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Alienation, deviance and social control : a comparative sociological analysis of official reactions to.. 1970

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ALIENATION, DEVIANCE AND SOCIAL CONTROL: A COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF OFFICIAL REACTIONS TO RADICAL LABOR MOVEMENTS IN THE U.S. AND CANADA by JOHN GEORGE FRICKE B.A., University of Alberta, Edmonton, 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS ! in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1970 / In presenting this thesis in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and Study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. ( J o h n G. F r i c k e ) Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date O c t o b e r 6, 1970 i ABSTRACT' This study investigates some factors involved in the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance by regarding established values and norms as major sources of deviant behavior. Important kinds of p o l i t i c a l deviance in North American society are seen as emerging from a cleavage in perspective which originates in the different social backgrounds of elites and non- el i t e groups. 'Elites' are groups of individuals who hold positions at the apex of the various institutions, and who can appreciably influence the l i f e chances of others. The term 'non-elite groups' refers to those groups of persons who have no such prerogative. Existing standards of behavior are taken as a point of departure by regarding them as alienating conditions from the view- point of some non-elite members of society. Such non-elite estrange- ment from existing values and norms may result in protest which, in a given circumstance, officialdom may define as deviant conduct. In order to dissolve the challenge which this deviance signifies to commonly accepted standards the authorities may react to i t by the enacting and/or application of rules. The types of devices the authorities w i l l apply to control the deviant conduct depend upon the conditions they perceive as motivating i t . Two social conditions are here assumed to be frequent sources of alienation and, ultimately, deviance. One such condition has i t s i i o r i g i n i n the man-work re l a t i o n s h i p and can be described i n terms of the orthodox Marxian notion of a l i e n a t i o n from work. Another condi- t i o n refers to the t o t a l disenchantment of a group of i n d i v i d u a l s with established values and norms. These assumptions suggest the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of the three major s o c i o l o g i c a l concepts of a l i e n a t i o n , deviance and s o c i a l c o n t r o l i n order to demonstrate that the phenomena represented by them mani- f e s t themselves i n a temporal sequence that i s i n t e g r a l to the process of becoming deviant. This t h e o r e t i c a l o u t l i n e guided the s o c i o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e - t a t i o n of h i s t o r i c a l materials that encompass some of the a c t i v i t i e s engaged i n by r a d i c a l labor movements i n North America during the post-World War I and II periods. Documents from Labor, business and government sources were introduced as the data. The study confirms an often-made assumption that p o l i t i c a l deviance and possibly other forms of deviance emanate from a cleavage i n perspective that arises from the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l experiences com- mon to e l i t e s and non-elite groups. Where such cleavage i s appreci- able, the a u t h o r i t i e s frequently perceive Labor's conduct as motiva- ted by a Communist conspiracy that aims at the replacement of e x i s t i n g standards with the objectives of the "co-operative commonwealth". Where this cleavage i s less pronounced, the a u t h o r i t i e s perceive some groups of i n d i v i d u a l s as d i s a f f e c t e d from the work r o l e . i i i A comparison of the U.S. and Canadian perspectives of the events examined generally reveals only minor differences between the U.S. and Canadian Labor Movements. These differences are here regar- ded as resulting from the evolution of the North American Trade Union Movement i t s e l f . No important differences are found to exist between the perspectives of these incidents by the U.S. and Canadian authori- ties in the two historical periods examined. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 1 The Problem Social Control Alienation and Deviance Societal Reaction to P o l i t i c a l Deviance Footnotes 1 12 20 23 30 CHAPTER II: SOME OFFICIAL REACTIONS TO RADICAL LABOR MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA 34 The Period of the "Red Scare" of 1919 i n the United States 36 The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 in Canada 51 Some O f f i c i a l Reactions to Problems of the U.S. Labor Movement Following World War II 72 Some O f f i c i a l Reactions to Problems of the Cana- dian Labor Movement i n the Post-World War II Period 83 Footnotes 98 CHAPTER III: TWO FORMS OF POLITICAL DEVIANCE AND SOCIAL CONTROL 104 P o l i t i c a l Deviance stemming from Source (V-F) P o l i t i c a l Deviance Stemming from Source (F-V) Control Devices Footnotes 106 121 138 142 CHAPTER IV: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS 143 Summary Conclusions Implications Footnotes 143 151 154 160 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. R.S. Ratner who has provided constructive c r i t i c i s m and guidance throughout the formula- t i o n of this study. Thanks are due to Dr. R. S i l v e r s who has been a source of help and encouragement whenever i t was needed. I also would l i k e to thank Professor David Schweitzer f o r his h e l p f u l suggestions. My sincere thanks also go to a l l those people who have taken an i n t e r e s t i n my work. Last but not l e a s t , I should l i k e to express my apprecia- t i o n to my wife L i v i a who never f a i l e d to provide her f u l l support for this study and who did not object to the "lonely " hours i t often demanded of her. 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Problem The study of p o l i t i c a l deviance has,.it seems, had a some- what chequered history i n sociology. Sociologists have leveled considerable attention upon the examination of aberrant behavior, but i t would appear that p o l i t i c a l non-conformity has, in the l i t e r - ature, not received the attention i t deserves. 1 Writers, such as Horton and Leslie (1965), for example, have devised a classificatory system, which includes offenders that would bear a resemblance to the p o l i t i c a l deviant. This scheme embraces persons, who have become known as offenders as a result of unjust enforcement, or because their offense represented a pretext for action against them as holders of unpopular p o l i t i c a l views. 2 3 While Void (1965) and Merton (1966) as well as Clinard and Quinney 4 (1967) include in their classification of criminals the p o l i t i c a l 5 deviant, Dinitz, Dynes and Clarke (1969), i n their comprehensive study of stigmatization and societal reaction to deviance,devote but scant attention to the problems of the p o l i t i c a l deviant. Clinard 6 and Quinney (1967), for example, have openly c r i t i c i z e d sociologists for having neglected the study of the p o l i t i c a l deviant in favor of 7 8 the aberrant. Matza (1969), too, notes that insufficient attention 2 has been paid by s o c i o l o g i s t s to the r o l e of state authority as a major source of deviance. I t would thus appear that, apart from attempts at c l a s s i f y - ing the p o l i t i c a l deviant as a "type" and f i n d i n g causal explana- tions f or the deviant conduct, i n this manner making i t accessible to the aims of correction, there i s a;paucity of studies i n the l i t e r - ature, which a c t u a l l y attempt to analyse a c t i v i t i e s perceived as being deviant i n the p o l i t i c a l sphere. Some explorative research with this goal i n mind would therefore seem to be timely. In order to accomplish t h i s objective, an attempt w i l l be made i n this study to bring together and i n t e r r e l a t e three major soc- i o l o g i c a l concepts, namely, a l i e n a t i o n , deviance and s o c i a l control, which are considered as being useful i n analysing some phenomena that are generally perceived as forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance. Taking as a point of departure a system of guiding p r i n c i - p l e s , or values i n the so c i e t y , a perspective capable of i l l u s t r a t i n g the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between these concepts and applying them to an analysis of l e f t i s t p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y may perhaps be gained by regarding a l i e n a t i o n , deviance and s o c i a l control as elements i n an h i s t o r i c a l sequence of events. A temporal sequence, such as the following would appear to command some credence: (1) the dominant value structure of the society may impose a challenge, or even a threat to the i d e a l s , or r e a l desires of some other members of the soc i e t y , who have l i t t l e , or no part i n i t s making. Uncommitted to 3 these goals, these members or groups of persons may s u f f e r estrange- ment from them which may be experienced as a f e e l i n g of i s o l a t i o n , or exclusion. Among those members of the society who remain uncom- mitted, there may be some that are determined to protest values, which they perceive as being imposed from a few positions i n authority. Other members may choose an a t t i t u d e of resignation to these demands and conform outwardly, whereas s t i l l others may simply remain i n d i f - ferent to them; (2) the makers and guardians of the value system ( s o c i a l control agents) determined to take no chance and possibly f e a r f u l of any protest t h e i r demands may i n s t i g a t e , generally attempt to f o r e s t a l l any conduct deviating from t h e i r wishes by devising rules that pre- or proscribe c e r t a i n behaviors that are tantamount to p o t e n t i a l l y seditious action. These rules enforce conformity through the punishment of i n f r a c t i o n s . In t h i s manner, those mem- bers of the society who are determined to protest a value system, which corresponds only minimally to t h e i r own ideals and desires, are now unable to communicate them to posi t i o n s higher up i n the h i e r - archy, or to do so e f f e c t i v e l y . This i n a b i l i t y to communicate at a l l , or to communicate e f f e c t i v e l y may be experienced by a group of persons as a f e e l i n g of being powerless i n that i t would seem to r e i n f o r c e a conviction that i t was excluded from the making of deci- sions, which the value structure l e g i t i m i z e s ; (3) once a rule has been i n s t i t u t e d , those members of the society who maintain t h e i r de- s i r e to protest are now rendered p o t e n t i a l l y deviant i n the manner described. 4 This ideal sequence of occurrences is illustrated below: o f f i c i a l value-system challenge, or threat to some members - protest a l i e n a t i o n , experienced as " i s o l a t i o n " , or "exclusion" rule-making i n a b i l i t y to communicate desires and influence decisions of authority a l i e n a t i o n , experienced as "powerlessness" _^ p o t e n t i a l deviance persistence i n protest a l i e n a t i o n i n t e n s i f i e d DEVIANCE. It has already been mentioned that the s o c i a l control agents may f o r e s t a l l any conduct deviating from the o f f i c i a l value system by i n s t i t u t i n g rules that pre- or proscribe c e r t a i n behaviors. Therefore, i t i s reasonable to state that the kinds of o f f i c i a l re- actions to perceived p o l i t i c a l deviance and the devices o f f i c i a l d o m can implement to control i t depend upon how the s o c i a l control agents define the deviant conduct, namely by estimating the extent of the threat to the e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l s tructure which this deviance imparts. The s o c i a l control agents are represented by a l i m i t e d number of e l i t e groups at the apex of the various s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . Whenever these groups perceive t h e i r s e l f - i n t e r e s t s as threatened by c e r t a i n non-elite groups i n the society, they can ru l e the offending 5 conduct as deviant v i a the authority of the state. In North America, such authority i s exercized c h i e f l y by the various l e v e l s of govern- ment (Federal, P r o v i n c i a l , state - or municipal). The close linkage between the extent to which non-elite groups may perceive themselves as being alienated from the o f f i c i a l value system and the o f f i c i a l reactions to the protest (deviance) that may r e s u l t from such estrangement has already been implied i n the " i d e a l sequence". These i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i l l be elaborated i n subsequent sections. As examples of protest against o f f i c i a l p r i n c i p l e s i n which estranged non-elite groups i n the society may engage and which may be perceived by the s o c i a l c o n t r o l agents as deviant con- duct, this thesis seeks to examine two major types of such conduct, or major forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance. These forms of deviance are here regarded as emanating from the cleavage i n perspective which arises from the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l experiences common to e l i t e groups i n positions of authority and non-elite members of the soc i e t y . B a s i c a l l y , two s o c i a l conditions are envisioned as gener- ating estrangement i n some non-elite groups, i n th i s manner inducing them to protest the o f f i c i a l value premises. One such condition has seemingly given some impetus to the Communist Movement and originates i n the man-work r e l a t i o n s h i p . I t i s perhaps best described i n terms of the orthodox Marxian notion, namely that a l i e n a t i o n i s fostered 6 in the work situation when work is perceived by a group of persons as hard labor which benefits only the employer. This, Marx held, leads to a feeling of moral debasement, "dehumanizes" the individual 9 and eventually invokes a loss of the sense of self. Moreover, such perspective of work intensifies the sense of estrangement man may experience from the products of his labor. In i t s ultimate form, i t may result in a general disenchantment with the whole of society. The effect of this condition, namely creating a sense of estrangement, seems to begin with disaffecting individuals from what they do^ in the society un t i l they recognize the f u t i l i t y of laboring within a value framework which ordains behavior that, on the mundane level, proves to be intolerable. Another condition refers to a general disenchantment with the major value premises of the society, such that a l l actions which conform to these premises are no longer acceptable as legitimate modes of behavior. The total estrangement which these broadly leveled attacks on the existing value structure create has the pur- pose of gradually i n f i l t r a t i n g the everyday activities of social l i f e , and ultimately replacing the existing general values of the society with "alternative" goals. These two alienating conditions may, from a theoretical point of view, be described in terms of the components of social 10 11 action illustrated by Parsons and Shils (1951), Scott (1963) 7 12 and Smelser (1962). From the present perspective, these action components could be regarded as outlining the two major sequences in which alienation seems to proceed, culminating i n the two forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance envisioned here. Smelser and Scott, for example, maintain that social action in the society whatever i t s purpose proceeds along so-called action components. These components consist of (a) f a c i l i t i e s , or the "tools" that f a c i l i t a t e the individual's performance of his role (F for short), (b) the role he happens to be engaged in within a given social context (R), (c) norms, i.e. the "rules of the game" to which he must conform, and which regulate the performance of his role (N), and (d) the overall value structure of the society, which legitimizes the rules, or norms (V). These writers moreover imply that the greater the number of action components from which the individual has become estranged, the greater his disenchantment with pre- or proscribed modes of be- havior. Furthermore, i f he has become estranged from the existing value structure, he is assumed to have become estranged from the norms, his role and the f a c i l i t i e s as well. In this case, maximal estrange- ment is hypothesized to exist. This, in turn, implies a vertical hierarchy in which the action components are grouped with f a c i l i t i e s at the bottom and values at the top. It is possible that estrangement from these action compo- nents may begin with f a c i l i t i e s , i.e. a vague feeling of disaffection 8 for anything which has the task of f a c i l i t a t i n g the individual's performance of his role. For example, i f the role is the occupa- tional role, i.e. the Job, i t may be the inadequacy of machinery, the monotony of the conveyorbelt, the absence of promotional oppor- tunity, insufficient training for the job, lack of opportunity to participate in decision-making as i t relates to the performance of the job etc. In time such estrangement from these f a c i l i t i e s may diffuse over the remaining action components, i.e. the job activity i t s e l f , the rules as well as the values that legitimize a particular activity. Another possibility is that estrangement from the whole of society is already complete, i.e. at a maximum, before i t manifests i t s e l f in potentially deviant behavior. In this case, the existing value structure has induced full-fledged disenchantment in the indi- vidual, and his disaffection from the remaining action components 13 serves but as a sort of "verification" of his total estrangement. Therefore,the replacement of the existing value structure with one capable of laying the foundation for a new society is the ultimate 14 goal. The thrust of the Communist Party Movement in North America and elsewhere seems to i l l u s t r a t e this sequence of events. Contrary to the f i r s t alienating condition, which may i n - duce potential deviance, and which, in the Smelser-Scott model becomes sequence f a c i l i t i e s ^ (F) > values (V), the second condition within the same model becomes values (V) > f a c i l i t i e s (F). It may here 9 be surmised that, i f the estrangement that some non-elite members of the society experience diffuses over more than one action component, for example from (F) to (R), hence to (N), and ultimately to (V), the thrust toward p o l i t i c a l deviance w i l l increase. Whenever such estrangement has diffused over component (V), i t may be further assumed that these members of the society have become estranged from the remaining action components as well, namely (F), (R) and (N). In this context, i t should be re-emphasized that both se- quences (F-V) and (V-F) in the Smelser-Scott model represent two distinct types of p o l i t i c a l deviance. The type of o f f i c i a l reaction the social control agents w i l l make to these forms of p o l i t i c a l de- viance w i l l depend upon how threatening to the o f f i c i a l value struc- ture they perceive such non-elite protest to be. In turn, the sanc- tions the control agents w i l l impose upon these forms of deviance w i l l depend upon which sequence (either F-V or V-F) operates i n the deviant conduct. The above formulation raises some important questions. For example, i f the Marxian sequence of alienation (F-V) is present in the deviant behavior, do the control agents feel that this form of deviance can be partially accommodated within the existing i n s t i - tutional structure? Do they regard this form of protest as too scattered and fragmented to warrant much attention? What kind of sanctions are imposed in this case to control the deviant activity? On the other hand, i f the "utopian" sequence of alienation prevails, 10 does i t always pose a threat to the e l i t e value structure? And i f so, what types of sanctions have historically been imposed upon this form of deviance? These observations outline the problem with which this thesis is concerned. An attempt w i l l be made at classifying the mechanisms that have'been invoked by state authority in the U.S. and Canada to control these forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance. This classification w i l l be attempted within the (F^V) and (V-F) se- quences of alienation from the action components as outlined by 15 Scott. Documentation has been gathered from a library selection of descriptive accounts, dealing with events that have historically been associated with reactions to the Communist Party and worker movements in particular. These materials contain contributions by historians, p o l i t i c a l scientists, law enforcement agencies, p a r t i c i - pant observers, or persons convicted of p o l i t i c a l crime. Wherever possible, original documents were consulted in their entirety and quotations presented therefrom in some instances. This method was adhered to especially in Chapter III which is concerned with an analysis of the o f f i c i a l viewpoint of events as well as that of some labor groups. It is hoped that a relatively comprehensive perspec- tive of the Communist Party and worker movements as well as the of- f i c i a l reactions to their various activities w i l l result from this selection of materials. 11 In summary, this thesis represents an explorative study with the aim of i d e n t i f y i n g some possible sources that appear to be involved i n the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance. Furthermore, i t i s an attempt at e s t a b l i s h i n g a conceptual linkage between these source conditions and the types of s o c i a l control devices that have been i n s t i t u t e d by state authority to control conduct which i s perceived as p o l i t i c a l deviance. In this endeavour, a c t i v i t i e s which have h i s t o r i c a l l y been perceived by o f f i c i a l d o m as deviant behavior i n the p o l i t i c a l arena have been selected as the "data". In order to accomplish the two major objectives of the t h e s i s , namely an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of some sources that are seemingly involved i n the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance and discovering a l i n k - age between these source conditions and the devices i n s t i t u t e d by state authority to control the deviant conduct, i t was necessary to devise a method that allowed the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the data i n keeping with these objectives. This method consists of an attempt at i n t e r r e l a t i n g the three s o c i o l o g i c a l concepts of a l i e n a t i o n , deviance and s o c i a l control with the a i d of three h e u r i s t i c s . The f i r s t of these h e u r i s t i c s was introduced i n the form of the i d e a l sequence. This device has the purpose of conveying the idea that the phenomena which are symbolically represented by the three concepts could be regarded as elements i n an h i s t o r i c a l sequence of events. In this manner, the i d e a l sequence i s considered a useful " t o o l " i n the grouping of the data, providing an appreciation 12 of the interaction between these phenomena over time as well as accentuating their role i n the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance. The other heuristics are the alienation sequences (F-V) and (V-F) in the Smelser-Scott paradigm. Both devices represent distinct forms of protest against o f f i c i a l principles. These forms of protest may be perceived and defined by the social control agents as stemming from different sources. Depending upon the control agents' definition of the source condition which, in their opinion, motivates a given activity (either condition F-V, or V-F), devices to control the perceived deviance w i l l be instituted by them that are in keeping with such definition of the source. Social Control The ideal sequence in the foregoing section was presented in order to outline some of the structural elements, i.e. the value system, rule-making, potential deviance and deviance, as well as the intervening processes that are seemingly involved in becoming deviant. In this context, a question can immediately be posed: Who are the rule-makers who, from some position of authority, can exercise power over the l i f e chances of the other members of the society? This question, i t seems, must be answered f i r s t in order to provide an appreciation of the relationships that exist between various c o l l e c t i v i t i e s i n the social structure and the effects of rule-making on these relationships. 13 Studies i n the sociology of power by writers, such as 16 17 18 Mills (1956), Porter (1965) and Domhoff (1967) are usually reliant upon the terminology of e l i t e theory, which assumes the existence of a small group of entrepreneurs, having access to wealth and other resources disproportionate to other socio-economic classes. These entrepreneurs are said to govern the various societal i n s t i - tutions that have diverse tasks to perform. Porter (1965), for example, speaks of the Economic E l i t e , the Bureaucratic E l i t e , the Ideological E l i t e and others, with the Economic El i t e perhaps oc- cupying the top rung of the e l i t e hierarchy due to the important positions held by i t s members beyond the corporate world. In this manner, the Economic Elite's construction of reality can diffuse over the whole of the society un t i l i t becomes identified with the "common good". Thus, the members of these small groups are said to hold top positions of the various institutional systems and can be iden- t i f i e d as the rule-makers who, i f power arises from being i n a position to make decisions about the allocation of funds, can set up the machinery to enforce their view of reality on the other mem- bers of the society. Their elevated position allows them to con- trol the l i f e chances of the other socio-economic groups to a con- siderable degree. A handful of men then, as compared to the total population, seems to be able to exercise e l i t i s t prerogatives i n more than one 14 institutional sphere. These men may be top executives in the large corporations, bankers and financiers, top union leaders, cabinet ministers, Supreme Court judges, high o f f i c i a l s in the Federal Bureaucracy, university professors, high-ranking Church dignitaries as well as men i n a position to exercise control over the mass media, such as newspaper publishers, television magnates and others. These members of the various e l i t e groups are interested not only i n seeing to i t that the other members of the society do what the elites think is "right", but apparently believe that the conduct they pre- or proscribe is i n fact to the advantage of the 19 whole of the society. In this vein, e l i t e groups "legitimize" their moral position and derive their power from a self-imposed position of authority that demands conformity of the other members. 20 Lipset (1955) emphasizes, for example, that this conformity may be regarded as a necessary condition for good citizenship by some el i t e groups. Such construction of reality and exercise of power as practised by the various e l i t e groups requires a configuration of values i n order to achieve legitimization. The question then is this: What are some of the guiding principles, or goals that provide the underpinning for the content of rules which these e l i t e groups make and endeavour to protect? Furthermore, how do these values manifest themselves in the "vertical mosaic" of the social structure as reflected i n the occupational hierarchy of North American society? 15 In keeping with the ideal sequence, three major values appear to supply the p i l l a r s for e l i t i s t rule-making i n the U.S. and Canada. 1. Personal Success. Historically, the charter groups in the U.S. and Canada brought forth a small group of entrepreneurs (largely of Anglo-Saxon origin), who were raised in the tradition of the Protestantic Ethic, which, in contrast to worldly renunciation in the Catholic faith, decreed that personal, economic success was an acceptable value pre- 21 22 23 mise (Bendix, 1962), (Du Bois, 1955), (Murray, 1964). This value of personal success on the level of the i n d i v i - 24 dual became institutionalized as "free enterprise" and the overall legitimizing value for a society based on corporate capitalism. The overriding importance of this value is well illustrated by i t s i n f l u - 25 ence on the other institutional spheres, or, as Porter (1965) puts i t , "Beyond the Board Room". The influence of the Corporate E l i t e , for example, reflects i t s e l f in Royal Commissions in Canada estab- lished by the Federal Government in which the Corporate E l i t e fre- quently provides the spokesmen for the private sector of the economy. Moreover, members of the Corporate E l i t e are found on governing boards of many universities and hold positions in philanthropic organizations as well. 16 2. Class-Continuity. This value appears to reflect a feeling, which may be re- garded as "consciousness of kind" and stresses the principle of social homogeneity. It finds expression, for example, in the value elites place on kinship relations in some cases. Studies of elites show that kinship is considered to be of some importance either within one elite group, or between elites. However, elites seem to differ in their emphasis on this value. In Canada, for example, kinship links are most common within the higher ranks of the corporate world, and are less prominent in the other elites. The transmission of elite positions from father to son or close relative is apparently one factor, which operates here, so that a fortune, or prestigious positions remain in the family. Likewise, adding to existing wealth and prestige by intermarriage with equally powerful families has been practised. Class-continuity is moreover expected to lead to common attitudes and values about the society at large as well as the position the corporate world assumes in i t . In Canada as well as to some extent in the United States middle and upper class people of British origin who happen to be university graduates comprise relatively small groups from which a ruling class can then be sel- ected. Such a recruiting base is small enough for its members to recognize each other as belonging to the same class, or group. In 17 order to maintain this "inner c i r c l e " a careful selection of poten- 26 t i a l candidates for e l i t e positions therefore becomes necessary. The actual selection of candidates is usually accomplished through the device of "co-optation", which provides for common socialization practices for e l i t e children by virtue of education at private schools, summer camps, membership in gentlemen's clubs, success as a corporation executive, participation i n philanthropic 27 activities etc. Here the non-instrumental aspects of socialization 28 predominate over the instrumental ones. In this manner, going to private school and being wealthy means more than actual educational attainments and their benefit to society, or how wealth is re- distributed for the benefit of the general economy. Similarly, membership in certain clubs means more than the actual need for fellowship. Such principles that operate in the selection of candi- dates for e l i t e positions bring persons of the same social type to- gether i n terms of education, ethnic background, religion and the "right thinking" required for potential leaders. 3. Moral Worthiness. It is a dictum that those who make values and rules must themselves be above reproach i n personal conduct. In North America an index for the appraisal of moral worth has i n the past been and to some extent s t i l l is (a) sect, or church 18 membership, and (b) membership i n certain associations and social clubs as well as having attended specific schools and having received awards for distinguished service to one's country. From a historical perspective, membership in a Protestant sect, for example, was a certificate to moral worth. Today Corporate E l i t e membership i n certain churches, such as the Anglican in Canada and the Episcopalian in the United States i s s t i l l a frequent pheno- menon. Church membership seemingly provides a visible sign of honesty and fairness to one's fellows, although today many members of the various elites no longer publicize membership i n a particular church. Perhaps the holding of such value as church membership has come to be taken for granted. Nevertheless, even today members of 29 the Corporate E l i t e play a f a i r l y conspicuous role i n church affairs. A mark of moral worth other than church-sanctioned is membership i n certain clubs and associations. In the U.S., for ex- ample, membership in certain "very exclusive" gentlemen's clubs es- tablishes the incumbent as having the moral fibre, character, or the "right" disposition for leadership, which requires him to interact 30 with the like-minded, i.e. those of equivalent moral worth. While 31 Porter (1965) notes that the precise function of social clubs in Canada's, e l i t e world has not been clearly delineated, he admits that such club membership may well provide a "locus of interaction" that makes for social homogeneity. 19 The quest for moral worth reflects i t s e l f further i n the type of preparatory school, or College e l i t e members have attended. 32 Domhoff (1967) provides a whole l i s t of preparatory schools that, in his view, permit a graduate to lay claim to e l i t e membership. In Canada, the situation is quite similar. For example, graduation from certain universities serves as "proof" for possessing leader- 33 ship qualities. Porter (1965) claims that of 118 members of the Canadian Economic El i t e 42 persons graduated from McGill University, 35 from Toronto and 4 from Queens University. The remainder had chosen college training outside Canada. A further index of moral worth as a requirement for claim- ing e l i t e status seems to l i e i n the incumbent's ability to serve 34 his community, or country i n the p o l i t i c a l arena. Keller (1963) gathered some data from 120 U.S. ambassadors sent to several coun- tries between the years 1900 and 1953. She found that the majority of this e l i t e group were members of the Economic E l i t e or came from the professions. Four-fifths had college degrees; one-half graduate degrees, mostly i n the Law faculties. One-third of the group had graduated from preparatory schools, and two-fifths had been granted degrees from Ivy League Colleges. Elite values then encompass common notions about how the social system should operate and be maintained. As indicated ear- l i e r , such a legitimizing value system provides the underpinning for the construction of an everyday reality to wiLch the other members of 20 the society are expected to conform. This means that e l i t e values become r e i f i e d and dif f u s e d over the whole of the s o c i a l system i n time. In this manner, e l i t e s come to declare themselves as the guardians of s o c i e t a l i n s t i t u t i o n s set up, i n i t i a l l y , to protect i n t e r e s t s and values which are, f i r s t and foremost, t h e i r own. Therefore, e l i t e s must see to i t that the i n t e r e s t s at stake i n such an enterprise are protected by the making of rules that have the task of d i s s o l v i n g threats to them. Should these i n t e r e s t s and values be threatened, e l i t e s can use t h e i r positions of authority to rule any challenge to them as deviating from established and "nor- 35 mative" standards. A l i e n a t i o n and Deviance Such s e l e c t i v e perception of r e a l i t y by e l i t e groups to which the value system discussed i n the previous s e c t i o n appears to be i n t e g r a l , thus excludes a p r i o r i the ideals some non-elite mem- bers of the society may hold. In this sense, i t evidently makes l i t t l e , or no differ e n c e to e l i t e groups i n posit i o n s of authority whether the value premises they defend may mean t o t a l exclusion of the i n t e r e s t s of some members of the soc i e t y . Rule-making defines the areas of rights and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r the i n d i v i d u a l , and, moreover, has the task of preventing disruption of e l i t e positions which the non-elite member estrangement from the e x i s t i n g value pre- 21 mises may e n t a i l . In this manner, any anticipated manifestation of such estrangement i n the form of overt protest against the e l i t e value structure i s f o r e s t a l l e d . The 'ideal sequence' implies that, once rules have been made, they e i t h e r preclude the communication of non-elite ideals to positions of authority, or they prevent such communication from having any noticeable e f f e c t s . In this case, excluded from the mak- ing of general a c t i o n guidelines and unable to e f f e c t i v e l y communi- cate t h e i r desires and influence e l i t e decision-making, some groups i n the society cannot be expected to take any a c t i v e part i n t h e i r roles as c i t i z e n s , nor w i l l the i n s t i t u t i o n of voting i n elections have much meaning for them. Therefore, any active expression of protest as a r e s u l t of this composite of a l i e n a t i n g conditions w i l l mos t l i k e l y lead to deviance. For this reason, i t i s a difference i n the perception of reality,which e x i s t s between e l i t e groups who have the authority to define a given s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n and make rules about i t and other members of the society i n non-elite positions who are expected to obey the set standards, where the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance 36,37 and most l i k e l y other forms of deviance must be sought. This cleavage i n perceiving r e a l i t y moreover seems to be a r t i f i c a l l y maintained through the i n s t i t u t i o n of rules which disown any prerogative to express b e l i e f s other than those contained i n - 22 the pre- and/or proscriptions of the r u l e . The sense of powerless- ness (as a variant of a l i e n a t i o n ) , which i s l i k e l y to ensue as a con- sequence, refers to a s c a r c i t y of those relationships which permit the non-elite control of up and down the l i n e communication with 38,39 e l i t e groups at the top of the various i n s t i t u t i o n s . In turn, the extent to which a l i e n a t i o n w i l l be experienced as powerlessness by non-elite members seemingly varies with the degree of control these members think ( r i g h t l y , or wrongly) they can exercise over this communication process. A subsequent response of non-elite re- action to perceived lack of control may be deviant behavior, e s p e c i a l l y when str a t e g i e s favoring protest are introduced and accepted by cer- t a i n groups i n the soci e t y . I t i s possible to f i n d an example of th i s a l i e n a t i o n - deviance model i n the study of the Communist Movement.in North America. Some o f f i c i a l responses to perceived deviance which this thesis attempts to examine can perhaps be best appreciated by re- garding the various e l i t e groups as moral entrepreneurs, as rules come in t o being as a r e s u l t of the enterprise exhibited by these groups i n c o n t r o l l i n g any protest against t h e i r self-imposed value 40 system. I t i s conceivable that the major values of North American e l i t e groups, such as personal success, class continuity as we l l as moral worthiness should be jeopardized by p o l i t i c a l programs that advocate the a b o l i t i o n of pr i v a t e property and a l l rights to inher- itance, c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of c r e d i t by the state as w e l l as p u b l i c 2 3 ownership of the instruments of production. A secular and e g a l i t a r i a n ideology of brotherhood moreover poses a threat to e x i s t i n g corporate- e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s based upon alms-giving, patronage, and re- l a t i v e l y exclusive claims to moral worthiness. In North America the cleavage between the value systems of corporate c a p i t a l i s m and ideologies favoring state ownership render the members of ' l e f t i s t ' p o l i t i c a l groups powerless i n the sense that they are not i n positions where argument and advocacy of t h e i r ideals i s regarded as legitimate and permissible. I t i s therefore natural that this extreme lack of con t r o l over arguing t h e i r cause should induce intense feelings of powerlessness, which i n turn greatly increases the p r o b a b i l i t y of non-conforming behavior i n the p o l i t i c a l 41 sphere. S o c i e t a l Reaction to P o l i t i c a l Deviance I f a group of persons has chosen to deviate from the rule, i . e . p e r s i s t i n conduct banned by authority, i t s p o t e n t i a l l y deviant behavior w i l l be compounded, as i t must associate with other rule v i o l a t o r s i n order to f o r e s t a l l discovery of i t s i n f r a c t i o n s by those who have chosen conformity. In t h i s v e in, being deprived of communicating i t s b e l i e f s to authority most l i k e l y also means being deprived of communicating these b e l i e f s to ru l e conformers. Thus the group's p o s i t i o n , except f o r i t s relationships with other deviant positions i n the s o c i a l structure, becomes one 24 imbued with structural exclusion from communication with those i n positions of authority (vertical) as well as with members of the society who conform to the rules (horizontal). As previously men- tioned, i f the group persists i n the potentially deviant conduct due to a number of alienating conditions, i t w i l l evoke the disap- proval of authority at some future point i n time. At this stage the members of this group w i l l be o f f i c i a l l y labeled as deviant and be- 42 come subject to apprehension. It is hoped at this point that the foregoing sections have brought into focus some of the conditions which chronologically antedate o f f i c i a l labeling. In addition, i t was implied that p o l i - t i c a l deviance is chiefly a consequence of some structural conditions, starting with differences i n perceiving reality between elites and non-elites and being compounded by the inability of some non-elite members to communicate their beliefs to other positions in the social structure both vertically and in part horizontally. It has already been mentioned that the e l i t e construction of everyday reality in the society excludes a p r i o r i the ideals some members of non-elite groups may hold. Moreover, i f elites can impose their conceptions of how the social system should operate upon non-elites by the making of enforceable rules, the positions of authority held by members of the various elites become themselves major sources of p o l i t i c a l deviance. The exercise of authority which takes place through the invention and/or application of these rules 25 thus renders certain patterns of behavior by persons occupying non- e l i t e positions in the social structure deviant. In this thesis, the effects upon these positions which this exercise of authority brings into being w i l l be examined up to the point of o f f i c i a l labeling and the "correction" of the deviant conduct. In the literature, societal reaction to deviance has most @ commonly been associated with the process of labeling. In fact, 43 writers, such as Becker (1964), Erikson (1966) and Kitsuse (1966) have defined deviance mainly i n terms of the effects of labeling. While there seems to exist a close relationship between societal reaction and the labeling of individuals as deviant, this association between the two concepts also has i t s limitations. For example, the question as to what agency is responsible for the labeling of indi- viduals as deviant is not always clear. Furthermore, i f o f f i c i a l labeling is considered a transformation of an i n i t i a l , subjective reaction to non-elite conduct that is experienced as threatening to existing values and norms, then how great must this threat be to 44 set the labeling device in motion? Whichever the case may be, i t can hardly be said that there is general agreement as to what c r i t e r i a a definition of de- viance should accomodate, except perhaps for some tacit acknowledge- ment that a given social situation involving deviant behavior w i l l @ This must be so, as forms of behavior per se do not e l i c i t a soci- etal response that makes possible a differentiation between deviants and non-deviants. 26 depend upon the response of authority to i t , and, to some extent, upon how the deviant i n turn reacts to this response. More generally, the reaction of authority to p o l i t i c a l non-conformity in North America seemingly represents a deliberate attempt at propagating a stereotyped conception of the p o l i t i c a l non-conformer, which e l i c i t s such associations as "red", "alien", "dirty", "soapbox agitation","Godless", "bombs", "sabotage" and others. As Lemert (1951) points out, these anarchistic stereotypes have sus- tained themselves over time and tend to be applied indiscriminately to Socialists, Communists, Pacifists, other radicals as well as 45 progressive and moderate reformers. In view of the conservative leanings of e l i t e groups at the top of the various institutional hierarchies of authority, de- vices for correcting p o l i t i c a l deviance in North America have i n the past been stern and unrelenting. J a i l terms and deportations, police atrocities and intimidations as well as administrative mea- sures in defiance of the j u d i c i a l process have been used as control devices with p o l i t i c a l non-conformers. Even the services of the courts have on certain occasions been invoked on behalf of achieving 46 p o l i t i c a l goals. Once labeling has occurred, i t seems to serve also as a device of surveillance and control of anticipated future deviance in the same sphere of activity, or others as well, unless the offender decides to cease engaging i n banned conduct after a period of time. 27 Finally, the erroneous belief that e l i t i s t rule-making reflects the values and desires of most members of the society fur- ther strengthens the a r t i f i c i a l maintenance of e l i t i s t rules, and consequently makes possible the emergence and perpetuation of the aforementioned anarchistic, stereotyped notions about the p o l i t i c a l non-conformer. This stereotypy, which results when e l i t i s t notions about the operation of the social system are reified and taken as representing the common good, has contributed heavily to the idea that p o l i t i c a l deviance must be sought in the personal characteris- 47 tics of the offender. However, during the past two decades an increasing awareness that p o l i t i c a l deviance emanates from a differ- ential perception of social reality between individuals, or groups in different positions i n the hierarchy of authority has emerged. This awareness may in part have been responsible for a shift in attitude away from the previous conception of p o l i t i c a l non-conformity which envisioned a "deviant versus public" relation- ship to one stressing the relationship between e l i t e and non-elite groups. Such a conception locates the source of the deviant con- duct in the offender's social, rather than psychical, environment. In summary, this introductory chapter emphasized that deviance results from a cleavage in the perspective of reality which arises from the different social experiences that are common to elites and non-elite groups in the society. The " o f f i c i a l " value 28 system was taken as a point of departure and regarded as an a l i e n - ating condition from the viewpoint of some non-elite members i n that these i n d i v i d u a l s may perceive themselves as being excluded from the d r a f t i n g of guidelines that a f f e c t t h e i r everyday a c t i v i t i e s . I t was mentioned that such estrangement may induce a group of persons to protest the conditions which they experience as estrang- ing. Depending on the magnitude of t h e i r protest, the au t h o r i t i e s may react to i t by the making of rules i n order to "dissolve" the challenge which this protest imparts to the o f f i c i a l values and norms. I t was noted that r u l e making defines some non-elite members as p o t e n t i a l l y deviant and that the a p p l i c a t i o n of the deviance l a b e l compounds the estrangement of these i n d i v i d u a l s i n that they now perceive themselves as being unable to communicate t h e i r ideals and desires to the au t h o r i t i e s with noticeable e f f e c t s , namely by achieving a modification, or the elimination of some o f f i c i a l stan- dard which they perceive as the source of t h e i r estrangement. Two s o c i a l conditions were assumed to be frequent sources of estrangement. One such condition was seen to have i t s o r i g i n i n the man-work r e l a t i o n s h i p and was described i n terms of the Marxian notion of a l i e n a t i o n , i . e . when work i s perceived as b e n e f i t t i n g only the employers. Another condition r e f e r r e d to the t o t a l disen- chantment of a group of i n d i v i d u a l s with the major value premises of the society having the aim to replace these with a l t e r n a t i v e standards. 29 I t was assumed further that the types of protest i n which these two forms of estrangement may r e s u l t have h i s t o r i c a l l y been perceived as two d i s t i n c t forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance by of f i c i a l d o m . Therefore, the o f f i c i a l reactions to the deviant conduct w i l l depend upon what kind of source condition the au t h o r i t i e s perceive as moti- vating i t . The second part of this Introduction provided a descrip- t i v e account of some s o c i a l experiences engaged i n by e l i t e groups and an elaboration of some of the major values they hold, such as "personal success", " c l a s s - c o n t i n u i t y " and "moral worth" v i a the pur- s u i t of ennobling causes. In the f i n a l section, some common reactions to deviance were mentioned, such as the l a b e l i n g process. I t was pointed out that l a b e l i n g i s generally f a c i l i t a t e d by an erroneous b e l i e f of some non-elite members, namely that e l i t i s t r ule making r e f l e c t s the ideals and desires of most members of the soci e t y . Moreover, i t was noted that such r e i f i c a t i o n of e l i t i s t values as representing the "common morality" has contributed heavily to the genesis of some stereotyped notions about the p o l i t i c a l offender. The next chapter w i l l attempt to examine some of the ef- fects the making and/or a p p l i c a t i o n of rules may have upon some non-elite members. 30 FOOTNOTES 1. Horton, P.B. and Leslie, G.R. The Sociology of Social Problems, 3rd. ed., New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1965, p. 138. 2. Void, G.B. Theoretical Criminology, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1958, pp. 299-300. 3. Merton, R.K. "Social Problems and Sociological Theory", i n Merton, R.K. and Nisbit, R.A. (eds.) Contemporary Social Pro- blems , 2nd. ed., New York: Harcourt Brace and World, 1966, pp. 808-811. 4. Clinard, M.B. and Quinney, R. (eds.) Criminal Behavior Systems, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1967, pp. 177-246. 5. Dinitz, S., Dynes, R.R. and Clarke, A. Deviance: Studies i n the Process of Stigmatization and Societal Reaction, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1969. 6. Clinard and Quinney, op. c i t . , p. 179. 7. Merton, R.K., op. c i t . , pp. 808-811. 8. Matza, D., Becoming Deviant, New Jersey, Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall Inc., pp. 143-144. 9. Marx, K., Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, Marx- Engels, Gesamtausgabe, Abt. I, Bd. 3 translated by Martin M i l l i - gan, Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, p. 72. In this connection see also Rollo May's Man's Search for Himself, New American Library, SIGNET BOOKS, New York, 1967, pp. 49-56. Other references are contained in T.B. Bottomore (ed.) Karl Marx: Early Writings, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963, pp. 120-143. 10. Parsons, T., and Shils, E.A., Toward a General Theory of Action, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1951. 11. Scott, M.B. "The Social Sources of Alienation", Enquiry, Vol. 6, No. 1, Spring, 1963, pp. 57-59. 12. Smelser, N. Theory of Collective Behavior, New York: The Free Press,.1962, see esp. Chapter II. 31 13. This ideology was expressed in an interview with a former high- ranking o f f i c i a l of the Communist Party of Canada, member of the polit-bureau of the CPC and editor of a Communist-oriented newspaper in Vancouver. When the author questioned him about what had prompted his induction into the Communist Party Move- ment, he stated that " . . . i t a l l started when I walked along the grimy streets of the l i t t l e Scottish mining town I come from. I could not avoid comparing the hovels of the miners with large families to the castles of the 'haves' on the surrounding h i l l s . It just wasn't right. That did i t ! " 14. This position is implied in the autobiography of the late Rev. A.E. Smith, a former preacher, spokesman and secretary of the Communist Party of Canada as well as former leader of the Labor- Progressive Party of Canada: "I remember the mental and s p i r i t u a l struggle through which I passed i n those days. To me the Gospel of Jesus was the proclamation of a new social order of human society....I saw that Jesus was a Communist. I linked his l i f e with the old prophets...who were early Communists". (From Rev. A.E. Smith, A l l My Life, Toronto: Progress Books, 1949, pp. 42-43). 15. Scott, M.B., op; c i t . 16. Mi l l s , CR. The Power E l i t e , New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1956, pp. 4, 11, 13, 15. 17. Porter, J., The Vertical Mosaic, Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1965, especially Chapter VII, "Elites and the Structure of Power." 18. Domhoff, G.W. Who Rules America, Engelwood-Cliffs, New Jersey, 1967, pp. 4-11 (Introduction). 19. Becker, H. Outsiders: Studies i n the Sociology of Deviance, New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1963, p. 148. 20. Lipset, S.M. "The Sources of the Radical Right" (1955) in: Bell, D. (ed.) The Radical Right, New York: Doubleday Anchor Book, 1964, pp. 320-321. 21. Bendix, R. Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait, New York: Doubleday Anchor Book, 1962, pp. 55 f f . 32 22. Du Bois, C. "The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture", American Anthropologist, Vol. 57 (1955), pp. 1232-1238. 23. Murray, E.J. Motivation and Emotion, New Jersey: Foundations of Modern Psychology Series, Prentice-Hall, 1964, p. 107. 24. Smelser, N., op. c i t . , p. 36. 25. Porter, op. c i t . , pp. 298-303. 26. Porter, J., op. c i t . The '-sections on class-continuity as well as moral worthiness rely heavily on Porter's study. See esp. pp. 279-280; 520-528; 303-305. 27. Domhoff, G.W., op. c i t . , p. 5. 28. Porter, J., op . c i t . , p. 285. 29. Porter, «J., op . c i t . , pp . 287-290. 30. Domhoff, G.W., op. c i t . , pp. 35-36 31. Porter, J.,' op . c i t . , p. 305. 32. Domhoff, G.W., op. c i t . , p. 34. 33. Porter, J., op . c i t . , p. 277. 34. Keller, S. from her book Beyond the Ruling Class, p. 297, quoted in Domhoff, G.W., op. c i t . , pp. 105-106. 35. Dahrendorf, R. Class and Class Conflict i n Industrial Society, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1959, p. 293. Clearly, i t cannot be assumed that a citizen of a democratic state has no power at a l l with respect to p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . However, as Laski claims, "despite this basic power common to a l l , a clear line can be drawn between those who are in the posi- tion to exercise regularly control over the l i f e chances of others by issuing authoritative deci- sions. The citizens of a democratic state are not a suppressed class, but they are a subjected class, or quasi-group, and as such they constitute the dy- namic element in p o l i t i c a l conflict." 33 36. Becker, H., op. c i t . , p. 16, 23. 37. Rose, A.M. and P r e l l , A.E., "Does the Punishment f i t the Crime?", American Journal of Sociology, LXI (Nov. 1955), pp. 247-259. 38. Kornhauser, W., The Politics of Mass Society, Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1959, see esp. Chapter II. 39. Seeman, M. "On the Meaning of Alienation", Am. Soc. Review, Vol. 24, 1959, p. 785. . 40. Becker, H., op. c i t . , see esp. Chapter VIII. 41. Bottomore, T.B. and Rubel, M. Karl Marx: Selected Writings i n Sociology and Social Philosophy, London: Watts and Co., 1956, p. 97. The cleavage mentioned between particular ( e l i t i s t ) and common interests was noted by Marx in his early writings. Although he did not dwell on the origin and development of alienation, he nevertheless f e l t that i t probably emanated from the division of labor. He wrote: "...as long as a cleavage exists between the particular and the common interest, as long as therefore activity is not voluntary, but naturally divided, man's own act becomes an alien power opposed to him, which enslaves him instead of being controlled by him". 42. Matza, D., op. c i t . , p. 162 f f . 43. Clinard, M.B., The Sociology of Deviant Behavior (3rd. ed.) New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968, p. 26. 44. Clinard, M.B., op. c i t . , p. 27. 0 45. Lemert, E.M. Social Pathology, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1951, p. 200. 46. Kirchheimer, 0. P o l i t i c a l Justice: The Use of Legal Procedure for P o l i t i c a l Ends, Princeton, N.gji.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1961, p. 46. 47. Becker, H., op. c i t . , pp. 3-5. 34 CHAPTER II SOME OFFICIAL REACTIONS TO RADICAL LABOR MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA It has been stated in the Introduction that e l i t e posi- tions at the top of the various institutions may be regarded as major sources of deviance. This means that deviance results when- ever these positions exercise authority by transforming their i n i - t i a l reactions to offending conduct in the p o l i t i c a l sphere into @ rules to punish perceived infractions. Some of the effects which this exercise of authority may have upon the positions of some non- el i t e members of the society w i l l be examined in this chapter. The extent to which non-elite conduct is affected by such exercise of authority w i l l be explored in terms of the form of p o l i - t i c a l deviance officialdom perceived as being present in a given conduct and its definition of i t . In the Introduction two such forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance were identified with respect to their sources and represented by alienation sequences (F-V) and (V-F). In this chapter an attempt w i l l be made to interpret some his t o r i c a l events with the aim to demonstrate that the two stated source con- ditions can be identified in the activities to be described. @ Berger and Luckmann, for example, regard the transformation of such subjective reactions to human activity as a process of 'objectification' when these become habitual, or institution- alized.l 35 The his t o r i c a l events that have been selected are, (a) The period of the "Red Scare" of 1919 in the United States, (b) The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 in Canada, (c) Some o f f i c i a l reactions to problems of the U.S. Labor Movement following World War II, and, (d) Some o f f i c i a l reactions to problems of the Cana- dian Labor Movement in the post-World War II period. In order to make the presentation of the data more meaningful in terms of the main objectives of the thesis, the follow- ing strategy was adopted: (1) The gathering of the his t o r i c a l ma- terials was undertaken with these questions in mind, (a) What were some of the underpinnings to the occurrence of the event? (b) What conditions provoked e l i t e groups to assure public support of their preferred value system? (c) What rule, or other devices were i n s t i - tuted by officialdom to define the conduct of some non-elite mem- bers as•deviant? (d) Who were the members of the society so defined? (2) A preliminary interpretation of these h i s t o r i c a l data w i l l be made in this chapter and w i l l focus f i r s t on the question as to how the various events were perceived by the members of the Labor Move- ment, and second, on how these events were perceived by state authority. In Chapter III, the present account of the o f f i c i a l and Labor perspectives of the events w i l l be elaborated. This w i l l be done by an interpretation of selected materials, such as statements by important groups i n the business world, government documents as 36 well as materials i l l u s t r a t i n g the position of the Labor Movement dur- ing the two historical periods. This approach has the aim to provide a better understanding of the basic argument, namely that authority w i l l define a given activity as deviant in terms of the source which i t perceives as motivating i t , and that i t w i l l institute devices to control the deviance in keeping with i t s reaction to and defini- tion of this source condition. A brief classification of such control devices w i l l be appended and based upon this consideration. A. The Period of the "Red Scare" of 1919 in the United States 1. The Event. An historical event, which seemingly exercized great i n - fluence on the perception of everyday reality by U.S. officialdom occurred i n the wake of World War I, and has popularly been known as the "Red Scare", or "Red Hunt". This event roughly comprises two years from the end of World War I until early 1920, the near-end of the Wilson administration. During World War I state authority was confronted with the suppression of "subversives". These were individuals, who openly rejected the U.S. government's war effort with Germany as well as i t s military intervention in North Russia and Siberia. This war-time @ Special reference is made here to the members of two p o l i t i c a l parties, i.e. the Socialist Party of America and the I.W.W. (International Workers of the World). The S.P.A. believed i n evolutionary principles, such as reform through le g a l - p o l i t i c a l measures. By contrast, the I.W.W. was an activist group, advoca- ting the use of violence. 2 37 radical activity had greatly contributed to the enactment of the Espionage Act of 1917 as well as the Sedition Act of 1918 both of which Congress adopted to combat the thrust of the Labor Movement 3 which i t perceived as an attempt at increasing Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n . Another condition, which provided some impetus for the "Red Scare", was the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in Russia along with the emergence of international Communism through the formation 4 of the Comintern (Communist International) in March of 1919. This background of international turmoil as well as unemployment and other domestic problems supplied the underpinnings for the "Red Scare" period. Understandably, these conditions imposed a severe threat to the existing value-structure, apart from their divisive effects upon the American public. Also, as i n most times of great social up- heaval, the cause for i t is frequently sought in the conspiracy of a small group of individuals against the welfare of most members of 5 the society, or even against that of humanity. It should therefore' be possible to assume that public belief in a Communist conspiracy had already fostered a "united front" ideology, and that as a re- sult, support of existing values was easily r a l l i e d by authority. Yet, one index of the threat, which the perceived Communist thrust created for some American elites, is reflected in their advocacy of "hard l i n e " principles that were directed toward the extermination 38 of a l l threatening, seditious opinions. This perspective was greatly aided by fomenting patriotic sentiments i n the American public and can be illustrated by a series of incidents, which immediately prompted o f f i c i a l reaction. The Seattle General Strike, for example, was one such in - cident. In January of 1919, 35,000 Seattle shipyard workers went on strike for higher wages and shorter working hours. Just before the outbreak of the General Strike, however, activist I.W.W. groups had instigated wildcat strikes, Red flag parades and violent propaganda against the war. In early 1919, therefore, the press in the Pacific North West expressed doubts whether the strike was aimed at higher wages or represented a fragmentary attempt at Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n 6 of industry. In addition, North Western employer groups harbored much ho s t i l i t y toward the Labor Movement due to past I.W.W. harass- ments and other radical a c t i v i t i e s . This in turn resulted in the organization of a general strike in aid of the shipyard workers by 7 the Seattle Central Labor Council. ^Shortly thereafter, 60,000 workers employed in a large number of occupations and organized i n unions that were a f f i l i a t e d with the Council, went on strike as well. Mayor Hanson of Seattle attributed this act of the Labor Movement to an I.W.W. conspiracy with the intent of launching a 8 Bolshevik revolution. Eventually, Federal troops that were brought into the city i n conjunction with 1,500 policemen took control of a l l essential services to the public and forced the Council to relent, 39 i n this manner ending the s t r i k e . While before the s t r i k e American e l i t e s may w e l l have perceived the Communist thrust as l o c a l and fragmentary, they now concentrated more att e n t i o n on domestic r a d i c a l a c t i v i t y . Other incidents which dramatized the challenge to the e x i s t i n g power structure were the rash of bomb plots that occurred at this time. In these plots home-made bombs were mailed to promi- 9 nent members of the j u d i c i a r y , government and industry. The threat, which the Seattle General S t r i k e and the bomb plots imparted to the various a u t h o r i t i e s as w e l l as the general pu b l i c was compounded further by s t i l l another i n c i d e n t . This con- s i s t e d of a serie s of r i o t s , emanating from r a d i c a l May Day r a l l i e s , 10 mass meetings and Red f l a g parades i n a number of American c i t i e s . These a c t i v i t i e s e l i c i t e d press comments, such as "...free speech 11 has been c a r r i e d to the point where i t i s an unrestrained menace", "Silence the incendiary advocates of force....Bring the law's hand 12 down upon the i n c i t e r of violence. Do i t now." The press with headlines, e d i t o r i a l s , a r t i c l e s , cartoons as w e l l as p a t r i o t i c slogans had thus paved the way for arousing p a t r i o t i c sentiments i n the p u b l i c to take action against the per- ceived Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n of American business. This press cam- paign was greatly a s s i s t e d by employer groups, who were extremely h o s t i l e to the Labor Movement due to i t s advocacy of the "closed shop", higher wages, shorter working hours and the device of the 40 strike. These groups made substantial financial contributions to certain patriotic ^societies, such as the National Security League, the American Defense Society as well as the National Civic Federa- tion a l l of whom were engaged in an all-out attack on radical conduct at that time. The major contributions to these societies came, for example, from the large corporations as well as private business- 13 men. In addition to the patriotic societies, employer groups used their a f f i l i a t i o n with various employer organizations, such as the National Metal Trades Association, the National Founders' Asso- ciation and the National Association of Manufacturers to step up their anti-union campaigns. In this context, i t is interesting to note -that prominent leaders of employer organizations were present, too, on the directing boards of the patriotic societies. These employer organizations expressed their anti-union sentiments through journals, such as the Iron Trade Review, The Manufacturer's Record and the Open Shop Review. These journals held that unionism, for example, "ranked with Bolshevism", represented a "surrender to 14 Socialism", and that i t was "the greatest crime l e f t in the world". Prodded into action by this "entrepreneurial" activity of the press and employer groups, the Federal government conducted two investigations into radical behavior. The f i r s t of these, the Overman investigation, was aimed at investigating the background of the Seattle General Strike and 41 concluded at the end of i t s hearings that Bolshevism presented a great danger to the nation, but gave l i t t l e or no evidence for the effects Communist propaganda might have had on the ranks of American 15 Labor. The second investigation into radical conduct followed reports that Bolshevist activity predominated among New York workmen. The demand for the second investigation was supported by the Union League Club of New York, which had applied pressure on the New York 16 state legislature. This demand led to the creation of the Lusk Committee, which was held responsible to "investigate the scope, tendencies, and ramifications of...seditious activities and report 17 the results of i t s examination to the legislature." The Lusk Committee quickly secured "evidence" of seditious behavior by con- ducting raids on the Russian Soviet Bureau as well as on the Rand School in New York, the latter being a Socialist and Labor College. It then prematurely concluded that radicals controlled about one hundred trade unions, and that the Rand School had co-operated with 18 the Soviet Bureau in bolshevizing American Labor. The combined pressure of state legislatures, employer or- ganizations, patriotic societies, press exhortations and possibly other groups upon Congress fi n a l l y induced the Senate.to adopt a resolution, requesting the Attorney-General "...to advise and inform the Senate whether or not the Department of Justice has taken legal o 42 proceedings, and i f not, why not, and i f so, to what extent, for the arrest and punishment [or deportation]...of the various persons within the United States who...have attempted to bring about the forcible 19 overthrow of the Government...." While being s t r i c t l y an administrative device, this reso- lution gave Attorney-General Palmer the authority to start his nation- wide raids on radicals, concentrating his attention on "aliens", as i t was assumed that native-born radicals were not really dangerous, i f l e f t alone. As a result of these raids, 250 individuals were arrested without the formality of a warrant in New York alone. In other U.S. cities more than 500 persons were seized and reported as having been subjected to police brutalities on arrest as well as 20 intimidations and physical torture by j a i l guards in prison. Of those arrested, 35 individuals were held on state criminal anarchy charges while foreign-born persons were committed to the custody of the Federal authorities for deportation. A large number of those apprehended were members of the Union of Russian Workers, the Communist Labor Party as well as the Communist Party. Altogether about 249 21 individuals were:deported to Soviet Russia guarded by 250 soldiers. Following the raids, the Attorney-General's Department continued i t s campaigns for peacetime sedition legislation. This effort culminated in the drafting of the Graham-Sterling B i l l , which levied a $10,000 fine on any person who attempted to overthrow the 43 U.S. Government, or prevented, or delayed the execution of federal law, or harmed, or terrorized any officer or employee of the govern- 22 ment. During the "Red Scare" period relatively few cases were arraigned for adjudication by the federal courts, but the enactment of state sedition legislation proliferated during 1919. Some states already had such laws in their statute books, but others (about twenty 23 states) enacted such type of legislation during the year 1919 alone. In these laws, criminal anarchy, for example, was defined as "the doctrine that organized government should be overthrown by force and violence, or by assassination... or by any unlawful means." The fine for any offense under this legislation was $5,000 or ten 24 years in j a i l , or both. Syndicalism was defined as "the doctrine which advocates crime, sabotage...violence, or unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accomplishing industrial or p o l i t i c a l reform." Offenders under this law were "guilty of a felony" and punishable in the state penitentiary for not more than ten years, or by a fine of 25 not more than $5,000, or both. Such legislation led to the prosecution and conviction of many Communists, especially i n the states of I l l i n o i s , New York and California. For example, William Lloyd along with 19 other members of the Communist Labor Party were found guilty under these laws and each received a $3,000 fine and j a i l sentences, ranging from one to five years. Only days later, Rose Stokes and B i l l Haywood (long- 44 time I.W.W. leader) with 83 other members of radical groups were convicted and received sentences from five to ten years in the state 26 penitentiary. In New York, such leading radicals as C. Ruthenberg, I.E. Ferguson, James Larkin, H. Winitsky and Benjamin Gitlow were convicted on charges of criminal anarchy, each receiving the maximum 27 penalty of from five to ten years i n prison. 2. Interpretation. One p o l i t i c a l incident during the "Red Scare" period men- tioned in the previous section was the Seattle General Strike. In this strike, the real issues consisted of a demand by workers for a wage-increase and shorter working hours. The concrete value premises (terms of reference) upon which the Labor Movement based these demands were ideals, such as improvements in worker li v i n g standards, greater equality in. the distribution of rewards among a l l trades and more leisure time for the enjoyment of family l i f e . Raising the status of shipyard workers within the hierarchy of occupations was probably another ideal to be'realized by these demands. In this instance, the source condition which motivated Labor's protest was represented by a number of corporate principles which the workers experienced as estranging i n their daily work role. One of these principles had to do with the maintenance of profits at a fixed level through corporate efficiency, which required that 45 wages be maintained at a given rate and that workers remain at t h e i r jobs a c e r t a i n number of hours. Another p r i n c i p l e , which estranged workers from the work s i t u a t i o n , was the employers' in s i s t e n c e upon "the r i g h t to manage" i n the area of employer-worker r e l a t i o n s h i p s , which most corporations considered as the only means f o r maintaining the o v e r - a l l e f f i c i e n c y of t h e i r organization. S t i l l another p r i n - c i p l e to which most corporations were committed was the customary view that moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of the workingman could be won by him only through rewards f o r i n d i v i d u a l merit v i a competition. What estranged workers from the l a t t e r value was that such d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s was c o n t r o l l e d by the corporations i n an autonomous manner i n that they could withhold rewards at t h e i r d i s c r e t i o n . These corporate values then are here regarded as the source of worker estrangement. In Labor's view, they were directed toward securing benefits f o r the corporation at the expense of the worker. On f i n d i n g themselves unable to e f f e c t i v e l y communicate the afore- mentioned id e a l s to the managers and owners and i n this manner i n f l u - ence t h e i r decision-making i n the area of labor-management r e l a t i o n s , these ideals became the "counter-principles" which l e g i t i m i z e d Labor's protest. Persistence i n this protest was further strengthened by the Labor Movement's vote i n favor of a general s t r i k e i n aid of the shipyard workers. While thus the s t r i k e of these shipyard workers was motiva- ted by source condition (F-V), there i s evidence that t h e i r more 46 specific goals, namely a wage-increase and shorter working hours, were regarded by them as being secondary to the attainment of a new morality for a l l members of the society. The desire for such u l t i - mate protest received i t s impetus from war-time radical activity in the United States, which, as already noted, resulted from U.S. military intervention in North Russia and Siberia as well as her active participation i n the war against Germany. These events were followed by the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917 and the formation of the Comintern i n 1919. It can be argued that this combination of events provided the thrust for worker estrangement to diffuse from the everyday work situation to the general value premises of the. society. This observation implies that worker estrangement now dif- fused from corporate principles which failed to supply a rationale for making the work role "workable" : to a conception of the work role as one being controlled by a class of persons whose "irresponsible" behavior was tolerated by the whole of society. Therefore loyalty and com- mitment to societal principles for action which defined such "irres- ponsibility" as legitimate conduct became impossible. Labor's total disenchantment with American society resulted. Such U t o p i a n mode of thought aimed at the elimination of a l l o f f i c i a l guidelines which, in the view of some activist Laborites, threatened the ideals of most members of the society. Principles, such as "personal success" within a "free enterprise" system and the 47 continuity of a class of "successfuls" who seemingly determined the l i f e chances and success i n l i f e of others as w e l l as t h e i r i n d i v i - dual moral worth i n v i t e d this ultimate protest. In Labor's view, these p r i n c i p l e s excluded most members of the society from active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n deciding about t h e i r future. This Labor perspective encompassed the view that, i f o f f i - c i a l guidelines had fostered Labor's commitment to them i n the f i r s t place, the present demand by the Labor Movement would be superfluous. For this reason, Labor regarded the o f f i c i a l value pre- mises as representing a l i e n a t i n g conditions that required replacement by p r i n c i p l e s to which most workers could become genuinely committed. In turn, such commitment was possible only i f most workers had p a r t i - cipated i n the i n i t i a l making of these p r i n c i p l e s " c o l l e c t i v e l y " . Hence, the "personal success" of some had to be replaced by the " c o l - l e c t i v e success" of the many. Moreover, the r i g h t of a small class of entrepreneurs to determine who was to be "suc c e s s f u l " deprived most members of the society of equal access to economic rewards. The continuity of such class could thus be prevented only by abolishing p r i v a t e property and the r i g h t of some to i n h e r i t i t i n favor of the ownership of these rights by the " c o l l e c t i v i t y " . Furthermore, moral worthiness was to be found only i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a - t i o n i n c o l l e c t i v e enterprise and brotherhood instead of a t t a i n i n g i t through i n d i v i d u a l merit v i a competition. 48 In order to reach this moral objective, Labor regarded the fos t e r i n g of p u b l i c disenchantment from the major o f f i c i a l value premises as being legitimate. The r i o t s during the May Day parades as w e l l as the bomb plot s designed to eliminate several prominent e l i t e members supply some index f o r such disenchantment. Another r e f l e c t i o n of this U t o p i a n mode of thought that was expressed by the more a c t i v i s t sector of the Labor Movement can be found, too, i n r a d i c a l propaganda that was disseminated during this period by ac- 28 t i v i s t groups. Within the Smelser-Scott paradigm these a c t i v i t i e s can be i d e n t i f i e d with source condition (V-F). During this period, the a c t i v i t i e s of these r a d i c a l groups were apparently tolerated by the more conservative elements i n the Labor Movement e i t h e r because these conservative members experienced i n d e c i s i o n , or because they held the view that this a c t i v i s t behavior as s i s t e d the advancement of t h e i r own cause. Conceivably, the image of the Labor Movement suffered a serious setback through these at- tacks on o f f i c i a l p r i n c i p l e s . This was so despite conservative de- clar a t i o n s of non-alignment with the a c t i v i s t sector of the Movement and "moderating" devices used by them, such as the American A l l i a n c e of Labor and Democracy formed by Samuel Gompers, then President of the AFL (American Federation of Labor). I t has been claimed that h i s t o r i c a l conditions were i n part instrumental i n fo s t e r i n g t o t a l worker disenchantment with the general value premises of American society during the "Red Scare" period. The 49 extent of such worker estrangement and the protest i t invoked i n most members of the Labor Movement was of such magnitude that e l i t e s fore- saw an intended replacement of the e x i s t i n g authority structure by one based upon Utopian p r i n c i p l e s , as i n the case of Russia. For e l i t e groups, i t was thus not a question whether this authority structure could accomodate the threat which such worker protest imparted, but rather how i t could r a l l y the means to survive i t . I t can be argued that, under less inexorable conditions, the demands by the Labor Movement during the Seattle General S t r i k e would have been perceived by o f f i c i a l d o m as threatening the more spe- c i f i c goals of corporate e f f i c i e n c y . From the employers' point of view, these included the meeting of f i n a n c i a l obligations to s u p p l i - ers, instant s e r v i c e to customers,maintaining good c r e d i t ratings with f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , keeping the organization i n the "black" etc. From the perspective of government, for example, the s t r i k e would o r d i n a r i l y have represented a threat to the governmental p r i n - c i p l e of maintaining "the free flow of commerce" as w e l l as providing " e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e s " to the p u b l i c . However, p o l i t i c i z e d by the pre- ceding h i s t o r i c a l events, e l i t e s perceived the protest of the Labor Movement as an outcome of i t s a f f i l i a t i o n with the Communist Movement. These e l i t e groups believed, therefore, that the a c t i v i t i e s by the 50 Labor Movement represented an attempt at Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n of American industry. This belief was further supported by the I.W.W.- organized wildcat strikes and Red flag parades that preceded this strike as well as the organization of a sympathetic strike involving 60,000 workers in addition to?the 35,000 shipyard workers. This e l i t e perspective of the various activities is clearly reflected in press comments regarding the strike, namely whether i t 29 was employed for "wages or for Bolshevism?". Moreover, i t is implied in a front page cartoon of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, which showed the Red flag flying above the Stars and Stripes, bearing the caption 30 "NOT IN A THOUSAND YEARS". Some remarks made by Mayor Hanson of 31 Seattle further support such open challenge of Labor strategies. While the behavior of the Labor Movement had remained be- 32 yond reproach and did not necessitate a single arrest, the bomb plots as well as the May Day riots connected the goals of Labor with the use of violence. This is evident from newspaper headlines, such as the following: "REDS PLANNED MAYDAY MURDERS", or "36 WERE MARKED AS VIC- 33 TIMS BY BOMB CONSPIRATORS". These attacks upon the existing value structure was per- ceived by elites as being motivated by a value system which, in their view, was diametrically opposed to their own. For el i t e s , these "alien" value premises embodied a conception of "collective success" via state ownership of the instruments of production (and not "per- sonal success" via "free enterprise"), "classlessness" via the abolition 51 of private property and the rights of inheritance (and not the con- tinuity of a class of "successfuls" via kinship ties and the preroga- tive to determine who was to be successful by this class) and moral worth via egalitarian principles and brotherhood (and not the attain- ment of moral worth via the pursuit of ennobling causes). It is here argued that elites defined the activities of the Labor Movement as motivated by source condition (V-F) in the Smelser-Scott model. In their view, Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n of Amer- ican society by some totally estranged groups with whom the Labor Movement had associated i t s e l f was now complete. This e l i t e view formed the basis for the argument that the disenchantment of workers with the whole of American society was res- ponsible for Labor's lack of conformity to the normative structure (existing labor laws), i t s lack of responsibility to organized capi- tal in the work role, as well as i t s lack of control over the prin- ciples and means that facil i t a t e d the work process. Furthermore, this perspective provided officialdom with a rationale for defending its preferred value system and refusing to negotiate with Labor by labeling i t s activities as "deviant". B. The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 in Canada 1. The Event. In Canada, the post-World War I scene exercized effects upon Canadian officialdom similar in nature than those experienced by i t s 52 American counterpart. Events of international significance in the form of the Bolshevik revolution and the formation of the Comintern as well as domestic afflictidnss', such as a recession period, grow- ing unemployment and the demobilization of war veterans, presented a 34 severe threat to Canadian national security. It is understandable, therefore, that Canadian e l i t e groups should have perceived some of the incidents that occurred during the Winnipeg General Strike with great apprehension which can be best appreciated by examining some of the o f f i c i a l reactions to the var- ious a c t i v i t i e s . One incident that provoked Canadian authority to rally public support for their preferred value-system was the Winnipeg railway strike of 1918. Here, the chief conflict focused upon the demand by the union that the employers (Canadian Pacific Railway) recognize i t s position as a collective bargaining agent for i t s mem- bership. This strike had a dimension for becoming general and aroused great concern on the part of authority in that city. In order to gain control of strikes such as this, orders-in-council were passed, which prohibited the creation of "dangerous" organizations and the 35 distribution of radical literature. Another incident was the Western Labor Conference at Calgary, Alberta in March 1919, which was dominated by labor leaders, having a syndicalist or Communist orientation. This conference re- solved that a l l industrial workers be organized into One Big Union, 53 which in turn required the severance of these workers from interna- tional union organizations. Moreover, the conference demanded of government the withdrawal of A l l i e d troops in Russia, the release of p o l i t i c a l prisoners and relaxation in the censorship of radical literature. Other resolutions accepted the principle of the Prole- tarian Dictatorship to bring about a transition to Socialism and conveyed greetings to the Russian Soviet Government as well as other 36 working class movements in the world. S t i l l another incident consisted i n a break-down of nego- tiations between members of the metal and building trade unions and a group of employers. For example, employer groups in the construc- tion trade a f f i l i a t e d with the Builders Exchange granted that a de- mand for increased wages was reasonable, but that they were in no position to pay such increase, as their bankers refused to advance funds for this purpose. Employers of the metal trade refused dealing with both the wage issue and the Metal Trades Council as a legitimate 37 bargaining agent. As a result, the Builders Exchange and the Metal Trades Council presented the issue to the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council which in turn ordered a l l a f f i l i a t e d unions to vote on a general strike in order to establish the principle of collective bargaining in labor-management relations and, i n this manner, force a wage increase in keeping with current liv i n g expenditures. A vote i n favor of the strike resulted, which induced over 30,000 workers to leave their jobs on May 15, 1919, including about 12,000 non-union 54 38 members. The strike lasted from May 15th to June 25th, 1919 and paralyzed services, such as banking, transport, postal service, food 39 supply, water and power supply as well as f i r e and police services. Canadian elites were now compelled to rally public support in order to combat the challenge to the general value premises of the society which this strike imparted. Such "anarchistic" behavior of the Labor Movement required immediate "correction". At that time a l l important public services were under the exclusive control and lea- dership of the General Strike Committee composed of representatives from each union a f f i l i a t e d with the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council. E l i t e entrepreneurialism was now directed toward inciting patriotic sentiments in the citizenry through the formation of the Citizens Committee of One Thousand. This committee represented a coalition between corporation men, the professions and newspaper edi- 40 tors and originated i t s own newspaper, the Citizen. Most of i t s editorials identified the striking workers with the Bolshevik Move- 41 ment. It is of interest to note that, already at the very begin- ning of the strike, the Citizens Committee had established a m i l i t i a group of between 3,000 and 5,000 "volunteers" to stand ready for com- 42 bat against the strikers, i f this should become necessary. Newspapers across the country began to join the Citizen in i t s attack on the strikers by supporting the "Red Conspiracy" 43 notion. 55 Other campaigns to deal with the threat of Communist i n f i l - 44 tration i n the ranks of Labor were conducted in Ottawa by politicians. The Canadian Federal Cabinet expressed h o s t i l i t y toward the strike, maintaining that i t was to be interpreted as a flagrant attempt at revolution. Senator Robertson, the Minister of Labor, for example, regarded the strike as a "revolutionary scheme" and was quoted by a colleague, Senator A.N. MacLean, as having said that the strike had been planned at the Calgary Conference, and that consequently the Winnipeg General Strike was the f i r s t rehearsal for a later f u l l - 45 fledged revolutionary take-over of the country. Despite these exhortations by the various el i t e s , however, the strike spread to the other provinces of Canada. In Vancouver, 60,000 strikers l e f t their jobs, including shipyard workers and street- 46 car employees. In Alberta, railroad workers and expressmen staged 47 a walk-out. Postal workers, streetcar employees, hotel and restau- 48 rant workers striked i n Calgary. A series of strikes was reported 49 in Saskatchewan, and Brandon, Manitoba experienced a general strike. Members of the Winnipeg police force voted for a sympathetic strike, but were requested by the General Strike Committee to remain on duty 50 and under the orders of the municipal government. On May 22nd, 1919 the Federal Ministers of Labor and the Interior departed for Winnipeg to consul£:with high-ranking o f f i c i a l s 51 of the municipal and provincial governments. This v i s i t resulted in 56 an ultimatum to post-office employees, which demanded their return to work the following day at the risk of immediate dismissal in the case of default. The provincial government served a similar ultimatum 52 to i t s telephone workers. The Winnipeg City Council informed members of the f i r e brigade and the police force — the latter had joined the strikers despite the request of the General Strike Committee to 53 remain on duty — to return to work, or face dismissal. This campaign activity of Canadian elites moreover included the participation of high-ranking o f f i c i a l s in the police force. To i l l u s t r a t e , RCMP Commissioner Perry addressed the executive of the Saskatchewan Grain Growers Association, denouncing the strikers and asserting that their action was revolutionary and directed toward the confiscation of private property and the founding of a Communist 54 form of government. Other means for intensifying the campaign against radicalism were used as well by Canadian elites during this period. One of those was, for example, the Labor Minister Robertson's invitation to the U.S. headquarters of international unions, attempting to enlist their co-operation i n opposing the strike. The international unions responded favorably and actually denounced trade union locals at Winnipeg for their participation in the strike, threatening the dis- missal of members and the revocation of local charters, i f striking 55 was continued in open defiance of international headquarters. Conservative members of the Labor e l i t e , such as T. Moore of the Canadian Trades and Labor Congress rejected an appeal of the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council for support in the strike. In fact, the Labor Congress imposed unacceptable conditions upon the Council, namely that i t abdicate i t s authority in conducting the 56 strike and transfer such authority to international headquarters. While the Strike Committee refrained from advocating vio- lence, skirmishes between RCMP officers as well as m i l i t i a men and the strikers nevertheless took place. Two of these clashes occurred on June 9th and June 21st when the strikers, who had meanwhile gained the support of most war veterans, staged parades. On these days, RCMP officers aided by mounted m i l i t i a men recruited by the Citizens Committee, charged into crowds of strikers and ex-servicemen, f i r i n g several shots. Three persons were k i l l e d i n these incidents 57 and 42 wounded. With campaigning efforts reaching a climax, more moderate views of the whole event, some of which had apparently been held from the beginning of the strike, were now expressed by some newspapers. Similar views were expressed by some members of the Federal Parlia- 59 ment. Nevertheless, e l i t e groups succeeded in attaining their ob- jective, namely having their beliefs transformed into legislation that could be used to define the leaders of the strike as well as some other members of the Labor Movement as deviants. 58 On* June 6th, 1919 an amendment to the Immigration Act was passed by the Dominion Parliament, which extended provisions with res- pect to deportation by executive order to British-born subjects. The reason for this move was that the strike leadership was not found to be in the hands of foreign-born members of the Labor Movement. It is reported that this b i l l passed the three readings in both Houses, 60 including royal assent in less than one hour. A few days later, the Solicitor-General suggested that the Federal Government adopt the recommendations of the Committee on Sedition and Seditious,- Propaganda, which the Dominion Government had established earlier in an effort to investigate some radical activity 61 in the Labor Movement. These recommendations were adopted in the form of an amendment to the Criminal Code of Canada as Section 98, which allowed for a rather broad definition of seditious intent, hold- ing offenders guilty until proven innocent and increasingvjthe maximum penalty from two to twenty years imprisonment upon conviction. Sec- tion 98 was instituted as an executive order-in-council during the 61a last phase of the strike. On June 17th, 1919 ten members of the Central Strike Com- mittee were arrested i n raids upon their homes. The police confis- cated a number of books and papers labeled as "seditious documents" to be presented as exhibits at the t r i a l s , which occurred not until the following year. Raids were also conducted at the Labor Temple in 59 Winnipeg, the offices of the Western Labor News, and the Ukrainian 62 Labor Temple. No physical violence was served upon the prisoners following their arrest by the police, but there were intimidations to the effect that sentences might be more severe, i f the existence 63 of a conspiracy was denied by them. Of the ten strike leaders ar- rested on a charge of seditious conspiracy three were later acquitted, and the remaining seven received j a i l sentences, ranging from six months to two years in duration. 2. Interpretation. One incident which seemingly had some effect upon the dev- elopment of the Winnipeg General Strike was the Winnipeg railway strike of 1918. It should be recalled that this strike was defined as i l l e g a l through the passing of provincial orders-in-council that forbade the founding of "dangerous organizations" as well as the distribution of ' l e f t i s t ' literature. This legislation had the effect of intensifying Labor's protest against the employers' reluc- tance to recognize the union as a collective bargaining agent in labor-management relations. Already estranged from principles that ordained no standards of equality in this relationship, the Labor Movement's realization of being "powerless" in terms of influencing the decisions of business elites was now amplified. In fact, i t s activities had o f f i c i a l l y been defined as potentially deviant by provincial legislation. 60 It is possible that the o f f i c i a l strategy of ruling the union demand as potentially deviant conduct created a high degree of p o l i t i c i z a t i o n in the members of the Labor Movement, which found an outlet i n the Western Labor Conference and subsequently in the Winnipeg General Strike. During the Western Labor Conference such i n i t i a l disaf- fection from the work role which, in preceding strikes, had mani- fested i t s e l f in tense labor-management relations, almost reached a dimension of total disenchantment with the whole of Canadian society. The desire to organize workers into One Big Union combined with a resolution demanding acceptance of the Proletarian Dictatorship, give some indication of the goals toward which the thrust of the Labor Movement was directed. Yet, while the Conference to some ex- tent a l l i e d i t s e l f with the doctrines of the Proletarian Dictator- ship, i t neither publicly advocated the use of violence nor did i t attempt to s o l i c i t public support for the overthrow of the Canadian authority structure. Moreover, while the One Big Union idea severely threatened the self-interests of Canadian authority, i t can be re- garded chiefly as an attempt at uniting the fragmented efforts of union locals in a more sparsely populated and geographically larger 64 country than the U.S. Rather than advocating the elimination of the general value premises of the society and their replacement by Utopianprinciples, such as "collective success", "classlessness" and moral worth via 61 e g a l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e s , the OBU (One Big Union) Movement attempted to eliminate o f f i c i a l guidelines i n the form of corporate p r i n c i p l e s as we l l as labor l e g i s l a t i o n which i t regarded as "unworkeable" i n the everyday work r o l e . These values were the source of worker estrange- ment, as they contained an ideology of subordination which was unac- ceptable to most workers. I t i s c l e a r that the employers were reluctant to r e l i n - quish what they considered to be an important p r i n c i p l e f o r maintain- ing corporate e f f i c i e n c y , namely the absolute r i g h t to manage. They therefore sought to protect this value premise by lending strong support to the Labor lobby system then a common a r b i t r a t i o n device. This p r i n c i p l e of the r i g h t to manage was i n turn l e g i t i - mized by a general value premise of North American society i n that the continuity of a class of "successful" entrepreneurs and managers was at a l l times necessary f o r the common good. Consequently Labor's attempt at gaining equality i n the management of employer-worker rel a t i o n s h i p s was regarded by the employers (either genuinely, or by pretext) as an open attack on this general value premise. I r o n i c a l l y , the thrust of the Labor Movement toward modi- fying, or eliminating the subordinate r o l e of Labor v i s - a - v i s Manage- ment included an appeal to the e x i s t i n g normative structure (the o f f i c i a l l e g a l apparatus) rather than i n s i s t i n g upon an a l t e r n a t i v e 65 that upheld a t o t a l l y new morality. While thus worker d i s a f f e c t i o n 62 from the work role had diffused to institutionalized rules (legis- lation), as the workers had been excluded from the drafting of these, they nevertheless attempted to communicate their ideals to authority in the prescribed manner, although without noticeable effects. The OBU (One Big Union) Movement was, however, determined to achieve a desired standard of equality between its membership and management. In its view, this standard could be attained only i f union and man- agement recognized each other as bodies politic in the arbitration of labor disputes. It therefore sought to increase its bargaining power with management by organizing a l l workers into "One Big Union". The activities during the Winnipeg General Strike reflect a similar perspective by the Labor Movement. The principles that guided Labor's action were basically the same as in the preceding strikes, namely equality in the sharing of economic resources with the other trades as well as standards of equality in labor-management relations. The rejection of these principles by the employers in the metal and building trades intensified the workers' disaffection from their work role, as they perceived themselves as being isolated from the making of a "blue print" which intimately affected the everyday reality of their work. Their protest against corporation-made values in the area of labor-management relations therefore took the form of fostering disaffection from those corporate principles, in the other members of the Labor Movement, in this manner creating a platform for more full-fledged organization of them. This device of increasing 63 union membership had the same aim as i n previous s t r i k e s , namely changing e x i s t i n g labor l e g i s l a t i o n which ordained over-representation 66 of e l i t e members on three-man c o n c i l i a t i o n boards. In view of the Labor Movement's pu b l i c appeal to the o f f i c i a l l e g a l machinery for the settlement of labor-management d i s - putes and the constraint i t seemingly placed on activism i n i t s mem- bership, i t i s here argued that the source condition which motivated i t s protest i s represented by sequence (F-V) i n the Smelser-Scott model. I t i s doubtful whether Labor's estrangement had d i f f u s e d to the general values of Canadian s o c i e t y . While i t has-been argued that the Labor Movement retained a p a r t i a l commitment to the general value system, Canadian e l i t e s , by contrast, experienced no less a threat by Labor's thrust toward changing c e r t a i n norms than did American e l i t e groups. They, too, be- l i e v e d that the Movement's protest was directed toward the creation of a new morality by replacing the general value premises based upon corporate e c c l e s i a s t i c a l i n t e r e s t s with U t o p i a n goals. Surviving the threat to values, such as "personal success", the continuity of a class of "successfuls" as w e l l as achieving moral worth through d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s from others was equally paramount to Canadian e l i t e s as i t was to t h e i r U.S. counterparts. The question whether Labor's protest could be p a r t i a l l y accommodated by the e x i s t - ing authority structure was relegated to secondary importance. 64 The Winnipeg Railway s t r i k e of 1918 r e f l e c t s such e l i t e perspective. E l i t e s then regarded the Communist thrust as r e a l i n that they assumed that members of the I.W.W. were attempting to unite with s o c i a l i s t trade union members i n the OBU (One Big Union) 67 Movement to overthrow constituted government. While the chief c o n f l i c t i n this s t r i k e focused upon the demand by the union that the employers (Canadian P a c i f i c Railways) recognize i t s p o s i t i o n as a c o l l e c t i v e bargaining agent, the C.P.R. perceived such o f f i c i a l recognition of the union as an acute threat to the 'maintenance of p r o f i t s ' p r i n c i p l e and other corporate values. A p a r a l l e l to the experience of American e l i t e s during this period, Canadian government and employers perceived, i n the arguments advo- cated by Labor, aims beyond the concrete issue of union recognition. An example of such view i s the passing of orders-in-council by the p r o v i n c i a l government which prohibited the creation of organizations i n i m i c a l to the tenets of c o r p o r a t e - c a p i t a l i s t i c enterprise by l a b e l - ing these groups as "dangerous". I t should be r e c a l l e d that these rules forbade the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l e f t i s t l i t e r a t u r e as w e l l . The Labor Movement's persistence i n protest despite the enactment of l e g i s l a t i o n to define i t s a c t i v i t i e s as p o t e n t i a l l y de- viant accentuated the threat to the general value premises. For ex- ample, Canadian Federal Cabinet ministers perceived the proceedings of the Western Labor Conference as containing overtones of a ' l e f t i s t ' 65 68 69 conspiracy. This view was also held by some influential newspapers. The chief resolution of this conference aimed, as already noted, at organizing a l l workers into One Big Union. It is therefore natural that this proposal by the Labor Movement should have multiplied the threat to the goals of the various authorities and contributed to an intensification of the conflict between the two parties with respect to Labor activities generally. Employers, for example, perceived Labor's concerted effort in organizing i t s members as a challenge to their prerogative of managing the affairs of their organization as they saw f i t . On the other hand, the various levels of government per- ceived OBU strategies as an open attack on institutionalized norms. These refer to the Labor lobby system and legislation which, up to this point, had effectively dissolved any challenge to the general value of class-continuity, namely that the social system could operate with maximum efficiency only i f a small class of entrepreneurs that had achieved "success" i n the society continued to govern i t s existence. The strike of the metal and building trades which later grew to the magnitude of the Winnipeg General Strike furthered e l i t e beliefs that this series of strikes as well as the Western Labor Con- ference were Communist-inspired. In their view, this 'conspiracy' had now reached a climax in that the whole of Canadian society had been i n f i l t r a t e d with the ideology of the Proletarian Dictatorship. Consequently, elites set about labeling Labor activities as "deviant conduct". An editorial in the Winnipeg Citizen, which held that the 66 strike was "a serious attempt to overturn British institutions... and to supplant them with the Russian Bolshevik system of Soviet rule ..." and the statement of M.R. Blake, Member of Parliament for North Winnipeg i n the House of Commons, namely that workers had abandoned 71 "their responsibility to capital and the state" are examples of such e l i t e perspective. As during the "Red Scare" period in the U.S., Canadian elites perceived the various iricTHents of this post-World War I period as motivated by source condition (V-F). This condition pre-supposes an attempt at replacing existing values with alternative objectives. In the e l i t i s t view of these incidents, Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n of everyday l i f e had been accomplished by Labor through i t s association with the Communist Party Movement. Therefore, elites assumed that the total disenchantment of the workers with Canadian society had diffused to worker responsibility on the job as well as the workman's grasp of i t s essentials, namely "proper" work principles and control over the tools of production. Contract negotiations with the Labor Movement based upon standards of equality became, therefore, impossible. Summary Two historical events involving relations between authority and the Labor Movement that occurred during the post-World War I 67 period i n North America were described. This had the purpose of trac- ing some of the source conditions that seemingly motivated authority to define those activities as deviant in the p o l i t i c a l sphere. The basic argument rested on the notion that p o l i t i c a l de- viance stems from a cleavage in perspective, which has i t s origin i n the different social experiences common to elites and non-elite groups in the society. An indication of the extent of this cleavage was provided by interpreting the data i n terms of how the events were perceived by the social control agents (represented by various e l i t e groups) and, i n turn, how they were regarded by the members of the Labor Movement. In this interpretation the point was emphasized that the manner i n which authority and the Labor Movement perceived these incidents depended upon their definition of the source condi- tion which, i n their view, motivated a particular conduct. Two basic source conditions represented by the alienation sequences (F-V) and (V-F) were identified with the various activities and re- garded as two distinct forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance i n this context. In the Labor perspective of these events, the general value premises of American and Canadian society (V) were perceived as alien- ating conditions that induced protest by fostering a perception of being isolated from the formation of key principles for social action to which the Labor Movement could genuinely commit i t s e l f . Moreover, i t can be argued that existing labor laws provided further impetus for such estrangement in that most workers perceived themselves as 68 being unable to influence the o f f i c i a l decisions that were embodied i n these laws. In this sense, the Labor Movement regarded the labor laws as examples of t h e i r own i n a b i l i t y of communicating t h e i r i d e a l s to the appropriate authority i n an e f f e c t i v e manner. In the U.S. example, this estrangement from the general value premises was shown as being r e l a t i v e l y complete, so that con- formity to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d r u l e s , or norms (N), r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the work r o l e (R) as w e l l as any mastering of e s s e n t i a l work rules and production tools f a c i l i t a t i n g t his r o l e (F) had, f o r most wor- kers, become impossible. The protest which res u l t e d can, therefore, be traced to source condition.(V-F). A s l i g h t contrast appears i n the Labor perspective of these incidents i n Canada i n that workers seemingly retained a par- t i a l commitment to the general value-system. This observation i s borne out by Labor's appeal to e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s (the courts) with a plea to l e g i s l a t e changes i n then current labor laws. I t can be s a i d that, while estrangement from the work s i t u a t i o n (F and R) had occurred and d i f f u s e d to the normative structure (N), most workers were not e n t i r e l y disenchanted with the whole of society (V). This s i t u a t i o n can, therefore, be i d e n t i f i e d with source condition (F-V). I t i s tempting to speculate about some possible reasons f o r this cleavage i n the Labor perspective of events between i t s U.S. and Canadian representatives. 69 One reason may perhaps be found i n the greater number of I.W.W. a c t i v i s t s i n the U.S. at that time, e s p e c i a l l y t h e i r presence i n the Western and North Western regions. By contrast, I.W.W. a c t i - v i t y in. Canada exhibited less thrust. Another reason may have been the general evolution of the North American Trade Union Movement i t - s e l f . Possibly, the Canadian Movement lacked the advanced l e v e l of development which i t s U.S. counterpart had experienced as a r e s u l t of e a r l i e r and more large-scale i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . This had the e f f e c t of plac i n g employer militancy i n Canada under greater res- t r a i n t . Moreover, i t can be argued that the Canadian Movement es- poused a more tolerant a t t i t u d e i n i t s bargaining s t r a t e g i e s with management. At this p a r t i c u l a r stage of i t s growth, i t sought to avoid major c o n f l i c t s with the captains of industry. The U.S. Movement i n turn had passed through this phase i n i t s development years before. By greater exposure to labor- management disputes i t had l i k e l y b u i l t up a greater residue of d i s - a f f e c t i o n from employer t a c t i c s i n the bargaining s i t u a t i o n . U.S. business e l i t e s , through more numerous confrontations with Labor issues, may wel l have developed a less tolerant a t t i t u d e toward them, i n this manner increasing t h e i r m i l i t a n c y . The perspective of the incidents by U.S. and Canadian e l i t e s was based upon the same d e f i n i t i o n of Labor's a c t i v i t i e s , namely i n terms of condition (V-F). In t h e i r view, Labor had associated i t - s e l f with the Communist Party Movement for the purpose of replacing 70 the existing value premises with an Utopia which ordained values, such as "collectiveness", "classlessness" and moral worth based upon egalitarian principles in contradistinction to corporate-ecclesiastical principles, such as "personal success", the continuity of a class of "successfuls" and moral distinctiveness through competition with others. Highly suspicious of Labor's strategies, the various elites began to label the activities of the Movement as deviant con- duct. This had the aim of sensitizing the public toward the im- pending threat to existing institutions by evoking patriotic senti- ments. Labeling devices that were utilized by these e l i t e groups varied with the location of these groups i n the social structure. For example, the press used devices, such as headlines, editorials, articles, cartoons and patriotic slogans. The various levels of government through cabinet ministers, members of the Senate, Congress or Parliament and other high-ranking o f f i c i a l s , employed speeches in the different Houses of government, luncheon addresses to interest groups as well as publicized meetings with lower levels of govern- ment. Some labeling was accomplished, too, through the device of interest group activity which consisted of anti-union propaganda by the patriotic societies, the Legion and other groups. A l l of this enterprise had the objective of labeling Labor's thrust as deviant conduct. 71 As noted previously, f or U.S. and Canadian e l i t e s , most incidents during this period r a i s e d the question of survivingthe Communist thrust toward what they perceived as a complete i n f i l t r a - t i o n of industry and everyday s o c i a l l i f e . Understandably, such de- f i n i t i o n of the Labor Movement's a c t i v i t i e s excluded negotiations with i t from any consideration. Moreover, the rules (administrative and l e g i s l a t i v e ) which resulted from such d e f i n i t i o n of p o l i t i c a l deviance (V-F), as w e l l as the means by which these were enforced, were i n most instances quite r e s t r i c t i v e . In the Canadian example, however, rule enforcement was seemingly less s t r i c t when compared to that employed by the U.S. a u t h o r i t i e s . T h e o r e t i c a l l y , this difference i n the punishment of rule i n f r a c t i o n s implies the influence of some agent upon the a t t i t u d e of government toward these offenders. I t can be argued, for example, that some Canadian i n t e r e s t groups perceived the thrust of Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n as having a more "abstract" q u a l i t y to i t than did si m i - l a r groups i n the U.S. i n that they saw fewer manifestations of this thrust i n the form of " s t r e e t skirmishes". In turn, such non-elite reaction to Labor's a c t i v i t i e s was transformed into pleas f o r l e n i - ency toward the deviants following t h e i r apprehension by the authori- t i e s . By contrast, the acts of violence, i n most cases committed by I.W.W. a c t i v i s t s , l i k e l y fostered more apprehension toward the Labor Movement i n U.S. non-elites. In this manner, these groups were seem- 72 ingly more inclined to share the o f f i c i a l view of the incidents, namely that the complete take-over of American institutions by the Communist Movement was imminent. C. Some O f f i c i a l Reactions to Problems of the U.S. Labor Movement Following World War II. 1. The Event. In contrast to historical conditions prevailing after the Fir s t World War, the post-World War II period was dominated by a p o l i t i c a l philosophy which envisioned the possibility of a coalition between basically opposed domestic interests i n order to achieve "normalcy". This mode of thought could prevail in the absence of an ideology which advocated global revolution as a solution to Labor's problems as for example in 1919. Moreover, a general increase i n the prosperity level of most Western countries may well have rein- forced such conciliatory perspective. This resulted in a pragmatic view of most issues involving labor-management relations. Following World War II the United States was confronted with the problem of reconverting i t s war-time economy to one f u l - f i l l i n g post-war demands. This problem was magnified to some extent by the aftermath of a whole series of strikes during the war as well as the absence of a government labor policy to deal with them. 73 The demobilization of war veterans combined with the can- c e l l a t i o n of many contracts for the production of war materials, caused the unemployment of about three m i l l i o n workers during 1945. This gigantic pool of excess labor required almost immediate r e l o c a t i o n i n indus t r y . Apart from these problems, the Labor Movement, e s p e c i a l l y those unions represented by the A.F.L. (American Federation of Labor) and the C.I.O. (Committee for I n d u s t r i a l Organization), resolved that general prosperity during the post-war period depended upon the extent of purchasing power commanded by the lower income groups. In view of the d i f f e r e n t i a l between r e l a t i v e l y high post-war prices f o r consumer goods and rather inadequate wages, labor-management r e l a t i o n s c h i e f l y encompassed the problem of adjusting wage le v e l s to e x i s t i n g p r i c e s . Here, i t was assumed by the unions that employers were i n a p o s i t i o n to grant an increase i n wages with i n e x i s t i n g p r i c e c e i l - ings, and that i t was possible to determine the extent of these i n — 72 creases through c o l l e c t i v e bargaining without s t r i k e s . While some 73 wage-rate increases were granted by employers on this basis, no general agreement was reached between employers and the unions re- garding the magnitude of increase which employers were able to ac- commodate. There existed no a r b i t r a t i o n agency i n the United States i n 1946 to s e t t l e such disputes. These issues then formed the background against which some of the incidents that occurred during the years immediately following 74 World War II must be evaluated. The question i s : What incidents in particular induced authority, i.e. employers and government to combat the threat which the thrust of the Labor Movement imparted to corpor- ate principles as well as existing labor legislation? The General Motors Strike of November 1945 was one incident, which prompted American corporate elites to take action in order to protect their self-interests. Most unions advocated the view that a corporation's ab i l i t y to pay should be considered as a major point in determining the extent of a wage-increase without upward price adjust- ment to be awarded to the workers by the company. On the other hand, company o f f i c i a l s maintained that prices and profits did not form a 74 part of wage bargaining. Similar issues were involved in the almost five thousand strikes that occurred later in 1946. These strikes had a worker par- ticipation rate of over one million and affected the steel industry, electrical manufacturing, meat packing as well as farm-equipment plants. The largest of the strikes occurred in the steel industry, resulting in a three-week walkout of about 750,000 members of the United Steel- workers of America in early 1946, the year with the greatest number of 75 strikes on record. Another incident which challenged the laissez-faire goal in labor-management relations protected by officialdom up to this point was the Labor-Management Conference in November 1945, which, except for 75 affirming the sanctity of contract did not proffer any agreement be- tween Labor and Management on the matter of settling labor disputes. This led President Truman to issue a public statement after the Con- ference in which he emphasized the necessity for legislation to gain 76 control of this serious situation. The Presidential campaign for the enactment of legislation, providing guidelines for the settlement of labor disputes was chiefly prompted by seemingly insurmountable deadlocks in negotiations between Labor arid management in many instances. This necessitated the seizure of several industries by the Federal authorities under the War Labor 77 Disputes Act during the period from August 1945 to June 1946. Apart from the great number of strikes and the failure of the Labor-Management Conference in developing a solution to them, another incident apparently influenced authorities to r a l l y support for the pur- pose of introducing legislation in protection of their interests. This incident took the form of certain abuses in union government over a period of years, which had received increasing criticism. Such c r i - ticism was leveled largely at undemocratic practices within unions, such as irregularities in the holding of local meetings and national conventions, or threats to i n f l i c t bodily harm on members in disagree- 78 ment with the action proposed by officers. Moreover, the relatively large concentration of power in the hands of certain executive officers had become a subject for criticism over the years and, in combination 76 with other malpractices, furnished the target for a Senate Investiga- 79 tion Committee. By December 1945, President Truman urged Congress to provide him with the statutory authority to accept fact-finding boards for the investigation of labor disputes. This support was, however, not forth- coming until 1946 when.the strike situation reached a climax. At that time, support for the enactment of new labor legislation came also from various newspapers, congratulating the President for taking a "mili- tant stand against the rapidly accumulating encroachments on the people's 80 right by Labor" and exhorting Congress "to no longer evade i t s res- 81 ponsibility to the people" in proposing legislation. Further sup- port for the Federal Government's campaign was provided by corporate 81a executives, educators as well as government o f f i c i a l s . Many of the solutions to labor disputes that were proposed dealt largely with amendments to the Wagner Act of 1935, which aimed at equalizing the bargaining power between management and labor. Yet, i t contained no clause, regulating the abuses of union activities. Re- portedly, this Act regulated employer responsibilities in the collec- tive bargaining situation, but not that of unions. As a result of the Federal Government's i n i t i a t i v e , the press, corporate executives, businessmen and educators as well as over thirty state legislatures became instrumental in enacting a number of restrictive measures in 1947. These forbade a union "closed shop" pol- icy, limited the use of check-offs, restricted the right to strike, 77 established unfair labor practices for unions, banned union p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , required unions to f i l e financial reports, regulated union fees, prohibited secondary boycotts, limited picketing, regulated disputes in public u t i l i t i e s , and in many ways curtailed the privileges 82- unions had enjoyed previously. At the Federal level, Congress as well as the Senate intro- duced a number of b i l l s that were equally restrictive of union prac- 83 tices, but most of these were never reported out of committee. The accumulation of these b i l l s , however, led to the enactment of the Labor- Management Relations Act, or popularly known as the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, which became law over President Truman's veto. Among other restrictions on Labor activity, this Act forbade unions to coerce employees in their choice of collective bargaining representatives, discriminate, or cause employers to discriminate against employees, cai se payment for services not performed, or engage in jur- isdictional strikes, or secondary boycotts. I t outlawed the closed shop, but allowed the union shop, provided i t was approved by a majority in the bargaining unit. Damage suits against employers iand unions were permitted for violation of contracts, and procedures in emergency strikes were established, retaining for the Government the right to seek postponement or suspension of such walkouts for a limited period through an injunction in the Federal Di s t r i c t Courts. Unions as well as corporations were forbidden to support candidates for federal poli- t i c a l office. Supervisory personnel were denied protection under the 78 statute. The Federal Conciliation Service was made into an indepen- dent agency. Unions seeking the service of the National Labor Rela- tions Board were required to f i l e their constitutions, by-laws, and financial statements with the U.S. Department of Labor. Union o f f i - cers had to f i l e an affidavit, declaring that they were not members 84 of the Communist Party, or any organization supporting i t . As a result of this law, the number of strikes declined, but 85 court cases, involving unions, increased. The Act imposed penalties for a violation of one or more of i t s many sections. For example, Section 304 prohibited p o l i t i c a l contributions by corporations and labor unions and subjected unions found guilty to a fine up to $5,000, and a union o f f i c i a l up to $1,000 and imprisonment for one year. More generally, the Taft-Hartley Act placed a number of restrictions on a great many practices formerly engaged in by both unions and em- ployers. Violations usually resulted in convictions, enforcing these restrictions, but could be dealt with by imposing fines in varying amounts as well as short-term prison sentences under some of i t s sec- tions . 2. Interpretation In the General Motors Strike of 1945 the point of issue was, as noted, ,the union demand for a wage-increase. Such request was com- bined with another, namely that a corporation's a b i l i t y to pay be regarded as a measure in determining the total amount of this wage- increase. 79 Principles of corporate efficiency, such as the maintenance of profits at a fixed level by a class of managers and owners which prompted the company's refusal to negotiate were experienced by most workers as estranging. Such estrangement from corporate principles was due to a perception of being excluded from the making of work rules which affected their everyday role as workers. Moreover, as worker participation in corporate policy-making in the area of labor- management relations was thus denied, company-made work principles did not encompass the desired standards of equality in this relationship. This worker estrangement from work principles gained in magnitude in that workers perceived existing labor laws.that favored the lobby system as an arbitration device in labor disputes as responsible for their inability -to communicate'*,:';' their views to the appropriate authority. This general disaffection with the work role over a period of time gave the impetus to the strike vote. The demand by the union that a corporation's a b i l i t y to pay be taken into consideration in f i x - ing the amount of the wage-increase supports this view. During the President's Labor-Management Conference, the unions were chiefly concerned with a balance of powers, i.e. standards of equality between Labor and management in contract negotiations. Principles, such as the right to manage which necessitated a class of owners and managers to maintain profits and corporate efficiency was, as noted before, experienced as an alienating condition by the workers 80 who perceived themselves as being excluded from the formulation of com- pany work principles. The unions' desire to be ;- recognized as col- lective bargaining agents by management thus represents a form of pro- test against these principles and simultaneously a manifestation of worker estrangement from them. The restrictions imposed upon Labor activities by the Wagner Act and the Norris-LaGuardia Act had made the Labor Movement distrust- f u l of any legislative changes requested by the employers. For this reason, the Movement favored the establishment of equality standards in labor-management relations via employer contract rather than legis- lative channels. Labor regarded the contract device as a more effec- tive means of removing their estrangement from both corporate princi- ples and institutionalized rules in the form of the two Acts mentioned than the lobby system, which a r t i f i c i a l l y maintained barriers to f r u i t - f u l communication with business elites. This conflict can thus be iden- t i f i e d with source condition (F-V) in the Smelser-Scott model. The very fact that Labor agreed to confer in a formal set- ting with business as well as government elites to settle differences in the labor-management relations area is evidence that i t was concerned with the modification of corporation-made work principles that were protected by the existing institutional structure, nothing more. By contrast, American business elites regarded the union's demand for a wage-increase during the General Motors Strike as a threat 81 to the company's autonomy in matters of management as well as corporate efficiency in meeting payrolls, rendering service to customers, avoid- ing idleness of costly machinery etc. In the same vein, elites regar- ded the thrust of the Labor Movement as challenging institutionalized norms, such as labor laws and the rules of commerce, a l l of which had the task of protecting the general value of "free enterprise". As opposed to the incidents following the Fi r s t World War 1 when elites were greatly concerned with surviving the threat which La- bor activities imparted, they perceived at this time conciliation pro- cedures as being a distinct possibility i n dealing with Labor's pro- test. In their view, this protest was too fragmented as to represent a real challenge to the general value premises of the society. Its partial accommodation within the existing institutional structure was, therefore, regarded as possible. Such e l i t e perspective of the event was probably supported by the belief that, in contrast to the pcst- World War I period, Labor exhibited l i t t l e , or no a f f i l i a t i o n with the Communist Party Movement. This e l i t e view is moreover reflected i n the proceedings of the Labor Management Conference of 1945. American elites believed that arbitration procedures in the settlement of labor disputes were a suitable device to combat Labor's protest. However, while they agreed on the device of the contract and i t s sanctity, no agreement between Labor and management was reached with respect to the basic terms which 82 such contractual relationship should encompass. In this sense, the Conference chiefly "verified" the existing cleavage in perspective between elites and Labor relative to the labor-management problem. It is possible that business, elites, while basically re- ceptive toward the regulation of their relationships with Labor via the contract device, had retained a distrust in Labor's activities which they regarded as justified in view of the malpractices engaged in by union o f f i c i a l s over a number of years. Elites believed that, i f the Labor Movement tolerated practices of a group of leaders who could be regarded as estranged from Labor's own "work bench", then the Movement was capable of employing similar practices in i t s relations with employ- ers as well as in the organization of workers. In concluding, i t can be argued that American elites per- ceived the protest of the Labor Movement as emanating from a general disaffection from corporate principles as well as institutionalized rules in the form of labor laws. While thus Labor's estrangement had diffused from the work role to the normative structure of the soc- iety, elites saw nosigns of Labor's alignment with the Communist Party Movement. Thus, the post-World War II incidents involving labor dis- putes can, from the perspective of American elites, be identified with the (F-V) condition within the Smelser-Scott model. It is possible that historical conditions prevailing after the Second World War-had some effect in fostering such conciliatory perspective of Labor's strategies. 83 D. Some O f f i c i a l Reactions to Problems of the Canadian Labor Movement in the Post-World War ll^Pe-riod. 1. The Event. The post-World War II period in Canada was fraught with domes- ti c problems much the same in nature as those that existed in the Uni- ted States during this period, namely the demobilization of war veter- ans, the wage-price.conflict as well as the unemployment problem. One major difference between the two countries was the re- lative absence of strikes in Canada during the war years when compared to a proliferation of them in the United States. Perhaps this can be attributed in part to a no-strike policy in the Canadian Labor Move- 86 ment to assist the war effort, or i t may have been due to existing governmental controls on rent and prices, the provision of cost-of- 87 living bonuses and a more generous interpretation of wage control. Workers were on strike in 1942 and 1943, but the duration of these strikes was generally not very great -- about 4.77 days lost per worker in 1943, for example. Labor-management relationsln Canada seemingly contained a more conciliatory note during this period. While the problem of wage- increases was unquestionably present, the Canadian Movement was more concerned with the issue of union recognition by employers as exempli- fied in the Kirkland Lake strike of 1942, which was initiated by the 88 International Union of Mine, M i l l and Smelter Workers. 84 In this context, an important question is to what extent the incidents which occurred during this period challenged e l i t e principles both in the corporate and governmental spheres of activity. One incident was the General Motors Strike toward the end of 1945, which caused 11,000 members of the Canadian Local 200 of the U.A.W. (United Autoworkers of America) in Windsor to go on strike. These workers demanded a union shop (primarily), seniority for war veterans, lay-off or reconversion pay, and a two-weeks paid vacation. The operation of the General Motors power house in Windsor became an i s - sue in the settlement of this strike, as the U.A.W. had withdrawn their maintenance personnel. As a result, the Association of Insurance Un- derwriters of Ontario requested the Attorney-General of Ontario to pro- vide protection of General Motors'^property in the absence of these maintenance men. Ontario Premier Drew made a journey to Ottawa, re- questing the assistance of Prime Minister King, who responded by auth- orizing the dispatch of RCMP reinforcements to Windsor in order to break picket lines, should such action be warranted. The strikers, however, blocked off the power house area with a large number of cars in defiance, and this measure assisted the defeat of any attempt to break the strike. When,following the encounter between police and the strikers, Local 195 of Chrysler Corporation joined the strike, the companies f i n a l l y nego- 89 tiated a settlement with the U.A.W. Another incident is represented by a whole series of strikes (following the U.S. pattern), which involved about 139,474 workers as 85 well as a total of 4,561,393 lost man-working-days. Moreover, this strike movement encompassed the whole of Canada from Cape Breton to Vancouver Island, and began in May 1946 with the walkout of British Columbia Loggers, members of the I.W.A. (International Woodworkers of America). This strike was followed by the seamen's strike, strikes by textile workers, rubber workers, and later by the strikes of elec- t r i c a l and steel workers at Hamilton, Ontario. Lumber workers in 90 Northern Ontario stopped work in the autumn of 1946. Union demands in these strikes mostly involved union recog- nition as a bargaining agent for the striking workers by management, wage-increases as well as shorter working hours in some instances. For example, in the seamen's strike, the union's chief demand was the 3-watch system (8 hours of work per day) as opposed to a 12 hour working day. During that time, seamen received an average pay of about $112 per month and were discouraged from collective bargaining at the risk of the governmental enactment of amendments to the Canada Ship- ping Act disadvantageous to their cause. In this context, i t is of interest to note that striking seaman could moreover be arrested for 91 desertion. The Federal Government, in an attempt to break the strike, declared the docks public property and prevented seaman from entering 92 the shipyards at the risk of trespassing. This particular strike re- ceived, however, much public support from the local authorities. For 86 example, at Cornwall and Thorold, Ontario, the mayors openly protested interference with the strikers by the provincial police while at Col- lingwood the inhabitants of the town attempted to convince strike breakers to leave town. Finally, the Federal Government, under i t s war-time powers, seized 29 shipping companies, appointing a controller and commissioner to adjudicate wages and working conditions. This measure resulted in granting the CSU (Canadian Seamen's Union) the re- 93 quested 3-watch system. The seamen's strike was followed by the strike of the Domin- ion Textile Workers, which resulted in the walkout of 6,000 workers in Montreal and Valleyfield, Quebec. Members of the United Textile Workers of America, Canadian d i s t r i c t , demanded a wage-increase, a forty-hour work week as well as recognition of their union as a legitimate bargain- ing agent. Dominion Textile Co. refused, however, to sign a contract with Canadian union leaders R.K. Rowley and Madeleine Parent, and this refusal was supported by the provincial government. Quebec Premier Du- plessis held the view that the strike was i l l e g a l and represented a "Communist Conspiracy", ordering the arrest of Rowley on charges of sedition and conspiracy later on and demanding that Rowley be remanded without b a i l . This union leader wait to t r i a l toward the end of 1946, was found guilty of the charge and sentenced to only six months in j a i l mainly due to public protest as well as concern with the issue 94 that was expressed in the Federal Parliament. 87 E l i t i s t enterprise directed toward bringing about legislative reform of labor-management relations received, however, much impetus from the unions themselves in Canada during this period. Apart from the specific objectives of Canadian industry and the various levels of government in demanding such reform, the Canadian Labor Movement's chief concern, for example, was to embody some of the principles of P.C. 1003 i n permanent legislation. This executive order by the Fed- eral Government stated the government's position with respect to labor- management relations and dates back to February 1944 when i t was passed under the nucleus of National Emergency Laws, which expired in March 1947. P.C. 1003 provided for the right of workers to form and join labor unions, prohibited unfair labor practices, established procedures for defining and certifying bargaining units, required compulsory col- lective bargaining and conciliation, and affirmed the right of workers 95 to strike during the term of an agreement. While labor-management relations had again become the res- ponsibility of the provinces under the provisions of the British North America Act following the expiration of the Emergency Laws, the Dom- inion Government was instrumental in proposing legislation that could be universally adopted across Canada. This effort resulted in federal law in 1948 in the form of the Industrial Relations and Disputes In- @ vestigation Act. While this Act embodied most of the war-time provi- @ The f i r s t Dominion labor legislation enacted was the Industrial dis- putes Investigation Act of 1907. 88 sions, i t included some new sections that were opposed to the Labor Movement's objectives. These were provisions directed toward de- certifying a bargaining agent without replacing i t with another and toward restraining a union from taking a strike vote until c o n c i l i - ation procedures had been completed. The Act, however, declared 96 company unionism as i l l e g a l . At the provincial level, labor legislation had already existed for a number of years before World War II. British Columbia, for example, enacted the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act in 1947, which replaced an earlier statute of 1937, bearing the same t i t l e . This provincial statute established a Labor Relations Board as did federal legislation, but included provisions not contained in the latter, such as the requirement for a government-supervised strike vote, a measure opposed by the unions. Other Labor demands for changes in this Act encompassed the appointment of a Labor rep- resentative on the Labor Relations Board as well as the elimination of the Board's right to determine jurisdiction in labor disputes and 97 to decide which union a worker should join. This federal and provincial legislation resulted in a number of suits for damages against unions as well as judgements for i l l e g a l strikes. Legislative regulation of strikes was in part res- ponsible also for an increase in ex-parte injunctions served on unions, restricting their right to picket and strike. 89 Between the years 1946 and 1955, 69 injunctions were, f o r example, applied for i n B r i t i s h Columbia alone, with a l l but two 98 having been granted. Contempt of these injunctions frequently resulted i n j a i l terms and f i n e s . To i l l u s t r a t e : Two o f f i c i a l s of the Boilermakers Union received short j a i l terms f o r refusing to obey an i n j u n c t i o n i n 1949, which c a l l e d f o r the reinstatement of a worker expelled from the union f o r his open opposition to i t s po- 99 l i c i e s . In another case, an I.W.A. (International Woodworkers of America) agent received a short j a i l term f o r contempt of an injunc- t i o n , restraining, the union from picketing a v e s s e l belonging to Canadian Transport Co. Ltd., Vancouver. He as w e l l as other leaders 100? of that union were fined $7,200. 2. Interpretation. During the General Motors S t r i k e i n Canada the Labor Movement employed much the same strategy i n protesting corporation-made work p r i n c i p l e s as did i t s counterpart i n the U.S. In both cases the unions demanded recognition as c o l l e c t i v e bargaining agents by management as w e l l as a wage-increase for t h e i r membership. Yet, while the chief concern of the American parent union, i . e . the United Automobile, A i r c r a f t , and A g r i c u l t u r a l Implement Workers of America was an increase i n wages, i t s Canadian a f f i l i a t e i n Windsor, Ontario placed more emphasis on the establishment of a union shop, vacation with pay and other f r i n g e b e n e f i t s , such as a s e n i o r i t y clause for war veterans and l a y - o f f , or re-conversion pay. 90 Apart from being estranged from corporate value premises, such as the maintenance of profits at a given level and autonomy in managing the corporation's affairs which were protected by the business elites, members of the Canadian Labor Movement perceived themselves as being excluded from the formulation of corporate guide- lines that endowed the social aspects of the work role with legitimacy. During the series of country-wide strikes that followed the Second World War, the chief demand by the Labor Movement was, how- ever, union recognition by management. This demand was legitimized by the same desire for standards of equality i n contract negotiations as was the case i n the General Motors Strike. The previous device of legislative lobbying was no guarantee for the Labor Movement to attain this value and safeguard i t . Following the expiration of the National Emergency Laws in March of 1947 jurisdiction over Labor problems was, as noted, returned to the provinces. Existing provincial labor legislation that had been superseded by the Emergency Laws thus became again enforceable. In British Columbia, for example, the Industrial Con- c i l i a t i o n and Arbitration Act (ICA Act) of 1937 restricted collec- tive bargaining to committees of employees i n preference to unions. The Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act of 1947 which re- placed the 1937 statute established a Labor Relations Board, but pro- vided for a government-supervised strike vote. A l l of this labor legislation was to some extent opposed to the standards of equality 91 in Labor-management relations which the Labor Movement had set out to attain, and was consequently experienced as estranging by i t s members. For example, the provision of the 1937 ICA Act for col- lective bargaining via employee committees failed to recognize Labor's desire to become a body p o l i t i c and a legitimate agent i n arbitra- tion procedures. This provision did l i t t l e more than shifting the device of the lobby from the legislative arena to the corporate sphere. In this sense, i t represented an attempt at fragmenting Labor's over- a l l objectives, and hence added to i t s perception of being "power- less" i n communicating i t s goals to the various corporate elites i n an effective manner. This 1937 Act then supported corporate autonomy in the area of labor-management relations and became a major source for Labor's persistence in protest. The replacement of this statute by the ICA of 1947, while conceding to the Labor Movement the right to organize, perpetuated Labor's disaffection from the work role by providing for a government-supervised strike vote. This clause ex- presses a fundamental distrust of Labor strategies which government elites shared with their counterparts i n the corporate world. The rationale for i t lies i n the e l i t i s t notion that Labor's protest was due to the activities of some estranged Labor leaders who attempted to foster such estrangement in the other members of the Movement, so that the latter perceived themselves as being exploited by their 92 employers. The clause had therefore the aim to eliminate the dom- i n a t i o n of union members by " a l i e n " leaders during a s t r i k e vote. Furthermore, non-representation on the Labor Relations Board f o r which the Act provided i n t e n s i f i e d Labor's sense of "powerlessness". I t can thus be argued that the estrangement of Canadian workers from corporate p r i n c i p l e s that l e g i t i m i z e d the work ro l e had d i f f u s e d to the normative structure of the society i n that some clauses i n e x i s t i n g labor laws c h i e f l y supported corporate autonomy i n the area of labor-management r e l a t i o n s . These conditions were responsible f o r Labor's protest and can be represented by source condition (F-V). Much that has been s a i d about how American e l i t e s per- ceived some of the incidents i n this post-World War II period also applies to the view Canadian e l i t e s took of them. The General Motors S t r i k e at Windsor, f o r example, was perceived by Canadian e l i t e s i n the corporate world and government as a sympathetic gesture i n support of the s t r i k e vote against the U.S. parent company i n D e t r o i t . As i n the U.S., Canadian e l i t e s experienced Labor's thrust c h i e f l y as a threat to corporate p r i n c i - ples, such as the r i g h t to manage, maintaining p r o f i t s at a desired l e v e l and corporate e f f i c i e n c y . In the view of Canadian business e l i t e s , this s t r i k e rep- resented only a scattered attempt at challenging the general value system of the society, although i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d rules i n the form 93 of labor laws were openly attacked. P a r t i a l accommodation of Labor's protest within the e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure was neverthe- less regarded as pos s i b l e . This view i s r e f l e c t e d , f o r example, i n the negotiations of General Motors Company with the union which resulted i n a settlement of the s t r i k e . The seri e s of country-wide s t r i k e s e n t a i l e d concrete de- mands by the Labor Movement much the same i n nature as those i n the General Motors S t r i k e at Windsor. In turn, i t may be s a i d that e l i t e groups perceived these s t r i k e s as threatening values s i m i l a r to those challenged i n the General Motors S t r i k e , namely corporate p r i n c i p l e s l e g i t i m i z i n g the work ro l e on the one hand, and labor 3aws on the other. As i n the U.S., the p a r t i a l accommodation of these protests w i t h i n the e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework was regarded as possible by Canadian e l i t e s , as they perceived no signs of Labor's a f f i l i a t i o n with the Communist Party Movement i n these a c t i v i t i e s . B a s i c a l l y , the reaction of Canadian e l i t e s to the conduct of Labor during this period can be i d e n t i f i e d with source condition (F-V). The s t r i k e of the Dominion T e x t i l e workers i n Quebec which resulted i n the a r r e s t of Canadian Labor leader R.K. Rowley, and which was perceived by the Quebec p r o v i n c i a l government as Communist- in s p i r e d may be regarded as an exception. 94 Summary In these two post-World War II events, the Labor Movement's d i s a f f e c t i o n from the work r o l e can be traced to a l i e n a t i n g conditions that were induced by corporation-made p r i n c i p l e s as w e l l as i n s t i t u - t i o n a l i z e d norms i n the form of labor laws. This represents a con- t r a s t to the period that followed the F i r s t World War where e l i t e s , f o r example, defined Labor's protest l a r g e l y i n terms of a lack of l o y a l t y and commitment to the e x i s t i n g value- and authority structure, relegating concrete bargaining issues to secondary importance. During this post-World War II period then, most Labor i s - sues were perceived i n terms of t h e i r pragmatic u t i l i t y to e l i t e s as well as Labor. Worker estrangement did not d i f f u s e to the general value premises of the soc i e t y . The protest which i t fostered was directed toward changing guidelines and norms which, i n the workers' view, were not "workable'" i n the everyday performance of t h e i r jobs and. which, furthermore, provided f o r inadequate remuneration f o r such performance. It can be argued, therefore, that the e l i t e as w e l l as the Labor perspective of these events contained a pragmatic o r i e n t a t i o n which aimed at f i n d i n g a s o l u t i o n to concrete issues i n the area of labor-management r e l a t i o n s . Such concrete frame of reference allowed the Labor Movement to r e t a i n a p a r t i a l commitment to the general va- lue system of the society i n both events. 95 While Labor's protest i n both the U.S. and Canada during this period can be regarded as stemming from source condition (F-V), a s l i g h t difference between the U.S. and Canadian examples emerges. This difference refers to the kinds of concrete issues with which Labor was most concerned i n both countries. In the U.S., f o r ex- ample, the Movement was c h i e f l y concerned with the attainment of a wage-increase as w e l l as union recognition by management. In Can- ada, union demands were extended to include a number of fri n g e bene- f i t s . I t i s possible that previous exposure to s o c i a l b e n e f i t s , such as governmental control over rent and p r i c e s , c o s t - o f - l i v i n g bonuses and a more broad i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of wage control during the war years had s e n s i t i z e d Canadian workers toward the s o c i a l aspects of the work r o l e . This s e n s i t i v i t y seemingly r e f l e c t e d i t s e l f i n the bargaining s i t u a t i o n . An o v e r a l l comparison of the Labor perspective of the events between the two countries shows, however, no important d i f - ference. U.S. and Canadian e l i t e s regarded this form of p o l i t i c a l deviance as stemming from source condition (F-V). Such d e f i n i t i o n of the various incidents precludes the view that Labor had a f f i l i - ated with the Communist Movement i n order to replace the general value system of the society with a dia m e t r i c a l l y opposed "counter- system", or ideology. Business e l i t e s , f o r example, perceived Labor's 96 protest as based upon a disaffection from pragmatic corporate values, such as the "maintenance of profits" via corporate efficiency, the necessity for an "owner and manager class" to maintain these profits at a fixed level via the right to manage and the workers' attainment of "moral distinctiveness through rewards for individual merit" via competition. In both countries, government elites perceived the thrust of the Labor Movement as motivated by worker disaffection from institutionalized norms (labor legislation), but as confined to this area of institutional activity. Thus, government elites realized the necessity of having Labor participate on equal terms in the formulation of labor laws from which i t had been deliberately excluded i n previous years. Such desire for Labor's participation in the formulation of labor laws reflects i t s e l f in President Truman's c a l l for the Labor- Management Conference of 1945. The reason for the failure of this conference to establish mutually satisfactory terms of reference for labor legislation may largely be attributed to the reluctance of busi- ness elites i n allowing greater Labor participation in the generation of corporate values legitimizing employer-employee relationships relative to the work role . It is here argued that such reluctance by Mangement was due to i t s perception of Labor's protest as a fragmented attempt at i n - troducing Utopian principles, although i t had to admit to Labor's non-alignment with the Communist cause. 97 While thus Management conceded that partial institutional accommodation of Labor's thrust was possible, i t did not see any way of accomplishing i t other than by relinquishing some of i t s preroga- tives . This reluctance to relinquish corporate autonomy in labor- management relations can be traced i n Canadian industry, for example, until at least 1947 when some provincial labor legislation s t i l l pro- vided for a government-supervised strike vote and the establishment of labor relation boards to which no Labor representative could be appointed. In both the U.S. and Canada, however, elites generally defined Labor's protest as being motivated by source condition (F-V). Conse- quently, the devices they instituted to control this form of deviance were much less restrictive than those ordained i n the period follow- ing the Fi r s t World War. 98 FOOTNOTES 1. Berger, P.L. and Luckmann, T. The Social Construction of Reality, New York: Doubleday Anchor Book, 1966, see esp. p. 61. 2. Chaplin, R. Wobbly, Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1948, p. 343. 3. Castberg, F. Freedom of Speech in the West, Oslo: Oslo Univ. Press, Norway. In the U.S., New York: Oceana Publications, Inc., 1960, p. 160. 4. Lenin, V.I. Selected Works, Vol. X, New York: International Publishers, 1943, p. 31. 5. Stein, M.R., Vidich, A.J. and White, D.M. (eds.) Identity and Anxiety, The Free Press of Glencoe, 111., 1960, pp. 277-290. 6. Cong. Record, 65 Cong., 3rd Session, p. 2151. In this context see also: Tyler, R.L. "Rebels in the Woods", Oregon Historical Quarterly, LV, No. 1 (March 1954), pp. 3-44. 7. History Committee of the General Strike Committee, History of the General Strike, (Seattle, 1919), pp. 12-13, p. 18. 8. Cong. Record, 65 Cong., 3rd Session, p. 3637. 9. Some discussion of these bomb plots can be found in the Tribune, Chicago, March 6, 1919, p. 13; also "Current Event and Comment", United Presbyterian, LXXVII, April 10, 1919, p. 7. 10. Boston, Evening Transcript, May 2nd, 1919, p. 1. 11. Tribune, Salt Lake, May 3rd, 1919, p. 6. 12. Washington, Post, May 3rd, 1919, p. 6. 13. Much detailed information regarding these patriotic societies and their supporters is contained in: Investigation of the National Security League, House Reports, A, No. 1173, 2 pts U.S. 14. Open Shop Review, XVI, issues January-August 1919; see also: Murray, R.K. "Red Scare", Minneapolis, Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1955, p. 93. 99 15. Christian Science Monitor, March 12, 1919, p. 1, which quotes Senator Overman as saying: "We must bring home to the people the truth that a compromise with Bolshevism is to barter away our inheritance". 16. National Civic Federation Review, "New York State Probe of Bol- shevism Asked", IV, March 25, 1919, pp. 12-13. 17. New York Times, March 21 and 27th, and May 7, 1919. 18. New York Tribune, June 26, 1919, p. 8; also New York Times, June 28, 1919, p. 3. 19. Cong. Record, 66 Cong., 1st Session, p. 7063. 20. New York Times , Nov. 8th, 1919, p. 1. For an account of brutal- i t i e s administered to radicals while i n prison, see: Kahn, A.E. High Treason, New York: The Hour Publishers, p. 20 f f . 21. Annual Report of the Commissioner General of Immigration, 1920, p. 32. 22. Cong. Record, 66 Cong., 2nd Session, p. 1338 and 2207. 23. Dowell, E.F., A History of Criminal Syndicalist Legislation in the United States (in: John Hopkins Univ. Studies i n Historical and P o l i t i c a l Science, Series LVII, No. 1, Baltimore, 1939), pp. 77, 87-88, 110. 24. Franklin, F.G. "Anti-Syndicalist Legislation", Am. P o l i t i c a l Science Review, XIV (May 1920), pp. 291-298. See also: The Consolidated Laws of New York, XXXIX, pt. 1 (New York, 1944), pars. 161-163. 25. Throckmorton's Annotated Code of Ohio, (Cleveland, 1934), pars. 13421-26. 26. Current History, XII (July' 1920), pp. 698-699, "Dealing with Red Agitators". 27. Annual Report of the Attorney-General, 1920, U.S., p. 178. 28. Bolshevik Propaganda, Hearings before a Sub-Committee of the Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, D.C, 1919, p. 1076. 29. Cong. Record, 65 Cong., 3rd Session, p. 2151. 100 30. Seattle, Post-Intelligencer, Feb. 6, 1919, p. 1. 31. Hanson, 0. Americanism versus Bolshevism, 24, 59; see also Cong. Record, 65 Cong., 3rd Session, p. 3637. Reference is made here to Mayor Hanson's remark that, in his view, the strike represen- ted an attempt at revolution by some individuals who "want to take possession of our American Government and try to duplicate the anarchy of Russia". 32. Tyler, R. "Rebels in the Woods", op. c i t . , p. 35; also "Meaning of the Western Strikes", Literary Digest, LX (March 1, 1919), p. 15. 33. Newspaper comment may be located in: New York Times, May 1, 1919 and Atlanta Constitution, May 1, 1919. 34. Balawyder, A., The Winnipeg General Strike, Toronto: Copp Clark Publ. Co., 1967, Introduction. 35. McNaught, K.A. A Prophet in P o l i t i c s , Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1959, p. 101. 36. Logan, H.A. Trade Unions i n Canada, Toronto, 1948, pp. 301 f f . 37. Smith, A.E. A l l My Life, Toronto: Progress Books, 1949, pp. 47-48. 38. Western Labor News, May 17th, 1919; see also: Canadian Annual Review, 1919, p. 466. 39. Western Labor News, May 17th, 1919. 40. Wilton, J.W. "Any Man" (Unpublished manuscript, estate of J.W. Wilton, Toronto), p. 352. 41. Winnipeg Citizen, May 10, 1919. 42. Lip ton, C. The Trade Union Movement of Canada, 1827-1959, Mon- treal: Canadian Social Publications Ltd., 1966, p. 192. 43. Newspaper comments can be found i n : La Presse, Montreal, May 21, 1919 (translated), and The Globe, Toronto, May 19, 1919. 44. Canada, House of Commons, Debates (Hansard), pp. 3008 f f . 45. Op. c i t . , p. 3044. 46. Crook, W.H. The General Strike, Univ. of North Carolina, 1931, pp. 552-553. 101 47. Crook, op. c i t . , p. 550. 48. Western Labor News, June 5, 1919. 49. Western Labor News, June 5, 1919. 50. McNaught, K., op. c i t . , p. 107. 51. Masters, D.C. The Winnipeg .General Strike, Toronto: Tor. Univ. Press, 1950, p. 71. 52. Canadian Annual Review, 1919, p. 469. 53. Crook, W.H., op. c i t . , p. 552. 54. Masters, D.C, op. c i t . , p. 71. See also: McNaught, K., op. c i t . , p. 112. 55. Montreal Gazette, June 16, 1919. 56. Lipton, C, op. c i t . , pp. 210-211. 57. Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 197. See also: Crook, W.H., op. c i t . , pp. 554-555. For the skirmish between strikers and police see: Report of the Royal Commission to Enquire into the Causes and Effects of the General Strike (Robson Report), Winni- peg, 1919, p. 2. 58. Toronto Star, May 23, 1919. 59. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 1919, pp. 3010 and 3015. 60. Toronto Star, June 7, 1919. 61. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, pp. 3285 f f . 61a. Crankshaw's Criminal Code of Canada (6th ed.) Toronto: The Carswell Co. Ltd., pp. 103-105. 62. Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 199. 63. This information was made available to the author by a former associate of those convicted during these 1920 t r i a l s . 64. This view was communicated to the author by a former member of the OBU Movement. 102 65. Ph i l l i p s , P. No Power Greater, Vancouver, B.C., B.C. Federa- tion of Labor, 1967, p. 78; see also: B.C. Federationist, March 21, 1919. 66. Statutes of Canada, 6-7, Edward VII, Ottawa: Queen's Printers, 1907. 67. McNaught, K., op. c i t . , p. 101. 68. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, p. 3044. 69. Toronto Star, May 17, 1919. 70. Winnipeg Citizen, May 10, 1919. 71. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, p. 3005. 72. Dunlop, J.T. "The Decontrol of Wages and Prices", Labor i n Postwar America, Warne, CE. (ed.), New York: Remsen Press, 1949, pp. 7-9. 73. "Wage-Price Policy", Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion, Record Group 250, National Archives (U.S.). 74. "Summary of the Report of the Fact-Finding Board in General Mo- tors Strike", January 10, 1946, OF 407-B, Harry S. Truman Library. 75. "Wage-Price Policy", op. c i t . ; see also: Monthly Labor Review, Dec. 1946, p. 876. 76. President's National Labor-Management Conference, Summary and Committee Reports (Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of Labor, 1946), p. 45. 77. Suffern, A.E., Labor-Management Disputes, Subsequent to August 17, 1945 Involving Possession of Properties by the Federal Gov- ernment , U.S. National Wage Stabilization Board (Washington, 1946), p. 2. 78. Interim Report of the Select Committee on Improper Activities i n the Labor of Management Field, Senate Report 1417, 85th Cong., 2nd Session, 1958, pp. 88-89, 108. 79. Taft, P. "The Constitutional Power of the Chief Officer i n American Labor Unions", Quarterly Journal of Economics , May 1948, pp. 459-471. 103 80. Philadelphia Inquirer, Democratic National Library Clipping F i l e , Harry S. Truman Library. 81. Pittsburgh Gazette, Democratic National Library Clipping F i l e , Harry S. Truman Library. 81a. McClure, A.F. The Truman Administration and the Problems of Postwar Labor: 1945-1948, New Jersey: Fairleigh Dickinson Univ. Press, 1969, pp. l O l f f . 82. Seidman, J. American Labor from Defense to Reconstruction, Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1953, p. 262. 83. McClure, A.F., op. c i t . , p. 108. 84. The Taft-Hartley Act and Multi-Employer Bargaining, Published for Labor Relations Council of the Wharton School of Finance and Commerce by Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1948, esp. pp. 17-41. 85. "Labor Disputes: 1947-1948", Record Group 174, National Ar- chives (U.S.). 86. Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 268. 87. P h i l l i p s , P. No Power Greater: A Century of Labor in British Columbia, Vancouver: B.C. Fedaation of Labor, 1967, p. 129. 88. Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 268. 89. Lipton, C-., op. c i t . , pp. 270-271. 90. Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 271. 91. Lipton, C , op. c i t . , p. 271. 92. ) These sections rely heavily on Lipton, C , op. c i t . , esp. 93. ) Part IV, Chapter 16. 94. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, Aug. 29, 1946. 95. ) 96. ) 97. ) These sections rely chiefly on P h i l l i p s , P., op. c i t . , esp. 98. ) Chapter IX, pp. 142-147; also Chapter VIII, pp. 128-131. 99. ) 100. ) 104 CHAPTER I I I TWO" FORMS OF POLITICAL DEVIANCE AND SOCIAL CONTROL The previous chapter attempted to i n t e r p r e t some post- World War I and II p o l i t i c a l incidents i n North America by i d e n t i f y - ing two d i s t i n c t forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance i n these a c t i v i t i e s . These types of deviance were regarded as stemming from two source conditions and were represented by the a l i e n a t i o n sequences (V-F) and (F-V). The argument has been stressed that the various authori- t i e s w i l l define a given conduct as deviant i n terms of the source which they perceive as motivating i t . Understandably, the devices that w i l l be i n s t i t u t e d to control this deviance w i l l vary with such o f f i c i a l d e f i n i t i o n . A connection between the d e f i n i t i o n of what form of p o l i t i c a l deviance i s present and the devices to con- t r o l i t has already been indicated i n a preliminary way i n Chapter I I . However, for a better understanding of this "linkage" a more de t a i l e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of source conditions (V-F) and (F-V) with relevant documentation from the l i t e r a t u r e i s necessary. In this manner, the d i f f e r e n t i a l perspective of the var- ious events which arises from the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l backgrounds com- mon to e l i t e s and non-elite groups and from which ultimately the two forms of deviance emanate, can be more convincingly i l l u s t r a t e d . 105 Moreover, such i l l u s t r a t i o n allows to point up some of the factors that determine the extent of this cleavage on which, i n turn, o f f i c i a l reactions to deviant conduct and i t s control depend. I l l u s t r a t i v e materials have been selected from o r i g i n a l documents, such as Labor journals ancipamphlets as w e l l as government reports on deviant a c t i v i t i e s and such public statements which, i n the author's view, portray a business e l i t e perspective of Labor- Management r e l a t i o n s during these two periods. Conceivably, the Labor Movement usually advocates more divergent strategies f o r the attainment of i t s objectives than do the various a u t h o r i t i e s repre- sented by e l i t e s i n the corporate world and the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of government, as the p o l i t i c a l orientations of the l a t t e r are b a s i c a l l y conservative. This factor has been compensated f or by presenting a greater s e l e c t i o n of materials that deal with the p o s i t i o n of the Labor Movement during the periods discussed here. The materials themselves have been arranged as follows: Source conditions (V-F) and (F-V) w i l l be examined f i r s t with res- pect to Labor's terms of reference and i l l u s t r a t e d by relevant items from the l i t e r a t u r e . This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w i l l be followed by an examination of some o f f i c i a l reactions to Labor's goals that can be found i n business and government p u b l i c a t i o n s . Following this jux- t a p o s i t i o n of perspectives the extent of the cleavage between them w i l l then be pointed to. F i n a l l y , the o f f i c i a l d e f i n i t i o n of the 106 form of p o l i t i c a l deviance which emerges from this cleavage i n pers- pective w i l l be linked to the devices instituted by officialdom to control the deviant conduct. A brief discussion of control devices along with an attempt to classify them w i l l be appended in the f i n a l sec- tion of this chapter. A. P o l i t i c a l Deviance Stemming from Source (V-F) It was mentioned i n the second chapter that most Labor activities during the post-World War I period received some impetus from existing historical conditions, namely the Bolshevik Revolu- tion in 1917 and the formation of the Comintern i n 1919. These con- ditions, i t was argued, were in part responsible for the diffusion of worker estrangement from the work role i t s e l f to include the general value premises of the society. The Utopia which resulted had as i t s major objective the organization of workers for the pursuit of goals that could provide the Labor Movement with a collective identity and engender loyalty and commitment in a l l workingmen. The replacement of existing value premises, such as "personal success", the neces- sity of a class of "successfuls" for the proper operation of the social system and the attainment of moral worth through competition became therefore mandatory. 1 An editorial i n the Communist World, the o f f i c i a l organ of the Communist Party, Local Greater New York, which appeared in 107 late 1919, illustrates several ideals that were underlying worker protest during this period. This editorial reflects the Communist Party goal of i n f i l t r a t i n g American industry and gradually replacing corporate-ecclesiastical principles with a new morality based upon the principles of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat in Russia. In some of i t s passages, this document indicates maximal estrangement of workers from e l i t e value premises as well as an i n - ab i l i t y to communicate the ideals of the workingman to the existing authority structure i n an effective manner. In turn, the foster- ing of such estrangement in fellow workers in order to increase their receptivity toward organization is well portrayed. The attempt at establishing a new worker identity by generating values engendering loyalty and commitment, and, in this manner, relating workers to an authority structure which they can accept and which is collectively controlled becomes evident. The utopian principles embodied in the Communist Party ideology are reflected i n the advocacy of certain methods whereby the instruments of production, i.e. the "shop" can be controlled by the workers by exercizing their "mass power". In order to attain this goal, shop organization is regarded as a neces- sary point of departure. The abolition of privately-owned industrial property is implied. Finally, the editorial stresses the organization of the workers into Communist Party Shop Branches,, which reflects the notion of attaining power and prestige through brotherhood and 108 c o l l e c t i v e enterprise. These norms, namely worker ownership of the instruments of production, the a b o l i t i o n of p r i v a t e property as w e l l as moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s through c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t are i n turn l e g i t i m i z e d by the general value premises of " c o l l e c t i v e success", "cl a s s l e s s n e s s " and moral worth based upon e g a l i t a r i a n notions. In quoting some passages from this e d i t o r i a l , words and/or sentences r e l a t i n g to Labor's reference terms have been underlined. This w i l l apply also to the examples that follow.. " I f you and your fellow workers c o n t r o l l e d the shop, deter- mined the hours of labor, the working conditions, and apportioned the rewards for the services rendered, you would be able to create the conditions that would bring happiness to you. You would so arrange your work that you would not have your l i f e sapped by long hours and bad working conditions and so that the wealth you produced would be yours, yours to secure the enjoyment of good food, good c l o t h i n g , a good home, and the opportunity f o r education and healthy recreation. There i s enough wealth produced to give these things to a l l who-work. But the c a p i t a l i s t s own the shops that should be yours. The c a p i t a l i s t s make you work long hours under bad working conditions; they take from you as t h e i r p r o f i t the l i o n ' s share of what you produce. ....The workingmen of Russia have shown the way. In Russia the shops, as w e l l as a l l other means of produc- t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n belong to the workers. ....Before t h e i r [the workers'] mass power the government of the c a p i t a l i s t s and landowners broke up and disappeared. The workers' councils became the organs of the working- class government. The workers c o n t r o l l e d the state power, the p o l i c e , the army. And i n Russia, the workers are b u i l d i n g the society that means happiness f o r a l l i n s p i t e of a l l the e f f o r t s of 109 the capitalists of the world to overthrow their govern- ment and strike down their new economic system. Bring together a l l the enlightened workers who are ready to participate i n the struggle to win control of the shop. Organize them i n a Communist Party Shop Branch. This committee w i l l carry on the work of agitation and educa- tion among the other workers. It w i l l collect funds and secure papers and pamphlets for distribution in the shop." The position of the I.W.W. (Industrial Workers of the World) during this period,largely supported the Communist world view, but, instead of accomplishing these goals by gradual i n f i l t r a t i o n of industry, advocated their immediate attainment by a "here and now" Utopia. This militant view is expressed i n a small booklet by G.H. 2 Perry, entitled "The Revolutionary I.W.W.", which appeared in 1919. In this booklet, the total disenchantment of workers from the o f f i c i a l value premises is pointed, to by stressing the preamble of the I.W.W. constitution, which states that the organization of workers repre- sents the genesis for the formation of a new social system within the confines of the existing one. Apart from advocating violence for the rapid attainment of i t s goals, the I.W.W. emphasizes much the same strategy for the replacement of the traditional institutional structure with a new one, namely that of the Dictatorship of the Pro- letariat. The pointlessness of communicating ideals to the various authorities i n order to influence their decision-making i n the Labor- Management area is strongly implied. 110 "ORGANIZING A NEW SOCIAL SYSTEM "The I.W.W. i s f a s t approaching the stage where i t can ac- complish i t s mission. This mission i s revolutionary i n character. The preamble of the I.W.W. Constitution says i n part: 'By organizing i n d u s t r i a l l y we are forming the structure of the new society within the s h e l l of the o l d ' . That i s the crux of the I.W.W. p o s i t i o n . We are not s a t i s f i e d with a f a i r day's wage for a f a i r day's work. Such a thing i s impos- s i b l e . Labor produces a l l wealth. Labor i s therefore en- t i t l e d to a l l wealth. We are going to do away with capi- talism by taking possession of the land and the machinery of production....The c a p i t a l i s t class took them because i t had the power to c o n t r o l the muscle and b r a i n of the work- ing class i n industry... Organized, we, the working c l a s s , w i l l have the power....We w i l l demand more and more wages from our employers. We w i l l demand and enforce shorter and shorter hours. As we gain these demands we are dimin- i s h i n g the p r o f i t s of the bosses. We are taking away his [ s i c ] power....We tear down to b u i l d up....The I n d u s t r i a l Workers of the World are l a y i n g the foundation of a new government. This government w i l l have for i t s l e g i s l a - t i v e h a l l s the m i l l s , the workshops and f a c t o r i e s . I ts l e g i s l a t o r s w i l l be the men i n the m i l l s , the workshops and f a c t o r i e s . Its l e g i s l a t i v e enactments w i l l be those pertaining to the welfare of the workers....These things are to be. No force can stop them. Armies w i l l be of no a v a i l . C a p i t a l i s t governments may issue t h e i r mandates i n vain. The power of the workers - i n d u s t r i a l l y organ- i z e d - i s the only power on earth worth considering, once they r e a l i z e that power. Classes w i l l disappear, and i n t h e i r place w i l l be only u s e f u l members of society - the workers." The sentiments of Labor i n Canada during this period are 3 w e l l expressed i n a s p e c i a l issue of the Western Labor News then a strongly S o c i a l i s t - o r i e n t e d d a i l y . This issue deals with various as- pects of the Winnipeg General S t r i k e , such as the strategy and d i s c i - p l i n e of Labor, i t s concrete demands form the a u t h o r i t i e s as w e l l as i t s goals. The l a t t e r are enumerated i n a leading a r t i c l e which I l l severely c r i t i c i z e s the p r o f i t system f o r i t s harmful e f f e c t s upon the workers, opposing i t with a "counter-system" based upon e g a l i t a r - ia n premises. However, the values that are envisioned as replacing e l i t i s t goals lack the i n t e n s i t y of those advocated by Communist- oriented groups and encompass a lower l e v e l of abstraction. More- over, the i n s t i t u t i o n of Utopian values i s seen as requiring a period of " t r a n s i t i o n " , but no guidelines are provided as to the form of s o c i a l a c t i o n that i s to be . i n i t i a t e d by the Labor Movement during this t r a n s i t i o n a l period. There i s no i n d i c a t i o n of a program of continued a g i t a t i o n , an " i n f i l t r a t i o n p o l i c y " , or immediate seizure of governmental i n s t i t u t i o n s . While the replacement of e l i t i s t values by the Utopia of the co-operative commonwealth i s advocated, this replacement i s apparently accomplished through evolutionary forces. This a r t i c l e further implies that the communication of worker ideals to the a u t h o r i t i e s has had no appreciable e f f e c t s i n the past, but that the workers' l o y a l t y and commitment to the general value system of the society must continue, as evolutionary change cannot come about v i a t o t a l disenchantment and v i o l e n t protest. "A BETTER INCENTIVE The only incentive worth while i s that which gives to human- i t y the consciousness that i t w i l l have the f u l l product of i t s t o i l . Today the man who i s smart enough can rob a whole world under the p r o f i t system, and he i s c a l l e d suc- c e s s f u l . The day w i l l come when he who robs another w i l l be regarded as a disgrace to the race. 112 The one thing needed is a system wherein each worker, man or woman, shall be assured that a l l that he or she produces shall be his or hers, and that, by no hook or crook shall i t be possible for another to profiteer on that work. This opens up the whole realm of the philosophy of l i f e . We cannot follow the gleam here. Sufficient i f we can show that the profit incentive is pernicious and unnecessary, and that there is a possible and a superior alternative. The day wil l speedily arrive when we shall be compelled to grapple with such alternatives. The present system is disintegrating before our very eyes, and the defenders of the old system are pouring out their money like water to defeat the workers. Moreover, they are pouring out their vials of wrath against those whom they declare to be lead- ers because they dare to voice the deep aspirations of la- bor. Their calumny wil l not avail. The only hope lies in calm and reasoned judgement. . . . . I t wi l l take heroic measures to meet the transition period that hastens upon us....But, the very intensity with which the possessors of wealth have followed the profit incentive has cribbed, cabined and confined the nobler side of their nature and so dwarfed their minds, that there seems to be no hope in them. Their defense lies, not in facing facts honestly and manfully, but in side-stepping the real issues and dragging in irrelevant issues. No solution for the world's woes can be found in this direction. The profit incentive must be replaced by the incentive of. service. Co-operation must replace competi- tion. Give must take the place of get." Somewhat in contrast to the position taken by the Western Labor News with respect to Labor's ultimate goals, a feature arti- 4 cle in the Red Flag, a Labor journal in the tradition of Revolution- ary Socialism, is more intense and abstract in the advocacy of Labor's objectives. Moreover, this article advocates a method for the attain- ment of these values, namely a comprehensive program of infiltration 113 with the aim of f o s t e r i n g t o t a l disenchantment of workers with the o f f i c i a l value system. On the other hand, such i n f i l t r a t i o n takes the form of organizing workers through "educational programs" ra- ther than d i r e c t a f f i l i a t i o n with c e r t a i n labor organizations. The fear i s expressed that an a f f i l i a t i o n with labor bodies would increase the number of those workers who have retained t h e i r commitment to o f f i c i a l values and who would r e s i s t t h e i r replacement by Utopian goals. E f f e c t i v e communication of the working-man's ideals to e l i t e groups i s assumed to be impossible a p r i o r i due to the d i f f e r e n t l o - cations of e l i t e and non-elite positions i n the hierarchy of authority and the c o n f l i c t which such d i f f e r e n t i a l l o c a t i o n i n e v i t a b l y pro- duces . "The S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada i s a p o l i t i c a l organiza- t i o n of Revolutionary Socialism. Its p o l i t i c a l func- tions are the education of the members of the working class into a knowledge of t h e i r class p o s i t i o n i n modern c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . They also advocate the capturing of the Powers of the State,, by the working class for the purpose of turning the present c a p i t a l i s t class ownership and c o n t r o l of the means of production and d i s t r i b u t i o n i n t o the c o l l e c t i v e ownership and control of society as a whole. ...the period of permanent reform can only begin when the workers have obtained control of the powers of the State, upon which the process commences, of transforming the c a p i t a l i s t system of production for p r o f i t into a system of production for use. ...the S o c f i l i s t Party of Canada can have no a f f i l i a t i o n s with any non-revolutionary party even "though professedly S o c i a l i s t or with an organized labor body whose function i s to a s s i s t i t s members to bargain to better advantage f o r wages and conditions of work. We hear much, e s p e c i a l l y 114 from the United States of revolutionary industrial organiza- tions, but this party holds that an industrial organization can not be called revolutionary, because in order to cover an industry i t must take into i t s ranks individuals with a l l kinds of p o l i t i c a l opinions antagonistic to the social revolution. ...the members hold that the Party is better able to con- centrate on a sound s c i e n t i f i c educational programme. The class struggle of today takes the form of a struggle between the wage working class and the capitalist class, but the class struggle is not i n the wage relation, not in the transaction of buying and selling labor power. Never- theless the antagonism engendered in that transaction may often develop into such a course of action as may c a l l into the open that hidden but uninterrupted struggle which arises from the deeper-lying antagonism between the econo- mical conditions of existence of the property-less working class and the property-owning capitalist class. E l i t e groups during this period were convinced that the major thrust of the Labor Movement was motivated by an a f f i l i a t i o n of most labor groups with the Communist Party Movement. Their i n i - t i a l reactions to this thrustwgre represented by a number of devices which had the aim of labeling a l l of Labor's activities as potentially deviant conduct. (Some of these labeling devices were mentioned in Chapter II.) The extent of the threat which e l i t e groups experienced is clearly reflected i n the reactions to Labor's conduct by the various levels of government. A good example of such reaction is the Report of the Joint Legislative Committee Investigating Seditious Activities of the New York State Legislature, which is popularly known as the 5 Lusk Report. Senator Lusk was the chairman of this investigation into 115 radical a c t i v i t i e s . This document was published in 1920 and consists of four volumes, which give a most comprehensive review of radical activities at that time. The Introduction of this Report provides an o f f i c i a l definition of Labor activities and reflects the severe challenge which these activities imparted to the existing authority structure. The Lusk Report leaves l i t t l e doubt that government per- ceived Labor's thrust as Communist-inspired and directed to replace o f f i c i a l values and institutions with a social system in which egali- tarian and cooperative principles legitimized a l l actions i n the society. In this document Labor's strategy is regarded as being inspired by a group of totally disenchanted individuals, who attempt to foster such estrangement from existing values in a l l members of the Labor Movement. The devices of the strike and sabotage are seen as the results of creating such estrangement i n the work force and as methods for attaining the desired end, namely a new morality for a l l members of the society. In the view of the Committee members, Communist i n f i l t r a - tion of American industry is nearly complete, and hence the report contains an appeal to individuals in positions of authority as well as citizens at large to assume a militant attitude toward this per- ceived i n f i l t r a t i o n . The extent of the threat to the authorities is expressed, too, in the advocacy of educational reform in the school- 116 system, which was to be preceded by a " r e - o r i e n t a t i o n " of educators and teachers as w e l l as a s u b s t a n t i a l increase i n t h e i r s a l a r i e s . The following quotations point to such o f f i c i a l perspec- t i v e . Sentences pertaining to Labor's goals as perceived by o f f i c i a l - dom have been underlined. "A study of t h e i r [the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s ' ] platforms and o f f i c i a l pronouncements shows that they do not d i f f e r fundamentally i n t h e i r o bjectives. These objectives are: the establishment of the co-operative commonwealth i n place of the present form of government i n the United States; the overthrow of what they are pleased to c a l l the c a p i t a l i s t system, namely, the present system under which we l i v e , and the s u b s t i t u t i o n i n i t s place of c o l l e c t i v e ownership, and the management of means of production and d i s t r i b u t i o n by the working c l a s s . . . . . A l l are agreed that success can be obtained only through the destruction of the present trade union organ- i z a t i o n s of the working c l a s s , and by creating i n t h e i r stead revolutionary i n d u s t r i a l unions having the power (through i n d u s t r i a l a c t i o n involving the general s t r i k e and sabotage) to so c r i p p l e the government as to render i t powerless to prevent the establishment of the co- operative commonwealth and the working class r u l e . ....The r e s u l t of the propaganda of the q u a s i - p o l i t i c a l organizations which has been spread throughout the coun- try ...has been to undermine the confidence of these wor- kers i n the conservative trade union organizations and lead to the formation of a large number of powerful and independent revolutionary i n d u s t r i a l unions. ....This method of 'boring from within' has been extremely e f f e c t i v e and has i n large measure permeated the Central Federated Union of New York Ci t y as well as many union groups i n other parts of the State, engendering r a d i c a l and revolutionary s p i r i t i n t h e i r rank and f i l e . ....the Committee f e e l s that i t must appeal i n the strong- est way to every member of the l e g i s l a t u r e , to every man who holds any p o s i t i o n of authority or of influence, to 117 take every possible step, not only to understand the car- dinal facts of the situation but to devote his thoughts and his acts to a crusade in support of every agency, every policy, that w i l l counteract and defeat this movement. The re-education of the educators and of the educated class must go hand in hand with the re-organization and exten- sion of our educational system....Party differences, local claims, appropriations not fundamentally necessary, should be set aside until more than living wage is secured for those on whose teaching the spiritual and material pros- perity of this country so largely depends." In Canada, the i n i t i a l o f f i c i a l reactions to Labor's thrust contained a more ambiguous and divisive note than those of U.S. authority. However, they indicate much the same fear, namely that total worker estrangement from the o f f i c i a l value premises had occurred, and that their replacement by Utopian principles and in- stitutions was Labor's ultimate goal. This view was expressed, for example, by the Federal Minister of the Interior, Arthur Meighen, when asked for the Dominion Government's position with respect to 6 the Winnipeg General Strike. Mr. Meighen's speech i n the House of Commons clearly re- flects the belief that the estrangement of workers from the work role, which had prompted their demand for the recognition of their union by management, had diffused to the authority structure and general value system of the society. While some members of Parliament main- tained that Labor's thrust warranted partial accommodation within the 7 existing institutional structure, members of the Federal Cabinet believed that the institution of Utopian values via revolution was imm nent. 118 "Now i n discussing the inner p r i n c i p l e of a general s t r i k e . . . i t i s w e l l to consider where a c t i o n of that kind i s bound to lead. I t l e d i n Winnipeg... to a general.par- a l y s i s of the whole i n d u s t r i a l structure of the c i t y . I t l e d to a denial of the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e to the peo- ple of that c i t y , even to the s t r i k e r s themselves. ...as a consequence i n e v i t a b l y i t l e d to the e s t a b l i s h - ment of a separate Government - or better, a s s e r t i o n of governmental functions on the part of those i n charge of the s t r i k e i t s e l f . Those pretensions are an assertion of governmental auth- o r i t y . But the s t r i k e leaders were driven to make them i f they were to continue e f f e c t i v e l y anything i n the na- ture of a general s t r i k e . Consequently I say i t i s proved by the example of Winnipeg, and indeed follows i n e v i t a b l y from the very l o g i c of the s i t u a t i o n , that a general s t r i k e to succeed or, indeed, to continue, must r e s u l t i n the usurpation of governmental authority on the part of those c o n t r o l l i n g the s t r i k e . ...the c i t i z e n s of Winnipeg...have shown an example to the c i t i z e n s of t h i s country that the body of sensible opinion i n Canada can and w i l l set i t s face decidedly against anything i n the nature of a general strike-any- thing i n the nature of a soviet or any other form of gov- ernment inconsistent with constituted authority. I do not think i t i s necessary for me to bring written evidence of the assumption of s o v i e t or other irrespon- s i b l e authority further than the facts that I have adduced... Furthermore, the opinion had taken permanent root i n that c i t y that the issue that had given r i s e to the s t r i k e on the part of the employees of the three concerns was no longer the main or the present issue to be decided; that i t had been swallowed up i n a f a r greater issue... I t was e s s e n t i a l that the greater issue raised by the assumption of Soviet authority - and i t was nothing less on the part of those i n control of the s t r i k e i n the c i t y of Winnipeg - should be once and for a l l decided...." 119 In the preceding j u x t a p o s i t i o n of the o f f i c i a l and Labor views during this period a wide cleavage i n perspective should be noted. B a s i c a l l y , this cleavage can be a t t r i b u t e d to the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l experiences common to the members of the Labor Movement and e l i t e groups i n business and government. Both perspec- tives are based upon reference terms that e x h i b i t a high l e v e l of abstraction and that are diame t r i c a l l y opposed to each other with respect to t h e i r substance. Such l e v e l of abstrac t i o n manifests i t - s e l f , f o r example, i n the kinds of concepts that are contained i n these references, or guiding p r i n c i p l e s . To i l l u s t r a t e , " c o l l e c t i v e success", " c l a s s l e s s n e s s " and moral worth v i a brotherhood r e f l e c t ideas as to how the i n s t i t u t i o n of Labor as a whole should operate, or what kinds of c o l l e c t i v e goals should be attained by a l l members of the society w i t h i n i t s i d e a t i o n a l boundaries. The same can be sa i d of the concepts that make up the ma- j o r reference terms of North American e l i t e s i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l sphere of Labor, namely "personal success", the continuity of a class of "successfuls" and moral worth v i a i n d i v i d u a l d i s t i n c t i v e - ness and the pursuit of ennobling causes. These concepts, too, re- f l e c t ideas about the so r t of goals that should be accomplished by the c o l l e c t i v i t y . Therefore, while these reference terms are sub- s t a n t i v e l y opposed to each other, they nevertheless provide action guidelines that require commitment from a l l members of the soci e t y . 120 Both sets of references contain claims for authority and prestige in the society, but only the o f f i c i a l guidelines are protected by an authority structure which can enforce the punishment of deviations from them. In this sense, the two sets of references envisioned here actually represent two different constructions of reality. One was preferred by officialdom and maintained via the authority of the state while the other was introduced as an alternative to i t through a protest movement. It should be clear from what has been said that the cleavage in perspective which results from such different constructions of reality is thus directly responsible for the genesis of p o l i t i c a l de- viance of the (V-F) type. In this case, officialdom w i l l regard La- bor's version of reality as totally "alien" to i t s own and as being possible only once total disenchantment from the o f f i c i a l value pre- mises had occurred. In the view of the various authorities, such estrangement could come about only through Labor's a f f i l i a t i o n with the Communist Party Movement. Consequently, i t defined Labor's ac- t i v i t i e s as p o l i t i c a l deviance of the (V-F) type. Having thus defined Labor's conduct as p o l i t i c a l deviance of the (V-F) type, the question arises as to how officialdom maintained its version of reality and what sort of devices i t employed to control perceived deviations from i t . 121 A substantive account of such control devices has already been given in Chapter II. A conceptual "linkage" between these de- vices and the o f f i c i a l definition of deviance w i l l be attempted in the f i n a l section of this chapter. B. P o l i t i c a l Deviance Stemming from Source (F-V) In Chapter II i t was stated that, during the post-World War II period, a transition to "normalcy" in the economic sphere was facili t a t e d by a coalition theme in then current p o l i t i c s . The idea that a coalition between basically opposed domestic interests was a possibility created an attitude of conciliation toward recon- version issues. This pragmatic view of Labor-Management relations i s re- flected in the protest of Labor against corporate principles as well as in the perspective of Labor's goals by management. The conciliatory note in these views is unmistakable. An editorial which appeared in an issue of the American 8 Federationist in 1946 supports this observation. This article makes a careful review of then current economic problems and bases i t s major viewpoints upon reference terms, such as an equal share of strategic resources, standards of equality between Labor and manage- ment in contract negotiations as well as moral worth through collec- tive effort. The advocacy of these principles i s , moreover, in i t s e l f 122 a manifestation of estrangement from the work role in that the Movement f e l t powerless in influencing the decisions of governmental mediation efforts. In fact, the view is expressed that government mediation may block f r u i t f u l relationships between Labor and manage- ment. This confirms an observation made in Chapter II, namely that the Labor Movement was fearful of restrictive labor legislation, such as the Wagner Act and the Norris-LaGuardia Act which, in i t s view, made the communication of key Labor issues to management and government impossible, rendering them potentially deviant behavior. Despite this alienating condition, however, the concilia- tory view expressed in this a r t i c l e may in part be due to the pro- posals made in the report of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor which rejected compulsory arbitration measures. This report was made public i n early 1946 and supports to some extent Labor's objective of establishing equality standards i n the area of Labor- Management relations. In this manner, some of Labor's previous estrangement from corporate values, such as management's ultimate "right to manage" was counteracted. In the quotations from this article, sentences relating to Labor's reference terms have been underlined. This w i l l apply to a l l examples that examine the perspective of Labor during this period. "We in the United States must and w i l l share with those who have not. Let us each and a l l make plans to eat 40 per cent less wheat and save at least 20 per cent in fats. Let us willingly and conscientiously make our contribu- tipns. 123 ....Food f r e e l y given w i l l be a power f o r peace and for democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s . " The a r t i c l e then goes on to quote some sections from the Senate Report mentioned that express agreement with Labor's p r i n - c i p l e of e s t a b l i s h i n g standards of equality i n Labor management re- l a t i o n s . "'The committee's recommendations are based upon a widely held p r i n c i p l e that successful labor-management r e l a - tions w i l l not be achieved by compulsory and repressive measures, but can only be achieved and preserved as a r e s u l t of c o l l e c t i v e bargaining... the function of govern- ment with respect to labor-management r e l a t i o n s i s not to supervise and p o l i c e , but to c u l t i v a t e i n both labor and management that sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y toward each other ...which w i l l lead to the making and keeping of c o l l e c - t i v e bargaining agreements and the r e s o l u t i o n of d i f f e r - ences by means of t h e i r own d e v i s i n g 1 . " "Labor r e l a t i o n s are the human r e l a t i o n s that develop out of working together. Human r e l a t i o n s improve with mutual confidence and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . So the way to successful labor r e l a t i o n s i s conference between representatives of workers and management, c o l l e c t i v e bargaining, with d e c i - sions based upon f a c t s , supplemented when necessary by c o n c i l i a t i o n and mediation to a i d i n reaching mutual agreement upon disputed facts and t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . ....In time economic necessity forces management and wor- kers to get together. Any intervention by government may r e l i e v e management and labor of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for f i n d i n g a s o l u t i o n , but i t also imposes the opinions of persons not immediately concerned and without personal knowledge of the facts of the case." This view i s further substantiated i n a pamphlet e n t i t l e d "Let Our People Live: A Plea f o r a L i v i n g Wage", published by the P o l i t i c a l Action Committee of the T e x t i l e Workers of America, a mem- 9 ber of the C.I.O. (Congress of I n d u s t r i a l Organization). This pam- 124 phlet appeared i n 1945, shortly after the end of the Second World War. The document vehemently attacks perceived sub-standard wage conditions for Textile Workers in the United States, but generalizes the issues involved as being applicable to a l l American workers. Worker disaffection from the work role is expressed, but shows a diffusion of i t to the normative structure i n the form of then cur- rent legislation, such as the Wage and Hour Law. However, while strong sentiments against the exploitation of workers by employer groups are expressed, the statements reflect a pragmatic view of seemingly intolerable working conditions that can be remedied only by joint action. Corporate principles, such as profit maintenance and the necessity of an owner and manager class, having ultimate control over Labor-Management relations, are severely challenged by statements based upon a "counter-system" of values, namely the sharing of a l l available resources and moral worth through collective enterprise among-all members of the society. In stressing these counter- principles, another value frequently underlying Labor's strategy, i.e. standards of equality between Labor and management via union recogni- tion is almost ignored. This principle is touched upon only in the sense that management is but one of many groups that entertain a t t i - tudes inimical to Labor's goals. Therefore, i f management is only one of many groups who espouse a world view "alien" to Labor's ideals, there must be others within the institution of Labor that hold similar 125 views. In this sense, the statements made in this pamphlet imply a diffusion of disaffection from the work role to the authority struc- ture in the form of existing labor legislation. In Labor's view, such laws chiefly safeguard the behavior of some "irresponsible" groups who have no qualms about depriving non-elites of their "rights". The following statements are quoted from this pamphlet: "No greater injustice exists than the plight of those men and women who work hard, i n our land of plenty, yet re- ceive so l i t t l e for their labor that they can barely keep body and soul together. A l l those wtowork today for less than 65 cents an hour (at present l i v i n g costs) are exclu- ded from decent housing; they cannot afford medical care; their children cannot get the benefits of our free edu- cation. They cannot get enough food to f i l l them. ....We are dedicated to the task of helping a l l Ameri- cans to obtain equal rights and equal opportunities. We are ready to fight for any group which is underprivileged. And we are ready to fight any group that tries to usurp power and deprive others of their rights. We, therefore, make the solemn pledge that we shall not rest nor cease fighting until the Wage and Hours Law is revised, and the 65-75 cents-per-hour minimum wage is es- tablished to abolish the great injustice of substandard wages. There are some employers who s e l l their services or their products for cost or less to beat their competitors. Then they turn around and' try to make up their deficit as well as their profit by underpaying their workers. Let us abolish starvation wages. Let us put a floor.un- der wages so that a l l who work may have enough to eat. Every worker must understand that any man's poverty is a threat to every other man's security. He must therefore join hands with a l l the progressive people to abolish the injustice of substandard wages." 126 In Canada, the same pragmatic view of Labor-Management rela- tions prevailed during this period. This view is reflected in an address to the Canadian Club at Montreal by P. Conroy, Secretary- 10 Treasurer, Canadian Congress of Labor, in early 1946. This address deals with various aspects of the Canadian Labor Movement, such as i t s a f f i l i a t i o n s with international organizations, the relationship between Canadian industry and government as well as relationships among trade unions. It is rather comprehensive in outlining the scope of Labor activities and objectives during that time. State- ments about the Movement's relationship with employers sharply c r i - t i c i z e corporate principles. These are portrayed as estranging for most workers, and this disaffection can, in the author's view, be overcome only by participation in collective enterprise via close co-operation between Labor and management on v i t a l economic issues. While worker estrangement is seen as being confined to the work role, there is nevertheless an indication of i t s diffusion to the institutional structure and the general value premises of the society, unless management makes a serious effort to meet Labor's demands. These consisted of an upward adjustment of wages to meet then current price levels for consumer goods and the granting of standards of equality in contract negotiations, the absence of which Labor found estranging. These conditions alienated the Labor Move- ment in the sense that i t ' f e l t excluded from the drafting of work 127 meiples to which i t could.become genuinely committed. This view expressed i n the quotations: that follow: "Indeed, Labor's objectives are largely.determined by po- verty, and caused by whatMs,' at best, a second-hand l i f e that i s not- s a t i s f a c t o r y to the human s p i r i t . Like a l l human beings, motivated ;by the .natural desire for a bet- ter existence, men and'Women i n the ranks of Labor want to get r i d of t h e i r second-hand l i f e , t h e i r second-hand c a r s , . . . t h e i r second-hand'furniture...and r i s e to a s t a - ture of personal, s o c i a l and economic recognition worthy of t h e i r c ontribution to s o c i e t y . Despite the d i v i s i o n i n Labor's ranks, these are things upon which Labor i s c o l l e c t i v e l y minded. How do we propose to achieve these objectives? I t i s ob- vious that, f i r s t of a l l , we s h a l l have to try to secure unity of action among ourselves. Now, you may disagree with any or a l l of those l i n e s of reasoning, but i t i s important to observe that i m p l i c i t i n any and a l l of them i s a deep and abiding d i s s a t i s f a c - t i o n with the scheme of things now governing us. In this d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n Labor receives more notice and more n o t o r i - ety, merely because there are more of us i n the mass than i n other agencies of day-to-day activity....We are the rau- cous voices. I am not aware that much concern i s being given by business- men to the welfare, not of the mass of the people, but of the very system which produces t h e i r positions of material p r i o r i t y and p r i v i l e g e . What I do know i s t h i s . There i s no f l a s h i e r f u t i l i t y than to proclaim the v i r t u e s of free enterprise to a g i r l i n the t e x t i l e industry, who may be earning twenty, twenty-five, or t h i r t y cents an hour, or to the laborer at f i f t y cents an hour - the p r i c e of a f a i r c i g a r . Human beings cannot continue to be bargained f o r i n that way. I t w i l l come to an end. I t can come to a pleasant or an unpleasant end, by measuring up to the r e a l i t i e s of impending disaster, or the a l t e r n a t i v e , to l e t d i s a s t e r overtake us a l l - with every- one, Labor, business, and a l l other taking the consequences. 128 The choices are reduced to one of realization that our economic system must work for the people, or the other, that the people must work for the system. ....Labor's position i s , generally, that our economic enterprise must satisfy a l l those willing and able to work, or i t does not measure up to what is required. In that sense our system has fallen down. Labor says to Business: "Don't stop us from organizing. Help us to organize. But don't stop there. Organize yourselves. Not_to do a job on Labor, but to do a job - for Canada - with Labor." (Italics with respect to the words ^n and with in the orig- in a l .) A similar perspective of Labor-Management relations during this period emerges from a memorandum that was submitted by the CFL (Canadian Federation of Labor) to the government of Ontario i n early 11 1947. This document focuses in particular on the workers' objection to compulsory bargaining practice, which was introduced through pro- visions i n the Ontario Labor Relations Board Act in 1944. This es- trangement from o f f i c i a l rules had i t s origin chiefly i n the compo- sition of the Ontario Labor Relations Board, as i t encouraged the representation of members who belonged to certain minority groups within the Labor Movement. The Federation f e l t that these Board members were inter- ested primarily i n the objectives of the unions that employed them rather than those of the majority of Canadian workers. In this man- ner, the majority of workers perceived themselves as being powerless in communicating their own objectives with appreciable results. This disaffection from the principle of compulsory bargaining advocated 129 by officialdom in order to protect the value of corporate efficiency had manifested i t s e l f already in the Federal and provincial elections of 1945 and, very possibly, culminated i n strong protest in early 1947. It may thus be surmised that worker estrangement from the work role which had diffused to some aspects of the normative structure, i.e. labor laws, was chiefly responsible for this protest. However, i t was confined to labor legislation whereas conformity to other laws, such as, for example, the Criminal Code, was not affected. Another goal of Labor, namely the attainment of standards of equality between Labor and management via the recognition of unions as collective bargaining agents by officialdom was likewise impeded by this legislation. Moreover, this law precluded workers from engaging- in collective effort (organization) on the job and upheld the principle of obtaining wage increases via competition. This, as was noted earlier, induced estrangement in the labor force, as most of i t s members regarded the attainment of moral distinctive- ness as possible only through co-operation. These alienating condi- tions resulted in counter-proposals to government which demanded the abolition of the Labor Relations Board. The following statements are quoted from this memorandum: "Although the Government was undoubtedly moved by a de- sire to safeguard this freedom 'to join or not to join' when i t introduced the Ontario Labor Relations Board Act in 1944, the law has failed spectacularly to f u l f i l l i t s purpose.... 130 The Canadian Federation of Labor shares with the majority of Ontario's industrial workers a firm belief i n voluntary collective bargaining and in organization without legal compulsion under the adequate safeguards of the Criminal Code. The workers object to compulsory collective bar- gaining because i t has been found destructive of the very freedom i t was meant to preserve and,foster - their free- dom to band together on the job i n the manner of their own choosing. It was not necessary for the Canadian Federation of Labor to take a p o l l of the industrial workers of Ontario to find out what they think about compulsory collective bar- gaining. The workers' disapproval of this much-touted reform was registered by their ballots i n the Dominion and Provincial general elections of 1945.... While the Canadian Federation of Labor earnestly requests the Government of Ontario to consider the repeal of the Province's compulsory collective bargaining law, i t rea- lizes that some time may elapse before a decision on this matter is reached. The Federation therefore recommends that, as an interim reform, the composition of the Ontario Labor Relations Board should be so modified as to remove it s present obvious bias against those trade unions which are free from foreign a f f i l i a t i o n and control. At present, the representation of the workeas on the Ontario Labor Re- lations Board is restricted to those who are members of certain minority groups. The vast majority of the workers have no representation, and the minority-group servants who are members of the Board show l i t t l e zeal as defenders of Labor's rights when the interests of the unions that employ them conflict with the interests of the workers at large. To workers indoctrinated with the isms which spell class hatred, the very existence of a law prescribing a code of behavior is a provocation to exhibit their truculence.@ The Federation recommends that the Government of Ontario should offer incentive to the improvement of output per man-hour by declaring i t s intention to raise (1) wage standards under the Industrial Standards Act, (2) Old Age Pensions, (3) minimum wages,, and (4) other social security benefits as soon as that improvement of industrial produc- er This remark refers to an observation made in Chapter II, namely that the levels of government as social institutions may become major sources of deviance through the enactment of rules. 131 t i v i t y makes these measures practicable without imposing additional burdens on the public either as taxpayers or as consumers." It should be clear from these examples that Labor generally upheld a conciliatory attitude -toward Labor-Management relations dur- ing this post-World War II period. This outlook, as noted previously, was anchored in a pragmatic view of the work role which aimed at a re-evaluation of corporate principles that had been in existence since the arrival of the charter groups in North America. Some of Labor's objectives were, however, stated with firmness and convic- tion, i n this manner imparting a challenge to the everyday reality upon which .particular corporate values were based. U.S. and Canadian e l i t e groups in business and government met this challenge i n a "concrete" way, namely by employing the de- vice of conciliation in most Labor disputes. This pragmatic view of Labor-Management relations on the part of officialdom allowed the partial accomodation of conflict within the framework of existing institutions. Such reaction is expressed, for example, in a report by the management members of the Committee on Management's Right to Manage during the Labor-Management Conference called by President 12 Truman in November of 1945. This report indicates the challenge Labor's objectives imparted to corporate values. However, while collective bargaining is accepted as a legitimate arbitration device by management in this 132 document, i t c l e a r l y r e f l e c t s an attempt at maintaining p r i n c i p l e s , such as corporate e f f i c i e n c y , the r i g h t to manage by a class of managers and owners as w e l l as moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s v i a competi- t i o n . Management's desire to maintain t h i s value system, which, i n most workers, induced d i s a f f e c t i o n from the work ro l e i s emphasized by the Committee's attempt at placing the functions and r e s p o n s i b i l - i t i e s of management into two categories. One of these deals with problems which, i n the corporate view, are not subject to c o l l e c t i v e bargaining. This category i s s p e l t out i n greater d e t a i l and i n - cludes the three major corporate p r i n c i p l e s mentioned. The other category takes issue with matters that are subject to grievance procedures, such as discharge of employees for cause, the ap p l i c a - t i o n of s e n i o r i t y provisions of contracts etc. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , the Committee's d e f i n i t i o n of "management" includes a l l l e v e l s of managerial and supervisory personnel and re- gards plant foremen as assistants to the executive of the organiza- t i o n , i n this fashion preventing t h e i r unionization. This d e f i n i - t i o n does l i t t l e to f a c i l i t a t e the communication of the workers' desires to positions higher up i n the plant's hierarchy of authority. Personnel f a m i l i a r with a l l the concrete aspects of the work role as w e l l as worker sentiments was by d e f i n i t i o n included i n the group of managers and owners whose view they were forced to share at the r i s k of d i s m i s s a l . The autonomy of managerial decisions and the ex- ecutive's r i g h t to determine who i s to be "successful" i n the organ- i z a t i o n were thereby maintained and safeguarded. 133 The following quotations from this report support this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Words and/or sentences r e l a t i n g to s p e c i f i c cor- porate values have been underlined. "Management has functions that must not and cannot be compromised i n the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . I f labor disputes are to be minimized by the 'genuine acceptance by organ- ize d labor of the functions and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of management to d i r e c t the operation of the enterprise' , labor must agree that c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c functions and res- p o n s i b i l i t i e s of management are not subject to c o l l e c t i v e bargaining. In the absence of agreement, therefore, the management members of the committee herewith submit t h e i r report. It...should be an o b l i g a t i o n on the part of unions to recognize, and not to encroach upon, the functions and res- p o n s i b i l i t i e s of management. F a i l u r e to accept this o b l i - gation has increased labor disputes. In order to c l a r i f y t h i s problem, the committee has d i s - cussed many of the important functions of management i n - volved i n operating a business. The management members have c l a s s i f i e d some of them f o r the purpose of avoiding misunderstandings and minimizing i n d u s t r i a l disputes. We have placed them into two c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s : The f i r s t comprises those matters which are c l e a r l y the functions and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of management and are not subject to c o l l e c t i v e bargaining.... I l l u s t r a t i v e of items which we believe belong i n the f i r s t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and which are not subject to c o l l e c t i v e bargaining are: The determination of products to be manufactured or s e r - vices to be rendered to customers by the enterprise.... The determination of the lay-out and equipment to be used i n the business; the processes, techniques, methods, and means of manufacture and d i s t r i b u t i o n . . . . 134 The determination of financial policies...prices of goods sold or service rendered to customers; and customer rela- tions . The determination of management organization of each pro- ducing or distributing unit; and the selection of employees for promotion to supervisory and managerial positions." With respect to the unionization of plant foremen the re- port has this to say: ". . . i n any report on management functions the term 'manage- ment' must be defined to include a l l levels of managerial and supervisory personnel and not confined to top ranking executive and administrative o f f i c i a l s . Executive manage- ment cannot properly function and discharge i t s responsi- b i l i t i e s without adequate assistance. It is therefore fun- damental that there be no unionization of any part of management. ....The supervisors cannot properly function in a position of dual obligation. To the foreman is delegated the ultimate responsibility of directing the workmen at the point where they are actually engaged in production. Since the foreman exercizes mana- gerial authority, he must be solely and exclusively res- ponsible to management." A similar view of employer-employee relationships can be traced in the attitudes of Canadian business elites in June of 1946. An example of such view is a statement by the Canadian Man- ufacturer's Association on Employer-Employee Relations which was adop- ted during the association's 75th annual convention in Toronto from 13 June 4th to June 6th, 1946. This document is sub-divided into three parts which spell out certain principles that apply to employers and employees alike, guidelines to be adhered to by employers and principles that apply specifically to employees. 135 This statement represents an attempt at maintaining a cor- porate construction of r e a l i t y i n dealing with Labor-Management r e l a - tions by emphasizing the notion of the company union to the exclusion of recognizing autonomous i n d u s t r i a l unions as c o l l e c t i v e bargaining agents f o r a l l employees i n a p a r t i c u l a r trade. Quite d e f i n i t e l y , the advocacy of this idea precluded any standards of equality between Labor and management i n contract negotiations. In the f i r s t instance, company unionism represents l i t t l e more than a lobby-system f o r com- municating worker aspirations to management. Yet, workers have no legitimate claim to influence managerial decisions that a f f e c t t h e i r work r o l e . It led, therefore, to worker estrangement from this r o l e . Secondly, t h i s company unionism advocated by the a s s o c i a t i o n a r t i f i c i - a l l y maintained a fragmentation of worker sentiments with respect to the c o l l e c t i v e goals of a c e r t a i n trade as a whole. In this manner, the device of the company union can be regarded c h i e f l y as a means to protect the p r i n c i p l e of the r i g h t to manage. The following are excerpts from the f i r s t part of this statement which outlines the obligations of employers as w e l l as employees: "A. Both Employees and Employers Should ....Regard continuity and qu a l i t y of service to the p u b l i c (the customer), as the f i r s t consideration. Upon i t de- pend year-round jobs, good wages, dividends, and the f u - ture of industry i t s e l f . 136 ....Settle differences by negotiation i n good f a i t h without i n t e r r u p t i o n df operations." In the second part i t i s stated that: "B. Employers Should, ....Bargain c o l l e c t i v e l y , . i n cases where representatives have been f r e e l y chosen by a majority of the employees affected, on wages, hours of work, and working conditions. ....Give employees, as f a r as possible, opportunities to progress wi t h i n the organization according to a b i l i t y , experience and merit." Part three enumerates employee obligations and notes that: "C. Employees Should ....Recognize the Employer's r i g h t to plan, d i r e c t and manage the business. ....Co-operate f r e e l y with management i n meeting the many problems i n which the employees are concerned. ....Conserve and protect the products, plant, equipment and machinery, and respect the r i g h t s , of employers as the owners of the property." S i m i l a r to the post-World War I period, a cleavage i n pers- pective with regard to Labor-Management problems can be noted that i s based upon opposed reference terms. However, a contrast appears i n that the p r i n c i p l e s common to Labor and management, despite t h e i r opposition i n terms of substance, e x h i b i t an appreciably lower l e v e l of abstraction. While the references i n the post-World War I examples r e f l e c t e d c e r t a i n notions that applied to a l l members of the s o c i e t y , these post-World War II values were based upon ideas about the r o l e of some i n d i v i d u a l s i n a s p e c i f i c work context. The concepts involved i n 137 the construction of these p r i n c i p l e s i n d i c a t e this tendency. An i l l u s - t r a t i o n should make this c l e a r . Terms, such as p r o f i t maintenance at a given l e v e l , the continuity of an owner and manager class v i a the " r i g h t to manage" and moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s by rewards f o r i n d i v i - dual merit v i a competition c o n s i s t of constructs that apply to a s p e c i f i c context of corporate a c t i v i t y , r e l a t i v e to the work r o l e . Likewise, p r i n c i p l e s , such as equality i n the sharing of s t r a t e g i c re-^ sources v i a c o l l e c t i v e bargaining, standards of equality i n Labor-Man- agement rel a t i o n s v i a union recognition by o f f i c i a l d o m and moral d i s - t i n c t i o n of the worker v i a co-operation e x h i b i t constructs of a "con- crete" nature that l i m i t a ction to a more s p e c i f i c realm of a c t i v i t y (the work role) and c e r t a i n groups of i n d i v i d u a l s engaged i n i t . From Labor's point of view, these reference terms l e g i t i m i z e a c t i v i t i e s that are c l o s e l y associated with the work ro l e i t s e l f , provide c e r t a i n groups of workers with a conception of how this role should be organized and define t h e i r positions w i t h i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of Labor. I t was mentioned e a r l i e r that these two value systems d i f f e r substantively i n that the o f f i c i a l p r i n c i p l e s r e f l e c t a c o r p o r a t e - e c c l e s i a s t i c a l world view whereas those of the Labor Movement are based upon notions of eq u a l i t y . The cleavage i n perspective which resulted from these d i f f e r - ent world views generated p o l i t i c a l deviance of the (F-V) type. In this p a r t i c u l a r case, o f f i c i a l d o m w i l l regard Labor's world view as one that can be p a r t i a l l y accomodated by e x i s t i n g i n s t i - 138 tutions. The d i s a f f e c t i o n of workers from the work ro l e was due, i n the o f f i c i a l view, not necessarily to Labor's a f f i l i a t i o n with extreme l e f t i s t groups, but c h i e f l y to a desire to a t t a i n more power and pres- tige i n the management of p u b l i c a f f a i r s . While such a c t i v i t y required close scrutiny by the a u t h o r i t i e s , i t could be c o n t r o l l e d by the making of appropriate rules where these did not already e x i s t . C. Control Devices I t was demonstrated by a s e l e c t i o n of materials from the l i t e r a t u r e that the two forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance examined here resulted from a cleavage i n perspective'that was based upon d i f f e r e n t constructions of r e a l i t y common to e l i t e s and non-elites. These two versions of r e a l i t y were shown as being l e g i t i m i z e d by two substantively opposed value systems. I t was further mentioned that both these r e a l i t i e s are alt e r n a t i v e s to each other, but that only the preferred r e a l i t y of e l i t e groups, which i s l e g i t i m i z e d by what has frequently been c a l l e d the " o f f i c i a l value premises", has an authority structure to protect i t from attack by other groups i n the soci e t y . I t i s thus conceivable that these e l i t i s t notions about the operation of the s o c i a l system should be r e i f i e d and taken as representing the r e a l i t y common to a l l members i n the soci e t y . 139 I t i s here argued that this process of r e i f i c a t i o n can also be ag&ied to the manner i n which e l i t e groups have h i s t o r i c a l l y reacted to an attack on this r e a l i t y by other groups. For example, the a u t h o r i t i e s can transform t h e i r i n i t i a l reactions to perceived attacks on the o f f i c i a l value premises into rules to ward them o f f . In cases where such reactions have become ha b i t u a l , they may become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d norms (ru l e s , or laws), which, over a period of time are r a f i e d as representing "devices" necessary to maintain the common good. Thus, devices to c o n t r o l perceived deviations from the of- f i c i a l construction of r e a l i t y a c t u a l l y represent r e i f i e d reactions to such deviance. In turn, this deviant conduct may be reacted, or responded to i n terms of (V-F) or (F-V), depending on which condi- t i o n o f f i c i a l d o m perceives as motivating i t . In this manner, the devices to control the two forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance examined i n this thesis can be represented by two "response categories", or classes of response. One such response category i s created when the author- i t i e s react to a given conduct by defining i t as p o l i t i c a l deviance of the (V-F) type. As noted, such reactions have h i s t o r i c a l l y become retfiedvinto rather r e s t r i c t i v e control devices. I t should be r e c a l l e d from Chapter II that these measures consisted 140 l a r g e l y of l e g i s l a t i o n to combat seditious a c t i v i t i e s as w e l l as ex- ecutive r u l e s , a l l such measures being quite r e s t r i c t i v e of the f r e e - dom of movement. These measures encompassed pmLonged prison sen- tences, e x i l e and severe economic sanctions, i . e . f i n e s . These de- vices then represent transformed o f f i c i a l reactions which, i n i t i a l l y , defined the conduct of some members of the Labor Movement as i n t r a n - sigent, or p o l i t i c a l l y i r r e c o n c i l a b l e . As a r e s u l t , the " p a r t i a l accomodation" of such behavior was perceived by the a u t h o r i t i e s as impossible due to t h e i r suspicion that the offenders had a f f i l i a t e d with the Communist Party Movement. For the a u t h o r i t i e s , the " t o t a l e l i m i n a t i o n " of such conduct was the only measure to maintain the ex- i s t i n g framework of values and norms. The genesis of such o f f i c i a l reactions, i . e . reactions that aimed at the t o t a l e l i m i n a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l deviance of the (V-F) type was i l l u s t r a t e d by some examples from the l i t e r a t u r e . I t was mentioned that these o f f i c i a l reactions to deviance were generated by reference systems that were substantively opposed to each other and that l e g i t i m i z e d d i f f e r e n t constructions of r e a l i t y . Moreover, the two opposing value systems showed a high l e v e l of abstraction and l e g i t i m i z e d c o l l e c t i v e action for a l l members of the society i n a given i n s t i t u t i o n a l sphere. Another response category comes in t o being when the author- i t i e s react to a given behavior by defining i t as p o l i t i c a l deviance 141 of the (F-V) form. H i s t o r i c a l l y , the o f f i c i a l reactions to this type of deviance have been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and r e i f i e d into less res- t r i c t i v e c ontrol devices. I t was indicated i n Chapter II that these devices consisted c h i e f l y of l e g i s l a t i o n commonly known as labor laws. As noted, these rules were much less r e s t r i c t i v e of the freedom of movement and included moderate to short p r i s o n terms, r e s t r i c t i o n s on c e r t a i n practices engaged i n by the Labor Movement as w e l l as more moderate economic sanctions i n the form of f i n e s . The o f f i c i a l reactions which these control devices repre- sent, though i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and r e i f i e d form, defined the conduct of Labor not i n terms of the " a l i e n " l a b e l , but as "r e c o n c i l a b l e " with the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l s tructure. Hence, " p a r t i a l accomodation" of this form of deviance was considered as po s s i b l e . The o r i g i n of such response to conduct of the (F-V) type was likewise i l l u s t r a t e d by a s e l e c t i o n of materials from the l i t e r a - ture. B a s i c a l l y , this deviance d e f i n i t i o n resulted from a c o n f l i c t between two value systems which, while l e g i t i m i z i n g opposed construc- tions of r e a l i t y , showed an appreciably lower l e v e l of abstraction. The p r i n c i p l e s common to Labor and the a u t h o r i t i e s provided more "con- crete" guidelines f o r ac t i o n that applied to c e r t a i n groups of i n d i - viduals i n a s p e c i f i c context (the work role) instead of guidelines f o r a l l members of the society i n a c e r t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l area. In short, these opposed reference terms were considerably more e s o t e r i c when compared to those that generated the (V-F) type of p o l i t i c a l de- viance . 142 FOOTNOTES 1. New York Communist World, November 8, 1919, p. 2. 2. Perry, Grover H., The Revolutionary I.W.W., Chicago: I.W.W. Pub- lishing Bureau, pp. 10-12. 3. Winnipeg Western Labor News, Special Strike Edition No. 28, June 18, 1919, p. 2. 4. Vancouver The Red Flag, August 30, 1919, p. 4. 5. Revolutionary Radicalism: Its History, Purpose and Tactics, Report of the Joint Legislative Committee Investigating Seditious Acti v i - ties, f i l e d April 24, 1920 in the Senate of the State of New York, Part I, Vol. I, Albany, J.B. Lyon Co., Printers, 1920. See esp. Introduction. 6. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, June 2, 1919, pp. 3035-3040. 7. Ibid., pp. 3029 f f . See also p. 3010 f f . 8. American Federationist, May 1946, Vol. 53, No.5, pp. 20-21. 9. From a pamphlet entitled, "Let Our People Live: A Plea for a Living Wage", Pol. Action Committee, C.I.O., Textile Workers Union of America, New York, 1945. 10. The Canadian Unionist, April 1946, pp. 84-86. 11. The Labour Review, January 1947, pp. 11-15. 12. The President's National Labor-Management Conference, November 5- 30, 1945, Summary and Committee Reports, U.S. Dept. of Labor, Div. of Labor Standards, 1946, Bulletin No. 77, pp. 56-58. 13. The Labor Gazette, July 1946, Vol. XLVI, No. 7, p. 877. 143 CHARTER IV SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS Summary Some factors involved i n the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance were investigated by a c r i t i c a l * examination of h i s t o r i c a l data per- taini n g to r e l a t i o n s between.-the au t h o r i t i e s and the Labor Movement during the post-World War I and II periods i n North America. This exploratory study was prompted by a paucity of inves- tigations i n the literature'which a c t u a l l y concerned themselves with providing an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s that have h i s t o r i c a l l y been regarded as deviant conduct i n the p o l i t i c a l sphere. I t was mentioned that mos.t studies of p o l i t i c a l deviance focused on the c l a s - s i f i c a t i o n of offenders as "types", the fi n d i n g of causal explanations f o r t h e i r behavior and the devising of means f o r the "c o r r e c t i o n " of the deviant conduct. Moreover, the assumption that state authority can by i t s e l f become a major source of deviance has given further impetus to this study. A premise now generally accepted by s o c i o l o g i s t s i s that deviance i s a process which arises from and i s molded by d i f f e r e n t perceptions of r e a l i t y that are common to those who define members of the society as deviant and those who are thus defined. This study, 144 therefore, made an e f f o r t to examine some h i s t o r i c a l events i n terms of how these were perceived by o f f i c i a l d o m as w e l l as the Labor Move- ment . In order to demonstrate the gradual development of deviance over time, the various incidents were regarded as occurring i n a temporal sequence which, i n turn, was generated by c e r t a i n source conditions. In taking the o f f i c i a l value premises as a point of de- parture, i t was shown that, f o r d i f f e r e n t perceptions of the incidents to occur, the actions of the "definers" and the "defined" had to be l e g i t i m i z e d by reference systems that were substantively opposed to each other. F i n a l l y , the cleavage i n perspective which arises from such opposition of values to which e l i t e s and non-elites are commit- ted, had to be the source from which deviance emanates. These t h e o r e t i c a l considerations c h i e f l y guided the course of this study and suggested the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of three major s o c i o l o - g i c a l concepts, namely a l i e n a t i o n , deviance and s o c i a l control f o r the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of some h i s t o r i c a l materials. The actual "theo- r e t i c a l framework" was introduced i n the form of three h e u r i s t i c s which were considered as useful i n pointing to the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the phenomena represented by these concepts and s t r e s s i n g t h e i r importance i n the process of becoming deviant. One of these h e u r i s t i c s was the i d e a l sequence which f a c i l i - tated the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the data by representing the deviance 145 process as a temporal sequence of events i l l u s t r a t i n g the gradual development of deviant conduct over time. Another h e u r i s t i c con- s i s t e d of the (V-F) sequence of a l i e n a t i o n which the Labor Movement regarded as a source for the t o t a l disenchantment of the workers from the general value premises of the so c i e t y . Simultaneously, this source condition was perceived by the a u t h o r i t i e s as a challenge to the o f f i c i a l value system. Likewise, the t h i r d h e u r i s t i c i n the form of the (F-V) a l i e n a t i o n sequence was regarded by Labor as a source of worker d i s a f f e c t i o n , but, instead of r e f e r r i n g to the general value premises, this h e u r i s t i c represented worker d i s a f f e c - t i o n from p r i n c i p l e s that l e g i t i m i z e d a c t i v i t i e s associated with the work r o l e . At the same time,.the (F-V) sequence was perceived by o f f i c i a l d o m as a source for creating a threat to corporate and gov- ernmental p r i n c i p l e s that l e g i t i m i z e d . c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s i n the i n - s t i t u t i o n of Labor. As perceived by the a u t h o r i t i e s then, these source conditions were motivating the deviant conduct, and hence were regarded as representing two d i s t i n c t forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance. The close linkage between the extent to which non-elite groups exper- ienced estrangement from o f f i c i a l values and the o f f i c i a l reactions to the protest which such estrangement engendered was i l l u s t r a t e d i n this manner. In this study, the phenomenon of a l i e n a t i o n , as portrayed i n the source conditions, namely (F-V) and (V-F), was seen as being confined to the realm of communication between e l i t e s and non-elite 146 groups. I t was regarded as stemming from an i n a b i l i t y to communicate ideals and desires to the a u t h o r i t i e s altogether, or from a f a i l u r e to do so with noticeable r e s u l t s . The estrangement experienced by workers was seen as r e s u l t i n g from a perception of being excluded from the generation of p r i n c i p l e s , guiding the whole of t h e i r every- day r e a l i t y , or simply t h e i r r o l e as workers. Where standards of behavior already existed i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l sphere of Labor, such estrangement was seen as stemming from a perception of being "power- l e s s " i n i n f l u e n c i n g the decisions of the a u t h o r i t i e s . These s i t u a - tions were indicated i n the i d e a l sequence paradigm i n the Introduc- t i o n . Such use of the concept of a l i e n a t i o n was meant to i l l u s t r a t e not only that non-correspondence between old and new ideals i s seem- ingly b a s ic to the process of becoming estranged, but, more import- antly, that estrangement r e s u l t s from the i n t e r a c t i o n process for which those d i f f e r e n t ideals provide the guidelines. This t h e o r e t i c a l o u t l i n e was then applied to some h i s t o r i - c a l data which were presented i n d e s c r i p t i v e form i n Chapter I I . In this chapter, an attempt was made at pointing to the manner i n which e l i t e s and non-elites perceived the various h i s t o r i c a l i n c i d e n t s . The three h e u r i s t i c s were found to be useful devices i n the i n t e r - p r e t a t i o n of these h i s t o r i c a l materials. For example, the i d e a l se- quence was used to delineate changes i n the perception of events over time, and i n this manner, provided some appreciation of how de- viant conduct develops. The two other h e u r i s t i c s (V-F) and (F-V) 147 permitted the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of two forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance i n the events described. Examples of this were given throughout the thesis and need not be r e - i t e r a t e d here. The usefulness of these two h e u r i s t i c s was further demonstrated i n pointing to the cleavage i n perspective which was shown as a r i s i n g from two substantively opposed reference systems common to e l i t e s and non-elites. In the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the post-World War I incidents the materials examined showed a minor difference i n the perception of events between the U.S. and Canadian Labor Movement. I t was i n d i c a - ted that the U.S. Movement, for example, was dominated by r a d i c a l groups that were determined to replace e x i s t i n g values and i n - s t i t u t i o n s with a new morality. Such domination by r a d i c a l elements was found to be less pronounced i n the Canadian Movement. While most members of the U.S. Movement were estranged i n terms of (V-F), Canadian Labor groups seemingly retained some of t h e i r commitment to e x i s t i n g values. Consequently, t h e i r perception of these events was represented by source condition ( F - V ) S o m e possible reasons for this difference were suggested. By contrast, no important difference was found i n the perception of the incidents by e l i t e groups i n both 1 countries. During this post-World War I period, the a n n i h i l a t i o n of s o c i e t a l values and i n s t i t u t i o n s by a group of t o t a l l y disenchanted workers was perceived as'being imminent. Having thus perceived con- d i t i o n (V-F) as the source, the a u t h o r i t i e s i n s t i t u t e d devices that 148 were r e s t r i c t i v e enough to control a threat of such magnitude. How- ever, while o f f i c i a l c ontrol devices were found to be equally res- t r i c t i v e , perhaps more leniency i n t h e i r enforcement was p r a c t i s e d by the Canadian a u t h o r i t i e s during t h i s period. A possible reason for this was off e r e d . For both the U.S. and Canada, the data r e l a t i n g to the post-World War II period revealed a more pragmatic and c o n c i l i a t o r y view toward Labor disputes. The device of a r b i t r a t i o n was considered as a legitimate t o o l i n the settlement of such disputes byboth Labor and the a u t h o r i t i e s . I t was shown that the Labor Movement was la r g e l y alienated from corporate p r i n c i p l e s and labor laws which attempted to l e g i t i m i z e the work r o l e . No major differences i n the o v e r a l l objec- tives of the U.S. and Canadian Movements during t h i s period were found. Yet, there i s some h i n t that the Canadian Movement showed somewhat greater concern with the s o c i a l aspects of the work r o l e , such as fri n g e b e n e f i t s , beyond a demand for wage increases and the recognition of unions as c o l l e c t i v e bargaining agents by management and governments. Some possible r a t i o n a l e f o r this concern was sug- gested. As both Movements perceived i t s members as being alienated from work p r i n c i p l e s rather than the general value premises, the source condition f o r such estrangement was represented by (F-V). During this post-World War II period, U.S. and Canadian e l i t e s regarded Labor's protest as being motivated by some groups that were d i s a f f e c t e d from the work role (F-V). For these e l i t e s , 149 Labor's protest became problematic only in the sense that no effec- tive, o f f i c i a l machinery for the arbitration of labor disputes ex- isted. Therefore, the problem.was one of accomodating Labor's thrust within the existing institutional framework of Labor rather than regarding i t as an attempt at Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n . During this period, North American elites only very rarely looked upon Labor disputes as being motivated by" an a f f i l i a t i o n of unions with the Communist Party Movement. An exception was noted in the conviction of Canadian Labor leader R.K. Rowley on a charge of seditious con- spiracy in 1946. In Chapter III a more detailed interpretation of the of- f i c i a l and Labor perspectives was attempted. This had the purpose of cross-checking the preliminary findings of Chapter II by examining the more general views of labor disputes common to officialdom and Labor during the two historical periods. While Chapter III largely confirmed the tentative findings of the second chapter, an important point was noted. This refers to the level of abstraction exhibited by the different reference systems. Whenever a set of references legitimized the activities of a l l mem- bers of the society i n a given institutional sector such reference system showed a high level of abstraction. By contrast, when the reference terms were "work-oriented", defining the workers' positions within the institution of Labor and providing them with an image of the work role i t s e l f , the reference system was more pragmatic. 150 I t was subsequently shown that where rather abstract r e f - erence systems were i n opposition to each other, a wide cleavage i n perspective resulted. In this case, the au t h o r i t i e s perceived the a c t i v i t i e s of the Labor Movement as being motivated by source con- d i t i o n (V-F). This s i t u a t i o n p r e v a i l e d during the post-World War I period. The two opposing sets of references involved here were represented by "personal success", the continuity of a class of "suc- c e s s f u l s " and moral d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s by the pursuit of ennobling causes versus " c o l l e c t i v e success", " c l a s s l e s s n e s s " and moral worth v i a e g a l i t a r i a n p r i n c i p l e s and brotherhood. I t was further ind i c a t e d that where more pragmatic reference terms were al t e r n a t i v e s to each other, a more narrow cleavage i n pers- pective resulted. Here, the a u t h o r i t i e s perceived Labor's conduct as being motivated by source condition (F-V). This s i t u a t i o n i s i l l u s - trated by the events of the post-World War II period. In this case, the two opposing sets of references consisted of the maintainance of p r o f i t s v i a corporate e f f i c i e n c y , the necessity f o r an owner and mana- ger class to maintain them v i a the " r i g h t to manage", moral d i s t i n c - t i o n v i a competition versus the attainment of an equal share of s t r a t e - gic resources v i a c o l l e c t i v e bargaining standards of equality between Labor and the various a u t h o r i t i e s v i a o f f i c i a l recognition of unions as c o l l e c t i v e bargaining agents and moral worth v i a c o l l e c t i v e enter- p r i s e , i . e . co-operation. 151 I t was further noted i n Chapter I I I that these reference systems l e g i t i m i z e d d i f f e r e n t constructions of r e a l i t y that were u l - timately responsible for creating and maintaining a cleavage i n the perception of events. In the f i n a l s e c t i o n of Chapter I I I the point was made that the o f f i c i a l reactions to p o l i t i c a l deviance have h i s t o r i c a l l y been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and r e i f i e d into o f f i c i a l rules (control de- v i c e s ) . In this manner, the devices to control deviant conduct were regarded as response categories, or o f f i c i a l r e action categories, depending upon which form of deviance i s perceived and "reacted to" by the a u t h o r i t i e s . These control devices were shown as being most r e s t r i c t i v e whenever they represent i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d reactions to p o l i t i c a l de- viance of the (V-F) category. The " c o n t r o l s " were found to be less r e s t r i c t i v e when they represent reactions to the (F-V) type of p o l i - t i c a l deviance. Conclusions Several conclusions can be drawn from the present study. I t was concluded that b a s i c a l l y two forms of p o l i t i c a l de- viance could be i d e n t i f i e d as motivating the events that were examined i n this t h e s i s . One such form of deviance was considered by the auth- o r i t i e s as being intransigent, or " p o l i t i c a l l y i r r e c o n c i l a b l e " with 152 the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l system of the society, as i t was perceived as stemming from Labor's a f f i l i a t i o n with the Communist Party Movement. As perceived by the a u t h o r i t i e s , this form of deviance was directed toward the immediate or gradual a n n i h i l a t i o n of e x i s t i n g values and i n s t i t u t i o n s by the Dictatorship of the P r o l e t a r i a t . In the o f f i c i a l view, Labor's strategy to a t t a i n t h i s goal consisted of f o s t e r i n g estrangement from e x i s t i n g values i n a l l members of the so c i e t y . The other form of p o l i t i c a l deviance was regarded by the au t h o r i t i e s as " r e c o n c i l a b l e " with the current p o l i t i c a l system i n that they perceived this deviance as being motivated by the d i s a f f e c - t i o n of workers from the work r o l e . Where, i n i s o l a t e d cases perhaps, this form of deviance was seen as an attempt at Communist i n f i l t r a t i o n , i t was nevertheless considered as too fragmented an attack on e x i s t i n g values. I t did for this reason not pose a r e a l threat to the authori- t i e s . It was concluded that these two forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance resulted from a d i f f e r e n t i a l perspective of post-World War I and II events and had t h e i r o r i g i n i n the d i f f e r e n t backgrounds from which the e l i t e s and non-elites respectively emerged. Such differences i n s o c i a l experience re s u l t s i n d i f f e r e n t i d e a l s , standards of behavior and modes of i n t e r a c t i o n with other groups i n society that are j u s - t i f i e d i n terms of the respective value systems, however discoordinate. It was concluded that the reference system of the author i - t i e s c h i e f l y encompassed c o r p o r a t e - e c c l e s i a s t i c a l premises whereas 153 that of the Labor Movement l e g i t i m i z e d a morality based upon communal- e g a l i t a r i a n notions. Where the reference systems common to Labor and o f f i c i a l d o m contained rather abstract notions of r e a l i t y that r e l a t e , f o r example, to the operation of a whole i n s t i t u t i o n a l sector, the r e s u l t i n g c l e a - vage i n perspective was most pronounced. In turn, where these r e f e r - ence systems were pragmatic and based upon notions about the s p e c i f i c context of the work r o l e , the r e s u l t i n g cleavage i n perspective was r e l a t i v e l y narrow. Where this cleavage i n perspective was maximal the estrange- ment of workers from the o f f i c i a l reference system was most pronounced. Where such cleavage was narrow., or more marginal, worker estrangement was less pronounced, and so was the thrust toward deviance. Where the cleavage i n perspective was pronounced, the auth- o r i t i e s perceived p o l i t i c a l deviance of the (V-F) type. This form of deviance was precluded from i n s t i t u t i o n a l accomodation. Where such cleavage was more marginal, o f f i c i a l d o m perceived p o l i t i c a l deviance of the (F-V) type. This form of deviance could be p a r t i a l l y accomo- dated within the e x i s t i n g framework of i n s t i t u t i o n s . O f f i c i a l reactions to perceived p o l i t i c a l deviance have h i s - t o r i c a l l y been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d and r e i f i e d into r u l e s , or p r o s c r i p - t i v e norms i n the same manner as notions (values) about how the s o c i a l system should operate with maximum e f f i c i e n c y . The devices to control 154 the deviant conduct were, therefore, regarded as response categories, depending upon the form of p o l i t i c a l deviance that the a u t h o r i t i e s "reacted to". I t was possible to i d e n t i f y one such " c l a s s " of con- t r o l devices as i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d o f f i c i a l reactions to the (V-F) type of deviance which aimed at the t o t a l e l i m i n a t i o n of such conduct. Another class of c o n t r o l devices was represented by reactions to the (F-V) type of deviance which, i n the view of o f f i c i a l d o m , warranted the p a r t i a l accomodation of this conduct within the e x i s t i n g i n s t i - t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . F i n a l l y , i t was concluded that o f f i c i a l rules are rather i n e f f e c t i v e devices for the regulation of p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t as w e l l as the control of deviance emanating from i t . I t was shown that the Labor Movement was excluded from the generation of p r i n c i p l e s that affected t h e i r everyday r e a l i t y . Moreover, the i n s t i t u t i o n of rules defined c e r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s of the Labor Movement as p o t e n t i a l l y de- viant behavior. This "deviance" l a b e l precluded the e f f e c t i v e com- munication of ideals to the various a u t h o r i t i e s . Implications A number of implications which might form the basis of future research has a r i s e n from the r e s u l t s of this study. These indicate that research i n the area of communications between e l i t e s and non- e l i t e s i s , indeed, timely. 155 The present i n v e s t i g a t i o n c h i e f l y attempted to examine some of the factors involved i n the genesis of p o l i t i c a l deviance within the i n s t i t u t i o n a l sphere of Labor and r e l a t i n g these source conditions to the devices i n s t i t u t e d by the au t h o r i t i e s to control i t . Conceivably, this type of research could be extended i n scope to other forms of p o l i t i c a l deviance as w e l l as other i n s t i t u t i o n a l areas, such as education, welfare and the realm of j u s t i c e , to name a few. Such research could be guided by questions, such as the following: I f c o n f l i c t between e l i t e s and non-elites i s assumed to be i n e v i t a b l e and forms a part of s o c i e t a l "evolution", what kinds of s o c i a l mechanisms are conducive to the regulation of such con- 2 f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s , or i d e a l s . What are some of the conditions f a - vorable to the implementation of these mechanisms as w e l l as t h e i r effectiveness? Does the l e v e l of abstraction of the reference sys- tems upon which communications between e l i t e s and non-elites are based a f f e c t such c o n f l i c t regulation? I f so, does the extent, or i n t e n s i t y of the c o n f l i c t vary d i r e c t l y : w i t h the l e v e l of abstraction i n which these reference systems are couched? I f so, what kinds of conditions other than h i s t o r i c a l circumstance are responsible f o r invoking e i t h e r abstract or pragmatic reference terms i n the communication between e l i t e s and non-elites? The present i n v e s t i g a t i o n demonstrated that one way of study- ing deviance consists of an examination of the reference systems em- ployed by e l i t e and non-elites with respect to a c t i v i t i e s i n a given 156 institutional area. In this type of investigation, some theoretical approaches developed by the Sociology of Knowledge, for example, 3 provide a method that holds promise for future research. An investigation of present labor disputes using the pre- sent method of inquiry, or perhaps an improved version of i t , would be timely. A comparison of the results to those obtained for the post-World War I and II periods in this study could provide useful information with regard to the origin of present labor disputes. Questions similar to the ones raised in this thesis could be posed. For example, What are some of the underpinnings for current labor disputes? What aspects of the o f f i c i a l reference system do workers find estranging and may be regarded as motivating their protest? What is the level of abstraction of the reference systems to which Labor and the authorities are presently committed? Is current worker estrangement likely to diffuse to the general value premises of the society? Do the o f f i c i a l reference terms in the institutional sector of Labor show an important difference from those of 1919 and 1946? If so, what are the possible reasons for such change? If a compara- tive study were made, such as the present one, is there any major difference i n outlook between the American and Canadian Labor Movements? Do American and Canadian elites differ in the perception of the challenge to their conceptions of reality? Is such difference more pronounced when compared to the periods following the two World Wars? 157 I t i s possible that the combined r e s u l t s of the present i n v e s t i g a - t i o n and such follow-up study provide some index f o r the evaluation of current trends i n Labor-Management r e l a t i o n s . The often-made assumption that o f f i c i a l rules are r e l a t i v e l y i n e f f e c t i v e devices i n c o n t r o l l i n g deviant conduct received some sup- port from this study. I t was mentioned that once rules had been made, they rendered the conduct of c e r t a i n groups i n c o n f l i c t with the a u t h o r i t i e s as p o t e n t i a l l y deviant. I f some members of such group e l e c t to p e r s i s t i n protest, t h e i r apprehension and conviction w i l l follow i n time. Following the a r r e s t and conviction of these mem- bers, the group's problem becomes twofold: i t i s now forced to carry on i t s a c t i v i t i e s i n a clandestine fashion, i f i t i s to survive. More- over, i t must re-evaluate the terms of reference that previously guided i t s a c t i v i t i e s , i f i t i s to p e r s i s t i n protest "underground". The only a l t e r n a t i v e i s i t s return to conformity. In the l a t t e r case, the o f f i c i a l rules would have been e f f e c t i v e . This l i n e of reasoning implies future research i n t o the ef f e c t s of l a b e l i n g , which may have important consequences f o r the area df law enforcement. Some of the questions that could be posed here are the following: What are some of the ccnditidns that induce a "deviant" group to continue i t s a c t i v i t i e s based upon a modified reference system, and i n clandestine fashion? Has the a p p l i c a t i c n of the o f f i c i a l deviance l a b e l been responsible to increase the l e v e l 158 of abstraction i n the reference system of the group, i n this manner i n t e n s i f y i n g i t s "underground""protest? What kinds of conditions are responsible f o r the "peaceful protest" strategy? What kinds of con- diti o n s are conducive to i n t e n s i f y i n g underground protest? What kinds of conditions are responsible f o r a n o n - a f f i l i a t i o n p o l i c y with other groups f or the attainment of objectives? What kinds of conditions must p r e v a i l f o r the members of a deviant group to return to conformity? Another i m p l i c a t i o n from the re s u l t s of this study con- cerns empirical research on a l i e n a t i o n . I t was shown that the estrange- ment of workers from the o f f i c i a l reference system resulted from a perceived i n a b i l i t y to communicate t h e i r ideals to the au t h o r i t i e s with noticeable e f f e c t s . These ideals and desires arose from then current r e a l i t i e s and were i n opposition to those of o f f i c i a l d o m . Such opposition of older, i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i deals that were guarded by the a u t h o r i t i e s to current notions about r e a l i t y that guided the a c t i v i t i e s of Labor was demonstrated by a j u x t a p o s i t i o n of the r e f e r - ence systems to which o f f i c i a l d o m and the Labor Movement were commit- ted. In the Introduction i t was indicated that the o f f i c i a l value premises tend to become r e i f i e d by most members of the society u n t i l they were regarded as representing a common morality. Such r e i f i c a - t i o n leads to the b e l i e f that this morality i s "immune" to the i n f l u - ence of current s o c i a l experience and new ideals that a r i s e from i t . 159 I t i s therefore necessary to take into consideration the extent of change i n the o f f i c i a l reference system which new s o c i a l experience over time may bring about. Former empirical studies on a l i e n a t i o n neglected to recog- nize this element of change as we l l as the impact of current ideals and desires that are responsible f o r i t . The concept of a l i e n a t i o n implies that something i s "apart" from something else, or, i n some way, does not correspond with i t . Future empirical studies on a l i e n a t i o n should, therefore, not regard the common morality of the society as a r e i f i e d s o c i a l object by accomodating the current ideals and desires of the test population i n t h e i r research design. I t seems that without such consideration these studies f a i l to demonstrate the extent, or inten- s i t y of estrangement from some s o c i a l object that i s a c t u a l l y ex- perienced. 160 FOOTNOTES It should be noted that this observation refers specifically to the time when these incidents were in progress. However, during the period that followed them, the o f f i c i a l view of the Winnipeg General Strike i n Canada, for example, coincided with that of the Canadian Labor Movement. This post-facto o f f i c i a l view held that the basic aims of this strike consisted of improvements in wages, working conditions as well as Labor's bargaining position. (See: Report of the Royal Commission to Enquire into the Causes and Effects of the General Strike, Robson Report, Winnipeg, July, 1919.) This view is opposed to the o f f i c i a l view of the "Red Scare" per- iod in the U.S.; which assumed that these incidents were motiva- ted by a Communist conspiracy with the aim to replace American in- stitutions with those of the Proletarian Dictatorship. (See: Report of the Joint Legislative Committee Investigating Seditious Activities, f i l e d April 24, 1920 in the Senate of the State of New York, esp. Introduction.) Dahrendorf mentions three requisites for the regulation of con- f l i c t , namely recognition of divergence and opposition, the remo- val of diffuse and conflicting forces by their organization into interest groups and agreement on the formal "rules of the game" by the opposing parties. However, he does not specify any condi- tions favorable and unfavorable for these requisites to be pre- sent, nor does he suggest any actual mechanisms for conflict re- gulation once these conditions have been met. (See: Dahrendorf, R. Class and Class Conflict i n Industrial Society, Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1959, esp. pp. 225-226). This refers especially to the recent works of Berger and Luckmann as well as Holtzner. (See: Berger, P.L. and Luckmann, T. The Social Construction of Reality, Anchor Books, Doubleday & Co., New York, 1967, esp. Chapter II.) (Holtzner, B. Reality Construction in Society, Schenkmann Pub- lishing Co., Cambridge, Mass.j 1968, esp. Chapters IX and X.)

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