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Sir Edmund Walker, servant of Canada Marshall, Barbara Ruth 1971

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SIR EDMUND WALKER, SERVANT OF CANADA by Barbara' Ruth Marshall B.A., York University, 1969-A Thesis Submitted i n Par t i a l Fulfilment of The Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard The University of British Columbia June, 1971 In present ing th i s thes i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i lmen t o f the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make i t f r ee l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fu r ther agree that permission for extens ive copying of th i s thes i s fo r s cho la r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i c a t i on o f th i s thes i s f o r f i nanc i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion. Depa rtment The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada i A B S T R A C T In the laissez-faire system of the late nineteenth century, Sir Edmund Walker, Canadian businessman, saw his l i f e i n terms not of his personal gain, but of his service to his country. His Victorian curiosity and ethic of service prompted him to work for Canada i n many varied areas from banking, to the arts, to planning a new imperial structure i n the Round Table. By World War I, however, this Victorian ethic could no longer survive i n the modern world which had evolved. Government also ended laissez-faire by entering fields which business philanthropy had neglected. While most Canadians seemed to recognize Si r Edmund's achievements, after the war they scoffed at his outdated views of service. Byron Edmund Walker, born i n 1848 i n Haldimand County, Ontario, was the eldest son of a poor, but educated, middle class, English family. Their love of culture and science was transmitted to him at an early age. Although he started banking at twelve, becoming president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce in 1907, Edmund Walker did not neglect this cultural heritage. The Champlain Society, Royal Ontario Museum, University of Toronto, National Gallery, Art Gallery of Ontario, and Guild of Civic Art i n Toronto are some of the institutions which he worked for, or helped to found. During this same period Sir Edmund also built up the Canadian Bank of Commerce, the nation's second largest bank, and as the foremost banker i n Canada, he led discussions at the decennial revision of the Bank Act. A self-made millionaire, Walker died i n Toronto i n 1924. i i Because his career coincided with Canada's greatest boom, from about 1900 to 1914, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to establish how much Sir Edmund's efforts actually contributed to his many accomplishments. This i s further complicated by the fact that i n these ventures he was assisted ably by Zebulon Lash, his enigmatic, corporation lawyer friend. Yet with qualifications, Walker's 'service' to Canada i s s t i l l outstanding. This thesis, then, i s primarily an examination of Sir Edmund Walker's ideas, and how they functioned i n his Canadian environment. i i i TABLE OF 'CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I The Life and Times of Byron Edmund Walker 6 CHAPTER II A Victorian View of Business: Sir Edmund 23 Walker, Banking and Canada CHAPTER III Duties to the State: Sir Edmund Walker 48 Instructs Canada on Foreign Affairs CHAPTER IV 'Lord of Art at the Public Expense'? 74 CONCLUSION 104 NOTES 110 BIBLIOGRAPHY 142 APPENDIX "A" Sir Edmund Walker's Notes For the Canadian 158 Bank of Commerce APPENDIX "B" Memorandum on The Canadian Countryman From 164 A. L. McCreadie to Sir Edmund Walker, July 12, 1912 i v LIST OF PLATES Plate Page I. Sir Edmund Walker's book plate, showing the 8a family crest. II. "Long Garth", the Walker home at 9 9 St. George 1 6 a Street i n Toronto, Ontario. Now demolished. III. A sketch of the interior plan of Long Garth. 16a IV. View of the drawing room at Long Garth, looking 1 7 a south. V. View of the drawing room at Long Garth, looking 17a north. VI. The dining room at Long Garth. 17a VII. The library at Long Garth. Note George A. Reid's 18a freize. VIII. The library at Long Garth, showing part of George 18a A. Reid's freize, and the etching cabinet. IX. Sir Edmund Walker and unknown lady, advising a jkrmer 19a at De Grassi Point, Lake Simcoe, Ontario, the Walker summer home. X. Sir Edmund Walker i n front of Broadeaves, 20a De Grassi Point. XI. The Boer War monument, Toronto. Walter S. Allward, 9 5 a sculptor. XII. Alexander Graham Be l l on the steps of the B e l l 96a memorial, Brantford, Ontario. Walter S. Allward, sculptor. XIII. Face Bank of of the 1 9 1 7 series Commerce. $ 5 note of the Canadian 1 5 9 a XIV. Face Bank of of the 1 9 1 7 series Commerce. $ 1 0 note of the Canadian 1 5 9 a XV. Back of the above. 1 5 9 a XVI. Face Bank of of the 1917 series Commerce. $ 2 0 note of the Canadian 1 6 0 a XVII. Face Bank of of the 1 9 1 7 series Commerce. $ 5 0 note of the Canadian 1 6 0 a XVIII. Face Bank of of the 1 9 1 7 series Commerce. $ 1 0 0 note of the Canadian 1 6 0 a V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Dr. Viv Nelles, now at York University, suggested Sir Edmund Walker as a potential topic i n 1970, and has since offered much encouragement and advice. At each step Dr. Margaret Prang, my thesis advisor, has given wise and valuable direction. A special note of thanks i s owedvto the Walker family. Mrs. Cynthia Heidenreich, Miss Nancy Walker, Mr. Wentworth Walker and Mr. Robert Hunter, Sir Edmund's grandchildren, helped with the photographs, and Dr. Conrad Heidenreich kindly lent me his great-grandfather's set of addresses. Mr. Jack Veffer, president of the Canadian Paper Money Society let me photograph the Canadian Bank of Commerce notes in his excellent collection. The picture of the Bell memorial i n Brantford was supplied by B e l l Canada. My friends, Virginia Careless, and especially B i l l Young, have contributed both to the thought and writing of this thesis. I am also grateful to my family for their assistance during.the last year. 1 INTRODUCTION In the b r i l l i a n t spring afternoon of Friday, March 28, 1924, flags i n Toronto hung at half-mast. At Convocation Hall on the University of Toronto campus, businessmen, artists and students gathered to pay their Last respects to the great Canadian who had died suddenly the day before. During the memorial service Sir Robert Falconer, president of the university, praised the late chancellor whose academic hood lay dramati-cally across his empty chair on the platform. The city's renowned Mendelssohn Choir offered two last hymns for their late honorary president. Across Canada his passing made front page news. "A giant oak has fallen and a l l Canada mourns loss of native son" 1 ran the Toronto Globe's head-lines. Journalists, academics, a r t i s t s , politicians and businessmen a l l proclaimed his many services to t he nation. In this grand manner i n the •roaring twenties' Canada marked the death of S i r Edmund Walker, the many-sided, wealthy president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce. Sir Edmund Walker's prestige i n 1924 was remarkable since substan-t i a l critiques of rich plutocrats had lowered the status of businessmen generally. Especially i n the United States, muckraking journalists and academics l i k e Thorstein Veblen, author of The Theory of the Leisure  Class published i n 1899, had successfully attacked businessmen and their way of l i f e . Veblen became famous for his clever verbal weapons like 2 "conspicuous consumption." In Canada Stephen Leacock, his pupil, continued the assault on capitalists, u t i l i z i n g his well-known humour. These critiques of businessmen, however, have obscured the similarity of the values held by businessmen and the rest of their society. The 2 magnificent funeral of S i r Edmund Walker can be seen as a vestige of these shared i d e a l s . Many of Stephen Leacock's values p a r a l l e l l e d those of the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce. S i r Edmund Walker spoke against materialism with as much vehemence as the academic humourist. He taught Canadians t o "remember each day that we s h a l l be judged by our children according to the use we have made of the r e a l l y vast opportunities which fortune has placed i n our hands—a vast opportunity f o r many things 3 besides and better than mere money-making." In addition Walker and Leacock advanced s i m i l a r antidotes, i n the form of nationalism and imperialism, to curb t h e i r compatriots' lust for money. Their V i c t o r i a n environment provided the source for these mutually held ideas. What we have come to know as "Victorian" a c t u a l l y started i n France 4 and Germany, spread into B r i t a i n , and from there, to North America. The reign of V i c t o r i a , from 1837 to 1901, does give some l i m i t s to the Vic t o r i a n period, but aome of i t s characteristics antedated the great queen's coronation and others extended after her death to disappear, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Canada, during World War I . In a l l these countries "Victorianism" was b a s i c a l l y a middle class phenomenon. This meant that S i r Edmund Walker thought i n much the same way as the middle cl a s s , Canadian, 'imperialist' academics of his time, and as the Vi c t o r i a n businessmen i n the United States. His l i f e - s t y l e also resembled the t y p i c a l pattern that existed throughout the West i n the nineteenth century. Although many Victorians c r i t i c i z e d materialism, they were very much involved i n the world. Everything i n man and nature attracted 3 t h e i r attention as they sought the answer to the question, "How does i t work?" Charles Darwin, for example, possessed a t r u l y V i c t o r i a n mind. His c u r i o s i t y led to an investigation of the working of nature and then to his famous theory of evolution. In the same manner others, l i k e Sigmund Freud and K a r l Marx, studied the mechanics of man and society. Study became a form of popular entertainment f o r the curious, who flocked r e l i g i o u s l y to t h e i r new museums, l i b r a r i e s and i n s t i t u t e s . Nineteenth centurymen also exhibited romantic natures. Their c u r i o s i t y about the world, i n part, stemmed from a romantic attachment to the exotic. OH r u i n 3 sent t h e i r imaginations f l y i n g . A l l a n Gowans maintains that Canadians of t h i s time i n t h e i r own architecture c a r e f u l l y adapted c l a s s i c a l and gothic d e t a i l s to ensure that t h e i r buildings had 5 the proper s p i r i t of age. Victorians were not alarmed that machines use mass-produced many a r t i c l e s i n common,/believing that a f l o u r i s h of colour and decoration on these items effected an appropriate exotic and hand-made appearance. Perhaps the Victorians' most unusual feature was the great v i r t u e they saw i n serving others. An o r i g i n of t h i s desire to serve can be found i n t h e i r Protestantism which held that a man could prove his worth to God by working i n the world. When evolution seemed to remove God from the Victorian universe, Protestant Victorians j u s t i f i e d t h e i r l i v e s , not i n serving God, but t h e i r fellow men. Charles Darwin, a representative V i c t o r i a n , when asked about the implications of his theory of evolution for Christian morality, replied simply that man should continue just "to do his duty."° This new morality of doing one's duty, Gertrude 7 Himmelfarb has aptly c a l l e d , "the Religion of Humanity." 4 Other sources beyond r e l i g i o n ' gave r i s e t o the Victorian ethic of service. As Walter Houghton has observed, the ethic had roots i n l i b e r a l theory: by doing what was best for himself, a man also d i d what g was best for society. L i b e r a l philosophy operated i n the prevailing c a p i t a l i s t ideology which decreed that the best economic system was one i n which every man laboured for his own p r o f i t , thereby serving a l l by his work. On the other hand, some may have had a completely unselfish reason for serving. Nothing i n Vi c t o r i a n times was more highly valued than noble benevolence, or s e l f - s a c r i f i c e where " a l l s e l f i s h concern _ q /was/ transcended by an ardent devotion to a person or cause." A man became ennobled by giving his l i f e i n service t o another. This idea, of course, formed the plot of many popular novels. In addition to t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l reasons f o r serving, Victorians seemed to f e e l an overwhelming, almost i r r a t i o n a l compulsion to do t h e i r duties i n the world. Thomas Ca r l y l e , the eminent English w r i t e r , exhorted his fellows to "...do the Duty which l i e s nearest to thee, which thou knowest to be a duty I Thy second Duty w i l l already be coming clearer.""^ Obeying t h i s command, Victorians appeared to rush from one Duty to the next on a seemingly everlasting t r e a d m i l l . This was the environment i n which S i r Edmund Walker and business c r i t i c s l i v e d . Throughout Walker's l i f e , whether i n his business a c t i v i t i e s or i n his philanthropic endeavours, his Victorianism revealed i t s e l f i n his c u r i o s i t y , i n his romanticism, but especially i n his Vi c t o r i a n ethic of service. S i r Edmund, his early biographers noted, was motivated by his desire to serve Canada. George Glazebrook, i n S i r Edmund  Walker. concluded that the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce 5 chose to bu i l d Canada by his " r i c h g i f t of unselfish s e r v i c e . " 1 1 r j r > Charles Colby, a professor of history at M c G i l l , i n a r t i c l e s on S i r Edmund, 12 also emphasized his "unflagging sense of public duty." Recognizing Walker's i d e a l of service, Augustus B r i d l e f e l t that S i r Edmund had developed into master of Canada "by being the general servant of the 13 community which he studies i n every d e t a i l . " J A l l these biographers l i v e d too close to t h e i r subject t o see that his ethic of service had roots i n the V i c t o r i a n world around them, but they would have agreed that S i r Edmund Walker deserved no t i t l e more than, "Servant of Canada." Against t h i s sketchy background of Victorianism, the following record of S i r Edmund Walker's 'service 1 to Canada has been set. Many of Walker's interests and characteristics were Vi c t o r i a n , but great i n t e l -ligence and outstanding leadership a b i l i t y were his alone. Mucin that he accomplished i n culture and business occurred because there was a vacuum i n Canada which could be e a s i l y f i l l e d , but without S i r Edmund's Victorian c u r i o s i t y i n every aspect of l i f e , i t i s doubtful that he would have become involved i n so many diverse pursuits. In many ways t h i s record of S i r Edmund Walker's l i f e i s a study of the impact of Victorianism on Canada. CHAPTER I 6 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF BYRON EDMUND WALKER In a log cabin at the edge of a forest clearing near Caledonia, Haldimand County, Ontario, Fanny Walker gave birth to Byron Edmund Walker, the second of her seven children, on the 14th of October, 1848. Only a few years earlier this very farm had been the property of the Six Nation Indians. From such rustic, pioneer beginnings, i t would indeed have been d i f f i c u l t to f o r e t e l l the later l i f e of S i r Edmund Walker, prominent Canadian banker and gentleman of culture. The origins of S i r Edmund's later success i n l i f e , nevertheless, lay i n that humble log cabin for here the Walker family provided an environ-ment of learning and culture for their children. Both sets of S i r Edmund's grandparents, although poor, came from the educated middle class i n England. Walker's paternal grandfather, Thomas Walker, a manufacturer of watch-cases, had been forced to emigrate to Canada i n 1834 when a new invention for engine-turning watches put him out of work in England. This grandfather, described as a 'man of education,' brought valuable books and a few good pictures to his new Canadian home. S i r Edmund's mother's family, the Murtons, were no less cultured. Grandfather Murton, a college-bred man, had studied law in London and then emigrated to Canada i n 1832. His wife "spoke French and Italian fluently, and was the only woman west of Toronto who could play the harpsicord." 1 I n order to supplement the Murton family income, she had opened a private or "dame's school" i n Hamilton. After S i r Edmund's own family moved into Hamilton, he attended the school of his refined Grandmother Murton. Young Edmund Walker inherited the family's emphasis on culture principally from his father, Alfred Edmund Walker. At the Jubilee i n 1918 celebrating his 50th Anniversary in the Canadian Bank of Commerce, Sir Edmund paid tribute to his father for ...whatever qualities I may possess, apart from mere industry, I owe to my father. At home I never heard money talked about, except perhaps the want of i t , which was always the case. We talked about flowers, music, f o s s i l s , science, a new poem or novel— nothing very learned or d i f f i c u l t . I was taught to appreciate that the truth regarding nature was the divine thing, and that we must learn i t so far as i t i s possible. I remember the comfort that Darwin's books were to my father. 2 In 1852, Alfred Walker, a f r a i l man, finding l i f e on the farm unsuitable, moved his family into the nearby c i t y of Hamilton. Even in Hamilton, Alfred Walker had d i f f i c u l t y holding a permanent job. Various Hamilton directories of the period refer to him as a "clerk" or "book-keeper." An 1875 directory, for example, l i s t s Alfred Walker as a book-keeper for 3 the Gardner Sewing Machine Company. Although he never earned enough money to provide his children with a l l the material things i n l i f e , he gave them a love of the intellectual and s p i r i t u a l . Alfred Walker must have enjoyed the more urbane l i f e i n Hamilton. The c i t y in 1850, no longer a rugged settlement, boasted a population of 10,000 and i t soon acquired more of the accoutrements of c i v i l i z a t i o n . The Hamilton Scientific Association was founded in 1857, just five years after the family arrived. Alfred Walker, a student of geology, joined i t and later became president of the geological section. At Alfred Walker's death, his fellow members passed a resultuion of sympathy declaring that: few of us can forget his addresses on corrals, stomathopora, and the Niagara f o s s i l sponges. \ B He possessed very great s k i l l i n developing sections of the two l a t t e r , as may be seen i n the valuable case of f o s s i l s he generously presented to the Association.... He was among the f i r s t to recognize the true natureibf the 'anchoring speculis' of our l o c a l Niagara chert beds. 4 To his eldest daughter, I s a b e l l a , Alfred Walker gave his interest i n geology, and to his eldest son, Byron Edmund, he transmitted his z e a l for c o l l e c t i n g and c l a s s i f y i n g f o s s i l s . Besides h i s c u r i o s i t y about nature, A l f r e d Walker enjoyed a r t . Not only did he paint, but he also became an accomplished lithographer. S i r Edmund recalled that before the C i v i l War, American s h e r i f f s often invaded Canada to retrieve escaped slaves. On one such occasion, the Hamilton newspapers, unable to reproduce pictures of any kind, asked Alfred Walker to make lithographs which were enclosed i n the newspapers 5 to f i r e Hamiltonians against the .unwelcome s h e r i f f s . Walker's l i t h o -graphs succeeded i n t h e i r objective^of helping one more American slave secure his freedom i n Canada. Alfred Walker's fascination with art also spread to his children. The very f i r s t money that his son- Edmund earned, 25 cents a month, went toward buying the famous B a r t l e t t ' s prints of Canada which S i r Edmund Walker l a t e r had bound into a volume for his l i b r a r y . ^ Byron Edmund Walker's education followed the t y p i c a l V ictorian pattern i n that he learned mostly i n his own home. John Stuart M i l l , a remarkable product of t h i s V i c t o r i a n home-learning method, began reading Greek at the age of three! A l f r e d Walker i n i t i a t e d Edmund's education because he had "grounded / h i s son/ i n the rudiments"; the rest the boy 7 "gained through reading." During Edmund Walker's childhood, he found plenty of books t o read i n his father's garret. Exotic romances appealed 8a I. 9 to t h i s young Canadian. After he had read Mallory's Triumph of the Round Table, he became "so excited that he made a wooden sword and went 8 about the house declaring the verses." The f i r s t book that he bought, The L i f e of Mohamet, foretold the l i f e long habit and pleasure that buying and reading books became to S i r Edmund Walker. Although Edmund Walker was educated primarily at home, the environ-ment of the c i t y of Hamilton cannot be overlooked as a factor i n his up-bringing. When B r i t i s h j o u r n a l i s t s v i s i t e d the c i t y i n 1852, the year Alfred Walker's family arrived, they were astounded by the stone buildings which seemed t o give to the Canadian c i t y , the appearance of a B r i t i s h town. There i s also i n the extent and arrangements of the large wholesale mercantile establishments, an a i r of s o c i a l wealth and enterprise, for which we are u t t e r l y unprepared when t o l d that we are about to v i s i t a place l i t t l e more than twenty years o l d . 9 The degree t o which t h i s bustling and expanding Hamilton environment shaped young Walker cannot be determined, but i t i s improbable that he remained untouched by the progressive s p i r i t of the pretentious l i t t l e c i t y . At the age of twelve, he must have been one of the 40-50,000 v i s i t o r s to Hamilton's own "Crystal Palace," b u i l t especially f o r the i860 r o y a l v i s i t of Edward, Prince of Wales. Hamilton also possessed one of the top public schools i n the province. Opened i n 1853, Hamilton Central School became the showpiece of the application of Egerton Ryerson's educational theories. I t admitted boys and g i r l s of a l l classes and colours with no charge. Edmund Walker attended Hamilton Central School and passed a l l s i x grades. D i s c i p l i n e seemed to be of primary importance i n the school. Every week parents were requested t o ask t h e i r young students for a c e r t i f i c a t e which stated, 10 "No scholar is entitled to this certificate, who has received a mark for disorder, absence, misdemeanor or imperfect recitation."^"* The Walker Papers contain a few of these certificates, but their small number suggests that Edmund Walker may not have been a perfect student. The family concluded that a suitable career for the scholarly young Edmund would be teaching, and they planned to send him to Normal School in Toronto. The boy, however, l i k e his father, had delicate health, and doctors advised a less demanding profession. An uncle, J . W. Murton, owned a bank in Hamilton and i t was here that Sir Edmund began his banking career. at" twelve years after he had completed grade six at Hamilton Central School. The bank really functioned as a bureau de change since Canada, at the time, had no standard currency and offices were needed to exchange the various non-Canadian currencies i n use—most of these coins being Spanish. Edmund Walker worked for his uncle from 1861 to 1868. In 1868, as a "clerk or manager,"11 he Joined the firm of Lee and Company, exchange dealers i n Montreal. This job lasted scarcely two months for i n July 1868, Edmund Walker entered the Hand.Iton branch of the Canadian Bank of Commerce as a discount clerk. At twenty years of age, his long career i n the Canadian Bank of Commerce began. Although Edmund Walker rose steadily i n the ranks, to become president of the bank i n 1907, he did not f e e l that he had been consciously ambitious. However, he did admit that "whatever the game i n l i f e has 13 been, I have tr i e d to play i t to the f u l l . " J A contemporary remarked that Walker never got carried away, for his rule i n l i f e appeared more to be one of holding the balance. 1^ Creating an impression of s t a b i l i t y , Walker " i n person" was 11 ...distinctive i n company. He wore a beard with an a i r . He had bright searching eyes and a gracious voice; he was the soul of hospitality. Yet for a l l his charm, there was a strain of iron or rather of steel i n the man. He made up his mind slowly, but once i t was made up, he was immoveable. 15 George Glazebrook has noted that while S i r Edmund was not "an outstanding judge of men, £~he_J was a good leader of men."l6 In addition to these individual qualities, Sir Edmund Walker can also be seen as a product of his times. A vast ocean lay between the pioneer frontier of nineteenth century Canada and the centres of European c i v i l i z a t i o n , but i t did not prevent the transportation of Victorianism from European shores to Canada. Byron Edmund Walker provides an example of the extent to which Victorianism pervaded Canada. The study of paleontology, a peculiarly Victorian interest, spread quickly throughout the western world. By 1850 many shared a curiosity about f o s s i l s , believing that these contained the history of a l l animal 17 l i f e . A famous collector was John Ruskin, the Englishman whose series on Modern Painters set the tone for art criticism i n the English-speaking world. Ruskin exhibited the usual Victorian curiosity, and like others, his curiosity had become a vehicle for understanding what he believed to be the unity i n nature. "He was a tireless collector, eager to sort, to catalogue, to classify the innumerable objects he had gathered, for the material things became to him tokens of the ric h l y diversified 18 design that held the created world i n unity," claimed Jerome Buckley. Edmund Walker followed his father's Victorian habit of collecting f o s s i l s . By 1904, he had accumulated and identified about 15,000 f o s s i l s , and had acquired a paleontological library of 600 volumes, a l l of which he donated later to the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto. The Walkers 12 also examined nature to f i n d t r u t h . A l f r e d Walker f i r s t taught his son "to understand that the t r u t h regarding nature was the divine thing i f 19 we could only learn i t . " 7 When Darwin's Origin of the Species appeared i n 1859, both the senior and junior Walkers "devoured i t eagerly and accepted i t with enthusiasm for i t gave them an explanation of what was 20 hinted at i n t h e i r f o s s i l s . " Thus, S i r Edmund Walker's c u r i o s i t y , c o l l e c t i n g and c l a s s i f y i n g habits marked him as a true c h i l d of the Walker family and of his V i c t o r i a n times. Because of his s c i e n t i f i c studies, S i r Edmund Walker held rather unorthodox views about morality and r e l i g i o n . O r i g i n a l l y an Anglican, Walker attended a Unitarian church i n Yonkers, New York and St. Andrew's Presbyterian i n Toronto.When he joined St. Andrew's, he t o l d the minister that he could not accept the doctrine of the d i v i n i t y of Christ, but the 21 church accepted him a l l the same. Walker's choice of churches depended more on the personality of the minister than on r e l i g i o u s doctrine. Contrary t o some men of the time, he favoured a 'Rational Sunday' i n which 22 museums, l i b r a r i e s and g a l l e r i e s would be open to the public, and also 23 refused t o support prohibition. S i r Edmund's Vic t o r i a n c u r i o s i t y led to his interest i n many things and t r a v e l s to many places. In his notes f o r an address i n 1922, he wrote about c u r i o s i t y i n almost r e l i g i o u s t e r m s — Not t o go on learning i s f a t a l The world i s intensely interesting No end to wealth of facts and ideas Every moment throbs with meaning Knowledge i s the supreme thing 24 A noble c u r i o s i t y i s the greatest g i f t to man. In his reading Edmund Walker learned about distant lands, and l i k e his fellow romantics, he f e l t he had t o v i s i t them personally. For Canadians, 13 one of the most important worlds to discover was England. In 1887, Walker f i r s t visited the Mother Country, and this t r i p later became an almost annual spring event with art galleries, museums and architectural monuments comprising regular features of his itinerary. Other European trips included an 1892 v i s i t to Italy which was of particular interest because Walker had the opportunity to see at first-hand the early Italian art that he had studied. Travels across his own country were not omitted. Sir Edmund discovered the variety i n Canada on his f i r s t t r a i n t r i p across the nation i n 1891, and on subsequent tours of 1897, 1902, 1905 and 1906. By far the most exciting to him were his grand voyages to Japan, Korea and China i n 1919 and to Brazil, Uraguay, Argentina and Chile i n 1921. During these v i s i t s to the Far East and South America, S i r Edmund Walker, unlike many of his contemporaries, did not exhibit any noticeable Anglo-Saxon superiority. After his t r i p to South America, he concluded that "we English-speaking people are often offensive beyond our capacity to 25 understand," warning that no nation, no matter how powerful, can afford to be hated.^ He recognized that South America had no middle c l a s s , ^ 28 and contended that i t was "not our task to t r y to alter t h i s . " i n dealing with South Americans, S i r Edmund counselled "knowledge of their history, peoples, institutions /.and/ above a l l , sympathy." 7 i n similar fashion, Walker spoke of the people of the Far East. He portrayed the image of Westerners held by men of the East—"we are a l l alike. Self interest controls us. We have become powerful only by not respecting the 30 rights of the weak."-^  After his 1919 tour of the East, S i r Edmund, who had been a member of the Japan Society of America, was made honorary consul general of Japan. His journal records that he entertained many 14 Asian dignitaries. For Walker, the Japanese were the "Anglo-Saxons of the East" and i n 1921 he believed that they should be granted "thinly peopled" territory i n Asia to expand.^1 Given a Lack of r a c i a l prejudice, i t i s understandable that Sir Edmund Walker would welcome immigrants of a l l colours into Canada. In 1907 he urged that Canada should open her doors to Asian immigrants, to 32 further trans-Pacific trade with Asia. Probably a member of the N.A.A.C.P. (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People), Walker addressed the blacks of Toronto i n 1915 on the f i r s t anniversary of The Canadian Observer, their journal. He said that he wished their race "was increasing i n numbers here, as I am afraid i t i s not, because this i s one of the lands of liberty and democracy where every man and every woman w i l l have an equal chance." At other times i n the address he admitted 35 that "we are not as just i n some respects as we should be," but the original intent that Canada should willingly accept blacks remained. An assessment of S i r Edmund Walker's attributes would be incomplete without acknowledging his ideas on man's duties. Very frequently Sir Edmund preached that Canadians should follow the higher goal of service. At the Y.M.C.A. i n 1912, for example, he urged that we should a l l strive to make money, but put i t second i n our lives, not f i r s t . We a l l have duties to ourselves, to other individuals and the state, which are more important, much more satisfying than making money, and which way l i e s happiness and honourable renown. 36 This statement of duties i s none other than the Victorian ethic of service. One of S i r Edmund's 'duties' to others involved caring for his wife, Mary Alexander, whom he married i n 1874. Walter Houghton's 15 description of the typical Victorian male who considered women, like his 37 mother and bride, to be "more like angels than human beings" would appear to apply to Edmund Walker's attitudes toward his own wife. Their marriage also seemed to follow the pattern of the Victorian love a f f a i r i n which "the lover meets his soul mate, the one person who was made for 38 ham or her." Mary Alexander, the daughter of Alexander Alexander, a Hamilton grocer, had attended Hamilton Central School, but because she was three years younger, she had started Central i n 1861, the year Edmund Walker completed his studies. A former schoolmate recalled that Mary Alexander was "the daintiest, sweetest l i t t l e g i r l at Central i n the old 39 years gone by."-'7 "Minnie" and "Ned" shared many interests. They both enjoyed art and their "Sketch Books," 4 0 dating from 1861-1864, reveal quite an a r t i s t i c competence for teenagers. In marriage, Mary and Edmund Walker were well suited. S i r Robert Falconer, President of the University of Toronto and frequent v i s i t o r to the Walker home, wrote of Lady Walker, that "with her delicacy, her glancing but shy humour, her interest i n books, she was a perfect companion for him." 4 1 A photograph of Lady Walker taken i n their Toronto home shows a beautiful woman, very much i n harmony with the art objects surrounding her, and the open book which she holds. With a move to Yonkers, New York, i n 1881 where Edmund Walker took up a new appointment as the Canadian Bank of Commerce's joint agent, Mary and Edmund Walker had the opportunity to expand their reading interests with their cultivated Yonkers' neighbours. Edmund Walker "presided over a l i t t l e c i r c l e of Browning readers.../who held/ regular readings and organized study." Assisted by his wife, he traced every historical, c l a s s i c a l and any other allusion, which appeared i n Robert Browning's poem, 16 "Sardello." It would seem that Walker's method of studying Browning, derived from his Victorian interest i n history and allegory, was not one recommended by the poet, for Browning wrote to a friend about "Sardello" that "the h i s t o r i c a l decoration was purposely of no more importance than a background requires, and my stress lay on the incidents i n the develop-43 ment of a soul: l i t t l e else i s worth study." Although Edmund Walker did not understand Browning's use of his t o r i c a l decoration, he had several Victorian characteristics i n common with the poet. Curiosity and collecting habits are also idealized by Browning i n "Paracelsus"—"I s t i l l must hoard and heap and class a l l truths/ With one ulterior purpose: I must know."^ For both Walkers, the years spent i n Yonkers were pleasant ones. When Edmund Walker was transferred back to Toronto i n 1886 to take over as general manager of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, he immediately hunted for counterparts of their Yonkers neighbours, and reported back to his wife i n New York that "Mrs. Howland i s a great reader and much like some of our Yonkers friends. Miss McMaster...can talk about BLake...Keats, Browning and the rest, very intelligently. Has her affectations but seems 45 worth knowing." Edmund, and especially Mary Walker maintained their connections with Yonkers long after they moved to Toronto. Although they continued to seek stimulating friends i n Toronto, the Walkers did not 46 become leaders i n Toronto 'society.' The Edmund Walker family settled into their permanent home i n Toronto at 99 St. George Street i n 1890. Just west of the university grounds i t was situated i n a fashionable area. Prominent neighbours included the George Gooderhams and the university's president. Today, i t 16a I I I . 17 i s d i f f i c u l t to realize that the city of Toronto i n the 1890's ended scarcely a block north of the Walker's home at Bloor Street, and further to the north lay open f i e l d s . The Walker home said much about i t s owners for Victorians chose their homes to express themselves i n much the same way that we advertise ourselves by our automobiles. The house prominently displayed the Walkers' Victorianisnu Its late Victorian style of projecting wings and chimneys gave the building the desired impression of age which the nineteenth century cherished. S i r Edmund gave his home the allegorical name of "Long Garth" because of i t s long backyard. Jerome Buckley has contended that middle class Victorians loved adding this "dash" of allegory to their l i v e s , although usually i t was a touch imperceptible to the uncultured multitude. One typical middle class allegorical t r i c k on the multitude was to place urns on their 49 gateposts to signify their wealth. Sir Edmund loved this allegorical panache, but the name for his home does not seem to hold such deliberate snobbery. Edmund Walker's salary from the Canadian Bank of Commerce, which i n 50 1908 had reached $40,000, allowed the Walkers to l i v e very comfortably i n Long Garth. Over ten servants usually were required to run the large house. In the nineteenth century servants were a permanent fixture of most middle class families. Eliza Alexander, Mary's sister, called "Nannie" by a l l the children, assisted i n organizing domestic a f f a i r s . This was no simple operation. Household expenses, i n 1911 for instance, which must have included the costs of the family's t r i p to Europe, 51 paintings, and other related expenditures, ran over $58,000. 17a IV. V. V I . 18 The i n t e r i o r of Long Garth exhibited no sign of deliberate ostentation or of poor taste. Newton MacTavish, l a t e r a trustee of the National Gallery, w r i t i n g an a r t i c l e on S i r Edmund's art c o l l e c t i o n , v i s i t e d the home i n 1918 and quickly noticed the owner's zeal for c o l l e c t i n g exotica. He remarked that the ...bronze that reposed at one time as objects of veneration i n Chinese temples decorate the mantle-pieces i n the drawing-room. Chinese and other rugs from the Orient cover the f l o o r . Specimens of early Chinese pottery add interest and spots of colour to the space above the cornice. 52 Photographs of Long Garth taken i n t h i s period show the Walkers' V i c t o r i a n enthusiasm for t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n s , but these i n no way resemble the crude displays of wealth i n other homes of the time, for example, the Toronto 53 home of Hugh MacDonald. ^ S i r Robert Falconer r i g h t l y f e l t that Long Garth maintained an atmosphere of "refinement and moderation," and served w e l l i t s purpose f o r here " S i r Edmund found his refreshment."^ 4 S i r Edmund Walker's art c o l l e c t i o n was famous throughout Canada. 55 A 1909 appraisal valued i t at $75,000. Despite i t s value, S i r Edmund dJLd not buy art for speculation. Professor Charles C u r r e l l y , who helped establish the Royal Ontario Museum, understood Walker's c o l l e c t i n g art f o r the purpose of studying i t . In an introduction'to a pamphlet on Walker's Japanese p r i n t c o l l e c t i o n , C u r r e l l y confirmed that: as f a r as I could see from a long acquaintance S i r Edmund was much more eager to learn than to possess. His c o l l e c t i o n s , therefore, tended to be objects of study rather than p a r t i c u l a r prizes to be hugged as possessions. 56 I t i s worth noting that S i r Edmund collected the Japanese p r i n t s i n order to donate them a l l to the Royal Ontario Museum. These and Walker's many other donations prompted Cur r e l l y to comment that, " I have good reason to V I I I . 19 57 believe that he gave away half of his income regularly." S i r Edmund-bought mainly small paintings which represented, p r a c t i c a l l y a l l of the schools of art of the time. These English, Dutch, French and Polish landscapes graced the walls of Long Garth. In the l i b r a r y Walker kept an etching cabinet where he had over "50 Rembrandts, many Van Ostades, — — 58 Whistlers, Seymour Hadens /and/ M i l l e t s " ' f i l e d away. These were also donated to the Art Gallery of Toronto. When the Walkers returned to Toronto a f t e r 1886, they began to buy Canadian works when most of t h e i r prominent Canadian contemporaries were s t i l l b u s i l y acquiring only European, mainly Dutch paintings. The 59 catalogue from a 1927 auction of the Walker estate d e t a i l s the extent of 60 these Canadian purchases. One section alone had over 100 signed pictures by suclh pre-"Group of Seven" Canadian a r t i s t s as Harry B r i t t o n R.C.A., Frederick S. Challener R.C.A., Edmund Morris R.C.A., and Franklin Brownell R.C.A. The Walker c o l l e c t i o n also included three modern o i l sketches by Tom Thomson and two by the most famous pre-w^r Canadian a r t i s t , Horatio Walker. The entire Walker family showed t h e i r interest i n Toronto a r t i s t s by v i s i t i n g t h e i r studios on "Open Day." ^ As i n every facet of his l i f e , Walker's taste i n painting stamped him i n d e l i b l y as a V i c t o r i a n . John Ruskin, the English art c r i t i c , provides some insight into V i c t o r i a n ideas on a r t . Ruskin informed his many readers that "painting or art generally i s nothing but a noble and expressive language.... The greatest picture i s that which conveys to the 62 mind of the spectator, the greatest number of the greatest ideas." 63 S i r Edmund Walker read Ruskin and had thoroughly absorbed Ruskin's philosophy. At the opening of the Art Museum of Toronto, he p l a i n l y X. 20 enunciated Ruskin's ideas, saying that he would always accept a picture i n which the "painter would communicate his message through the picture." Walker had d i f f i c u l t y i n understanding the Impressionists because they were not interested i n communicating messages, but i n depicting the blurred vision of r e a l i t y which their eyes actually saw. When he visited a Luxembourg gallery i n 1909, Edmund Walker gazed at paintings by the French Impressionists, and, then, sadly recorded i n his journal—"I tried very hard to understand their charm, but I find I am not able to do so more than when I f i r s t saw them.... The fault must of course be i n the 65 observer, as their position i n art seems well established." L i t t l e did he realize that i t was his Victorian method of examining art, derived from Ruskin, that prevented him from understanding these beginnings of modern art. For many romantic Victorians, an escape into 'nature' to their country cottage became an annual r i t u a l . In Britain, for instance, i t was "the highest aim of the successful self-made banker or businessman... 66 to buy an estate i n the shires and become one of the landed gentry." In 1891 on De Grassi Point, Lake Simcoe, the Walkers completed their own summer home, "Broadeaves," designed by Toronto architect, Frank Darling. Close neighbours were the family of W. J. Alexander, professor of english at the University of Toronto and brother of Mary Walker. A 600 acre farm surrounded Broadeaves and with i t s cows, horses and sheep, this Canadian estate could have rivalled any i n Britain. S i r Edmund enjoyed relaxing at De Grassi, and advising the farmers on their location of crops and other agricultural matters. -The environment of culture created by Mary and Edmund Walker was impressed on their four sons and three daughters. Edmund Murton Walker, 21 the eldest son, later distinguished himself as professor of zoology at the University of Toronto. His fascination with art and science appeared early, for at the age of three he was drawing and at eight he had begun to classify animals.^ In the same way that Byron Edmund Walker had recognized his father as the source of his many interests, his own son, Edmund, later acknowledged that "I owe my father and grandfather a great deal, both for the genes through which I inherited my f l a i r for natural history and for the environment which they created of books and pictures, and of ready access to f i e l d s , woods and streams, i n which I grew up. ^ The Walkers' three other sons went into business although they were no less interested i n art. Ewart became head of the e l e c t r i c a l department for the Canadian National Railway, Alfred joined Massey Harris Company and Harold Walker became a partner i n the Toronto legal firm of Blake, and Cassels. The three daughters married men of culture: a teacher, musician and an architect. In July 1923, Lady Mary Walker died. S i r Edmund was so bereft that to forget his loss, he threw himself into more endeavours such as 69 arranging the estate of Sir William Mackenzie, a business associate. After accompanying the Toronto Mendelssohn Choir, of which he was honorary president, on a hectic tour throughout the United States, S i r Edmund contracted pneumonia on his return and died i n Toronto on March 27, 1924. The three stages of l i f e depicted i n the freize i n the library of Long Garth could very well have represented those of Edmund Walker. S i r Edmund commissioned George A. Reid, the Toronto a r t i s t , to paint these 70 allegorical scenes i n 1901. In the f i r s t , where a "mother and child dominate the foreground, while to the right a piping figure reclines," 22 Edmund Walker's own childhood of culture may be discerned. Youth, the second scene, showed " f i v e figures...seated on the ground engaged i n ardent conversation." This could depict the many study groups, l i k e the Browning Society, i n which Walker participated. In the f i n a l scene of the "philosophers, a group of seers i s declaiming on subjects of great import." For Augustus B r i d l e , 'philosophic' would characterize the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce whom he referred to as "not so much the fin a n c i e r , as the professor of banking who expounds the moral laws of 71 stocks, change and trade." This a l l e g o r i c a l f r e i z e exhibited Edmund Walker's V i c t o r i a n art tastes. At Long Garth his f o s s i l , art and book collections also provided clues to his V i c t o r i a n c u r i o s i t y while the building i t s e l f showed his V i c t o r i a n romanticism. Thus, i n his home, S i r Edmund Walker p a r t i a l l y displayed his Victorianism. To discover his ethic of service, the other aspect of his Victorianism, we must look beyond his l i f e at Long Garth. CHAPTER II 23 A VICTORIAN VIEW OF BUSINESS: SIR EDMUND WALKER, BANKING AND CANADA Mr. Good: The banks of course are a public service corporation, are they not? S i r : I believe I was one of the f i r s t people to admit that they Edmund are i n a sense a public service corporation. They have a Walker franchise. Mr. Good: And i n that category you vrould place such other organizations as railway companies and perhaps similar institutions? S i r : The nature of their duty to the general public would be Edmund different from ours, but we always regard our function as one Walker of service i n the Last degree; not differing from private individuals i n that respect. That i s what a l l of us are for, and i f we are good Canadians, I suppose we are a l l servants of the general public. The : With the Rotarians and the Kiwanians and the B u l l Moose and Chairman a l l that sort of thing. They a l l say the same thing, that a l l must serve, and everybody should say i t . (From the Proceedings of the Select  Committee on Banking and Commerce. 1923) 1 For S i r Edmund Walker, the ethic of service determined his business as naturally as i t affected his personal relations. For others, li k e the members of the 1923 Select Committee of Banking and Commerce, this ethic seemed to be commendable, but impractical. By 1923, Walker and his Victorian ideas of service had become outdated. When Edmund Walker entered banking i n 1861, however, the ideal of service was firmly entrenched i n the laissez-faire ideology of capitalism. It began with the optimistic assumption that human selfishness and greed would make a l l men act rationally and work e f f i c i e n t l y i n the market place, and concluded 24 that while every man laboured for his own gain, he would invariably 2 serve the entire community by his work. Victorians appeared to endorse this form of the capitalist ideology, and praised capitalists for their noble and necessary services to society. In Victorian Canada the capitalist ideology with i t s ethic of service became a fundamental part of thinking. Canadians awarded their outstanding businessmen the highest of honours by knighting them. Edmund Walker, for example, became a Commander of the Victorian Order i n 1908, and i n 1910 was made a Knight Bachelor. 3 Canadian business manuals l i k e George Hague's Banking and Commerce. published i n 1908, also indicated prevailing attitudes. Right at the beginning of his treatise, Hague, a banker, noted that "every man who expects to derive his subsistence from a community w i l l find himself under 4 obligation to render service thereto," and detailed the various capitalist •services' such as production, selling, transportation and banking. In contrast with this emphasis on service, the modern Canadian banker talks chiefly about what the individual himself gets from his work and practically 5 neglects his value to society. A recent bankers' manual published by the Institute of Canadian Bankers, starts with this modern self-centred presupposition that every man i s primarily concerned with making a l i v i n g 6 or getting money. S i r Edmund Walker believed i n George Hague's community-centred version of the capitalist ideology, but unlike Hague who retired from active banking i n 1902, he had to fight against the increasingly popular and modern attitude that businessmen serve only themselves. Throughout his l i f e , Walker preached that Canadians owed their businessmen praise and gratitude, but never abuse, for capitalists, "the 25 great captains of industry," alone had the knowledge, expertise and 7 enterprise to carry on the work of Canada. With a typic a l mistrust of the a b i l i t i e s of government, he claimed that government or public owner-ship could never equal the work being done by businessmen. Manufacturers, with their unique talents for turning over capital, were "servants to 9 the people." After this sermon, S i r Edmund would turn to his' fellow businessmen to remind them that "we should f e e l that our business i s not simply to build up our own private fortunes; our business i s to build up Canada as a whole."^ In his mind, not only the present community, but future generations would also be receiving benefits from capitalists. Capitalists, indeed, had a great mission to perform. Convinced that businessmen acted as servants of the people, Sir Edmund Walker had to accept the basic tenet of the capitalist ideology, that selfishness motivated businessmen. He qualified selfishness, how-ever, by dividing i t into "broad" and "narrow." 1 1 Not being completely naive, Walker realized that occasionally businessmen, speculators for instance, could be, and were narrowly s e l f i s h . These, he labelled "the 12 most dangerous men we have i n business." On the other hand, broad 13 selfishness involved 'fair dealing' ^ and the common sense, surely derived from Darwinism, that a business would survive only as long as 14 i t s usefulness. A "broadly selfish" businessman, unlike the speculator who was intent on quick pr o f i t , would be willing to forego some profits i n order to ensure the continuation of his enterprise. Banking held an important position i n Walker's scheme of business as service. Bankers, "the engineers of the great power of credit... /he — 15 considered/ as essential to the world as steam and elect r i c i t y . " 26 S i r Edmund taught bankers that they were trustees for their own communities and as such they should be the "best informed i n most walks of l i f e 1 , ' 1 ^ i n order to be able to advise their clients. He urged a l l businessmen to learn about their profession, "You can take my word for i t , " Walker told the Insurance Institute of Toronto i n 1904, "that the practical man who thinks he does not need to study the principles that underly his business i s only one of the many species of the fool. "17 Needless to say Walker himself, made a careful, life-long study of banking, II The Canadian Bank of Commerce was scarcely a year old when Edmund Walker joined i t i n 1868. In many ways, Walker, the bank, and Canada which began as a nation i n 1867, grew up together. In 1868 the bank's assets were a meager $2,997,081. F i f t y years later, after Walker had become i t s president and the nation's foremost banker, these had jumped to the prodigious sum of $440,310,703. From a minor Ontario bank, the Canadian Bank of Commerce had acquired branches across Canada and through-out the world, developing into the second largest bank i n Canada. During these same years Canada also grew from a four province dominion to a continental nation linked by railroads, with great new urban centres and modern industries. Walker and the bank could rightfully claim a f a i r share i n building up the nation. Si r Edmund Walker served the Canadian Bank of Commerce from 1868 to his death i n 1924. He entered the bank at the Hamilton branch as a discount clerk where his many a b i l i t i e s soon became apparent to superiors. In an assessment of his f i r s t years' work, the Hamilton manager noted that Edmund Walker was an "invaluable officer, competent i n every respect to discharge a l l duties of Bank Accounting. He has a cool clear head and 27 18 i s as sharp as a needle." A fellow banker recalled that Walker at this 19 time could also add lik e "greased lightning." The president of the bank, Senator William McMaster, soon heard about the mathematical wizard i n his Hamilton branch, and asked Walker to accompany him on a l l his branch inspections. In those early days of Canadian banking the president alone was responsible for adding a l l the cash i n the branch during inspection. McMaster, whose talents apparently did not include adding, must have been thankful for the precision and rapidity of the junior officer. Edmund Walker climbed steadily i n the Canadian Bank of Commerce. In 1872 the bank promoted him to the position of chief accountant i n Toronto, and a year later sent him off as junior agent i n New York. During this period the Canadian banks did much of the foreign banking for the United States because American banks, for the most part, were smaller than the Canadian, and did not have the resources to carry out huge foreign transactions. After gaining a reputation as a 'trouble shooter,' Walker next moved to Windsor to sort out that branch's dubious lumber accounts. He successfully completed the mission i n three years and was sent on to become the manager of the London, Ontario, branch i n 1878. A year later, he took over the inspectorship at the head office i n Toronto. Here Walker's administrative genius appeared. His printed regulations for the bank's officers were the f i r s t of any bank i n Canada. The bank also implemented his recommendations that the position of assistant general manager be established, and that the bank's organizational structure allow for various new departments to develop. Also, as inspector, Walker instituted the use of the cipher code, a form of telegraphy for the bank's communications. From 1881 to 1886 he worked as joint agent i n New York. 28 This series of promotions ended when the Canadian Bank of Commerce appointed Edmund Walker as general manager i n 1886. One of his f i r s t concerns i n the position revealed the thoroughness which marked his long reign i n the bank. He made "a thorough revaluation of the assets of the bank, so as to be able to present to the shareholders a trustworthy-showing of the position and value of their property."^ Eleanor Creighton, Walker's personal secretary after 1903, had many opportunities to watch Sir Edmund i n action and she remarked that "the s p i r i t of any institution f i l t e r s down through every department and this was certainly true i n the bank i n S i r Edmund's day. He demanded neatness, order, and so far 21 as possible, perfection i n everything." Realizing the importance of knowing exactly what was going on i n the bank's many branches, Edmund Walker required a l l his managers to write him a weekly report, known among the employees as the "gossip sheet." Eleanor Creighton f e l t that the information gained from the gossip letters enabled S i r Edmund to have "his fingers on the pulse of l i f e i n 22 Canada." This array of facts Walker organized into his annual addresses which he presented to the bank's shareholders. From 1888 to 1924 S i r Edmund Walker's annual addresses provided the most comprehensive financial and industrial reviews of Canada. Probably more than anything else, they made him one of the best known bankers i n North America. In 1907 Walker became the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, remaining i n office u n t i l 1924, although he ceased being chief executive i n 1915. A detailed examination of S i r Edmund Walker's leader-ship of the bank i s not possible i n this study, but the following examples of his business decisions do i l l u s t r a t e the extension of his own Victorianism to the bank. 29 To advertise the 'service' of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, Sir Edmund Walker chose three new publicity organs: the annual addresses, a history of the bank, and allegorical bank notes. The shareholders' addresses, f i r s t of a l l , outlined the work of the banks i n the annual economic development. Later, S i r Edmund decided that histories of Canadian banking and of the Canadian Bank of Commerce would teach Canadians more about the banks' long service to the nation. Victor Ross, author of the f i r s t two volumes, acknowledged that S i r Edmund "detached himself from 23 the actual compilation of the history," but he did select and prepare 24 the many illustrations for The History of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, which was issued i n 1922. In his introduction the president set out his reason for having the histories written. He hoped that they would con-vince readers that "the banks are performing a service which is incalcul-25 ably more valuable to the people than profitable to the shareholders." With Sir Edmund's Victorian interest i n history, his choice of the h i s t o r i c a l mode of communicating to Canada seemed most reasonable. Walker's third publicity tactic involved the actual notes of the Canadian Bank of Commerce. These travelled across the country after 1918 to commemorate his 50th anniversary with the bank. An allegorical scene on every b i l l , again a product of S i r Edmund Walker's tastes, contained the „ . 26 message of service. When Edmund Walker took over the Canadian Bank of Commerce, i t had been known chiefly for i t s connections with the Liberal party. He was determined to lose this p o l i t i c a l image, and wanted the bank to be known 27 solely for i t s devotion to the interests of Canada. ' As general manager, he established a new policy for the bank, declaring that " i t should be 30 freed from a l l suspicion of p o l i t i c a l preference...^while/ maintaining, however, most friendly relations with whatever party might be i n power 28 at the moment." Walker became so worried about p o l i t i c a l entangle-29 ments that he resolved i n 1897 to keep out of p o l i t i c s himself. The Canadian Bank of Commerce did deserve an image of service for i t worked for Canada by financing countless projects across the nation. How much S i r Edmund Walker's decisions determined the extent of these financial arrangements has not yet been ascertained, but an examination of his ledger indicates that Sir Edmund trusted enough i n Canadian enterprise to buy substantial interests i n many corporations. At the end of 1909 he owned $991,81130 i n shares and bonds. The largest of these, worth over $50,000, were North American Life Insurance ($50,000), Sao Paulo Tramway Light and Power ($75,000), Canadian Bank of Commerce ($100,000), Canadian Northern Railway ($100,000), Quaker Oats ($135,000), Rio de Janiero Tramway, Light and Power ($150,210), and Massey-Harris 31 ($195,000). In addition, S i r Edmund was a director of Massey-Harris, Mond Nickel, Equitable Life Assurance, Toronto General Trust, and Canada Life Assurance companies. Just before his death, he had also been made president of Toronto General Trust. The Canadian Northern Railway was one of the bank's largest, and certainly most notorious clients. S i r William Mackenzie and S i r Donald Mann, the 'wheeler dealers' of Canadian railroading, headed the company. When i t collapsed during the Fir s t World War, the federal government had to come to the rescue of both the railway and the Canadian Bank of Commerce, for the bank held pledges from Mackenzie and Mann which repre-sented their 51$ ownership of the railway. The royal commission which 31 investigated the Canadian Northern's 'embarrassment' found the major 32 causes to be the war and over-optimism. S i r Edmund Walker's role i n the bank's dealings with the Canadian Northern i s not known, but his views of the railroad situation are available. At the turn of the century he noted the importance of r a i l transportation, and approved of government aid to the railways, although he hoped for the day when transportation improvements could be l e f t to 33 private enterprise. In 1902 Walker supported the idea of a merger be-tween the Canadian Northern and the Grand Trunk i n order that the new company could build a second transcontinental lin e . For him, a third line was "hardly credible, although before many years that might be necessary." ^ At this time, George Cox, the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, was offered the presidency of the new company, and J. H. Plummer, the assistant general manager of the bank, reported to Walker that "Cox looks upon the whole movement as the most important thing he has been connected with i n his l i f e . " Mann, Plummer also claimed, wanted to s e l l the Canadian Northern, but they worried that Mackenzie's "strong desire to be head and front of a r i v a l to the C.P.R. w i l l let 35 his ambitions and temper sway his judgments."-^ The merger discussions, however, fai l e d , and both the Canadian Northern and the Grand Trunk sent lines across the nation. With the tremendous growth i n Canada during these years, S i r Edmund's concern about building two national railways diminished. In 1913 he rashly stated that: as far as the building of the railroads i n the West i s concerned, there can be no doubt about their earning power i f we consider the low cost 32 per mile and the quantity of t r a f f i c being created. Such building may some day be over-done, but surely not for years to come. 36 The president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce was not alone i n this optimism, because most Canadians i n 1913 really had no conception of a war's effect on their railroads and western development. Walker appeared to accept the nationalization of the railways during the war, and con-tended that the ideal system would be one i n which the government r a i l -37 ways would be free from p o l i t i c a l influence. Looking back i n 1922, S i r Edmund la i d the blame for the railway problem on the Laurier govern-ment because i t had allowed the simultaneous construction of the two ,. 38 lines. From 1886 to 1924, the fantastic growth of the Canadian Bank of Commerce can be attributed partially to Sir Edmund Walker's leadership. He directed the bank, however, during the greatest expansion of Canadian banking. Between 1890 and 1914, for instance, the t o t a l assets of the Canadian banks increased from $260 million to more than $1.55 b i l l i o n , . 39 and the number of branches rose from 426 to over 3,000. Under these circumstances, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to establish Walker's actual contribution. In addition, much that Sir Edmund accomplished i n the Canadian Bank of Commerce would not have occurred without the capable assistance of the 40 outstanding Canadian corporation lawyer of the time, Zebulon Aiton Lash. Zebulon Lash was appointed counsel for the Canadian Bank of Commerce i n 1882, director i n 1907, and vice-president i n 1910. His legal genius helped to guide not only the bank, but also the Canadian Bankers' Association, the Canadian Northern Railway and numerous companies. Lash was S i r Edmund Walker's closest business advisor and friend. When Lash 33 died i n 1920, S i r Edmund remembered his friend for his "absolute integrity," his "high minded sense of justice" and his "cleaness of intel l e c t , " giving Lash the highest praise for his indifference to money and his generous 41 use of i t . ,. Both at the bank and elsewhere, these two Victorian business-men performed remarkable feats. I l l The Canadian banking system owed much to Zebulon Lash and Edmund Walker. Together they led the conservative Canadian bankers into a continuing battle with the federal government over the direction of Canadian banking. In their eyes the Canadian banking system was slowly evolving, and constantly perfecting i t s e l f i n order to serve the financial needs of the country. The two campaigners thought that they were guarding against foolhardy attempts to plant unnnatural American features i n the pristine Canadian banks. There was, i n fact, l i t t l e worth copying i n the late Victorian American banking system. American banks of the time were weak and indepen-dent, comparing poorly with the strong nation-wide banks of the Dominion. The American system allowed states to charter banks with l i t t l e capital, and gave these banks the right to deal i n real estate. Canadian 'populists' saw that i f this system were introduced, they could establish their own banks and obtain better loans. Oddly enough, the origins of Canadian banking, as Edmund Walker recognized, lay i n the American system—in Alexander Hamilton's national bank of the early days of the Republic which Hamilton had designed "to be a great arm of the state." 4 A l l the virtues of this early bank, S i r Edmund warned, had long since disappeared because foolish American 34 democrats had destroyed Hamilton's bank by giving i n to the whim of 43 "popular or untrained opinion" i n the country. In Sir Edmund's Darwin-i s t i c mind, the American banking system was the product of three 44 successive revolutions, and their banks offered poor service because of 45 the financial panics which continually plagued the southern nation. The head of the Canadian Bank of Commerce repeatedly asserted that troubles i n the American banking system stemmed from the United States government which violated the boundary between banking and government. One violation occurred i n the American C i v i l War when the government started to circulate paper money. He believed that the "function of government regarding currency was merely to c e r t i f y weight and fineness of gold, silve r and other coined m o n e y . C a n a d a , on the other hand, had a history, although a stormy one, of keeping the government out of banking. Because of the federal government's control over banking granted by the B.N.A. Act, however, Walker knew that politicians would always be capable of destroying existing Canadian banking practices. S i r Edmund gave numerous addresses both i n Canada and the United states extolling the virtues of Canadian banking and the flaws i n the American system. In Canada these were directed at teaching the nation to 'hold fast to that which i s good.' In the United States, especially after a financial panic, Walker was more than once asked to speak on the causes of the panic and why the features of the Canadian system would provide a corrective. After the crash of 1907, for example, he spoke to the American Bankers' Association on "Abnormal features of American banking."^''' In 1913 S i r Edmund was also asked to give evidence on improving the American system before the Committee of Banking and Currency 35 of the House of Representatives i n Washington. In his speeches Walker argued that the success of the Canadian banking system was partly due to the Bank Act which permitted banks to issue notes. Canadian bankers, he said, prevented inflation by their control of note issue. F i r s t , knowing business needs, they were able to judge the right amount to circulate, and secondly they redeemed these notes d a i l y . ^ American notes, however, were issued by the United States government, and i n S i r Edmund's view, i t caused unnecessary inflation 49 because the government did not understand business. What he never mentioned, was that by issuing notes, the Canadian banks were also enjoying an interest free bank debt.''0 Besides note issue, another unique feature of the Canadian banks was the branch system. Proud of the working of the branch banks i n Canada, Sir Edmund claimed that deposits i n quiet unenterprising parts of Ontario 51 could be shifted with a minimum of charge to more enterprising l o c a l i t i e s . Canadian borrowers, then, obtained lower rates than most of their American 52 counterparts and Canadian depositors also enjoyed f a i r rates of interest. The branch system had other advantages. Branch managers in the 'organism' did not fear one another i n times of panic, and courage on the part of one, 53 Sir Edmund thought, would "actuate every part of the organism." Once losing their confidence, individual American bankers who did not belong to a nation-wide network, actually stimulated panics.^ Walker also argued that the small number of Canadian banks, with their numerous branches, would always consider the interests of Canada i n their decisions 55 and never act out of sheer individual selfishness. 36 Since Canadian banks had ten year renewable charters, the banks and the federal government met once a decade to clash over the working and control of Canada's finances. S i r Edmund Walker f i r s t joined battle i n 1880 when he prepared a memorandum contrasting Canadian and American banking for the president of the bank, William McMaster and Edward Blake, the leader of the federal Liberal party. Both these men had been influen-t i a l i n establishing the Bank Act of 1871 and his memorandum provided them with facts to sustain their arguments i n 1880 for the preservation of the existing system. From 1890 to his death i n 1924, Walker led the Canadian bankers' forces. In 1911, frankly admitting his leadership, he told a correspon-dent that "I think I may safely say that a l l the important reforms since and including the revision of the Bank Act i n 1890 have been proposed by 56 myself." Zebulon Lash, counsel for the Canadian Bankers' Association throughout the period, helped Walker. A 1911 entry i n S i r Edmund's journal indicates their pre-eminence: "mtg i n the Board Room of Council of Canadian Bankers Asn regarding the revision of the Bank Act.... As 57 usual matter largely l e f t to Lash and myself." The guiding principle for Edmund Walker i n the proceedings concerning the Bank Act revisions was his "broadly selfish" interpretation of the capitalist ideology. S i r Edmund acknowledged the selfishness of Canadian bankers, but claimed that i t was a very special kind. He confessed that: I fancy we are as s e l f i s h as any other body of bankers, but we have at least learned that the only safe plan for preserving the right granted by the people to carry on the business of banking i s to give them the best possible service of banking. 58 37 Walker reasoned that Canadian bankers had introduced every great reform 59 in the interest of the people. In so doing, the bankers were not seeking additional profit, but i f the banks' profits had increased, this 60 was simply the result of improved service to the people. For the 1890 decennial revision of the Canadian Bank Act, the general manager of the Canadian Bank of Commerce was superbly organized. His private memorandum of 1880 for McMaster and Blake, contrasting the two North American banking systems, formed the basis of his 1890 pamphlet, The Canadian System of Banking and the National Banking System of the 62 6l United States. Walker trusted that i t would provide the necessary information for newspapers to lead a high level of public discussion. Besides furnishing the factual ammunition, Walker had to organize his fellow bankers. Beginning i n 1887 he directed a study group within the bankers' section of the Toronto Board of Trade, which concluded that i n the 1890 proceedings the banks would propose needed reforms "to be helpful to the country i n general." In 1890 the government forces were headed by Hon. George E. Foster, the Finance Minister i n S i r John A. Macdonald's last administration. Foster, hoping to prevent bank failures i n Canada, had fall e n i n love with the American system of fixed reserves, and wanted to introduce this into the Canadian banks. Edmund Walker, acting as spokesman f o r the bankers, argued for the status quo i n which reserves were elastic due to Canadian trade which fluctuated greatly i n harvest time.^ The bankers took their case a l l the way up to the Cabinet which, in the end, with-drew support from the Finance Minister. R. M. Breckenridge, an early historian of the Canadian banks, commenting on the bankers' actions, 38 noted that they "may have been selfish, but i t was a case where the interest of the banks was that of the people." During the revision proceedings the Canadian bankers also resisted a further government encroachment i n their territory by an external audit. Walker thought that this audit would delude the shareholders who were supposed to watch 66 over the books. From the episode of 1890 Sir Edmund f e l t that the Canadian banks had learned "the value of unanimity." He took command of the victorious 68 forces and urged them to form a permanent alliance. In his view, the new Canadian Bankers1 Association, founded i n December, 1891, was more than a government lobby. He hoped that i t would become "a sc i e n t i f i c association, consisting of a body of associates anxious to understand the 69 principles of banking and finance," and suggested that scholarships be established by the association i n economics and p o l i t i c a l science i n order 70 to produce "above average" young officers for each of the banks. The Journal of the Canadian Bankers' Association, started i n 1893, published varied articles on banking, many by S i r Edmund himself, which helped to raise the Canadian bankers' professional status. The association elected S i r Edmund Walker twice to the presidency and later named him an honorary president. In 1901 the Canadian Bankers' Association was formally incorporated i n the Bank Act. Originally scheduled for 1911, the next match between the bankers and government had to be postponed to 1913 because of d i f f i c u l t i e s caused by the 1911 election i n which the Liberals supported a measure of restricted reciprocity with the United States. During these years, Sir Edmund Walker faced attacks for his denunciation of the Liberal policy. 39 Professor W. L. Grant of Queen's University c r i t i c i z e d Walker for being two-faced because the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce refused reciprocity with the United States to Canadian farmers, while letting his 71 own bank indulge i n 'money reciprocity' i n New York. Others, like Augustus Bridle, for whom S i r Edmund Walker ruled as "the archbishop of 72 his own bank and the pope of the banking system," also questioned his stand. In reply Sir Edmund argued i n the Monetary Times and before the government banking committee, that New York had the only well-developed market for loans.^ In times of financial stress then, Canadian banks 74 could easily withdraw their money to support their own customers. By making c a l l loans i n New York, Sir Edmund summed up, the Canadian banks 75 had prevented American bank panics from spreading across the border. In a recent study of the actions of the Canadian banks i n New York from 1901 to 1911, C. A. Goodhart has advanced a theory which supports Walker's claim that "the objects of the loans i n the United /- -7 76 States.../were/ not to enlarge the profits of the Canadian banks." Goodhart believes that the Canadian banks simply used their secondary reserves i n New York as "a necessary adjunct to the maintenance of interest rates i n Canada at a level fixed by implicit or explicit agree-77 ment between the chartered banks." To substantiate this theory Goodhart has examined swings i n the New York interest rate and capital inflows into New York by the Canadian banks. He could not find a direct relation-ship. Canada's entry into the Firs t World War i n 1914 caused a major alteration i n the nation's financial structure. Advised by the leading Canadian banks, the federal government took the country off the gold 40 standard and gave the Finance Ministry ultimate control over credit. In the Finance Act of 1914 can be found the origins of the later Bank of Canada, established i n 1935. The idea of a central bank did have some 78 support during the war. In 1917 S i r Thomas White, the Finance Minister i n Borden's cabinet, asked Edson L. Pease, vice president of the Royal Bank and president of the Canadian Bankers' Association, how Canada could help Britain finance munition orders placed i n Canada. Pease decided 79 that a permanent rediscounting bank would best solve the problem. His fellow bankers, however, dismissed any further intrusions of the govern-ment into banking. S t i l l leading the battle against the government was the venerable Victorian banker, S i r Edmund Walker. Writing to Zebulon Lash i n August, 1918 Walker advised Lash that Pease was interested i n the rediscounting bank because of his own bank's business i n Cuba which required such services. Sir Edmund claimed that discussions had advanced to the point that Pease and White had already chosen a "leading po l i t i c i a n " to be chief of the new institution. Unless there was "a frank discussion by a l l leading bankers," he told Lash, he 80 was opposed to any change i n Canadian finances. On December 4, 1918 several Canadian bankers, including Walker and Lash, held a confidential 81 meeting to plan their strategy about the rediscounting bank. Zebulon Lash also talked the matter over with Sir Thomas White who was by then interested i n a far more radical measure than a rediscount bank. White asked Lash, no doubt in his capacity as counsel for the Canadian Bankers' Association, to draft a proposal for "a new institution 8? with powers to manage the public debt." * In his memorandum dated January 28, 1919, Lash advised the Minister of Finance that unnecessary inf l a t i o n 41 would be caused by this revolutionary institution, since i t s only resource go would be i t s a b i l i t y to print paper money. ^  Easy money, Lash said, would promote speculation, and more inflation "with i t s inevitable f i n a l 84 disastrous collapse." He emphasized S i r Edmund's old theory that the 85 banks, by daily redemming their notes, prevented inflation. Lash then dismissed White's idea and suggested a less drastic change, the bank of rediscount which Pease had originally advocated because this would s t i l l permit commercial banks to issue notes.^° In his proposal for the bank of rediscount Lash tried to give as much power to the commercial banks as possible. Profits i n the new bank, he thought, should be divided " i n proper proportion" between government and the banks, and branches of the chartered banks should obtain the right to carry on the bank of rediscount 1s business.^ When a further confidential committee of the Canadian Bankers' 88 Association gathered on February 3rd, 1919 with Sir Edmund Walker as chairman, a l l except the Royal Bank rejected Lash's proposed bank of rediscount. In responding to White's idea of a central bank, the bankers argued that a minor change, the creation of a sub-department i n the 89 Finance Ministry, was a l l that was necessary to manage the public debt. Like Lash the bankers warned against the dangers of inflation, urging a 90 period of deflation followed by a return to the gold standard. They noted that "the present system has withstood the test of commercial 91 depression and commercial expansion" and the test of war. i n such a proven system, the bankers claimed that the fewer changes the better, and 92 they dismissed as unnecessary the government's central bank. To check any possible increase i n government powers, the Canadian bankers offered 42 93 their services as a permanent advisory board for the new sub-department. Concluding their meeting, they decided to postpone further discussion about the new bank u n t i l the 1923 revision, at which time they hoped that 94 deflation would have obviated the need for such a bank. In the chair at this meeting, S i r Edmund Walker must have pushed his cohorts to such a strong denunciation of the government's proposed central bank. Bowing to the Canadian bankers' requests, the government temporarily dropped the idea of central banking. The bitter struggle over control of Canadian finances which started long before Walker's own banking career, ended eleven years after his death with the establishment of the Bank of Canada. In 1935 the govern-ment clearly won the f i n a l victory by taking over the banks' right to issue notes and overthrew the laissez-faire view of banking. E. N. Rodes, Finance Minister i n the Conservative Bennett government, when introducing the new act, claimed that one of the functions of the government bank was ...to give expert and impartial advice to the government of the day. It cannot be too strongly emphasized that the exercise of these functions li e s outside the power of any single commercial institution or group of institutions. No purely profit-making institution operating i n a competitive system can afford to place social interests before i t s own i n regard to credit policy. This, I think, i s obvious. 95 Thus, the Finance Minister discredited S i r Edmund Walker's Victorian belief that businessmen acting out of "broad selfishness" could impartially serve their community. The turning point i n Canadian banking history, however, did not occur in 1935, but during World War I. In 1914 the Finance Act instituted the government's responsibility for the nation's finances. During the war* also, the position of the banks started to decline with respect to other 43 9 financial institutions l i k e insurance, trust, and mortgage loan companies. S i r Edmund Walker and his fellow conservative bankers did not seem to notice this growth i n the other financial institutions. For them, the threat of government power, nevertheless, was real. Accustomed to the great pre-war wave of expansion, most Canadian bankers saw l i t t l e need of bank reform. IV World War I further marked the watershed i n Canadian business between the older and the modern practices. In many cases change was swift. For instance, before the war Canada sold over 10% of i t s govern-ment and corporate bonds in Britain, and only 9% i n the United States. During the var this situation radically changed. Between 1915 and 1920, 67% of Canada's bonds were bought right i n Canada with most of the rest sold i n the United States. In these few years, capital market institutions i n Canada became firmly entrenched, and New York replaced London as the 97 primary external source of capital funds. Si r Edmund Walker who was on the scene observed the rapid moderni-zation of his country, and he spoke against many new developments. In particular, he c r i t i c i z e d objectionable tendencies which he had discovered i n many Canadians before 1914. During the vuar these became cancerous. Addressing the Canadian Club of New York i n 1912, he complained about modern conspicuous consumption. "In the pursuit of wealth," he said, we have passed i n a few years from a country noticeably moderate and reserved to one of feverish speculation and extravagant expenditure i n the cost of l i v i n g . The country that believes in success as represented by money, without much regard as to how i t i s made and which regards people i n proportion to their social display, w i l l not survive. 98 44 Even i n the vter, this new e v i l habit did not abate. Sir Edmund looked with alarm i n 1916 at the $20,000,000 that reckless Canadians sent abroad 99 for luxuries such as motors, silks and velvets. i f Canada lost the vjar, he warned, unnecessary spending would be the cause. 1 0 0 In his own budget, S i r Edmund appears to have cut down slightly. He decided, for instance, not to buy some Japanese prints i n 1918 because "I am publicly preaching the doctrine of not spending money outside Canada."10"'' Another associated e v i l i n Canadians was their custom of waste. Walker believed that i t was most pronounced i n Canadians' outrageous 102 eating habits. He t r i e d to check this fault by teaching that" economy is a sort of fine art. The most marked characteristic of a savage is wastefulness and we should be ashamed of ourselves i f we take no pleasure 103 i n economy for i t s own sake." With his disgust for waste and unneces-sary consumption, S i r Edmund understandably became interested i n con-servation. Many times he told Canadians to conserve their natural 104 wealth. In 1923 Walker urged Canadian lumbermen to adopt conservation practices and concluded that: ...I r e a l l y think we are nearer the day when we realize that nature provides a limit for a l l unwise actions. If we can arrest these things, i f we can get back to where we thought we would be by this time...I should l i k e that condition far better than any fortuitous prosperity and I am sure that we could enjoy the kind of strenuous l i f e with i t s slow, but sure prosperity, better than anything we have enjoyed since the dark days of the autumn 1914. 105 The war, i n S i r Edmund's mind had encouraged Canadians to seek the cheap t h r i l l s of fast l i v i n g and the easy dollar. It side-tracked Canadians from their honourable role of developing the nation. With great nostalgia Sir Edmund Walker regarded the slower days before 1914, when Canadians, 45 honestly plodding along, led far more rewarding l i v e s . The most dangerous problem aggravated by the war, however, concerned the very fabric of society, the relations of businessmen and their employees. S i r Edmund hoped that the *Nar had re-taught Canadians the Victorian ethic of service, that " a l l industry is a natural service 106 carried on for the good of the community as a whole." He soon began to fear that this revitalized ideal could not be kept alive after the vjar. Walker asked readers of the University of Toronto's Annual Varsity  Magazine; how can we preserve the present conviction that production i s a duty to the state as well as to the individual, that personal expenditure has a relation to the state as well as to the individual, and that extravagance may be a national crime even i f we are able to pay for i t ? 107 The Unread that had held Victorian workers and businessmen together was the ideal of service. A l l served the community, with the understanding that their service was worth more than the individual rewards they received. During the »i&r S i r Edmund clearly saw future trouble because the Canadians valued the monetary rewards of service more than service i t s e l f . Wage disputes between employers and their employees, both wanting more money were, i n Si r Edmund's view, fast approaching. In his "Annual Address" of 1917 he urged " f a i r dealing" on the part of the employers and "patience and some remnant of belief i n our fellowmen" on the part of thexr employees. Soon realising that mere discussion would not be enough, he publicly suggested a new kind of relations between the two factions. In sympathy with the "honest so c i a l i s t " over the evils of 109 society, x S i r Edmund counselled, i n 1918, a "change i n attitude i n the 46 110 majority of employers." He proposed an economy, "measured by the HI unit of a man rather than by the unit of a dollar," i n which some of the profits of business would go into "insurance against sickness, provision for old age and proper housing for the employee.../without/ 112 expectation of gratitude" by the employer. Wrapping these radical provisions i n the older language of service, he said that "we have arrived at a more just conception of our duty to each other, moving toward that 113 more perfect state of society to which we are aiming." What moved Si r Edmund was not entirely the idea of service. He had noticed with concern the actions of government during the t&r and warned employers i n 1918 that: i f these relations are not soon established, the rude hand of the state, inspired perhaps by democracy in reckless and incompetent hands, may thrust upon capitalists schemes for accomplishing these and other benefits for labour on grounds not li k e l y to be f a i r . 114 When he told businessmen to adopt his new insurance schemes, fear of more government interference motivated S i r Edmund Walker. The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 confirmed Sir Edmund's predictions of trouble between workers and businessmen. Businessmen, however, neglected to take Walker's advice about changing their labour policies. Employee benefits at the Canadian Bank of Commerce reveal that S i r Edmund Walker took some of his own advice. In 1891 as general manager, Walker donated $2,000 from the bank's coffers to support Goldwin Smith's "Amateur Athletic Association of Toronto" i n order that bank personnel could enjoy i t s f a c i l i t i e s . He helped to establish a l i f e insurance scheme and a pension for the bank's officers. Both of these started i n 1894, several years after pensions had been established at the 47 Bank of Nova Scotia and the Bank of Toronto. In 1902 the staff also shared some of the profits of the Canadian Bank of Commerce by receiving bonuses fixed i n proportion to net profits, although these probably did not completely compensate for their notoriously poor wages. The Victorian ethic of service, as Sir Edmund Walker f e l t keenly, was extinguished during the viar. After the vtor he longed nostalgically for the older days when businessmen were respected and l i f e was slow. His ideas on instituting social welfare measures show that he made at least one modest attempt to cope with the modern world. But even the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce could not stop the growing powers of modern government. Sir Edmund Walker's name i n the business community did enable him to take positions of leadership i n other areas of Victorian society. 48 CHAPTER III DUTIES TO THE STATE: SIR EDMUND WALKER INSTRUCTS CANADA ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS Canadians have often seemed like desperate jugglers while they tr y to find an internal balance between French and English, and East and West, and at the same time, locate their most advantageous position i n their relations with Britain and the United States. This juggling has been d i f f i c u l t . S i r Edmund Walker saw his duty i n teaching Canadians what he considered to be the best course of action i n the affairs of the North Atlantic triangle. Walker's two most outstanding lessons were his case against reciprocity with the United States i n 1911, and his long campaign for more Canadian participation i n the Br i t i s h Empire. As early as 1891, Edmund Walker had vented his disproval of reciprocity with the United States. In that year he notified Wilfrid Laurier that he had many doubts about the Liberal platform of unrestricted reciprocity, which involved the removal of t a r i f f s on goods travelling between Canada and the United States. He argued that reciprocity would force many unnecessary hardships on Canadian industries while they adjusted to functioning i n the huge American market, and concluded that "the p o l i t i c a l party responsible for such a change would have to bear a great deal of reasonable as well as a great deal of quite unreasonable complaint." 1 Walker, however, had l i t t l e to fear about reciprocity. When the Liberals took office i n I896 they abandoned their former trade policy and basically followed the earlier Conservative t a r i f f programme. 49 During the years between 1891 and 1911 S i r Edmund added another argument against closer trade relations with the United States. He feared that the Americans, soon exhausting their own natural resources, would proceed to gobble up those of the Canadian people. In his 1903 annual address, the general manager of the Canadian Bank of Commerce acknow-ledged that, although Canadians could not then u t i l i z e their many resources, they should guard them for future use by having provincial governments 2 legislate to preserve "raw materials belonging to the people as a whole". In 1908 at the Halifax Board of Trade, he questioned whether Canadians should not even raise their t a r i f f s to prevent an American take-over of Canadian resources. Walker reminded the country that i t was ...only six million alongside one of eighty millions who have used up their national resources so quickly that they have now to turn to us.... We must now revise some of our f i s c a l ideas and consider seriously whether we should not have export duties imposed.... This i s one of the great national questions we must face. W i l l we keep these things for ourselves or w i l l we let the greediest people the world ever knew take them away from us? 3 In his view, reciprocity would only open the door further to the American thief who would rob Canada of i t s future. In spite of these speeches i n favour of protecting Canada, Sir Edmund's ideas on trade relations show that he was not intensely committed to high t a r i f f s . In later l i f e he reminisced that "as a young man (_ I _] was an ardent free trader, 4 distributing Cobden Club pamphlets wherever the seed might thus be sown." Indeed, i n 1905, wanting the United States to buy more from Canada i n order to equalize the balance of payments bwtween the two countries, Walker had suggested that the United States take "our coal, lumber, f i s h , 5 cattle and cereals free of duty." His suggestion of free trade i n 50 natural goods later became the 1911 Liberal policy. Contemporaries also found S i r Edmund's position on the t a r i f f ambivalent. The Toronto Globe discovered an apparent plea for reciprocity i n his 1908 address to the New York State Chamber of Commerce.^ Walker explained i n a le t t e r to the Globe that he had intended that Canada should "buy less from the United States and s e l l them more and not merely in natural products.... I pleaded i n New York for a further reduction of the high U. S. t a r i f f against Canada, a very different thing from 7 Reciprocity." These differences between reciprocity and lower t a r i f f s had become most subtle. If S i r Edmund's ideas on the t a r i f f seemed contradictory, his break into p o l i t i c s i n 1911 against the Liberals was even more puzzling. When Col. Sam Hughes, a member of the Conservative party, asked S i r Edmund Walker to join his party i n 1910, Sir Edmund refused, declaring that "...although I am not satisfied with the Liberal party regarding National Defense and other things connected with Imperialism, I s t i l l l i k e to 9 think that I am a Liberal." Walker, of course, had always maintained that he would keep out of party po l i t i c s because of the interests of the bank. I n i t i a l l y , the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce decided not to get involved i n any movement against reciprocity. In late January 1911, he received a letter from H.K.S. Hemming, a jewellery manufacturer i n Montreal, advising him to try to influence the government against the proposed reciprocity measures. "Just as the Boards of Control i n our c i t i e s , " Hemming argued candidly, "are willing to be guided by the representative businessmen in the Community, so the Government at Ottawa 51 cannot but be open to influence from men who are at the head of the largest Financial, Commercial and Transportation institutions i n the Country." 1 0 Walker answered that he held ...the same feelings regarding the proposed Reciprocity measure that you have yourself, I wish that i t were in my power to be among those who should publicly protest against i t . I am never allowed however, to be unmindful of the fact that I am president of a Bank representing every species of industrial interest i n Canada. Very many of our customers w i l l be favourably affected by the Reciprocity measure should i t be r a t i f i e d and they would resent, as would also the Managers having charge of such agricultural communities, opposition on the part of the executive officers of the Bank. 11 Sir Edmund could not be swayed by an insignificant Montreal businessman. Very soon, however, Walker's closest business associates, and executive officers of the bank, openly c r i t i c i z e d the proposed agreement. Joseph Flavelle, president of the William Davies Company and also a director of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, published several arguments 12 against reciprocity in the Toronto Daily Star. Flavelle reminded S i r Edmund on February 2nd that Canada's place i n the Empire would be 13 jeopardized by further trading with the United States. Obviously Flavelle knew about Walker's correspondence with Hemming for he told Walker: I the more regret the decision you found necessary to convey to your correspondent.... I would have f e l t that i t was a f i t t i n g time for you to exercise the commanding influence which you possess by joining 24 i n an effort such as i s proposed by your correspondent. Not only Flavelle, but Zebulon Lash, the vice-president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce distrusted the new Liberal policy, and on February 3rd 15 Lash wrote to Laurier about his view of reciprocity. J Zebulon Lash's 52 influence on Walker is very d i f f i c u l t to ascertain because these two, working closely together, did not write often to one another. However, Lash and Flavelle undoubtedly helped to convince Walker that he should denounce reciprocity publicly. By February 5th, S i r Edmund Walker had been won over to the anti-16 reciprocity forces. That evening he visited with Lionel Curtis, a leading English member of the Round Table and they discussed "... 17 Reciprocity and i t s effect on Canadian nationality." Walker later recalled the "conviction I expressed at that time that i f we could IS really arouse our people we should successfully resist the proposals." In just six days, then, S i r Edmund Walker had gone back to his 1891 view of reciprocity. His conversation with Curtis hints that his concern about Canadian nationality may have been a prominent factor for this change of mind. Arousing Canadians against reciprocity became the major preoccupation of many Canadian businessmen throughout 1911. Some of them made public speeches for the f i r s t time i n their li v e s . S i r Edmund helped push anti-reciprocity resolutions through the Toronto Board of Trade meeting on 19 February 16th, 7 and six days afterward at the Associated Boards of Trade 20 convention held i n Toronto. On February 20th, he headed eighteen prominent businessmen who broke away from the Liberal party. Meeting at Flavelle's home, the "reformed Liberals," placed Zebulon Lash i n charge 21 of their operation. S i r Edmund, who planned to spend most of the spring and summer in Europe, must have been relieved at this choice, and 22 he contributed $1,000 to their campaign, but apparently gave nothing to 23 the Conservative party. Lash became chairman of the Canadian National 53 League, and Arthur Hawkes, an experienced journalist and recently retired publicity agent for the Canadian Northern Railway, worked as secretary. The Canadian National League issued numerous pamphlets which contained arguments, both s t a t i s t i c a l and emotional, against reciprocity. Lash contended that the league was merely an educating body which would remain neutral i n p o l i t i c s . When the Canadian electorate threw out the Liberals i n the f a l l election, S i r Edmund believed that "Canada owe / d_J 25 a great deal to Mr. Lash" who had provided the many facts necessary to convince voters. Historians, examining businessmen's actions during 1911, have concluded that selfishness often lay at the root of their anti-reciprocity campaign. Undoubtedly this was the case, but the utter panic that many Canadian businessmen f e l t i n 1911 deserves more attention. L. E. E l l i s , for example, i n his book, Reciprocity. 1911. has portrayed the "Toronto Eighteen," as men who opposed the measure because they thought that reciprocity threatened the t a r i f f system from which they derived a good l i v i n g . Robert Cuff has outlined the more complex economic nationalism of "the Eighteen" who believed themselves to be bound up with the very development of the Canadian nation and like any privileged group that becomes dominant in the community, they assumed a harmony of interest existed between i t and themselves. In virtue of this identification then, any encroach-ment upon their privileged position would be treated as an assault upon the common interest of the national community. 27 Cuff has understood the mentality of these Canadian businessmen of 1911. S i r Edmund Walker, "servant of Canada," certainly f e l t that his business actions were helping to develop the country and would have been dis-pleased with anyone who kept him from his mission. Cuff's thesis, 54 however, does not completely explain how reciprocity was such a threat to "the Eighteen" when even Walker, their leader, had earlier suggested reducing, and i n some cases eliminating, t a r i f f s with the United States. To a contemporary, W. L. Grant, professor of colonial history at Queen's University, the uproar created by reciprocity was beyond under-standing especially since the matter, i n the end, was "decided by appeals to the s p i r i t of Canadian Nationalism or to our love for the Empire,with neither of which did a belief i n the advisability of Reciprocity seem to 28 me to conflict." Reasons for Sir Edmund's change of mind over reciprocity and for the actions of "The Eighteen" l i e i n the arguments which they outlined, sometimes coherently and rationally, but mostly emotionally, to the people of Canada. There i s plenty of evidence to substantiate the claim made by E l l i s and many other historians that the propaganda issued by "The Eighteen" 29 was motivated by the necessity of their own economic survival. "The Eighteen," as directors of national enterprises—railways, banks, r e t a i l 30 stores and trust companies— which depended on the existing east-west lines of communication i n Canada naturally feared that north-south trade initiated by the reciprocity agreement would eventually destroy their 31 firms. Coupled with the death of Canadian businesses, they also predicted the end of a l l free action for Canada because the American 32 alliance would force Canadians to recognize American needs f i r s t . "The Eighteen" then looked far ahead to the possibility that i f the agreement were ra t i f i e d but terminated at a later date, as i n the end of the Elgin-Marcy Treaty, Canadians would have to face the arduous and 3 3 expensive task of re-orienting their economy. 55 More, however, would be affected by reciprocity than the east-west trade communications. S i r Edmund Walker believed that the measure would fi n i s h the partnership of service to Canada by a l l the country's indus-t r i e s . Worried about the future of the Canadian partnership, he asked Canadians i n 1911, "Shall we at such a proud moment i n our history break up this combination of farmers, manufacturers, railroads, bankers, and others, who have down to this date worked so well together for the country as well as for themselves...." ^ At the Canadian Manufacturers Associa-tion meeting i n January 1911, he again told his countrymen that: ...with combined action we can accomplish our destiny as the promised land of the twentieth century, but we cannot, at this stage i n Canada's history, do anything effectively except by answering to the foreman's command: PULLi PULLJ PULL TOGETHER i 35 Assuming that the "only guarantee of permanency" for the nation lay i n a strong united people, S i r Edmund advised the Canadian manufacturers to help their farmer compatriots obtain good markets for their produce, 36 reasonable railway charges and manufactured goods at f a i r prices. The farmers, then, with this help would have no need for reciprocity with the Americans. The "Noble Eighteen" argued that they were leading Canada away from the dangers of Americanization back to the safe home of the Empire. Sir Edmund Walker and the others feared that the e v i l i n the United States, giant American trusts, once allowed into Canada by the reciprocity agree-37 ment would paralyze the Canadian market. Trusts would also swallow their own comparatively tiny firms. Besides the problems presented by American trusts, Canadian businessmen worried about their future chances of obtaining credit to 56 build up new Canadian enterprises. Walker, knowing the great differences between British and American credit, clearly favoured the B r i t i s h . Let us remember that i t i s Great Britain that lends the money to enable Canadians to develop the country as they think best. The American comes to use our cheap natural resources and our labour i n order that he may take the profits of his venture to his own country. Do we expect that when we have diverted more trade to the United States which Great Britain might naturally enjoy, that she w i l l be willing to back our enterprises as she is now? 3& In 1911 S i r Edmund wanted only British credit and he wanted a lot of i t . Reciprocity with the United States could not be allowed to k i l l British credit. In these pre-war years Canada needed huge sums of money to equip the country i n order to receive the vast stream of immigrants. Estimating 39 that 400,000 immigrants, an addition of 5$ of the Canadian population, would arrive i n 1912, S i r Edmund calculated that Canada would have to borrow from 200 to 300 million dollars i n that year alone to house, trans-port and educate the newcomers.^0 These immigrants, i n fact, were the crux of the furore over reciprocity. In every discussion by businessmen of the reciprocity question they appear. Piling argument on top of argument against recipro-city, and stressing the immigrant problem to the Toronto Board of Trade on February 16th, Walker, for example, concluded: although I am a Liberal, I am a Canadian f i r s t of a l l and I can see this i s much more than a trade question. Our alliance with the Mother country must not be threatened. We must assimilate our  immigrants and make out of them good Canadians. And this Reciprocity Agreement i s the most deadly  danger as tending to make this problem more  d i f f i c u l t and f i l l i t with doubt and d i f f i c u l t y . The question is between the British connection and what has been called continentalism. 41 57 In his evening discussion with Lionel Curtis after his conversion to the anti-reciprocity campaign, S i r Edmund had been most concerned about Canadian nationality, and i t was the immigrants who were the major cause of his fears. Yet, how could immigrants be a "deadly danger"? Canadian business-men would answer that immigrants, for the most part became farmers, and farmers had convinced Laurier to support the reciprocity agreement. The danger, businessmen believed, was not just that reciprocity had been proposed, but that the farmers, many of whom were new Canadians, could successfully influence government policy. Immigrants had become too powerful. In Alberta and Saskatchewan, were reciprocity was popular, nearly 70$ of the inhabitants were "foreign born." Canadian business-men held that immigrants could not recognize the complications for Canada ti II of greater intercourse with the United States. The 'Eighteen' led their crusade because of their very great fear that i f the farmer-immigrants took over Canadian p o l i t i c s , they would refuse to play the Canadian game of "juggling," and give Canada away to American annexationists.^ The actions of "The Eighteen" i l l u s t r a t e their fears of the immigrants. Their campaign against the immigrants did not end with the defeat of the Liberals and reciprocity on September 21st, 1911, for these Canadian businessmen realized that their mission to the immigrants was to "turn their eyes to the Empire" and to f i l l their souls' "with our national inspiration—our hopes and fears. S i r Edmund Walker again led the way by preaching to the Canadian Club of Montreal i n 1912 that: ...as we begin to apply to these strangers the principle of law and order...we must do i t with the assurance that such leadership and such law w i l l shape the minds of countless people from 58 Europe and the United States and make of them, as i t has already done i n many conspicuous cases, not merely good Canadians, but loving and reverent believers i n the necessity of preserving and uplifting the great British Empire. 45 Canadianizing the West became a popular mission i n this period, and not the least of i t s supporters were businessmen. In 1912 Walker and his associates adopted a new method of teaching the farmer-immigrants about their duties to act l i k e good Canadians. In order to communicate directly with a l l farmers, they conceived of a farmers' journal, The Canadian Countryman. Walker noted The Canadian Countryman was to be "a venture by Lash, myself and others to see i f the 46 newcomers i n the West can be educated to the right Canadian ambitions." He added that i t was not a business venture because the owners planned to use their profits " i n extending i t s usefulness."^'7 S i r Edmund Walker and Zebulon Lash, on the Board of Trustees, and eight other subscribers, * 48 each paying $5,000, launched the new journal i n 1912. Lash and Walker had ultimate control over the content of the magazine. Their editor, A. L. McCreadie, after accepting his position, acknowledged that he understood "the objects of the proposed paper to be the maintenance and furtherance of: 1. Canadian nationality 2. Canadian f i s c a l independence 3. British imperial discussion. 49 , These, i n the businessmen's view, comprised the meaning of being Canadian. When McCreadie later wanted to carry editorials on duties on machinery, Lash curtly reminded him that he and Walker decided policy questions and that McCreadie should stick to "debating the Navy question because we 59 knew a l l about i t and were prepared to take a stand i n the interests of 50 Canadian Nationality and that we knew both sides. 1 1' The Canadian Countryman immediately challenged the sales of existing journals. J. B. Maclean, owner of the Farmer's Magazine which had been established along similar lines, offered to s e l l his magazine 51 to Walker i n September 1912, but his offer was not accepted. Sub-scriptions to The Canadian Countryman mounted so rapidly that by 1913 i t 52 rated second only to The Farmer's Advocate which i t surpassed i n 1914. The Canadian Countryman also circulated widely in Britain for Zebulon Lash had agents responsible for promoting the magazine among British .emigrants to Canada to lead them to "consider their duty to the old world 53 and the new." J B r i t i s h immigrants would be more l i k e l y to f e e l an attachment to the Empire, but like a l l immigrants, the British s t i l l had to be taught to be good Canadians. The revolt of "The Eighteen" from the Liberal party i n 1911 can now be seen with greater understanding. To be sure "The Eighteen" were troubled about their own economic future; their leaders, S i r Edmund Walker and Zebulon Lash, however, worrried more about the future of Canada. In 1911 they feared that, after gaining control of the Liberal party, the host of new immigrants would take Canada out of the Empire and into subservience to the United States. Most Canadian businessmen did not want to get r i d of the immigrants for they contributed greatly to Canadian economic development. As late as 1922, S i r Edmund hoped for a "few million more people j_ to_7 stop the d e f i c i t s i n part of our railway accounts,"^ but he realized that immigrants had to learn to become Canadians. The c r i s i s in 1911 arose because the immigrants came in such numbers i n so 60 short a period of time that they could not be properly assimilated. Walker, Lash and other businessmen met the immigrants with the best possible weapon—indoctrination by pleasure. By sending out from Toronto, propaganda i n the form of an interesting farm journal to Canadianize immigrants, Walker and Lash tried to guarantee the future safety of Canada from immigrant agitators. II Sir Edmund Walker called himself an 'imperialist' because he wanted Canada to develop within the British Empire for Britain allowed much Canadian independence and provided credit for economic growth. Many Canadians also considered themselves to be imperialists although they had few thoughts of t e r r i t o r i a l or economic aggrandizement. Recent works by Carl Berger have indicated that the nineteenth century Canadian imperialists were simply interested i n strengthening and changing the 55 Empire i n order that Canada would have a more important role. y At the bottom of this Canadian imperialism was a distinct nationalism, a "sense 56 57 of power" for Canadians, and also anti-Americanism since Canadians realized that without the support of the Empire, they could easily be 58 swallowed by the United States. Although the Empire offered considerable protection from the United States, Sir Edmund, like many of the early Canadian imperialists, continued to fear annexation, not a fast economic or p o l i t i c a l take-over, but a slow erosion of Canadian values by modern American ideas which invariably f i l t e r e d north across the border. Walker held two views of the United States. He lavished praise upon the early days of the republic when "highly educated and perfectly 61 59 upright men" had governed the natxon. Alexander Hamilton, creater of the banking system for the young republic was one of these early Americans who S i r Edmund admired. During the nineteenth century, i n Walker's estimation, the quality of Americans had deteriorated because excess immigration had practically drowned the Anglo-Saxon character of 60 the American people. In addition, he believed that Americans, obsessed by greed, had fiercely attacked their natural resources resulting i n "wealth unevenly divided and a luxury not only unexpected but out of 61 touch with republican standards." By the beginning of the twentieth century, the people of the United States had lost a l l the valuable characteristics of their republican ancestors. In Walker's view they had become poor models for their young Canadian neighbours. S i r Edmund decided that the reason for the failure of the modern American nation lay in i t s democratic government. In an egalitarian system, citizens did not f e e l their duties to their country. 'Average men,1 instead, expected to "get as much as possible from the state with-63 out paying for i t " ^ 2 a n ( j democracies erred by putting their 'average,' rather than their 'superior' i n intelligence and morality, i n control. When government, S i r Edmund concluded, tried to improve the quality of i t s citizens, to make the "people honest by legislation," i t could only partly succeed because the democratic environment which produced these people was at f a u l t . ^ Refusing to accept the advice of authoritative 65 opinion, democracies also indulged i n foolish experimentation. For Sir Edmund Walker, the self-trained paleontologist, the only principle of government derived from his long study of nature, consisted in "the 66 right of the able man to govern the other fellow." Neither i n the 62 plant nor animal world could S i r Edmund discover any signs of equality, and therefore, American democracy, based on such an unnatural principle, had no future. British people, on the other hand, did not believe in the principle of equality. S i r Edmund claimed that Britain was a better society because i t offered equal justice to a l l men. Raised i n a less restricted environment, i n the sense that i t was not regulated by a cumbersome written constitution, the British had learned to act out of an inner 68 69 "sense of conduct." A "sense of trusteeship" and a "willingness to 70 serve the state" rounded out Walker's l i s t of their admirable qualities. He did warn the British that, i f they did not enlarge their universities 71 and schools to educate workingmen, they could expect problems. The British represented ideal Victorians. Committed to duty and service, they were entirely unlike modern people as represented by the Americans, who were se l f i s h and materialistic. In guiding Canada into 72 the Empire, S i r Edmund Walker and the Canadian imperialists before him, hoped that the good qualities of the B r i t i s h would rub off on Canadians to prevent further modernization by the Americans. Walker realized that Canada, a democracy, could follow the downward path of the United States. Worried about thi s , he asked the Canadian Club of Ottawa i n 1904 whether i t was ...not clear that we must diligently guard against the inherent weakness of democracy by steadily l i f t i n g up the average of our intelligence and morals? We must set before the young men other ideals than gross materialism—mere money-making. We must save and increase such good qualities as ^ tend to differentiate us from the United States. 63 S i r Edmund's interest i n improving Canadian education, and strengthening ties with the Empire were rooted i n this desire to prevent further Americanization i n young Canadians. Although S i r Edmund Walker wanted Canadians to become more 'British,' he did not forget that many Canadians were French. With dismay he looked back to the 1901 Boer War episode when the t h i r t y percent of Canadians of 74 French origin, i n his mind, had effectively controlled public policy. Early Canadian imperialists had predicted that the French population 75 would decrease. Sir Edmund wanted to hasten the realization of their prediction by massive immigration. In 1911 he confidently expected that the immigrants, on becoming good Canadians, would completely inundate the 76 French i n Canada in a mere fifteen or twenty years. Believing that a nation functioned best unilingually, Walker advised Britain that she 77 should permit only one language, naturally English, i n South Africa. Many English Canadians believed that the French Canadians were causing unnecessary problems during the Great War. Like these English Canadians, S i r Edmund was especially displeased with Quebec's war effort. As \iice-president of the Canadian Patriotic Fund which had been established to supply r e l i e f to the dependents of Canadian soldiers, Walker along with E. R. Wood, Toronto businessman, and Joseph Atkinson, editor of the Toronto Daily Star, persuaded the Ontario government to donate $1,000,000 78 i n order to force a similar contribution from Quebec. The move was successful although Quebec money could not completely compensate for the small number of Quebec troops. When several Toronto and Montreal businessmen formed the "Bonne Entente" to promote better relations between Ontario and Quebec, S i r Edmund refused to become involved because he 64 f e l t that Ontarians were not responsible for any misunderstandings 70 between the two peoples.' 7 His disappointment with Laurier, the French Canadian leader of the Liberals, increased i n the war. Alleging that Laurier tried to 'force 1 bilingualism on Ontario schools i n 1916, Walker said that he could no longer trust the French Canadian who had dared to interrupt the good people of Ontario while they were so preoccupied with winning the vjar. Thus, i n order to check Americanization and weaken French Canadian influence, S i r Edmund Walker encouraged closer imperial relations. In a 1904 speech, t i t l e d "Practical Imperialism," he outlined several methods 81 for strengthening the Empire. These included an Imperial Supreme Court, 82 common shipping laws, and an imperial government in which Canadians would be f a i r l y represented.^ what Walker wanted to create by these closer t i e s was a special kind of feeling throughout the Empire, a kind of coherence that w i l l make everybody i n the Empire instinctively f e e l that while we do not wish to quarrel with the rest of the world, i f the emergency arises we shall be found standing back to back absolutely and indefeasibly against the world. 84 Earlier he had indicated that this imperial sentiment would also encourage British industrialists to transfer their companies to Canada. p Six Edmund Walker's imperialism seethed with nationalism. Besides hoping that imperial feeling would make British industry favour Canada, he had a grander vision of Canada i n the Empire. In 1912 he suggested that Canada must prepare for the leadership of the Empire i n case "England 86 ever declines from her high estate." Imperialists i n England during this time were also looking for ways to improve the structure of the Empire. From the 1890's several 65 movements tried to set up groups throughout the Empire to communicate 87 about imperial relations. The latest of these movements, organized by Lord Milner, a former high commissioner to South Africa, was 88 particularly interested in discussing imperial federation. i n October, 1908, Lord Milner advised Arthur J . Glazebrook, a Toronto exchange broker, on how to organize a Canadian group whose "real goal /was/ to influence 89 outsiders...without them knowing i t . " The group whom Glazebrook collected to meet with Lord Milner on October 26, 1908, contained Walker, who must have been excited about the meeting for he had written to a correspondent seven months earlier that the time had come for closer 90 relations i n the Empire. Glazebrook reported Edmund Walker's enthusiasm 91 to Milner—Walker was "ready to do anything." The Round Table i n 92 Toronto held i t s formal organizational meeting i n September, 1909. In his a r t i c l e on Canadian Round Table groups, Carrol Quigley has maintained that the Round Table arose from a fear of Germany, and that to improve imperial defence, Round Tablers had proposed imperial 93 federation. J Sir Edmund Walker f i t s easily into Quigley's interpreta-tion because he noted i n 1912 that defence would be the "main feature i n Imperial consolidation," and that i n consolidation, he expected a "share in administration which must be accorded when we £have done/ our duty i n defence."'^ Walker also feared a coming German war. Since his daughter, Ethelwyn, Mrs. Carl Hunter, lived i n Germany, S i r Edmund had the opportunity to study the country on his v i s i t s and he decided that German militarism would immediately cause a war unless Great Britain 95 showed that she was also prepared for war. The Toronto Star aptly 66 t i t l e d i t s 1912 a r t i c l e on his views: "Prepare for War to insure Peace, 96 says Financier." In the ar t i c l e he asked Canadians to help England in the 'peace' effort. As a member of the Toronto Round Table, S i r Edmund became involved i n discussions about Canada's navy, and contributions to the British navy. On May 17, 1912 Walker talked privately with Professor George Wrong of the History Department of the University of Toronto, about Imperial defence and about appointing a Canadian member to the Imperial 97 Defence Committee. Three days later they met with Glazebrook, Professor Edward Kylie also of the University of Toronto's History Department, and J. S. Willison, editor of the Toronto Mews, to prepare a memorandum for prime minister Borden which asked for an immediate cash grant to Britain for the navy, and for a Canadian representative on the 98 Imperial Defense Committee. A f i n a l memorandum on the naval question drafted on August 7, 1912 by most of the Toronto group and a few out-siders such as Mr. Vere Brown of Winnipeg, inspector of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, toned down the original demand for a cash donation to Britain and dropped the request for a Canadian representative on the 99 imperial committee. Both memoranda recognized the need for a Canadian navy 1 0^ Dut acknowledged that navies could not be built up overnight. The German problem, however, demanded immediate action,.and this dilemma was resolved i n both memoranda by the suggestion of a Canadian grant to the 101 British navy. The August memoranda also added that the naval issue 102 should not become a party question. On December 5, 1912, after a v i s i t to Britain, Borden announced his naval policy. F u l f i l l i n g the main wish 67 of the Round Table, he offered to pay for three dreadnoughts for the Bri t i s h navy and claimed that he had "...the assurance of the B r i t i s h Government that...they would welcome the presence of a Canadian minister i n London who would be summoned to a l l meetings of the Committee on 103 Imperial Defense...." The Round Table had been formed to discuss the restructuring of the Empire and i n these discussions S i r Edmund Walker was prominently involved. During his 1911 v i s i t to England Walker gave Lionel Curtis his copy with his notes of "The Egg," a memorandum that Curtis had 104 compiled on his plans for the Empire. Curtis then asked Walker to 105 prepare a separate memorandum of his views, but i t i s not known i f Si r Edmund ever did so. In 1915, however, Walker became interested i n a far more important scheme, the actual formulation of an imperial constitution by a Canadian lawyer. It appeared in Defence and Foreign  A f f a i r s . 1 0 ^ published in 1917. The author was Zebulon Lash. On December 30, 1915, S i r Edmund Walker entertained Hon. R. H. Brand of the London Round Table at afternoon tea. They concluded that Round Table discussions i n Canada had resulted i n a sufficient under-standing of the imperial problem and that the time was ripe for a 107 Canadian draft of an imperial constitution. Walker immediately realized that the job called for the "wider experience i n legislation, ...cleaness of mind, breadth of view, freedom from p o l i t i c a l bias and ardent love of the Empire""^0 of his friend, Zebulon Lash. Excited about the new project Walker confided i n his Journal: " i f we can talk things out with Lash and study together the Round Table results and i f Borden should approve of any sketch we may prepare, he would probably 68 109 go to England when the time comes better prepared than others." Lash, who was not a member of the Round Table,''"10 a n c i Walker went over every piece of the constitution together. 1 1 1 Defence and Foreign Affairs became one more in the long line of their joint creations. Besides i t s s t r i c t l y constitutional aspect, S i r Edmund hoped that the new book would d e t a i l the Canadian point of view on taxation in the 112 proposed imperial government. i n 1916 many Canadians, i n particular Toronto Round Tablers, Walker and S i r Robert Falconer, president of 113 the University of Toronto, ^ w e r e upset about The Problem of the Common-wealth, published that year by Lionel Curtis, i n which Curtis had suggested that the new imperial government should tax member-nations. As Canadian nationalists they disliked any interference in Canadian tax policy and believed such a move would create great h o s t i l i t y in Canada. A l l Round Table members agreed that the imperial government should deal mainly with defence. Walker had originally joined the Round Table because he believed that Canadians should be more concerned about imperial defence. The new constitution drawn up by Lash emphasized defence matters, but otherwise did not offer any radical changes i n imperial relations. Lash's scheme "would enable the Dominions to take part i n the great policies and questions which concern and govern the issues of peace and war and at the same time would preserve to them the autonomy which they possess respecting a l l other a f f a i r s . " 1 1 ^ Characteristically, Zebulon Lash wanted the new imperial government to be above party p o l i t i c s by advocating that both the Premier and Leader of the Opposition i n each of the Dominions become ex-officio members of the imperial c o u n c i l . 1 1 ^ 69 The proposals made by Lash i n Defence and Foreign Affairs were i n complete harmony with the position of the Canadian Round Table outlined in their 1916 memorandum. It declared that membership i n the Empire did not "involve any sacrifice of responsible government i n domestic affairs or the surrender of control over f i s c a l policy by any portion of the Empire," 1 1^ but asked that the Dominions share i n defence costs. Like Lash, the framers of the 1916 wvemorandum urged that a l l imperial 117 discussions be kept above party lines. The identical thinking of both Lash and the Round Table probably had Sir Edmund Walker as their common source. John Conway, who has examined The Round Table quarterly, issued by the British members during this time, has concluded that the British were advancing a similar view of the Empire, one which encouraged 118 individual nationalisms but within an imperial framework. Early i n 1916 the Toronto Round Table members decided to publicize their ideas on imperial relations by establishing new groups across Canada. S i r Edmund Walker, with his many connections i n the Canadian Bank of Commerce, sent out letters to his managers asking them to suggest possible members who enjoyed "the complete respect of their fellow citizens, /were/ free from too strong p o l i t i c a l party feeling and /were/ capable, from an intellectual point of view, of considering a very 119 d i f f i c u l t and complicated matter." At a public meeting of the Round Table, called the Toronto-Dominion Meeting, held i n Convocation Hall at the University of Toronto on A p r i l 27, 1917, S i r Edmund, as chairman, explained his reasons for trying to increase the membership of the Bound Table. 70 Walker began his address by admitting that the majority of the members of the Round Table would probably not accept the imperial plan 120 of Lionel Curtis detailed i n his, The Problem of Commonwealth. Si r Edmund advised that any discussions about imperial relations "should 121 be approached along national lines." Increasingly worried about Canada's future as a democracy, Walker believed that the Round Table offered Canadians the opportunity to function as ideal democrats, for the aim of the Round Table was "to urge every thinking Canadian to 122 acquaint himself with the significance of our relation to the Empire. By providing knowledge to Canadians, the Round Table would ensure the 123 "intelligent consent of the governed" i n decisions affecting Canadian foreign relations. The Toronto-Dominion Meeting held i n 1917 climaxed the l i f e of the Canadian Round Table movement. After the Imperial War Cabinet was formed in the same year with Dominion representatives, the leading members of 12A. the Canadian Round Table appeared to become occupied with other things. Writing to S i r John Willison i n 1921, Walker decided that the Round Table had been partly successful because much that has happened, is the carrying out of the desire of the old Round Table group so far as the Canadian members are concerned, but the unwillingness to consider the matters i n which we desire the utmost autonomy is not only dis-creditable to our thoughtfulness as a nation but very dangerous in i t s tendencies as you suggest. 125 By 1921, then, S i r Edmund's Canadian nationalism was not satisfied with the degree of autonomy or influence that Canada had achieved i n the Empire. Why did Round Tablers in Canada, like Sir Edmund, give up their 71 cause after 1917, especially when they s t i l l wanted more for Canada? An understanding of this apparent contradiction can be found i n the events of the war. When he discussed Canada's war effort, S i r Edmund Walker usually remarked that Canadians had decided to fight for "the liberty of the world," by helping Britain, the traditional upholder 126 127 of liberty. Most Canadians, including S i r Wilfrid Laurier, claimed that this was Canada's reason for going to war i n 1914. The war dragged on u n t i l 1918 when the Americans entered bringing the f i n a l victory. S i r Edmund Walker immediately declared that "the greatest event that has happened recently i n the history of the world — — 128 /was/ the coming of the United States into the war." He, along with most Canadians, then had to reorganize his thoughts about Britain, obviously no longer the sole protector of the world's liberty. They also had to find something good in the Americans, something that would explain the great American victory. For many Canadians of the time, including Walker, this would seem to be a gigantic mental leap. Being somewhat anti-American, they rarely thought of the people of the United States as 'good guys' and besides Canadians had grown accustomed to seeing Britain as their hero. The dilemma had another aspect. Many Canadians were imperialists believing that, i n the Empire, their nation would at least have a role i n deciding world a f f a i r s . After 1918 i t was clear to everyone that the United States would be making decisions which would have world-wide ramifica-tions. How could Canada, a lowly Dominion, now exert a proper influence on the United States? 72 Sir Edmund Walker quickly adapted to the situation by associating more "British" qualities, especially a "love of liberty," with the 129 United States. Americans, Walker also noticed, spoke English. Utilyzing these common qualities of the Americans and the British, he issued, after 1918, many pleas for a non-political union of the English 130 speaking peoples which would preserve the liberty of the world. Sir Edmund claimed that any movement for peace, including the League of Nations, must be headed by English speaking people of the world or i t w i l l have no chances of success because there are no other people who have learned what liberty means so thoroughly as the English speaking people. 131 The more he investigated the possibilities of this union, the better i t looked since Canada would have a far more important place than i n the Empire. S i r Edmund saw Canada as the main link between the greatest 132 empire i n the world and the greatest republic. J He could only pause with awe and wonder at the share in human destiny that may f a l l upon my country only yesterday a lonely outpost of Great Britain but now tried i n the battle for the world's liberty and found worthy of a place among the nations of the world. 133 The mental leap to accommodate the new America for Sir Edmund was, after a l l , not that d i f f i c u l t . His nationalism f i r s t manifested i t s e l f i n imperialism. Now i t had adopted a new form i n seeking the English speaking union. Walker's lack of interest in the Round Table after 1917, then, can be traced to the new position of the United States i n world af f a i r s . It i s also worth noting that Walker's new opinion of the United States was probably influenced by the fact that New York had replaced London as Canada's primary external source of credit during the war. 73 While granting a higher position to the United States, S i r Edmund Walker, i n good Canadian juggling form, did not neglect Canada's relations with Britain. In 1922, upset by the Canadians' swift movement toward the United States, he wished that "every Canadian would put the 134 Empire f i r s t . " But, Walker, always more a nationalist than either an imperialist or a Yankee, refused to support a joint Chamber of Commerce with British businessmen in New York i n 1920 because Canada's trade 5ibl 136 135 relations were different, and thought i t equally impossible for Canada to go off the dollar currency and on to the British pound.' While S i r Edmund Walker debated the problems of the Empire i n the Round Table, he was also involved i n another movement of the English speaking people. In 1914, a century after the end of the War of 1812, Peace Centenary Committees i n Canada, Britain and the United States planned to celebrate the centennial of peace among themselves, but the War intervened. Walker, as president of the Canadian committee, tried although not very successfully, to keep his English and American cohorts going. A potential for a greater English speaking union lay i n this 137 peace centenary movement, -" but due to internal feuds, i t was never actualized. Where does S i r Edmund Walker stand i n the Canadian imperialist movement? Although he was a businessman, he cr i t i c i z e d growing materialism •yog i n Canada with the same vehemence as the early imperialists anc} the I39 later, for example, Stephen Leacock. Like a l l Canadian imperialism Walker's brand was another facet of his nationalism. Whether i n his business dealings, as i n the case of reciprocity, or in the more i n t e l -lectual discussions of the Round Table, S i r Edmund Walker showed, above a l l , his concern for Canada. 74 CHAPTER IV 'LORD OF ART AT THE PUBLIC EXPENSE*? Although the Victorian capitalist ideology prescribed that business-men rendered a great service to society, many chose to perform other services to their community by supporting universities, li b r a r i e s , galleries, and hospitals. Some modern businessmen s t i l l engage i n this kind of philanthropy, but their achievements are paltry when compared with the tremendous deeds of their grandfathers. It would appear that the Victorians had a greater compulsion to s e r v e . I n nineteenth century America, outstanding examples of philanthropy were set by business-men li k e Ezra Cornell, founder of Western Union Telegraph who established Cornell University and Andrew Carnegie, steel tycoon who endowed libr a r i e s throughout the English speaking world. Several Canadian Victorian businessmen, not possessing the huge fortunes of their American counter-parts, nevertheless followed the American pattern of philanthropy. S i r Edmund Walker's service to Canada illustrates the type of contributions made by these Canadian businessmen. Reasons for the nineteenth century businessman's indulgence i n philanthropy vary from outright selfishness to the more unselfish Victorian ethic of service. Stephen Leacock, always ready to thrust his c r i t i c a l sword at businessmen, suggested that a banker, for example, would s e l f i s h l y decide to help a university i n order that the university would give culture to his son and teach the boy "to hold his own with anyone."^" Paul Groodman, elucidating the motives of the Victorian Boston business 75 e l i t e , found that they were worried that a consuming thirst for wealth 2 would stain their character, and had, therefore, pursued cultural interests to "broaden /.their/ sympathies and refine / t h e i r / s e n s i b i l i t i e s . , f Some businessmen of the time described their services to the community i n more eloquent terms. The great philanthropic model, Andrew Carnegie, explained his endeavours by his "gospel of Wealth." Carnegie preached that the "duty of the man of wealth" was to ...produce the most beneficial results for the community—the man of wealth thus becoming the mere agent and trustee for his poorer brethren, bringing to their service his superior wisdom, experience and a b i l i t y to administer, doing for them better than they would or could do themselves. 4 This same belief i n the superior administrative a b i l i t y and trusteeship of the business class became popular i n Canada. When Sir James Whitney, the premier of Ontario, helped plan the organization of the Toronto General Hospital i n 1905, he thought that five volunteer businessmen could run the hospital "better than large committees and bodies of 5 trustees." S i r Edmund Walker's philanthropy stemmed from his revulsion toward money and his sense of duty. Stephen Leacock, i n his 1913 a r t i c l e , "The university and business," probably used Walker as a prototype for his philanthropic banker who helped universities just to ensure his own children's education. The service that S i r Edmund gave to the University of Toronto, however, did not originate solely out of this fatherly concern. In a 1910 letter intended for publication i n the Toronto Globe. Walker proclaimed that: when we find a man who has devoted his l i f e only to money-making and who has not created anything 76 i n doing so, who cannot read books, enjoy beautiful things or indulge i n sports, we know that he has thrown his precious l i f e away. What then must be the fate of a nation which does not give due place to the intellectual and the a r t i s t i c i n l i f e . 7 Sir Edmund, then, was plainly worried about the intellectual l i f e of the entire nation. The letter also revealed that, l i k e the guilt-driven American businessmen described by Paul Goodman, the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce had a haunting fear of money making. In order to purge himself, he responded in the fashion of the Boston philanthro-pists by 'serving' culture. The f i r s t cultural institution i n which S i r Edmund Walker became involved, was the University of Toronto. No service, he considered g i n 1904, was as "high and honourable" as that to universities. Walker believed that the "future of the country i s bound up i n our University... where every intellectual faculty of man may be satisfied, and where duties of citizenship and ethical aspects of l i f e are taught i n the 9 f u l l e s t manner." It i s interesting that Sir Edmund argued that the character-building side of education was far more important than training professionals. Distinguishing between "instruction" or training for jobs, and "education," 1 0 he emphasized that men of 'education,' i n the long run, would beat men of 'instruction' i n their careers. 1 1 "Education," for him, meant an acquaintance with the humanities, philosophy, languages and 12 sciences. He recognized that the universities, no longer remote from the common people, had become aware of a l l the modern social and industrial problems, and that they were responsible for working out solutions to these problems. 1^ For example, S i r Edmund advocated using university 77 science laboratories to handle the technical problems of Canadian manu-facturers. 1^ In a democracy l i k e Canada, Walker also maintained that the universities had a special role. In common with the progressives i n the United States, he hoped to establish "capable and pure govern-ments" i n the large Canadian c i t i e s , and a non-political c i v i l service across the country by introducing studies in p o l i t i c a l science i n the 16 universities. He believed that i f the Canadian democracy succeeded, i t would be due to the universities which had educated the people i n 17 citizenship. Canadian universities understandably stood foremost on Walker's l i s t of institutions which he considered worthy of his time and effort. Prior to the turn of the century the University of Toronto was i n poor financial shape. Even after the denominational colleges of Victoria, Knox, Wycliffe and St. Michael's had federated with the secular University College i n 1887, the Ontario government made grants only to University College. A f i r e at University College i n 1890 which gutted the eastern portion of the building and consumed the library, profoundly shocked Edmund Walker. He suddenly realized that "every high hope we held for the future of this country depended upon our system of education, and 18 that which set the standard for a l l Canada was i n ruins." Walker immediately donated $1,000 from the bank and offered his services i n collecting more money. Asked to join the Board of Trustees, the general manager of the Canadian Bank of Commerce immediately inquired about the University's book-keeping and audit system, and suggested improvements 19 i n business, practices of the university's finance department. Recog-nizing his talent, the Board set Walker and another trustee to work on a 78 20 report on the university's finances which sorted out the chaos i n that department. S i r Edmund Walker set two tasks for himself i n his work for the university. He wanted to secure more money from the Ontario government, 21 and to complete the federation of the university. A prominent leader i n welcoming Trini t y College, the last denominational college, into the university> Walker was awarded the degree of Doctor of C i v i l Law by Trinit y i n i t s last convocation i n 1904. S i r Edmund's s k i l l i n directing amalgamations again appeared i n 1921, when he a f f i l i a t e d the Toronto Conservatory of Music, of which he was chairman, with the University of Toronto. The financial side of his work, however, presented more d i f f i c u l t i e s . Walker hoped i n 1900 that Ontario, lik e Michigan, Minnesota and other state governments, would levy a direct tax on property owners 22 to support the universities. But, after discussing the financial problem with S. H. Blake, one of the founders of Wycliffe College, Walker and Blake decided to ask that succession duties from the province be 23 used to support the university. When they suggested this new scheme to _ • -• 24 George Ross, the premier i n 1901, he was not interested and the univer-sit y , which had experienced def i c i t s since 1896, did not face a brighter financial future. The outlook for the university improved after 1905 when James Whitney became premier of Ontario. Long interested i n the plight of the university, Whitney appointed a commission to report on the University of Toronto. Its members included J . W. Flavelle, A.H.V. Colquhoun, Goldwin Smith, S i r William Meredith, Canon cody, Bruce Macdonald and Walker. In 1902 Edmund Walker had decided on the best course of development for the 79 university. He wanted i t to become a state college unhampered i n the scope, quality and cost of the education i t supplies, except by the limitation of the public money granted for i t . . . t h i s I take to be the ideal we must keep i n mind rather than that of Oxford and Cambridge. 25 26 Whitney, who had the same ideal for the university, adopted most of the 27 proposals i n the commission's report, from ending direct interference of the government i n university a f f a i r s , to donating grants from succession duties to the university. S i r Edmund worked for the University of Toronto from 1890 to his death i n 192J+. He was a trustee of the university from 1892 to 1906; Senator, from 1893 to 1901; a member of the board of governors from 1906, and chairman of the board from 1910 to 1923, when he was appointed chancellor. Even i n the University of Toronto, Zebulon Lash remained at Walker's side. For instance, i n 1913, Walker as chairman of the board of governors, successfully demanded that Lash be made vice-chairman 2^ In evaluating Walker's contributions, S i r Robert Falconer, president of the university from 1907 to 1932, recalled that S i r Edmund's influence extended beyond financial matters. Falconer remarked that Walker believed: . . . i n strengthening the staff by improving the salaries of the professors and by introducing from abroad an infusion of teachers trained i n different schools. Though there was no more genuine Canadian than he, nor one more confident as to the quality of the Canadian mind, he was impatient of self-regarding nativism. 29 An i l l u s t r a t i o n of Walker's lack of 'self-regarding nativism' occurred in 1914, when the Toronto Telegram and the World demanded that the six German professors at the university be automatically fired because of 80 their German citizenship. Feeling about the issue grew so strong that Walker noted i n his Journal that "those who are not willing to crucify _ 30 /the Germans/ must expect to be damned as sympathizing with the enemy." Si r Edmund and S i r Robert Falconer took a stand together against these papers and some of the governors of the university for the " f a i r treatment" 31 of the Germans and the " f a i r name of the university." Because of their courage, the Germans were not f i r e d , but offered a leave of absence with 32 pay u n t i l the end of the academic year. Walker's interest i n education ranged beyond the universities. A trustee of the Toronto Board of Education i n 1904, he refused to run for re-election i n 1905 on the grounds that he had not accomplished 33 much. S i r Edmund also founded Appleby College at Oakville, a private boarding school for boys which opened i n 1911. Since Walker's ideas on education stressed the importance of character building, this Appleby College venture would appear to be a further product of his Victorianism. After a l l , one of the eminent figures of the age was Thomas Arnold of Rugby, who directed his school on these very ideas. S i r Edmund probably had l i t t l e to do with the actual running of the college, leaving that to his son-in-law, John Guest. On one occasion Walker did t r y to add a cosmopolitan quality to Appleby school l i f e . After his t r i p to Japan i n 1919, he suggested holding a traditional Japanese spring f e s t i v a l at the school based on the theme of the Japanese carp. In the same way that Japanese carp surmounted waterfalls to reach their spawning territory, S i r Edmund hoped that the Appleby boy would "surmount a l l d i f f i c u l t i e s , to attain a b r i l l i a n t career and to become an outstanding figure i n the world." In 1911 Walker expended $80,000 on the school and expected to 81 35 increase this sum to $100,000 i n the hope that Appleby would later 36 become a public trust. Connections at the University of Toronto soon led Walker into several of the university's discussion groups. The f i r s t of these groups, the "Round Table Club," started i n 1896 when Goldwin Smith and James Mavor, ^ >fofessor of p o l i t i c a l Economy at the university, decided to form 37 a dining club of twelve men to "relieve the tedium of winter." Member-38 ship varied but Edmund Walker, one of the originals, remained i n the 39 club u n t i l 1914 when i t f i n a l l y disbanded. At the dinner meetings of the club held i n various Toronto restaurants, the chairman of the evening chose the topic of conversation. The Round Table also entertained visitors of distinction travelling through Toronto. George Wrong, professor of history, created another group i n 1904. His "History Club" contained both students and faculty who met at the homes of prominent Toronto citizens to read and discuss papers. S i r Edmund frequently participated i n these meetings, i n which talk ranged from the "nationalization of the railways" at Flavelle's home i n 1904,^° to "modern universities" at the Walker's i n 41 1910, to the "condition of the Southern States of the United States 10 since the creation of the Republic,"^ again held at 99 St. George Street i n 1913• How much the discussions in the Round Table and History Club influenced Walker, or the academics, i s hard to document, but the fact that university men and businessmen could communicate with one another i n such pleasant surroundings demonstrates the closely knit nature of Toronto l i f e at the turn of the century. Although the exact nature of the conversation at the Round Table Club has not been discovered, i t s general direction may be inferred by 82 examining the a c t i v i t i e s of the academic and business members of the Club. In 1899 Edmund Walker sent out requests from the bank for the names of people i n Ontario who would be interested i n establishing a i n reference library. It i s very l i k e l y that James Bain, chief librarian at the Toronto Public Library and a member of the Round Table Club originated this idea. The Canadian Society of Authors may also be a Round Table creation. The society began i n 1899 when Goldwin Smith, James Mavor, Edmund Walker, George Ross, and others prepared a memorandum setting out the objects of the Society. Half of i t s original members belonged to the Round Table. Club. One of the objects of the Canadian Society of Authors was "to promote the production of literature i n Canada and the interests of 43 44 Canadian authors" by instituting copyright laws. Membership was open to anyone who had written and published at least one book. Walker, as author of A History of Banking i n Canada must have added prestige to the Society. He sat on the executive committee i n 1902 and served as president from 1905 to 1909. Another of the by-products of the Round Table Club would seem to be the Champlain Society. In a 1905 conversation (perhaps even a club meeting) with Professor George Wrong, Dr. James Bain (both of the Round Table Club), and Dr. Charles Colby, S i r Edmund Walker conceived of a 45 publishing society for Canada ' similar to the Surtees Society i n Britain and the Prince Society i n the United States. Walker then asked Dr. Arthur Doughty of the Public Archives i n Ottawa to meet with these three men and himself i n order to discuss the idea. Their discussions led to the formation of the Champlain Society, publisher of rare Canadian 83 h i s t o r i c a l documents and manuscripts. Immediately successful, the society obtained 250 members and a long waiting l i s t by the end of 1906. Its early publications include The Works of Samuel de Champlain. The  History of New France by Marc Lescarbot and The Narrative of David  Thompson. As well as organizing the Champlain Society, Edmund Walker was president from 1905 u n t i l his death. His correspondence during this period shows Walker frequently acted as a conciliator between contentious 46 academic members i n the society. Eleanor Creighton, Walker's secretary, recalled that t h i s "project was very dear to S i r Edmund," and that he had told her on two occasions that "his founding of the Champlain Society •— - T i n /was/ the most important work that he had accomplished." S i r Fjdmund's interest i n the work of the Champlain Society was an expression of his Canadian nationalism. Addressing the Ottawa Canadian Club i n 1904, he claimed that every Canadian had a duty to study the history of his land: both the period of romance and that of p o l i t i c a l and industrial development. Without doing so he can never understand how precious i s the trust which has come down to him. Let him also study the maps and survey reports, the blue books, indeed anything that w i l l cause him to understand Canada as a physical problem. 48 The president of the Champlain Society expected that after Canadians had read the journals of the soldiers and the explorers published by the society, they would be motivated to write grand, national epics. Thus, the Champlain Society was laying the ground-work "of many a poem and romance of that regard for our past which i s necessary to national 49 greatness." Even i f Canadians did not write Canadian poetry, they were 84 s t i l l being educated i n the country 1s history by the publications of the society. Walker's involvement i n the Champlain Society led to other a c t i v i t i e s . In 1908 he became a member of the National Battlefields Commission which helped organize the dual celebration of the tercentenary of the founding of the c i t y of Quebec by Champlain, and the battles on the Plains of Abraham. Recognizing his contributions to scholarship, the Royal Society of Canada also made Walker a fellow i n 1911. In addition, the federal government appointed him i n 1912 to s i t on the Manuscripts Commission of the National Archives. In a l l these positions Sir Edmund Walker was no figurehead because his letters demonstrate that he interested himself i n every d e t a i l of the venture with which he became connected. By helping to build a museum i n Toronto, S i r Edmund Walker hoped to further enlarge the minds of his fellow Canadians. In the nineteenth century, a v i s i t to a museum constituted a highly valued educational experience. Victorians, curious about their world, popularized the museum. They made i t into a veritable temple of knowledge in which one could survey, i n a few hours, the lives of the ancients, exotica from distant lands, and a l l of nature's secrets. For S i r Edmund, the most important role of a museum was to teach. In an address to the Royal Canadian Institute i n 1899, the year after his presidentship of the Institute, Walker reminded Canadians of their responsibilities to learn and of the special teaching f a c i l i t i e s of museums: as an intelligent people we are entitled to learn gradually a l l that there i s to be known about the 85 natural phenomena of our country, and as an intelligent people we are entitled to possess museums i n which may be exploited, not only the materials for national wealth, but also the entire range of natural phenomena as far as i t can be exhibited objectively. 50 Canadians could help themselves f u l f i l their intellectual obligations by possessing and using museums. Museums, Si r Edmund also argued, would function as "shopwindows" in which Canadians and foreigners could compre-51 hend, at a single glance, the vast resource potential of the nation. Displays i n museums of manufactured articles of a high level of workman-ship would increase, he thought, demands for finer things, thereby, 52 raising the level of craftsmanship i n Canada. Aware of the passing of North American Indian culture, S i r Edmund wanted museums to gather archaeological and ethnological evidence "of the various peoples whose country we now possess," especially samples of Pacific Coast Indian art which great American museums at the time were hauling away to the United 53 States. - Walker's enthusiasm for museums was so keen that he proposed that museums should be built i n Ottawa, i n each province, and in every c i t y of importance.^ In addition, he hoped that small circulating 55 museums would travel around the provinces. ^ During the nineteenth century, Toronto saw three museums but none 56 could be classified as a public institution. The f i r s t museum, opened in York's market square i n 1826, was a private effort and i t soon disappeared. Later, Egerton Ryerson's Normal School and the colleges at the university a l l had museums. These, however, were designed for teaching and research, and not for the public. S i r Edmund Walker believed that the ci t y deserved a public museum. Two years after he became manager of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, 86 Walker called upon the premier, S i r Oliver Mowat, suggesting that the government ought to establish a museum, and also a natural history survey 57 for the province. His v i s i t was unfruitful. As convener of the "University Museum Committee" for the University of Toronto i n 1893-94, he realized that the time for a museum had not yet arrived, and that 58 public opinion i n support of a museum s t i l l had to be developed. Walker's 1899 address to the Royal Canadian Institute, "Canadian surveys 59 and museums and the need of increased expenditure thereon," comprised part of this educational programme. On the condition that the University of Toronto begin "competent teaching i n paleontology" and provide proper museum accommodation, he offered his magnificent paleontological 60 collection and library to the university i n 1904, and the university accepted his offer. This was one more step to founding a satisfactory public museum. A proposal for a public museum i n the University Act of 1906 must have originated with Edmund Walker who sat on the University . . 61 commission. By 1905 other Torontonians had f i n a l l y recognized that the ci t y lacked, and needed a museum. Charles Currelly, a Toronto graduate then i n Egypt on archaeological digs, had been collecting a few things for the museum at Victoria College. When he returned to Toronto i n the f a l l of 1905, he discussed the possi b i l i t i e s of a larger museum with Walker, Professor McCurdy of the Department of Oriental Language and Literature at University College, Professor Pelham Edgar of the English Department at Victoria College and S i r Edmund Osier, director of the C.P.R. and president of the Dominion Bank. The outcome of these discussions was that Walker went before the board of governors at the university to ask for 87 more money. In December 1905, the board granted $1,500 to Currelly to buy Egyptian antiquities. By this decision, the governors had determined that the museum would be a university and not a college project. Both Osier and Walker also supplied Currelly with $500 i n 1906.^2 The sum later increased to an annual grant of $1,000 from Walker, Osier and eight other wealthy Toronto c i t i z e n s . ^ The museum soon required additional funds. This prompted Walker, Osier and John Hoskin, the chancellor of the university, to v i s i t Premier Whitney in the spring of 1909. They wanted a $400,000 museum building with an immediate donation of $50,000. When Whitney appeared uninterested, Osier, a prominent Conservative, added, "That's a l l right Whitney, you give i t to us, and i f there's any objection from the House, I ' l l pay i t out of my own pocket."^ Whitney, being the leader of the Conservative party i n Ontario, gave i n . Without the interest of Toronto's wealthy businessmen the museum would never have been b u i l t . It i s also worth noting that while the Canadian businessmen initi a t e d the building of the museum and provided some financial backing, they s t i l l expected the state to underwrite most of i t s costs. Together Osier and Walker drafted the organization of the museum. They decided that costs should be shared equally by the university and the province, but that p o l i t i c s must not interfere with the running of the museum. In order to prevent p o l i t i c a l intrusions, they demanded that 65 professors from the university direct the various museum departments. The museum i t s e l f was to be controlled by a board of trustees appointed by the province and the university. Provincial representatives consisted of two ex-offieio government ministers and the rest had to come from 88 benefactors or those who were interested i n the development of the 66 museum. Members of the f i r s t board of trustees i n 1912 were the ministers of mines and education, S i r Edmund Walker (chairman), S i r Edmund Osier, Mrs. H. D. Warren, Zebulon Lash, and the Chancellor and President of the University of Toronto. A recent study attributes much to the personal determination of 67 S i r Edmund Walker i n the creation of the Museum. Sir Edmund also contributed greatly to the collections i n the museum. Besides his paleontological donation which constituted the greater part of that department, he compiled a Japanese print collection specifically for the l^useum. Interested i n Japanese art since f i r s t viewing i t i n New York, Walker chose the prints to demonstrate the evolution of this art form, 68 amassing a t o t a l of 1,070 prints. S i r Edmund also financed the 69 excellent Chinese ceramic collection and offered to back Currelly u 70 for §20,000 to increase the Chinese collection. S i r Edmund Walker loved everything i n the Royal Ontario Museum. Charles Currelly, who became the director, noticed that Walker visited the museum practically every day and talked about i t nearly everywhere he went and he had such a name that his words carried weight.... Every object that came i n gave him delight and though he was capable of feigning i t i n order to keep enthusiasm going, I think i t was always real i n connection with the museum.... In times of discouragement, and there were plenty of them, his smile seemed to alter everything. 71 S i r Edmund's enthusiasm for the f i n a l realization of his dream of a museum for Toronto i s understandable. Since 1888 he had tr i e d i n various ways to get a museum started i n Toronto. The now world famous Royal Ontario Museum, opened i n 1914, owes much of i t s success to him. 89 A recurrent theme i n S i r Edmund Walker's philanthropic a c t i v i t i e s i n Canadian education was the co-operation of Walker, the businessman, with academics l i k e Mavor and Wrong. The York Club, a private men's club 72 i n Toronto founded i n 1910 by Walker and Osier, stands as a testament to the common interests of business and the university i n the late Victorian period. Here professors were gladly admitted, having to pay a small annual sum of $50 and no entrance f e e . ^ Writing about Walker's interest i n the Club, Augustus Bridle considered Walker the patron saint of the York. He was one of the secessionists from the Toronto Club who banded together finance and culture—millionaires, magnates and university professors to form the new Athenaeum. And i t was S i r Edmund who, i n one of his customarily neat speeches at an inaugral dinner, named the Club by quoting the lines from Shakespeare—whatever they are—that suited the occasion. 74 Si r Edmund also chose the 100 framed engravings, crests, and seals that decorated the walls of the new club. He confided i n his Journal that 75 everyone admired his choices and that they were "a great success." In , the late Victorian mansion on the corner of St. George and Bloor Streets, formerly the residence of George Gooderham> which housed the York Club, businessmen and professors communicated for a few brief years. With the advent of modern specialization, however, they later became more alienated, retiring to the more dismal heights of their ivory towers and concrete skyscrapers. II Canada began to mature as a nation i n the late Victorian period. Nationally oriented groups l i k e the Champlain Society and the Canadian 90 Society of Authors offered some evidence of this development, but especially i n Canadian art a distinct and growing national awareness became apparent. Before 1900 Canada had no public galleries and certainly no Canadian a r t i s t had acquired nation-wide fame. Yet at the beginning of the War i n 1914, the country boasted several galleries including the National Gallery, and well-known artists l i k e Horatio Walker and those who would later form the "Group of Seven." Several factors contributed to these changes i n the art scene. Prominent among these was the interest of Byron Edmund Walker. From childhood Edjnund Walker had been interested i n art. His later associations with Canadian art developed naturally out of t h i s early love, his wishes to serve Canada, and his recognized leadership i n the business world. Sir Edmund worked with Canadian artists i n building up Canadian art i n much the same manner as he helped academics improve Canadian education. Walker's service to Canadian art started i n Toronto i n 1897. In that year, George A. Reid, a Toronto a r t i s t , inspired by "modern" decorations on the Paris City Hall, suggested that Toronto's new City Hall needed similar treatment. With other artists of the "Society of Mural Decorators," i n Toronto, Reid prepared sketches for the council chamber on the theme of progress i n art and industry i n Canada from pioneer days 76 to the 1890's. At the same time Toronto laymen, enthusiastic about Reid's proposals, formed a "Guild of Civic Art" to "improve art conditions i n the city" by supervising and advising the c i t y of Toronto on a l l 77 public works. The Toronto guild imitated established guilds i n the more advanced c i t i e s of North America and Europe, where cultivated gentlemen served on public commissions guiding their less refined 91 politicians i n art matters. Feeling the need of this advice, the Toronto Council accepted "with thanks the services of the gentlemen comprising the Guild of Civic A r t " 7 8 i n A p r i l 1897. It should be added that the ci t y paid nothing for the advice, the Guild providing "this great and 79 important service without cost." Members of the Guild of Civic Art were notables i n Toronto's business, academic and art e l i t e s . On the guild's Advisory Board for 80 1898, the familiar general manager of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, Mr. Edmund Walker, acted as president; with Hon. George Allan, member of the Queen's Privy Council of Canada, and Edmund Osier, Toronto stock-broker as vice-presidents; James Bain as treasurer, and W. A. Langton, architect, as secretary; several other members included James Loudon, president of the University of Toronto, James Mavor, Frank Darling, Toronto architect, George Reid, and E. Wyly Grier, Toronto a r t i s t s . The a r t i s t s had supported the principles of the Guild by recommending to the c i t y i n 1897 that: i n order to ensure the employment of the best native talent, a committee or commission be appointed of citizens of taste, who would act as experts for the c i t y i n a l l such work to be done in the public buildings. 81 The fact that the a r t i s t s held a minority of the positions on the 1898 Advisory Board of the guild was deliberate, for Walker, the leading 82 member, wanted "laymen interested i n Art and members of the Guild" to outnumber a r t i s t s . Laymen alone, he considered, would act impartially i n deciding on matters of correct taste. Although the City of Toronto accepted the free advice of the guild, they refused the a r t i s t s ' request to decorate the City Hall. George Reid, 92 who had originally proposed the decorations, offered to do the entrance of the City H a l l on his own. In an address accepting Reid's g i f t , Edmund Walker noted his own Victorian abhorrence of "the ugliness of bare walls.../and hoped that/ the various spaces i n this magnificent b u i l d i n g — and there must be hundreds of them—will be f i l l e d with histories and 83 allegories bearing upon the development of Canada." As a possible theme for these space-fillers, he suggested the history of the Humber Valley Sit i n southern Ontario. Walker liked this theme so much that ten years later he planned to have a Humber Valley mural i n one of the bank's buildings i n Toronto and even asked Professor George Wrong about the 85 proper h i s t o r i c a l grouping for the scene. ' This mural along with the hundreds of the spaces i n the City Hall were never painted. The Guild of Civic Art later chose a few paintings and sculptures for the c i t y but i t soon withered away without really improving art conditions. Like so many groups of the period, the guild, however, did inspire members to related endeavours. Building an 'art museum' i n Toronto became the next project of these interested citizens. Also initiated by George Reid, who was then president of Ontario Society of Artists, the gallery movement started with the Society's 1897 pamphlet on the need for an art museum i n Toronto. In the spring of 1900, Reid called a meeting of a number of Torontonians^ who later set up a Provisional Art Museum Board. The board appointed Walker as chairman and Reid as secretary i n December, 1900, and outlined their work which consisted of collecting works of art and providing a suitable building to display these to the public. 93 Edmund Walker greatly influenced the development of the art museum. With the same argument that he had earlier discouraged the presence of too many a r t i s t s i n the Guild of Civic Art, Walker suggested that the Art Museum be under the control of laymen "because of personal differences 87 which so often arise among a r t i s t s . " As president of the provisional board and later president of the council for the Art Museum, S i r Edmund was responsible for convincing his wealthy business associates to aid the gallery. Walker trusted that he could find ten philanthropists to donate 15,000 each i n order to receive a li k e sum from the general 88 public. By the end of 1900, five of his friends had already contributed 89 their #5,000, thereby acquiring the t i t l e of "Benefactor." Edmund 90 Walker, a "Founder," f i r s t donated $1,000. Again, as i n so many of his ventures, Walker had Zebulon Lash draft the b i l l for the Art Museum of 91 Toronto. It gave complete control of the gallery's affairs to a 92 Council composed only of Benefactors. Thus, the future course of art i n Toronto lay i n thehands of wealthy businessmen. Walker also largely influenced the type of paintings that the Art Museum purchased. Concerned about native art, he claimed i n 1913 that "our aims i n this respect.../are to have/ the best collection of deceased 93 and l i v i n g artists i n Ontario. But nothing, but the best." J Ontario ar t i s t s had at last found a permanent market for their wares. The interest of the Art Museum i n local art stimulated a public awareness of the Ontario a r t i s t s . Prior to this time, most Canadians had only looked at, and bought European art. Edmund Walker's own nationalistic concern for Canadian art was transmitted through his control of the Art Museum to his fellow citizens. 94 From the beginning, the Art Museum of Toronto had d i f f i c u l t y i n finding gallery space. In 1903 Goldwin Smith and his wife bequeathed their home, "The Grange," for the museum, but i t was not u n t i l 1918 that the Art Museum f i n a l l y opened a gallery there. In the meantime, the Museum heldlonly one exhibition before 1909, but subsequently began a series i n the gallery i n Toronto's new Reference Library. The Art Museum became "The Art Gallery of Toronto" i n 1919. Sir Edmund Walker's role i n the Art Museum of Toronto was again more than one of collecting money. S i r Edmund knew about a l l the Art Museum's major and minute affairs and ran the Art Museum entirely u n t i l 1912 when E. R. Grieg was appointed curator. Five days after Grieg started work, S i r Edmund took the time from his busy day at the Canadian Bank of Commerce to hold a special meeting with the new curator to 94 "talk over el e c t r i c a l lighting and other matters." For Walker, a perfectionist, these tiny details were just as important as great policy changes. Interested i n art education, S i r Edmund also represented the Art Museum i n 1912 on the "Committee on Art Education" which drafted the 95 b i l l for the Ontario College of Art. During this same period S i r Edmund offered his judgment i n the choice of several monuments, both i n Toronto and across Canada. These monuments to various Canadian heroes further indicate growing nationalism. The f i r s t was a statue to Governor Simcoe, erected i n 1901. As a representative for the Guild of Civic Art on the provincial committee to 96 select the a r t i s t , Walker alone knew that Walter S. Allward, a self-taught Toronto sculptor had submitted one of the models, and he undoubtedly convinced the other committee members to give Allward the 95 97 commission. S i r Edmund considered Walter S. Allward to be "far abler 98 than any other sculptor we have i n Canada, not even excluding Herbert," the widely acclaimed French Canadian sculptor at the time. The allegorical style which Allward increasingly employed appealed to Walker's Victorian aesthetic sense. In Queen's Park, Toronto, later statues executed by Allward are of S i r Oliver Mowat (1905), Hon. John Sandfield MacDonald (1909) and William Lyon Mackenzie (1940). In Toronto the most outstanding product of the patron and his a r t i s t i s the Boer War monument situated i n the boulevard of University Avenue. A 1909 Toronto committee which included Walker decided to have Allward design the memorial to Canadians k i l l e d i n the Boer War i n South Africa at the turn of the century. This memorial to 'war heroes 1 shows that Canadians could find national figures, other than politicians, to venerate. One complaint about the idea came from Goldwin Smith, a p a c i f i s t , who claimed that Canada must not glo r i f y war i n any manner. In reply, Edmund Walker argued that the valour of the Canadian contingent ought to be 99 recorded, and others, agreeing with Walker, spent $38,000 to erect the 'record,' which was unveiled with suitable pomp i n 1910. Above a l l , Canadians approved of the Boer War monument's obvious Canadian quality. One reviewer praised i t s "war-like and imperial con-100 ceptions of Canadian l i f e " ; another emphasized i t s "national" character 101 since i t represented men from across the country. Canadians also appreciated the symbolism of the memorial i n which their nation was shown as a ...young mother, ...sending out her sons, inspiring young figures, to fight for the Empire. At the top of the lo f t y column i s X I . 96 a figure of Peace with wings outstretched and arms holding high overhead a crown typifying Canada's unity with the Empire. 102 S i r Edmund Walker must have encouraged Allward i n his use of this kind of allegory for he thought that he was "more responsible for the design 103 than anyone except Allward." The Boer War monument clearly manifests the peculiar nationalism of the late Victorians for their "vision of grandeur" i s illustrated by the prominent Canadian figures at the base of the column which are helping the Empire maintain peace. During the Great War the monument served as "a rendez-vous of d r i l l i n g and marching troops.... No spbt i n a l l Canada was the centre of so much warlike and national a c t i v i t y , " 1 0 ^ Today i t s message seems rather lost i n the surrounding modern office towers. Elsewhere too, the team of Walker and Allward located their allegorical, nationalistic memorials. S i r Edmund joined the Advisory Arts Council i n Ottawa which commissioned Allward for several of these. In Walker's opinion, their best work was the B e l l Memorial at Brantford, 105 Ontario. Hearing that Brantford planned in 1909 to put up a memorial to Alexander Graham B e l l , the inventor of the telephone, Walker contacted the manager of the Canadian Bank of Commerce i n the c i t y , praising Allward and noting, "because of the national character of the work I am particularly interested i n the best possible outcome a r t i s t i c a l l y . " 1 0 ^ S i r Edmund later became a judge for the B e l l Telephone Memorial Association and Allward, i n due course, became the sculptor. At the unveiling of this gigantic allegorical sculpture i n 1917, Sir Edmund "had to speak twice, my duty being to give the public an idea of Allward's meaning, although one really would not think this necessary X I I . 97 .... One must conclude rather unfavourably as to the people's powers 107 of imagination." Any d i f f i c u l t y Brantford citizens experienced i n grasping the meaning of their new memorial was explicable. Elucidating i t s complex allegories, S i r Edmund thought that the most important themes were 1st. Two heroic figures i n bronze at either side representing "Humanity," sending and receiving messages. 2nd. Man discovering his power to transmit vocal sounds through space. This i s shown i n the large bronze panel, representing "Man" surmounted by a figure symbolic of "Intelligence," and representing three messengers, "Knowledge, Joy and Sorrow." 108 By 1917 the time for such great Victorian masterpieces had passed. The over-developed symbolism of the B e l l Memorial, although delighting a few I09 Victorian academics, was remote from average Canadians; as remote,.in fact, as modern European cubist sculpture was from a l l of Canada during th i s period. Walker's interest i n the conservative work of Walter Allward did not prevent him from associating with the sli g h t l y more modern and bohemian a r t i s t s in Toronto's "Arts and Letters Club." The Club invited Walker to a "Smoker"—dress, "studio c l o t h e s " — ^ i n September, 1910. Joining soon thereafter, Walker gave an address at the opening of their new quarters i n the Old Assize Court later i n the year. Although the artists despised many of their business contemporaries, most respected Sir Edmund Walker. 1 1 1 Meetings i n the Old Assize Court were free-wheeling and i t i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine how the stately banker answered 112 the customary farewell of Club members, "Hey, kid—how about a fag." The service of S i r Edmund Walker to the arts i n Canada culminated i n his work for the National Gallery. Origins of the gallery can be 98 found i n the membership clause of the Royal Canadian Academy, incorporated i n 1882, which stated that every a r t i s t must donate one work to the academy. These were stored i n various places i n Ottawa but had no permanent display home. Around 1906 a serious movement arose to establish a National Gallery for the academy's collections and other works. It was again headed by George Reid, president of the academy, who sent a memorial to Lord Grey, the Governor General, suggesting that the govern-ment build a national gallery to be run by an appointed advisory council 113 composed of painters, sculptors and architects. At the same time, 114 the government was being harassed, i n Walker's terms, "by log-rolling" from other sources. A Privy Council oommittee examined the idea of the gallery and reported that the advisory council, instead, should be made up of ...those who have made a special study of art and who have interested themselves in the collections of objects of art and have also displayed an interest i n public efforts to promote art and i t s culture i n this country.... It i s confidently believed that many gentlemen w i l l be glad to render ^ h i s service/ without remuneration. 115 The committee, then, ignored Reid's recommendation to appoint professional ar t i s t s to the Advisory Arts Council. Thus, when i t was established, the council closely paralleled the earlier Guild of Civic Art i n Toronto, in that both were comprised of cultured gentlemen who would freely give advice on the arts. Sydney Fisher, Acting Minister of Public Works called upon three gentlemen in 1907 to form the Advisory Arts Council. In addition to the new president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, he asked Senator Arthur Boyer, Montreal 'capitalist', and S i r George Drummond, the president of the Bank of Montreal, who became the president 99 of the council. The council had two jobs. It advised the government on public works and administered grants to the National Gallery, which f i n a l l y became incorporated i n 1913. Disputes within the council soon arose for S i r George Drummond, interested only i n European art, became disenchanted with the meager $10,000 government grant for the council's operation. This, Drummond realized, could hardly pay for major European works. He also disliked what he thought was the mediocre art being done by Canadians. Edmund Walker, on the other hand, had a greater vision of the council's role. He tried to convince Drummond that "a democratic government must be led into good causes and that with even $10,000 p.a. we could do justice to Canadian artists and something besides." 1 1^ i n 1909 Drummond died, and Walker, as the new president of the Council, began to implement his policy of buying Canadian art. The council even decided to acquire Canadian works when they did not personally appeal to them, as long as U7 they represented the Canadian art scene. Si r Edmund's involvement in the arts coincided with the development of the most popular artists i n Canadian history, the Group of Seven. The Group's philosophy was "to paint objectively the kind of country that 118 composes most of Canada." This approach, while appealing to l i k e -minded Canadians, was neither new—artists since the 1890's had tried to paint "Canadian"—nor modern, when contrasted with the revolutionary developments i n European art. The only modern quality of the Group was their "reaction against the atmospheric, moody type of painting perhaps best exemplified by those nineteenth century Dutch paintings that were 119 so popular i n Montreal and to a lesser extent i n Toronto." 100 The National Gallery headed by Walker and Eric Brown whom Walker chose as curator and later director, enthusiastically supported the Group of Seven. S i r Edmund was interested i n the Group simply because they were Canadian. Their style did not particularly appeal to his own more Victorian tastes as evidenced by his own art collection, which contained none of their paintings, although S i r Edmund did own three sketches by Tom Thomson. In his o f f i c i a l capacity, however, S i r Edmund contributed greatly to the Group of Seven. He praised them as a new 121 d i s t i n c t l y Canadian phenomena. As F. B. Housser noted, Walker alone, of a l l the men of affairs i n the Dominion, showed a personal human interest i n the painters. He alone seemed to see the necessity for creating expression in the building of nationhood and publicly declaring i t . His presence therefore at the National Gallery was an encouraging thing to the movement. 122 Eric Brown, on the other hand, was more interested i n the Group's modern 123 approach to art, and explained their work to the Canadian public i n various addresses. Increasingly, S i r Edmund relied on Eric Brown's a b i l i t y to manage the National gallery. When Hector Charlesworth attacked the 124 gallery's support of the Group of Seven in 1922, i t was Brown who 125 drafted Walker's reply for the Gallery. Together Walker and Brown offered a tremendous support for the Group on behalf of their fellow Canadians. There were other attacks on Walker and the National Gallery that could not be so readily answered. These came from "modern" thinkers who questioned the basic Victorian assumption that gentlemen, i.e. businessmen, could and should decide for the general public on a l l matters of taste. One of the f i r s t of these modern rumblings came from Curtis Williamson, 101 a Toronto a r t i s t who wrote to Walker i n 1915 that: the almighty no doubt meant you to be a banker -had he intended you for an art c r i t i c he would have endowed you with a l i t t l e of that instinctive understanding with regard to pictures which a l l the books i n the world cannot give. 126 Williamson with his modern ideas on the 'professional' could not accept the old idea of Victorian 'whole man' who could run both the fine arts and business. The criticism made by Williamson was valid, for Walker, who gained his understanding of art from Victorian books, as Williamson recognized, did not have any feeling for modern art. Should a man who had so much d i f f i c u l t y understanding the Impressionists have been allowed to run the National Gallery? Or, to put the question differently should a business-man who gave nothing financially to the public institution be allowed, as E. W. Thomson wrote to S i r Robert Borden i n 1918, "to figure once 127 more as 'Lord of Art 1 i n Canada at the public expense"? To answer these questions we can only t r y to determine how S i r Edmund Walker's assets compared with his l i a b i l i t i e s . His business prestige undoubtedly convinced the government to spend more money on the National Gallery. This prestige surely had far greater influence than any c i v i l servant could hope to muster. When S i r George Drummond f i r s t convened the Advisory Arts Council i n 1907 he had a budget of $10,000. In 1911, after the reciprocity election, the victorious Conservatives gave S i r Edmund his requested $50,000 and increased the grants to $100,000 u n t i l the war. Much of this money went toward encouraging Canadian art i s t s , i n keeping with Walker's original policy of buying Canadian works. In 1913, the gallery started travelling loan collections across 102 Canada which further publicized native artist s and also provided an additional market for their paintings. S i r Edmund's interest i n purchasing Canadian art for the Gallery therefore helped many Canadian a r t i s t s , even i f he did not understand their work thoroughly. Thus, Sir Edmund Walker's assets as a shaper of gallery policy unquestionably out-weighed his l i a b i l i t i e s . The story of Canada's war paintings again illustrated Walker's valuable role i n Canadian arts. These paintings were commissioned by the Canadian War Memorials Fund which had been started i n 1917 by Lord Beaverbrook i n England. Beaverbrook assumed that B r i t i s h artists would paint the records of Canada's war contributions. S i r Edmund Walker, however, advised him that Canadian ar t i s t s should go to the front, and i n early 1918, six Canadians, including A. Y. Jackson and Frederick Varley of the Group of Seven, l e f t for Europe. Beaverbrook also decided to send English artist s across Canada, and when S i r Edmund heard this idea, he immediately wrote to Beaverbrook requesting that Canadian artists be 128 129 allowed to paint i n Canada. Beaverbrook granted this request, and provided much needed financial assistance to Canadian ar t i s t s during these lean war years. The war records also gave artists an entirely new experience to document. C. W. Jeffreys, for instance, chose as the theme of one of his works, "men i n the Polish Army bathing at the mouth of the Niagara 130 River," J and Lawren Harris of the Group enthusiastically proposed to paint the new feeling i n Canada i n the war ...the hurry up, hustle and bustle—the accomplish-ment of things undreamt i n pre-war days. Records of speeding up—hurrying top speed—there's the thing! Not so much the things building and b u i l t , being made and made, but the feverish excited a c t i v i t y — a record of the mood. 131 103 Although Harris never started this painting, the war paintings did prove to be a great success, drawing much praise at the Wembley Exhibition i n England i n 1924. For this f i n a l international recognition of Canadian art i s t s , the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce was, to great extent, responsible. Many Victorian business philanthropists gave much to their country, i f not in money, certainly i n time and effort. Canada owes a lot to Walker and his sense of duty. Between 1890 and 1924 i n Si r Edmund's gifted hands, a university, a school,a society of authors, a museum, a publishing society, a guild of c i v i c art, national monuments, and two galleries a l l developed. This was no mean achievement. 104 CONCLUSION Born i n 1848, Byron Edmund Walker f i r s t saw Canada when i t could only be described as colonial, but he watched the colony rapidly developing into a modern nation. S i r Edmund, himself, contributed much to this development. He was able to take command of, and build several enterprises. The variety of these organizations ill u s t r a t e s his wide range of interests and his belief i n working for Canada. On the financial side, f i r s t as general manager, and then as president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, Edmund Walker moulded a tiny Ontario bank into a powerful national institution. Concerned about a l l the banks, he personally supervised the government of Canada during every decennial Bank Act revision from 1890 to 1924, and i n order to ensure the proper evolutionary growth of the banking system, he helped to organize the Canadian Bankers' Association which further guided the state. S i r Edmund's numerous addresses also taught Canadians about the proper role of business and i t s value to the community. Not content with building the nation financially, S i r Edmund believed that i t was his duty to help Canadian culture. In Toronto he became involved with establishing the Guild of Civic Art, the Art Museum of Toronto (now the Art Gallery of Ontario), and the world renowned Royal Ontario Museum. The University of Toronto also gratefully accepted his service. Walker especially acted as a catalyst of Canadian cultural nationalism. F i r s t , he directed the Champlain Society which published and distributed rare, Canadian h i s t o r i c a l documents. Secondly, as trustee of the National Gallery at Ottawa and president of the Art 105 Museum of Toronto, he encouraged native Canadian art. His own collections of Canadian art also made buying Canadian paintings fashionable i n Toronto. 1 Thirdly, i n the monuments which he selected to commemorate Canadian heroes, S i r Edmund tried to i n s t i l national self-awareness. In addition, the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce f e l t that he had to instruct his countrymen on foreign a f f a i r s . When he thought that the Dominion was straying from i t s wisest course of action, Walker led crusades to educate Canadians to see their mistakes. In 1911 believing that Immigrants i n Canada threatened to take the nation into a f a t a l embrace with the United States, S i r Edmund initiated his famous campaign against the immigrants1 support of reciprocity. Throughout the later Victorian period, he urged more Canadian participation i n the Empire i n order to prevent further assimilation by the United States. S i r Edmund Walker's remarkable leadership a b i l i t y was not the sole origin of his many accomplishments. Certainly, they were also the result of the less complex structure of Canadian society which allowed an individual, particularly a businessman, to control institutions. How different this i s from the modern world where huge technocracies, composed of specialists, are needed to run most organizations. Walker's Victorian ideals and interests also led him into his many pursuits. Imbued with nineteenth century curiosity, he studied and became involved i n such diverse a c t i v i t i e s as banking, art and science. Above a l l , S i r Edmund believed i n the Victorian ethic of service which held that every man had a duty to serve the community. He often remarked that his goal i n l i f e was to work for Canada and he impressed this goal on others. At the Halifax Canadian Club in 1908, for example, he reminded his listeners 106 that "we are indeed mere stewards f o r Canada, and we s h a l l have t o answer 2 as to whether we do w e l l or i l l by i t . " This V i c t o r i a n i d e a l , then, provides a clue t o understanding S i r Edmund Walker's l i f e . A student of the t y p i c a l l y V i c t o r i a n hobby of studying paleonto-logy, Walker applied some of hi s s c i e n t i f i c knowledge to his ideas on society. His examination of nature, f o r instance, reinforced his view that equality was an unnatural concept, and he therefore greatly d i s -trusted democracy as a form of government. Although S i r Edmund accepted Darwin's theory of evolution, he did not believe that the 'survival of the f i t t e s t ' should determine human re l a t i o n s . He advocated, instead, 3 that i t was the duty of the strong to look a f t e r the weak. Not a r a c i s t , he welcomed people of a l l colours into Canada. His i d e a l society would have been a f l e x i b l e hierarchy i n which every man placed serving others f i r s t . The l a i s s e z - f a i r e organization of Vic t o r i a n Canada came close t o t h i s i d e a l . In i t , every man and i n s t i t u t i o n were free to determine t h e i r type of service. I t should be noted that S i r Edmund Walker, a s e l f -made m i l l i o n a i r e , and his business associates l i k e S i r Joseph F l a v e l l e , did very w e l l i n the Canadian l a i s s e z - f a i r e system. At a time when many businessmen were demanding reform and more government controls i n the United States, these successful Canadians had good reason to preserve the status quo. World War I ended the system of l a i s s e z - f a i r e i n Canada. Although the president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce did his duty on the Canadian P a t r i o t i c Fund, the M i l i t a r y Hospitals Commission, the Canadian Red Cross, the B r i t i s h Red Cross, and on the committee to organize the machinery for s e l l i n g Canadian war bonds, he and his business 107 cohorts could not plan and carry out Canada's war effort alone. During the war, government power had to increase. To help finance i t s new ac t i v i t i e s , the federal government levied the income tax i n 1917. Severely c r i t i c i z i n g the tax, S i r Edmund argued i n his annual address that: ...in North America there are so many instances of good service rendered to the state by wealthy citizens that one wonders i f we should not be greatly the losers by any new condition which would hamper individuality, and i n so doing perhaps destroy the main factors which separate our twentieth century from the miseries of the middle ages. 4 5 His complaints about the 'super tax' rose and i n 1924, he, Flavelle and 6 their fellow businessmen began to organize a campaign against the tax. By then, big government and taxes had become a permanent fixture of Canadian l i f e and their campaign could not really get beyond this i n i t i a l stage. Accustomed to his Victorian world of service and laissez-faire, Si r Edmund Walker never understood the modern world which had evolved i n Canada during the war. A result of the growing specialization and complexity i n every aspect of late Victorian society, the modern world had no place for Walker's obsolete ideas. It i s iro n i c a l that the ideal of service helped to bring about the collapse of the Victorian world because most Victorians had sought refuge from the sweeping changes around 7 them by immersing themselves i n 'doing their duties.' Their work ethic, however, only spurred them on to accelerate change. S i r Edmund Walker, caught up i n this irony, believed that he was serving Canada by building huge organizations lik e the Canadian Bank of Commerce. In the bank, by 1914, just a few men l i k e the president, could see their personal 108 • i value i n terms of the service they performed. After the war, when S i r Edmund was advising a return to a society based on service, most men were looking for a new world where they could enjoy the f r u i t s of their labour. Although he unconsciously contributed to the death of the Victorian system, S i r Edmund Walker did serve Canada well. INTRODUCTION 1 0 9 NOTES ^Toronto Globe, March 28, 1 9 2 4 . 2 See Ramsay Cook, "Stephen Leacock and the age of plutocracy, 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 2 1 , " J. S. Moir ed. Character and Circumstance (Toronto: Macmillan, 1 9 7 0 ) , pp. 1 6 3 - 1 8 1 . -^Byron Edmund Walker (henceforth called B.E.W.), "On the future of Canada to the Schoolmen's Club," Walker Papers, University of Toronto Library, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections (henceforth called W.P.), Box 2 5 , p. 1 . ^G. Kitson Clark, The Makingcof Victorian England (London: Methuen, 1 9 6 5 ; f i r s t published in 1 9 6 2 ) , pp.< 2 9 - 3 0 . ''Allan Gowans, "The Canadian national style," W. L. Morton ed., The Shield of Achilles (Toronto: McClellanti& Stewart, 1 9 6 4 ) , pp. 2 1 0 - 1 1 . ^Cited.in Gertrude Himmelfarb, Victorian Minds (N.Y.: Alfred A. Knopf, 1 9 6 8 ) , p i - 2 9 0 . 7 Ibid.. p. 3 0 3 . 8 Walter E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind (London: Oxford University Press, 1 9 5 7 ) , pp. 1 8 7 - 8 . 9 Ibid., p. 282; see also, Himmelfarb, p. 3 0 9 . 1 0 C i t e d i n Houghton, p. 2 5 3 -"'""'"George Parkin de Twenebrokes Glazebrook, Sir Edmund Walker (London: Oxford University Press, 1 9 3 3 ) , p. 155-1 2C. W. Colby, "Sir Edmund Walker," The Caduceus. 5 (July 1 9 2 4 ) , 1 1 . 1 3 Augustus Bridle, Sons of Canada (Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1 9 1 6 ) , p. 1 7 6 . 110 CHAPTER I NOTES -^ W.P., Box 32, Biography, Mrs. Edith Bowman to Harold C. Walker. 2B.E.W., "Address," Jubilee of Sir Edmund Walker (n.p. n.d.), p. 35. %cAlpine*s Hamilton City and County of Wentworth Directory (Mont real: McAlpine and Ferrier, 1875), p. 102. W^.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 87, newspaper clipping dated April 20, 1902. 5W.P;;;, B.E.W. to Hon. W. R. Riddell, 28 July 1920. W^.P., B.E.W. to H.H. Morris, 20 January 1917-W^.P., Box 32, Biography, "Creighton Memorandum," p. 15. %.P., Box 32, Biography, "Biography - notes." ^The Anglo-American Magazine cited by Frederick H. Armstrong and Neil C. Hultin, "The Anglo-American Magazine looks at Upper Canada on the eve of the railway era," Profiles of a Province (Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1967), p. 52. 10W.P., Box 13, "Certificate of Hamilton Central School." "^ W.P., Box 28, "An agreement between George Lee and Byron Edmund Walker, dated June 1, 1867." 12B.E.W., "Address," Jubilee of Sir Edmund Walker, p. 34. 1 3 I b i d . . p. 35. ^ B r i d l e , p. 183. "^J . E. Middleton and W. S. Downs, National Encyclopedia of  Canadian Biography (Toronto: the Dominion Publishing Co., 1935), p. 22. "^Glazebrook, p. 84. I l l 17 Houghton, p. 36. 18 1964), p. 151. Jerome H. Buckley, The Victorian Temper (N.Y.: Vintage Books, 19-B.E.W., "Address," Jubilee of Sir Edmund Walker, p. 35-20Edmund Murton Walker, "Autobiographical Sketch," Glenn B. Wiggins ed., Centennial of Entomology i n Canada, 1863-1963; a tribute to Edmund M. Walker (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966), p. 16. 2\. 22 W.P, 23W.P. W.P., B.E.W. 2i<W.P. 1922," p. 2. 25 W.P. 26 Ibid 2 7 I b i d  2 8 I b i d 2?Ibid 3°W.P. 31W.P. 32W.P. Box 32, Biography, "Biography - notes." B.E.W. to S.M. Jones, 17 May 1898. -B.E.W; to Joseph Gibson, 1 February 19125 see also to Earl Grey, 5 January 1905. Box 25, "Notes for address on Banking, December 14, Box 25, "Notes for address on South America, n.d.," p.8. , p. 8. , p. 7. , p. 8. , p. 8. Box 25, "Notes for address on the Far East, n.d." B.E.W. to H.T. Ross, 24 October 1921, "enclosed memorandum." B.E.W. to T. Nosse, 27 September 1907-S^*he Canadian Observer. Toronto, December 18, 1915. 3 5 I b i d . 112 36B.E.W., "On Canada to the Y.M.C.A., May 14, 1912," W.P., Box 25, p. 2. 37Houghton, p. 354-38Houghton, p. 343. 39W.P., William Bruce to B.E.W., 21 May 1908. 4°See W.P., Box 32. 4 1 S i r Robert Falconer, "Foreword," in Glazebrook, p. XIV. 42W.P., B.E.W. to J. W. Campbell, 6 August 1886. 4 3 C i t e d in E.D.H. Johnson, The Alien Vision of Victorian Poetry (Hamden, Con.: Archon Books, 1963), p. 83. 4 4 I b i d . , p. 75-^W.P., B.E.W. to Mary Walker, 31 October 1886. 4 ^ S i r Robert Falconer, "Foreword," i n Glazebrook, p. XIV. ZL7 ^"'Marion Lochhead, The Victorian Household (London: John A. Murray, 1964), p. 4. 4 8Buckley, p. 139-49ibid., p. 139. 50W.P., Box 28, George A. Cox to Z. A. Lash, 7 September 1907. 51W.P., Ledger, p. 120, $58,796.66. CO J Newton MacTavish, "Sir Edmund Walker's collection of art," Can. Mag.. 52 (Feb. 1919), 836. 53see R. H. Hubbord, The Development of Canadian Art (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1963), p. 72. ^ 4 S i r Robert Falconer, "Foreword," i n Glazebrook, p. XIV. 55W. P., Ledger, p. 0. 113 ^Charles Trick Currelly, "Introduction," H. D., "The Sir Edmund Walker collection of Japanese prints," Bulletin of the Royal Ontario Museum of Archaeology, VI (July, 1927), p. 2. 57charles Trick Currelly, I Brought the Ages Home (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1956), p. 210. 58W.P., B.E.W. to Newton MacTavish, 6 January 1919-^Catalogue of Highly Important Old and Modern Pictures and  Drawings; estates of Chester D. Massey, Sir William Mackenzie, Sir Edmund Walker, Public Sale (Toronto: Jenkins, B.M. & T. Co., 1927). 6°Ibid., p. 12, lots 89-101. 6lW.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 25, Jan. 6, 1900. 62 John Ruskin, A. J. Finberg ed,, Ruskin*s Modern Painters (London: C. Be l l , 1927, pp. 7-11). 63W.P., B.E.W. to The Editor, Toronto Globe, 28 September 1903. ^W.P., Box 25, "Notes for address *0n the Opening of Art Gallery*," W.P., p. 2. 65W.P., Journal, vol. 1., f. 11+9, June 24, 1909-66stella Margetson, Leisure and Pleasure i n the Nineteenth  Century (London: Cassell, 1969), p. 156. ^Edmund Murton Walker, p. 15. 6 8 I b i d . , p. 16. 69 7For Walker's evaluation of Sir William Mackenzie, see W.P., B.E.W. to Hugh L. Cooper, 19 December 1923: "I used to wonder how long i t would be after his death before Canada realized that she had lost a great son who had done wonderful things for her." 70 'Described by Muriel Miller Miner, G.A. Reid, Canadian Artist (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1946), p. 95. 7 1 B r i d l e , p. 176. 114 CHAPTER II NOTES Proceedings of the Select Standing Committee on Banking and  Commerce; of the House of Commons on B i l l #83, an Act Respecting Banks and Banking (Ottawa: T.A. Acland, 1923), p. 521. 2 John T. McLeod and Kenneth J. Rea, Business and Government i n Canada (Toronto: Methuen, 1969), p. 5-^George Hague, Banking and Commerce (New York: Bankers* Publishing Company, 1908). ^Ibid., p. 1. ^S. Sarpkaya, The Banker and Society (Institute of Canadian Bankers, 1968). 6 I b i d . , p. 1. ^Edmund Walker speaking at the laying of the corner stone of the Power House at Niagara Fal l s , May 9, 1906, quoted i n C.A.R., 1906, p. 168. 8 I b i d . . p. 168. 9B.E.W., "Annual address," JLAJL-, 1920, p. 860. "^ B.E.W., "Annual address," Report of the Canadian Bank of  Commerce, 1920 (Toronto: Monetary Times, 1921), p. 18. •^ B.E.W., The Relations of Banking to Business Enterprise; delivered before the Louisiana Bankers* Association, May 1904, and before the Bankers* Club of Detroit, November 1904, (n.p. n.d.), p.4« 12 B.E.W., "Sir Edmund Walker on a f f a i r s , " The Journal of Commerce (Jan. 1923), p. 12. 13 B.E.W., Banking as a Public Service; address delivered before the New York State Bankers* Association at Buffalo, 14th June, 1912 (n.p. n.d.), p. 4. 115 -^ B.E.W., The Relations of Banking to Business Enterprise, p. 2 "'"-'B.E.W., "President's address at the Fourth Annual Meeting, Canadian Bankers' Association." J.C.B.A.. 3 (Oct. 1897), 17. l6B.E.W., "Banking, December 14, 1922 - Notes," W.P., Box 25, p 17 B.E.W., Fire Insurance; address delivered before the Insuranc Institute of Toronto, Oct. 1904 (n.p. n.d.), p. 10. 18 Glazebrook, p. 13. 19 D. Hughes Charles, "Reminiscences of bankers," Edward Peter Neufeld ed., Money and Banking in Canada; historical documents and commentary (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1964), p. 179. 2^Victor Ross, The History of the Canadian Bank of Commerce (Toronto: Southam Press, 1922), II, 102. 21 Eleanor Creighton, "Creighton Memorandum," W.P., Box 32, p. 8 22 Ibid., p. 9. 23 ^Ross, "Preface," I, pp. v-vi. 2^Ross, The History of the Canadian Bank of Commerce (Toronto: Southam Press, 1922). 2-%.E.W., "Introduction," Ross, I, x v i i . See Appendix "A": Sir Edmund Walker's Notes for the Canadian Bank of Commerce. 2?W.P., B.E.W. to Gordon C. Edwards, 28 November 1922. 2 8 I b i d . 29W.P., B.E.W. to Henry J. Morgan, 11 January 1897-3°W.P., Ledger, p. 0. 3 1 I b i d . , p. 22. 116 3 2George Roy Stevens, Canadian National Railways (Toronto: Clarke Irwin, 1962), II, 475. 33B.E.W., "Annual address," Reports of the Canadian Bank of  Commerce (Toronto: 1907), 1900, p. 484-34W.P., B.E.W. to George A. Cox, 23 September 1902. 35w.P., J. H. Plummer to B.E.W., 1 October 1902. 36B.E.W., "Canadian a f f a i r s , " J.C.B.A.. 20 (July 1913), 314-37W.P., B.E.W. to J.A, Walker, 17 March 1920. 38B.E.W., "On the future of Canada," W.P., Box 25, p. 4; see also, W.P., Journal, vol. 3, f- 158, newspaper clipping "Canada's national problems," dated April 29, 1922. 39 •"See David E. Bond, "The development of the Canadian financial system," Chapter 12, p. 23. I am grateful to Professor David E. Bond for allowing me to see this unpublished manuscript. 4<->Born in 1846 i n Newfoundland, Zebulon Aiton Lash was called to the bar in 1868. From 1872 to 1876, he served as deputy minister of justice for Canada. Edward Blake, the eminent Toronto lawyer, asked Lash to become a partner of his firm i n 1876. The firm, became counsel for the Canadian Bank of Commerce in 1881. More research on Lash's wide career needs to be done. ^W.P., Journal, vol. 3, f. 4, "Resolution of sympathy on the occasion of the death of Z.A. Lash, Esq., K.C., Vice-President of the Bank, adopted by the Board of Directors at a meeting held Jan. 30, 1920." 42W.P., B.E.W. to Hon. R. H. Brand, 22 August 1910. 43B.E.W., "Why Canada i s against Bimetallism," J.C.B.A., 5 (October 1897), 49. 44B.E.W., "The financial outlook," The Caduceus. 1 (Oct. 1920), 6. 45 B .E.W., "Abnormal features of American banking," J.C.B.A., 16 (Oct. 1908), 69. 117 ^B.E.W., "Why Canada i s against Bimetallism," p. 42. ^B.E.W., "Abnormal features of American banking," J.C.B.A.. 16 (Oct. 1908). ^8B.E.W., Banking in Canada (Toronto: Monetary Times, 1896), p. 14. ^B.E.W., "A comparison of banking systems," J.C.B.A., 12 (April 1905) , 234. 5 0Bond, p. 14. 51B.E.W., The Canadian system of banking," J.C.B.A.. 13 (Jan. 1906) , 144. 5 2 I b i d . , p. 144. -^ B.E.W., "Abnormal features of American banking," p. 68. 5 4 I b i d . , p. 69. 393. 55B.E.W., "An arbitrary gold reserve," J.C.B.A., 27 (July 1920), 56 W.P., B.E.W. to A.J. Dawson, 9 October 1911. 57W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 337, October 19, 1911. 58B.E.W., "Banking and current problems," Bankers* Mag., 85 (Spring 1912), 240. 59"Sir Edmund Walker's evidence, 1913," Bank Act Revision  Proceedings (Canadian Bankers* Association, 1933), p. 12. 60B.E.W., "Banking and current problems," p. 240. 61 B.E.W., The Canadian System of Banking and the National System  of the United States (Toronto: Trout & Todd, 1890). ^ I b i d . , Foreword. 118 ^B.E.W., "The f i r s t journal of the Canadian Bankers* Association," J.C.B.A.. 25 (July 1918), 265-.E.W., "An arbitrary gold reserve," 394-M. Breckenridge, "The Canadian banking system," J.C.B.A., 2 (June 1895), 478. 66B.E.W., "Banking i n Canada," J.C.B.A.. 1 (Sept. 1893), 23-^7B.E.W., "The f i r s t journal of the Canadian Bankers* Association," 266. ^Zebulon Lash, "Address," Jubilee of Sir Edmund Walker, p. 3-69 B.E.W., "President's address at the Third Annual Meeting, Canadian Bankers* Association," J.C.B.A., 2 (Sept. 1894), 38. 7°W.P., B.E.W. to George Hague, 16 January 1891. 71W. L. Grant, "Current events," Q^ Q., 19 (Oct. 1911), 171. 7 2 B r i d l e , p. 181. 73B.E.W., Canadian Bank Loans i n New York (n.p. n.d.; reprinted from The Monetary Times, Jan. 6, 1911), p. 2; also see, Bank Act Revision Proceedings pp.- 177-8. ^B.E.W., Canadian Bank Loans i n New York, p. 7. 7 5 I b i d . , p. 7. 7 ^ " S i r Edmund Walker's evidence, 1913," Bank Act Revision  Proceedings p. 178. 7 7C.A.E. Goodhart, The New York Money Market and Finance of  Trade, 1900-1913 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), p. 154. 7 8 S i r Thomas White was one of the many Liberals who l e f t the party to join the Conservatives in 1911 over the reciprocity issue. Sir Robert Borden made White his Finance Minister. It i s interesting that Walker advised White against going into p o l i t i c s . See, W.P. Journal, vol. 3, f. 14, June 29, 1920. When he retired from p o l i t i c s White became a director of the Canadian Bank of Commerce. 79 Craig Russell Mclvor, Canadian Monetary, Banking and Fiscal  Development (Toronto: Macmillan, 1958), p. 110. 80 W.P., B.E.W. to Z.A. Lash, 1 August 1918. 81 W.P., In Correspondence, 11 December 1918, "Minutes of the Confidential Committee of the Canadian Bankers* Association." 82W.P., In Correspondence, 29 January 1919, copy of Z.A. Lash to Thomas White. 83 W.P., In Correspondence, 28 January 1919, "Lash memorandum," pp. 6-7. 8 4 I b i d . , p. 8. 8 5 M d . ; p. 8. 8 6 I b i d . . p. 8. 8 7 I b i d . , p. 10. °W.P., In Correspondence, 3 February 1919, "Minutes of the Confidential Meeting of the Canadian Bankers* Association held on Monday, 3rd February, 1919." Those present were: Bank.of Montreal: Sir Vincent Meredith, Sir Frederick Williams-Taylor Canadian Bank of Commerce: Sir Edmund Walker, Sir John Aird Royal Bank: Mr. E. C. Neil Dominion Bank: Clarence A. Bogart Canadian Bankers' Association: Z.A. Lash, Henry T. Ross 89W.P., Journal, vol. 2., f. 339, February 3, 1919-9°W.P., "Minutes...3rd February 1919," p. 3-9 1 I b i d . , p. 4-9 2 I b i d . , p. 6. 9 3 I b i d . . p. 2. 9^Ibld., p. 5. 95 Canada, House of Commons Debates, 1934, 826. 9 6Bond, p. 31. 9 7 I b i d . , p. 34. 120 98 B.E.W., "On Canada to the Canadian Club; address delivered at the Eighth Annual Banquet of the Canadian Club on 12 November 1912, W.P., Box 25, pp. 3-4-99B.E.W., "Annual address," C.A.R., 1916, p. 859. 100B.E.W., "Annual address," Report of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, 1916 (Toronto: 1917), p. 39-101W.P., B.E.W. to F. W. Gookin, 30 April 1918. 102B.E.W., "Annual address," Report of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, 1913 (Toronto: 1914), p. 33; see also, B.E.W., Life Insurance, Bank Credits and Thrift (Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States, n.p. n.d.; address before the Joint Convention of the National Association of Life Underwriters of the United States and the Life Underwriters of Canada, 5th September, 1918), p. 7. 103B.E.W., "The finance of the War, A p r i l 25, 1918," Empire Club Speeches, 1917-18, p. 221. -^B.E.W., The Duty of Canadians to Canada: address before Canadian Club of Ottawa on Feb. 4, 1904 (n.p. n.d.), p. 6; see also, W.P., B.E.W. to Rev. J. MacDonald, 29 June 1910; also, W.P., B.E.W. to Arthur 0. Wheeler, 28 June 1923. 105B.E.W., "Sir Edmund Walker on a f f a i r s , " p. 14. 106B.E.W., Life Insurance, Bank Credits and Thrift, p. 7-^B.E.W., "The War and Canada," Annual Varsity Magazine, 1917, p. 10. 108 B.E.W., "Annual address," Report of the Canadian Bank of  Commerce. 1917 (Toronto: 1918), p. 49. 109B.E.W., "National finance," W.P., Box 25, p. 10. 110B.E.W., Life Insurance, Bank Credits and Thr i f t , p. 8. m I b i c L , p. 8. 112 Ibid., p. 11. 1 1 3 I b i d . , p. 9-^ I b i d . , p. 11. 121 CHAPTER III NOTES \ . ? . , B.E.W. to Hon. Wilfrid Laurier, 27 July 1891. 2B.E.W. , "Annual Address" for 1903, Reports of the Canadian  Bank of Commerce (Toronto: 1907), p. 595-3B.E.W., "Address to the Halifax Board of Trade, March 5, 1908," C.A.R., 1908, 437. B^.E.W., "East and west," i n Miller, John Ormsby ed., The New Era i n Canada (London: J.M. Dent, 1917), p. 149--*B.E.W., "Annual Address" for 1905, Reports of the Canadian Bank  of Commerce (Toronto: 1907), p. 648. 6The Toronto Globe,\ September 20, 1911: "If you do not open your doors a l i t t l e more l i b e r a l l y to us so that we can more nearly pay you in goods instead of always drawing on London for the purchase of what she has bought from us, i n order to pay you, you w i l l leave us no alternative but to keep up our t a r i f f walls u n t i l we can create at home almost every manufactured thing you s e l l us on ithe one hand, while on the other we seek trade preferably with any nation which takes pay in goods, so as to lessen our payment of actual money to you." See also, B.E.W., "The Industrial future of Canada," J.C.B.A., 16 (Jan. 1909), p. 112. ?W.P., B.E.W. to the Editor of the Globe, 20 September 1911. o W.P., Oversize Correspondence, S. Hughes to B.E.W., 14 March 1910. 9B.E.W. to Col. S. Hughes, 16 March 1910. 10W.P., H.K.S. Hemming to B.E.W., 29 January 1911, p. 4-1:LW.P., B.E.W. to H.K.S. Hemming, e l January 1911. Toronto-Daily Star, January 27, 1911. 13W.P., J. Flavelle to B.E.W., 2 February 1911. ^ I b i d . . p. 2. 122 l^Laurier Papers, Public Archives of Canada, Lash to Laurier, 3 February 1911.. "^Lionel Curtis was an Englishman born i n 1872 who had been the secretary of Sir Alfred Milner, the Bri t i s h High Commissioner i n South Africa. A member of Lord Milner*s "Kindergarten," Curtis was also a moving s p i r i t i n the Round Table movement. He helped found the Round Table quarterly. l7W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 289, February 5, 1911. 18W.P., B.E.W. to Lionel Curtis, 20 October 1911. 19C.A.R., 1911, p. 47. 2 0Robert Cuff, "The Toronto Eighteen and the election of 1911," Ont. Hist., 57 (Dec. 1965), 177-21W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 293, Feb. 20, 1911. W.P., B.E.W. to Z. A. Lash, 26 Apri l 1911. 23 A ledger dating between 1909 and 1913 has been kept in the Walker Papers. It appears to be quite meticulous. Since expenses for 1911 do not vary greatly from the other years, I assume that he made no personal contributions to the Conservatives. See also, W.P., P.A. Demick to B.E.W., 9 September 1911, i n which Demick asks.'.Walker for a subscription to quash Wine, Woman and Graft by C. S. Clark advertised by the following: "Every Liberal, every decent man, should read the history of f i l t h , of larceny, of subordination to theft, of receiving stolen goods, of sensual debauchery which characterized the Conservative regime from 1891 to 1896 where fact i s stranger than f i c t i o n and decide i f such characters are f i t and proper people to rule the country...." Sir Edmund refused to support the subscription. W.P., B.E.W. to P.A. Demick, 14 September 1911: "I*m not in the councils of the Conservative party and am therefore not interested i n the matter referred to. I should not suppose that anything so obviously malicious would be very hurtful." 2.LL Z.A. Lash, "Introduction," Reciprocity with the United States; Canadian Nationality, British Connection and f i s c a l independence (Toronto: Canadian National League, 1911), p. 5-25 Htf.P., B.E.W. to Abner Kingman, 27 September 1911. 2^L.E. E l l i s , Reciprocity, 1911 (New Haven: Greenwood Press, 1968; f i r s t published i n 1939), pp. 195-6. 123 2 7 C u f f , 169. 28W.P., W. L. Grant to B.E.W., 15 November 1911. 2 9 E l l i s , p. 195-3 0 C u f f , 170-172. 3 1Toronto News, February 20, 1911, "Followers of Sir Wilfrid Laurier notify the premier that they must place interests of Canada before those of party," #2 and #7. 3 2 I b i d . , #3 and #5; see also, An Appeal to Bri t i s h Born; to promote the sense of Canadian nationality as an increasing power within the Br i t i s h Empire and to preserve unimpaired the Canadian and British channels of commerce on which the prosperity of the Dominion has been founded (Toronto: Canadian National League, 1911), p. 6. 3 3Toronto News, February 20, 1911, "Followers...," #6; see also, W.P., B.E.W. to S.C.G. Watkins, 10 May 1923. 01 B.E.W., Reciprocity between Canada and the United States (n.p. n.d.), pp. 4-5. 35 B.E.W., Address; delivered at the Annual Dinner of the Canadian Manufacturers Association i n Montreal, Jan. 1911 (n.p. n.d.), p. 7-3 6 I b i d . , pp. 4-5. 37 B.E.W,, Reciprocity between Canada and the United States, pp. 3-4; see also., W.P., B.E.W. to Prof. W. J. Ashley, 16 March 1911; also, Home Market and Farm; how the agricultural and industrial prosperity of Canada depend on each other and w i l l be hurt by reciprocity with the United , States(Toronto: Canadian National League), p. 21. 38B.E.W., Reciprocity between Canada and the United States, p. 6. 39B.E.W., "Annual Address" for 1911, C.A.R., p. 4.. ^°B.E.W., "On Canada to the Canadian Club"; delivered to Eighth Annual Banquet of the Canadian Club on November 12, 1912, New York, W.P., Box 25, p. 6. 124 ^B.E.W., "Address to the Toronto Board of Trade, February 16, 1911, " CA.R.. 1911, p. 47. My underlining. Oversize Correspondence, R. E. Mclnnes to Sir Hugh Graham, 19 February 1911. ^Toronto News, February 20, 1911, "Followers...," #8, #9 and #10. ^W.P., Box 31, Canadian National League, p. 2. ^B.E.W. t "On Canada to the Canadian Club, Montreal, January 29, 1912, " W.P., Box 25, p. 6. See also, W.P., Out Correspondence, 17 November 1911, "Memorandum for Montreal Star." 46W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 385, July 9, 1912. ^ 7 I b i d . 48W.P., Box 29, "Canadian Countryman—Agreement made f i f t h day of February 1912." Besides Z.A. Lash and B.E. Walker, subscribers included: Edmund B. Osier W.R. Brock E.R. Wood Hiram Walker & Sons Ltd. R.W. Leonard Gooderham & Worts Ltd. William Mackenzie Hugh Graham 49W.P., Box 29, "Memorandum from McCreadie to Mr. Z.A. Lash." Later these objects were elaborated. See Appendix "B". 5°W.P., Z.A. Lash to B.E.W. ,30 December 1912. 51W.P., J.B. Maclean to B.E.W., 30 September 1912. 52W .R. Young, "The Countryside on the Defensive: Agricultural Ontario's Views of Rural Depopulation, 1900-1914," (unpublished M.A. Thesis, The University of British Columbia 1971), p. 223. 53 ^W.P., In Correspondence, Z;A. Lash to A.L. McCreadie, 28 January 1913, copy of R.M. Horne-Payne to potential subscribers, p. 2. 5%.P., Journal, vol. 3, f. 158, newspaper clipping t i t l e d , "Canada's National Problems," same in Box 25, "On Canada to the Canadian Club of London, England, Ap r i l 24, 1922," p. 1. 125 ^Berger, "Introduction," Imperial Relations i n the Age of Laurier (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969), p. v i i i . S e e also, Berger, The Sense of Power (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970), p. 259. 56 Berger, The Vision of Grandeur; studies in the ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914,(Ph.D., Toronto, 1967), p. 621. 57 Berger, The Sense of Power, p. 175-6; see also, The Vision of Grandeur, p. 290. -^Berger, The Sense of Power, p. 169; see also, The Vision of Grandeur, p. 283. 59 ^7B.E.W., "The future of Canada to the Schoolmen's Club," W.P., Box 25, p. 4. Ibid., p. 3. ^ I b i d . , p. 3. ^2B.E.W., The Duty of Canadians to Canada, p. 9. Ibid., p. 7. 6 4W.P., B.E.W. to Walter W. Black, 25 September 1923, p. 3-6^B.E.W., "The silver question i n the United States," J.C.B.A., 1 (September 1905), 74. 66W.P., B.E.W. to Mark H. Irish, 29 January 1924- When Walker outlined his thesis to the English i t was not accepted by them. See W.P., Journal vol. 3, f. 212, June 27, 1922: "Talk w. Beaverbrook, Bonar Law and Edwin Montagu.... When I joined in the discussion I succeeded in leading i t away to the question of the value of democratic government, not conditioned by a past history as i n Great Britain, but based upon democracy as a theory of society and government, as opposed to actual laws which demand that the able shall lead and the weak shall follow but be sheltered. Bonar Law was not prepared for the statement that the United States i s a failure as a democracy no matter how successful i n material things. The f i n a l answer i s always that while governments, nearly ideal, have existed under good although autocratic rulers, we cannot trust human beings to chance of that, which i s no proof that the best alternative i s such government as we have arrived at under democracy." 126 67 B.E.W., "On Canada to the Canadian Club of New York," p. 2. 68W.P., Box 25, "Notes for address at the 9th Congress of Chamber of Commerce, n.d.," p. 4; see also, B.E.W., Address; before the Canadian Club of Hamilton, March 23, 1923 (n.p. n.d.), p. 13; also, B.E.W., "The Financial outlook," p. 7. 69 7B.E.W., Address; before the Canadian Club of Hamilton, March 23, 1923, pp. 13 and 18. 7 0 I b i d . , p. 13. 71B.E.W., "Practical imperialism," Empire Club Speeches. 1903-4, p. 207. 7^Berger, The Vision of Grandeur, p. 282. .E.W., The Duty of Canadians to Canada, p. 8. 74B.E.W., "French and English relations," W.P., Box 25, p. 6. 7^Berger, The Sense of Power, p. 145. 76W.P., B.E.W. to A. Kains, 4 Ap r i l 1911. 77 W.P., Oversize Correspondence, H. J . Gardiner to Plummer, 31 October 1901 and, H. J. Gardiner to Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, 26 March 1901. Gardiner told Plummer that he had passed Walker's views on the language question on to Chamberlain and that Walker "may reasonably be credited with having had a definite influence upon the South African policy of our Empire." 78W.P., B.E.W. to Duke of Connaught, 28 September 1916; see also, W.P., B.E.W. to J . Flavelle, 7 November 1916. 79W.P., B.E.W. to D.. A. Dunlop, 29 December 1916. Walker only gave $25 to the Bonne Entente because of his "regard" for S i r George Garneau, the French Canadian organizer of the movement. Later, at the meeting of the group i n Toronto, Walker recorded i n his Journal "to me i t seemed a case of mutual decepting. The French speakers seemed to be wondering i f now the Ontario people would grant bilingual rights while the English speakers were wondering i f the French Canadian would enlist and play his part i n the war." W.P.,'Uournal," vol. 2, f. 178, Jan. 8, 1917. 127 8GW.P., B.E.W. to D. Macgillivray, 18 December 1918. 81B.E.W., "Practical imperialism," p. 210. 82 Ibid., p. 212. 8 3 I b i d . . pp. 210-11; see, W.P., B.E.W. to E. S. Montagu, 20 January 1904 i n which Walker complains that the present Imperial government has "generally made a mess of our interests"; also, B.E.W. "Address." Jubilee, p. 38. 84B.E.W., "Practical imperialism," p. 216. 8 5Toronto Globe. March 23, 1901. 8^B.E.W., "On Canada to the Canadian Club of New York, p. 4. 8 7 C a r r o l l Quigley, "The Round Table groups i n Canada, 1908-1930," C.H.R.. 43 (September 1962), 205. 8 8 I b i d . , 206^7. 8 9 I b i d . , 208. 90W.P., B.E.W. to J.S. Ewart, 9 March 1908. 9 1Glazebrook to Milner, 18 November 1908, cited i n Quigley, 209. 92 From the impressions of George Parkin Glazebrook and others, Quigley has postulated that the f i r s t real meeting of the Round Table was the group that Glazebrook assembled i n October 1908, although he noted that R.H. Brand of the London Round Table doubted t h i s , (see pp. 208-9). The London Round Table was not formed u n t i l almost a year later. I wonder i f confusion has resulted from the fact that there existed i n Toronto another Round Table to which Walker, Willison and Glazebrook a l l belonged. The " f i r s t Round Table," founded i n I896 by James Mavor and Goldwin Smith as a dining club, continued u n t i l the War. Glazebrook could very well have called a meeting of the f i r s t Round Table to meet with Milner. I have not been able to discover anything i n the Walker Papers to prove this conclusively. 9 3 C a r r o l l Quigley, 219. 128 94 W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 386, July 31, 1912. 9 5Toronto Star. July 13, 1912. 9 6 I b i d . 97W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 381, May 17, 1912. 98W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 382, May 20, 1912, "Memorandum," #3 and #4. "Memorandum for Borden": 1. There i s no room for doubt that the Canadian people as a whole desire tp play a serious part i n the defence of the Empire.... 2. The decisive opinion of Canada i s i n favour of such contribution to sea defence as w i l l give the maximum of security to Canada and the maximum of assistance to the Empire and of a programme so devised that while respecting Canadian autonomy the Canadian navy w i l l constitute an essential part of the B r i t i s h fleet i n time of war. 3. ....public opinion i n the meantime demands a cash grant or a contribution of 2 or more dreadnoughts to be built by Canada and supported by Canada but which shall constitute an integral portion of the Bri t i s h navy. 4. This step on the part of Canada would necessarily involve the representation of Canada i n the councils of the Empire in respect to defence. 99 "Memorandum of August 7, 1912," C.A.R.-. 1912, pp. 44-5. 100"Memorandum of May 20, 1912," #2 and "Memorandum of August 7, 1912,"- #2. 10l"Memorandum of May 20, 1912," #2 and #3 and "Memorandum of August 7, 1912," #3 and #4. 102"Memorandum of August. 7, 1912," #5 and #6. ^^Robert Laird Borden, Robert Laird Borden: His Memoirs (London: Macmillan, 1938),"'l, 408. 10 ,2fW.P., Journal, vol. 1., f. 327, July 6, 1911. 1 Q 5 l b i d . 129 1 0^Zebulon Lash, Defence and Foreign Affairs (Toronto: Macmillan, 1917), 107W.P., Journal, vol. 2, f. 91, December 30, 1915. 108 B.E.W., "Prefatory note," i n Lash, pp. 5-6. 109W.P., Journal, vol. 2, f. 91, December 30, 1915; see also, W.P., B.E.W. to Lord Milner, 1 Ap r i l 1916, p. 5, "I may say i n confidence that my friend, Mr. Z.A. Lash, perhaps the ablest lawyer i n Canada and certainly the most able i n drafting legislation has worked out these ideas i n the form of the necessary legislation. Should his labours seem to offer a solution from the Canadian point of view, they w i l l not be exploited but their effect may be f e l t i n the next Imperial conference." "^B.E.W., "Prefatory note," i n Lash, p. 6. ^ . P . , Journal, vol. 2, f. 177, January 6, 1917. 1 1 2 I b i d . 113 W.P., Vincent Massey to Lionel Curtis, 21 February 1916. "^Lash, p. 8. n 5 I b i d . . p. 46. 116 The Round Table i n Canada (Toronto: Rouss & Mann, 19th February 1917), pp. 3-4. ^ ^ I b i d . . p. 4. 118 John Conway, "The Round Table: a study i n l i b e r a l imperialism,"(Pn .D-, Harvard; 1951), pp. 32-33. 119 W.P., B.E.W. to D.B. Dewar and bank officers i n Quebec, Halifax, Vancouver, etc., 2 February 1917. 120W.P., Stella Van der Woort to B.E.W., 9 Ju3y 1917, "Notes of Toronto-Dominion Meeting, A p r i l 27, 1917," p. 1. 130 Ibid.. p. 1. 122T, _ Ibid., p. 7. 1 2 3 I b i d . , p. 7. 1 pi James Eayrs, "The Round Table movement i n Canada 1909-1920," Imperial Relations i n the Age of Laurier. p. 80. 125 W.P., B.E.W. to S i r John Willison, 22 August 1921. •I pZ •^°B.E.W., "The finance of the war, A p r i l 25, 1918," p. 217; see also, W.P., B.E.W. to Mr. Walter Lefroy, 11 December 1916; also, B.E.W., "Annual address," for 1915 Report of the Canadian Bank of  Commerce (Toronto: 1916), p. 39. 127 'H. B l a i r Neatby, "Laurier and imperialism," Imperial Relations  i n the Age of Laurier. p. 8. 128 B.E.W., "Canada in the war," Addresses delivered by S i r Edmund  Walker During the War (n.p. n.d.), p. 18. 129 W.P., B.E.W. to J . B. Bickersteth, 6 December 1922, p. 3. 130B.E.W., Life Insurance. Bank Credits and Thrift (Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States, n.d.), p. 11; see also, W.P., B.E.W. to S i r Robert Parks, 20 September 1918; also, W.P., B.E.W. to J . B. Bickersteth, 6 December 1922, p. 3} also, B.E.W., "Japan and the Far East," J.C.B.A.. 28 (Oct. 1920), p. 35; also, W.P., B.E.W. to Dr. Charles Schubert, 27 February 1923. 1 3 1 B .E.W., Life Insurance. Bank Credits and T h r i f t , p. 15. 132 B.E.W., "Canada, our country - notes; toast to dinner of Zetland Lodge, September 28, 1923," W.P., Box 25. 133 "^B.E.W., "Address at St. Andrew's Day Dinner, Chicago, November 30, 1920, - notes;" W.P.,-Box 25, pp. 5-6. 134B.E.W., "On Canada to the Canadian Club of London, England," W.P., Box 25, pp. 8-9; see also B.E.W., Address, before the Canadian Club of Hamilton, March 23, 1923 (n.p. n.d.), p. 10. 131 135W.P., B.E.W. to F.B. Francis, 19 March 1920. 136W.P., B.E.W. to S i r Robert H. Inglis-Palgrave, 21 September 1917. 137W.P., Robert Donald to B.E.W., 19 February 1917: "While the war has upset our plans, i t has given us an opportunity of promoting a greater movement. Instead of commemorating events which have passed, we should create an organization whose objects would be to knot together i n peace and amity a l l sections of the English speaking people." 1 3 8Berger, The Vision of Grandeur, p. 9. Cook, p. 167 CHAPTER IV NOTES "'"Stephen Leacock, "The university and business," Univ. Mag.. 12 (Dec. 1913), 543. •_ o Paul Goodman, "Ethics and enterprise; the values of the Boston Business e l i t e , " American Q.r 19 (1966), 438. 3 I b i d . , p. 444-^Cited by E. C. Kirkland, Dream and Thought i n the Business  Community (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1956), pp. 146-7. ^.P., S.H. Blake to B.E.W., 28 Apri l 1905. ^Stephen Leacock, "The university and business," Univ. Mag.. 12 (Dec. 1913), pp. 540-549. 7W.P., B.E.W. to Rev. J . Macdonald, 29 June 1910. 8B.E.W., "Address at Trin i t y College," W.P., Box 27, p. 2. 9 Ibid., p. 4; see also, B.E.W., The Duty of Canadians to  Canada, p. 2. "^.P., B.E.W. to W. C. Cornwell, 14 December 1899. "W.P.. Journal, vol. 3, f. HO, clipping dated A p r i l 12, 1912. Ibid. 13W.P., B.E.W. to Walter C. Murray, 18 September 1908. .E.W., "Notes for address at dinner i n connection with the Convention of American University Unions at Hart House, December 1, 1922," W.P., Box 25, p. 1. 15W.P., B.E.W. to Lt. Col. C. H. Mitchell, 30 December 1916. l6B.E.W., "On Canada to the Canadian Club of New York," W.P., Box 25, p. 5. 17 W.P., B.E.W. to J.B. Bickersteth, 6 December 1922, p. 3. 18 B.E.W., "Address on the University of Toronto, February 1913," W.P., Box 25, p. 1. 19W.P., Box 28, "University memorial, 1891-2, meeting of November 19, 1891," p. 1. 20 Toronto University, Report of Committee Appointed by the  Board of Trustees to Confer with the Bursar as to Capital and Income  Accounting; adopted November 8. 1893 (Toronto; Warwick Bro's and Rutter, 1893). ^B.E.W., "Address," Special Convocation of the University of  Trinity College. June 29. 1904 (n.p. n.d.), p. 8. *""Renewed l i f e for Varisty," Toronto World. November 30, 1900; see also, B.E.W., "Address at the annual banquet of the University Faculty of Medicine," C.A.R.. 1902, 421-2. 23W.P., S.H. Blake to B.E.W., 15 January 1910, "Memorandum from discussion between S.H. Blake and B.E. Walker." In Correspondence, copy of S.H. Blake to Hon. George Ross, 10 May 1901. 25W.P., B.E.W. to Hon. Charles Moss, 13 August 1902. 26 Charles W. Humphries, "James P. Whitney and the University of Toronto," Profiles of a Provincej p. 122; "the premier was convinced that Ontarioans must shape their provincial university; no trans-planted Harvard or hybrid Oxford-Cambridge for him." 27 Ontario Royal Commission, On the University of Toronto (Toronto: L.K. Cameron, 1906). 28 W.P., H.C. Kelly to B.E.W., 21 Apri l 1913. ^Robert Falconer, "Introduction," Glazebrook, p. XI. 134 3°W.P., Journal, vol. 2, f. 27, November 27, 1914. 3 1 I b i d . 32W.P., Journal, vol. 2, f. 26, November 27, 1914. 33 Glazebrook, p. 73. 3V.P., B.E.W. to J.S.H. Guest, 21 October 1919. 35W.P., B.E.W. to J.W. Flavelle, 20 November 1911. 36W.P., B.E.W. to J.W. Flavelle, 13 October 1916. 3 7James Mavor, My Windows on the Street of the World (London: J.M. Dent, 1922), p. 131. 3 8Glazebrook, p. 55 gives the following members: W.J. Alexander, James Bain, W.L. Clark, Canon Welch, O.A. Rowland, T.A. Haultain, Professor James Hutton, Professor James Mavor, J.S. Willison, Professor Ramsay Wright, and Goldwin Smith; see also, W.P., B.E.W. to Carter Troop, 17 March I896, i n which B.E.W. l i s t s besides himself, Goldwin Smith, Bain, Hutton, Alexander, Wrong, Mavor and Hodgins and suggests Prof. Fletcher, Frank Darling, Allen Cassels and Chancellor Boyd as new members; W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 11, November 4, 1899 notes that Wyly Grier i s i n chair i s i n chair for evening's meeting. 39Mavor> p.131. 4°W.P.. George Wrong to B.E.W., 29 November 1904. 41W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 285, December 1, 1910. ^W.P., Journal, v o l . 1, f. 478, November 13, 1913. ^%.P., B.E. Walker to J . Brydon, 31 January 1899. 4 4Bernard McEvoy, "Society of Canadian Authors," Can. Mag.. 12 (April 1899), 562. Stewart Wallace, A Sketch History of the Champlain Society (Toronto: Printed for the Society, 1937), p. 3j see also, W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 126, August 23, 1905. 135 46 Champlain Society Papers, University of Toronto Library, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, see B.E.W. to George Wrong, 5 March 1914, for example, i n which B.E.W. disagrees with Wrong's opinions of Doughty. '^W.P., "Creighton Memorandum," Box 32, p. 23. ^8B.E.W., The Duty of Canadians to Canada, p. 5. ^9B.E.W., "Address on Canadian literature," W.P., Box 25, p. 2. 50 ' B.E.W., "Canadian surveys and museums and the need of increased expenditure thereon," Pro, of the Royal Can. Ins t i t . . 2 (Nov. 1899), 76. 51W.P., B.E.W. to Hon. Clif f o r d Sifton, 27 Jan. 1902, p. 4j see also, W.P., B.E.W. to Si r Wilfrid Laurier, 23 May 1906. 52 B.E.W., "Address on the opening of the Royal Ontario Museum," W.P., Box 28, p. 4. 53W.P., B.E.W. to David Boyle, 31 August 1903. .E.W., "Canadian surveys and museums and the need of increased expenditure thereon," p. 88. 55W.P., B.E.W. to Premier Whitney, 7 May 1909. 56 For a study on the museums, see Harold G. Needham, "The Origins of the Royal Ontario Museum," (unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Toronto, 1970). 57B.E.W., "Address," Jubilee of S i r Edmund Walker, p. 37. 58W.P., B.E.W. to David Boyle, 8 October 1894. 59 B.E.W., "Canadian surveys and museums and the need of increased expenditure thereon," 75-89. 6°W.P., B.E.W. to Dr. Hoskin, 14 July 1904. ^"University Act of 1906," The University of Toronto and i t s  Colleges. 1827-1906 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1906), p. 290. 62W.P., B.E.W. to Prof. J. McCurdy, 26 January 1906. 63W.P., Box 32, "Creighton Memorandum," p. 21. ^Charles Trick Currelly, I Brought the Ages Home (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1956), p. 183. 65 Obid., p. 183. *^Sir Robert A. Falconer, "The Royal Ontario Museum and other museums i n Canada," U. of T. Q.. 11 (Jan. 1933), 178; also see, W.P., B.E.W. to Hon. T.W. McGarry, 20 February 1917 in which B.E.W. l i s t s following benefactors: Mrs. H.D. Warren, S i r Edmund Osier, S i r Henry Pellatt, Mr. Chester Massey, the late Mrs. Massey Treble, Mr. Z. Lash, Mr. Robert Mond. 67Needham, p. 163. ^Charles Trick Currelly, "Introduction," H.D., "The S i r Edmund Walker collection of Japanese prints," Bulletin of the Royal Ontario  Museum of Archaeology, p. 2. 69 Jesse Edgar Middleton, The Municipality of Toronto; a history (Toronto: the Dominion Pub. Co., 1923), II, 582. 70 Currelly, I Brought the Ages Home, p. 216. 7 1 I b i d . . p. 224. 72W.P., B.E.W. to R.A. Falconer, 8 January 1910. 73W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 253, December 31, 1909. 74 Bridle, p. 180. 75W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 267, June 6, 1910. 7 6Miner, p. 77. 77B.E.W., "On the George A. Reid g i f t , " W.P., Box 25, p. 4. 78W.P., B.E.W. to Mayor of Toronto, 14 Ap r i l 1897. 137 79B.E.W., "On the George A. Reid g i f t , " W.P., Box 25, p. 4. ^Toronto World. October 15, 1898. The rest lis t e d were Allan Cassels, S.H, James, E.F.B. Johnston, James Loudon, Bernard McEvoy, L.R. O'Brien, C.E.L. Porteaus, A.J. Somerville, A.F. Wickson; see also, Miner, p. 78, i n which she gives R.Y. E l l i s , J . P. Hynes, James Mavor, Col. H.M. Pellat, G.A. Reid and B.E. Walker as the members at the incorporation of the guild. 81 "Artists to the front," Toronto Globe. March 20, 1897. 82W.P., B.E.W. to J.S. William, 5 Ap r i l 1897. 8%.E.W., "On the George A. Reid g i f t , " W.P., Box 25, pp. 2-3. 8 4 I b i d . . p. 3. 85W.P., B.E.W. to Prof. G.M. Wrong, 1 February 1907. ^^Miner, p. 94, gives W.A. Langton, Frank Darling, R.Y. E l l i s , Prof. James Mavor, J.P. Murray, and Donald Bain as other members. 87W.P., B.E.W. to F.J. Stewart, 17 March 1900. .P., B.E.W. to Mrs. Morrow, 31 December 1900, p. 3. 89 7Ibid., p. 2: Hon. George A. Cox, William Mackenzie, J.W. Flavelle, Frederick Nicholls, Chester Massey. 9°W.P., B.E.W. to George A. Reid, 4 January 1901. 91W.P., B.E.W. to Hon. G.W. Ross, 2 May 1902. 92 7 Ontario Statutes. 1903, chapter 129, sections 5 and 6. 93B.E.W., "Address on the Art Gallery," W.P., Box 27, p. 5. 9/*W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 352, February 25, 1912. 95W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 350, February 23, 1912. 138 ^Walter S. Allward was born in Toronto i n 1875. After attending Dufferin School, he worked in an architect's office. At nineteen, Allward started sculpting. His best known work i s the memorial to Canadians at Vimy Ridge. 97W.P., B.E.W. to A.H. Campbell, 15 May 1901. 98W.P., B.E.W. to Hon. Adam Brown, 22 May 1902. 99 77W.P., Box 25, "Creighton memorandum," p. 19. ^ B r i d l e , p. 127. 101C.A.R.. 1910, 591. 102 O.J. Stevenson, "A voice and an answer," A People's Best (Toronto: The Mission Book Co. 1927), p. 34. 103W.P., Journal, vol. 1, f. 265, May 24, 1910. 1 0 4 B r i d l e , p. 124. 105 W^.P., B.E.W. to Mrs. W.R. Ostrom, 4 February 1912. 106W.P., B.E.W. to E.W. Fulton, 19 A p r i l 1909, underlining mine. 107 'W.P., Journal, vol. 2, f . 269, October 24, 1917. 108T,., Ibid. 109 'See James Mavor cited by Newton MacTavish, The Fine Arts i n Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1925), p. 84. 110W.P., E.W. Grier to B.E.W., 23 September 1910. -^Augustus Bridle, The Story of the Club (Toronto: The Arts and Letters Club, 1945), p. 56. 112 Ibid., p. 10. Box 27, "Memorial regarding the present condition and needs of Canadian art, signed George A. Reid." 139 "VP., Journal, vol. 1, f. 141, A p r i l 19, 1907. n 5w.p.. Box 31, PC 673, "Extract from a report of the Committee of the Privy Council, approved by the Governor General on the 3rd Ap r i l 1907." n6W.P., Journal, vol. 2, f. 378, A p r i l 22, 1912. 117W.P., B.E.W. to Mr. Fisher, 3 February 1909; see also W.P., B.E.W. to Mr. Fisher, 13 A p r i l 1909 i n which Walker discusses a disagreement about buying the impressionist work of Mary Wrinch and concludes " i n each purchase there i s merely the desire either to recognize the existence of good art, or to encourage i t s production in promising young a r t i s t s . " 118 A.Y. Jackson, A Painter's Country (Toronto: Clarke, Irwin & Co., 1958), p. XIV. 1 1 9Dennis Reid, The Group of Seven (Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada, 1970), p. 14. 120 wFor a biography of Eric Brown see Maud F. Brown, Eric Brown  and the National Gallery (Toronto: The Society of Art Publications, 1964). 121W.P., Box 25, "Notes for Address on the Mendelssohn Choir, February 28, 1924," p. 2. 122 F.B. Housser, A Canadian Art Movement: the story of the Group  of Seven (Toronto: Macmillan, 1926), p. 59. 1 2 3Brown, p. 57. "^Hector Charlesworth, "The National Gallery: a national reproach," Saturday Night. December 9, 1922. •^ W^.P., Eric Brown to B.E.W., 11 December 1922. •^ W^.P., Curtis Williamson to B.E.W., 15 October 1916; see also, W.P., Curtis Williamson to B.E.W., 18 August 1923. 127 'P.A.C., Borden Papers, "Memorandum from E.W. Thomson," 19 September 1918. 140 128 W.P., B.E.W. to Beaverbrook, 22 Ap r i l 1918. 129 7W.P., Beaverbrook to B.E.W., 11 June 1918. 130W.P., C.W. Jeffreys to B.E.W., 4 February 1919. Eric Brown to B.E.W., 10 September 1918, enclosed copy of Lawren Harris to Eric Brown. CONCLUSION NOTES Hector Charlesworth, More Candid Chronicles (Toronto: Macmillan, 1928), p. 116. 2 B.E.W., Canadian Credit and Enterprise; address delivered before the Canadian Club of Halifax, N.S., March 5, 1908 (n.p. n.d.), p. 1. %.P., Journal, vol. 3, f . 212, June 27, 1922. B^.E.W., "Annual address," Report of the Canadian Bank of  Commerce. 1917 (Toronto: 1918), p. 51. %.E.W., "On the future of Canada; address to the Kiwanis Club, 1922," W.P., Box 25, p. 14; see also, B.E.W. to W.H. Dennis, 6 December 1921; also, W.P., B.E.W. to S i r Robert Parks, 8 December 1921. 6See W.P., Journal, v o l . 3, f. 294, January 21, 1924; also, W.P., J.W. Flavelle to E.W. Beatty, 21 January 1924, copy i n Correspondence. Those present were E.R. Wood, R.Y. Eaton, J.W. Mitchell, J.J. Vaughan, J.W. Flavelle, and B.E. Walker. ^Houghton, p. 261. .142 BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES A. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES 1. University of Toronto Library, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections. The Champlain Society Papers. S i r Robert Falconer Papers. James Mavor Papers. S i r Byron Edmund Walker Papers. George Wrong Papers. 2. Public Archives of Canada. S i r Robert Borden Papers. S i r Arthur George Doughty Papers. S i r Wilfrid Laurier Papers. 3. Provincial Archives of Ontario. Sir James Whitney Papers. B. SIR EDMUND WALKER'S PUBLICATIONS, ARTICLES AND ADDRESSES 1890 The Canadian System of Banking and the National Banking System of the United States. Toronto: Trout & Todd, 1890. "An arbitrary gold reserve." J.C.B.A.. 27 (July 1920), 387-398. Argument before the Privy Council, February 22, 1890. 1891 ed. R.H. Inglis Palgrave, "Canadian banking," Palgrave's Dictionary of P o l i t i c a l Economy. London: Macmillan, 1891, pp. 101-2. 1893 "The silver question in the United States." J.C.B.A.. 1 (September 1905), 65-75. "Banking i n Canada." J.C.B.A.. 1 (September 1893), 1-25. Paper read before the Congress of Bankers and Financiers at Chicago, June 23, 1893. Reprinted i n Economic  Journal. 4 (June 1894), 227-48, and Banking i n Canada. Toronto: Monetary Times, 1896. 143 1894 "President's address at the Third Annual Meeting, Canadian Bankers' Association." J.C.B.A.. 2 (September 1894), 37-48. "Notes on the Clearing House Certificate." J.C.B.A.. 2 (December 1894), 208-213. Early Italian Painters; lecture at the University of Toronto, March 1894. n.p. n.d. 1895 "On monometallism and bi-metallism." Walker Papers (hence-forth W.P.) , Box 25. Address delivered i n Toronto, June 3, 1895. "President's address at the Fourth Annual Meeting, Canadian Bankers' Association." J.C.B.A.. 3 (October 1895), 33-43. 1897 "Why Canada i s against bi-metallism." J.C.B.A.. 5 (October 1897), 41-50. 1898 "President's address." Proceedings of the Royal Canadian Institute 2 (November 1898), 1-10. 1899 "Celebration of the f i f t i e t h year of the Canadian Institute, 1899." Transactions of the Royal Canadian Institute. 6 (December 9, 1899), 642-44. "Canadian surveys and museums and the need of increased expenditure thereon," Pro, of the Royal Canadian  Institute 2 (November 1899), 75-89. A History of Banking i n Canada. Toronto: 1909. Reprinted from A History of Banking i n A l l Nations. Journal of Commerce, 1899. 1900 "Review of a revision of the genera and species of Canadian palaezoic corrals,* by Lawrence M. Lambe." Canadian  Paleontology. 4 (April-May), 32-34. Address before the Canadian Manufacturers Association on August 30, 1900. Copy i n W.P., Edmund Walker to T.A. Russell, 19 September 1900. 1901 "Currency and banking." The Providence Journal. A p r i l 17, 1901. Address before the Bank Clerks Mutual Association at Providence, R.I. Reprinted i n Currency and Banking, n.p. n.d. "List of the published writings of Elkanah B i l l i n g s , paleontologist to the Geological Survey of Canada, 1856-76." Can. Record of Science. 8 (August 1901), 366-88. 144 1904 The Duty of Canadians to Canada, n.p. n.d. Address to the Ottawa Canadian Club on February 4, 1904. "Practical imperialism." Empire Club Speeches. 1904, 203-16. 1904 "Address." Special Convocation of the University of T r i n i t y College. June 29. 1904: D.C.L. to John Hoskin and B.E. Walker, n.p. n.d., 7-10. Also i n W.P., Box 27. Address: at the dinner of the Michigan Bankers' Association, held at the King Edward Hotel, Toronto, July 28, 1904. n.p. n.d. Fire Insurance, n.p. n.d. Address delivered before the Insurance Institute of Toronto, October, 1904. The Relations of Banking to Business Enterprise, n.p. n.d. Address to the Louisiana Bankers' Association, May 1904, and before the Bankers' Club of Detroit, November 1904. 1905 "A comparison of banking systems." J.C.B.A.. 12 (April 1905), 233-46. Address before the New York State Bankers' Association at Saratoga. 1906 "The Canadian system of banking." J.C.B.A.. 13 (January 1906), 143-47. "British Columbia i n relation to the rest of Canada." Proceedings of the Canadian Club of Vancouver. 1906, 11-20. "Gratitude to the pathfinders of our great Dominion." W.P., Box 32, Hamilton newspaper clipping dated December 14, 1906; Edmund Walker's address at Toronto Board of Trade, a tribute to Mr. William Mackenzie and Mr. D. Mann. 1908 "Abnormal features of American banking." J.C.B.A.. 16 (October 1908), 58-80. Also i n Toronto World. October 1, 1908. Address to American Bankers' Association at Denver, Col. "The industrial future of Canada." J.C.B.A.. 16 (January 1909), 106-114. Address to the Chamber of Commerce of New York state. 1911 Address: delivered at the Annual Dinner of the Canadian Manufacturers Association i n Montreal, January 1911. n.p. n.d. Banking in Canada, n.p. n.d. Address to the Institute of Bankers i n London, England, June 12, 1911. Reciprocity between Canada and the United States, n.p. n.d. Reprinted from the Mail and Empire. September 16, 1911. 1912 Canadian Bank Loans i n New York, n.p. n.d. Reprinted from The Monetary Times. January 6, 1911. "On Canada to the Canadian Club, Montreal, January 29, 1912." W.P., Box 25. "Banking and current problems." Bankers' Magazine. 85 (Spring 1912), 239-43. "On Canada to the Y.M.C.A." W.P., Box 25. Address given May Ik, 1912. Banking as a Public Service, n.p. n.d. Address to the New York State Bankers' Association at Buffalo, June 14, 1912. Also published as "Banking i n the United States and Canada." J.C.B.A.. 19 (July 1912), 264-72. "On Canada to the Canadian Club." W.P., Box 25. Address to the Eighth Annual Banquet of the Canadian Club of New York, November 12, 1912. 1913 "How the banks help development." The Monetary Times. 50 (January 1913), 28-9. "The needs of the University of Toronto." Proceedings of  the Canadian Club of Toronto. 10 (1913), 171-9. Also copy i n W.P., Box 25. "Canadian af f a i r s . " J.C.B.A.. 20 (July 1913), 313-21. Address delivered at c i t y luncheon, London, June 9, 1913. Reprinted from The United Empire. Canada and Canadian a f f a i r s , n.p. n.d. Address delivered to the Royal Colonial Institute, June 14, 1913. Reprinted from Canada. 1914 "Address at the opening of the Museum, March 18, 1914." W.P., Box 25. 1915 "On the future of Canada to the Schoolmen's Club, March 6, 1915." W.P., Box 25. The War and Finance; address delivered at Toronto, March 16, 1915. n.p. n.d. 146 1915 "Sir Edmund Walker delivers a significant message to the race." The Canadian Observer. Toronto, December 18, 1915. "Address." The Special Convocation of the University of Toronto to Confer Honourary Degree of L.L.D. on Members  of the American Peace Centenary Committee. University of Toronto Press, 1915, pp. 2-7. "The war and finance." Addresses Delivered by S i r Edmund  Walker during the War.n.p. n.d.(henceforth called Addresses), pp. 32^ 36*. Contributed to the 1915 Annual Varsity Magazine. 1916 "What the war means to Canada." Addresses, pp. 37-39. Reprinted from the 1916 Annual Varsity Magazine. 1917 Financial Aspects of the War, n.p, n.d. Reprinted from The Monetary Times. January 5, 1917. "Address." Addresses on the Sub.iect of the Centennial of  the Rush Bagot Agreement of 1817. N.Y.: H.K. Brewer, pp. 11-14. Delivered before the Lawyers' Club of New York, March 17, 1917. Financial Aspects i n Canada of the War, n.p. n.d. Reprinted from the Trust Companies magazine, March 1917. Address to the Seventh Annual Banquet of the Trust Companies of the United States. ed. John Ormsby Miller. "East and West." The New Era i n  Canada. London: J.M. Dent, 1917. "The war and Canada." Addresses. pp. 40-1. Reprinted from the 1917 Annual Varsity Magazine. 1918 "Canada i n the war." Addresses, pp. 5-19. Address before the Republican Club, New York, February 23, 1918. "The finance of the war." Empire Club Speeches. 1918, 216-26. "The f i r s t journal of the Canadian Bankers' Association." J.C.B.A.. 25 (July 1918), 265-69. "Address." Jubilee of S i r Edmund Walker, n.p. n.d. The jubilee was held July 24, 1918. Life Insurance. Bank Credits and T h r i f t . Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States. Address before the Joint Convention of the National Association of Life Underwriters and Life Underwriters of Canada, September 5, 1918. Also published in Addresses. pp. 20-31. 147 1918 "Canada and the victory loan." Canadian Magazine. 52 (November 1918), 595-97. Greeting to the Alpine Club of Canada. Winnipeg: Stovel, n.d. Reprinted from the 1918 Alpine Journal. "Peace and retribution." Addresses. pp. 42-3. Reprinted from the 1918 Annual Varsity Magazine. 1919 "Address to the Canadian Club, Kingston, January 27, 1919." W.P., Box 25. "A wise policy for Canada." Progress Bulletin #5 of the  Canadian Reconstruction Association. Reprinted from The Montreal Star. March 6. 1919. "Address." The Presentation of Hart House to the University  of Toronto by the Massey Foundation. November 11. 1919. Toronto: Rouss and Mann, n.d., pp. 5-7. 1920 "Japan and the Far East." J.C.B.A.. 28 (October 1920), 35-52. Address delivered to the Canadian Club, February 23, 1920, and to the Canadian Society of New York, May 1920. "The f i n a n c i a l outlook." The Caduceus, 1 (October 1920), 3-8; (November 1920), 18-22; (December 1920), 15-20. Address before the Canadian Wholesale Grocer's Association, August 26, 1920. 1922 "On Canada to the Canadian Club of London, England, A p r i l 24, 1922." W.P., Box 25. Also see, newspaper clipping t i t l e d , "Canada's national problems," and dated A p r i l 29, 1922 i n W.P., Journal, vol. 3, f. 158. "On the future of Canada." W.P., Box 25. Address to the Kiwanis Club, October 18, 1922. Also published i n The Municipal Review. November 1922, 223-25, and The British Columbia Financial Times. December 16, 1922, 3-4, 15. 1923 Canadian Banking. Toronto: The Canadian Bank of Commerce, 1923. Address: before the Canadian Club of Hamilton, March 23, 1923. n.p. n.d. "Sir Edmund Walker on aff a i r s . " The Journal of Commerce. January 27, 1923, 11-14. Address delivered before the Canadian Pulp and Paper Association, Montreal, January 27, 1923. 148 no "Canada and the Commonwealth." W.P., Box 25. date "Canadian literature." W.P., Box 25. "French and English relations." W.P., Box 25. "On the George A. Reid g i f t to the Guild of Civic Art." W.P., Box 25. "National finance." W.P., Box 25. C. ANNUAL ADDRESSES TO SHAREHOLDERS The Canadian Bank of Commerce Report. 1887-1924. D. UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO, AND ONTARIO GOVERNMENT COMMISSIONS Ontario, Commission on Finance, Report on the Financial Position  of the Province of Ontario. Toronto: Warwick Bro. & Rutter, 1900. Ontario Royal Commission, On the University of Toronto. Toronto: L.K. Cameron, 1906. Toronto University, Report of Committee appointed by the Board  of Trustees to Confer with the Bursar as to Capital and  Income Accounting. Toronto: Warwick Bro. & Rutter, 1893. SECONDARY SOURCES A. BOOKS Aitken, H.G.H. ed. Explorations i n Enterprise. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965. Arthur, Eri c . Toronto: No Mean City. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1964. Arts and Letters Club of Toronto, Yearbook of Canadian Art. London: J.M. Dent, 1913. Beckhart, Benjamin H. The Banking System of Canada: reprinted from Foreign Banking Systems. New York: Holt, 1929. 149 Berger, C a r l Clinton. The Sense of Power. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970. Borden, Robert Laird. Robert Laird Borden: His Memoirs. London: Macmillan, 1938. Breckenridge, R.M. The History of Banking i n Canada. Washington: Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1910. B r i d l e , Augustus. Sons of Canada. Toronto: J.M. Dent, 1916. . The Story of the Club. Toronto: The Arts and Letters Club, 1945. Briggs, Asa. V i c t o r i a n People: a reassessment of persons and themes, I85I-67. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955. Brown, F. Maud. Breaking Barriers: E r i c Brown and the National Gallery. Toronto: The Society f o r Art Publications, 1964. Buckley, Jerome H. The V i c t o r i a n Temper. New York: Vintage Books, 1964. F i r s t published i n 1951. Campbell, Marjorie Freeman, A Mountain and a C i t y ; the story of Hamilton. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1966. Canada, House of Commons. Proceedings of the Select Standing Committee  on Banking and Commerce. 1923. Charlesworth, Hector W. More Candid Chronicles. Toronto: Macmillan, 1928. Clark, G. Kitson. The Making of V i c t o r i a n England. London: Methuen, 1965. F i r s t published i n 1962. Cole, Arthur. Business Enterprise i n S o c i a l Setting. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959. C r i s w e l l , Grover C. North American Currency: the standard paper money reference. I a l o , Wis.: Krause, 1965. C u r r e l l y , Charles Tr i c k . I Brought the Ages Home. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1956. Currie, Archibald. Canadian Economic Development. Toronto: Nelson, i960. Dangerfield, George. The Strange Death of L i b e r a l England. New York: Capricorn Books, 1961. F i r s t published i n 1935. Diamond, Sigmund, The Reputation of American Businessmen. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1955. 150 Easterbrook, W. T., and H.G.H. Aitken, Canadian Economic History. Toronto: Macmillan, 1956. E l l i s , L.E., Reciprocity. 1911. New Haven: Greenwood Press, 1968. Firs t published i n 1939. Finberg, A.J. ed. Ruskin's Modern Painters. London: C. B e l l , 1927. Glazebrook, George Parkin de Twenebrokes, S i r Edmund Walker. London: Oxford University Press, 1933. Goldman, Eric F. Rendez-vous with Destiny: a history of modern American reform. New York: Vintage, 1952. Goodhart, C.A.E. The New York Money Market and Finance of Trade. 1900- 1913. Cambridge, Mass.; Harvard University Press, 1969. Graham, Roger. Arthur Meighen. Toronto: Clarke Irwin, 1963. Hague, George. Banking and Commerce. New York: The Bankers' Publishing Company, 1908. Harper, J . Russell. Painting i n Canada: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966. Hays, Samuel P. The Response to Industrialism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957. Himmelfarb, Gertrude. Victorian Minds. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1968. Hofstadter, Richard. The Age of Reform; from Bryan to F.D.R. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966. Hopkins, J . Castell ed. Morang's Annual Register of Canadian Af f a i r s . 1901. Toronto: George N. Morang, 1902. . The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs. 1901- 25. Toronto: The Annual Review Publishing Company, 1902-26. Houghton, Walter E., The Victorian Frame of Mind. London: Oxford University Press, 1957. Housser, F.B. A Canadian Art Movement; the story of the Group of Seven. Toronto: Macmillan, 1926. Hubbard, R.H. The Development of Canadian Art. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, I963. Jackson, A.Y. A Painter's Country. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin, 1958. Jameson, A.B. Chartered Banking i n Canada. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1959. 151 Johnson, E.D.H., The Alien Vision of Victorian Poetry. Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1963. Johnston, CM., The Head of the Lake; a history of Wentworth county. Hamilton: Robert & Duncan, 1958. Kirkland, E.C., Dream and Thought in the Business Community. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1956. Lash, Zebulon Aiton. The Banking System of Canada. Toronto: J . McKay, 1907. . Defence and Foreign Affairs; a suggestion for the Empire, with a prefatory note by S i r Edmund Walker. Toronto: Macmillan, 1917. Levine, Richard A. Backgrounds to Victorian Literature. San Francisco: Chandler, 1967. Lismer, Arthur. A Short History of Painting; with a note on Canadian painting. Toronto: Andrews' Bro's, 1926. Lochhead, Marion. The Victorian Household. London: John A. Murray, 1964. Loudon, James. The Memoirs of James Loudon: president of the University of Toronto, 1892-1906. Toronto: 1964. Mclvor, Russell Craig. Canadian Monetary. Banking and F i s c a l  Development. Toronto: Macmillan, 1958. McLeish, John A.B. September Gale: a study of Arthur Lismer and the Group of Seven. Toronto: J.M. Dent, 1955. McLeod, John T., and Kenneth J . Rea, Business and Government in Canada. Toronto: Methuen, 1969. MacTavish, Newton. The Fine Arts i n Canada. Toronto: Macmillan 1925. Margetson, S t e l l a . Leisure and Pleasure i n the Nineteenth Century. London: Cassell, 1969. Mavor, James. My Windows on the Street of the World. Middleton, Jesse Edgar. The Municipality of Toronto: A History. Toronto: The Dominion Publishing Co., 1923. Miner, Muriel M i l l e r . G.A. Reid. Canadian A r t i s t . Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1946. Morton, W.L. ed. The Shield of Achilles. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1968. 152 Neufeld, Edward Peter, Money and Banking i n Canada; hi s t o r i c a l documents and commentary. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1964. Nugent, Walter K. Money and American Society. New York: Free Press, 1968. Penlington, Norma, Canada and Imperialism. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965. Reid, Dennis, The Group of Seven. Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada, 1970. Ross, Victor. The History of the Canadian Bank of Commerce. Toronto: Southam Press, 1922. Sarpkaya, S. The Banker and Society. Institute of Canadian Bankers, 1968. Skelton, Oscar Davis, ed. David M.K. Farr. Life and Letters of S i r Wilfrid Laurier. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1965. Firs t published i n 1921. Smith, Goldwin, ed. Arnold Haultain. Reminiscences. New York: Macmillan, 1910. Stevens, George Roy. Canadian National Railways. Toronto: Clarke Irwin, 1962. Stokes, Milton L. The Bank of Canada. Toronto: Macmillan, 1939. Toronto University. The Benefactors of the University of Toronto  after the Great Fire of 14th February. 1890. Toronto: Williamson Book Co., 1892. . . The University of Toronto and i t s Colleges. 1827-1906. Toronto! University of Toronto Press, 1906. Wallace, Elizabeth, Goldwin Smith. Victorian Liberal. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1927. Wallace, William Stewart. A History of the University of Toronto. 1827-1927. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1927. ________ . A Sketch History of the Champlain Society. Toronto: Printed for the Society, 1957. White, S i r Thomas. The Story of Canada's War Finance. Montreal, 1921. Whittick, Arthur, Symbols. Signs and their Meaning. Newton, Mass.: Branford, i960. 153 Bank Act Revision Proceedings: extracts from and synopses of debates i n the House of Commons and of proceedings and discussions of evidence received by the Select Standing Committee on Banking and Commerce relating to the revision of the Bank Act and other matters concerning banking, 1913, 1923, 1924, and 1928. Canadian Bankers' Association, 1933. Jubilee of S i r Edmund Walker, n.p. n.d. Profiles of a Province: studies i n the history of Ontario. Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1967• B. ARTICLES, PAMPHLETS AND ADDRESSES Beatty, J.W. "A Canadian painter and his work." Can. Mag.. 26 (April 1906), 546-57. Bl i s s , J.M. "A Canadian businessman and the war: the case of Joseph Flavelle." Unpublished manuscript, 1970. . "The Methodist church and World War I." C.H.R.. 49 (September 1968), 213-33. Bond, David E. "The Development of the Canadian financial system." Unpublished manuscript, 1970. Bridle, Augustus. Sons of Canada. Toronto: J.M. Dent, 1916. Brown, Eric . "Canada and her art." Annals of Am. Acad, and  Soc. Sc i . . 45 (January 1913), 171-6. Canadian National League. An Appeal to Br i t i s h Born; to promote the sense of Canadian nationality as an increasing power within the Br i t i s h Empire, and to preserve unimpaired the Canadian and British channels of commerce on which the prosperity of the Dominion has been founded. Toronto: Canadian National League, 1911. . Home Market and Farm; how the agricultural and industrial prosperity of Canada depend on each other and w i l l be hurt by reciprocity with the United States. Toronto: Canadian National League, 1911. . Reciprocity with the United States; Canadian nationality, B r i t i s h connection and f i s c a l independence. Toronto: Canadian National League, 1911. 154 Canadian National League. The Road to Washington: and why public men and newspapers i n the United States believe that the reciprocity agreement w i l l lead to commercial union of Canada with the United States. Toronto: Canadian National League, 1911. Champion, Thomas, "Canadian Celebrities #4: Byron Edmund Walker." Can. Mag.. 13 (June 1899), 158-160. Colby, C.W. "Sir Edmund Walker." The Cadueeus. 5 (June 1924), 3-18. . "Sir Edmund Walker." Dalhousie Review. 4 (July 1924), 152-61. . "Sir Edmund Walker." Canadian Banker. 56 (Spring 1949), 92-101. Cook, Ramsay, ed. J.S. Moir. "Stephen Leacock and the age of plutocracy, 1903-1921." Character and Circumstance. Toronto: Macmillan, 1970. Creighton, D.G. "The Victorian and the Empire." C.H.R.. 19 (July 1938), 138-154. Cuff, Robert D. "The Toronto Eighteen and the election of 1911." Ont. Hist.. 57 (December 1965), 169-80. Fairburn, M.L. "A decade of Canadian art." Can. Mag., 17 (June 1901), 159-63. Fairley, Barker. "Canadian war paintings." Can. Mag.. 54 (November 1919), 3-H. Falconer, R.A., "The Royal Ontario and other museums i n Canada." U. of T. Q.. 2 (January 1933), 168-185. Flavelle, J.W. The Present Administration of the University of Toronto: address to the Canadian Club, May 2, 1922. Toronto: 1922? _____ . "The railway situation i n Canada." J.C.B.A.. 32 (April 1924), 356-62. Goodman, Paul. "Ethics and enterprise; the values of the Boston Business e l i t e . " American Quarterly. XVIII (1966), 437-51. Grant, W.L. "Current events." Q.Q.. 19 (October 1911), 170-5. Hale, Katherine. "Walter S. Allward, sculptor." Can. Mag.. 52 (January 1919), 783-788. Harris, Lawren. "The Group of Seven i n Canadian history." C.H.A.R.. 1948, 28-38. 155 Howard, C.S. "Canadian banks and bank notes: a record." Can. Banker. 57 (Winter 1950), 30-66. Jackson, A.Y. "A view of Canadian art." Empire Club Speeches. 1925, 105-13. Jaher, F.C. "The Boston Brahmins i n the age of industrial capitalism." The Age of Industrialism i n America. New York: Free Press, 1968, pp. 188-263. Johnston, E.F.B. "Canadian collectors and modern Dutch art." Can. Mag. 36 (March 1911), 430-434. Kerr, Philip. "What the British Empire really stands for." The Round Table i n Canada, I (June 1917). Lash, Zebulon Aiton. "The United States Federal Reserve Act and the Canadian banking system with some contrasts." J.C.B.A. 26 (April 1919), 224-44. Leacock, Stephen. "The university and business." Univ. Mag.. 12 (December 1913), 540-49. MacCallum, M. "Tom Thomson painter of the north." Can. Mag.. 50 (March 1918), 375-85. McEvoy, Bernard. ! "Society of Canadian Authors." Can. Mag.. 12 (April 1899), 56I-63. McQuarrie, A.H. "Robert Borden and the election of 1911." C.J.E.P.S.. 25 (August 1959), 271-86. MacTavish, Newton. "Sir Edmund Walker's collection of art." Can. Mag.. 52 (February 1919), 833-41. Masters, D.C. Reciprocity. 1844-1911. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association Booklet #12, 1961. Neatby, H.B., Craig Brown et a l . Imperial Relations i n the Age of Laurier. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969. Parkhurst, E.R. "The Mendelssohn Choir." Can. Mag.. 28 (January 1907), 343-6. Pelham, Edgar. "The Royal Ontario Museum." U. of T. Q.. 17 (January 1948), 168-178. Pijoean, J . "Art for the people." Can. Forum. 1 (August 1921), 336-38. 156 Quigley. Carroll. "The Round Table groups i n Canada, 1908-1938." C.H.R.. 43 (September 1962), 204-24. Radford, J . A. "Canadian art and i t s c r i t i c s . " Can. Mag.. 27 (October 1907), 513-19. Reid, George A. "Mural decoration." Can. Mag.. 10 (April 1898), 501-8. Sifton, C l i f f o r d , "Reciprocity." Annals of Am. Acad. & Soc. S c i . 15 (January 1913), 20-28. Stevenson, O.J. "A voice and an answer." A People's Best. Toronto: The Mission Book Co., 1927. Walker, Edmund Murton, ed. Glenn B. Wiggins. "Autobiographical Sketch." Centennial of Entomology i n Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966, pp. 15-34. Wallace, W.S. "The l i f e and work of George M. Wrong." C.H.R.. 29 (June 1948), 229-39. "B.E. Walker." The Monetary Times. A p r i l 7, 1893, 1194. Catalogue of Highly Important Old and Modern Pictures and Drawings; estates of Chester D. Massey, S i r William Mackenzie, Sir Edmund Walker, Public Sale. Toronto: Jenkins, B.M. & T., 1927. Held at the Jenkins Galleries i n Toronto. UThe fine arts from Canada." Can. Mag.. 63 (July 1924), 133-44. The Round Table i n Canada; how the movement began, what i t hopes to accomplish. Toronto: Rouss & Mann, February, 1917. "The S i r Edmund Walker collection of Japanese prints." Bulletin of  the Royal Ontario Museum of Archaeology. VI (July 1927), introduction by C.T. Currelly. "Sir Edmund Walker's f i f t i e t h anniversary as a banker." Banker's  Magazine. 97 (Spring 1918), 318-319. C. THESES Berger, Carl Clinton. "The Vision":of Grandeur; studies i n the ideas of Canadian imperialism, 1867-1914." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation: University of Toronto, 1967. Conway, John. "The Round Table: A Study i n Liberal Imperialism." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation: Harvard, 1951. 157 Humphries, Charles Walter. "The P o l i t i c a l Career of S i r James Whitney." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation: University of Toronto, 1967. Needham, Harold G. "The Origins of the Royal Ontario Museum." Unpublished M.A. thesis: University of Toronto, 1970. Nelles, H.V. "The P o l i t i c s of Resource Development; Forests, Mines and Hydro Elect r i c Power i n Ontario, 1890-1939." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation: University of Toronto, 1970. Prang, M.E. "The P o l i t i c a l Career of Newton W. Rowell." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation: University of Toronto, 1959. Young, W.R. "The Countryside on the Defensive; Agricultural Ontario's Views of Rural Depopulation, 1900-1914." M.A. thesis: The University of British Columbia, 1971. 158 APPENDIX "A" SIR EDMUND WALKER'S NOTES FOR THE CANADIAN BANK OF COMMERCE In 1918 the Canadian Bank of Commerce issued a new series of notes to commemorate Sir Edmund Walker's 50th Anniversary with the bank. Prior to their circulation, the notes of a l l the Canadian banks looked alike because the scenes on the bills a l l came from the same catalogue, resulting in much confusion for the banks. The new notes of the Canadian Bank of Commerce were not only distinctive, but they also displayed its president's Victorian art tastes and his Victorian ideas on service. The president of the Canadian Bank of Commerce and the American Bank Note Company spent six years working on the new series. In 1912, Sir Edmund called in three Toronto artists to help him with the preliminary sketches. They were («A.H) Howard, designer and illuminator, . Walter S. Allward, sculptor, and Arthur Hemming, noted illustrator of the Canadian north.^ From the beginning, Walker with his Victorian love of allegory, emphasized his intention of using symbolic figures on the notes. He believed that the Western world universally accepted the 3 symbols displayed on the new notes. Although A. E. Forringer, an American illustrator known for his use of allegory, actually designed the notes,4 Sir Edmund closely supervised their entire production. Sir Edmund Walker chose allegorical scenes to teach Canadians that al l Canadian industries, including banking, served Canada. Not for a moment, did he want Canadians to worship their monetary value. In one 159 memorable address, The Duty of Canadians to Canada, he warned about the dangers that would b e f a l l Canada: " i f we act as i f the almighty dollar i s the end, i t w i l l be the end, and this country w i l l become a huge oligarchy dominated by selfis h industrial interests."^ Sir Edmund informed Canadians that bank notes were only temporary things redeemed by the 6 banks when they had finished their duty. The only permanent thing, 7 worthy of a citizen's service, was Canada. g The new series begins with the 15 note i n which three figures, with cloth carefully draped about their parts, represent the three prominent ingredients that w i l l determine Canada's future. Mercury, the central male figure, i s the god of commerce holding the caduceus, the crest of the Canadian Bank of Commerce. He appears to be wearing a bowler-type hat appropriate to Walker and his fellow businessmen. The two figures supporting him are, on the l e f t , the goddess of architecture carrying a drafting board and pencil, and, on the right, the goddess of invention displaying the greatest invention of the day, the airplane. It may be concluded from the arrangement that commerce supplies the neces-sary funds both for creating new inventions and for physically building the nation. Because Mercury has placed his foot on top of the globe, a 9 symbol of worldwide communication, banking links North America with the world. Canadians could quickly establish the identity of the Canadian Bank of Commerce notes since the backs were a l l the same except for the numbers. On the $10 b i l l , for example, Mercury and Ceres, goddess of agriculture, hold the Br i t i s h crown over the seal of the Canadian Bank of Commerce with the Union Jack above them. Here very graphically X I I I . XIV. XV. 1 6 0 a XVII. XVIII. 160 portrayed i s S i r Edmund Walker's goal for the Canadian nation. Farming, Canada's greatest industry, and commerce, the 'arm of the state,' are shown serving Canada by upholding the eternal principles of Anglo-Saxon liberty, represented by the crown, i n a nation of the Empire, symbolized by the flag . The f r u i t s of the earth i n the right corner, and the cog and chemical retort, manufacturing apparatus, i n the l e f t , further emphasize farming and manufacturing as Canada's most important industries. The seal of the Canadian Bank of Commerce i s present to remind a l l of i t s service i n developing Canada. A gentle, i d y l l i c landscape decorates the front of the $10 note. Ceres si t s i n the l e f t offering her harvest to Juno, goddess of the state, while on the right a handsome shepherd youth tends his flock. No words could have better described Sir Edmund Walker's views of the country. Walker, l i k e many of his fellow Victorians, looked upon the countryside through the rosy glasses of the rural myth. Throughout his l i f e S i r Edmund extolled the virtues of the s o i l where people " l i v e simply, hate 10 public and private debt, and are not easily moved by social vagaries." On many occasions he urged his fellow urban Canadians to return to the 11 land. When actual farmers with actual problems about the t a r i f f actually confronted Sir Edmund Walker, urban banker, he momentarily forgot the service that the farmers were giving to Canada. Reciprocity i n 1911 made him aware that farmers did not live according to his romantic ideas about them. Canada's fishing industry was recognized by S i r Edmund on the $20 note. Enthroned on the rocks i s Neptune, god of the sea, who is super-vising the beautiful sea maidens. Waving his magic wand of banking over the scene of the fishermentfs service i s , of course, Mercury, god of 161 commerce. Si r Edmund glorified the new manufacturers on the $50 note where Vulcan, patron of craftsmen, forges his thunderbolts on the l e f t , and on the right, several strange looking bottles symbolize science, a necessary adjunct to manufacturing. In the shadows are men handling machinery and behind the scaffolding of a monumental structure arises. Completing the themes of the earlier notes i s the $100 note. This note traced Canada's history through the eyes of S i r Edmund Walker. In the extreme right i s a sturdy pioneer following a treacherous path with crumbling stones at his feet and the forbidding Canadian mountains i n the background. Looking at the heroic pioneer await a goddess holding winged Victory and a palette, symbol of art and culture, another displaying a chemical retort representing science, and s t i l l another goddess l i f t i n g the cornucopia, horn of plenty. Manufacturing, the brawny figure s i t s beyond them and above the entire group, Mercury again waves his wand. Thu3 Canada, i n S i r Edmund's vision, was developing from a pioneer colony into a proud nation of culture, science and manufacturing. The Union Jack flying over the scene determined that Canada would always be a nation within the great Empire. Faithfully aiding Canada throughout this magnificent history are the banks. The a r t i s t i c quality of the new notes of the Canadian Bank of 12 Commerce drew praise from several quarters. Canadian nationalists, who demanded more Canadian content on the notes did, however, c r i t i c i z e their allegorical treatment. One, the mysterious "Old Wild Man of Alberta," writing to S i r Edmund i n 1918, reminded him that the pagan gods did have their faults, for "Mercury was god of thieves as well as of commerce. 162 13 What an emblem for a bank I" Nude goddesses, the Western correspondent believed, would also present serious dilemmas for upright Canadians. "What w i l l our good Methodists or Presbyterians say," he questioned, ...about a l l breasts out, open for inspection? They surely w i l l accept the b i l l s , but w i l l shut their eyes, and privately, hide the breasts under ink, or something. Personally when they are nice, no objections at a l l . 14 In addition to these faults of propriety, he found pagan allegories unsuited to Canada and suggested more Canadian themes of "the beaver, Indians, the buffalo..._and/ the f i s h e r i e s . " 1 ^ I n the same vein, J. Pijoean, reviewing the a r t i s t r y of a l l the Canadian banks' notes for the Canadian Forum, advised the banks to picture Canadian landscapes lik e those chosen by the Group of Seven, and scenes from Canadian history."^ The 1918 series of notes of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, then, portrayed S i r Edmund Walker's hopes for Canada. For him, building Canada was the only valid object of a citizen's l i f e . He tried to show in the allegorical scenes on the notes that every worker served Canada and that the results of their service would be a highly cultured, s c i e n t i f i c modern nation which would maintain the partnership of farmers, businessmen, manufacturers and fishermen. By 1918, his allegories were outdated. Their Victorian aesthetics and their Victorian themes of service no longer appealed to Canadians. APPENDIX "A" NOTES 1 W.P. Journal, vol. 1., f. 348, February 12, 1912. ^.P., B.E.W. to J. A. Machado, 23 December 1912. 3 I b i d . 4C.F.E. Carpenter to B. R. Marshall, 27 February 1970; also E.R. Hunter to B.R. Marshall, 11 February 1971. c 'B.E.W., The Duty of Canadians to Canada, p. 8. 6B.E.W., "The Financial outlook," p. 7. 7B.E.W., "Address," Jubilee of Sir Edmund Walker, p. 38. 8 For descriptions of the notes by contemporaries see, Ross, II, pp. 548-552; also, Montreal Gazette. July 22, 1918. 9 Arthur Whittick, Symbols. Signs and Their Meaning (Newton, Mass: Charles T. Branford, I960), p. 32. 1 0B.E.W«, Canadian Credit and Enterprise, p. 3. .E.W., "Annual address," Reports of the Canadian Bank of  Commerce.(Toronto: 1907), 1891, p. 277; also, W.P., B.E.W. to Acton Burrows, 12 January 1897; also W.P., B.E.W. to F. N. Yarwood, 31 January 1917; also, B.E.W., "The'War and Canada," Addresses  Delivered by Si r Edmund Walker During the War, p. 9-"^.P., Charles W. Jeffreys to B.E.W., 2 August 1918; see also J. Pijoean, "Art for the People," Can. Forum. 1 (Aug. 1921), 337. 1:5W.P., "Old Wild Man of Alberta" to B.E.W., 6 November 1918. -^Ibid.. p. 2. 1 5 I b i d . , p. 1. l 6Pijoean, 338. APPENDIX "B" I64 "Memorandum on The Canadian Countryman from A* L. McCreadie to S i r Edmund Walker, July 12, 1912," W. P., Box 29. OBJECTS: 1. Making agriculture production more profitable, less costly and more abundant. 2. Making agriculture more interesting, and country l i f e more comfortable and satisfying. 3. Becoming better acquainted with a l l that is best i n other parts of Canada and other parts of the world, as i t exists or i s discovered; and i n learning by the experience of others. 4. Gaining an understanding of other Canadians in distant parts of our country so as to promote harmony and sympathy i n matters of common concern. 5. Getting acquainted with the interesting facts of our national history, that patriotism may be based on honest knowledge and so be intelligent and sincere. 6. Learning the s t a t i s t i c a l and other facts of industry and commerce, that he may be more successful i n business under-takings . 7. Keeping posted on public affairs by getting unbiased and thorough accounts of questions and policies, l o c a l , and imperial. 8. Securing better educational f a c i l i t i e s for the young and especially more agricultural education for those of a l l ages wanting i t . 

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