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The development of a garrison mentality among the English in Lower Canada, 1793-1811 Greenwood, Frank Murray 1970

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF A GARRISON MENTALITY AMONG THE ENGLISH IN LOWER CANADA 1793 - 1811 by FRANK MURRAY GREENWOOD B.A. (Hons.), B i s h o p f s U n i v e r s i t y , 1956 B.C.L., M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y , 1961 M.A., Oxford U n i v e r s i t y , 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of H i s t o r y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 1970 In present ing t h i s thes is in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make i t f r e e l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fu r ther agree that permission for extensive copying o f th is t h e s i s fo r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representa t ives . It is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of th is thes is fo r f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permission. Department of The Un ivers i ty o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date 5 j |?7o ABSTRACT The mutual antagonism of French and E n g l i s h speaking Canadians, d u r i n g the f i r s t decade of the nineteenth century-has been explained by h i s t o r i a n s i n a v a r i e t y of ways. T r a d i t i o n a l French Canadian h i s t o r i o g r a p h y a t t r i b u t e s much of the t r o u b l e t o the machinations and r e l i g i o u s and r a c i a l b i g o t r y of a handful of bureaucrats. The n e o - n a t i o n a l i s t school of the U n i v e r s i t y of Montreal maintains that the c o n f l i c t was the i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of the " d e c a p i t a t i o n " of French Canadian s o c i e t y at the Conquest and the i m p o s s i -b i l i t y of two c u l t u r a l " n ations" c o e x i s t i n g harmoniously i n the same o o l i t i c a l e n t i t y . A recurrent tendency i n E n g l i s h h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g has been t o l a y the blame on the i r r e s -p o n s i b i l i t y of the n a t i o n a l i s t s who founded Le Canadien. The "Laurentian" school, i n c l u d i n g both E n g l i s h and French Canadian h i s t o r i a n s , postulates that the change from a f u r t r a d i n g t o a g r a i n and timber exporting colony and the emergence of r i v a l a g r a r i a n and commercial i n t e r e s t s were the main causes of the ethni c s t r u g g l e . Without denying the elements of t r u t h i n a l l these i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , t h i s study attempts to provide a more comprehensive understanding of E n g l i s h Canadian a t t i t u d e s towards the French Canadians during the war against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France. I t contends t h a t such a t t i t u d e s can be explained only by t a k i n g account of the En g l i s h Canadian f e a r of an atta c k on the colony by French i i i troops and an armed u p r i s i n g by the French Canadians. The E n g l i s h Canadians found themselves i n an ambi-guous s i t u a t i o n . The evidence at t h e i r d i s p o s a l s u g g e s t e d — at almost any time during the p e r i o d — t h a t France might be planning an i n v a s i o n of Lower Canada and they had no c e r t a i n means of assessing the l o y a l t y of the French Canadians. Because of t h e i r p h y s i c a l s i t u a t i o n as an outnumbered m i n o r i t y and because they h e l d strong c o n v i c t i o n s on the ease w i t h which r e v o l u t i o n could be brought about, they were disposed to make the most p e s s i m i s t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of events which the twentieth century h i s t o r i a n can see d i d not warrant serious alarm. While E n g l i s h Canadian fears were exaggerated, they were a major i n f l u e n c e on the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of the per i o d . Dozens of p o l i t i c a l developments and issues from the language disnute of 1792-93 t o governor Craig's Reign of Terror can be understood only by t a k i n g t h i s f a c t o r i n t o account. More g e n e r a l l y , these f e a r s v i r t u a l l y insured the breakdown of the C o n s t i t u t i o n of 1791, hardened E n g l i s h Canadian a t t i t u d e s to French Canadian c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l , and c o n t r i b u t e d i n d i r e c t l y to the emergence of French Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m . IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract • i i Abbreviations used i n the footnotes . v i Note on terminology v i i i Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i x Chapter 1 Introduction 1 2 The External Threat to Lower Canada, 1793 - 16*01 23 3 The Canadians and Revolutionary France, 1793 - 1801 59 Ur The Garrison Mentality 101 5 The E f f e c t of the Garrison Mentality on English-Canadian Relations, 1793 - 1801 . . 157 6 Napoleon and Lower Canada, 1803 - 1811 . . . 188 7 The Garrison Mentality Sustained, 1803 - 1811 212 8 Conclusion: The Significance of the Garrison Mentality Concept . . . . 256 Bibliography , 266 Appendices I Population S t a t i s t i c s . . . . . 281 II Social Composition of the Canadian Membership Elected to the Assembly i n 1792 and 1796 289 Page Appendices I I I E t h n i c D i v i s i o n i n the Assembly, 1797 - 1SOO 2 9 4 v i ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE FOOTNOTES AAQ Archives de I'archeveche' de-Quebec AHAR . . . . . . American H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , Annual Report APQ . . . . . . . Archives of the Province of Quebec BRH . . . . . . . B u l l e t i n des recherches h i s t o r i q u e s ch chapter or chapters CHAR . . . . . . Canadian H i s t o r i c a l . A s s o c i a t i o n , Annual Report CHR . . . . . . . Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Review Const. Docs. . . Documents _Re l a t i n g t o the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l H i s t o r y of Canada JHALC . . . . . . Journals . o f the House of Assembly of Lower Canada LOC L i b r a r y of Congress MG Manuscript Group n.d no date n.p. . . . . . . no p a g i n a t i o n OH Ontario H i s t o r y PAC . . . . . . . P u b l i c Archives of Canada QDA Quebec Diocesan Archives (Anglican) RAC . . . . . . . Report on Canadian Archives RAQ Rapport de l ' a r c h i v i s t e de l a province de Quebec" RG . . . . . . . Record Group RHAF . . . . . . Revue d ' h i s t o i r e de l'AmeVique f r a n c a i s e RSCHEC . . . . . Rapport de l a societe" canadienne d ' h i s - t o i r e de l T E g l i s e catholique* ~ v i i s.d same date -TRSC Royal.Society of Canada, Proceedings and Transactions;. v i i i NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY "Canadian" refers to a French speaking resident of Lower Canada; "English" r e f e r s to an English speaking resident of Lower Canada; " B r i t i s h " r e f e r s to a resident of the B r i t i s h I s l e s ; and "Briton" refers to a person re s i d i n g anywhere i n the B r i t i s h Empire. I have chosen "Canadian" and "Canadians" because these words were com-monly used by the English to r e f e r to the French speaking residents. "French Canadian" and "Canadien" were r a r e l y used. The Canadians referred to themselves as " l e s Canadiens" and to the English (including Scots and former Americans) as "les Anglois". From the beginning of our period to 1801, the B r i t i s h Home Secretary was responsible f o r the colonies. In the l a t t e r year c o l o n i a l business was transferred to the Secretary of state for War and the Colonies. For the sake of s i m p l i c i t y I have used the terms "Colonial Secretary" and "Colonial O f f i c e " throughout. B i l l s and statutes did not, at that time, have short t i t l e s . The short t i t l e s used in the text and foot-notes are my own. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS i x I would l i k e t o thank t h e a r c h i v i s t s o f the P u b l i c A r c h i v e s o f Canada and t h e A r c h i v e s o f t h e P r o v i n c e o f Quebec f o r t h e i r i n v a r i a b l y p a t i e n t , f a s t and e f f i c i e n t s e r v i c e i n r e s p o n s e t o innumerable r e q u e s t s f o r a s s i s t a n c e . I am p a r t i c u l a r l y g r a t e f u l t o Jean-Marie L e b l a n c o f t h e P u b l i c A r c h i v e s whose knowledge o f the documents d a t i n g from t h e 1790 Ts c l a r i f i e d many obscure p o i n t s r e l a t i n g t o the h a b i t a n t s ' a t t i t u d e t o R e v o l u t i o n a r y F r a n c e . My s u p e r v i s o r , Dr. L e s l i e Upton, h e l p e d immensely on t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f m a t e r i a l and the means o f e x p r e s s i o n . My w i f e J'Anne p r e v e n t e d dozens o f a m b i g u i t i e s from j o i n i n g o t h e r s i n t h e t e x t and typed t h e f i n a l m a n u s c r i p t as w e l l a s s e v e r a l d r a f t s . CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION By the f i r s t decade of the nineteenth century the forced marriage of 1759 had been destroyed i n a l l but form. The E n g l i s h i n Lower Canada?- t a l k e d openly o f e r a d i c a t i n g every v e s t i g e o f the d i s t i n c t i v e way o f l i f e of t h e i r conquered and ignorant s u b j e c t s . Canadian p o l i t i c a l l eaders spoke of the v a l l e y of the St. Lawrence as the e x c l u s i v e home of the Canadians, and r e f e r r e d t o the E n g l i s h ("les i n t r u s " ) as crass m a t e r i a l i s t s who would abandon f a m i l y f o r fortune or as s e r v i l e t o r i e s who so l d themselves f o r p l a c e . P o l i t i c s , poisoned by e t h n i c h o s t i l i t y , had taken on the extremist tone which was t o l a s t t o the R e b e l l i o n o f 16*37. B i t t e r debates i n the L e g i s l a t u r e and i n the newspapers on is s u e s i n v o l v i n g c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n were common. The e l e c t e d Assembly, c o n t r o l l e d by the predominantly Canadian Popular P a r t y demanded the powers of the B r i t i s h House of Commons. The E n g l i s h , almost unanimous i n support of the Governor, advocated the e l i m i n a t i o n o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government o r a union of the Canadas w i t h p r o v i s i o n s t o "'"There i s no evidence known t o me which "can be used to determine the opinions of the E n g l i s h farmers, a r t i s a n s , l a b o u r e r s , shopkeepers or c l e r k s . " E n g l i s h " t h e r e f o r e r e f e r s t o E n g l i s h government o f f i c i a l s , merchants, pro-f e s s i o n a l s ( i n c l u d i n g newspaper e d i t o r s ) and seigneurs. Since these men, r a t h e r than the lower s t r a t a o f E n g l i s h s o c i e t y , helped shape the p o l i t i c a l , c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and i d e o l o g i c a l h i s t o r y of Lower Canada during the pe r i o d , the omission of the farmers e t c . i s not as se r i o u s as i t might f i r s t appear. 2 insure an English majority i n the united assembly. Extremes of intolerance were reached when the Assembly majority i n 1806 ordered the arrest of some of i t s more outspoken English opponents and again i n 1810 when the government arrested the leaders of the Popular Party and held them without t r i a l . The intense clash between English and Canadians during these years l e f t an enduring legacy of mutual d i s t r u s t and therefore, as one h i s t o r i a n has aptly put i t , originated "one of the central tragedies of Canadian h i s t o r y . " 2 Why did t h i s quarrel come about? To provide a p a r t i a l answer to t h i s question the present study examines the o r i g i n s and nature of the English h o s t i l i t y to the Canadians, which was manifest during the e a r l y nineteenth century. Historians have offered a v a r i e t y of contra-di c t o r y opinions to explain t h i s h o s t i l i t y and have disagreed on both i t s chronology and the degree of anglifi-s cation desired by the English. Disagreement can be traced i n part to.the marked tendency to o f f e r explanations which f i t neatly into wide-ranging interpretations of Canadian his t o r y , but do not re s u l t from an autonomous i n v e s t i g a t i o n of English antipathy to the Canadians. Few writers have devoted much time to research on the question; almost a l l have concentrated on the short period between the Gaols Act 2Donald Creighton, The Empire of the St. Lawrence (Toronto, 1956), 154. 3 dispute of 1805 and Governor Craig's Reign of Terror, while even the most thoughtful treatments r e l y heavily on news-papers, p o l i t i c a l pamphlets and governors' dispatches, to the neglect of more revealing sources such as private l e t t e r s , journals, d i a r i e s and t r a v e l l i t e r a t u r e . In the writing o f t h e older French Canadian h i s t o r i a n s the English of the 1800's are simply brought onto the stage as f o i l s , the better to o f f s e t the v i r t u e s of the Canadians and t h e i r heroics i n the drama of c u l t u r a l sur-v i v a l . This i s true not only of the n a t i o n a l i s t s , Garneau,3 Groulx^ and Bruchesi,5 who believed that i n t e r - e t h n i c cooperation endangered the p u r i t y of the culture and i n t e r -preted the Conquest as an enduring tragedy; but also of the optimists, Sulte^ and Chapais, 7 who eulogized the 3Francois Xavier-Garneau, H i s t o i r e du Canada depuis sa d-e'couverte jusqu'a nos jours , 2nd ed., 3v . (Quebec, 1852), I I I , 123-161. ^Lionel Groulx, Histoire du Canada fr a n c a i s depuis  l a decouverte, 4 v . (Montreal, 1950-52), I I I , 12, 140-64; L'Enseignement francais au Canada. 2v . (Montreal, 1931/35)i 75 -81. Jean Bruchesi, Histoire du Canada (Montreal, 1951), 355-63, 373-74, 381-94. See also Robert Rumilly, Hi s t o i r e  du Canada (Paris, 1951), 278-79, 284-87, 581-83. ^Benjamin Suite, Histoire des Canadiens-Francais. 8v. (Montreal, 1882-84), VIII, 62-67, 72, 7b; "The French Canadians and the Empire," i n C.S. Goldman, The Empire and  the Century (London, 1905), 420-21. ^Thomas Chapais, Cours d'h i s t o i r e du Canada, 8v . (Quebec, 1919-34), I I , 172-86, 218-28. See also Louis-Philippe Audet, Le systeme sc o l a i r e de l a Province de  Quebec. 6v. published (Quebec, 1950-56), I I I , 84-89, 113. 4 Lafontaine-Baldwin t r a d i t i o n and a t t r i b u t e d to the Conquest generations of peace, p r o s p e r i t y and p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y f o r French Canada, as w e l l as i t s i s o l a t i o n from the a t r o c i t i e s and s e c u l a r i s m of the French R e v o l u t i o n . ^ E n g l i s h a t t i t u d e s , i t was assumed, were w e l l represented by t h a t unlovable t r i u m v i r a t e of C i v i l S e c r e t a r y Herman Ryland, Attorney-General Jonathan Sewell and the Anglican Bishop Jacob Mountain. The bureaucrats were i n t e r e s t e d i n maintaining t h e i r monopoly of patronage and power, desirous of f u r t h e r -i n g Bishop Mountain's e c c l e s i a s t i c a l e m p ire-building schemes, and motivated by a r a c i a l and r e l i g i o u s animus. j£his l a t t e r r e q u i r e d l i t t l e proof or ex p l a n a t i o n beyond r e f e r r i n g t o Ryland's well-known statement of h i s "contempt and d e t e s t a t i o n " o f the ^popish" r e l i g i o n , which " s i n k s and debases the human mind." 9 Bruchesi viewed t h i s and s i m i l a r statements as evidence t h a t the E n g l i s h e x h i b i t e d the arrogance of a conquering people convinced of the inherent s u p e r i o r i t y of t h e i r race and t r a d i t i o n s . In some cases t h i s i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c approach was supplemented by r e s o r t i n g t o very general explanations of the t e n s i o n s between the ^For the various schools of h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g i n French Canada, past and contemporary, see Serge Gagnon, "Pour une conscience historique de l a revolution que"becoise," Cite* l i b r e . 1966, 4-19; Ramsay Cook, "Some French-Canadian interpretations of the B r i t i s h Conquest: Une quatrieme dominante de l a penseV canadienne-francaise," CHAR, 1966, 70-#3; Cook, "French Canadian Interpretations of Canadian History," Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d T6tudes  canadiennes. May 1967. 3-17. 9Ryland to ; , 23 Dec. 16*04, Robert C h r i s t i e , A History of the Late Province of Lower Canada, 6v. (Quebec/ Montreal, W - 5 5 J , V I , 72-73. n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the 1800's. The defective Constitution of 1791 which denied the Canadian majority e f f e c t i v e power i s a recurrent theme, while-Groulx detected a c o n f l i c t of philosophies of l i f e : urban, c a p i t a l i s t , i n d i v i d u a l i s t , m a t e r i a l i s t , empirical and Protestant versus agrarian, h i e r a r c h i c a l , moral, Cartesian and Roman Catholic. One might take issue with the stress the older French Canadian h i s t o r i a n s placed on r a c i a l and r e l i g i o u s bigotry, which they unfortunately neglect to define. Can the attitudes of the English be s u f f i c i e n t l y explained i n t h i s way, when Sewell, f o r example, had l i t t l e personal, as opposed to p o l i t i c a l , d i s l i k e of Canadians,^ when there was a growing tolerance of Roman Catholicism i n B r i t a i n , when r e l i g i o u s animosities of a d o c t r i n a l nature were muted i n Lower Canada,H when intermarriage was common at l e a s t A U S e e e.g. Garneau, H i s t o i r e . I I I . 199. See also Bishop Joseph-Octave P l e s s i s to M. Bourret, 4 July 1806, RAQ. 1932-33, 29. ^ F o r every example of an attitude s i m i l a r to that of Ryland, one could c i t e a contrary example i l l u s t r a t i n g that many of the English i n t h i s period considered r e l i g i o u s t o l e r a t i o n as a worthy i d e a l and strove to practise i t . See e.g. John Cozens Ogden, A Tour through Upper and Lower Canada ( L i t c h f i e l d , Conn., 1799). 38; Bishop Mountain to the Bishop of Lincoln, 26 Oct. 1804 (draft ) , QDA, Mountain Papers, C Serie v. 4 ( r e f e r r i n g to Thomas A. C o f f i n ) ; \Ross CuthbertJ , An Apology f o r Great B r i t a i n (Quebec, 1809), 13; Journals of Samuel Southby Bridge, PAC, MG 24, I. 20 (19 A p r i l 1810, p. 75); "Camillus" [John Henry] , An Enquiry into the E v i l s  of General Suffrage and Frequent Elections i n Lower Canada (Montreal. 1810); 28; Craig to Liverpool. 1 May 1810. Const.  Docs.. 1791-1818, 392. Issues of a r e l i g i o u s nature were v i r t u a l l y unknown i n the Assembly: i b i d . 6 i n t o the 1790*3,-*-2 when E n g l i s h c h i l d r e n took p r i d e i n l e a r n i n g the French l a n g u a g e , ^ when s o c i a l s t a t u s r a t h e r than n a t i o n a l o r i g i n determined whether a Canadian was admitted i n t o p o l i t e s o c i e t y ? ^ These f a c t s suggest t h a t the e x p l a n a t i o n o f E n g l i s h h o s t i l i t y i s not t o be found p r i m a r i l y i n a d e s i r e t o p r o s e l y t i z e , or i n the c u l t u r a l arrogance of the conqueror or i n some i n s t i n c t i v e d i s l i k e o f the u n f a m i l i a r , although a l l these doubtless played a p a r t . The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the n e o - n a t i o n a l i s t school of the U n i v e r s i t y of Montreal can be found i n Jea n - P i e r r e W a l l o p s a n a l y s i s of the p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s d u r i n g Craig's g o v e r n o r s h i p . ^ Wallot's t h e s i s i s a s o p h i s t i c a t e d e l a b o r a t i o n of Lord Durham's r a c i a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as modified by the Maurice Seguin-Michel Brunet d e c a p i t a t i o n v e r s i o n of the Conquest. The intense e t h n i c c o n f l i c t o f the C r a i g period was simply the most b i t t e r and most obvious of the numerous contests between the n a t i o n a l i t i e s f o r c u l t u r a l supremacy i n the preceding h a l f century. These A See A.R.M. Lower, Canadians i n the Making (Don M i l l s , 1953), 106-103, Ilk nTW. ^ s e e e.g. Cuthbert, An Apology. 10. ^ S e e e.g. Gerard P a r i z e a u , "Bas-Canada-1300: Le m i l i e u et ses problemes," TRSC, 1963, I , 137-219, passim. The same impression i s given i n the w r i t i n g s of Lord S e l k i r k , John Lambert and P h i l i p p e Aubert de Gaspe which are c i t e d i n the b i b l i o g r a p h y . 1 5"La c r i s e sous C r a i g (1307-1311): Nature des con-f l i t s et h i s t o r i o g r a p h i e s CHAR. 1967, 59-74. See a l s o Dennis Vaugeois, L'uhion des deux Canadas: Nouvelle Conquete? (Three R i v e r s , 1962), 27-48. """ c o n f l i c t s had a r i s e n because o f the exist e n c e of three c o n d i t i o n s which were the n a t u r a l r e s u l t s of the Conquest. F i r s t , there e x i s t e d on the same p o l i t i c a l l y organized t e r r i t o r y two d i s t i n c t e t h n i c groups o r na t i o n s . These groups came i n t o contact at a number o f f r i c t i o n - c r e a t i n g p o i n t s . Wallot here r e f e r s to r e l i g i o u s and language d i f f e r e n c e s , the contest between a g r a r i a n and commercial i n t e r e s t s , and the s t r u g g l e f o r p o l i t i c a l power. S h o r t l y a f t e r the Conquest antagonism between the two groups was t r a n s i s t v e i i n t o the incompatible i d e o l o g i e s o f " l a n a t i o n canadienne" as the e x c l u s i v e home of Canadians and t o t a l a n g l i f i c a t i o n , a development which i t s e l f g r e a t l y embittered r e l a t i o n s between the n a t i o n a l i t i e s . The t h i r d c o n d i t i o n was " l a rarete" des chances ou des p o s i t i o n s " which made i t d i f f i c u l t f o r the Canadians as a conquered people l a r g e l y excluded from h i g h commerce and government p o s i t i o n s t o achieve d e s i r a b l e s o c i a l s t a t u s . Such c o n d i t i o n s made con-f l i c t a long e t h n i c l i n e s i n e v i t a b l e , f o r i t was n a t u r a l that each n a t i o n — a n d Wallot s t r e s s e s the near unanimity of view i n each d u r i n g the C r a i g p e r i o d — s h o u l d s t r i v e t o i n s u r e the freedom of the c o l l e c t i v e group to develop i t s f u l l p o t e n t i a l , p o l i t i c a l l y , economically and c u l t u r a l l y , f r e e from the r e s t r a i n t of the other. While W a l l o p s comprehensive t h e s i s has a s u p e r f i c i a l a t t r a c t i o n and contains many i n s i g h t s i n t o the p e r i o d , i t cannot be accepted. Many of the arguments brought agai n s t the o l d e r French Canadian h i s t o r i a n s can a l s o be made against the neo-nationalist- p o s i t i o n . Wallot*s treatment of the mentality of the English also suffers from a concentration on the b r i e f period of Craig's tenure of o f f i c e and a heavy reliance on newspapers, pamphlets and dispatches. He has, fo r example, made l i t t l e use of such important c o l l e c t i o n s as the Mountain and Sewell Papers.16 The assertion of i n e v i t a b i l i t y i s simply that, an assertion which cannot be proved or disproved on the basis of h i s t o r i c a l evidence. The stress on i n e v i t a b i l i t y , moreover, has l e d Wallot to neglect the very essence of h i s t o r i c a l study: change over time, i n p a r t i c u l a r the changing attitudes to c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l and a n g l i f i c a t i o n taken by representative Canadian and English spokesmen from the late 1730's to 1311.17 U n t i l the 1930's few English speaking h i s t o r i a n s exhibited much i n t e r e s t i n the early h i s t o r y of Lower Canada. The so-called Britannic school concentrated on such topics as the War of 16*12 and the evolution of responsible government, while the p o l i t i c a l n a t i o n a l i s t s wrote mainly on the l a t t e r subject, Confederation, and the growth of autonomy i n foreign a f f a i r s . The long-settled area of Lower Canada held few attractions for the student l 6 T h i s comment also applies to Wallot's Ph.D. the s i s to which he refers f o r supportive proof: "Le Bas-Canada sous 1'administration de Craig, 16*07-1811," 2v. (University of Montreal, 1965,). •^This point w i l l be developed i n ch. 5, 7, £, belcw. 9 of f r o n t i e r i s m . ° Those who d e a l t w i t h the per i o d at a l l were s a t i s f i e d to e x p l a i n the et h n i c tensions by b r i e f r eferences to the d e f e c t i v e c o n s t i t u t i o n and/or a c o n f l i c t on the economic f u t u r e of the colony, symbolized by the Gaols Act dis p u t e of 1 8 0 5 . T h e most d i s t i n c t i v e of these e a r l y treatments was that o f W i l l i a m K i n g s f o r d , founding f a t h e r o f the B r i t a n n i c s c h o o l . 2 ^ I n Kingsford's view the s t o r y o f Canadian h i s t o r y was the emergence i n North America, i n c o n d i t i o n s of constant challenge from south of the border, of a v i a b l e B r i t i s h community. Responsible government was a crowning i m p e r i a l success as i t enabled Canada t o maintain i t s t i e w i t h the mother country and i t s independence from the United States and thereby perpetuate such " B r i t i s h " values as c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l i b e r t y , honesty, t h r i f t and i n d u s t r y . K i n g s f o r d had l i t t l e sympathy f o r French Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m at any p e r i o d and even l e s s f o r those misguided r e s i d e n t bureaucrats and o f f i c i a l s of the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e who f o r so long r e s i s t e d the e v o l u t i o n o f res p o n s i b l e government. By t r o t t i n g out a dangerous and For a d e s c r i p t i o n of the v a r i o u s schools see J.M.S. C a r e l e s s , " F r o n t i e r i s m , Metropolitan!sm, and Canadian H i s t o r y , " CHR, 1954, 1-21. ^ S e e e.g. Duncan McArthur, "Lower Canada, 1791-1812," i n Adam S h o r t t and A.G. Doughty eds., Canada and i t s Provinces. 23v. (Toronto, 1913-17), I I I , 141-67; W.P.M. Kennedy, The C o n s t i t u t i o n of Canada (London, 1922), 92-98. 2 0 H i s t o r y of Canada. lOv. (Toronto, 1887-98), V I I , 503-07, V I I I , 42-64. For Kingsford's approach to Canadian h i s t o r y see h i s prefaces t o v. V I I , V I I I , X; Careless, " F r o n t i e r i s m , " 2-4; J.K. McConica, " K i n g s f o r d and Whiggery i n Canadian H i s t o r y , " CHR, 1959, 108-20. 1 0 unnecessary n a t i o n a l i s m t o serve narrow e l e c t o r a l i n t e r e s t s , the leaders of the Popular P a r t y forced the mass of the E n g l i s h community i n t o an unnatura l a l l i a n c e w i t h the ext r e m i s t s i n the bureaucracy. Had wiser heads p r e v a i l e d i n the Popular P a r t y , the Canadians and the E n g l i s h , i n s t e a d of i n d u l g i n g i n mutual r e c r i m i n a t i o n , would have worked i n happy harmony to reform the o l i g a r c h i c s t r u c t u r e of govern-ment which, " i f i t had been c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y and temperately attacked could not have been ma i n t a i n e d . " 2 ^ The f i r s t d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of E n g l i s h a t t i t u d e s by an E n g l i s h speaking h i s t o r i a n i s found i n Donald Creighton*s The Commercial Empire of the St. Lawrence, 1 7 6 0 - 1 3 5 0 , 2 2 a work which developed the "Laurentian" v e r s i o n of the en v i r o n m e n t a l i s t approach to Canadian h i s t o r y and c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d the growing tendency among North American i n t e l l e c t u a l s during the depression years to e x p l a i n p o l i t i c a l behaviour i n terms of economic m o t i v a t i o n . Creighton a t t r i b u t e d E n g l i s h a t t a c k s on Canadian c u l t u r e and Craig's Reign of Terror t o the f r u s t r a t i o n s of the "pro g r e s s i v e " merchants, those harbingers o f a Confederation based on n a t u r a l east-west trade r o u t e s , who i n the e a r l y nineteenth century were engaged i n e x p l o i t i n g the commer-c i a l empire of the St. Lawrence, Great Lakes, Saskatchewan 2 1 V I I I , 4 5 . 2 2 ( T o r o n t o , 1 9 3 7 ) , r e p u b l i s h e d as The Empire of the St. Lawrence i n 1 9 5 6 . References are t o the l a t t e r , p. 9 6 , H 5 - 5 0 , 153-62. 11 and F r a s e r water systems. Creighton suggests that E n g l i s h a t t i t u d e s were con d i t i o n e d i n p a r t by the s t r u c t u r a l changes i n the economy durin g the 1800's. E a r l i e r , when the f u r trade had provided the main source of mercantile income, the two n a t i o n a l i t i e s had l i v e d together i n reasonable harmony. With the growing importance of p r o f i t s d e r i v e d from g r a i n and timber e x p o r t s — p r o f i t s which could be maximized by encouraging immigration, i n c r e a s i n g a g r i -c u l t u r a l production and f a c i l i t a t i n g the t r a n s f e r and improvement of land--the s e i g n e u r i a l system, c l e r i c a l l y c o n t r o l l e d education and the s l o v e n l y farming methods of the h a b i t a n t s began to appear as i n t o l e r a b l e and unnecessary brakes on the economic progress of the colony. With the emergence i n 1805 of the Popular Party, whose leaders r e s i s t e d a l l reform and were desirous o f perpetuating a seventeenth century f e u d a l a r c a d i a , the E n g l i s h were understandably goaded to f u r y . The environmentalist-economic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n f l u e n c e d C r e i g h t o n 1 s judgment on two f u r t h e r questions r e l e v a n t t o t h i s study: the p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e of merchants and bureau-c r a t s , and the extent o f the a n g l i f i c a t i o n t h r e a t . The a l l i a n c e was seen as an attempt by the merchants to p r o t e c t t h e i r economic i n t e r e s t s , w i t h Governor C r a i g and h i s ad-v i s e r s e n t h u s i a s t i c about the aims of the merchants to the point where they acted, i n e f f e c t , as the p o l i t i c a l arm of the mercantile community: 12 To C r a i g , who cherished the nineteenth-century middle-c l a s s i d e a l s of education, r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and m a t e r i a l progress, the French-Canadian l e g i s l a t o r s were simply a c o l l e c t i o n of i l l i t e r a t e , ignorant, o a f i s h incompe-t e n t s . He turned from them t o the merchants w i t h evident r e l i e f . . . . The r e v e r s a l of a l l i a n c e s , f o r e -shadowed by the changes of 1 7 8 3 , was becoming a f a c t ; and trade and bureaucracy drew together i n what was beginning t o appear more and more a t y p i c a l American commercial s t a t e . 2 3 Creighton a l s o suggested that the main components of Canadian c u l t u r e — r e l i g i o n and language p a r t i c u l a r l y — w e r e not s e r i o u s l y c a l l e d i n t o question by the E n g l i s h d u r i n g t h i s n e r i o d . Provided the merchants could have r e a l i z e d t h e i r economic reforms, there would have been l i t t l e f u r t h e r demand f o r assimiDa t i o n . 2 ^ The n e o - n a t i o n a l i s t s excepted, Creighton's s t r e s s on the c o n f l i c t between a g r i c u l t u r a l and commercial i n t e r e s t s has become the standard method of accounting f o r the p o l i t i c a l and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l disputes during the f i r s t decade of the nineteenth century. The theme appears i n numerous general works which touch on the period and i s used i n the most recent monograph d e a l i n g with the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of Lower Canada, 25 i t has r e c e i v e d a d e t a i l e d and 2 3 o . 161. 2 4 o . 153. 2 ^ H e l e n Taft Manning. The Revolt of French Canada.  1800-1835 (Toronto, 1962), 60-64, 78-83. Examples of the general works r e f e r r e d to i n the t e x t are A.L. B u r t , A Short  H i s t o r y of Canada f o r Americans (Minneapolis, 1942), 151-52; A.R.M. Lower. Colony to NationT 3rd ed. (Toronto, 1957), 155-57; JVM.S. C a r e l e s s , Canada, a Story of Challenge, rev. ed. (Toronto, 1968), 17o-78; Mason Wade. The French Canadians,  1760-1967. 2nd ed., 2v. (Toronto, 1968), I , 105-09. Many of these w r i t e r s a l s o a t t r i b u t e much of the p o l i t i c a l - 13 o f t e n p e n e t r a t i n g e l a b o r a t i o n by Professor Fernand O u e l l e t . ° O u e l l e t , l i k e Creighton, has assumed t h a t because of the general p r o s p e r i t y and the continued predominance of the f u r trade, the p e r i o d of the war against R e v o l u t i o n a r y France was Canada's "age o f good f e e l i n g s . " He concludes the s e c t i o n of h i s book d e a l i n g w i t h the p e r i o d 1793 to 18022? by s t a t i n g that " l a - pro s p i r i t g e"conomique f a v o r i s e ... l a paix s o c i a l e et i n c i t e a 1'accord i d ^ o l o g i q u e . " The -prevalent mood was one of "calme ... Concorde ... b i e n - S t r e . " Both the economic s i t u a t i o n and the f a c t t h a t the E n g l i s h merchants were able t o c o n t r o l the Assembly "a permis au systeme parlementaire d ' a t t e i n d r e ses o b j e c t i f s , en p a r t i c u l i e r l a p a c i f i c a t i o n s o c i a l e . " C o n f l i c t i n the Assembly was minimized as the merchants.felt no urgency to introduce commercial reforms. The hatr e d of r e v o l u t i o n a r y ideas, moreover, u n i t e d a l l c l a s s e s - - i n c l u d i n g the h a b i t a n t s — i n an " e x a l t a t i o n de l a s o l i d a r i t y i m p e r i a l e . " This " b e i E d i f i c e " was u n f o r t u n a t e l y destroyed by the changes i n the economic s t r u c t u r e a f t e r 1802 and the stubborn o p p o s i t i o n of the Popular P a r t y t o the merchants' programme, beginning t u r m o i l of the Cra i g p e r i o d to the b i g o t r y of R y l a n d — " a man who had Germanic notions on race and r e l i g i o n " (Lower)—and the d e s i r e of the bureaucrats to r e t a i n t h e i r monopoly of patronage. I t should be noted that Lower appears to have been i n f l u e n c e d by Creighton's views on the nature and extent of the thr e a t of a s s i m i l a t i o n . The others do not deal w i t h the po i n t . 26f»Le Nationalisme canadien-francais: De ses o r i g i n e s a l ' i n s u r r e c t i o n de 1837," CHR, 1964, 277-92; H i s t o i r e  e'conomique et s o c i a l e du Quebec. 1760-1850 (Montreal, 1966), 165-211. 27 'HistoireB^conomique. 165-67. 14 with the dispute over the financing of j a i l s i n 1805. To explain t h i s opposition Ouellet provides an o r i g i n a l and persuasive account of the economic and psychological malaise of the Canadian middle class. He points out that the Canadian professional class was growing much f a s t e r than the population as a whole, at the very time when a g r i c u l t u r a l production i n the region of the seigneur i e s was declining. Excluded from commerce, of r u r a l background, educated i n c l e r i c a l l y controlled colJfi ges and of depressed s o c i a l status, the Canadian middle class was unprepared psychologically to sympathize with the reforms demanded by the merchants. In the face of bewildering economic change, symbolized f o r them by the rapid settlement of the Eastern Townships, they clung desperately to the f a m i l i a r . The a r t i c u l a t i o n of the i d e a l of l a nation canadienne, the practice of confrontation p o l i t i c s and the attempt by the Assembly to achieve control of the executive—and thereby of patronage—were designed to advance the material i n t e r e s t s of the middle class and to increase t h e i r sense of s e l f -importance. Although Professor Ouellet considers that the socio-economic c o n f l i c t was the prime factor governing the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of the Craig period, he presents a more balanced treatment than Creighton. In dealing with the bureaucrats, for example, he makes i t clear that the desire to r e t a i n a p r i v i l e g e d access to patronage, a f a n a t i c a l b e l i e f i n the vir t u e s of B r i t i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s , and the conservative ideology found i n the writings of Edmund Burke influenced t h e i r p o l i t i c s at l e a s t as much as a willingness to further the merchants 1 aims. He does, however, follow Creighton's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the mercantile-bureaucratic a l l i a n c e . Faced with an obvious threat to t h e i r economic i n t e r e s t s , should the Popular Party r e a l i z e i t s c o n s t i t u -t i o n a l aims, the merchants were r e l u c t a n t l y forced to cooperate with the o f f i c i a l s despite the f a c t that they strongly disapproved of " l e s menses de l a clique fanatique" of which Mountain and Ryland were the leaders. 2** The i m p l i c a t i o n i s that the merchants' unnatural a l l i a n c e with the executive was dictated s o l e l y by economic considerations and that they were not interested i n assimife t i n g the Canadians beyond what was e s s e n t i a l for the commercial development of the province. The interpretations offered by Kingsford, Creighton and Ouellet leave many questions unanswered. They might have asked themselves, f o r example, whether Canadian nationalism was i n part a response to hardening English attitudes to the perpetuation of the least vestige of d i s t i n c t i v e Canadian culture. They might also have asked whether the p o l i t i c a l unanimity of the English community r e f l e c t e d something more profound than a reaction to 2 ^ I b i d . . 201, 210-11; "Mgr P l e s s i s et l a naissance d'une bourgeoisie canadienne (1797-1810)," RSCHEC, 1956, 33-99 at 35. While Professor Ouellet often implies that the bureaucrats sympathized with the merchants' aims (e.g. Histoire economique. 201; see also p. I67 below) he does not e x p l i c i t l y deal with the point. 16 e d i t o r i a l s i n Le Canadien or even the merchants' d e s i r e to p r o t e c t t h e i r economic i n t e r e s t s . While the economic f a c t o r as d e s c r i b e d by Creighton and O u e l l e t was an important determinant of E n g l i s h h o s t i l i t y toward the Canadians, one may l e g i t i m a t e l y ask, does t h e i r t h e s i s provide a complete explanation? I f i t does how can one account f o r the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of, a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t sentiment i n the l a t e 1790's and e a r l y 1800's, t h a t i s before the Gaols Act dispute and before the f u r trade l o s t i t s primacy i n the economy? Again why assume, as both do, that the demands of the merchants and the E n g l i s h community g e n e r a l l y f o r a n g l i f i c a t i o n were based p r i m a r i l y on economic motives, when the Quebec Mercury, f o r example, c o n t i n u a l l y r e f e r r e d to a n g l i f i c a t i o n as e s s e n t i a l i n the i n t e r e s t s of s e c u r i t y ? Why assume, as Creighton does, that Gov ernor C r a i g and the bureaucrats were preoccupied w i t h the economic f u t u r e of the province? Why not, r a t h e r , assume as a hypothesis worth i n v e s t i g a t i n g that t h e i r a t t i t u d e to the Canadians was a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t e d i n almost e v e r y t h i n g they wrote on the p o l i t i c a l s t a t e of the colony, that i s , - that they were genuinely, i f misguidedly, concerned w i t h the problem of i n t e r n a l s e c u r i t y ? The Popular P a r t y leaders were, a f t e r a l l , a r r e s t e d on s u s p i c i o n of treasonable p r a c t i c e s . B r i t a i n was at war a g a i n s t a n a t i o n which was the former mother country of the Canadians, and Bonaparte's t e r r i t o r i a l ambition seemed t o contemporaries to be l i m i t l e s s . I f t h i s concern were genuine, was i t confined to a few nervous 17 o f f i c i a l s orxwas i t general throughout the E n g l i s h community? I f the answer t o the l a t t e r question i s yes, the e n v i r o n -mentalist-economic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n must undergo s e r i o u s q u a l i f i c a t i o n . The judgments of h i s t o r i a n s on the E n g l i s h r e a c t i o n to French i n t r i g u e s and the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e v o l u t i o n i n Lower Canada have been s u p e r f i c i a l or mi s l e a d i n g or both. Kingsford, who devoted many pages to recounting the sub-versive a c t i v i t i e s of c i t i z e n s Genet and Adet and t h e i r agents, assumed the l i t e r a l t r u t h of the exaggerated r e p o r t s made by government o f f i c i a l s . 2 9 He th e r e f o r e saw nothing strange about the E n g l i s h r e a c t i o n , i n c l u d i n g Monk's roundup of suspects i n 1794 and the t r i a l and execution of David McLane i n 1797. I t was a r a t i o n a l response i n defence of the Emoire. Kin g s f o r d , consequently, d i d not make use of the idea of E n g l i s h nervousness to help e x p l a i n n a t i o n a l a n t i p a t h i e s during the C r a i g p e r i o d . W.L. Morton i n h i s general h i s t o r y , The Kingdom of Canada,30 mentions t h a t "the unrest e x c i t e d by the Revolution and the outbursts of 1794 and 1 7 9 6 i n s t i l l e d a d i s t r u s t of Canadians i n the B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s i n Lower Canada" but does not develop the ooint or i n d i c a t e whether the f e e l i n g of i n s e c u r i t y was shared by other segments of E n g l i s h s o c i e t y . Mason Wade, i n his book The French Canadians, 1760-1967,31 r e f e r s 2 9 H J s t o r y of Canada. V I I , 365, 385-89, 394 - 4 0 2 , 439-55. 3 0 ( T o r o n t o , 1 9 6 3 ) , 192. -^1, 93. See a l s o h i s a r t i c l e "Quebec and the French Revolution of 1 7 8 9 : The Mis s i o n s of H e n r i Meziere," CHR, 1950, 345-68 at 3 6 7 - 6 8 . b r i e f l y to E n g l i s h f e a r s and makes the general statement that these f e a r s c o n t r i b u t e d to ethnic t e n s i o n s during the war. I t i s not a l t o g e t h e r c l e a r whether alarm was shared by the E n g l i s h community g e n e r a l l y or confined to the small group of i n f l u e n t i a l l o y a l i s t o f f i c i a l s . Wade a l s o leaves the impression that by the f i r s t decade of the nineteenth century, when there was no r e v o l u t i o n a r y a g i t a t i o n i n the countrys i d e , r e f l e c t i o n s on Canadian d i s l o y a l t y had become mainly a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n t o preserve the bureaucrats' monopoly of p u b l i c o f f i c e and land grants.-* 2 I n any case he e v i d e n t l y d i d not t h i n k the f e a r of r e v o l u t i o n was s u f f i c i e n t l y genuine or pervasive to use i n h i s i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n of E n g l i s h plans t o a n g l i f y the Canadians or of the c r i s i s under Craig.33 With the exceptions noted, h i s t o r i a n s have e i t h e r omitted the subject e n t i r e l y or dismissed as obvious opportunism E n g l i s h claims that the Canadians were dangerously d i s l o y a l , although i t has u s u a l l y been recognized that Governor C r a i g s i n c e r e l y b e l i e v e d t h i s . The idea of opportunism o r i g i n a t e d with the Popular Party34 and was 3 2 I , 106, 110. ^^Wade does r a i s e , i n passing, the p o s s i b i l i t y that M i l n e s ' education p o l i c y i n 1801 owed something to h i s con-cern f o r i n t e r n a l s e c u r i t y ( I , 104). He a l s o recognized that C r a i g b e l i e v e d there was a danger of r e v o l u t i o n ( I , 110). •^See e.g. Le Canadien. 9 Oct. 1309; Louis-Joseph Papineau to Antoine Menard, 22 March 1309 Q.310J, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 13: 3294-95. 19 taken up i n the generation a f t e r the war by the l i b e r a l editors of the Quebec and Montreal Gazettes, John Neilson and James Brown, by the Patriote leader Louis-Joseph Papineau and the h i s t o r i a n Garneau.35 Thereafter i t found ready acceptance among French Canadian h i s t o r i a n s who u n t i l the l a s t few years, tended to assume that the habi-tants, following the lead of a far-sighted clergy, quickly learned to detest the a t r o c i t i e s and doctrines of the French Revolution. It was also found usef u l by a number of English speaking h i s t o r i a n s whose sympathies were on the side of the Assembly i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l struggle of the Craig period. Opportunism has been explained i n a v a r i e t y o f ways. English assertions on the subject of Canadian d i s l o y a l t y have been attributed to: a desire on the part of the law o f f i c e r s of the Crown to increase t h e i r fees by prosecuting crimes against the government,36 attempts by the bureaucrats to gain promotion by exaggerating the danger and thereby enhancing t h e i r importance i n the eyes of the Colonial Office,37 a pretext devised by the bureaucrats and English 3^Montreal Gazette. 16, 23 Dec. 1818; Marie Tremaine, A Bibliography of Canadian Imprints. 1751-1800 (Toronto, 1952). 517; Garneau. Hist o i r e , I I I , 112. 126-61. 3 6 C h r i s t i e , A History. I, 172-73. 37(Jhapais, Cours, II, 113; Jean-Pierre Wallot, Intrigues frangaises et americains au Canada, 1800-1802 (Montreal, 1965), 10-11. assemblymen i n the hope that the i n t r o d u c t i o n of f r e e h o l d tenure would be f a c i l i t a t e d by p o r t r a y i n g the Canadians as dangerous r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s and the s e i g n e u r i a l system as a grievance which might be e f f e c t i v e l y e x p l o i t e d by the French e m i s s a r i e s , 3 ^ a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the o f f i c i a l o l i g a r c h y ' s o p p o s i t i o n t o the assumption of any inc r e a s e d power by the Assembly and/or of t h e i r attempts to i n s u r e a d o c i l e Assembly through a n g l i f i c a t i o n , 3 9 an e l e c t o r a l t a c t i c used by government supporters during the C r a i g p e r i o d , ^ 0 a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f E n g l i s h a t t e m p t s — a t t r i b u t e d to r a c i a l and r e l i g i o u s animus and/or a d e s i r e to develop the province e c o n o m i c a l l y — t o assimiib. t e the Canadians, destroy the Popular P a r t y and el i m i n a t e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government or br i n g about the union of the Canadas,41 a convenient t a c t i c with which to advance the i n t e r e s t s of the E n g l i s h c o l l e c t i v i t y i n the i n e v i t a b l e c l a s h f o r c u l t u r a l and •^Garneau, H i s t o i r e , I I I , 112. 3 9 I b i d . . 126-27, 145; Groulx, L'Enseignement. 75-76; Howard A. Vernon, "The Impact of the French R e v o l u t i o n on Lower Canada, 1789-95," unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s ( U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, 1951), 159-60; Wade, The French Canadians, I , 106, 110; Manning, The Revolt. 62, 77-81. ^ Q L e Canadien. 9 Oct. 1309; Louis-Joseph Papineau t o Antoine Menard, 22 March 1309 [13103 , n. 34 above; Garneau, H i s t o i r e , I I I , 143; B r u c h e s i , H i s t o i r e . 333-34; W a l l o t , "Le Bas-Canada," passim, but see p a r t i c u l a r l y I I , 377-73, 415. ^Garneau, H i s t o i r e . I I , 126-61; Chapais, Cours, I I , 147-53, 173-30, 214-233; Claude De Bonnault, "NapoTion et l e Canada," ReVista de h i s t o r i a de America. 1956, 31-56 at 33-39; Manning. The Revolt. 77-81: Bruchesi. H i s t o i r e . 331-390. Some of these w r i t e r s (e.g. De Bonnault) r e f e r to the point o n l y i n very g e n e r a l terms. 21 p o l i t i c a l supremacy.^ 2 This study w i l l attempt to demonstrate that English h o s t i l i t y to the Canadians i n the 1790's and 1800's^ r e f l e c t e d , i n large part, a state of mind, at times border-ing on hy s t e r i a , which saw French plots everywhere and assumed that on the appearance of even the smallest French m i l i t a r y force, the mass of the Canadians would r i s e i n arms, with the English marked out as the f i r s t v i c t i m s . This state of mind I c a l l a "garrison mentality". Although the fears of the English always had some basis i n f a c t , they continually exaggerated both the external and i n t e r n a l danger out of a l l proportion. As w i l l appear i n the text such pessimism i s explained by the s i t u a t i o n of the English as a v a s t l y outnumbered—and, i n t h e i r view, inadequately protected—minority, by the f a c t that they could not be certain of the l o y a l t y of the Canadians or of French m i l i t a r y intentions, and, f i n a l l y , by a profound conviction of the ease with which revolution could be brought about. The many expressions of English fears during our period F a l l o t , Intrigues. 122-23; "Le Bas-Canada," n. 40 above; vaugeois. L'union. 47• ^"3The terminal dates of the study should be explained. 1793 was chosen f o r the obvious reason that i t was the year of the war. 1811 was decided upon for two reasons. F i r s t , Napoleon and h i s o f f i c i a l s i n the United States a f t e r the opening of the Russian campaign took l i t t l e or no i n t e r e s t i n sending an invading force to Lower Canada. The evidence also indicates that the garrison mentality lasted throughout the War of 1812 (p.: 2,64 n. 18 below). I t s main l i n e s were firmly f i x e d by 1811 and any de t a i l e d treatment i n the following four years would have involved needless compli-cation and would l i k e l y have produced l i t t l e a d d i t i o n a l understanding of the English attitude to the Canadians. . - 22 were, t h e r e f o r e , not cold-bloodedly manufactured t o serve other purposes, but r e f l e c t e d r e a l f e e l i n g s . No one, of course, would be f o o l i s h enough t o deny that the E n g l i s h i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the s e c u r i t y problem o f t e n provided a convenient r a t i o n a l e f o r d i v e r s e personal, c l a s s and p o l i t i c a l aims. This f a c t doubtless helps e x p l a i n why the assumptions on which the g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y r e s t e d were seldom challenged or c r i t i c a l l y examined w i t h i n the E n g l i s h community. Thus, f a r from e x p l a i n i n g i n s i n c e r e E n g l i s h r e f l e c t i o n on Canadian d i s l o y a l t y , the v a r i e t i e s of s e l f -i n t e r e s t detected by the h i s t o r i a n s helped s u s t a i n a genuine c o n v i c t i o n of p o t e n t i a l danger. / The consequences o f the g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y were many. I t poisoned r e l a t i o n s between the n a t i o n a l i t i e s , i n t e n s i -f i e d E n g l i s h demands that the Canadians must a s s i m i l a t e , helped stimulate the emergence o f Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m , and found p o l i t i c a l expression i n Craig's Reign o f Ter r o r . I t a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to the u l t i m a t e breakdown of the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791 and hence to the R e b e l l i o n of 1837. Indeed i t i s not too much to say that the p o l i t i c a l , c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and i d e o l o g i c a l h i s t o r y of the p e r i o d of the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Act cannot be understood without t a k i n g the g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y i n t o account. CHAPTER 2 THE EXTERNAL THREAT TO LOWER CANADA, 1793 - 1801 On February 1, 1793 the French republic declared war on Great B r i t a i n , a war which was to l a s t u n t i l the short-l i v e d treaty of Amiens i n March 1802. During the war the English i n Lower Canada assumed that the appearance of French troops i n the colony would trigger i n s u r r e c t i o n . The external threat from Franca, then,-was a basic constituent of the garrison mentality. This chapter describes the m i l i t a r y plans devised by French o f f i c i a l s f o r the conquest of Lower Canada and the espionage a c t i v i t i e s of the agents they sent to the colony. Most of what i s outlined was known shortly a f t e r the fact by o f f i c i a l s of the Lower Canada government. Successive B r i t i s h ministers at Philadelphia kept them accurately informed of the plans to subvert the colony, which were devised by the French diplomatic and consular representatives to the United States. Detailed knowledge of the int r i g u e s of emissaries within the borders of Lower Canada was obtained from the depositions of arrested suspects and informati on volunteered by residents or supplied by the paid informers employed by the Attorney-General and the Montreal magistrates. While the h i s t o r i a n , making use of a d d i t i o n a l sources, understands that the int e r e s t France took i n reconquest was but occasional and s u p e r f i c i a l , contemporaries had no such confidence. The evidence of French intentions--which was not kept a government >secret—suggested that the invasion of Lower Canada held 24 a high p r i o r i t y . There was, moreover, no i n f a l l i b l e means of d i s c o v e r i n g t h a t French i n v a s i o n plans were abandoned and, despite B r i t i s h c o n t r o l of the seas, no assurance t h a t the i n v a s i o n would present insuperable m i l i t a r y d i f f i c u l -t i e s . I n these circumstances a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of the E n g l i s h b e l i e v e d t h a t the appearance of a French a t t a c k i n g force was always a d i s t i n c t p o s s i b i l i t y . ^ -A n t i c i p a t i n g war i n November 1792 the G i r o n d i s t government appointed c i t i z e n Edmond Genet as M i n i s t e r t o the United States and charged him w i t h the task o f xNo attempt has yet been made t o analyze the E n g l i s h assessment of the p o s s i b i l i t y of a French inv a s i o n , a l t h o u g h many p o r t i o n s of t h i s chapter owe a great deal to the work of other w r i t e r s . Wade, "Quebec and the French R e v o l u t i o n " and Maude Woodfin, " C i t i z e n Genet and h i s M i s s i o n , " un-published Ph.D. t h e s i s ( U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, 1928), 414-31 have provided d e t a i l e d treatment of Genet's Canadian p o l i c y and the a c t i v i t i e s of h i s p r i n c i p a l agents, Meziere and Rousse. The subversive plans of the Vermont f r o n t i e r s -men can be s t u d i e d i n C h i l t o n Williamson, Vermont i n  Quandary: 1763-1825 (Montpelier, 1949) and, f o r the e a r l y 1800's In Stuart Webster, "Napoleon and Canada," unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s ( U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago, 1961), 39-51 and h i s " I r a A l l e n i n P a r i s , 1800, Planning a Canadian R e v o l u t i o n , " CHAR. 1963, 74-80. Wallot ( I n t r i g u e s ) has uncovered a wealth o f m a t e r i a l d e a l i n g w i t h a l l e g e d French or American p l o t s during the years 1800-1802. There i s almost nothing w r i t t e n on the Canadian p o l i c y of the Jacobins or the D i r e c t o r y although the e x i s t e n c e and main f e a t u r e s o f the i n v a s i o n plan o f 1796 were long ago e s t a b l i s h e d by A.L. Burt i n The United States. Great B r i t a i n and B r i t i s h North  America (New Haven, 1940J, 1 7 0-73. B r i e f treatments o f the a c t i v i t i e s i n Lower Canada of Adet's agents may be found i n Kingsford, H i s t o r y of Canada. V I I , 440-45 and S.D. C l a r k , Movements of P o l i t i c a l P r o t e s t i n Canada. 1640-1840 (Toronto, 1959), 184-87. These accounts, which are based almost e x c l u s i v e l y on the Q S e r i e s , touch o n l y on the h i g h l i g h t s , do not r e l a t e the i n t r i g u e s t o the D i r e c t o r y ' s Canadian p o l i c y , and t e l l us more about the o f f i c i a l view of the i n t r i g u e s than the i n t r i g u e s themselves. Benjamin S u i t e ' s treatment ("Les p r o j e t s de 1793 a 1810," TRSC, 1911, I , 19-67 a t 41-51) i s unfootnoted and incoherent. i n t e r e s t i n g the American government i n a commercial-p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e and a j o i n t Franco-American e x p e d i t i o n a g a i n s t L o u i s i a n a and " l a b e l l e e t o i l e du Canada," which would be un i t e d to " l a C o n s t e l l a t i o n Americaine. " 2 Such ex p e d i t i o n s would prote c t France's s i s t e r r e p u b l i c from encirclement and d e s t r u c t i o n by the wicked f o r c e s of monarchism and would have the a d d i t i o n a l b e n e f i t ibf i n j u r i n g the commerce of B r i t a i n and Spain and d i v e r t i n g t h e i r troops and money from the European t h e a t r e . 3 The French govern-ment had every reason to b e l i e v e that P r e s i d e n t Washington might be tempted t o a s s i s t i n e x p e l l i n g the B r i t i s h from North America. R e l a t i o n s between the Uni t e d States and B r i t a i n were embittered to the point where war between them was always a p o s s i b i l i t y . 4 The United States was s t i l l p r o h i b i t e d from t r a d i n g i n the B r i t i s h West I n d i e s and the B r i t i s h r e t e n t i o n of the western posts south of the Great Lakes suggested t o many Americans that the former mother country was aiming to dismember or even destroy the union. The d i p l o m a t i c - m i l i t a r y programme worked out f o r Genet was, however, f a t a l l y undermined j u s t two weeks a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l i n the United States. F e e l i n g war ag a i n s t e i t h e r of the two b e l l i g e r e n t s would be d i s a s t r o u s f o r the young 2AHAR, 1903, I I , 201-11. 3 See Woodfin, " C i t i z e n Genet," ch. IV, passim. ^See Burt, The United St a t e s . Great B r i t a i n , and B r i t i s h North America, ch. I V - V I I ; Alexander De Conde, En t a n g l i n g A l l i a n c e (Durham, N.C., 1958), ch. 3 . • • •• ' . 2 6 r e p u b l i c , Washington on A p r i l 23, 1793 proclaimed the n e u t r a l i t y of the United St a t e s . Despite h i s discovery t h a t the United States govern-ment would look w i t h d i s f a v o u r on any m i l i t a r y e x p e d i t i o n o r i g i n a t i n g on American t e r r i t o r y , Genet remained e n t h u s i -a s t i c about l i b e r a t i n g the Canadians: Je s e r o i s au comble de mes voeux s i j ' e n t r e v o y o i s l a p o s s i b i l i t y d'y f a i r e germer l a noble sentiment de l'independance' et d 1 E x c i t e r nos anciens f r e r e s a secouer l e jbug honteux des Angldis ... dont notre France regenere"e sera toujours prete a l e s a f f r a n c h i r . 5 By August 1793 he had conceived the idea of sending to the St. Lawrence an army of vo l u n t e e r s on board the French West Indian f l e e t which was then at anchor i n the New York harbour.6 During the next two months, the M i n i s t e r , u s i n g New York as h i s base of operations, e s t a b l i s h e d a powder magazine, a r s e n a l and barracks and r e c r u i t e d a f o r c e o f about 2,500 made up mainly of American adventurers and I r i s h and French r e s i d e n t s of the c i t y . Genet a l s o hoped to make pGenet to c i t i z e n Hauterive (French Consul a t New York), 4 June 1793 ( d r a f t ) , LOC, Genet Papers. See a l s o Genet to c i t i z e n Dannery (French Consul at Boston), 7 June 1793 ( d r a f t ) , i b i d . ^For Genet's attempts t o send a m i l i t a r y f o r c e t o Lower Canada, see Genet to M i n i s t e r of Foreign A f f a i r s , 2 Aug. 1793, AHAR, 1903, I I , 234-35; Same to Same, 15 Aug. 1793, i b i d . . 233^ 40; Same to Same, 7 Oct. 1793, i b i d . . 264-65; George Hammond ( B r i t i s h M i n i s t e r to the Uni t e d States) t o G r e n v i l l e , 17 Sept. 1793, PAC, F0 5, v. 1: 292-94; Same t o Same, 12 Oct. 1793, i b i d . , 331-32; Same to Same, 10 Nov. 1793, i b i d . , 355-56; minutes of the Executive C o u n c i l f o r 25 Oct. 1793, PAC, CO 42, v. 97: 188-89; Woodfin, " C i t i z e n Genet," 414-31; Eugene P e r r y Link. Democratic-Republican S o c i e t i e s . 1790-1800 (New York, 1942j, 141-44; Williamson. Vermont i n Quandary, ch. 14, passim. 27 use o f v o l u n t e e r s r e c r u i t e d among the Vermont fr o n t i e r s m e n to mount a second i n v a s i o n v i a the R i c h e l i e u r i v e r v a l l e y . These hopes were by no means unfounded. A number of land specula t o r s and/or exporters of g r a i n , potash and timber l i v i n g i n the Champlain V a l l e y s e c t i o n o f the s t a t e coveted the empty lands of the Eastern Townships and saw Canadian conquest as a p r e c o n d i t i o n to b u i l d i n g a canal around the R i c h e l i e u r a p i d s — w h i c h o f t e n destroyed the t i m b e r — a n d as a means of escaping from commercial bondage at the hands of the Montreal merchants, who by v i r t u e o f the N a v i g a t i o n Acts enjoyed a monopoly of shipping from St. Johns to the ocean-going v e s s e l s at Quebec.7 With h i s i r r e g u l a r army and o n l y f i f t e e n s a i l Genet planned a naval extravaganza of staggering p r o p o r t i o n s . The f l e e t would s a i l north t o destroy the E n g l i s h cod-f i s h i n g i n s t a l l a t i o n s on the Newfoundland coast and capture the s i x hundred ships of the f i s h i n g f l e e t i n a d d i t i o n t o the f u r convoy from Hudson Bay. Then i t would retake St. P i e r r e and Miquelon f o r France, burn H a l i f a x and sound the d i s p o s i t i o n s of the Canadians a t Quebec: "que mes agens e x c i t e n t a 1 ' i n s u r r e c t i o n . " ^ A f t e r r e f i t t i n g at New York and t a k i n g on more army volunteers i n V i r g i n i a the f l e e t would a t t a c k Nassau, the r e s o r t of many E n g l i s h p r i v a t e e r s , and capture New Orleans from Spain. Genet, however, could ^Williamson, Vermont i n Quandary, ch. 14, passim. °Genet t o M i n i s t e r of Foreign A f f a i r s , 2 Aug. 1793, n. 6 above. 2 8 not convince the o f f i c e r s of the wisdom o f "ce plan t r e s v aste" which he expected would succeed because of the s u r p r i s e f a c t o r . By October he had worked out a reduced programme i n which most of the southern e x p e d i t i o n and the v i s i t t o Quebec were dropped. The o f f i c e r s of the f l e e t considered even t h i s modest v e r s i o n o f the M i n i s t e r ' s confidence i n t h e i r naval prowess to be excessive and s a i l e d o f f t o France. Thus disappeared i n t o t a l confusion Genet's sole chance-to t e s t by a m i l i t a r y presence the e f f e c t o f the propaganda he was i n d u s t r i o u s l y c i r c u l a t i n g among the Canadians. For an assessment of r e v o l u t i o n a r y sentiment i n Lower Canada Genet had r e l i e d h e a v i l y on a young p r i n t e r from Montreal, Henri M e z i l r e , who i n June 1793 had pre-pared a repo r t on the p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y s i t u a t i o n i n the colony. 9 Meziere d i d not h e s i t a t e to c l a i m that i n s u r r e c t i o n would greet a French l a n d i n g , f o r i n h i s roseate view the French R e v o l u t i o n "a e'lectrise' l e s Canadiens, & l e s a plus £clair£s en un an sur l e u r s d r o i t s Naturels qu'un s i e c l e de l e c t u r e n ' a u roit pu f a i r e . " Taking Meziere at h i s word, Genet used h i s ideas as a b a s i s from which to d r a f t the key document i n h i s Canadian propaganda campaign, Les Franoais l i b r e s l e u r s ^ M e z i l r e ' s memorandum e n t i t l e d "Observations sur l ' e t a t a c t u e l du Canada, & sur l e s d e s p o s i t i o n s P o l i t i q u e s de ses h a b i t a n t s " i s found i n LOC, France, A f f . E t . , Corr. P o l . , E . U . , v. 3 7 : 4 1 9 - 2 3 . 29 f r e r e s l e s C a n a d i e n s . ^ The pamphlet a p o l g i z e d f o r France's abandonment of Canada but assured Canadians t h a t t h i s neglect had not meant i n d i f f e r e n c e of the French people but r a t h e r "une s t e r i l e i n d i g n a t i o n de l a conduit c r i m i n e l l e de nos r o i s envers vous." The dawn of l i b e r t y had now st r u c k . Canadians should not await the i n e v i t a b l e r e v o l u t i o n i n England but should r i s e immediately and c a l l to t h e i r a s s i s t a n c e t h e i r f r i e n d s , the Indians, and r e l y on that of the Americans and the French. The Gir o n d i n v e r s i o n o f s o c i a l paradise was expressed i n the advantages which would accrue upon the overthrow of the B r i t i s h government. Canada would gai n p o l i t i c a l independence and be able t o make a l l i a n ces w i t h France or the United S t a t e s . I t would enjoy complete f r e e trade and no p r i v i l e g e d companies would be allowed to monopolize the f u r trade. T i t l e s and s e i g n e u r i a l dues would be a b o l i s h e d . Canadians would e l e c t a l l members o f the l e g i s l a t u r e and government and careers i n the c i v i l s e r v i c e would be open t o t a l e n t . C a t h o l i c p r i e s t s would be e l e c t e d as i n the e a r l y church and in s t e a d of the t i t h e would r e c e i v e a s a l a r y a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r u t i l i t y . Schools, p r i n t i n g presses, i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r the higher sciences, medicine and mathematics and even c i v i l i z i n g missions to the Indians were promised. I n August o r September, 1793, Meziere, ensconced 10""" ~~" Wade, "Quebec and the French R e v o l u t i o n , " 352. Les Francai's l i b r e s - h a s been p r i n t e d i n Mi c h e l Brunet, "La R e v o l u t i o n f r a n c a l s e sur l e s bords du Saint-Laurent," RHAF. 1957-53, 155-162 at 153-62. : 30 at Lake Champlain i n upper New York, sent Jacques Rousse, an e x p a t r i a t e Canadian, i n t o Lower Canada w i t h three hundred and f i f t y copies of Les Fr a n c a i s l i b r e s and a v a r i e t y o f other propaganda designed t o j u s t i f y the King's execution and impress Canadians w i t h the success of French armies. R e v o l u t i o n a r y songs and copies o f Thomas Paine's Rights of Man were a l s o i n c l u d e d . H By February Rousse reported he had c i r c u l a t e d the propaganda i n a l l the pa r i s h e s o f the province. Rousse a l s o made contact w i t h l o c a l sympathizers who soon spread the rumour tha t France would s h o r t l y send a f o r c e to the colony and attempted to ensure that the Canadians should on no account take up arms to defend the province.13 Genet d i d not remain i n o f f i c e long enough t o see the r e s u l t s of Rousse's a c t i v i t y . The M i n i s t e r was r e c a l l e d i n November and r e t i r e d from h i s d u t i e s i n February 1794, w i s e l y choosing to avoid a Jacobin g u i l l o t i n e by r e m a i n i n g — a s a gentleman f a r m e r — i n the United St a t e s . i : LMeziere t o Genet, 20 Sept. 1793, LOC, France, A f f . Et., Corr. P o l . , E.U., v. 38 : 235-38. According t o Meziere, Jacques Rousse had emigrated to the United States i n 1777 and i n 1789 had opened an i n n at the f o o t of Lake Champlain near the Quebec-New York border (now Rouse's P o i n t ) . While Meziere s p e l l e d h i s l a s t name "Rous", the innkeeper s p e l l e d i t "Rousse": Rousse to Genet, 13 Feb. 1794, i b i d . , supp., v. 2&: 434. Meziere's a c t i v i t i e s were known t o o f f i c i a l s i n Lower Canada: L t . U»H. Schroede to Captain Le M a i s t r e , 9 Sept. 1793, RAC, 1891, 57; simcoe to A l u r e d C l a r k e , 24 Sept. 1793, ibTcT. Rousse t o Genet, 13 Feb. 1794, n. 11 above. 1 3 S e e ch. 3 below. 31 The Jacobin Committee of P u b l i c Safety made no o r i g i n a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o Canadian p o l i c y . I n November 1793, two of its-members, N i c o l a s Billaud-Varenne and Lazare Carnot, submitted t o the M i n i s t e r of Foreign A f f a i r s a memorandum prepared by two r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s on mi s s i o n at Bordeaux. I t s contents amounted t o nothing more than a rehash of the bankrupt p o l i c y contained i n Genet's i n s t r u c t i o n s and was based on the same erroneous assumption of Washington's i n t e n t i o n that " l e s Americains ne d e s i r e n t r i e n tant •.. que de chasser l e s A n g l a i s du continent ou l e u r voisinage l e u r cause des inquietudes continuelhle." According to the authors Canada and Nova S c o t i a were w a i t i n g i m p a t i e n t l y to " s ' u n i r aux t r e i z e . ^ t a t s pour partager l e u r p r o s p e r i t y — f i l l e de l a L i b e r t e " ! " ^ Nothing, of course, came of t h i s i d e a . As France was, moreover, d e s p e r a t e l y dependent upon the United States f o r g r a i n s u p p l i e s , the Committee, above a l l , wished to prevent any d i p l o m a t i c rupture between the two r e p u b l i c s . T h e n e w M i n i s t e r , Jean-Antoine Joseph Fauchet, was a c c o r d i n g l y i n s t r u c t e d to drop Genet's e x p e d i t i o n a r y p r o j e c t s ^ and as a r e s u l t took l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n the Canadians.17 The p o l i c y o f 1 / f L 0 C , France, A f f . E t . , A n g l e t e r r e , Mem. et Doc., v. 588: 96 -98 . ^De Conde, En t a n g l i n g A l l i a n c e , ch. 12, passim. ^ " O r d e r s 0 f the Committee of P u b l i c S a f e t y " 25 Nov. 1793, AHAR. 1903, I I , 292, 294. ^ R o b e r t L i s t o n ( B r i t i s h M i n i s t e r to the Uni t e d States) to Lieutenant-Governor Robert P r e s c o t t , 23 Nov. 1796, RAC, 1891, 62 . 32 attempting the conquest of Lower Canada was not r e v i v e d u n t i l a f t e r the D i r e c t o r y took power i n November 1795. As i t became c l e a r i n the months f o l l o w i n g Jay's Treaty t h a t the United States had agreed to become a major p r o v i s i o n e r and c a r r i e r f o r B r i t a i n , the exasperati on of the French government knew no b o u n d s , T h e D i r e c t o r s , the consuls i n the American c i t i e s , and Pierre-Augusts Adet, who replaced Fauchet as M i n i s t e r to the United States, soon conceived a grandiose scheme which would i n e f f e c t r ecreate the t h r e a t of New France. The repossession of L o u i s i a n a would be negotiated w i t h Spain^9_. now an a l l y o f F r a n c e — and B r i t i s h North America would be conquered.20 France would then be i n an e x c e l l e n t p o s i t i o n to t h r e a t e n the 'l°See'De Conde, Entangling A l l i a n c e , ch. 11-13, passim; E. Wilson Lyon, •'The D i r e c t o r y and the United S t a t e s , " AHR, 1938, 514 -32. ^ 9See the D i r e c t o r y ' s i n s t r u c t i o n s t o General Perignon, i t s n e g o t i a t o r i n Madrid, 16 March 1796, AHAR, 1897, 667-71; F r e d e r i c k Jackson Turner, "The P o l i c y o f France toward the M i s s i s s i p p i V a l l e y i n the P e r i o d o f Washington and Adams," AHR. 1905, 249-79 at 267 -69 . See e.g. Adet to M i n i s t e r o f F o r e i g n A f f a i r s , 9 Feb., 26 June 1796, AHAR, 1903, I I , 826-31; 929; Consul-General L^tombe to Same, 30 May, 18 June, 18 J u l y 1797, i b i d . . 1024-25, 1038-39, 1051; James Monroe ( M i n i s t e r of the United States to France) t o Secretary of S t a t e , 27 Aug., 10 Sept. 1796, American State Papers. Foreign R e l a t i ons, I, 742, 743; L i s t o n t o G r e n v i l l e , 18 Nov. 1796, PAC, FO 5, v. 14: 209-11; Same t o P r e s c o t t , 28 Nov. 1796, n. 17 above; c i t i z e n de Launey (French consul at P h i l a d e l p h i a ) , "M^moire: apercus p o l i t i q u e sur l e s Etats-Unis et l e Canada," 4 May 1796, LOC, France, A f f . E t . , Mem. et D o c , E.U., v. 18: 118-118v; J.A.B. Ro z i e r (French consul at New Y o r k ) , "M^moire sur l e Canada," 8 June 1797, PAC, MG 5, A f f . E t . , Mem. et D o c , A n g l e t e r r e , v. 2: 5-27. F o r the D i r e c t o r y ' s m i l i t a r y plan see p. 35-37?'below. - 3 3 dismemberment of the western s t a t e s and t e r r i t o r i e s , which were dependent f o r export on access through the M i s s i s s i p p i to the G u l f of Mexico. The United States would be e n c i r c l e d and threatened w i t h i n v a s i o n by French troops a s s i s t e d by t h e i r Canadian and Ind i a n a l l i e s . The end r e s u l t envisaged was the n e g o t i a t i o n of a.commercial and m i l i t a r y a l l i a n c e w i t h an American government t o t a l l y dependent on the w i l l of France. Canadian conquest then was conceived p r i m a r i l y as an i n t e g r a l part of the D i r e c -t o r y ' s encirclement plan, although French o f f i c i a l s e a s i l y convinced themselves of a multitude of s u b s i d i a r y b e n e f i t s . B r i t i s h North Ameriea?.:was to become an expanding market f o r French manufacturers, a source o f naval s t o r e s a l t e r n a t e to the B a l t i c , a new source o f p r o v i s i o n s f o r the French West I n d i e s and a home f o r those s o l d i e r s who could not be e a s i l y reabsorbed i n t o c i v i l i a n s o c i e t y a f t e r the war.2-*- France would a l s o , f i n a l l y , f u l f i l l i t s o b l i g a t i o n to forsaken n a t i o n a l s . As J.A.B. R o z i e r , the French consul at New York put i t , France "devennue l i b r e , se hat e r a reparer l e s crimes de ses t i r a n s ; e l l e ne r e s t e r a p o i n t sourde aux c r i s de ses enfans du nouveau monde qui l u i ten=^ dent l e u r s bras en implorant son s e c o u r s . " 2 2 As Ro z i e r * s 2^See ]e t t e r s of L^tombe and memoranda of de Launey arid R o z i e r , n. 2 0 above; memorandum of L o u i s P i e r r e A n g u e t i l (an o f f i c i a l i n the French M i n i s t r y o f Foreign A f f a i r s ) to the D i r e c t o r y , 1 Nov. 1 7 9 6 , Archives des A f f a i r e s gtrangeres, Corr. P o l . , A n g l e t e r r e , v. 5 9 0 : 8 8 - 9 8 at 9 3 , 9 6 - 9 7 . 2 2 R o z i e r ' s 'M^moire,1 n. 2 0 above. o p i n i o n suggests, conquest was thought to be an easy matter. French o f f i c i a l s from the D i r e c t o r y down were convinced the Canadians must be u n i v e r s a l l y d i s a f f e c t e d and would rush t o arms on the appearance o f a French a t t a c k i n g f o r c e . 2 3 The D i r e c t o r y found w i l l i n g accomplices f o r the l i b e r a t i o n of the Canadians among the Vermonters of the Champlain V a l l e y , and one i n p a r t i c u l a r , the former"Green Mountain Boy", I r a A l l e n , land speculator, lumber magnate, adventurer, and desperate. Almost bankrupted'by taxes on h i s extensive land h o l d i n g s , A l l e n cast a covetous eye on the Canadas as a means t o recoup h i s f o r t u n e s . His personal f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s and the economic problems of northern Vermont would be solved by access t o Canadian lands, the b u i l d i n g of the R i c h e l i e u canal and freedom to navigate the S t . Lawrence. r The p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n terms o f plunder, the monopoly of the f u r trade and so on were number!ess« 2 4 In P a r i s A l l e n discussed the l i b e r a t i o n o f the Canadians w i t h the D i r e c t o r Lazare Carnot, a decided advocate of the conquest of Canada. 2^ The e s s e n t i a l 2 3 S ee e.g. the D i r e c t o r y ' s i n s t r u c t i o n s to M i c h e l Margourit (proposed M i n i s t e r to the United S t a t e s ) , 6 Aug. 1796, AHAR, 1903, I I , 938; Letombe to M i n i s t e r of Foreign Affairs7T7 J u l y 1797, i b i d . . IO46; de Launey's "Memoire," n, 20 above, l H v - 1 1 5 ; A n g u e t i l ' s memorandum, n. 21 above, 97 2 ^ W i l l i a m s o n , Vermont i n Quandary, ch. 15 , passim. 2^George Duruy, ed. and Charles E. Roche, t r a n s . , Memoirs of Barras. 4v . (London, 1895-96) , I I , 15 J u l y 1796, 35 p r o v i s i o n s of the plan they devised i n the summer of 1796 are contained i n a report made two years l a t e r by T a l l e y r a n d , then M i n i s t e r of Foreign A f f a i r s . 2 6 The French government agreed t o f i n a n c e the purchase—on easy c r e d i t t e r m s — o f twenty thousand muskets'and bayonets and two dozen l i g h t a r t i l l e r y p i e c e s , worth i n a l l 500,000 l i v r e s . Two f i c t i t i o u s b i l l s p u r p o r t i n g to show A l l e n had paid.one- . f i f t h of the p r i c e down and pledged h i s land holdings f o r the remainder, masked the r e a l t r a n s a c t i o n by which i n t e r e s t at f i v e percent accrued on the c a p i t a l amount, which was payable a f t e r seven years. In r e t u r n f o r i t s g e n e r o s i t y i n supplying the arms at bargain terms and f o r a personal loan of 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 l i v r e s , the D i r e c t o r y r e q u i r e d t h a t A l l e n organize a Vermontese army. A t r a n s p o r t f l e e t c a r r y i n g three t o f o u r thousand French r e g u l a r s and accompanied by two ships of the l i n e and f o u r or f i v e f r i g a t e s would reach H a l i f a x about August 20, 1797, attempt to take the town and capture the B r i t i s h merchant f l e e t from Quebec. I t would then proceed t o j o i n up with A l l e n ' s f o r c e s near Quebec C i t y . The troops under A l l e n would be e n r o l l e d as o s t e n s i b l y f i g h t i n g f o r Vermont. Simul-taneously with the naval attack on H a l i f a x they would capture St. Johns, a s s i s t e d by armed men p r e v i o u s l y ^ " P r i n t e d i n t r a n s l a t i o n w i t h covering l e t t e r from T a l l e y r a n d t o the D i r e c t o r y dated 30 Aug. 1798 i n J.B. Wilbur, I r a A l l e n , Founder of Vermont, 2v. (Boston, 1928), i i , 1 9 1 - w : " 36 i n f i l t r a t e d into the area on one of-Allen's timber r a f t s . From there A l l e n and his men would proceed to Quebec, on the way r a i s i n g the Canadians whose francophile p o l i t i c a l sentiments would meanwhile have been c u l t i v a t e d by emissaries. The combined force would have no trouble i n taking Quebec and then f o r c i n g the remaining enemy troops out of B r i t i s h North America. Vermont would be detached from the union and j o i n the former B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r i e s i n establishing a republic to be known as New Columbia. 2? From sources other than Talleyrand's report certain additional elements of strategy can be reconstructed. The Indians i n Upper Canada would be i n f i l t r a t e d by French emissaries with a view to ensuring t h e i r n e u t r a l i t y , or i f a l l else f a i l e d , t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 2 ^ There was serious consideration given to a diversionary attack on Upper Canada by way of the M i s s i s s i p p i l i k e l y consisting ^Talleyrand's resume" of the plan may have been inaccurate .in one respect: the proposed timing of the invasion. Emissaries i n Lower Canada prepared f o r an invasion i n the spring or e a r l y summer of 1797. See e.g. The King v. David McLane (1797), 26 State Trials, 721-826 (hereafter "McLane's t r i a l " ) at 765, 767, 772; Richardson to Jonathan Sewell, 9 Jan. 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 1027; John Hunsden to John Blackwood, 14 June 1797, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 109: 63-64. Of the relevant documents discovered only Rozier's M^moire (p. 20) stresses the greater l i k e l i h o o d of success i f the invasion occurred immediately before the St. Lawrence began to freeze. He suggested mid September as the i d e a l time f o r Da nding the troops, f o r " s i x mois de surete" ... sont plus que su f f i s a n t s , non seulement pour l a conquette, mais encore pour donner a l a colonie La Nouvelle organisation." See RozierAs: Memoirhe,and- ref erences i n n. 8*2 below. 37 o f American frontiersmen, Indians, and French and Spanish t r o o p s . 2 9 Almost c e r t a i n l y a body o f A l l e n ' s f o r c e s and perhaps some from the New York side of the St. Lawrence were t o proceed t o Upper Canada.30 The f l e e t , i t appears, was to stop t e m p o r a r i l y at a point near Kamouraska, about one hundred miles east o f Quebec, where proclamations would be d i s t r i b u t e d t o agents f o r c i r c u l a t i o n among the Canadians.31 The terms o f these proclamations l i k e l y would have i n c l u d e d a c a l l to armed i n s u r r e c t i o n , a guarantee o f p r i v a t e property and freedom of r e l i g i o n , a p r o h i b i t i o n of v i o l e n c e except aga i n s t persons i n arms ag a i n s t the fteoublic, the promise of prompt payment i n cash f o r goods and s e r v i c e s , the a b o l i t i o n of the t i t h e and s e i g n e u r i a l dues, and the establishment o f New Columbia.32 The success o f the French i n v a s i o n plan depended: on preparing the Canadians f o r i n s u r r e c t i o n and o b t a i n i n g d e t a i l e d m i l i t a r y i n f o r m a t i o n about the colony. I n September 1796 nine French o f f i c e r s i n the Armee f r a n c a i s e 2 9 A d e t t o M i n i s t e r o f Foreign A f f a i r s , 24 Feb. 1797, AHAR, 1903, I I , 992. 3°stephen Thorn (one o f A l l e n * s f e l l o w c o n s p i r a t o r s ) to Committee o f P u b l i c Safety, "L'an t r o i s i e m e " [1794-951, PAC, MG 23 , G . l . 8, 2 - 3 ; R o z i e r ' s Memoire, 22 . 31 J R o z i e r ' s Memoire, 21 ; P r e s c o t t t o P o r t l a n d , 1 Oct. 1798, PAC, CO 42, v. I l l : 19-22 (summary o f an i n t e l l i g e n c e r e p o r t ) . 3 2 R o z i e r ' s Memoire, 2 1 . 38 d*outre mer entered the province*33 According t o one informer they were wearing some of the three thousand n a t i o n a l cockades they had brought from France and d i s -p l a y i n g the t r i c o l o u r . Led a s t r a y by t h e i r guide they returned across the p r o v i n c i a l l i n e s and dispersed.34 TWO of t h e i r number, De M i l l i e r e , commander of the Second B a t t a l i o n of sapeurs and Ianson (or Janson or Jonson), another m i l i t a r y engineer, remained behind to gather i n f o r m a t i o n and organize a spy network.35 Ianson departed s h o r t l y a f t e r and John Richardson, head of Lower Canada*s c o u n t e r - i n t e l l i g e n c e operations i n the Montreal area and Attorney-General Jonathan Sewell traced h i s movements v i a Hew York and Hamburg to P a r i s and s e v e r a l meetings w i t h 33Report of Attorney-General Sewell to P r e s c o t t on the French i n t r i g u e s ( h e r e a f t e r "Sewell*s r e p o r t " ) , 12 May 1797, RAC. 1891, 73. The r e p o r t i s based on the d e p o s i t i o n s of admitted French agents, the evidence uncovered by Richardson*sspies and informers and the evidence revealed a t the March a s s i z e s , 3 % i l l i a m Stanton to C o l o n e l Barnes, 18 Nov. 1796, RAC. 1891, 60-61. Sewell*s report (p. 73) s t a t e s simply that "they encountered so many d i f f i c u l t i e s that they abandoned i t { t h e i r i n t e n t i o n to enter the province by the woods}, returned to the Province L i n e . " L i s t o n i n -formed the Foreign Secretary Lord G r e n v i l l e that De M i l l i e r e , i t appeared, had " e r r e d , through the l a t e a r r i v a l of the French Squadron i n the gulph o f St. Lawrence [[p. 52 belowj , and ... set out w i t h a few f o l l o w e r s w i t h a n a t i o n a l f l a g and a number of three coloured cockades ... but soon returned on l e a r n i n g that the ships had l e f t the coast,": 25 Jan. 1797, PAC, FO 5, v. 18: 58, Since, a c c o r d i n g t o Sewell*s report De M i l l i e V e * s e n t r y i n t o the province took place sometime between Sept. 12th and 24th, i t seems v e r y u n l i k e l y i t was connected with the French naval a t t a c k on Newfoundland, the f i r s t news of which reached L i e u t e n a n t -Governor P r e s c o t t o n l y on Oct. 3rd: P r e s c o t t t o Prince Edward, 3 Oct. 1796, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 108: 7-8. 35sewell*s r e p o r t , 7 3 ; Stanton to 'Barnes, n. 3 4 above. the D i r e c t o r y i n November 1796.36 De M i l l i e r e , posing as a farmer, constructed a base of operations i n the form of a small hut on the New York side of Lake Champlain, one-h a l f mile from the l i n e s . 3 7 L a t e r i n the month he sent i n two Canadians, one Jean-Baptiste Louisneau, and Joseph Ducalvet, twenty-two years o f age and a t a i l o r by t r a d e . They were both commissioned as s u b - l i e u t e n a n t s and they crossed the border openly at St. Johns on September 2 4 t h w i t h inflammatory addresses and blank army commissions s t i t c h e d i n t o Bucalvet's breeches. The next day they held a meeting near Montreal w i t h sympathizers t o consult on the best means o f e f f e c t i n g a r e v o l u t i o n . The o n l y persons attending whom government o f f i c i a l s l & t e r i d e n t i f i e d were one Jean-Baptiste B i z e t t e of C6te des Neiges and Ducalvet's uncle and grandfather, Etienne and Joseph G i r a r d d i t Provencale, both gardeners employed by the Seminary o f S u l p i c e . ^ Ducalvet a l s o attempted,with l i t t l e success, to d i s t r i b u t e the addresses f o r c i r c u l a t i o n announcing t h a t 3^Richardson t o Jonathan Sewell, 13 Feb. 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1059-60; Same t o Same, 6 A p r i l 1797, i b i d . , 1090; Jonathan Sewell to Ryland, 9 A p r i l 1797, PAC, CO 42 , v. 109: 4 2 . •^Stanton to Barnes, 18 Nov. i y 9 6 ? n. 34 above. Stanton i n c l u d e d a map d e p i c t i n g De M i l l i e r e s l o c a t i o n (see PAC, CO 42 , v. 108: 120 c . ) . ^ S t a n t o n t o Barnes, 18 Nov. 1796, n. 34 above; Richardson, to S e w e l l , 13 Feb.' 1797, n. 36 above; Same to Same, 23 March 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1081; Sewell's r e p o r t , 73-74; Attorney-General Sewell's calendar of cases i n v o l v i n g offences a g a i n s t the government, March a s s i z e s ^ 1797 ( h e r e a f t e r "Sewell's c a l e n d a r " ) , 12 May 1797, RAC, 1891, 77» The documents do not make c l e a r which Provencale was the uncle and which the grandfather. 40 France, having conquered Spain, A u s t r i a and I t a l y , would now subdue the B r i t i s h Empire, beginning w i t h the l i b e r a t i o n o f t h e i r enslaved c o l o n i e s . The advantages of the r e p u b l i c a n form of government were o u t l i n e d and i t was f r e e l y p r e d i c t e d that i n a short time the c r y o f "Vive l a R£publique"would be heard i n Canada. 3 9 Ducalvet h u r r i e d l y q u i t the province towards the end of September l e a v i n g h i s commission behind a t h i s u n c l e ' s . Richardson i n t e r c e p t e d a l e t t e r r e q u e s t i n g i t s r e t u r n and organized a f i c t i t i o u s correspondence on the subject designed t o e n t i c e him back i n t o the colony from a refuge i n B u r l i n g t o n . Warned at the l a s t minute Ducalvet f r u s t r a t e d t h i s attempt, and a l s o the government's i n t e n t i o n to press f o r h i s e x t r a d i t i o n , by f l e e i n g deeper i n t o the United S t a t e s . ^ The sentiments expressed i n h i s i n t e r -cepted l e t t e r gave government o f f i c i a l s something to ponder long a f t e r he had disappeared: 3 Report of Attorney-General Sewell t o the Executive Council on the Road Act r i o t s , 30 Oct. 1796, RAC, 1891, 59. The a u t h o r i t i e s were unable t o f i n d a copy of the address. For the l i m i t e d c i r c u l a t i o n of t h i s address see p. 97 n. 121 below. ^°Richardson t o Jonathan Sewell, 12 Dec. 1796, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1023-24; Same t o Same, 19 Jan. 1797, i b i d . , 1043; Same t o Same, 23 Jan. 1796 0 - 7 9 7 3 , i b i d . , 958-59; Same t o Same, 6 Feb. 1797, i b i d . , 1053-54; Same t o Same, 13 Feb. 1797, i b i d . , 1059 -60; Li'ston t o P r e s c o t t , 23 March 1797, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, Series 1, v. 11: 17; Same t o Same, 28 March 1797, i b i d . , 18-19; Same t o Same, 4 May 1797, i b i d . , 26-27. L i s t o n ' s request that Ducalvet be e x t r a d i t e d had been turned down. See h i s l e t t e r s o f 23, 28 March, supra. Louisneaii was a r r e s t e d but turned king's evidence and was not charged: Richardson to Sewell,' 13 March 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1081; Sewell's calendar, 77. 41 ... j e peut me g l o r i f i e r q u ' i l s [the Canadians) n font parer dans l e s m e i l l e u r s p r i n c i p e s de l a l i b e r t e . . . . t u f e r a bien mes compliments a tous mes parens, t u l e u r d i r a que j ' a u r a i l e p l a i s i r de l e s v o i r l e printems en f a i s a n t danser l a carmagnole aux A n g l o i s . V i v e l a l i b e r t y . , . . 7 * - 1 In October c i t i z e n Adet himself r e p o r t e d l y made a tour of the borders 2* 2 and t h e r e a f t e r u n t i l the end o f the year there was a c o n t i n u a l stream of emissaries and sym-pa t h i z e r s i n and out o f the province. In November L i s t o n reported that a Frenchman by the name of A r r i s o n was " l a t e l y returned from a t o u r of s e v e r a l months through Canada, where some of the more i n d i s c r e e t members of the Democratick Par t y say he met with considerable success i n p e r v e r t i n g the minds .vdf the people." A r r i s o n , i t was rumoured, intended to r e t u r n t o France and r e p o r t to the D i r e c t o r y . 4 3 i n the same month three persons posing as carpenters set out as deputies from the Canadians t o the French government, some time l a t e r appearing at Newburyport, Rhode I s l a n d , whence they apparently s a i l e d t o France.44 i n e a r l y November one of Adet 1s agents, David McLane, a bankrupt merchant from Rhode Island, v i s i t e d Montreal. He examined the m i l i t a r y ^ l O Nov. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 108: 128". ^ P r e s c o t t t o P o r t l a n d , 24 Oct. 1796, RAC, 1891, 58. ^ L i s t o n t o P r e s c o t t , 28 Nov. 1796, i b i d j . . 62. A r r i s o n , a l i a s Burns, may i n f a c t have been Ianson: Richardson to Jonathan Sewell, 13 Feb. 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 1 0 59-60. ^ L i s t o n t o P r e s c o t t , 15 Jan. 1797, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, Series 1, v. 11: 14. 42 p o t e n t i a l of the mountain; which he considered "a place o f great command over Montreal i n case there should be a war." He attempted to win over r e t a i l e r W i l l i a m Barnard and tavernkeeper Elmer Cushing to the cause but was unsuccess-f u l , tie enquired o f Barnard where the Seminary of St. S u l p i c e and the p r i n c i p a l merchants kept t h e i r cash, informed both h i s a n t i c i p a t e d a s s i s t a n t s of the intended i n v a s i o n i n the f o l l o w i n g summer and urged them t o keep the Canadians quiet u n t i l then.45 i n l a t e November or e a r l y December a Frenchman named Aubins, employed by Adet, spent some time-yposing as a f u r b u y e r — i n the area of Chambly. H e l e a r n e d that on no account would the h a b i t a n t s take up arms t o r e p e l a French invasion.4 6 j,n December Richardson c r e d i t e d a r e p o r t t h a t the c a p t a i n of a French warship had entered the province and was headed f o r Quebec w i t h business "of such consequence ... that he must r i s k i t . " 4 7 In February 1797 McLane was i n P h i l a d e l p h i a r e c e i v i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s from Adet f o r another mission t o Lower ^ D e p o s i t i o n o f Cushing , Nov. 1796, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 108: 111-118; d e p o s i t i o n of Barnard, 1 Dec. 1796, RAC. 1891, 6 4 - 6 5 ; McLane's t r i a l , 7 6 3 - 6 7 . McLane d i d not Heny meeting Barnard and Cushing although he d i d deny any s e d i t i o u s conversation ( i b i d . , 781). There i s no question, however, th a t he was an agent o f Adet Ts (see n. 48 below). ^ R i c h a r d s o n to Jonathan Sewell, 23 Jan. 1796 (1797"} , PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 9 5 8 . ^ R i chardson to Jonathan Sewell, 12 Dec. 1796, i b i d . , 1024. 43 Canada .-^ At the end o f A p r i l , guided by a Canadian h a b i t a n t , Charles F r i c h e t t e o f St. Johns, he entered the province through the woods and the two proceeded to Quebec. McLane h i d i n a copse of tre e s outside the c i t y and arranged a meeting w i t h master shipwright John Black whom he considered d i s a f f e c t e d to the government. McLane urged Black t o contact e i g h t or ten men w i t h i n f l u e n c e over the Canadians. They would organize as many v o l u n t e e r s as p o s s i b l e — f i v e hundred, McLane thought, would be s u f f i c i e n t . At an appointed time they would be j o i n e d by persons i n f i l t r a t e d from the United States as l a b o u r e r s on r a f t s of timber. A l l would be armed w i t h pikes seven or eight f e e t long, pointed w i t h i r o n hardened i n f i r e . As the French f l e e t was approaching Quebec, men o f i n f l u e n c e w i t h the common s o l d i e r — s u c h as B l a c k — w o u l d d i s t r i b u t e l i q u o r l a c e d w i t h laudanum to the g a r r i s o n . At the moment the opiate took e f f e c t McLane's i r r e g u l a r s would occupy the c i t y or, at the v e r y l e a s t , spike the cannon. Convincing McLane that he should r e c o n n o i t r e the c i t y a f t e r dark, Black went immediately to magistrate and executive c o u n c i l l o r John Young and t o l d him the events o f the day. McLane was a r r e s t e d at Black's house th a t ^ R e c e i p t o f McLane f o r expense money r e c e i v e d from the French consulate at P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1 Feb. 1797, LOC, France, A f f . E t . , Corr. P o l . , E.U., supp., v. 19: 347; L i s t o n t o P r e s c o t t , 13 Feb. 1797, PAG, P r e s c o t t Papers, Ser i e s 1, v. 11: 15. evening.^9 Despite the u r g i n g o f Adet who on h i s r e t u r n t o France i n 1797 attempted to convince the government to implement the plan,50 the i n v a s i o n attempt never mate r i a -l i z e d . I r a A l l e n and h i s i n t e r e s t i n g cargo s a i l e d from Ostend i n December 1796 on the American ship, O l i v e Branch, A l l e n and the arms were almost immediately captured on the high seas by a B r i t i s h man-of-war. N e i t h e r the f i c t i t i o u s b i l l s nor the o s t e n s i b l e d e s t i n a t i o n of the arms a v a i l e d i n the l e a s t , A l l e n spent most of the remainder of h i s l i f e v a i n l y attempting to secure t h e i r r e l e a s e by con-v i n c i n g the B r i t i s h government he had never e n t e r t a i n e d h o s t i l e i n t e n t i o n s against the Canadas ,51 With the s e i z u r e o f the O l i v e Branch the idea of i n v a d i n g Lower Canada was t e m p o r a r i l y f o r g o t t e n by the D i r e c t o r y , 5 2 although no f i n a l d e c i s i o n was communicated to o f f i c i a l s i n the United S t a t e s who continued through 1797 t o assume that Richery's f l e e t supported by the Vermonters would -d e p o s i t i o n o f F r i c h e t t e , 12 May 1797, RAC, 1891, 69 -70 ; d e p o s i t i o n of Thomas B u t t e r f i e l d , 22 May"T797, i b i d . . 71; d e p o s i t i o n o f John Black, 10 May 1797, i b i d . . 67-6,9; J . Pennoyer (a magistrate) to Thomas Dunn, 25 Aug. 1797, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 109: 115-116; McLane's t r i a l , 768, 771-79. 5°McLane»s t r i a l , 777-78; L i s t o n to P r e s c o t t , 2 A p r i l 1798, PAC, CO 42, v. I l l : 20. ^ B u r t , The United States. Great B r i t a i n , and B r i t i s h  North America. 171; Webster, " I r a A l l e n , " passim. 5 2 S e e Talleyrand to the D i r e c t o r y , 30 Aug. 1798, i n Wilbur, I r a A l l e n . I I , 191-98. 45 attack,5 3 By the summer of 1798, T a l l e y r a n d , the M i n i s t e r of Foreign A f f a i r s , had come to the co n c l u s i o n t h a t unless France was prepared to r i s k a p o t e n t i a l l y d i s a s t r o u s war wi t h the United S t a t e s , the outstanding i s s u e s between the two r e p u b l i c s must be l i q u i d a t e d by negotiation. 5 4 The r a i s o n d ' e t r e o f the D i r e c t o r y 1 s Canadian p o l i c y was thereby e l i m i n a t e d and the pl a n o f conquest was suspended i n d e f i n i t e l y . 5 5 S h o r t l y a f t e r Napoleon had s e i z e d power from the D i r e c t o r y i n 1799 he learned of a p r o j e c t f o r Canadian conquest devised by the i n d e f a t i g a b l e I r a A l l e n . The Vermont adventurer had returned t o France i n the summer of 1798 to o b t a i n documents proving he was the bona f i d e purchaser of the arms seized i n the O l i v e Branch. Uncere-moniously clamped i n p r i s o n f o r reasons s t i l l undetermined, he had been r e l e a s e d i n September 1799. Hoping the new regime might be induced to support the m i l i t a r y coup i n B r i t i s h North America, and thus solve h i s ever-desperate f i n a n c i a l p l i g h t , he l o s t no time i n submitting a s e r i e s of p o l i t i c a l - m i l i t a r y memoranda to the M i n i s t e r o f Foreign 53see e.g. Letombe t o D e l a c r o i x , 24 J u l y 1797, AHAR. 1903, I I , 1054; Same t o Ta l l e y r a n d , 12 Nov. 1797, i b i d . . 1077-78. ^ S e e Lyon, "The D i r e c t o r y and the United S t a t e s , " 523-32; James A l t o n James, "French Opinion as a Factor i n Preventing War between France and the Unit e d S t a t e s , 1795-1800," AHR, 1924, 44-55. 5 5 L i s t b n t o P r e s c o t t , 2 A p r i l 1798, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, S e r i e s 1, v. 11: 56; P r e s c o t t t o P o r t l a n d , 1 Oct. • 1798, PAC; CO 42, v. I l l : 20. 46 A f f a i r s , T a l l e y r a n d . I n the f i n a l v e r s i o n A l l e n contended th a t France and the United States should u n i t e m i l i t a r i l y t o d r i v e B r i t a i n from the seas and thus assure an un-p a r a l l e l e d commercial development f o r t h e i r two peoples. As an inducement t o the United States to j o i n i n such a olan, A l l e n suggested t h a t she be guaranteed pas s e s s i o n of B r i t i s h North America. The i n v a s i o n of Canada would be c a r r i e d out s o l e l y by American troops who could r e l y on the Canadian p o p u l a t i o n t o r i s e en masse. The French government d i d what i t could to a s s i s t A l l e n t o o b t a i n the O l i v e Branch arms. F i c t i t i o u s docu-ments were signed by o f f i c i a l s s t a t i n g A l l e n had paid the purchase p r i c e . Napoleon had nothing t o l o s e by forwarding A l l e n ' s schemes i n t h i s way. I f the American government could be persuaded t o a s s i s t the Vermonter or connive at h i s plans, so much the b e t t e r . France would ga i n i f war broke out between the United States and B r i t a i n . Bonaparte, moreover, intended to repossess L o u i s i a n a , With the B r i t i s h out o f North America, New France could be r e - c r e a t e d and i f events d i c t a t e d , the encirclement p o l i c y o f the D i r e c t o r y revived,5 6 When A l l e n ' s documentation d i d not convince the B r i t i s h a u t h o r i t i e s to give up the arms, he returned to Vermont f o r one l a s t throw of the d i c e . I n the s p r i n g and ^^Webster, "Napoleon and Canada," 3 9 - 5 1 ; Webster, " I r a A l l e n , " 75 -80 . summer o f 1801 he e s t a b l i s h e d a secret s o c i e t y i n Vermont which i n t u r n organized a dependent ' ' C i v i l Soc i e t y " i n Montreal.5 7 The Montreal founder was an American school teacher by the name of Rogers and the S o c i e t y ' s s i x t y -one members were a l l E n g l i s h speaking, mostly American. S i m i l a r s o c i e t i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d i n C a r i l l o n , Three Rivers and Quebec. T h e i r o s t e n s i b l e purpose was t o search f o r hidden'treasure; t h e i r r e a l object was to r e c r u i t a f i f t h c o l u m n .^ Government o f f i c i a l s uncovered no concrete e v i -dence o f Napoleon's i n f l u e n c e behind the s o c i e t i e s , although they learned t h a t one C h a r l e s - B a p t i s t e Bouc, a shopkeeper at Terrebonne, claimed an emissary from France had contacted him w i t h the message t h a t French troops would be i n f i l t r a t e d i n t o the colony i n small groups.59 His st o r y was checked by Richardson who d i r e c t e d an elaborate i n v e s t i g a t i o n ^ 0 and i n the end proved i t a f a b r i c a t i o n . ^ 1 5 7Webster, " I r a M i e n , " 79-80; W a l l o t , I n t r i g u e s . 49-60. M i l n e s t o General Hunter, 20 J u l y 1801, RAC, 1891, 82-33; C o l o n e l Graham to Major-General Burton, n.d.. i b i d . . 33-84; Attorney-General Sewell f's f i r s t r e p o r t to Mi l n e s on the C i v i l S o c i e t y , 21 Sept; 1801 ( h e r e a f t e r " f i r s t r e p o r t " ) , PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 4: 4961-68; Sewell's second re p o r t , 23 Oct. 1801 ( h e r e a f t e r "second r e p o r t " ) , PAC, CO 42, v. 117: 334-37; M i l n e s to John K i n g , 16 Sept. 1301, PAC, Q S e r i e s , v. 87-2: 297-98; Same t o Lord Hobart, 28 Oct. 1801, i b i d . , 377-82. ^ D e p o s i t i o n o f Bouc, 9 Oct. 1801, PAC, Q S e r i e s , v. 87-2: 413-16; f i r s t r e p o r t , 335. 6 0 W a l l o t , I n t r i g u e s . 66-73. * 6 l R i c h a r d s o n t o Ryland, 2 Nov. 1801, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 74: 23432; Same to Same, 27 June 1303, i b i d . , v. 80: 2 5084. 48 A Vermont informer had a l e r t e d the Lower Canada government to the danger i n July° 2 and s i x of the r i n g l e a d e r s — R o g e r s escaped to B u r l i n g t o n — w e r e a r r e s t e d i n September and detained without t r i a l . ^ 3 g v November the Lieu t e n a n t -Governor reported t o the C o l o n i a l Secretary that A l l e n ' s scheme had been completely broken.64 Four months l a t e r the Treaty o f Amiens was signed. The h i s t o r i a n , w i t h access to the d i p l o m a t i c c o r r e s -pondence of French o f f i c i a l s and other sources u n a v a i l a b l e to contemporaries i n Lower Canada, can c o n f i d e n t l y conclude t h a t the e x t e r n a l t h r e a t t o the colony d u r i n g the years 1793 to 1801 was minimal. The French government's i n t e r e s t i n the colony, f o r example, o n l y twice reached the point where a c t u a l m i l i t a r y preparations were begun, which i n each case were q u i c k l y abandoned. O f f i c i a l s of the govern-ment o f Lower Canada, who could not be sure o f French i n t e n t i o n s , g r e a t l y exaggerated the danger. The o n l y d e f i n i t e i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e suggested that France was t a k i n g a decided i n t e r e s t i n the l i b e r a t i o n o f the Canadians, Government o f f i c i a l s were kept w e l l informed The informant was a Colonel Graham, fo r m e r l y aide-de-camp of Governor Chittenden (RAC. 1891, 6 3 ) ; h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s p r i n t e d i n i b i d I , 83-84. See a l s o M i l n e s to P o r t l a n d , 1 Aug. 1801, PAC, Q S e r i e s , v. 87 -1 : 151-56. 6 3 M i l n e s t o King, 16 Sept. 1801, n. 58 above. 6^Same t o Hobart, 25 Nov. 1801, PAC, Q S e r i e s , v. 87-2: 443 . of Genet's m i l i t a r y plans,^5 and quickly learned of the a c t i v i t i e s o f Rousse and other emissaries i n 1793-94 . °^ They understood the Directory's encirclement po l i c y67 and that i t entailed the naval invasion of the Canadas. They believed, correctly, that the Directory had supplied arms to Ira Al l e n f o r the purpose of mounting a second invasion v i a the R i c h e l i e u 6 8 a n d were able to trace the a c t i v i t i e s of agents sent in t o the colony by Adet. 69 Definite evidence of French i n t r i g u e s served to bolster the commonly-held assumption that France, having embarked on a world-wide i d e o l o g i c a l crusade, would hardly neglect i t s former possessions i n North America, 7 0 p a r t i -^ S ee references i n n. 6, 11 above. ^ S e e n. 11 above and p.77-83 below. 6 ?Robert Liston to Prescott, 28 Nov. 1796, RSC, 1891, 62 ; John Richardson to Jonathan Sewell, 30 March 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1085; Joseph Chew (Deputy-Superintendent of Indian A f f a i r s ) to Edward Winslow, 17 Dec. 1797, PAC, Winslow Papers, v. 7: 7 8 . 6#Prescott to Portland, 17 Dec. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 108: 1 0 5 -06 ; Same to Same, 27 May 1797, i b i d . , v. 109: 39 -41; Same to Same, 24 June 1797, i b i d . , 61 -63 ; extract of a l e t t e r from Jonathan Sewe l l to Ryland, 19 Dec. 1796, i b i d . , 131 ; Same to Same, 9 A p r i l 1797, i b i d . , v. 109: 4 2 . 69See p # 37-43 above. 7 0See e.g. JHALC f o r 1792-93, 9 May 1793, 690 (Lieutenant-Governor A l u r e d Clarke's speech from the throne closing the session); Quebec ~Gazette.'.21 May 1793 (Chief Justice William Smith's address to the grand jury of Quebec, 27 A p r i l 1793) ; references to the Loyal Associa-tions i n n. 95 below; C h r i s t i e , A History, I, 178-79 (quoting Lieutenant-Governor Robert Prescott's speech from the throne opening the 1797 session). 50 c u l a r l y as reconquest, i n the o f f i c i a l view, would present no great d i f f i c u l t y . The number of B r i t i s h troops i n the colony was considered w o e f u l l y inadequate71 and the Canadians, i t was b e l i e v e d , would lend every a s s i s t a n c e to a French i n v a d i n g f o r c e . 7 2 I t al s o appeared l i k e l y that a s i g n i f i c a n t f o r c e could be r a i s e d i n Vermont73 and that the American government would do l i t t l e t o prevent an e x p e d i t i o n o r i g i n a t i n g i n that s t a t e . Indeed d u r i n g 1794, when tensions over the western posts reached a c r i t i c a l p o i n t , Governor Dorchester and Attorney-General James Monk were worried t h a t the Washington a d m i n i s t r a t i o n would y i e l d before the f r a n c o p h i l e p o l i t i c a l sentiments of the American masses as manipulated by Secretary o f State Thomas J e f f e r s o n and other Republicans, enter the war on the side of France and cooperate i n a j o i n t a t t a c k on B r i t i s h North America. 7^ A f t e r Jay's Treaty, i t was w e l l understood that the Fe d e r a l i s t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s o f Washington and John Adams 71 ' See p. 113-14 below. 7 2 T h i s p o i n t i s f u l l y developed i n ch. 4 . 7 3 S e e e.g. Dorchester t o Dundas, 26 A p r i l 1794, PAC, Q S e r i e s , v. 67: 191; Same t o Same, 7 June 1794, PAC, CO 42 , v. 100: 2 ; Quebec Gazette. 22 May 1794; references i n n. 68 above. ™Do r c h e s t e r t o Dundas, 26 A p r i l 1794, n. 73 above; Same to Same, 7 June 1794, n. 73 above; Same t o Same, 21 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 4 6 - 4 8 ; Same t o Hammond, s.d., i b i d , , 48-51; Monk t o Dorchester, 29 May 1794, i b i d . , 4 - 6 ; Same to Dundas, 17 J u n e l 7 9 4 , i b i d . , 352-53; Same t o Dorchester, 12 J u l y 1794, i b i d . , v. 99: 303-04. 51 would not favour any i n v a s i o n v i a the United States but there was s e r i o u s doubt whether the government would r i s k p o l i t i c a l u n p o p u l a r i t y by t a k i n g preventive, measures or even whether the f e d e r a l system permitted i t t o do so. L i s t o n informed P r e s c o t t that f o r p o l i t i c a l reasons the a d m i n i s t r a t i on refused to order Governor Chittenden of Vermont—who was of the A l l e n f a c t i o n — o r other northern governors to hand Ducalvet over t o the B r i t i s h a u t h o r ! t i e s . 7 5 The American government would attempt to prevent the arming of volun-t e e r s near the border, but as L i s t o n pointed out, c o n t r o l " i s not so complete as might be wished f o r on occasions o f t h i s s o r t , and ... a Governor of a d i s t a n t d i s t r i c t may perhaps connive at proceedings which they {the f e d e r a l government] would be i n c l i n e d t o surpress w i t h a high hand."76 The B r i t i s h M i n i s t e r a t t r i b u t e d the f a i l u r e t o order De M i l l i e r e and h i s a s s o c i a t e s from the f r o n t i e r t o the weaknesses o f American f e d e r a l i s m . 7 7 B r i t i s h sea power gave no absolute guarantee against the abearance of French troops i n the colony. The French f l e e t from time to time during the war was able to escape ^ L i s t o n t o P r e s c o t t , 8 A p r i l 1797, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, S e r i e s 1, v. 11 : 18-19 . 7 6Same t o Same, 15 Jan. 1797, i b i d . , 13-14 . 7 7 L i s t o n t o P r e s c o t t , 4 May 1797, i b i d . , 26 -27. I n A p r i l the f e d e r a l government d i d order the commanders o f f r o n t i e r posts to exclude from the back country a l l strangers and t r a v e l l e r s without f e d e r a l passports: Same to Same, 22 A p r i l 1797, i b i d . , 2 4 . 52 the blockade of Brest. In the spring and summer of 1794, for example, the battle f l e e t sailed into the A t l a n t i c to divert the B r i t i s h navy from a large convoy of f l o u r en route to France from the United States.78 In August 1796 Admiral Richery, with seven s a i l of the l i n e and some f r i g a t e s , escaped the blockade and s a i l e d to Newfoundland. In September the f l e e t destroyed a few houses, f i s h i n g boats and stores at Bay B u l l s , Newfoundland, before returning home.7^ Later that year Admiral Bouvet's f l e e t of t h i r t y -f i v e ships carrying almost 15,000 troops s a i l e d within a few miles of the I r i s h coast and i n 1798 a small naval force succeeded in landing General Humbert and 1,200 soldiers i n AO I r e l a n d . o u It i s understandable, then, that government 7^De Gonde, Entangling A l l i a n c e , 404. 79Gerald S. Graham, Empire of the North A t l a n t i c (Toronto, 1950), 226-27. The most succinct appreciation of the m i l i t a r y weaknesses of the Canadas a f t e r Richery's demonstration that the blockade was not e n t i r e l y e f f e c t i v e i s contained i n a report from General Simcoe, Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, to the Colonial Secretary, the Duke of Portland: " ... the Invasion of Canada by'a French Fleet would be a matter of l i t t l e r e a l Hazard, & possibly the recent success of Richery may have an influence i n i t s t r i a l , for i t must be obvious that by passing above Quebec, supposing a l l the Kings forces to be i n that C a p i t a l , a very small Body of Troops indeed, would be i n perfect security & lead the whole of the Province ... into open r e b e l l i o n . . . . It i s apparent that the Montreal force £even i f equal' i n strength to the Quebec garrison^ would be i n s u f f i c i e n t , from i t s position, to guard on one side against what might be apprehended from Lake Champlain on the other from the Universal Insurrection of the french Canadians....", 11 Dec. 1796, E.A. Cruikshank and A.H. Hunter, eds., The Corres- pondence, of the Honourable Peter Russell, 3v. (Toronto, 1932-36), I, 1 0 4 - 0 5 . o uA.T. Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power upon the  French Revolution and~Empire, 1793-1812, 2v. (London, 1892), I, 346-61, 378-80. 53 o f f i c i a l s should consider i t e n t i r e l y p o s s i b l e t h a t the French f l e e t would appear i n the St. Lawrence. I n the t h i n k i n g of some o f f i c i a l s , moreover, the French would not even have to r i s k a f l e e t i n the r i v e r . According t o Attorney-General Sewell i t seemed p e r f e c t l y f e a s i b l e that French tr o o p s , a f t e r being landed on the American coast, would t r a v e l i n small*>groj*ps'..'thrbmgh*;-New^Sngl?aJn^'jfeo' ."the* Vermont-Lower Canada f r o n t i e r where they would be armed.& I t a l s o appeared p o s s i b l e a f t e r the Franco-Spanish a l l i a n c e of 1795 t h a t the French, u s i n g New Orleans as a st a g i n g area, would mount an i n v a s i o n of the Canadas v i a the M i s s i s s i p p i . By 1797 the c o l o n i a l government was aware that t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y had been considered by the D i r e c t o r y and t h a t i t s agents had been i n v e s t i g a t i n g the m i l i t a r y support which might be obtained among the frontiersmen of Kentucky, I n d i a n t r i b e s to the south o f the Great Lakes, and the Mohawks s e t t l e d between Lakes E r i e and Ontario i n Upper Canada, who under the le a d e r s h i p of Chief Joseph Brant were i n v o l v e d i n acrimonious dispute w i t h the govern mentl at York over the r i g h t to s e l l t h e i r lands. ^ g l S e w e l l t o M i l n e s , 23 Oct. 1801, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 117: 325. See a l s o Capt. James Green ( P r e s c o t t * s m i l i t a r y secretary) t o S i r John Johnson, 14 May 1798, Cruikshank and Hunter, R u s s e l l Correspondence. I I , 151 . ^ R i c h a r d s o n to Ryland, 6 Feb; 1797, Cruikshank and Hunter, R u s s e l l Correspondence. I , 140; L i s t o n t o P r e s c o t t , 8 A p r i l 1797, PAC, G S e r i e s , 18, v. 15 : n.p.; Mathew E l l i o t t t o S i r John Johnson, 28 June 1797, PAC, CO 42 , v. 109: 71 -72; references i n n. 39 below. 54 Operating on these assumptions, o f f i c i a l s r e c u r r e n t l y expected a French i n v a s i o n of Lower Canada. Governor Dorchester requested Bishop Hubert to i n s u r e that the cur£s be a l e r t e d t o the p o s s i b i l i t y and i n s t r u c t e d to i n d o c t r i -nate the f a i t h f u l i n the f a t a l consequences i f the i n v a s i o n should succeed.^3 Even a f t e r l e a r n i n g the f l e e t i n New York had unceremoniously abandoned Genet, Dorchester and Attorney-General Monk took very s e r i o u s l y the rumours that a naval f o r c e would a t t a c k d u r i n g the summer of 1794.^ I n the autumn o f 1796 Pre s c o t t suspected that Richery&s 85 d e s t i n a t i o n was Quebec. A few months l a t e r Richardson a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t Richery's f l e e t would be strengthened and up t o 30,000 troops would be embarked f o r the Canadas during the s p r i n g o f 1 7 9 7 . ^ Ne i t h e r the news o f the capture o f the O l i v e Branch nor the r e c e i p t of i n t e l l i g e n c e i n 1798 that France had suspended the i n v a s i o n p l a n ^ 7 s i g n i f i c a n t l y reduced apprehension. C i v i l Secretary Herman Ryland, &See p. 62-63 below. *See references i n n. 74 above. ^5John Dalton (Seputy Adjutant-General) to Francois Baby, 3 Oct. 1796, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 12: 6836. ^ R i c h a r d s o n t o Jonathan Sewell, 23 Jan. 1796 [1797] , PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 958-59. ^ 7 L i s t b n t o P r e s c o t t , 2 A p r i l 1798, PAC, P r e s c o t t . Papers, S e r i e s 1, v. 11: $6; P r e s c o t t t o P o r t l a n d , 1 Oct. 1798, PAC, CO 42, v. I l l : 20. Pr e s c o t t was r e p o r t i n g the opinion of an i n t e l l i g e n c e agent Jules Le Fer (see p. 100 below). 55 f o r example, was i n c l i n e d t o b e l i e v e the s t o r y of a Canadian whose son, then a p r i s o n e r at La Rochelle, had w r i t t e n warning that the f l e e t would s a i l f o r the Canadas i n the 88 s p r i n g o f 1797. Throughout the summer and autumn of 1798 Governor P r e s c o t t remained convinced the D i r e c t o r y ' s i n v a s i o n plan wouTLd be revived. * *9 Despite the v i c t o r y of the N i l e and Napoleon's preoccupation w i t h the European th e a t r e , Attorney-General Sewell saw i n A l l e n ' s C i v i l S o c i e t y an attempt to r e c r u i t a f i f t h column to a s s i s t the impending French i n v a s i o n . 9 ° The tendency of o f f i c i a l s t o exaggerate French i n t e r e s t i n l i b e r a t i n g the Canadians i s a l s o i l l u s t r a t e d by the curious c o n v i c t i o n that the province was i n f e s t e d by French em i s s a r i e s , even when, as i n 1795 or 1798 to 18Q0, there were few, i f any, who entered the colony.91 Every stranger was suspect. To c i t e but one o f dozens of examples, a Doctor Dickson from I r e l a n d — t h e n i n the midst 8 8 R y l a n d to L i s t o n , 1 June 1797, PAC, G S e r i e s , 15.C, v. 5 : 182. See a l s o Jonathan Sewell t o Ryland, 9 A p r i l 1797, PAC, CO 42, v. 109: 42. g 9 P r e s c o t t t 0 P o r t l a n d , 24 June 1798, PAC, CO 42, v. 109: 61-63; Same to Same, 22 Aug. 1798, i b i d . , v. I l l : 7-9 ; Same to Same, 1 Oct. 1798, i b i d . , 22 ; Same t o L i s t o n , 19 Nov. 1798, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, Ser i e s 1, v. 13: 96 -97 ; Same to P o r t l a n d , 12 Dec. 1798, i b i d . , v. 13 : 103. Both L i s t o n and Le Fer (see n. 87 above) shared t h i s o p i n i o n . 9°sewe l l to M i l n e s , 23 Oct. 1801, n. 81 above. 9 1 S e e e.g. Ryland t o Edward Gray, 11 Jan. 1798, PAC, G S e r i e s , 15.C, v. 6 : 14; Same t o James M c G i l l and Thomas Forsythe, 14 May 1798, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, S e r i e s 1, v. 13: 43; P r e s c o t t t o S i r W i l l i a m Fawcett, 5 Sept. 1798, PAC, C S e r i e s , v. 1207: 160; Samuel Gale t o Thomas Forsythe, 19 Nov. 1798, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, S e r i e s 1, v. 13: 95 -96 . 56 of the United I r i s h R e b e l l i o n — w a s c a r e f u l l y watched by the government. He appeared to be a s u s p i c i o u s character i n P r e s c o t t ' s eyes since he had l e f t the e l i g i b l e p o s i t i o n of p h y s i c i a n t o Lord Camden and V i c e - P r e s i d e n t of the College of P h y s i c i a n s i n Dublin t o embark on "so w i l d a scheme" as v i s i t i n g Lower Canada to w r i t e a pamphlet i n favour of e s t a b l i s h i n g a u n i v e r s i t y i n the colony. His upper c l a s s s t a t u s was incompatible w i t h h i s f a i l u r e t o announce h i s e l i g i b i l i t y to Quebec s o c i e t y . Bishop Mountain, one of the r e s i d e n t experts i n educational matters, was set the task of spying on Dickson but could f i n d nothing s u s p i c i o u s . Perhaps offended at the c o n t i n u a l p r y i n g i n t o h i s a f f a i r s the suspect l e f t the province i n February or March 1799 without the Governor being any the wiser.92 Fear of a French or a French and American a t t a c k was by no means confined to o f f i c i a l s . 9 3 The m i l i t a r y plans of * Mountain to Jonathan Sewell, 1 Dec. 1798, QDA, Sewell-Mountain Correspondence; P r e s c o t t t o P o r t l a n d , 12 Dec. 1798, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, S e r i e s ; ! , v. 13: 103-^ 05; Same to Same, 7 Jan. 1799, i b i d . , 105-06; Same to Same, 5 March 1799, i b i d . , 112, L i s t o n l a t e r informed P r e s c o t t that Dickson had l e f t I r e l a n d because he had been discovered swindling: 13 A p r i l 1799, i b i d . , v. 11: 70-72. 93 See e.g. Samuel Gerrard to , 25 A p r i l 1793, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 11: 6469; John Charles t o Henri Meziere, 24 Oct. 1795, LOC, France, A f f . E t . , Corr. P o l . , E.U., supp. v. 28: 414v-15; JHALC f o r 1793-94, 22 May 1794, 304 (motion i n favour o f m a r t i a l law proposed by the seigneur W i l l i a m Grant); David Alexander Grant t o Simon McTavish, 10 J u l y 1794, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 11: 6593-94. 57 Genet and Adet, the a c t i v i t i e s o f the emissaries they sent to Lower Canada, and the s i t u a t i o n i n Vermont were a l l p u b l i c knowledge.94 The c o l o n i a l government's apprehension of a t t a c k was impressed on the p u b l i c mind by the p r o v i n c e -wide L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n campaign o f 1794,^ the.passage and enforcement i n that year o f a s t a t u t e providing f o r the summary d e p o r t a t i o n of a l i e n s and the suspension of habeas corpus,96 the passage i n 1797 of the Act f o r the B e t t e r P r e s e r v a t i o n of H i s Majesty's Government, which again suspended habeas corpus,97 a n c} the w i d e l y p u b l i c i z e d t r i a l and execution of David McLane. 98 When i t was f i r s t learned i n Quebec C i t y t h a t Richery was o f f the Newfound-land coast, i t was assumed h i s d e s t i n a t i o n was Lower Canada and, according t o lawyer George Pyke " a l l ranks and d e s c r i p t i o n s of people here endeavoured t o o b t a i n informa-t i o n of the d i s p o s i t i o n and sentiments of the Canadians 0 i n • the d i s t a n t parishes. " 9 9 j n Montreal a few weeks l a t e r 94 7 H"See e.g. Quebec Gazette. 22 May, 3 J u l y 1794-\, 13, 27 J u l y , 10 Aug. 1797. 95 'For the L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n campaign see PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 58-60; Quebec Gazette. 3 J u l y , 23 Oct. 1794; RAQ. 1948-49, 253 -73; p. 127-29 below. 9 6 S e e p # !24_27 below. 97see p. 137-42 below. 9 8 S e e p. 142-51 below. "McLane's t r i a l , 786. 58 there was much t a l k about the need t o form a v o l u n t a r y armed a s s o c i a t i o n i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r the attack.^OO W r i t i n g i n 1801, the p r o p r i e t o r - e d i t o r o f the Montreal Gazette, Edward Edwards, expressed a common concern when he suggested that Bonaparte's " i n t o x i c a t i n g success" might encourage the French t o "look t o B r i t i s h America, they know the Canadians would not do much to prevent any attempt to a t t a c k us."- 1-^ During the pe r i o d 1793 to 1801 then, E n g l i s h government o f f i c i a l s ; a n d the E n g l i s h r e s i d e n t s g e n e r a l l y , considered the appearance o f French troops i n the colony to beatvery r e a l p o s s i b i l i t y . The unnerving question r a i s e d was how would the Canadians, former subjects of France, r e a c t . ^ W i l l i a m Lindsay to Jonathan Sewell, 1 Dec. 1796, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 1017-19. There were of course a few i n d i v i d u a l s who took a more o p t i m i s t i c view of the s i t u a t i o n . Quebec merchant Henry C u l l , f o r example, thought that u n t i l the French were able t o "keep a stronger F l e e t than Great B r i t i a n at the mouth of the Gulph ... I imagine we s h a l l not be v i s i t e d by them"; C u l l t o James Dale, 23 i l 0 v . 1796, PAC, C u l l Papers, Letterbook, 63. x u xEdwards to John N e i l s o n , 23 A p r i l 1801, PAC, N e i l s o n C o l l e c t i o n , v. 1: 272. CHAPTER 3 THE CANADIANS AND REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE, 1 7 9 3 - 1 8 0 1 The standard i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the impact of the French Revolution on Lower Canada a s s e r t s that, w i t h the exception of a handful of e x t r e m i s t s who soon l e f t the colony, the Canadian e l i t e a f t e r 1792 was unanimous i a i t s condemnation of the R e v o l u t i o n . 1 While t h i s idea expresses an important t r u t h , i t l a c k s s u b t l e t y . I n p a r t i c u l a r i t overlooks an i n f l u e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n under the l e a d e r s h i p of assemblymen Joseph Papineau and Jean-Antoine Panet. Despite the September massacres and the execution o f Louis XVI, these men continued to draw i n s p i r a t i o n from the id e a l s o f 1 7 8 9 . 2 As w i l l be shown i n the succeeding chapter t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y provoked E n g l i s h s u s p i c i o n t h a t a segment of the e l i t e was prepared to f u r t h e r the subversive p r o j e c t s o f c i t i z e n s Genet and See e.g. Garneau, H i s t o i r e . I I I . 1 0 6 - 1 2 ; Chapais, Cours. I I , 111-27; Ralph F l e n l e y , "The French R e v o l u t i o n and French Canada," i n Ralph F l e n l e y , ed., Essays i n Canadian  H i s t o r y Presented t o George MacKinnon Wrong (Toronto. 1 9 3 9 ) , 4 5 - 6 7 , passim; Vernon, "The Impact," ch. IV-V; Michel Brunet, "Les Canadiens et l a France r e v o l u t i o n n a i r e , " RHAF, 1 9 5 9 - 6 0 , 4-67*75 at 467-68; O u e l l e t , H i s t o i r e econo- mique. 1 6 7 ; Wade, 'The French Canadians. I , 97 - 1 0 0 ; Jean-P i e r r e W a l l o t , "Courants d'idees dans l e Bas-Canada a l'epoque de l a R e v o l u t i o n f r a n c a i s e , " Information h i s t o r i q u e . 1 9 6 8 , 2 3-29, 7 0 - 7 8 , passim but see p. 72 p a r t i c u l a r l y . 2 I must acknowledge a debt t o P r o f e s s o r O u e l l e t , whose dis c o v e r y and a n a l y s i s o f Joseph Papineau's notes on Rousseau's essay "Economie p o l i t i q u e " provided one o f the clues which l e d t o the d i s c o v e r y that such a f a c t i o n e x i s t e d and played an important r o l e i n the p o l i t i c s o f the period: "Joseph Papineau et l e regime parlementaire ( 1 7 9 1 ) , " BRH, 1 9 5 5 , 7 1 - 7 7 . 60 Adet. A second, but l e s s u n i v e r s a l , misconception i s t h a t the h a b i t a n t s q u i c k l y absorbed the francophobe a t t i t u d e s of the e l i t e . 3 r£? t h i s were t r u e , i t would be next t o impossible t o deny that E n g l i s h expressions of alarm were o p p o r t u n i s t i c . The documentary evidence, however, i n d i c a t e s that despite n e g l i g i b l e i n t e r e s t i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l reforms of the Revolution, a m a j o r i t y of h a b i t a n t s were hopeful t h a t France would reconquer the colony. The g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y , thus, had some p a r t i a l b a s i s i n f a c t . Moreover, the behaviour of the hab i t a n t s d u r i n g the m i l i t i a and Road Act r i o t s and the e l e c t i o n o f 1796 could e a s i l y suggest to the E n g l i s h t h a t the colony was on the verge of i n s u r r e c t i o n . 4 By l a t e 1792 the Canadian e l i t e was u n i t e d i n de-nouncing events i n France. The c l e r g y , from the outset s u s p i c i o u s of the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , r e a c t e d with r e v u l s i o n to the enforcement of the C i v i l C o n s t i t u t i o n , the September 3 See the references t o Garneau, Chapais, Vernon, Ouellet and Wallot i n n. 1 above. Some h i s t o r i a n s , w h i l e p r o v i d i n g l i t t l e proof, have s t a t e d that the h a b i t a n t s were favourable to the French cause, not o n l y f o r n a t i o n a l reasons but a l s o because they found the reforms of the French R e v o l u t i o n appealing: Wade, "Quebec and the French Revolu t i o n , " 364-68; Brunet, "Les Canadiens e t l a France r e v o l u t i o n n a i r e , " 468-73; C l a r k , Movements of P o l i t i c a l  P r o t e s t . 177; Morton, Kingdom o f Canada. 191-92"! The e v i -dence (p. 96-98 below) i n d i c a t e s such a co n c l u s i o n i s untenable, ^Although some o f the h i g h l i g h t s of the m i l i t i a r i o t s and, to a l e s s e r extent, of the Road Act r i o t s are w e l l known, there has been as yet no extended, e x p l i c i t a n a l y s i s of these disturbances i n terms of ha b i t a n t o p i n i o n . With the exception of the o c c a s i o n a l passing comment (e.g. Mor-ton, Kingdom of Canada. 192) the e l e c t i o n of 1796 has not been mentioned by p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r i a n s d e a l i n g with'the p e r i o d | s e e e ^ g ^ Chapais, Cours. I I ; Wade, The French Cana-61 massacres i n which Canadian born p r i e s t s were k i l l e d , and the execution of the King. To a l i t e r a t e Roman C a t h o l i c r e g i c i d e was the most unforgiveable of crimes. God would s u r e l y wreak a t e r r i b l e vengeance on the p a r r i c i d e s who dared g u i l l o t i n e His anointed l i e u t e n a n t i n France. The cure* of L ' I s l e t , Jacques Panet, was so enraged he i n s i s t e d the p r i e s t s of France should have rushed to cover " l e Roi de l e u r corps et mourir a ses p i e d s l C ' ^ t a i t l a l e u r place au l i e u d'.ejmigrer comme i i s ont f a i t . " 5 The r e v u l s i o n of the cl e r g y was shared by the Canadian seigneurs, one of whom, r e f e r r i n g to the September massacres, claimed t h a t French-men had now taken t o human slaughter "avec une barbarie et une f e V o c i t e digne des plus ep.uels cannibales. " 6 The a t r o c i t i e s i n France a l s o e f f e c t e d a change i n the opinions of the Canadian middle c l a s s on the m e r i t s of the R e v o l u t i o n . At the outbreak of war middle c l a s s assemblymen joined s e i g n e u r i a l and E n g l i s h members i n a unanimous address t o Lieutenant-Governor Alured Clarke which c h a r a c t e r i z e d L o u i s ' execution as "the most a t r o c i o u s act which ever disgraced s o c i e t y . " 7 ^Quoted i n P h i l i p p e . Aubert de Gasp£, Mjmoires, (Quebec, 1885) , 87. ^Quebec Gazette, 31 Jan. 1793 ( r e p o r t i n g a speech made i n the Assembly by Michel-E.G.A. C h a r t i e r de L o t b i n i e r e ) . "AhJ l e s infamesj" exclaimed the seigneur P h i l i p p e Aubert de Gaspe* upon 3e arning of L o u i s ' f a t e , " l i s ont g u i l l o t i n e " l e u r R o i l " : Mjmoires_, 86. 7JHALC f o r 1792-93, 26 A p r i l 1793, 604. 62 The Canad ian e l i t e p l a y e d an a c t i v e i?ole i n the cause o f l o y a l t y d u r i n g the 1790 ' s . The m a j o r i t y o f Canad ian assemblymen d u r i n g the f i r s t L e g i s l a t u r e v o t e d f o r a l l m e a s u r e s — s u c h as the s u s p e n s i o n o f habeas c o r p u s i n 1794— c o n s i d e r e d by government o f f i c i a l s t o be v i t a l i n the i n t e r e s t s o f s e c u r i t y . C l e r g y , s e i g n e u r s and middle c l a s s s u p p o r t e d the g o v e r n m e n t - i n s p i r e d L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n campaign o f 1794, which at tempted t o demonstrate f o r a l l Canadians the h o r r o r s which would a t t e n d F r e n c h r e c o n q u e s t . The s e i g n e u r s o f t e n t r i e d t o propagand ize t h e i r c e n s i t a i r e s and c o u l d be r e l i e d on t o r e p o r t any s u s p i c i o u s a c t i v i t y . 9 The h i e r a r c h y o f the Roman C a t h o l i c Church s a n c t i o n e d the p r a c t i c e o f r e f u s i n g to admit t o the sacraments those persons s u s p e c t e d o f r e p u b l i c a n s e n t i m e n t s 1 0 and t h r e e t imes d u r i n g the 1790*s i s s u e d , a t the r e q u e s t o f the G o v e r n o r , c i r c u l a r l e t t e r s i n s t r u c t i n g the c u r e s to p r e a c h -The main s o u r c e s f o r the L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n campaign are found i n PAC, S S e r i e s , v . 58-60; RAQ, 1948-49, 253-73; Quebec G a z e t t e , 3 , 31 J u l y , 18, 30 O c t . , 1794. ^See e . g . de Gaspe", Memoires , 85-86; Ry land t o C h a r l e s - L o u i s - R o c h de S t . O u r s , 22 J u l y 1794, PAC, S t . - O u r s -D o r i o n P a p e r s , p. 36-37; F r a n c o i s A lexandre Frederic, due de La R o c h e f o u c a u l d - L i a n c o u r t , Voyage dans l e s E t a t s - U n i s  d'Amgrlque f a i t en 1795. 1796 e t 1797. 8v. ( P a r i s , 1799). I I , 210; P i e r r e - I . Aubert de Gasp6 t o , 7 J u l y 1796, BRH, 1936, 379. 1 0 S e e e . g . B i s h o p Hubert t o cure B e d a r d , 13 A u g . 1793, RAQ, 1931-32, 239; Same t o Same, 14 A u g . 1793, i b i d . ; Same t o Same, 19 A u g . 1793, i b i d . . 6 3 l o y a l t y sermons."****" On these and other occasions the c l e r g y d i l i g e n t l y taught the f a i t h f u l that the Revolution proved beyond doubt that the Conquest had been decreed by a beneficent Providence. They e x t o l l e d the B r i t i s h r e g i m e — the l e n i e n t c r i m i n a l law, freedom of c o n t r a c t , m i l i t i a duty r e s t r i c t e d to the province, peace, p r o s p e r i t y and ordered l i b e r t y — a n d contrasted i t s many b l e s s i n g s w i t h the dark days of B i g o t . Modern Frenchmen, the Canadians were taught, had executed t h e i r f a t h e r , King L o u i s , massacred t h e i r c l e r g y , and thoiight i t p e r m i s s i b l e t o k i l l one's parents 1 2 i f they became a nuisance. There were, of course, exceptions to t h i s p i c t u r e o f t o t a l h o s t i l i t y to developments i n France. During the f i r s t years of the R e v o l u t i o n , a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of the Canadian middle c l a s s had applauded the s t r u g g l e s of the T h i r d Estate which they considered analagous t o t h e i r own contest with the seigneurs and o f f i c i a l s on the question o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government. I n some cases t h i s i n i t i a l enthusiasm s u r v i v e d i n whole or i n part the r e a c t i o n a f t e r the September massacres. A few middle c l a s s f r a n c o p h i l e s l i k e Dr . Timothe*e O'Connor i n Quebec and the p r i n t e r i : L I n 1793, 1796 and 1799. See H. T§tu and CO. Gagnon, Mandements. l e t t r e s p a s t o r a l e s et c i r c u l a i r e s des gyjques "de Quebec, 3v . (Quebec. 1888). I I . 471-73> 501-02, 515-17; L i o n e l Groulx, "La Providence et l a conquete a n g l a i s e de l a Nouvelle-France," i n Notre maitre, l e passe", 3rd s e r i e s (Montreal, 1944) , 125-64. 1 2 J a c q u e s Rousse to Genet, 13 Feb. 1794, LOC, France, A f f . E t . , C o r r . P o l . , E.U., supp., v. 28: 433 ; cure* Jacques Panet t o Thomas Dunn, 20 J u l y 1794, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 59: 18976-77; speech o f cure* G.-M. de L o r i m i e r , 21 J u l y 1794, i b i d . , v. 60: 19157-61; Groulx, "La Providence," passim. Henri Meziere i n Montreal, f o r example, would have welcomed r e v o l u t i o n and have worked a c t i v e l y to support a French i n v a s i o n . I n Quebec C i t y a group o f them gained c o n t r o l of the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Club i n the autumn of 1792 and f o r a few months discussed French a f f a i r s and sang p a t r i o t i c songs at i t s i n f r e q u e n t meetings."'*3 During the e a r l y weeks of 1793 the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Club appears to have been dying a n a t u r a l death through a t t r i t i o n of membership. The coup de grace was administered upon the outbreak o f war when the government o f f i c i a l s l e t i t be known that member-ship i n such s o c i e t i e s would b r i n g a charge of s e d i t i o n . By the summer of 1794 many o f the extreme f r a n c o p h i l es h a d — w i s e l y — l e f t the colony f o r the United S t a t e s , where they o f f e r e d t h e i r s e r v i c e s as emissaries to the French M i n i s t e r . " ^ I n a d d i t i o n t o these men, there were a few assemblymen l i k e Montreal notary-surveyor Joseph Papineau and Quebec lawyer Jean-Antoine Panet 1^ who continued to draw i n s p i r a t i o n from some o f the p o l i t i c a l i d e a l s o f the French R e v o l u t i o n , w h i l e abhorring the v i o l e n c e i t ^3A s i m i l a r Club des P a t r i o t e s operated i n Montreal. ^ S e e Meziere to c i t i z e n Dalbarde, 4 Jan. 1794, BRH, 1931, 195-96; O'Connor t o c i t i z e n Genet, 4 Feb. 1794, LC3S7 France, A f f . E t . , C o r r . P o l . , E.U., supp., v. 28: 431; , "Esquisse des p r i n c i p a u x evenements q u i ont eu l i e u dans l e Canada depuis l a Rev o l u t i o n Francaise i b i d . , 441-44 ; Monk to Dorchester, 2 Oct. 1794, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 100: 105-06; Quebec Gazette. 8 Nov. 1792, 10 Jan., 28 March 1793. •^Papineau and Panet were r e g u l a r l y supported i n the Assembly by the hal f - p a y o f f i c e r P h i l i p p e de Rocheblave, son of a seigneur, f u r merchant Lo u i s Duniere and Quebec lawyer Michel-Amable B e r t h e l o t d'Artigny. 65 had occasioned and r e j e c t i n g any i d e a o f French reconquest.16" Although i n no sense republicans or democrats, t h e i r p o l i t i c a l views were h i g h l y r a d i c a l i n the context o f Lower Canada p o l i t i c s i n the 1790's. They t r a n s l a t e d Rousseau's general w i l l theory i n t o the n o t i o n t h a t assemblymen had a r i g h t and a duty t o p r o t e c t the i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r c o n s t i t u e n t s even i f t h i s meant oppos i n g the Governor. From the D e c l a r a t i o n o f the Rights of Man, as w e l l as B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n a l h i s t o r y , they der i v e d a c o n v i c t i o n t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l must be protected a g a i n s t government. 1 7 During the f i r s t L e g i s l a t u r e the r a d i c a l s attempted t o w r i t e t h i s b e l i e f i n t o law by amending govern-ment b i l l s t o provide f o r a p o l i t i c a l l y independent j u d i c i a r y , 1 * * t o e s t a b l i s h the r i g h t t o a j u r y t r i a l i n a l l s u i t s i n v o l v i n g the Crown,^ and to r e s t r i c t the sus-The r a d i c a l s a c t i v e l y supported the Loya l A s s o c i a -t i o n campaign. 1 7 The i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n o f the Papineau-Panet r a d i c a l s can be estimated from t h e i r behaviour i n the Assembly and the f o l l o w i n g sources: Abbe H. Grave t o Abbe" Hody, 25 Oct. 1791 ( d r a f t ) , Honorious Provost, ed., Le seminaire  de Quebec: documents et biographies (Quebec, 1964), 288; John Richardson to Alexander E l l i c e , 16 Feb. 1793, W.P.M. Kennedy, S t a t u t e s , T r e a t i e s and .Documents of the Canadian  C o n s t i t u t i o n . 171J-1929 (Oxford. 1930). 213; Monk t o Nepean. 7 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 350; The Times-Cours du  temps. 9 Feb. 1795 ( l e t t e r of "Modestus"); La Rochefoucauld-L i a n c o u r t , Voyage. I I , 210; Joseph Papineau's notes on Rousseau's "Economie p o l i t i q u e , " 23 J u l y 1796, APQ, Papineau, AP-P-5-62. Among Papineau's notes was the f o l l o w i n g : "... La volonte l a p l u s general est a u s s i t o u j o u r s l a plus j u s t e , et l a v o i x du peuple est en e f f e t l a v o i x de di e u . " 1^JHALC f o r 1793-94, 4 A p r i l 1794, 198-200. 1 9 I b i d . . s.d., 196-98. 66 pension o f habeas corpus to the e i g h t days f o l l o w i n g a r r e s t . 2 ^ " In a l l these endeavours they were overwhelming-l y defeated, such was the profound d i s t r a i s t among most E n g l i s h and Canadian p o l i t i c i a n s a f t e r the September massacres of anything remotely suggestive o f French p r i n c i p l e s . Although a small m i n o r i t y d u r i n g the f i r s t L e g i s l a t u r e , the r a d i c a l s managed t o g a i n the t r u s t of the mass of r u r a l voters and a f t e r the e l e c t i o n o f 1796 formed the l a r g e s t f a c t i o n i n the Assembly, 2! I t was g e n e r a l l y recognized i n Lower Canada th a t the success of any French a t t a c k would u l t i m a t e l y depend on the response of the h a b i t a n t s , who w i t h t h e i r f a m i l i e s made up over seventy percent o f the p o p u l a t i o n . The E n g l i s h could h a r d l y have much confidence i n the l o y a l t y o f the Canadian farming c l a s s . Many h a b i t a n t s were sngered by the manner i n which the s e i g n e u r i a l system functioned, were o b v i o u s l y anglophobic, detested the Canadian seigneur and suspected the i n t e g r i t y o f the c l e r g y i n p o l i t i c a l matters. Despite the intense propaganda e f f o r t s of the e l i t e , most r e t a i n e d a sentimental a t t a c h -ment f o r the former mother country. Although the o b l i g a t i o n s of the Canadian c e n s i t a i r e were i n no way comparable to the burdens imposed on the peasant i n pre-Revolutionary France, emissaries and t h e i r 2 0 I b i d . . 22 May, 304. 2 1 S e e p. 84-95, 139-42, 159 below; Appendix I I I . 67 sympathizers found that the f u n c t i o n i n g of the s e i g n e u r i a l system was one o f the most e x p l o i t a b l e o f habitant g r i e v a n -ces. During the French regime i f a seigneur r a i s e d the re n t s or imposed new c o n d i t i o n s the c e n s i t a i r e could appeal Immediately f o r redress t o the Intendant at l i t t l e or no co s t . S i m i l a r l y i f the seigneur refused t o grant uncon-ceded land on the p r e v a i l i n g c o n d i t i o n s i n the seigneury the Intendant could make the grant f o r him. A f t e r the Conquest many E n g l i s h merchants and o f f i c i a l s bought seigneuries and tended to lo o k upon themselves as e n t r e -preneurs and the unconceded lands as th eii? own personal property, imposing such c o n d i t i o n s on new grantees as the market would bear. They a l s o considered t h e i r h a b i t a n t s as t e n a n t - a t - w i l l r a t h e r than co-owners h o l d i n g i n p e r p e t u i t y , and o f t e n attempted to r e v i s e e x i s t i n g c o n-t r a c t s . Although the E n g l i s h seigneurs were the worst offenders, i l l e g a l e xactions were n e a r l y u n i v e r s a l b y the 22 n i n e t i e s . A t y p i c a l v i o l a t i o n o f customary law i n v o l v e d the c e n s i t a i r e s of the Barony of Longueuil, s i x t y - f o u r of whom p e t i t i o n e d the Assembly i n 1793 to d e l i v e r them from the oppression o f t h e i r seigneur, David Alexander Grant: ^On the problem o f i l l e g a l r e n t s see S o l i c i t o r -General Jonathan Sewell t o Dorchester, 27 Feb. 1794, PAC, Q Se r i e s , v. 67: 89-96; Monk t o Dundas, 6 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 3 2 6 - 2 9 ; La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Voyage. I I , 206; Chief J u s t i c e W i l l i a m Osgoode to Burland, 25 Oct. 1795, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 22: 2 3 - 2 4 ; Isaac Weld, Travels  Through the States o f North American and the Provinces o f  Upper and Lower Canada, d u r i n g the Years 1795. 1796. and 1797 (London. 1799). 2J1. * ' 1  Qu'au mepris des ordonances des anciens Rois de france, i l a u r o i t a r b i t r a i r e m e n t augments l e s re-devances des t e r r e s q u ' i l a u r o i t concede dans l a d i t Baronnie depuis q u ' i l en est seigneur. Que sans egard aux anciens t i t r e s de concessions, qu'ont p l u s i e u r s de vos s u p p l i a n t s , i l l e s a u r o i t menace & menace journellement de poursuites j u d i c i a r e s , et employe t o u t e s sortes de moyens v e x a t M r e s , pour l e s contraindie a changer l e s redevances modiques de l e u r s t e r r e s en de plus o n e r e u s e s . 3 As t h i s p e t i t i o n suggests and as S o l i c i t o r - G e n e r a l Jonathan Sewell explained i n a repo r t to the Governor, the h a b i t a n t s , because of the expense of l i t i g a t i o n , could r a r e l y , i f ever, enforce t h e i r r i g h t s . 2 4 Although there was much grumbling about i l l e g a l exactions throughout the war a g a i n s t R e v o l u t i o n a r y France, the problem was serious o n l y i n the case of severe crop f a i l u r e such as occurred i n 1795. In such cases s e i g n e u r i a l dues, most of which d i d not v a r y w i t h production, could appear as i n t o l e r a b l e burdens. 2 5 i n general i n the 1 7 9 0 's production i n terms of y i e l d r a t i o s per farm or per bushel sown was r i s i n g as v i r g i n land was brought i n t o c u l t i -v a t i o n i n response to high p r i c e s on the i m p e r i a l market. Where i n the 1780*s he had been a near-subsistence farmer, the h a b i t a n t , on the average, now s o l d more than twice the amount of wheat he requ i r e d f o r seed and the f a m i l y ' s 2 3March 1793, PAC, Q S e r i e s , v. 67: 79-81. ^ S e w e l l t o Dorchester, 27 Feb. 1794, n. 22 above, 86-87. See a l s o Monk to Dundas, 6 June 1794, n. 22 above. 25see p. 83 n.73 below. 69 consumption. 2^ I n these circumstances i l l e g a l e xactions could be borne w i t h some equanimity. Even i n the areas near the c i t i e s where the pressure of popu l a t i o n on land was the g r e a t e s t and r e n t s were o f t e n more than t r i p l e those which had p r e v a i l e d i n the French regime, 2 7 the seigneur r e c e i v e d i n i l l e g a l r e nt and m i l l i n g charges o n l y about ten percent of the c e n s i t a i r e ' s s u r p l u s wheat a v a i l a b l e f o r s a l e . 2 * * The h a b i t a n t s i n general d i s l i k e d and d i s t r u s t e d the E n g l i s h . They or t h e i r f a t h e r s had been taught during the French regime th a t the B r i t i s h and Americans were the h e r e d i t a r y enemies capable of any a t r o c i t y . The E n g l i s h r e s i d e n t s i n the colony, P r o t e s t a n t , urban-centered, wealthy, speaking an u n f a m i l i a r language, provoked a n a t u r a l h o s t i l i t y on the part of a Roman C a t h o l i c , i l l i t e r a t e c l a s s of small farmers. The ve r y presence of the E n g l i s h and the o c c a s i o n a l d i s p l a y o f arrogance reminded the h a b i t a n t s that ^°0n the economic p o s i t i o n o f the h a b i t a n t s during the period 1793-1802 see O u e l l e t , H i s t o i r e economique 151-57. 2 7Monk to Dundas, 6 June 1794, n. 22 above; O u e l l e t , H i s t o i r e economique, 354. 2**This c a l c u l a t i o n i s based on an annual production per farm o f 200 minots ( O u e l l e t , H i s t o i r e econom4<|ue, 151), a seed production r a t i o n of l:10TTbid.. 154-55). a m i l l i n g charge of 1/I0th r a t h e r than l / 1 4 t h (La Rochefoucauld-L i a n c o u r t , Voyage, I I , 206), an annual consumption p e r f a m i l y o f 34 minots (Richard Colebrook H a r r i s , The Seigneu- r i a l System i n E a r l y Canada (Madison, Wis., 1966), 160), a t i t h e o f l/26th and a rente i n the French regime of 3 minots ( i b i d . ) . the Canadians were a conquered people.29 More c o n c r e t e l y , the E n g l i s h who became seigneurs were the most i n s i s t e n t on e n f o r c i n g every l e g a l r i g h t and e x t o r t i n g i l l e g a l con-cessions from t h e i r c e n s i t a i r e s . The anglophobia of the habi t a n t s r e v e a l e d i t s e l f i n many ways. They were, f o r example, prone to b e l i e v e even the w i l d e s t rumours of impending oppression at the hands of t h e i r conquerors. On the eve of the American i n v a s i o n d>n 1775 a number, Chief J u s t i c e W i l l i a m Hey observed, convinced themselves that "they are s o l d to the Spaniards (whom they abominate) & that Gen. C a r l e t o n has got the money i n h i s Pocket." 3 0 In the l a t e 1780's and e a r l y 1790's many s t r o n g l y sus-pected that r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government was a scheme designed by the E n g l i s h merchants t o tax t h e i r lands and a t t a c k t h e i r r e l i g i o n . 3 1 Anglophobia was almost 2 0 / F o r a development of t h i s p o i n t see A.R.M. Lower, "Two Ways of Life.: The Primary A n t i t h e s i s of Canadian H i s t o r y , " CHAR, 1943, 5-18 at 8-9. 3°Hey to Lord Chancellor, 28 Aug. 1775, Const. Docs.,  1759- 1 7 9 1 . I I , 670. 3!see e.g. Jean Vienne t o P i e r r e Guy, 23 Oct. 1788, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 10: 6 0 2 4 - 2 5 : E n g l i s h Committee of Quebec to Lord Dorchester, 6 Nov. 1788, PAC, CO 42 " v. 62: 79-80; Alexandre Dumas, Discours (Quebec, 1 7 9 2 ) , (a speech made t o the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Club o f Quebec on 30 May 1 7 9 2 ) . According t o the t r a v e l l e r Guillemard the "grande defiance pour tous ce q u i v i e n t des A n g l a i s •.. l e u r conquereurs" a l s o helped e x p l a i n the h a b i t a n t s ' r e f u s a l to adopt improved farming techniques: La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt Voyage. I I , 1 9 7 - 9 8 . Guillemard (no f i r s t aame given), a wealthy E n g l i s h gentleman of Huguenot descent, t r a v e l l e d with La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt through North America. The l a t t e r found h i s companion i n t e l l i g e n t and i n q u i s i t i v e . In the summer of 1795 Guillemard v i s i t e d Lower Canada and recorded h i s impressions i n a j o u r n a l , e x t r a c t s from which were published i n La Rochefoucault-Liancourt's book ( I I , 194-216). 71 c e r t a i n l y a major f a c t o r behind the h a b i t a n t s ' negative a t t i t u d e t o m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e . By the 1790's they would w i l l i n g l y perform such s e r v i c e o n l y i f convinced that they would not be asked to serve outside the province, t h a t an i n v a s i o n was c e r t a i n and that French troops would not be among the i n v a d i n g force.32 Anglophobia was perhaps most manifest at e l e c t i o n time. I n the general e l e c t i o n of 1792 the most common appeal made by or on b e h a l f of Canadian candidates running i n r u r a l c o n s t i t u e n c i e s was to r a c i a l or r e l i g i o u s prejudice.33 To c i t e a t y p i c a l example, Quebec lawyer Jean-Antoine Panet, supporting the candidacy of a f e l l o w lawyer i n the county o f Quebec, t o l d a crowd o f h a b i t a n t voters assembled a f t e r mass that " s ' i l pouvoit f a i r e e n t r e r Monsieur B e r t h e l o t dans l a Chambre d'Assembles i l s f o u l e r o i e n t l e s a n g l o i s sous l e s pieds." The next day Panet elaborated: "... nous sommes cent contre un, et s i vous l e mettez avec moi nous 3 2See e.g. Et a t Major, Three Rivers to F r a n c o i s Baby, 24 Sept. 1790, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 46: 29761; P a t r i c k Campbell, Travels i n the i n t e r i o r i n h a b i t e d parts  of North America i n the years 1791 and 1792. H.H. Langton, ed.. (Toronto, 1937), 31o; M i c h e l Brunet, "Les Canadiens apres l a Conquete: Les debuts de l a r e s i s t a n c e p a s s i v e , " RHAF, 1958-59, 170-207; O u e l l e t , H i s t o i r e economique. 122-23; Gustave Lanctot, Canada and the American R e v o l u t i o n .  1774-1783 (Toronto, 1967), passim; p. 77-83 below. 33see e.g. James Morrison t o , 5 Jan. 1792, PAC, Lindsay-Morrison Papers, v. 1: 593; Dumas, Discours. n. 31 above; (P.-A. De Bonne^ , Avis aux Canadiens (Quebec, 1792); Montreal Gazette. 5 J u l y 1792 ( r e p o r t s on e l e c t i o n s i n Effingham and Kent); Quebec Gazette, s.d., (report on e l e c t i o n i n Quebec County); O'Connor t o Genet, 4 Feb. 1794, LOC, France, A f f . E t . , Corr. P o l . , E.U., supp., v. 28: 431; Monk t o Dundas, 30 May 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 324. 7 2 mettrons l e pied sur l e cou des anglois."34 During the war again s t Revolutionary France i t was a commonplace ob s e r v a t i o n that the Canadian seigneurs had l o s t a l l p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e over the h a b i t a n t s and indeed, as Chief J u s t i c e W i l l i a m Osgoode put i t , were " u n i v e r s a l l y unpopular" i n the c o u n t r y s i d e . 3 5 A s i g n i f i c a n t , although undetermined, p r o p o r t i o n o f the s e i g n e u r i a l c l a s s were r e n t i e r s having l i t t l e connection w i t h t h e i r tenants beyond c o l l e c t i n g r e n t s . Such a seigneur l i v e d most of the year i n or near the c i t i e s spending a meagre income from h i s lands and h i s s a l a r y o r pension from the government to keep up appearances as a gentleman, r a t h e r than i n v e s t i n g i t i n a g r i c u l t u r a l improvement.36 He was anxious to be accepted s o c i a l l y by the E n g l i s h upper c l a s s e s and o f t e n went to the lengths of adopting B r i t i s h mannerisms, customs and modes of dress.37 To i n s u r e h i s continued access t o 34nepositions o f h a b i t a n t s L o u i s Paquet et a l . , 23 Dec. 1794, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 61: 19519-20. 35osgoode to Burland, 2 7 Oct. 1795, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 22: 2 8 - 2 9 . See a l s o e.g. Lieutenant-Governor Robert S. Milnes t o P o r t l a n d , 1 Nov. 1800, Const. Docs.. 1791-1818. 249-51. ; 3^0n the way o f l i f e , p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , and i d e o l o g i c a l tendencies o f the Canadian seigneurs from the Conquest t o the end of the eighteenth century, see A.L. Burt, The Old Province o f Quebec (Minneapolis, 19331, passim; Mic h e l Brunet. La presence a n g l a i s e et l e s Canadiens (Montreal, -1958), 86-100; Parizeau, "Bas-Canada-1800," passim; H i l d a Neatby, Quebec: The Revo l u t i o n a r y Age. 1760-1791 (Toronto, 1966), passim; O u e l l e t . H i s t o i r e ^conomique. part 1, passim. 37 L a Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Voyage. I I , 200. •> - • • • 73 patronage he a u t o m a t i c a l l y gave p o l i t i c a l support to the Governor without paying much a t t e n t i o n to the e f f e c t of government p o l i c i e s on the h a b i t a n t , but a great deal of a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r e f f e c t on h i s own economic i n t e r e s t s . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y the h a b i t a n t s considered the seigneurs i n general to be despicable and s e l f i s h c o l l a b o r a t o r s w i t h the conqueror. While the c l e r g y aroused no such deep-rooted animosity, they e x e r c i s e d as l i t t l e p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e as the seigneurs. The bargain e f f e c t e d d u r i n g the f i r s t generation a f t e r the Conquest between the B r i t i s h govern-ment and the Roman C a t h o l i c Church by which the l a t t e r , i n r e t u r n f o r the l e g a l i z a t i o n of the t i t h e and the non-enforcement of the r o y a l supremacy, undertook to i n s u r e the l o y a l t y o f the people and i n various other ways to serve the i n t e r e s t s o f the government,38 g r e a t l y reduced the p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f the Church, As was d r a m a t i c a l l y demonstrated during the American Rev o l u t i o n a r y War, the h a b i t a n t s r e j e c t e d the guidance o f the c l e r g y whenever they f e l t t h e i r v i t a l i n t e r e s t s were a t stake,39 As w i l l be shown p r e s e n t l y , the h a b i t a n t s manifested a s i m i l a r a t t i t u d e during the war against R e v o l u t i o n a r y France, Many would have agreed with those h a b i t a n t s i n 3$See Marcel Trudel, "La s e r v i t u d e de l J E g l i s e c a t h o l i q u e du Canada f r a n c a i s sous l e regime a n g l a i s , " CHAR. 1963, 4 2 - 6 4 , passim. 39see Lanctot, Canada and the American R e v o l u t i o n , 219-21.. the County of Warwick who i n the summer of 1794 suggested that the c l e r g y would do or say anything to please the Governor even i f t h i s meant s a c r i f i c i n g the i n t e r e s t s of the mass of the p e o p l e . ^ H i s t o r i a n s have o f t e n pointed out that i n the years immediately a f t e r the Franco-American a l l i a n c e of 1778 the h a b i t a n t s hoped t h a t the v e r d i c t of the Conquest might be undone.41 i t has not been s u f f i c i e n t l y recognized that t h i s a f f e c t i o n f o r the former mother country l a s t e d i n t o the 1790's, and was l i t t l e i n f l u e n c e d by the a t r o c i -t i e s perpetrated by the French r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . ^ 2 The e x p l a n a t i o n i s found p r i m a r i l y i n the age compos i t i o n of the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n and the i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f a n t i -r e v o l u t i o n a r y propaganda. About one i n f i v e a d u l t h a b i t a n t s ^ S p e e c h of cure de L o r i m i e r , 21 J u l y 1794, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 60: 19157-61. The extant l e t t e r s from the L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n campaign (PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 58-60) c o n t a i n many examples of the d i s t r u s t of the cur£s i n p o l i t i c a l matters. See a l s o Osgoode t o , 13 Oct. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 53. 4 xSee e.g. Lanctot, Canada and the American Revolu- t i o n , ch. 13, passim; Neatby. Quebec. 174. 276 n. 2. 4 2See n. 3 above. There are a few b r i e f statements a s s e r t i n g a c o n t i n u i n g a f f e c t i o n : e.g. Morton, Kingdom of  Canada. 191-92; Brunet, "Les Canadiens et l a France r e v o l u t i o n n a i r e , " 4 6 8 . I n a d d i t i o n to the proof provided i n the present chapter on t h i s p o i n t , see Meziere t o Genet, 20 Sept, 1793 (paraphrasing a r e p o r t by Rousse), LOC, France, A f f . E t . , Corr. P o l . , E.U., v. 38: 2 3 5 - 3 8 ; J o u r n a l of Fevret de St. Mesmin (a r o y a l i s t emigre" t r a v e l l e r ) , PAC, MG 23, J.16, 194 (Oct. 1793); c i r c u l a r l a t t e r o f Bishop' Hubert, 9 Nov. 1793, T§tu and Gagnon, Mandements, I I , 471; La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Voyage, I I , 2lO; Joseph de Longueuil to General Peter Hunter, 26 Dec. 1799, PAC, C S e r i e s , v. 1207: 137. 75 (eighteen years and over) i n 1793 had l i v e d s i x t e e n or more years under French r u l e by the date o f the c a p i t u l a t i o n of Montreal.43 They had been taught as c h i l d r e n that l o y a l t y t o France, e l d e s t daughter of the Church, was one's highest s e c u l a r duty; many were o l d enough to have fought at-the P l a i n s o f Abraham or Sainte-Foy; a l l could remember from personal experience something o f the tragedy o f the Conquest. Considering t h a t p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s were mainly the pre-r o g a t i v e of heads of households,44 one i n f i v e was a s u f f i c i e n t leaven to i n f l u e n c e o p i n i o n i n the countryside i n a f r a n c o p h i l e d i r e c t i o n . The evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t the m a j o r i t y o f h a b i t a n t s discounted propaganda emanating from the Canadian e l i t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y the c l e r g y and the seigneurs who were most a c t i v e i n t h i s regard. The h a b i -t a n t s could not themselves read about the hor r o r s d a i l y d e t a i l e d i n the newspapers.45 They d i s t r u s t e d the i n t e g r i t y o f the seigneurs and c l e r g y i n p o l i t i c a l matters and these men were r e l a t i n g events which clashed w i t h t h e i r p r e j u d i c e s and which, even to the l i t e r a t e , appeared i n c r e d i b l e . With these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n mind, one can c r e d i t Montreal merchant Samuel Gerrard's observation t h a t many 43see Appendix I . 44cur ing the Lo y a l A s s o c i a t i o n campaign, f o r example, most adult sons l i v i n g w i t h t h e i r parents l e f t to the head of the household the d e c i s i o n whether or not to s i g n : f i n a l report of the committee o f the Loya l A s s o c i a t i o n of Quebec, 18 Oct. 1794, Quebec Gazette. 23 Oct. 1794. 45pewer than one h a b i t a n t i n twenty-eight could read and w r i t e : see Appendix I . 7 6 h a b i t a n t s i n 1793 refused to b e l i e v e that Louis XVI had been executed by h i s countrymen.^6 Five years l a t e r the B r i t i s h M i n i s t e r to the United States reported to h i s government that the "ignorance of many o f the ^Canadian} peasants .,. e x i s t s i n such a degree that they do not be l i e v e the death o f the k i n g or the murder of the E c c l e s i a s t i c k s . " 4 7 The seigneur P h i l i p p e Aubert de Gaspe" recorded i n h i s Me"moires the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n v o l v e d i n propagandizing the h a b i t a n t : Les Canadiens conserverent longtemps apres l a conquete, un souvenir d ' a f f e c t i o n pour l e u r s anciens princes f r a n c a i s . Lorsque mon pere r e c e v a i t son j o u r n a l a l a campagne, l e s v i e u x h a b i t a n t s l u i demandaient des nouvelles du Roi de France, de l a Reine et de l e u r s enfants. Pendant l a r e v o l u t i o n , l a main du bourreau ava.it frappe" c e t t e malheureuse f a m i l l e : mon pere et surtout ma mere, l e u r avaient souvent f a i t l e re*cit de l e u r s u p p l i c e , des souffranees du jeune Dauphin, sous l a verge de f e r de l'infame Simon; et, chaque f o i s , tous l e s habita nts,secouaient l a t e t e en d i s a n t que t o u t c e l a £tait un conte invente par l ' A n g l a i s . 4 8 ^ G e r r a r d , t o , 25 A p r i l 1 7 9 3 , PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 1 1 : 6 4 6 9 . ^ R o b e r t L i s t o n t o G r e n v i l l e , 2 A p r i l 1 7 9 8 , PAC, FO 5 , v. 2 2 : 1 1 9 . L i s t o n reported that he had learned t h i s from "persons w e l l acquainted w i t h the s t a t e " of Lower Canada. ^M&noires. 8 5 - 8 6 . Out o f over s i x t y extant l e t t e r s w r i t t e n by r u r a l L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n s i n 1 7 9 4 , o n l y one c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e s that the h a b i t a n t s had any g l i m n e r i n g of developments i n France, then at the height o f the Terror, and t h i s . d e s p i t e i n t e n s i v e e f f o r t s t o b r i n g these n a t t e r s to t h e i r a t t e n t i o n (PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 5 8 - 6 0 , e x c e p t i o n at' v. 5 8 : 1 8 9 1 7 - 1 8 ) . See a l s o Louis Labadie to John N e i l s o n , 4 May 1 7 9 7 , PAC, N e i l s o n C o l l e c t i o n , v. 1 : 64; P r e s c o t t t o L i s t o n , 1 4 May 1 7 9 8 , PAC, CO 42, v. 1 1 0 : 1 3 2 - 3 3 . Guillemard recorded i n h i s j o u r n a l (La Rochefoucauld-L i a n c o u r t , Voyage, I I , 2 1 0 ) t h a t the ha b i t a n t c l a s s "aime l a France et l e s F r a n c a i s , sans penser a l a r e v o l u t i o n , et sans en r i e n s a v o i r . " He noted by way of exception During the m i l i t i a and Road Act r i o t s the h a b i t a n t s d i s -counted the h o r r o r s t o r i e s c i r c u l a t e d by the e l i t e and e x h i b i t e d a profound, i f uninformed, a f f e c t i o n f o r France. By the f i r s t weeks o f 1794 government o f f i c i a l s were aware th a t emissaries had been i n the colony and had c i r -c u l a t e d Les Franoais l i b r e s . 4 9 j n A p r i l they learned that r i o t s had broken out i n Montreal when one Joseph L e v e i l l e , a canoeman con v i c t e d of cheating, had been sentenced to be placed i n the p i l l o r y . 5 ° Despite these danger s i g n s , and d e s p i t e the h a b i t a n t s ' b i a s against m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e , Governor Dorchester, a n t i c i p a t i n g that the United States might enter the war on the side o f France, decided t o c a l l up the m i l i t i a . On May 5th he ordered the embodiment f o r s e r v i c e on the f r o n t i e r of two thousand unmarried m i l i t i a m e n and i n s t r u c t e d the b a l l o t i n g to commence as soon as due n o t i c e had been given by the c a p t a i n s . ^ The response of the B r i t i s h m i l i t i a was zealous but "to h i s Lordships astonishment, he found the whole country so i n f e c t e d as (p. 199) that some h a b i t a n t s l i v i n g along the Quebec-Montreal road had acquired p o r t r a i t s o f Louis XVI t a k i n g leave of h i s f a m i l y p r i o r t o h i s execution. ^ P r o c l a m a t i o n o f Governor Dorchester, 26 Nov. 1793, RAC, 1921, 45 -46 ; Monk t o Dundas, 30 May 1794, PAC, CO 4 2 , vTT.00: 3 2 3 . 5 0 p o r a d e s c r i p t i o n o f these r i o t s , which seem t o have been unconnected w i t h r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n t r i g u e , see S h e r i f f Edward Gray to Monk, 9 June 1794, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 100: 355-56 ; J . Reid t o Monk, 12 June 1794, i b i d . , 359-60. ^ D o r c h e s t e r t o Dundas, 24 May 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 101: 5 -7 ; Monk t o Same, 30 May 1794, n. 49 above. 78 scarcely" t o leave a hope of a s s i s t a n c e from the New Sub-j e c t s , ' ^ 2 w o n d e r Dorchester was chagrined; the m i l i t i a o f f i c e r s reported that i n o n l y seventeen Canadian companies out of two hundred twenty-two were the men disposed t o march. Some companies which refused to b a l l o t would r e -l u c t a n t l y have accepted a command but the vast m a j o r i t y made i t c l e a r t h a t under no circumstances would they take up arms.53 French e m i s s a r i e s and t h e i r l o c a l s y m p a t h i z e r s — mainly a r t i s a n s from Quebec and M o n t r e a l — h a d done a l l they could t o f r u s t r a t e the May 5th order. I n the Quebec area they e f f e c t i v e l y spread the rumour that the order was i l l e g a l , as i t had come, they claimed, not -from the Gover-nor but from the new-fangled Assembly. 54 They made much of h a b i t a n t grievances against i l l e g a l exactions by the seigneurs,55 They e x p l o i t e d d i s t r u s t o f the conqueror by a l l e g i n g that those embodied f o r s e r v i c e would be sent abroad t o f i g h t , a f i c t i o n which was swallowed whole. 5 2Monk to Same, 30 May 1794, n. 49 above. 5 3"Abstract of the Returns of the Commanding o f f i c e r s of the M i l i t i a o f the Province of Lower Canada PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 59: 19035-47 ( h e r e a f t e r " m i l i t i a r e t u r n s " ) . Of the 7,000 m i l i t i a m e n i n the Quebec D i s t r i c t o n l y about 900 men i n e i g h t of the forty-two parishes were w i l l i n g t o serve: Monk t o Dorchester, 29 May 1794, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 100: 4 . 54Deposition o f Francois Le D r o i t d i t Perche, 25 May 1794, PAC, CO 42. v. 1031: 19-20; d e p o s i t i o n of Jean-Baptiste L e c l a i r , 29 May 1794, i b i d . , v. 100: 10-11. 55Monk t o Dundas, 6 June 1794, i b i d . , 329. Monk discovered that "the general and specious reasoning" by which the m i l i t i a i n the D i s t r i c t o f Quebec j u s t i f i e d t h e i r conduct was "'that should they b a l l o t f o r the m i l i t i a on s e r v i c e they would thereby be e n l i s t e d as s o l d i e r s and sent to the West In d i e s or out of the Province, and sub-j e c t t o m i l i t a r y d i s c i p l i n e " 5 6 According to the deposi-t i o n of one c a p t a i n of m i l i t i a , r e s i s t a n c e i n h i s company had begun with rumours t h a t he had " s o l d " f o u r m i l i t i a m e n to Captain Charles-Michel de Salaberry, then s e r v i n g w i t h Prince Edward's regiment i n the West I n d i e s campaign.57 In Charlesbourg, the h a b i t a n t s remembered the t r a g i c up-r o o t i n g of the Acadians: ... t e n u i s qu'on parl'e de Commandement, l a plus grande p a r t i e des habitans des P a r o i s s e s , de Charlesbourg et de l a Jeune L o r e t t e sont mal disposes, sous l e s Pre-t e x t e s s u i v a n t s , qu'on c r o i t que l e s Commandements que l'on f a i t , ne sont pas pour defendre l e Pays, mais pour f a i r e des Soldats, l e s repandre dans l e s Regiments et l e s envoyer hors du pays, s o i t par t e r r e s o i t abord des f r e g a t e s ... qu'apres ces premiers Commandements, on en f e r a d'autres pour en f a i r e autant et a u s s i jusques a ce que l e pays s o i t depeuple . 5 ° Agents and sympathizers a l s o t r i e d t o convince the '"Same t o ;Dorchester, 29 May 1794,. i b i d . , 5_. 'Many were a f r a i d that c o n s c r i p t i o n would be f o r l i f e : Dorchester t o Dundas, 25 May 1794, i b i d . , v. 101: 9 . 5 7 D e p o s i t i o n of Lessard Parent, 24 May 1794, i b i d . , 17-18 . 5^Depositions o f L e c l a i r , n. 54 above. See a l s o m i l i t i a r e t u r n s , 19038 (Lac des Deux Montagnes), 19041 ( V a u d r e u i l ) , 19043 ( r e p o r t of Etat-Major o f B o u c h e r v i l l e ) , 19045 (St. Marie-Nouvelle Beauce); S h e r i f f Edward Gray t o Monk, 9 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 356; cure" Edmund Burke to Thomas, Dunn, 1 Sept. 1794, PAC, S S e r i e s , v, 58: 19186. h a b i t a n t s i n many p a r t s o f the province that French troops would accompany the Americans and that i t would be an out-rage to shed the blood o f kin.5 9 They were s u c c e s s f u l . The h a b i t a n t s r e v e a l e d a determination ,to remain n e u t r a l i n the war against F r a n c e . D W La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt learned from B r i t i s h o f f i c e r s who had been s t a t i o n e d i n Lower Canada t h a t duri ng the b a l l o t i n g the h a b i t a n t s o f t e n shouted the f o l l o w i n g , or words t o the same e f f e c t : S i c ' e t a i t contre l e s AmeYicains, nous marcherions ssns doute pour d^fendre notre pays; mais ce sont l e s Francais qui vont a r r i v e r , nous ne marcheronsz-pas; pourrions-nous nous b a t t r e contre nos f r e r e s ? The h a b i t a n t s " d i s e n t d'une commun v o i x " wrote one Canadian r e v o l u t i o n a r y sympathizer t o the French Consul at New York, ... que l e u r s peres ont f a i t serment de f i d ^ l i t e " a 1 »Anglais mais qu'eux ne l ' o n t pas f a i t , q u ' i l s de"fendront cependant l ' A n g l a i s contre tous ses ennemis, excepte contre l e s Francais parce q u ' i l s ne pbrteront jamais l e u r s armes contre l e u r s peres, l e u r s f r e r e s ou l e u r s p a r e n t s . " 2 M e z i e r e to Genet, 20 Sept. 1793, LOC, France, A f f . E t . , Corr. P o l * , E.U., v. 38 : 236-38; Rousse to Same, 13 Feb. 1794, i b i d . , supp., v. 28: 433-34; d e p o s i t i o n of Augustin Lavau, 27 May 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 16-17; d e p o s i t i o n s o f Jean-Baptiste Vocel Belhumeur, 2 9 , 30 May 1794, i b i d . , 18 -21 ; d e p o s i t i o n o f A l e x i s Monjeon, 11 June 1794, i b i d . , 361-62; Monk to Dorchester, 12 J u l y 1794, i b i d . , v. 99 : 303-08. 6 0Monk to Dorchester, 29 May 1794, i b i d . , v. 100: 5; Same t o Same, 18 June 1794, i b i d . , 53 ; Same t o Dundas, 17 June 1794, i b i d . , 352; m i l i t i a r e t u r n s , jpassim. 6 lVoyage. I I , 183. 6 2 E d i t e d a n c} p r i n t e d i n M i c h e l Brunet, "Les Canadiens et l a France r e v o l u t i o n n a i r e , " 474-75 . I n t e r n a l evidence suggests the l e t t e r was w r i t t e n (author an u n i d e n t i f i e d r e s i d e n t o f L a p r a i r i e ) between August and December 1795. 81 An atmosphere o f r i o t and r e v o l u t i o n a r y slogan h i g h -l i g h t e d r e s i s t a n c e to the m i l i t i a law i n many l o c a l i t i e s . At C&te des Neiges, near Montreal, s e v e r a l hundred of the peasantry assembled i n arms t o r e s i s t the order of May 5th and the detachment of r e g u l a r s which i t was expected would be sent to enforce i t . 6 3 i n some parishes i n the Quebec D i s t r i c t cur£s who t r i e d t o convince Canadian m i l i t i a m e n to do t h e i r duty were threatened w i t h personal i n j u r y i f they continued to i n t e r f ere. ^4 In Quebec C i t y there was t a l k of o r g a n i z i n g v o l u n t e e r s i n the c i t y and countryside to force the p r i s o n s , destroy the Assembly, and massacre the E n g l i s h , Canadian bureaucrats and the Roman C a t h o l i c c l e r g y . ^ 5 At Beauport, a few m i l e s east o f the c a p i t a l , a mob of about seventy men descended on the house of the c a p t a i n o f m i l i t i a and cheered a spokesman who shouted t h a t they were prepared "de mourir et r i s q u e r l e u r v i e p l u t o t que de prendre l e s arraes , " 6 ° w h i l e i n the p a r i s h of St. Joseph-Nouvelle Beauce a mob of f i f t y armed m i l i t i a m e n s e i z e d and imprisoned t h e i r o f f i c e r s t o prevent execution of the order. ^ 7 Near 6 3 s h e r i f f Edward Gray t o Monk, 9 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 355-56 . 64Monk t o Dorchester, 29 May 1794, i b i d . , 5 . 65see e.g. the d e p o s i t i o n s o f Augustin Lavau and Richard Corbin, 27 May, 11 June 1794. ( i b i d . , 17, 365) and those o f W i l l i a m B o u t h i l l i e r and Francois Le D r o i t d i t Perche, 24, 25 May 1794 ( i b i d . , v. 101: 13 -20 ) . ^ D e p o s i t i o n o f Lessard Parent, 24 May 1794, i b i d . , 17-18. 67see Monk's, "State of Prosecutions i n His Majesty's Court o f King's Bench," November 1794, i b i d . , 58, Charlesbourg, a v i l l a g e two miles north of Quebec, the lower c l a s s e s got q u i t e out of hand. For s e v e r a l days and n i g h t s up t o three hundred h a b i t a n t s armed w i t h muskets, p i k e s , and hunting knives formed p a t r o l s to defend themselves against an expected armed a t t a c k from the c i t y . Some o f the h a b i t a n t s , by t h e i r own sworn admission, a l s o f e l t t h i s might prove an e x c e l l e n t o p p o r t u n i t y t o help implement J.-A. Panet*s advice t o trample the E n g l i s h underfoot.69 The ide a o f p a t r o l s was i n i t i a t e d by mob o r a t o r y outside the house of the c a p t a i n of m i l i t i a when h a b i t a n t s Jerome B^dard and Charles Garnaud threatened to k i l l any who d i d not j o i n i n the defence. Armed r e s i s t a n c e was j u s t i f i e d i n the name o f the people " q u i est au dessus de tout R o i . " 7 0 The hab i t a n t r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s threatened r e c a l c i t r a n t i n d i v i d u a l s i n the aut h e n t i c idiom o f Jacobin P a r i s , that " i l , . f a i l bit.' t u e r et e t r i p e r tous ces gueux et ces laches" and " q u ' i l s l e s b r u l e r o i t , l e s t u e r o i t et m e t t r o i t l e u r s t e t e s au Bout des B a t o n s . " 7 x Threatened house and barn burning was common and the r i n g l e a d e r s , a c c o r d i n g to the astonished Monk, " i n t h i s f i r s t i n stance of open R e b e l l i o n ... say 6%Ionk t o Dorchester, 29 May 1794, i b i d . , v. 100: $; Same to Same, 31 May 1794, i b i d . ; 8 and enclosed d e p o s i t i o n o f three Charlesbourg h a b i t a n t s (p. 10-15). ^ D e p o s i t i o n s o f hab i t a n t s L o u i s Paquet et a l . , 23 Dec. 1794, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 61: 19519-20. 7 (^Marginal note i n Monk Ts handwriting on d e p o s i t i o n of Jean-Baptiste L e c l a i r , 29 May 1794, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 100: 10. 71 De p o s i t i o n o f habitant L o u i s Savard, i b i d . , 14-15. 83 •they have no occasion f o r the c l e r g y nor c o n f e s s i o n ' . " ? 2 Two years a f t e r the m i l i t i a r i o t s the h a b i t a n t s again revealed t h e i r a l i e n a t i o n from the B r i t i s h regime, t h e i r d i s t r u s t o f the Canadian and E n g l i s h seigneurs and t h e i r hopes f o r French reconquest. I n 1794 the idea of France r e t u r n i n g had appealed mainly t o sentiment. I n 1796 i t seemed t o many, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Montreal area, t o pro-vide an escape from e x p l o i t a t i o n . Throughout the year the sense of grievance a g a i n s t r a c k - r e n t i n g seigneurs was g r e a t l y i n t e n s i f i e d by a p r e c i p i t o u s , i f temporary, d e c l i n e i n the h a b i t a n t s ' standard of l i v i n g . A short crop i n 1794 was f o l l o w e d i n 1795 by the worst harvest of the decade, producing o n l y about one-half the wheat harvested the year b e f o r e . 7 3 By 1796 i t had a l s o become very c l e a r to the 'Tlonk t o Dundas, 30 May 1794, i b i d . , 3 2 3 . 7 3 0 n the harvest o f 1795 and i t s e f f e c t on habita nt welfare see the minutes o f the Executive C o u n c i l , 26-28 Aug., 5, 7 Sept. 1795, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 49 ; O u e l l e t , H i s t o i r e  Economique. 153, 158; G i l l e s Paquet and Jean-Pierre Wallot, "Lower Canada, 1792-1812: Elements f o r a Q u a n t i t a t i v e Study," paper presented t o the Canadian P o l i t i c a l Science A s s o c i a t i o n , Ottawa, 10 June 1967, 15, 25, t a b l e 6 . 1 , graph 7. The p r i c e s e r i e s f o r wheat prepared by the Seminary o f St . S u l p i c e i n the 1840's (Journals o f the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly (Province o f Canada), 1843, Appendix F) suggests that from 1794-95 t o 1795^96, the income the t y p i c a l h a b i t a n t r e c e i v e d from the sal e of h i s disposable surplus dropped by at l e a s t 50$. Paquet and Wallot p o i n t out that i n 1796 the Canadian marriage r a t e reached i t s lowest l e v e l i n the pe r i o d 1790-1812. On the b a s i s o f c a l c u l a t i o n s s i m i l a r t o those i n n. 28 above, i t can be estimated that i l l e g a l exactions i n the areas around the c i t i e s must have amounted i n 1795-9 6 to more than 35$ o f the h a b i t a n t s ' wheat a v a i l a b l e f o r s a l e . By c o n t r a s t i n the normal year they amounted t o about 10$. 84 h a b i t a n t s , t h a t the E n g l i s h and the Canadian seigneurs, u s i n g the government and the Assembly as t h e i r instruments, were capable o f doing anything t o advance t h e i r i n t e r e s t s at the expense of the farming c l a s s . Under the guidance of the Papineau-Panet r a d i c a l s and t h e i r supporters among the Canadian middle c l a s s , the habi t a n t s by 1796 had grown disenchanted w i t h an Assembly c o n t r o l l e d by E n g l i s h members and Canadian seigneurs,7 4 The r a d i c a l s could h a r d l y have f a i l e d t o make t h e i r case. The House had been blamed by many o f the h a b i t a n t s f o r the m i l i t i a b a l l o t i n 1794. I n the same year i t had passed the A l i e n Act under which dozens of h a b i t a n t s had been a r r e s t e d on s u s p i c i o n of treasonable a c t i v i t y 7 5 and i t had done nothing to reform the s e i g n e u r i a l system when the question had been canvassed by Panet and de Rochblave i n the 1795 session. 7 ^ The Assembly crowned these achievements i n the session o f 1795-96. Responding t o the demands o f the Montreal merchants, Quebec magistrates and members of h i s own class, 7 7 the seigneur Ga b r i e l - E . Taschereau, Grand 74The Times-Cours du temps. 9 Feb. 1795 ( l e t t e r o f "Modestus"); Osgoode t o Burland, 27 Oct. 1795, PAC, CO 42 , v. 22: 23-24; Same t o John King, 3 Aug. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 50. 75see p. 125 below. This became a grievance during the e l e c t i o n o f 1796: Osgoode t o Simcoe, 7 J u l y 1796, OH, 1954, 151.., — 76JHALC f o r 1795, 21 Jan., 5, 23 Jan., 19; Osgoode to Simcoe, 30 Jan. 1795, OH, 1954, 91 ; Same t o Burland, 27 Oct. 1795, n. 74 above. 7 7 S e e e.g. JHALC f o r 1795-96, 15 Dec. 1795, 35 , i b i d . , 29 Dec. 1795, 55: Paul-Roch de St. Ours to Francois Baby, 8 May 1796, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 12: 6818. 85 Voyer of the D i s t r i c t of Quebec, introduced a b i l l t o improve the deplorable s t a t e of the roads.78 Despite the o p p o s i t i o n o f the r a d i c a l s 7 9 i t passed e a s i l y and; was assented to by the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l and the Governor. The Road Act imposed new o b l i g a t i o n s which must have appeared to the h a b i t a n t s as l e g i s l a t i o n b l a t a n t l y designed i n the i n t e r e s t s of the E n g l i s h and Canadian e l i t e . The Grand Voyers and e l e c t e d overseers could r e q u i r e the j o i n t l a b o u r — u p to twelve days per annum—of the neighbouring r e s i d e n t s t o open or r e p a i r roads through d i f f i c u l t t e r r a i n or deserted areas, i n c l u d i n g unconceded s e i g n e u r i a l lands as w e l l as crown lands. Roads le a d i n g to banal m i l l s were to be constructed one-half by the c e n s i t a i r e s and one-half by the seigneur. They were then t o be d i v i d e d i n t o f ourteen equal p a r t s of which one was t o be maintained A n by the seigneur and t h i r t e e n by the c e n s i t a i r e s . o w The r e p a i r of the s t r e e t s i n Montreal and Quebec was the r e s -p o n s i b i l i t y o f a l l males, eighteen to s i x t y , who resided i n ?3jHALC f o r 1795-96, 20 Nov. 1795, 1. 7 9 I b i d . . 30 March 1796, 233-35. The Act i s 36 Geo. I l l (1796), ch. IX. 30 A p e t i t i o n presented t o the Assembly i n 1799 on behalf o f the e l e c t o r s o f Dorchester probably r e f l e c t s a view of the Road Act which became common among the habitants soon a f t e r i t s passage. The p e t i t i o n urged r e p e a l o f the Act and c i t e d the o b l i g a t i o n — u n h e a r d of i n the French r e g i m e — t o b u i l d and r e p a i r roads t o the banal m i l l s and through unconceded lands as t y p i c a l of the a t t i t u d e of the seigneurs who seemed to t h i n k they had the r i g h t to impose whatever corvees they pleased on the people: JHALC f o r 1799, 29 A p r i l , 162-63 . 86 the c i t i e s or the adjacent r u r a l areas. Thus the h a b i t a n t could be fo r c e d to work not o n l y on the roads i n h i s neighbourhood, but a l s o on the c i t y s t r e e t s which he used i n f r e q u e n t l y . Those who could a f f o r d i t were permitted to compound f o r the s t a t u t o r y labour. The h a b i t a n t s e x h i b i t e d f o r c e f u l l y t h e i r resentment agai n s t the seigneurs and the government i n the general e l e c t i o n of June-July 1796. Of the t h i r t y - n i n e r u r a l mem-bers e l e c t e d , o n l y ten were government supporters.8 1 where i n 1792 s i x t e e n Canadian r u r a l members were j u s t i c e s o f the peace and twelve were m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s , i n 1796 o n l y one j u s t i c e of the peace and two o f f i c e r s were s u c c e s s f u l candidates. I n 1792 r u r a l c o n s t i t u e n c i e s e l e c t e d t h i r t e e n Canadian seigneurs or sons of seigneurs; i n 1796 o n l y f o u r . Their places were taken mainly by Canadian p r o f e s s i o n a l s and shopkeepers of humble s o c i a l s t a t u s , a r t i s a n s and h a b i -t a n t s . ^ 2 The r e s u l t i n Dorchester County was t y p i c a l . Two blueblood p i l l a r s of the community, the Grand Voyer Taschereau and the f a v o u r i t e of the Duke o f Kent, the seigneur Louis de Salaberry, were defeated by Charles B£gin, a h a b i t a n t , ^ 3 a n d Alexandre Dumas, a bankrupt t r a d e r turned _ — — — — — > ^ C a l c u l a t e d mainly from the votes i n the 1797 s e s s i o n on the e l e c t i o n of the Speaker and on the attempted r e v i s i o n of the Road Act: JHALC f o r 1797, 24 Jan., 3 - 5 , 15 Feb., 53. See Appendix I I I . ^ 2See Appendix I I . ^3joseph-Edmond Roy, H i s t o i r e de l a seigneurie de  Lauzon. 5v . ( L e v i s , 1897-1904), I I I , 286. Begin was a l s o probably a tavernkeeper at Pointe-Levy :. Tavern L i c e n s e s , PAC, RG 4 , B .28 , v. 70. notary.^** The h a b i t a n t s turned f o r l e a d e r s h i p from the seigneurs who e x p l o i t e d them to men with whom they had personal or business d e a l i n g s and whose s o c i a l background and c l a s s consciousness was s i m i l a r t o t h e i r own. Such men had a c l e a r economic i n t e r e s t i n p r o t e c t i n g the h a b i t a n t from d i r e c t taxes^5 or novel corv£es and they appeared to be w i l l i n g t o r e g u l a t e i l l e g a l s e i g n e u r i a l r e n t s . Opposition t o the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l establishment was the main t e s t o f a candidate's a c c e p t a b i l i t y . I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t w i t h two exceptions, the Canadians e l e c t e d f o r r u r a l c o n s t i t u e n c i e s voted against the government nominee f o r speaker i n 1797 and i n favour o f the r e v i s i o n of the Road Act.**6 I n some counties the f a c t t h a t a candidate had s u f f e r e d during Monk's round-up of suspects i n 1794 became a compelling proof of h i s a n t i p a t h y to the government and hence h i s r e l i a b i l i t y as an o p p o s i t i o n mem-ber.** 7 The v o t e r s o f Quebec County were i n f l u e n c e d by these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s when they e l e c t e d John Black and L o u i s Paquet, an i l l i t e r a t e h a b i t a n t of Charlesbourg, both of 8 4BRH. 1934, 247. ^ P a p i n e a u , i t appears, b e l i e v e d t h a t land was the main source of wealth and thought that t a x a t i o n should be l e v i e d p r i m a r i l y on the import or sale of l u x u r y goods: (notes' on Rousseau's "Economie p o l i t i q u e , " 23 J u l y 1796, APQ, Papineau, AP-P-5-62). ^See n. 81 above. **70sgoode t o Simcoe, 7 J u l y l l 7 9 6 , n. 7-5 above; John Young to Ryland, 9 June 1798, PAC, CO 42, v. I l l : 470. 88 whom had been a r r e s t e d on s u s p i c i o n o f treasonable p r a c t i c e s . Quebec shopkeeper Alexandre Menut, one of the s u c c e s s f u l candidates i n C o r n w a l l i s , had been i d e n t i f i e d by the govern-ment as a l e a d i n g a g i t a t o r behind the m i l i t i a r i o t s and h i s son had been f o r c e d to f l e e the colony t o escape a r r e s t . 89 Another Quebec shopkeeper, N i c o l a s Dorion, e l e c t e d i n Devon, had been imprisoned i n the autumn of 1794 on the assumption that he was one o f Fauchet's p r i n c i p a l agents i n the d i s -t r i c t . 9 0 Candidates o f t e n appealed to c l a s s resentment. Black, f o r example, a d v e r t i z e d h i m s e l f as a r e l i a b l e f e l l o w who had never reposed "on the downy couch o f l u x u r i o u s opu-l e n c e . " 9 1 An e d i t o r i a l l e t t e r by "A Good C i t i z e n " , i n the Quebec Gazette expressed alarm a t the ... machinations ... of Bad Men, who .... would persuade the u n t h i n k i n g , t h a t a c e r t a i n c l a s s of t h e i r f e l l o w c i t i z e n s [ i . e . the seigneurs3 , who at t h i s moment w i s e l y oppose t h e i r aims, can triumph over the laws of the Country, and b e t r a y the people who may entrust them w i t h the important Guard over P u b l i c L i b e r t y . 9 2 Chief J u s t i c e Osgoode learned t h a t seven members had been e l e c t e d who could " n e i t h e r w r i t e nor read but have promised 8 8 S e e references i n n. 87 above and PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 61 : 19519-20. ^ D e p o s i t i o n of Augustin Lavau, 27 May 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 16 -17 ; d e p o s i t i o n o f Jean-Baptiste Vocel Belhumeur. 29 May 1794, i b i d . , 18 -19 ; d e c l a r a t i o n of John Ne i l s o n , 30 May 1795, PAC, RG 4 , B . 45 , " D e c l a r a t i o n s : o f A l i e n s , " n.p. Menut had been cook to Governors Murray and C a r l e t o n and t h e r e a f t e r a tavernkeeper i n Quebec. 9°Monk to Dundas, 6 Aug. 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 376. 9 1Quebec Gazette. 16 June 1796. 9 2 I b i d . . 23 June 1796. : 89 t h e i r C o n s t i t u e n t s to a b o l i s h a l l Rents and a l l T i t h e s . " 9 3 S h o r t l y a f t e r the e l e c t i o n the government attempted to enforce the Road Act. To implement an u n f a m i l i a r s t a t u t e imposing new eorv£es a f t e r a year o f severe d e p r e s s i o n — a n d d u r i n g the harvest season as w e l l — w a s the sheerest f o l l y . The f i r s t s i g n s o f unrest became apparent i n the c a p i t a l l a t e i n August. According t o C h i e f J u s t i c e Gsgoode those summoned to labour refused t o work, took the wheels o f f t h e i r c a r t s , gave three cheers and d i s p e r s e d . The r i n g l e a d e r s were a r r e s t e d to the accompaniment of a demonstration o f about f i v e hundred c u r s i n g women. Despite t h i s outbreak and an impassioned p l e a by a " v i r u l e n t P a t r i o t who i s revered as an Oracle (almost c e r t a i n l y J.-A. Panet]" the court l e v i e d f i n e s and f o r a time r e s i s t a n c e t o law ceased.94 Meanwhile rumours were spreading i n the d i s t r i c t that the overseers had u n l i m i t e d powers of t a x a t i o n and many ha b i t a n t s soon b e l i e v e d t h a t the former were about t o impose a t a i l l e — t h e main d i r e c t tax on land i n pre-Revolutionary France. I n October i n the p a r i s h o f St. Roch 9 3 0 s g o o d e t o John King, 3 Aug. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 5 0 . 9 4 i D i d . ( p o s t s c r i p t dated 27 Aug.). 95Address by Judge P.-A. De Bonne to the p r i s o n e r s c o n v i c t e d at the March a s s i z e s (Quebec) f o r offences a g a i n s t the government, 3 A p r i l 1797, Quebec Gazette. 6 A p r i l 1797. Such a c o n v i c t i o n could generate r e a l hatred o f the E n g l i s h and Canadian e l i t e , f o r to be " t a i l l a b l e " i n the ancien regime had c a r r i e d a s o c i a l stigma, the seigneurs, c l e r g y and upper bourgeoisie being exempt. on the o u t s k i r t s o f the c i t y the meeting o f overseers ended i n r i o t i n g . A magistrate who attempted to disperse the mob was a s s a u l t e d and threatened with h i s l i f e . 9 6 Despite Bishop Hubert's m o b i l i z a t i o n o f the c l e r g y t o preach obedience to the law,97 there was renewed v i o l e n c e i n January 1797, t h i s time i n the parish of St. Joseph de Pointe-Leyy across the r i v e r from the c a p i t a l . Angry mobs descended on the home of the overseers and the l a t t e r were conducted to a mass meeting where, i n i m i t a t i o n of the Stamp Act r i o t s , they were compelled t o renounce t h e i r o f f i c e s and t o give up the p r i n t e d i n s t r u c t i o n s they had received.9 8 A f o r t n i g h t l a t e r two b a i l i f f s a r r e s t e d the r i n g l e a d e r s and were e s c o r t i n g them to Quebec when a party of e i g h t h a b i t a n t s w i t h bludgeons e f f e c t e d t h e i r rescue, i n f o r m i n g the s u r p r i s e d b a i l i f f s t h a t i t was no use attempting the a r r e s t of anyone, f o r "we have three qo hundred men i n arms ready to support our D e t e r m i n a t i o n . " 7 7 Lieutenant-Governor Robert P r e s c o t t , who had replaced Dorchester i n J u l y 1796, dispatched two companies of r e g u l a r 96Report of Attorney-General Sewell t o P r e s c o t t on the Road Act r i o t s , 12 May 1797 ( h e r e a f t e r "Sewell's r e p o r t " ) , RAC, 1891, 75, 78; The King v. Antoine Dionne (1797), J u d i c i a l A r c h i v e s , D i s t r i c t o f Quebec, it e m n. 421. 9 7 c i r c u l a r l e t t e r , 5 Nov. 1796, T&tu and Gagnon, Mandements. I I , 501-02. 9^Sewell ,s r e p o r t , 75. 9 9 i b i d . troops to P o i n t e - L e v y . ^ 0 0 This a c t i o n was s u f f i c i e n t to f r i g h t e n most of the twenty-one persons against whom warrants had been i s s u e d to surrender v o l u n t a r i l y and t o ins u r e t r a n q u i l l i t y i n the r e s t of the D i s t r i c t . 1 0 1 The D i s t r i c t of Quebec was r e l a t i v e l y quiet compared to Montreal and the adjacent c o u n t r y s i d e . Late i n September one Luc B e r t h e l o t , who l i v e d j u s t outside the c i t y , was f i n e d f o r r e f u s i n g to labour or compound. On October 2nd the w r i t was entrusted to a constable named Marston, who f o r h i s t r o u b l e s was beaten up "most c r u e l l y " by f i v e or s i x persons i n B e r t h e l o t * s house and "was happy to escape with h i s l i f e . " The s h e r i f f succeeded i n a r r e s t i n g B e r t h e l o t on October 4th, but as Attorney-General Sewell described the scene, "he had not been i n the S h e r i f f ' s Custody above f i v e minutes when he was most f o r c i b l y and most v i o l e n t l y rescued from him by the mob i n the Place  d'Armecs." Couriers t r a v e l l e d through the countryside t e l l i n g the h a b i t a n t s t o assemble i n Montreal on the 11th to oppose the execution of the Act and threatened them w i t h £>he "D e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e i r Houses and Barns i f they f a i l e d . " A l a r g e mob d i d appear on the date i n qu e s t i o n but d i s -persed unon being spoken to by a m a g i s t r a t e . 1 0 2 Some 1 0 0 I b i d . 1 0 1 I b i d ; Gaspard de Lanaudiere t o h i s w i f e , 30 Jan. 1 7 9 7 , PAC, CO 42, C o l l e c t i o n Baby,v. 1 2 : 6 8 6 6 . 1 0 2 S e w e l l ' s r e p o r t , 7 4 . 92 h a b i t a n t s across the r i v e r i n the p a r i s h of St. Antoine de Longueuil urged t h e i r neighbours t o wi t h o l d a l l s u p p l i e s from the Montreal market, u n t i l the c i t y dwellers j o i n e d w i t h the country f o l k i n r e f u s i n g t o compound or labour. At the church i n L'Assomption near Montreal the h a b i t a n t s walked out of a sermon exhorting p a r i s h i o n e r s t o do t h e i r road d u t y , a f t e r a member o f the congregation warned t h e cure" to remain " w i t h i n the sphere of your C l e r i c a l Duty" and not to " i n t e r f e r e i n p o l i t i c k s . " 3 - 0 4 i n Pointe-aux-Trembles and Pointe C l a i r e the massacre of the E n g l i s h became a toi-dc o f tavern o r a t o r y . x 0 5 The r e s i s t a n c e i n the Montreal area t o the execution o f the Act was g r e a t l y strengthened by the l e a d e r s h i p and example of Joseph P a p i n e a u . x < ^ He spread about the idea that the s t a t u t e was i l l e g a l on the grounds that the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l had not the re q u i r e d number of members, pledged t h a t the Canadian assemblymen would o b t a i n i t s r e p e a l or amendment, and refused h i m s e l f to labour or compound. As part of a d e l e g a t i o n of c i t i z e n s he helped 1 0 3 I b i d . , 7 6 . 1 0 4 j o n a t h a n Sewell t o P r e s c o t t , 28 Oct. 1796, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 10: 4 8 5 5 - 5 6 . 1 0 5 I b i d . , 4854-55 1 0 ^ P a p i n e a u f s a c t i v i t i e s during the Road Act r i o t s are described i n Osgoode t o , n.d,, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 52; Same to , 13 Oct. 1796, i b i d . , 55; Same t o John King, 14 Nov. 1786, i b i d . , 58; Montreal magistrates to Pr e s c o t t , 6 Oct. 1796, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 64: 20651-52; Jonathan Sewell t o P r e s c o t t , 28 Oct. 1796, n. 104 above, , 4850 -58. to convince the magistrate e a r l y i n October to suspend enforcement f o r a few days u n t i l the Governor i n d i c a t e d whether or not he would immediately convoke the L e g i s -l a t u r e . P r e s c o t t r e f u s e d and ordered the magistrates t o enforce obedience to the l a w . 1 ^ 7 This they f e l t was next to impossible t o do: Emissaries have been d i s p e r s e d through the d i f f e r e n t parishes to foment the general d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n ... [which had} r i s e n to such a p i t c h of popular Frenzy as to render ... the C i v i l Power i n s u f f i c i e n t t o compel o b e d i e n c e . x ° 8 About mid-October, at the height of the r e s i s t a n c e to the Road Act i n the Montreal area^ Canadians learned that the French f l e e t under Admiral R i c h e r y had attacked Newfoundland and rumours f l e w that the d e s t i n a t i o n o f the f l e e t was Lower Canada. x09 Here was hope. E x p l o i t a t i o n by the government and the seigneurs would cease i f France were once more i n c o n t r o l of the v a l l e y o f the St. Lawrence. 1 0 7 R y l a n d t o M c G i l l , 15 Oct. 1796, PAC, G S e r i e s , 15 C, v. 5: 101-02; P r e s c o t t t o P o r t l a n d , 28 Oct. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 108: 17. x 0 ^ M o n t r e a l magistrates t o P r e s c o t t , 13 Oct. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 108: 12. 1 09Henry C u l l t o James Dale, 23 Nov. 1796, PAC, CO 42, MG 23, G.III, 13, Letterbook, 63. 1 1 0 0 s g o o d e to 13 Oct. 1796, n. 106 above, 53; De Bonne's address (n. 9 5 above); Quebec Gazette, 5 Jan. 1797 (address by Louis Labadie, a schoolteacher, t o the h a b i t a n t s o f Vercheres, 15 Nov. 1796). See a l s o Labadie to John N e i l s o n , 4 May 1797, PAC, N e i l s o n C o l l e c t i o n , v. 1: 64. 94 An indeterminate number of habitants began to t a l k approving-l y of the a b o l i t i o n of a l l seigneurial rents and t i t h e s . 1 1 1 Whatever the motives, Richery's appearance, as Prescott observed, ''produced a sensation throughout the P r o v i n c e " 1 1 2 and, as Osgoode noted, "an Exultation" among "the people at l a r g e . " 1 1 3 Coadjutor Bishop Denaut, writing from Longueuil, described the impact of the news i n that area: Les nouvelles de Quebec d'une invasion des Francais dans cette province, ont porte" l a crainte dans l e coeur de plusieurs et l a j o i e dans l e plus grand nombre. Tous les habitants l e s desirent. Nous touchons, on d i r a i t , au moment d Tune revolution p a r e i l a c e l l e de l a France; des attroupements considerables d'habitans de presque tous les endroits se sont f a i t s tous le s jours depuis dimanche, i l s refusent absolument de se soumettre a l a l o y portee par l e b i l l des chemins.... La revolution, d i t l ' h i s t o i r e , a commence par un attroupement des femmes affiances, que ne doit-on pas craindre d'homme e n t e t e s . 1 ^ Had Richery s a i l e d up the St. Lawrence instead of returning to France, the f l e e t would have received a tumultuous welcome by the mass of the Canadian population. Despite t h i s turn of events, which doubtless increased the w i l l to r e s i s t the road law, the Montreal magistrates struggled on gamely. On October 2 4 t h the unlucky Marston, attempting to levy a fine on one Latour, a ringleader i n -^Osgoode to , 13 Oct. 1796, n. 106 above, 53. 1 1 2 P r e s c o t t to Portland, 28 Oct. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 108: 16-17. 1 1 30sgoode to , 13 Oct. 1796, n. 106 above, 53. l l z ,Denaut to cure P l e s s i s , 18 Oct. 1796, AAQ, Cartable, Ev§ques de Quebec, I I , 114. 95 the " f r e e B e r t h e l o t movement", f a i l e d again when Latour and s e v e r a l f r i e n d s armed w i t h muskets b a r r i c a d e d them-selves i n h i s house. The magistrates thereupon suspended a l l attempts to enforce the Act. x x-* The Governor mean-while had sent Sewell t o Montreal armed w i t h a not over subtle o f f e r t o Papineau t h a t he accept a commission as m a g i s t r a t e . X X D Sewell r e p o r t e d that Papineau refused t o serve, and had pointed out that there would be seriou s t r o u b l e , perhaps even r e b e l l i o n , i f Canadian blood were s p i l t . The government could have peace only i f a l l f i n e s l e v i e d were r e m i t t e d and enforcement c e a s e d . x x 7 P r e s c o t t responded to these new developments by d i s p a t c h i n g two regiments t o Montreal. According to Sewell, " t h i s j u d i c i o u s step r e s t o r e d the Consequence of the M a g i s t r a t e s , and gave 118 Energy to t h e i r Proceedings." One energetic proceeding was to serve an order on Papineau to perform h i s road duty or be f i n e d . Accompanied by "a vast crowd of r e t a i n e r s •'•» the popular notary was t r i e d , convicted and f i n e d . Resistance to the enforcement of the Act thereupon c r u m b l e d . x x ^ l x 5 s e w e l l T s r e p o r t , 75 . l l 6 R y l a n d t o Jonathan Sewell, 17 Oct. 1796, PAC, G S e r i e s , 15 C, v. 5: 103; P r e s c o t t t o P o r t l a n d , 24 Oct. 1796, RAC, 1891, 58. l x 7 S e w e l l to P r e s c o t t , 28 Oct. 1796, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 10: 4855-56. x l ^ S e w e l l ' s r e p o r t , 7 5 . x l9osgoode t o John King, 14 Nov. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 58. 96 While i t i s c l e a r the habitants manifested a decided d i s l o y a l t y during the war against Revolutionary France, the s e c u r i t y danger they presented should not be exaggerated. In p a r t i c u l a r they were l i t t l e i n f l u e n c e d by the r e v o l u -t i o n a r y propaganda and d i d not have the remotest idea of i n s u r r e c t i o n . The behaviour of the emissaries and t h e i r sympathizers during the m i l i t i a r i o t s s t r o n g l y suggests that the h a b i t a n t s were u n i n t e r e s t e d i n the nature of the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l reforms of the R e v o l u t i o n . Other^evidence supports t h i s c o n c l u s i o n . While Rousse, f o r example, was c e r t a i n that h a b i t a n t hatred of the E n g l i s h — p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the language d i s p u t e — c o u l d be e f f e c t i v e l y e x p l o i t e d and was encouraged by the joyous response to the news tha t French troops, "nos bons gens", might a t t a c k , he recognized r e g r e t f u l l y t h a t the Canadian farmers were not yet ready f o r the message contained i n Les Francais l i b r e s . 1 2 0 The i l l i t e r a c y of the h a b i t a n t s had prevented an understanding of developments i n France during the period of favourable press r e p o r t i n g from 1789 to l a t e 1792, w h i l e during the war the. s u r v e i l l a n c e of government o f f i c i a l s and the Canadian e l i t e kept to a minimum the e x p o s i t i o n and d i s -c ussion of the w r i t t e n propaganda devised by Genet and 1 2 0 M e z i e r e to Genet, 20 Sept, 1793, LOC, France, Af f . Et., Corr. P o l . , E.U., v. 38: 236; Rousse to Genet, 13 Feb. 1794, i b i d . , ' s u p p . , v. 28: 433-34; see a l s o La Rochefoucauld-Liamcourt, voyage, I I , 183-84. A d e t . 1 1 One major reason f o r the h a b i t a n t s 1 l a c k o f i n t e r e s t , was the i r r e l e v a n c e of the reforms i n France to t h e i r s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n and t h e i r notions of government. Careers open to t a l e n t , reform of the French t a x a t i o n system, and democratization o f the s t r u c t u r e of the Roman C a t h o l i c Church could have no meaning f o r the habitant. He had l i t t l e ambition t o see h i s sons i n the c i v i l service or army, paid no d i r e c t taxes to the government, and i n the t y p i c a l case was served by a dedicated cure" drawn from h i s own c l a s s , a man l a r g e l y devoid of s o c i a l p r etension, w o r l d l y ambition or s p i r i t u a l doubt. The r e v o l u t i o n a r y propaganda which c i r c u l a t e d i n the colony promised the a b o l i t i o n o f s e i g n e u r i a l dues and durin g the r e c e s s i o n i n 1796 t h i s idea had some p o s i t i v e appeal. But a m a j o r i t y of 1 2 1 T h e d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by those working f o r Genet and Adet are i l l u s t r a t e d by the f a c t that Les F r a n c a i s  l i b r e s and the pamphlet brought i n by Ducalvet were u s u a l l y c i r c u l a t e d by throwing them i n t o the open windows of houses at night ( S e w e l l 1 t o P r e s c o t t , 28 Oct. 1796, n. 117 above, 4853-54). No r e v o l u t i o n a r y clubs or more inf o r m a l d i s c u s s i o n groups were ever discovered i n the countryside. Monk, prone to exaggerate the r e v o l u t i o n a r y danger, could f i n d o n l y one instance of Les Francais l i b r e s being p u b l i c l y expounded ( t o Dorchester, 18 June 1794, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 100: 53). The Attorney-General noted w i t h alarm that the h a b i t a n t s r e f e r r e d t o Les Frangais l i b r e s as n l e Catechisme", but t h i s was probably a bemused comme nt on the f a n a t i c i s m of the sympathizers and on t h e i r novel mysteries r a t h e r than any expression o f i n t e r e s t and undep. standing (to Same, 2 5 May 1794, i b i d . , v. 101: 12). The d i s t r i b u t i o n of D u c a l v e t f s pamphlet was traced by govern-ment o f f i c i a l s to o n l y ten persons, a l l o f whom claimed they had burned t h e i r copies ( P r e s c o t t to L i s t o n , 2 Feb. 1797, PAC, Pr e s c o t t Papers, Se r i e s 1, v. 13: 19-21; Same to Same, 10 Feb. 1797, i b i d . , 23-26; Richardson to Jonathan Sewell, 13 Feb. 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 5: 1057. 98 habitants who learned of the proposal must have wondered i f i t entailed the a b o l i t i o n i n toto of the seigneurial system, and with i t the concept that unconceded lands were held i n trust for future generations. Those who thought about the question at a l l were probably opposed to i n d i v i d u a l ownership of land which would make i t more costly to provide t h e i r sons with f a r m s . 1 2 2 During the 1790's the habitants wanted the operation of the seigneurial system reformed; they did not want the system a b o l i s h e d . 1 2 3 The c o n s t i t u t i o n a l reforms of the Revolution, of course, were meaningless to those who believed i n the divine right of kings and di s t r u s t e d representative government. Despite the Constitution of 1791 and despite also a marked tendency to r e s i s t government when i t detrimentally affected the habitants* i n t e r e s t s , they were unable to appreciate that p o l i t i c a l authority could derive from the mass of the people. J-^While d i r e c t evidence i s lacking, i t i s l i k e l y that the habitants during the early 1 7 9 0 !s had absorbed from the Canadian e l i t e something of the attitude described i n the text. With near unanimity the l a t t e r had then opposed Chief Justice William Smith's attempt to introduce freehold on the grounds that a farmer would not be able to r e a l i z e his l i f e ' s ambition to est a b l i s h h i s sons on land of t h e i r own. See Quebec Gazette. 2 4 March 1791 ( p e t i t i o n of Canadians against a change i n tenure); Thomas B^dard (Superior of the Quebec Seminary), "Observation on the Report Respecting a Change i n the Tenure of t h i s Province," 16 Feb. 1791, PAC, Q Series, v. 51: 475-501 at 4 8 6 - 8 7 , 499-500; Burt, The Old Province. 4 6 9 - 7 1 . 1 2 3 W h i l e Canadian assemblymen from r u r a l constituen-cies twice raised the question of rent regulation during the 1790's (p. 6 8 , 84 above, p. 107 below), not one of them showed the s l i g h t e s t interest i n the a b o l i t i o n of the seigneurial system. Uninterested i n the p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789, l a r g e l y l e a d e r l e s s , s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e i r improving economic p o s i t i o n (except during 1796) and governed by the d i c t a t e s o f elementary prudence i n the face o f a minatory govern-ment and e l i t e , the habita n t s were not prepared t o take an a c t i v e part to increase the chances of success of a French i n v a s i o n . The m i l i t i a and Road Act r i o t s can each be described as r e b e l l i o n la l a j u s t i c e , f a t h e r than i n any sense an attempted i n s u r r e c t i o n . During the m i l i t i a r i o t s French agents and t h e i r l o c a l sympathizers found i t a simple matter to encourage the h a b i t a n t s i n the time-honoured technique o f r e s i s t i n g the enforcement of an unpopular law. When they t r i e d t o provoke more se r i o u s t r o u b l e , as i n September 1794 when attempts were made t o r e c r u i t h a b i t a n t s to l i b e r a t e the Montreal p r i s o n , they were u n s u c c e s s f u l . ^ ^ The R 0ad Act r i o t s were l i k e w i s e defensive i n nature. The contention t h a t few h a b i t a n t s harboured thoughts of r e b e l l i o n i n 1796 i s g r e a t l y strengthened, moreover, by the f a c t t h a t French agents, f o r e i g n as w e l l as l o c a l , had l i t t l e or nothing t o do w i t h the outbreaks. With a French i n v a s i o n scheduled f o r the sp r i n g or summer of 1 7 9 7 they would h a r d l y encourage a c i v i l d isturbance which might l e a d to the reinforcement of the B r i t i s h g a r r i s o n . Both c i t i z e n Adet and h i s agent, David 1 2 /*-Stephen to Jonathan Sewell, 18 Sept. 1794, PAG, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 8 7 5 - 7 6 ; Monk t o Nepean, 19 Sept. 1794, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 100: 379. 100 McLane, were very much alarmed that the Road Act r i o t s would have p r e c i s e l y that r e s u l t . D e s p i t e thorough i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n 1794 and 1796 government o f f i c i a l s were never able t o prove that concerted plans f o r r e b e l l i o n ever e x i s t e d ; they never discovered a cache of arms i n the countryside, corresponding committees or any organized system of a i d i n g the e m i s s a r i e s . The l i k e l y response the large m a j o r i t y of h a b i t a n t s would have adopted i f an invading f o r c e from France had appeared was summed up i n the report prepared f o r the c o l o n i a l government i n the summer o f 1798 by a r o y a l i s t emigre^ J u l e s Le Fer. Accor-ding t o Governor P r e s c o t t , Le Fer, a f t e r a c a r e f u l i n v e s t i g a t i o n , ... found them i n general (he had not indeed found any exceptions) vecpy desirous that t h i s Country should be regained by France: but he had not discovered that they had made any a c t u a l arrangements f o r l e n d i n g the French any r e g u l a r a s s i s t a n c e i n arms: and although t h e i r wishes were very s t r o n g i n Favour of France he did not t h i n k i t l i k e l y , so f a r as he could d i s c o v e r , that any ver y considerable number would j o i n the French i n arms immediately, i n case o f t h e i r a r r i v a l : He conceived i t to be most l i k e l y t hat the g e n e r a l i t y of them would be disposed to be mere lookers on at the f i r s t w h i l e matters might remain d o u b t f u l ; but should the French succeed so f a r as t o make i t probable that they would make themselves masters of the Country i n a short time, there would i n that case be no doubt th a t the Canadians would then j o i n them i n great numbers. 1 2" - ^ L i s t o n to P r e s c o t t , 15 Jan. 1797, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, S e r i e s 1, v. 11: 14; McLane's t r i a l , 765, 768. 1 2 6 P r e s c o t t to P o r t l a n d , 1 Oct. 1798, PAC, CO 4 2, v. I l l : 20-21. CHAPTER 4 THE GARRISON MENTALITY To prove the existence of a garrison mentality, i t i s convenient to begin with an analysis of the s i t u a t i o n i n which the English found themselves and an explanation of the major assumptions which they employed to interpret that s i t u a t i o n . Once these points are established, i t w i l l become apparent that the English could hardly have been other than profoundly and almost constantly afr&id of Canadian revolution. The remaining portion of the chapter, which deals with the English response to the outbreak of war, the m i l i t i a and Road Act r i o t s , the e l e c t i o n of 1796 and the discovery of the C i v i l Society i n 1801, adduces s p e c i f i c proof that t h i s was so. I t was natural that the English should have sus-pected that the propaganda circulated by Genet and Adet appealed to large numbers of Canadians. By late 1792-early 1793 the Revolution had begun to appear to Britons gene-r a l l y as a r i s i n g of the unpropertied against the wealthy, a judgment reinforced by the p o l i t i c a l ferment among the working class even i n Great B r i t a i n . x I t hardly seemed xSee e.g. Alexander Davison (a lessee of the King's f u r trading posts i n Lower Canada) to J.G. Simcoe, 6 Nov, 1792, E.A. Cruikshank, ed., The Correspondence of L i e u t .  Governor John Graves Simcoe, 5v. (Toronto. 1923-31). I. 2 5 3 - 5 4 : address of the L e g i s l a t i v e Council to Lieutenant-Governor Alured Clarke, 22 Dec. 1792, Quebec Gazette. 2 7 Dec. 1792; Quebec Magazine, 8 Feb. 1793 ( l e t t e r s of "Old Country Fellow" and "Britannicus"); Quebec Gazette. 4 A p r i l 1793 ( l e t t e r of "Scepticus"); Samuel Gerrard to , 2 5 A p r i l 102 reasonable that the h a b i t a n t s and a r t i s a n s i n Lower Canada could long remain unaffected by the s i r e n c a l l of e q u a l i t y and the hope o f plunder. As e a r l y as December 1792, Edward, the Duke of Kent, then s t a t i o n e d at Quebec with h i s regiment, described f o r a f r i e n d the judgment of "the most s e n s i b l e and experienced people here" t h a t the, ,.. s i t u a t i o n of France having occasioned such a general fermentation ... a l l over the world, i t i s c e r t a i n l y t o be f e a r e d , t h a t the same s p i r i t which has manifested i t s e l f i n England, may so©ner o r l a t e r work on the minds o f the people here, and be pro-d u c t i v e of consequences which can be p a r a l l e l e d o n l y by those, t h r o ' which England u n f o r t u n a t e l y l o s t the American c o l o n i e s . 2 Moreover feudal t e n u r e — o r a form of i t — s t i l l f l o u r i s h e d i n the v a l l e y o f the S t . Lawrence. I t i s understandable that the E n g l i s h should f e e l t h a t a t t a c k s on the s e i g n e u r i a l system might w e l l provide a r a l l y i n g c r y f o r h a b i t a n t s as s u c c e s s f u l as i t had been a. few years e a r l i e r i n r u r a l France. Such evidence as was a v a i l a b l e served t o strengthen these s u s p i c i o n s . Emissaries t r a v e l l e d through the colony u n d e t e c t e d 3 — s u g g e s t i n g passive cooperation on the 1793, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 11: 6468; P.A. Brown, The  French Revolution i n E n g l i s h H i s t o r y (London, 1 9 1 8 ) , oh. H I , , i v . 2To W i l l i a m Dalrymple, 1 Dec. 1793 [1792'}, McCord Museum, Duke of Kent L e t t e r s . 3it was v i r t u a l l y impossible to stop them e n t e r i n g the colony near St. Johns. Colonel de Berniere, commanding at St. Johns, explained t o Captain Green, the Governor's m i l i t a r y s e c r e t a r y (27 May 1797, PAC, C S e r i e s , A . l , v. 14: 8-12) that "the multitude o f passengers makes i t an easy matter f o r a d i s g u i s e d person, speaking the language, t o escape d e t e c t i o n . " According t o De Berniere emissaries a l s o entered the province c l a n d e s t i n e l y by way of a road to the east o f St. Johns, 103 part o f a m a j o r i t y o f Canadians;4 they had helped s t i m u l a t e the m i l i t i a r i o t s and had been i n the colony immediately p r i o r to the Road -Act r i o t s and, i n the case of McLane at l e a s t , during them. During the r i o t s , and o c c a s i o n a l l y at other times, r e v o l u t i o n a r y slogans were used by the d i s -contented. I t was known that the m a j o r i t y of the h a b i t a n t s were anglophobic^ and favoured the idea of French reconquest. On the b a s i s o f these premises i t was a s m a l l step t o the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the p r i n c i p l e s of 1789 were e x e r c i s i n g a d e c i s i v e i n f l u e n c e on habitant behaviour and t h a t sooner or l a t e r there would be a r e b e l l i o n . There was another d i s t u r b i n g element i n the s i t u a t i o n f o r , even as the French Re v o l u t i o n appeared to be demonstra-t i n g t h a t e l e c t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s f o s t e r e d anarchy and v i o l e n c e Lower Canada's Assembly began to operate. The arrangement of c o n s t i t u e n c i e s on the b a s i s of population and a f r a n -chise which was one o f the most l i b e r a l i n the world, meant that the l a r g e m a j o r i t y o f members were Canadians e l e c t e d by the votes of i l l i t e r a t e , anglophobic h a b i t a n t s . No wonder many of the E n g l i s h i n Quebec C i t y began to f e a r , as the Duke of Kent observed i n December 1792, "that the new ^See John Richardson to Jonathan Sewell, 23 March 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 1080-81. ^See e.g. the references at p. 71- n. 33 above. ^This w i l l become obvious l a t e r i n the chapter. 105 the e l e c t o r a t e ^ and even the Assembly.-1-1 They j o i n e d w i t h government o f f i c i a l s and others i n c a s t i g a t i n g anyone who dared oppose the government as a "demoerat",12 meaning at that time admirer of the French r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s . The dangers posed by parliamentary "demagogues" were f i r m l y impressed on the minds o f the E n g l i s h , not o n l y those bureaucrats who had long opposed an Assembly, or the l o y a l i s t s , who had unpleasant memories of the r o l e of assemblies d u r i n g the American Revolution, but even those who had e a r l i e r been i n the f o r e f r o n t o f the s t r u g g l e f o r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government. Wealthy exporter George A l l s o p p had a few years before been one of the leaders of the merchants' a g i t a t i o n f o r an assembly w i t h c o n t r o l over government f i n a n c e s . Reacting to the French Revolu-t i o n , A l l s o p p warned h i s son C a r l e t o n — a n admirer of French r e p u b l i c a n i s m — a b o u t the dangers o f an u n c o n t r o l l e d e l e c t i v e body; l°Whe n the L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l i n 1793 sent down a b i l l t o provide f o r the e l e c t i o n of r e t u r n i n g o f f i c e r s the Assembly amended i t t o r e s t o r e the Governor's power of appointment: Monk to Nepean, 8 May 1793, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 97: 224-28. 1795 the L e g i s l a t u r e passed two t a x a t i o n statutes and granted the Governor—permanently—£ 5,000 per annum from the proceeds: Statutes o f Lower Canada, 35 Geo. I l l (1795), ch. VIII, IX. An attempt by the Papineau-Panet r a d i c a l s t o l i m i t the grant t o two years was overwhelmingly defeated i n the Assembly: JHALC f o r 1795, 28 Feb., 1, 4 5 . l 2 S e e e.g. Quebec Magazine, March 1793 ( l e t t e r of "An Anglo-Canadian," r e f e r r i n g to the common o p i n i o n of assemblymen). See a l s o p. 125, 140 below. 106 I wish you w e l l t o weigh the c o n s t i t u t i o n of your own Country & note the equal poise t h a t the three estates hold w i t h respect to each other no Country on earth can boast the l i k e — C o r r u p t i o n s w i l l creep i n unavoidably i n t o every establishment f o r a l l are human, sour malcontents are to be found i n every country & i t i s the greatest s a t i s f a c t i o n t o such to r a i s e murmurs and discontents and t o s t i r up t h e d i s a f f e c t e d with or without c a u s e . 1 3 A l l s o o p ' s o p i n i o n was w i d e l y shared. 1 7 t -The p o s s i b l e damage which could be done by dema-gogues d i d not seem e n t i r e l y academic t o the E n g l i s h . As the Papineau-Panet r a d i c a l s drew some of t h e i r i n s p i r a t i o n from the i d e a l s o f 1789, c o n s i s t e n t l y opposed government measures and at times sought t o l i m i t the powers of the executive, i t i s understandable that the E n g l i s h thought of them as "democrats" and wondered whether they were a c t i v e l y engaged i n f u r t h e r i n g French schemes f o r sub-v e r s i o n . As both leaders were s p e l l - b i n d i n g o r a t o r s and enjoyed great p o p u l a r i t y among the h a b i t a n t s o f t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e d i s t r i c t s , i t was a l s o n a t u r a l t o suspect t h a t they might e f f e c t i v e l y use the Assembly t o a l i e n a t e the i J 5George to C a r l e t o n A l l s o p p , 24 Nov. 1793, PAC, A l l s o p p Papers, Letterbook, 3 3 . lz+See e.g. Kent t o Dalrymple, 1 Dec. 1793 0-7923 , McCord Museum, Duke of Kent L e t t e r s ; f u r merchant James M c G i l l to John A s k i n , 20 Jan. 1793, M i l o M. Quaife, ed., The John A s k i n Papers. 2 v . ( D e t r o i t , 1928/31), I, 4 5 9 - 6 0 ; John Richardson to Alexander E l l i c e , 16 Feb. 1793, • -Kennedy, St a t u t e s . 212-14; Monk t o Nepean, 8 May 1793, PAQ, CO 42, v. 97: 233; Dorchester t o Dundas, 7 June 1794, ° i b i d . , v. 100: 4 2 - 4 3; Osgoode t o Burland, 27 Oct. 1795, i b i d . , v. 22: 2 3 - 2 4 ; p. 137-42 below f o r examples d a t i n g from 1796-97; M i l n e s t o P o r t l a n d , 1 Nov. 1800, Const.  Docs.. 1791-1818. 2 4 9 - 5 1 . 107 mass o f the Canadians from B r i t i s h r u l e . C h i e f J u s t i c e Osgoode's r e a c t i o n i n 1795 to an attempt by the r a d i c a l s to r egulate i l l e g a l s e i g n e u r i a l e x a c t i o n s x 5 t y p i f i e d the f e a r s o f many on t h i s p o i n t . The question, Osgoode thought, would " n e c e s s a r i l y produce a great C o n f l i c t between ... the Landlords & Tenants" and might become "a u s e f u l Instrument i n the Hands o f the D i s a f f e c t e d . " 1 0 The h a b i t a n t s were grumbling, and the " P a t r i o t s wish the questions t o Qontinue i n A g i t a t i o n but not t o be s e t t l e d . " The "Arch p a t r i o t " , J.A. Panet, had gone so f a r as to move f o r a p e r i p a t e t i c Assembly committee empowered to ho l d p u b l i c hearings i n any part of the province. F o r t u n a t e l y , i n Osgoode's view, t h i s p o t e n t i a l l y d i s a s t r o u s motion was d e f e a t e d . 1 7 The nervousness o f the E n g l i s h was g r e a t l y increased by the c o n v i c t i o n t h a t the French R e v o l u t i o n had been the r e s u l t o f an i n t e r n a t i o n a l conspiracy. This b e l i e f was grounded i n ideas of h i s t o r i c a l c a u sation which were then commonplace and h e l d p a r t i c u l a r relevance f o r those who accepted the l o y a l i s t e x p l a n a t i o n f o r American independence. There was l i t t l e attempt i n the eighteenth century t o r e l a t e h i s t o r i c a l change to broad p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l or economic f a c t o r s . Contemporaries tended t o accept the simplest e x p l a n a t i o n a s c r i b i n g events approved o f t o 1 5JHALC f o r 1795, 21 Jan., 5, 23 Jan., 1 9 . l o 0 s g o o d e t o Simcoe, 30 Jan. 1795, OH, 1954, 8 6 . 1 7 0 s g o o d e t o Burland, 27 Oct. 1795, n. 14 above. Providence and those d i s l i k e d to divine r e t r i b u t i o n or the nefarious a c t i v i t i e s of a small group of conspirators. The prevalence of the conspiracy i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n the l a t t e r half of the century i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the reaction of i n d i v i d u a l s , on both sides of the issue, to the events leadirg up to the 18 American Revolution. American revolutionaries interpreted B r i t i s h p o l i c i e s from 1763 on as c a r e f u l l y planned steps i n an elaborate conspiracy of B r i t i s h ministries to gradually enslave them with ever-increasing taxation, numerous commercial monopolies, the establishment of the Anglican Church and the elimination of representative i n s t i t u t i o n s . B r i t i s h t o r i e s and many American l o y a l i s t s , on the other hand, had ascribed the Declaration of Independence to a well-thought-out plot of Samuel Adams, John Hancock and a few other men o r i g i n a t i n g as early as 1765. Pennsylvania l o y a l i s t , Joseph Galloway wrote a book to prove the con-spiracy^" 9 while Jonathan Sewell's father, the l a s t Attorney-l f*Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the  American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 119-59; William H. Nelson. The American Tory (Oxford, 1961), 180-82; Edmund S. and Helen M. Morgan, The Stamp Act C r i s i s (Chapel H i l l , N.C., 1953), 289-91. In the 1790's the American Federalists convinced themselves that Jefferson and h i s Republican colleagues were p l o t t i n g a revolution of the lower classes, while leading Republicans worried about the conspiracy of Washington, Hamilton and other Federalists to restore the monarchy: John C. M i l l e r , The  Federalist Era, 1789-1801. Harper paperback,ed. (New York, 1963), 77-80, 228-37; Link, So c i e t i e s , ch. 8, passim; Woodfin, " C i t i z e n Genet," ch. XIV, passim. 19 ^ H i s t o r i c a l and P o l i t i c a l Reflections on the Rise  and Progress of the American Rebellion (London. 1780). 109 G e n e r a l o f B r i t i s h M a s s a c h u s e t t s , had c a s t i g a t e d t h e " p l o t t e r s , i n s t i g a t o r s & c h e r i s h e r s o f t h i s most u n n a t u r a l , c a u s e l e s s , d e s t r u c t i v e r e b e l l i o n " who had " g i v e n them-s e l v e s up t o t h e g u i d a n c e o f m a l i c e , p r i d e , envy, h a t r e d , & e v e r y : o t h e r v i c i o u s p r i n c i p l e t h a t can b l a c k e n t h e human h e a r t . " 2 0 I n h i s R e f l e c t i o n s on the R e v o l u t i o n i n F r a n c e , Burke had o f t e n r e f e r r e d t o a c o n s p i r a c y o f s o c i a l u p s t a r t s but d i d n o t de v e l o p t h e i d e a . The c o n s p i r a c y t h e o r y o f the R e v o l u t i o n was a r t i c u l a t e d most f o r c e f u l l y by t h e abbe" A u g u s t i n B a r r u e l , a French emigre", and by John Ro b i s o n , p r o f e s s o r o f c h e m i s t r y a t Ed i n b u r g h U n i v e r s i t y . 2 1 A c c o r d i n g t o t h e s e w r i t e r s t h e man who made t h e R e v o l u t i o n was a B a v a r i a n p r o f e s s o r by t h e name o f Adam Weishaupt, f o u n d e r o f t h e s e c r e t o r d e r o f t h e i l l u m i n a t i . The o r d e r had p e n e t r a t e d and c o n t r o l l e d t h e German masonic l o d g e s and c a r e f u l l y ehosen t h e masons most s u s c e p t i b l e o f moral c o r r u p t i o n t o i n d u c e by degrees i n t o t h e h i g h e r r a n k s . P r e t e n d i n g t o approve C h r i s t i a n i t y Weishaupt and h i s h e n c h -men g r a d u a l l y c o n v e r t e d t h e i r d i s c i p l e s to a t h e i s m and a 2 0 S e w e l l t o Thomas R o b i e , 12 March 1777, M a s s a c h u s e t t s H i s t o r i c a l S o c e i t y , P r o c e e d i n g s , 2nd s e r i e s , J a n . 1896, 418. 2 x J o h n Ro|>ison, P r o o f s o f a c o n s p i r a c y a g a i n s t a l l t h e r e l i g i o n s and governments o f Europe. c a r r i e d o n - i n t h e  s e c r e t meetings o f Free Masons. I l l u m i n a t i . and Reading  S o c i e t i e s , 2nd ed. (London. 1797); A u g u s t i n B a r r u e l , Memoires~pour s e r v i r a l ' h i s t o i r e du j a c o b i n i s m e , $v. '(Hamburg, 1798-99). A l e s s complete v e r s i o n o f t h e Memoires (and s i m u l t a n e o u s l y an E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n ) had been p u b l i s h e d i n London i n 1797. 110 h a t r e d o f monarchy and a l l c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n . Only a hand-f u l o f c l o s e confederates were aware of the p r o f e s s o r ' s r e a l p l a n : to induce u n i v e r s a l l i b e r t i n i s m i n Europe which would f a c i l i t a t e the overturn o f a l l e s t a b l i s h e d govern-ments, the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n and b r i n g about the world d i c t a t o r s h i p of Weishaupt and h i s a s s o c i a t e s . The Due d'Orleans, Grand Master o f the French masonic lodges, became the dupe of Mirabeau, an i l l u m i n a t u s , who i n t u r n took h i s orders from Weishaupt. Together w i t h other masonic p l o t t e r s , such as the abbe" Si^yes and Condorcet, Orleans had channelled the energies of a malleable and unsuspecting membership at the e l e c t i o n to the E s t a t e s General, corrupted the Gardes Francaises at the time o f the B a s t i l l e and s u b s i d i z e d the October march of women on V e r s a i l l e s . Weishaupt and h i s l i t t l e c i r c l e of co-conspirators had been the mysterious i n f l u e n c e behind the Girondins and Jacobins and were c u r r e n t l y engaged i n d i c t a t i n g the p o l i c i e s o f the D i r e c t o r y w i t h a view t o promoting r e v o l u t i o n throughout the c i v i l i z e d world. I n v i r t u a l l y every country or colony, the D i r e c t o r y c o u l d count on the support o f a t i g h t l y organized and clandes-t i n e c e l l o f adherents t o the i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e v o l u t i o n a r y sect. C i t i n g McLane's i n t r i g u e s , B a r r u e l i n c l u d e d Lower Canada i n h i s geographical review of the t e n t a c l e s o f the Weishaupt conspiracy. In B r i t a i n the views of abbe* B a r r u e l and P r o f e s s o r Robison were addressed to a sympathetic audience and were I l l s u f f i c i e n t l y persuasive to exert a d e f i n i t e i n f l u e n c e on the Combinations Act o f 1799 which outlawed s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s . 2 2 A l e s s demented i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the Revolu-t i o n was kept a l i v e by the F o x i t e o p p o s i t i o n . 2 3 I n Lower Canada, however, there could be nothing but u n i v e r s a l and profound c o n v i c t i o n i n the conspiracy i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . There was no s i g n i f i c a n t F o x i t e o p p o s i t i o n among the E n g l i s h ; indeed i t appears, no debate at a l l on the Revolution w i t h i n the E n g l i s h community a f t e r the September massacres. Bishop Mountain was probably a r t i c u l a t i n g the obvious when i n a sermon preached at Quebec on January 10, 1799 he pr a i s e d the outstanding s c h o l a r l y achievements o f B a r r u e l and Robison who had l a i d bare the long and infamous labours by which they Q/feishaupt and a s s o c i a t e s ] introduced i n f i d e l i t y and Anarchy;—the Conspiracy d i r e c t e d with remorseless treachery, with envenomed malice, and with unwearied perserverence, not o n l y a g a i n s t a l l e s t a b l i s h e d forms of C h r i s t i a n  Worship, but against the R e l i g i o n o f Je s u s - C h r i s t  i t s e l f , ' are now known to a l l the worlcC The progress which they have made, i n t h i s d i a b o l i c a l warfare, i s recorded i n characters of b l o o d l 2 4 ^ B a r r u e l ! s Memoires was published i n two t r a n s l a t e d B r i t i s h e d i t i o n s p r i o r t o 1800, Robison 1s book went through f o u r B r i t i s h e d i t i o n s before the t u r n of the century. His f i r s t e d i t i o n published i n 1797 was s o l d out almost immediately (Proofs, 499). The i n f l u e n c e of these w r i t e r s — and the climate of o p i n i o n they a r t i c u l a t e d — o n the Combina-t i o n s Act i s evident from the r e p o r t of a s e c r e t committee of the Common recommending the l e g i s l a t i o n , 15 March 1799: Parliamentary H i s t o r y , v. 34: 579-656. The r e p o r t might have been w r i t t e n by e i t h e r B a r r u e l or Robison. 2 3 S t e v e n Watson, The Reign of George I I I (Oxford, I960), 361-62. 24PAC, CO 42, v. 112: 103. This sermon was published at the request of the congregation. For other examples i l l u s t r a t i n g the i n f l u e n c e of the ideas expressed by 112 C o n v i c t i o n i n the p l o t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the French Revolution, i n the c o n t i n u i n g attempts of the p l o t t e r s to foment world-wide r e v o l u t i o n and i n the e f f i c a c y of con-s p i r a c y i s a master key which unlocks many of the mysteries surrounding the exaggerated f e a r of the E n g l i s h throughout the war against Revolutionary France. I t helps e x p l a i n how the g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y could develop despite what a twen-t i e t h century h i s t o r i a n might regard as very l i t t l e pro-v o c a t i o n and despite a l s o a c o n v i c t i o n on the part o f the E n g l i s h t h a t the Canadian people were p r i v i l e g e d to belong to the B r i t i s h Empire. The f a c t that the Canadian lower cl a s s e s were thought to have no s u b s t a n t i a l grievances was i r r e l e v a n t s i n c e , l i k e the masses everywhere, t h e i r ignorance and s h o r t s i g h t e d s e l f i s h n e s s enabled designing men t o con-vince them they s u f f e r e d unbearable i n j u s t i c e . I t mattered not at a l l that the p l o t a n d . p l o t t e r s could seldom be d i s -covered since by d e f i n i t i o n the c o n s p i r a t o r s worked i n s e c r e t , o f t e n escaped the detection, of the a u t h o r i t i e s , and indeed even obscured t h e i r r e a l aims from the persons who c a r r i e d out t h e i r o r d e r s . The assumptions d e r i v e d from the conspiracy i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of popular h i s t o r i c a l movements, moreover, i n c l u d e d the v e r y f r i g h t e n i n g p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t one man or a small group of men could gain c o n t r o l of the masses and manipulate them at w i l l . As w i l l become apparent Barruel and Robison on the E n g l i s h see p. 152-54 below. Dozens of examples of the b e l i e f i n the power e x e r c i z e d by a small group of c o n s p i r a t o r s are given i n t h i s chapter and i n ch. 7. 113 i n the t e x t , t h i s assumption was twice t r a n s l a t e d i n t o the b e l i e f that a t i n y band o f c o n s p i r a t o r s had brought the colony to the verge of r e b e l l i o n . The p h y s i c a l s i t u a t i o n o f the E n g l i s h made them t h i n k that an i n s u r r e c t i o n had every chance of succesa They were outnumbered f i f t e e n t o one by former subjects of France, 2^ most of whom l i v e d along the St. Lawrence where the French f l e e t was r e c u r r e n t l y expected. Many owned hunting guns. As the Leveill£, m i l i t i a and Road Act r i o t s d r a m a t i c a l l y demonstrated, minimal p r o t e c t i o n was afforded the E n g l i s h i n case o f r i o t or i n s u r r e c t i o n by the rudimentary p o l i c e o r g a n i -z a t i o n o f unpaid magistrates a s s i s t e d by unpaid c i t i z e n constables i n the towns and the captains of m i l i t i a — t h e m s e l v e s thought to be d i s l o y a l — i n the countryside.2 6 Throughout the period there were only between 1,500 and 2 ,500 r e g u l a r troops to defend a colony which s t r e t c h e d over s i x hundred miles along the St. Lawrence from Gaspe" to Beauharnois . 2 7 Govern--?See Appendix I . O r d i n a n c e s of Quebec, 27 Geo I I I (1787), ch. VI. Persons appointed as constables by the magistrates were o b l i g e d to serve f o r a p e r i o d of one year or f o r f e i t £20. A s i m i l a r system obtained i n many B r i t i s h c i t i e s and i n v i r t u a l l y a l l counties. See Sidney and B e a t r i c e Webb, E n g l i s h L o c a l Government from the Re v o l u t i o n to the M u n i c i p a l Corporation Act. 9 v . (London. 1906 -29). I I . I l l , For examples o f o p i n i o n on t h i s p o i n t see Monk to Dundas, 17 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 352-53; David Alexander Grant to Simon McTavish, 10 J u l y 1794, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n BabyJ<: v. 11: 6593-94. 2 ? F o r t r o o p ^ s t r e n g t h see e.g. Dorchester to Dundas, 25 Oct. 1793, PAC, CO 42, v. 97: 153-56; "State o f the Troops i n North America commanded by the Right Honourable Lord Dorchester," 5 Aug. 1794, enclosed i n Dorchester to Dundas 114 ment o f f i c i a l s and others c o n s t a n t l y complained that r e -inforcements were des p e r a t e l y needed to impress the f u t i l i t y of r e b e l l i o n on the Canadians. 2** Nor were the r e g u l a r troops wholly r e l i a b l e . The p r o x i m i t y o f the American border was o f t e n an i r r e s i s t a b l e temptation to those subjected t o the harsh d i s c i p l i n e and abominable c o n d i t i o n s of s e r v i c e i n the r e g u l a r army. I n the winter of 1792-93, f o r example, a mutiny and planned mass d e s e r t i o n i n the Duke of Kent's Seventh Regiment at Quebec was only averted at the eleventh hour by the a r r e s t of the r i n g l e a d e r s . 2 9 Throughout the war d e s e r t i o n was a constant lament of the m i l i t a r y commanders i n the c o l o n y . 3 0 The E n g l i s h could not help being g r e a t l y alarmed by 6 Aug. 1794, i b i d . , v. 100: 6 9 ; P r e s c o t t to P o r t l a n d , 22 Aug. 1798, i b i d . , v. I l l : 8 - 9 . Troop s t r e n g t h i n Upper Canada v a r i e d from about 600 t o 1 , 3 5 0 . 2**See e.g. Monk to Dundas, 30 May, 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 324; D.A. Grant to McTavish, 10 J u l y 1794, n. 26 above; Osgoode to , 13 Oct. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 52-55; P r e s c o t t to P o r t l a n d , 22 Aug. 1798, n. 27 above. 2 9 f "Canadian L e t t e r s ; d e s c r i p t i o n of a t o u r t h r o ' the provinces of Lower and Upper Canada i n the course of the years 1792 and ' 9 3 , n Canadian A n t i q u a r i a n and  Numismatic Journal, 3 r d s e r i e s , 1912, 85-168 a t 9 0 ; Quebec  Gazette, 28 March 1793. 3°See e.g. La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Voyage, I I , 152-53; P r e s c o t t to P r i n c e Edward, 4 Oct. 1797, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, S e r i e s 2, M i l i t a r y Letterbook, 566-67; L i e u t e n a n t -General Peter Hunter to the Duke o f York, 24 Dec. 1800, PAC, C S e r i e s , v. 1209: 108; L t . - C o l . Isaac Brock to M i l n e s , 20 Dec. 1802, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 78: 2 4 4 7 6 - 7 7 . 115 the weaknesses of the c i v i l and m i l i t a r y means of maintain-ing order, for they held the view that once r i o t i n g began i t would i n e v i t a b l y spread by example throughout the colony unless vigorously repressed. The m i l i t i a r i o t s , for example, were thought to have been encouraged by the f a i l u r e of the magistrates to punish the L e v e i l l e r i o t e r s , 3 1 The l a t e r and more extreme phases of the Road Act r i o t s i n the Montreal area were attributed by many to the magistrates' temporary suspension of the enforcement of the Act .early i n October. 3 2 This sense of the f r a g i l i t y of the s o c i a l order was deeply imbedded. Many of the l o y a l i s t s had had personal experience of r i o t i n g i n the American Revolution, 3 3 and some,like Jonathan Sewell, had been i n England at the time 3 1 S e e e.g. Monk to Dorchester, 25 May 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 101: 12-1-3; Same to Same, 18 June 1794, i b i d . , v. 100: 53 (reporting the opinions of Sewell and Judge James Walker of Montreal); D.A. Grant to McTavish, 10 July 1794, n. 26 above. 3 2 S e e e.g. Osgoode to , 13 Oct. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 54 ("The p r e v a i l i n g opinion i s that the magistrates have not been s u f f i c i e n t l y f i r m — " ) ; Prince Edward. Duke of Kent to John Young (merchant, Executive C o u n c i l l o r ) , 6 Feb. 1797 ? PAC, Young Papers, v. 4: 114-15 (r e f e r r i n g to Young's opinion). 3 3 I n Sept. 1774 a revolutionary mob had attacked the Sewell family home i n Cambridge, Mass., smashing several windows. Only the beating i n f l i c t e d by the male occupants (including a "Mr, Coffin") on those who forced t h e i r way into the house and the warning that others would be shot, averted worse destruction, Jonathan J r . , then a boy of eight, was present: see u n t i t l e d document with the marginal notation "Tea -Notes 1774", PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 14: 7337. The account by an eyewitness has been printed i n L.F.S. Upton, ed., Revolutionary versus L o y a l i s t (Waltham, Mass., 1968), 4-10. 116 of the Gordon rio t s , 3 4 w h i l e the French Revolution which had overthrown the c e n t u r i e s - o l d Bourbon monarchy was an object l esson everyone could understand. "True-humanity," wrote John Richardson i n 1797, "r e q u i r e s every p o s s i b l e energy at the commencement of c i v i l Commotion."35 Years l a t e r Jonathan Sewell a r t i c u l a t e d the creed of law enforce-ment dominant among the E n g l i s h m i n o r i t y throughout the war against R e v o l u t i o n a r y and Napoleonic France. In h i s charge to the grand j u r y at the September a s s i z e s s h o r t l y a f t e r the opening of the War of 1812, Sewell, then Chief J u s t i c e , warned t h a t : Popular tumults at t h i s C r i s i s , may j u s t l y be sus-pected t o be e x c i t e d by emissaries from the Enemy and i n d e c i s i o n may be h i g h l y dangerous—Tumults so e x c i t e d 34jonathan Sewell, Sr., w r i t i n g about two years a f t e r the Gordon r i o t s s u c c i n c t l y expressed the creed of many of h i s f e l l o w l o y a l i s t s : "The mass of people can never d i s t u r b the m i l d e s t Government, without able leaders to d i r e c t t h e i r f u r y , which i s no more than b r u t a l i - t h e mere E f f e c t of I n s t i n c t & passions--These, when put i n motion-by ambitious p o l i t i c i a n s , form a l e v i a t h a n whose stren g t h i s i r r e s i s t i b l e , but the Demagogues who r a i s e d the Tempest can, at a l l times ' r i d e i n the Whirlwind & d i r e c t the storm' a t t h e i r p l e a s u r e — a n d when t h e i r Ends are obtained, can b r i d l e , saddle ... s h i p & spur, t h i s mighty B e a s t — the v u l g a r , with as much ease .... as i f they were a herd of Jack-Asses,... This o p i n i o n i s founded on my own Experience, on both s i d e s of the A t l a n t i c , & on the H i s t o r y of a l l Ages ... from the time of Moses to the present day": Sewell to Ward Chipman, n.d., PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 2: 367-68. The year 1782 i s w r i t t e n on p. 368 and Sewell mentions (p. 365) t h a t the l a s t l e t t e r he r e c e i v e d from Chioman (with whom he r e g u l a r l y corresponded) was dated 9 Dec. 1781. 35Richardson to Jonathan Sewell, i b i d . , v. 3: 1055. 117 are intended t o lead to r e v o l u t i o n — a n d r e v o l u t i o n s should be s t r a n g l e d i n t h e i r B i r t h — m i n d s yet i n amazement must not yet have time to grow f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e i r g u i l t — T h e Ringleaders must not have time to confirm t h e i r power—The People must not have time to l e a r n to obey new masters—and the a c q u i s i t i o n of t h i s time must be prevented by the a c t i v i t y and d e c i s i o n of the m a g i s t r a t e . 3 " I t was n a t u r a l a l s o f o r the E n g l i s h to take a p e s s i m i s t i c view of the fa t e i n store f o r them i f the Canadian r e b e l l i o n succeeded. I n the years a f t e r the September massacres the l o c a l press expended hundreds of thousands of words d e t a i l i n g the a t r o c i t i e s p erpetrated by the French r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s and the "inhumanity and b a r b a r i t y o f France" became a compelling theme of con-v e r s a t i o n among the E n g l i s h and a f a v o u r i t e t o p i c o f t h e i r p r i v a t e l e t t e r s , sermons and l e t t e r s to the e d i t o r . 3 7 Very l i t t l e i m a gination was needed to apply the lessons of France to t h e i r own s i t u a t i o n . I f any f u r t h e r stimulus was needed i t was provided by the b l o o d t h i r s t y slogans and 3 6 I b i d . , v. 12: 5952. 3?See e.g. Prince Edward, Duke o f Kent t o W i l l i a m Dalrymple, 1 Dec. 1793 p-792] , McCord Museum, Duke o f Kent L e t t e r s ; James Morrison (Montreal merchant) t o , 11 A p r i l 1793, PAC, Lindsay-Morrison Papers, v. 1: 628; Samuel Gerrard to , 25 A p r i l 1793, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 11 : 6468; John Richardson t o John Porteous, 29 June, 15 Sept. 1793, PAC, Richardson L e t t e r s , 56, 59; George A l l s o p p (merchant) to Thomas Wiggins, 5 Nov. 1795, PAC, A l l s o p p Papers, Letterbook, 112; Quebec Magazine, 8 Feb. 1793 ( l e t t e r s o f "Old Country Fellow" and " B r i t a n n i -cus"); Quebec Gazette, 4 A p r i l 1793 ( l e t t e r of " S c e p t i c u s " ) ; Montreal Gazette,~lQ"""Dec. 1798 ( l e t t e r of "A.Z."); Sermon preached by Bishop Mountain, Quebec, 10 Jan. 1799, PAC, CO 42, v. 112: 88-112; Sermon preached by Rev. Alexander Spark ( P r e s b y t e r i a n ) , Quebec, s.d., i b i d . , 114-129. ^he quotation i n the t e x t i s taken from Gerrard's l e t t e r . 118 e x h o r t a t i o n s which r e v o l u t i o n a r y sympathizers o c c a s i o n a l l y indulged i n , such as the carpenter Dumontier»s promise to make "une marque a tous ceux q u i prenoient l e s i n t e r e t s du Gouvernement comme l e s h a b i t a n t s f a i s o i e n t a l e u r s moutons a f i n d e ! l e s f a i r e expedier quand l e s F r a n c o i s seroient i c i . " 3 8 Many o f the E n g l i s h must have shared the opi n i o n o f one r e s i d e n t who i n 1793 was convinced that "the moment a Descent was made by the Republicans of France that the French I n h a b i t a n t s would Cut the t h r o a t s of a l l that they thought to be i n the B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t . " 3 9 Only r e l i a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n on and c a r e f u l assessment of the degree o f h a b i t a n t d i s l o y a l t y might have prevented the development of a g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y . Some of the most r e v e a l i n g sources at the d i s p o s a l of the present-day h i s t o r i a n — s u c h as Rousse 1s o p i n i o n — w e r e not a v a i l a b l e to contemporaries, while others, such as Le Fer's r e p o r t , were made long a f t e r E n g l i s h a t t i t u d e s had become f i r m l y f i x e d . Very few E n g l i s h r e s i d e n t s , moreover, l i v e d i n the r u r a l areas i n the r e g i o n of the s e i g n e u r i e s . T n e r e were about f o r t y E n g l i s h seigneurs*"- 0 but f o r c l a s s and 3 8 D e p o s i t i o n o f Richard Corbin, 11 June 1794, PAC, CO 42 , v. 100: 365. 39Quoted i n Mason Wade, "Quebec and the French Revolu t i o n , " 364. The Loyal A s s o c i a t i o n campaign provides f u r t h e r evidence of E n g l i s h nervousness about the f a t e i n store f o r them (p. 128 below). As the t e x t w i l l make c l e a r , the p o s s i b i l i t y o f massacre was f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d to by the E n g l i s h d u r i n g 1796-97. 4°Ac cording to l i s t s p ublished by the Quebec Gazette (11 Dec. 1788) there were then about 165 seigneurs i n the colony, 38 o f them E n g l i s h . 119 e t h n i c reasons they had l i t t l e contact with the h a b i t a n t s . As l a t e as 1801 there were i n the whole colony not more than f i f t y E n g l i s h c e n s i t a i r e s . 4 l i n any case few, i f any contemporaries indulged i n a systematic a n a l y s i s of the s e c u r i t y problem, ^he s i t u a t i o n was ambiguous— even to a number of Canadians---42 and as human beings caught up i n the rush of events o f t e n do, the E n g l i s h tended to accept the s u p e r f i c i a l or obvious i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as the c o r r e c t one. The r e v o l u t i o n a r y slogans were deemed to be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e ; the d i s t i n c t i o n between r e b e l l i o n a l a j u s t i c e and i n s u r r e c t i o n , overlooked. When the news reached Lower Canada that war had been declared few among the E n g l i s h doubted that French emissaries would attempt to subvert the government of the c o l o n y ^ 3 and some b e l i e v e d that these attempts might succeed 4-ljonathan Sewell t o M i l n e s , n.d.Q.80X3 , Const.  Docs.. 1791-1818. 264-65 . At the time the p o p u l a t i o n of the colony was over 200,000: i b i d ; O u e l l e t , H i s t o i r e  Economique, 599. 4 2 F o r examples of Canadians who thought there was some danger of r e b e l l i o n during the war sea cure J.M. Verreau (Montmagny) to Bishop Hubert, 1 Nov. 1793 ("Revolte apprehendeV) quoted i n Leon Trepanier, "Dambourges l e ' B a l a f r e ' , " Les ca h i e r s des d i x . 1954, 233-66 at 241; Bishop Hubert t o cure Edmund Burke, 4 J u l y 1794, RAQ. 1931-32, 303 ; P.-I. Aubert de Gaspe" t o , 7 J u l y 1796, BRH, 1936, 379; Coadjutor Bishop Denaut t o P l e s s i s , 18 Oct. 1796, AAQ, C a r t a b l e , EvSques de Quebec, I I , 114; Judge De Bonne's address t o the prisoners convicted at the March a s s i z e s , 3 A p r i l 1797, Quebec Gazette. 6 A p r i l 1797; Gaspard de Lanaudiere t o Madame L a n a u d i l r e , 13 A p r i l 1797, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 12 : 6900; L o u i s Labadie t o John N e i l s o n , 4 May 1797, PAC, Neilson C o l l e c t i o n , v. 1: 64. ^ S e e e.g. JHALC f o r 1792-93 , 9 May 1793 , 690 (Clarke's speech from the throne c l o s i n g the s e s s i o n ) ; Quebec Gazette. 21 May 1793 (Chief J u s t i c e W i l l i a m Smith's 120 among a people who were c u l t u r a l l y French and had, o n l y a generation before, owed a l l e g i a n c e t o the enemy. Montreal merchant Samuel Gerrard, f o r example, was concerned about "the disagreeable s i t u a t i o n i n t o v\hich t h i s country i s i n v o l v e d by the d e c l a r a t i o n of War." He informed h i s correspondent of "the p a r t i a l i t y of the Canadians t o t h e i r former Government, many, nay the g r e a t e s t part of whom can s c a r c e l y be persuaded that the great and mighty King of the French had been put t o Death by h i s own Subjects."^^ The Governor, Lord Dorchester, r e f l e c t i n g a commonly h e l d opinion, b e l i e v e d t h a t "Jacobin" ideas had penetrated "the lower c l a s s o f people" and those "young men of b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n who were too d i s s i p a t e d t o enter Commerce or such Employments as the nature o f the Country a f f o r d s . " 4 5 Even before the m i l i t i a r i o t s Dorchester was worried t h a t the s e d i t i o u s l i t e r a t u r e c i r c u l a t i n g i n the Province and the a g i t a t i o n of some c e n s i t a i r e s on the question o f i l l e g a l r e n t s , might r e s u l t i n "the P a r t y d i s t i n c t i o n o f A r i s t o c r a t and Democrat"46__ w i t h a l l that i m p l i e d at a time when dozens of the French n o b i l i t y were d a i l y g u i l l o t i n e d i n P a r i s . The m i l i t i a address t o the grand j u r y of Quebec, 27 A p r i l 1 7 9 3 ) . 4 4 o e r r a r d to , 25 A p r i l 1793, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 11: 6469. 4 5 o o r c h e s t e r to Dundas, 23 Oct. 1793, PAC, CO 42, v. 9 7 : 1 2 6 - 2 7 . See a l s o references i n n. 1, 14 above. 4 6 n o r c h e s t e r t o Dundas, 24 Feb. 1794, i b i d . , v. 98: 84. 121 and the Road Act r i o t s turned s u s p i c i o n i n t o c o n v i c t i o n . Throughout the sp r i n g and summer of 1794 the E n g l i s h i n Lower Canada l i v e d i n a s t a t e o f almost constant alarm. At the time o f the m i l i t i a r i o t s Colonel R.G. England, I n d i a n Agent at D e t r o i t , informed Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe that "my l e t t e r s from Quebec and Montreal represent the miserable Canadians i n a s t a t e l i t t l e short of r e b e l l i o n . " 4 7 The seigneur, David Alexander Grant, was of the o p i n i o n that i f the Americans or French attacked Lower Canada, " i t i s Gone; the Canadians are e i t h e r d i s -a f f e c t e d or i n d i f f e r e n t . " * * - 8 His uncle, W i l l i a m Grant, a merchant-seigneur and assemblyman, f e l t t h e s i t u a t i o n s u f f i c i e n t l y s e r i o u s t o warrant empowering the Governor and Executive C o u n c i l "to proclaim ... the law m a r i t a l , whenever the Province i n h i s and t h e i r judgment and d i s c r e t i o n , i s i n ... imminent danger of i n v a s i o n , r e b e l -l i o n or i n s u r r e c t i o n . " 4 9 S o l i c i t o r - G e n e r a l Jonathan Sewell, reported the D i s t r i c t of Montreal " i n a s t a t e of a l l m o s t u n i v e r s a l and alarming d i s a f f e c t i o n " - - t h e work, he claimed, o f a s i n g l e c o n s p i r a t o r . There was, he had heard, "some l e a d i n g Character ... at Montreal, who guides the Canadians t o t h e i r d i s l o y a l t y and d i s a f f e c t i o n , and 4722 J u l y 1794, Cruikshank, Simcoe Correspondence. I I , 334. 48TO Simon McTavish, 10 J u l y 1794, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 11: 6593-94. 49JHALC f o r 1794, 22 May, 1794, 304. - , • 122 i s r e l i e d upon 'That the French are coming'."50 Attorney-General Monk thought 5 , 0 0 0 a d d i t i o n a l troops must be sent to the Ganadas immediately. Otherwise t h e i r defence could not be guaranteed even i f r e l a t i o n s between B r i t a i n and the United States improved.51 Genet's emissaries had " i n f e c t e d and prepared the people, t o f o l l o w the example of France w i t h constant assurances, to these deluded peasants t h a t the French would come t o r e l i e v e them i n CanadaJ"52 The danger was acute since the h a b i t a n t s appeared r e c e p t i v e t o the new d o c t r i n e s : ... s e d i t i o u s and Treasonable pamphlets have been a r t f u l l y dispersed i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of t h i s colony among His Majesty's new subjects and i t appears that they have been l i s t e n e d to w i t h a s i l e n c e and con-cealment, that too much evinces a readiness i n those s u b j e c t s , t o c r e d i t a foundation f o r prospects of b e n e f i t , and a u t i l i t y i n "change" or causes o f complaint.... 53 Despite the f a c t t h a t the h a b i t a n t s under the B r i t i s h regime l i v e d i n the best o f a l l p o s s i b l e worlds and had only " d i s t a n t specious causes of complaint to urge,"54 the e m i s s a r i e s , " s u b t l e enemies", had convinced them th a t 5°Monk to Dorchester, 18 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 52-53 (paraphrase o f a report r e c e i v e d from S e w e l l ) . The " l e a d i n g Character" was not d i s c o v e r e d . 53-Monk to Dundas, 30 May 1794, i b i d . , 3 2 4 . 5 2 i b i d . 53Mohk t o Dorchester, 25 May 1794, i b i d . , v. 101: 11. See a l s o The Times-Cours de -Kemps, 4 Aug. 1794 (anonymous l e t t e r ) . 54Monk t o Dundas, 6 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 329. 123 they were " g r e a t l y oppressed. "55 Monk noted i n p a r t i c u l a r that the Rents and s e r v i c e s exacted by the s e i g n i o r s , forms that ground o f complaint by the Peasants, which the Enemies of His Majesty's Government, do not f a i l t o a s s i m i l a t e , to the K i n g l y Government of France, and foment to the utmost, as the best means o f detaching His Majesty's Subjects from t h e i r L o y a l t y , t o acquiese i n , or wish, or a i d a Revolution!5 6 The Attorney-General was a l s o s t r u c k with the r e v o l u t i o n -a r i e s appeal to v i o l e n c e w i t h t h e i r references t o house burning, d e c a p i t a t i o n , disembowelling and c a r r y i n g the r e f r a c t o r y heads on a pole. " I t i s s u r p r i z i n g , " he wrote Dundas, " ( i n so short a p e r i o d f o r corruption) t o f i n d the same savage b a r b a r i t y e x e r c i z e d i n France ... so e a r l y manifest i t s e l f i n the present stage o f Revolt. " 5 7 By June the Attorney-General discovered an a d d i t i o n a l source of the t r o u b l e s . The masonic lodges i n Montreal, he thought, had been c a r r y i n g on a treasonable correspondence w i t h t h e i r counterparts i n Vermont, 58 The Governor had at f i r s t been w i l l i n g to a t t r i b u t e the Canadian's r e f u s a l t o b a l l o t t o "a long disuse o f m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e s , r a t h e r than a s p i r i t o f discontent or 55Monk t o Dorchester, 29 May 1794, i b i d , , 6, 5^Monk t o Dundas, 6 June 1794, n. 54 above. Govern-ment o f f i c i a l s were s u f f i c i e n t l y alarmed to w r i t e i n t o the J u d i c a t u r e Act of 1794 a p r o v i s i o n removing the doubts which had a r i s e n whether the Courts could e x e r c i s e a l l the powers o f the Intendant: i b i d ; Const. Docs.. 1791-1818. 128. This of course d i d not touch the root o f the prob-lem, namely the high cost of l i t i g a t i o n . 57same t o Dundas, 30 May 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 1 0 0 : 3 2 3 . 5%onk to Dorchester, 18 June 1794, i b i d . , 54. 124 d i s l o y a l t y j ' 5 9 and would l a t e r r e t u r n t o a s i m i l a r view.°0 In the days f o l l o w i n g the r i o t s , however, he was caught up i n the general alarm. He could not send f u r t h e r r e -inforcements t o Prince Edward, the Duke of Kent, commander of the B r i t i s h f o r c e s at H a l i f a x , because "the temper of the Canadians i s so r e f r a c t o r y and prepared f o r i n s u r r e c -t i o n that a considerable Reinforcement i s necessary f o r the p r e s e r v a t i o n o f the Province."^1 There was no ques-t i o n , he wrote Dundas, but t h a t "an eye was had t o the Proceedings at P a r i s . " 0 2 Nor was there any doubt that the assemblies of armed ha b i t a n t s at Charlesbourg and Cote des Neiges had been organized by Genet's agents as " T r y a l s t o discover the e f f e c t of t h e i r i n t r i g u e s , and how f a r the d i s p o s i t i o n o f the People was favourable to t h e i r purposes."63 That government o f f i c i a l s were s e r i o u s l y alarmed at the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e b e l l i o n i s w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d by the passage and enforcement o f the A l i e n A c t . 64 This ^ D o r c h e s t e r to Dundas, 24 May 1794, i b i d . , v. 101: 5 . o 00sgoode t o Simcoe, 7 J u l y 1796, OH, 1954, 151. o l D o r c h e s t e r to P r i n c e Edward, 7 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 25. 6 2 7 June 1794, i b i d . , 2. 63Dorchester t o Dundas, 21 June 1794, i b i d . , 4 7 . 6 4 s t a t u t e s o f Lower Canada, 34 Geo. I l l (1794) ch. V. See Dorchester t o Dundas, 24 May 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 101: 5-7. 125 s t a t u t e , which was d r a f t e d by Attorney-General Monk, per-mitted the Governor to summarily deport a l i e n s , suspended habeas corpus when magistrates a r r e s t e d persons suspected of treason, and imposed severe p e n a l t i e s ( i n c l u d i n g t r a n s -p o r t a t i o n f o r a second offence) on any who h e l d " s e d i t i o u s discourses ... m a l i c i o u s l y spread f a l s e news" or i n any way lesseified "the a f f e c t i o n s o f h i s Majesty's s u b j e c t s . " The Canadian r a d i c a l s i n the Assembly v a i n l y attempted t o l i m i t the suspension o f habeas corpus. Monk gloated over the f a i l u r e of the o p p o s i t i o n : Our l a t e made Jjudge, Panet (who i s considered a Democrat) opposed to the Judicature B i l l , before and since a Judge. And would have done the same on the A l i e n b i l l , i f he had dared. He refused to second the B i l l — p u r p o s e l y t r i e d — a n d at f i r s t declared h i s design to oppose some p a r t s , p a r t i c u -l a r l y the suspension of the hab. corp. a c t , but i n t h i s l a s t he dreaded to embark on a use l e s s e f f o r t and design, and voted f o r the measure!°5 The A l i e n B i l l was passed w i t h only three d i s s e n t i n g votes," and proved to be of great a s s i s t a n c e i n r i d d i n g the colony of emissaries and r e s t o r i n g order.^ 7 From May t o November the government a r r e s t e d between f i f t y and one hundred suspects under the Act,68 although 65Monk to Nepean, 17 June 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 350; JHALC f o r 1793-94, 22 May 1794, 304. 6 6JHALC f o r 1793-94, 26 May 1794, 308. 67Monk t o Dorchester, 2 Oct. 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 106. 6 8Same t o Same, 15 Nov. 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 100: 55. 126 few were brought to t r i a l , apparently f o r f e a r of renewed agitation.°9 i n the D i s t r i c t o f Quebec alone, fourteen out of twenty-one persons charged with offenses against the government--including f i v e Charlesbourg h a b i t a n t s i n d i c t e d f o r high treason—were i n c a r c e r a t e d f o r s e v e r a l months but never t r i e d . 7 0 Stephen Thorn of G r a n v i l l e , New York, a decided advocate of a Franco-Vermontese a t t a c k on Lower Canada, v i s i t e d the colony i n the l a t e summer or e a r l y autumn of 1794 and noted that i t was "a crime t o t h i n k as a rep u b l i c a n and high treason to speak as s u c h . " 7 1 Law enforcement had indeed taken on the char a c t e r of a witchhunt. A master shipwright, John Black, employed by Monk to f e r r e t out the d i s l o y a l among the uebec a r t i s a n s , overplayed the r o l e o f agent provocateur and was him-s e l f a r r e s t e d i n June. Notwithstanding the f a c t t h a t h i s prospering s h i p b u i l d i n g business was i n jeopardy he was refused b a i l . Although many of the prominent merchants ' who employed him had never had doubts of h i s l o y a l t y , i n the words o f merchant and Executive C o u n c i l l o r John Young who knew Black w e l l , he was "branded as a r e b e l & t r a i t o r °9Dorchester t o Dundas, 21 June 1794, i b i d . , 47. 7 0 A t t o r n e y - G e n e r a l ' s "State of the Prosecutions i n His Majesty's Court o f King's Bench. No\rember Term 1794, " i b i d . , v. 101: 57-59; Ryland to S e w e l l , 21 March 1795, PAC, G S e r i e s , 15.C, v. 3: 6-7. 7 1 T h o r n t o c i t i z e n Fauchet, 11 Nov. 1794, LOC, France, A f f . Et., Corr. P o l . , E.U., supp., v. 28: 445-46. 127 to h i s King & Country, discountenanced by those who could serve h i m . " 7 2 others were more fortunate than B l a c k . A l t h o u g h he had n o t h i n g t o do w i t h the m i l i t i a r i o t s , John N e i l s o n , the p r i n t e r of the Quebec Gazette, thought he might be imprisoned: ... seeing a number of people sent to p r i s o n without knowing the cause, and being a f r a i d i t might soon come to be h i s t u r n ... as he understood he had the Character of a Democrate, he thought i t prudent t o avoid the danger by withdrawing from the Province.... Accompanied by Alexander Menut, J r . he f l e d the colony on horseback i n e a r l y September and took up a b r i e f r e s i -dence i n New Jersey.73 Jean Arnous, a n a t i v e of France who had s e t t l e d i n the colony a s a farmer i n 1786, a n t i -c ipated a r r e s t as a r e p u b l i c a n . Leaving h i s f a m i l y behind and a f t e r many narrow escapes, he c r o s s e d the p r o v i n c i a l l i n e i n t o New York.7'*' N e i l s o n , Menut and Arnous were only three of dozens i^ho found i t imperative to her-d f o r the b o r d e r . 7 ^ To complement the e f f e c t s of Monk's round-up of suspects, E n g l i s h leaders organized Loyal A s s o c i a t i o n s . The main objects of t h i s endeavour were t o provide a 7 2Young t o Ryland, 9 June 1798, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. I l l : 469-71. S e e a l s o Black t o John N e i l s o n , n.d., PAC, N e i l s o n C o l l e c t i o n , v. 1: 113-114. 7 3 n e c l a r a t i o n o f John N e i l s o n , 30 M a y 1795, PAC, RG 4, B. 45, " D e c l a r a t i o n s of A l i e n s " ( n . p . ) . 74Translated resume of Arnous' account of the p o l i t i c a l s tate of Lower Canvda, 16 J u l y 1794, LOC, France, A f f . Et., Corr. P o l . , E.U., sup^., v. 28: 437-38. 75Monk t o Dorchester, 2 Oct. 1794, n. 67 above. 128 means o f i d e n t i f y i n g the d i s a f f e c t e d , t o propagandize the Canadians on the h o r r o r s of r e v o l u t i o n and, i f l a r g e numbers subscribed, to discourage emissaries and a g i -t a t o r s , 7 ° -Parent a s s o c i a t i o n s , i n i t i a t e d and c o n t r o l l e d mainly by prominent E n g l i s h o f f i c i a l s and merchants, were e s t a b l i s h e d i n Quebec, Montreal and Three R i v e r s and, working through the cur^s and Canadian assemblymen, attempted t o organize a s s o c i a t i o n s i n the r u r a l p a r i s h e s . The l o c a l notables were i n s t r u c t e d to c o l l e c t signatures to a d e c l a r a t i o n o f t h a n k s g i v i n g f o r the b e n e f i t s . o f B r i t i s h r u l e 7 7 and to take pains "de detromper l e s ignorans, q u i , par des i n s i n u a t i o n s et a r t i f i c e s egale-ment faux et specieux, auroient pu Stre i n d u i t s dans l e s opinions i n j u r i e u s e s ... et q u i pouvoient e t r e en-t r a i n e s dans l e s malheurs q u i ont desole* l a F r a n c e . " 7 8 The campaign was, o s t e n s i b l y at l e a s t , a success with as many as tw o - t h i r d s of the Canadians, according t o Monk, becoming s u b s c r i b e r s , 7 < 7 The Montreal A s s o c i a t i o n went 7 o D o r c h e s t e r t o Dundas, 12 J u l y 1794, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 99: 2 9 9 - 3 0 0 ; Monk t o Dorchester, s.d., i b i d . , 3 0 1 - 0 2 ; c i r c u l a r l e t t e r of the Quebec A s s o c i a t i o n to the r u r a l parishes i n the D i s t r i c t of Quebec, i b i d . , v. 100: 3 6 9 ; c i r c u l a r l e t t e r of the Montreal A s s o c i a t i o n t o the r u r a l parishes i n the D i s t r i c t of Montreal, 5 J u l y 1794, R|Q, 1948-49, 258 -59; report of the Quebec executive commit-tee to the A s s o c i a t i o n , 18 Oct. 1794, Quebec Gazette. 23 Oct. 1794. 7 7The d e c l a r a t i o n was p r i n t e d i n Quebec Gazette. 3 J u l y 1794. 7 8 G i r c u l a r l e t t e r o f the Montreal A s s o c i a t i o n , 5 J u l y 1794, n. 76 above. ? 9Monk t o Dorchester, 2 Oct. 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 1 0 0 : 1 0 3 . 129 so f a r as t o c l a i m t h a t the ha b i t a n t s would now defend the province against R e v o l u t i o n a r y France,80 while the Quebec A s s o c i a t i o n a s s e r t e d that the "ignorant and deluded part of the community" had had t h e i r eyes opened to "the d e s t r u c t i v e consequences which must ... a r i s e to a l l R e l i g i o n , L i b e r t y or property on adoption of the ... p r i n c i p l e s " which " h i r e d f o r e i g n e r s ... and i l l d e s i g n i n g s u b j e c t s " had attempted t o spread about.81 One cannot, however, take these p u b l i c expressions of confidence as i n d i c a t i v e o f any profound change i n Eng-l i s h o p i n i o n , f o r , as pointed out e a r l i e r , one of the objects of the campaign was t o broadcast t o French o f f i -c i a l s , e m i s s a r i e s and r e v o l u t i o n a r y sympathizers t h a t t h e i r i n t r i g u e s were doomed t o f a i l u r e . I t i s c e r t a i n t h a t n e i t h e r the Attorney-General nor the E n g l i s h i n Montreal had been convinced t h a t the i n t e r n a l s e c u r i t y problem had disappeared. J u s t as the L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n cam-paign was coming to an end, Montrealers learned t h a t not a l l of "the ignorant and deluded part of the community" had put aside t h e i r d e l u s i o n s . The prosecution of offenders against the government a t the September a s s i z e s i n Montreal had, according to Monk, proved most unpopular: *QJames M c G i l l (president of the Montreal A s s o c i a t i o n to Dorchester, 6 Nov. 1 7 9 4 , RAQ, 1 9 4 ^ - 4 9 , 272. ^ D r a f t report o f the Quebec A s s o c i a t i o n t o Dor-chester, 1 5 Oct. 1 7 9 4 , PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 6 0 : 1 9 3 0 9 - 1 0 . See a l s o f i n a l r eport o f the executive committee t o the A s s o c i a t i o n , 1 8 Oct. 1 7 9 4 , Quebec Gazette. 23 Oct. 1 7 9 4 . 130 ... so soon as the Judgments were passed ... the d i s a f f e c t e d o f some four to s i x parishes round and near to the c i t y of Montreal, a c t u a l l y meditated a most dar i n g and v i o l e n t e f f o r t g e n e r a l l y t o r i s e i n arms and f o r c e the p r i s o n , and set the p r i s o n e r s at l i b e r t y . Speedy and e f f e c t i v e e x e r t i o n s were made by the Magistrates and "others, and the r e b e l l i o u s were awed or r e s t r a i n e d from p u t t i n g t h e i r designs t o the hazard of execution. I t i s proper to e x p l a i n t h a t t h i s design went so f a r , as that of C o u r i e r s r i d i n g * t h r o ' the Country e x c i t i n g the people to arms. And that design announced wi t h menaces of burning the houses of, and k i l l i n g those who, should refuse t o j o i n , i n the intended " r e v o l t to take the C i t y and set the p r i s o n e r s F r e e . " 8 2 The a g i t a t i o n a g a i n s t the a r r e s t s was q u i c k l y i n t e r p r e t e d as meaning that the whole D i s t r i c t was i n arms. Montreal lawyer Stephen Sewell, the S o l i c i t o r - G e n e r a l ' s brother, and merchant James O g i l v i e were assigned the task of making c a r t r i d g e s t o r e p e l the impending a t t a c k , which soon proved to be a nightmare without substance: ... most ass u r e d l y during Satufday and the night f o l l o w i n g we were i n an alarm ... thank God i t seems-to be e n t i r e l y subsided and ... we begin t o t h i n k there never were more than twenty men throughout the whole Country who had s e r i o u s i n t e n t i o n s of an a t t a c k on the town. 8 3 During the Road Act r i o t s of 1796 and f o r months afterward i t was a commonly h e l d o p i n i o n among the E n g l i s h t h a t emissaries and r e v o l u t i o n a r y sympathizers had con-vinced the mass of the Canadians o f the m a t e r i a l b e n e f i t s which would r e s u l t from French reconquest. and, e x p l o i t i n g • "pretended grievances" against the Act, had manipulated 0*Monk to Nepean, 19 Sept. 1794, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 100: 3 7 9 . 8 3 s t e p h e n to Jonathan Sewell, 18 (Sept. 1794, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 8 7 5 - 7 6 . 131 them to a s t a t e of f r e n z y bordering on r e b e l l i o n . Quebec merchant and Executive C o u n c i l l o r John Young and the Attorney-General Jonathan Sewell, f o r example, i n t e r p r e t e d the r i o t s as an attempted overthrow o f the government which had been planned i n advance by Ducalvet and had-been g r e a t l y s t i m u l a t e d by r e v o l u t i o n a r y propaganda,^ To Chief J u s t i c e Osgoode, the- "Ignorance and D i s a f f e c t i o n of the Whole Race" was "beyond C o n c e p t i o n . " ^ The a g i t a t i o n of Papineau and Panet had brought the colony t o the b r i n k of c i v i l war86 and had convinced the h a b i t a n t s that a l l t h e i r problems would be solved i f France attacked: ... they f i r m l y b e l i e v e that ... under French ... Government they should be exempted from the Payment of both Tythes & R e n t — I t has been e f f e c t u a l l y impressed on t h e i r minds that t h e i r g r e a t e s t enemies are t h e i r P r i e s t s & Land l o r d s [>] i n s t e a d t h e r e f o r e of having any respect f o r these Characters or any Confidence i n t h e i r advice they are the Objects of D e t e s t a t i o n & Abhorrence. ° 7 ^ P r i n c e Edward, Duke of Kent t o John Young, H a l i f a x , 6 Feb. 1797, PAC, Young Papers, v. 4: 114-15 ( r e f e r r i n g t o the contents of l e t t e r s r e c e i v e d from Young); r e p o r t of the Attorney-General to the Executive C o u n c i l , 30 Oct. 1796, RAC, 1891, 58 -59; Jonathan Sewell t o P r e s c o t t , 28 Oct. 1796, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 10: 4850-58; Same t o Ryland, 17 March 1797, PAC, CO 4 2 , v, 108: 229; r e p o r t o f the Attorney-General t o P r e s c o t t , 12 May 1797, RIC, 1891, 73-76. The q u o t a t i o n i n the t e x t i s taken from Sewell's l e t t e r of 28 Oct. ^ 50sgoode to John King, 14 Nov. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 5 8 . g 60sgoode to , 13 Oct. 1796, i b i d . , . 53-55. Osgoode claimed there was "but one Idea p r e v a i l i n g among a l l Considerate persons i n the province which i s , that open Resistance t o a l l C i v i l s u b o r d i n a t i o n i s prevented merely by the presence of the Troops that are quartered among us." 87 I b i d . 132 I t was a l s o a commonly h e l d o p i n i o n that a bloody u p r i s i n g had been averted i n the Montreal D i s t r i c t o n l y by Pr e s c o t t ' s d i s p a t c h of troops to the c i t y . According t o magistrate W i l l i a m Lindsay the presence o f the r e g u l a r s had t e m p o r a r i l y f r u s t r a t e d the "Junto i n t h i s neighbour-hood" which was "planning the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the E n g l i s h w i t h i n the w a l l s . " L i n d s a y — a n d many others, he c l a i m e d r -b e l i e v e d that the c o n s p i r a t o r s could best be thwarted by the formation o f v o l u n t a r y armed a s s o c i a t i o n s among the E n g l i s h and those Canadians whose l o y a l t y was beyond question.88 Montreal merchant John Richardson agreed that P r e s c o t t had saved the province,8 9 but thought t h a t o n l y a d e c l a r a t i o n o f m a r t i a l law could adequately p r o t e c t the people of prop e r t y from " a l l the horrors o f a s s a s s i n a -t i o n . " 9 ° I t was c l e a r to Attorney-General Sewell as w e l l that P r e s c o t t ' s regiments had averted a massacre, f o r i n h i s gloomy view McLane's p i k e s were "not t o be opposed to the musket o r bayonet, but appropriated ... f o r the more d r e a d f u l Purpose of a s s a s s i n a t i o n . " 9 1 P r e s c o t t 8 8 L i n d s a y to Jonathan Sewell, 1 Dec. 1796, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1017-19. 89Richardson to Same, 9 Jan. 1797, i b i d . , 1044. See also Kent to Young, 6 Feb. 1797, n. 84 above. 9°Richardson to Jonathan Sewell, 6 Feb. 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1 0 5 4 - 5 5 . ' 9 xMcLane's t r i a l , 790 (Attorney-General's statement to the jury). For other opinions that the Canadians had been on the verge of r e b e l l i o n see Stephen Sewell to Jonathan, 17 |uly 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1104; Joseph Chew to Edward Winslow, 17 Dec. 1797, PAC, Winslow 133 h i m s e l f a t t r i b u t e d the r i o t s t o the work of Adet's emis-s a r i e s and thought the colony on the verge of i n s u r r e c t i o n . The secrecy which attended the c i r c u l a t i o n o f Ducalvet's addresses, the u n i v e r s a l f a i l u r e of Canadians t o inform on the emissaries and t h e i r e n t h u s i a s t i c response to the news of Richery's a t t a c k on Newfoundland l e f t no doubt i n h i s mind that the Canadia-ns were almost a l l " d i s a f f e c t e d " and h i g h l y p a r t i a l t o the r e v o l u t i o n a r y cause.92 The s i t u a t i o n , would be c r i t i c a l i f French troops managed t o reach the colony, since "His Majesty's E n g l i s h subjects here compared t o the former [Canadians} are not i n a Greater P r o p o r t i o n than as Seventy t o Two Thousand."93 Months a f t e r the r i o t s P r e s c o t t remained nervous. He urged the C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y that the p r a c t i c e of b i l l e t i n g s o l d i e r s one or two t o a house was exceedingly Papers, v. 7: 78. L e t t e r s and r e p o r t s from the colony conveyed t h i s idea t o r e s i d e n t s i n other parts of B r i t i s h North America (where the news was something o f a sensa-t i o n ) and to French o f f i c i a l s i n the United S t a t e s . See e.g. Kent t o Young, H a l i f a x , 6 Feb. 1797, n. 84 above; Edward Winslow t o Jonathan Sewell, K i n g s c l e a r , New Brun-swick, 14 Jan. 1797, PAC. Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1039; R i c h -ard Cartwright (merchant) to Messrs. Davison & Co., Kingston, 4 Nov. 1797, C E . Cartwright, ed., L i f e and  L e t t e r s of the Late Hon. Richard Cartwright (Toronto, 1^76), 75; Consul-General Letombe t o M i n i s t e r of Foreign A f f a i r s , 28 June 1797, AHAR, 1903, I I , 1042. 92prescott to P o r t l a n d , 24 Oct. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 108: 5-6; Same t o Same, 28 Oct. 1796, i b i d . , 16; Same t o L i s t o n , 1 Dec. 1796, i b i d . , 107; Same t o P o r t l a n d , 21 Jan. 1797, i b i d . , 181 - 8 3 ; Same t b Same, 18 Feb. 1797, PAC, P r e s c o t t Papers, Series 1, v. 13: 25-26. 93Same to Same, 28 Oct. 1796, n. 92 above. - 134 dangerous "as i t renders i t easy f o r t h e i r arms t o be sei z e d by the People w i t h whom* they are lodged." This i d e a , P r e s c o t t noted, "was ve r y g e n e r a l l y e n t e r t a i n e d by the d i s a f f e c t e d at Montreal l a s t autumn."94 The Lieutenant-Governor n e a r l y had apoplexy when he learned that French p r i s o n e r s of war, sent from B r i t a i n t o strengthen the g a r r i s o n at Quebec, had a r r i v e d i n the colony. Convinced that they would prove unrepentant r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s and warned t h a t they might i n c i t e a . mutiny among the Canadian s o l d i e r s i n the S i x t i e t h R e g i -ment and the Royal Canadian Volunteers, he sent the un-wanted r e c r u i t s packing i n the f i r s t s h i p home, much to the r e l i e f of "His Majesty's l o y a l s u bjects and the members of the l e g i s l a t u r e . " 9 5 Fear o f that " d i a b o l i c a l trunk o f anarchy and bloodshed," as Richardson c a l l e d Adet, and the " s t i l l more d i a b o l i c a l D i r e c t o r y " 9 ° coloured many aspects of l i f e i n the colony i n the years 1796-97. The witchhunt atmosphere of 1794 r e v i v e d . In one case where loose con-v e r s a t i o n at a cafe" had created a s u s p i c i o n that a young Canadian law student was d i s l o y a l , the man who had made 94same t o Same, 27 May 1797, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 109: 3 7 . 95same to L t . - C o l . Brownrigg, 19 Oct. 1796, PAC, Pre s c o t t Papers, S e r i e s 2, M i l i t a r y Letterbook, 98 - 9 9 ; Same t o Same, 25 Oct. 1796, i b i d . , 108. 96Ri chardson to Jonathan Sewell, 6 Feb. 1797, PAC, Sewe l l Papers, v. 3 : 1054-55. 135 the o f f e n s i v e remarks p u b l i c l y apologized by w r i t i n g t o the Quebec Gazette.97 Those seeking the s l i g h t e s t favour from the government or the j u s t i c e s of the peace made sure to s t r e s s l o y a l t y as t h e i r prime q u a l i f i c a t i o n . To help one Thomas Booth o b t a i n a l i c e n s e to operate a f e r r y on the Ottawa r i v e r near Montreal, h i s c a p t a i n of m i l i t i a wrote the quarter sessions a l e t t e r i n which he dwelt on the a p p l i c a n t ' s "z£le dont i l a donnas des marques dernierement ("[during the Road Act r i o t s ] en a r r S t a n t des p r i s o n n i e r s dangereux, t,98 Even the humour o f the l o c a l l i t e r a r y w i t s r e f l e c t e d the t e n s i o n . The Quebec Gazette attempted to j o l l y up i t s s u b s c r i b e r s a t the New Year, 1797, by r o a s t i n g "Johnny Crapaud" i n verse: Lo, a New YearJ and, strange to t e l l ! I f i n d you, S i r s , a l i v e and w e l l , Regaling on bak'd, b o i l d and r o a s t , And b r i s k l y pushing round the t o a s t , Gi v i n g t o your wine a z e s t With the jocund song and j e s t ; You, who by t h i s time, i n minc'd meat. By Sans Cu l o t t e s ought to be eat...,"9 At the l e v e l of personal r e l a t i o n s between Canadians and E n g l i s h i n the c i t i e s humour was s o r e l y l a c k i n g . Young John N e i l s o n of Quebec had followed the time-honoured 9722June 1797 ( l e t t e r o f P. Laforce to P i e r r e Vezina). 9 8 P h i l i p p e Despelteau t o Montreal m a g i s t r a t e s , 10 Oct. 1796, J u d i c i a l Archives, S u p e r i o r Court, Montreal, Quebec, 9 9 i . j a n . 1797 ("Verses of the P r i n t e r ' s Boy who c a r r i e s the Quebec Gazette t o the Customers"), p a t t e r n of the S c o t t i s h immigrant by marrying a Canadian. Informing h i s mother of the event i n 1797, he lamented the "monstrous p r e j u d i c e between the natives and the Europeans which i s so h u r t f u l to t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e i n t e r e s t s and even dangerous t o t h e i r safety. " 1 0 0 The Attorney-General was sorry t o have to r e p o r t t o P r e s c o t t that w h i l e there had ... always s u b s i s t e d among the Canadians and the E n g l i s h s e t t l e d at Montreal a c e r t a i n degree of Intimacy and F r i e n d s h i p — A t t h i s moment there i s no Intercourse and the most ancient and e s t a b l i s h e d Friendships appear e n t i r e l y interrupted. 1 0 1 Informers took good advantage of the nervousness of the a u t h o r i t i e s . John Black managed to o b t a i n a grant of the township o f Bedford i n recompense f o r h i s services. 1 0 2 In November 1796 Cushing approached Stephen Sewell and revealed the existence of "a p l o t to e x t i r p a t e the E n g l i s h , " e m b e l l i s h i n g the t r u t h by suggesting that he had seen c i t i z e n Adet i n Montreal two weeks before. Sewell h u r r i e d 'him down to Quebec where he refused t o indulge the c u r i o s i t y of the Attorney-General u n t i l w e l l rewarded. He demanded the government promise a patent of t i t l e and grant immediate possession of the township of Shipton and bestow the same r i g h t s '-.over the township of Brampton on h i s f r i e n d Barnard. Governor 1 0 0 P A C , N e i l s o n C o l l e c t i o n , v. 3 5 : 8 . 1 0 1 2 8 Oct. 1796, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 10: 4 8 5 5 . 1 0 2 M e m o r i a l of John Black t o the Duke of Kent, 17 Dec. 1798, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. I l l : 503. - . 1 3 7 P r e s c o t t , C i v i l Secretary Herman Ryland, Chief J u s t i c e W i l l i a m Osgoode and the Attorney-General decided the i n f o r m a t i o n s u f f i c i e n t l y important to j u s t i f y acceding to Cushing's demands. Cushing and Barnard thereupon deposed to the d e t a i l s of McLane's recent v i s i t to Mont-r e a l . 1 0 3 The preoccupation with s e c u r i t y was a l s o manifest i n the government's h a n d l i n g of the 1 7 9 7 s e s s i o n o f the L e g i s l a t u r e . With a French i n v a s i o n expected, i t was e s s e n t i a l t o again suspend habeas c o r p u s , x 0 4 and to ensure that there was minimal a g i t a t i o n i n the Assembly on the question o f the Road Act. Neither prospect seemed l i k e l y to succeed. Government supporters had l o s t t h e i r m a j o r i t y i n the House, which would now be c o n t r o l l e d by those who were suspected of a c t i v e d i s l o y a l t y . Many of the E n g l i s h i n the colony l i k e l y shared the view of Osgoode and John Young that the general e l e c t i o n of 1796 had amounted to nothing l e s s than a purposeful vote by the Canadian ha b i t a n t s i n favour o f treason. x 0 5 The d e s t r u c t i o n o f the seigneurs as a s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l f o r c e , moreover, appeared to be a textbook p r e p a r a t i o n f o r r e v o l u t i o n . x ° 3 s t e p h e n t o Jonathan Sewell, 1 4 Nov. 1796, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 65 : 20706-08; Jonathan Sewell to Samuel Gale, 9 J u l y 1799, i b i d . , v. 68: 21772-76. 1 0 4 T h e s e c t i o n i n the A l i e n Act suspending habeas corpus had been repealed i n the 1795 s e s s i o n : Statutes of Lower Canada, 35 Geo. I l l (1795), ch. XI. 1 0 s 0 s g o o d e t o Simcoe, 7 J u l y 1796, OH, 1954, 151; , Young t o Ryland, 9 June 1798, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. I l l : 4 7 0 . 138 The Canadian contingent of the Assembly would be composed mainly of lawyers and n o t a r i e s , who l i k e Papineau were of humble s o c i a l o r i g i n , shopkeepers, a r t i s a n s and h a b i t a n t s . 1 0 ^ The E n g l i s h r e a c t i o n f o l l o w e d Edmund Burke's famous a n a l y s i s of the c l a s s composition o f the French N a t i o n a l Assembly and p a r t i c u l a r l y h i s c l a i m that among the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s were the low-born, s m a l l town a t t o r n i e s . 1 0 7 "The fomenters and conductors of the p e t t y war of v i l l a g e v e x a t i o n , " he had w r i t t e n , had nothing to los e by r e v o l u t i o n and indeed had a n a t u r a l i n t e r e s t i n promoting i t t o " l a y open t o them those innumerable l u c r a t i v e jobs which f o l l o w i n the t r a i n of a l l great convulsions ... i n the s t a t e . " Burke had a l s o noted t h a t the i l l i t e r a t e peasants and the p e t t y shopkeepers i n the Assembly were "more formed t o be overborn and swayed by the i n t r i g u e s and a r t i f i c e s of lawyers than t o become t h e i r counterpoise." In a l e t t e r prominently d i s p l a y e d i n the Quebec Gazette, "A Good C i t i z e n " a t t r i b u t e d the a g i t a t i o n against s e i g n e u r i a l candidates t o the ! Tmachina-t i o n s ... of Bad Men" who were attempting "to r a i s e themselves and serve t h e i r own p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s . " I f s u c c e s s f u l they would " e s t a b l i s h a System of E q u a l i z a t i o n which would at once d i s s o l v e the cement of S o c i e t y . " 1 0 * * 1 0^See p. 86-89 above; Appendix I I . 107 R e f l e c t i o n s on the Revolution i n France (Dublin, 1 7 9 0 ) , 61-oTT: l o 8 2 3 June 1796. 139 Osgoode thought the voters had returned "a very extra-ordinary description of persons," p a r t i c u l a r l y the seven "unlettered gentry", but was hopeful that the "Disaffected from want [of] experience" would be unable "to give Parliamentary Form to any o f t h e i r ... wild p r o j e e t s . " 1 0 9 The new members were, Prescott thought, "of a Rank and Description but i l l suited to t h e i r S i t u a t i o n . " Many of them, he was sure, were "Promoters of disorder and s e d i t i o n " who entertained high hopes "that the Assembly may be brought to serve ... t h e i r purposes." 1 1 0 The government 's strategy was worked out by Richard-son i n January 1797. The revolutionary gardeners, the Provencales, who had l i s t e n e d to Ducalvet's plans to establish a f i f t h column of Canadian o f f i c e r s i n the Army of the Republic, should be arrested and the "plot" revealed before the Legislature was prorogued. I f the Assembly conspirators s t i l l opposed the suspension of habeas corous they would be shown up i n t h e i r true c o l o u r s . 1 1 1 In early February the arrests were made. 1 1 2 l ° 9 o s g o o d e to Simcoe, 7 July 1796, n. 105 above. 1 1 0 P r e s c o t t to Portland, 3 Sept. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 107: 161-62; Same to Same, 28 Oct. 1796, i b i d . , v. 108: 17. l l x R i c h a r d s o n to Jonathan Sewell, 19 Jan. 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1 0 4 3 - 4 4 . 1 1 2Same to Same, 6 Feb. 1797, i b i d . , 1053. Bizette and the two Provencales were t r i e d for treason i n Sept. 1797 and acquitted: Quebec Gazette, 14 Sept. 1797. Accord ding to Sewell's calendar of cases heard at the March assizes i n Quebec and Montreal (RAC, 1891, 76-78) f o r t y 140 Richardson inquired of the Attorney-General what the res-ponse had been: "Pray how does Papineault look since these d i s c o v e r i e s — t h e Democrates here since the arrests, wear faces almost a yard l o n g — G u i l t y consciences perhaps t e l l them t h e i r turn may not be f a r o f f . " 1 1 3 Various documents— including the indictments of the Prov'encales—were sent to Sewell, but even " a l l t h i s a r t i l l e r y , " as Richardson called; them, 1 1^ had l i t t l e immediate e f f e c t . Papineau opposed the renewal of suspension of habeas corpus proposed by Judge De Bonne and William Grant i n Committee of the whole on March 27th and attempted to introduce l i b e r a l i z i n g amend-ments to the b i l l . 115 Confronted with Papineau's opposition, Sewell beat a t a c t i c a l retreat and, hopeful of a change i n attitude on the part of the Assembly, prepared a separate b i l l dealing exclusively with the suspension of habeas corpus. 1 1^ 1 This b i l l , which became the Act for the Better Preservation of His Majesty's Government as by Law Happily Canadians were charged with various offences a r i s i n g out of the r i o t s . Almost a l l of those t r i e d were convicted. The usual sentence was a fine of £1 to £20 and imprisonment from three to twelve months. 1 1 3 R i c h a r d s o n to Sewell, 13 Feb. 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1060. 11/f-Same to Same, 23 March 1797, i b i d . , 1080. •^Gaspard de Lanaudiere to L a v a l t r i e , 27 March 1797, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 12: 6887. 1 1 6JHALC f o r 1797, 3 A p r i l , 111; Richardson to Sewell, 23 March 1797, n. 114 above. 141 E s t a b l i s h e d , permitted three members of the Executive C o u n c i l to issue warrants of a r r e s t without t r i a l a g ainst persons who were suspected of treason or treasonable p r a c t i c e s . 1 1 7 One feature of Sewell's b i l l was undoubted-l y kept a closely-guarded s e c r e t . I t d i d not e x p r e s s l y p r o v i d e — a s B r i t i s h s t a t u t e s suspending habeas corpus always d i d — t h a t the Assembly must give i t s consent to the detention of one of i t s members. Instead the operation of the b i l l was made subject t o the " p r i v i l e g e s " of the House. This vague proviso which s a t i s f i e d the Canadian members, as yet u n f a m i l i a r w i t h many aspects of the B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n , proved t o be q u i t e u s e l e s s some years l a t e r , as i t was s u r e l y intended t o be by the sus-p i c i o u s Attorney-General. Richardson was not w h o l l y confident t h a t the Attorney-General would succeed: I r e a l l y d i d not t h i n k he -[Papineau) '.'had impudence enough " a f t e r what has happened, t o --.venture openly to oppose the A l i e n A c t — I f the Habeas Corpus B i l l con-templated by you, should f a l l through, i t w i l l evince not only the extent of our danger, but t h a t the imperious m a j o r i t y i n the Assembly, are determined under cover of t h e i r L e g i s l a t i v e l i b e r t y of a c t i o n , to d e l i v e r us over (as f a r as i n them l i e s ) bound hand & foot t o the Sans C u l o t t e s . H ° F o r t u n a t e l y f o r the peace of mind of the E n g l i s h , Papineau had by A p r i l , f o r reasons which remain obscure, become a 1 1 7 S t a t u t e s of Lower Canada, 37 Geo. I l l (1797), ch. tl. 1 1 8 R i c h a r d s o n t o Sewell, 30 March 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 1084. 142 supporter o f S e w e l l f s b i l l , even seconding the Attorney-G e n e r a l ^ motion t o have i t e n g r o s s e d , 1 1 9 There remained one unpleasant p o s s i b i l i t y , that Papineau and h i s supporters might be able t o amend the Road A c t , On Monday May 1 s t a motion by Alexandre Dumas tha t the chairman o f the Road B i l l committee r e p o r t the f o l l o w i n g day was c a r r i e d a g a i n s t the votes of government s u p p o r t e r s , 1 2 n Before the Assembly could take up the report on Tuesday, the L e g i s l a t u r e was prorogued by the Governor,-'-21 The "Jacobins" of the Assembly had been deprived of t h e i r l e g i s l a t i v e forum f o r another year. With the members s a f e l y home, P r e s c o t t decided the time had come to t e r r o r i z e enemy agents, d i s l o y a l h a b i -t a n t s , and democratic p o l i t i c i a n s a l i k e by a p u b l i c exe-c u t i o n o f the captured spy, David McLane. As a French i n v a s i o n f o r c e might appear during the summer and "the s p i r i t o f the Times c a l l i n g f o r c i b l y f o r an immediate Example," i t was imperative not t o wait u n t i l the November a s s i z e s . On the advice of Chief J u s t i c e Osgoode, P r e s c o t t issued on May 24th a s p e c i a l commission f o r the t r i a l , a p pointing every member of the Executive Council except Bishop Mountain t o t r y the c a s e . 1 2 2 There i s no question 1 1 9Same t o Same, 6 A p r i l 1797, i b i d . , 1092: JHALC f o r 1797, 17 A p r i l , 129. 1 2 0JHALC f o r 1797, 1 May, 1 9 7 - 9 9 . 1 2 1 I b i d . . 2 May, 199-201. 1 2 2 P r e s c o t t t 0 P o r t l a n d , 27 May 1797, PAC, CO 42, v, 109: 4 0 ; McLane's t r i a l , 721. 143 McLane was g u i l t y : Adet ordered the French consul a t P h i l a d e l p h i a to pay him f o r h i s espionage s e r v i c e s , 1 2 3 The law of treason r e q u i r e d o n l y t h a t the Crown prove an i n t e n t i o n t o overthrow the state and an overt act t o r e a l i z e t h a t i n t e n t i o n . Mere v e r b a l d i s c u s s i o n o f treason-able plans w i t h a s s o c i a t e s or would-be a s s o c i a t e s c o n s t i -t u t e d an overt a c t . ± 2 4 T e c h n i c a l l y at l e a s t , McLane a l s o had a f a i r t r i a l . Had he been innocent, however, or had he or h i s lawyers come up with the p o s s i b l e defence that he was merely a dupe of the Vermonters, unaware o f t h e i r r e a l i n t e n t i o n s , the man would s t i l l i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y have been hanged, f o r i n Lower Canada, as i n any g a r r i s o n s t a t e , j u s t i c e was administered f i r s t and foremost i n the i n t e r e s t s o f s e c u r i t y . With the exist e n c e of c i v i -l i z e d s o c i e t y apparently at stake, the eyes of Themis became q u i t e unbandaged. The grand j u r y was sworn on June 1 2 t h . x 2 5 i t s f o r e -man was the Lieutenant-Governor of Gaspe" and Adjutant-General o f the B r i t i s h m i l i t i a , Francois Le M a i s t r e . 1 2 3LOC, France, A f f . E t . , Corr. P o l . , E.U., supp., v. 19: 342-47. The dates on which Adet ordered payment made were 3, 16 Oct.. 27 D e c , 1796, 31 Jan. 1797. On 27 Dec 1796 (p. 342) he wrote t o the consul t h a t McLane "a 6t6 Employe" par moi pour a v o i r des Renseignements' sur l e Canada." 1 24Rex v. Charnock (1694) 2 Salk. 633. In Rex v, Delamotte (1781) 22 State T r i a l s , 808, i t was he l d that the c o l l e c t i n g of i n f o r m a t i o n f o r the use of the enemies of the s t a t e c o n s t i t u t e s an overt a c t , even though the in f o r m a t i o n i s never sent t o them. 1 2 5McLane's t r i a l , 722. - 144 Among i t s members were George A l l s o p p ; Peter S t u a r t , whose servant, one Levesque, had r a i s e d havoc w i t h the Quebec m i l i t i a i n 1794 by shouting " v i v e l e s f r a n c o i s ; n the l o y a l i s t lawyer, Inspector of P o l i c e i n Quebec and Surveyor-General o f Woods, John C o f f i n ; the, Commissary-General John C r a i g i e ; and the merchant Georges Lecompte Dupre, a j u s t i c e of the peace, c o l o n e l of m i l i t i a and Inspector of P o l i c e i n Montreal whose outstanding q u a l i t y , according t o h i s o b i t u a r y i n the Quebec Gazette, was "that of knowing and rendering the j u s t i c e due t o h i s B r i t a n n i c Majesty's government, which he considered as the most s o l i d b a s i s of the we l f a r e of h i s countrymen." 1 2^ Alexandre Dumas, the anti-Road B i l l a g i t a t o r and people's choice of Dorchester Country was s a f e l y i s o l a t e d among h i s b e t t e r s . On June 14th the grand j u r y unanimously found a tr u e b i l l of indictment against McLane f o r treason and the court appointed George Pyke and George F r a n c k l i n t o act as counsel f o r M c L a n e , 1 2 7 Pyke, then twenty-one years o l d , confessed h i s inexperience at the t r i a l , 1 2 * * F r a n c k l i n , admitted t o the Bar o n l y f i v e months before, s u b t l y apologized to the j u r y at the t r i a l f o r appearing on be h a l f of the d e f e n d a n t . 1 2 9 He had a r t i c l e d i n ' t h e law o f f i c e of 1 2 6 7 Dec. 1797. 1 2?McLane's t r i a l , 731, 1 2 ^ I b i d . , 784. 1 2 9 I b i d . , 786. 145 Attorney-General Sewell from January 1792 t o January 1797 and had been l i v i n g i n the l a t t e r ' s home f o r the past f i v e years,130 counsel were c e r t a i n l y unimpressive s i n c e they f a i l e d to convince t h e i r c l i e n t that the evidence against him could not be e x p l a i n e d — a s the Attorney-General soon showed—by h i s s t o r y that he came t o Lower Canada to elude h i s c r e d i t o r s and a s c e r t a i n business pros-pects w i t h a view t o p o s s i b l e immigration. The t r i a l j u r y appears t o have been c a r e f u l l y chosen. Not a s i n g l e Canadian—who might have je o p a r d i z e d the chances of a unanimous v e r d i c t — w a s sworn.131 Many of the jurymen were prominent import-export merchants i n the colony and one of them, the magistrate John Blackwood, had already a s s i s t e d the government i n ga t h e r i n g evidence • L j J UPAC, S e r i e s 3.8, v. 18 ( P e t i t i o n of George Germaine S a c k v i l l e F r a n c k l i n t o be admitted t o the Bar, 3 Jan. 1797, c e r t i f i c a t e o f admission t o the Bar, 21 Jan. 1797, indenture between F r a n c k l i n and Sewell, 1 Jan. 1792, c e r t i f i c a t e o f Sewell, 2 Jan. 1797); F r a n c k l i n to Jonathan Sewell, 22 June 1794, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 851-54; Same t o Same, 15 Aug. 1798, i b i d . , 1189-92. I n the l e t t e r l a s t c i t e d F r a n c k l i n , then moving out o f the Sewell home, thanked Jonathan f o r t r e a t i n g him w i t h "a Tenderness of Conduct, that I could o n l y expect from a near R e l a t i o n . " Although h i s f i r s t name was not given i n the t r i a l r e p o r t the o n l y F r a n c k l i n admitted t o the Bar up t o and i n c l u d i n g 1798 was George Germaine S a c k v i l l e F r a n c k l i n : PAC, RG-6, A. 10 ("General Index t o Commissions, Quebec and Lower Canada"). ^-"•McLane's t r i a l , 747. The f a c t t h a t the pr i s o n e r ' s n a t i v e language was E n g l i s h was undoubtedly a l s o an important c o n s i d e r a t i o n . 146 a g a i n s t McLane, 1 3 2 j t w a s v i t a l t o insure t h a t the j u r y would be r e l i a b l e , f o r o n l y three years before, Home Tooke, Thomas Hardy and other E n g l i s h r a d i c a l s had been a c q u i t t e d o f high t r e a s o n — i n the face of persuasive evidence, according to the A t t o r n e y - G e n e r a l , 1 3 3 I n h i s opening statement, a f t e r a masterly expo-s i t i o n of the law of treason, Sewell o u t l i n e d f o r the j u r y and a l a r g e crowd of s p e c t a t o r s the g r i s l y r e s u l t had McLane succeeded: ... our p r o p e r t i e s , our l i v e s , and, what i s s t i l l more va l u a b l e than e i t h e r , the happy c o n s t i t u t i o n of our country, a l l that man can value i n c i v i l s o c i e t y , a l l t hat attaches us to e x i s t e n c e , o u r s e l v e s , our nearest and best connections, our government, our r e l i g i o n , our r a t i o n a l l i b e r t y , which we boast as B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s , a l l must have been l a i d at the mercy of the French r e p u b l i c — W h a t that mercy i s , the black annals of the r e p u b l i c can best t e l l ; i t i s there i n d e l i b l y recorded f o r the h o r r o r and e x e c r a t i o n of p o s t e r i t y , i n the blood o f t h e i r l a w f u l sovereign, i n the blood of t h e i r n o b i l i t y , i n the blood o f t h e i r c l e r g y , i n the blood of thousands of the best and most innocent o f t h e i r c i t i z e n s , 1 3 4 Well blooded, the j u r y was t r e a t e d to an exceedingly able p r e s e n t a t i o n of the case by the thoroughly prepared Sewell. The. Crown witnesses t o l d a l o g i c a l , b e l i e v a b l e s t o r y and the Attorney-General d e f t l y quashed procedural and e v i -^ ^ J o h n Hunsdon t o John Blackwood, 14 June 1797, PAC, CO 42, v. 109: 63? In a d d i t i o n to Blackwood, mer-chants Henry C u l l , John Mure, John P a i n t e r , James I r v i n e and David Munro were members of the j u r y . 1 3 3McLane*s t r i a l , 7 9 2 - 9 3 . 1 3 / f I b i d . , 754. According to Chief J u s t i c e Osgoode (to John King, 22 J u l y 1797, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 6 9 ) , the t r i a l was "attended by the most numerous audience ever assembled i n Quebec." 147 d e n t i a r y o b j e c t i o n s from the o p p o s i t i o n . Both Barnard and Cushing braved a charge of p e r j u r y and c o n v e n i e n t l y denied having r e c e i v e d promises of townships or other rewards f o r the i n f o r m a t i o n they gave the a u t h o r i t i e s , thus f o r e s t a l l i n g any need to r u l e such suggestive ques-t i o n s out of order, which Osgoode was prepared t o do,135 The a u t h o r i t i e s had provided John Black w i t h a constant bodyguard to p r o t e c t him from a s s a s s i n a t i onl36 and found the expense w e l l worth i t as he confirmed the e vidence given by Cushing, Barnard, and F r i c h e t t e x 3 7 and added d e t a i l s as to the exact nature of the intended u p r i s i n g with i t s laudanum, pikes and f i v e hundred Canadians.138 In h i s c l o s i n g statement the Attorney-General exposed the gaping hole i n the s t o r y of McLane the inno-cent merchant escaping from h i s American c r e d i t o r s , who made such a', l o n g s i g h t s e e i n g t o u r on Montreal mountain and repeatedly returned to the United S t a t e s . x 3 9 TO c o n t a i n any p o s s i b l e sympathy f o r McLane's p l i g h t Sewell r e f e r r e d to Edmund Burke's o p i n i o n o f the s t a t e t r i a l s x35McLane's t r i a l , 765, 769. 1 3 6 B x a c i c t 0 p r i n c e Edward, Duke o f Kent, 17 Dec. 1798, PAC, CO 42 , v. I l l : 503. 137Frichette was l a t e r convicted of t r e a s o n and sentenced to l i f e imprisonment. S h o r t l y a f t e r h i s t r i a l he was pardoned and r e l e a s e d : C h r i s t i e , A H i s t o r y I , 185. -^McLane's t r i a l , 776-78. 1 3 9 l D i d , > 789 - 9 3 . 148 of 1794 that "public prosecutions are become but l i t t l e better than schools for treason, of no use but to improve the dexterity of criminals i n the mystery of evasion, or to show with what impunity men may conspire against the government and co n s t i t u t i o n of t h e i r country."140 The Chief Justice summed up. He made sure to indicate h i s b e l i e f i n the c r e d i b i l i t y of Cushing and Barnard, to remind the jury that i t had been established that neither witness had been promised anything by the government and to elevate Black to a new l e v e l of s o c i a l r e s p e c t a b i l i t y — and c r e d i b i l i t y — b y praising h i s zealous conduct.141 He made i t clear that McLane's t a l e was a tissue of l i e s and that there was no r a t i o n a l a l t e r n a t i v e to the prisoner's g u i l t . A f t e r deliberating f o r about twenty minutes the jury returned a verdict of g u i l t y and the Chief Justice decreed the sentence: That you, David MacLane, be taken to the place from whence you came, and from thence you are to be drawn Cdragged!l to the place of execution, where you must be hanged by the neck, but not till'/you are dead; fo r , you must be cut down a l i v e and your bowels taken out and burnt before your face; then your head must be severed from your body, which must be divided into W i b i d . , 7 9 2 - 9 3 . ^ I b i d . , 7 9 9 - 8 0 7 . Osgoode disagreed with Richardson's opinion that McLane was a harmless f o o l and h i s plan f o r taking Quebec t o t a l l y u n r e a l i s t i c : Richard-son to Jonathan Sewell, 29 May 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3 : 1102; Osgoode to John King, 22 July 1797, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 68. 149 f o u r p a r t s , and your head and quarters be at the king's d i s p o s a l ; and the Lord have mercy on your soul.142 This was the mandatory sentence i n B r i t i s h t r e a s o n cases although i t was modified i n p r a c t i c e by a l l o w i n g the p r i s o n e r to die before he was e v i s c e r a t e d . The q u a r t e r i n g was symbolic r a t h e r than a c t u a l . The e x e r c i s e of r o y a l mercy to commute the sentence to hanging and beheading was common.x43 The Governor's "example", however, would not be as e f f e c t i v e without the f u l l treatment recog-nized by p r a c t i c e and no commutation was extended. On J u l y 21st McLane was bound, f e e t forward, to a hurdle and dragged by a horse " i n a slow solemnity to the place o f execution, attended by the s h e r i f f and peace o f f i c e r s o f the D i s t r i c t , a m i l i t a r y guard of f i f t y men and a great multitude of s p e c t a t o r s . " A f t e r prayers, i n v o c a t i o n s to God and an obscure warning to the troops t h a t they were insecure even w i t h t h e i r arms, McLane's head was covered and the executioner turned him o f f the p l a t f o r m . The r e p o r t of the t r i a l records the remainder of the s p e c t a c l e : The body hung f o r f i v e and twenty minutes and was then cut down. A platform, w i t h a r a i s e d b l o c k upon i t , was brought near the gallows, and a f i r e was k i n d l e d f o r executing the remainder of the sentence. The head was cut o f f , and the executioner h o l d i n g i t up to 142McLane's t r i a l , 826. 1 4 3William Renwick R i d d e l l , "Canadian State T r i a l s ; The King v. David McLane," TRSC, 1916, I I , 321-37 at 3 3 2 -34; J.W. C e c i l Turner, ed., Kenny's Ou t l i n e s of C r i m i n a l Law, new ed. (Cambridge, 1952), 321. 150 p u b l i c view proclaimed i t "the.head o f a t r a i t o r . " — An i n c i s i o n was made below the breast and a part of the bowels taken out and burnt; the four quarters were marked"with a k n i f e but were not d i v i d e d from the b o d y . W As an example McLane's t r i a l , c o n v i c t i o n and execu a t i o n made a considerable impression on the h a b i t a n t s . The famed mildness of His Majesty's r u l e and the e q u a l l y famed " l e n i t y " 1 4 5 o f B r i t i s h c r i m i n a l law now wore a somewhat d i f f e r e n t aspect. Stephen Sewell assured h i s brother s h o r t l y before the execution that I t must be evident t o every one t h a t the Energy of the government at t h i s day has saved the province. I t i s a s t o n i s h i n g what an a l t e r a t i o n there i s i n the Canadians i n t h i s d i s t r i c t ( I w i l l not say i n t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s f o r those I am sure are not changed) but i n t h e i r behavior, they are more observant of the laws than can be expected of the best s u b j e c t s , they work when and wherever they are commanded ,.. and the roads are u n i v e r s a l l y good i n consequence,1^© Joseph Chew, Deputy Superintendent of I n d i a n A f f a i r s , r eported the same phenomenon to h i s correspondent Colonel Edward Winslow, a New Brunswick l o y a l i s t : "... our Canadians since the execution of McLane i f not a l t e r e d i n Sentiments take care t o behave more q u i e t l y and are more submissive t o order and Government, they seem to be con-vinced our Governor w i l l not t r i f l e w i t h t h e m . " 1 ^ The 1HMcLane's t r i a l , 826-28. •^^The word used i n the Quebec Act t o c o n t r a s t the assumed merits of the B r i t i s h and French c r i m i n a l law. 1Z>-617 J u l y 1797, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 1104. l z * 7 i 7 Dec. 1797, PAC, Winslow Papers, v. 7: 78. 151 Canadians undoubtedly agreed now with the- assessment of Prescott made e a r l i e r by the seigneur Gaspard de Lanau-diere: "notre General ne badinne pas."148 The Governor ordered the report of the t r i a l and execution printed to impress the point on as many as possible.149 But with McLane dead and the habitants doing t h e i r road duty, the English suspicions did not die. Nor did Le Fer's report, the province-wide celebration of Nelson's victory, of the N i l e , or the f a c t that the colony was free of r i o t i n g a f t e r 1796 s u b s t a n t i a l l y a l t e r opinion. In 1798 Governor Prescott was s t i l l smarting over the Canadians' decided "propensity to Insurrection" that had " f u l l y evinced i t s e l f i n the year 1796." x50 T h e Canadians, he was sure, were even "more attached at present to France, than they were even before the Revolution," a state of a f f a i r s which had been "effected by secret Emissaries, who ... have found means to introduce their Poison among them."x51 The m i l i t a r y force at h i s disposal was suf-f i c i e n t to deal with the Canadians should they attempt to rebel without waiting f o r the invasion, but would be i48ne Lanaudiere to Madame Lanaudiere, 30 Jan. 1797, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 12: 6866. x49statement of Jonathan Sewell, 23 Aug. 1798, PAC, S Series, v. 67: 21424. 1 5°Prescott to Portland, 1 Oct. 1798, PAC, CO 42, v. I l l : 21. See also Monk (then Chief Justice of Mont-real) to Dundas, 14 Aug. 1798, i b i d . , 491. 151prescott to S i r William Fawcett, 5 Sept. 1798, PAC, C Series, v. 1207: 160. 152 hopelessly inadequate i f the smallest.army under French auspices appeared i n the colony. Reinforcements were desperately needed, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r Upper Canada, which might be attacked by way of the M i s s i s s i p p i . Prescott could spare no troops f o r the upper province since a l l available men were needed to garrison Quebec and Montreal where "a considerable Force must necessarily be stationed to awe the Habitants of that v i c i n i t y who have i n more than one Instance evinced a refractory spirit."152 In January 1800 C i v i l Secretary Ryland, acting under Lieutenant-Governor Milnes* in s t r u c t i o n s , requested Solicitor-General Louis C. Foucher to obtain information on a "Club des douze Ap6tres" i n Montreal. The twelve apostles, who included f i v e Canadian and two English o f f i c e r s of the Royal Canadian Volunteers, as well as a Canadian j u s t i c e of the peace and the wealthy, r e t i r e d fur merchant, Jean-Baptiste Durocher, dined together once a month. Ryland allowed that i t was "possible that t h e i r views may be merely of a c o n v i v i a l nature." The name the members had chosen, however, suggested "a Di s -position to r i d i c u l e things sacred and i t has been but too c l e a r l y proved by the late events i n Europe that persons so disposed are l i t t l e to be depended^on as Friends of regular and orderly Government." The Lieutenant-Governor and h i s C i v i l Secretary were soon 15 2Same to Portland, 22 Aug. 1798, PAC, CO 42, v. I l l : 8-9; Same to Same, 1 Oct. 1798, n. 150 above. 153 s a t i s f i e d that the members were apostles s t r i c t l y of good food and drink.^53 Later i n the year Milnes reported to the Colonial Secretary that the fear of a habitant up-r i s i n g was s t i l l "strongly impressed on the Minds of the best Friends of Government."x54 one of these best friends, Stephen Sewell, had no doubt i n March 1801 that Joseph Papineau was b u s i l y preparing the populace for r e v o l t and thought that he'-might well succeed. 1" 55 O f f i c i a l s interpreted the dangers posed by Ir a Allen's C i v i l Society!-56 very seriously. Attorney-General Sewell, f o r example, claimed that Rogers, the l o c a l president, intended to reveal his subversive aim only to an inner c i r c l e of conspirators. The mass of an expanding membership was to be controlled by midnight meetings, "Ceremonies and mummery," and Rogers' delphic utterance that the hunt f o r treasure involved "a greater work than any of you, think" and was directed by a supernatural power. I t was clear to Sewell that the "most e f f e c t i v e Engine employed by France i n subverting so many of the Governments of Europe" had made i t s d i a b o l i c a l appearance 1 5 3 R y i a n d to Foucher, 6 Jan. 1800, PAC, C o l l e c t i o n Baby, v. 13: 7366; Foucher to Ryland, s.d., i b i d . , 7367-68. 1 54Milnes to Portland, 1 Nov. 1800, Const. Docs..  1791-1818. 251. 155stephen to Jonathan Sewell, 19 March 1801, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 1514-15. 1 5 6 S e e p. 46-48 above. 154 i n the colony. The " p r i n c i p l e of I l l u m i n i s m and of the I r i s h and B r i t i s h P o l i t i c a l S o c i e t i e s i s d i s t i n c t l y v i s i b l e . " I t had been the " r e g u l a r connection from the primary S o c i e t i e s of I r e l a n d i n r e g u l a r succession to the Executive D i r e c t o r y i n France tho' unknown to the mass o f members, t h a t gave e x e r t i o n , c o n s i s t e n c y , s o l i d i t y and f o r c e to the l a t e R e b e l l i o n i n that King-dom." The danger had been averted o n l y through the v i g i l a n c e of government and the B e t t e r P r e s e r v a t i o n Act, which should be supplemented, Sewell thought, by an act outlawing secret societies.-^57 Panic was by no means confined t o o f f i c i a l s . When they f i r s t became aware of the p l o t , E n g l i s h Montrealers reacted i n such t e r r o r they f r u s t r a t e d the i n t e n t i o n of the magistrates t o delay a r r e s t i n g those i n v o l v e d w i t h a view t o o b t a i n i n g conclusive proof o f treason. As Milnes explained t o the C o l o n i a l Secretary: ... the alarm gained ground so f a s t i n the C i t y of Montreal from the exaggerated Reports that pre-v a i l e d r e s p e c t i n g the Secret S o c i e t y t h a t the Magis-t r a t e s were apprehensive o f the Consequences as i t was d o u b t f u l , i n case o f F i r e or any other Emergency whether any one (from f e a r of t h e i r personal s a f e t y ; would venture to give any a s s i s t a n c e , they t h e r e f o r e determined w i t h the advice o f the Attorney.General ... to apprehend the Leaders immediately,.. , 1 5 8 1 5 7 s e w e l l t o M i l n e s , 21 Sept. 1801, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 10: 4961 -68. 1 5 £ k i l n e s t o Lord Hobart, 28 Oct. 1801, PAC, Q S e r i e s , v. 87-2: 378. A v o l u n t e e r armed a s s o c i a t i o n was formed i n the c i t y and had no d i f f i c u l t y r e c r u i t i n g E n g l i s h members: Richardson to Ryland, 1 Oct. 1801, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 74: 23371-72; magistrates of Montreal to Ryland, 1 Oct. 1801, i b i d . , 23376-79. 155 Doubtless many shared Richardson's re a c t i o n to the news of the peace, that everyone could f i n a l l y cease worrying about the Canadians provided Frenchmen were kept out of the colony.^59 The dozens of expressions of fear quoted or ci t e d i n t h i s chapter indicate that several i n d i v i d u a l s , o f f i -c i a l s , professionals, judges, magistrates and seigneurs, were genuinely a f r a i d of insur r e c t i o n . Much of the proof i s taken from private l e t t e r s i n which the authors had l i t t l e reason to d i s t o r t t h e i r opinions. The prevalence of a b e l i e f i n the inordinate powers of a small group of conspirators, moreover, provides an explanation of the English tendency to exaggerate which i s incompatible with the notion of opportunism. Given the avail a b l e sources i t i s impossible, of course, to prove s t a t i s -t i c a l l y that the garrison mentality was shared by a majority of the English but the evidence offered creates a high degree of p r o b a b i l i t y that t h i s was ;so.. Senior government o f f i c i a l s at Quebec and the magistrates at Montreal—mainly wealthy merchants—were co n t i n u a l l y alarmed by the threat of r e b e l l i o n . As these men were ^ R i c h a r d s o n to Ryland, 22 Feb. 1802, PAC, S Series, v. 76: 23767. For examples of the f e e l i n g that any contact between Frenchmen--even the emigre c l e r g y — and Canadians would be dangerous, see p. 233-36 below. La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt was prohibited from entering the colony f o r reasons of security: Dorchester to Portland, 25 July 1795, PAC, CO 42, v. 102: 259-60. 156 among the most prominent members of the E n g l i s h upper c l a s s i n the two c i t i e s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o conceive that t h e i r views were not q u i c k l y absorbed by a l a r g e p o r t i o n o f the E n g l i s h community g e n e r a l l y . Unless one i s prepared to b e l i e v e t h a t the d e s t r u c t i o n of documents da t i n g from the period has occurred' i n an * imp o s s i b l y s e l e c t i v e manner, i t seems reasonable to conclude that the examples o f f e a r which have come down / t o us are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . 1 0 0 / l o uWhen researching t h i s chapter I attempted to f i n d examples o f i n d i v i d u a l s who thought there was no serious i n t e r n a l s e c u r i t y danger. Not one such was discovered, u n l e s s one i n c l u d e s Dorchester ,s view i n 1796 ( r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from h i s e a r l i e r opinion) that the M i l i t i a Act scare had been manufactured l a r g e l y by Monk i n order to increase h i s chances of feeing appointed C h i e f J u s t i c e of Montreal: Osgoode to Simcoe, 7 J u l y 1796, ©H, 1954, 151. CHAPTER 5 THE EFFECT OF THE GARRISON MENTALITY ON ENGLISH-CANADIAN RELATIONS, 1793 - 1801 Once the existence of a g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y i s accepted and the e f f e c t s i t had on E n g l i s h a t t i t u d e s t o the Canadians are understood, a l l idea o f an "age o f good f e e l i n g s " must be set a s i d e . The f e a r of i n s u r r e c t i o n d u r i n g the war embittered r e l a t i o n s between the n a t i o n a l i t i e s , e l i m i n a t e d any p o s s i b i l i t y that the new c o n s t i t u t i o n would operate harmoniously, and destroyed E n g l i s h t o l e r a n c e of the con-ti n u e d existence o f a d i s t i n c t i v e Canadian c u l t u r e . The years which f e a t u r e d the m i l i t i a and Road Act r i o t s , the e l e c t i o n of 1796 and the generation of near panic among the E n g l i s h can h a r d l y be c a l l e d ones o f "calme" and "Con-corde" between the n a t i o n a l i t i e s . 1 The evidence suggests that E n g l i s h f e a r s had a d e t r i m e n t a l e f f e c t on personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the E n g l i s h and the Canadians l i v i n g i n the c i t i e s . 2 Nor was there anything resembling p o l i t i c a l cooperation or " 1 ' a c c o r d i d e o l o g i q u e " on the c o n s t i t u t i o n between the p o l i t i c a l leaders o f the Canadians a f t e r 1796 and the E n g l i s h community g e n e r a l l y . I n e a r l y 1804 Lord S e l k i r k , n o t i n g t h a t there was "an E n g l i s h and a French par t y " i n the Assembly, learned from E n g l i s h r e s i d e n t s t h a t the • k h i e l l e t , H i s t o i r e economique. 165-67 . 2See p. 135-36 above. 158 p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n along e t h n i c l i n e s had o r i g i n a t e d i n the 1790,s wi t h attempts by Canadian members t o f u r t h e r t h e i r r e v o l u t i o n a r y aims and the determination of the E n g l i s h assemblymen to thwart these attempts.3 There seems to be no reason to doubt t h a t , as S e l k i r k ' s d i a r y suggests, the g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y c o n t r i b u t e d g r e a t l y t o t h i s development. I t i s c l e a r t h a t by 1796 the p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e between the Canadian middle c l a s s and the E n g l i s h mer-chants-—which dated back to the e a r l y years of the s t r u g g l e f o r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government and had s u r v i v e d down to the e l e c t i o n of 1792—4 w a s shattered beyond r e p a i r . To Richardson, M c G i l l , John Young, and other leaders of the mercantile community, the Assembly had become a p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous forum f o r d i s l o y a l demagogues, and Papineau almost c e r t a i n l y a t r a i t o r . More g e n e r a l l y , the E n g l i s h assemblymen had from the f i r s t s e s s i o n under the new con-s t i t u t i o n been u n i t e d i n l o o k i n g t o the Governor f o r pro-t e c t i o n and i n f e a r i n g the type of moderate l i b e r a l i s m represented by Papineau and Panet. I n the f i r s t two L e g i s l a t u r e s the E n g l i s h members were almost unanimous i n defending the executive branch agai n s t any d i m i n u t i o n of power^ and on every c o n t r o v e r s i a l i s s u e i n v o l v i n g a ^ P a t r i c k c.T. White, ed., Lord S e l k i r k ' s Diary. 1803-1804 (Toronto, 1958), 10 Feb. 1804, 219. 4see e.g. Montreal Gazette, 24 t 31 May, 7, 14 June 1792. Papineau supported the candidacy of Richardson and M c G i l l i n t h i s e l e c t i o n . ^For examples, i n a d d i t i o n to those already pro-vided, see Appendix I I I . 159 obvious government i n t e r e s t , they v o t e d — w i t h few excep-t i o n — f o r the government's p o s i t i o n . With the demise of the seigneurs as a s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l f o r c e i n 1796, moreover, c o n t r o v e r s i a l i s s u e s almost always d i v i d e d the Assembly along ethnic l i n e s w i t h c r o s s - e t h n i c v o t i n g — except among Canadian government o f f i c i a l s — a r a r i t y . During the second L e g i s l a t u r e (1797-1800), f o r example, e i g h t y - f o u r percent of the Canadian votes were cast f o r the "dominant Canadian p o s i t i o n " and n i n e t y percent of the E n g l i s h votes were cast f o r the "dominant E n g l i s h p o s i t i o n " . 6 During the second and t h i r d L e g i s l a t u r e s E n g l i s h members and the Canadian Assembly lea d e r s a l s o s t r u g g l e d t o gain c o n t r o l of the House, w i t h each side t r y i n g t o b e t t e r i t s p o s i t i o n by attempting t o a l t e r the o b l i g a t i o n s , r i g h t s and q u a l i f i c a t i o n s o f assemblymen. 7 I t seems reasonable to conclude that w e l l before the Gaols Act d i s p u t e , the g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y helped destroy any chance there was that the p o l i t i c a l l eaders o f the E n g l i s h and Canadian communities could work together to l i b e r a l i z e the o p e r a t i o n of the c o n s t i t u t i o n or cooperate to achieve any set o f °See Appendix I I I . 7 See Appendix I I I , i s s u e s 3 ( i ) (unsuccessful proposal by Papineau, 1799, f o r the payment of members) and 4 ( i i ) (unsuccessful proposal by John Young (1800) to have a committee of the Assembly i n v e s t i g a t e the necessary q u a l i -f i c a t i o n s of members, presumably.including l i t e r a c y , b i l i n g u a l i s m , ownership of property, e t c . ) ; JHALC f o r 1802, 13 Feb.. 86-96, 15 Feb., 92-96, 8 March, 214 (unsuccessful proposal by M.-A. B e r t h e l o t d'Artigny f o r payment of mem-be r s ) ; JHALC f o r 1803 ( f i r s t s e s s i o n ) , 4 March, 172-76, 5 March, 180-86 (unsuccessful attempt by Be"dard to have the House enforce attendance by members). 160 l e g i s l a t i v e o b j e c t i v e s . E q u a l l y important i n terms of long-range consequences was the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n during the war of E n g l i s h demands tha t the Canadians be a n g l i f i e d . I t i s t r u e that many of the English, even before the war, hoped t h a t i n time the Canadians would be c u l t u r a l l y a s s i m i l a t e d . There was no dearth of p r o j e c t s . Deputy Postmaster General Hugh F i n l a y , f o r example, thought: We might make the people e n t i r e l y E n g l i s h by i n t r o -ducing the E n g l i s h language. This i s to be done by free schools, and by o r d a i n i n g t h a t a l l s u i t s i n our Courts s h a l l be c a r r i e d on i n E n g l i s h a f t e r a c e r t a i n number of years.° Chief J u s t i c e Smith had worked out a "grand design" con-s i s t i n g of a s e c u l a r u n i v e r s i t y , the a b o l i t i o n of the s e i g n e u r i a l system, and the a p p l i c a t i o n o f the common law to His Majesty's o l d s u b j e c t s , a l l w i t h the object of a t t r a c t i n g massive immigration o f American s e t t l e r s . Smith hoped these reforms and a f e d e r a t i o n of B r i t i s h North American c o l o n i e s , would create a strong, prosperous B r i t i s h dependency which would overshadow, and perhaps u l t i m a t e l y absorb the United S t a t e s . 9 A l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f the mer-chants were i n c l i n e d to favour the a b o l i t i o n o f the s e i g n e u r i a l system. Many were themselves seigneurs and under f r e e h o l d they would become o u t r i g h t owners of the unconceded lands. Moreover, f r e e h o l d would open vast t r a c t s to American s e t t l e r s , who had an i n g r a i n e d a v e r s i o n t o anything resembling f e u d a l tenure. The merchants g e n e r a l l y ^ F i n l a y t o Nepean, 9 Feb. 1789, Const. Docs.. 1759-1791. I I , 961. : 9See Neatby, Quebec, ch. 14, 15. 161 v e r y l i k e l y agreed w i t h Adam Lymburner that "nothing remains o f the o l d f e u d a l System that can render i t advantageous to the government or b e n e f i c i a l to the p e o p l e . " 1 0 There were many i n the colony, too, who shared the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the American Revolution which had become standard among the l o y a l i s t s and those B r i t i s h p o l i t i c i a n s and o f f i c i a l s who concerned themselves w i t h c o l o n i a l a f f a i r s . According to t h i s view the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the c o l o n i a l c o n s t i t u t i o n s from the B r i t i s h model, the absence of a landed a r i s t o c r a c y and the weakness of the A n g l i c a n Church had g r e a t l y f a c i l i t a t e d the work o f the r e v o l u -t i o n a r i e s . The more a colony's i n s t i t u t i o n s of a l l kinds were patterned a f t e r the B r i t i s h model, and the more c o l o n i a l r e s i d e n t s c u l t u r a l l y resembled the c i t i z e n s of the mother country, the more secure the i m p e r i a l t i e . 1 1 Attorney-General Monk was only s t a t i n g the conventional wisdom when he wrote t h a t " i t i s p o l i t i c a l to a s s i m i l a t e t h i s to the other and neighbouring c o l o n i e s o f Great B r i t a i n i n laws and Government, manners and customs." 1 2 ^Quoted i n Creighton, The Empire. 114. See a l s o e.g. Quebec Herald and U n i v e r s a l M i s c e l l a n y . 29 June 1789 ( l e t t e r of " J u n i u s " ) . U s e e on t h i s Vincent T. Harlow, The Founding of  the Second B r i t i s h Empire. 1763-1793. 2v. (London, 1952/64), JT] ch. 10, s e c t i o n 2, passim; Nelson, American Tory, ch. 9, passim. 1 2Monk to Brook Watson, 25 Oct. 1788, PAC, Monk Papers, v. 2: 67. See a l s o e.g. W i l l i a m Smith to Dorchester, 2 Nov. 1792, PAC, Smith Papers, 43-46; Quebec Herald and  U n i v e r s a l M i s c e l l a n y . 26 Jan. 1789 ( l e t t e r o f Isaac Ogden); Jonathan to Stephen Sewell, 1 Jan. 1792, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 15: 7722-35. 162 While many of the E n g l i s h favoured a s s i m i l a t i o n the que s t i o n was not one o f great urgency, as evidenced by the f a c t that many of the p r o j e c t s i n the l a t e 1780's, although extensive, were incomplete. Chief J u s t i c e S m i t h was w i l l i n g to a l l o w the Canadians t h e i r c i v i l laws. Hugh F i n l a y saw no reason t o i n s i s t upon the suppression o f the Canadian law o f r e a l property, i n c l u d i n g the r u l e s governing the s e i g n e u r i a l system.13 No one seems to have suggested the enforcement o f the supremacy.-^ The merchants may have wished f o r a s s i m i l a t i o n i n general, but they were pre-occupied o n l y w i t h i n s u r i n g the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the com-me r c i a l l a w s . 1 ^ While they hoped the s e i g n e u r i a l system would be abo l i s h e d t h i s was considered o f low p r i o r i t y . In t h e i r p e t i t i o n of November 1784, which remained the bas i s o f t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l claims through-out the 1780's, they s p e c i f i c a l l y requested t h a t the s e i g n e u r i a l system be retained.1° • ^ F i n l a y t o Nepean, 9 Feb. 1789, n. 8 above. ^Monk s p e c i f i c a l l y excluded any i n t e r f e r e n c e w i t h the Church i n h i s proposals f o r a s s i m i l a t i o n : see Monk to Baron Maseres, 3 Nov. 1788, PAC, Monk Papers, v. 2: 80. ^^This c o n c l u s i o n r e s u l t s from the reading of se v e r a l documents expressing the merchants' grievances which are pr i n t e d i n Const. Docs.. 1759-1791. I I , pamphlets published to support the merchants' case f o r an assembly, and the l e t t e r s of John Richardson, p a r t i c u l a r l y that of 10 A p r i l , 1787 t o John Porteous, PAC, Richardson L e t t e r s , 31. I t i s c l e a r from these documents t h a t the question of the laws was deemed v i t a l and a l l other aspects o f a s s i m i l a t i o n of secondary concern. l 6 C o n s t . Docs., 1759-1791, I I , 744. - 163 A s s i m i l a t i n g pressures were kept i n check by the r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed upon the merchants by t h e i r p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e with the Canadian bourgeoisie and a l s o by the f a c t t h a t there was: l i t t l e economic need f o r a s s i m i l a t i o n . The d i p l o m a t i c s i t u a t i o n , moreover, was such t h a t Canadian c u l t u r a l p a r t i c u l a r i s m d i d not appear to be any great l i a b i l i t y . During the American Revolution the French M i n i s t e r of Foreign A f f a i r s , the Comt"e~. de Vergennes, had decided t h a t France must abandon any i d e a of reconquering Canada and h i s p o l i c y remained the orthodoxy i n the French f o r e i g n o f f i c e u n t i l the R e v o l u t i o n . 1 7 As a r e s u l t France showed l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n Quebec during the 1780's. From 1789 to mid-1792 France, i n the throes of R e v o l u t i o n , appeared u t t e r l y impotent to undertake any war,1** which indeed the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s had renounced as an instrument of p o l i c y . On the other hand the American Rev o l u t i o n a r y Army had invaded the colony i n 1775-76 and American n e g o t i -a t o r s at P a r i s i n 1781-82 had attempted to have Quebec in c l u d e d as a part of United States* t e r r i t o r y . I n the ten years a f t e r the war r e l a t i o n s between B r i t a i n and the new r e p u b l i c were s e v e r e l y s t r a i n e d by a s e r i e s of acrimonious disputes over l o y a l i s t c l a i m s , maritime r i g h t s 1 7 0 n the d i p l o m a t i c s i t u a t i o n as i t r e l a t e d to Quebec see Marcel Trudel, Louis XVI. l e Congres americain et l e  Canada. 1774-1789 (Quebec, 1949); Burt. The U n i t e d States. Great B r i t a i n and" B r i t i s h North America, ch. I - V I I . 1 8 s e e e.g. Brown, The French Revolution. 37-38; Wi l l i a m G r e n v i l l e ( C o l o n i a l Secretary) t o Dorchester, 20 Oct. 1789, Const. Docs.. 1759-1791. I I , 970; John Richard-4 son.to John.Porteous, 20 Oct. 1789, PAC, Richardson L e t t e r s , 44 (re o p i n i o n i n Montreal). 164 and the western posts. Thus i n the l a t e 1780's and early 1790 fs •>„ .America rather than France, appeared to pose the greater threat to security, x 9 and the assertion of the French Party under the leadership of Dr. Adam Mabane that the Canadians, because of t h e i r "Religion, Language Laws & Customs are the class of men the least l i k e l y to coalesce or unite with the Neighbouring States of America" made some sense. 2 0 This consideration—which implied that the lessons of the American Revolution had no a p p l i c a t i o n i n Quebec—had convinced a number of English, F i n l a y r e g r e t f u l l y noted, that "the natives of t h i s Province ought ... to be kept unmixed and unconnected with the other Colonists, to serve as a strong barrier, between our Settlements and the United States."21 In summary, while X^A search of the CO 42 series and the newspapers for the years 1788 to mid-1792, Const. Docs.. 1759-1791, I I f o r the years 1784 to 1791 and sundry manuscript and printed c o l l e c t i o n s of l e t t e r s has yielded only one ex-p l i c i t statement by an English resident that the Canadians should be assimilated i n view of a possible war with France: the l e t t e r of Isaac Ogden, c i t e d i n n. 12 above. Finlay, f o r example, wrote over a dozen l e t t e r s to Evan Nepean, Undersecretary of State, advocating various a s s i m i l a t i n g measures, but never once made use of the argument employed by Ogden. In the absence of French intrigues to stimulate the imagination, some at l e a s t of the English believed that the Canadians were quickly losing t h e i r attachment f o r the former mother country: See e.g. William Smith to Dorchester, 5.Feb. 1790, L.F.S. Upton, ed., The Diary and Selected Papers of Chief Justice William  Smith. 1784-1793, 2v. (Toronto. 1363/6$). I I . 272. 2 0Const. Docs.. 1759-1791, I I , 881. 2 i T o Nepean, 13 Feb. 1787, i b i d . . 844. 165 most E n g l i s h i n the l a t e 1780's and e a r l y 1790*s were pre-disposed t o the idea o f a s s i m i l a t i n g the Canadians, few f e l t i t to be an urgent question and an i n f l u e n t i a l m i n o r i t y contested the whole concept. With the development of the E n g l i s h f e a r of r e b e l l i o n a f t e r 1792, a t t i t u d e s to Canadian c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l hardeded. Where the merchants and o f f i c i a l s had e a r l i e r been pre-pared to l i v e w i t h the s e i g n e u r i a l system, E n g l i s h assembly-men i n 1795, c l a i m i n g f e u d a l tenure endangered the s e c u r i t y of the colony, attempted u n s u c c e s s f u l l y to f i n d a means to introduce f r e e h o l d . 2 2 More general l y , the l o y a l i s t i d e a of c u l t u r a l u n i t y w i t h i n the Empire gained relevance i n a s i t u a t i o n i n which France, r a t h e r than the United S t a t e s , was seen as the main e x t e r n a l threat and h a b i t a n t anglo-phobia was b e l i e v e d to be a s e r i o u s i n t e r n a l menace.?3 2 2JHALC f o r 1795, 2 1 Jan., 5, 23 Jan., 19; Garneau, H i s t o i r e , I I I , 112. For another example of changing o p i n i o n see Monk to Nepean, 13 March 1793, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 221-23 (advocating the enforcement o f the supremacy t o guarantee Canadian l o y a l t y , see n. 14 above). 2 3 i t i s noteworthy i n t h i s connection t h a t the "French" P a r t y among the E n g l i s h bureaucrats disappeared with the death i n 1792 of i t s leader Mabane: see Osgoode to Burland, 27 Oct. 1795, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 28-30; C i v i l S e c r e t a r y Ryland fs change o f o p i n i o n may have been t y p i c a l of those who had e a r l i e r seen some l o g i c i n Mabane Ts idea, that the Canadians should be kept c u l t u r a l l y d i s t i n c t as a p r o t e c t i o n against the United S t a t e s . When he f i r s t a r r i v e d i n the colony i n 1793, Ryland l a t e r claimed, he had been a f i r m b e l i e v e r i n the Quebec Act p o l i c y , but w i t h i n two or three years, i . e . the years o f the m i l i t i a and Road Act r i o t s , he had become an a n g l i f i e r on s e c u r i t y grounds: t o Robert P e e l , 27 June 1811, C h r i s t i e , A H i s t o r y , VI, 226. 166 Even before the w a r — b u t at a time when France had promised a i d to people who rose i n r e v o l t — t h e a t t i t u d e o f the E n g l i s h to Canadian c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l was made c l e a r . One of the main arguments used by the E n g l i s h spokesmen c l a i m i n g that E n g l i s h must be the s o l e o f f i c i a l language of the L e g i s l a t u r e was that the l o y a l t y o f the Canadians could be guaranteed o n l y by t h e i r t o t a l a s s i m i l a t i o n . 2 4 E q u a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t was the marked s u s p i c i o n t h a t any m a n i f e s t a t i o n by Canadians of a d e s i r e t o preserve t h e i r c u l t u r e con-cealed an admiration f o r Revolutionary France. Richardson, f o r example, thought many of the opponents of o f f i c i a l u n i l i n g u a l i s m were " i n f e s t e d w i t h the d e t e s t a b l e p r i n c i p l e s now prevalent i n France." 25 James M c G i l l a s c r i b e d Canadian o p p o s i t i o n to the f a c t t h a t the "French r e v o l u t i o n and Mr. Paines Book on the r i g h t s of man have turned peoples Heads." 2^ The same p o i n t s o f view were manifest i n the newspaper debate which dragged on i n t o May 1 7 9 3 . 2 7 One important i n d i c a t i o n o f the changing o p i n i o n on Canadian c u l t u r a l s u r v i v a l was the c o l o n i a l government's 2z*Quebec Gazette. 31 Jan. 1793 (speech of C h a r t i e r de L o t b i n i e r e ) , 14 Feb. 1793 ( l e t t e r of "A Bye Stander"), 21 Feb. 1793 (lengthy preamble read by John Richardson p r i o r to i n t r o d u c i n g a motion t o e s t a b l i s h E n g l i s h as the s o l e o f f i c i a l language). 2 5 R i c h a r d s o n to Alexander E l l i c e , 16 Feb. 1793, Kennedy, S t a t u t e s , 213. 2 6 M c G i l l t o John A s k i n , 20 Jan. 1793, Quaife, Askin Papers. I, 459-60 . 2 7see e.g. Montreal Gazette. 4 A p r i l 1793 ( l e t t e r of "A True Hearted B r i t o n " ) , 9 May 1793 ( l e t t e r o f "Your Hearty Well Wisher"). 167 d e c i s i o n , towards the end o f our period, t h a t the r a t i o n a l e behind the Quebec Act p o l i c y was no longer tenable. Lieutenant-Governor Milnes and h i s a d v i s e r s , i n the years 1799 to 1801, worked out a s e r i e s of i n t e r r e l a t e d p o l i c i e s which aimed at the c r e a t i o n o f a r u r a l England of the S t . Lawrence, To achieve t h i s aim i t was necessary to estab-l i s h a system of p u b l i c schools under the c o n t r o l of the s t a t e , to set events i n motion which would l e a d to an a b o l i t i o n o f the s e i g n e u r i a l system and t o enforce the r o y a l supremacy. These p o l i c i e s would have many s h o r t -range s e c u r i t y advantages and e v e n t u a l l y would b r i n g about the t o t a l c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n of the conquered s u b j e c t s , which alone, i t appeared, would guarantee the s a f e t y o f the E n g l i s h m i n o r i t y and i n s u r e that Lower Canada remained w i t h i n the Empire, I t has o f t e n been suggested that the Education Act o f 1801 was designed by Bishop Mountain to provide a means of p r o s e l y t i z i n g Canadian school c h i l d r e n . 2 * * I t has a l s o been contended that the Act was not g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e d by a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t ideas but was simply an attempt t o pro-mote the economic development o f the province by reducing i l l i t e r a c y . 2 9 Neither o f these i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s i s supported 2 8 S e e e.g. Ghapai$', Cours. I I , 99-106; Bruchesi, H i s t o i r e . 37L:>, Manning, The Revolt. 19. P r o f e s s o r Wade (The French Canadians, I, 102-04) leaves the same impression, although he suggests i n passing that the Act may have owed something to Milnes* f e a r that the i l l i t e r a t e h a b i t a n t s were prey t o demagogues, 2 9 S e e e.g. Lower, Colony to Nation. 155-57; Audet, Le systeme s c o l a i r e . I l l , passim but p a r t i c u l a r l y at 168 by the evidence, which indicates that the Education Act was primarily a product of the garrison mentality. I t i s true that Bishop Mountain hoped to use the schools, as he had put i t some years e a r l i e r , to induce the "Inhabitants to embrace by degrees the Protestant Religion. " 3 ° I t was Mountain also who i n i t i a t e d the idea of p u b l i c l y financed elementary and secondary schools i n a l l areas of the prov-vince, with the teachers obliged to give i n s t r u c t i o n on the English language free of charge. These p r i n c i p l e s , embodied i n a plan Mountain submitted to Milnes i n 1799 and approved of by him and by a committee of the Executive Council, were ultimately incorporated i n the Act of 1801.31 But Bishop Mountain was not the government. His plan had to be acceptable to the members of the Executive Council, to the Lieutenant-Governor and to Attorney-General Sewell, who i n those years was Milnes* most i n f l u e n t i a l adviser on education p o l i c y . 3 2 Mountain was successful, not because x x i i i - x x i v ) : Fernand Ouellet, "Lf-enseignement primaire: responsabilite* des e*glises ou de l'etat? (1801-1836)," Recherches sociographiques, 1961, 171-87 at 174-75. 3°Mountain to Dorchester, 17 July 1795 quoted i n Audet, Le systeme s c o l a i r e . I l l , 10 n. £. 31-Audet, Le systeme s c o l a i r e . I l l , 11-16. A French t r a n s l a t i o n of Mountain's plan i s printed at 11-14 (here-a f t e r "Mountain's plan"). 3 2 S e e sewell to Ward Chipman, 19 Oct. 1799, PAC, Chipman Papers, Letter 23 f o r 1799, 1045; Chartier de Lotbiniere to Jonathan Sewell, 14 Jan. 1800, PAC, Sewell Papers, $ . 4 : 1 3 4 4 - 4 5 ; Sewell's notebook, CISOOJ, i b i d . , v. 1: 7-15 (hereafter "Sewell's notebook"); Milnes to Portland, 10 June 1801, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 116: 191-92. Sewell's notebook contains a plan which i s very s i m i l a r to the provisions i n the Act of 1801. Almost 169 the bureaucracy shared h i s anger at what he took t o be the degrading p o s i t i o n o f the Anglican Church r e l a t i v e t o i t s r i v a l , but because of the prevalent concern f o r Canadian d i s l o y a l t y . The members of the committee which approved the plan—Osgoode, Thomas Dunn, John Young—and the Attorney-General had long assumed that the root of the i n t e r n a l s e c u r i t y problem l a y i n the i l l i t e r a c y o f the mass of the Canadian population.33 Sewell was o n l y ex-press i n g the commonplace view on t h i s point when he ob-served a f t e r the Road Act r i o t s that Ignorance, profound Ignorance i s too s u r e l y the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c k o f the Canadians and c e r t a i n l y renders them l i a b l e to be imposed upon by the grossest a s s e r -t i o n s . But whether t h e i r conduct proceeds from Ignorance or d i s a f f e c t i o n , the Danger to Government has been and w i l l on a l l f u t u r e Occasions be e q u a l l y Great,34 In a l l they wrote on education p o l i c y Judge Osgoode, Sewell and Milnes st r e s s e d s e c u r i t y ? 5 not economic develop-c e r t a i n l y Sewell d r a f t e d the government b i l l which became the Act: see Audet, Le systeme s c o l a i r e . I l l , 87. 33ounn had been the president of the Quebec L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n . For the views o f Osgoode and Young see ch, 4 above, 3 4 S e w e l l t o P r e s c o t t , 12 May 1797, RAC, 1391, 76. I t i s evident from M i l n e s 1 dispatch of Nov. l7"T800 t h a t t h i s was an accepted t r u t h among o f f i c i a l s at the time when the d e t a i l s of education p o l i c y were being worked out: Const.  Docs.. 1791-1313. 250-51. 35osgoode t o Burland, 27 Oct. 1795, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 28-30; Same to Mountain, n.d. D.7993 , QDA, Mountain Papers, C S e r i e s , v. 1; Sewell*s d r a f t report to M i l n e s on the J e s u i t Estates, 16 Nov. 1799, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 3: 1341; Sewell*s notebook, 7-15 £1800"} ; Milnes t o P o r t l a n d , 5 A p r i l 1800, PAC, CO 42, v. 114: 130-81; Same to Same, 1 Mov. 1300, Const. Docs,. 1791-1813. 254. 170 ment, as the overriding motive.36 Nor i s there any sugges-tion i n the extant documents that either Milnes or Sewell desired to establish state schools f o r r e l i g i o u s reasons. Certainly they never seriously considered some o f Bishop Mountain's more extreme i d e a s — s u c h as appointing English sneaking Protestants to teach i n the Canadian schools. Both r e a l i z e d that such a direct assault on the Roman Catholic r e l i g i o n would endanger the whole project . 3 7 As Milnes and h i s advisers viewed i t , once the school system was i n operation the security problem would be on the way to being solved. The spread of the English language would help reduce tensions between the national", ties.3 8 Increasing l i t e r a c y would help insure that the Canadian lower classes would be l e s s prone to be manipulated by demagogues and be more d e f e r e n t i a l to t h e i r s o c i a l superiors. That t h i s was a prime motive behind the Act i s indicated 36The only clear reference to the connection between education and the economic development of the province i n the extant writings of those who helped formulate the p o l i c y behind the Act of 1801, i s Mountain's statement i n 1795 that subsidized schools would stimulate the "Industry" of the Canadians: to Dorchester, 17 July 1795, quoted i n Audet, Le systeme sco l a i r e, I I I , 10-11 n. 9 . 3 7Sewell's notebook, 9 ; Milnes to Portland, 23 Feb. 1801, PAC, CO 42, v. 116: 101; Same to Same, 10 June 1801, i b i d . , 192. The teachers appointed to teach i n the few royal schools established f o r Canadians during the ten years a f t e r the Act were Roman Catholic and French speaking: Audet, Le systeme s c o l a i r e , I I I , 136. 3^Mountain's plan; Milnes to Portland, 5 A p r i l 1800, n. 35 above. 171 by the fa c t that Sewell, i n h i s notebook c i t e d with approval Adam Smith's arguments i n favour of elementary education.39 An educated populace, Smith had written, ... f e e l themselves, each i n d i v i d u a l l y , more res-pectable, and more l i k e l y to obtain the respect of t h e i r lawful superiors, and they are therefore more d i s -posed to respect those superiors. They are more d i s -posed to examine, and more capable of seeing through, the interested complaints of f a c t i o n and sect t i o n , and they are, upon that account, less apt to be misled into any wanton or unnecessary opposition to the measures of government. In free countries, where the safety of government depends very much upon the favourable judgment which the people may form of i t s conduct, i t must surely be of the highest importance that they should not be disposed to judge r a s h l y or c a p r i c i o u s l y concerning it.4-0 U l t r a - l o y a l teachers appointed by the government would i n -doctrinate Canadian children i n the manifold blessings of the B r i t i s h conquest. 4 1 A revealing example of o f f i c i a l hopes along these l i n e s i s provided by the government's response to the devoted service i n the cause of Francois Malherbe, school master at Riviere Ouelle. At a review of the m i l i t i a by Milnes i n August 1802, the school c h i l d -ren were formed into ranks by the cure, Michel Masse,and t h e i r schoolmaster. One of the children r e c i t e d an address the young scholars had purportedly written: 39sewell's notebook, 12. 4 0 A n Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the  Wealth of Nations. 3rd ed.. 3v. (London. 1784). I l l - - 192. 4 l F o r the English a p p r e c i a t i o n — a t times m a t e r i a l — of the u l t r a - l o y a l Canadian school teacher during the war against Revolutionary France see Ame*de"e Gosselin, "Louis Labadie," TRSC. 1913, I, 97-123, passim. Labadie was known as the "malfere d'ecole patriotique." 172 l i s savent que r i e n ne l a f l a t t e t a n t que l a bonne education des jeunes gens de ce pays, q u i ne peuverit par c e t t e v o i e que p r o f i t e r des avantages i n e s t i m a b l e s de c e t t e c o n s t i t u t i o n l i b r e , q u ' i l a p l u a Sa Tires Gracieuse Majesty le, Roi du r.oyaume uni de l a Grande Bretagne et d'Irlande d'accorder a ses f i d e l e s s u j e t s de c e t t e c o l o n i e . La p r o s p e r i t y et l'abondance dont e l l e a j o u i sous cette c o n s t i t u t i o n au m i l i e u des c a l a m i t ^ s de l a guerre longue et sanglante, font £sp£rer a ses h a b i t a n t s q u ' e l l e prosperera d'avantage dans l a p a i x , que ses armes v i c t o r i e u s e s viennent de procurer a toute 1'Europe.... l i s ne peuvent que s u p p l i e r l a d i v i n e Providence de conserver pour l e bie n de son peuple Notre Ir e s Gracieux Souverain et S 0n This demonstration o f Malherbe's pedagogical v i r t u e s was given p u b l i c i t y i n the s e m i - o f f i c i a l Quebec Gazette under the t i t l e Bons E f f e t s de 1'Education.43 The p u p i l s of R i v i e r e Ouelle, the w r i t e r r e j o i c e d , "viennent de donner une preuve e"clatante q u ' i l ne manque aux Canadiens que l e s secours d'une Education plus £tendue, et l e s occasions de developper c e t t e loyaute que l e u r s ancStres ont t o u -jours manifested envers l e u r Roi et l e u r pays." Government o f f i c i a l s , c l e a r l y , agreed that Malherbe was the k i n d of teacher they were l o o k i n g f o r and i n 1805 h i s school was brought under the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the Education Act and he was given a s a l a r y o f £54 per annum.44 h e a v i l y s t r e s s e d was the g l o r i f i c a t i o n of the B r i t i s h con-s t i t u t i o n w i t h i t s ordered l i b e r t y , a r i s t o c r a t i c s o c i a l 4 2Quebec Gazette. 5 Aug. 1802. 4 3 i b i d . 44Audet, Le systeme s c o l a i r e , I I I , 136; Roy, Seigneurie de Lauzon, I I I , 346-54. One means of i n c u l c a t i n g l o y a l t y which would be 173 base, and balance of powers. The s t r i k i n g c o n trast to the r e p u b l i c a n and democratic excesses of the French and Ameri-can c o n s t i t u t i o n s had, from 1792, become f o r the E n g l i s h the centerpiece i n the propaganda d i s p l a y . So superb was the B r i t i s h system of government t h a t once a man was enabled to understand i t even s l i g h t l y , he could be nothing but a c t i v e l y l o y a l . 4 5 Sewell's preoccupation w i t h p u b l i c edu-c a t i o n arose l a r g e l y from a c o n v i c t i o n — w h i c h he claimed was w i d e l y s h a r e d — t h a t -the " s e c u r i t y o f the Government o f Canada under the New C o n s t i t u t i o n ... depends much upon the discernment of i t s Excellency."46 Although not e x p l i c i t on the point i t i s almost c e r t a i n Milnes shared S e w e l l 1 s o p i n i o n . In h i s d i s p a t c h of Nov. 1, 1800 the L i e u t e n a n t -Governor r e f e r r e d to the proposed school system as one means to "secure the a f f e c t i o n and l o y a l t y of the r i s i n g Generation."47 From other p o r t i o n s o f the same d i s p a t c h i t i s c l e a r that he thought i t h i s urgent duty to f o s t e r "a S p i r i t of Zeal and L o y a l t y f o r Monarchical Government" among the Canadians and t o i n o c u l a t e them a g a i n s t "that s p i r i t of democracy which has l a t e l y gained so much ground 4 5 F o r examples see JHALC f o r 1792-93, 3 A p r i l 1793, 407-09; Quebec L o y a l A s s o c i a t i o n D e c l a r a t i o n , Quebec Gazette. 3 J u l y 1794; prospectus of The Times-Cours de temps. 23 June 1794; Montreal Gazette. 14 Jan. 1799 ( l e t t e r of "A Canadian 1 1!^ 4 6 D r a f - t r e p o r t t o Milnes on the J e s u i t E s t a t e s , 16 Nov. 1799, PAC,. Sewell Papers, v. 3: 1341. 47Miines t o P o r t l a n d , 1 Nov. 1800, Const. Docs..  1791-1818. 254. 174 i n many P a r t s of the World."48 Many of those who i n f l u e n c e d the government's edu-c a t i o n p o l i c y a l s o hoped that the spreading knowledge of the E n g l i s h language would g r a d u a l l y l e a d to t o t a l a n g l i -f i c a t i o n . Bishop Mountain had long h e l d the view t h a t E n g l i s h i n s t r u c t i o n was an important means whereby the government might confirm the " l o y a l t y of the people by the gradual i n t r o d u c t i o n o f e n g l i s h acquirements, e n g l i s h h a b i t s & E n g l i s h sentiments. " 4 9 Chief J u s t i c e Osgoode, too, had f o r years advocated that to i n s u r e the s e c u r i t y of the colony i t was e s s e n t i a l to "introduce our Language by the Establishment of schools and thus by degrees t,o accustom the people t o the Notions Habits and Attachments of B r i t i s h subjects. " 5 0 Admiralty judge Isaac Ogden, whom Milnes consulted on education p o l i c y i n 1800, had long been an exponent of the same idea.5 1 Although no proof d i r e c t l y on p o i n t has been found, i t i s almost c e r t a i n from statements w r i t t e n by Sewell i n 1801, t h a t the Attorney-4 8p. 252-53. This f e a t u r e of the proposed school system was considered of primary importance i n r e l a t i o n not o n l y to the education o f Canadians but of the E n g l i s h as w e l l . Both Mountain (plan) and Milnes (p. 254) were worried that unless the number o f secondary schools could be r a p i d l y m u l t i p l i e d , more and more E n g l i s h parents would be forced to send t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o schools i n the U n i t e d States, where they would undoubtedly absorb dangerous r e p u b l i c a n p r i n c i p l e s . 49jyiountain t o Dorchester, 17 J u l y 1795, quoted i n Audet, Le systeme s c o l a i r e . I l l , 10-11 n. 9 . 5°0sgoode to Burland, 27 Oct. 1795, PAC, CO 4 2 , v. 22: 28 - 2 9 . ^Quebec Herald and U n i v e r s a l M i s c e l l a n y , 26 Jan. 1789; Sewell«s notebook, 9. 175 General e n t e r t a i n e d a s i m i l a r view.52 To r e i n f o r c e the e f f e c t s of i t s education p o l i c y t government a l s o attempted t o provide f o r the gradual d i s a pearance of the s e i g n e u r i a l system.53 I t had become abun da n t l y c l e a r d u r i n g the m i l i t i a and Road Act r i o t s t h a t French em i s s a r i e s might e f f e c t i v e l y e x p l o i t h a b i t a n t resentment against the Canadian seigneurs and that the l a t t e r could e x e r c i z e no r e s t r a i n t on the h a b i t a n t s ' a f f e c t i o n f o r France or t h e i r , p r o p e n s i t y t o disobey un-popular laws. The e l e c t i o n of 1796 simply confirmed t h a t the seigneurs could not c o n t r o l the votes of t h e i r cen-s i t a i r e s . As Osgoode observed, even before the e l e c t i o n , the Quebec Act p o l i c y o f p e r m i t t i n g the Canadians to r e t a i n t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r e while r e l y i n g on the i n f l u e n c e of the seigneurs t o p r o t e c t B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t s was t o t a l l y d i s c r e d i t e d : ... the Body o f the people are not a n g l i c i s e d at a l l . The r u l i n g P o l i c y has been unaccountable.... I f the s u p e r i o r c l a s s o f Canadians had any I n f l u e n c e over 5 2See p. 180 below. There i s no way o f being c e r -t a i n that Milnes agreed on t h i s point w i t h h i s a d v i s e r s , although he saw the spread of the E n g l i s h language as the main ob j e c t of the b i l l : t o P o r t l a n d , 5 A p r i l 1800, PAC, CO 42, v. 114: 180-81. 53The means devised by Milnes and Sewell to b r i n g about the a b o l i t i o n of the s e i g n e u r i a l system have been examined i n d e t a i l by f r e r e MarcM-Joseph ("Les Canadiens veulent conserver l e regime s e i g n e u r i a l ' ' RHAF, 1953-54, 4 5 - 6 3 , 2 2 4 - 4 0 , 3 5 6 - 9 1 , 490-504 at 4 6 - 5 6 ) , who~"does not, however, b r i n g out the i n f l u e n c e of s e c u r i t y on t h e i r t h i n k i n g . 176 the people t h i s p o l i c y might be j u s t i f i a b l e but the Contrary i s the f a c t , the Seigneurs are u n i v e r s a l l y unpopular throughout the Country.54 M i l n e s , w r i t i n g to the C o l o n i a l Secretary i n 1800, reported the common o p i n i o n that the E n g l i s h m i n o r i t y was endangered by a system of tenure i n which the small farmers, f a r from being subject t o a he a l t h y , coercive power exeic i z e d by the landed upper c l a s s e s , were v i r t u a l l y owners i n per-p e t u i t y o f t h e i r l a n d s . This b a s i c defect was compounded by the economic p o s i t i o n of the seigneur. Because o f the Canadian law o f succession which permitted the d i v i s i o n of s e i g n e u r i a l e s t a t e s on death and the d i s i n c l i n a t i o n of the seigneurs to engage i n t r a d e , the "Canadian Gentry have n e a r l y become e x t i n c t . " Few of those who r e s i d e d on the estates had the "Means of l i v i n g i n a more a f f l u e n t and imposing S t y l e than the simple Habitants who f e e l them-selves i n every respect as independent as the Seigneur h i m s e l f . " Unless the government q u i c k l y adopted p o l i c i e s t o f o s t e r a much gre a t e r i n e q u a l i t y of property, which Sewell c a l l e d "the f i r s t cause and best support of an e f f e c t i v e a r i s t o c r a c y ! " 5 5 there was every chance of a r e b e l l i o n at some future time, f o r the "Canadian Habitants ... are, from t h e i r want o f Education and extreme s i m p l i -c i t y , l i a b l e t o be misled by designing and a r t f u l Men." 54osgoode t o Burland, 27 Oct. 1795, n. 50 above; See a l s o Same to , 13 Oct. 1796, PAC, CO 42, v. 22: 53. " 55sewell t o Milnes, 2 A p r i l 1801, PAC, CO 42, v. 116: 197. 177 The c o n t r o l of the Assembly and indeed the colony, was a l s o at stake since v e r y few seigneurs or t h e i r nominees could get e l e c t e d , and the foundation o f the cai s t i t u t i o n "must r e s t upon a due p r o p o r t i o n being maintained between the A r i s t o c r a c y and the lower Orders of the People, w i t h -out which i t w i l l become a dangerous Weapon i n the hands of the l a t t e r . " 5 6 Milnes and h i s a d v i s e r s were a l s o concerned that the eventual a s s i m i l a t i o n o f the Canadians through education would not be wholly e f f e c t i v e unless the h a b i t a n t s were brought i n t o contact w i t h r e s i d e n t Englishmen i n the region o f the s e i g n e u r i e s . As Sewell expressed i t , "those who are acquainted w i t h Canada, must know of how much importance i t i s t o u n i t e the E n g l i s h and the Canadian character, which can never be done unless they are brought together." This Could o n l y be achieved by a b o l i t i o n o f the s e i g n e u r i a l regime f o r "the Englishman d e t e s t s the f e u d a l tenure" and as a r e s u l t there were not more than f i f t y E n g l i s h c e n s i t a i r e s i n the colony and "very few indeed o f the S e i g n i o r i e s are i n the hands of E n g l i s h Landlords. " 5 7 A f r o n t a l a t t a c k on the s e i g n e u r i a l system had t o be avoided as the h a b i t a n t s g r e a t l y valued a tenure which in c o r p o r a t e d the idea o f land h e l d i n t r u s t f o r f u t u r e 5 % i l n e s t o P o r t l a n d , 1 Nov. 1800, Const. Docs.,  1791-1818, 249-51. 57 s e w e l l t s r e p o r t t o Milnes on the lods et ventes ( h e r e a f t e r "Sewell»s r e p o r t " ) , n.d. [1801] , Const. Docs.,  1791-1818. 2 6 4 - 6 5 . 178 generations.' 5 8 The Lieutenant-Governor and h i s Attorney-General searched f o r a scheme which would conceal t h e i r u l t i m a t e purpose from the Canadians. They found i t i n the Crown*s long-standing n e g l e c t t o enforce the r i g h t t o mutation f i n e s i n the r o y a l s e i g n e u r i e s . A f t e r the Conquest v e r y few of the lods et ventes had been c o l l e c t e d from the King's c e n s i t a i r e s i n the C i t y o f Quebec, where most of the Crown's s e i g n e u r i a l land was l o c a t e d . I n some cases property had been t r a n s f e r r e d so o f t e n that the mutation f i n e s owing amounted t o more than i t s market value. Even i f the c o l l e c t i o n o f lods et ventes were r e s t r i c t e d to future t r a n s a c t i o n s , the e f f e c t on commerce would be very s e r i o u s since the mutation f i n e — o n e - t w e l f t h the. pur-chase p r i c e minus the customary rebate of o n e - t h i r d — w a s c a l c u l a t e d on the value o f b u i l d i n g s and other improvements as w e l l as on the value of the land.59 A b i l l f o r the purpose of enabling the Crown to enforce i t s r i g h t s as seigneur passed through the L e g i s l a t u r e without arousing any o p p o s i t i o n from the Canadian members.°0 The Lods et Ventes Act, Milnes was c e r t a i n , would orove to be "a m a t e r i a l step towards a b o l i s h i n g i n t h i s 5 8Richardson to Ryland, 1 Dec. 1799, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 70: 22082; Sewell's r e p o r t , 264. 5 9 R e c e i v e r-General Henry C a l d w e l l to M i l n e s , 20 Oct. 1800, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 72: 22679-31; Sewell's re p o r t , 266. °°An a b s t r a c t of the Act i s p r i n t e d i n Const. Docs.,  1791-1818, 259-62. 179 Province the Feudal Tenure."6.1 As soon as the tenants of the C r o w n — p a r t i c u l a r l y the merchants—were convinced that the mutation f i n e s would be c o l l e c t e d , they would soon become "clamorous f o r a conversion of t h e i r tenure i n t o f r e e and common soccage." The Crown would accede to these requests and regrant the lands i n f r e e h o l d . Once t h i s example was set i n the r o y a l s e i g n e u r i e s — w h i c h would "prove by f a c t s the p r a c t i c a b i l i t y of a conversion ... and the b e n e f i t s a r i s i n g from i t " — ^ c o n v e r s i o n would be demanded i n a l l parts of the province. From Sewell's notebook i t i s apparent the government envisaged a sub-sequent s t a t u t e which would enable seigneurs t o commute ( f o r a f i x e d rent) w i t h the Crown f o r the quint and wit h t h e i r c e n s i t a i r e s f o r the lods et ventes.63 Thereupon the seigneurs would become absolute owners o f the unconceded lands, which they could s e l l or l e a s e . When conversion became widespread, " E n g l i s h g e n t l e -men r e s i d e n t i n Canada" would become purchasers o f large t r a c t s and an " E n g l i s h Yeomanry and peasantry" would begin to s e t t l e i n the region of the seigneuries.&4 The ^ M i l n e s t o P o r t l a n d , 16 A p r i l 1801, Const. Docs..  1791-1818. 258. 6 2Sewell's r e p o r t , 265-66. See a l s o M i l n e s t o P o r t l a n d , 10 June 1801, PAC, CO 42 , v. 117: 66-67; Richardson t o Ryland, 1 Dec. 1799, n. 58 above. 6 3 p . 21 - 2 3 . 6 4 S e w e l l ' s r e p o r t , 265. 180 Lieutenant-Governor foresaw th a t t h i s would e v e n t u a l l y r e s u l t i n the c r e a t i o n of an E n g l i s h a r i s t o c r a c y , whose wealth, education, and s t y l e of l i v i n g , would generate deference from tenants and small p r o p r i e t o r s a l i k e . 6 5 Their i n f l u e n c e at e l e c t i o n time would r i v a l that of the county f a m i l i e s i n England. Attorney-General Sewell a l s o looked at conversion i n terms of s e c u r i t y : ... Government would i n the f i r s t instance where the Canadians are d i s a f f e c t e d have the b e n e f i t of informa-t i o n a n d " i n t e l l i g e n c e as to t h e i r conduct (o f which the want has at a l l times been s e n s i b l y f e l t ) and of that r e s t r a i n t which a body o f r e s i d e n t E n g l i s h would impose upon them. U l t i m a t e l y the Canadians r e s i d i n g i n the countryside would be a s s i m i l a t e d : The necessary consequence of a conversion o f tenure would be the i n t e r m i x t u r e o f the E n g l i s h and Canadians throughout the d i f f e r e n t S e i g n i o r i e s of the Province, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of r e c i p r o c a l confidence, of the E n g l i s h Language, of the E n g l i s h System of A g r i c u l t u r e , and an a s s i m i l a t i o n o f manners and p u r s u i t s . Then and o n l y then would the government "reap the s o l i d advantages o f a numerous and w e l l a f f e c t e d m i l i t i a i n the heart o f the C o u n t r y . " D D The p o l i c y o f p e r m i t t i n g the Roman C a t h o l i c Church i n t e r n a l self-government i n h e r i t e d from Lord Dorchester was a l s o s e r i o u s l y questioned by government o f f i c i a l s and others o 5 M i l n e s t o P o r t l a n d , 10 June 1801, n. 62 above. D D S e w e l l ' s r e p o r t , 265. 181 during the l a t e r stages of the Revolutionary War.$7 The cler g y , i t was thought, d e l i b e r a t e l y kept the people ignorant,6 ^ Unless brought under the c o n t r o l of the Governor they might oppose the establishment of the r o y a l Schools, Government o f f i c i a l s had long suspected t h a t some of the cures, because of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s b i a s , neglected the duty of i n d o c t r i n a t i n g t h e i r p a r i s h i o n e r s i n the v i r t u e s of B r i t i s h c i v i l i z a t i o n and i n s t e a d were f o s t e r i n g Canadian h o s t i l i t y t o the E n g l i s h r e s i d e n t s i n the colony. Such a c t i v i t i e s were held p a r t l y respon-s i b l e f o r the f a c t t h a t government supporters were unable to secure a m a j o r i t y i n the Assembly .69 i n the l a t e -1790 fs and e a r l y 1800's some of the E n g l i s h even persuaded themselves t h a t a p o r t i o n of the c l e r g y — p a r t i c u l a r l y among the emigre*s--would favour French reconquest ,70,. a b e l i e f which was probably f o s t e r e d by the moderation o f 6*7The attempt by Milnes and Sewell to l i m i t the autonomy o f the Roman C a t h o l i c Church has been examined i n d e t a i l by Jean-Pierre Wallot ("Sewell et son p r o j e t d ' a s s e r v i r l e c l e r g e canadien (1801)," RHAF, 1962-63, 549-66), who does not, however, dea l w i t h the i n f l u e n c e of s e c u r i t y c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . 6 8See e.g. John Cosens Ogden, A Tour through Upper  and Lower Canada ( L i t c h f i e l d , Conn., 1799), 24-25; Milnes t o P o r t l a n d , 23 Feb. 1801, PAC, CO 42, v. 116: 101. 69see e.g. Monk t o Dorchester, 12 J u l y 1794, PAC, CO 42, v. 9 9 : 303; Milnes t o P o r t l a n d , 1 Nov, 1800, Const.  Docs., 1791-1818. 249-50; Jonathan Sewell's report t o Milnes on the supremacy, 29 May 1801 ( h e r e a f t e r "Sewell*s r e p o r t " ) , QDA, Mountain Papers, C S e r i e s , v. 3 : 7, 15-16. 70 See n. 72 below and references i n p. 233 n. 60. 182 r e l i g i o u s persecution under the Directory and the negotia-tions begun by Napoleon i n June 1800 which would lead to the Concordat with Rome. Something of the English attitude to the clergy i n the early 1800's i s revealed by Stephen Sewell's response to the a c t i v i t i e s of cure" Cazeneuve of St. Laurent, near Montreal. In 1800 Cazeneuve had incurred the displeasure of Lieutenant-Governor Milnes by opposing the oroject of one Durham to open a tavern near the parish church. In doing so the cure" reportedly cast aspersions on the moral standards of the Anglo-Saxon race.71 Stephen, having learned further d e t a i l s of Cazeneuve's behaviour from a Canadian informer, wrote h i s brother: ... t h i s opens such a scene of v i l l a i n y practiced by the p r i e s t at St. Laurent (and he says there are many of the same class) which made me shudder.... This he said, that the priest£sl i n the parishes back of Mont-real were devoted to P Qapineau}.... My man concluded with saying i f God does not punish and put a stop to the i n i q u i t y of these v i l l a i n s i n les s than f i v e years the English must f e e l the Effects of i t for no opportu-n i t y i s l o s t to excite the people to a r e v o l t . P{Stpineau^ i s determined to be Buonaparte i n the pro-vince.72 : Milnes informed the Colonial Secretary, the Duke of Portland, i n November 1800 that only the enforcement of the supremacy would fos t e r "that Consideration which the Priests themselves ought to f e e l , and to encourage i n • 7 1Ryland to Pl e s s i s , 24 A p r i l 1800, RAQ, 1931-32, 167; P l e s s i s to Ryland, 26 A p r i l 1800, PAC, S Series, v.* 76:. 22358; Bishop Denaut to Milnes, 8 May 1800, RAQ. 1931-32, 167. 7 2 1 9 March 1.801, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 4: 1514-15. 183 t h e i r P a r i s h i o n e r s f o r the Executive Government."73 P o r t l a n d agreed that enforcement was "indispensably-necessary" and urged the Lieutenant-Governor "to e f f e c t i t by every p o s s i b l e means which prudence can suggest."74 Milnes l o s t l i t t l e time i n s e t t i n g Attorney-General Sewell the task o f r e p o r t i n g on the means at the government's d i s p o s a l . Sewell's r e p o r t , dated May 29, 1801,75 was based on the premise that the "general system of the Church o f Rome i s an Imperium i n Imperio." The obvious "tendency of [such-] p r i n c i p l e s i s to create a d i s t i n c t Eccles." power to intervene between the Prince & the people, by which t h a t p e r f e c t union of Church & State which as the ex-ample o f England demonstrates c o n s t i t u t e s the true i n t e -r e s t s o f Government, i s prevented." I t was e s s e n t i a l that the autonomy o f the Roman C a t h o l i c c l e r g y be cur-t a i l e d — t h e "independent s p i r i t which i n the Pr i e s t h o o d i s too apparent, must be subdued"—and the Church r e c a s t i n a safe E r a s t i a n mold. The model xvould be B r i t a i n where c o n t r o l o f preferment gave m i n i s t e r s of the Crown great p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e over the c l e r g y from the Bishop's bench i n the Lords t o the l o w l i e s t curate, an i n f l u e n c e which could be 731 Nov. 1800, n. 69 above, 252. 7 4 P o r t l a n d to Milnes, 6 Jan. 1801, Const. Does.,  1791-1818. 256. 75see n. 69 above. 184 e f f e c t i v e l y e x p l o i t e d at e l e c t i o n time. 76 Sewell agreed w i t h Milnes and P o r t l a n d t h a t the supremacy should not be enforced without the Bishop's con-sent: "nineteen-twentieths of the Inhabitants o f Canada are Roman C a t h o l i c s , & Frenchmen--Their p r e j u d i c e s , R e l i -gious & P o l i t i c a l must be encountered." Nor co u l d i t be expected that Bishop Denaut would be e n t h u s i a s t i c : " h i s own d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , might by an a r t f u l man i n such a Country as Canada be g r e a t l y extended beyond the c i r c l e of h i s immediate f r i e n d s & connections." Sewell suggested that i t be made c l e a r to Denaut that o n l y by agreeing v o l u n t a r i l y to accept the new arrangements .could he. avoid the p o s s i b i l i t y of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e chaos. The e n t i r e l e g a l a u t h o r i t y of the Bishop to appoint, d i s c i p l i n e and remove p r i e s t s , to erect parishes,which were the u n i t s f o r c o l l e c t i n g the t i t h e s , and so on, was i n se r i o u s doubt, f o r the Act o f Supremacy p r o h i b i t e d the e x e r c i s e o f any e c c l e s i a s t i c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n d e r i v e d from the Pope. The Bishop and h i s Coadjutor should a l s o be tempted by an o f f e r of high s a l a r i e s and appointments to the Executive and L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l s . To make the h i e r a r c h y h i g h - l i v i n g pensioners o f the state and " p o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r s " would hold them up t o " c r i t i c i s m , as men o f the world," and "sap the very foundation o f t h e i r present i n f l u e n c e . " Once caught i n the net the Bishop would never have the moral . 7 6 S e e Norman Sykes, Church and State i n England i n  the X f I I I Century (Cambridge, 1934), ch. I I . 185 s t a t u r e to work e f f e c t i v e l y a g a i n s t the Government. Having made the Bishop see where h i s i n t e r e s t s l a y , the L i e u t e n a n t -Governor, Sewell suggested, should request an act of the i m p e r i a l Parliament r e c o g n i z i n g the o f f i c e s o f Bishop and Coadjutor, and d e c l a r i n g them to be i n the absolute appoint-ment of the Grown. The Bishop, although consecrated by the Pope, would become, i n e f f e c t , the head of a government department, much l i k e the Archbishop of Canterbury. The cur£s and other c l e r i c s would be appointed by the Crown and h o l d t h e i r l i v i n g s at the Crown's pleasure. Sewell took great d e l i g h t i n contemplating the advantages of t h i s system i n terms of s e c u r i t y . The h i e r a r -chy "once embarked i n p u b l i c p o l i t i c s w i l l a c t l i k e other i n d i v i d u a l s , t h e i r dependence upon the Crown w i l l ensure t h e i r support i n a l l governmental measures." Since "the s p i r i t o f the R.C. r e l i g i o n exacts a r i g i d obedience t o E p i s c o p a l a u t h o r i t y , " the s p i r i t u a l i n f l u e n c e of the Bishops probably would " i n a l l cases be s u f f i c i e n t to d i r e c t the i n f e r i o r Clergy." The government appointment of the cur£s, moreover, would " i n no small degree con-t r i b u t e t o the good conduct of the i n f e r i o r C l e r g y, a l l of whom w i l l l i v e i n e x p e c t a t i o n of promotion t o b e t t e r l i v i n g s should they merit them by good behaviour." Some of "the more d i s t i n g u i s h e d among them w i l l regard e l e v a t i o n to Episcopal D i g n i t y as an honour w i t h i n t h e i r reach a t t a i n a b l e by l o y a l t y & e x e r t i o n i n support o f Government." These e x e r t i o n s would bear f r u i t since the "profound 186 ignorance & s u p e r s t i t i o n of the Country enable every Parish Priest to lead & govern hi s f l o c k as he i s directed." Sewell concluded his argument by noting that only through the measures he suggested could the government gain i t s proper influence i n the Legislature and insure the safety of the colony should i t again be faced with a "serious commotion" s i m i l a r to the r i o t s of 1794 and 1796. Thus the government anticipated that the enforcement of the supremacy would r e s u l t i n the weeding out of the d i s l o y a l clergy, greater e f f o r t s at the i n c u l c a t i o n of l o y a l t y and an Assembly e a s i l y controlled by the Governor. Just as one inherent defect of the Constitution of 1791 was to be r e c t i f i e d by the creation of an English a r i s t o -cracy, the o t h e r — t h e absence of s u f f i c i e n t " i n f l u e n c e s -would be corrected by exploiting the considerable patronage enjoyed by the Roman Catholic hierarchy. Such an Assembly--besides eliminating a forum for demagogues—could l e g i s -late such further steps i n a s s i m i l a t i o n as required. More-over, while neither Sewell nor Milnes mentioned i t , the enforcement of the supremacy would enable the Governor to appoint l i b e r a l l y minded cur^s to l i v i n g s who would gradually "introduce a Reformation of the Romish Church." 7 7 For a v a r i e t y of reasons not relevant to t h i s study, the policies', worked out by Milnes and his advisers i n the years 1799-1801 ultimately f a i l e d . The fact remains, however, 7 7Mountain to Milnes, 6 June 1805, PftC, S Series, v. 80: 2 4 9 7 5 . See also Ryland to , 23 Dec. 1804, C h r i s t i e , A History. VI, 72-73. that the demand f o r a n g l i f i c a t i o n o r i g i n a t e d p r i m a r i l y as a response to the assumed danger of French a t t a c k and Canadian r e b e l l i o n . The c o n v i c t i o n t h a t a n g l i f i c a t i o n was u r g e n t l y r e q u i r e d i n the i n t e r e s t s o f s e c u r i t y was t o remain a preoccupation o f the E n g l i s h to the end of our period of study, and would cont r i b u t e t o the emergence of the f i r s t s e l f - c o n s c i o u s ideology o f Canadian n a t i o n a l i s m . CHAPTER 6 NAPOLEON AND LOWER CANADA, 1803 - 1811 Given the exaggerated nature of t h e i r f e a r s the E n g l i s h were n a t u r a l l y c e r t a i n Bonaparte would make an attempt on Lower Canada, and be l i e v e d t h a t the Canadians, almost t o a man, would r a l l y t o the t r i c o l o u r . A'high-l y i n f l a t e d i d e a of the importance of Lower Canada i n Napoleonic s t r a t e g y , a c o n v i c t i o n t h a t the h a b i t a n t s would a c t i v e l y support a,French i n v a s i o n , a continued sense of being surrounded by h o s t i l e f o r c e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the un-a s s i m i l a t e d conquered s u b j e c t s , and a b e l i e f i n the e f f i c a c y o f conspiracy combined to s u s t a i n the g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y at a time when France took l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n the Canadians, the i n t e r n a l t h r e a t to s e c u r i t y was di m i -n i s h i n g y e a r l y , and the province was f r e e o f r i o t i n g . Yet the E n g l i s h doggedly found some b a s i s f o r f e a r i n a v a r i e t y of s i t u a t i o n s they could e a s i l y m i s i n t e r p r e t . An understanding o f Bonaparte's i n t e n t i o n s toward Lower Canada and the l i k e l y response o f the Canadians i f h i s troops should have found t h e i r way i n t o the v a l l e y o f the St. Lawrence providesbackground t o an a p p r e c i a t i o n o f the g a r r i s o n m e n t a l i t y and the combination o f f a c t and myth on which i t was based. 1 "''The most thoroughly researched account o f France's Canadian p o l i c y and the i n t r i g u e s of i t s agents i n the colony during these years i s contained i n Stuart Webster's unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s , "Napoleon and Canada". The h i g h l y d e t a i l e d n a r r a t i v e , while extremely u s e f u l f o r reference purposes, s u f f e r s from a document to document • approach, a f a i l u r e to e s t a b l i s h Rousse*s c r e d i b i l i t y and 189 S h o r t l y before the news reached Lower Canada that a r e l u c t a n c e t o g e n e r a l i z e . Webster does not attempt t o r e l a t e the i n t r i g u e s t o Canadian.or E n g l i s h . o p i n i o n . C l a r k i n Movements of P o l i t i c a l P r o t e s t (p. 193-94) men-t i o n s t h a t there were French i n t r i g u e s i n 1803 and c i t e s a few examples from the Q S e r i e s . Benjamin Suite asserted that Napoleon and h i s o f f i c i a l s i n the United S t a t e s showed no i n t e r e s t whatsoever i n attempting the conquest of Canada: "La c o n s p i r a t i o n de 1806," BJRH, 1898, 41-46. His l a t e r study ("Les p r o j e t s " ) which tended to r e f u t e t h i s a s s e r t i o n i s an unfootnoted jumble o f f a c t s . Claude De Bonnault's a r t i c l e , "Napoleon et l e Canada," r e l i e s l a r g e l y on Suite and other secondary a u t h o r i t i e s . E.A. Cruikshank's "The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f S i r James C r a i g " (TRSC, 1908, I I , .61-87) r e l a t e d some of the h i g h l i g h t s of Turreau's i n t e r e s t i n the colony. The Canadian r e a c t i o n to Napoleon has engaged l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n from h i s t o r i a n s . Wallot ( I n t r i g u e s ) r e f e r s i n passing to the general h o s t i l i t y to Bonaparte but beyond some very general p o i n t s (e.g. s t r e n g t h of monarchism, admiration of the B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n , the propaganda of the e l i t e ) does not analyze i t . De Bonnault concludes c o n f i d e n t l y from a review o f the secondary sources that i f Napoleon's troops had entered the colony " l e s troupes a n g l a i s e s n'avaient meme pas eu besoin de se montrer. Les h a b i t a n t s s'£taient charges eux-memes de r e j e t e r l e s Francais a l a mer." J.-Edmond Roy's a r t i c l e "Napoleon au Canada," (TRSC. 1911, I , 69-117) contains i n t e r e s t i n g and q u i t e complete d e t a i l on opinion--almost u n i v e r s a l l y h o s t i l e — w h i c h appeared i n the form of news-paper e d i t o r i a l s , songs, doggerel, e t c . Roy adduced proof to support many sound, i f obvious, judgments, v i z . the seigneurs' tendency to t h i n k o f Bonaparte as the "usurper" and the Popular Party's h o s t i l i t y to the d i c t a t o r i a l aspects of the i m p e r i a l regime. Although c i t i n g l i t t l e evidence beyond de Gasp^'s Memoires. he a l s o made the q u a l i f y i n g point that the Canadians g e n e r a l l y admired Bonaparte's m i l i t a r y genius. He a t t r i b u t e d the r e l a t i v e s i l e n c e of Le Canadien on Bonaparte's a t r o c i t i e s and the n e g l i g i b l e Canadian r e a c t i o n to T r a f a l g a r not o n l y t o a f e e l i n g of a l i e n a t i o n caused by the machinations of the " p a r t i - b u r e a u c r a t e , " but a l s o — a n d more d o u b t f u l l y — t o the e f f e c t the Concordat had on opinion, p a r t i c u l a r l y t h a t o f the c l e r g y . A few E n g l i s h speaking h i s t o r i a n s have made l a r g e l y unsubstantiated statements i m p l y i n g t h a t the h a b i t a n t s were e n t h u s i a s t i c at the prospect o f French reconquest (see e.g. Cruikshank, " A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f C r a i g , " 68; Morton, Kingdom o f Canada, 186. French Canadian h i s t o r i a n s d e a l i n g w i t h the point nave u s u a l l y contented themselves w i t h general statements which a s s e r t or imply that the h a b i t a n t s were h o s t i l e to the idea (see e.g. references t o De Bonnault, Roy and Wallot above; Chapais, Cours, I I , 213-14. 190 B r i t a i n was again a t war w i t h France, o f f i c i a l s learned t h a t French emissaries were i n the c o l o n y 2 and t h a t the common t a l k i n P a r i s suggested Napoleon would soon make some attempt at reconquest . 3 Although as u s u a l nothing m a t e r i a l i z e d , Lieutenant-Governor Milnes and h i s a d v i s e r s decided i t was e s s e n t i a l to f i n d some c e r t a i n means of determining' the i n t e n t i o n s o f the French government towards the Canadas. Richardson was appointed the task of employing Jacques Rousse as a double agent.4 The bargain was e f f e c t e d i n February I8O4 and the new spy was given the immediate task of d i s c o v e r i n g whether any atta c k was i n the o f f i n g . 5 Rousse, posing as a f r a n c o p h i l e seeking employment as an emissary, proceeded t o Washington and was granted an i n t e r v i e w by c i t i z e n Pichon, the French Charge d ' a f f a i r e s who had been a consul under Genet and knew Rousse p e r s o n a l l y . Pichon confided t h a t there had been "an ide a o f attempting the Invasion of Canada by some of the Embarkations intended f o r St. Domingo, on the p Daniel S u l l i v a n (a r e s i d e n t o f St. Johns) to Richardson, 21 May 1803, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 80: 24866-68; Same to Same, 20 June 1803, i b i d . , 25043-48; Mi l n e s t o Lord Hobart, 1 June 1803, PAC, CO 42, v. 121: 125-34; Richardson to Ryland, 27 June 1803, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 80: 25083-84. ^Stephen t o Jonathan Sewell, 26 May 1803, PAC, Sewell Papers, v. 4: 1637-38; Milnes t o Hobart, 1 June 1803, h. 2 above; Richardson'to ,Ryland, 13 June 1803, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 80: 25603. ^Ryland t o Richardson, 16 Jan. 1804, PAC, S S e r i e s , v. 82: 25637-38. 5Ri chardson to Ryland, 20 Feb. 1804, i b i d . , v. 83: 25709-12. 191 breaking out of the War but that the i d e a was dropt from v a r i o u s causes," The p l a n to a t t a c k was suspended f o r the present and " c e r t a i n l y could not be executed t h i s year, as England was too p o w e r f u l l at sea, and matters o f greater Importance were i n contemplation," The Charge" d ' a f f a i r e s urged Rousse that "the Friends of France i n Canada" should "remain q u i e t and avoid every t h i n g which could make them suspected," I f the Ambassador who would soon r e p l a c e Pichon had orders t o prepare the colony f o r i n s u r r e c t i o n , Rousse would be sent f o r immediately, 0 In November 1804 General Louis-Marie Turreau pre-sented h i s