norway, M.Ho'pkinson and Co., Ltd., London, 1928. 9. A l l information i n t h i s section i s from University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Main Library, Special Collections. 10. B r i t i s h Columbia Pr o v i n c i a l Library, V i c t o r i a , B.C. 20$ 11. T e i t , James A., "The Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Jesup,North P a c i f i c Expedition. Vol. I, pt. IV, Franz Boas Ed., 1900. 12. "Lucian," The M e r r i t t Herald, M e r r i t t , B.C. p. 1, March 9 and 16, 1923. 13. The organization continued f o r a number of years but with l i t t l e or no success. In 192? Andrew Pa u l l , a Squamish Indian and spokesman f o r the A l l i e d Tribes, appeared before the Special Joint Committee on Claims of the A l l i e d Indian t r i b e s . Part of his testimony before the committee i s as follows 1 I want to read a statement here which was prepared by our l a t e f r i e n d , Mr. J.A. T e i t , i n the spring of 1920, i n Ottawa, to be presented to the Senate, but i t was never delivered. The document has been preserved. I would l i k e to just read parts of that. This applies to conditions which existed at that time, and refers to the conditions which exist now. The Indians see nothing of r e a l value f o r them i n the work of the Royal Commission. Their crying needs have not been met. The Commissioners did not f i x up t h e i r hunting r i g h t s , f i s h i n g r i g h t s , water r i g h t s , and land r i g h t s , nor did they deal with the matter of reserves i n a s a t i s f a c t o r y manner. Their dealing with reserves has been a kind of manipulation to s u i t the whites, and not the Indians. A l l they have done i s to recommend that about 4 7 , 0 0 0 acres of generally speaking good lands be taken from the Indians, and about 80 ,000 acres of generally speaking poor lands, be given i n t h e i r place. A l o t of the land recommended to be taken from the reserves has been coveted by whites f o r a number of years. Most of the 80 ,000 acres additional lands i s to be provided by the Province, but i t seems the Indians are r e a l l y paying f o r these lands. F i f t y per cent of the value of the 4 7 , 0 0 0 acres to be taken from the Indians i s to go to the Province, and i t seems t h i s amount w i l l come to more than the value of the land the Province i s to give the Indians. The Province l o s e s nothing, the 2:04 f -Dominion loses nothing, and the Indians are the l o s e r s . They get f i f t y per cent and lose f i f t y per cent on the 47,000 acres, but, as the 47,000 acres i s much more valuable land than the 80,000 they are a c t u a l l y l o s e r s by the work of the Commission. Now, t h i s was the opinion arrived at by our l a t e f r i e n d , and we attach a great deal of importance to statements that he prepared c a r e f u l l y . It i s not a statement prepared by our general counsel, but by one who went c a r e f u l l y into the matter, and who s t r i v e d to interpret the whole thing as he saw i t , and that was his conclusion. Perhaps i t i s educational to read some more from t h i s same document. There i s another reference to B i l l 13, and I w i l l read that. It w i l l speak f o r i t s e l f , and I think i t expresses the Indians' viewpoint very accurately. B i l l 13 i s to empower the Government of Canada to adopt the findings of Royal Commission as a f i n a l adjustment of a l l lands to be reserved fo r the Indians. The McKenna-McBride Agreement, the Order i n Council, the findings of the Royal Commission, and B i l l 13, are a l l parts of a whole. The Order i n Council states that the Indians s h a l l accept the findings of the Royal Commission as approved by the Governments of the Dominion and the Province as a f u l l a l l o t -ment of reserve lands, and further, that the Province. v.by granting said reserves as approved, s h a l l be held to have s a t i s f i e d a l l claims of the Indians against the Province. What chance w i l l there be f o r the Indians i n the future to get additional lands or a f a i r adjustment of a l l t h e i r r i g h t s , i f B i l l 13 i s made law? I simply read from the document. Mr. Scott has said B i l l 13 i s merely an enabling Act, giving the Govern-ment power to deal with B r i t i s h Columbia, and that the whole bargain i s so advantageous to the Indians, that the Indian Department fe e l s j u s t i f i e d i n backing i t up. We are sorry the Indian Department i s of t h i s opinion, f o r i t places i t out of sympathy with us, and makes i t appear to the Indians an instrument of oppression and i n j u s t i c e . 2Q'5 The chief enabling the Indians see i n the B i l l i s that of enabling the Government to take t h e i r lands without t h e i r consent. There may be something advantageous to the Government i n the B i l l , but c e r t a i n l y not to the Indians. Canada, Parliament, Report and Evidence, Special Joint  Committee on Claims of the A l l i e d Indian Tribe s. pp. 124-125, Ottawa, 192?. Rohner, Ronald P., ed., The Ethnography of Franz Boas, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1969. ;2<©6 NOTES CHAPTER IV HILL-TOUT AND ANTHROPOLOGY 1. Gay Calvert, Archaeologist, Vancouver Centennial Museum, personal communication. 2. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "The Story of the Most Unique F o s s i l Beds Known to Science, Rancho La Brea i n Los Angeles," Museum and Art Notes, Art H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association of Vancouver, B.C. pp. 13-16, March, 1929. 3 . H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, Vancouver, B.C. 4 . Borden Docket, Vancouver City Archives, Vancouver, B.C. "An Ancient Coast Indian V i l l a g e i n Southern B r i t i s h Columbia, "reprint from Indian Time, Vo l . 2 , No. 15, Vancouver, B.C. (The quotations from Borden i n t h i s section are from t h i s a r t i c l e . ) 5. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "The Great Fraser Midden," 19^8 r e p r i n t with added papers. 6. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "The Great Fraser Midden," 19^8 r e p r i n t with added papers. 7. This trephined s k u l l , (on permanent exhibit at the Vancouver Centennial Museum) has signs of two cran i a l operations and was not an isola t e d incident. Professor Borden has a few sku l l s with trephinations. Most of them have keel ridges, are f a i r l y large i n siz e and some have several trephinations. (Personal communica-t i o n i Gay Calvert, Archaeologist, Vancouver Centennial Museum, Vancouver, B.C.) 8. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "The Great Fraser Midden." 9. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "The Great Fraser Midden." 10. Robinson, Noel, added paper to 19^8 r e p r i n t of "The Great Fraser Midden." 11. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Notes on the Cosmogony and History of the Squamish Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Proceed-ings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Ser. 2, Vol. I l l , p. 8 5 , 1897. .207. 12. H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives, Vancouver, B.C., Clipping no source, July 3 , 1944. 13. The "dictionary" referred to was probably the p a r a l l e l l i s t s of Kwakiutl-Nootka and Malayo-Polynesian words Hil l - T o u t compiled to show t h e i r s i m i l a r i t i e s f o r his monograph,"Oceanic Origi n of the Kwakiutl-Nootka and Sal i s h Stocks of B r i t i s h Columbia and Fundamental Unity of Same with Additional Notes on the Dene" ( I 8 9 8 ) . 14. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Ethnological Studies of the Mainland Halkomelem, A Di v i s i o n of the S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia," B r i t i s h Association f o r the Advancement of Science, Ethnological Survey of Canada, Vol. LXXII, pp. 355-^90, 1902. 15. This i s an example of the corroborative method and i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that about the same time W.H.R. Rivers was doing f i e l d work among the Todas. The l a t t e r was scrupulously careful to interview his informants separately so that they could not confirm each other's information as he f e l t t h i s was one of the two great sources of error i n anthropology. The other error was paying f o r information by the item. (The Todas, W.H.R. Rivers, 1906, p. 7 .) 16. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Notes on the N'tlaka'pamuQ of B r i t i s h Columbia, A Branch of the Great Sal i s h Stock of North America," B r i t i s h Association f o r the Advancement of Science, Report on the Ethnological Survey of Canada, pp. 4 - 8 8 , I 8 9 9 . 208 CHAPTER V TEIT AND ANTHROPOLOGY 1. "Lucian," The Mer r i t t Herald, Merritt, B.C. p. 1, March 9 and 16, 1923 2. Rohner, Ronald P., "Franz Boasi Ethnographer on the Northwest Coast," Pioneers of American Anthropologyt The Uses of Biography, June Helm, ed., University of Washington Press, Seattle, London, pp. 182-3, 1966. 3. Rohner, Ronald P., ed., The Ethnography of Franz  Boas, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1969. (The Boas l e t t e r s quoted i n t h i s chapter are from t h i s source.) 4. Parraenter, Ross, "Glimpses of a Friendship," i n Pioneers of American Anthropology. 5. Teit Correspondence F i l e , B r i t i s h Columbia Provincial Archives, V i c t o r i a , B.C. A l l Teit-Newcombe corres-pondence quoted i s from t h i s f i l e . 6. Teit's b i l l s to Newcombe revealed the amount of money he received f o r some of his shipments. Te i t was not yet involved i n gathering specimens i n I 8 9 3 , but Newcombe was. The following i s a copy of a l e t t e r estimating how much the Indians would have to be paid f o r labor and a r t i f a c t s f o r the World's Columbian Exposition of I893 and following that, a copy of a voucher showing the amount paid them f o r a r t i c l e s f o r the same f a i r . (Public Archives of Canada, Dept. of Indian A f f a i r s Records.) 20$ Cowichan Agency. Indian O f f i c e , Quamichan B.C. Sept. 1 6 t h . 1892. S i r , With reference to your C i r c u l a r l e t t e r of the 2?th. ultimo s t a t i n g that i t i s desirable that a c o l l e c t i o n of Indian Exhibits should be sent to the Columbia Exposition at Chicagos I would suggest that some of the following a r t i c l e s might prove suitable - v i z t -Spinner & Spear - used i n cod-fishing Halibut hooks and l i n e Dog f i s h l i n e s (native made) Cedar Mats Reed Mats Indian Blanket, half made with frame and d i s t a f f . AncignJ War Clubs Bow and arrows Spears Stone hammer, axe, wedges. Grain- Oats- wheat- Peas-Fish, dried i . e . clams, salmon, Halibut, cod. Some of these a r t i c l e s could be borrowed, but i t would be necessary to buy some and employ Indians to make or f i t up others, the approximate cost would be about $ 5 0 . 0 0 . Any that are bought would have to be paid f o r at once. I have the honor to be S i r , Your Ob'dt Servant, (Sgd) W. H. Lomas Indian Agent. 21)0 Voucher No. 271 GOVERNMENT OF DOMINION OF CANADA (Aug. 2 8 t h , , 9 3 ) Worlds F a i r Exhibit DEPARTMENT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA KWAWKEWLTH AGENCY .?gd).B,H,.Pidcock...... e o  Detail Amount $ Cts. A r t i c l e s of Indian Manufacture purchased f o r E x h i b i t i o n at the Worlds F a i r Chicago 98 50 T o t a l . . . . . 98 50 I Hereby C e r t i f y that t h i s Voucher i s correct, that the material has been supplied, the work performed, and that the charges are f a i r and just; also that a l l the expenditure has been incurred l e g i t i m a t e l y and that each item of the same i s a f a i r and just charge against the Government of Canada and that the a r t i c l e s were paid f o r at the time of purchase. (Sgd). .?:H..Pi.de9ck, tm t 5 0 m Agent $98 100 • • . .Yi'?*??'}? B.C .....1893 Received from A.W. Vowell, Indian Superintendent, the above sum of Ninety #eight Dollars 29...Cents (Sgd) R. H. Pidcock BRITISH COLUMBIA Indian Office A l e r t Bay 1 Indian Box of Cedar wood 1.50 3 Cedar bark mats i n d i f f e r e n t stages 1.50 3 Medicine mens Rattles 8.50 2 Yew Wedges .50 k Cedar bark baskets 1»75 2 Bone instruments f o r d i v i d i n g bark .50 1 Cedar Bark rope used i n Halibut f i s h i n g 1.00 3 Nets 4.50 1 Cedar bark Cape 1.50 1 Do Do Head dress .75 1 Cedar bark rope .50 1 Long Pience inner bark of cedar .25 2 Pieces Cedar bark soffened f o r use .50 1 Small bundle cedar boughs .25 3 Baskets made of Spruce roots 1.50 1 Small parcel spruce roots .25 1 Do Do Wild cherry bark .25 2 Halibut hooks .75 k Netting needles 1.00 5 Spear heads 1.25 2 Parcels primitive hooks and b a i t i n g needles .75 1 Knife f o r cutting up Salmon etc. .25 1 Club for K i l l i n g Halibut .25 k Hanks Nettle Thread .50 1 Package Nettle Fibre .25 4 Spinning Wheels 1.00 2 Seal Bladders 1.00 1 Prepared Kelp .25 2 Small boxes .50 2 Wood dishes 1.00 1 Carved Wood bowl 1.00 2 Large ornamental Spoons Mountain sheeps horn 1.50 6 P l a i n horn spoons 1.50 6 Carved wood spoons 3»00 7 Carved horn spoons 5»00 2 Carved horn spoons I . 5 0 1 Bone instrument f o r softening f i b r e .50 2 Wood Combs .50 1 Whale bone do .25 2 Spoons mountain sheeps horn 1.00 4 do do do 2.00 1 Wood currency ornamented 1.50 2 Adzes 1.00 1 Carved Knife .50 2 Cakes dried berries .50 1 Dried dog f i s h skin .25 2 Canoe balers .50 2 Pairs Earings 1.50 2 S i l v e r Bracelets 5.00 Copper do .50 1 S i l v e r Brooch 2.50 2 Stone Hammers 2.50 9 Stbrie Chisels 2.50 2 Water buckets 2.00 1 Model of Nimkish Indian V i l l a g e 12.00 1 Do do Canoe 3.50 2 Yew Instruments f o r digging roots 1.50 Making Packing Cases and packing 4.50 Freight per St. "Boscowitz" to V i c t o r i a 4.25 $98.50 7. "Lucian." The Merri t t Herald, M e r r i t t , B.C. p. 1, March 9 and 16, 1923. 8. Haeberlin, Herman K a r l , "Coiled Basketry i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Surrounding Region," by H.'K. Haeberlin, James A. Teit and Helen H. Roberts under the d i r e c t i o n of Franz Boas, U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology, 41st Annual Report, 1919/24, Washington, 1928. 213 NOTES CHAPTER VI THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION Boas, Franz, "Introduction," Publications of the Jesup  North P a c i f i c Expedition, Vol I, Pt, I, pp. 3 - 6 , June 16, 1898. From these statements i t seems l i k e l y that Boas knew he was p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a " s c i e n t i f i c revolution," as used by Thomas H. Kuhn. Kuhn suggested that "normal science" r e s t s on a framework or paradigm which i s accepted by the s c i e n t i f i c community. Inevitably, continuing research reveals "anomalies" which cannot be reconciled within that framework. Further work leads to a new conceptual structure which i s accepted and which i n turn leads to a new "normal science," the practice of which w i l l again i n e v i t a b l y evoke further c r i s e s . (The Structure of  S c i e n t i f i c Revolutions, Thomas H. Kuhn, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 1962 and 1 9 6 6 . ) Boas perceived anthropology as a science directed towards an ultimate goal* "the l a y i n g down of laws governing the growth of culture." He was also anti-evolutionary. Kuhn noted that the greatest obstacle Darwin faced "stemmed from an idea that was more nearly Darwin's own. A l l the well-known pre-Darwinean evolutionary theories...had taken evolution to be a goal-directed process...For many men the a b o l i t i o n of that t e l e o l o g i c a l kind of evolution was the most s i g n i f i c a n t and l e a s t palatable of Darwin's suggestions." Kuhn suggests science i s also a process which moves "steadily from primitive beginnings but toward no goal" (Kuhnt pp. I7O-I7I). Perhaps the idea of randomness at any l e v e l was b a s i c a l l y repugnant to Boas, who was himself goal-oriented. Boas, Franz, "Operations of the Expedition i n 1897»" Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, Vol I, Ft. I, pp. 7-11, June 16, 1898. The meeting of the B.A.A.S. i n Montreal i n 1884 appointed a committee and gave two reasons* F i r s t the construction of the Canadian Railway had given "ready access" to a number of Native tribes* and second, the United States had a Bureau of Ethnology which had " q u a l i f i e d agents" to study Indians and the committee f e l t that Canada should not l a g i n t h i s respect. They wrote* 2i4 On these and other considerations the General Committee of the B r i t i s h Association appointed Dr. E.B. Tylor, Dr. G.M. Dawson, General S i r J.H. Lefroy, Dr. Daniel Wilson, Mr. Horatio Hale, Mr. R.G. Haliburton and Mr. George W. Bloxam (secretary) to be a committee f o r the purpose of inve s t i g a t i n g and publishing reports on the physical characters, languages, i n d u s t r i a l and s o c i a l condition of the North-western t r i b e s of the Dominion of Canada with a grant of ^ 5 0 . (173-17*0 When the committee issued i t s Second Report i n 1886, Hale was not mentioned as a member. In the Fourth Report of 1888, the committee said i t had been able to obtain the services of Dr. Franz Boas. By the time of the Sixth Report i n 1893 Tylor was s t i l l chairman, Hale was again a member, Wilson had died, Dawson was absent on an expedition to the Behring ( s i c ) Sea, and Boas was working on the World's Columbian E x h i b i t i o n at the Chicago F a i r . The Report of 1898 was the twelfth and f i n a l report and by then the committee was composed of Tylor, chairman; S i r Cuthbert Peek, secretary; Dawson; Haliburton; David Boyle and the Hon. G.W. Ross. 5 . H i l l - T o u t Correspondence F i l e , B r i t i s h Columbia Provincial Archives, V i c t o r i a , B.C. Quotations from Hill-To u t ' s l e t t e r s to Newcombe are from t h i s f i l e . 6. Parmenter, Ross, "Glimpses of a Friendship..." p. 92 7. Boas, Franz, "Introduction," Publications of the Jesup  North P a c i f i c Expedition, Vol I, p. 6. 8. Boas, Franz, "Operations of the Expedition i n 1897»" Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, Vol I, p. 7. 9. Rohner, Ronald P., The Ethnography of Franz Boas. Excerpts from l e t t e r s to Boas's family are from t h i s source. 10. Ethnographical Album of the North P a c i f i c Coasts of America and Asia, Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, Part I, New York American Museum of Natural History, 1910, Le i p z i g , Karl W. Hiersemann, Sole Agent f o r Europe. 215 CHAPTER VII HILL-TOUT'S WRITING 1. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Government Aid to Agriculture, Papers and Proceedings," Canadian P o l i t i c a l Science  Association, Vol I, pp. 20-26, 1913. 2. Robinson, Noel, added papers i n "The Great Fraser Midden," 1948 r e p r i n t . 3. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "The Art of the Wolves of the Sea," The I l l u s t r a t e d London News. 4. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Later P r e h i s t o r i c Man i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal  Society of Canada, 2nd Series, Vol I, Section i i , pp. 103-122, 1895. 5. Harlan I. Smith wrote» The f i r s t published account of the s h e l l -heaps of the Lower Fraser r i v e r was by Mr. Charles H i l l - T o u t , who referred to both the large shell-heaps near Eburne and the one at Port Hammond. ("Shell-Heaps of the Lower Fraser River, B r i t i s h Columbia," Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c  Expedition, Vol II, Part IV, p. 135, 1903. Professor Charles Borden also wrote that "Charles H i l l -Tout. . .published the f i r s t account of t h i s midden..." ("An Ancient Coast Indian V i l l a g e i n Southern B r i t i s h Columbia," reprint from Indian Time, Vol 2, No. 15, Vancouver, B.C.) Some confusion has arisen about the ro l e played by t h i s monograph and according to popular accounts i t l e d to the investigations carried out by the Jesup Expedition. This i s not correct and the misinformation i s an in t e r e s t i n g example of the heights to which l o c a l patriotism can be carried and l a t e r perpetuated, even i n works of reference such as A Bibliography of B r i t i s h  Columbia, Laying the Foundations, 1849-1899. 6. Hi l l - T o u t , Charles, "The Great Fraser Midden, Vancouver, B.C.," Museum Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C., p. 75-83, May 7. 1938. 216 7. Gay Calvert, Archaeologist, Vancouver Centennial Museum, Personal Communication. 8. Boas, Franz, "Remarks on a Skull from B r i t i s h Columbia," Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Series 2, Vol I, Section i i , pp. 103-122, T B 9 5 . 9 . H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Notes on the Cosmogony and History of the Squamish Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of  Canada, Series 2, Vol I I I , Section i i , pp. 8 5 - 9 0 , 1897. 10. Hill-Tout, Charles, "Oceanic Origins of the Kwakiutl-Nootka and Salish Stocks of B r i t i s h Columbia and Funda-mental Unity of Same with Additional Notes on the Dene," Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Series 2, Vol. i v , Section i i , pp. 187-231, I898. 11. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "The Origin of the Totemism of the Aborigines of B r i t i s h Columbia," Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Series 2, Vol VII, Section i i , pp. 3-15. 1901. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Totemism1 A Consideration of i t s Origin and Import," Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Series 2, Vol IX, Section i i , pp. 6-1-99, 1903. 12. Regarding the covering of "totemic carvings and representa-tions," the phrasing i s vague and Hil l - T o u t did not give empirical references to substantiate t h i s assertion. 13. Boas, Franz, "The Social Organization of the Kwakiutl Indians," Smithsonian Institute# as ci t e d by H i l l - T o u t . 14. Levi-Strauss, Claud, Totemism, (Transl. from French by Rodney Needham) Beacon Press, Boston, p. 10, 1962 and 1967. 15. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Notes on the Sk.go'mic of B r i t i s h Columbia, a Branch of the Great Sal i s h Stock of North America," B r i t i s h Association f o r the Advancement of  Science, Vol. LXX, pp. 470-5^9, 1900. 16. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Ethnological Studies of the Main-land Halkomelem, a D i v i s i o n of the Sa l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia, Ethnological Survey of Canada, B r i t i s h Associa-t i o n f o r the Advancement of Science, Vol. LXXII, pp. 355-4 9 0 , 1902. 21? 17. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Report on the Ethnology of the Okanak.en of B r i t i s h Columbia, an In t e r i o r D i v i s i o n of the S a l i s h Stock," Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e of Great B r i t a i n and Ireland. London, pp. 130-161, 1911. 18. Hi l l - T o u t , Charles, "Is There a Fundamental Difference i n Racial Aptitudes and Capacities, and Does the Mind of the Savage D i f f e r E s s e n t i a l l y from That of the Savant?" Museum Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, pp. 149-157, Dec. 1929. 19. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, B r i t i s h North America1 The Far West; The Home of the S a l i l h and Dene, Vol. I, i n Native Races of the B r i t i s h Empire, A. Constable and Co., Ltd., London, 1907. The Copp Clark Co., Ltd., Toronto, 1907. 2 0 . H i l l - T o u t , Charles, Man and His Ancestors i n the Light of Organic Evolution, Cowan Brookhouse, Ltd., Vancouver, B.C., 1925. 218 CHAPTER VIII TEIT'S WRITING 1. T e i t , James A., "A Rock Painting of the Thompson River Indians, B r i t i s h Columbia," B u l l e t i n of the American  Museum of Natural History, Franz Boas, ed., Vol. VIII, A r t i c l e 12, pp. 227-230, 1896. 2. T e i t , James A., "Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, B r i t i s h Columbia," American Folk-Lore Society, Introduction by Franz Boas, Houghton, M i f f l i n and Co., I898. 3 . T e i t , James A., "The Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition. Franz Boas, ed., Vol. I, Pt. IV, pp. 163-392, A p r i l , 1900. 4. Teit,- James A., "The L i l l o o e t Indians," Publications  of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, Franz Boas, ed., Vol. I I , Pt. V, pp. 193 - 3 0 0 , 1906. 5. According to Professor Harry B. Hawthorn, "Boas i n a more formal or sophisticated way, was w r i t i n g the same things..." Personal communication. 6. T e i t , James, A., "The Shuswap," Publications of the  Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, Franz Boas, ed., Vol. I I , pt. v i i , pp. 4 4 3 . 7 8 9 , 1902. 7. Steedman, E l s i e V i a u l t , ed., Ethnobotany of the Thompson  Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, (based on f i e l d notes by James A. Teit.) U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology, 4 5 t h Annual Report, Washington, pp. 441-522, 1927-28. 8. T e i t , James A., "The Middle Columbia S a l i s h , " Franz Boas, ed., University of Washington Press, Seattle, Wash., pp. 89-128, 1928. Also University of Washington Publica-tions i n Anthropology, Vol. I I , No. 4, June 1928. 9. "Lucian," The Mer r i t t Herald, Merritt, B.C., p. 1, March 9 and 16, 1923. 10. T e i t , James A., "Water-Beings i n Shetlandic Folk-Lore, As remembered by Shetlanders i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XXXI, pp. 180-201. 219 CHAPTER IX DIFFERENCES OF OPINION 1. Professor Wilson Duff, Anthropology Dept., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, personal communication. 2. H i l l - T o u t Correspondence F i l e , B r i t i s h Columbia Pr o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a , B.C. A l l quotations from the Hill-Tout-Newcombe correspondence are from thi s f i l e . 3. Teit Correspondence F i l e , B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a , B.C. A l l quotations from the Teit-Newcombe correspondence are from t h i s f i l e . 4. Rohner, Ronald, P., The Ethnography of Franz Boas, p. 201. 5. Boas, Franz, Tsimshian Mythology, (based on texts recorded by Henry W. Tate of Port Simpson, B.C., i n his native language, Tsimshian), Bureau of American Ethnology, 31st Annual Report, 1909/10, Washington, 1916. 6. H i l l - T o u t , Charles, "Recent Developments i n Anthro-pology," (Presidential Address Before the B r i t i s h Columbia Academy of Science at the University of B r i t i s h Colimbia) Museum and Art Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vol. VI, No. 1, Vancouver B.C., March 1931. 7 . H i l l - T o u t Docket, Vancouver City Archives. 8. Hill-Tout Clippings F i l e , B r i t i s h Columbia Pr o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a , B.C. 22.0 CHAPTER X SOME COMPARISONS 1. Freud, Sigmund and William C. B u l l i t t , Thomas  Woodrow Wilson: Twenty-Eighth President of the United States: A Psychological Study, Hogghton-M i f f l i n Co., New York, 196?. 2. Tuchman, Barbara, "Can History Use Freud? The Case of Woodrow Wilson," A t l a n t i c Monthly. p. 39, Feb. 1967. 3 . Erikson, Erik H., Childhood and Society, W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., New York, George J. McCloud, Toronto, 1 s t ed. 1950, 2nd ed. 1963. Erikson i s well known i n anthropology f o r two other sections i n t h i s book which have been anthrologized. They are: "Hunters Across the P r a i r i e , " a study of Sioux society and c h i l d t r a i n i n g , and "Fishermen Along a Salmon River," a study of the society and c h i l d t r a i n i n g of the Yurok, coastal Indian group of Northern C a l i f o r n i a . 4. Erikson, Erik H., Young Man Luther: A Study i n Psychoanalysis and History, W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., New York* 1958. 5. The following i s a small sample of the l i t e r a t u r e concerned with separation anxiety and i n s t i t u t i o n a l upbringing: Ainsworth, M.D., "The Eff e c t s of Maternal Deprivation: A Review of Findings and Controversy i n the Context of Research Strategy," World Health Organization Public  Health Papers, No. 14, pp. 97 f f . Bowlby, John, Forty-Four Juvenile Thieves, B a i l l i e r e , London, 1946. Bowlby, John, "Maternal Care and Mental Health," World  Health Organization, Monograph Series No. 2, 1952. 221 6. Service, Elman R., "The Law of Evolutionary P o t e n t i a l , " i n Evolution and Culture, Marshall D. Sahlins and Elman R. Service, eds., the University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, pp. 9 9 - 1 0 0 , i 9 6 0 and 1966. (Quoted from Leon Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution, The University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, n.d. 4 - 5 ) 7. Darlington, CD., Darwin's Place In History, B a s i l Blackwell, Oxford, 1959. 8. Penniman, T.K., A Hundred Years of Anthropology, Gerald Duckworth and Co., Ltd., London, p. 2 3 0 , 1965. (personal l e t t e r from S i r James Fraser to S i r Baldwin Spencer and Mr. F.J. Gil l e n . ) 222 APPENDIX i i HILL-TOUTa PUBLISHED WORKS "Later P r e h i s t o r i c Man i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Proceedings and  Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Series 2, Vol. I, Section I I , pp. 103-122, 1895. "Notes on the Cosmogony and History of the Squamish Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Proceedings and Transactions of  the Royal Society of Canada, Ser. 2, Vol. I l l , Section U 7 pp7HB5-90, 1897. "Haida S t o r i e s and B e l i e f s , " B r i t i s h Association f o r the Advancement o f Science. Vol. LXVIII, pp. 700^87 IB98. "Oceanic O r i g i n of the Kwakiutl-Nootka and Sali s h Stocks of B r i t i s h Columbia and Fundamental Unity of Same, with Additional ftotes on the Dene," Proceedings and  Transactions of the ij[Oyal Society of Canada. Series 2, Vol. IV, Section " T i , pp. 187-231, 1898. "'Sqaktktquaclt,* or the Benign-Faced, the Oannes of the N'tlaka'pamuQ, B r i t i s h Columbia," London, D. Nutt, 1899. pp. 195-216, Folklore, Vol. X, No. 2, June, 1899* Read at meeting of Folklore Society, June 21, 1898. "Notes on the N'tlaka'pamuQ of B r i t i s h Columbia, a Branch of the Great S a l i s h Stock of North America," B r i t i s h  Association f o r the Advancement of Science, Report on  the Ethnological Survey of Canada, pp. 4 - 8 8 , I 8 9 9 . "Notes on the P r e h i s t o r i c Races of B r i t i s h Columbia and Their Monuments," The Mining Record, V i c t o r i a and Vancouver,, pp. 6-26, B r i t i s h Columbia Mining Record. Christmas, 1899* Also i n B r i t i s h Columbia Mining Record. Supplement, pp. 6-23. 1899. "Notes on the Sk.qo'mic of B r i t i s h Columbia, a Branch of the Great S a l i s h Stock of North America," B r i t i s h Association  f o r the Advancement of Science, Report of the Ethnological Survey of Canada, Vol. LXX, pp. 4 7 0 - 5 4 9 , 1900. "Ethnological Studies of the Mainland Halkomelem, a D i v i s i o n of the S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia," B r i t i s h Association  f o r the Advancement of Science. Report on the Ethno- l o g i c a l Survey of Canada. Vol. LXXII, pp. 355-490, 1902. 223 "The O r i g i n of the Totemism of the Aborigines of B r i t i s h Columbia," Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 2nd Ser., Section i i , Vol. VII, pp. 3-15. 190T72. "Totemismi A Consideration of i t s Origin and Import," Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Series 2, Vol. IX, Sect, i i , pp. 61-99, 1903. "Indians and Their Traditions," Vancouvert The Sunset Doorway of the Dominion, Vancouver Tourist Association, Vancouver, B.C., about 1903. "Report on the Ethnology of the S i c i a t l of B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal of the Anthropological I n s t i t u t e . Vol. XXXIV, London, pp. 20-91, 1904. "Ethnological Report of the St s E e l i s and the Sk»aulits Tribes of the Halkomelem D i v i s i o n of the Sa l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal of the Anthropological  I n s t i t u t e . Vol. XXXIV, pp. 311 r7o'» London, July-D e c , 1904. "Report on the Ethnology of the StlatlumH of B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal of the Royal Anthropological In s t i t u t e of Great  B r i t a i n and Ireland, Vol. XXXV, London, Jan.-June, 1905. "The S a l i s h Tribes of the Coast and Lower Fraser Delta," Annual Archaeological Report, pp. 225-35, 1905* "Some Features of the Language and Culture of the Sal i s h , " American Anthropologist, n.s.. Vol. VII, pp. 674-87, 1905. "Report on the Ethnology of the South-Eastern Tribes of Vancouver Island, B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal of the  Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e of Great B r i t a i n and  Ireland. Vol. XXXVII, pp. 306-74, 190?. B r i t i s h North Americai The Far Westt Home of the S a l i s h and Dene, Vol. I, Native Races of the B r i t i s h Empire Series, Archibald Constable & Co., Ltd., London, 1907. The Copp Clark Co., Ltd., Toronto, 1907. "Report on the Ethnology of the 0kanak*en of B r i t i s h Columbia, an I n t e r i o r D i v i s i o n of the S a l i s h Stock," Royal  Anthropological I n s t i t u t e of Great B r i t a i n and Ireland. London, pp. 130-161, 1911. 224 "Neolithic Man i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Ameri can Journal of Archaeology, Archaeological In s t i t u t e of America, Vol. 16, pp. 102-103, 1912. "Government Aid to Agriculture," Canadian P o l i t i c a l Science Association, Papers and Proceedings. Vol. I, pp. 20-26, 1913« "The Native Races of B r i t i s h Columbia," B r i t i s h Columbia  from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present. Vol. I, F.W. Howay and E.O.S. Scholefield, eds., pp. 573-^91, 1914. "Our Forerunners i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal. Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C., pp. 18-31, 1917. "Tsogalem, A Weird Indian Tale of the Cowichan Monster1 A Ballad," Lionel Hawaeis, (Foreward by Charles H i l l - T o u t ) C i t i z e n P r i n t i n g and Publishing Co., Vancouver, B.C., 1918. "The Phylogeny of Man from a New Angle," Royal Society of  Canada. Ottawa, pp. 47-82, 1921. "Recent Discoveries and New Trends i n Anthropology," Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. Presidential , Address, 3rd Series, 1923. Man and His Ancestors i n the Light of Organic Evolution, Cowan, Brookhouse, Ltd., Vancouver, B.C.,1925* "Some Recent Phases and Trends i n Anthropology," Museum  Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C. pp. 19-23* Dec. 1928. "The Story of the Most Unique F o s s i l Beds Known to Science," Museum Notes. Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C., pp. 11-16, March, 1929* "Myth of Salmon Coming to Squamish Waters," Museum Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, pp. 62-64, June, 1929* "Indian Masks and What They Signify," Museum Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, pp. 91-93, Sept. 1929« "Is There a Fundamental Difference i n Racial Aptitudes and Capacities, and Does the Mind of the Savage D i f f e r from That of the Savant?" Museum Notes. Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, pp. 149-157, Dec. 1929. 225 "Prehistoric B u r i a l Mounds of B r i t i s h Columbia." Museum and Art Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vol. 5, No. 4, pp. 120-126, Jan. 1931. "Recent Developments i n Anthropology," Museum and Art Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, pp. 14-22, Mar. 1931. "A Unique Native Carving," Museum Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C. pp. 3-5* June, 1932. "Vancouver Two Thousand Years Ago," (with Dr. G.E. Kidd) Vancouver Province. Jan. l o , 1932. "Monuments of the Past i n B r i t i s h Columbia," (to commemorate the Meeting of the F i f t h P a c i f i c Science Congress at Vancouver, B.C.) Museum and Art Notes, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Supplement Vol.VII, No. 5, Vancouver, B.C., June, 1933* "Revelations of the Stone Age i n North America*. Relics on Old Indian Camp-sites i n the Middle Columbia River Region, Astoundingly Rich i n A r t i f a c t s , " I l l u s t r a t e d  London News, Oct. 20, 1934. "The Great Fraser Midden, Vancouver, B.C.," Museum Notes. The Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, pp. 75-83, May 7, 1938. (Reprinted with added papers, 1948.) " B r i t i s h Columbian Ancestors of the Eskimo? Interesting Discoveries i n the Pr e h i s t o r i c Kitchen Middens of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1932," I l l u s t r a t e d London News, Jan. 16, 1962. 226 APPENDIX i i i TEIT* PUBLISHED WORKS A Rock Painting of the Thompson River Indians, B r i t i s h Columbia, Franz Boas, ed., from Notes of Collector, author's ed., New York, I896. B u l l e t i n of the American  Museum of Natural History. Vol. VIII, A r t i c l e 12, pp. 227-230, Nov. 20, I896. "Traditions of the Thompson River Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," coll e c t e d and annotated by James A. T e i t . Introduction by Franz Boas, f o r American Folk-Lore Society, Houghton, M i f f l i n , and Co., Boston, N.Y., etc. 189~8~. The Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, Franz Boas, ed., The Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition. Vol. I, pt. IV, pp. 163-392, 1900. "The L i l l o o e t Indians," Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, with "Notes" by Franz Boas, Franz Boas, ed., Vol. I I , pt. 5, pp. 193-300, 1906. "Notes on the Tahltan Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia, Boas  Anniversary Volume. pp. 337-349, New York, 1906. "Notes on the C h i l c o t i n Indians," Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, pp. 759-89, 1907. The Shuswap, Leiden, Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c  Expeidition, Vol. I I , pt. VII, pp. 443-789, 1909. "Two Tahltan Traditions," Journal of American Folk-Lore. Vol. XXII, pp. 314-318, July-Sept. 1909. "On Tahltan (Athabascan) Work," Society f o r the Royal Geographic Survey of Canada, Anthropological D i v i s i o n , Part I, Ethnology and L i n g u i s t i c s , pp. 484-487, 1912. "Mythology of the Thompson Indians," Publications of the  Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, Franz Boas, ed. Vol. VIII, pt. 2, pp. 199-416, 1912. "Traditions of the L i l l o o e t Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal of American Folk-Lore. Vol. XXV, No. 98, pp. 288-371, Oct.-Dec. 1912. 227 "Indian Tribes of the I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia," Canada  and Its Provinces. Vol, XXI, pp. 283-312, Toronto, 1914. "European Tales From the Upper Thompson Indians," Journal of  American Folk-Lore, Vol. XXIX, no. c x i i i , pp. 3 0 1 - 3 2 9 , July-Sept., 1916. "Folk-Tales of the Salishan Tribes. I. Thompson Tales." Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society. Vol. XI, 1917. "Tales from the Lower Fraser River," Memoirs of the American  Folk-Lore Society, Vol. XI, pp. 129-34, 191?. "Folk-Tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes," Collected by J.A. Teit et a l . Franz Boas, ed. Lancaster, Pa., and New York, American Folk-Lore Society. Vol. XII, p. 205, 1917. "Kaska Tales," Journal of American Folk-Lore. Vol. XXX, pp. 4 2 7 - 7 3 . Oct.-Dec. 1917. "Water-Beings i n Shetlandic Folk Lore, as Remembered by Shetlanders i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal of American  Folk-Lore. Vol. XXXI, No. CXX, pp. 180-201, A p r i l -June, 1918. "Tahltan Tales, 1919" Journal of American Folk-Lore. Vol. XXXII, No. 124, Pt. XXXIV, pp. 198-250» April-June, 1919. "Coiled Basketry i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Surrounding Region," U.S. Bureau of Ethnology. 4 l s t Annual Report. 1919/1924, Herman Karl Haeberlin, James A. Te i t and Helen H. Roberts under the d i r e c t i o n of Franz Boas, Vol. XLI, Washington, pp. 119-484, 1928. (See American Anthropolo-g i s t . Vol. XXII, 1 9 2 0 . ) "The Middle Columbia S a l i s h , " Franz Boas, ed., University of Washington Press, Seattle, Washington, 1928, U.W. Publications i n Anthropology, Vol. I I , No. 4 , June 1928. The Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateaus," Franz Boas, ed. 4 5 t h Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, U.S. G.P.O. Washington, 1927/28, D.C., 1930. "Tattooing and Face and Body Painting of the Thompson Indians, B r i t i s h Columbia," Franz Boas, ed., U.S. Bureau of  Ethnology 4£th Annual Report, 1927/28, Washington, pp. 3 9 7 - 4 3 9 . 1930. 228 "Ethnobotany of the Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," based on f i e l d notes of James A. Te i t , by E l s i e V i a u l t Steedman. U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology. 45th Annual Report, 1927/28, pp. 441-522, Washington, 1930. "Traditions and Information Regarding the Tona/xa," American  Anthropologist. Vol. XXXII, pp. 625-632, 1930. "More Thompson Indian Tales," New York American Folk-Lore Society, 1937, Journal of American Folk-Lore. pp. 173-190, April-June, 1937. " F i e l d Notes on the Tahltan and Kaska Indians: 1912-1915," Anthropologica. Vol. I l l , pp. 39-213, 1956. "Notes on the History of the Nicola Valley," The Me r r i t t  Herald. M e r r i t t , B.C. pp. 14-15, May 25, 196/\ 229 APPENDIX i v HILL-TOUT. TABLE OF EVENTS YEAR MONTH DAY AGE LOCATION(S) 1858 or 1859 1865 1882 1884 1884 1885 1889 1891 1892 Oct. 2? 31 33 Tout-Buckland, Devonshire, England. Oxford, England 25 England 26 England 26 EVENT Born. Orphaned, raised by Cowley Fathers. Married Edith Mary Stothert. B i r t h of daughter, Beatrice May, 1st of 8 children. Emigrated with wife and baby daughter to Canada, (Toronto, Ontario). Opened boys' school, also farmed. B i r t h of son, Charles Buckland, 1st c h i l d born i n Canada. V i s i t e d Vancouver and! returned to England. ', Vancouver, B.C. Settled i n Vancouver, B.C. Taught at Whetham College and l i v e d i n Whetham Block, corner of Georgia and Granville, where Birks' Jewelers are now. Taught school. Toronto, Ontario. In Transit 34 Vancouver, B.C. - F i e l d t r i p up coast^ to Prince Rupert and return-ed through Fraser Valley. Art Association (date and place of founding unknown) names committee, including H i l l - T o u t , to enlarge i t s scope and changes name to Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association. .23.0 YEAR MONTH DAY AGE LOCATIONS) EVENT 1892-93 Abbotsford, B.C. 1894 A p r i l 17 36 Vancouver, B.C. 1895 37 1895 A p r i l 19 37 1897 39 1899 41 1900 1901 1902 1905 1906-13(?) 1908 51 1911 54 F i e l d T r i p Hatzic P r a i r i e 42 Abbotsford, B.C. 43 44 47 Vancouver, B.C. Los Angeles, C a l i f o r n i a , U.S.A. Spent summer holidays. Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association founded. Charter Member. F i r s t monograph publish-ed. Explores mound and returns to Vancouver with specimens. Aided Jesup Expedition. V i s i t s Squamish and learns t r a d i t i o n a l history and ancient Indian. Moved from Vancouver to Abbotsford, went into business making hand hewn railway t i e s . F i e l d Work - River t r i b e s below Yale. Workmen dug up skeletons and a r t i f a c t s d a i l y at Eburne Road, Marpole. Hil l - T o u t named K i t s i l a n o Beach. Participated i n explora-t i o n of La Brea Tar P i t s . Made fellow of American Ethnological Society. Elected Vice President of the Archaelogical I n s t i -tute of America, Canadian Dept. 2.3.1 YEAR 1912 1915 1931 193^ 193^ MONTH DAY AGE LOCATION(S) 55 58 Vancouver, B.C. Oct. 9 73 76 Apr. 26 76 Vancouver, B.C. Vancouver, B.C. Vancouver, B.C. 1936 Feb. 78 Vancouver, B.C. 1937 Jan. 28 .79 Vancouver, B.C. 1939 Jan. 25 82 Vancouver, B.C. 19^1 84 1942 Feb. 8 85 1944 Mar. 28 87 Vancouver, B.C. Vancouver, B.C. Vancouver, B.C. EVENT Member of the Executive of the Archaeological In s t i t u t e of America, Canadian Department. Vagabonds Club founded by John Francis B u r s i l l and others, including H i l l - T o u t . F i r s t wife died. B u t t e r f i e l d controversy. Elected President of Vancouver Branch of Canadian Authors Association. Pleads f o r more room, and funds f o r c i t y ' s valuable museum material. Urged c i t y , at City Museum Meeting, to secure Marpole Mound. Presented with diploma from H i s t o r i c a l and Heraldic Council of France. Married second wife, , Meada Alyce Wilcox. President of Happier Old Age Club. Retired as President of Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association. Presented with illumin-. ated address by Mayor. 1944 June 30 87 Vancouver, B.C. Died. 2 3 2 APPENDIX v TEIT i TABLE OF EVENTS YEAR 1864 1880 1883 1884 1887 1888 1892 1892 1894 1896 189? 1897 MONTH DAY AGE LOCATION(S) April 15 EVENT Winter March Lerwick, Shet- Born, land Islands. Scotland. 16 Lerwick, Completed formal education. Shetland Islands 19 On ship, came Emigrated from Lerwick, around the Horn. 19 Spence's Bridge,Arrived and changed his B.C. name. 23 Fraser River Hunting and exploring Region 24 Fraser River Region 28 Fraser River Region trips. Hunting and exploring trips. Hunting and exploring trips. Sept. 12 28 Spence's Bridge Married Lucy Artko or B.C. Atello, a Thompson Indian. Sept.19-20 30 Spence's Bridge Teit meets Boas, f i r s t B.C. time. 32 F i r s t monograph pub-lished. June 4-6 33 Spences Bridge, V i s i t from Boas, Jesup B.C. Expedition begins here. 33 Fraser River Visited a l l western Region Shuswap bands, through Chilcotin country to Bella Coola with Boas. 1899 March 35 Spence's Bridge Wife died, no children. B.C. 233 YEAR MONTH DAY AGE LOCATION(S) EVENT 1900 1900 1900 1902 1902 1903 1903 F a l l June 21 36 36 36 38 38 39 39 Summer 1904 1904 March 15 40 March-A p r i l 1904 Summer 1904 -08 - 0 9 Spence's Bridge B.C. Canoe Creek and Dog Creek Fraser River Region Norway, England, Shetland Spence's Bridge B.C. Canim Lake and North Thompson River, Red Tree Reserve. Spence's Bridge B.C. 40 In Transit 40 41 Spence's Bridge and In Transit V i s i t from Boas. F i e l d Work Study of Salishan Tribes under Boas's d i r e c t i o n . V i s i t e d Western, North-ern Bands. V i s i t e d r e l a t i v e s and fri e n d s . Joined S o c i a l i s t Party of B r i t i s h Columbia. Across country by pack t r a i n . Hunted moose and did f i e l d work on Tahltan Indians. Married Leonie Josephine Morens. 1 Month honeymoon to C a l i f o r n i a v i a coast c i t i e s . F i e l d work among Okanogan, Indians of Spallumcheen, Shuswap Lake, Kamloops, Savona, Manet Lake, Nicola. Travelled over B.C., Washington and Montana to study d i s t r i b u t i o n of Salishan d i a l e c t s and general movement of t r i b e s according to t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s . 234 YEAR 1905 1908 1910 1910 1912 1912 1913 1913-15 MONTH DAY AGE LOCATION(S) F a l l 41 44 June 10-26 46 July 46 Middle Columbia Region Seattle, Washington. Spence's Bridge B.C. 1910 Summer 46 1911 Feb. 8 47 Kamloops, B.C, 1911 March 1 47 V i c t o r i a , B.C. EVENT Hunted b i g horn-sheep and did f i e l d work on Tahltan Indians. Lived among Middle Columbia S a l i s h f o r a few days. Stayed at Kenneth Hotel. 24 chiefs of Shuswap, Okanagan and Thompson Indians hold meeting and sign Indian Declaration. F i e l d work to determine old boundaries between t r i b e s i n W. Washington and differences between various Coast S a l i s h d i a l e c t s . United Shuswap, Okanagan, and Thompson t r i b e s present grievances at meeting. General Meeting of Indians. Feb. 17 48 48 Jan. 31 48 49-51 Ashcroft, B.C. V i s i t s . Ottawa, Ontario Kootenay, B.C, In Transit Took delegation of Indians to Ottawaj he interpreted f o r them. Possible 2 year t r i p to and including Yukon Te r r i t o r y f o r Canadian Government (Ashcroft  Journal, Feb. 17, 1912), 1914 Jan.-June 4 9 - 5 0 Spence's Bridge, Long i l l n e s s B.C. YEAR MONTH DAY AGE LOCATION(S) EVENT 1914 June 11 50 Spence's Bridge Botanizing with Dr. John Area Davidson of U.B.C. 1914 Aug. 3 ork 50 Spence's Bridge Dr. Boas's v i s i t . B.C. 1917 Nov. 17 53 V i c t o r i a , B.C. V i s i t s P r o v i n c i a l Capital, 1919 55 M e r r i t t , B.C. Moved to Me r r i t t , but kept home at Spence's Bridge. 1920 56 V i c t o r i a , B.C. Temporary appointment as head clerk i n Off i c e of Chief of Indian Agencies. 1921 57 Very i l l , l i f e despaired of. 1922 Aug. 30 58 Spence's Bridge V i s i t from Dr. Boas. 1922 Nov. 3 58 M e r r i t t , B.C. Died. 236 BIBLIOGRAPHY American Museum of Natural History, Ethnographical Album of  the North P a c i f i c Coasts of America and Asia, Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, Part I., New York, 1900. Boas, Franz, "Introduction," Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, Vol I, Pt. I, pp. 3 - 6 , June 16, I 8 9 8 . Boas, Franz, "Operations of the Expedition i n I 8 9 ? , " Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, Vol I, Pt. 1, pp. 7-11, June 16, I 8 9 8 . Boas, Franz, "Remarks on a Skull from B r i t i s h Columbia," Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of  Canada. Series 2, Vol I, Section i i , p. 122, I 8 9 5 . Boas, Franz, (based on texts recorded by Henry W. Tate) Tsimshian Mythology, Bureau of American Ethnology, 3 1 s t Annual Report, 1909/10, Washington, 1916. Borden, Charles, "An Ancient Coast Indian V i l l a g e i n Southern B r i t i s h Columbia," Indian Time, Vol. 2, No. 15, Vancouver, B.C. Buckley, Alf r e d , "Charles H i l l - T o u t , " B r i t i s h Columbia from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present, Biographical, Vol. IV, pp. 1194-8, Howay, F.W. and E.O.S. Scho l e f i e l d , eds., S.J. Clarke Publishing Co., Vancouver, 1914. Canada, Parliament, Report and Evidence, Special Joint Committee on Claims of the A l l i e d Indian Tribes, Ottawa, 1927* The Canadiana Co. Ltd., Encyclopedia Canadiana, Ottawa. Darlington, CD., Darwin's Place i n History, B a s i l Blackwell, Oxford, 1959. Erikson, Erik H., Childhood and Society, W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., New York, George J. McCloud, Toronto, 1 s t ed., 1950, 2nd ed., 1963. Erikson, Erik, H., Young Man Luther, A Study i n Psychoanalysis  and History, W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., New York, 1958. F e r r i e r , W.F., Annotated Catalogue of and Guide to Publications  of the Geographical Survey of Canada, 1920. 237 Freud, Sigraund and William C. B u l l i t t , Thomas Woodrow Wilsoni Twenty-Eighth President of the United States» A Psychological Study. Houghton-Mifflin Co., New York, 1967. Haeberlin, Herman K a r l , "Coiled Basketry i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Surrounding Region," by H.K. Haeberlin, James A. Tei t and Helen H. Roberts under the d i r e c t i o n of Franz Boas, U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology, 4 l s t Annual  Report. 1919/24, Washington, 1928. Helm, June, ed., Pioneers of American Anthropology1 The Uses  of Biography, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 1966T~^ Hooper, Jacqueline, "John Francis B u r s i l l : Founder of the Vagabonds Club," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, Vol. 32, No. 1, Vancouver, B.C., July, 1968. Howay, F.W. and E.O.S. Scho l e f i e l d , eds., B r i t i s h Columbia  from the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present. S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, Vancouver, 1914. Hudson, Bert, "V i c t o r i a ' s Gentle Servant to the Arts," Northwest C o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver Main Library. Kuhn, Thomas H., The Structure of S c i e n t i f i c Revolutions. Thomas H. Kuhn, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 1962 and 1966. Levi-Strauss, Claud, Totemism, (Transl. from French by Rodney Needham) Beacon Press, Boston, 1962 and 1967. Lowther, Barbara J. and Muriel Laing, A Bibliography of  B r i t i s h Columbia, Laying the Foundations, 1849-1899. University of V i c t o r i a , V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1968. Lucian, (pseud. Dr. Snowden Dunn Scott) "James Teit ' s Work Given Recognition," Mer r i t t Herald. M e r r i t t , B.C., p. 1, March 9 and 16, 1923. ( O r i g i n a l l y i n Vancouver Daily Province.) Morice, Adrien Gabriel, F i f t y Years i n Western Canada. Being  the Abridged Memoirs of Rev. A.G. Morice. O.M.I, by D.L.ST (pseud.) The Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1930. Murdock, George Peter, Ethnographic Bibliography of North  America. 3 r d e d i t i o n , Human Area Relations F i l e s , New Haven, i 9 6 0 . 238 Parmenter, Ross, "Glimpses of a Friendship, Z e l i a N u t t a l l and Franz Boas," Pioneers of American Anthropologyt The Uses of Biography, June Helm, Ed., University of Washington Press, Seattle, 1966. Paterson, T.W., "Gentlemen S c i e n t i s t s , " The Islander, Daily Colonist Magazine, V i c t o r i a , B.C. Jan. 11, 1970. Penniman, T.K., A Hundred Years of Anthropology, Gerald Duckworth & Co., Ltd., London, England, 1965* P i l l i n g , James Constantine, Bibliography of Salishan Languages, 1893. P i l l i n g , James Constantine, Bibliography of Wakashan Languages, 1894. Rivers, William Halse Rivers, The Todas, MacMillan and Co., Ltd., 1906. Robinson, Noel, "The Great Fraser Midden, With Added Papers," Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver, B.C., 1948 Reprint. Robinson, Noel, "History of the Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association, Vancouver's F i r s t Cultural Association," Vancouver City Museum Golden Jubilee, 1894-1944, Art, H i s t o r i c a l and S c i e n t i f i c Association. Vancouver, B.C. Rohner, Ronald P., "Franz Boas, Ethnographer on the Northwest Coast," Pioneers of American Anthropology: The Uses of  Biography. Rohner, Ronald P., ed., The Ethnography of Franz Boas. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 196*97 Rosenberg Frantz, Big Game Shooting i n B r i t i s h Columbia and  Norway, M. Hopkinson and Co., Ltd., London, 1928. Sahlins, Marshall D., and Elman R. Service, eds,, Evolution and Culture. The University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1950. Service, Elman R., "The Law of Evolutionary P o t e n t i a l , " Evolution and Culture, Marshall D. Sahlins and Elman R. Service, eds., The University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, I960 and 1966. Smith, Harlan I., "Shell-Heaps of the Lower Fraser River, B r i t i s h Columbia," Publications of the Jesup North  P a c i f i c Expedition, Vol. I I , Part IV, 1903. Steedman, E l s i e V i a u l t , ed., "Ethnobotany of the Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," (based on f i e l d notes by James A. T e i t ) , U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology, 45th Annual Report, Washington, pp. 441-522, 1927-28. Tuchman, Barbara, "Can History Use Freud? The Case of Woodrow Wilson," A t l a n t i c Monthly, p. 39, Feb. 196?. 

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