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Alienation, deviance and social control : a comparative sociological analysis of official reactions to.. Fricke, John George 1970

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ALIENATION, DEVIANCE AND SOCIAL CONTROL: A COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF OFFICIAL REACTIONS TO RADICAL LABOR MOVEMENTS IN THE U.S. AND CANADA  by JOHN GEORGE FRICKE B.A., University of Alberta, Edmonton, 1968  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  !  i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1970  / In p r e s e n t i n g  this thesis  an advanced degree at the  in p a r t i a l  f u l f i l m e n t of  the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h  the  requirements  Columbia,  L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e  and  I f u r t h e r agree that p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may  granted by  by  his  of  t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain  written  representatives.  be  the  Head of my  It i s understood that shall  not  be  thesis  Department  permission.  Department of  Anthropology  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Vancouver 8, Canada  October  6,  1970  and  Columbia  Sociology  or  publication  allowed without  G.  that  Study.  this  copying or  (John  Date  I agree  for  Fricke)  my  i  ABSTRACT' This study investigates some factors involved i n the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance by regarding established values and norms as major sources of deviant behavior. Important kinds of p o l i t i c a l deviance i n North American society are seen as emerging from a cleavage i n perspective which originates i n the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l backgrounds of e l i t e s and none l i t e groups.  ' E l i t e s ' are groups of individuals who hold positions  at the apex of the various i n s t i t u t i o n s , and who can appreciably influence the l i f e chances of others.  The term 'non-elite groups'  refers to those groups of persons who have no such prerogative. Existing standards of behavior are taken as a point of departure by regarding them as alienating conditions from the viewpoint of some non-elite members of society.  Such non-elite estrange-  ment from existing values and norms may result i n protest which, i n a given circumstance, officialdom may define as deviant conduct.  In  order to dissolve the challenge which this deviance s i g n i f i e s to commonly accepted standards the authorities may react to i t by the enacting and/or application of rules.  The types of devices the  authorities w i l l apply to control the deviant conduct depend upon the conditions they perceive as motivating i t . Two s o c i a l conditions are here assumed to be frequent sources of a l i e n a t i o n and, ultimately, deviance.  One such condition has i t s  ii  o r i g i n i n the man-work r e l a t i o n s h i p and can be d e s c r i b e d i n terms o f the orthodox Marxian n o t i o n o f a l i e n a t i o n from work. tion refers  to the t o t a l disenchantment  Another  condi-  o f a group o f i n d i v i d u a l s  w i t h e s t a b l i s h e d v a l u e s and norms. These assumptions  suggest the i n t e r r e l a t i o n o f the t h r e e  major s o c i o l o g i c a l concepts o f a l i e n a t i o n , deviance and s o c i a l i n o r d e r to demonstrate  control  t h a t the phenomena r e p r e s e n t e d by them mani-  f e s t themselves i n a temporal sequence  t h a t i s i n t e g r a l to the p r o c e s s  of becoming d e v i a n t . T h i s t h e o r e t i c a l o u t l i n e guided the s o c i o l o g i c a l t a t i o n of h i s t o r i c a l materials  interpre-  t h a t encompass some of the a c t i v i t i e s  engaged i n by r a d i c a l l a b o r movements p o s t - W o r l d War I and I I p e r i o d s .  i n North America d u r i n g the  Documents from Labor, b u s i n e s s and  government sources were i n t r o d u c e d as the d a t a . The study confirms an often-made assumption  that  political  deviance and p o s s i b l y o t h e r forms o f d e v i a n c e emanate from a c l e a v a g e i n p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t a r i s e s from the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e s common to e l i t e s  and n o n - e l i t e groups.  Where such c l e a v a g e i s a p p r e c i -  a b l e , the a u t h o r i t i e s f r e q u e n t l y p e r c e i v e Labor's conduct as m o t i v a ted by a Communist c o n s p i r a c y t h a t aims a t the replacement o f e x i s t i n g standards w i t h the o b j e c t i v e s of the " c o - o p e r a t i v e commonwealth". Where t h i s c l e a v a g e i s l e s s pronounced,  the a u t h o r i t i e s  some groups o f i n d i v i d u a l s as d i s a f f e c t e d from the work  perceive role.  iii  A comparison of the U.S. and Canadian perspectives  of the  events examined generally reveals only minor differences between the U.S. and Canadian Labor Movements.  These differences are here regar-  ded as resulting from the evolution of the North American Trade Union Movement i t s e l f .  No important differences are found to exist between  the perspectives  of these incidents by the U.S. and Canadian authori-  ties i n the two h i s t o r i c a l periods  examined.  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT  i  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  v  CHAPTER I : INTRODUCTION  1  The Problem Social Control Alienation and Deviance Societal Reaction to P o l i t i c a l Deviance Footnotes CHAPTER I I :  SOME OFFICIAL REACTIONS TO RADICAL LABOR MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA  The Period of the "Red Scare" of 1919 i n the United States The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 i n Canada Some O f f i c i a l Reactions to Problems of the U.S. Labor Movement Following World War II Some O f f i c i a l Reactions to Problems of the Canadian Labor Movement i n the Post-World War II Period Footnotes CHAPTER I I I :  TWO FORMS OF POLITICAL DEVIANCE AND SOCIAL CONTROL  P o l i t i c a l Deviance stemming from Source (V-F) P o l i t i c a l Deviance Stemming from Source (F-V) Control Devices Footnotes CHAPTER IV:  SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS  Summary Conclusions Implications Footnotes  1 12 20 23 30  34  36 51 72 83 98 104 106 121 138 142 143 143 151 154 160  V  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  I wish  to express my g r a t i t u d e to Dr. R.S. Ratner who has  p r o v i d e d c o n s t r u c t i v e c r i t i c i s m and guidance tion of this  throughout  the formula-  study.  Thanks a r e due to Dr. R. S i l v e r s who has been a s o u r c e o f h e l p and encouragement whenever i t was needed.  I a l s o would l i k e to  thank P r o f e s s o r David S c h w e i t z e r f o r h i s h e l p f u l s u g g e s t i o n s . My s i n c e r e thanks a l s o go to a l l those people who have taken an i n t e r e s t i n my work. Last but not l e a s t , I should l i k e t i o n t o my w i f e L i v i a who never f a i l e d  to express my a p p r e c i a -  to p r o v i d e h e r f u l l  support  f o r t h i s study and who d i d n o t o b j e c t to the " l o n e l y " hours i t o f t e n demanded o f h e r .  1  CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Problem The study of p o l i t i c a l deviance h a s , . i t seems, had a somewhat chequered h i s t o r y i n sociology.  Sociologists have leveled  considerable attention upon the examination of aberrant  behavior,  but i t would appear that p o l i t i c a l non-conformity has, i n the l i t e r ature, not received the attention i t deserves. 1 Writers, such as Horton and L e s l i e (1965),  for example,  have devised a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system, which includes offenders that would bear a resemblance to the p o l i t i c a l deviant.  This scheme  embraces persons, who have become known as offenders as a result of unjust enforcement, or because their offense represented a pretext for action against them as holders of unpopular p o l i t i c a l views. 2 3 While Void (1965) and Merton (1966) as well as Clinard and Quinney 4 (1967) include i n their c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of criminals the p o l i t i c a l 5 deviant, D i n i t z , Dynes and Clarke (1969), i n their comprehensive study of stigmatization and s o c i e t a l reaction to deviance,devote but scant attention to the problems of the p o l i t i c a l deviant. Clinard 6 and Quinney (1967), for example, have openly c r i t i c i z e d s o c i o l o g i s t s for having neglected the study of the p o l i t i c a l deviant i n favor of 7 8 the aberrant. Matza (1969), too, notes that i n s u f f i c i e n t attention  2  has been p a i d by s o c i o l o g i s t s major source o f  to the r o l e of s t a t e a u t h o r i t y as a  deviance.  I t would thus appear t h a t , a p a r t from attempts a t ing  the p o l i t i c a l d e v i a n t as a "type" and  t i o n s f o r the d e v i a n t conduct, to  the aims of c o r r e c t i o n ,  classify-  f i n d i n g c a u s a l explana-  i n t h i s manner making i t a c c e s s i b l e  t h e r e i s a ; p a u c i t y of s t u d i e s i n the  liter-  a t u r e , which a c t u a l l y attempt to a n a l y s e a c t i v i t i e s p e r c e i v e d as b e i n g d e v i a n t i n the p o l i t i c a l sphere. with  Some e x p l o r a t i v e r e s e a r c h  t h i s g o a l i n mind would t h e r e f o r e seem to be t i m e l y . In o r d e r to accomplish  made i n t h i s study  t h i s o b j e c t i v e , an attempt w i l l  be  to b r i n g t o g e t h e r and i n t e r r e l a t e three major s o c -  i o l o g i c a l concepts, namely, a l i e n a t i o n , deviance  and s o c i a l  control,  which are c o n s i d e r e d as b e i n g u s e f u l i n a n a l y s i n g some phenomena t h a t are g e n e r a l l y p e r c e i v e d as forms of p o l i t i c a l  deviance.  Taking as a p o i n t of d e p a r t u r e a system o f g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e s , o r v a l u e s i n the s o c i e t y , a p e r s p e c t i v e capable of  illustrating  the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between these concepts  and a p p l y i n g them to  an a n a l y s i s of l e f t i s t p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y may  perhaps be g a i n e d  r e g a r d i n g a l i e n a t i o n , deviance  and s o c i a l c o n t r o l as elements i n  an h i s t o r i c a l sequence of e v e n t s .  A temporal  sequence, such as  f o l l o w i n g would appear to command some credence: v a l u e s t r u c t u r e of the s o c i e t y may  (1)  have l i t t l e ,  the  the dominant  impose a c h a l l e n g e , o r even a  t h r e a t to the i d e a l s , o r r e a l d e s i r e s o f some o t h e r members of s o c i e t y , who  by  o r no p a r t i n i t s making.  the  Uncommitted to  3  these g o a l s , these members o r groups o f persons may ment from them which may or e x c l u s i o n .  suffer  be e x p e r i e n c e d as a f e e l i n g o f  Among those members of the s o c i e t y who  m i t t e d , t h e r e may  be some t h a t a r e determined  estrange-  isolation,  remain uncom-  to p r o t e s t v a l u e s ,  which they p e r c e i v e as b e i n g imposed from a few p o s i t i o n s i n a u t h o r i t y . Other members may and  conform  choose an a t t i t u d e of r e s i g n a t i o n to these demands  outwardly, whereas s t i l l  f e r e n t to them; (2)  o t h e r s may  the makers and guardians o f the v a l u e  ( s o c i a l c o n t r o l agents)  determined  to take no chance and  f e a r f u l o f any p r o t e s t t h e i r demands may to f o r e s t a l l any  simply remain  indif-  system possibly  i n s t i g a t e , g e n e r a l l y attempt  conduct d e v i a t i n g from t h e i r wishes  by  devising  r u l e s t h a t p r e - or p r o s c r i b e c e r t a i n b e h a v i o r s t h a t are tantamount to p o t e n t i a l l y s e d i t i o u s a c t i o n . through  the punishment o f i n f r a c t i o n s .  bers o f the s o c i e t y who which corresponds are now  unable  are determined  to p r o t e s t a v a l u e  This i n a b i l i t y  as a f e e l i n g of b e i n g powerless  r e i n f o r c e a c o n v i c t i o n t h a t i t was  been i n s t i t u t e d ,  to communicate a t  i n t h a t i t would seem to  excluded from the making o f d e c i (3)  those members of the s o c i e t y who  to p r o t e s t are now  described.  desires,  be e x p e r i e n c e d by a group o f  s i o n s , which the v a l u e s t r u c t u r e l e g i t i m i z e s ;  sire  i d e a l s and  system,  to communicate them to p o s i t i o n s h i g h e r up i n the h i e r -  o r to communicate e f f e c t i v e l y may  persons  I n t h i s manner, those mem-  o n l y m i n i m a l l y to t h e i r own  archy, o r to do so e f f e c t i v e l y . all,  These r u l e s e n f o r c e c o n f o r m i t y  once a r u l e  has  maintain t h e i r  de-  rendered p o t e n t i a l l y d e v i a n t i n the manner  4  This i d e a l sequence of occurrences i s i l l u s t r a t e d below:  c h a l l e n g e , o r t h r e a t to some members - p r o t e s t  official value-system  rule-making a l i e n a t i o n , e x p e r i e n c e d as " i s o l a t i o n " , or "exclusion"  i n a b i l i t y to communicate d e s i r e s and i n f l u e n c e d e c i s i o n s o f a u t h o r i t y _^  p o t e n t i a l deviance  a l i e n a t i o n , e x p e r i e n c e d as "powerlessness"  persistence  i n protest  DEVIANCE. alienation  intensified  It has a l r e a d y  been mentioned t h a t the s o c i a l c o n t r o l agents  may f o r e s t a l l any conduct d e v i a t i n g from the o f f i c i a l v a l u e by  i n s t i t u t i n g r u l e s that p r e - or p r o s c r i b e  certain  Therefore, i t i s r e a s o n a b l e to s t a t e t h a t the k i n d s actions  to p e r c e i v e d  system  behaviors. of o f f i c i a l r e -  p o l i t i c a l deviance and the d e v i c e s  officialdom  can implement to c o n t r o l i t depend upon how the s o c i a l c o n t r o l agents d e f i n e the d e v i a n t  conduct, namely by e s t i m a t i n g  the extent  t h r e a t to the e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e which t h i s  o f the  deviance  imparts. The s o c i a l c o n t r o l agents a r e r e p r e s e n t e d number o f e l i t e groups a t the apex o f the v a r i o u s Whenever these groups p e r c e i v e by  by a l i m i t e d  social  t h e i r s e l f - i n t e r e s t s as  institutions. threatened  c e r t a i n n o n - e l i t e groups i n the s o c i e t y , they can r u l e the o f f e n d i n g  5  conduct as d e v i a n t  v i a the a u t h o r i t y o f the s t a t e .  such a u t h o r i t y i s e x e r c i z e d  c h i e f l y by the v a r i o u s  I n North America, l e v e l s o f govern-  ment ( F e d e r a l , P r o v i n c i a l , s t a t e - o r m u n i c i p a l ) . The  c l o s e l i n k a g e between the extent  groups may p e r c e i v e value  themselves as b e i n g  system and the o f f i c i a l  reactions  to which n o n - e l i t e  a l i e n a t e d from the o f f i c i a l to the p r o t e s t  (deviance) t h a t  may r e s u l t from such estrangement has a l r e a d y been i m p l i e d i n the " i d e a l sequence".  These i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i l l  be e l a b o r a t e d i n  subsequent s e c t i o n s . As  examples of p r o t e s t a g a i n s t o f f i c i a l p r i n c i p l e s i n  which e s t r a n g e d n o n - e l i t e groups i n the s o c i e t y may engage and which may be p e r c e i v e d by the s o c i a l c o n t r o l agents as d e v i a n t duct, t h i s  con-  t h e s i s seeks t o examine two major types o f such conduct,  or major forms o f p o l i t i c a l  deviance.  These forms o f deviance a r e  here regarded as emanating from the cleavage i n p e r s p e c t i v e which a r i s e s from the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e s common to e l i t e groups i n p o s i t i o n s o f a u t h o r i t y and n o n - e l i t e members o f the s o c i e t y . Basically,  two s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s  are envisioned  as gener-  a t i n g estrangement i n some n o n - e l i t e groups, i n t h i s manner i n d u c i n g them to p r o t e s t  the o f f i c i a l v a l u e  premises.  One such c o n d i t i o n has  seemingly g i v e n some impetus to the Communist Movement and o r i g i n a t e s in  the man-work r e l a t i o n s h i p .  o f the orthodox M a r x i a n n o t i o n ,  I t i s perhaps b e s t  described  i n terms  namely t h a t a l i e n a t i o n i s f o s t e r e d  6  i n the work s i t u a t i o n when work i s perceived by a group of persons as hard labor which benefits only the employer. leads  This, Marx held,  to a f e e l i n g of moral debasement, "dehumanizes" the i n d i v i d u a l 9  and eventually invokes a loss of the sense of s e l f .  Moreover,  such perspective of work i n t e n s i f i e s the sense of estrangement may experience from the products of h i s labor.  man  In i t s ultimate form,  i t may r e s u l t i n a general disenchantment with the whole of society. The e f f e c t of this condition, namely creating a sense of estrangement, seems to begin with d i s a f f e c t i n g individuals from what they do^ i n the society u n t i l they recognize the f u t i l i t y of laboring within a value framework which ordains behavior that, on the mundane l e v e l , proves to be i n t o l e r a b l e . Another condition refers to a general disenchantment with the major value premises of the society, such that a l l actions which conform to these premises are no longer acceptable as legitimate modes of behavior.  The t o t a l estrangement which these broadly  leveled attacks on the existing value structure create has the purpose of gradually i n f i l t r a t i n g the everyday a c t i v i t i e s of s o c i a l l i f e , and ultimately replacing the existing general values of the society with " a l t e r n a t i v e " goals. These two alienating conditions may,  from a theoretical  point of view, be described i n terms of the components of s o c i a l 10 11 action i l l u s t r a t e d by Parsons and Shils (1951), Scott (1963)  7 12 and Smelser (1962).  From the present perspective, these action  components could be regarded as o u t l i n i n g the two major sequences i n which a l i e n a t i o n seems to proceed, culminating i n the two forms of p o l i t i c a l  deviance envisioned here.  Smelser and Scott, for example, maintain that s o c i a l action i n the society whatever i t s purpose proceeds along so-called action components.  These components consist of (a) f a c i l i t i e s , or the  " t o o l s " that f a c i l i t a t e  the individual's performance of his role  (F f o r short), (b) the role he happens to be engaged i n within a given s o c i a l context (R), (c) norms, i . e . the "rules of the game" to which he must conform, and which regulate the performance of his role (N), and (d) the o v e r a l l value structure of the society, which legitimizes the rules, or norms (V). These writers moreover imply that the greater the number of action components from which the i n d i v i d u a l has become estranged, the  greater h i s disenchantment with pre- or proscribed modes of be-  havior.  Furthermore, i f he has become estranged from the existing  value structure, he i s assumed to have become estranged from the norms, his  role and the f a c i l i t i e s  as w e l l .  ment i s hypothesized to e x i s t .  In this case, maximal estrange-  This, i n turn, implies a v e r t i c a l  hierarchy i n which the action components are grouped with f a c i l i t i e s at the bottom and values at the top. It i s possible that estrangement from these action components may begin with f a c i l i t i e s , i . e . a vague f e e l i n g of d i s a f f e c t i o n  8  for anything which has the task of f a c i l i t a t i n g the individual's performance of his r o l e .  For example, i f the role i s the occupa-  t i o n a l role, i . e . the Job, i t may be the inadequacy of machinery, the monotony of the conveyorbelt, the absence of promotional opportunity, i n s u f f i c i e n t training for the job, lack of opportunity to p a r t i c i p a t e i n decision-making as i t relates to the performance of the job etc.  In time such estrangement from these f a c i l i t i e s  may  diffuse over the remaining action components, i . e . the job a c t i v i t y i t s e l f , the rules as well as the values that l e g i t i m i z e a p a r t i c u l a r activity. Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that estrangement from the whole of society i s already complete, i . e . at a maximum, before i t manifests i t s e l f i n p o t e n t i a l l y deviant behavior.  In this case, the existing  value structure has induced f u l l - f l e d g e d disenchantment i n the i n d i vidual, and his d i s a f f e c t i o n from the remaining action components 13 serves but as a sort of " v e r i f i c a t i o n " of his t o t a l estrangement. Therefore,the replacement  of the existing value structure with  one  capable of laying the foundation for a new society i s the ultimate 14 goal.  The thrust of the Communist Party Movement i n North America  and elsewhere seems to i l l u s t r a t e this sequence of events. Contrary to the f i r s t alienating condition, which may i n duce p o t e n t i a l deviance, and which, i n the Smelser-Scott model becomes sequence f a c i l i t i e s ^  (F)  > values (V), the second condition  the same model becomes values (V)  >  facilities  (F).  I t may  within here  9  be surmised that, i f the estrangement  that some non-elite members of  the society experience diffuses over more than one action component, for example from (F) to (R), hence to (N), and ultimately to (V), the thrust toward p o l i t i c a l deviance w i l l increase.  Whenever such  estrangement has diffused over component (V), i t may be further assumed that these members of the society have become estranged from the remaining action components as well, namely (F), (R) and (N). In this context, i t should be re-emphasized  that both se-  quences (F-V) and (V-F) i n the Smelser-Scott model represent two d i s t i n c t types of p o l i t i c a l deviance.  The type of o f f i c i a l reaction  the s o c i a l control agents w i l l make to these forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance w i l l depend upon how threatening to the o f f i c i a l value structure they perceive such non-elite protest to be.  In turn, the sanc-  tions the control agents w i l l impose upon these forms of deviance w i l l depend upon which sequence (either F-V or V-F) operates i n the deviant conduct. The above formulation raises some important questions. For  example, i f the Marxian sequence of a l i e n a t i o n (F-V) i s present  i n the deviant behavior, do the control agents f e e l that this form of deviance can be p a r t i a l l y accommodated within the existing i n s t i tutional structure?  Do they regard this form of protest as too  scattered and fragmented to warrant much attention?  What kind of  sanctions are imposed i n this case to control the deviant a c t i v i t y ? On the other hand, i f the "utopian" sequence of a l i e n a t i o n p r e v a i l s ,  10  does i t always pose a threat to the e l i t e value structure?  And i f  so, what types of sanctions have h i s t o r i c a l l y been imposed upon this form of deviance? These observations thesis i s concerned.  outline the problem with which this  An attempt w i l l be made at c l a s s i f y i n g the  mechanisms that have'been invoked by state authority i n the and Canada to control these forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance. c l a s s i f i c a t i o n w i l l be attempted within the (F^V) and  U.S.  This  (V-F)  se-  quences of a l i e n a t i o n from the action components as outlined by 15 Scott. Documentation has been gathered from a l i b r a r y s e l e c t i o n of descriptive accounts, dealing with events that have h i s t o r i c a l l y been associated with reactions to the Communist Party and worker movements i n p a r t i c u l a r .  These materials contain contributions by  h i s t o r i a n s , p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s , law enforcement agencies, pant observers,  or persons convicted of p o l i t i c a l crime.  partici-  Wherever  possible, o r i g i n a l documents were consulted i n their entirety and quotations  presented therefrom i n some instances.  This method was  adhered to especially i n Chapter III which i s concerned with an analysis of the o f f i c i a l viewpoint of events as well as that of some labor groups.  I t i s hoped that a r e l a t i v e l y comprehensive perspec-  tive of the Communist Party and worker movements as well as the off i c i a l reactions to their various a c t i v i t i e s w i l l r e s u l t from this s e l e c t i o n of materials.  11  In summary, t h i s  t h e s i s r e p r e s e n t s an e x p l o r a t i v e study  w i t h the aim o f i d e n t i f y i n g some p o s s i b l e sources t h a t appear to be i n v o l v e d i n the genesis o f p o l i t i c a l d e v i a n c e . i s an attempt  Furthermore, i t  a t e s t a b l i s h i n g a c o n c e p t u a l l i n k a g e between these  s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n s and  the types o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l d e v i c e s t h a t have  been i n s t i t u t e d by s t a t e a u t h o r i t y p e r c e i v e d as p o l i t i c a l d e v i a n c e .  to c o n t r o l conduct which i s I n t h i s endeavour,  activities  which have h i s t o r i c a l l y been p e r c e i v e d by o f f i c i a l d o m as d e v i a n t b e h a v i o r i n the p o l i t i c a l arena have been s e l e c t e d as the " d a t a " . I n o r d e r to a c c o m p l i s h  the two major o b j e c t i v e s o f the  t h e s i s , namely an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of some sources t h a t are  seemingly  i n v o l v e d i n the g e n e s i s o f p o l i t i c a l deviance and d i s c o v e r i n g a l i n k age between these source c o n d i t i o n s and state authority  the d e v i c e s i n s t i t u t e d  to c o n t r o l the d e v i a n t conduct,  i t was  by  necessary  to d e v i s e a method t h a t a l l o w e d the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the data i n keeping w i t h these o b j e c t i v e s . at i n t e r r e l a t i n g  T h i s method c o n s i s t s of an  attempt  the t h r e e s o c i o l o g i c a l concepts o f a l i e n a t i o n ,  deviance and s o c i a l c o n t r o l w i t h the a i d of t h r e e h e u r i s t i c s . The f i r s t of these h e u r i s t i c s was o f the i d e a l sequence.  T h i s d e v i c e has  i n t r o d u c e d i n the  the purpose  the i d e a t h a t the phenomena which are s y m b o l i c a l l y the three concepts sequence o f e v e n t s .  c o u l d be regarded as elements  of  form  conveying  r e p r e s e n t e d by  i n an h i s t o r i c a l  In t h i s manner, the i d e a l sequence i s c o n s i d e r e d  a u s e f u l " t o o l " i n the grouping o f the d a t a , p r o v i d i n g an a p p r e c i a t i o n  12  of the i n t e r a c t i o n between these phenomena over time as w e l l as accentuating their role i n the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance. The other h e u r i s t i c s are the a l i e n a t i o n sequences and (V-F) i n the Smelser-Scott paradigm.  (F-V)  Both devices represent  d i s t i n c t forms of protest against o f f i c i a l p r i n c i p l e s .  These forms  of protest may be perceived and defined by the s o c i a l control agents as stemming from d i f f e r e n t sources.  Depending upon the control  agents' d e f i n i t i o n of the source condition which, i n their opinion, motivates a given a c t i v i t y  (either condition F-V, or V-F), devices  to control the perceived deviance w i l l be i n s t i t u t e d by them that are i n keeping with such d e f i n i t i o n of the source. Social Control The i d e a l sequence i n the foregoing section was  presented  i n order to outline some of the s t r u c t u r a l elements, i . e . the value system, rule-making, p o t e n t i a l deviance and deviance, as well as the intervening processes that are seemingly involved i n becoming deviant. Who  In this context, a question can immediately be posed:  are the rule-makers who,  from some p o s i t i o n of authority, can  exercise power over the l i f e chances of the other members of the society?  This question, i t seems, must be answered f i r s t i n order to  provide an appreciation of the relationships that exist between various c o l l e c t i v i t i e s i n the s o c i a l structure and the effects of rule-making on these relationships.  13  Mills  Studies i n the sociology of power by w r i t e r s , such as 16 17 18 (1956), Porter (1965) and Domhoff (1967) are usually  r e l i a n t upon the terminology  of e l i t e theory, which assumes the  existence of a small group of entrepreneurs, having access to wealth and other resources disproportionate to other socio-economic classes. These entrepreneurs  are said to govern the various s o c i e t a l i n s t i -  tutions that have diverse tasks to perform.  Porter (1965), for  example, speaks of the Economic E l i t e , the Bureaucratic E l i t e , the Ideological E l i t e and others, with the Economic E l i t e perhaps occupying the top rung of the e l i t e hierarchy due to the  important  positions held by i t s members beyond the corporate world.  In this  manner, the Economic E l i t e ' s construction of r e a l i t y can diffuse over the whole of the society u n t i l i t becomes i d e n t i f i e d with the "common good". Thus, the members of these small groups are said to hold top positions of the various i n s t i t u t i o n a l systems and can be ident i f i e d as the rule-makers who,  i f power arises from being i n a  p o s i t i o n to make decisions about the a l l o c a t i o n of funds, can set up the machinery to enforce their view of r e a l i t y on the other members of the society.  Their elevated p o s i t i o n allows them to con-  t r o l the l i f e chances of the other socio-economic groups to a considerable degree. A handful of men  then, as compared to the t o t a l population,  seems to be able to exercise e l i t i s t prerogatives i n more than one  14  i n s t i t u t i o n a l sphere.  These men  may  be top executives  i n the large  corporations, bankers and f i n a n c i e r s , top union leaders,  cabinet  ministers, Supreme Court judges, high o f f i c i a l s i n the Federal Bureaucracy, university professors, high-ranking as w e l l as men  Church d i g n i t a r i e s  i n a p o s i t i o n to exercise control over the mass media,  such as newspaper publishers, t e l e v i s i o n magnates and  others.  These members of the various e l i t e groups are interested not only i n seeing to i t that the other members of the society do what the e l i t e s think i s " r i g h t " , but apparently believe that the conduct they pre- or proscribe i s i n fact to the advantage of the 19 whole of the society. In this vein, e l i t e groups " l e g i t i m i z e " their moral p o s i t i o n and derive their power from a p o s i t i o n of authority that demands conformity 20 Lipset (1955)  self-imposed  of the other members.  emphasizes, for example, that this conformity  may  be regarded as a necessary condition f o r good c i t i z e n s h i p by some e l i t e groups. Such construction of r e a l i t y and exercise of power as practised by the various e l i t e groups requires a configuration of values i n order to achieve l e g i t i m i z a t i o n . The question then i s this:  What are some of the guiding p r i n c i p l e s , or goals that provide  the underpinning for the content of rules which these e l i t e groups make and endeavour to protect?  Furthermore, how  do these values  manifest themselves i n the " v e r t i c a l mosaic" of the s o c i a l structure as r e f l e c t e d i n the occupational hierarchy of North American society?  15  In keeping with the i d e a l sequence, three major values appear to supply the p i l l a r s f o r e l i t i s t rule-making i n the  U.S.  and Canada.  1.  Personal Success.  H i s t o r i c a l l y , the charter groups i n the U.S. brought forth a small group of entrepreneurs  and Canada  (largely of Anglo-Saxon  o r i g i n ) , who were raised i n the t r a d i t i o n of the Protestantic Ethic, which, i n contrast to worldly renunciation i n the Catholic f a i t h , decreed that personal, economic success was an acceptable value pre21 22 23 mise (Bendix, 1962), (Du Bois, 1955), (Murray, 1964). This value of personal success on the l e v e l of the i n d i v i 24 dual became i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d as "free enterprise" and the o v e r a l l l e g i t i m i z i n g value for a society based on corporate capitalism.  The  overriding importance of this value i s w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d by i t s i n f l u 25 ence on the other i n s t i t u t i o n a l spheres, or, as Porter (1965) i t , "Beyond the Board Room".  puts  The influence of the Corporate E l i t e ,  for example, r e f l e c t s i t s e l f i n Royal Commissions i n Canada establ i s h e d by the Federal Government i n which the Corporate E l i t e f r e quently provides the spokesmen for the private sector of the economy. Moreover, members of the Corporate E l i t e are found on governing boards of many u n i v e r s i t i e s and hold positions i n philanthropic organizations as w e l l .  16  2.  Class-Continuity. This value appears to reflect a feeling, which may be re-  garded as "consciousness of kind" and stresses the principle of social homogeneity.  It finds expression, for example, in the value  elites place on kinship relations in some cases.  Studies of elites  show that kinship is considered to be of some importance either within one elite group, or between elites. in their emphasis on this value.  However, elites seem to differ  In Canada, for example, kinship  links are most common within the higher ranks of the corporate world, and are less prominent in the other elites. The transmission of elite positions from father to son or close relative is apparently one factor, which operates here, so that a fortune, or prestigious positions remain in the family. Likewise, adding to existing wealth and prestige by intermarriage with equally powerful families has been practised. Class-continuity is moreover expected to lead to common attitudes and values about the society at large as well as the position the corporate world assumes in i t .  In Canada as well as  to some extent i n the United States middle and upper class people of British origin who happen to be university graduates comprise relatively small groups from which a ruling class can then be selected.  Such a recruiting base is small enough for its members to  recognize each other as belonging to the same class, or group.  In  17  order to maintain this "inner c i r c l e " a careful s e l e c t i o n of poten26 t i a l candidates for e l i t e positions therefore becomes necessary. The actual s e l e c t i o n of candidates i s usually  accomplished  through the device of "co-optation", which provides f o r common s o c i a l i z a t i o n practices f o r e l i t e children by v i r t u e of education at private schools, summer camps, membership i n gentlemen's clubs, success as a corporation executive, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n philanthropic 27 a c t i v i t i e s etc. Here the non-instrumental aspects of s o c i a l i z a t i o n 28 predominate  over the instrumental ones.  In this manner, going to  private school and being wealthy means more than actual educational attainments and their benefit to society, or how wealth i s redistributed for the benefit of the general economy.  Similarly,  membership i n certain clubs means more than the actual need for fellowship. Such p r i n c i p l e s that operate i n the s e l e c t i o n of candidates f o r e l i t e positions bring persons of the same s o c i a l type together i n terms of education, ethnic background, r e l i g i o n and the "right thinking" required for p o t e n t i a l leaders. 3.  Moral Worthiness. It i s a dictum that those who  make values and rules must  themselves be above reproach i n personal conduct. In North America an index for the appraisal of moral worth has i n the past been and to some extent s t i l l i s (a) sect, or church  18  membership, and (b) membership i n c e r t a i n associations and s o c i a l clubs as well as having attended s p e c i f i c schools and having received awards for distinguished service to one's country. From a h i s t o r i c a l perspective, membership i n a Protestant sect, for example, was a c e r t i f i c a t e to moral worth.  Today Corporate  E l i t e membership i n c e r t a i n churches, such as the Anglican i n Canada and the Episcopalian i n the United States i s s t i l l a frequent phenomenon.  Church membership seemingly provides a v i s i b l e sign of  honesty and fairness to one's fellows, although today many members of the various e l i t e s no longer p u b l i c i z e membership i n a p a r t i c u l a r church.  Perhaps the holding of such value as church membership has  come to be taken for granted.  Nevertheless,  even today members of 29  the Corporate E l i t e play a f a i r l y conspicuous role i n church a f f a i r s . A mark of moral worth other than church-sanctioned i s membership i n certain clubs and associations.  In the U.S., for ex-  ample, membership i n certain "very exclusive" gentlemen's clubs establishes the incumbent as having the moral f i b r e , character, or the " r i g h t " d i s p o s i t i o n for leadership, which requires him to i n t e r a c t 30 with the like-minded, i . e . those of equivalent moral worth. While 31 Porter  (1965)  notes that the precise function of s o c i a l clubs i n  Canada's, e l i t e world has not been clearly delineated, he admits that such club membership may w e l l provide a "locus of i n t e r a c t i o n " that makes for s o c i a l homogeneity.  19  The quest for moral worth r e f l e c t s i t s e l f further i n the type of preparatory school, or College e l i t e members have attended. 32 Domhoff (1967) provides a whole l i s t of preparatory schools that, i n his view, permit a graduate to lay claim to e l i t e membership. In Canada, the s i t u a t i o n i s quite s i m i l a r .  For example, graduation  from certain u n i v e r s i t i e s serves as "proof" f o r possessing leader33 ship q u a l i t i e s .  Porter (1965)  claims that of 118 members of the  Canadian Economic E l i t e 42 persons graduated from M c G i l l University, 35 from Toronto and 4 from Queens University. The remainder had chosen college training outside Canada. A further index of moral worth as a requirement  for claim-  ing e l i t e status seems to l i e i n the incumbent's a b i l i t y to serve 34 his  community, or country i n the p o l i t i c a l arena.  K e l l e r (1963)  gathered some data from 120 U.S. ambassadors sent to several count r i e s between the years 1900 and 1953. She found that the majority of this e l i t e group were members of the Economic E l i t e or came from the professions.  Four-fifths had college degrees; one-half  degrees, mostly i n the Law f a c u l t i e s .  graduate  One-third of the group had  graduated from preparatory schools, and two-fifths had been granted degrees from Ivy League Colleges. E l i t e values then encompass common notions about how the s o c i a l system should operate and be maintained.  As indicated ear-  l i e r , such a l e g i t i m i z i n g value system provides the underpinning f o r the construction of an everyday  reality  to wiLch the other members of  20  the s o c i e t y a r e expected to conform.  T h i s means t h a t e l i t e  values  become r e i f i e d and d i f f u s e d over the whole o f the s o c i a l system i n time. In t h i s manner, e l i t e s  come to d e c l a r e  themselves as the  guardians o f s o c i e t a l i n s t i t u t i o n s s e t up, i n i t i a l l y , i n t e r e s t s and v a l u e s Therefore,  which a r e , f i r s t  to p r o t e c t  and foremost, t h e i r own.  e l i t e s must see t o i t t h a t the i n t e r e s t s a t s t a k e i n  such an e n t e r p r i s e a r e p r o t e c t e d by the making o f r u l e s t h a t have the  task o f d i s s o l v i n g t h r e a t s  and  values  to them.  be t h r e a t e n e d , e l i t e s  to r u l e any c h a l l e n g e 35 mative" standards.  Should these i n t e r e s t s  can use t h e i r p o s i t i o n s o f a u t h o r i t y  to them as d e v i a t i n g from e s t a b l i s h e d and "nor-  A l i e n a t i o n and Deviance  Such s e l e c t i v e p e r c e p t i o n which the v a l u e be  integral,  system d i s c u s s e d  little,  i n the p r e v i o u s  thus excludes a p r i o r i  b e r s o f the s o c i e t y may h o l d .  o f r e a l i t y by e l i t e groups to s e c t i o n appears to  the i d e a l s some n o n - e l i t e mem-  I n t h i s sense, i t e v i d e n t l y makes  o r no d i f f e r e n c e to e l i t e groups i n p o s i t i o n s o f a u t h o r i t y  whether the v a l u e premises they defend may mean t o t a l e x c l u s i o n o f the i n t e r e s t s o f some members o f the s o c i e t y . the areas o f r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s moreover, has the t a s k o f p r e v e n t i n g  Rule-making  defines  f o r the i n d i v i d u a l , and,  disruption of e l i t e positions  which the n o n - e l i t e member estrangement from the e x i s t i n g v a l u e p r e -  21  mises may  entail.  In t h i s manner, any  anticipated manifestation  such estrangement i n the form of o v e r t p r o t e s t  against  the  of  elite  value structure i s f o r e s t a l l e d . The  ' i d e a l sequence' i m p l i e s  t h a t , once r u l e s have been  made, they e i t h e r p r e c l u d e the communication of n o n - e l i t e  ideals  to p o s i t i o n s o f a u t h o r i t y , or they p r e v e n t such communication from h a v i n g any ing cate  noticeable  of general  effects.  action guidelines  t h e i r d e s i r e s and  unable to e f f e c t i v e l y communi-  expected to take any  c i t i z e n s , nor w i l l  Therefore,  any  active expression  of  as a r e s u l t o f t h i s composite of a l i e n a t i n g c o n d i t i o n s  mos t l i k e l y  will  l e a d to d e v i a n c e .  For  t h i s reason, i t i s a d i f f e r e n c e i n the p e r c e p t i o n  r e a l i t y , w h i c h e x i s t s between e l i t e groups who define  active part i n t h e i r  the i n s t i t u t i o n of v o t i n g i n e l e c t i o n s  have much meaning f o r them. protest  and  i n f l u e n c e e l i t e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , some groups  i n the s o c i e t y cannot be r o l e s as  I n t h i s case, e x c l u d e d from the mak-  of  have the a u t h o r i t y  a g i v e n s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n and make r u l e s about i t and  members of the s o c i e t y i n n o n - e l i t e p o s i t i o n s who  to  other  are expected to  obey the s e t s t a n d a r d s , where the g e n e s i s of p o l i t i c a l  deviance  36,37 and  most l i k e l y This  o t h e r forms of deviance must be cleavage i n p e r c e i v i n g  sought.  r e a l i t y moreover seems to  be  a r t i f i c a l l y m a i n t a i n e d through the i n s t i t u t i o n of r u l e s which disown any  prerogative  to express b e l i e f s o t h e r than those contained  in-  22  the p r e ness  and/or p r o s c r i p t i o n s  o f the r u l e .  The sense o f p o w e r l e s s -  (as a v a r i a n t o f a l i e n a t i o n ) , which i s l i k e l y  to ensue as a con-  sequence, r e f e r s to a s c a r c i t y o f those r e l a t i o n s h i p s which p e r m i t the n o n - e l i t e  elite the by  c o n t r o l o f up and down the l i n e communication w i t h 38,39  groups a t the top o f the v a r i o u s  institutions.  In turn,  e x t e n t to which a l i e n a t i o n w i l l be e x p e r i e n c e d as powerlessness n o n - e l i t e members seemingly v a r i e s w i t h the degree o f c o n t r o l  these members t h i n k  ( r i g h t l y , o r wrongly) they can e x e r c i s e  t h i s communication p r o c e s s . a c t i o n to p e r c e i v e d  over  A subsequent response o f n o n - e l i t e r e -  l a c k o f c o n t r o l may be d e v i a n t b e h a v i o r , e s p e c i a l l y  when s t r a t e g i e s f a v o r i n g p r o t e s t  are introduced  and a c c e p t e d by c e r -  t a i n groups i n the s o c i e t y . It i s possible  to f i n d an example o f t h i s a l i e n a t i o n -  deviance model i n the study o f the Communist Movement.in North America.  Some o f f i c i a l  responses to p e r c e i v e d  deviance which t h i s  t h e s i s attempts to examine can perhaps be b e s t a p p r e c i a t e d g a r d i n g the v a r i o u s  elite  groups as moral e n t r e p r e n e u r s , as r u l e s  come i n t o b e i n g as a r e s u l t o f the e n t e r p r i s e groups i n c o n t r o l l i n g any p r o t e s t 40 system. elite  by r e -  against  e x h i b i t e d by these  t h e i r self-imposed  value  I t i s c o n c e i v a b l e t h a t the major v a l u e s o f North American  groups, such as p e r s o n a l s u c c e s s , c l a s s c o n t i n u i t y  moral w o r t h i n e s s s h o u l d be j e o p a r d i z e d  as w e l l as  by p o l i t i c a l programs  that  advocate the a b o l i t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y and a l l r i g h t s to i n h e r i t a n c e , c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f c r e d i t by the s t a t e as w e l l as p u b l i c  23  ownership o f the instruments i d e o l o g y o f brotherhood  of production.  A s e c u l a r and e g a l i t a r i a n  moreover poses a t h r e a t to e x i s t i n g  e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s based upon a l m s - g i v i n g , patronage, latively  e x c l u s i v e claims to moral  corporateand r e -  worthiness.  I n North America the cleavage between the v a l u e systems o f c o r p o r a t e c a p i t a l i s m and i d e o l o g i e s f a v o r i n g s t a t e ownership the members o f ' l e f t i s t ' p o l i t i c a l groups powerless  render  i n the sense  t h a t they a r e n o t i n p o s i t i o n s where argument and advocacy o f t h e i r i d e a l s i s regarded  as l e g i t i m a t e and p e r m i s s i b l e .  I t i s therefore  n a t u r a l t h a t t h i s extreme l a c k o f c o n t r o l over a r g u i n g t h e i r cause s h o u l d induce i n t e n s e f e e l i n g s o f powerlessness,  which i n t u r n g r e a t l y  i n c r e a s e s the p r o b a b i l i t y o f non-conforming b e h a v i o r i n the p o l i t i c a l 41 sphere.  S o c i e t a l R e a c t i o n to P o l i t i c a l  I f a group o f persons i . e . p e r s i s t i n conduct  Deviance  has chosen to d e v i a t e from the r u l e ,  banned by a u t h o r i t y , i t s p o t e n t i a l l y  b e h a v i o r w i l l be compounded, as i t must a s s o c i a t e w i t h o t h e r  deviant rule  v i o l a t o r s i n o r d e r to f o r e s t a l l d i s c o v e r y o f i t s i n f r a c t i o n s by those who have chosen c o n f o r m i t y . communicating i t s b e l i e f s  In t h i s v e i n , being deprived of  to a u t h o r i t y most l i k e l y a l s o means b e i n g  d e p r i v e d o f communicating these b e l i e f s  to r u l e  Thus the group's p o s i t i o n , except  conformers.  f o r i t s relationships  w i t h o t h e r d e v i a n t p o s i t i o n s i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , becomes one  24  imbued with s t r u c t u r a l exclusion from communication with those i n positions of authority ( v e r t i c a l ) as well as with members of the society who conform to the rules (horizontal). As previously mentioned, i f the group p e r s i s t s i n the p o t e n t i a l l y deviant conduct due  to a number of a l i e n a t i n g conditions, i t w i l l evoke the disap-  proval of authority at some future point i n time.  At this stage the  members of this group w i l l be o f f i c i a l l y labeled as deviant and be42 come subject to apprehension. It i s hoped at this point that the foregoing sections have brought into focus some of the conditions which chronologically antedate o f f i c i a l l a b e l i n g .  In addition, i t was implied that p o l i -  t i c a l deviance i s c h i e f l y a consequence of some s t r u c t u r a l conditions, s t a r t i n g with differences i n perceiving r e a l i t y between e l i t e s and non-elites and being compounded by the i n a b i l i t y of some non-elite members to communicate their b e l i e f s to other positions i n the s o c i a l structure both v e r t i c a l l y and i n part h o r i z o n t a l l y . I t has already been mentioned that the e l i t e construction of everyday r e a l i t y i n the society excludes a p r i o r i the ideals some members of non-elite groups may hold.  Moreover, i f e l i t e s can  impose t h e i r conceptions of how the s o c i a l system should operate upon non-elites by the making of enforceable  rules, the positions  of authority held by members of the various e l i t e s become themselves major sources of p o l i t i c a l deviance.  The exercise of authority which  takes place through the invention and/or a p p l i c a t i o n of these rules  25  thus renders certain patterns of behavior by persons occupying e l i t e positions i n the s o c i a l structure deviant.  non-  In this thesis,  the effects upon these positions which this exercise of authority brings into being w i l l be examined up to the point of o f f i c i a l labeling and the "correction" of the deviant conduct. In the l i t e r a t u r e , s o c i e t a l reaction to deviance has most  @ commonly been associated with the process of l a b e l i n g .  In fact, 43  writers, such as Becker (1964), Erikson (1966) and Kitsuse (1966) have defined deviance mainly i n terms of the effects of labeling. While there seems to exist a close relationship between s o c i e t a l reaction and the labeling of individuals as deviant, this association between the two concepts also has i t s l i m i t a t i o n s .  For example, the  question as to what agency i s responsible for the labeling of i n d i viduals as deviant i s not always clear.  Furthermore, i f o f f i c i a l  labeling i s considered a transformation of an i n i t i a l , subjective reaction to non-elite conduct that i s experienced as threatening to existing values and norms, then how 44 set  great must this threat be to  the labeling device i n motion? Whichever the case may be, i t can hardly be said that  there i s general agreement as to what c r i t e r i a a d e f i n i t i o n of deviance should accomodate, except perhaps for some t a c i t acknowledgement that a given s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n involving deviant behavior w i l l @  This must be so, as forms of behavior per se do not e l i c i t a s o c i e t a l response that makes possible a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between deviants and non-deviants.  26  depend upon the response of authority to i t , and, to some extent, upon how the deviant i n turn reacts to this response. More generally, the reaction of authority to p o l i t i c a l non-conformity i n North America seemingly represents a deliberate attempt at propagating  a stereotyped conception of the p o l i t i c a l  non-conformer, which e l i c i t s such associations as "red", " a l i e n " , " d i r t y " , "soapbox agitation","Godless", "bombs", "sabotage" and others. As Lemert (1951) points out, these anarchistic stereotypes have sustained themselves over time and tend to be applied indiscriminately to S o c i a l i s t s , Communists, P a c i f i s t s , other radicals as w e l l as 45 progressive and moderate reformers. In view of the conservative leanings of e l i t e groups at the top of the various i n s t i t u t i o n a l hierarchies of authority, devices f o r correcting p o l i t i c a l deviance i n North America have i n the past been stern and unrelenting.  J a i l terms and deportations,  p o l i c e a t r o c i t i e s and intimidations as w e l l as administrative measures i n defiance of the j u d i c i a l process have been used as control devices with p o l i t i c a l non-conformers. Even the services of the courts have on certain occasions been invoked on behalf of achieving 46 p o l i t i c a l goals. Once labeling has occurred, i t seems to serve also as a device of surveillance and control of anticipated future  deviance  i n the same sphere of a c t i v i t y , or others as w e l l , unless the offender decides to cease engaging i n banned conduct a f t e r a period of time.  27  F i n a l l y , the erroneous b e l i e f that e l i t i s t rule-making r e f l e c t s the values and desires of most members of the society further strengthens  the a r t i f i c i a l maintenance of e l i t i s t rules, and  consequently makes possible the emergence and perpetuation of the aforementioned anarchistic, stereotyped notions about the p o l i t i c a l non-conformer.  This stereotypy, which results when e l i t i s t  notions  about the operation of the s o c i a l system are r e i f i e d and taken as representing the common good, has contributed heavily to the idea that p o l i t i c a l deviance must be sought i n the personal characteris47  t i c s of the offender.  However, during the past two decades an  increasing awareness that p o l i t i c a l deviance emanates from a d i f f e r e n t i a l perception of s o c i a l r e a l i t y between i n d i v i d u a l s , or groups i n d i f f e r e n t positions i n the hierarchy of authority has emerged. This awareness may  i n part have been responsible for a  s h i f t i n attitude away from the previous conception of p o l i t i c a l non-conformity which envisioned a "deviant versus p u b l i c " r e l a t i o n ship to one stressing the relationship between e l i t e and non-elite groups.  Such a conception locates the source of the deviant con-  duct i n the offender's s o c i a l , rather than psychical, environment. In summary, this introductory chapter emphasized that deviance results from a cleavage i n the perspective of r e a l i t y which arises from the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l experiences  that are common to  e l i t e s and non-elite groups i n the society.  The " o f f i c i a l " value  28  system was taken as a p o i n t o f d e p a r t u r e and regarded as an a l i e n a t i n g c o n d i t i o n from the v i e w p o i n t o f some n o n - e l i t e members i n t h a t these i n d i v i d u a l s may p e r c e i v e the d r a f t i n g o f g u i d e l i n e s  themselves as b e i n g  excluded from  t h a t a f f e c t t h e i r everyday  activities.  I t was mentioned t h a t such estrangement may i n d u c e a group o f persons to p r o t e s t ing.  the c o n d i t i o n s which they e x p e r i e n c e as e s t r a n g -  Depending on the magnitude o f t h e i r p r o t e s t , the a u t h o r i t i e s  may r e a c t to i t by the making o f r u l e s i n o r d e r c h a l l e n g e which t h i s p r o t e s t imparts norms.  to " d i s s o l v e " the  to the o f f i c i a l v a l u e s and  I t was noted t h a t r u l e making d e f i n e s some n o n - e l i t e members  as p o t e n t i a l l y d e v i a n t  and t h a t the a p p l i c a t i o n o f the deviance  l a b e l compounds the estrangement o f these i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h a t they now p e r c e i v e and  desires  achieving  themselves as b e i n g  unable to communicate t h e i r i d e a l s  to the a u t h o r i t i e s w i t h n o t i c e a b l e  e f f e c t s , namely by  a m o d i f i c a t i o n , o r the e l i m i n a t i o n o f some o f f i c i a l  dard which they p e r c e i v e  as the s o u r c e o f t h e i r estrangement.  Two s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s were assumed to be f r e q u e n t of estrangement.  sources  One such c o n d i t i o n was seen to have i t s o r i g i n i n  the man-work r e l a t i o n s h i p and was d e s c r i b e d  i n terms o f the Marxian  n o t i o n o f a l i e n a t i o n , i . e . when work i s p e r c e i v e d only  stan-  the employers.  as b e n e f i t t i n g  Another c o n d i t i o n r e f e r r e d to the t o t a l  disen-  chantment o f a group o f i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h the major v a l u e premises o f the s o c i e t y h a v i n g the aim to r e p l a c e  these w i t h a l t e r n a t i v e s t a n d a r d s .  29  I t was assumed f u r t h e r t h a t the types o f p r o t e s t i n which these two forms o f estrangement may r e s u l t have h i s t o r i c a l l y been perceived  as two d i s t i n c t forms o f p o l i t i c a l deviance by o f f i c i a l d o m .  Therefore,  the o f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n s  t o the d e v i a n t  conduct w i l l  upon what k i n d o f s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n the a u t h o r i t i e s p e r c e i v e  depend  as m o t i -  vating i t . The  second p a r t o f t h i s I n t r o d u c t i o n p r o v i d e d  a descrip-  t i v e account o f some s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e s engaged i n by e l i t e groups and  an e l a b o r a t i o n o f some o f t h e major values  "personal  success",  s u i t of e n n o b l i n g  they h o l d , such as  " c l a s s - c o n t i n u i t y " and "moral worth" v i a the p u r -  causes.  I n the f i n a l s e c t i o n , some common r e a c t i o n s were mentioned, such as the l a b e l i n g p r o c e s s . that l a b e l i n g i s generally  to deviance  I t was p o i n t e d o u t  f a c i l i t a t e d by an erroneous b e l i e f o f  some n o n - e l i t e members, namely t h a t e l i t i s t  r u l e making r e f l e c t s the  i d e a l s and d e s i r e s o f most members o f the s o c i e t y . was noted t h a t such r e i f i c a t i o n o f e l i t i s t values  Moreover, i t as r e p r e s e n t i n g  the "common m o r a l i t y " has c o n t r i b u t e d h e a v i l y to the genesis stereotyped  notions  The fects  about the p o l i t i c a l  o f some  offender.  next c h a p t e r w i l l attempt to examine some o f the e f -  the making and/or a p p l i c a t i o n o f r u l e s may have upon some  n o n - e l i t e members.  30  FOOTNOTES  1.  Horton, P.B. and L e s l i e , G.R. The Sociology of Social Problems, 3rd. ed., New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1965, p. 138.  2.  Void, G.B. Theoretical Criminology, New York: Press, 1958, pp. 299-300.  3.  Merton, R.K. "Social Problems and S o c i o l o g i c a l Theory", i n Merton, R.K. and N i s b i t , R.A. (eds.) Contemporary S o c i a l Problems , 2nd. ed., New York: Harcourt Brace and World, 1966, pp. 808-811.  4.  Clinard, M.B. and Quinney, R. (eds.) Criminal Behavior Systems, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1967, pp. 177-246.  5.  D i n i t z , S., Dynes, R.R. and Clarke, A. Deviance: Studies i n the Process of Stigmatization and S o c i e t a l Reaction, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1969.  6.  Clinard and Quinney, op. c i t . , p. 179.  7.  Merton, R.K.,  8.  Matza, D., Becoming Deviant, New Jersey, Englewood Prentice-Hall Inc., pp. 143-144.  9.  Marx, K., Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, MarxEngels, Gesamtausgabe, Abt. I, Bd. 3 translated by Martin M i l l i gan, Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, p. 72.  Oxford Univ.  op. c i t . , pp. 808-811. Cliffs:  In this connection see also Rollo May's Man's Search f o r Himself, New American Library, SIGNET BOOKS, New York, 1967, pp. 49-56. Other references are contained i n T.B. Bottomore (ed.) Karl Marx: Early Writings, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963, pp. 120-143. 10. Parsons, T., and S h i l s , E.A., Toward a General Theory of Action, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1951. 11. Scott, M.B. "The Social Sources of Alienation", Enquiry, V o l . 6, No. 1, Spring, 1963, pp. 57-59. 12. Smelser, N. Theory of C o l l e c t i v e Behavior, New York: Press,.1962, see esp. Chapter I I .  The Free  31  13. This ideology was expressed i n an interview with a former highranking o f f i c i a l of the Communist Party of Canada, member of the polit-bureau of the CPC and editor of a Communist-oriented newspaper i n Vancouver. When the author questioned him about what had prompted h i s induction into the Communist Party Movement, he stated that " . . . i t a l l started when I walked along the grimy streets of the l i t t l e Scottish mining town I come from. I could not avoid comparing the hovels of the miners with large families to the castles of the 'haves' on the surrounding h i l l s . I t just wasn't r i g h t . That did i t ! " 14. This p o s i t i o n i s implied i n the autobiography of the l a t e Rev. A.E. Smith, a former preacher, spokesman and secretary of the Communist Party of Canada as w e l l as former leader of the LaborProgressive Party of Canada: "I remember the mental and s p i r i t u a l struggle through which I passed i n those days. To me the Gospel of Jesus was the proclamation of a new s o c i a l order of human society....I saw that Jesus was a Communist. I linked his l i f e with the o l d prophets...who were early Communists". (From Rev. A.E. Smith, A l l My L i f e , Toronto: Progress Books, 1949, pp. 42-43). 15. Scott, M.B.,  op; c i t .  16. M i l l s , CR. The Power E l i t e , New York: pp. 4, 11, 13, 15.  Oxford Univ. Press, 1956,  17. Porter, J . , The V e r t i c a l Mosaic, Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1965, especially Chapter VII, " E l i t e s and the Structure of Power." 18. Domhoff, G.W. Who Rules America, Engelwood-Cliffs, New 1967, pp. 4-11 (Introduction).  Jersey,  19. Becker, H. Outsiders: Studies i n the Sociology of Deviance, New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1963, p. 148. 20. Lipset, S.M. "The Sources of the Radical Right" (1955) i n : B e l l , D. (ed.) The Radical Right, New York: Doubleday Anchor Book, 1964, pp. 320-321. 21. Bendix, R. Max Weber: An I n t e l l e c t u a l P o r t r a i t , New York: Doubleday Anchor Book, 1962, pp. 55 f f .  32  22. Du Bois, C. "The Dominant Value P r o f i l e of American Culture", American Anthropologist, V o l . 57 (1955), pp. 1232-1238. 23. Murray, E.J. Motivation and Emotion, New Jersey: Foundations of Modern Psychology Series, Prentice-Hall, 1964, p. 107. 24. Smelser, N., op. c i t . , p. 36. 25. Porter, op. c i t . , pp. 298-303. 26. Porter, J . , op. c i t . The '-sections on class-continuity as w e l l as moral worthiness rely heavily on Porter's study. See esp. pp. 279-280; 520-528; 303-305. 27. Domhoff,  G.W., op. c i t . , p. 5.  28. Porter, J . , op . c i t . , p. 285. 29. Porter, «J., op . c i t . , pp . 287-290. 30. Domhoff,  G.W., op. c i t . , pp. 35-36  31. Porter, J.,' op . c i t . , p. 305. 32. Domhoff,  G.W., op. c i t . , p. 34.  33. Porter, J . , op . c i t . , p. 277. 34. K e l l e r , S. from her book Beyond the Ruling Class, p. 297, quoted i n Domhoff, G.W., op. c i t . , pp. 105-106. 35. Dahrendorf, R. Class and Class C o n f l i c t i n I n d u s t r i a l Society, Stanford, C a l i f . : Stanford Univ. Press, 1959, p. 293. Clearly, i t cannot be assumed that a c i t i z e n of a democratic state has no power at a l l with respect to p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . However, as Laski claims, "despite this basic power common to a l l , a clear l i n e can be drawn between those who are i n the p o s i tion to exercise regularly control over the l i f e chances of others by issuing authoritative decisions. The c i t i z e n s of a democratic state are not a suppressed class, but they are a subjected class, or quasi-group, and as such they constitute the dynamic element i n p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t . "  33  36. Becker, H., op. c i t . , p. 16, 23. 37. Rose, A.M. and P r e l l , A.E., "Does the Punishment f i t the Crime?", American Journal of Sociology, LXI (Nov. 1955), pp. 247-259. 38. Kornhauser, W., The P o l i t i c s of Mass Society, Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1959, see esp. Chapter I I . 39. Seeman, M. "On the Meaning of Alienation", Am. Soc. Review, Vol. 24, 1959, p. 785. . 40. Becker, H., op. c i t . , see esp. Chapter VIII. 41. Bottomore, T.B. and Rubel, M. Karl Marx: Selected Writings i n Sociology and Social Philosophy, London: Watts and Co., 1956, p. 97. The cleavage mentioned between p a r t i c u l a r ( e l i t i s t ) and common interests was noted by Marx i n h i s early writings. Although he did not dwell on the o r i g i n and development of alienation, he nevertheless f e l t that i t probably emanated from the d i v i s i o n of labor. He wrote: "...as long as a cleavage exists between the p a r t i c u l a r and the common interest, as long as therefore a c t i v i t y i s not voluntary, but naturally divided, man's own act becomes an a l i e n power opposed to him, which enslaves him instead of being controlled by him". 42. Matza, D., op. c i t . , p. 162 f f . 43. Clinard, M.B., The Sociology of Deviant Behavior (3rd. ed.) New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968, p. 26. 44. Clinard, M.B., op. c i t . , p. 27. 0  45. Lemert, E.M. Social Pathology, New York: Inc., 1951, p. 200.  McGraw-Hill Book Co.,  46. Kirchheimer, 0. P o l i t i c a l Justice: The Use of Legal Procedure for P o l i t i c a l Ends, Princeton, N.gji.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1961, p. 46. 47. Becker, H., op. c i t . , pp. 3-5.  34  CHAPTER II SOME OFFICIAL REACTIONS TO RADICAL LABOR MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA  It has been stated i n the Introduction that e l i t e positions at the top of the various i n s t i t u t i o n s may be regarded as major sources of deviance.  This means that deviance results when-  ever these positions exercise authority by transforming their i n i t i a l reactions to offending conduct i n the p o l i t i c a l sphere into  @ rules to punish perceived i n f r a c t i o n s .  Some of the effects which  this exercise of authority may have upon the positions of some none l i t e members of the society w i l l be examined i n this chapter. The extent to which non-elite conduct i s affected by such exercise of authority w i l l be explored i n terms of the form of p o l i t i c a l deviance officialdom perceived as being present i n a given conduct and i t s d e f i n i t i o n of i t .  In the Introduction two such  forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance were i d e n t i f i e d with respect to their sources and represented by a l i e n a t i o n sequences (F-V) and (V-F). In  this chapter an attempt w i l l be made to interpret some h i s t o r i c a l  events with the aim to demonstrate  that the two stated source con-  ditions can be i d e n t i f i e d i n the a c t i v i t i e s to be described. @  Berger and Luckmann, f o r example, regard the transformation of such subjective reactions to human a c t i v i t y as a process of ' o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n ' when these become habitual, or i n s t i t u t i o n alized.l  35  The h i s t o r i c a l  events that have been selected are, (a)  The period of the "Red Scare" of 1919 i n the United States, (b) The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 i n Canada, (c) Some o f f i c i a l reactions to problems of the U.S. Labor Movement following World War  I I , and, (d) Some o f f i c i a l reactions to problems of the Cana-  dian Labor Movement i n the post-World War  II period.  In order to make the presentation of the data more meaningful i n terms of the main objectives of the thesis, the following strategy was adopted: t e r i a l s was  (1) The gathering of the h i s t o r i c a l  ma-  undertaken with these questions i n mind, (a) What were  some of the underpinnings to the occurrence of the event?  (b) What  conditions provoked e l i t e groups to assure public support of their preferred value system?  (c) What rule, or other devices were i n s t i -  tuted by officialdom to define the conduct of some non-elite members as•deviant?  (d) Who were the members of the society so defined?  (2) A preliminary interpretation of these h i s t o r i c a l  data w i l l be  made i n this chapter and w i l l focus f i r s t on the question as to how the various events were perceived by the members of the Labor Movement, and second, on how  these events were perceived by state  authority. In Chapter I I I , the present account of the o f f i c i a l and Labor perspectives of the events w i l l be elaborated.  This w i l l be  done by an interpretation of selected materials, such as statements by important groups i n the business world, government documents as  36  well as materials i l l u s t r a t i n g the p o s i t i o n of the Labor Movement during the two h i s t o r i c a l periods.  This approach has the aim to provide  a better understanding of the basic argument, namely that authority w i l l define a given a c t i v i t y as deviant i n terms of the source which i t perceives as motivating i t , and that i t w i l l i n s t i t u t e  devices  to control the deviance i n keeping with i t s reaction to and tion of this source condition.  defini-  A b r i e f c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of such control  devices w i l l be appended and based upon this consideration.  A.  The Period of the "Red 1.  Scare" of 1919  i n the United  States  The Event. An h i s t o r i c a l event, which seemingly exercized great i n -  fluence on the perception of everyday r e a l i t y by U.S. officialdom occurred i n the wake of World War as the "Red  Scare", or "Red Hunt".  years from the end of World War  I, and has popularly been known This event roughly comprises  I u n t i l early 1920,  two  the near-end of  the Wilson administration. During World War  I state authority was  the suppression of "subversives". rejected the U.S.  confronted  These were i n d i v i d u a l s , who  openly  government's war e f f o r t with Germany as w e l l as i t s  m i l i t a r y intervention i n North Russia and S i b e r i a . @  with  This war-time  Special reference i s made here to the members of two p o l i t i c a l parties, i . e . the S o c i a l i s t Party of America and the I.W.W. (International Workers of the World). The S.P.A. believed i n evolutionary p r i n c i p l e s , such as reform through l e g a l - p o l i t i c a l measures. By contrast, the I.W.W. was an a c t i v i s t group, advocating the use of v i o l e n c e . 2  37  r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y had greatly contributed to the enactment of the Espionage Act of 1917 as well as the Sedition Act of 1918 both of which Congress adopted to combat the thrust of the Labor Movement 3 which i t perceived as an attempt at increasing Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n . Another condition, which provided some impetus f o r the "Red  Scare", was the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 i n Russia  along  with the emergence of i n t e r n a t i o n a l Communism through the formation 4 of the Comintern (Communist International) i n March of 1919.  This  background of i n t e r n a t i o n a l turmoil as w e l l as unemployment and other domestic problems supplied the underpinnings f o r the "Red Scare" period. Understandably, these conditions imposed a severe threat to the e x i s t i n g value-structure, apart from their d i v i s i v e effects upon the American public.  Also, as i n most times of great s o c i a l up-  heaval, the cause for i t i s frequently sought i n the conspiracy of a small group of individuals against the welfare of most members of 5  the society, or even against that of humanity.  I t should  be possible to assume that public b e l i e f i n a Communist  therefore'  conspiracy  had already fostered a "united f r o n t " ideology, and that as a r e s u l t , support of e x i s t i n g values was easily r a l l i e d by authority. Yet, one index of the threat, which the perceived Communist thrust created f o r some American e l i t e s , i s r e f l e c t e d i n their advocacy of "hard l i n e " p r i n c i p l e s that were directed toward the extermination  38  of a l l threatening, seditious opinions.  This perspective was greatly  aided by fomenting p a t r i o t i c sentiments i n the American public and can be i l l u s t r a t e d by a series of incidents, which immediately prompted o f f i c i a l reaction. The Seattle General Strike, f o r example, was one such i n cident.  In January of 1919, 35,000 Seattle shipyard workers went on  s t r i k e f o r higher wages and shorter working hours.  Just before the  outbreak of the General Strike, however, a c t i v i s t I.W.W. groups had instigated wildcat s t r i k e s , Red f l a g parades and v i o l e n t propaganda against the war.  In early 1919, therefore, the press i n the P a c i f i c  North West expressed doubts whether the s t r i k e was aimed at higher wages or represented a fragmentary attempt at Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n 6 of industry. In addition, North Western employer groups harbored much h o s t i l i t y toward the Labor Movement due to past I.W.W. harassments and other r a d i c a l a c t i v i t i e s .  This i n turn resulted i n the  organization of a general s t r i k e i n a i d of the shipyard workers by 7  the Seattle Central Labor Council.  ^ S h o r t l y thereafter, 60,000  workers employed i n a large number of occupations and organized i n unions that were a f f i l i a t e d with the Council, went on s t r i k e as w e l l . Mayor Hanson of Seattle attributed this act of the Labor Movement to an I.W.W. conspiracy with the intent of launching a 8 Bolshevik revolution.  Eventually, Federal troops that were brought  into the c i t y i n conjunction with 1,500 policemen took control of a l l e s s e n t i a l services to the public and forced the Council to relent,  39  i n t h i s manner ending the s t r i k e .  While b e f o r e the s t r i k e  American  e l i t e s may w e l l have p e r c e i v e d the Communist t h r u s t as l o c a l and fragmentary,  they now c o n c e n t r a t e d more a t t e n t i o n on domestic  radical  activity. Other i n c i d e n t s which dramatized the c h a l l e n g e to the e x i s t i n g power s t r u c t u r e were the r a s h o f bomb p l o t s at t h i s  time.  that occurred  In these p l o t s home-made bombs were m a i l e d to promi-  9 nent members o f the j u d i c i a r y , government and i n d u s t r y . The  t h r e a t , which the S e a t t l e G e n e r a l S t r i k e and the  bomb p l o t s imparted to the v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s as w e l l as the g e n e r a l p u b l i c was compounded f u r t h e r by s t i l l  another i n c i d e n t .  T h i s con-  s i s t e d o f a s e r i e s o f r i o t s , emanating  from r a d i c a l May Day  rallies,  10 mass meetings  and Red f l a g parades  i n a number o f American  These a c t i v i t i e s e l i c i t e d p r e s s comments, such as " . . . f r e e  cities. speech  11 has been c a r r i e d to the p o i n t where i t i s an u n r e s t r a i n e d menace", " S i l e n c e the i n c e n d i a r y advocates o f f o r c e . . . . B r i n g the law's hand  12 down upon the i n c i t e r o f v i o l e n c e .  Do i t now."  The p r e s s w i t h h e a d l i n e s , e d i t o r i a l s , a r t i c l e s , as w e l l as p a t r i o t i c s l o g a n s had thus paved  cartoons  the way f o r a r o u s i n g  p a t r i o t i c sentiments i n the p u b l i c to take a c t i o n a g a i n s t the p e r c e i v e d Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n o f American b u s i n e s s . p a i g n was g r e a t l y a s s i s t e d by employer h o s t i l e to the Labor Movement  T h i s p r e s s cam-  groups, who were extremely  due t o i t s advocacy  o f the " c l o s e d  shop", h i g h e r wages, s h o r t e r working hours and the d e v i c e o f the  40  strike.  These groups made substantial f i n a n c i a l contributions to  certain p a t r i o t i c ^ s o c i e t i e s , such as the National Security League, the American Defense Society as well as the National C i v i c Federation a l l of whom were engaged i n an a l l - o u t attack on r a d i c a l conduct at that time.  The major contributions to these s o c i e t i e s came,  for example, from the large corporations as well as private business13 men. In addition to the p a t r i o t i c s o c i e t i e s , employer groups used their a f f i l i a t i o n with various employer organizations, such as the National Metal Trades Association, the National Founders' Assoc i a t i o n and the National Association of Manufacturers to step up their anti-union campaigns.  In this context, i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to  note -that prominent leaders of employer organizations were present, too, on the d i r e c t i n g boards of the p a t r i o t i c s o c i e t i e s .  These  employer organizations expressed their anti-union sentiments through journals, such as the Iron Trade Review, The Manufacturer's Record and the Open Shop Review.  These journals held that unionism, for  example, "ranked with Bolshevism", represented  a "surrender  to 14  Socialism", and that i t was  "the greatest crime l e f t i n the world".  Prodded into action by this "entrepreneurial" a c t i v i t y of the press and employer groups, the Federal government conducted  two  investigations into r a d i c a l behavior. The f i r s t of these, the Overman investigation, was  aimed  at investigating the background of the Seattle General Strike and  41  concluded at the end of i t s hearings that Bolshevism presented a great danger to the nation, but gave l i t t l e or no evidence for the effects Communist propaganda might have had on the ranks of American 15 Labor. The second investigation into r a d i c a l conduct followed reports that Bolshevist a c t i v i t y predominated  among New York workmen.  The demand for the second investigation was supported by the Union League Club of New York, which had applied pressure on the New York 16 state l e g i s l a t u r e .  This demand l e d to the creation of the Lusk  Committee, which was held responsible to "investigate the scope, tendencies, and ramifications of...seditious a c t i v i t i e s and report 17 the results of i t s examination to the l e g i s l a t u r e . "  The Lusk  Committee quickly secured "evidence" of seditious behavior by conducting raids on the Russian Soviet Bureau as w e l l as on the Rand School i n New York, the l a t t e r being a S o c i a l i s t and Labor College. It then prematurely concluded that radicals controlled about one hundred trade unions, and that the Rand School had co-operated with 18 the Soviet Bureau i n bolshevizing American Labor. The combined pressure of state l e g i s l a t u r e s , employer organizations, p a t r i o t i c s o c i e t i e s , press exhortations and possibly other groups upon Congress f i n a l l y induced the Senate.to adopt a resolution, requesting the Attorney-General "...to advise and inform the Senate whether or not the Department of Justice has taken l e g a l  o  42  proceedings, and i f not, why not, and i f so, to what extent, f o r the arrest and punishment [or deportation]...of the various persons within the United States who...have attempted to bring about the f o r c i b l e 19 overthrow of the Government...." While being s t r i c t l y an administrative device, this resol u t i o n gave Attorney-General Palmer the authority to s t a r t h i s nationwide raids on r a d i c a l s , concentrating h i s attention on "aliens", as i t was assumed that native-born radicals were not r e a l l y dangerous, i f l e f t alone.  As a result of these raids, 250 individuals were  arrested without the formality of a warrant i n New York alone.  In  other U.S. c i t i e s more than 500 persons were seized and reported as having been subjected to p o l i c e b r u t a l i t i e s on arrest as well as 20 intimidations and physical torture by j a i l guards i n prison.  Of  those arrested, 35 individuals were held on state criminal anarchy charges while foreign-born persons were committed to the custody of the Federal authorities f o r deportation.  A large number of those  apprehended were members of the Union of Russian Workers, the Communist Labor Party as w e l l as the Communist Party.  Altogether about 249 21  individuals were:deported to Soviet Russia guarded by 250 s o l d i e r s . Following the raids, the Attorney-General's  Department  continued i t s campaigns f o r peacetime s e d i t i o n l e g i s l a t i o n . e f f o r t culminated i n the drafting of the Graham-Sterling  This  B i l l , which  levied a $10,000 fine on any person who attempted to overthrow the  43  U.S. Government, or prevented, or delayed the execution of federal law, or harmed, or terrorized any o f f i c e r or employee of the govern22 ment. During the "Red Scare" period r e l a t i v e l y few cases were arraigned for adjudication by the federal courts, but the enactment of state s e d i t i o n l e g i s l a t i o n p r o l i f e r a t e d  during 1919.  Some states  already had such laws i n their statute books, but others (about twenty 23 states) enacted such type of l e g i s l a t i o n during the year 1919  alone.  In these laws, criminal anarchy, f o r example, was defined as "the doctrine that organized government should be overthrown by force and violence, or by assassination... or by any unlawful means." The fine for any offense under this l e g i s l a t i o n was 24 years i n j a i l , or both. which advocates  Syndicalism was  $5,000 or ten  defined as "the doctrine  crime, sabotage...violence, or unlawful methods of  terrorism as a means of accomplishing i n d u s t r i a l or p o l i t i c a l  reform."  Offenders under this law were "guilty of a felony" and punishable i n the state penitentiary f o r not more than ten years, or by a fine of 25 not more than $5,000, or both. Such l e g i s l a t i o n led to the prosecution and conviction of many Communists, especially California.  i n the states of I l l i n o i s , New York and  For example, William Lloyd along with 19 other members  of the Communist Labor Party were found g u i l t y under these laws and each received a $3,000 fine and j a i l sentences, ranging from one to f i v e years.  Only days l a t e r , Rose Stokes and B i l l Haywood (long-  44  time I.W.W. leader) with 83 other members of r a d i c a l groups were convicted and received sentences from f i v e to ten years i n the state 26 penitentiary. In New York, such leading radicals as C. Ruthenberg, I.E. Ferguson, James Larkin, H. Winitsky and Benjamin Gitlow were convicted on charges of criminal anarchy, each receiving the maximum 27 penalty of from f i v e to ten years i n prison.  2.  Interpretation. One p o l i t i c a l incident during the "Red Scare" period men-  tioned i n the previous section was the Seattle General Strike.  In  this s t r i k e , the r e a l issues consisted of a demand by workers f o r a wage-increase  and shorter working hours.  The concrete value premises  (terms of reference) upon which the Labor Movement based these demands were i d e a l s , such as improvements i n worker l i v i n g standards, greater equality in. the d i s t r i b u t i o n of rewards among a l l trades and more l e i s u r e time f o r the enjoyment of family l i f e .  Raising the status  of shipyard workers within the hierarchy of occupations was probably another i d e a l to be'realized by these demands. In this instance, the source condition which motivated Labor's protest was represented by a number of corporate p r i n c i p l e s which the workers experienced as estranging i n their daily work r o l e . One of these p r i n c i p l e s had to do with the maintenance of p r o f i t s at a fixed l e v e l through corporate e f f i c i e n c y , which required that  45  wages be m a i n t a i n e d  a t a g i v e n r a t e and  jobs a c e r t a i n number of h o u r s .  Another p r i n c i p l e , which  workers from the work s i t u a t i o n , was "the r i g h t  t h a t workers remain a t  their  estranged  the employers' i n s i s t e n c e upon  to manage" i n the a r e a of employer-worker  relationships,  which most c o r p o r a t i o n s c o n s i d e r e d as the o n l y means f o r m a i n t a i n i n g the o v e r - a l l e f f i c i e n c y of t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n .  Still  c i p l e to which most c o r p o r a t i o n s were committed was  another  prin-  the customary  view t h a t moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of the workingman c o u l d be won him o n l y through  rewards f o r i n d i v i d u a l m e r i t v i a c o m p e t i t i o n .  e s t r a n g e d workers from the l a t t e r v a l u e was was  by  c o n t r o l l e d by  t h a t such  What  distinctiveness  the c o r p o r a t i o n s i n an autonomous manner i n t h a t  they c o u l d w i t h h o l d rewards a t t h e i r  discretion.  These c o r p o r a t e v a l u e s then are here regarded of worker estrangement.  I n Labor's  as the  view, they were d i r e c t e d  source  toward  s e c u r i n g b e n e f i t s f o r the c o r p o r a t i o n a t the expense of the worker. On  f i n d i n g themselves unable  to e f f e c t i v e l y  communicate the a f o r e -  mentioned i d e a l s to the managers and owners and i n t h i s manner i n f l u ence t h e i r d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g  i n the a r e a of labor-management r e l a t i o n s ,  these i d e a l s became the " c o u n t e r - p r i n c i p l e s " which l e g i t i m i z e d  Labor's  protest.  by  P e r s i s t e n c e i n t h i s p r o t e s t was  f u r t h e r strengthened  the Labor Movement's vote i n f a v o r of a g e n e r a l s t r i k e i n a i d of  the  s h i p y a r d workers. While thus ted by source  the s t r i k e of these s h i p y a r d workers was  c o n d i t i o n (F-V), t h e r e i s evidence  motiva-  t h a t t h e i r more  46  s p e c i f i c goals, namely a wage-increase and shorter working hours, were regarded by them as being secondary to the attainment of a new morality f o r a l l members of the society.  The desire f o r such u l t i -  mate protest received i t s impetus from war-time r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y i n the United States, which, as already noted, resulted from U.S. m i l i t a r y intervention i n North Russia and S i b e r i a as w e l l as her active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the war against Germany.  These events were  followed by the Bolshevik Revolution i n 1917 and the formation of the Comintern i n 1919.  I t can be argued that this combination of  events provided the thrust for worker estrangement to diffuse from the everyday work s i t u a t i o n to the general value premises of the. society. This observation implies that worker estrangement now d i f fused from corporate p r i n c i p l e s which f a i l e d to supply a rationale f o r making the work role "workable" to a conception of the work role as one :  being controlled by a class of persons whose "irresponsible" behavior was tolerated by the whole of society.  Therefore loyalty and com-  mitment to s o c i e t a l p r i n c i p l e s f o r action which defined such " i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " as legitimate conduct became impossible.  Labor's t o t a l  disenchantment with American society resulted. Such  U t o p i a n  mode of thought aimed at the elimination of  a l l o f f i c i a l guidelines which, i n the view of some a c t i v i s t Laborites, threatened the ideals of most members of the society.  Principles,  such as "personal success" within a "free enterprise" system and the  47  c o n t i n u i t y o f a c l a s s o f " s u c c e s s f u l s " who seemingly determined the life  chances and success  i n l i f e of others  as w e l l as t h e i r  d u a l moral worth i n v i t e d t h i s u l t i m a t e p r o t e s t . these p r i n c i p l e s excluded  indivi-  I n Labor's view,  most members o f the s o c i e t y from a c t i v e  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n d e c i d i n g about t h e i r f u t u r e . This Labor p e r s p e c t i v e encompassed the view t h a t , i f o f f i c i a l g u i d e l i n e s had f o s t e r e d Labor's commitment to them i n the f i r s t p l a c e , the p r e s e n t  demand by the Labor Movement would be s u p e r f l u o u s .  F o r t h i s reason,  Labor regarded  the o f f i c i a l v a l u e  pre-  mises as r e p r e s e n t i n g a l i e n a t i n g c o n d i t i o n s t h a t r e q u i r e d replacement by p r i n c i p l e s  to which most workers c o u l d become g e n u i n e l y  committed.  In t u r n , such commitment was p o s s i b l e o n l y i f most workers had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the i n i t i a l making o f these p r i n c i p l e s  "collectively".  Hence, the " p e r s o n a l s u c c e s s " o f some had to be r e p l a c e d by the " c o l l e c t i v e s u c c e s s " o f the many. o f entrepreneurs  Moreover, the r i g h t o f a s m a l l c l a s s  to determine who was to be " s u c c e s s f u l " d e p r i v e d  most members o f the s o c i e t y o f e q u a l access  to economic rewards.  c o n t i n u i t y o f such c l a s s c o u l d thus be p r e v e n t e d p r i v a t e property  The  o n l y by a b o l i s h i n g  and the r i g h t o f some to i n h e r i t i t i n f a v o r o f the  ownership o f these  r i g h t s by the " c o l l e c t i v i t y " .  Furthermore, moral  w o r t h i n e s s was to be found only i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s d i r e c t  participa-  t i o n i n c o l l e c t i v e e n t e r p r i s e and b r o t h e r h o o d i n s t e a d o f a t t a i n i n g it  through i n d i v i d u a l m e r i t v i a c o m p e t i t i o n .  48  In  o r d e r to reach t h i s moral o b j e c t i v e , Labor regarded t h e  f o s t e r i n g o f p u b l i c disenchantment premises as b e i n g l e g i t i m a t e .  from the major o f f i c i a l v a l u e  The r i o t s d u r i n g the May Day parades  as w e l l as the bomb p l o t s d e s i g n e d to e l i m i n a t e s e v e r a l prominent e l i t e members s u p p l y some index f o r such disenchantment.  Another  r e f l e c t i o n o f t h i s U t o p i a n mode o f thought t h a t was expressed by the  more a c t i v i s t s e c t o r o f the Labor Movement can be found, too, i n  r a d i c a l propaganda 28 tivist  groups.  t h a t was d i s s e m i n a t e d d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d by ac-  W i t h i n the S m e l s e r - S c o t t paradigm  can be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n  these a c t i v i t i e s  (V-F).  D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f these r a d i c a l were a p p a r e n t l y t o l e r a t e d by the more c o n s e r v a t i v e elements Labor Movement e i t h e r because i n d e c i s i o n , o r because  i n the  these c o n s e r v a t i v e members e x p e r i e n c e d  they h e l d the view t h a t t h i s a c t i v i s t b e h a v i o r  a s s i s t e d the advancement o f t h e i r own cause. of  groups  C o n c e i v a b l y , t h e image  t h e Labor Movement s u f f e r e d a s e r i o u s s e t b a c k through these a t -  tacks on o f f i c i a l p r i n c i p l e s .  T h i s was so d e s p i t e c o n s e r v a t i v e de-  c l a r a t i o n s o f non-alignment w i t h t h e a c t i v i s t s e c t o r o f the Movement and "moderating" d e v i c e s used by them, such as the American of the  Alliance  Labor and Democracy formed by Samuel Gompers, then P r e s i d e n t o f AFL (American F e d e r a t i o n of L a b o r ) . I t has been c l a i m e d t h a t h i s t o r i c a l  i n s t r u m e n t a l i n f o s t e r i n g t o t a l worker  c o n d i t i o n s were i n p a r t  disenchantment w i t h t h e g e n e r a l  v a l u e premises o f American s o c i e t y d u r i n g t h e "Red S c a r e " p e r i o d .  The  49  extent  of such worker estrangement and  members o f the Labor Movement was  the p r o t e s t i t invoked i n most  of such magnitude t h a t e l i t e s  saw  an i n t e n d e d  one  based upon U t o p i a n p r i n c i p l e s , as i n the case o f  fore-  replacement of the e x i s t i n g a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e by  For e l i t e groups, i t was  thus not  Russia.  a q u e s t i o n whether  this  a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e c o u l d accomodate the t h r e a t which such worker p r o t e s t imparted, but  r a t h e r how  i t could r a l l y  the means to s u r v i v e  it. I t can be the demands by  argued t h a t , under l e s s i n e x o r a b l e  the Labor Movement d u r i n g  would have been p e r c e i v e d by c i f i c goals  of c o r p o r a t e  view, these i n c l u d e d  the S e a t t l e G e n e r a l S t r i k e  o f f i c i a l d o m as  efficiency.  conditions,  threatening  the more spe-  From the employers' p o i n t  of  the meeting of f i n a n c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s to s u p p l i -  e r s , i n s t a n t s e r v i c e to c u s t o m e r s , m a i n t a i n i n g good c r e d i t r a t i n g s w i t h f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , k e e p i n g the o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the  "black"  etc. From the p e r s p e c t i v e  of government, f o r example, the  would o r d i n a r i l y have r e p r e s e n t e d c i p l e of maintaining  "the  strike  a t h r e a t to the governmental p r i n -  f r e e flow o f commerce" as w e l l as  " e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e s " to the p u b l i c .  providing  However, p o l i t i c i z e d by  ceding h i s t o r i c a l events, e l i t e s p e r c e i v e d  the  the p r o t e s t o f the  pre-  Labor  Movement as an outcome o f i t s a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h the Communist Movement. These e l i t e groups b e l i e v e d ,  therefore,  t h a t the a c t i v i t i e s by  the  50  Labor Movement represented an attempt at Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n of American industry.  This b e l i e f was  further supported by the I.W.W.-  organized wildcat strikes and Red f l a g parades that preceded  this  s t r i k e as w e l l as the organization of a sympathetic s t r i k e involving 60,000 workers i n addition to?the 35,000 shipyard workers. This e l i t e perspective of the various a c t i v i t i e s i s clearly reflected i n press comments regarding the s t r i k e , namely whether i t 29 was  employed for "wages or for Bolshevism?".  Moreover, i t i s implied  i n a front page cartoon of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, which showed the Red f l a g f l y i n g above the Stars and Stripes, bearing the caption 30 "NOT IN A THOUSAND YEARS". Some remarks made by Mayor Hanson of 31 Seattle further support such open challenge of Labor strategies. While the behavior of the Labor Movement had remained be32 yond reproach and did not necessitate a single arrest, the bomb plots as w e l l as the May of violence. following:  Day r i o t s connected  the goals of Labor with the use  This i s evident from newspaper headlines, such as the  "REDS PLANNED MAYDAY MURDERS", or "36 WERE MARKED AS 33  VIC-  TIMS BY BOMB CONSPIRATORS". These attacks upon the existing value structure was  per-  ceived by e l i t e s as being motivated by a value system which, i n their view, was  diametrically opposed to their own.  For e l i t e s , these  " a l i e n " value premises embodied a conception of " c o l l e c t i v e success" v i a state ownership of the instruments of production (and not "personal success" v i a "free enterprise"), "classlessness" v i a the a b o l i t i o n  51  of private property  and the rights of inheritance (and not the con-  t i n u i t y of a class of "successfuls" v i a kinship ties and the prerogative to determine who  was  to be successful by this class) and moral  worth v i a e g a l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e s and brotherhood (and not the a t t a i n ment of moral worth v i a the pursuit of ennobling  causes).  It i s here argued that e l i t e s defined the a c t i v i t i e s of the Labor Movement as motivated by source condition (V-F) i n the Smelser-Scott model.  In their view, Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n of Amer-  ican society by some t o t a l l y estranged groups with whom the Labor Movement had associated i t s e l f was  now  complete.  This e l i t e view formed the basis for the argument that the disenchantment of workers with the whole of American society was ponsible for Labor's lack of conformity  res-  to the normative structure  (existing labor laws), i t s lack of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to organized  capi-  t a l i n the work role, as well as i t s lack of control over the p r i n ciples and means that f a c i l i t a t e d the work process.  Furthermore,  this perspective provided officialdom with a rationale for defending i t s preferred value system and refusing to negotiate with Labor by labeling i t s a c t i v i t i e s as B.  "deviant".  The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 1.  i n Canada  The Event. In Canada, the post-World War  I scene exercized effects upon  Canadian o f f i c i a l d o m s i m i l a r i n nature than those experienced by i t s  52  American counterpart.  Events of i n t e r n a t i o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the  form of the Bolshevik revolution and the formation of the Comintern as well as domestic afflictidnss', such as a recession period, growing unemployment and the demobilization of war veterans, presented a  34 severe threat to Canadian national security. I t i s understandable, therefore, that Canadian e l i t e groups should have perceived some of the incidents that occurred during the Winnipeg General Strike with great apprehension which can be best appreciated by examining some of the o f f i c i a l reactions to the various a c t i v i t i e s . One incident that provoked Canadian authority to r a l l y public support for their preferred value-system was the Winnipeg railway s t r i k e of 1918. Here, the chief c o n f l i c t focused upon the demand by the union that the employers (Canadian P a c i f i c Railway) recognize i t s p o s i t i o n as a c o l l e c t i v e bargaining agent for i t s membership.  This s t r i k e had a dimension for becoming general and aroused  great concern on the part of authority i n that c i t y .  In order to  gain control of s t r i k e s such as t h i s , orders-in-council were passed, which prohibited the creation of "dangerous" organizations and the  35 d i s t r i b u t i o n of r a d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . Another incident was the Western Labor Conference at Calgary, Alberta i n March 1919, which was dominated by labor leaders, having a s y n d i c a l i s t or Communist orientation.  This conference r e -  solved that a l l i n d u s t r i a l workers be organized  into One Big Union,  53  which i n turn required the severance of these workers from internat i o n a l union organizations.  Moreover, the conference demanded of  government the withdrawal of A l l i e d troops i n Russia, the release of p o l i t i c a l prisoners and relaxation i n the censorship of r a d i c a l literature.  Other resolutions accepted  the p r i n c i p l e of the Prole-  tarian Dictatorship to bring about a t r a n s i t i o n to Socialism and conveyed greetings to the Russian Soviet Government as well as other 36 working class movements i n the world. S t i l l another incident consisted i n a break-down of negotiations between members of the metal and b u i l d i n g trade unions and a group of employers.  For example, employer groups i n the  construc-  tion trade a f f i l i a t e d with the Builders Exchange granted that a demand for increased wages was  reasonable, but that they were i n no  p o s i t i o n to pay such increase, as their bankers refused to advance funds for this purpose. Employers of the metal trade refused dealing with both the wage issue and the Metal Trades Council as a legitimate 37 bargaining agent.  As a r e s u l t , the Builders Exchange and the Metal  Trades Council presented  the issue to the Winnipeg Trades and Labor  Council which i n turn ordered a l l a f f i l i a t e d unions to vote on a general s t r i k e i n order to establish the p r i n c i p l e of c o l l e c t i v e bargaining i n labor-management relations and, i n this manner, force a wage increase i n keeping with current l i v i n g expenditures.  A vote  i n favor of the s t r i k e resulted, which induced over 30,000 workers to leave their jobs on May  15, 1919,  including about 12,000 non-union  54  38 members.  The s t r i k e lasted from May  15th to June 25th, 1919  and  paralyzed services, such as banking, transport, p o s t a l service, food 39 supply, water and power supply as w e l l as f i r e and p o l i c e services. Canadian e l i t e s were now  compelled to r a l l y public support  i n order to combat the challenge to the general value premises of the society which this s t r i k e imparted.  Such " a n a r c h i s t i c " behavior of  the Labor Movement required immediate "correction". At that time a l l important public services were under the exclusive control and l e a dership of the General Strike Committee composed of representatives from each union a f f i l i a t e d with the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council. E l i t e entrepreneurialism was  now  directed toward i n c i t i n g  p a t r i o t i c sentiments i n the c i t i z e n r y through the formation of the Citizens Committee of One Thousand.  This committee represented a  c o a l i t i o n between corporation men,  the professions and newspaper e d i 40 tors and originated i t s own newspaper, the C i t i z e n . Most of i t s e d i t o r i a l s i d e n t i f i e d the s t r i k i n g workers with the Bolshevik Move41 ment. It i s of interest to note that, already at the very beginning of the s t r i k e , the Citizens Committee had established a m i l i t i a group of between 3,000 and 5,000 "volunteers" to stand ready for 42 bat against the s t r i k e r s , i f this should become necessary. Newspapers across the country began to j o i n the C i t i z e n i n i t s attack on the s t r i k e r s by supporting the "Red 43 notion.  Conspiracy"  com-  55  Other campaigns to deal with the threat of Communist i n f i l 44 t r a t i o n i n the ranks of Labor were conducted i n Ottawa by p o l i t i c i a n s . The Canadian Federal Cabinet expressed h o s t i l i t y toward the s t r i k e , maintaining that i t was revolution.  to be interpreted as a flagrant attempt at  Senator Robertson, the Minister of Labor, f o r example,  regarded the s t r i k e as a "revolutionary scheme" and was quoted by a colleague, Senator A.N. MacLean, as having said that the s t r i k e had been planned at the Calgary Conference, and that consequently the Winnipeg General Strike was  the f i r s t rehearsal for a l a t e r f u l l 45  fledged revolutionary take-over of the country. Despite these exhortations by the various e l i t e s , however, the s t r i k e spread to the other provinces of Canada. In Vancouver, 60,000 s t r i k e r s l e f t their jobs, including shipyard workers and street46 car employees. In Alberta, r a i l r o a d workers and expressmen staged 47 a walk-out. Postal workers, streetcar employees, hotel and restau48 rant workers s t r i k e d i n Calgary. A series of strikes was reported 49 i n Saskatchewan, and Brandon, Manitoba experienced a general s t r i k e . Members of the Winnipeg p o l i c e force voted for a sympathetic s t r i k e , but were requested by the General Strike Committee to remain on duty 50 and under the orders of the municipal government. On May  22nd, 1919  the Federal Ministers of Labor and the  Interior departed for Winnipeg to consul£:with high-ranking o f f i c i a l s 51 of the municipal and p r o v i n c i a l governments. This v i s i t resulted i n  56  an ultimatum to p o s t - o f f i c e employees, which demanded their return to work the  following day at the r i s k of immediate dismissal i n the  case of default.  The p r o v i n c i a l government served a s i m i l a r ultimatum 52  to i t s telephone workers.  The Winnipeg City Council informed members  of the f i r e brigade and the p o l i c e force —  the l a t t e r had  joined  the s t r i k e r s despite the request of the General Strike Committee to 53 remain on duty —  to return to work, or face dismissal.  This campaign a c t i v i t y of Canadian e l i t e s moreover included the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of high-ranking o f f i c i a l s i n the p o l i c e force. i l l u s t r a t e , RCMP Commissioner Perry addressed the executive  To  of the  Saskatchewan Grain Growers Association, denouncing the s t r i k e r s and asserting that their action was revolutionary and directed toward the confiscation of private property and the founding of a Communist 54 form of government. Other means for i n t e n s i f y i n g the campaign against radicalism were used as well by Canadian e l i t e s during this period. those was, the U.S.  One  of  for example, the Labor Minister Robertson's i n v i t a t i o n to  headquarters of i n t e r n a t i o n a l unions, attempting to e n l i s t  their co-operation  i n opposing the s t r i k e .  The i n t e r n a t i o n a l unions  responded favorably and actually denounced trade union l o c a l s at Winnipeg for t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the s t r i k e , threatening  the dis-  missal of members and the revocation of l o c a l charters, i f s t r i k i n g 55 was continued i n open defiance of i n t e r n a t i o n a l headquarters.  Conservative members of the Labor e l i t e , such as T. Moore of the Canadian Trades and Labor Congress rejected an appeal of the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council f o r support i n the s t r i k e .  In  fact, the Labor Congress imposed unacceptable conditions upon the Council, namely that i t abdicate i t s authority i n conducting the 56  s t r i k e and transfer such authority to international headquarters. While the Strike Committee refrained from advocating v i o lence, skirmishes between RCMP o f f i c e r s as well as m i l i t i a men and the s t r i k e r s nevertheless took place.  Two of these clashes occurred  on June 9th and June 21st when the s t r i k e r s , who had meanwhile gained the support of most war veterans, staged parades.  On these  days, RCMP o f f i c e r s aided by mounted m i l i t i a men recruited by the Citizens Committee, charged into crowds of s t r i k e r s and ex-servicemen, f i r i n g several shots. 57 and 42 wounded.  Three persons were k i l l e d i n these incidents  With campaigning efforts reaching a climax, more moderate views of the whole event, some of which had apparently been held from the beginning of the s t r i k e , were now expressed by some newspapers. Similar views were expressed by some members of the Federal P a r l i a 59 ment.  Nevertheless, e l i t e groups succeeded i n attaining their ob-  j e c t i v e , namely having their b e l i e f s transformed into l e g i s l a t i o n that could be used to define the leaders of the s t r i k e as well as some other members of the Labor Movement as deviants.  58  On*  June 6th, 1919  an amendment to the Immigration Act  was  passed by the Dominion Parliament, which extended provisions with respect to deportation by executive order to British-born subjects. reason for this move was  that the s t r i k e leadership was  be i n the hands of foreign-born i s reported  The  not found to  members of the Labor Movement.  It  that this b i l l passed the three readings i n both Houses, 60  including royal assent i n less than one hour. A few days l a t e r , the Solicitor-General suggested that  the  Federal Government adopt the recommendations of the Committee on Sedition and Seditious,- Propaganda, which the Dominion Government had established e a r l i e r i n an e f f o r t to investigate some r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y 61 i n the Labor Movement.  These recommendations were adopted i n the  form of an amendment to the Criminal Code of Canada as Section  98,  which allowed for a rather broad d e f i n i t i o n of seditious intent, holding offenders penalty  g u i l t y u n t i l proven innocent and increasingvjthe maximum  from two  tion 98 was  to twenty years imprisonment upon conviction.  i n s t i t u t e d as an executive order-in-council during 61a  Secthe  l a s t phase of the s t r i k e . On June 17th,  1919  ten members of the Central Strike Com-  mittee were arrested i n raids upon t h e i r homes.  The p o l i c e confis-  cated a number of books and papers labeled as "seditious documents" to be presented as exhibits at the t r i a l s , which occurred not the following year.  until  Raids were also conducted at the Labor Temple i n  59  Winnipeg, the o f f i c e s of the Western Labor News, and the Ukrainian 62 Labor Temple. No physical violence was served upon the prisoners following their arrest by the p o l i c e , but there were intimidations to the e f f e c t that sentences might be more severe, i f the existence 63 of a conspiracy was  denied by them.  Of the ten s t r i k e leaders ar-  rested on a charge of seditious conspiracy three were l a t e r acquitted, and the remaining seven received j a i l sentences, ranging from s i x months to two years i n duration. 2.  Interpretation.  One  incident which seemingly had some e f f e c t upon the dev-  elopment of the Winnipeg General Strike was s t r i k e of 1918.  the Winnipeg railway  I t should be r e c a l l e d that this s t r i k e was  defined  as i l l e g a l through the passing of p r o v i n c i a l orders-in-council that forbade the founding of "dangerous organizations" as well as the d i s t r i b u t i o n of ' l e f t i s t ' l i t e r a t u r e .  This l e g i s l a t i o n had  the  e f f e c t of i n t e n s i f y i n g Labor's protest against the employers' reluctance to recognize the union as a c o l l e c t i v e bargaining agent i n labor-management r e l a t i o n s . Already estranged  from p r i n c i p l e s that  ordained no standards of equality i n this r e l a t i o n s h i p , the Labor Movement's r e a l i z a t i o n of being "powerless" i n terms of influencing the decisions of business  e l i t e s was  now  amplified.  In fact, i t s  a c t i v i t i e s had o f f i c i a l l y been defined as p o t e n t i a l l y deviant by provincial legislation.  60  I t i s possible that the o f f i c i a l strategy of r u l i n g the union demand as p o t e n t i a l l y deviant conduct created a high degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n i n the members of the Labor Movement, which found an outlet i n the Western Labor Conference and subsequently i n the Winnipeg General S t r i k e . During the Western Labor Conference such i n i t i a l d i s a f f e c t i o n from the work role which, i n preceding s t r i k e s , had manifested i t s e l f i n tense labor-management r e l a t i o n s , almost reached a dimension of t o t a l disenchantment with the whole of Canadian society. The desire to organize workers into One Big Union combined with a resolution demanding acceptance of the P r o l e t a r i a n Dictatorship, give some i n d i c a t i o n of the goals toward which the thrust of the Labor Movement was directed.  Yet, while the Conference to some ex-  tent a l l i e d i t s e l f with the doctrines of the P r o l e t a r i a n Dictatorship, i t neither p u b l i c l y advocated the use of violence nor d i d i t attempt to s o l i c i t public support f o r the overthrow of the Canadian authority structure.  Moreover, while the One Big Union idea  severely  threatened the s e l f - i n t e r e s t s of Canadian authority, i t can be regarded c h i e f l y as an attempt at uniting the fragmented e f f o r t s of union l o c a l s i n a more sparsely populated and geographically  larger  64 country than the U.S. Rather than advocating the elimination of the general value premises of the society and t h e i r replacement by U t o p i a n p r i n c i p l e s , such as " c o l l e c t i v e success", "classlessness" and moral worth v i a  61  e g a l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e s , the OBU (One B i g Union) Movement attempted to eliminate o f f i c i a l  g u i d e l i n e s i n the form o f c o r p o r a t e p r i n c i p l e s as  w e l l as l a b o r l e g i s l a t i o n which i t regarded as "unworkeable" everyday work r o l e .  i n the  These v a l u e s were the s o u r c e o f worker e s t r a n g e -  ment, as they c o n t a i n e d an i d e o l o g y o f s u b o r d i n a t i o n which was unacc e p t a b l e to most workers. I t i s c l e a r t h a t the employers were r e l u c t a n t to r e l i n q u i s h what they c o n s i d e r e d to be an i m p o r t a n t p r i n c i p l e f o r m a i n t a i n ing  c o r p o r a t e e f f i c i e n c y , namely the a b s o l u t e r i g h t  to manage.  They  t h e r e f o r e sought to p r o t e c t t h i s v a l u e premise by l e n d i n g s t r o n g s u p p o r t to the Labor lobby system then a common a r b i t r a t i o n  device.  T h i s p r i n c i p l e o f the r i g h t to manage was i n t u r n  legiti-  mized by a g e n e r a l v a l u e premise o f North American s o c i e t y i n t h a t the  c o n t i n u i t y o f a c l a s s o f " s u c c e s s f u l " e n t r e p r e n e u r s and managers  was  a t a l l times n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e common good.  Consequently Labor's  attempt a t g a i n i n g e q u a l i t y i n t h e management o f employer-worker r e l a t i o n s h i p s was regarded by the employers  ( e i t h e r g e n u i n e l y , o r by  p r e t e x t ) as an open a t t a c k on t h i s g e n e r a l v a l u e premise. I r o n i c a l l y , t h e t h r u s t o f t h e Labor Movement toward modif y i n g , o r e l i m i n a t i n g t h e s u b o r d i n a t e r o l e o f Labor v i s - a - v i s Management i n c l u d e d an a p p e a l t o the e x i s t i n g normative s t r u c t u r e (the o f f i c i a l l e g a l apparatus) r a t h e r than i n s i s t i n g upon an a l t e r n a t i v e  65 t h a t upheld a t o t a l l y new m o r a l i t y .  While thus worker  disaffection  62  from the work role had diffused to institutionalized rules (legislation), as the workers had been excluded from the drafting of these, they nevertheless attempted to communicate their ideals to authority in the prescribed manner, although without noticeable effects.  The  OBU (One Big Union) Movement was, however, determined to achieve a desired standard of equality between its membership and management. In its view, this standard could be attained only i f union and management recognized each other as bodies p o l i t i c in the arbitration of labor disputes.  It therefore sought to increase its bargaining  power with management by organizing a l l workers into "One Big Union". The activities during the Winnipeg General Strike reflect a similar perspective by the Labor Movement.  The principles that  guided Labor's action were basically the same as i n the preceding strikes, namely equality in the sharing of economic resources with the other trades as well as standards of equality in labor-management relations.  The rejection of these principles by the employers in the  metal and building trades intensified the workers' disaffection from their work role, as they perceived themselves as being isolated from the making of a "blue print" which intimately affected the everyday reality of their work.  Their protest against corporation-made values  in the area of labor-management relations therefore took the form of fostering disaffection from those corporate principles, in the other members of the Labor Movement, in this manner creating a platform for more full-fledged organization of them.  This device of increasing  63  u n i o n membership had  the same aim  as i n p r e v i o u s  s t r i k e s , namely  changing e x i s t i n g l a b o r l e g i s l a t i o n which o r d a i n e d  of e l i t e members on  66  over-representation  three-man c o n c i l i a t i o n b o a r d s .  In view of the Labor Movement's p u b l i c a p p e a l to official  l e g a l machinery f o r the s e t t l e m e n t  putes and bership,  of labor-management  the c o n s t r a i n t i t seemingly p l a c e d  dis-  on a c t i v i s m i n i t s mem-  i t i s h e r e argued t h a t the s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n which m o t i v a t e d  i t s p r o t e s t i s represented model.  the  by  sequence (F-V)  i n the  Smelser-Scott  I t i s d o u b t f u l whether Labor's estrangement had  to the g e n e r a l v a l u e s  diffused  of Canadian s o c i e t y .  While i t has-been argued t h a t the Labor Movement r e t a i n e d a p a r t i a l commitment to the g e n e r a l v a l u e by  system, Canadian e l i t e s ,  c o n t r a s t , e x p e r i e n c e d no l e s s a t h r e a t by  Labor's t h r u s t toward  changing c e r t a i n norms than d i d American e l i t e groups. lieved  t h a t the Movement's p r o t e s t was  of a new corporate  m o r a l i t y by  They, too,  d i r e c t e d toward the  r e p l a c i n g the g e n e r a l  value  be-  creation  premises based upon  e c c l e s i a s t i c a l i n t e r e s t s with U t o p i a n goals. S u r v i v i n g the t h r e a t to v a l u e s ,  such as " p e r s o n a l  success",  the c o n t i n u i t y of a c l a s s of " s u c c e s s f u l s " as w e l l as a c h i e v i n g worth through d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s from o t h e r s was Canadian e l i t e s  as i t was  to t h e i r U.S.  i n g a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e was  relegated  e q u a l l y paramount to  counterparts.  whether Labor's p r o t e s t c o u l d be p a r t i a l l y  moral  The  accommodated by  to secondary  question the e x i s t -  importance.  64  The Winnipeg Railway s t r i k e o f 1918 perspective.  Elites  then regarded  r e f l e c t s such  the Communist t h r u s t as  elite real  in  t h a t they assumed t h a t members of the I.W.W. were attempting  to  unite with s o c i a l i s t  t r a d e union members i n the OBU  (One B i g Union)  67 Movement to overthrow While demand by  c o n s t i t u t e d government.  the c h i e f c o n f l i c t i n t h i s s t r i k e f o c u s e d upon the  the union that the employers  (Canadian P a c i f i c  r e c o g n i z e i t s p o s i t i o n as a c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g agent, p e r c e i v e d such o f f i c i a l the  Railways) the C.P.R.  r e c o g n i t i o n o f the union as an acute t h r e a t to  'maintenance of p r o f i t s ' p r i n c i p l e and o t h e r c o r p o r a t e v a l u e s .  parallel  to the e x p e r i e n c e o f American e l i t e s  Canadian  government and employers p e r c e i v e d , i n the arguments advo-  A  during this period,  c a t e d by Labor, aims beyond the c o n c r e t e i s s u e o f union  recognition.  An example o f such view i s the p a s s i n g o f o r d e r s - i n - c o u n c i l by  the  p r o v i n c i a l government which p r o h i b i t e d the c r e a t i o n o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n i m i c a l to the tenets o f c o r p o r a t e - c a p i t a l i s t i c e n t e r p r i s e by ing  these groups as "dangerous".  I t s h o u l d be r e c a l l e d t h a t  r u l e s forbade the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l e f t i s t  label-  these  l i t e r a t u r e as w e l l .  The Labor Movement's p e r s i s t e n c e i n p r o t e s t d e s p i t e the enactment o f l e g i s l a t i o n to d e f i n e i t s a c t i v i t i e s  as p o t e n t i a l l y  v i a n t a c c e n t u a t e d the t h r e a t to the g e n e r a l v a l u e p r e m i s e s . ample, Canadian of  For  deex-  F e d e r a l Cabinet m i n i s t e r s p e r c e i v e d the p r o c e e d i n g s  the Western Labor Conference  as c o n t a i n i n g overtones o f a  'leftist'  65  68 conspiracy.  69 This view was also held by some i n f l u e n t i a l newspapers.  The chief resolution of this conference aimed, as already noted, at organizing a l l workers into One Big Union.  I t i s therefore natural  that this proposal by the Labor Movement should have multiplied the threat to the goals of the various authorities and contributed to an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of the c o n f l i c t between the two parties with respect to Labor a c t i v i t i e s generally.  Employers, for example, perceived  Labor's concerted e f f o r t i n organizing i t s members as a challenge to their prerogative of managing the a f f a i r s of their organization as they saw f i t .  On the other hand, the various levels of government per-  ceived OBU strategies as an open attack on i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d norms. These refer to the Labor lobby system and l e g i s l a t i o n which, up to this point, had e f f e c t i v e l y dissolved any challenge to the general value of class-continuity, namely that the s o c i a l system could operate with maximum e f f i c i e n c y only i f a small class of entrepreneurs  that  had achieved "success" i n the society continued to govern i t s existence. The s t r i k e of the metal and b u i l d i n g trades which l a t e r grew to the magnitude of the Winnipeg General Strike furthered e l i t e b e l i e f s that this series of strikes as w e l l as the Western Labor Conference were Communist-inspired.  In their view, this  'conspiracy'  had now reached a climax i n that the whole of Canadian society had been i n f i l t r a t e d with the ideology of the P r o l e t a r i a n Dictatorship. Consequently, e l i t e s set about labeling Labor a c t i v i t i e s as "deviant conduct".  An e d i t o r i a l i n the Winnipeg C i t i z e n , which held that the  66  s t r i k e was  "a serious attempt to overturn B r i t i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s . . . and  to supplant them with the Russian Bolshevik system of Soviet rule ..."  and the statement of M.R.  Blake, Member of Parliament for North  Winnipeg i n the House of Commons, namely that workers had abandoned 71 "their responsibility to c a p i t a l and the state"  are examples of such  e l i t e perspective. As during the "Red Scare" period i n the U.S.,  Canadian  e l i t e s perceived the various iricTHents of this post-World War I period as motivated by source condition (V-F).  This condition  pre-supposes  an attempt at replacing existing values with alternative objectives. In  the e l i t i s t view of these incidents, Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n of  everyday l i f e had been accomplished by Labor through i t s association with the Communist Party Movement. the t o t a l disenchantment  Therefore, e l i t e s assumed that  of the workers with Canadian society had  diffused to worker r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on the job as w e l l as the workman's grasp of i t s essentials, namely "proper" work p r i n c i p l e s and control over the tools of production.  Contract negotiations with the  Labor Movement based upon standards of equality became, therefore, impossible. Summary Two h i s t o r i c a l events involving relations between authority and the Labor Movement that occurred during the post-World War  I  67  period i n North America were described.  This had the purpose of trac-  ing some of the source conditions that seemingly motivated authority to define those a c t i v i t i e s as deviant i n the p o l i t i c a l sphere. The basic argument rested on the notion that p o l i t i c a l deviance stems from a cleavage i n perspective, which has i t s o r i g i n i n the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l experiences i n the society.  common to e l i t e s and non-elite groups  An i n d i c a t i o n of the extent of this cleavage was  provided by i n t e r p r e t i n g the data i n terms of how the events were perceived by the s o c i a l control agents (represented by various e l i t e groups) and, i n turn, how they were regarded by the members of the Labor Movement.  In this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n the point was emphasized  that the manner i n which authority and the Labor Movement perceived these incidents depended upon their d e f i n i t i o n of the source condition which, i n their view, motivated  a p a r t i c u l a r conduct.  Two  basic source conditions represented by the a l i e n a t i o n sequences (F-V) and (V-F) were i d e n t i f i e d with the various a c t i v i t i e s and regarded as two d i s t i n c t forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance i n this  context.  In the Labor perspective of these events, the general value premises of American and Canadian society (V) were perceived as a l i e n ating conditions that induced protest by fostering a perception of being i s o l a t e d from the formation of key p r i n c i p l e s f o r s o c i a l action to which the Labor Movement could genuinely  commit i t s e l f .  Moreover,  i t can be argued that existing labor laws provided further impetus for such estrangement i n that most workers perceived themselves as  68  being  unable to i n f l u e n c e the o f f i c i a l  i n these laws.  to the a p p r o p r i a t e  inability  labor  of communicating t h e i r i d e a l s  a u t h o r i t y i n an e f f e c t i v e manner.  In the U.S. v a l u e premises was  example, t h i s estrangement from the  shown as b e i n g  relatively  complete, so  general t h a t con-  to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d r u l e s , or norms (N), r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n  the work r o l e (R) as w e l l as any and p r o d u c t i o n  m a s t e r i n g of e s s e n t i a l work r u l e s  tools f a c i l i t a t i n g  k e r s , become i m p o s s i b l e . be  t h a t were embodied  In t h i s sense, the Labor Movement regarded the  laws as examples of t h e i r own  formity  decisions  t r a c e d to s o u r c e A slight  The  t h i s r o l e (F) had,  f o r most wor-  p r o t e s t which r e s u l t e d can,  therefore,  condition.(V-F). c o n t r a s t appears i n the Labor p e r s p e c t i v e  of  these i n c i d e n t s i n Canada i n t h a t workers seemingly r e t a i n e d a p a r tial  commitment to the g e n e r a l v a l u e - s y s t e m .  borne out by  This o b s e r v a t i o n  Labor's appeal to e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s  (the  is  courts)  w i t h a p l e a to l e g i s l a t e changes i n then c u r r e n t l a b o r laws.  It  can be  s a i d t h a t , w h i l e estrangement from the work s i t u a t i o n (F  R) had  occurred  and  d i f f u s e d to the normative s t r u c t u r e  workers were not e n t i r e l y T h i s s i t u a t i o n can,  and  (N), most  d i s e n c h a n t e d w i t h the whole of s o c i e t y  t h e r e f o r e , be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h s o u r c e  condition  (F-V). I t i s tempting to s p e c u l a t e  about some p o s s i b l e reasons  for this  cleavage i n the Labor p e r s p e c t i v e  U.S.  Canadian  and  representatives.  (V).  of events between i t s  69  One reason may perhaps be found i n the g r e a t e r number o f I.W.W. a c t i v i s t s i n the U.S. a t t h a t time, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Western and North Western r e g i o n s . v i t y i n . Canada e x h i b i t e d l e s s t h r u s t .  t h e i r presence  By c o n t r a s t , I.W.W. a c t i -  Another reason may have been  the g e n e r a l e v o l u t i o n o f the North American Trade Union Movement self.  it-  P o s s i b l y , the Canadian Movement l a c k e d the advanced l e v e l o f  development which i t s U.S. c o u n t e r p a r t had e x p e r i e n c e d as a r e s u l t of e a r l i e r and more l a r g e - s c a l e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .  T h i s had the  e f f e c t of p l a c i n g employer m i l i t a n c y i n Canada under g r e a t e r traint.  Moreover,  res-  i t can be argued t h a t the Canadian Movement e s -  poused a more t o l e r a n t a t t i t u d e i n i t s b a r g a i n i n g s t r a t e g i e s w i t h management.  A t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s t a g e o f i t s growth, i t sought  to a v o i d major c o n f l i c t s w i t h the c a p t a i n s o f i n d u s t r y . The U.S. Movement i n t u r n had passed through t h i s i n i t s development y e a r s b e f o r e .  phase  By g r e a t e r exposure to l a b o r -  management d i s p u t e s i t had l i k e l y b u i l t up a g r e a t e r r e s i d u e o f d i s a f f e c t i o n from employer business e l i t e s ,  t a c t i c s i n the b a r g a i n i n g s i t u a t i o n . U.S.  through more numerous c o n f r o n t a t i o n s w i t h Labor  i s s u e s , may w e l l have developed a l e s s  t o l e r a n t a t t i t u d e toward them,  i n t h i s manner i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r m i l i t a n c y . The p e r s p e c t i v e o f the i n c i d e n t s by U.S. and Canadian  elites  was based upon the same d e f i n i t i o n o f Labor's a c t i v i t i e s , namely i n terms o f c o n d i t i o n  (V-F).  I n t h e i r view, Labor had a s s o c i a t e d  it-  s e l f w i t h the Communist P a r t y Movement f o r the purpose o f r e p l a c i n g  70  the existing value premises with an U t o p i a which ordained values, such as "collectiveness", "classlessness" and moral worth based upon e g a l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e s i n contradistinction to corporate-ecclesiastical p r i n c i p l e s , such as "personal success", the continuity of a class of "successfuls" and moral distinctiveness through competition with others. Highly suspicious of Labor's strategies, the various e l i t e s began to l a b e l the a c t i v i t i e s of the Movement as deviant conduct.  This had the aim of s e n s i t i z i n g the public toward the im-  pending threat to existing i n s t i t u t i o n s by evoking p a t r i o t i c s e n t i ments.  Labeling devices that were u t i l i z e d by these e l i t e groups  varied with the location of these groups i n the s o c i a l structure. For example, the press used devices, such as headlines, e d i t o r i a l s , a r t i c l e s , cartoons and p a t r i o t i c slogans.  The various levels of  government through cabinet ministers, members of the Senate, Congress or Parliament and other high-ranking o f f i c i a l s , employed speeches i n the d i f f e r e n t Houses of government, luncheon addresses to i n t e r e s t groups as well as publicized meetings with lower levels of government.  Some l a b e l i n g was accomplished, too, through the device of  i n t e r e s t group a c t i v i t y which consisted of anti-union propaganda by the p a t r i o t i c s o c i e t i e s , the Legion and other groups.  A l l of this  enterprise had the objective of labeling Labor's thrust as deviant conduct.  71  As noted p r e v i o u s l y , f o r U.S. i n c i d e n t s during  and Canadian e l i t e s , most  t h i s p e r i o d r a i s e d the q u e s t i o n  of  survivingthe  Communist t h r u s t toward what they p e r c e i v e d  as a complete  infiltra-  t i o n o f i n d u s t r y and everyday s o c i a l l i f e .  Understandably, such de-  f i n i t i o n o f the Labor Movement's a c t i v i t i e s e x c l u d e d n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h i t from any c o n s i d e r a t i o n .  Moreover,  the r u l e s  (administrative  and l e g i s l a t i v e ) which r e s u l t e d from such d e f i n i t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l deviance  (V-F), as w e l l as the means by which these were  were i n most i n s t a n c e s  quite r e s t r i c t i v e .  however, r u l e enforcement was  enforced,  I n the Canadian  example,  seemingly l e s s s t r i c t when compared to  t h a t employed by the U.S. a u t h o r i t i e s . Theoretically, i n f r a c t i o n s implies  t h i s d i f f e r e n c e i n the punishment  of r u l e  the i n f l u e n c e o f some agent upon the a t t i t u d e  o f government toward these o f f e n d e r s .  I t can be argued, f o r example,  t h a t some Canadian i n t e r e s t groups p e r c e i v e d  the t h r u s t o f Communist  i n f i l t r a t i o n as h a v i n g a more " a b s t r a c t " q u a l i t y to i t than d i d s i m i l a r groups i n the U.S.  i n t h a t they saw  fewer m a n i f e s t a t i o n s  t h r u s t i n the form o f " s t r e e t s k i r m i s h e s " . r e a c t i o n to Labor's a c t i v i t i e s was ency toward the d e v i a n t s ties.  By c o n t r a s t ,  I.W.W. a c t i v i s t s , Movement i n U.S.  of t h i s  I n t u r n , such n o n - e l i t e  transformed i n t o p l e a s  for leni-  f o l l o w i n g t h e i r a p p r e h e n s i o n by the a u t h o r i -  the a c t s o f v i o l e n c e , i n most cases committed  likely  by  f o s t e r e d more a p p r e h e n s i o n toward the Labor  non-elites.  I n t h i s manner, these groups were seem-  72  ingly more i n c l i n e d to share the o f f i c i a l view of the incidents, namely that the complete take-over of American i n s t i t u t i o n s by the Communist Movement was imminent.  C.  Some O f f i c i a l Reactions to Problems of the U.S. Labor Movement Following World War I I .  1.  The Event.  In contrast to h i s t o r i c a l conditions p r e v a i l i n g a f t e r the F i r s t World War, the post-World War I I period was dominated by a p o l i t i c a l philosophy which envisioned the p o s s i b i l i t y of a c o a l i t i o n between b a s i c a l l y opposed domestic interests i n order to achieve "normalcy". This mode of thought could p r e v a i l i n the absence of an ideology which advocated global revolution as a solution to Labor's problems as for example i n 1919.  Moreover, a general increase i n  the prosperity l e v e l of most Western countries may w e l l have r e i n forced such conciliatory perspective.  This resulted i n a pragmatic  view of most issues involving labor-management r e l a t i o n s . Following World War I I the United States was confronted with the problem of reconverting i t s war-time economy to one f u l f i l l i n g post-war demands. by the aftermath  This problem was magnified  to some extent  of a whole series of strikes during the war as w e l l  as the absence of a government labor p o l i c y to deal with them.  73  The  d e m o b i l i z a t i o n of war  veterans  combined w i t h  c e l l a t i o n of many c o n t r a c t s f o r the p r o d u c t i o n  of war  the  can-  materials,  the unemployment of about three m i l l i o n workers d u r i n g 1945.  caused  This  g i g a n t i c p o o l o f excess l a b o r r e q u i r e d almost immediate r e l o c a t i o n i n indus t r y . Apart  from these problems, the Labor Movement, e s p e c i a l l y  those unions r e p r e s e n t e d and  by  the A.F.L. (American F e d e r a t i o n  the C.I.O. (Committee f o r I n d u s t r i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n ) ,  general p r o s p e r i t y during extent  of p u r c h a s i n g  of Labor)  resolved  that  the post-war p e r i o d depended upon the  power commanded by  the lower income groups.  In  view o f the d i f f e r e n t i a l between r e l a t i v e l y h i g h post-war p r i c e s f o r consumer goods and  r a t h e r inadequate wages, labor-management r e l a t i o n s  c h i e f l y encompassed the problem of a d j u s t i n g wage l e v e l s prices.  Here, i t was  assumed by  to e x i s t i n g  the unions that employers were i n a  p o s i t i o n to grant an i n c r e a s e i n wages w i t h i n e x i s t i n g p r i c e i n g s , and  t h a t i t was  p o s s i b l e to determine the e x t e n t  ceil-  of these i n — 72  creases  through c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g w i t h o u t s t r i k e s .  wage-rate i n c r e a s e s were granted  by  employers on  While some 73  this basis,  general  agreement was  garding  the magnitude of i n c r e a s e which employers were a b l e to  commodate. i n 1946  reached between employers and  no  There e x i s t e d no  to s e t t l e such These i s s u e s  o f the i n c i d e n t s  the unions r e -  a r b i t r a t i o n agency i n the U n i t e d  acStates  disputes. then formed the background a g a i n s t which some  that occurred  during  the y e a r s  immediately  following  74  World War  II must be evaluated.  The  question i s : What incidents i n  p a r t i c u l a r induced authority, i . e . employers and government to combat the threat which the thrust of the Labor Movement imparted to corporate p r i n c i p l e s as well as e x i s t i n g labor l e g i s l a t i o n ? The General Motors Strike of November 1945 was which prompted American corporate protect their s e l f - i n t e r e s t s . corporation's  a b i l i t y to pay  one incident,  e l i t e s to take action i n order to  Most unions advocated the view that a should be considered  as a major point i n  determining the extent of a wage-increase without upward price adjustment to be awarded to the workers by the company.  On the other hand,  company o f f i c i a l s maintained that prices and p r o f i t s did not form a 74 part of wage bargaining. Similar issues were involved i n the almost f i v e thousand strikes that occurred  later in 1946.  These strikes had a worker par-  t i c i p a t i o n rate of over one m i l l i o n and affected the steel industry, e l e c t r i c a l manufacturing, meat packing as well as farm-equipment plants. The  largest of the strikes occurred  i n the steel industry, r e s u l t i n g  in a three-week walkout of about 750,000 members of the United Steelworkers of America i n early 1946, 75  the year with the greatest number of  strikes on record. Another incident which challenged  the l a i s s e z - f a i r e goal i n  labor-management r e l a t i o n s protected by officialdom up to this point was  the Labor-Management Conference i n November 1945,  which, except for  75  affirming the sanctity of contract did not proffer any agreement between Labor and Management on the matter of s e t t l i n g labor disputes. This led President Truman to issue a public statement after the Conference i n which he emphasized the necessity for l e g i s l a t i o n to gain 76 control of this serious s i t u a t i o n . The P r e s i d e n t i a l campaign for the enactment of l e g i s l a t i o n , providing guidelines for the settlement  of labor disputes was  chiefly  prompted by seemingly insurmountable deadlocks i n negotiations between Labor arid management i n many instances.  This necessitated the seizure  of several industries by the Federal authorities under the War Labor 77 Disputes Act during the period from August 1945  to June  1946.  Apart from the great number of strikes and the f a i l u r e of the Labor-Management Conference i n developing incident apparently  a solution to them, another  influenced authorities to r a l l y support for the pur-  pose of introducing l e g i s l a t i o n i n protection of their interests.  This  incident took the form of c e r t a i n abuses i n union government over a period of years, which had received increasing c r i t i c i s m . ticism was  Such c r i -  leveled largely at undemocratic practices within unions,  such as i r r e g u l a r i t i e s i n the holding of l o c a l meetings and national conventions, or threats to i n f l i c t bodily harm on members i n disagree78 ment with the action proposed by o f f i c e r s .  Moreover, the r e l a t i v e l y  large concentration of power i n the hands of certain executive had become a subject for c r i t i c i s m over the years and,  officers  i n combination  76  with other malpractices, furnished the target for a Senate Investiga79 tion Committee. By December 1945,  President Truman urged Congress to provide  him with the statutory authority to accept f a c t - f i n d i n g boards for the investigation of labor disputes.  This support was,  however, not forth-  coming u n t i l 1946 when.the strike situation reached a climax. time, support for the enactment of new  At that  labor l e g i s l a t i o n came also from  various newspapers, congratulating the President for taking a " m i l i tant stand against the rapidly accumulating  encroachments on the people's  80 right by Labor"  and exhorting Congress "to no longer evade i t s res81  p o n s i b i l i t y to the people"  i n proposing l e g i s l a t i o n .  Further sup-  port for the Federal Government's campaign was provided by corporate 81a executives, educators as well as government o f f i c i a l s . Many of the solutions to labor disputes that were proposed dealt  largely with amendments to the Wagner Act of 1935,  which aimed  at equalizing the bargaining power between management and labor.  Yet,  i t contained no clause, regulating the abuses of union a c t i v i t i e s .  Re-  portedly, this Act regulated employer r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n the c o l l e c tive bargaining situation, but not that of unions. As a r e s u l t of the Federal Government's i n i t i a t i v e , the press, corporate executives, businessmen and educators  as well as over  t h i r t y state legislatures became instrumental i n enacting a number of r e s t r i c t i v e measures i n 1947.  These forbade a union "closed shop" pol-  icy, limited the use of check-offs, r e s t r i c t e d the r i g h t to s t r i k e ,  77  established unfair labor practices for unions, banned union p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , required unions to f i l e f i n a n c i a l reports, regulated union fees, prohibited secondary boycotts,  limited picketing, regulated  disputes i n public u t i l i t i e s , and i n many ways c u r t a i l e d the p r i v i l e g e s  82unions had enjoyed previously. At the Federal l e v e l , Congress as well as the Senate introduced a number of b i l l s that were equally r e s t r i c t i v e of union prac-  83 t i c e s , but most of these were never reported out of committee.  The  accumulation of these b i l l s , however, led to the enactment of the LaborManagement Relations Act, or popularly known as the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947,  which became law over President Truman's veto. Among other r e s t r i c t i o n s on Labor a c t i v i t y , this Act forbade  unions to coerce employees i n their choice of c o l l e c t i v e  bargaining  representatives, discriminate, or cause employers to discriminate against employees, cai se payment for services not performed, or engage i n juri s d i c t i o n a l strikes, or secondary boycotts. shop, but allowed the union shop, provided i n the bargaining unit. permitted  I t outlawed the closed i t was  approved by a majority  Damage suits against employers iand unions were  for v i o l a t i o n of contracts, and procedures i n emergency  strikes were established, retaining for the Government the r i g h t to seek postponement or suspension of such walkouts for a limited period through an injunction i n the Federal D i s t r i c t Courts.  Unions as well  as corporations were forbidden to support candidates for federal p o l i tical office.  Supervisory  personnel were denied protection under the  78  statute.  The Federal C o n c i l i a t i o n Service was made into an indepen-  dent agency.  Unions seeking the service of the National Labor Rela-  tions Board were required to f i l e their constitutions, by-laws, and f i n a n c i a l statements with the U.S. Department of Labor.  Union o f f i -  cers had to f i l e an a f f i d a v i t , declaring that they were not members 84 of the Communist Party, or any organization supporting i t . As a r e s u l t of this law, the number of strikes declined, but 85 court cases, involving unions, increased. for  The Act imposed penalties  a v i o l a t i o n of one or more of i t s many sections.  For example,  Section 304 prohibited p o l i t i c a l contributions by corporations and labor unions and subjected  unions found g u i l t y to a f i n e up to $5,000,  and a union o f f i c i a l up to $1,000 and imprisonment for one year. More generally, the Taft-Hartley Act placed a number of r e s t r i c t i o n s on a great many practices formerly engaged i n by both unions and employers.  V i o l a t i o n s usually resulted i n convictions, enforcing these  r e s t r i c t i o n s , but could be dealt with by imposing fines i n varying amounts as well as short-term  prison sentences under some of i t s sec-  tions . 2.  Interpretation In the General Motors Strike of 1945 the point of issue was,  as noted, ,the union demand for a wage-increase.  Such request was com-  bined with another, namely that a corporation's a b i l i t y to pay be regarded as a measure i n determining the t o t a l amount of this wageincrease.  79  P r i n c i p l e s of corporate e f f i c i e n c y , such as the maintenance of p r o f i t s at a fixed l e v e l by a class of managers and owners which prompted the company's refusal to negotiate were experienced by most workers as estranging.  Such estrangement from corporate p r i n c i p l e s  was due to a perception of being excluded from the making of work rules which affected their everyday role as workers.  Moreover, as worker  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n corporate policy-making i n the area of labormanagement relations was thus denied, company-made work principles did not encompass the desired standards of equality i n this relationship. This worker estrangement from work p r i n c i p l e s gained i n magnitude i n that workers perceived existing labor laws.that favored the lobby system as an a r b i t r a t i o n device i n labor disputes as  responsible  for their i n a b i l i t y -to communicate'*,:';' their views to the appropriate authority.  This general d i s a f f e c t i o n with the work role over a period  of time gave the impetus to the strike vote.  The demand by the union  that a corporation's a b i l i t y to pay be taken into consideration i n f i x ing the amount of the wage-increase  supports this view.  During the President's Labor-Management Conference,  the  unions were c h i e f l y concerned with a balance of powers, i . e . standards of equality between Labor and management i n contract negotiations. P r i n c i p l e s , such as the right to manage which necessitated a class of owners and managers to maintain p r o f i t s and corporate e f f i c i e n c y  was,  as noted before, experienced as an alienating condition by the workers  80  who perceived themselves as being excluded from the formulation of company work p r i n c i p l e s .  The unions' desire to be  - recognized as c o l ;  l e c t i v e bargaining agents by management thus represents a form of protest against these p r i n c i p l e s and simultaneously a manifestation of worker estrangement from them. The r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed upon Labor a c t i v i t i e s by the Wagner Act and the Norris-LaGuardia Act had made the Labor Movement d i s t r u s t f u l of any l e g i s l a t i v e changes requested by the employers.  For this  reason, the Movement favored the establishment of equality standards in labor-management relations v i a employer contract rather than l e g i s l a t i v e channels.  Labor regarded the contract device as a more effec-  tive means of removing their estrangement from both corporate p r i n c i ples and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d rules i n the form of the two Acts mentioned than the lobby system, which a r t i f i c i a l l y maintained barriers to f r u i t f u l communication with business e l i t e s .  This c o n f l i c t can thus be iden-  t i f i e d with source condition (F-V) i n the Smelser-Scott model. The very fact that Labor agreed to confer i n a formal setting with business as well as government e l i t e s to s e t t l e differences in the labor-management relations area i s evidence that i t was with the modification of corporation-made  concerned  work principles that were  protected by the existing i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure, nothing more. By contrast, American business e l i t e s regarded the union's demand for a wage-increase  during the General Motors Strike as a threat  81  to the company's autonomy i n matters of management as well as  corporate  e f f i c i e n c y i n meeting p a y r o l l s , rendering service to customers, avoiding idleness of costly machinery etc.  In the same vein, e l i t e s  regar-  ded the thrust of the Labor Movement as challenging i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d norms, such as labor laws and the rules of commerce, a l l of which had  the task of protecting the general value of "free enterprise". As opposed to the incidents following the F i r s t World War  1  when e l i t e s were greatly concerned with surviving the threat which Labor a c t i v i t i e s imparted, they perceived at this time c o n c i l i a t i o n procedures as being a d i s t i n c t p o s s i b i l i t y i n dealing with Labor's protest.  In their view, this protest was  too fragmented as to represent  a r e a l challenge to the general value premises of the society.  Its  p a r t i a l accommodation within the e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure therefore, regarded as possible. was  was,  Such e l i t e perspective of the event  probably supported by the b e l i e f that, i n contrast to the pcst-  World War  I period, Labor exhibited l i t t l e , or no a f f i l i a t i o n with the  Communist Party Movement. This e l i t e view i s moreover r e f l e c t e d i n the proceedings of the Labor Management Conference of 1945.  American e l i t e s believed  that a r b i t r a t i o n procedures i n the settlement  of labor disputes were  a suitable device to combat Labor's protest.  However, while they agreed  on the device of the contract and i t s s a n c t i t y , no agreement between Labor and management was  reached with respect to the basic terms which  82  such contractual relationship should encompass.  In this sense, the  Conference c h i e f l y " v e r i f i e d " the existing cleavage i n perspective between e l i t e s and Labor r e l a t i v e to the labor-management problem. I t i s possible that business, e l i t e s , while b a s i c a l l y receptive toward the regulation of their relationships with Labor v i a the contract device, had retained a d i s t r u s t i n Labor's a c t i v i t i e s which they regarded as j u s t i f i e d i n view of the malpractices engaged i n by union o f f i c i a l s over a number of years.  E l i t e s believed that, i f the  Labor Movement tolerated practices of a group of leaders who could be regarded as estranged from Labor's own "work bench", then the Movement was capable of employing similar practices i n i t s relations with employers as well as i n the organization of workers. In concluding, i t can be argued that American e l i t e s perceived the protest of the Labor Movement as emanating from a general d i s a f f e c t i o n from corporate p r i n c i p l e s as well as i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d rules i n the form of labor laws.  While thus Labor's estrangement  had diffused from the work role to the normative structure of the society, e l i t e s saw n o s i g n s of Labor's alignment with the Communist Party Movement.  Thus, the post-World War I I incidents involving labor d i s -  putes can, from the perspective of American e l i t e s , be i d e n t i f i e d with the (F-V) condition within the Smelser-Scott model.  I t i s possible  that h i s t o r i c a l conditions prevailing after the Second World War-had some e f f e c t i n fostering such c o n c i l i a t o r y perspective of Labor's strategies.  83  D.  Some O f f i c i a l Reactions to Problems of the Canadian Labor Movement i n the Post-World War ll^Pe-riod.  1.  The Event.  The post-World War I I period i n Canada was fraught with domest i c problems much the same i n nature as those that existed i n the United States during this period, namely the demobilization of war veterans, the wage-price.conflict as well as the unemployment problem. One major difference between the two countries was the rel a t i v e absence of s t r i k e s i n Canada during the war years when compared to a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of them i n the United States.  Perhaps this can be  attributed i n part to a no-strike p o l i c y i n the Canadian Labor Move86 ment to a s s i s t the war e f f o r t , or i t may have been due to e x i s t i n g governmental controls on rent and p r i c e s , the provision of cost-of87 l i v i n g bonuses and a more generous i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of wage control. Workers were on s t r i k e i n 1942 and 1943, but the duration of these s t r i k e s was generally not very great -- about 4.77 days l o s t per worker i n 1943, f o r example. Labor-management r e l a t i o n s l n Canada seemingly contained a more c o n c i l i a t o r y note during this period. increases was unquestionably present,  While the problem of wage-  the Canadian Movement was more  concerned with the issue of union recognition by employers as exemplif i e d i n the Kirkland Lake s t r i k e of 1942, which was i n i t i a t e d by the 88 International Union of Mine, M i l l and Smelter Workers.  84  In this context, an important question i s to what extent the incidents which occurred during this period challenged e l i t e p r i n c i p l e s both i n the corporate and governmental spheres of a c t i v i t y . One incident was  the General Motors Strike toward the end  of 1945, which caused 11,000 members of the Canadian Local 200 of the U.A.W. (United Autoworkers of America) i n Windsor to go on s t r i k e . These workers demanded a union shop (primarily), seniority for war veterans, lay-off or reconversion pay, and a two-weeks paid vacation. The operation of the General Motors power house i n Windsor became an i s sue i n the settlement of this s t r i k e , as the U.A.W. had withdrawn their maintenance personnel.  As a r e s u l t , the Association of Insurance Un-  derwriters of Ontario requested the Attorney-General of Ontario to provide protection of General Motors'^property maintenance men.  i n the absence of these  Ontario Premier Drew made a journey to Ottawa, re-  questing the assistance of Prime Minister King, who responded by autho r i z i n g the dispatch of RCMP reinforcements to Windsor i n order to break picket l i n e s , should such action be warranted.  The s t r i k e r s , however,  blocked off the power house area with a large number of cars i n defiance, and this measure assisted the defeat of any attempt to break the s t r i k e . When,following the encounter between police and the s t r i k e r s , Local 195 of Chrysler Corporation joined the s t r i k e , the companies f i n a l l y nego89 tiated a settlement with the U.A.W. Another incident i s represented by a whole series of strikes (following the U.S.  pattern), which involved about 139,474 workers as  85  well as a t o t a l of 4,561,393 l o s t man-working-days.  Moreover,  this  s t r i k e movement encompassed the whole of Canada from Cape Breton to Vancouver Island, and began i n May 1946 with the walkout of B r i t i s h Columbia Loggers, members of the I.W.A. (International Woodworkers of America).  This s t r i k e was followed by the seamen's s t r i k e ,  strikes  by t e x t i l e workers, rubber workers, and later by the strikes of elect r i c a l and steel workers at Hamilton, Ontario.  Lumber workers i n 90  Northern Ontario stopped work i n the autumn of 1946. Union demands i n these strikes mostly involved union recogn i t i o n as a bargaining agent for the s t r i k i n g workers by management, wage-increases as well as shorter working hours i n some instances. For example, i n the seamen's s t r i k e , the union's chief demand was the 3-watch system (8 hours of work per day) as opposed to a 12 hour working day.  During that time, seamen received an average pay of about  $112 per month and were discouraged from c o l l e c t i v e bargaining at the r i s k of the governmental enactment of amendments to the Canada Shipping Act disadvantageous to their cause.  In this context, i t i s of  interest  to note that s t r i k i n g seaman could moreover be arrested for 91 desertion. The Federal Government, i n an attempt to break the s t r i k e , declared the docks public property and prevented seaman from entering 92 the shipyards at the r i s k of trespassing.  This p a r t i c u l a r  s t r i k e re-  ceived, however, much public support from the l o c a l authorities.  For  86  example, at Cornwall and Thorold, Ontario, the mayors openly protested interference with the s t r i k e r s by the p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e while at Collingwood the inhabitants of the town attempted to convince breakers  to leave town.  strike  F i n a l l y , the Federal Government, under i t s  war-time powers, seized 29 shipping companies, appointing a controller and commissioner to adjudicate wages and working conditions. measure resulted i n granting the CSU 93 quested 3-watch system. The seamen's s t r i k e was  This  (Canadian Seamen's Union) the re-  followed by the strike of the Domin-  ion T e x t i l e Workers, which resulted i n the walkout of 6,000 workers i n Montreal  and V a l l e y f i e l d , Quebec.  Members of the United T e x t i l e Workers  of America, Canadian d i s t r i c t , demanded a wage-increase, a forty-hour work week as well as recognition of their union as a legitimate bargaining agent.  Dominion T e x t i l e Co. refused, however, to sign a contract  with Canadian union leaders R.K. r e f u s a l was  supported  Rowley and Madeleine Parent, and  by the p r o v i n c i a l government.  p l e s s i s held the view that the strike was "Communist Conspiracy",  this  Quebec Premier Du-  i l l e g a l and represented  a  ordering the arrest of Rowley on charges of  sedition and conspiracy later on and demanding that Rowley be remanded without b a i l . was  This union leader wait to t r i a l toward the end of  1946,  found g u i l t y of the charge and sentenced to only s i x months i n  j a i l mainly due to public protest as well as concern with the issue 94 that was expressed i n the Federal Parliament.  87  E l i t i s t enterprise directed toward bringing about l e g i s l a t i v e reform of labor-management relations received, however, much impetus from the unions themselves i n Canada during this period.  Apart from  the s p e c i f i c objectives of Canadian industry and the various levels of government i n demanding such reform, the Canadian Labor Movement's chief concern, f o r example, was P.C.  1003  to embody some of the p r i n c i p l e s of  i n permanent l e g i s l a t i o n .  This executive order by the Fed-  e r a l Government stated the government's p o s i t i o n with respect to labormanagement relations and dates back to February 1944 when i t was  passed  under the nucleus of National Emergency Laws, which expired i n March 1947.  P.C.  1003 provided for the right of workers to form and  join  labor unions, prohibited unfair labor practices, established procedures for defining and c e r t i f y i n g bargaining units, required compulsory c o l l e c t i v e bargaining and c o n c i l i a t i o n , and affirmed the r i g h t of workers 95 to s t r i k e during the term of an agreement. While labor-management relations had again become the resp o n s i b i l i t y of the provinces  under the provisions of the B r i t i s h North  America Act following the expiration of the Emergency Laws, the Dominion Government was  instrumental i n proposing l e g i s l a t i o n that could  be universally adopted across Canada.  This e f f o r t resulted i n federal  law i n 1948  i n the form of the I n d u s t r i a l Relations and Disputes In@ vestigation Act. While this Act embodied most of the war-time provi@  The f i r s t Dominion labor l e g i s l a t i o n enacted was putes Investigation Act of 1907.  the I n d u s t r i a l d i s -  88  sions, i t included some new Movement's objectives.  sections that were opposed to the Labor  These were provisions directed toward de-  c e r t i f y i n g a bargaining agent without replacing i t with another and toward r e s t r a i n i n g a union from taking a s t r i k e vote u n t i l c o n c i l i ation procedures had been completed. 96 company unionism as  The Act, however, declared  illegal.  At the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , labor l e g i s l a t i o n had existed for a number of years before World War  II.  already  B r i t i s h Columbia,  for example, enacted the I n d u s t r i a l C o n c i l i a t i o n and A r b i t r a t i o n Act i n 1947, title.  which replaced an e a r l i e r statute of 1937,  bearing the same  This p r o v i n c i a l statute established a Labor Relations Board  as did federal l e g i s l a t i o n , but included provisions not  contained  i n the l a t t e r , such as the requirement for a government-supervised s t r i k e vote, a measure opposed by the unions.  Other Labor demands  for changes i n this Act encompassed the appointment of a Labor representative on the Labor Relations Board as well as the elimination of the Board's right to determine j u r i s d i c t i o n i n labor disputes 97 to decide which union a worker should  and  join.  This federal and p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n resulted i n a number of s u i t s for damages against unions as well as judgements for i l l e g a l strikes.  L e g i s l a t i v e regulation of s t r i k e s was  i n part res-  ponsible also for an increase i n ex-parte injunctions served unions, r e s t r i c t i n g their right to picket and  strike.  on  89  Between the y e a r s 1946  and 1955,  69  i n j u n c t i o n s were, f o r  example, a p p l i e d f o r i n B r i t i s h Columbia a l o n e , w i t h a l l b u t  two  98  h a v i n g been g r a n t e d . resulted i n j a i l  Contempt of these i n j u n c t i o n s f r e q u e n t l y  terms and  fines.  To i l l u s t r a t e :  the B o i l e r m a k e r s Union r e c e i v e d s h o r t j a i l obey an i n j u n c t i o n i n 1949,  Two  officials  of  terms f o r r e f u s i n g to  which c a l l e d f o r the r e i n s t a t e m e n t of a  worker e x p e l l e d from the union f o r h i s open o p p o s i t i o n to i t s po-  99  licies.  In another  America) agent  case, an I.W.A. ( I n t e r n a t i o n a l Woodworkers of  received a short j a i l  term f o r contempt of an i n j u n c -  t i o n , r e s t r a i n i n g , the union from p i c k e t i n g a v e s s e l b e l o n g i n g to Canadian T r a n s p o r t Co. L t d . , Vancouver.  He as w e l l as o t h e r l e a d e r s  100? of  t h a t union were f i n e d 2.  $7,200.  Interpretation.  During the G e n e r a l Motors S t r i k e i n Canada the Labor Movement employed much the same s t r a t e g y i n p r o t e s t i n g corporation-made p r i n c i p l e s as d i d i t s c o u n t e r p a r t i n the U.S. unions  In both cases  demanded r e c o g n i t i o n as c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g agents  management as w e l l as a wage-increase  f o r t h e i r membership.  work the  by Yet,  w h i l e the c h i e f concern of the American p a r e n t union, i . e . the U n i t e d Automobile, was  A i r c r a f t , and A g r i c u l t u r a l Implement Workers of America  an i n c r e a s e i n wages, i t s Canadian a f f i l i a t e i n Windsor, O n t a r i o  p l a c e d more emphasis on the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a union shop, v a c a t i o n w i t h pay and o t h e r f r i n g e b e n e f i t s , such as a s e n i o r i t y war  v e t e r a n s and l a y - o f f , or r e - c o n v e r s i o n pay.  clause f o r  90  Apart from being estranged from corporate value premises, such as the maintenance of p r o f i t s at a given l e v e l and autonomy i n managing the corporation's a f f a i r s which were protected by the business e l i t e s , members of the Canadian Labor Movement perceived themselves as being excluded from the formulation of corporate  guide-  lines that endowed the s o c i a l aspects of the work role with legitimacy. During the series of country-wide s t r i k e s that followed the Second World War, the chief demand by the Labor Movement was, however, union recognition by management.  This demand was l e g i t i m i z e d  by the same desire f o r standards of equality i n contract negotiations as was the case i n the General Motors S t r i k e .  The previous  device  of l e g i s l a t i v e lobbying was no guarantee f o r the Labor Movement to a t t a i n this value and safeguard i t . Following the expiration of the National Emergency Laws i n March of 1947 j u r i s d i c t i o n over Labor problems was, as noted, returned to the provinces.  E x i s t i n g p r o v i n c i a l labor l e g i s l a t i o n  that had been superseded by the Emergency Laws thus became again enforceable.  In B r i t i s h Columbia, f o r example, the Industrial Con-  c i l i a t i o n and A r b i t r a t i o n Act (ICA Act) of 1937 r e s t r i c t e d c o l l e c t i v e bargaining to committees of employees i n preference to unions. The Industrial C o n c i l i a t i o n and A r b i t r a t i o n Act of 1947 which r e placed the 1937 statute established a Labor Relations Board, but provided f o r a government-supervised s t r i k e vote.  A l l of this labor  l e g i s l a t i o n was to some extent opposed to the standards  of equality  91  i n Labor-management relations which the Labor Movement had set out to attain, and was consequently experienced as estranging by i t s members.  For example, the provision of the 1937 ICA Act for c o l -  l e c t i v e bargaining v i a employee committees f a i l e d to recognize Labor's desire to become a body p o l i t i c and a legitimate agent i n a r b i t r a tion procedures.  This provision did l i t t l e more than s h i f t i n g the  device of the lobby from the l e g i s l a t i v e arena to the corporate sphere. In this sense, i t represented an attempt at fragmenting Labor's overa l l objectives, and hence added to i t s perception of being "powerl e s s " i n communicating i t s goals to the various corporate e l i t e s i n an e f f e c t i v e manner. This 1937 Act then supported corporate autonomy i n the area of labor-management relations and became a major source for Labor's persistence i n protest.  The replacement of this statute by  the ICA of 1947, while conceding to the Labor Movement the right to organize, perpetuated Labor's d i s a f f e c t i o n from the work role by providing f o r a government-supervised  s t r i k e vote.  This clause ex-  presses a fundamental d i s t r u s t of Labor strategies which government e l i t e s shared with their counterparts i n the corporate world.  The  rationale f o r i t l i e s i n the e l i t i s t notion that Labor's protest was due to the a c t i v i t i e s of some estranged Labor leaders who to foster such estrangement  attempted  i n the other members of the Movement, so  that the l a t t e r perceived themselves as being exploited by their  92  employers.  The c l a u s e had t h e r e f o r e the aim to e l i m i n a t e the dom-  i n a t i o n o f u n i o n members by " a l i e n " l e a d e r s d u r i n g a s t r i k e v o t e . Furthermore, n o n - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n on the Labor R e l a t i o n s Board f o r which the A c t p r o v i d e d i n t e n s i f i e d Labor's sense of "powerlessness". I t can thus be argued t h a t the estrangement workers  from c o r p o r a t e p r i n c i p l e s  of Canadian  t h a t l e g i t i m i z e d the work r o l e had  d i f f u s e d to the normative s t r u c t u r e of the s o c i e t y i n t h a t some c l a u s e s i n e x i s t i n g l a b o r laws c h i e f l y s u p p o r t e d c o r p o r a t e autonomy i n the a r e a o f labor-management r e l a t i o n s .  These c o n d i t i o n s were  r e s p o n s i b l e f o r Labor's p r o t e s t and can be r e p r e s e n t e d by s o u r c e condition  (F-V). Much t h a t has been s a i d about how  American e l i t e s p e r -  c e i v e d some o f the i n c i d e n t s i n t h i s post-World War a p p l i e s to the view Canadian e l i t e s  also  took o f them.  The G e n e r a l Motors S t r i k e a t Windsor, p e r c e i v e d by Canadian e l i t e s  II period  f o r example,  was  i n the c o r p o r a t e w o r l d and government  as a sympathetic g e s t u r e i n s u p p o r t o f the s t r i k e v o t e a g a i n s t the U.S.  p a r e n t company i n D e t r o i t .  As i n the U.S.,  Canadian  elites  e x p e r i e n c e d Labor's t h r u s t c h i e f l y as a t h r e a t to c o r p o r a t e p r i n c i p l e s , such as the r i g h t to manage, m a i n t a i n i n g p r o f i t s a t a d e s i r e d l e v e l and c o r p o r a t e e f f i c i e n c y . In the view of Canadian b u s i n e s s e l i t e s ,  this s t r i k e rep-  r e s e n t e d o n l y a s c a t t e r e d attempt a t c h a l l e n g i n g the g e n e r a l v a l u e system of the s o c i e t y , although i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d r u l e s i n the form  93  o f l a b o r laws were openly a t t a c k e d .  P a r t i a l accommodation o f  p r o t e s t w i t h i n the e x i s t i n g  i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e was  l e s s regarded as p o s s i b l e .  T h i s view i s r e f l e c t e d ,  Labor's  neverthe-  f o r example, i n  the n e g o t i a t i o n s o f G e n e r a l Motors Company w i t h the union which resulted  i n a s e t t l e m e n t o f the s t r i k e . The s e r i e s  o f country-wide  strikes  entailed  c o n c r e t e de-  mands by the Labor Movement much the same i n n a t u r e as those i n the G e n e r a l Motors S t r i k e a t Windsor.  In t u r n , i t may  e l i t e groups p e r c e i v e d these s t r i k e s  be s a i d  that  as t h r e a t e n i n g v a l u e s  similar  to those c h a l l e n g e d i n the G e n e r a l Motors S t r i k e , namely c o r p o r a t e principles  legitimizing  l a b o r 3aws on the o t h e r . of  the work r o l e on the one hand, and As i n the U.S.,  the p a r t i a l accommodation  these p r o t e s t s w i t h i n the e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework was  regarded as p o s s i b l e by Canadian o f Labor's  e l i t e s , as they p e r c e i v e d no s i g n s  a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h the Communist P a r t y Movement i n these  activities. Basically,  the r e a c t i o n of Canadian  e l i t e s to the  o f Labor d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d can be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h source (F-V).  conduct  condition  The s t r i k e of the Dominion T e x t i l e workers i n Quebec which  resulted which was  i n the a r r e s t o f Canadian Labor l e a d e r R.K. p e r c e i v e d by  i n s p i r e d may  Rowley, and  the Quebec p r o v i n c i a l government as  be regarded as an e x c e p t i o n .  Communist-  94  Summary  In these two post-World War I I e v e n t s , the Labor Movement's d i s a f f e c t i o n from the work r o l e can be t r a c e d to a l i e n a t i n g  conditions  t h a t were induced by corporation-made p r i n c i p l e s as w e l l as i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d norms i n the form of l a b o r laws. trast  This r e p r e s e n t s a con-  to the p e r i o d t h a t f o l l o w e d the F i r s t World War where e l i t e s ,  f o r example, d e f i n e d Labor's p r o t e s t l a r g e l y i n terms o f a l a c k o f l o y a l t y and commitment to the e x i s t i n g v a l u e - and a u t h o r i t y  structure,  r e l e g a t i n g c o n c r e t e b a r g a i n i n g i s s u e s to secondary importance. D u r i n g t h i s post-World War I I p e r i o d then, most Labor i s sues were p e r c e i v e d i n terms o f t h e i r pragmatic u t i l i t y w e l l as L a b o r .  Worker estrangement  v a l u e premises o f the s o c i e t y .  to e l i t e s as  d i d not d i f f u s e to the g e n e r a l  The p r o t e s t which i t f o s t e r e d was  d i r e c t e d toward changing g u i d e l i n e s and norms which, i n the workers' view, were not "workable'" i n the everyday performance o f t h e i r j o b s and. which,  f u r t h e r m o r e , p r o v i d e d f o r inadequate remuneration f o r  such performance. I t can be argued, t h e r e f o r e ,  that the e l i t e as w e l l as the  Labor p e r s p e c t i v e o f these events c o n t a i n e d a pragmatic o r i e n t a t i o n which aimed a t f i n d i n g a s o l u t i o n to c o n c r e t e i s s u e s i n the a r e a o f labor-management r e l a t i o n s . the Labor Movement  Such c o n c r e t e frame o f r e f e r e n c e a l l o w e d  to r e t a i n a p a r t i a l commitment to the g e n e r a l v a -  l u e system o f the s o c i e t y i n both e v e n t s .  95 While Labor's p r o t e s t i n both the U.S.  and Canada d u r i n g  t h i s p e r i o d can be regarded as stemming from s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n (F-V), a s l i g h t d i f f e r e n c e between the U.S. This d i f f e r e n c e r e f e r s Labor was  to the k i n d s o f c o n c r e t e i s s u e s w i t h which  most concerned i n both c o u n t r i e s .  ample, the Movement was wage-increase  In the U.S.,  f o r ex-  c h i e f l y concerned w i t h the a t t a i n m e n t o f a  as w e l l as u n i o n r e c o g n i t i o n by management.  ada, u n i o n demands were extended fits.  and Canadian examples emerges.  to i n c l u d e a number of f r i n g e bene-  I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t p r e v i o u s exposure  such as governmental  In Can-  to s o c i a l b e n e f i t s ,  c o n t r o l over r e n t and p r i c e s ,  cost-of-living  bonuses and a more b r o a d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of wage c o n t r o l d u r i n g the war y e a r s had s e n s i t i z e d Canadian workers toward o f the work r o l e .  T h i s s e n s i t i v i t y seemingly  the s o c i a l aspects  reflected i t s e l f i n  the b a r g a i n i n g s i t u a t i o n . An o v e r a l l comparison events between the two  o f the Labor p e r s p e c t i v e o f the  c o u n t r i e s shows, however, no important  dif-  ference. U.S.  and Canadian e l i t e s  regarded t h i s form o f p o l i t i c a l  deviance as stemming from s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n o f the v a r i o u s i n c i d e n t s p r e c l u d e s the view  (F-V).  Such  definition  t h a t Labor had  affili-  a t e d w i t h the Communist Movement i n o r d e r to r e p l a c e the g e n e r a l v a l u e system o f the s o c i e t y w i t h a d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed " c o u n t e r system",  or ideology.  Business e l i t e s , f o r example, p e r c e i v e d Labor's  96  protest as based upon a d i s a f f e c t i o n from pragmatic corporate values, such as the "maintenance of p r o f i t s " v i a corporate e f f i c i e n c y , the necessity f o r an "owner and manager c l a s s " to maintain these p r o f i t s at a fixed l e v e l v i a the right to manage and the workers' attainment of "moral distinctiveness competition.  through rewards for i n d i v i d u a l merit" v i a  In both countries, government e l i t e s perceived the  thrust of the Labor Movement as motivated by worker  disaffection  from i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d norms (labor l e g i s l a t i o n ) , but as confined to this area of i n s t i t u t i o n a l a c t i v i t y .  Thus, government e l i t e s  r e a l i z e d the necessity of having Labor p a r t i c i p a t e on equal terms i n the formulation of labor laws from which i t had been deliberately excluded i n previous years. Such desire for Labor's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the formulation of labor laws r e f l e c t s i t s e l f i n President Truman's c a l l f o r the LaborManagement Conference of 1945.  The reason f o r the f a i l u r e of this  conference to establish mutually s a t i s f a c t o r y terms of reference for labor l e g i s l a t i o n may  largely be attributed  to the reluctance of busi-  ness e l i t e s i n allowing greater Labor p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the generation of corporate values l e g i t i m i z i n g employer-employee  relationships  r e l a t i v e to the work role . It i s here argued that such reluctance by Mangement was  due  to i t s perception of Labor's protest as a fragmented attempt at i n troducing Utopian p r i n c i p l e s , although i t had to admit to Labor's non-alignment with the Communist cause.  97  While thus Management conceded that p a r t i a l i n s t i t u t i o n a l accommodation of Labor's thrust was possible, i t did not see any way of accomplishing i t other than by relinquishing some of i t s prerogatives .  This reluctance to relinquish corporate autonomy i n labor-  management relations can be traced i n Canadian industry, f o r example, u n t i l at least 1947 when some p r o v i n c i a l labor l e g i s l a t i o n s t i l l provided f o r a government-supervised  s t r i k e vote and the establishment  of labor r e l a t i o n boards to which no Labor representative could be appointed. In both the U.S. and Canada, however, e l i t e s generally defined Labor's protest as being motivated by source condition (F-V).  Conse-  quently, the devices they i n s t i t u t e d to control this form of deviance were much less r e s t r i c t i v e than those ordained i n the period following the F i r s t World War.  98  FOOTNOTES  1.  Berger, P.L. and Luckmann, T. The Social Construction of Reality, New York: Doubleday Anchor Book, 1966, see esp. p. 61.  2.  Chaplin, R. 343.  3.  Castberg, F. Freedom of Speech i n the West, Oslo: Oslo Univ. Press, Norway. In the U.S., New York: Oceana Publications, Inc., 1960, p. 160.  4.  Lenin, V.I. Selected Works, V o l . X, New York: Publishers, 1943, p. 31.  5.  Stein, M.R., V i d i c h , A.J. and White, D.M. (eds.) Identity and Anxiety, The Free Press of Glencoe, 111., 1960, pp. 277-290.  6.  Cong. Record, 65 Cong., 3rd Session, p. 2151. In this context see also: Tyler, R.L. "Rebels i n the Woods", Oregon H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, LV, No. 1 (March 1954), pp. 3-44.  7.  History Committee of the General Strike Committee, History of the General Strike, (Seattle, 1919), pp. 12-13, p. 18.  8.  Cong. Record, 65 Cong., 3rd Session, p. 3637.  9.  Some discussion of these bomb plots can be found i n the Tribune, Chicago, March 6, 1919, p. 13; also "Current Event and Comment", United Presbyterian, LXXVII, A p r i l 10, 1919, p. 7.  10.  Boston, Evening Transcript, May  11.  Tribune, Salt Lake, May  12.  Washington, Post, May  13.  Much detailed information regarding these p a t r i o t i c societies and t h e i r supporters i s contained i n : Investigation of the National Security League, House Reports, A, No. 1173, 2 pts U.S.  14.  Open Shop Review, XVI, issues January-August 1919; see also: Murray, R.K. "Red Scare", Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1955, p. 93.  Wobbly, Chicago:  Univ. of Chicago Press, 1948, p.  International  2nd, 1919, p. 1.  3rd, 1919, p. 6.  3rd, 1919, p. 6.  99  15.  Christian Science Monitor, March 12, 1919, p. 1, which quotes Senator Overman as saying: "We must bring home to the people the truth that a compromise with Bolshevism i s to barter away our inheritance".  16.  National C i v i c Federation Review, "New York State Probe of Bolshevism Asked", IV, March 25, 1919, pp. 12-13.  17.  New York Times, March 21 and 27th, and May 7, 1919.  18.  New York Tribune, June 26, 1919, p. 8; also New York Times, June 28, 1919, p. 3.  19.  Cong. Record, 66 Cong., 1st Session, p. 7063.  20.  New York Times , Nov. 8th, 1919, p. 1. For an account of b r u t a l i t i e s administered to radicals while i n prison, see: Kahn, A.E. High Treason, New York: The Hour Publishers, p. 20 f f .  21.  Annual Report of the Commissioner General of Immigration, 1920, p. 32.  22.  Cong. Record, 66 Cong., 2nd Session, p. 1338 and 2207.  23.  Dowell, E.F., A History of Criminal Syndicalist L e g i s l a t i o n i n the United States ( i n : John Hopkins Univ. Studies i n H i s t o r i c a l and P o l i t i c a l Science, Series LVII, No. 1, Baltimore, 1939), pp. 77, 87-88, 110.  24.  Franklin, F.G. "Anti-Syndicalist L e g i s l a t i o n " , Am. P o l i t i c a l Science Review, XIV (May 1920), pp. 291-298. See also: The Consolidated Laws of New York, XXXIX, p t . 1 (New York, 1944), pars. 161-163.  25.  Throckmorton's Annotated Code of Ohio, (Cleveland, 1934), pars. 13421-26.  26.  Current History, XII (July' 1920), pp. 698-699, "Dealing with Red Agitators".  27.  Annual Report of the Attorney-General, 1920, U.S., p. 178.  28.  Bolshevik Propaganda, Hearings before a Sub-Committee of the Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, D.C, 1919, p. 1076.  29.  Cong. Record, 65 Cong., 3rd Session, p. 2151.  100  30.  Seattle, Post-Intelligencer, Feb. 6, 1919, p. 1.  31.  Hanson, 0. Americanism versus Bolshevism, 24, 59; see also Cong. Record, 65 Cong., 3rd Session, p. 3637. Reference i s made here to Mayor Hanson's remark that, i n his view, the s t r i k e represented an attempt at revolution by some individuals who "want to take possession of our American Government and try to duplicate the anarchy of Russia".  32.  Tyler, R. "Rebels i n the Woods", op. c i t . , p. 35; also "Meaning of the Western Strikes", L i t e r a r y Digest, LX (March 1, 1919), p. 15.  33.  Newspaper comment may be located i n : New York Times, May 1, 1919 and Atlanta Constitution, May 1, 1919.  34.  Balawyder, A., The Winnipeg General S t r i k e , Toronto: Publ. Co., 1967, Introduction.  35.  McNaught, K.A. A Prophet i n P o l i t i c s , Toronto: Press, 1959, p. 101.  36.  Logan, H.A.  Trade Unions i n Canada, Toronto, 1948, pp. 301 f f .  37.  Smith, A.E.  A l l My L i f e , Toronto:  38.  Western Labor News, May 17th, 1919; see also: Review, 1919, p. 466.  39.  Western Labor News, May 17th, 1919.  40.  Wilton, J.W. "Any Man" (Unpublished manuscript, estate of Wilton, Toronto), p. 352.  41.  Winnipeg C i t i z e n , May 10, 1919.  42.  Lip ton, C. The Trade Union Movement of Canada, 1827-1959, Mont r e a l : Canadian S o c i a l Publications Ltd., 1966, p. 192.  43.  Newspaper comments can be found i n : La Presse, Montreal, May 1919 (translated), and The Globe, Toronto, May 19, 1919.  44.  Canada, House of Commons, Debates  45.  Op. c i t . , p. 3044.  46.  Crook, W.H. The General S t r i k e , Univ. of North Carolina, pp. 552-553.  Copp Clark  Univ. of Toronto  Progress Books, 1949, pp. 47-48. Canadian Annual  J.W.  21,  (Hansard), pp. 3008 f f .  1931,  101  47.  Crook, op. c i t . , p. 550.  48.  Western Labor News, June 5, 1919.  49.  Western Labor News, June 5, 1919.  50.  McNaught, K., op. c i t . , p. 107.  51.  Masters, D.C. The Winnipeg .General Strike, Toronto: Press, 1950, p. 71.  52.  Canadian Annual Review, 1919, p. 469.  53.  Crook, W.H., op. c i t . , p. 552.  54.  Masters, D.C, op. c i t . , p. 71. See also: c i t . , p. 112.  55.  Montreal Gazette, June 16, 1919.  56.  Lipton, C , op. c i t . , pp. 210-211.  57.  Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 197. See also: pp. 554-555.  Tor. Univ.  McNaught, K., op.  Crook, W.H., op. c i t . ,  For the skirmish between s t r i k e r s and p o l i c e see: Report of the Royal Commission to Enquire into the Causes and Effects of the General Strike (Robson Report), Winnipeg, 1919, p. 2. 58.  Toronto Star, May 23, 1919.  59.  Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 1919, pp. 3010 and 3015.  60.  Toronto Star, June 7, 1919.  61.  Canada, House of Commons, Debates, pp. 3285 f f .  61a. Crankshaw's Criminal Code of Canada (6th ed.) Toronto: Carswell Co. Ltd., pp. 103-105.  The  62.  Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 199.  63.  This information was made available to the author by a former associate of those convicted during these 1920 t r i a l s .  64.  This view was communicated to the author by a former member of the OBU Movement.  102  65.  P h i l l i p s , P. No Power Greater, Vancouver, B.C., B.C. Federat i o n of Labor, 1967, p. 78; see also: B.C. Federationist, March 21, 1919.  66.  Statutes of Canada, 6-7, Edward VII, Ottawa: 1907.  67.  McNaught, K., op. c i t . , p. 101.  68.  Canada, House of Commons, Debates, p. 3044.  69.  Toronto Star, May 17, 1919.  70.  Winnipeg C i t i z e n , May 10, 1919.  71.  Canada, House of Commons, Debates, p. 3005.  72.  Dunlop, J.T. "The Decontrol of Wages and Prices", Labor i n Postwar America, Warne, C E . (ed.), New York: Remsen Press, 1949, pp. 7-9.  73.  "Wage-Price Policy", O f f i c e of War Mobilization and Reconversion, Record Group 250, National Archives (U.S.).  74.  "Summary of the Report of the Fact-Finding Board i n General Motors Strike", January 10, 1946, OF 407-B, Harry S. Truman Library.  75.  "Wage-Price Policy", op. c i t . ; see also: Dec. 1946, p. 876.  76.  President's National Labor-Management Conference, Summary and Committee Reports (Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of Labor, 1946), p. 45.  77.  Suffern, A.E., Labor-Management Disputes, Subsequent to August 17, 1945 Involving Possession of Properties by the Federal Government , U.S. National Wage S t a b i l i z a t i o n Board (Washington, 1946), p. 2.  78.  Interim Report of the Select Committee on Improper A c t i v i t i e s i n the Labor of Management F i e l d , Senate Report 1417, 85th Cong., 2nd Session, 1958, pp. 88-89, 108.  79.  Taft, P. "The Constitutional Power of the Chief O f f i c e r i n American Labor Unions", Quarterly Journal of Economics , May 1948, pp. 459-471.  Queen's P r i n t e r s ,  Monthly Labor Review,  103  80.  Philadelphia Inquirer, Democratic National Library Clipping F i l e , Harry S. Truman Library.  81.  Pittsburgh Gazette, Democratic National Library Clipping F i l e , Harry S. Truman Library.  81a. McClure, A.F. The Truman Administration and the Problems of Postwar Labor: 1945-1948, New Jersey: F a i r l e i g h Dickinson Univ. Press, 1969, pp. l O l f f . 82.  Seidman, J . American Labor from Defense to Reconstruction, Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1953, p. 262.  83.  McClure, A.F., op. c i t . , p. 108.  84.  The Taft-Hartley Act and Multi-Employer Bargaining, Published for Labor Relations Council of the Wharton School of Finance and Commerce by Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1948, esp. pp. 17-41.  85.  "Labor Disputes: chives (U.S.).  86.  Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 268.  87.  P h i l l i p s , P. No Power Greater: A Century of Labor i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver: B.C. Fedaation of Labor, 1967, p. 129.  88.  Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 268.  89.  Lipton, C-., op. c i t . , pp. 270-271.  90.  Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 271.  91.  Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 271.  1947-1948", Record Group 174, National Ar-  92. ) These sections rely heavily on Lipton, C , op. c i t . , esp. 93. ) Part IV, Chapter 16. 94.  Canada, House of Commons, Debates, Aug. 29, 1946.  95. ) 96. ) 97. ) These sections rely c h i e f l y on P h i l l i p s , P., op. c i t . , esp. 98. ) Chapter IX, pp. 142-147; also Chapter VIII, pp. 128-131. 99. ) 100. )  104  CHAPTER I I I TWO"  FORMS OF POLITICAL DEVIANCE AND  The p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r attempted World War i n g two  SOCIAL CONTROL  to i n t e r p r e t some p o s t -  I and I I p o l i t i c a l i n c i d e n t s i n North America by  d i s t i n c t forms o f p o l i t i c a l deviance i n these  identify-  activities.  These types of deviance were regarded as stemming from two  source  c o n d i t i o n s and were r e p r e s e n t e d by the a l i e n a t i o n sequences  (V-F)  and ( F - V ) . The argument has been s t r e s s e d t h a t the v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s w i l l d e f i n e a g i v e n conduct as d e v i a n t i n terms o f the s o u r c e which they p e r c e i v e as m o t i v a t i n g i t . t h a t w i l l be i n s t i t u t e d such o f f i c i a l  the d e v i c e s  to c o n t r o l t h i s deviance w i l l v a r y w i t h  definition.  what form of p o l i t i c a l  Understandably,  A c o n n e c t i o n between the d e f i n i t i o n o f  deviance i s p r e s e n t and the d e v i c e s to con-  t r o l i t has a l r e a d y been i n d i c a t e d i n a p r e l i m i n a r y way II.  i n Chapter  However, f o r a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h i s " l i n k a g e " a more  d e t a i l e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n s (V-F) and r e l e v a n t documentation  (F-V) w i t h  from the l i t e r a t u r e i s n e c e s s a r y .  I n t h i s manner, the d i f f e r e n t i a l p e r s p e c t i v e o f the v a r ious events which a r i s e s from the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l backgrounds common  to e l i t e s and n o n - e l i t e groups  and from which u l t i m a t e l y  forms o f deviance emanate, can be more c o n v i n c i n g l y  the  illustrated.  two  105  Moreover, such i l l u s t r a t i o n allows  to p o i n t up some o f the f a c t o r s  t h a t determine the e x t e n t o f t h i s cleavage reactions  on which, i n t u r n ,  official  to d e v i a n t conduct and i t s c o n t r o l depend. I l l u s t r a t i v e m a t e r i a l s have been s e l e c t e d from o r i g i n a l  documents, such as Labor j o u r n a l s ancipamphlets as w e l l as government r e p o r t s on d e v i a n t a c t i v i t i e s the author's  and such p u b l i c statements which, i n  view, p o r t r a y a b u s i n e s s  Management r e l a t i o n s d u r i n g these  e l i t e p e r s p e c t i v e o f Labor-  two p e r i o d s .  C o n c e i v a b l y , the  Labor Movement u s u a l l y advocates more d i v e r g e n t s t r a t e g i e s f o r the attainment  o f i t s o b j e c t i v e s than do the v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s r e p r e -  s e n t e d by e l i t e s i n the c o r p o r a t e w o r l d  and the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s o f  government, as the p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s o f the l a t t e r a r e b a s i c a l l y conservative.  T h i s f a c t o r has been compensated f o r by p r e s e n t i n g a  greater s e l e c t i o n of materials that deal with Labor Movement d u r i n g the p e r i o d s  discussed  the p o s i t i o n o f the  here.  The m a t e r i a l s themselves have been arranged Source c o n d i t i o n s  as f o l l o w s :  (V-F) and (F-V) w i l l be examined f i r s t w i t h  res-  p e c t t o Labor's terms o f r e f e r e n c e and i l l u s t r a t e d by r e l e v a n t items from the l i t e r a t u r e .  T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w i l l be f o l l o w e d by an  e x a m i n a t i o n o f some o f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n s to Labor's goals found i n b u s i n e s s  and government p u b l i c a t i o n s .  taposition of perspectives will  then be p o i n t e d  the extent  to. Finally,  t h a t can be  Following  of the cleavage  this  jux-  between them  the o f f i c i a l d e f i n i t i o n o f the  106  form of p o l i t i c a l deviance which emerges from this cleavage i n perspective w i l l be linked to the devices i n s t i t u t e d by officialdom to control the deviant conduct.  A b r i e f discussion of control devices along  with an attempt to c l a s s i f y them w i l l be appended i n the f i n a l section of this chapter.  A.  P o l i t i c a l Deviance Stemming from Source (V-F)  It was mentioned i n the second chapter that most Labor a c t i v i t i e s during the post-World War I period received some impetus from existing h i s t o r i c a l conditions, namely the Bolshevik Revolution i n 1917 and the formation of the Comintern i n 1919.  These con-  ditions, i t was argued, were i n part responsible for the d i f f u s i o n of worker estrangement from the work role i t s e l f to include the general value premises of the society.  The Utopia which resulted had as i t s  major objective the organization of workers for the pursuit of goals that could provide the Labor Movement with a c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y and engender loyalty and commitment i n a l l workingmen.  The replacement  of e x i s t i n g value premises, such as "personal success", the necess i t y of a class of "successfuls" for the proper operation of the s o c i a l system and the attainment of moral worth through competition became therefore mandatory. 1 An e d i t o r i a l i n the Communist World,  the o f f i c i a l organ  of the Communist Party, Local Greater New York, which appeared i n  107  late 1919,  i l l u s t r a t e s several ideals that were underlying worker  protest during this period.  This e d i t o r i a l r e f l e c t s the Communist  Party goal of i n f i l t r a t i n g American industry and gradually replacing corporate-ecclesiastical p r i n c i p l e s with a new  morality based upon  the p r i n c i p l e s of the Dictatorship of the P r o l e t a r i a t i n Russia. In some of i t s passages, this document indicates maximal estrangement of workers from e l i t e value premises as well as an i n a b i l i t y to communicate the ideals of the workingman to the existing authority structure i n an e f f e c t i v e manner.  In turn, the foster-  ing of such estrangement i n fellow workers i n order to increase their r e c e p t i v i t y toward organization i s well portrayed.  The attempt at  establishing a new worker i d e n t i t y by generating values engendering loyalty and commitment, and, i n this manner, r e l a t i n g workers to an authority structure which they can accept and which i s c o l l e c t i v e l y controlled becomes evident.  The utopian p r i n c i p l e s embodied i n the  Communist Party ideology are r e f l e c t e d i n the advocacy of certain methods whereby the instruments of production,  i . e . the "shop" can  be controlled by the workers by exercizing their "mass power".  In  order to a t t a i n this goal, shop organization i s regarded as a necessary point of departure. property  i s implied.  The a b o l i t i o n of privately-owned i n d u s t r i a l  F i n a l l y , the e d i t o r i a l stresses the organization  of the workers into Communist Party Shop Branches,, which r e f l e c t s the notion of attaining power and prestige through brotherhood and  108  collective enterprise.  These norms, namely worker ownership o f the  i n s t r u m e n t s o f p r o d u c t i o n , the a b o l i t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y as w e l l as moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s  through c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t a r e i n t u r n  l e g i t i m i z e d by the g e n e r a l v a l u e premises of " c o l l e c t i v e s u c c e s s " , " c l a s s l e s s n e s s " and moral worth based upon e g a l i t a r i a n n o t i o n s . I n q u o t i n g some passages from t h i s e d i t o r i a l , words and/or sentences r e l a t i n g to Labor's r e f e r e n c e terms have been T h i s w i l l apply a l s o to the examples  that  underlined.  follow..  " I f you and y o u r f e l l o w workers c o n t r o l l e d the shop, d e t e r mined the hours of l a b o r , the working c o n d i t i o n s , and a p p o r t i o n e d the rewards f o r the s e r v i c e s r e n d e r e d , you would be a b l e to c r e a t e the c o n d i t i o n s t h a t would b r i n g happiness to you. You would so arrange y o u r work t h a t you would not have your l i f e sapped by l o n g hours and bad working c o n d i t i o n s and so t h a t the w e a l t h you produced would be y o u r s , yours to s e c u r e the enjoyment of good food, good c l o t h i n g , a good home, and the o p p o r t u n i t y f o r e d u c a t i o n and h e a l t h y r e c r e a t i o n . There i s enough w e a l t h produced to g i v e these t h i n g s to a l l who-work. But the c a p i t a l i s t s own the shops t h a t s h o u l d be y o u r s . The c a p i t a l i s t s make you work l o n g hours under bad working c o n d i t i o n s ; they take from you as t h e i r p r o f i t the l i o n ' s s h a r e of what you produce. ....The workingmen of R u s s i a have shown the way. In R u s s i a the shops, as w e l l as a l l o t h e r means of product i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n b e l o n g to the workers. ....Before t h e i r [the workers'] mass power the government of the c a p i t a l i s t s and landowners broke up and d i s a p p e a r e d . The workers' c o u n c i l s became the organs o f the workingc l a s s government. The workers c o n t r o l l e d the s t a t e power, the p o l i c e , the army. And i n R u s s i a , the workers a r e b u i l d i n g the s o c i e t y t h a t means happiness f o r a l l i n s p i t e o f a l l the e f f o r t s o f  109  the c a p i t a l i s t s of the world to overthrow their government and s t r i k e down their new economic system. Bring together a l l the enlightened workers who are ready to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the struggle to win control of the shop. Organize them i n a Communist Party Shop Branch. This committee w i l l carry on the work of a g i t a t i o n and education among the other workers. I t w i l l c o l l e c t funds and secure papers and pamphlets for d i s t r i b u t i o n i n the shop." The p o s i t i o n of the I.W.W. (Industrial Workers of the World) during this period,largely supported the Communist world view, but, instead of accomplishing these goals by gradual i n f i l t r a t i o n of industry, advocated Utopia.  their immediate attainment by a "here and now"  This m i l i t a n t view i s expressed i n a small booklet by G.H. 2  Perry, e n t i t l e d "The Revolutionary I.W.W.", which appeared i n 1919. In this booklet, the t o t a l disenchantment of workers from the o f f i c i a l value premises i s pointed, to by stressing the preamble of the I.W.W. constitution, which states that the organization of workers represents the genesis f o r the formation of a new s o c i a l system within the confines of the existing one. Apart from advocating violence for the rapid attainment of i t s goals, the I.W.W. emphasizes much the same strategy f o r the replacement  of the t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n a l  structure with a new one, namely that of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.  The pointlessness of communicating ideals to the various  authorities i n order to influence t h e i r decision-making i n the LaborManagement area i s strongly implied.  110  "ORGANIZING A NEW SOCIAL SYSTEM "The I.W.W. i s f a s t approaching the s t a g e where i t can accomplish i t s m i s s i o n . This mission i s r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n character. The preamble of the I.W.W. C o n s t i t u t i o n says i n p a r t : 'By o r g a n i z i n g i n d u s t r i a l l y we are forming the s t r u c t u r e of the new s o c i e t y w i t h i n the s h e l l of the o l d ' . That i s the crux of the I.W.W. p o s i t i o n . We are not s a t i s f i e d w i t h a f a i r day's wage f o r a f a i r day's work. Such a t h i n g i s impossible. Labor produces a l l w e a l t h . Labor i s t h e r e f o r e ent i t l e d to a l l w e a l t h . We are going to do away w i t h c a p i t a l i s m by t a k i n g p o s s e s s i o n of the l a n d and the machinery of p r o d u c t i o n . . . . T h e c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s took them because i t had the power to c o n t r o l the muscle and b r a i n of the worki n g c l a s s i n industry... Organized, we, the working c l a s s , w i l l have the power....We w i l l demand more and more wages from our employers. We w i l l demand and e n f o r c e s h o r t e r and s h o r t e r h o u r s . As we g a i n these demands we are d i m i n i s h i n g the p r o f i t s o f the b o s s e s . We are t a k i n g away h i s [ s i c ] power....We t e a r down to b u i l d up....The I n d u s t r i a l Workers of the World are l a y i n g the f o u n d a t i o n o f a new government. T h i s government w i l l have f o r i t s l e g i s l a t i v e h a l l s the m i l l s , the workshops and f a c t o r i e s . Its l e g i s l a t o r s w i l l be the men i n the m i l l s , the workshops and f a c t o r i e s . I t s l e g i s l a t i v e enactments w i l l be those pertaining t o the w e l f a r e of the workers....These t h i n g s are to be. No f o r c e can stop them. Armies w i l l be o f no avail. C a p i t a l i s t governments may i s s u e t h e i r mandates in vain. The power of the workers - i n d u s t r i a l l y organi z e d - i s the only power on e a r t h worth c o n s i d e r i n g , once they r e a l i z e t h a t power. C l a s s e s w i l l d i s a p p e a r , and i n t h e i r p l a c e w i l l be o n l y u s e f u l members of s o c i e t y - the workers." The  sentiments of Labor i n Canada d u r i n g  this period  are  3 w e l l e x p r e s s e d i n a s p e c i a l i s s u e of the Western Labor News strongly S o c i a l i s t - o r i e n t e d daily. pects  T h i s i s s u e deals w i t h v a r i o u s  of the Winnipeg G e n e r a l S t r i k e , such as the s t r a t e g y and  p l i n e of Labor, i t s c o n c r e t e its  then a  goals.  The  as-  disci-  demands form the a u t h o r i t i e s as w e l l as  l a t t e r are enumerated i n a l e a d i n g a r t i c l e which  Ill  severely c r i t i c i z e s  the p r o f i t system f o r i t s h a r m f u l e f f e c t s  upon  the  workers, opposing i t w i t h a "counter-system" based upon e g a l i t a r -  ian  premises.  elitist  However, the v a l u e s t h a t a r e e n v i s i o n e d as r e p l a c i n g  goals l a c k the i n t e n s i t y of those advocated by  Communist-  o r i e n t e d groups and encompass a lower l e v e l of a b s t r a c t i o n .  More-  over, the i n s t i t u t i o n o f U t o p i a n v a l u e s i s seen as r e q u i r i n g a p e r i o d of  " t r a n s i t i o n " , b u t no g u i d e l i n e s a r e p r o v i d e d as to the form o f  s o c i a l a c t i o n t h a t i s to be . i n i t i a t e d by the Labor Movement d u r i n g this transitional period.  There i s no i n d i c a t i o n o f a program o f  c o n t i n u e d a g i t a t i o n , an " i n f i l t r a t i o n p o l i c y " , or immediate of  governmental i n s t i t u t i o n s .  While the replacement of  seizure  elitist  v a l u e s by the U t o p i a of the c o - o p e r a t i v e commonwealth i s advocated, t h i s replacement i s a p p a r e n t l y accomplished through e v o l u t i o n a r y forces. ideals but  This a r t i c l e f u r t h e r implies  t h a t the communication  o f worker  to the a u t h o r i t i e s has had no a p p r e c i a b l e e f f e c t s i n the p a s t ,  t h a t the workers' l o y a l t y and commitment to the g e n e r a l v a l u e  system o f the s o c i e t y must c o n t i n u e , as e v o l u t i o n a r y change cannot come about v i a t o t a l disenchantment and v i o l e n t  protest.  "A BETTER INCENTIVE The only i n c e n t i v e worth w h i l e i s that which g i v e s to humani t y the c o n s c i o u s n e s s t h a t i t w i l l have the f u l l p r o d u c t of i t s t o i l . Today the man who i s smart enough can rob a whole w o r l d under the p r o f i t system, and he i s c a l l e d s u c cessful. The day w i l l come when he who robs a n o t h e r w i l l be regarded as a d i s g r a c e to the r a c e .  112  The one thing needed is a system wherein each worker, man or woman, shall be assured that a l l that he or she produces shall be his or hers, and that, by no hook or crook shall i t be possible for another to profiteer on that work. This opens up the whole realm of the philosophy of l i f e . We cannot follow the gleam here. Sufficient i f we can show that the profit incentive is pernicious and unnecessary, and that there is a possible and a superior alternative. The day w i l l speedily arrive when we shall be compelled to grapple with such alternatives. The present system is disintegrating before our very eyes, and the defenders of the old system are pouring out their money like water to defeat the workers. Moreover, they are pouring out their vials of wrath against those whom they declare to be leaders because they dare to voice the deep aspirations of labor. Their calumny w i l l not avail. The only hope lies in calm and reasoned judgement. . . . . I t w i l l take heroic measures to meet the transition period that hastens upon us....But, the very intensity with which the possessors of wealth have followed the profit incentive has cribbed, cabined and confined the nobler side of their nature and so dwarfed their minds, that there seems to be no hope in them. Their defense l i e s , not in facing facts honestly and manfully, but in side-stepping the real issues and dragging in irrelevant issues. No solution for the world's woes can be found in this direction. The profit incentive must be replaced by the incentive of. service. Co-operation must replace competition. Give must take the place of get." Somewhat in contrast to the position taken by the Western Labor News with respect to Labor's ultimate goals, a feature arti4  cle in the Red Flag,  a Labor journal in the tradition of Revolution-  ary Socialism, is more intense and abstract in the advocacy of Labor's objectives.  Moreover, this article advocates a method for the attain-  ment of these values, namely a comprehensive program of infiltration  113  with  the aim o f f o s t e r i n g t o t a l disenchantment of workers w i t h  o f f i c i a l v a l u e system.  On  the o t h e r hand, such  the form of o r g a n i z i n g workers through  infiltration  the  takes  " e d u c a t i o n a l programs" r a -  ther than d i r e c t a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h c e r t a i n l a b o r o r g a n i z a t i o n s . f e a r i s expressed  t h a t an a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h l a b o r bodies would i n c r e a s e  the number of those workers who o f f i c i a l v a l u e s and who goals.  The  have r e t a i n e d t h e i r commitment to  would r e s i s t  t h e i r replacement  by  Utopian  E f f e c t i v e communication of the working-man's i d e a l s to  groups i s assumed to be i m p o s s i b l e a p r i o r i due  elite  to the d i f f e r e n t l o -  c a t i o n s o f e l i t e and n o n - e l i t e p o s i t i o n s i n the h i e r a r c h y of a u t h o r i t y and  the c o n f l i c t which such  differential location inevitably  pro-  duces . "The S o c i a l i s t P a r t y of Canada i s a p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of Revolutionary S o c i a l i s m . I t s p o l i t i c a l funct i o n s are the e d u c a t i o n o f the members o f the working c l a s s i n t o a knowledge of t h e i r c l a s s p o s i t i o n i n modern capitalist society. They a l s o advocate the c a p t u r i n g of the Powers of the State,, by the working c l a s s f o r the purpose of t u r n i n g the p r e s e n t c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s ownership and c o n t r o l of the means of p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n i n t o the c o l l e c t i v e ownership and c o n t r o l of s o c i e t y as a whole. ...the p e r i o d of permanent r e f o r m can o n l y b e g i n when the workers have o b t a i n e d c o n t r o l of the powers of the S t a t e , upon which the p r o c e s s commences, o f t r a n s f o r m i n g the c a p i t a l i s t system o f p r o d u c t i o n f o r p r o f i t i n t o a system of p r o d u c t i o n f o r use. ...the S o c f i l i s t P a r t y o f Canada can have no a f f i l i a t i o n s w i t h any n o n - r e v o l u t i o n a r y p a r t y even "though p r o f e s s e d l y S o c i a l i s t o r w i t h an o r g a n i z e d l a b o r body whose f u n c t i o n i s to a s s i s t i t s members to b a r g a i n to b e t t e r advantage f o r wages and c o n d i t i o n s of work. We hear much, e s p e c i a l l y  114  from the United States of revolutionary i n d u s t r i a l organizations, but this party holds that an i n d u s t r i a l organization can not be called revolutionary, because i n order to cover an industry i t must take into i t s ranks individuals with a l l kinds of p o l i t i c a l opinions antagonistic to the s o c i a l revolution. ...the members hold that the Party i s better able to concentrate on a sound s c i e n t i f i c educational programme. The class struggle of today takes the form of a struggle between the wage working class and the capitalist class, but the class struggle i s not i n the wage r e l a t i o n , not i n the transaction of buying and s e l l i n g labor power. Nevertheless the antagonism engendered i n that transaction may often develop into such a course of action as may c a l l into the open that hidden but uninterrupted struggle which arises from the deeper-lying antagonism between the economical conditions of existence of the property-less working class and the property-owning c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . E l i t e groups during this period were convinced that the major thrust of the Labor Movement was  motivated by an a f f i l i a t i o n  of most labor groups with the Communist Party Movement.  Their i n i -  t i a l reactions to this thrustwgre represented by a number of  devices  which had the aim of labeling a l l of Labor's a c t i v i t i e s as p o t e n t i a l l y deviant conduct. (Some of these labeling devices were mentioned i n Chapter II.) The extent of the threat which e l i t e groups experienced i s c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d i n the reactions to Labor's conduct by the various levels of government.  A good example of such reaction i s the Report  of the J o i n t L e g i s l a t i v e Committee Investigating Seditious A c t i v i t i e s of the New  York State Legislature, which i s popularly known as the  Lusk Report.  5  Senator Lusk was  the chairman of this i n v e s t i g a t i o n into  115  radical a c t i v i t i e s .  This document was published i n 1920 and consists  of four volumes, which give a most comprehensive review of r a d i c a l a c t i v i t i e s at that time.  The Introduction of this Report provides  an o f f i c i a l d e f i n i t i o n of Labor a c t i v i t i e s and r e f l e c t s the severe challenge which these a c t i v i t i e s imparted to the existing authority structure. The Lusk Report leaves l i t t l e doubt that government perceived Labor's thrust as Communist-inspired and directed to replace o f f i c i a l values and i n s t i t u t i o n s with a s o c i a l system i n which e g a l i tarian and cooperative p r i n c i p l e s legitimized a l l actions i n the society.  In this document Labor's strategy i s regarded as being  inspired by a group of t o t a l l y disenchanted individuals, who  attempt  to foster such estrangement from existing values i n a l l members of the  Labor Movement.  The devices of the s t r i k e and sabotage are seen  as the results of creating such estrangement i n the work force and as methods f o r attaining the desired end, namely a new morality for a l l members of the society. In the view of the Committee members, Communist i n f i l t r a tion of American industry i s nearly complete, and hence the report contains an appeal to individuals i n positions of authority as w e l l as c i t i z e n s at large to assume a m i l i t a n t attitude toward this perceived i n f i l t r a t i o n .  The extent of the threat to the authorities i s  expressed, too, i n the advocacy of educational reform i n the school-  116  system, which was and  by a " r e - o r i e n t a t i o n " of  teachers as w e l l as a s u b s t a n t i a l i n c r e a s e i n t h e i r The  tive. dom  to be preceded  salaries.  f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n s p o i n t to such o f f i c i a l  Sentences p e r t a i n i n g to Labor's  educators  perspec-  g o a l s as p e r c e i v e d by  official-  have been u n d e r l i n e d . "A study of t h e i r [the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s ' ] p l a t f o r m s and o f f i c i a l pronouncements shows t h a t they do not d i f f e r fundamentally i n t h e i r o b j e c t i v e s . These o b j e c t i v e s a r e : the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the c o - o p e r a t i v e commonwealth i n p l a c e of the p r e s e n t form of government i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s ; the overthrow of what they a r e p l e a s e d to c a l l the c a p i t a l i s t system, namely, the p r e s e n t system under which we l i v e , and the s u b s t i t u t i o n i n i t s p l a c e of c o l l e c t i v e ownership, and the management of means of p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n by the working c l a s s . . . . . A l l a r e agreed t h a t success can be o b t a i n e d o n l y through the d e s t r u c t i o n of the p r e s e n t t r a d e u n i o n organi z a t i o n s of the working c l a s s , and by c r e a t i n g i n t h e i r s t e a d r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n d u s t r i a l unions h a v i n g the power (through i n d u s t r i a l a c t i o n i n v o l v i n g the g e n e r a l s t r i k e and sabotage) to so c r i p p l e the government as to render i t powerless to p r e v e n t the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the coo p e r a t i v e commonwealth and the working c l a s s r u l e . ....The r e s u l t of the propaganda o f the q u a s i - p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s which has been spread throughout the count r y ...has been to undermine the c o n f i d e n c e of these workers i n the c o n s e r v a t i v e t r a d e u n i o n o r g a n i z a t i o n s and l e a d to the f o r m a t i o n of a l a r g e number of p o w e r f u l and independent r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n d u s t r i a l u n i o n s . ....This method of 'boring from w i t h i n ' has been extremely e f f e c t i v e and has i n l a r g e measure permeated the C e n t r a l F e d e r a t e d Union of New York C i t y as w e l l as many union groups i n o t h e r p a r t s of the S t a t e , engendering r a d i c a l and r e v o l u t i o n a r y s p i r i t i n t h e i r rank and f i l e . ....the Committee f e e l s t h a t i t must a p p e a l i n the s t r o n g e s t way to every member o f the l e g i s l a t u r e , to every man who h o l d s any p o s i t i o n of a u t h o r i t y o r of i n f l u e n c e , to  117  take every possible step, not only to understand the card i n a l facts of the s i t u a t i o n but to devote h i s thoughts and his acts to a crusade i n support of every agency, every policy, that w i l l counteract and defeat this movement. The re-education of the educators and of the educated class must go hand i n hand with the re-organization and extension of our educational system....Party differences, l o c a l claims, appropriations not fundamentally necessary, should be set aside u n t i l more than l i v i n g wage i s secured f o r those on whose teaching the s p i r i t u a l and material prosperity of this country so largely depends." In Canada, the i n i t i a l o f f i c i a l reactions to Labor's thrust contained a more ambiguous and d i v i s i v e note than those of U.S. authority.  However, they indicate much the same fear, namely  that t o t a l worker estrangement from the o f f i c i a l value premises had occurred, and that their replacement by Utopian p r i n c i p l e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s was Labor's ultimate goal.  This view was expressed, f o r  example, by the Federal Minister of the Interior, Arthur Meighen, when asked f o r the Dominion Government's p o s i t i o n with respect to  6 the Winnipeg General S t r i k e . Mr. Meighen's speech i n the House of Commons clearly ref l e c t s the b e l i e f that the estrangement of workers from the work role, which had prompted their demand f o r the recognition of their union by management, had diffused to the authority structure and general value system of the society.  While some members of Parliament main-  tained that Labor's thrust warranted p a r t i a l accommodation within the 7 existing i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure,  members of the Federal Cabinet  believed imminent. that the i n s t i t u t i o n of Utopian values v i a revolution was  118  "Now i n d i s c u s s i n g the i n n e r p r i n c i p l e of a g e n e r a l s t r i k e . . . i t i s w e l l to c o n s i d e r where a c t i o n of t h a t k i n d i s bound to l e a d . I t l e d i n Winnipeg... to a g e n e r a l . p a r a l y s i s o f the whole i n d u s t r i a l s t r u c t u r e o f the c i t y . I t l e d to a d e n i a l of the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e to the peop l e of that c i t y , even to the s t r i k e r s themselves. ...as a consequence i n e v i t a b l y i t l e d to the e s t a b l i s h ment of a s e p a r a t e Government - or b e t t e r , a s s e r t i o n of governmental f u n c t i o n s on the p a r t of those i n charge of the s t r i k e i t s e l f . Those p r e t e n s i o n s are an a s s e r t i o n of governmental autho r i t y . But the s t r i k e l e a d e r s were d r i v e n to make them i f they were to c o n t i n u e e f f e c t i v e l y a n y t h i n g i n the nat u r e of a g e n e r a l s t r i k e . Consequently I say i t i s proved by the example of Winnipeg, and indeed f o l l o w s i n e v i t a b l y from the very l o g i c of the s i t u a t i o n , t h a t a g e n e r a l s t r i k e to succeed o r , indeed, to continue, must r e s u l t i n the u s u r p a t i o n of governmental a u t h o r i t y on the p a r t of those c o n t r o l l i n g the s t r i k e . ...the c i t i z e n s of Winnipeg...have shown an example to the c i t i z e n s of t h i s country t h a t the body of s e n s i b l e o p i n i o n i n Canada can and w i l l s e t i t s f a c e d e c i d e d l y a g a i n s t a n y t h i n g i n the nature of a g e n e r a l s t r i k e - a n y t h i n g i n the n a t u r e of a s o v i e t or any o t h e r form of government i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h c o n s t i t u t e d a u t h o r i t y . I do not t h i n k i t i s necessary f o r me to b r i n g w r i t t e n e v i d e n c e of the assumption of s o v i e t or o t h e r i r r e s p o n s i b l e a u t h o r i t y f u r t h e r than the f a c t s t h a t I have adduced... Furthermore, the o p i n i o n had taken permanent r o o t i n t h a t c i t y t h a t the i s s u e t h a t had g i v e n r i s e to the s t r i k e on the p a r t of the employees of the three concerns was no l o n g e r the main or the p r e s e n t i s s u e to be decided; that i t had been swallowed up i n a f a r g r e a t e r i s s u e . . . I t was e s s e n t i a l t h a t the g r e a t e r i s s u e r a i s e d by the assumption of S o v i e t a u t h o r i t y - and i t was n o t h i n g l e s s on the p a r t of those i n c o n t r o l of the s t r i k e i n the c i t y of Winnipeg - s h o u l d be once and f o r a l l d e c i d e d . . . . "  119  In the p r e c e d i n g j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f the o f f i c i a l and Labor views d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d a wide cleavage i n p e r s p e c t i v e s h o u l d be noted.  Basically,  t h i s cleavage can be a t t r i b u t e d to  the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e s  common to the members o f the Labor  Movement and e l i t e groups i n b u s i n e s s and government.  Both  perspec-  t i v e s a r e based upon r e f e r e n c e terms t h a t e x h i b i t a h i g h l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n and t h a t a r e d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed to each o t h e r w i t h r e s p e c t to t h e i r substance.  Such l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n m a n i f e s t s i t -  s e l f , f o r example, i n the k i n d s o f concepts these r e f e r e n c e s , o r g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e s .  that are contained i n  To i l l u s t r a t e ,  "collective  s u c c e s s " , " c l a s s l e s s n e s s " and moral worth v i a b r o t h e r h o o d  reflect  i d e a s as to how the i n s t i t u t i o n o f Labor as a whole should  operate,  o r what k i n d s o f c o l l e c t i v e goals s h o u l d be a t t a i n e d by a l l members of the s o c i e t y w i t h i n i t s i d e a t i o n a l  boundaries.  The same can be s a i d o f the concepts j o r r e f e r e n c e terms o f North American e l i t e s sphere  o f Labor,  namely " p e r s o n a l s u c c e s s " ,  t h a t make up the ma-  i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l the c o n t i n u i t y o f a  c l a s s o f " s u c c e s s f u l s " and moral worth v i a i n d i v i d u a l ness and the p u r s u i t o f e n n o b l i n g causes.  distinctive-  These concepts,  too, r e -  f l e c t ideas about the s o r t o f goals t h a t s h o u l d be accomplished the c o l l e c t i v i t y .  by  T h e r e f o r e , w h i l e these r e f e r e n c e terms a r e sub-  s t a n t i v e l y opposed to each o t h e r , they n e v e r t h e l e s s p r o v i d e a c t i o n g u i d e l i n e s t h a t r e q u i r e commitment from a l l members o f the s o c i e t y .  120 Both sets of references contain claims f o r authority and prestige i n the society, but only the o f f i c i a l guidelines are protected by an authority structure which can enforce the punishment of deviations from them. In this sense, the two sets of references envisioned here actually represent two d i f f e r e n t constructions of r e a l i t y . preferred by o f f i c i a l d o m and maintained  One was  v i a the authority of the  state while the other was introduced as an a l t e r n a t i v e to i t through a protest movement. It should be clear from what has been said that the cleavage i n perspective which results from such d i f f e r e n t constructions of r e a l i t y i s thus d i r e c t l y responsible f o r the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance of the (V-F) type.  In this case, o f f i c i a l d o m w i l l regard La-  bor's version of r e a l i t y as t o t a l l y " a l i e n " to i t s own and as being possible only once t o t a l disenchantment from the o f f i c i a l value premises had occurred.  In the view of the various a u t h o r i t i e s , such  estrangement could come about only through Labor's a f f i l i a t i o n with the Communist Party Movement.  Consequently, i t defined Labor's ac-  t i v i t i e s as p o l i t i c a l deviance of the (V-F) type. Having thus defined Labor's conduct as p o l i t i c a l  deviance  of the (V-F) type, the question arises as to how officialdom maintained i t s version of r e a l i t y and what sort of devices i t employed to control perceived deviations from i t .  121  A substantive account of such control devices has already been given i n Chapter I I . A conceptual "linkage" between these devices and the o f f i c i a l d e f i n i t i o n of deviance w i l l be attempted i n the f i n a l section of this chapter.  B.  P o l i t i c a l Deviance Stemming from Source  (F-V)  In Chapter II i t was stated that, during the post-World War II period, a t r a n s i t i o n to "normalcy" i n the economic sphere was f a c i l i t a t e d by a c o a l i t i o n theme i n then current p o l i t i c s .  The  idea that a c o a l i t i o n between b a s i c a l l y opposed domestic interests was a p o s s i b i l i t y created an attitude of c o n c i l i a t i o n toward reconversion issues. This pragmatic view of Labor-Management relations i s ref l e c t e d i n the protest of Labor against corporate p r i n c i p l e s as w e l l as i n the perspective of Labor's goals by management.  The  c o n c i l i a t o r y note i n these views i s unmistakable. An e d i t o r i a l which appeared i n an issue of the American 8 Federationist i n 1946  supports this observation. This a r t i c l e makes  a careful review of then current economic problems and bases i t s major viewpoints upon reference terms, such as an equal share of strategic resources, standards of equality between Labor and management i n contract negotiations as well as moral worth through c o l l e c tive e f f o r t .  The advocacy of these p r i n c i p l e s i s , moreover, i n i t s e l f  122  a manifestation of estrangement from the work role i n that the Movement f e l t powerless mediation e f f o r t s .  i n influencing the decisions of governmental  In fact, the view i s expressed that government  mediation may block f r u i t f u l relationships between Labor and management.  This confirms an observation made i n Chapter I I , namely that  the Labor Movement was  f e a r f u l of r e s t r i c t i v e labor l e g i s l a t i o n ,  such as the Wagner Act and the Norris-LaGuardia Act which, i n i t s view, made the communication of key Labor issues to management and government impossible, rendering them p o t e n t i a l l y deviant behavior. Despite this alienating condition, however, the c o n c i l i a tory view expressed i n this a r t i c l e may  i n part be due to the pro-  posals made i n the report of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor which rejected compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n measures.  This report  was made public i n early 1946 and supports to some extent Labor's objective of establishing equality standards i n the area of LaborManagement r e l a t i o n s .  In this manner, some of Labor's previous  estrangement from corporate values, such as management's ultimate "right to manage" was  counteracted.  In the quotations from this a r t i c l e , sentences r e l a t i n g to Labor's reference terms have been underlined.  This w i l l apply to a l l  examples that examine the perspective of Labor during this period. "We i n the United States must and w i l l share with those who have not. Let us each and a l l make plans to eat 40 per cent less wheat and save at least 20 per cent i n f a t s . Let us w i l l i n g l y and conscientiously make our contributipns.  123  ....Food f r e e l y g i v e n w i l l be a power f o r peace and democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s . " The  article  then goes on  for  to quote some s e c t i o n s from  the  Senate Report mentioned t h a t express agreement w i t h Labor's p r i n c i p l e of e s t a b l i s h i n g standards of e q u a l i t y i n Labor management r e lations . "'The committee's recommendations are based upon a w i d e l y h e l d p r i n c i p l e t h a t s u c c e s s f u l labor-management r e l a t i o n s w i l l not be a c h i e v e d by compulsory and r e p r e s s i v e measures, but can o n l y be a c h i e v e d and p r e s e r v e d as a r e s u l t o f c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g . . . the f u n c t i o n of government w i t h r e s p e c t to labor-management r e l a t i o n s i s not to s u p e r v i s e and p o l i c e , but to c u l t i v a t e i n b o t h l a b o r and management t h a t sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y toward each other ...which w i l l l e a d to the making and k e e p i n g o f c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g agreements and the r e s o l u t i o n of d i f f e r ences by means of t h e i r own d e v i s i n g . " 1  "Labor r e l a t i o n s are the human r e l a t i o n s t h a t develop out of working t o g e t h e r . Human r e l a t i o n s improve w i t h mutual c o n f i d e n c e and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . So the way to s u c c e s s f u l l a b o r r e l a t i o n s i s conference between r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of workers and management, c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g , w i t h d e c i s i o n s based upon f a c t s , supplemented when n e c e s s a r y by c o n c i l i a t i o n and m e d i a t i o n to a i d i n r e a c h i n g mutual agreement upon d i s p u t e d f a c t s and t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . ....In time economic n e c e s s i t y f o r c e s management and workers to get t o g e t h e r . Any i n t e r v e n t i o n by government may r e l i e v e management and l a b o r of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r f i n d i n g a s o l u t i o n , but i t a l s o imposes the o p i n i o n s of persons not immediately concerned and w i t h o u t p e r s o n a l knowledge of the f a c t s of the c a s e . " This view i s f u r t h e r s u b s t a n t i a t e d "Let Our  People L i v e :  i n a pamphlet  entitled  A P l e a f o r a L i v i n g Wage", p u b l i s h e d by  P o l i t i c a l A c t i o n Committee of the T e x t i l e Workers o f America, a 9 b e r o f the C.I.O. (Congress of I n d u s t r i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n ) . This  the mempam-  124  phlet appeared i n 1945, shortly after the end of the Second World  War.  The document vehemently attacks perceived sub-standard wage conditions f o r Textile Workers i n the United States, but generalizes the issues involved as being applicable to a l l American workers. Worker d i s a f f e c t i o n from the work role i s expressed, but shows a d i f f u s i o n of i t to the normative structure i n the form of then current l e g i s l a t i o n , such as the Wage and Hour Law.  However, while strong  sentiments against the exploitation of workers by employer groups are expressed, the statements r e f l e c t a pragmatic view of seemingly intolerable working conditions that can be remedied only by j o i n t action.  Corporate p r i n c i p l e s , such as p r o f i t maintenance and the  necessity of an owner and manager class, having ultimate control over Labor-Management r e l a t i o n s , are severely challenged by statements based upon a "counter-system" of values, namely the sharing of a l l available resources and moral worth through c o l l e c t i v e enterprise among-all members of the society.  In stressing these counter-  p r i n c i p l e s , another value frequently underlying Labor's strategy, i . e . standards of equality between Labor and management v i a union recognition i s almost ignored.  This p r i n c i p l e i s touched upon only i n the  sense that management i s but one of many groups that entertain a t t i tudes i n i m i c a l to Labor's goals.  Therefore, i f management i s only  one of many groups who espouse a world view " a l i e n " to Labor's i d e a l s , there must be others within the i n s t i t u t i o n of Labor that hold s i m i l a r  125  views.  In this sense, the statements made i n this pamphlet imply a  d i f f u s i o n of d i s a f f e c t i o n from the work role to the authority structure i n the form of existing labor l e g i s l a t i o n .  In Labor's view,  such laws c h i e f l y safeguard the behavior of some "irresponsible" groups who have no qualms about depriving non-elites of their "rights". The following statements are quoted from this pamphlet: "No greater i n j u s t i c e exists than the p l i g h t of those men and women who work hard, i n our land of plenty, yet receive so l i t t l e f o r their labor that they can barely keep body and soul together. A l l those wtowork today for less than 65 cents an hour (at present l i v i n g costs) are excluded from decent housing; they cannot afford medical care; their children cannot get the benefits of our free education. They cannot get enough food to f i l l them. ....We are dedicated to the task of helping a l l Americans to obtain equal rights and equal opportunities. We are ready to fight for any group which i s underprivileged. And we are ready to f i g h t any group that t r i e s to usurp power and deprive others of their r i g h t s . We, therefore, make the solemn pledge that we s h a l l not rest nor cease f i g h t i n g u n t i l the Wage and Hours Law i s revised, and the 65-75 cents-per-hour minimum wage i s established to abolish the great i n j u s t i c e of substandard wages. There are some employers who s e l l their services or their products for cost or less to beat their competitors. Then they turn around and' try to make up their d e f i c i t as well as their p r o f i t by underpaying their workers. Let us abolish starvation wages. Let us put a floor.under wages so that a l l who work may have enough to eat. Every worker must understand that any man's poverty i s a threat to every other man's security. He must therefore j o i n hands with a l l the progressive people to abolish the i n j u s t i c e of substandard wages."  126  In Canada, the same pragmatic view of Labor-Management r e l a tions prevailed during this period. address  This view i s r e f l e c t e d i n an  to the Canadian Club at Montreal by P. Conroy, Secretary10  Treasurer, Canadian Congress of Labor, i n early 1946.  This address  deals with various aspects of the Canadian Labor Movement, such as i t s a f f i l i a t i o n s with international organizations, the relationship between Canadian industry and government as w e l l as relationships among trade unions.  I t i s rather comprehensive i n o u t l i n i n g the  scope of Labor a c t i v i t i e s and objectives during that time.  State-  ments about the Movement's relationship with employers sharply c r i t i c i z e corporate p r i n c i p l e s .  These are portrayed as estranging for  most workers, and this d i s a f f e c t i o n can, i n the author's view, be overcome only by p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c o l l e c t i v e enterprise v i a close co-operation between Labor and management on v i t a l economic issues. While worker estrangement i s seen as being confined to the work r o l e , there i s nevertheless an i n d i c a t i o n of i t s d i f f u s i o n to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure and the general value premises of the society, unless management makes a serious e f f o r t to meet Labor's demands.  These consisted of an upward adjustment of wages to meet  then current price levels for consumer goods and the granting of standards of equality i n contract negotiations, the absence of which Labor found estranging.  These conditions alienated the Labor Move-  ment i n the sense that i t ' f e l t excluded from the drafting of work  127  meiples  to which i t could.become g e n u i n e l y  expressed  committed.  T h i s view  i n the quotations: t h a t f o l l o w :  "Indeed, Labor's o b j e c t i v e s are l a r g e l y . d e t e r m i n e d by pov e r t y , and caused by whatMs,' a t b e s t , a second-hand l i f e t h a t i s not- s a t i s f a c t o r y to the human s p i r i t . Like a l l human b e i n g s , m o t i v a t e d ;by t h e . n a t u r a l d e s i r e f o r a b e t t e r e x i s t e n c e , men and'Women i n the ranks of Labor want to get r i d o f t h e i r second-hand l i f e , t h e i r second-hand c a r s , . . . t h e i r second-hand'furniture...and r i s e to a s t a t u r e o f p e r s o n a l , s o c i a l and economic r e c o g n i t i o n worthy of t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n to s o c i e t y . D e s p i t e the d i v i s i o n i n Labor's ranks, these are t h i n g s upon which Labor i s c o l l e c t i v e l y minded. How do we propose to a c h i e v e these o b j e c t i v e s ? I t i s obv i o u s t h a t , f i r s t of a l l , we s h a l l have to t r y to s e c u r e u n i t y of a c t i o n among o u r s e l v e s . Now, you may d i s a g r e e w i t h any o r a l l of those l i n e s of r e a s o n i n g , b u t i t i s important to observe t h a t i m p l i c i t i n any and a l l o f them i s a deep and a b i d i n g d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the scheme o f t h i n g s now governing us. In t h i s d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n Labor r e c e i v e s more n o t i c e and more n o t o r i e t y , merely because t h e r e are more of us i n the mass than i n o t h e r agencies of day-to-day a c t i v i t y . . . . W e are the r a u cous v o i c e s . I am not aware t h a t much concern i s b e i n g g i v e n by b u s i n e s s men to the w e l f a r e , not of the mass of the people, b u t of the very system which produces t h e i r p o s i t i o n s of m a t e r i a l p r i o r i t y and p r i v i l e g e . What I do know i s t h i s . There i s no f l a s h i e r f u t i l i t y than to p r o c l a i m the v i r t u e s o f f r e e e n t e r p r i s e to a g i r l i n the t e x t i l e i n d u s t r y , who may be e a r n i n g twenty, t w e n t y - f i v e , or t h i r t y cents an hour, o r to the l a b o r e r a t f i f t y cents an hour - the p r i c e of a f a i r c i g a r . Human b e i n g s cannot c o n t i n u e to be b a r g a i n e d f o r i n t h a t way. I t w i l l come to an end. I t can come to a p l e a s a n t or an unpleasant end, by measuring up to the r e a l i t i e s o f impending d i s a s t e r , o r the a l t e r n a t i v e , to l e t d i s a s t e r o v e r t a k e us a l l - w i t h everyone, Labor, b u s i n e s s , and a l l o t h e r t a k i n g the consequences.  128  The choices are reduced to one of r e a l i z a t i o n that our economic system must work for the people, or the other, that the people must work for the system. ....Labor's p o s i t i o n i s , generally, that our economic enterprise must s a t i s f y a l l those w i l l i n g and able to work, or i t does not measure up to what i s required. In that sense our system has f a l l e n down. Labor says to Business: "Don't stop us from organizing. Help us to organize. But don't stop there. Organize yourselves. Not_to do a job on Labor, but to do a job - for Canada - with Labor." ( I t a l i c s with respect to the words ^n and with i n the o r i g i n a l .) A s i m i l a r perspective of Labor-Management relations during this period emerges from a memorandum that was  submitted by the CFL  (Canadian Federation of Labor) to the government of Ontario i n early 11 1947.  This document focuses i n p a r t i c u l a r on the workers' objection  to compulsory bargaining practice, which was  introduced through pro-  visions i n the Ontario Labor Relations Board Act i n 1944.  This es-  trangement from o f f i c i a l rules had i t s o r i g i n chiefly i n the compos i t i o n of the Ontario Labor Relations Board, as i t encouraged the representation of members who  belonged to certain minority groups  within the Labor Movement. The Federation f e l t that these Board members were i n t e r ested primarily i n the objectives of the unions that employed them rather than those of the majority of Canadian workers.  In this man-  ner, the majority of workers perceived themselves as being powerless i n communicating their own objectives with appreciable r e s u l t s .  This  d i s a f f e c t i o n from the p r i n c i p l e of compulsory bargaining advocated  129  by officialdom i n order to protect the value of corporate e f f i c i e n c y had manifested i t s e l f already i n the Federal and p r o v i n c i a l elections of 1945 and, very possibly, culminated i n strong protest i n early 1947.  I t may  thus be surmised that worker estrangement from the work  role which had diffused to some aspects of the normative structure, i . e . labor laws, was c h i e f l y responsible f o r this protest.  However,  i t was confined to labor l e g i s l a t i o n whereas conformity to other laws, such as, f o r example, the Criminal Code, was not affected. Another goal of Labor, namely the attainment of standards of equality between Labor and management v i a the recognition of unions as c o l l e c t i v e bargaining agents by officialdom was impeded by this l e g i s l a t i o n .  likewise  Moreover, this law precluded workers from  engaging- i n c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t (organization) on the job and upheld the p r i n c i p l e of obtaining wage increases v i a competition.  This,  as was noted e a r l i e r , induced estrangement i n the labor force, as most of i t s members regarded the attainment of moral d i s t i n c t i v e ness as possible only through co-operation. These alienating conditions resulted i n counter-proposals to government which demanded the a b o l i t i o n of the Labor Relations Board. The following statements are quoted from this memorandum: "Although the Government was undoubtedly moved by a des i r e to safeguard this freedom 'to j o i n or not to j o i n ' when i t introduced the Ontario Labor Relations Board Act i n 1944, the law has f a i l e d spectacularly to f u l f i l l i t s purpose....  130  The Canadian Federation of Labor shares with the majority of Ontario's i n d u s t r i a l workers a firm b e l i e f i n voluntary c o l l e c t i v e bargaining and i n organization without l e g a l compulsion under the adequate safeguards of the Criminal Code. The workers object to compulsory c o l l e c t i v e bargaining because i t has been found destructive of the very freedom i t was meant to preserve and,foster - their freedom to band together on the job i n the manner of their own choosing. It was not necessary for the Canadian Federation of Labor to take a p o l l of the i n d u s t r i a l workers of Ontario to find out what they think about compulsory c o l l e c t i v e bargaining. The workers' disapproval of this much-touted reform was registered by their b a l l o t s i n the Dominion and P r o v i n c i a l general elections of 1945.... While the Canadian Federation of Labor earnestly requests the Government of Ontario to consider the repeal of the Province's compulsory c o l l e c t i v e bargaining law, i t real i z e s that some time may elapse before a decision on this matter i s reached. The Federation therefore recommends that, as an interim reform, the composition of the Ontario Labor Relations Board should be so modified as to remove i t s present obvious bias against those trade unions which are free from foreign a f f i l i a t i o n and control. At present, the representation of the workeas on the Ontario Labor Relations Board i s r e s t r i c t e d to those who are members of certain minority groups. The vast majority of the workers have no representation, and the minority-group servants who are members of the Board show l i t t l e zeal as defenders of Labor's rights when the interests of the unions that employ them c o n f l i c t with the interests of the workers at large. To workers indoctrinated with the isms which s p e l l class hatred, the very existence of a law prescribing a code of behavior i s a provocation to exhibit their truculence.@ The Federation recommends that the Government of Ontario should o f f e r incentive to the improvement of output per man-hour by declaring i t s intention to raise (1) wage standards under the Industrial Standards Act, (2) Old Age Pensions, (3) minimum wages,, and (4) other s o c i a l security benefits as soon as that improvement of i n d u s t r i a l producer  This remark refers to an observation made i n Chapter I I , namely that the levels of government as s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s may become major sources of deviance through the enactment of rules.  131  t i v i t y makes these measures practicable without imposing additional burdens on the public either as taxpayers or as consumers." It should be clear from these examples that Labor generally upheld a conciliatory attitude -toward Labor-Management relations during this post-World War was  II period.  This outlook, as noted previously,  anchored i n a pragmatic view of the work role which aimed at a  re-evaluation of corporate p r i n c i p l e s that had been i n existence since the a r r i v a l of the charter groups i n North America.  Some of  Labor's objectives were, however, stated with firmness and conviction, i n this manner imparting a challenge to the everyday  reality  upon which .particular corporate values were based. U.S. met  and Canadian e l i t e groups i n business and government  this challenge i n a "concrete" way,  namely by employing the de-  vice of c o n c i l i a t i o n i n most Labor disputes.  This pragmatic view of  Labor-Management relations on the part of officialdom allowed the p a r t i a l accomodation of c o n f l i c t within the framework of existing institutions.  Such reaction i s expressed, f o r example, i n a report  by the management members of the Committee on Management's Right to Manage during the Labor-Management Conference 12 Truman i n November of 1945.  called by President  This report indicates the challenge Labor's objectives imparted to corporate values.  However, while c o l l e c t i v e bargaining  i s accepted as a legitimate a r b i t r a t i o n device by management i n this  132  document, i t c l e a r l y r e f l e c t s an attempt a t m a i n t a i n i n g such as c o r p o r a t e e f f i c i e n c y ,  principles,  the r i g h t to manage by a c l a s s of  managers and owners as w e l l as moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s v i a tion.  Management's d e s i r e to m a i n t a i n t h i s v a l u e system, which, i n  most workers, induced by  d i s a f f e c t i o n from the work r o l e i s emphasized  the Committee's attempt a t p l a c i n g the f u n c t i o n s and  ities  competi-  of management i n t o two  categories.  One  responsibil-  o f these deals w i t h  problems which, i n the c o r p o r a t e view, are not s u b j e c t to bargaining.  T h i s category i s s p e l t out i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l and i n -  cludes the t h r e e major c o r p o r a t e p r i n c i p l e s mentioned. category  takes i s s u e w i t h matters  p r o c e d u res,  collective  The  other  t h a t are s u b j e c t to g r i e v a n c e  such as d i s c h a r g e of employees f o r cause,  the  applica-  t i o n of s e n i o r i t y p r o v i s i o n s of c o n t r a c t s e t c . Interestingly,  the Committee's d e f i n i t i o n of "management"  i n c l u d e s a l l l e v e l s of m a n a g e r i a l  and s u p e r v i s o r y p e r s o n n e l and  re-  gards p l a n t foremen as a s s i s t a n t s to the e x e c u t i v e of the o r g a n i z a tion, i n this fashion preventing their unionization. t i o n does l i t t l e  to f a c i l i t a t e  This  defini-  the communication of the workers'  d e s i r e s to p o s i t i o n s h i g h e r up i n the p l a n t ' s h i e r a r c h y of a u t h o r i t y . Personnel  f a m i l i a r w i t h a l l the c o n c r e t e a s p e c t s o f the work r o l e  as w e l l as worker sentiments  was  by d e f i n i t i o n i n c l u d e d i n the group  o f managers and owners whose view they were f o r c e d to s h a r e a t the r i s k of d i s m i s s a l . ecutive's right  The autonomy of m a n a g e r i a l  to determine who  i z a t i o n were thereby m a i n t a i n e d  i s to be and  d e c i s i o n s and  " s u c c e s s f u l " i n the  safeguarded.  the  ex-  organ-  133  The  f o l l o w i n g quotations  interpretation. porate  values  from t h i s r e p o r t support  Words and/or sentences r e l a t i n g  have been  this  to s p e c i f i c  cor-  underlined.  "Management has f u n c t i o n s t h a t must not and cannot be compromised i n the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . I f labor disputes are to be minimized by the 'genuine acceptance by organi z e d l a b o r of the f u n c t i o n s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of management to d i r e c t the o p e r a t i o n of the e n t e r p r i s e ' , l a b o r must agree t h a t c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of management are not s u b j e c t to c o l l e c t i v e bargaining. I n the absence of agreement, t h e r e f o r e , the management members of the committee h e r e w i t h submit t h e i r r e p o r t . I t . . . s h o u l d be an o b l i g a t i o n on the p a r t of unions to r e c o g n i z e , and not to encroach upon, the f u n c t i o n s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of management. F a i l u r e to accept t h i s o b l i g a t i o n has i n c r e a s e d l a b o r d i s p u t e s . In o r d e r to c l a r i f y t h i s problem, the committee has d i s cussed many of the important f u n c t i o n s of management i n volved i n operating a business. The management members have c l a s s i f i e d some of them f o r the purpose o f a v o i d i n g misunderstandings and m i n i m i z i n g i n d u s t r i a l d i s p u t e s . We have p l a c e d them i n t o two c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s : The f i r s t comprises those matters which are c l e a r l y the f u n c t i o n s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of management and are not s u b j e c t to c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g . . . . I l l u s t r a t i v e of items which we b e l i e v e b e l o n g i n the f i r s t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and which are not s u b j e c t to c o l l e c t i v e bargaining are: The d e t e r m i n a t i o n of p r o d u c t s to be manufactured or s e r v i c e s to be rendered to customers by the e n t e r p r i s e . . . . The d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the l a y - o u t and equipment to be used i n the b u s i n e s s ; the p r o c e s s e s , techniques, methods, and means of manufacture and d i s t r i b u t i o n . . . .  134  The determination of f i n a n c i a l p o l i c i e s . . . p r i c e s of goods sold or service rendered to customers; and customer r e l a tions . The determination of management organization of each producing or d i s t r i b u t i n g unit; and the s e l e c t i o n of employees for promotion to supervisory and managerial p o s i t i o n s . " With respect to the unionization of plant foremen the report has  this to say:  " . . . i n any report on management functions the term 'management' must be defined to include a l l levels of managerial and supervisory personnel and not confined to top ranking executive and administrative o f f i c i a l s . Executive management cannot properly function and discharge i t s responsib i l i t i e s without adequate assistance. I t i s therefore fundamental that there be no unionization of any part of management. ....The supervisors cannot properly function i n a p o s i t i o n of dual o b l i g a t i o n . To the foreman i s delegated the ultimate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of directing the workmen at the point where they are actually engaged i n production. Since the foreman exercizes manag e r i a l authority, he must be s o l e l y and exclusively responsible to management." A s i m i l a r view of employer-employee relationships can be traced i n the attitudes of Canadian business e l i t e s i n June of  1946.  An example of such view i s a statement by the Canadian Manufacturer's Association on Employer-Employee Relations which was  adop-  ted during the association's 75th annual convention i n Toronto from 13 June 4th to June 6th, 1946.  This document i s sub-divided into  three parts which s p e l l out c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e s that apply to employers and employees a l i k e , guidelines to be adhered to by employers and p r i n c i p l e s that apply s p e c i f i c a l l y to employees.  135  This statement r e p r e s e n t s  an attempt a t m a i n t a i n i n g  a cor-  p o r a t e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f r e a l i t y i n d e a l i n g w i t h Labor-Management r e l a t i o n s by emphasizing the n o t i o n o f the company union to t h e e x c l u s i o n of recognizing  autonomous i n d u s t r i a l unions as c o l l e c t i v e  agents f o r a l l employees i n a p a r t i c u l a r the advocacy o f t h i s i d e a p r e c l u d e d Labor and management  trade.  I n the f i r s t  Y e t , workers have no  l e g i t i m a t e claim to i n f l u e n c e managerial decisions I t led, therefore,  Secondly, t h i s  instance,  l i t t l e more than a lobby-system f o r com-  m u n i c a t i n g worker a s p i r a t i o n s to management.  work r o l e .  definitely,  any standards o f e q u a l i t y between  i n contract negotiations.  company unionism r e p r e s e n t s  Quite  bargaining  that a f f e c t  their  to worker estrangement from t h i s  role.  company unionism advocated by the a s s o c i a t i o n a r t i f i c i -  a l l y m a i n t a i n e d a f r a g m e n t a t i o n o f worker sentiments w i t h r e s p e c t to the c o l l e c t i v e goals the d e v i c e  of a certain  t r a d e as a whole.  I n t h i s manner,  o f the company u n i o n can be regarded c h i e f l y  to p r o t e c t the p r i n c i p l e The  o f the r i g h t  f o l l o w i n g a r e excerpts  as a means  to manage. from the f i r s t p a r t o f t h i s  statement which o u t l i n e s the o b l i g a t i o n s o f employers as w e l l as employees: "A.  Both Employees and Employers  Should  ....Regard c o n t i n u i t y and q u a l i t y o f s e r v i c e to the p u b l i c (the customer), as the f i r s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Upon i t depend y e a r - r o u n d j o b s , good wages, d i v i d e n d s , and the f u ture of industry i t s e l f .  136  . . . . S e t t l e d i f f e r e n c e s by n e g o t i a t i o n i n good f a i t h w i t h o u t i n t e r r u p t i o n df o p e r a t i o n s . " In the second p a r t i t i s s t a t e d "B.  that:  Employers Should,  ....Bargain c o l l e c t i v e l y , . i n cases where r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s have been f r e e l y chosen by a m a j o r i t y of the employees a f f e c t e d , on wages, hours o f work, and working c o n d i t i o n s . ....Give employees, as f a r as p o s s i b l e , o p p o r t u n i t i e s to p r o g r e s s w i t h i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n a c c o r d i n g to a b i l i t y , e x p e r i e n c e and m e r i t . " Part "C.  t h r e e enumerates employee o b l i g a t i o n s and  notes  that:  Employees Should  ....Recognize the Employer's r i g h t to p l a n , d i r e c t and manage the b u s i n e s s . ....Co-operate f r e e l y w i t h management i n meeting the many problems i n which the employees are concerned. ....Conserve and p r o t e c t the p r o d u c t s , p l a n t , equipment and machinery, and r e s p e c t the r i g h t s , of employers as the owners of the p r o p e r t y . " S i m i l a r to the post-World War p e c t i v e with regard  I p e r i o d , a cleavage i n p e r s -  to Labor-Management problems can be noted t h a t i s  based upon opposed r e f e r e n c e  terms.  However, a c o n t r a s t appears i n  t h a t the p r i n c i p l e s common to Labor and management, d e s p i t e o p p o s i t i o n i n terms of substance, e x h i b i t an a p p r e c i a b l y of a b s t r a c t i o n .  While the r e f e r e n c e s  r e f l e c t e d c e r t a i n notions t h e s e post-World War  their  lower  i n the post-World War  level  I examples  t h a t a p p l i e d to a l l members of the s o c i e t y ,  II values  were based upon ideas  some i n d i v i d u a l s i n a s p e c i f i c work c o n t e x t .  The  about the r o l e of  concepts i n v o l v e d i n  137  the c o n s t r u c t i o n of these p r i n c i p l e s i n d i c a t e t h i s tendency. t r a t i o n s h o u l d make t h i s a t a given l e v e l ,  clear.  An  illus-  Terms, such as p r o f i t maintenance  the c o n t i n u i t y of an owner and manager c l a s s v i a  the " r i g h t to manage" and moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s by rewards f o r i n d i v i dual merit v i a competition c o n s i s t  of c o n s t r u c t s t h a t apply  s p e c i f i c c o n t e x t of c o r p o r a t e a c t i v i t y ,  to a  r e l a t i v e to the work r o l e .  L i k e w i s e , p r i n c i p l e s , such as e q u a l i t y i n the s h a r i n g of s t r a t e g i c r e - ^ sources v i a c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g , standards  of e q u a l i t y i n Labor-Man-  agement r e l a t i o n s v i a union r e c o g n i t i o n by o f f i c i a l d o m and moral  dis-  t i n c t i o n of the worker v i a c o - o p e r a t i o n e x h i b i t c o n s t r u c t s of a "conc r e t e " n a t u r e t h a t l i m i t a c t i o n to a more s p e c i f i c realm of (the work r o l e ) and Labor's  activity  c e r t a i n groups of i n d i v i d u a l s engaged i n i t .  From  p o i n t of view, these r e f e r e n c e terms l e g i t i m i z e a c t i v i t i e s  are c l o s e l y  that  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the work r o l e i t s e l f , p r o v i d e c e r t a i n groups  of workers w i t h a c o n c e p t i o n of how  t h i s r o l e s h o u l d be o r g a n i z e d  and  d e f i n e t h e i r p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of Labor. was  It  mentioned e a r l i e r t h a t these two v a l u e systems d i f f e r s u b s t a n t i v e l y  i n t h a t the o f f i c i a l p r i n c i p l e s  r e f l e c t a c o r p o r a t e - e c c l e s i a s t i c a l world  view whereas those of the Labor Movement are based upon n o t i o n s of equality.  The  cleavage i n p e r s p e c t i v e which r e s u l t e d from these  ent w o r l d views generated  political  deviance  of the (F-V)  I n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case, o f f i c i a l d o m w i l l w o r l d view as one  regard  differ-  type. Labor's  t h a t can be p a r t i a l l y accomodated by e x i s t i n g  insti-  138  tutions.  The d i s a f f e c t i o n o f workers  the o f f i c i a l view, n o t n e c e s s a r i l y leftist  groups, b u t c h i e f l y  t i g e i n the management  from the work r o l e was due, i n  to Labor's a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h  extreme  to a d e s i r e to a t t a i n more power and p r e s -  of p u b l i c a f f a i r s .  While such a c t i v i t y  required  c l o s e s c r u t i n y by the a u t h o r i t i e s , i t c o u l d be c o n t r o l l e d by the making o f a p p r o p r i a t e r u l e s where these d i d n o t a l r e a d y  C.  exist.  C o n t r o l Devices  I t was demonstrated by a s e l e c t i o n o f m a t e r i a l s from the literature  t h a t the two forms o f p o l i t i c a l  deviance examined  here  r e s u l t e d from a c l e a v a g e i n perspective'that was based upon d i f f e r e n t constructions of r e a l i t y  common to e l i t e s  and n o n - e l i t e s .  These  two v e r s i o n s o f r e a l i t y were shown as b e i n g l e g i t i m i z e d by two s u b s t a n t i v e l y opposed v a l u e systems. I t was f u r t h e r mentioned alternatives  t h a t b o t h these r e a l i t i e s a r e  to each o t h e r , b u t t h a t o n l y the p r e f e r r e d r e a l i t y o f  e l i t e groups, which i s l e g i t i m i z e d by what has f r e q u e n t l y been  called  the " o f f i c i a l v a l u e premises", has an a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e t o p r o t e c t it  from a t t a c k by o t h e r groups i n the s o c i e t y .  I t i s thus c o n c e i v a b l e  that these e l i t i s t n o t i o n s about the o p e r a t i o n o f the s o c i a l system s h o u l d be r e i f i e d and taken as r e p r e s e n t i n g the r e a l i t y a l l members i n the s o c i e t y .  common to  139  I t i s here argued t h a t t h i s p r o c e s s of r e i f i c a t i o n can be  also  ag&ied to the manner i n which e l i t e groups have h i s t o r i c a l l y  reacted  to an a t t a c k on t h i s r e a l i t y by  the a u t h o r i t i e s can attacks  on  transform  other  groups.  For  their i n i t i a l reactions  to  example,  perceived  the o f f i c i a l v a l u e premises i n t o r u l e s to ward them o f f .  I n cases where such r e a c t i o n s have become h a b i t u a l , they may  become  i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d norms ( r u l e s , o r l a w s ) , which, over a p e r i o d of are  r a f i e d as r e p r e s e n t i n g  time  " d e v i c e s " n e c e s s a r y to m a i n t a i n the common  good. Thus, devices ficial  to c o n t r o l p e r c e i v e d  c o n s t r u c t i o n of r e a l i t y  to such d e v i a n c e .  a c t u a l l y represent  In turn, t h i s deviant  responded to i n terms of  (V-F)  or  devices  forms of p o l i t i c a l  this  t h e s i s can be  c l a s s e s of  of the  by  two  it.  or  condi-  In t h i s manner,  the  deviance examined i n  "response c a t e g o r i e s " ,  such response category i s c r e a t e d when the  r e a c t to a g i v e n (V-F)  type.  As  conduct by  or  author-  d e f i n i n g i t as p o l i t i c a l  deviance  noted, such r e a c t i o n s have h i s t o r i c a l l y  become r e t f i e d v i n t o r a t h e r r e s t r i c t i v e c o n t r o l d e v i c e s . s h o u l d be  reacted,  response. One  ities  represented  be  of-  reactions  (F-V), depending on which  as m o t i v a t i n g  two  from the  reified  conduct may  t i o n o f f i c i a l d o m perceives to c o n t r o l the  deviations  r e c a l l e d from Chapter I I t h a t these measures  It consisted  140  l a r g e l y of l e g i s l a t i o n to combat s e d i t i o u s a c t i v i t i e s e c u t i v e r u l e s , a l l such measures b e i n g dom  o f movement.  tences,  e x i l e and  the  s e v e r e economic s a n c t i o n s ,  i.e. fines.  These  transformed o f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n s which,  i r r e c o n c i l a b l e . As  accomodation" of such b e h a v i o r was due  by  i s t i n g framework of v a l u e s  initially,  genesis  and  For  "partial  had  affiliated  the a u t h o r i t i e s , the  "total  the o n l y measure to m a i n t a i n the  of such o f f i c i a l  reactions, i . e . reactions  i l l u s t r a t e d by some examples from the l i t e r a t u r e .  mentioned t h a t these o f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n s  It  was  to d e v i a n c e were generated by  that l e g i t i m i z e d d i f f e r e n t constructions  of r e a l i t y .  two  l e v e l of a b s t r a c t i o n  systems showed a h i g h  that  (V-F)  systems t h a t were s u b s t a n t i v e l y opposed to each o t h e r  opposing v a l u e  ex-  norms.  aimed a t the t o t a l e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l deviance o f the  reference  de-  the a u t h o r i t i e s as  to t h e i r s u s p i c i o n t h a t the o f f e n d e r s  e l i m i n a t i o n " of such conduct was  The  a r e s u l t , the  perceived  w i t h the Communist P a r t y Movement.  type was  free-  conduct of some members of the Labor Movement as i n t r a n -  sigent, or p o l i t i c a l l y  impossible  q u i t e r e s t r i c t i v e o f the  ex-  These measures encompassed pmLonged p r i s o n sen-  v i c e s then r e p r e s e n t defined  as w e l l as  Moreover,  and the  and  l e g i t i m i z e d c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n f o r a l l members of the s o c i e t y i n a g i v e n i n s t i t u t i o n a l sphere. Another response category comes i n t o b e i n g when the ities  r e a c t to a g i v e n b e h a v i o r by  d e f i n i n g i t as p o l i t i c a l  author-  deviance  141  of the (F-V) form.  Historically,  the o f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n s  to t h i s  type  of deviance have been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and r e i f i e d i n t o l e s s r e s t r i c t i v e control devices. devices  I t was i n d i c a t e d i n Chapter I I t h a t  these  c o n s i s t e d c h i e f l y o f l e g i s l a t i o n commonly known as l a b o r laws.  As noted, these r u l e s were much l e s s r e s t r i c t i v e o f the freedom o f movement and i n c l u d e d moderate to s h o r t p r i s o n terms, r e s t r i c t i o n s on c e r t a i n p r a c t i c e s engaged i n by the Labor Movement as w e l l as more moderate economic s a n c t i o n s The sent,  i n the form o f f i n e s .  o f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n s which these c o n t r o l devices  though i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and r e i f i e d  form, d e f i n e d  reprethe conduct  of Labor not i n terms o f the " a l i e n " l a b e l , b u t as " r e c o n c i l a b l e " w i t h the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e .  Hence, " p a r t i a l  o f t h i s form o f deviance was c o n s i d e r e d  as p o s s i b l e .  The  o r i g i n o f such response to conduct o f the (F-V) type  was l i k e w i s e i l l u s t r a t e d by a s e l e c t i o n o f m a t e r i a l s ture.  from the l i t e r a -  B a s i c a l l y , t h i s deviance d e f i n i t i o n r e s u l t e d from a c o n f l i c t  between two v a l u e  systems which, w h i l e l e g i t i m i z i n g opposed  t i o n s o f r e a l i t y , showed an a p p r e c i a b l y The  accomodation"  construc-  lower l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n .  p r i n c i p l e s common to Labor and the a u t h o r i t i e s p r o v i d e d  more "con-  c r e t e " g u i d e l i n e s f o r a c t i o n t h a t a p p l i e d to c e r t a i n groups o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n a s p e c i f i c context f o r a l l members short,  (the work r o l e ) i n s t e a d o f g u i d e l i n e s  o f the s o c i e t y i n a c e r t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l a r e a .  these opposed r e f e r e n c e  terms were c o n s i d e r a b l y  In  more e s o t e r i c  when compared to those t h a t generated the (V-F) type o f p o l i t i c a l deviance .  142  FOOTNOTES  1.  New York Communist World, November 8, 1919, p. 2.  2.  Perry, Grover H., The Revolutionary l i s h i n g Bureau, pp. 10-12.  3.  Winnipeg Western Labor News, Special Strike E d i t i o n No. 28, June 18, 1919, p. 2.  4.  Vancouver The Red Flag, August 30, 1919, p. 4.  5.  Revolutionary Radicalism: Its History, Purpose and Tactics, Report of the Joint L e g i s l a t i v e Committee Investigating Seditious A c t i v i t i e s , f i l e d A p r i l 24, 1920 i n the Senate of the State of New York, Part I, V o l . I, Albany, J.B. Lyon Co., P r i n t e r s , 1920. See esp. Introduction.  6.  Canada, House of Commons, Debates, June 2, 1919, pp. 3035-3040.  7.  Ibid., pp. 3029 f f .  8.  American Federationist, May 1946, V o l . 53, No.5, pp. 20-21.  9.  From a pamphlet e n t i t l e d , "Let Our People Live: A Plea f o r a Living Wage", P o l . Action Committee, C.I.O., T e x t i l e Workers Union of America, New York, 1945.  I.W.W., Chicago:  I.W.W. Pub-  See also p. 3010 f f .  10. The Canadian Unionist, A p r i l 1946, pp. 84-86. 11. The Labour Review, January 1947, pp. 11-15. 12. The President's National Labor-Management Conference, November 530, 1945, Summary and Committee Reports, U.S. Dept. of Labor, Div. of Labor Standards, 1946, B u l l e t i n No. 77, pp. 56-58. 13. The Labor Gazette, July 1946, V o l . XLVI, No. 7, p. 877.  143  CHARTER IV SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS  Summary  Some f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d i n the g e n e s i s o f p o l i t i c a l  deviance  were i n v e s t i g a t e d by a c r i t i c a l * examination o f h i s t o r i c a l data p e r t a i n i n g to r e l a t i o n s between.-the a u t h o r i t i e s and t h e Labor Movement d u r i n g the post-World War I and I I p e r i o d s i n North  America.  T h i s e x p l o r a t o r y study was prompted by a p a u c i t y o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n the l i t e r a t u r e ' w h i c h a c t u a l l y p r o v i d i n g an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a c t i v i t i e s  concerned  themselves  t h a t have h i s t o r i c a l l y  been regarded as d e v i a n t conduct i n the p o l i t i c a l sphere. mentioned  with  I t was  t h a t mos.t s t u d i e s o f p o l i t i c a l deviance f o c u s e d on the c l a s -  s i f i c a t i o n o f o f f e n d e r s as " t y p e s " , the f i n d i n g o f c a u s a l e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r t h e i r b e h a v i o r and t h e d e v i s i n g o f means f o r the " c o r r e c t i o n " o f the d e v i a n t conduct.  Moreover, the assumption  that state  authority  can by i t s e l f become a major s o u r c e o f deviance has g i v e n f u r t h e r impetus  to t h i s  study.  A premise now g e n e r a l l y accepted by s o c i o l o g i s t s i s t h a t deviance i s a process which a r i s e s from and i s molded by d i f f e r e n t perceptions of r e a l i t y  t h a t a r e common to those who d e f i n e members  of t h e s o c i e t y as d e v i a n t and those who a r e thus d e f i n e d .  T h i s study,  144  t h e r e f o r e , made an e f f o r t of how  to examine some h i s t o r i c a l events i n terms  these were p e r c e i v e d by o f f i c i a l d o m as w e l l as the Labor Move-  ment . In o r d e r to demonstrate  the g r a d u a l development o f deviance  over time, the v a r i o u s i n c i d e n t s were r e g a r d e d as o c c u r r i n g i n a temporal sequence which, conditions.  i n t u r n , was  generated by c e r t a i n source  I n t a k i n g the o f f i c i a l v a l u e premises  p a r t u r e , i t was  as a p o i n t o f de-  shown t h a t , f o r d i f f e r e n t p e r c e p t i o n s of the i n c i d e n t s  to o c c u r , the a c t i o n s o f the " d e f i n e r s " and the " d e f i n e d " had  to be  l e g i t i m i z e d by r e f e r e n c e systems t h a t were s u b s t a n t i v e l y opposed to each o t h e r .  Finally,  the cleavage i n p e r s p e c t i v e which a r i s e s  from  such o p p o s i t i o n o f v a l u e s to which e l i t e s and n o n - e l i t e s are committ e d , had to be the source from which deviance emanates. These t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s c h i e f l y guided the course o f t h i s study and suggested the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of t h r e e major s o c i o l o g i c a l c o n c e p t s , namely a l i e n a t i o n , deviance and s o c i a l c o n t r o l f o r the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f some h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l s . r e t i c a l framework" was  The a c t u a l "theo-  i n t r o d u c e d i n the form of t h r e e h e u r i s t i c s  which were c o n s i d e r e d as u s e f u l i n p o i n t i n g to the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the phenomena r e p r e s e n t e d by these concepts and t h e i r importance One  stressing  i n the p r o c e s s o f becoming d e v i a n t .  o f these h e u r i s t i c s was  the i d e a l sequence which  facili-  t a t e d the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the d a t a by r e p r e s e n t i n g the deviance  145  p r o c e s s as a temporal sequence o f events i l l u s t r a t i n g development o f d e v i a n t conduct over time.  the g r a d u a l  Another h e u r i s t i c  con-  s i s t e d o f the (V-F) sequence o f a l i e n a t i o n which the Labor Movement regarded as a s o u r c e f o r the t o t a l disenchantment from the g e n e r a l v a l u e premises t h i s s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n was  p e r c e i v e d by  to the o f f i c i a l v a l u e system. form o f the  of the s o c i e t y .  o f the workers Simultaneously,  the a u t h o r i t i e s as a c h a l l e n g e  L i k e w i s e , the t h i r d h e u r i s t i c i n the  (F-V) a l i e n a t i o n sequence was  regarded by Labor as a  s o u r c e o f worker d i s a f f e c t i o n , b u t , i n s t e a d of r e f e r r i n g g e n e r a l v a l u e premises, t i o n from p r i n c i p l e s work r o l e .  to the  t h i s h e u r i s t i c r e p r e s e n t e d worker d i s a f f e c -  that l e g i t i m i z e d a c t i v i t i e s  At the same time,.the  associated with  (F-V) sequence was  the  p e r c e i v e d by  o f f i c i a l d o m as a s o u r c e f o r c r e a t i n g a t h r e a t to c o r p o r a t e and governmental p r i n c i p l e s  t h a t l e g i t i m i z e d . c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s i n the i n -  s t i t u t i o n o f Labor.  As p e r c e i v e d by  the a u t h o r i t i e s  then,  s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n s were m o t i v a t i n g the d e v i a n t conduct, were regarded as r e p r e s e n t i n g two The  these  and hence  d i s t i n c t forms o f p o l i t i c a l  c l o s e l i n k a g e between the e x t e n t to which n o n - e l i t e groups  i e n c e d estrangement from o f f i c i a l v a l u e s and  deviance. exper-  the o f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n s to  the p r o t e s t which such estrangement engendered was  illustrated in  t h i s manner. In t h i s study, the phenomenon o f a l i e n a t i o n , as p o r t r a y e d i n the source c o n d i t i o n s , namely  (F-V) and  ( V - F ) , was  c o n f i n e d to the realm o f communication between e l i t e s  seen as b e i n g and  non-elite  146  groups.  I t was  i d e a l s and  regarded as stemming from an i n a b i l i t y  to communicate  d e s i r e s to the a u t h o r i t i e s a l t o g e t h e r , o r from a  to do so w i t h n o t i c e a b l e r e s u l t s . workers was  failure  The estrangement e x p e r i e n c e d  seen as r e s u l t i n g from a p e r c e p t i o n of b e i n g  excluded  from the g e n e r a t i o n of p r i n c i p l e s , g u i d i n g the whole o f t h e i r day  r e a l i t y , o r simply  t h e i r r o l e as workers.  every-  Where standards  b e h a v i o r a l r e a d y e x i s t e d i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l sphere of Labor, estrangement was  by  of such  seen as stemming from a p e r c e p t i o n o f b e i n g "power-  less" i n influencing  the d e c i s i o n s of the a u t h o r i t i e s .  These s i t u a -  t i o n s were i n d i c a t e d i n the i d e a l sequence paradigm i n the I n t r o d u c tion.  Such use of the concept  of a l i e n a t i o n was  meant to i l l u s t r a t e  not o n l y t h a t non-correspondence between o l d and new  i d e a l s i s seem-  i n g l y b a s i c to the p r o c e s s of becoming e s t r a n g e d , but, more importa n t l y , t h a t estrangement r e s u l t s from the i n t e r a c t i o n process f o r which those d i f f e r e n t i d e a l s p r o v i d e the g u i d e l i n e s . T h i s t h e o r e t i c a l o u t l i n e was  then a p p l i e d to some h i s t o r i -  c a l data which were p r e s e n t e d i n d e s c r i p t i v e form i n Chapter t h i s chapter, an attempt was  t h r e e h e u r i s t i c s were found  used  incidents.  to be u s e f u l d e v i c e s i n the  p r e t a t i o n of these h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l s . quence was  inter-  F o r example, the i d e a l s e -  to d e l i n e a t e changes i n the p e r c e p t i o n of  events  over time, and i n t h i s manner, p r o v i d e d some a p p r e c i a t i o n o f how v i a n t conduct  develops.  The  In  made a t p o i n t i n g to the manner i n which  e l i t e s and n o n - e l i t e s p e r c e i v e d the v a r i o u s h i s t o r i c a l The  II.  two o t h e r h e u r i s t i c s  (V-F) and  (F-V)  de-  147  p e r m i t t e d the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of two the events d e s c r i b e d .  forms o f p o l i t i c a l deviance i n  Examples o f t h i s were g i v e n throughout  t h e s i s and need not be r e - i t e r a t e d h e r e . h e u r i s t i c s was  f u r t h e r demonstrated  p e r s p e c t i v e which was  the  The u s e f u l n e s s o f these  two  i n p o i n t i n g to the cleavage i n  shown as a r i s i n g from two s u b s t a n t i v e l y opposed  r e f e r e n c e systems common to e l i t e s  and  non-elites.  I n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the post-World War  I incidents  the  m a t e r i a l s examined showed a minor d i f f e r e n c e i n the p e r c e p t i o n o f events between the U.S. ted t h a t the U.S. groups  Movement, f o r example, was  t h a t were determined  s t i t u t i o n s w i t h a new was  and Canadian Labor Movement.  by  indica-  radical  to r e p l a c e e x i s t i n g v a l u e s and i n -  morality.  found to be l e s s pronounced  most members o f the U.S.  dominated  I t was  Such domination by r a d i c a l i n the Canadian Movement.  elements While  Movement were e s t r a n g e d i n terms o f (V-F),  Canadian Labor groups seemingly  r e t a i n e d some o f t h e i r commitment to  existing values.  t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n o f these events  Consequently,  r e p r e s e n t e d by s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n t h i s d i f f e r e n c e were suggested. was  ( F - V ) S o m e p o s s i b l e reasons f o r By c o n t r a s t , no important  difference  found i n the p e r c e p t i o n o f the i n c i d e n t s by e l i t e groups 1  countries.  D u r i n g t h i s post-World War  dition  p e r c e i v e d a s ' b e i n g imminent.  i n both  I p e r i o d , the a n n i h i l a t i o n  o f s o c i e t a l v a l u e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s by a group workers was  was  of t o t a l l y  Having  disenchanted  thus p e r c e i v e d con-  (V-F) as the s o u r c e , the a u t h o r i t i e s i n s t i t u t e d d e v i c e s t h a t  148  were r e s t r i c t i v e enough to c o n t r o l a t h r e a t o f such magnitude. ever, w h i l e o f f i c i a l c o n t r o l d e v i c e s were found to be e q u a l l y  Howres-  t r i c t i v e , perhaps more l e n i e n c y i n t h e i r enforcement was p r a c t i s e d by the Canadian a u t h o r i t i e s d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . f o r t h i s was  A p o s s i b l e reason  offered.  F o r both the U.S. and Canada, the data r e l a t i n g to the post-World War I I p e r i o d r e v e a l e d a more p r a g m a t i c and c o n c i l i a t o r y view  toward Labor d i s p u t e s .  The d e v i c e o f a r b i t r a t i o n was c o n s i d e r e d  as a l e g i t i m a t e t o o l i n the s e t t l e m e n t o f such d i s p u t e s byboth  Labor  and t h e a u t h o r i t i e s .  largely  I t was shown t h a t the Labor Movement was  a l i e n a t e d from c o r p o r a t e p r i n c i p l e s and l a b o r laws which attempted to l e g i t i m i z e the work r o l e .  No major d i f f e r e n c e s i n the o v e r a l l o b j e c -  t i v e s o f the U.S. and Canadian Movements d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d were found.  Y e t , t h e r e i s some h i n t t h a t the Canadian Movement showed  somewhat g r e a t e r concern w i t h the s o c i a l a s p e c t s o f the work r o l e , such as f r i n g e b e n e f i t s , beyond a demand f o r wage i n c r e a s e s and the r e c o g n i t i o n o f unions as c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g agents by management and governments. gested.  Some p o s s i b l e r a t i o n a l e f o r t h i s concern was sug-  As both Movements p e r c e i v e d i t s members as b e i n g a l i e n a t e d  from work p r i n c i p l e s r a t h e r than the g e n e r a l v a l u e p r e m i s e s , the s o u r c e c o n d i t i o n f o r such estrangement  was r e p r e s e n t e d by  (F-V).  D u r i n g t h i s post-World War I I p e r i o d , U.S. and Canadian elites  regarded Labor's p r o t e s t as b e i n g m o t i v a t e d by some  t h a t were d i s a f f e c t e d from the work r o l e  (F-V).  groups  F o r these e l i t e s ,  149  Labor's protest became problematic only i n the sense that no effective, o f f i c i a l machinery f o r the a r b i t r a t i o n of labor disputes existed.  Therefore, the problem.was one of accomodating Labor's thrust  within the existing i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework of Labor rather than regarding i t as an attempt at Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n .  During this  period, North American e l i t e s only very rarely looked upon Labor disputes as being motivated by" an a f f i l i a t i o n of unions with the Communist Party Movement.  An exception was noted i n the conviction  of Canadian Labor leader R.K. Rowley on a charge of seditious conspiracy i n 1946. In Chapter I I I a more detailed interpretation of the off i c i a l and Labor perspectives was attempted.  This had the purpose of  cross-checking the preliminary findings of Chapter I I by examining the more general views of labor disputes common to officialdom and Labor during the two h i s t o r i c a l periods. While Chapter I I I largely confirmed the tentative findings of the second chapter, an important point was noted.  This refers to  the l e v e l of abstraction exhibited by the d i f f e r e n t reference systems. Whenever a set of references legitimized the a c t i v i t i e s of a l l members of the society i n a given i n s t i t u t i o n a l sector such reference system showed a high l e v e l of abstraction.  By contrast, when the  reference terms were "work-oriented", defining the workers' positions within the i n s t i t u t i o n of Labor and providing them with an image of the work role i t s e l f , the reference system was more pragmatic.  150  I t was subsequently erence  shown t h a t where r a t h e r a b s t r a c t r e f -  systems were i n o p p o s i t i o n to each o t h e r , a wide c l e a v a g e i n  perspective resulted.  I n t h i s case, the a u t h o r i t i e s p e r c e i v e d the  a c t i v i t i e s o f the Labor Movement as b e i n g m o t i v a t e d by source  con-  dition  War I  period.  (V-F).  T h i s s i t u a t i o n p r e v a i l e d d u r i n g the post-World  The two opposing  s e t s o f r e f e r e n c e s i n v o l v e d here were  r e p r e s e n t e d by " p e r s o n a l s u c c e s s " ,  the c o n t i n u i t y o f a c l a s s o f "suc-  c e s s f u l s " and moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s by the p u r s u i t o f e n n o b l i n g versus  causes  " c o l l e c t i v e s u c c e s s " , " c l a s s l e s s n e s s " and moral worth v i a  e g a l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e s and  brotherhood.  I t was f u r t h e r i n d i c a t e d t h a t where more pragmatic terms were a l t e r n a t i v e s pective resulted.  to each o t h e r , a more narrow cleavage i n p e r s -  Here, the a u t h o r i t i e s p e r c e i v e d Labor's  b e i n g m o t i v a t e d by source t r a t e d by the events the two opposing  reference  c o n d i t i o n (F-V).  o f the post-World  conduct as  This s i t u a t i o n i s i l l u s -  War I I p e r i o d .  In t h i s  case,  s e t s o f r e f e r e n c e s c o n s i s t e d o f the maintainance  p r o f i t s v i a corporate e f f i c i e n c y , ger c l a s s to m a i n t a i n  the n e c e s s i t y f o r an owner and mana-  them v i a the " r i g h t  t i o n v i a c o m p e t i t i o n versus  of  the attainment  to manage", moral d i s t i n c o f an equal share o f s t r a t e -  g i c r e s o u r c e s v i a c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g standards  o f e q u a l i t y between  Labor and the v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s v i a o f f i c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n o f unions as c o l l e c t i v e b a r g a i n i n g agents and moral worth v i a c o l l e c t i v e p r i s e , i . e . co-operation.  enter-  151  I t was  f u r t h e r noted  i n Chapter  I I I t h a t these  systems l e g i t i m i z e d d i f f e r e n t c o n s t r u c t i o n s of r e a l i t y  reference  t h a t were u l -  t i m a t e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c r e a t i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g a cleavage i n the perception of  events.  In the f i n a l s e c t i o n of Chapter  I I I the p o i n t was  made  t h a t the o f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n s to p o l i t i c a l deviance have h i s t o r i c a l l y been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and  r e i f i e d into o f f i c i a l rules  (control  de-  vices).  I n t h i s manner, the d e v i c e s to c o n t r o l d e v i a n t conduct were  regarded  as response  categories, or o f f i c i a l  depending upon which form of deviance by  the  reaction categories,  i s p e r c e i v e d and  "reacted to"  authorities. These c o n t r o l d e v i c e s were shown as b e i n g most  restrictive  whenever they r e p r e s e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d r e a c t i o n s to p o l i t i c a l v i a n c e of the  (V-F)  category.  The  " c o n t r o l s " were found  r e s t r i c t i v e when they r e p r e s e n t r e a c t i o n s to the tical  (F-V)  to be  de-  less  type o f p o l i -  deviance.  Conclusions  S e v e r a l c o n c l u s i o n s can be drawn from the p r e s e n t I t was  concluded  that b a s i c a l l y  two  forms of p o l i t i c a l  v i a n c e c o u l d be i d e n t i f i e d as m o t i v a t i n g the events i n this thesis.  One  such  form o f deviance was  o r i t i e s as b e i n g i n t r a n s i g e n t , o r " p o l i t i c a l l y  study. de-  t h a t were examined  c o n s i d e r e d by  the  auth-  i r r e c o n c i l a b l e " with  152  the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l system o f the s o c i e t y , as i t was  p e r c e i v e d as  stemming from Labor's a f f i l i a t i o n w i t h the Communist P a r t y Movement. As p e r c e i v e d by toward  the a u t h o r i t i e s , t h i s form o f deviance was  directed  the immediate o r g r a d u a l a n n i h i l a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g v a l u e s  i n s t i t u t i o n s by  the D i c t a t o r s h i p o f the P r o l e t a r i a t .  and  I n the o f f i c i a l  view, Labor's s t r a t e g y to a t t a i n t h i s g o a l c o n s i s t e d o f f o s t e r i n g estrangement  from e x i s t i n g v a l u e s i n a l l members o f the s o c i e t y .  The o t h e r form o f p o l i t i c a l deviance was  regarded by  the  a u t h o r i t i e s as " r e c o n c i l a b l e " w i t h the c u r r e n t p o l i t i c a l system i n t h a t they p e r c e i v e d t h i s d e v i a n c e as b e i n g m o t i v a t e d by t i o n o f workers from the work r o l e . t h i s form o f deviance was i t was values.  the  disaffec-  Where, i n i s o l a t e d cases  seen as an attempt  a t Communist  n e v e r t h e l e s s c o n s i d e r e d as too fragmented  perhaps,  infiltration,  an a t t a c k on  existing  I t d i d f o r t h i s r e a s o n not pose a r e a l t h r e a t to the a u t h o r i -  ties . I t was  concluded t h a t these two  forms o f p o l i t i c a l  r e s u l t e d from a d i f f e r e n t i a l p e r s p e c t i v e o f post-World War events and had the e l i t e s  deviance  I and I I  t h e i r o r i g i n i n the d i f f e r e n t backgrounds from which  and n o n - e l i t e s r e s p e c t i v e l y emerged.  Such d i f f e r e n c e s i n  s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e r e s u l t s i n d i f f e r e n t i d e a l s , standards of b e h a v i o r and modes o f i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h o t h e r groups  i n society  t h a t are j u s -  t i f i e d i n terms o f the r e s p e c t i v e v a l u e systems, however d i s c o o r d i n a t e . I t was ties  concluded t h a t the r e f e r e n c e system o f the a u t h o r i -  c h i e f l y encompassed c o r p o r a t e - e c c l e s i a s t i c a l premises whereas  153  t h a t o f the Labor Movement l e g i t i m i z e d a m o r a l i t y based upon communalegalitarian  notions.  Where the r e f e r e n c e systems common t o Labor and o f f i c i a l d o m contained  rather abstract notions  of r e a l i t y  t h a t r e l a t e , f o r example,  to the o p e r a t i o n o f a whole i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e c t o r , the r e s u l t i n g vage i n p e r s p e c t i v e was most pronounced.  I n t u r n , where these  ence systems were pragmatic and based upon n o t i o n s context  of the work r o l e , t h e r e s u l t i n g cleavage  relatively  clearefer-  about the s p e c i f i c  i n p e r s p e c t i v e was  narrow. Where t h i s cleavage  i n p e r s p e c t i v e was maximal t h e e s t r a n g e -  ment o f workers from the o f f i c i a l  r e f e r e n c e system was most pronounced.  Where such cleavage was narrow., o r more m a r g i n a l , worker estrangement was  l e s s pronounced, and so was the t h r u s t toward Where the cleavage  i n p e r s p e c t i v e was pronounced, the auth-  o r i t i e s p e r c e i v e d p o l i t i c a l deviance deviance  was p r e c l u d e d  o f the (V-F)  type.  from i n s t i t u t i o n a l accomodation.  cleavage was more m a r g i n a l , of the (F-V) type.  deviance.  T h i s form o f Where such  o f f i c i a l d o m perceived p o l i t i c a l  This form o f deviance  c o u l d be p a r t i a l l y  deviance accomo-  dated w i t h i n the e x i s t i n g framework o f i n s t i t u t i o n s . O f f i c i a l r e a c t i o n s to p e r c e i v e d p o l i t i c a l t o r i c a l l y been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d  and r e i f i e d  t i v e norms i n the same manner as n o t i o n s  deviance  have h i s -  into rules, or proscrip-  ( v a l u e s ) about how the s o c i a l  system s h o u l d operate w i t h maximum e f f i c i e n c y .  The d e v i c e s  to c o n t r o l  154  the d e v i a n t  conduct were, t h e r e f o r e ,  regarded as response  categories,  depending upon the form o f p o l i t i c a l d e v i a n c e t h a t the a u t h o r i t i e s "reacted  to".  t r o l devices  I t was  p o s s i b l e to i d e n t i f y one  as i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d o f f i c i a l  such " c l a s s " of con-  reactions  to the  (V-F)  type of deviance which aimed a t the t o t a l e l i m i n a t i o n of such  conduct.  Another c l a s s o f c o n t r o l d e v i c e s was  to  (F-V)  represented  by  reactions  the  type o f deviance which, i n the view of o f f i c i a l d o m , w a r r a n t e d  the p a r t i a l accomodation of t h i s conduct w i t h i n  the e x i s t i n g i n s t i -  tutional structure. F i n a l l y , i t was i n e f f e c t i v e devices as  concluded t h a t o f f i c i a l r u l e s are  f o r the r e g u l a t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t as  the c o n t r o l of deviance emanating from i t .  Labor Movement was  I t was  e x c l u d e d from the g e n e r a t i o n  a f f e c t e d t h e i r everyday r e a l i t y . defined  rather well  shown t h a t  the  of p r i n c i p l e s t h a t  Moreover, the i n s t i t u t i o n o f r u l e s  c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s o f the Labor Movement as p o t e n t i a l l y de-  viant behavior.  This "deviance" l a b e l precluded  the e f f e c t i v e com-  m u n i c a t i o n of i d e a l s to the v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s .  Implications  A number of i m p l i c a t i o n s which might form the b a s i s of research  has  that research  a r i s e n from the r e s u l t s o f t h i s s t u d y .  These i n d i c a t e  i n the area of communications between e l i t e s  e l i t e s i s , indeed,  timely.  future  and  non-  155  The p r e s e n t i n v e s t i g a t i o n c h i e f l y attempted to examine some o f the f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d i n the genesis o f p o l i t i c a l w i t h i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l sphere  o f Labor and r e l a t i n g these  c o n d i t i o n s to the d e v i c e s i n s t i t u t e d by the a u t h o r i t i e s Conceivably,  deviance source  to c o n t r o l i t .  t h i s type o f r e s e a r c h c o u l d be extended i n scope to o t h e r  forms o f p o l i t i c a l deviance  as w e l l as o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n a l  such as e d u c a t i o n , w e l f a r e and the realm o f j u s t i c e ,  areas,  to name a few.  Such r e s e a r c h c o u l d be guided by q u e s t i o n s , such as the following:  I f c o n f l i c t between e l i t e s  and n o n - e l i t e s i s assumed to  be i n e v i t a b l e and forms a p a r t o f s o c i e t a l of s o c i a l mechanisms a r e conducive 2 flicting  interests, or i d e a l s .  v o r a b l e t o the implementation effectiveness?  " e v o l u t i o n " , what kinds  to the r e g u l a t i o n o f such con-  What a r e some o f the c o n d i t i o n s f a o f these mechanisms as w e l l as t h e i r  Does the l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n o f the r e f e r e n c e s y s -  tems upon which communications between e l i t e s a f f e c t such c o n f l i c t r e g u l a t i o n ?  and n o n - e l i t e s a r e based  I f s o , does the e x t e n t , o r i n t e n s i t y  of the c o n f l i c t vary d i r e c t l y : w i t h the l e v e l o f a b s t r a c t i o n i n which these r e f e r e n c e systems a r e couched? o t h e r than h i s t o r i c a l circumstance a b s t r a c t o r pragmatic  I f s o , what k i n d s o f c o n d i t i o n s  are responsible f o r invoking e i t h e r  r e f e r e n c e terms i n the communication between  e l i t e s and n o n - e l i t e s ? The p r e s e n t i n v e s t i g a t i o n demonstrated t h a t one way o f studyi n g deviance  c o n s i s t s of an examination  o f the r e f e r e n c e systems em-  p l o y e d by e l i t e and n o n - e l i t e s w i t h r e s p e c t to a c t i v i t i e s i n a g i v e n  156  i n s t i t u t i o n a l area.  In this type of investigation, some t h e o r e t i c a l  approaches developed by the Sociology of Knowledge, f o r example,  3 provide a method that holds promise for future research. An investigation of present labor disputes using the present method of inquiry, or perhaps an improved version of i t , would be timely.  A comparison of the results to those obtained for the  post-World War  I and II periods i n this study could provide useful  information with regard to the o r i g i n of present labor disputes. Questions s i m i l a r to the ones raised i n this thesis could be posed. For example, What are some of the underpinnings disputes?  for current labor  What aspects of the o f f i c i a l reference system do workers  f i n d estranging and may be regarded as motivating their protest? What i s the l e v e l of abstraction of the reference systems to which Labor and the authorities are presently committed?  Is current worker  estrangement l i k e l y to diffuse to the general value premises of the society?  Do the o f f i c i a l reference terms i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l sector  of Labor show an important difference from those of 1919 and 1946? If so, what are the possible reasons for such change?  I f a compara-  tive study were made, such as the present one, i s there any major difference i n outlook between the American and Canadian Labor Movements? Do American and Canadian e l i t e s d i f f e r i n the perception of the challenge to their conceptions of r e a l i t y ?  Is such difference more  pronounced when compared to the periods following the two World Wars?  157  I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t the combined r e s u l t s o f the p r e s e n t t i o n and such follow-up of c u r r e n t  trends The  study p r o v i d e  investiga-  some index f o r the e v a l u a t i o n  i n Labor-Management r e l a t i o n s .  often-made assumption t h a t o f f i c i a l r u l e s a r e r e l a t i v e l y  i n e f f e c t i v e devices  i n c o n t r o l l i n g deviant  p o r t from t h i s s t u d y .  conduct r e c e i v e d some sup-  I t was mentioned t h a t once r u l e s had been  made, they rendered the conduct o f c e r t a i n groups i n c o n f l i c t w i t h the a u t h o r i t i e s as p o t e n t i a l l y d e v i a n t .  I f some members o f such group  e l e c t t o p e r s i s t i n p r o t e s t , t h e i r apprehension and c o n v i c t i o n w i l l f o l l o w i n time. bers,  Following  the a r r e s t and c o n v i c t i o n o f these mem-  the group's problem becomes t w o f o l d :  on i t s a c t i v i t i e s i n a c l a n d e s t i n e over, i t must r e - e v a l u a t e its only  activities,  i t i s now f o r c e d to c a r r y  f a s h i o n , i f i t i s to s u r v i v e .  the terms o f r e f e r e n c e  i f i t i s to p e r s i s t i n p r o t e s t  a l t e r n a t i v e i s i t s r e t u r n to c o n f o r m i t y .  that previously  "underground".  Moreguided  The  I n the l a t t e r case, the  o f f i c i a l r u l e s would have been e f f e c t i v e . This l i n e o f reasoning  implies  future research  i n t o the  e f f e c t s o f l a b e l i n g , which may have important consequences f o r the area df law enforcement. here a r e the f o l l o w i n g : a "deviant" reference  Some o f the q u e s t i o n s  t h a t c o u l d be posed  What a r e some o f the c c n d i t i d n s  t h a t induce  group to c o n t i n u e i t s a c t i v i t i e s based upon a m o d i f i e d  system, and i n c l a n d e s t i n e  fashion?  o f the o f f i c i a l deviance l a b e l been r e s p o n s i b l e  Has the a p p l i c a t i c n to i n c r e a s e  the l e v e l  158  of a b s t r a c t i o n i n the r e f e r e n c e system o f the group, i n t h i s i n t e n s i f y i n g i t s "underground""protest?  What kinds  r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the " p e a c e f u l p r o t e s t " s t r a t e g y ?  of conditions are  What k i n d s  d i t i o n s a r e conducive to i n t e n s i f y i n g underground p r o t e s t ? kinds with  o f conWhat  o f conditions are responsible f o r a n o n - a f f i l i a t i o n p o l i c y o t h e r groups f o r the attainment of o b j e c t i v e s ?  What k i n d s o f  c o n d i t i o n s must p r e v a i l f o r the members o f a d e v i a n t to  manner  group to r e t u r n  conformity? Another i m p l i c a t i o n from the r e s u l t s o f t h i s study  cerns  empirical research  on a l i e n a t i o n .  ment o f workers from the o f f i c i a l perceived  inability  I t was shown t h a t the e s t r a n g e -  r e f e r e n c e system r e s u l t e d from a  to communicate t h e i r i d e a l s to the a u t h o r i t i e s  with noticeable e f f e c t s . current r e a l i t i e s  con-  These i d e a l s and d e s i r e s a r o s e from then  and were i n o p p o s i t i o n to those o f o f f i c i a l d o m .  Such o p p o s i t i o n o f o l d e r , i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i d e a l s t h a t were guarded by  the a u t h o r i t i e s to c u r r e n t n o t i o n s  about r e a l i t y  t h a t guided the  a c t i v i t i e s of Labor was demonstrated by a j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f the r e f e r ence systems to which o f f i c i a l d o m and the Labor Movement were committed.  In the I n t r o d u c t i o n i t was i n d i c a t e d t h a t the o f f i c i a l  premises tend  to become r e i f i e d by most members o f the s o c i e t y  they were regarded as r e p r e s e n t i n g t i o n leads  value  to the b e l i e f  a common m o r a l i t y .  Such  until  reifica-  t h a t t h i s m o r a l i t y i s "immune" to the i n f l u -  ence o f c u r r e n t s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e  and new i d e a l s t h a t a r i s e from i t .  159  I t i s t h e r e f o r e necessary  to take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n  change i n the o f f i c i a l r e f e r e n c e over time may b r i n g  the extent o f  system which new s o c i a l  experience  about.  Former e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s on a l i e n a t i o n n e g l e c t e d  to r e c o g -  n i z e t h i s element o f change as w e l l as the impact o f c u r r e n t and  desires that are responsible  implies  fori t .  ideals  The concept o f a l i e n a t i o n  t h a t something i s " a p a r t " from something e l s e , o r , i n some  way, does not correspond w i t h i t . F u t u r e e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s on a l i e n a t i o n s h o u l d , not  regard  the common m o r a l i t y  o f the s o c i e t y as a r e i f i e d  o b j e c t by accomodating the c u r r e n t population  i n t h e i r research  consideration sity  these s t u d i e s  design. fail  social  i d e a l s and d e s i r e s o f the t e s t I t seems t h a t w i t h o u t such  to demonstrate the e x t e n t ,  o f estrangement from some s o c i a l o b j e c t  perienced.  therefore,  or inten-  t h a t i s a c t u a l l y ex-  160  FOOTNOTES It should be noted that this observation refers s p e c i f i c a l l y to the time when these incidents were i n progress. However, during the period that followed them, the o f f i c i a l view of the Winnipeg General Strike i n Canada, for example, coincided with that of the Canadian Labor Movement. This post-facto o f f i c i a l view held that the basic aims of this s t r i k e consisted of improvements i n wages, working conditions as well as Labor's bargaining p o s i t i o n . (See: Report of the Royal Commission to Enquire into the Causes and E f f e c t s of the General S t r i k e , Robson Report, Winnipeg, July, 1919.) This view i s opposed to the o f f i c i a l view of the "Red Scare" period i n the U.S.; which assumed that these incidents were motivated by a Communist conspiracy with the aim to replace American i n s t i t u t i o n s with those of the Proletarian Dictatorship. (See: Report of the Joint L e g i s l a t i v e Committee Investigating Seditious A c t i v i t i e s , f i l e d A p r i l 24, 1920 i n the Senate of the State of New York, esp. Introduction.) Dahrendorf mentions three requisites f o r the regulation of conf l i c t , namely recognition of divergence and opposition, the removal of d i f f u s e and c o n f l i c t i n g forces by their organization into interest groups and agreement on the formal "rules of the game" by the opposing p a r t i e s . However, he does not specify any conditions favorable and unfavorable for these requisites to be present, nor does he suggest any actual mechanisms for c o n f l i c t regulation once these conditions have been met. (See: Dahrendorf, R. Class and Class C o n f l i c t i n I n d u s t r i a l Society, Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1959, esp. pp. 225-226). This refers e s p e c i a l l y to the recent works of Berger and Luckmann as w e l l as Holtzner. (See: Berger, P.L. and Luckmann, T. The S o c i a l Construction of Reality, Anchor Books, Doubleday & Co., New York, 1967, esp. Chapter II.) (Holtzner, B. Reality Construction i n Society, Schenkmann Publ i s h i n g Co., Cambridge, Mass.j 1968, esp. Chapters IX and X.)  

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