UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The position of Women in T'ai-p'ing T'ien-kuo Pan, Yuh-Cheng 1971

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1971_A8 P35.pdf [ 8.49MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0101929.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0101929-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0101929-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0101929-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0101929-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0101929-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0101929-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0101929-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0101929.ris

Full Text

THE POSITION OF WOMEN IN T'AI-P'ING T'lEN-KUO by YUH-CHENG PAN B.A. Taiwan P r o v i n c i a l Chung Hsing U n i v e r s i t y , 1965 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1971 In present ing th i s thes i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i lmen t of the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the Un iver s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b ra ry sha l l make i t f r ee l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I f u r ther agree that permission for extens ive copying of th i s thes i s f o r s cho l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representat ives . It is understood that copying or pub l i ca t i on of th i s thes i s f o r f i nanc i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion. Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y The Un iver s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada 1 ABSTRACT The study attempts to assess the po s i t i o n of women i n T'al-p'ing T'ien-kuo ("The Heavenly Kingdom of Peace"), a reb e l l i o u s p o l i t i c a l movement that almost suc-ceeded i n overthrowing the Ch'ing dynasty i n mid-nineteenth century China. It i s argued that the r e b e l l i o n arose i n the context a peasant society s u f f e r i n g the varying d i s l o -cations of dynastic decline under the Impact of the West. It was a r e b e l l i o n that put forward a r a d i c a l s o c i a l pro-gram and one, esp e c i a l l y i n i t s p o l i c i e s towards women, that can be seen as a s i g n i f i c a n t departure from Chinese t r a d i t i o n . The study attempts to examine Taiping p o l i c y with regard to marriage and the familyj the establishment of separate quarters f o r women; the rol e of women i n educa-tions c i v i l examinations f o r women; women o f f i c e r s ; the a b o l i t i o n of (female) slavery; the pr o h i b i t i o n of adultery and p r o s t i t u t i o n ; and s o c i a l customs and personal adornments. The study i s based on Chinese and English sources. As unorthodox l i t e r a t u r e Taiping o f f i c i a l documents were prohibited and destroyed by the Ch'ing government. They were also greatly damaged by war. Some contemporary ac-counts i n English survive. The data are de f i c i e n t i n many respects and yet indicate the strength and weaknesses of the r e b e l l i o n and i t s program. Much of the Taiplng program was "western" i n o r i g i n and i s r e f l e c t i v e of the early Chris-i i t i a n i n f l u e n c e , d e r i v e d from Hong Kong through c e r t a i n T a l p i n g l e a d e r s , on the r e b e l l i o n . The r e b e l l i o n had i t s g r e a t e s t s t r e n g t h among the d i s a f f e c t e d , e s p e c i a l l y among the Hakka m i n o r i t y o f south China. I t i s argued t h a t Hakka custom was an important c o n t r i b u t o r y element t o the T a i p l n g p o l i c y f o r women. The r e b e l l i o n f a i l e d , and i t s program p e r i s h e d , f o r a number of reasons, not l e a s t o f which was the f a i l u r e o f T a i p l n g l e a d e r s h i p t o r i d i t s e l f o f c e r t a i n " t r a d i t i o n a l i n f l u e n c e s " . I f the r e b e l l i o n had succeeded, perhaps the emancipation o f Chinese women would not have been delayed u n t i l the t w e n t i e t h century. i l l TABLE OP CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I. MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 40 The T r a d i t i o n a l Marriage *K) The Taiping Marriage ^3 A Comparison between the T r a d i t i o n a l and the Taiping Marriages 55 The P o s i t i o n and Roles of Women i n a Tr a d i t i o n a l Family 56 The Po s i t i o n and Roles of Women i n a Taiping Family 58 Comparison and Summary .61 Footnotes 63 I I . WOMEN'S QUARTERS 66 The Establishment of the Separate Quarters and t h e i r Basic Aims ......66 Reasons f o r the Establishment of the Separate Quarters 67 The Organization of Women's Quarters 69 The Function of Women's Quarters 72 The Dissolution of Women's Quarters......... 76 The Significance of the Taiping Women's Quarters 80 Footnotes 81 i v CHAPTER Page I I I . EDUCATION 85 The T r a d i t i o n a l E d u c a t i o n System 85 Women's Education i n T r a d i t i o n a l China 87 The T a i p l n g E d u c a t i o n System 88 Women's Educati o n i n the Heavenly Kingdom o f Peace . . . . . 8 9 Comparison and Summary.. 91 Footnotes 92 IV. CIVIL EXAMINATIONS AND WOMEN OFFICERS 9^ The T r a d i t i o n a l C i v i l Examination System 9k The T a i p i n g C i v i l Examination System 9k A Comparison between the T r a d i t i o n a l and the T a i p i n g Systems 95 The T a i p l n g C i v i l Examination f o r Women and i t s Importance 96 The T a i p i n g O r g a n i z a t i o n of Women O f f i c e r s 97 Reasons f o r the Establishment o f the Women's C i v i l Examination and the Women's O f f i c i a l System 101 The Importance o f the T a i p i n g O r g a n i z a t i o n o f Women O f f i c e r s i n Chinese H i s t o r y 103 Footnotes 104 V. THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY AND THE PROHIBITION OF ADULTERY AND PROSTITUTION 106 S l a v e r y i n T r a d i t i o n a l China 106 The T a i p i n g P o l i c y on the A b o l i t i o n o f S l a v e r y 108 V CHAPTER Page Adultery and Prostitution in Traditional China i l l The Taiplng Policy on the Prohibition of Adultery and Prostitution 112 The Significance of the Taiping Policies towards Slavery, Adultery and Prostitution.... 115 Footnotes..... 116 VI. SOCIAL CUSTOMS AND PERSONAL ADORNMENTS 118 Foot-binding and Infanticide in Traditional China 118 The Prohibitions of Foot-binding and Infanticide in the Taiping Kingdom 120 The Carrying out of Men's Work by the Taiping V/omen 121 The Dress and Ornament of Traditional Chinese Women 122 The Taiping Women's Personal Adornments 123 The Sources of the Taiping Social Customs and Personal Adornments 125 Footnotes 128 VII. CONCLUSION 130 BIBLIOGRAPHY 136 TABLE OF TRANSLITERATION l48 v i I should l i k e to acknowledge the guidance and assistance given me by Dr. Graham E. Johnson, Dr. Edgar Wlckberg, and Dr. William E. Willmott i n the research and the writing of t h i s t h e s i s . 1 INTRODUCTION T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo (The Heavenly Kingdom of Peace) was a r e b e l l i o n i n China i n the middle p a r t o f the n i n e t e e n t h century. I t showed a p a r t of China's response t o the impact o f the West and r e - e v a l u a t i o n o f the t r a -d i t i o n a l Chinese c u l t u r e . Although the T a i p i n g s f i e r c e l y a t t a c k e d the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l o r d e r and Confucian e t h i c s , they d i d not overcome c e r t a i n t r a d i t i o n a l i n f l u e n c e s . When we i n v e s t i g a t e t h e i r i d e a s , i n s t i t u t i o n s and p o l i c i e s , we f i n d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l elements as w e l l as the n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l f a c t o r s — t h e y took c e r t a i n i d e a s from Confucianism, s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s , C h r i s t i a n i t y , Buddhism and a few minor sources, and juxtaposed o r mixed these t o g e t h e r i n such a way t h a t they produced new f e a t u r e s i n t h e i r r e l i g i o n , s o c i a l s t r u c -t u r e and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s e t c . . T h e r e f o r e , T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo may be regarded as a conglomeration which i s a product o f the cr o s s f e r t i l i z a t i o n o f c u l t u r e s . Many o f the r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l , m i l i t a r y and h i s t o r i c a l a s p e c t s o f T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo have been i n -v e s t i g a t e d and ana l y z e d and many qu e s t i o n s may now be con-s i d e r e d answered. However, one of the d i s t i n c t areas o f i n t e r e s t has r e c e i v e d o n l y l i m i t e d a t t e n t i o n from s c h o l a r s — the s t a t u s of women. My purpose i n t h i s study i s t o present a survey o f the p o s i t i o n o f women i n T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo. The p o s i t i o n o f the T a i p i n g women w i l l be d i s c u s s e d 2 i n terms o f marriage, family, women' s q u a r t e r s , education, c i v i l examinations and women o f f i c e r s , t he a b o l i t i o n o f s l a v e r y and the p r o h i b i t i o n o f a d u l t e r y and p r o s t i t u t i o n , s o c i a l customs and p e r s o n a l adornments. The T a i p i n g women were al l o w e d t o take c i v i l s e r v i c e examinations and t o h o l d c i v i l o r m i l i t a r y p o s i t i o n s . They had equal r i g h t s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d . T h e i r e d u c a t i o n was no l o n g e r n e g l e c t e d . Monogamy was promoted. F o o t - b i n d i n g , s l a v e r y , a d u l t e r y and p r o s t i t u t i o n were f o r -bidden. These were d r a s t i c changes i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese s o c i e t y . T h i s study t r i e s t o i n v e s t i g a t e and demonstrate the sources o f the T a i p i n g r e b e l s ' a t t i t u d e toward women, the r o l e s o f women i n the Kingdom, and the o p p o r t u n i t i e s and p o l i c i e s which T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo p r o v i d e d f o r women. A comparison between the p o s i t i o n o f the T a i p i n g women wit h t h a t o f the t r a d i t i o n a l women (mainly i n Ch'ing s o c i e t y ) w i l l be presented. T h i s t h e s i s i s concerned with both the t h e o r e t i c a l and the p r a c t i c a l spheres. For some areas of study (e.g. t h e i r e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ) i t i s unknown whether o r not t h e i r t h e o r i e s o r p o l i c i e s were put i n t o p r a c t i c e , because of the l a c k o f evidence. The work i s based on Chinese and E n g l i s h sources. As unorthodox l i t e r a t u r e , the T a i p i n g documents were p r o -3 h i b i t e d and de s t r o y e d by t h e Manchu government and were a l s o g r e a t l y damaged by the war. The o r i g i n a l l i t e r a t u r e o f the T a i p i n g s i s t h e r e f o r e extremely l i m i t e d . The Ch'ing o f f i c i a l r e c o r d s , Chinese commoners' w r i t i n g s and f o r e i g n e r s ' r e p o r t s a r e a l s o used as sources o f m a t e r i a l s . Because the m a t e r i a l s on the p o s i t i o n o f women i n T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo a r e not abundant and a r e l i m i t e d t o c e r t a i n areas (e.g., C h i n - l i n g , Wuhu) and t o c e r t a i n groups ( i . e . t h e T a i p i n g army and those women having c o n n e c t i o n w i t h o f f i c i a l d o m ) , my study can not cover the whole a r e a of the Kingdom. C o n d i t i o n s i n China China was, f o r the most p a r t , an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y , and i t s s o c i a l o r d e r depended t o a grea t extent on the proper d i s t r i b u t i o n of l a n d . A f t e r each major upheaval, the popu-l a t i o n was c o n s i d e r a b l y decreased so t h a t t h e r e was s u f f i c i e n t l a n d f o r the s u r v i v o r s , but a f t e r a p e r i o d o f peace the popu-l a t i o n I n c r e a s e i n e v i t a b l y r e s u l t e d i n a decrease i n per c a p i t a l a n d c u l t i v a t i o n . T h i s caused d i f f i c u l t i e s i n ear n i n g a l i v e l i h o o d , which l e d t o b a n d i t r y and u p r i s i n g s , u s u a l l y accompanied by a d m i n i s t r a t i v e i n e f f i c i e n c y , p o l i t i c a l c o r -r u p t i o n and moral d e g e n e r a t i o n . A p e r i o d o f d i s o r d e r f o l l o w e d , whereby the p o p u l a t i o n was once a g a i n g r e a t l y reduced u n t i l , t h e o r e t i c a l l y , a new balance was ach i e v e d between l a n d and people. A p e r i o d o f peace and order then set i n , s i g n a l i n g k the b e g i n n i n g o f a new c y c l e . In b r i e f , the a l t e r n a t i o n of o r d e r and d i s o r d e r was a way of m a i n t a i n i n g s o c i a l e q u i l i b r i -um. The Chinese b e l i e v e d g e n e r a l l y t h a t a s m a l l upheaval was t o be expected every t h i r t y years and a g r e a t tumult every 1 hundred y e a r s . A p p l y i n g t h i s concept t o the Ch'ing p e r i o d , we f i n d t h a t one and a h a l f c e n t u r i e s o f peace and p r o s p e r i t y under emperors K'ang-hsi, lung-cheng and Ch'ien-lung had n u r t u r e d a r a p i d growth i n p o p u l a t i o n , but t h a t the l a n d had not i n c r e a s e d c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y . The p o p u l a t i o n rose from 179 m i l l i o n i n 1750 t o ^30 m i l l i o n i n 1850, an i n c r e a s e of more than two hundred per cent i n a century; whereas the a r a b l e l a n d rose from 5^9 m i l l i o n mou (1 mou = 1/6 a c r e ) i n l 6 6 l t o 737 m i l l i o n i n I 8 3 3 , an i n c r e a s e of o n l y 35 per cent i n one and a h a l f c e n t u r i e s . The I n c r e a s e of a r a b l e l a n d was f a r behind t h a t of p o p u l a t i o n . The d i s c r e p a n c y between popu-l a t i o n and l a n d growth r e s u l t e d i n a sharp decrease i n per c a p i t a c u l t i v a t i o n . With 708 m i l l i o n mou i n 1753, each I n d i v i d u a l c o u l d t h e o r e t i c a l l y be a l l o t t e d 3.86 mou, but with 791 m i l l i o n mou i n 1812, o n l y 2 .19 mou per person c o u l d be expected. Between 1812 and 1833 not o n l y was t h e r e no i n -crease, but due t o n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s , t h e r e was a c t u a l l y a decrease I n a r a b l e l a n d , from 791 m i l l i o n mou t o 737 m i l l i o n , whereas the p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d from 361 m i l l i o n t o 398 m i l l i o n , l o w e r i n g the per c a p i t a c u l t i v a t i o n t o o n l y 1.86 2 mou. 5 Continuous shrinkage of i n d i v i d u a l l a n d h o l d i n g s might mean i n c r e a s i n g h a r d s h i p f o r the peasant. When the produce of the s m a l l acreage c o u l d no l o n g e r s u s t a i n a peasant's l i f e , he s o l d the l a n d and became a tenant. Once the l a n d was s o l d , the peasant was not l i k e l y t o buy i t back, because the r i c h owner would not s e l l except a t a v e r y good p r i c e which the peasant c o u l d not meet. T h i s r e s u l t e d i n the e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n of l a n d among the r i c h . As e a r l y as the middle of the 18th century, Ts'ao YUn Tsung Tu ( D i r e c t o r of G r a i n T r a n s p o r t ) , Ku Tsung requested the l i m i t a t i o n o f l a n d h o l d i n g s and suggested t h a t a f a m i l y should not have more than t h i r t y Ch'ing ( ^ 5 3 . 9 0 a c r e s ) . T h i s i n -d i c a t e d t h a t t h e r e might have been many f a m i l i e s which owned more than t h i r t y Ch'ing of l a n d . In the middle of the n i n e t e e n t h century, from ^0 t o 80 per cent of the l a n d was c o n c e n t r a t e d i n the hands of 10 t o 30 per cent of the people; the m a j o r i t y o f 6 0 t o 90 per cent of the people were l a n d l e s s . In a d d i t i o n t o t h i s , the b i g l a n d l o r d s were u s u a l l y so power-f u l t h a t they p a i d l i t t l e tax, whereas the average peasants, a l o n g with the r e g u l a r amount of tax, had t o pay t h r e e or f o u r times more which was i r r e g u l a r l y l e v i e d by the l o c a l g e n t r y , the tax c o l l e c t o r s and the l o c a l governors. The tenants u s u a l l y had t o pay 50 per cent of the y i e l d f o r r e n t , and as the r e n t was not p a i d i n k i n d but i n commuted money, i n the process of commutation, u s u a l l y another 30 per cent 6 was l e v i e d . For i n s t a n c e , a mou of l a n d which produced 3 s h l h o f g r a i n (1 s h i h = 100 c a t t i e s = 133 1/3 l b s . ; s h i h , a l s o c a l l e d p i c u l o r tan) should n o r m a l l y cost 1 . 5 s h i h f o r r e n t , but when commuted t o money payment a t 30 per cent e x t r a , the r e n t a c t u a l l y amounted t o 1.95 s h i h , l e a v i n g the farmer o n l y 1 . 0 5 s h i h f o r h i m s e l f . When the peasants c o u l d 3 not earn enough t o make a l i v i n g , they borrowed from u s u r e r s . The merchants, as w e l l as the l a n d l o r d s , were u s u a l l y u s u r e r s . The merchants manipulated p r i c e s i n o r d e r to make l a r g e r p r o f i t s . They l e n t money t o people a t ex-o r b i t a n t i n t e r e s t r a t e s . The owners of pawnshops, which were popu l a r i n China, always charged heavy i n t e r e s t . G e n e r a l l y speaking, w h i l e the l a n d l o r d s and the r i c h b u s i n e s s -men l i v e d a extravagant and comfortable l i f e , t he m a j o r i t y of the peasants had t o s t r u g g l e f o r a l i v i n g . Many d i s p l a c e d and unemployed peasants d r i f t e d t o the c i t i e s as p o r t e r s , dockhands and s a i l o r s , e t c . . However, t h e r e were not many i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s t o absorb the p o p u l a t i o n . T h e r e f o r e , many people went abroad t o seek a new l i f e w h i l e others were com-p e l l e d by hard l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s t o become r o v i n g beggars, opium or s a l t smugglers o r b a n d i t s . The unemployed people were a source of u n r e s t i n the s o c i e t y and became the ready m a t e r i a l f o r b a n d i t r y and r e b e l l i o n . These c o n d i t i o n s served as an I n d i r e c t o r remote cause of the T a i p i n g r e b e l l i o n . S i n c e the r e i g n o f the Tao-kuang Emperor (1821-7 1 8 5 0 ) , the imports of opium increased year by year, and China spent more than ten m i l l i o n d o l l a r s of s i l v e r on an average each year f o r opium. At the same time, China's imports greatly exceeded i t s exports. For example, from 1818 to 1 8 3 3 . the trade between China and two c o u n t r i e s — t h e B r i t i s h Empire and the United States—showed that the t o t a l Imports of China were valued at f402,012 , 3 8 5 , but the t o t a l exports were valued at only $ 3 6 8 , 5 2 8 , 7*4 - 0 . Both the imports of opium and the trade imbalance became greater and greater causing a continual outflow of s i l v e r and increasing i n f l a t i o n . The price of s i l v e r rose higher and higher—before the 1 9 t h century a t a e l (about 1 ± ounce) of s i l v e r was worth about one thousand d o l l a r s i n cash; by 18^5» i t had r i s e n to two thousand. This 1 0 0 per cent r i s e i n the exchange rate reduced a man's income by h a l f , f o r although both s i l v e r and cash were common currencies of the state, i t was the l a t t e r that was the basic medium of exchange i n the m a r k e t — r i c e was bought and wages were paid with cash. A shih of r i c e formerly sold f o r # 3 0 0 0 cash which could be exchanged f o r 3 t a e l s at the old rate of flOOO to 1 , but i n 18^5 i t could only be exchanged f o r 1 . 5 t a e l s at the i n f l a t e d rate of $ 2 0 0 0 to 1 . In e f f e c t , t h i s meant that the farmer's land tax burden was doubled because the amount of tax was fixed i n terms of s i l v e r . On the other hand, the Income of the labourers which was fi x e d i n terms of cash was paid i n cash, thus they a c t u a l l y got only one h a l f of the 8 s i l v e r value. The wages of a common laborer were about 5 $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 a year. He could not possibly maintain his family with that sum; accordingly, he had to go to the usurers f o r loans, which only plunged him hopelessly into debt, or he had to f l e e from h i s home town to become a vagrant beggar or a bandit. In r u r a l communities, many peasants, who could not a f f o r d taxes, l a i d waste to the land and ran away to earn a l i v e l i h o o d by other occupations or to become beggars or bandits just l i k e many poor labourers did. In b r i e f , the i n f l a t i o n of s i l v e r i n d i r e c t l y made the economic conditions of the common people worse. The di s i n t e g r a t i o n of l o c a l society as a consequence of the economic conditions was one of the major features i n nineteenth-century China. This c r i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n prepared the way f o r the operations of insurgents. It was a basic cause of the r e b e l l i o n . During the years of Tao-kuang (1821 - 1 8 5 0 ) , there were frequent natural calamities i n China. Among the major ones were a severe drought i n Honan i n 18^-7; the flooding of the Yangtze River over the four provinces of Hupeh, Anhwei, Kiangsu and Chekiang; the famine i n Kwangsi i n 18^9 and the s h i f t i n g of the course of the Yellow River from the southern to the northern channel i n Shantung i n I 8 5 2 which flooded a large area. M i l l i o n s of people suffered from these natural calamities. The Chinese peasants i n the 19th century were poor,—even i n times of good harvest they could barely manage to l i v e . Suffering from the lack of provisions, 9 people were e a s i l y swayed t o become b a n d i t s o r r e b e l s . In o r d e r t o have a more complete understanding of the o v e r a l l c o n d i t i o n s o f t h a t time, a f t e r b r i e f l y t o u c h i n g on the socio-economic c o n d i t i o n s a b o v e — t h e wide-spread p o v e r t y and e x p l o i t a t i o n , — i t i s nece s s a r y now t o study the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n , the ways i n which the Ch'ing o f f i c i a l s d e a l t w i t h such a d i s i n t e g r a t i n g s o c i e t y , and the r e a c t i o n s of the common people t o the socio-economic con-d i t i o n s . In the Ch'ing dynasty, the decision-making on personnel and p o l i c y being so h e a v i l y concentrated i n the throne, once the q u a l i t y o f i m p e r i a l l e a d e r s h i p d i m i n i s h e d , the e n t i r e system began t o s i n k under the e f f e c t s o f i n e r t i a and c o r r u p t i o n . By the 1770's, i n the Emperor Ch'ien-lung's o l d age, the e s s e n t i a l communication between the monarch and the p r i n c i p a l o f f i c i a l s o f the empire was no l o n g e r maintained. When Ho-shen was i n the top post a t court (1776-99)> c o r -r u p t i o n was rampant i n the m e t r o p o l i t a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i n the armies, and i n the p r o v i n c e s . Evidence abounds of Ho-shen e x a c t i n g l a r g e b r i b e s from g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l s , governors and f i n a n c e commissioners, and i t f e l l upon the chou and h s i e n m a g i s t r a t e s t o produce the funds by imposing i r r e g u l a r l e v i e s on the people. As e a r l y as 1674, the s a l e o f l i t e r a r y t i t l e s and lower government p o s t s — o f f i c e r s o f magi s t r a c y o r magis-t r a t e s — w a s f i r s t adopted by the government. As time went 10 on, more ranks and o f f i c i a l positions were purchasable. The government o f f i c i a l s were characterized by s u p e r f i c i a l i t y , temporization, and i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . L i t t l e or no attention was paid to people's welfare. Of the more "conscientious" o f f i c i a l s who were r e l a t i v e l y free from corruption, some passed t h e i r time i n l i t e r a r y a c t i v i t i e s , while others read Buddhist scr i p t u r e s . They considered themselves l o f t y and refined, regarding those o f f i c i a l s who busied themselves with administration as vulgar. A f t e r spending money on the purchase of an o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n , a man was l i k e l y to t r y to recover i t during his o f f i c e . Many of the o f f i c i a l s took i t f o r granted that they might obtain some extra money from the public funds or d i r e c t l y from the people i n order to 6 make up f o r t h e i r i n s u f f i c i e n t regular s a l a r i e s . When feuding or banditry arose, the l o c a l governors usually kept s i l e n t as i f there were no such occurrence. The deterioration of the Ch'ing administration continued* The two emperors who ruled i n the f i r s t h a l f of the nineteenth century, Chia-ch'ing (1796-1820) and Tao-kuang (1821-50) were well-intentioned enough, but both surrounded themselves with either incompetent tlmeservers or men who were corrupt. Nothing was done to correct the abuses of the Ch'ing armies, and governor-generals and governors were not encouraged to t r y to reform the l o c a l 7 administrations. 11 The q u i e s c e n t and l a i s s e z - f a i r e p o l i c y o f the l o c a l o f f i c e r s p r o v i d e d f a v o u r a b l e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r the a c t i v i t i e s of the s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s , which were or g a n i z e d on the p r e t e x t of f r e e i n g the Chinese from the Manchu op p r e s s i o n and r e t u r n i n g China t o the Chinese. P a i - l i e n c hlao (White L o t u s S o c i e t y ) i n the North and T ' i e n - t i h u l (Heaven and E a r t h S o c i e t y ) , a l s o known as San-ho h u i , San-t i e n h u i , and Hung-men, i n the South were the most important. They were anti-Manchu and t h e i r members were mostly poor workers and peasants. Among the many u p r i s i n g s of the s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s , the major ones were as f o l l o w s . In 1786, L i n Shuang-wen of T ' i e n - t i h u i l e d a r i o t a g a i n s t the Manchu tro o p s i n Taiwan which l a s t e d f o r a whole year. The members of the White Lotus S o c i e t y s t a r t e d a war a g a i n s t the Manchu r u l e r s which l a s t e d t e n years (1793-1802) i n f i v e p r o v i n c e s — Hupei, Honan, Szechwan, Shensi and K a n s u — a n d f o r c e d the Manchu government i n t o an expensive m o b i l i z a t i o n of the f o r c e s o f the whole empire i n o r d e r t o wipe out the r e b e l l i o n . In 1812, the members o f T ' i e n - l i c h i a o , a branch of the White Lo t u s S o c i e t y , attempted a coup d' e t a t i n the Peking p a l a c e . Besides the a c t i v i t i e s of T ' i e n - t i h u i and P a i - l i e n c h i a o , the Mohammedans i n Kansu and S i n k i a n g r e b e l l e d a g a i n s t the r u l e of t h e Manchu government s e v e r a l times i n the 18th and the 19th c e n t u r i e s . Chao Chin-lung, a man of the Yao ( m i n o r i t y i n Southwest China) s t a r t e d a r i o t i n Hunan i n 8 1832. These I n s u r r e c t i o n s were r e a c t i o n s t o the malad-12 m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Ch'ing dynasty and t o the depressed socio-economic c o n d i t i o n s . They demonstrated how i n t o l e r a b l e the c o n d i t i o n s of China were a t t h a t time. They a l s o demon-s t r a t e d t h a t the T a i p i n g r e b e l l i o n was born i n a s i t u a t i o n a l r e a d y f u l l o f r i o t s and u p r i s i n g s . The a c t i v i t i e s o f s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s might have s t i m u l a t e d the T a i p i n g r e b e l l i o n . As e a r l y as the K'ang-hsi p e r i o d ( 1 6 6 2 - 1 7 2 2 ) , the Manchu P a - c h ' i (the E i g h t Banners) Army had degenerated t o such a p o i n t as t o be unable t o suppress San-fan (the R e v o l t o f the Three Feudations, I 6 7 3 - 8 I ) and the court had had t o r e l y on L u - y i n g (the Chinese Green B a r r a c k s ) . By the time of the White Lotus R e b e l l i o n i n 1 7 9 6 - 1 8 0 4 , the Chinese army had l o s t i t s v i g o r too. The s e c u r i t y of v i l l a g e s (or towns) depended f o r the most p a r t on l o c a l s e l f - d e f e n s e corps. Both the Manchu and Chinese t r o o p s had f o r f e i t e d the people's r e s p e c t and f e a r . Moreover, the d e f e a t i n the Opium War 9 r e v e a l e d the m i l i t a r y weakness of the dynasty. The govern-ment tro o p s were a f r a i d of the B r i t i s h . They regarded r e -t r e a t on the eve of the b a t t l e as ' o l d custom' and the abandonment of p l a c e s they should h o l d as an 'ord i n a r y a f f a i r ' On the o t h e r hand, some Chinese people had d i f f e r e n t r e a c t i o n s t o the f o r e i g n a g g r e s s i o n . In S a n - y u a n - l i (a v i l l a g e c l o s e t o Canton) f o r example, s e v e r a l thousand people gathered a g a i n s t the B r i t i s h t r o o p s . Those Cantonese who had had contact with the f o r e i g n e r s f o r a l o n g time had a sharp 13 n a t i o n a l i s t i c c o nsciousness. They were b e n e f i t e d d u r i n g the e a r l y p a r t of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a d e , but had s u f f e r e d a sudden d e p r e s s i o n d u r i n g and a f t e r the Opium War when Canton was no l o n g e r the s o l e t r a d i n g p o r t . Thus, r a c i a l and economic f a c t o r s made them f i g h t a g a i n s t the B r i t i s h t r o o p s . However, i n order t o a v o i d t r o u b l e , the B r i t i s h d i d not o f f e r much r e s i s t a n c e l e a d i n g the people t o b e l i e v e t h a t the B r i t i s h were a f r a i d o f them. Thus i t gave r i s e t o a proverb, "The people a r e a f r a i d of o f f i c i a l s , the o f f i c i a l s a r e a f r a i d o f the f o r e i g n d e v i l s and the f o r e i g n d e v i l s a r e a f r a i d of the people." When the people thought t h a t they c o u l d f r i g h t e n those whom even the Chinese o f f i c i a l s were 11 a f r a i d o f , they f e l t themselves t o be v e r y p o w e r f u l . T h i s k i n d o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r c o u l d have caused people t o be brave enough t o r e b e l . L o c a l C o n d i t i o n s As compared with o t h e r p r o v i n c e s , Kwangtung p r o v i n c e had more c o n t a c t s with the West b e f o r e the Opium War. The Cantonese c o u l d have gained the Western idea s through t h e i r c o n t a c t s w i t h the f o r e i g n businessmen and m i s s i o n a r i e s . T h i s was one o f the c o n d i t i o n s under which the T a i p i n g Re-b e l l i o n a r o s e . The l o c a l governors i n Kwangsi p r o v i n c e , a d j a c e n t t o Kwangtung, were e s p e c i a l l y c o r r u p t . They l e t b a n d i t r y 14 and r i o t i n g f o l l o w t h e i r n a t u r a l courses and cared n o t h i n g f o r the w e l f a r e of the people. A l s o because the l o c a l s e l f -defense f o r c e s were comparatively weak, Kwangsi had been a harbor f o r b a n d i t s and s t a r v e l i n g s f o r many y e a r s . The n a t i v e people and the Hakka, or guest s e t t l e r s who moved i n from o t h e r p a r t s of China, f r e q u e n t l y fought a g a i n s t each 12 o t h e r . A f t e r the Opium War, the l o s s of the t r a d e monopoly and the c o m p e t i t i o n o f the new t r e a t y p o r t s caused unemploy-ment i n Canton and a l o n g the i n t e r i o r t r a d e routes connected with i t . P i r a t e s , who had been e l i m i n a t e d from the South China Coast by the B r i t i s h , went t o Kwangsi. T h i s added a f u r t h e r f a c t o r of i n s e c u r i t y t o the r e g i o n . The o r i g i n a l s i t e of the T a i p i n g r e b e l l i o n was C h i n - t ' i e n v i l l a g e , K u e i - p ' i n g d i s t r i c t which was one of the d i s t r i c t s of the Hsln-chou P r e f e c t u r e i n southeast Kwangsi p r o v i n c e . Hsin-chou P r e f e c t u r e was d i r e c t l y a c -c e s s i b l e by H s l - k i a n g (the West r i v e r ) from Kwang-chou (or Canton) and Hong-kong. Thus, i t was exposed e a r l y t o the i n f l u e n c e s o f f o r e i g n business and m i s s i o n a r i e s . More than one hundred years e a r l i e r , g r e a t q u a n t i t i e s o f f o r e i g n goods had f l o o d e d these d i s t r i c t s . The pawnshops, run by both Cantonese o r l o c a l people, were numerous i n K u e i - p ' i n g and always charged heavy i n t e r e s t . The average i n t e r e s t on borrowed money was t h i r t y 15 per cent and even i n some i n s t a n c e s , f o r t y o r f i f t y per cent. Borrowed g r a i n and overdue r e n t were r e t u r n e d a t t h e r a t e of one and a h a l f s h i h f o r one s h i h . However, i n t e r e s t v a r i e d a c c o r d i n g t o the p r o s p e r i t y o r d e p r e s s i o n o f the season and the l e n g t h o f time of the l o a n . There were oth e r forms o f l e n d i n g known as fan g -hua and mai-ch'ing l i u - t ' u . Pang-hua meant t h a t , i n order t o o b t a i n a l o a n , the peasants i n need o f money had t o lower the p r i c e o f t h e i r g r a i n with the purpose of s e l l i n g i t b e f o r e i t was mature. In mai-ch'ing l i u - t ' u , the peasants n o m i n a l l y s o l d the t r e e s on t h e i r own l a n d i n borrowing money from the l e n d e r s , who, a f t e r w a i t i n g a few years f o r the t r e e s t o mature, then f e l l e d them. In o t h e r words, the l e n d e r s not o n l y took p o s s e s s i o n o f the t r e e s , but a l s o used the peasant's l a n d t o grow them, thus o b t a i n i n g even g r e a t e r p r o f i t s . At t h a t time, the annexation of l a n d by landowners (or the r i c h people) was a b i g problem. In K u e i - h s i e n , K u e i -p ' i n g , and P'ing-nan d i s t r i c t s , l a n d was conc e n t r a t e d i n the hands of a few. In K u e i - h s i e n , f o r example, t h r e e f a m i l i e s 13 owned s i x t y p e r cent o f a l l l a n d i n the d i s t r i c t . S i n c e t h e l a n d became more concentrated i n the hands of a few and the number o f peasants who l o s t t h e i r l a n d Increased d a i l y , the peasants' demand f o r l a n d became more and more urgent. The l a n d l o r d s and the r i c h merchants who were i n c o n t r o l o f l a r g e areas of l a n d , took advantage of t h i s t o c a r r y out c r u e l 16 r e n t e x p l o i t a t i o n of the peasants who depended on the l a n d f o r a l i v i n g . The r a t e o f the rent a t t h a t time was, i n most cases, 100 seeds, 1 0 0 0 r e n t — f o r l a n d t h a t r e q u i r e d 1 0 0 c h i n (a measure o f weight, a c a t t y f i x e d a t 1 . 3 3 l b . ) o f seeds, 1 0 0 0 c h i n o f g r a i n was the r e n t . In some cases, f o r l a n d r e q u i r i n g 1 0 0 c h i n o f seeds, 1 5 0 0 or 1 6 0 0 c h i n r e n t was c o l l e c t e d . The h i g h e s t r e n t was 2 0 0 0 c h i n f o r 100 c h i n of seeds. I t was v e r y d i f f i c u l t f o r the peasants t o c u l t i v a t e t h e f i e l d s of l a n d l o r d s . Besides paying r e n t , they sometimes had t o work f o r the l a n d l o r d without g e t t i n g wages from him. When the l a n d l o r d (or h i s a t t o r n e y ) came t o c o l l e c t the r e n t , they had t o e n t e r t a i n him. On New Year's Day o r a t some ot h e r f e s t i v a l s , they a l s o had t o send pres e n t s t o the l a n d -l o r d . The peasants u s u a l l y owed the l a n d l o r d some money, and once the debt was owed, i t became d i f f i c u l t t o repay i t back u n t i l , f i n a l l y , they had t o s e l l t h e i r c h i l d r e n and consequently broke up t h e i r f a m i l i e s and e v e n t u a l l y p e r i s h e d . When they c o u l d not a f f o r d t o pa^r taxes o r r e n t , they had no a l t e r n a t i v e but t o run away. Peasants who had s u f f e r e d from e x p l o i t a t i o n from t h e i r l a n d l o r d s f o r a l o n g time had sunk i n t o poverty and famine. Moreover, t h e r e was e x o r b i t a n t e x p l o i t a t i o n by t r a d e r s and u s u r e r s . A l s o , because of the huge indemnity a f t e r the Opium War which caused the Ch'ing dynasty's heavy 17 t r i b u t e s and m i s c e l l a n e o u s taxes, the peasants e i t h e r l o s t t h e i r l a n d or were on the b r i n k of death. The d i s t r e s s e s i n t h e i r l i v e s need not be mentioned. T h e r e f o r e , when the T ' a i - p ' i n g r e b e l l i o n f i r s t s t a r t e d , t h e r e was a s l o g a n , "Land i n L i e n - t ' a n g and Ch'iao-t'ang can be t i l l e d by a l l . Death t o the people o f S h i h - t ' o u - c h i a o . " T h i s meant t h a t a l l the l a n d l o r d s i n S h l h - t * o u - c h i a o v i l l a g e should be put t o death, and the l a n d which p r o v i d e d more than one m i l l i o n c h i n r e n t i n L i e n - t ' a n g v i l l a g e and Ch'iao-t'ang v i l l a g e b e l o n g i n g t o absentee S h i h - t ' o u - c h i a o l a n d l o r d s , was t o be r e d i s t r i b u t e d t o a l l . T h i s r e f l e c t e d the urgency o f the peasants' demand f o r l a n d a t t h a t time and the degree of t h e i r h a t r e d towards the l a n d l o r d s . In a d d i t i o n t o the e x p l o i t a t i o n mentioned above, t h e r e were n a t u r a l c a l a m i t i e s . A c c o r d i n g t o the r e c o r d s of Hsln-ohou f u - c h l h . t h e r e was a g r e a t drought i n 1830 (the t e n t h year o f the r e i g n o f Tao-kuang Emperor), a l o c u s t plague i n 1833, i n 1834, l o c u s t s and f l o o d s , and i n the v i l l a g e s o f Ta-hsuan, r i v e r s from the t h r e e mountain areas of Peng-hua, Tzu-ching, and Wu-chih overran t h e i r banks cau s i n g t h r e e f e e t of f l o o d water on the p l a i n . In 1840 and a g a i n i n 1848 i n Hsin-chou t h e r e was a g r e a t drought. The p r i c e of r i c e was v e r y h i g h . The famine was d i s a s t r o u s . Thus we can e a s i l y see t h a t the peasants who had a l r e a d y s u f f e r e d e x p l o i t a t i o n on the one hand and years of c a l a m i t y 18 on the other, l i v e d an extremely d i f f i c u l t l i f e . The r u l e r s of the Ch'ing became so accustomed t o the s u f f e r i n g o f the peasants t h a t they i g n o r e d i t . At the same time, the l o c a l o f f i c i a l s promoted the c o n s t r u c t i o n , and r e p a r a t i o n of temples. A c c o r d i n g t o Hsln-chou f u - c h l h , i n 1 8 3 5 they b u i l t the Fu-po Temple i n P'ing-nan f In 1 8 3 6 , they b u i l t i n Hsin-chou the a n c e s t o r temple of Pa-kung and the temple of General Liu-meng. In 1 8 4 2 , they b u i l t Wen-chang temple i n P'ing-nan and r e b u i l t Ch'eng-fruang temple (the temple of the C i t y God). In 1 8 4 3 , they b u i l t the San-yuan temple i n P'ing-nan and i n 1 8 4 7 renovated the temple of the God of the Underworld i n K u e i - h s i e n . The years of c o n s t r u c t i o n and r e n o v a t i o n cost over 2 0 , 0 0 0 t a e l s i n g o l d . The expense or l a b o u r i n e v i t a b l y f e l l on the shoulders of the peasants. T h i s i n t e n s i f i e d the e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the peasants. Under such circumstances, peasants were f o r c e d t o r e b e l f o r t h e i r s u r v i v a l . D uring the years o f Tao-kuang (1821 - 1 8 5 0 ) , t h e r e were r i o t s and r e v o l t s i n Kwangsi; f o r i n s t a n c e , the u p r i s i n g of Chang C h i a - h s i a n g i n K u e i - h s i e n , Chang C h i a - f u i n Ch'ing-yttan, Cheng A-kuei i n L i u - c h o u , L i a n g A - c h i u i n Wu-hsuan, Ch'tl Chen-tsu i n Hs'iang-chou, e t c . . Most o f these people were members of T ' i e n - t i h u i o r had some a s s o c i a t i o n with i t . They r e b e l e d a g a i n s t the Ch'ing r u l e r s and l a n d l o r d s . At t h a t time, the s t r u g g l e between the Hakka 19 (most of them emigrated from a Hakka d i s t r i c t — C h i a - y i n g -chou i n Kwangtung p r o v i n c e ) , and the P u n t i (the n a t i v e s of Kwangsi pr o v i n c e ) i n Hsin-chou f u , the o r i g i n a l p r e f e c t u r e of the T a i p l n g R e b e l l i o n , was v e r y Intense. The h o s t i l i t y i n v o l v e d not o n l y f a m i l i e s , but a l s o v i l l a g e s o r s e v e r a l d i s t r i c t s . Because the l o c a l o f f i c i a l s seldom mediated feuds and u s u a l l y l e t them f o l l o w t h e i r n a t u r a l courses, they were rampant among the Hakka and the P u n t i . Both the Hakka and the P u n t i engaged i n c u l t i v a t i o n f o r a l i v i n g , and because the p o p u l a t i o n was I n c r e a s i n g w h i l e t h e a r a b l e l a n d was extremely l i m i t e d , the c o n f l i c t over l a n d seemed t o be an i n e v i t a b l e outcome. R e l i g i o u s d i f f e r e n c e s were a l s o a cause of the s t r u g g l e . Many Hakka took up C h r i s t i a n i t y w h i l e the n a t i v e s p e r s i s t e d i n t h e i r worship of i d o l s and s p i r i t s . The Hakka a t t a c k e d the n a t i v e s f o r t h e i r super-s t i t i o n and the n a t i v e s d e s p i s e d Hakka f o r a c c e p t i n g a h e t e r -odox f o r e i g n f a i t h . One example of the r e s u l t i n g c o n f l i c t s was r e p o r t e d i n K u e l - h s i e n . I t happened t h a t a r i c h person among the Hakka f o r c e d an a t t r a c t i v e n a t i v e woman t o marry him. A feud ensued, r e s u l t i n g i n the u t t e r d e f e a t o f the Hakka. S i n c e a l l t h e i r l a n d was s e i z e d by the v i c t o r i o u s n a t i v e s and they had no p l a c e t o l i v e , the t h r e e thousand 15 vanquished e v e n t u a l l y Joined the T a i p i n g r e b e l s i n I 8 5 O . The events and c o n d i t i o n s c i t e d above i l l u s t r a t e t h a t the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s o f China 20 were d i s i n t e g r a t i n g and e x p l a i n why the r e b e l l i o n s t a r t e d 16 i n Hsin-chou f u , Kwangsi p r o v i n c e . A Short H i s t o r y o f the R e b e l l i o n Hung Hsiu-chttan, the founder of the T ' a i - p ' i n g t ' i e n - k u o , was born i n Hua-hslen, Kwangtung p r o v i n c e , i n 181^. O r i g i n a l l y , a v i l l a g e s c h o o l t e a c h e r , he had taken the c i v i l s e r v i c e examinations f o r the H s i u - t s a i degree s e v e r a l times, but had f a i l e d . On one o c c a s i o n , i n Canton, he was g i v e n a s e r i e s of b o o k l e t s under the g e n e r a l t i t l e o f Chtlan-shih i i a n g -yen w r i t t e n by a C h r i s t i a n , L i a n g Fa. The d o c t r i n e s o f Hung's Sh a n g - t i - h u i (God S o c i e t y o r P a l S h a n g - t l - h u i , God Worshipper's S o c i e t y ) were based on these b o o k l e t s . Combining what he had l e a r n e d from these books with the v i s i o n s of a s e r i o u s i l l n e s s which he had had i n 1837, he e s t a b l i s h e d S h a n g - t i - h u i i n 18^3 and s t a r t e d t o preach h i s 17 b e l i e f . He claimed t h a t God (Jehovah o r Jah) was the Heavenly Father, Jesus was the f i r s t son of God, and he h i m s e l f was J e s u s ' younger b r o t h e r , t h a t t h e Chinese were the chosen people and he, the t r u l y a p p ointed son of Heaven, descended from Heaven i n order t o save the Chinese. The people who j o i n e d S h a n g - t i - h u i were t o be t r e a t e d e q u a l l y . The male members were b r o t h e r s ; the female, s i s t e r s . A l l members should worship o n l y one God, not any a n c e s t o r s or i d o l s , and b e l i e v e i n Jesus C h r i s t , who could redeem one's s i n s and h e l p one t o 21 be good, In the hope t h a t a f t e r death the s o u l c o u l d enter p a r a d i s e and enjoy permanent happiness. The r e l i g i o u s cermonies and p r a c t i c e s i n c l u d e d d e s t r o y i n g i d o l s , bowing and kowtowing t o the sky, burning i n c e n s e , l i g h t i n g candles, and o f f e r i n g wine and s a c r i f i c i a l d i s h e s . In I8* l 4 , Hung l o s t h i s job as a t e a c h e r because he d e s t r o y e d Confucian t a b l e t s . Then he and h i s c l o s e a s s o c i a t e , Feng Xtin-shan, went t o Kwangsi t o preach and f i n d a s u i t a b l e p l a c e t o s t a r t a r e b e l l i o n . However, i n 18^5» Hung went back t o h i s home town and r e c e i v e d a t e a c h i n g job a g a i n . During h i s years i n Kwangtung, he wrote books which formed the e s s e n t i a l p a r t of h i s r e l i g i o u s and r e v o l u t i o n a r y t h e o r y . L a t e r , he went t o Canton f o r two months t o study the B i b l e under the Reverend I. J . Roberts, a Southern B a p t i s t m i s s i o n a r y . At the same time, Feng Ytln-shan remained In Kwangsi t o preach t h e i r r e l i g i o n and r e c r u i t members. I t was Feng who s e l e c t e d Tzu-ching-shan, n o r t h of K u e i - p ' i n g , as the headquarters of the r e b e l l i o n . Thus, wh i l e Hung was the t h e o r e t i c a l l e a d e r , Feng Ytin-shan was the r e a l manager and a c t u a l p l a n n e r of the r e b e l l i o n . In J u l y 18^7, Hung j o i n e d Feng a t Tzu-ching-shan where the Shang-t i - h u i was s y s t e m a t i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d and where t h e r e were more 18 than t h r e e thousand members. Along with Hung and Feng, Yang H s i u - c h ' i n g , Hsiao Ch'ao-kuei, Wei Ch'ang-hui and S h i h T a - k a i were ot h e r capable 22 members t o a c t as l e a d e r s o f t h e i r movement i n 1 8 5 0 . Hung, Feng, Yang, S h i h were Hakkas, and p o s s i b l y H s i a o Ch'ao-kuel and Wei Ch'ang-hui were a l s o Hakkas. As f o r t h e i r o r i g i n a l f o l l o w e r s , s e v e r a l thousand of them were Hakka farmers, a few hundred were c h a r c o a l workers, about one thousand were miners. However, t h e r e were a few r i c h farmers, w e l l -educated people and merchants, and a l s o many members of s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s , Hakka b a n d i t s and a few thousand o f the Hakka t r o o p s who had been s e r v i n g f o r the Manchu cause and r e v o l t e d t o j o i n the T a i p i n g s . Thus, i t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e Hakka p l a y e d major p a r t s i n both the l e a d e r s h i p and the 19 f o l l o w i n g of the T a i p i n g r e b e l l i o n . In June 1 8 5 0 , the r e b e l s were concentrated and o r g a n i z e d a t C h l n - t ' i e n . They s t a r t e d t o march towards Wu-hsuan and Hs'iang-chou i n A p r i l , I 8 5 1 and a r r i v e d a t Yung-an i n September of the same year. In Yung-an, Hung named h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n T ' a l - p ' l n g t'ien-kuo (the Heavenly Kingdom of Peace). He was c a l l e d T ' i e n Wang (the Heavenly K i n g ) . T i t l e s were c o n f e r r e d on the o t h e r l e a d e r s as f o l l o w s : Tung Wang (the E a s t e r n K i n g ) — Y a n g H s l u - c h ' i n g , a c h a r c o a l worker i n K u e i - p ' i n g . I n March 1848, Yang claimed h i m s e l f t o be a communicator of the w i l l of God, and Hung acknowledged i t t o be t r u e . He was f u l l o f plans and good a t s t r a t e g y and made the commander-in-chief i n 1 8 5 0 . H s l Wang (the Western K i n g ) — H s i a o Ch'ao-kuei, b r o t h e r - i n - l a w of Hung, was a farmer. 2 3 He claimed h i m s e l f t o be a communicator of the w i l l of Jesus C h r i s t , and Hung a l s o r e c o g n i z e d i t . Nan Wang (the Southern K i n g ) — F e n g Yun-shan, o r i g i n a l l y a v i l l a g e s c h o o l t e a c h e r , was one o f Hung's f i r s t two converts (the o t h e r was Hung Jen-kan, Hung's c o u s i n ) . P e i Wang (the Northern K i n g ) — Wei Ch'ang-hui was a s m a l l l a n d l o r d and pawnshop owner of C h i n - t ' i e n v i l l a g e . During the g r e a t famine of 18^9, he had g i v e n away much g r a i n and money and so had a l a r g e member of s u p p o r t e r s . He l e d the members of h i s whole c l a n t o j o i n the r e b e l l i o n . I wang (the Wing K i n g ) — S h i h T a - k a i , a r i c h farmer of K u e i - h s i e n , was r e p o r t e d t o be the best educated man among the T a i p i n g s and t o e x c e l l i n both m i l i t a r y and l i t e r a r y a f f a i r s . Under the Heavenly Kin g , Yang H s i u - c h ' i n g (the E a s t e r n King) was p l a c e d i n c o n t r o l of the whole a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . During the days a t Yung-an, the crude forms of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l systems were i n s t i t u t e d . At Yung-an, the T a i p i n g s were besieged by the government tro o p s from the w i n t e r o f 1851 t o A p r i l 1852. A f t e r escaping from the s i e g e , they marched t o K u e i - l l n , the c a p i t a l of Kwangsi, and l a t e r t o Ch'tlan-chou. Feng Ytln-shan (Nan Wang) was k i l l e d near Ch'tlan-chou i n I852. L a t e r on, H s i a o Ch'ao-kuei (Hsl Wang) was a l s o k i l l e d on t h e b a t t l e f i e l d of Ch'ang-sha. A f t e r p a s s i n g through Hunan, Hupei, f i n a l l y , the T a i p i n g s took C h i n - l i n g (Nanking) on 24 March 1 9 , 1 8 5 3. I t took o n l y twenty-seven months t o cover the l a r g e a r e a from Kwangsi t o Nanking. A f t e r the T a i p i n g s conquered C h i n - l i n g , they e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r c a p i t a l t h e r e and named i t T ' i e n - c h i n g . The number o f t h e i r f o l l o w e r s had grown t o over t h r e e m i l l i o n . About o n e - t h i r d o f t h e i r f o l l o w e r s were t r o o p s . In the same year ( 1 8 5 3 ) , Hung sent an e x p e d i t i o n t o North China with the purpose of c a p t u r i n g Peking. T h i s n o r t h e r n e x p e d i t i o n reached the v i c i n i t y of T ' i e n t s i n , however, i t was completely d e f e a t e d i n 1 8 5 5 » because i t was comparatively weak (only about 5 0 » ° 0 ° t r o o p s ) , communication l i n e s were not w e l l maintained, c a v a l r y was n o n - e x i s t e n t , and they were not used t o the extremely c o l d weather. Another e x p e d i t i o n was sent westward t o r e t a k e K l a n g s i , Anhwei, Hupei, and Hunan which the T a i p i n g s had r a p i d l y passed through. A c c u s i n g the T a i p i n g s of d e s t r o y i n g Chinese t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e , Tseng Kuo-fan, a h i g h r a n k i n g o f f i c i a l o f the Manchu government, org a n i z e d the l o c a l t r o o p s o f Hunan t o f i g h t a g a i n s t Hung's C h r i s t i a n army. Tseng Kuo-f a n ' s t r o o p s were badly harassed by the T a i p i n g s . At the same time, the Manchu f o r c e under the command of Hsiang Jung, which had pursued the T a i p i n g s from Kwangsi t o C h i n - l i n g and had encamped near C h i n - l i n g f o r many years, was crushed. Prom the b e g i n n i n g of the r e b e l l i o n u n t i l I 8 5 6 , the T a i p i n g s were q u i t e s u c c e s s f u l except f o r the f a i l u r e of 25 the n o r t h e r n e x p e d i t i o n . The main reasons f o r t h e i r success were as f o l l o w s . F i r s t , t h e i r i d e o l o g y was e f f e c t i v e — i t was not o n l y a pure r e l i g i o u s movement, but a l s o a r a c i a l and p o l i t i c a l u p r i s i n g intended t o overthrow the c r u e l l a n d l o r d s , the c o r r u p t o f f i c i a l s and the Manchu government, and t o r e t u r n China t o the Chinese. Second, they had a good o r g a n i z a t i o n d i s t i n g u i s h e d by i t s u n i f i e d command and e l a s -t i c i t y . The t r o o p s were s p i r i t e d and cooperated c l o s e l y . T h i r d , they were s t r i c t l y d i s c i p l i n e d . Fourth, t h e i r s t r a -tegy was good; f o r example, they made an a s s a u l t on a weak spot i n s t e a d of on a p l a c e w i t h a s t r o n g defense, a l s o they confused t h e i r enemies by a t t a c k i n g one p o i n t t o d i v e r t t h e i r a t t e n t i o n , w h i l e a c t u a l l y advancing on another c i t y . F i f t h , t h e c o r r u p t Manchu p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n s , the p r e v a l e n c e of famine and b a n d i t s , the a c t i v i t i e s o f s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s , the d e s i r e t o r e t a k e China f o r the Chinese, e t c . , as mentioned b e f o r e , c r e a t e d an opportune background f o r the r e b e l l i o n . The people were ready f o r r e b e l l i o n as i l l u s t r a t e d by the f a c t t h a t on t h e i r way from C h i n - t ' i e n t o C h i n - l i n g , many poor people j o i n e d them v o l u n t a r i l y . The number of marchers snowballed. I n t e r n a l s t r i f e broke out i n C h i n - l i n g i n I 8 5 6 , when, a f t e r continuous v i c t o r i e s , Yang H s i u - c h ' i n g (Tung Wang), the commander-in-chief, became v e r y ambitious and more a r r o g a n t . T ' i e n Wang was o b l i g e d t o enhance Yang's p o s i t i o n and gave him 26 the p r e r o g a t i v e of being addressed as Wan-sul ( L i f e f o r Ten Thousand Years o r Long L i v e the E m p e r o r ) — t h e same address as T ' i e n Wang's. Hung Hsiu-ch'flan ( T ' i e n Wang) cou l d not bear Yang's a g g r e s s i v e n e s s and u s u r p a t i o n any l o n g e r , so, he s e c r e t l y persuaded Wei Ch'ang-hui (P e l Wang) to k i l l Yang. Wei Ch'ang-hui, whose p o s i t i o n was next o n l y t o Yang's, was v e r y j e a l o u s and hated him. Wei not only k i l l e d Yang, but a l s o was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the murder o f some twenty t o t h i r t y thousand o f h i s adherents, s o l d i e r s and f a m i l y members. When Sh i h T a - k a i (I Wang) r e t u r n e d t o Nanking, and, blamed Wei f o r h i s c r u e l t y , Wei was v e r y angry and planned t o k i l l S h i h t o o . S h i h escaped and r e t u r n e d t o h i s m i l i t a r y camp i n An-ch'ing, but h i s f a m i l y members l e f t i n C h i n - l i n g were k i l l e d by Wei. L a t e r on, through the request o f Sh i h , Hung ( T ' i e n Wang) ordered h i s s o l d i e r s t o k i l l Wei and two hundred o f h i s c l o s e f o l l o w e r s . Afterwards, S h i h came back t o C h i n - l i n g a g a i n , but T ' i e n Wang would not e n t r u s t him wit h much a d m i n i s t r a t i v e power. S h i h was completely d i s a p p o i n t e d and so he l e f t C h i n - l i n g and s t a r t e d on an independent ex p e d i -t i o n through Kiangsu, Anhwei, K i a n g s i , Fukien, Hunan e t c . . F i n a l l y , he was defe a t e d i n Szechwan i n I 8 6 3 . The i n t e r n a l s t r i f e o f I 8 5 6 cost the T a i p i n g s the death o f two capable l e a d e r s and the d e s e r t i o n o f another. Moreover, T ' i e n Wang now t r u s t e d no one but h i s r e l a t i v e s . A f t e r I 8 5 6 , the T a i p i n g s took the d e f e n s i v e r a t h e r than the 2? o f f e n s i v e . They were a b l e t o s u r v i v e s i x more years o n l y because the s u c c e s s i v e famines s u p p l i e d them with i n e x -h a u s t i b l e s o l d i e r s and two new capable l e a d e r s L i H s i u -ch'eng (Chung Wang) and Ch'en Ytl-ch'eng (Ying Wang) came i n t o prominence. L i fought a g a i n s t the Ch'ing t r o o p s i n the a r e a east of C h i n - l i n g , and Ch'en, west o f i t . In i 8 6 0 , the T a l p i n g s were e x p e l l e d from the p r o v i n c e s of Hupei and K i a n g s i by Tseng Kuo-fan's Hsiang-chtln (Hunan l o c a l t r o o p s , a l s o c a l l e d Hunan B r a v e s ) . L i Hsiu-ch'eng u n s u c c e s s f u l l y a t t a c k e d Shanghai twice i n i 8 6 0 and 1861. The defense o f C h i n - l i n g by Ch'en Ytl-ch'eng was broken i n August 1861 and Ch'en d i e d i n 1862. Thus L i H s i u -ch'eng was l e f t a l o n e t o f i g h t a g a i n s t the enemies. He had t o r e s i s t the g e n e r a l a t t a c k o f Tseng Kuo-fan's t r o o p s , the Huai-chtln (Anhwei l o c a l t r o o p s ) under the command of L i Hung-chang and Ch'ang-sheng-chtln (the Ever V i c t o r i o u s Army) under Generals Ward, Gordon and o t h e r s . A f t e r a s i e g e o f more than two y e a r s , C h i n - l i n g was taken on J u l y 19, 1864. T ' i e n Wang committed s u i c i d e and L i Hsiu-ch'eng was executed. The T a i p l n g R e b e l l i o n had been put down. A f t e r the s u p p r e s s i o n of the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n , Tseng and h i s c o l l e a g u e s were f a c e d with the t a s k o f r e h a b i l i t a -t i o n , and i n the areas recovered from the r e b e l s , they s t r o v e t o r e a l i z e the Confucian i d e a l o f good government through p r o p e r l y t r a i n e d men. There emerged i n the 1860's many t r u l y 28 conscientious governor-generals and governors who, within the l i m i t s of inherited i n s t i t u t i o n s , as well as t h e i r own r e s t r i c t e d s o c i a l v i s i o n , did work f o r a benevolent and just government. This resurgence of Confucianism made the T'ung-chih reign (1862-1847) a period of restoration. The sup-pression of the Taiping Rebellion l e d to the T'ung-chih Resto-r a t i o n and was probably responsible f o r the survival of the 20 Ch'ing dynasty u n t i l 1911. Reasons f o r the Fa i l u r e of the Rebellion There are several reasons f o r the f a i l u r e of the Taipings. The corruption of t h e i r organization seems to be the most dominant one. A f t e r they a r r i v e d i n Chin-ling, the leaders were extravagant and l i c e n t i o u s i n t h e i r way of l i v i n g . They emulated the l i f e s t y l e of the Chinese emperors. T'ien Wang himself gave l i t t l e attention to the state a f f a i r s . Because the leaders acted i n such a way, the high-ranking o f f i c i a l s followed t h e i r leaders as models, and the morale and d i s c i p l i n e of the army also degenerated. There were factions i n the Taipings. The old members who came from Kwangsi and Kwangtung oppressed the newer members from the other provinces. A l l members were not a c t u a l l y treated equally, f o r example, the old members usually held higher positions than the new ones. This caused the new members to tra n s f e r t h e i r l o y a l t y to the Ch'ing troops. 29 On the o t h e r hand, the government tro o p s made grea t p r o g r e s s . The Hunan Braves and Huai Army were b e t t e r p a i d , d i s c i p l i n e d and equipped. T h e r e f o r e , they became s t r o n g e r than t h e T a i p i n g s . Tseng Kuo-fan, the commander-i n - c h i e f , planned e v e r y t h i n g c a r e f u l l y i n advance and so gained the l o y a l t y of a l l h i s o f f i c e r s t h a t they r e c o g n i z e d o n l y him as t h e i r s u p e r i o r and p a i d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n t o the Manchu emperor. T h i s marks a t u r n i n g p o i n t i n Chinese m i l i t a r y h i s t o r y . Before the T a i p i n g s , t r o o p s were con-t r o l l e d by the court ( C e n t r a l government); a f t e r the T a i p i n g s , t r o o p s belonged t o i n d i v i d u a l s . A f t e r the i n t e r n a l s t r i f e o f I 8 5 6 , t h e T a i p i n g s were s h o r t of good l e a d e r s . Moreover, Hung, as w e l l as o t h e r l e a d e r s , was stubborn and narrow minded and not i n -c l i n e d t o take a d v i c e from o t h e r s . The T a i p i n g s l a c k e d the support of the g e n t r y — t h e most important element of l o c a l c o n t r o l — b e c a u s e the T a i p i n g i d e o l o g y , which intended t o a b o l i s h Chinese t r a d i t i o n and b r i n g C h r i s t i a n i t y t o China, was d i s t a s t e f u l t o them. Because the Chinese people were under the dominance o f t r a d i t i o n , the T a i p i n g i d e o l o g y was too advanced f o r most o f them t o a c c e p t . Even the T a i p i n g l e a d e r s c o u l d not observe i t c o n s i s t e n t l y and c a r r y i t through e f f e c t i v e l y . To add t o t h i s , i t was d e s c r i b e d by Tseng Kuo-fan and others as h o r r i b l e and i l -l i t e r a t e , and opposed t o Confucianism and Chinese c u l t u r e , 30 so t h a t the I n t e l l i g e n t s i a and the gentry hated the T a i p i n g s and suppressed them. Poor p l a n n i n g was a l s o a f a c t o r i n the T a i p i n g s ' f a i l u r e . The T a i p i n g s should have con c e n t r a t e d t h e i r power on t a k i n g Peking. I f the c a p i t a l of the Manchu had been taken, the s i t u a t i o n would have been changed. The a t t a c k on Shanghai caused the i n t e r f e r e n c e o f f o r e i g n f o r c e . P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e o f the Kingdom The T a i p i n g government was t h e o c r a t i c ; T ' i e n Wang (the Heavenly King) was both the s p i r i t u a l and s e c u l a r r u l e r . Under T ' i e n Wang, t h e r e were o t h e r k i n g s who were both c i v i l and m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s and who a c t e d i n c o u n c i l with T ' i e n Wang. Below the p o s i t i o n o f the k i n g were those o f hou (marquis), then, ch'eng-hsiang ( m i n i s t e r ) , c h i e n - t i e n ( c e n s o r ) , c h i h -h u i ( d i r e c t o r ) , shlh-wei (aide-de-camp), chiang-chto ( g e n e r a l ) , t s u n g - c h i h ( s u p e r i n t e n d e n t ) , chien-chfin ( i n s p e c t o r ) , chto shuai (army commander), s h i h - s h u a i (brigade-commandant), l u -shuai (battalion-commandant), ts'u-chang (company-chief), l i a n g ssu-ma ( p l a t o o n - c h i e f ) , wu-chang ( s e c t i o n c h i e f ) , and wu-ts'u ( s o l d i e r ) . Thus, the ranks from T ' i e n Wang t o s o l d i e r formed a c l a s s system. T h e i r c i v i l and m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s were i d e n t i c a l . S o l d i e r s were supposed t o c u l t i v a t e l a n d l i k e farmers when they were not f i g h t i n g . Every t w e n t y - f i v e f a m i l i e s formed a u n i t , and among 3 1 these t w e n t y - f i v e f a m i l i e s t h e r e was a p u b l i c storehouse and a ch a p e l . A l l s o c i a l and m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s were f i r s t conducted by the o f f i c e r , t h e head o f the t w e n t y - f i v e f a m i l i e s , c a l l e d l i a n g ssu-ma ( p l a t o o n - c h i e f ) . Por example, i f t h e r e was a d i s p u t e among the f a m i l i e s , both contending p a r t i e s went t o the l i a n g ssu-ma. A f t e r h e a r i n g the r i g h t s and wrongs o f the case, the l i a n g ssu-ma would send the case t o h i s immediate s u p e r i o r c a l l e d ts'u-chang (company-chief) i f he co u l d not s e t t l e i t . I f the q u a r r e l c o u l d not be s e t t l e d by t'su-charig e i t h e r , then the case was brought step by step t o h i g h e r o f f i c e r s and, f i n a l l y , t o the Heavenly King. Thus, we may say t h a t the T a i p i n g m i l i t a r y , p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s were i d e n t i c a l . The promotion, demotion and re c r u i t m e n t o f the members of t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n s were based on recommendation, censure ( u s u a l l y by one's immediate s u p e r i o r ) and c i v i l s e r v i c e examinations which were h e l d once a year. A c c o r d i n g t o T'ien-ch'ao t'ien-mou c h l h - t u . ( t h e Land System of the Heavenly Dynasty, 1 8 5 3 ) , the l a n d was e q u a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d among the people, but not t o be regarded as t h e i r own p e r s o n a l e s t a t e . People were allowed t o take o n l y the amount from the h a r v e s t necessary f o r t h e i r sub-s i s t e n c e . The r e s t was w i t h h e l d from p r i v a t e ownership and was t o be kept i n the p u b l i c t r e a s u r y ( s t o r e h o u s e ) . No one was p e r m i t t e d t o have any p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y . 32 Because of the l a c k of evidence, t h e T a i p i n g l a n d system i s b e l i e v e d by many s c h o l a r s (e.g. Lo Erh-kang, Jen Yu-wen, Hsiao I-shan e t c . ) t o have never been put i n t o any l a r g e s c a l e p r a c t i c e . However, o t h e r evidence shows t h a t the p u b l i c t r e a s u r i e s and common ownership were put i n t o p r a c t i c e , d u r i n g the f i r s t years of the movement, i n the 21 army, and i n C h i n - l i n g as l a t e as l 8 6 l . The T a i p i n g s o c i a l i d e a l s were based on the brotherhood of men. T h e o l o g i c a l l y , God was the u n i v e r s a l F a t h e r and a l l men were h i s c h i l d r e n . S o c i a l e q u a l i t y was thus t h e o r e t i c a l l y i m p l i e d . Perhaps due t o t h i s , the T a i p i n g s o c i e t y p r o v i d e d s i m i l a r o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r both sexes. In the T a i p i n g s o c i e t y , women were a l l o w e d t o take c i v i l s e r v i c e examinations and to h o l d c i v i l and m i l i t a r y p o s i t i o n s which were s i m i l a r t o men's. The T a i p i n g s were p e r m i t t e d t o worship o n l y one God, and they had t o d e s t r o y a l l i d o l s of Buddhism, Taoism and a l l a n c e s t r a l and Confucian t a b l e t s . F o o t - b i n d i n g , p r o s t i t u t i o n , opium-smoking and gambling were p r o h i b i t e d . They promoted pop u l a r l i t e r a t u r e and forbade the use of c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a r y a l l u s i o n s . The Nature o f the R e b e l l i o n The T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n has a number of d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s , i t can be regarded as an a g r a r i a n , r e l i g i o u s , r a c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l movement. I t was an a g r a r i a n movement, 33 because one of i t s main purposes was t o f i g h t f o r the p o s s e s s i o n of l a n d or t o have the l a n d r e d i s t r i b u t e d ; the m a j o r i t y of t h e i r members were peasants. I t was a r a c i a l movement, because they attempted t o overthrow the Manchu. I t was a r e l i g i o u s movement, because i t s t a r t e d with a r e l i g i o u s s o c i e t y (Shang-ti h u i ) , r e l i g i o n was one of t h e i r i n s p i r i n g elements throughout the r e b e l l i o n and i t promoted C h r i s t i a n i t y i n China. I t was a p o l i t i c a l movement, because i t t r i e d t o overthrow the government, t o change the economic system, so t h a t a l l peasants would have l a n d t o t i l l , and t o g i v e men and women equal r i g h t s . I t was a s o c i a l movement, because they t r i e d t o o b l i t e r a t e some e v i l s o c i a l c u s t o m s — f o o t - b i n d i n g , opium-smoking e t c . . Consequences of the R e b e l l i o n The c r e d i t f o r s u p p r e s s i n g the T a i p i n g s was mainly g i v e n t o Chinese l e a d e r s (e.g. Tseng Kuo-fan, L i Hung-chang) and newly o r g a n i z e d t r o o p s (e.g. Hunan Braves and Huai Army). A f t e r the c o l l a p s e of the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n , the demoralized and i n e f f e c t i v e government troops ( i . e . the Manchu banners, and green-banners) were s u b s t i t u t e d f o r by the newly o r g a n i z e d Chinese t r o o p s as the main m i l i t a r y power. The Manchu had t o depend on the Chinese t o safeguard the country; t h e r e f o r e , the Chinese were promoted t o important p o s i t i o n s both i n the government and i n the army. The p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y power 34 s h i f t e d t o the Chinese. The r e d u c t i o n of taxes i n the p r o v i n c e s of the Yangtze V a l l e y was another consequence of the r e b e l l i o n . Because the i n h a b i t a n t s were ba d l y a f f e c t e d by the war and became v e r y poor, the government was o b l i g e d t o reduce the t a x a t i o n . The p o p u l a t i o n o f China was g r e a t l y decreased a f t e r the s u p p r e s s i o n of the r e b e l l i o n . I t was p o s s i b l e t h a t twenty m i l l i o n l i v e s were l o s t d u r i n g the T a i p i n g p e r i o d . Because o f the decrease of the p o p u l a t i o n , more l a n d was a v a i l a b l e f o r people t o work and they c o u l d endure t h e i r l a b o r and might 22 l i v e b e t t e r f o r a w h i l e . A f t e r the c o l l a p s e of T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo, the T a i p i n g i d e a s , as w e l l as the regime i t s e l f , were suppressed by the Ch'ing government. The Chinese t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e r e a f f i r m e d i t s power. T h e r e f o r e , i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o determine how much i n f l u e n c e the T a i p i n g i d e o l o g y had on China. There i s no d i r e c t connection between the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n and the events of the t w e n t i e t h century i n China. The f a i l u r e o f the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n marked a v i c t o r y of Chinese t r a r 23 d i t i o n . P r e v i o u s R e b e l l i o n s The T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n , l i k e many o f the p r e v i o u s r e b e l l i o n s , such as those o f the Huang-chin (the Yellow 35 Turbans l e d by Chang Chtleh) o f the Han Dynasty, the Huang Ch'ao o f the T'ang Dynasty, Roaming Bandits ( L i Tzu-ch'eng, Chang Hsien-chung were the most important l e a d e r s ) o f the Ming Dynasty, arose i n an environment which was marked by n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r s (such as f l o o d , drought, and famine) as w e l l as by the c o r r u p t i o n o f the government, o v e r - t a x a t i o n of the farmers, l a n d c o n c e n t r a t i o n , and b a n d i t s . U n l i k e p r e v i o u s r e b e l l i o n s however, the T a i p i n g s arose out of an environment a l s o under the impact of the West. N e a r l y a l l p r e v i o u s r e b e l l i o n s had some s o r t o f r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f , because t h e i r l e a d e r s planned t o appeal t o the people who had been i n f l u e n c e d by T a o i s t o r Buddhist s e c t s such as T ' a i - p ' i n g t ao of Chang Chtleh i n the Han Dynasty. So d i d the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n . But the T a i p i n g s accepted C h r i s t i a n i t y and n e i t h e r Taoism nor Buddhism. The pr e v i o u s r e b e l s as mentioned above, had a t t a c k e d a r u l i n g dynasty, but not the Confucian t e a c h i n g s . That the T a i p i n g s sought, not o n l y t o d e s t r o y the dynasty, but a l s o t o r e p l a c e the Confucian e t h i c s with t h e i r own r e l i g i o u s t e a c h i n g s , d i s t i n g u i s h e d i t from the pr e v i o u s r e b e l l i o n s . Women d i d not f i l l an important r o l e i n the pr e v i o u s r e b e l l i o n s ; on the o t h e r hand, women p l a y e d a v e r y s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n ensu r i n g the success o f the T a i p i n g r e b e l l i o n . L i k e most o f the pr e v i o u s r e b e l s , the T a i p i n g s had concen t r a t e d t h e i r a t t e n t i o n on problems o f l a n d and t a x e s . 36 With the presence o f f o r e i g n a g g r e s s i o n o r oc c u p a t i o n , the 24 e t h n i c i s s u e was i n v a r i a b l y r a i s e d . However, the comparison between the T a i p i n g and ot h e r r e b e l l i o n s i s not the t o p i c o f my t h e s i s . T h i s s h o r t i n t r o d u c t i o n can not g i v e much e l a b o r a t e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , which would take much more space. 37 FOOTNOTES 1. Yang Llen-sheng "Toward a Study o f D y n a s t i c C o n f i g u r a t i o n s i n Chinese H i s t o r y " i n S t u d i e s i n Chinese I n s t i t u t i o n a l  H i s t o r y , pp. 1-17; Teng Ssu-yu, New L i g h t on the H i s t o r y  o f the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n . 1950, pp. 37-38. 2. Ho P i n g - t i , S t u d i e s on the P o p u l a t i o n of China. 1368-1953. 1959, PP. 101-135, pp. 281-282; George T a y l o r "The T a i -p i n g R e b e l l i o n s I t s Economic Background and S o c i a l Theory" The Chinese S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Review. 32t 5^5-614 (1932-33). Hsu.Immanuel C. Y. The R i s e o f Modem  China. 1970, p. 271. 3 . Teng Ssu-yu, 1950, p. 42; Ho P i n g - t i , 1959, PP. 281-82; Lo Erh-kang, T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo s h i h kang. 1937, pp. 9-10; P'eng T s e - i , T a l - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo ko-mlng ssu-ch'ao, 1946, pp. 12-15; Hsu.Immanuel C, Y., 1970, p. 272. 4 . Lo Erh-kang, 1937, p. 12. 5 . I b i d , p. 16; Hsu, Immanuel C. Y., 1970, pp. 271-73. 6. Lo Erh-kang, 1937, p. 32. 7. H s i a o I-shan, C h ' l n g - t a i t'ung-shih 2t pp. 280-83, pp. 885-88. 8. L i u Kwang-ching "Nineteenth-century Chinas The D i s i n t e -g r a t i o n of Old Order and the Impact o f the West" i n Ho P i n g - t i and Tsou Tang. ( e d i t o r s ) China i n C r i s i s . 1968, V o l . 1, pp. 93-99. Teng Ssu-yu, 1950, pp. 40-4-1. -9. Hsu, Immanuel C. Y. 1970, p. 274. 10. Teng Ssu-yu, 1950, p. 47. 11. c f . Wakeman, F r e d e r i c , S t r a n gers a t the Gates, 1966. 12. The Hakkas were descendants of Chinese immigrants who came from n o r t h e r n China d u r i n g the p e r i o d s of g r e a t upheaval f o l l o w i n g the Chin (221-206 B.C.), the T'ang (618-907 A.D.) and the Sung (960-1279 A.D.) d y n a s t i e s . They a r e a d i s t i n c t group of people found i n the p r o v i n c e s of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, Fuklen, K i a n g s i , Hunan, Szechuan, Formosa and Overseas. T h e i r v a r i o u s d i a l e c t s a r e c l o s e l y r e l a t e d and t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and customs ar e v e r y s i m i l a r . 38 The s t r u g g l e between the n a t i v e s and the Hakkas w i l l be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r . 13. T ' a i - p ' i n g t'len-kuo c h ' l - i t i ' a o - c h ' a pao-kao (Reports of F i e l d I n v e s t i g a t i o n s on the U p r i s i n g s o f the T a i p i n g Kingdom). Kwangsi O r g a n i z a t i o n f o r the I n v e s t i g a t i o n of T a i p l n g C u l t u r e and H i s t o r y . Peking, S a n - l i e n Shu-t i e n P r e s s . , 1956, p. 12. 14. I b i d , pp. 13-14. 15. c f . Jen Ytl-wen, Tai-p'lng chto Kwangsi shou-i s h i h , 1946, pp. 175-179 and pp. 192-195! Lo Erh-kang, 1937, p. 44: Hsiao Kung-chuan, i 9 6 0 , pp. 412-433; and 'Cohen, Myron L.t "The Hakka o r Guest People" i n E t h n o h l s t o r y , V o l . 15, pp. 237-292. Although these sources mention the s t r u g g l e between Hakka and the n a t i v e s , the i n f o r m a t i o n about the s t r u g g l e i n the o r i g i n a l p r e f e c t u r e o f the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n i s extremely l i m i t e d . 16. Owing t o the l i m i t o f space, t h i s s h o r t r e p o r t about the c o n d i t i o n s o f China and the l o c a l circumstances a t t h a t time does not g i v e much e l a b o r a t e e x p l a n a t i o n s . For f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , see Teng Ssu-ytt, 1950, pp. 35-49; Lo Erh-kang, 1937, PP. 1-38; Hsiao Kung-cmian, R u r a l China. I960; M i c h a e l , Franz, The T a i p l n g  R e b e l l i o n . 1966;~Hsiao I-shan, C h ' l n g - t a i t'ung-shih,1963; Chang Ching, Chung-hua t'ung-shih. V o l . 5. 1934; and T ' a i - p ' l n g t'ien-kuo c h ' i - i t ' l a o - c h ' a pao-kao. 1956, Chapter I I . 17. Yap P. M. "The Mental I l l n e s s of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, Leader o f the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n " i n the F a r E a s t e r n Q u a r t e r l y , V o l . 13, 1953-54. pp. 287-304. 18. Jen Yfl-wen, 1946, pp. 105-128; Teng Ssu-yfl, 1950, p. 56. 19. S h i h , Vincent Y. C , The T a i p l n g Ideology. 1967, pp. 305-306; and L i n g Shan-ch'ing, T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo yeh-shih. 1923, Chuan 1 and Chuan 12. 20. c f . Wright, mary clabaugh. 1957, pp. 96-124. 21. S h i h , 1967, pp. 487-491. 22. Lo Erh-kang, 1937, pp. 128-131; Ho P i n g - t i , 1959, pp. 236-248 and p. 282. 2 3 . For f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n about the h i s t o r y , s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , and consequences of the r e b e l l i o n , see Jen Ytt-wen, T ' a i - p ' l n g t'len-kuo ch'uan-shih. 1962; T ' a i - p ' i n g t'len-kuo 39 f 1 e n - c h i n t'ung-k'ao. 1958; and Lo Erh-kang, T ' a i - p ' i n g  t'len-kuo shih-kang. 1937? Teng Ssu-ytt, New L i g h t on the  H i s t o r y of the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n . 1950; M i c h a e l , Franz, The T a i p l n g R e b e l l i o n . 1966. V o l . I . c f . S h i h Y. C , 1967, Chapter X I . 40 CHAPTER I MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY The T r a d i t i o n a l Marriage The main purpose o f the t r a d i t i o n a l marriage was the p e r p e t u a t i o n of the a n c e s t o r ' s l i n e a g e f o r the f a m i l y . The b e g e t t i n g o f sons was the most important t a s k not o n l y because sons c o u l d perpetuate the a n c e s t o r ' s l i n e a g e but a l s o because sons were the o n l y persons who had t o bear a l l the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the l i v i n g and the s e c u r i t y of the p a r e n t s . The a c q u i r i n g of a daughter-in-law was f o r the s e r v i c e and comfort of the p a r e n t s . T h e r e f o r e , marriage was not so much an a f f a i r of the matured c h i l d r e n , as t h a t of the parents and of the f a m i l y . The t r a d i t i o n a l marriage should be arranged by the p a r e n t s . The m a r i t a l p r e f e r e n c e s o f the matured c h i l d r e n were not c o n s i d e r e d . The romantic l o v e was denied. The cost and s t y l e o f the t r a d i t i o n a l marriage v a r i e d a c c o r d i n g to the l o c a l customs. However, the t r a d i t i o n a l i d e a was t h a t the more a f a m i l y could spend on t h e i r son's (or daughter's) marriage, the g r e a t e r the honour they c o u l d earn; thus people were f o r c e d t o i n v o l v e themselves i n a competition of wealth. The poor f a m i l i e s t h a t could not even meet the minimum r e q u i r e ment o f the l o c a l customs would purchase a v e r y young g i r l from a v e r y poor f a m i l y and would r a i s e the g i r l a l o n g with t h e i r son. When they both reached marriageable age they were 41 married with a simple ceremony. In the t r a d i t i o n a l p r a c t i c e of marrying, a son was commonly expected t o get married between the ages of s i x t e e n and eighteen and f o r a daughter, marriage a t n i n e -t e e n was considered r a t h e r l a t e . I t was g l o r i o u s t o have g r a n d c h i l d r e n a t an e a r l y age. N a t u r a l l y , the e a r l i e r one's son (or daughter) gets married, the more chances one can have g r a n d c h i l d r e n a t an e a r l y age. B e t r o t h a l s were o f t e n made when the c h i l d r e n were v e r y s m a l l and co u l d not e a s i l y be broken. As t o the pro-cedure o f a marriage, a go-between or match-maker was always employed. The busin e s s e s o f a match-maker were t o make both the boy's and the g i r l ' s f a m i l i e s a c q u a i n t e d with the circum-stances o f both f a m i l i e s and the p e r s o n a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of the proposed b r i d e and bridegroom. From the time t h a t the match-maker was employed u n t i l the bond was t i e d , t h e r e were L u - l i ( s i x ceremonies) t o be performed! 1) The parents o f the proposed bridegroom sent the go-between t o the parents of the g i r l t o i n q u i r e h er name and the moment of her b i r t h t h a t the horoscopes o f the two may be examined i n or d e r t o a s c e r t a i n whether the proposed a l l i a n c e w i l l be a happy one. 2) I f the eight." c h a r a c t e r s o f the horoscopes (the boy's and the g i r l ' s b i r t h dates i n c l u d i n g hour, day, month and year) seemed t o be a l l r i g h t , the boy's parents sent the match-maker back t o the g i r l ' s parents t o make an o f f e r o f k2 marriage. 3) I f t h a t he accepted, the g i r l ' s f a t h e r was requested t o r e t u r n an assent i n w r i t i n g . 4) Pr e s e n t s were then sent t o the g i r l ' s parents a c c o r d i n g t o the means of the p a r t i e s . 5) The go-between requested them t o choose a l u c k y day f o r the wedding. 6) The p r e l i m i n a r i e s were concluded by the bridegroom going o r sending a p a r t y t o 1 b r i n g h i s b r i d e t o h i s home. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , t h e r e were no i n s t i t u t i o n a l grounds upon which a woman could o b t a i n a d i v o r c e . On the ot h e r hand, t h e r e were Ch'i-ch'u (seven c o n d i t i o n s ) upon which a wife might be r e p u d i a t e d : 1) no p o s t e r i t y 2) l i c e n t i o u s -ness 3) d i s o b e d i e n c e t o p a r e n t s - i n - l a w 4) q u a r r e l i n g 5) t h e f t 6) j e a l o u s y 7) d i s e a s e s regarded as v i c i o u s . On the woman's s i d e , t h e r e were o n l y t h r e e c o n d i t i o n s under which she might p r o t e s t a g a i n s t r e p u d i a t i o n : 1) Her c l o s e r e l a t i v e s through whom the marriage was arranged were a l l deceased and t h e r e f o r e she had no p l a c e t o go t o . 2) She p a r t i c i p a t e d f o r t h r e e years i n the mourning f o r her husband's parent. 3) The f a m i l y ' s present p r o s p e r i t y and fame were a t t a i n e d through years of s t r u g g l e i n which she shared the 2 h a r d s h i p s . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , a man was allowed t o take more than one w i f e . The r i c h people always p r a c t i c e d polygyny while the poor m a j o r i t y u s u a l l y p r a c t i c e d monogamy. Polygyny had 3 become the symbol of wealth and s t a t u s . 4 3 The T a i p i n g Marriage At the be g i n n i n g o f the T a i p i n g r e b e l l i o n , a l l members of the o r g a n i z a t i o n except the Wangs (kings) were not a l l o w e d t o l i v e with t h e i r f a m i l i e s and were org a n i z e d i n t o separated q u a r t e r s e i t h e r f o r men or f o r women. None but those above the rank of m i n i s t e r were p e r m i t t e d t o get ma r r i ed. Ku Shen, a commoner, who was captured by the T a i p i n g s and then escaped, r e p o r t s i n h i s Hu-hstteh sheng- huan c h i ; "...The boy guide a g a i n took me t o v i s i t v a r i o u s places...we saw groups o f women roaming the s t r e e t . The women were b e a u t i f u l l y d r e ssed and made up, but some seemed t o be v e r y happy and others depressed and w o r r i e d . The boy s a i d t h a t they were the wives of the 'Long H a i r s ' ( T a i p i n g s ) . . . 1 asked him t h a t i f a l l the 'Long H a i r s ' might be all o w e d t o marry. The boy s a i d t h a t o n l y those above the rank of m i n i s t e r might have wives and they should f i r s t p e t i t i o n the T ' i e n Wang, those below t h a t rank c o u l d not have wives."4 The f a m i l i e s were not all o w e d t o r e u n i t e and 5 marriage was not pe r m i t t e d u n t i l the S p r i n g of I 8 5 5 . At t h a t time, the Tung Wang (E a s t e r n King) claimed t h a t the Heavenly F a t h e r had descended upon him; then he s a i d t h a t the Heavenly F a t h e r had g r a c i o u s l y granted the T a i p i n g s the r i g h t t o marry. Thus, he sent out an or d e r a l l o w i n g men and women t o r e u n i t e t h e i r f a m i l i e s o r t o get married. Tu Wen-lan, an o f f i c i a l o f the Ch'ing government, i n h i s P ' l n g - t l n a y u e h - f e i c h i - l u e h . Appendix I I I t o l d the 44 s t o r y f o r Tung Wang's o r d e r : "Prom C h i n - t ' i e n t o C h i n - l i n g , the r e b e l s kept the men and women s t r i c t l y a p a r t ; even husbands and wives were t o be executed i f they were found s l e e p i n g t o g e t h e r which was a g a i n s t the Heavenly commandments. They were a f r a i d t h a t i f t h e i r s o l d i e r s were concerned about t h e i r f a m i l i e s , they would not g i v e t h e i r a l l i n b a t t l e , so they e s t a b l i s h e d the women's q u a r t e r s which f o l l o w e d the army i n order t o keep a h o l d on them... In the f i r s t month of the f i f t h year of H s i e n - f e n g C1855}» Tseng Shui-yuan, T'ien-kuan ch'eng-hsiang ( m i n i s t e r of the Heaven Department)lost h i s p o s i t i o n because of h i s d e l a y i n r e a c h i n g Wu-hu. Hi s younger b r o t h e r r e s e n t i n g the a c t i o n and r e g r e t t i n g having j o i n e d h i m s e l f f l e d . The c h i e f r e b e l was angry, and t h i n k i n g t h a t Shui-yuan was behind h i s b r o t h e r ' s scheme, had him executed. He then asked h i s c o n f i -dents as t o why even the o l d members were d e s e r t i n g l i k e the new members. The answer was t h a t the l e a d e r s had promised the r e b e l s a t Yung-an t h a t when they a r r i v e d i n C h i n - l i n g i t would be l i k e a scending t o p a r a d i s e , where husbands and wives would be a l l o w e d t o r e u n i t e . Now they were i n C h i n - l i n g they were s t i l l denied the r i g h t o f l i v i n g w i t h t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and i t was f e a r e d t h a t form now on the number of d e s e r t e r s would i n c r e a s e . The c h i e f r e b e l then sent an order p e r m i t t i n g them t o get m a r r i e d . O f f i c i a l match-makers were appointed to take charge of the a f f a i r s . . . " A p p a r e n t l y , the main reasons f o r Tung Wang's or d e r were t o stop the escape of the T a i p i n g members and keep them from complaining about the s e g r e g a t i o n of sexes. Thus, he a l l o w e d people t o r e u n i t e with t h e i r f a m i l i e s or get married. The main purpose of the T a i p i n g marriage remains unknown, because t h e r e i s no evidence a v a i l a b l e . However, under the i n f l u e n c e of t r a d i t i o n , i t s main purpose was p o s s i b l y the same as t h a t of the t r a d i t i o n m a r r i a g e — t h e p e r p e t u a t i o n of the a n c e s t o r ' s l i n e a g e . 4 5 6 S i m i l a r t o the system o f Chou-kuan. the o f f i c i a l match-makers were appointed t o take charge o f the marriage arrangements. Both men and women between f i f t e e n and f i f t y might r e p o r t t o the o f f i c e t o be matched. Marriage was based on i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s . A c c o r d i n g t o one's rank and accumulated m e r i t (e.g. achievements i n the b a t t l e f i e l d ) , a person who was of h i g h e r r a n k i n g or/and had m e r i t might have more than one young, b e a u t i f u l w i f e ; a person who had n e i t h e r rank nor merit might j u s t have an o l d , u g l y one. A man might have s e v e r a l wives, but a woman c o u l d not have more than one husband. The method of a s s i g n i n g was by l o t drawn by the o f f i c i a l match-makers. As a r e s u l t , the people, e s p e c i a l l y the common people who had n e i t h e r rank nor accumu-l a t e d m e r i t , seldom had t h e i r own c h o i c e i n marriage. I t was r e p o r t e d t h a t q u i t e a few women committed s u i c i d e because 7 of an u n s a t i s f a c t o r y ; m a r r i a g e . However, L i n - l e , an Englishman whose a c t u a l name was Augustus P. L i n d l e y and who j o i n e d the T a i p i n g s i n i860 and l e f t a g a i n i n 1864, wrote i n h i s book. T i - p i n g Tlen-kwohs "...As a n a t u r a l consequence o f the absence o f r e s t r a i n t i n the enjoyment of female s o c i e t y , marriage amongst the T i - p i n g s a r e g e n e r a l l y l o v e matches. Even i n cases where a c h i e f ' s daughter i s g i v e n i n a l l i a n c e t o some powerful l e a d e r . Compulsion i s never used, and the a f f i a n c e d a r e gi v e n every o p p o r t u n i t y t o become a c q u a i n t e d with each other."° I t seems s a f e t o say t h a t some T a i p i n g s o f h i g h e r rank a f t e r i860 might have enjoyed t h i s k i n d of marriage 46 which L i n - l e d e s c r i b e d . The freedom o f marriage seems c o r r e l a t i v e with the s t a t u s . However, as p r e v i o u s l y shown, the system of T a i p i n g marriage from the b e g i n n i n g u n t i l the end of the Kingdom was not based on f r e e c h o i c e . There i s not any s u f f i c i e n t evidence found among the common people t o support L i n - l e * s o p i n i o n t h a t the matches among the T a i p i n g s were g e n e r a l l y "love matches" or t h a t the T a i p i n g s e x e r c i s e d f r e e c h o i c e . A person who intended t o get married had t o a p p l y f o r a marriage c e r t i f i c a t e . Without a marriage c e r t i f i c a t e , no marriage ceremony might be h e l d . In o t h e r words, marriage 10 among the T a i p i n g s had t o get o f f i c i a l p e r m i s s i o n . The marriage c e r t i f i c a t e which was c a l l e d Lung-feng ho-hui would be d i v i d e d i n t o two i d e n t i c a l p a r t s — o n e p a r t as a r e c o r d kept by the government, and the o t h e r belong-i n g t o the married couple. Before i t was d i v i d e d , an o f f i c i a l stamp and a marriage number were p l a c e d a c r o s s the seam i n the middle of the c e r t i f i c a t e . The groom's and b r i d e ' s names, t h e i r ages, p l a c e s of b i r t h , p o s i t i o n s , and years of p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n the r e v o l u t i o n were w r i t t e n on i t . On the o t h e r hand, the Manchu government d i d not p r o v i d e any o f f i c i a l c e r t i f i c a t e f o r a married couple i n the Manchu c o n t r o l l e d a r e a s . The acknowledgment of wedding presents (a l i s t o f p r e s e n t s sent) c a l l e d L i - s h u - t * i e h was c u r r e n t l y used among 47 people i n the Ch'ing dynasty. The T a i p i n g marriage c e r -t i f i c a t e was d i f f e r e n t from the "Li-shu-t'ieh" o f the t r a -d i t i o n a l marriage i n th a t f a m i l y b a c k g r o u n d s — o f a w e l l -matched matrimonial a l l i a n c e — h a d t o be w r i t t e n on the " L i -s h u - t ' i e h " . The T a i p i n g marriage c e r t i f i c a t e gave no em-11 p h a s i s t o a person's p r e v i o u s f a m i l y backgrounds. The T a i p i n g marriage seemed t o d i s r e g a r d the d i s t i n c t i o n of c l a s s e s , whereas the d i f f e r e n c e between c l a s s e s was em-phas i z e d by the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese marriage; f o r example a marriage between the f a m i l y o f a poor peasant and the f a m i l y o f a r i c h governmental o f f i c e r was co n s i d e r e d d e f i n i t e l y u n s u i t a b l e i n a t r a d i t i o n a l marriage. A c c o r d i n g t o "T'ien-chao t'ien-mou c h i h - t u " (the Land System of the Heavenly Dynasty, 1 8 5 3 ) , a p u b l i c s t o r e -house and a chapel should be e s t a b l i s h e d i n every twenty-f i v e f a m i l i e s . The marriage ceremony would be h e l d a t the chapel and the p l a t o o n - c h i e f (the head o f a group o f twenty-f i v e f a m i l i e s ) was i n charge o f the a f f a i r . Every one should submit h i s (or her) p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y t o the p u b l i c storehouse which was an I n s t i t u t i o n of common p r o p e r t y . A marriage would be a t the expense of the p u b l i c storehouse and the married couple g i v e n 1 0 0 0 cash and 1 0 0 c a t t i e s ( 1 c a t t y = l l l b s ; namely chin) o f g r a i n . Under t h i s common p r o p e r t y system, t h e r e would not be any co m p e t i t i o n f o r p r o p e r t y i n a marriage. "The Land System of the Heavenly 48 Dynasty" s t a t e d t h a t a marriage would not be c o n t r a c t e d on the b a s i s o f wealth. However, the evidence shows us th a t the common p r o p e r t y system was p r a c t i c e d a t the begin n i n g o f the r e b e l l i o n o n l y . Moreover, marriage was not allowed t o most members of the movement u n t i l 1855• As mentioned b e f o r e , i n the I n t r o d u c t i o n , the T a i p i n g s o c i e t y was s t r a t i f i e d . A f t e r they a r r i v e d i n C h i n - l i n g i n I853, the common p r o p e r t y system d i d not r e s t r i c t the o f f i c e r s o f h i g h e r rank (e.g. ki n g s and m i n i s t e r s ) . G r a d u a l l y , i t cou l d not even p r o h i b i t the o f f i c e r s o f low rank from accumulating wealth. T h e r e f o r e , the marriage based on common p r o p e r t y was an i d e a l r a t h e r than a p r a c t i c e . In T ' i e n - t ' l a o shu (The Book of Heavenly Command-ments), t h e r e was a k i n d o f p r a y e r f o r the marriage ceremony. The b r i d e , wearing a green d r e s s , and the groom, wearing red, had t o pray t o God. There was a t a b l e on which were two candles and food. A f t e r the ceremony, the food was con-12 sumed by the members pr e s e n t . However, the d e t a i l s o f the marriage ceremony b e f o r e 1859 a r e unknown. Because of reforms i n i t i a t e d by Kan Wang ( S h i e l d K i n g ) , Hung Jen-kan, the marriage ceremony a f t e r 1859 became s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f t h e Church o f England. Besides p l a t o o n -c h i e f s , the r e l i g i o u s o f f i c e r s , who were e q u i v a l e n t t o 13 m i n i s t e r s , were the witnesses o f the marriages. L i n - l e d e s c r i b e d the T a i p i n g marriage as f o l l o w s : 4 9 "A plebeian Tl-ping i s allowed but one wife, and to her he must be regularly married by one of the ministers. Amongst the chiefs, marriage i s a ceremony celebrated with much pomp and f e s t i v i t y ; the poorer classes can only marry when considered worthy, and when permitted to do so by t h e i r immediate r u l e r s . In cont r a d i s t i n c t i o n to the Manchoos, the marriage knot when once t i e d can never be unloosed; therefore, the custom of putting away a wife at pleasure, or s e l l i n g h e r — a s i n vogue among the Chinese—or the proceedings of the B r i t i s h Court of Divorce, has not found favour i n t h e i r sight... ( L i n - l e , 1866, pp. 3 0 1 - 3 0 2 ) . . . Marriage among the Ti-pings i s solemnized with remarkable s t r i c t n e s s , and the ceremony i s performed by an o f f i c i a t i n g p r i e s t , or rather presbyter. A l l the heathen and superstitious customs of the Chinese are completely relinquished. The ancient customs by which marriage were celebrated—the semi-c i v i l i z e d espousal of persons who had never pre-vi o u s l y seen each other; the choice of a lucky day; the present of purchase—money, any many o t h e r s — are abolished. Those only that seem to be retained are the tying up of the bride's long black tresses, hitherto worn hanging down, and the bridegroom's procession at night, with music, lanterns, sedan-chairs, and a cavalcade of friends (and i n the case of ch i e f s , banners and m i l i t a r y honours), to fetch home his spouse. ...I have frequently seen the marriage ceremony performed, and I can only say that, excepting the absence of the ri n g , i t forms as close and v e r i t a b l e an imitation of that practised by the Church of England as i t i s possible to imagine. When the b r i d a l party are a l l met together, they proceed to the church ( i . e . "The Heavenly H a l l " , within the o f f i c i a l dwelling of each mayor of a v i l l a g e or c i r c l e of twenty-five fa m i l i e s , excepting i n the case of chiefs who are married i n t h e i r own h a l l ) , and a f t e r many prayers and a severe examina-t i o n of the bride and bridegroom's theological tenets, the minister joins t h e i r r i g h t hands togethr, and when each have accepted the other, pronounces a con-cluding benediction i n the name of the Father, Son and Holy S p i r i t . To the best of my b e l i e f divorce i s not only not permitted, but a c t u a l l y unknown or thought of. Adultery i s punishable with death; and i t may be that t h i s i s the only case i n which the Ti-pings consider a complete release a vinculo matrimonii . j u s t i f i a b l e . " I * 50 Monogamy might have been p r e v a i l i n g among T a i p i n g s o l d i e r s because they were allowed t o have one wife o n l y . But the T a i p i n g kings themselves p r a c t i c e d polygyny with the ex c e p t i o n of Kan Wang who p r a c t i c e d monogamy and even advocated 15 I t . However, t h e r e was no evidence o f p r a c t i c i n g po-lygyn y among the T a i p i n g s i n the e a r l i e r p e r i o d o f the r e -b e l l i o n b e f o r e 1851. The p r a c t i c e of polygyny began i n I851 when they conquered Yung-an. In order t o o b t a i n the r e l i g i o u s p e r m i s s i o n t o p r a c t i c e polygyny, a t t h a t time Tung Wang, Yang H s i u - c h ' l n g s a i d t h a t the Heavenly F a t h e r (God) had descended upon him and ordered t h e i r kings t o have more than one w i f e . Afterwards, polygyny p r e v a i l e d among those people f o r whom i t was p e r m i t t e d . There were r e g u l a t i o n s as t o the' number of wives each T a i p i n g o f f i c e r was all o w e d t o have. A c c o r d i n g t o Hs i e h Chieh-ho, a pro-Manchu commoner, i n h i s C h i n - l i n g k u e i - c h i a  c h i - s h i h l u e h which gave the i n f o r m a t i o n about C h i n - l i n g between 1853 and 185^, the T ' i e n Wang and Tung Wang were each e n t i t l e d t o have s i x wives. A f t e r 1855, when the separate women's q u a r t e r s were d i s s o l v e d , even m i n i s t e r s , r e l a t i v e s of the Wangs and the o f f i c e r s who had accumulated merit were allowed t o have more than one w i f e t o o . In 1861, the T ' i e n Wang decreed t h a t the sons of the Tung Wang and the H s i Wang (both o f these two 51 kings had died) were e n t i t l e d to have eleven wives each; the other Wangs, s i x ; high-ranking o f f i c i a l s , three; and low-17 ranking o f f i c e r s , one. At the end of the Kingdom, Yu Wang (T'ien Wang's son) reported that the T'ien Wang had eighty-eight wives, and he himself was given four wives even when 18 he was nine years old. Polygyny can be regarded as a form of s o c i a l d i s -t i n c t i o n as mentioned above. Moreover, Chang Te-chien, an o f f i c e r of the Ch'ing army, accused i t as a l i c e n t i o u s system, and he made comments as follows J "The Wangs (kings} collected about them numerous wives and concubines and yet deprived t h e i r sub-ordinates of the source of human re l a t i o n s h i p . They f a l s e l y promised t h e i r subordinates that when they succeeded they would be granted the right to marry... Those who had accumulated great merit would be allowed to have extra women... Violaters of the Heavenly commandments were often pardoned i f they had been valuable to the rebels, but they were punished by having t h e i r marriages delayed f o r three years a f t e r everybody else had been given the right to marry; and they were not permitted to have any extra women... By granting them the ri g h t to have wives the subordinates would f i g h t to the utmost i n order to have t h e i r desires satisfied.*° According to Chang's report i n Tse-ch'lng hul-tsuan. chuan 2, Meng Te-en, Ch'un-kuan ch'eng-hsiang (minister of the Spring Department) was commissioned to f i n d beautiful women f o r the Kings. Compared with some emperors i n Chinese h i s t o r y (such as Chin Wu T i , Sui Yang T i , T'ang Hstlan Tsung, etc.) T'ien Wang had fewer wives, court l a d i e s or royal concubines. 52 U n l i k e Han Kuang Wu, Sung Jen Tsung, Ming Hsflan Tsung, Ch'ing Kao Tsung or Ch'ien Lung, T ' i e n Wang d i d not abandoned h i s f i r s t w i f e , the queen, L a i S h i h . A l l o f h i s o t h e r wives were a l s o regarded as queens and c a l l e d Niang-niang (queen), but t h e i r p o s i t i o n s were i n f e r i o r t o L a i S h i h and they were o b l i g e d t o obey h e r . The p a l a c e - r u l e s , such as those t h a t urged each person t o d e s i s t from e v i l , t o obey T ' i e n Wang's or d e r s , and t o accept L a i Shih's i n s t r u c t i o n s , had t o be observed. Anyone who v i o l a t e d these r u l e s would be s e v e r e l y punished, some-20 times even put t o death. T ' i e n Wang's superintendence over the c o u r t l a d i e s was c r u e l i n some i n s t a n c e s . In an episode recorded i n " T ' i e n - f u h s i a - f a n chao-shu", f o r example, T ' i e n Wang was accused by Tung Wang of h i s b r u t a l treatment of 21 court l a d i e s . However, the misconduct o f women i n T ' i e n Wang's p a l a c e seldom o c c u r r e d ; perhaps t h i s was due t o the f o r c e d adherence t o the r u l e s . There were a few f o r e i g n observers who made f a v o r -a b l e comments on the p r a c t i c e of polygyny by the T a i p i n g s . L i n - l e , f o r example, salds "...Although the p r a c t i c e o f polygamy has by some war C h r i s t i a n s been used as an argument t o j u s t i f y murdering the T i - p i n g s , I do not remember an i n s t a n c e i n which those u l t r a - m o r a l personages have endeavoured t o teach the T i - p i n g s the d i f f e r e n c e between the law of w e l l - b e l o v e d Abraham's time, upon which many of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s r u l e s a r e framed, and the l a t e r d i s p e n s a t i o n o f the Gospel. I t i s , however, a gre a t mistake t o Imagine t h a t the T i - p i n g s a r e e i t h e r c;on-53 f i r m e d or u n i v e r s a l p o l y g a m i s t s . In the f i r s t p l a c e , as they have thrown o f f a l l the o t h e r heathen p r a c t i c e s of t h e i r countrymen, t h e r e i s no reason t o suppose they would make t h i s an e x c e p t i o n . In the second p l a c e , I know t h a t many who have become e n l i g h t e n e d by the New Testament, have abandoned polygamy; while a v a s t number o f the r e s t , o n l y p a r t i a l l y i n s t r u c t e d , a r e e i t h e r a v e r s e t o i t , o r simply m a i n t a i n the establishment of one p r i n c i p a l and s e v e r a l i n f e r i o r wives, or concubines, a c c o r d i n g t o a n c i e n t custom, and as a mark o f h i g h rank. I t i s a l s o a f a c t t h a t i n some c o u n t r i e s a p l u r a l i t y of wives i s r a t h e r b e n e f i c i a l than otherwise; and i t may be t h a t China i s one of these. But above a l l , however d e t e s t a b l e we may c o n s i d e r polygamy,where i s the D i v i n e command a g a i n s t i t ? 2 2 Thomas T. Meadows i s another commentator. He s t a t e d i n h i s The Chinese and T h e i r R e b e l l i o n s as f o l l o w s : "...they have l e a r n t t h e i r C h r i s t i a n i t y from the B i b l e , and t h a t , while polygamy i s a u t h o r i z e d a g a i n and a g a i n i n the Old Testament by the h i g h e s t ex-amples, i t i s nowhere p r o h i b i t e d i n the New Testament. The t h i r d chapter of the f i r s t E p i s t l e t o Timothy recommends bishops and deacons t o have one w i f e o n l y , but i t does not d e c l a r e i t t o be a p o s i t i v e s i n on t h e i r p a r t t o have more than one; w h i l e i t does imply t h a t o t h e r men—not bishops o r deacons—may have more than one w i f e , and yet be r e c e i v e d as members of the C h r i s t i a n community. F u r t h e r , i n the Chinese t r a n s -l a t i o n , the word w i f e i s rendered by t s ' e , the name of the w i f e proper (the Sarah) i n China, o f whom Confucian Chinese can o n l y have one. Of the t s e e ( c h i e n ) , the concubines (or Hagars) n o t h i n g i s s a i d i n the i n j u n c t i o n r e f e r r e d t o . What amount of i n s i g h t i n t o our i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the B i b l e and i n t o our views o f domestic or c o n j u g a l m o r a l i t y , Hung sew tseuen may have r e c e i v e d d u r i n g h i s two months s t a y with Mr. Roberts, we know not. He d i d not a t t r a c t Mr. Roberts' p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n . But we do know t h a t he must o f t e n have been t o l d t h a t the B i b l e i s the h i g h e s t standard of r e l i g i o n and m o r a l i t y — t h a t i t was wholly the word of God. T h i s being the case, the h i s t o r y of David, the chosen of God, with seven ts'e o r wives and t e n t s e e or concu-b i n e s , was o f i t s e l f enough t o r e f u t e i n h i s mind, 5 4 a n y t h i n g t h a t he may have heard a g a i n s t polygamy or concubinage from the Europeans of the present day. And i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r , the Chinese Sacred Records o f t h a t p e r i o d when Shang t e was s t i l l worshipped i n China, c o r r o b o r a t e d the Sacred Books of the West. For as i n the East, the re v e r e d a n c i e n t monarch, Yaou, gave h i s two daughters as wives t o h i s chosen s u c c e s s o r , the e q u a l l y r e v e r e d a n c i e n t monarch, Shun; so i n the West, Laban had g i v e n ; M s two daughters t o Jacob, the p r o g e n i t o r o f David and o f J e s u s . 3 The l i f e o f the Hakka women suggests the T a i p i n g view on marriage. A p p a r e n t l y , p r o v e r t y prevented the Hakka from p r a c t i c i n g polygyny and r e s t r i c t e d them t o monogamy. The promotion o f monogamy by Kan Wang, a devout C h r i s t i a n , i s another element which i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the p r a c t i c e of 24 monogamy. However, as l o n g as monogamy was a matter o f n e c e s s i t y r a t h e r than o f p r i n c i p l e , i t d i d not prevent the T a i p i n g s from p r a c t i c i n g polygyny whenever t h e i r wealth and s t a t u s p e r m i t t e d . Polygyny which had been p r a c t i s e d by monarchs, o f f i c e r s and r i c h people f o r thousands years In China served as a d i s t i n c t i o n of wealth and s t a t u s . As i n ot h e r d y n a s t i e s , polygyny i n the T a i p i n g s o c i e t y had the same s o c i a l f u n c t i o n . The T a i p i n g l e a d e r s suggested monogamy as a p r a c t i c e f o r the common people; on the o t h e r hand, they themselves g e n e r a l l y p r a c t i c e d polygyny. .Instead o f p o s i t i v e l y en-couraging people t o p r a c t i c e monogamy, they d i s p o s e d women as rewards f o r those who had accumulated m e r i t . These kinds o f 55 c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n t h e i r p o l i c i e s may have e x p l a i n e d why monogamy d i d not become the o n l y l e g a l marriage i n s t i t u t i o n and why polygyny became the symbol of wealth and s t a t u s i n the T a i p i n g s o c i e t y . A Comparison between the T r a d i t i o n a l and the T a i p i n g Marriages In comparing the t r a d i t i o n a l marriage with the T a i p i n g marriage, one may f i n d a number o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the T a i p i n g marriage system, which were d i f f e r e n t from the t r a d i t i o n a l one. 1) A marriage i n the T a i p i n g Kingdom had t o be r e g i s t e r e d and an o f f i c i a l c e r t i f i c a t e was i s s u e d t o the married couple. On the o t h e r hand, a t r a d i t i o n a l marriage i n Ch'ing Dynasty had n e i t h e r r e g i s t r a t i o n nor o f f i c i a l c e r -t i f i c a t e . In o t h e r words, a T a i p i n g marriage was a concern of the a u t h o r i t i e s of the s t a t e , w h i l e a t r a d i t i o n a l marriage was r a t h e r a f a m i l y a f f a i r which was not so much i n t e r f e r e d i n by the government. 2) A T a i p i n g marriage was i n p r i n c i p l e a t the expense of the common p r o p e r t y while a t r a d i t i o n a l marriage was completely a t t h e expense of the f a m i l i e s con-cerned. 3) The t r a d i t i o n a l s i x ceremonies were not mentioned i n the T a i p i n g marriage system, i n s t e a d , the T a i p i n g marriage ceremonies a f t e r 1859 were s i m i l a r t o t h a t of the Church of England. However, t h e r e were s i m i l a r i t i e s between the t r a -d i t i o n a l marriage system and the T a i p i n g " m a r r i a g e i n s t i t u t i o n . For i n s t a n c e , polygyny was p e r m i t t e d by both systems; t h e r e 56 were no i n s t i t u t i o n a l grounds f o r a woman t o o b t a i n a d i v o r c e or remarriage under e i t h e r system. The P o s i t i o n and Roles o f Women i n a T r a d i t i o n a l Family The t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese s o c i e t y was dominated by the p a t r i l i n e a l f a m i l y system. W i t h i n the household t h e r e was a d e f i n i t e h i e r a r c h y o f a u t h o r i t y and deference governed by the p r i n c i p l e s o f s e n i o r i t y o f g e n e r a t i o n and male dominance. The p o s i t i o n and r o l e s o f a woman were s u c c i n c t l y demonstrated i n a Confucian dogma o f San-tsung (three forms o f d e p e n d e n c e ) — b e f o r e marriage she depends on h e r f a t h e r f o r l i v i n g ; a f t e r marriage she depends on h e r husband; and a f t e r the death o f her husband, she depends on h e r son. In other words, women should be su b o r d i n a t e t o men and should not be independent i n any sense. Except f o r h e r c l a i m t o a dowry, a woman d i d not have the r i g h t o f s u c c e s s i o n t o any f a m i l y p r o p e r t y . A g i r l i n her everyday a c t i v i t i e s l e a r n e d t o venerate the people o f s e n i o r g e n e r a t i o n s , and o l d e r s i b l i n g s and cousins o f the same g e n e r a t i o n . She a l s o l e a r n e d t h a t her p l a c e was secondary t o male c h i l d r e n o f the same g e n e r a t i o n . M a r r y i n g ; i n t o a f a m i l y , she had t o submit h e r s e l f f i r s t and foremost t o the a u t h o r i t y o f h e r p a r e n t s - i n - l a w and s e c o n d a r i l y t o t h a t o f her husband and a l l o t h e r e l d e r s i n the f a m i l y . She was judged on her adequacy as a daughter-in-law and put i n a competive p o s i t i o n with any other daughters-in-law. In t h i s c r i t i c a l 57 stage o f her l i f e , she had the support and comfort o f no one nearby, not even her husband whose f i r s t duty and l o y a l t y was to h i s p a r e n t s . In cases o f complaints o f maltreatment, the wif e ' s f a m i l y u s u a l l y counseled p a t i e n c e and forbearance o r even s i d e d with the husband's f a m i l y i n order t o prevent an open feud between the two f a m i l i e s . With the b i r t h o f a son, because she f u l f i l l e d h er duty i n p e r p e t u a t i n g the a n c e s t r a l l i n e a g e and found p r o t e c t i o n and s e c u r i t y i n the f u t u r e o f the son, her f a t e would be im-proved. Without a male c h i l d , h er p o s i t i o n as a wife i n t r a -d i t i o n a l times c o u l d be j e o p a r d i z e d by the f a m i l y ' s d e c i s i o n t o b r i n g i n a secondary w i f e o r concubine, t o ensure c o n t i -n u i t y of the male l i n e . When a woman became a mother-in-law with a u t h o r i t y -over h e r son's w i f e , she might make up f o r her e a r l i e r d i s -advantages. As a grandmother, she was u s u a l l y the supreme woman i n the household. A teenage g i r l i n a t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y u s u a l l y had to l e a r n t a i l o r i n g and v a r i o u s k i n d s o f housework b e f o r e she got married. As a wi f e , she had t o do almost e v e r y t h i n g w i t h i n a house i f her husband was not r i c h enough t o h i r e (or buy) s e r v a n t s . Among the peasants and the urban poor, women were r e l a t i v e l y l e s s dominated by the h i e r a r c h y o f f a m i l y e l d e r s . F or economic reasons, they a l s o had t o undertake more a c t i v i t i e s i n the f a m i l y e n t e r p r i s e , whether farming o r shop-5 8 keeping. In many peasant f a m i l i e s , the wives worked as maids i n town t o earn the cash income f o r home. The o v e r - a l l e f f e c t of t h i s economic n e c e s s i t y was t h a t woman from the low s o c i o -economic l e v e l had a g r e a t e r v o i c e i n f a m i l y a f f a i r s and g r e a t e r freedom t o make s o c i a l c o n t a c t s i n the v i l l a g e o r t r a d i n g p l a c e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , these women had t o p l a y a secondary r o l e t o s u r v i v i n g male e l d e r s , e s p e c i a l l y , i n formal and p u b l i c matters o u t s i d e the f a m i l y . In the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y , a woman's s o c i a l s t a t u s rose o r f e l l with the f o r t u n e s o f h e r p a r e n t a l f a m i l y . She coul d a l s o improve h e r c l a s s s t a t u s through marriage o r through the academic success o f her husband. In oth e r words, she cou l d enhance her own s o c i a l s t a t u s o n l y when the s t a t u s o f her f a m i l y 2 5 o r her husband had improved. The P o s i t i o n and Roles of Women i n a T a i p i n g Family The T a i p i n g f a m i l y system was p o s s i b l y a p a t r i l i n e a l system a l s o . I t s important p r i n c i p l e s which determined the h i e r a r c h y o f a u t h o r i t y were the s e n i o r i t y o f g e n e r a t i o n and male dominance. L i k e a t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y , the p o s i t i o n and r o l e s o f women In a T a i p i n g f a m i l y changed a c c o r d i n g t o the d i f f e r e n t l i f e s t a g e s — a s a g i r l , a w i f e , a daughter-in-law, a mother, or a grandmother. F o r example, a daughter-in-law was u s u a l l y i n a d i f f i c u l t p o s i t i o n i n which she was s u b j e c t t o constant c r i t i c i s m s from h e r mother-in-law. G e n e r a l l y 59 speaking, no matter how improved a woman's p o s i t i o n would become, her s t a t u s i n a f a m i l y was secondary t o the men of s e n i o r g e n e r a t i o n and of her own. Wi t h i n a f a m i l y , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between husband and w i f e , f o r i n s t a n c e , remained unchanged. F o l l o w i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l way, the T a i p i n g s adopted the p r i n c i p l e o f San-ts'ung. Hung Hsiu-ch'uan's Yu-hsueh-shih (Ode f o r Youth) s t a t e d J "...the way o f a wife l i e s i n san-ts'ung, she i s not supposed t o dis o b e y her husband."26 The p r i n c i p l e o f the a t t i t u d e s o f a husband and a wife toward each o t h e r conforms t o the i d e a expressed i n L i -c h i , t he husband i s t o be j u s t and the wife has t o be obedient. Mencius* i d e a o f c h a r a c t e r i z i n g the husband-wife r e l a t i o n by d i s t i n c t i o n was a p p a r e n t l y a p p l i e d by the T a i p i n g s t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p between man and woman i n g e n e r a l . For i n s t a n c e , Yu-hsueh-shih s a i d : "The male p r i n c i p l e c p n s l s t s o f firmness and s t e r n -ness o r r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and the p o s i t i o n o f a male i s o u t s i d e the house; he should be above a l l sus-p i c i o n . . . The female p r i n c i p l e c o n s i s t s i n C h a s t i t y , and a woman should not go near men. S o l i t a r y , calm, and d i g n i f i e d , she o b t a i n s h er p l a c e i n s i d e the household; l i v i n g i n t h i s way, she w i l l enjoy h e r a u s p i c i o u s l u c k . 27 Women i n t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese s o c i e t y were expected t o do some home handiwork, so were the T a i p i n g women, " T ' i e n -ch'ao t'ien-mou c h i h - t u " s t i p u l a t e d : "...throughout the :empire the mulberry t r e e i s t o be p l a n t e d beneath the w a l l s , so t h a t a l l women 6o s h a l l r a i s e silkworms, s p i n c l o t h and sew d r e s s e s . . . " d Q The evidence as mentioned above shows us t h a t the T a i p i n g f a m i l y was s t i l l dominated by Chinese t r a d i t i o n . However, a T a i p i n g woman, as a f a m i l y member, en-joyed equal r i g h t s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l a n d . I n " T ' i e n -ch'ao t'ien-mou c h i h - t u " (The Land System of the Heavenly Dynasty, 1853), the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l a n d was made a c c o r d i n g t o the s i z e of the f a m i l y , i r r e s p e c t i v e of sex. The l a r g e r the number of f a m i l y members the more l a n d they would r e c e i v e ; the s m a l l e r the number, the l e s s the amount o f l a n d . For every person, male or female, of s i x t e e n years of age or upward, a c e r t a i n p o r t i o n of l a n d would be a l l o t t e d ; f o r anyone who was f i f t e e n years of age or under, h a l f t h a t 29 q u a n t i t y was g i v e n . Whether or not a T a i p i n g woman cou l d i n h e r i t the f a m i l y p r o p e r t y i s unknown. T h e o r e t i c a l l y , no f a m i l y c o u l d have any p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , because they p r a c t i s e d a common s h a r i n g system. However, because the common t r e a s u r y system was not t h o r o u g h l y c a r r i e d out, the problem of succes-s i o n t o the f a m i l y p r o p e r t y would have evolved. S i n c e the T a i p i n g women had equal r i g h t s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d , i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t they had equal r i g h t s i n the s u c c e s s i o n t o the f a m i l y p r o p e r t y a l s o . In the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l a n d , the T a i p i n g wom|n had the same r i g h t s as men, but i n marriage, they were not on an equal f o o t i n g and were con s i d e r e d rewards f o r men who had 61 accumulated m e r i t . I t i s u n c l e a r why and how t h i s c o n t r a -d i t i o n came about simply because o f the l a c k o f r e l e v a n t evidence. But i t was probably because o f t h e i r p r i n c i p l e of common s h a r i n g , which d i d not a l l o w anyone t o accumulate p r i v a t e wealth, so t h a t the T a i p i n g l e a d e r s c o u l d not use money (or goods) as rewards. Thus, they used women as rewards, and were not c o n s i s t e n t i n t h e i r p o l i c i e s o f l a n d and marriage. For women t o have equal r i g h t s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d was a new i d e a which had not appeared i n Chinese h i s t o r y u n t i l T ' a i - p ' i n g t'len-kuo. F or example, the l a n d systems o f Chou, H s i n Mang, P e l Wei, P e l C h ' i , T s i n , S u i , or T'ang d i d not o f f e r equal r i g h t s f o r both sexes i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d . The Ch'ing government d i d not pro v i d e equal r i g h t s f o r women e i t h e r . T h e r e f o r e , i f one wants t o d i s t i n g u i s h the T a i p i n g Land System from o t h e r s , the e q u a l i t y of the sexes i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d must be the main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . However, the Land System o f the Heavenly 30 Dynasty was not c a r r i e d out, consequently, the i d e a o f e q u a l i t y i n l a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n was not r e a l i z e d . Comparison and Summary In sum, a T a i p i n g marriage had t o get o f f i c i a l a p p r o v a l . I t was arranged by the o f f i c i a l match-makers. Except f o r some of h i g h e r rank, people seldom had f r e e c h o i c e . 6 2 The marriage ceremony at lea s t i n p r i n c i p l e was held i n a church at the expense of the common treasury. Polygyny as well as monogamy, was a l e g a l form of marriage, but was not permitted among the common people (or the s o l d i e r s ) . Women were regarded as rewards f o r men i n the practice of polygyny. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s mentioned above i l l u s t r a t e how the T a i -ping marriage d i f f e r e d from the t r a d i t i o n a l marriage. Under the standards of freedom and equality f o r both sexes, i t can be seen that l i t t l e progress was made i n terms of the im-provement of women's po s i t i o n . There i s no evidence to show that the structure of the Taiping family was d i f f e r e n t from that of the t r a -d i t i o n a l family. The l i m i t e d materials indicate that the Taiping family system was based on Confucian teachings of kinship r e l a t i o n s h i p . The po s i t i o n of women i n a Taiping family was the same as i n a t r a d i t i o n a l family with only one exception, that as a family member, a woman had equal rights i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of land. A f t e r considering the Taiping marriage and family system, and comparing i t to the t r a d i t i o n a l system, i t can be seen the p o s i t i o n of woman, as f a r as t h e i r r i g h t s and treatment In marriage or i n the family are concerned, remained unimproved. 63 FOOTNOTES !• c f . T'zu H a l , p. 3^ 3 and Ch'en Tung-yuan, 1935, P. 43. 2. c f . T'zu-Hal, p. 16. 3. Because o f the l i m i t e d space, t h i s s h o r t r e p o r t can not g i v e the i n f o r m a t i o n about the t r a d i t i o n a l marriage and f a m i l y i n d e t a i l . For f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n , one may see Lee Shu-ching "China's t r a d i t i o n a l Family: i t s C h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s and D i s i n t e g r a t i o n " i n America S o c i o l o g y Review, V o l . 18, 1935$ L i n Yueh-hwa, The Golden Wing. 19^8; Wolf. M a r j o r i e , The House o f L i n . 1968; P r a t t ^ J . A . "Emigration and U n i l i n e a l Descent Groups: A Study o f Marriage i n a Hakka V i l l a g e i n the New T e r r i t o r i e s , Hong Kong" i n The  Ea s t e r n A n t h r o p o l o g i s t . V o l . X I I I , No. 4, i960; Levy Jr..M.J.,The Family R e v o l u t i o n i n Modern China. 1949; Freedman, Maurice, R i t e s and D u t i e s o r Chinese Marriage, 1967; Chai Ch'u and Chal,Wlnberg,The Changing S o c i e t y of China, 1962? and Yang, C.K., Chinese Communist S o c i e t y :  The Family and the V i l l a g e . . 1959. 4. Hsiang Ta et a l . ( e d i t o r s ) , T ' a i - p ' i n g t ' i e n - k u o . 1952, V o l . VI. p. 736. 5. L i Ch'un, T ' a i - p ' i n g t'len-kuo c h i h - t u ch'u-t'an. 1963, p. 502. 6. The I n i t i a l t i t l e o f Chou-11. a l s o c a l l e d Chou Kuan Ching. The book d e s c r i b e d the p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y system o f the Chou dynasty, ( c f . Tz'u H a l , pp. 570-571.) T h i s book was one of the main sources from which the T a i p i n g s borrowed i d e a s f o r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n s . However, sometimes the T a i p i n g s merely borrowed the t i t l e s , d i s -c a r d i n g e n t i r e l y the "content" o f these t i t l e s . F or ex-ample, the T a i p i n g s used the t i t l e s o f the s i x m i n i s t e r s o f the Chou-kuan—t'ien-kuan, t i - k u a n , ch'un-kuan, h s i a -kuan, ch'iu-kuan, and tung-kuan,—but these o f f i c e s d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y f u l f i l the same f u n c t i o n s as those o f Chou- kuan. The f u n c t i o n s o f the head o f the T'ien-kuan De-partment, as d e f i n e d i n the Chou-kuan. was t h a t he should be charged with the government o f the s t a t e and the duty o f a s s i s t i n g the k i n g t o g i v e e q u i t y t o the whole country. But i n the T a i p i n g system, Tseng Ch'ai-yang, the second a s s i s t a n t m i n i s t e r o f the T'ien-kuan Department, was,in the same year, Yu-chang ch'a o - i i n charge of court r i t u a l s . R i t u a l s , a c c o r d i n g t o the Chou-kuan system, were s u p e r v i s e d by Ch'un kuan. An attempt t o d e f i n e the f u n c t i o n s o f the T a i p i n g m i n i s t e r s by i n q u i r i n g i n t o what they were a c t u a l l y 64 charged t o do r e v e a l s t h a t , with few exc e p t i o n s , they were p r i m a r i l y e n t r u s t e d with m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s . A c c o r d i n g t o the Chou-kuan system they should a l l have been g i v e n the t i t l e o f hsia-kuan. In b r i e f , the f u n c t i o n s and r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n s o f the T a i p i n g m i n i s t e r s and t h e i r o f f i c e s a r e vague. For d e t a i l , see Shih , Vincent Y.C., The T a i p i n g Ideology, 196?, pp. 253-268; and H s i e h Hsing-yao, T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo t l she-hul  cheng-chih ssu-hsiang, 1935, PP« 20-22. 7. The s p e c i f i c numbers (e.g. 100, 1000, e t c . ) a r e unknown. The books which mentioned t h i s event as f o l l o w s : Wang T'ao, Wen?-yu yu-t'an and Tu Wen-Ian, 1871, Appendix I I I , i n V i n c e n t S h i h , 1967, pp. 70-71; H s i e h Hsing-yao, 1935, pp. 21-22. 8. L i n - l e , T l - p i n g Tien-kwoh. 1866, p. 317. 9. Because L i n - l e j o i n e d the T a i p i n g i n i860 and l e f t i n 1864. What he observed would not be befo r e i860. 10. Lo Erh-kang, T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo wen-x-ra t ' u - s h l h , 1956, pp. 225-227. 11. I b i d , p. 227. 12. Jen lu-wen, T'ai-p'infe t'ien-kuo t ' i e n - c h l h t'ung-k'ao, 1958. p. 1242. 13. I b i d . 1958, p. 1243; L i n - l e , 1866, p. 54o. 14. L i n - l e , 1861, pp. 317-18. 15. Jen Yu-wen, 1958, p. 1260. 16. I b i d , pp. 1250-1255. 17. Kuo T i n g - i , 1947, V o l . 2, p. 748. 18. Shi h , V i n c e n t , 1967, p. 70. 19. Chang, T s e - c h ' l n g h u l - t s u a n , chuan 12, i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . I l l , p. 313. 20. Jen Yu-wen, 1958, pp. 1259-1266. 21. " T ' i e n - f u h s i a - f a n chao-shu" i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . I . pp. 23-56. 65 22. L i n - l e , 1866, pp. 300-301. 23. Meadows, 1856, pp. 443-444. 24. L i n - l e , 1866, p. 54o. 25. For more information about the p o s i t i o n of women i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese family, see Patai, Raphael, Women . In the Modern World. 1967, pp. 410-33; Van Den Sprenkel, S y b i l l e , Legal I n s t i t u t i o n s i n Manchu China, 1962; Ayscough, Florence, Chinese Women, Yesterday & Today. 1938; Yang, C.K., Chinese Communist Societys The Family and The V i l l a g e , 1959; Snow, H.F., Women i n Modern China. 1967; Lang, Olga, Chinese Family and Society. 1964" 26. Hsiao I-shan, 1956, Vol. I, p. 444. Yu-hsueh-shlh (Ode f o r Youth) was written by Hung Hsiu-ch'ftan (the Heavenly King). The Taiping s o c i a l re-lationships are presented i n t h i s book. The book f i r s t takes up man's reverent r e l a t i o n s h i p to God and Jesus. Next, f i l i a l piety i s considered, defining the a t t i t u d e of a son i n his r e l a t i o n s h i p to his parents. Then other relationships are described, based upon the general concept of f i l i a l p iety. 27. Ibid, p. 447. 28. Cheng J.C., 1963, p. 40. 29. T'ien-ch'ao t'ien-mou chih-tu i n Lo Erh-kang, 1950, p. 2. 30. S h i h , V i n c e n t , 1967, PP. 489-490. 66 CHAPTER I I WOMEN'S QUARTERS The Establishment of the Separate Quarters and T h e i r B a s i c Aims Separate q u a r t e r s f o r men and women were e s t a b l i s h e d as e a r l y as the assembling o f the r e b e l s a t C h i n - t ' i e n , K u e i -p ' l n g H s i e n , K w a n g s i — t h e o r i g i n a l s i t e o f the r e b e l l i o n , i n 1850. The duty o f the men's q u a r t e r s was f i g h t i n g , w h ile t h a t o f the women's, mainly subordinate work connected with f i g h t -i n g and f i g h t i n g too i f i t was necessa r y . The boys who s t i l l had t o r e l y on t h e i r mothers f o r support were organized i n t o women's q u a r t e r s , otherwise they belonged i n men's. Both men's and women's q u a r t e r s were i n s t i t u t e d as m i l i t a r y systems. The s e g r e g a t i o n o f sexes was one of the d i s t i n g u i s h -i n g f e a t u r e s o f T a i p i n g s o c i e t y . When the T a i p i n g s e s t a b l i s h e d separate q u a r t e r s f o r men and women, they proclaimed the "Ten Important R e g u l a t i o n s f o r the S t a t i o n a r y Quarter". The f i f t h o f these r e g u l a t i o n s s t i p u l a t e d t h a t one must observe the 1 s e p a r a t i o n between the men's and women's q u a r t e r s . Tung Wang admonished the people f o r wanting f a m i l i e s o f t h e i r own bef o r e they had t h e i r own country and a d v i s e d them t o f o r g e t s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t i n the c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f the p u b l i c . Men and women had t o be separated i n order t o a v o i d the p o s s i b i l i t y o f a d u l t e r y and the v i o l a t i o n o f the Heavenly 67 2 Commandments. Sometimes, v i s i t i n g was allowed, but they were p e r m i t t e d o n l y t o t a l k a t the door a t a c e r t a i n d i s t a n c e . The T a i p i n g l e a d e r s were f i r m i n t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n . Prom C h i n - t ' i e n t o C h i n - l i n g , they kept the men and women s t r i c t l y a p a r t — e v e n husbands and wives were c o n s i d e r e d a d u l t e r e r s i f they were found s l e e p i n g t o g e t h e r , and were executed f o r v i o l a t i n g the Heavenly Commandments. However, i t was q u i t e e vident t h a t some people s t i l l d i s r e g a r d e d the s e g r e g a t i o n and v i o l a t e d the r u l e s . For example, Ch'en Tsung-yang, Tung-kuan fu-ch'eng-hsiang (the Deputy m i n i s t e r o f the Winter Department), l o s t h i s l i f e f o r s t a y i n g with h i s wife 3 o v e r n i g h t , and i n 1 8 5 1 , H s i Wang, Hsiao Ch'ao-kuei, had even h i s parents t r i e d and executed f o r the same v i o l a t i o n . Reasons f o r the Establishment o f the Separate Quarters F i r s t , the T a i p i n g might have r e c o g n i z e d the e f f e c t o f f a m i l y burdens on the e f f i c i e n c y o f the f i g h t i n g f o r c e and the advantages o f s e p a r a t i n g the sexes i n f i g h t i n g . There-f o r e , i n a d d i t i o n t o not a l l o w i n g t h e i r people t o l i v e with t h e i r f a m i l i e s o r t o get married, they i n s t i t u t e d separate 5 q u a r t e r s f o r them. The measure adopted by the T a i p i n g s was a c t u a l l y d e v i s e d f o r p o l i t i c a l o r m i l i t a r y c o n t r o l . Separate q u a r t e r s f o r women and men were i n i t i a t e d t o i n c r e a s e the e f f i c i e n c y of the s o c i e t y as a f i g h t i n g machine. Second, they regarded a d u l t e r y as the g r e a t e s t o f 68 a l l s i n s . The p r o h i b i t i o n o f a d u l t e r y was one o f t h e i r most s e r i o u s d o c t r i n e s . The seventh Heavenly Commandment s t a t e d , "Thou s h a l t not commit a d u l t e r y " , and the note added: " A l l men i n the world a r e b r o t h e r s and a l l women are s i s t e r s . With regard t o the c h i l d r e n i n p a r a d i s e , men must go t o the men's q u a r t e r s and women must go t o the women's. They must not i n t e r m i n g l e . Men o r women who commit a d u l t e r y a r e ' t u r n i n g i n t o d e v i l s * . The g r e a t e s t v i o l a t i o n a g a i n s t the Heavenly Commandments i s c a s t i n g e v i l eyes and having a l u s t f u l h e a r t . " 6 Moreover, the poem a t t a c h e d t o the seventh Heavenly Command-ment s a i d : " A d u l t e r y i s the g r e a t e s t o f a l l s i n s , and no t h i n g i s more p i t i a b l e than being transformed i n t o a d e v i l . " The establishment o f separate q u a r t e r s served as a measure f o r p r o h i b i t i n g a d u l t e r y . T h i r d , the women's q u a r t e r s kept the s o l d i e r s * r e l a t i v e s (mothers, wives, s i s t e r s and c h i l d r e n ) as hostages. I f anyone v i o l a t e d the m i l i t a r y r e g u l a t i o n s o r surrendered t o the enemy, not o n l y he h i m s e l f , but a l s o h i s r e l a t i v e s were i m p l i c a t e d i n the crime and punished. F o r f e a r o f i n -v o l v i n g h i s r e l a t i v e s , a s o l d i e r had t o be c a r e f u l o f what he d i d . T h e r e f o r e , the establishment o f women's q u a r t e r s might a l s o be regarded as a d e v i c e f o r p r e v e n t i n g s o l d i e r s 7 from s u r r e n d i n g and v i o l a t i n g r u l e s . F o u r t h , i n the l a t e r p e r i o d o f T ' a i - p ' i n g t ' i e n -kuo a f t e r i 8 6 0 , some women's q u a r t e r s s t i l l e x i s t e d i n the 69 p r i n c i p a l c i t i e s (e.g. C h i n - l i n g ) . P r o t e c t i o n o f the women would have been the main reason f o r t h e i r e x i s t e n c e . A c c o r d i n g t o L i n - l e , every woman i n the Kingdom should e i t h e r be married, the member o f a f a m i l y , o r a r e s i d e n t o f one o f the women's q u a r t e r s . No s i n g l e woman was allowed t o l i v e by h e r s e l f . The i n s t i t u t i o n s were p a r t i c u l a r l y o r g a n i z e d and designed t o educate and p r o t e c t the young g i r l s who l o s t t h e i r n a t u r a l guardians, married women whose husbands were away upon p u b l i c d u t i e s , and those who had no r e l a t i v e s 8 t o p r o t e c t and support them. The O r g a n i z a t i o n o f Women's Quarters Ming Te-en, Ch'un-kuan-ch'eng-hsiang (the M i n i s t e r of the S p r i n g Department), was appointed t o be commander-in-c h i e f o f the women's q u a r t e r s i n C h i n - l i n g . There were a l s o a few o l d e r male o f f i c e r s i n charge o f the a f f a i r s of the women's q u a r t e r s c a l l e d Nu-ying hsun-ch'a ( i n s p e c t o r s o f 9 women's q u a r t e r s ) . W i t h i n the women's q u a r t e r s , t h e r e were female o f f i c e r s , f o r the most p a r t from Kwangsi, Kwangtung or Hunan, i n charge o f the a c t u a l d a i l y guidance and i n -s p e c t i o n . The b a s i c u n i t o f the women's q u a r t e r was composed o f t w e n t y - f i v e women l e d by one Ntl liang-ssu-ma (female 10 p l a t o o n - c h i e f ) . The c o n t r o l o f s e g r e g a t i o n o f the q u a r t e r s was s e v e r e l y s t r i c t . Tu Wen-Ian, i n h i s P ' i n g - t ' i n g y u e h - f e i 70 c h i - l u e h s t a t e d the f o l l o w i n g ; "The r e b e l s were v e r y s t r i c t i n the s e p a r a t i o n of sexes. The men captured d u r i n g a campaign were orga n i z e d i n t o the men's q u a r t e r s under the super-v i s i o n o f the generals the captured women were orga n i z e d i n t o women's q u a r t e r s i n the r e a r , under the c o n t r o l of the women from Kwangsi. The con-t r o l was g r e a t l y t i g h t e n e d when they a r r i v e d i n C h i n - l i n g , much more s t r i c t than when they were on the march. O c c a s i o n a l l y , some men made t h e i r way i n t o the women's q u a r t e r s by s t e a l t h , but the q u a r t e r s were d a i l y i n v e s t i g a t e d and numbered and were s t r i c t l y s u p e r v i s e d i n the name of the c h i e f o f the q u a r t e r s . T h e i r r e g i s t e r was presented t o the I m p e r i a l Decree Board f o r i n s p e c t i o n every month. T h e r e f o r e , even the o l d r e b e l s from Kwangsi dared not d i s t u r b the ord e r . Many g i r l s from g r e a t f a m i l i e s were thus a b l e t o keep t h e i r c h a r a c t e r . " As mentioned b e f o r e , the women's q u a r t e r s were e s t a b l i s h e d as m i l i t a r y I n s t i t u t i o n s , thus, t h e r e were female o f f i c e r s o f s e v e r a l ranks which were c l a s s i f i e d i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s — C h ' a o - n e i ntl-kuan (Women Court O f f i c i a l s ) and Chun-chung ntl-kuan (Women F i e l d O f f i c e r s ) . S i n c e the Women Court O f f i c i a l s were not organized i n t o women's q u a r t e r s a f t e r the T a i p i n g s a r r i v e d i n C h i n - l i n g , they w i l l be d i s -cussed l a t e r i n Chapter IV. The system o f the women's army corps was as f o l l o w s i The women were org a n i z e d i n t o f i v e s e c t i o n s — l e f t , r i g h t , f r o n t , r e a r and middle, with e i g h t army corps f o r each. There were f o r t y women army corps i n t o t a l . Each army i n c l u d e d one s u p e r i n t e n d e n t , one i n s p e c t o r , one commander, 25 company-c h i e f s , 100 p l a t o o n - c h i e f s , and 2500 s o l d i e r s . 71 The Ranking o f the Women F i e l d O f f i c e r s F i r s t Ranks Ntl t s u n g - c h i h (Women Corps Superintendents) (4o members i n t o t a l ) Second Rank: Ntl chien-chtln (Women Corps I n s p e c t o r s ) T h i r d Rank: M chtln-shuai (Women Corps Commanders) (each women's army i n c l u d e d 2,500 s o l d i e r s ) F o u r t h Rank: Ntl ts'u-chang (Women Company-Chiefs) (each i n charge o f 100 women s o l d i e r s ) F i f t h Rank: Ntl liang-ssu-ma (Women P l a t o o n - C h i e f s ) (40 members i n t o t a l ) (40 members i n t o t a l ) (1000 members i n t o t a l ) (4000 members i n t o t a l ) (each i n charge o f 25 women s o l d i e r s ) The women's q u a r t e r s o f C h i n - l i n g i n c l u d e d about one hundred thousand women s o l d i e r s and f i v e thousand women o f f i c e r s i n 1853» L a t e r on, i n the summer o f 185 ,^ the female t r o o p s i n c r e a s e d t o one hundred and f o u r t e e n thousand. I t was composed o f o n l y about two thousand from Kwangtung o r Kwangsi (because most o f Kwangtung o r Kwangsi women served i n the k i n g s ' p a l a c e s , not i n the women's q u a r t e r s ) , t h r e e hundred from Hunan, twenty thousand from Hupei, two thousand from Anhwei, t e n thousand from Chen-chiang and Yang-chou, and 72 12 e i g h t y thousand from C h i n - l i n g . Except those Kwangsi o r Kwangtung women who v o l u n t a r i l y j o i n e d the r e b e l l i o n with t h e i r f a m i l i e s , most of the women were org a n i z e d i n t o the women's q u a r t e r s by 13 f o r c e . Once the T a i p i n g s conquered a c i t y o r occupied 14 an a r e a , they were l i k e l y t o e s t a b l i s h the women's q u a r t e r s . I t was r e p o r t e d t h a t a few women, e s p e c i a l l y those from the gentr y , r e f u s e d t o j o i n the q u a r t e r s and committed s u i c i d e . The T a i p i n g s f o r c e d people t o j o i n t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n , probably because they needed h e l p from both sexes and, i n or d e r t o enlarge t h e i r f o r c e s , they took i t f o r granted t h a t d r a f t i n g 15 people was a l e g a l and normal d e v i c e . The F u n c t i o n of Women's Quarters E a r l i e r , i n 1853» each woman i n a q u a r t e r o f Ch i n -l i n g was all o w e d one Sheng (a p i n t ) o f r i c e every day. A f t e r the summer of 1854, however, each was all o w e d o n l y 3-6 L i a n g (one t a e l o r one ounce) because of the l a c k of food. Work was a l l o t t e d t o everyone a c c o r d i n g t o a b i l i t y . F o r example, those who were good a t t a i l o r i n g would be sent t o , t h e em-b r o i d e r y camps under Ntt h s i u - c h i n c h i h - h u l (women d i r e c t o r s o f the embroidery camps). The others were a s s i g n e d s e v e r a l k i n d s o f w o r k — j o b s r e q u i r i n g u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r i n g e n e r a l , — such as c a r r y i n g r i c e , c o a l , b r i c k s , and s o i l ; d i g g i n g d i t c h e s 73 16 or trenches i n warfare; and harvesting, etc.. Besides the labour work, women had to j o i n the f i g h t i n g when i t was necessary. Chung Tai-ytln, a poet of that time, mentioned i n one of his poems the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women and children 17 i n the ba t t l e of Ts'ai-ts*un-chiang i n 1850. There were a few poems written on the top of Tu-hsiu-feng, i n Kwangsi, pr a i s i n g the uprising of the Taipings. The following i s the one describing the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women and children i n a b a t t l e : "Midst the troops were women surging forward east and west, War cries were mixed with the voices of children heard near and far."18 As early as 1851, two female b a n d i t s — C h ' i u Erh-sou and Su San-niang—each one bringing about 2000 followers joined Rung's organization, and were received on submitting 19 to the authority of Hung and the rule of the congregation. T'ien Wang's decrees, which were issued i n Yung-an i n I852, always mentioned to both sexes to be brave i n f i g h t -20 ing. According to Tse-ch'lng hul-tsuan, the Taipings already had women troops when they were i n Yung-an. Most of the women fig h t e r s were r e l a t i v e s of the leaders. They wore turbans wrapped around t h e i r heads, climbed the c l i f f s bare-footed and were much braver than the men. They a c t u a l l y took part i n the battles and often i n f l i c t e d great damage on the 74 21 government t r o o p s . When the T a i p i n g s a r r i v e d i n Wu-ch'ang, Hupei i n 1852, women s t i l l j o i n e d t he f i g h t i n g . Chen Hui-yen, a commoner, i n h i s Wu-ch'ang c h i - s h i h s a i d ; "Women a l s o occupied o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f men. Sometimes they a l s o went out t o f i g h t wearing.red s i l k head-dresses and grass sandals and they were q u i t e b r a v e . 2 2 Chang Pin-yuan, a spy of the Ch'ing government, In one of h i s l e t t e r s t o Hsiang Jung, a commander of the Ch'ing army, t o l d us how brave the T a i p i n g women i n Chin-l i n g In 1853 were. He made a su g g e s t i o n t o Hsiang Jungs "When the c i t y f a l l s , a l l the Kwangsi women should be put t o death and no mercy should be shown t o them, because these women a r e a l l brave and f i e r c e and have a c t e d as s o l d i e r s i n defe n d i n g the c i t y . " Between 1853 and I856, Cheng-chiang was besieged by the Ch'ing army. Duri n g t h a t time, most o f the s o l d i e r s who guarded Chen-chiang were women. The Ch'ing army was o f t e n beaten by the women s o l d i e r s when i t made a t t a c k s on 24 the c i t y . A c c o r d i n g t o T i f o u tao jen, a commoner, i n h i s C h i n - l i n g t s a c h i , t h e r e were many women i n the king s * p a l a c e s . The b r a v e s t and f i e r c e s t were the r e l a t i v e s o f the Kwangsi r e b e l s . Those women were good a t f i g h t i n g and guarded the kings d u r i n g the i n t e r n a l s t r i f e of 1856. P e l Wang's s o l d i e r s who a t t a c k e d T ' i e n Wang's pa l a c e were def e a t e d by h i s women 25 s o l d i e r s . 75 Besides the Chinese sources mentioned above, the f o r e i g n documentations a l s o i n d i c a t e the e x i s t e n c e o f women s o l d i e r s . L i n - l e ' s T i - p i n g T'len-kwoh, f o r example, s t a t e s : " . . . t o behold leagued t o g e t h e r , not o n l y the effeminat e Chinese but even t h e i r women—wives and daughters f i g h t i n g by the s i d e o f t h e i r husbands and f a t h e r s , i n s p i r e d by one common hope and a r d o u r — a l l animated by a great r e -l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l o b j e c t f o r the attainment o f which they had s u f f e r e d and fought many y e a r s — i s an event never b e f o r e r e a l i z e d i n the h i s t o r y o f China. ...very many of the women accompany t h e i r husbands upon m i l i t a r y expe-d i t i o n s , i n s p i r e d with enthusiasm t o share the dangers and severe h a r d s h i p s o f the b a t t l e -f i e l d . In such cases they a r e g e n e r a l l y mounted upon the Chinese ponies, donkeys o r mules which they r i d e a l a Duchesse de B e r r i . In former years they were wont t o f i g h t b r a v e l y and cou l d a b l y d i s c h a r g e the d u t i e s o f o f f i c e r s , b e i n g however formed i n t o a separate camp and o n l y . j o i n i n g the men i n the r e l i g i o u s o b s e r v a n c e s . 2 0 In b r i e f , s i n c e the be g i n n i n g o f the r e b e l l i o n , the T a i p i n g women were org a n i z e d i n t o m i l i t a r y groups, they were l e a d by Kwangsi women and fought a g a i n s t the Ch'ing army as b r a v e l y as the male t r o o p s . The main reasons f o r why and how the T a i p i n g women c o u l d f i g h t a r e as f o l l o w s . F i r s t , the Hakka l o c a l customs were e a s i l y adopted t o f i g h t i n g . Both Hakka men and women were hard workers. Hakka women were used t o l a b o u r which was u s u a l l y a s s i g n e d t o men (e.g. t i l l a g e ) , 27 and were accustomed t o endure much from t h e i r v e r y c h i l d h o o d . Second, the Kingdom o f f e r e d m i l i t a r y p o s i t i o n s f o r women which i n c l u d e d s e v e r a l ranks. The women cou l d be promoted through f i g h t i n g , and t h i s i n s p i r e d them t o f i g h t b r a v e l y . T h i r d , 76 the Kingdom needed women's h e l p . Fourth, under some circum-stances, women, as w e l l as men, were f o r c e d t o f i g h t i n or d e r t o p r o t e c t themselves. F i f t h , having equal r i g h t s t o the common p r o p e r t y s h a r i n g system, the T a i p i n g women would have been e q u a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a share o f the duty o f f i g h t i n g . The D i s s o l u t i o n o f Women's Quarters As mentioned i n Chapter I, the T a i p i n g l e a d e r s had promised t h e i r f o l l o w e r s i n Yung-an t h a t they would be allowed t o get married o r t o r e u n i t e with t h e i r f a m i l i e s a f t e r they got t o C h i n - l i n g . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the l e a d e r s d i d not keep t h e i r promise. In 1854, Tung Wang made another promise and t r i e d t o appease h i s people In the f o l l o w i n g p r o c l a m a t i o n : " . . . L a s t s p r i n g I l e d a m i l l i o n p i c k e d t r o o p s , t o march t o and t o e s t a b l i s h the f o u n d a t i o n (Heavenly C a p i t a l — C h i n - l i n g ) . When the c i t y was captured, I, the G e n e r a l i s s i m o , gave s t r i c t o r d ers t o r e s t r a i n my t r o o p s . They were o n l y p e r m i t t e d t o exterminate the d e v i l i s h (Manchu) o f f i c e r s and s o l d i e r s , but not allowed t o s l a u g h t e r even a s i n g l e good man (Ch i n e s e ) . The t r o o p s r e s p e c t f u l l y obeyed the command of Heaven and you b r e t h r e n and s i s t e r s i n s i d e and o u t s i d e the c i t y - w a l l s whose l i v e s were saved numbered no l e s s than s e v e r a l thousand. T h i s i s because I, the G e n e r a l i s s i m o , have understood the m e r c i f u l h e a r t o f the Heavenly F a t h e r on h i g h and the l i m i t l e s s compassion o f our L o r d "(the Heavenly K i n g ) , In conducting t h i s campaign of ri g h t e o u s n e s s t o wipe out the e v i l and save the j u s t . L a t e r , we complied with the d e s i r e o f Heaven and separated men from women i n o r d e r t o prevent the spread o f a d u l t e r y . T h i s i s but a temporary s e p a r a t i o n ; i n f u t u r e when the 77 c r i m i n a l s l a v e s ( r e f e r r i n g t o the Manchu i n Peking} w i l l have been exterminated, you w i l l a g a i n be u n i t e d . Yet you people c o n s i d e r t h i s as t a k i n g away your p r o p e r t y and s c a t t e r i n g your f a m i l i e s . As your wealth i s gone and your wives and c h i l d r e n have been suddenly s c a t t e r e d , your sounds of s i g h i n g and com-p l a i n i n g have not ceased. You do not, however, r e a l i z e t h a t s i n c e the days of o l d , a re v o -l u t i o n a r y change o f dynasty has i n v a r i a b l y brought about the u t t e r e x t e r m i n a t i o n o f i n h a b i t a n t s and complete d e s t r u c t i o n o f a l l v a l u a b l e s . Blood would have flowed l i k e a r i v e r ; no chi c k e n o r dog would have been l e f t a l i v e . Have t h e r e ever been any s i g n s o f the Heavenly Dynasty s l a u g h t e r i n g people without j u s t cause, o r d i s t r i b u t i n g food and c l o t h i n g without c a r e f u l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ? . . . 2 8 T h i s p r o c l a m a t i o n shows us t h a t the p e r m i s s i o n t o l i v e with one's f a m i l y would be delayed u n t i l a f t e r the conquest o f Peking. Thus, the T a i p l n g l e a d e r s ' ambition t o conquer Peking seems t o be the main reason f o r t h e i r b r e a k i n g o f the f i r s t promise made i n Yung-an. T h i s p r o c l a m a t i o n a l s o shows us t h a t some people complained about the s e g r e g a t i o n o f sexes, and t h a t Tung Wang t r i e d t o soothe them. However, i t d i d not seem t o be v e r y e f f e c t i v e , f o r even the o l d members, who had j o i n e d the r e b e l l i o n a t the beginning, were complaining and escaping. Thus, i n 1855, Tung V/ang sent out an order a l l o w i n g them t o get married o r t o r e u n i t e t h e i r f a m i l i e s . T h i s o r d e r was the 29 immediate cause o f the d i s s o l u t i o n o f the women's q u a r t e r s . A c c o r d i n g t o L i n g Shan-ch'ing, the women's q u a r t e r s were d i s s o l v e d because o f the shortage of food and the 78 30 i n e f f i c i e n c y of the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Huang Chun-tsai, a commoner, i n h i s Chin-hu c h ' i -mo mentioned the p e r i o d o f the food shortage as f o l l o w s ! "...When they were l a c k i n g o f food, they sent the p a l e r ones out t o cut and gather i n the g r a i n — a s a matter o f f a c t , they (the T a i p i n g l e a d e r s ) w i l l f u l l y gave them a chance t o escape. A f t e r a month, the c h i e f r e b e l s a g a i n gave orders t h a t the women should be g i v e n away i n marriage, and o f f i c i a l s were appointed t o take charge o f the arrangements... "31 As a matter o f f a c t , g i v i n g women away i n marriage c o u l d not s o l v e the problem o f the shortage o f food. I t o n l y meant t h a t the T a i p i n g a u t h o r i t i e s l e f t the food problem t o the people themselves and f r e e d the a u t h o r i t i e s from the t r o u b l e . There i s no evidence concerning the i n e f f i c i e n c y o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the women's q u a r t e r s . In o r d e r t o d e s t r o y the Manchu government and r e u n i t e the n o r t h e r n p a r t o f China, T ' i e n Wang had sent one e x p e d i t i o n t o North China with the purpose o f c a p t u r i n g Peking i n 1853t and these t r o o p s were completely d e f e a t e d i n 1855• Because Tung Wang's pr o c l a m a t i o n o f 1854, i n which he promised h i s f o l l o w e r s the p e r m i s s i o n t o get married o r t o r e u n i t e t h e i r f a m i l i e s , depended on the conquest o f Peking, he c o u l d h a r d l y i n s i s t a f t e r the d e f e a t t h a t the women's q u a r t e r s be maintained. T h i s was probably another reason f o r the d i s s o l u t i o n of the women's q u a r t e r s . In sum, the women's q u a r t e r s o f C h i n - l i n g were d i s s o l v e d because o f the shortage o f food, the p e r m i s s i o n t o 79 get married or to reunite with t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and the f a i l u r e of the northern expedition. However, the a b o l i t i o n of the women's quarters was r e s t r i c t e d to Chin-ling, and i t did not mean that they were dissolved completely. A f t e r 1855* there were s t i l l 32 some quarters f o r the unprotected women i n Chin-ling. A f t e r the d i s s o l u t i o n of the women's quarters of Chin-ling, the Taipings s t i l l established temporary quarters f o r women. When they conquered a c i t y or occupied an area, they usually b u i l t temporary quarters i n order to protect the women and maintain m i l i t a r y r u l e s . A f t e r things were s e t t l e d down, then they dismissed the women's quarters. The evidence indicates that the women's quarters were continued. For example, Fu Wang, Yang Fu-ch'ing, es-tablished women's quarters i n Shao-wu, Fukien i n I857. And 3 4 so d i d Huang Wen-chin i n Wu-hu, Anhwei. Before 1855, the chief functions of the women's quarters had been to carry out subordinate work connected with war, to f i g h t , and to shelter women. A f t e r that time, i t s main function seemed to be that of providing shelter f o r unprotected women. However t h i s d i d not cause a basic chang i n the status of women, because women were s t i l l permitted to j o i n the f i g h t i n g when necessary. Despite the fact that they were l i v i n g i n the women's quarters, women s t i l l had to accept the ideas of t r a d i t i o n a l obligations of the family. 80 A f t e r the d i s s o l u t i o n o f the women's q u a r t e r s i n 1855» women were allowed t o l i v e w i t h t h e i r f a m i l i e s , thus, they had o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o f u l f i l l t h e i r f a m i l y o b l i g a t i o n s . The S i g n i f i c a n c e of the T a i p i n g Women's Quarters The establishment o f the women's q u a r t e r s and the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women i n f i g h t i n g were two s p e c i a l f e a t u r e s o f T ' a i - p ' i n g t 'ien-kuo. The former was a new development i n Chinese h i s t o r y , the l a t t e r was an event seldom found i n China i n 4000 year s - - t h e most famous female f i g h t e r s were Hua Mu-lan i n the S u i dynasty, L i a n g Hung-ytt i n the Sung, and Ch'ln Liang-ytl i n the Ming. However, troops composed of thousands o f women had never been found i n Chinese h i s t o r y b e f o r e . 81 FOOTNOTES 1. The "Ten Important R e g u l a t i o n s o f the S t a t i o n a r y Quarter" i n the T ' a i - p ' i n g t ' l a o - k u e i ( T a i p i n g Rules and R e g u l a t i o n s ) a r e as f o l l o w s ; (1) Obeying the heavenly o r d e r s . (2) Memorizing the heavenly commandments and a t t e n d i n g the morning and evening s e r v i c e s . (3) N e i t h e r smoking nor d r i n k i n g . Showing g o o d - w i l l t o everyone. (4) Being c o o p e r a t i v e and obeying s e n i o r o f f i c e r s ; con-c e a l i n g n e i t h e r weapons n o r g o l d , s i l v e r n o r ornaments. (5) Observing the s e p a r a t i o n between the men's and women's q u a r t e r s . (6) Memorizing v a r i o u s m i l i t a r y s i g n a l s . ( 7 ) Never d e l a y i n g p u b l i c b u s i n e s s . (8) P r a c t i s i n g ceremonial r e g u l a t i o n s . (9) Always making weapons a v a i l a b l e . (10) Never misunderstanding n a t i o n a l laws (or r u l e s ) nor m i s s t a t i n g m i l i t a r y o r d e r s . T ' a i - p ' i n g t ' l a o - k u e i i n Hsi a o I-shan, 1956, ts'ung-V o l . I, p. 246; Chang Te- c h i e n , T s e - c h ' l n g h u l - t s u a n i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . 3, pp. 151-52; P'eng T s e - i , 1946, P. 56.) The T a i p i n g s made use of the C h r i s t i a n Ten Commandments and c a l l e d them " S h i h - t * i e n - t ' i a o " (Ten Heavenly Precepts o r Commandments) as f o l l o w s : (1 (2 ( ( Thou s h a l t worship God. Thou s h a l t not worship perverse s p i r i t s . Thou s h a l t not take God's name i n v a i n . On the seventh day i s the Sabbath, when you must p r a i s e God f o r H i s goodness. (5) Honour thy f a t h e r and thy mother. (6) Thou s h a l t not k i l l n or i n j u r e people. ( 7 ) Thou s h a l t not commit a d u l t e r y . (8) Thou s h a l t not s t e a l . (9) Thou s h a l t not t e l l a l i e . (10) Thou s h a l t not covet. ( c f . T ' i e n - c h ' l n g tao-11 shu, Book on the P r i n c i p l e s o f the Heavenly Nature i n Hsiao, 1956; Chang Te-chien, T s e - c h ' i n g  h u l - t s u a n i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . 3, pp. 260-26175 The C h r i s t i a n Ten Commandments a r e as f o l l o w s ; (1) Thou s h a l t have no o t h e r Gods before me. (2) Thou s h a l t not make unto thee any graven image, or any l i k e n e s s o f a n y t h i n g ..Thou s h a l t not bow down t h y s e l f t o them, nor serve them (3) Thou s h a l t not take the name of the L o r d they God i n v a i n . (4) Remember the Sabbath day, t o keep i t h o l y . 82 (5) Honour thy f a t h e r and thy mother. (6) Thou s h a l t not k i l l . (7) Thou s h a l t not commit a d u l t e r y . (8) Thou s h a l t not s t e a l . (9) Thou s h a l t not hear f a l s e witness a g a i n s t thy neighbour. (10) Thou s h a l t not covet, ( c f . Alexander E. K e r r , The Ten Words, Toronto, i960) In comparison with the C h r i s t i a n Ten Commandments, we f i n d t h a t the T a i p i n g Ten Heavenly Commandments a r e v e r y s i m i l a r . The i d e a of heavenly commandments was present i n a n c i e n t times. I t i s found i n the Book of Changes i n the phrase, "Then a r e seen t ' l e n - t s e (heavenly p r e c e p t s ) " and i n Tso-chuan, as the e x p r e s s i o n , t ' i e n - f a (heavenly l a w s ) . The T a i p i n g s d i d not quote any of these phrases e x a c t l y , but i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t they were c o n d i t i o n e d through t h e i r e a r l y acquaintance with these c l a s s i c a l phrases t o accept the C h r i s t i a n i d e a of heavenly p e r c e p t s . (Shih, 1967, PP* 175-176.) 3. c f . Chang, T s e - c h ' l n g h u i - t s u a n , Chuan 12, i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . I I I . p. 313. 4. c f . Tu Wen-Ian, F ' l n g - t l n g y u e h - f e l c h l - l u e h . 1871, Appendix I I , p. 10M. 5. c f . L i n g Shan-ch'ing, 1923, 1 8 s i . 6. " d e v i l s " r e f e r r i n g t o the Manchus. " T ' i e n - t ' i a o - s h u " i n Hsiao I-shan, 1956, Ts'ung-shu, V o l . I, p. 80 7* c f . J e n Yu-wen, 1958, p. 1211. 8. L i n - l e , 1866, p. 302. 9. c f . Chang, T s ' e - c h ' i n g h u i - t s u a n . Chuan 1 and Chuan 3 In Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . I l l ) 10. c f . Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . IV, p. 665, and Mou An-shih, T ' a i - p ' i n g t'len-kuo. 196l, p. 125. 11. c f . Chang, T s e - c h ' i n g h u i - t s u a n . i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . I l l , pp. 309-310, pp. 109-111; and S h i h , Y.C., 1967, pp. 6^-65. 12. The o r g a n i z a t i o n of the women's army corps was s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t from t h a t o f the men's army corps. Each army of men i n c l u d e d one superintendent, one i n s p e c t o r , one commander, f i v e brigade-commandants, t w e n t y - f i v e battalion-commandants, one hundred and t w e n t y - f i v e company-chiefs, f i v e hundred 83 p l a t o o n - c h i e f s , two thousand and f i v e hundred c o r p o r a l s , and t e n thousand s o l d i e r s , One army of men i n c l u d e d 13.158 o f f i c e r s and s o l d i e r s i n t o t a l , while one army of women c o n s i s t e d of 2628. Th e r e f o r e , one army of women was o n e - f i f t h the s i z e o f one army of men. The t o t a l number of the male troops i s unknown. However i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t the Kingdom had over one m i l l i o n male troo p s around the year o f 1854. Thus, the t o t a l number of female tro o p s was about one-tenth o f t h a t o f the male t r o o p s . ( c f . Chang, T s e - c h ' l n g h u l - t s u a n i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, pp. 281-310; P'eng T s e - i , 1946, pp. 42-44.) 13. c f . Kuo T ' i n g - i , 1947, pp. 236-37. Jen, 1958, pp. 1213-1226. 14. The T a i p i n g s c o u l d not e s t a b l i s h separate q u a r t e r s f o r the p o p u l a t i o n o f a l l the c i t i e s and v i l l a g e s t h a t they occupied. The whole p o p u l a t i o n which they c o n t r o l l e d was organ i z e d i n t o m i l i t a r y u n i t s o f the same s i z e and put under o f f i c e r s who h e l d the same t i t l e s and ranks as those o f the T a i p i n g male army corps. The d i f f e r e n c e was, t h a t w h i l e t h e - o r i g i n a l T a i p i n g f o r c e had broken up the f a m i l y and was made up of s i n g l e men and women, the u n i t s o f the g e n e r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n were made up of f a m i l i e s . Twenty f i v e f a m i l i e s formed the b a s i c u n i t under the command o f a l o c a l p l a t o o n - c h i e f . Four such u n i t s , o r one hundred f a m i l i e s , were under the command of a Company-chief. F i v e of iafcp&hundred-family u n i t s were a d m i n i s t e r e d by a Battalion-commandant, f i v e o f the f i v e - h u n d r e d - f a m i l y u n i t s were a d m i n i s t e r e d by a Brigade-commandant, and f i v e o f the twenty-five-hundred-f a m i l y u n i t s were a d m i n i s t e r e d by a Corps-commander. T h i s u n i t o f an army corps was the l a r g e s t l o c a l ad-m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t , comparable t o the l a r g e s t u n i t of the T a i p i n g army. The army u n i t c o n s i s t e d o f 13,156 o f f i c e r s ( e x c l u d i n g a superintendent and an i n s p e c t o r ) and s o l d i e r s , t h a t of the l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t , o f 13,156 f a m i l i e s and o f f i c e r s ( e x c l u d i n g a superintendent and an i n s p e c t o r ) , ( c f . The Land System of the Heavenly Dynasty i n Cheng, 1963, pp. 43-44;Michael.Franz:, 1966, p. 45, and p. 83; P'eng T s e - i , 1946, pp. 42-45.) 15. Jen Yu-wen, 1958, pp. 1215-1216 and pp. 1224-1226. 16. c f . Jen Yu-wen, 1958, p. 1217, and Lo Erh-kang, 1950, p. 42. 17. c f . Hu Ming-shu, T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo chi-1 t i a o - c h ' a pao-kao, 1956, p. 6 l . 84 18. S h i h , V i n c e n t , Y.C., 1967. p. 61, and Mou An S h i h , 1 9 6 l , p. 76. 19. J e n , 1958, pp. 1273-76. T h i s e v i d e n c e shows us t h a t t h e s e two women commanded male t r o o p s . Whether o r not t h e y c o n t i n u e d t o command male t r o o p s a f t e r j o i n i n g t h e T a i p i n g s i s unknown. 20. c f . T'ien-mlng c h a o - c h i shu i n H s i a n g Ta, 1952, V o l . I , p. 6W. 21. I b i d . V o l . I l l , p. 111. 22. S h i h , 1967, p. 69, and J e n , 1958, p. 1213. 23. Lo Erh-kang, 1950, p. 47• 24. c f . L o Erh-kang, 1955, p. 321. 25. c f . J e n , 1958, p. 1213. T h i s e v i d e n c e i n d i c a t e s t h a t , a f t e r t h e d i s s o l u t i o n o f t h e women's q u a r t e r s , t h e r e were s t i l l women's t r o o p s . However, t h e number o f women's t r o o p s was p o s s i b l y d e c r e a s e d by t h e d i s s o l u t i o n and t h e women were a l l o w e d t o j o i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s when t h e y were n o t on d u t y . 26. L i n - l e , 1866, p. 89 and\p.303. Because t h e Kingdom had n e v e r had a r e g u l a r t r o o p composed o f b o t h s e x e s , what L i n - l e saw would n o t have been t h e normal s i t u a t i o n . 27. The s o c i a l customs o f Hakka women w i l l be e x p l a i n e d l a t e r i n C h a p t e r V I . 28. Words i n b r a c k e t s a r e t h e e d i t o r ' s . Cheng, 1963, pp. 65-67. 29. c f . Tu, P ' i n g - t i n g y u e h - f e l c h i - l u e h . Appendix I I I and Wang T'ao, Wen-yu y f l - t ' a n i n J e n , 1958, pp. 1227-28. 30. c f . L i n g , 1923, Chuan.18, pp. 1-4, and Chuan 20. 31. c f . S h i h , 1967, p. 68. 32. c f . L i n - l e , 1866, p. 302. 33. c f . Lo Erh-kang, 1955. p. 334. 34. c f . Kuo T ' i n g - i , 1947, p. 527 and p. 715. 85 CHAPTER I I I EDUCATION The T r a d i t i o n a l E d u c a t i o n System For twelve c e n t u r i e s , u n t i l 1905, the C i v i l S e r v i c e Examinations r e p r e s e n t e d the u l t i m a t e g o a l toward 1 which a l l formal e d u c a t i o n i n t r a d i t i o n a l China was d i r e c t e d . The overwhelming m a j o r i t y o f sc h o o l s i n t r a d i t i o n a l China were p r i v a t e , and were o r d i n a r i l y supported by the t u i t i o n f e e s o f the students, by i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s o r c l a n s , or even by v i l l a g e s u b s c r i p t i o n . Students were g e n e r a l l y taught by men who had won the f i r s t degree i n the c i v i l s e r v i c e examination c a l l e d H s l u - t s a i and were always f o r the p r e p a r a t i o n f o r t h e examinations o f a lower l e v e l . T h e i r c u r r i c u l a were determined by the contents o f the c i v i l s e r v i c e examinations. These were composed o f the Confucian c l a s s i c s and p r e p a r a t i o n f o r the examinations, o f course, i n v o l v e d a c q u i s i t i o n o f a thorough knowledge of the c l a s s i c s and of the orthodox i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f them, as w e l l as s k i l l i n the use of a ccepted forms of l i t e r a r y e x p r e s s i o n . The o f f i c i a l s c h o o l s p r o v i d e d comparatively l i t t l e a c t u a l i n s t r u c t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the Ch'ing dynasty. The government used them t o examine people r a t h e r than t o educate them. They .were not u s u a l l y p l a c e s f o r t e a c h i n g , but had a more l i m i t e d and formal f u n c t i o n as p l a c e s f o r the o f f i c i a l 86 r e g i s t r a t i o n or, sometimes, the s u p e r v i s i o n o f s c h o l a r s a t d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . Ju-hsueh (Confucian s c h o o l s ) , the s c h o o l f o r the f i r s t l e v e l o f examinations, f o r example, o f f e r e d no i n s t r u c t i o n . Government-appointed t e a c h e r s w i t h o f f i c i a l rank were i n charge o f these s c h o o l s and the students attended them o n l y when the examining o f f i c e r came t o g i v e examinations. T h e r e f o r e , these k i n d o f o f f i c i a l s c h o ols were not p l a c e s where t e a c h i n g and l e a r n i n g took p l a c e i n a g e n e r a l sense. However, the shu-yuan (academies) which may be co n s i d e r e d a t h i r d k i n d o f " s c h o o l " , were n e i t h e r p u r e l y p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s o n l y f o r the p r e p a r a t i o n f o r the lower l e v e l degrees, nor governmental agencies f o r examination. Before the Ch'ing dynasty, shu-yuan (academies) were p r e -dominantly p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s of academic i n s t r u c t i o n and s c h o l a r l y d i s c u s s i o n independent o f the government. During the Ch'ing, most of them were sponsored and s u b s i d i z e d by the government and were under t h e c o n t r o l o f the l o c a l o f f i c i a l s , but the p e r s o n a l i n i t i a t i v e o f o f f i c i a l s o r l o c a l gentry was s t i l l an important f a c t o r i n t h e i r promotion and upkeep. Thus, the academies were p r i v a t e and o f f i c i a l i n v a r y i n g degrees. Shu-yuan e x i s t e d i n a l l p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l s and i n the im-po r t a n t p r e f e c t u r a l and d i s t r i c t towns. They were o f t e n used t o prepare candidates f o r the o f f i c i a l examinations, but i n many cases, the shu-yuan were c e n t e r s o f r e s e a r c h and broad academic i n s t r u c t i o n . In g e n e r a l , they were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r 87 2 the h i g h l e v e l o f s c h o l a r s h i p under the Ch'ing dynasty. S e v e r a l o f the numerous l e a r n e d p u b l i c a t i o n s o f the Ch'ing 3 p e r i o d o r i g i n a t e d i n the academies. Women's Educati o n i n T r a d i t i o n a l China The s c h o o l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s mentioned above were a c t u a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d f o r men, because t r a d i t i o n a l l y the a u t h o r i t i e s and the p u b l i c a t l a r g e were never concerned k with women's l i t e r a r y e d u c a t i o n , and because the s o c i a l morals and customs were s t r o n g l y opposed t o g i r l s going t o scho o l with boys. Women's formal e d u c a t i o n was completely n e g l e c t e d i n t r a d i t i o n a l China, with the e x c e p t i o n o f some we l l - t o - d o f a m i l i e s who might h i r e p r i v a t e t u t o r s f o r t h e i r daughters* education, i f they wished t o l e t t h e i r daughters have some knowledge of l i t e r a t u r e . G e n e r a l l y speaking, t r a -d i t i o n a l Chinese women were o n l y o c c a s i o n a l l y and super-f i c i a l l y taught a n y t h i n g beyond t h e i r household d u t i e s and the contents o f women's educa t i o n were predominately e t h i c a l t e a c h i n g s . F o r twenty-two c e n t u r i e s , many Confucian w r i t e r s wrote scores o f books on the p o s i t i o n of women and t h e i r r o l e i n the f a m i l y and s o c i e t y , and d e v i s e d p r a c t i c a l r u l e s f o r t h e i r e d u c a t i o n and conduct. With o n l y s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n s , a l l these books presented the same t e a c h i n g s . Obedience, t i m i d i t y , r e t i c e n c e , a d a p t a b i l i t y were the main v i r t u e s o f women. The t h r e e forms o f dependence on man shaped a woman's 88 5 l i f e . The t e a c h i n g c o n s i s t e d of such r u l e s of conduct ass Outside a f f a i r s should not be t a l k e d o f i n s i d e the t h r e s h o l d of the women's apartments: Women should not s i t t o g e t h e r with men or peep o u t s i d e the w a l l s o r go t o out e r apartments. When going out they should cover t h e i r f a c e s and l o o k around with c i r c u m s p e c t i o n , e t c . . The T a i p i n g E d u c a t i o n System The v e r y l i m i t e d evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t the most important d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the T a i p i n g educa-t i o n was t h a t i t emphasized women's education as w e l l as men' They o f f e r e d the same textbooks f o r the education of both boy and g i r l s . The San-tzu-ching (The T r i m e t r i c a l C l a s s i c ) , the Yu-chlh c h ' i e n - t z i i chao (The 1000-character E d i c t , compiled by the K i n g ) , Yu-hsueh-shih (Ode f o r Youth) and T ' i e n - f u - s h i h (Poems by the Heavenly Father) were the main books f o r educa-t i o n , r e g a r d l e s s of sex. Besides the g e n e r a l t e a c h i n g s mentioned above, the t e a c h i n g o f r e l i g i o u s ordinances, which a l s o d i s r e g a r d e d sex, was not n e g l e c t e d . "T'ien-chao t'ien-mou c h i h - t u " s t a t e d : "...In every t w e n t y - f i v e f a m i l i e s a l l c h i l d r e n s h a l l go t o the chapel, where the p l a t o o n - c h i e f s h a l l preach and read Chiu-1 chao sheng-shu CThe Holy Book o f the Old Testament I, H s i n - i chao sheng-shu (The Holy Book o f the New Testament] and Chen-ming chao-,, c h i shu (The Book of True Decrees and P r o c l a m a t i o n s ) . Every sabbath the s e c t i o n - c h i e f s h a l l l e a d h i s men and women t o the chapel, men on one s i d e and women on the oth e r , p r e a c h i n g and l i s t e n i n g t o sermons, 89 s i n g i n g hynms and p r a y i n g t o the Heavenly F a t h e r , Supreme L o r d and August God."7 Except f o r the sm a l l chapels which served as p u b l i c classrooms, no p u b l i c s c h o o l s were found i n T ' a i -8 p ' i n g t ' i e n - k u o . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t the t r a d i t i o n a l p r i v a t e c l a s s e s s t i l l e x i s t e d i n most areas o f the Kingdom. Women's Edu c a t i o n i n the Heavenly Kingdom of Peace L i n - l e s a i d i n h i s T i - p i n g Tien-kwoh as f o l l o w s : "...Woman i s by the T i - p i n g s r e c o g n i z e d i n her proper sphere as the companion o f men; the educ a t i o n and development o f her mind i s e q u a l l y w e l l attended t o ; her duty t o God i s d i l i g e n t l y taught and i n o r d i n a r y worship she takes her proper p l a c e ; many of the women are zealous and popular t e a c h e r s and expounders of the B i b l e ; i n f a c t , e v e r y t h i n g i s done t o make her worthy o f the improved p o s i t i o n she has a t t a i n e d by reason of the T i - p i n g movement."9 However, L i n - l e ' s r e p o r t seems t o be o v e r — e n t h u s i a s t i c . The T a i p i n g women might have had more oppor-t u n i t i e s i n educat i o n , as the evidence i n d i c a t e s , but they were not enhanced i n every a s p e c t . I t was not t h a t e v e r y t h i n g was done t o make her worthy o f the improved p o s i t i o n she had a t t a i n e d by reason o f the T i - p i n g movement. In the years around 1855, t h e r e were woman teache r s i n T ' i e n Wang's P a l a c e . In oth e r Wangs' p a l a c e s , a few woman 10 o f f i c e r s were a l s o i n charge o f t e a c h i n g . Women's education was o r i e n t a t e d i n or d e r t o em-phas i z e moral c u l t i v a t i o n . As mentioned b e f o r e , Yu-hsueh-90 s h i h (Ode f o r Youth) d e f i n e d c h ' i - t a o (the way of a wife) as based on the t h r e e forms o f dependence and unquestioned obedience t o her husband. I t s a i d : "...should a hen d e s i r e t o h e r a l d the a r r i v a l o f the morning. I t i s one sure way of making the home miserable."11 One o f the Hung Hsiu-ch'(fan's t he Foems by the Heavenly F a t h e r saids "For goodness sake, a hen must not t r y t o crows I t i s p r o v i d e d by Heaven t h a t a hen's crowing w i l l be f o l l o w e d by execution."12 The T a i p i n g women were taught not t o i n t e r f e r e with the a f f a i r s o f t h e i r husbands. One of the Poems by the Heavenly F a t h e r reads s "Women i n the r e a r p a l a c e s should not t r y t o l e a v e ; I f they should t r y t o l e a v e , i t would be l i k e hens t r y i n g t o crow. The duty of the pa l a c e women i s t o a t t e n d t o the needs o f t h e i r husbands; And i t i s arranged by Heaven t h a t they a r e not t o l e a r n o f the a f f a i r s outside."13 The evidence o b v i o u s l y i n d i c a t e s t h a t the moral ed u c a t i o n o f the T a i p i n g women was based on the t r a d i t i o n a l i d e a s . (e.g. The T a i p i n g women were r e q u i r e d t o f o l l o w the t r a d i t i o n a l t h r e e forms o f dependence and not t o l e a r n o f the a f f a i r s o u t s i d e . ) The T a i p i n g women were u s u a l l y i n charge o f the f a m i l y e d u c a t i o n and p a i d e s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n t o the r e l i g i o u s t e a c h i n g s . L i n - l e s a i d * "In every household throughout the l e n g t h and 91 breadth o f the T i - p i n g t e r r i t o r y the f o l l o w i n g t r a n s l a t i o n o f the Lords p r a y e r i s hung up f o r the use of c h i l d r e n , b e i ng p a i n t e d i n l a r g e b l a c k c h a r a c t e r s on a white board... F r e q u e n t l y I have watched the T i - p i n g women t e a c h i n g t h i s p r a y e r t o t h e i r l i t t l e c h i l d r e n . The board c o n t a i n i n g i t being always the most prominent o b j e c t i n the p r i n c i p a l apartment o f t h e i r d w e l l i n g . C h i l d r e n have o f t e n run up t o me on e n t e r i n g a house, and then p u l l i n g me towards the board, commenced r e a d i n g the prayer . «14 Comparison and Summary In comparison with the t r a d i t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n system, one can say t h a t the b a s i c i d e a s and contents f o r the T a i p i n g women's educa t i o n were adopted from Chinese t r a d i t i o n . But the T a i p i n g e d u c a t i o n was made d i f f e r e n t from the t r a d i t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n by the f o l l o w i n g char-a c t e r i s t i c s . 1) The T a i p i n g Kingdom p r o v i d e d both the boys and g i r l s with the same textbooks f o r t h e i r e d u c a t i o n . No books were w r i t t e n p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r women's educ a t i o n . 2 ) They promoted r e l i g i o u s e ducation. The o p p o r t u n i t y f o r men and women t o go t o church t o g e t h e r and s i t s i d e by s i d e t o study the T a i p i n g B i b l e , t o s i n g hymns and pray t o God, had never e x i s t e d i n the t r a d i t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n system. 3) In the Kingdom, women could be t e a c h e r s . T h e r e f o r e , the T a i p i n g women had more o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r e d u c a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s than the t r a d i t i o n a l women. The T a i p i n g e d u c a t i o n system, t o a c e r t a i n extent, o f f e r e d women a way t o enhance t h e i r p o s i t i o n . 92 FOOTNOTES 1. The C i v i l S e r v i c e E x a m i n a t i o n system w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n C h a p t e r IV. 2. Sheng L a n g - h a i , Chung-kuo shu-yuan c h i h - t u , S h a n g h a i , 1934, pp. 131-214; H s i a o I-shan. C h ' i n g - t a i t u n g - s h i h . S h a n g h a i , 1927-28, I . pp. 560-562. 3« F o r i n s t a n c e , t h e famous work w r i t t e n on t h e C o n f u c i a n c l a s s i c s d u r i n g t h e C h ' i n g d y n a s t y , Huang c h ' i n g c h i n g -c h i e h , was e d i t e d i n 1824-1829 by t h e Hsueh-hai T'ang  Academy, e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1820 i n Canton by J u a n Yuan, t h e g o v e r n o r g e n e r a l o f Kwangtung and Kwangsi. 4. " N t l - t z u wu t s a l p i e n s h i h t e " (A woman w i t h o u t t a l e n t s i s v i r t u o u s ) I s a t y p i c a l t r a d i t i o n a l i d e a . Ch'en Tung-yuan, p. 188. 5. One o f t h e s e books i s L i e h nu ch'uan ( S e r i e s o f Women's B i o g r a p h i e s ) — f i r s t a r r a n g e d by L i u H s i a n g i n t h e 1 s t c e n t u r y A.D.. F o r summaries o f t h e s e books see Ch'en Tung-yuan, 1935» p. 46, p. 113, and p. 178: a l s o see F l o r e n c e Ayscough, 1938, pp. 76-78. 6. F o r t h e d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e t r a d i t i o n a l C h i n e s e e d u c a t i o n system and t h e e d u c a t i o n o f women i n t r a d i t i o n a l C h i n a , see Ch'en Tung-yuan, Chung-kuo f u - ntt sheng huo s h i h . 1935? B i g g e r s t a f f ~. K n i g h t , The E a r l i e s t Modern Government S c h o o l s i n C h i n a . 1961; P u r c e l l V i c t o r . Problems o f C h i n e s e E d u c a t i o n . 1936; Chu, You-kwang, Some Problems o f a N a t i o n a l System o f E d u c a t i o n I n C h i n a . 1933s B u r t o n , M a r g a r e t E., The E d u c a t i o n o f  Women I n C h i n a . 1 9 l l , Kuo Ping-wen, The C h i n e s e System  o f P u b l i c E d u c a t i o n . 1915. 7. T'ien-ch'ao t'ien-mou c h i h - t u i n Cheng J.C., T a i p i n g Re- b e l l i o n , 1855-1864, 1963. P. 41. There i s no T a i p i n g p u b l i c a t i o n b e a r i n g t h e t i t l e "Chen-ming c h a o - c h l shu". I f e e l tempted t o i d e n t i f y i t w i t h "T'ien-ming c h a o - c h l shu" (The Book o f H e a v e n l y Decrees and P r o c l a m a t i o n s , 1852). The c h a r a c t e r s c o u l d be e a s i l y m i s p r i n t e d . 8. The s o u r c e s a v a i l a b l e about t h e T a i p i n g e d u c a t i o n a r e e x t r e m e l y l i m i t e d . I t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o make a complete r e p o r t about t h e T a i p i n g e d u c a t i o n a l system. A l l one can do i s t o f i n d some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . 93 9. L i n - l e , 1866, p. 302 10. L i Ch'un, 1963, p. 440. 11. Shih, 1967, P. 72, translated from "Yu-hsueh-shih" i n Hsiao I-shan, T'ai-p'ing t'len-kuo ts'ung-shu ts'e 4, 1934. 12. Ibid, from "T'ien-fu shih", No. 5^7 i n Hsiao I-shan, 193^. 13' Ibid. "T'ien-fu shih", No. ^58. 14. L i n - l e , 1866, pp. 318-19. 94 CHAPTER IV CIVIL EXAMINATION AND WOMEN OFFICERS The T r a d i t i o n a l C i v i l Examination System The c i v i l examination system which had been p r a c t i c e d i n China f o r two thousand years was an important d e v i c e f o r the re c r u i t m e n t o f bureaucracy i n t r a d i t i o n a l China. The c i v i l examination o f the Ch'ing dynasty i n -cluded t h r e e main grades (or l e v e l s ) . The lowest l e v e l was Yuan-k'ao which was h e l d twice i n every t h r e e years i n a p r e f e c t u r a l c a p i t a l ; one who passed the Yuan-k'ao would be g i v e n the degree c a l l e d Sheng-yuan ( p o p u l a r l y c a l l e d H s i u -t s a i ) . The second l e v e l , H s i a n g - s h i h took p l a c e every t h r e e years i n the c a p i t a l o f a p r o v i n c e ; one who succeeded i n H s i a n g - s h i h would o b t a i n the degree c a l l e d Chu-jen. The h i g h e s t l e v e l was H u i - s h l h f o r the degree o f C h i n - s h i h . I t was h e l d every t h r e e years i n the i m p e r i a l c a p i t a l . In the Ch'ing dynasty, the s o - c a l l e d "mean people" c l a s s , which i n c l u d e d s l a v e s , s e r v a n t s , p r o s t i t u t e s , e n t e r -t a i n e r s , e t c . , were prevented from t a k i n g the examinations. Confucian t e a c h i n g s were always the themes o f the examinations. The T a i p i n g C i v i l Examination System L i k e t r a d i t i o n a l China, T a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo a l s o 95 had a c i v i l s e r v i c e examination system. Prom I853, the t h r e e main l e v e l s o f l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and c a p i t a l ex-aminations f o r the degrees of h s i u - t s a i , chu-jen and c h i n -s h l h were h e l d once every year. A f t e r 1859» the names o f the degrees were s l i g h t l y changed. H s i u - t s a i was changed t o h s i u - s h i h , chu-jen t o p o - s h i h (or yueh-shih) and c h i n -s h i h t o t a - s h i h . Rather than r e c e i v i n g a degree, one who passed the examination was appointed t o a c e r t a i n o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n , f o r example, one who was s u c c e s s f u l a t the c a p i t a l 2 ( C h i n - l i n g ) examination was appointed as an army commander. A Comparison between the T r a d i t i o n a l and the T a i p i n g Systems The c i v i l examination system o f T ' a i - p ' i n g t ' i e n -kuo was d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of the Ch'ing Regime. F i r s t o f a l l , t he T a i p i n g s e l i m i n a t e d the d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t those t r a d i t i o n a l l y regarded as "mean p e o p l e " — s e r v a n t s , e n t e r -t a i n e r s e t c . . A c c o r d i n g t o Chang T e - c h i e n , any person of any f a m i l y background or o c c u p a t i o n c o u l d p a r t i c i p a t e i n the examinations. One who passed the examinations would be granted a. proper t i t l e and t r e a t e d e q u a l l y t o o t h e r s u c c e s s f u l 3 candidates i n s p i t e o f h i s p r e v i o u s background. The ex-amination themes were f r e q u e n t l y taken from the T a i p i n g B i b l e o r concerned t h e o l o g i c a l and s t a t e a f f a i r s . C o nfucian t e a c h i n g s had no p l a c e i n the T a i p i n g c i v i l examinations. 96 The T a i p i n g C i v i l Examination f o r Women and i t s Importance In 1853, a f t e r t h e T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo had o f f e r e d the c i v i l examinations f o r men, women were a l l o w e d t o take the examinations. Hung Hsiian-chiao ( T ' i e n Wang's s i s t e r ) was appointed c h i e f examiner, a s s i s t e d by Chang Wan-ju and Wang Tzu-chen. The t o p i c f o r t h i s examination was"Wei ntl-tzu yfl h s i a o - j e n wei rial yang yeh"(Only Women and Small People Are D i f f i c u l t t o Get Along With). More than two hundred women came t o take the examination. Pu Shan-hsiang, a g i r l from C h i n - l i n g , Kiangsu p r o v i n c e , obtained the h i g h e s t mark. In her essay, she r e j e c t e d the i d e a t h a t they were d i f f i c u l t t o get a l o n g w i t h , by b r i n g i n g i n evidence t h a t a l l the great women i n Chinese h i s t o r y had c o n t r i b u t e d t o the success o f t h e i r husbands. Her essay met with g r e a t a p p r o v a l from T ' i e n Wang. She was dressed i n an embroidered gown, crowned with l a u r e l and sent parading w i t h a laand a l o n g the s t r e e t s f o r th r e e days. People c a l l e d h e r Ntl Chuang-yuan (woman number one i n the c a p i t a l examination). The second p l a c e went t o Chung, and the t h i r d t o L i n . They were appointed as m i n i s t e r s 5 t o serve i n the k i n g s ' p a l a c e s . The T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo d i d not o f f e r a j o i n t ex-amina t i o n f o r men and women, perhaps because t h e r e were v e r y few educated women a t t h a t time and i t was d i f f i c u l t f o r them t o compete with men. The examination f o r women took p l a c e 97 o n l y once. The reason why the T a i p i n g s d i d not o f f e r t he women's c i v i l examination a g a i n i s unknown. Perhaps, the l a c k o f well-educated women who were capable o f t a k i n g the 6 examination was the main reason. Women were not allowed t o take c i v i l examinations i n any o t h e r d y n a s t i e s . The T a i p i n g c i v i l examination f o r women was a new development i n Chinese h i s t o r y . The T a i p i n g O r g a n i z a t i o n o f Women O f f i c e r s o f f i c i a l s and f i e l d o f f i c e r s . The l a t t e r have been d i s -cussed i n Chapter I I I . The court o f f i c i a l s who served i n the k i n g s ' p a l a c e s were u s u a l l y o f a h i g h e r rank than the f i e l d o f f i c e r s . The ranks and t i t l e s o f the women a r e as f o l l o w s I There were two ki n d s o f women o f f i c e r s — c o u r t Women Court O f f i c i a l s F i r s t Rank Women C h i e f s o f S t a f f (4 i n number) Second Rank Women M i n i s t e r s (12 i n number) Honorary Women M i n i s t e r s (no d e f i n i t e number) T h i r d Rank Women Censors (36 i n number) Honorary Women Censors (no d e f i n i t e number) Lady keeper o f the i n n e r gate o f the T ' i e n Wang's i n n e r p a l a c e ( it 98 L a d y - i n - w a i t i n g o f the Tung Wang's pa l a c e L a d y - i n - w a i t i n g o f the H s i Wang's pala c e Fourth Rank Women D i r e c t o r s Women D i r e c t o r s o f the Embroidery Quarters Honorary Women D i r e c t o r s Lady keeper o f the i n n e r gate o f the Tung Wang's i n n e r p a l a c e Lady keeper o f the i n n e r gate o f the H s i Wang's i n n e r p a l a c e L a d y - i n - w a i t i n g o f the Nan Wang's pa l a c e L a d y - i n - w a i t i n g o f the P e i Wang's pa l a c e F i f t h Rank Women Generals Women Generals o f the Embroidery Quarters Honorary Women Generals Lady keeper o f the i n n e r gate o f the Nan Wang's i n n e r p a l a c e Lady keeper o f the i n n e r gate o f the P e i Wang's i n n e r p a l a c e L a d y - i n - w a i t i n g o f the I Wang's pala c e S i x t h Rank Women Corps Superintendents o f the Embroidery Quarters no d e f i n i t e number) 72 i n number) 24o i n number) no d e f i n i t e number) ) 4o i n number) 200 i n number) no d e f i n i t e number) ) (120 i n number) 99 Lady keeper o f the i n n e r gate o f the I Wang's i n n e r p a l a c e (no d e f i n i t e number) L a d y - i n - w a i t i n g o f the Yen Wang's pa l a c e ( " ) Seventh Rank Women Corps I n s p e c t o r s o f the Embroidery Quarters (no d e f i n i t e number) Some of the ranks and t i t l e s mentioned above seem roughly p a r a l l e l t o those o f the men's o f f i c i a l system (e.g. m i n i s t e r s , c e n s o r s ) . The women's o f f i c i a l system was not an e q u i v a l e n t o f the men's o f f i c i a l system. F o r example, a female m i n i s t e r was n e i t h e r n e c e s s a r i l y equal t o a male m i n i s t e r nor s u p e r i o r t o a male censor. In comparison t o those o f the men o f f i c i a l s , the p o s i t i o n and r o l e s o f the women o f f i c i a l s were vague. But compared with the women f i e l d o f f i c e r s , the p o s i t i o n and l i v i n g standard o f the 8 women court o f f i c i a l s were u s u a l l y s u p e r i o r . The Kingdom s e l e c t e d t a l e n t e d women f o r i t s o f f i c i a l d o m through the examination system. But t h i s was not the main method o f r e c r u i t i n g women o f f i c i a l s . Most o f the women o f f i c e r s were r e l a t i v e s o f the kin g s o r the f i r s t s i s t e r s who had j o i n e d the r e b e l l i o n i n Kwangsi without 9 t a k i n g the c i v i l examination. In o r d e r t o know what k i n d o f people the women o f f i c e r s were, i t i s necessary t o i l l u s t r a t e accounts with a few b r i e f s t o r i e s o f some prominent women. T ' i e n Wang's wife (the Queen) was from a f a m i l y 100 named L a i o f Chla-ying-chou i n Kwangtung p r o v i n c e . Her f a t h e r was a s c h o l a r . H i s study o f the Ming h i s t o r y i n s p i r e d him t o r e v i v e the Ming dynasty. At t h a t time, many ambitious l o y a l i s t s i n Kwangtung and Kwangsi had a s s o c i a t e d themselves with s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s and found refuge i n l o w l y o c c u p a t i o n s . The L a i f a m i l y b e f r i e n d e d these people and gave them f i n a n c i a l h e l p whenever they were i n need. When Hung ( T ' i e n Wang) was i n f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , L a i (the Queen) s o l d h er j e w e l l e r y t o h e l p him. In the brea k i n g o f the s i e g e o f Yung-an, L a i , sword i n hand, l e d women s o l d i e r s on horseback t o the b a t t l e 10 t o f i g h t a g a i n s t the Manchu t r o o p s . Hung Hstlan-chiao ( T ' i e n Wang's s i s t e r ) o r g a n i z e d women i n t o army corps and made h e r s e l f t h e i r commander i n C h i n - t i e n a t the beginning o f the r e b e l l i o n . When Ch'ao-kuei (her husband, H s i Wang) went t o b a t t l e , Hstlan-chiao would l e a d the troo p s o f women t o h e l p him. They were dead shots with f i r e a r m s . The morale o f the Manchu troo p s was o f t e n broken by t h e i r presence. In the b a t t l e o f Ch'ang-sha, when her husband was k i l l e d , she, wearing mourning, assumed the command of the tr o o p s and kept them from d i s p e r s i n g . In 1853, she was i n charge o f the establishment o f the women's q u a r t e r s i n C h i n - l i n g . Afterwards, she was shocked and d i s a p p o i n t e d by the i n t e r n a l s t r i f e o f I856, and r e t i r e d , never a g a i n t o take 11 care o f the a f f a i r s o f the Kingdom. Hsiao San-niang (Hsi Wang's younger s i s t e r ) was 101 known as the "woman commander". She was a g r e a t g e n e r a l on horseback, and co u l d shoot an arrow with e i t h e r hand. When the T a i p i n g s captured Chen-chiang, she l e d s e v e r a l hundred 12 women s o l d i e r s and s c a l e d the c i t y w a l l s . Yang Erh-ku possessed g r e a t courage and d e c i s i v e n e s s not t o be found even among men. Her husband was a d i r e c t o r o f the army, and she u s u a l l y went t o b a t t l e with him. She was s k i l l f u l a t throwing k n i v e s from horseback and the enemies s t r u c k by them were I n v a r i a b l y k i l l e d . She always c a r r i e d a set o f kn i v e s i n t o b a t t l e and c a l l e d h e r s e l f the " d i v i n e k n i v e -13 thrower". Fu Shan-hsiang, who had taken the f i r s t p l a c e i n the women's c i v i l examination, was one of the most prominent women o f f i c i a l s . She was made Chung-t'uan t'uan-shuai (an o f f i c e r commanding twenty thousand women) by Tung Wang and a l s o g i v e n the p r i v i l e g e o f r e p o r t i n g d i r e c t l y t o him» She became a Honorary Woman M i n i s t e r and served i n Tung Wang's 14 p a l a c e . Reasons f o r the Establishment o f the Women's C i v i l Examination and the Women's O f f i c i a l System F i r s t , the T a i p i n g s o c i a l i d e a l s were based upon the brotherhood o f men. T h i s i d e a might have been d e r i v e d from t h e i r r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e t h a t God was the u n i v e r s a l F a t h e r and a l l men were H i s c h i l d r e n . The T a i p i n g s b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e i r bodies were born o f t h e i r p a r e n t s , but t h e i r s o u l s 102 were born o f God so t h a t a l l men i n the world were b r o t h e r s and a l l women, s i s t e r s . S o c i a l e q u a l i t y was thus t h e o r e t i c a l l y i m p l i e d . The establishment o f women's c i v i l examinations and the women's o f f i c i a l system seems t o be a c o r o l l a r y o f t h e i r s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s i d e a l s o f brotherhood and e q u a l i t y . Second, s i n c e the begin n i n g of the r e b e l l i o n , women and men had been working and f i g h t i n g s i d e by s i d e . The T a i -p i n g women had proved t h a t they were capable o f h a n d l i n g p u b l i c a f f a i r s as w e l l as men. The c a p a b i l i t y and customs o f the Hakka women (the m a j o r i t y o f women o f f i c i a l d o m ) w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter VI. Some Yao people (a minor race st o c k i n the Southwest China) j o i n e d the T a i p i n g r e b e l l i o n . 15 The Yao women were used t o assuming m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s . T h i r d , the T a i p i n g s o f f e r e d the c i v i l examination f o r women i n order t o s e l e c t t a l e n t e d and capable women and appoint them as o f f i c e r s , because they needed women's h e l p . For example, the T a i p i n g k i n g s a p pointed women as c i v i l o f f i c i a l s i n t h e i r p a l a c e s , and no evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e were eunuchs i n the p a l a c e s . In b r i e f , the i n i t i a t i o n o f the women's c i v i l examinations and the women's o f f i c i a l system were c o n t r i b u t e d t o by t h e i r i d e a s o f e q u a l i t y , the T a i p i n g women's capa-b i l i t y o f h a n d l i n g p u b l i c a f f a i r s , and the n e c e s s i t y o f women's h e l p . 103 The Importance o f the T a i p i n g O r g a n i z a t i o n o f Women O f f i c e r s i n Chinese H i s t o r y U n l i k e i t s women's c i v i l examinations, the T a i -p i n g women's o f f i c i a l system was not unique i n Chinese h i s t o r y . F o r example, i n a c l a s s i c work—Chou-11—the appointment o f women o f f i c i a l s i n the pa l a c e was suggested. However, women were not appointed as o f f i c i a l s u n t i l the 1st century A.D. d u r i n g the Han dynasty. At t h a t time, the emperor, Han Ming T i , appointed s i x women s e c r e t a r i e s . In the Ming dynasty, t h e r e were a l s o women c i v i l o f f i c e r s . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t d u r i n g the Ch'ing p e r i o d , some female 16 r e l a t i v e s o f the r o y a l f a m i l y served i n the p a l a c e . But the s p e c i f i c r o l e s and d u t i e s o f these women o f f i c e r s a r e unknown. They remain as a p u z z l e i n Chinese h i s t o r y . On the ot h e r hand, T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo had a complicated women's o f f i c i a l system and many women o f f i c e r s , as mentioned b e f o r e . T h i s was one of the f e a t u r e s o f the Kingdom which no other regime i n Chinese h i s t o r y c o u l d match. 104 FOOTNOTES 1. For d e t a i l s concerning the t r a d i t i o n a l c i v i l examina-ion system, see Lo Korch Huang, The C i v i l Service System of  China. 1961. Teng Ssu-yu, Chung-kuo k'ao-shlh chih-tu  shih, 19665 Franke, Wolfgang, The Reform and A b o l i t i o n  of the T r a d i t i o n a l Chinese Examination System, i960; and Menzel. J.M.. The Chinese C i v i l Service. 19"53. This thesis w i l l not attempt to elaborate on the subject. 2. cf. P'eng T s e - i , T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo ko-ming ssu-ch'ao, 1946, pp. 30-31. 3. cf. Tse-ch'lng hul-tsuan i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, Vol. 3, pp. Hl -115 . 4. Ling Shan-ch'ing, 1923, Chuan 8, p. 5. 5. Jen, 1958, p. 1230; Lo Erh-kang, 1955, p. 324. To what o f f i c e s i n the palaces they were appointed, as well as how many women passed the examination and were appointed as o f f i c i a l s are unknoim. 6. cf. Jen, 1958, p. 1231, and L i Chun, 1963, p. 481. 7. According to Tse-ch'ing hui-tsuan. there were 300 "Lady Keepers of the inner gate of the palaces" and 280 "Ladies-in-waiting of the palaces". The t o t a l number of women court o f f i c i a l s was 1464 (excluding Honorary Women Ministers, because there i s no d e f i n i t e number forthem.) The male court o f f i c i a l s were numerous. In addition to kings, there were marquises, ministers, censors, d i r e c t o r s , aide-de-camps, generals and many o f f i c i a l s of lower rank. Generally speaking, most of the ranks did not have a d e f i n i t e number of members, therefore the t o t a l remains unknown. However, according to Tse- ch'ing hul-tsuan. i t i s possible that the Kingdom had more than f o r t y thousand male court o f f i c i a l s . Therefore, the number of female court o f f i c i a l s was roughly one-f o r t i e t h of that of the men. (cf. Chang, Tse-ch'ing hui-tsuan i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, Vol. 3, pp. 77-115, and pp. 281-310.) 8. Jen, 1958, pp. 1232-35. Because of the lack of evidence, the duties and roles of the women o f f i c i a l s , and t h e i r r elations to men i n job and i n authority are not known. However, Fu Shan-hsiang an Honorary Woman Minister, f o r example, might have been 105 d o i n g a k i n d of s e c r e t a r i a l work f o r Tung Wang and might have l e d women troops i n case of f i g h t i n g , ( c f . L i n g San-ch'in g , 1923, Chuan 18) 9. c f . Chang, Tse-ch'ing h u i - t s u a n . Chtlan 12 i n Hsiang Ta 1952, V o l . 3, and Jen, 1958, p. 123^. 10. L i n g Shan-ch'ing, 1923, Chuan 1, p. 16. 11. I b i d . Chuan 18. 12. I b i d . Chuan 20. 13. I b i d . Chuan 20. 14. I b i d . Chuan 18. 15. Yao women who assumed m i l i t a r y command had the r i g h t t o put on jade headdresses and p u r p l e phoenix f u r coats draped i n b u t t e r f l y p a t t e r n e d s i l k and t o c a r r y s e a l s o f r h i n o c e r o s tusk. When seen from a f a r , they resembled d e i t i e s . The jade headdress i s a p i e c e of s o f t jade on which a r e carved two phoenix heads around which the h a i r s a r e wound. (Hsun-chou f u - c h l h , I896, Chuan 5^» 9 i n Shih , 1967, p. 318) The r a t i o o f Yao people t o the t o t a l number of people i n the r e b e l l i o n i s unknown. 16. c f . Jen, 1958, p. 1235. 106 CHAPTER V THE ABOLITION OP SLAVERY AND THE PROHIBITION OP ADULTERY AND PROSTITUTION S l a v e r y i n T r a d i t i o n a l China One of the most prominent f e a t u r e s o f a t r a d i t i o n a l , wealthy Chinese household was the number o f s e r v a n t s . Many of these s e r v a n t s were h i r e d , but a l a r g e p o r t i o n were nu ( s l a v e s ) , u s u a l l y young g i r l s o f t e n t o ei g h t e e n years o l d , who had been s o l d by t h e i r p a r e n t s , because t h e i r f a m i l i e s were too poor t o support them. Sl a v e s were con s i d e r e d p r o p e r t y and were r u l e d by the whim of t h e i r masters. A s l a v e ' s marriage was arranged by h i s master. Sometimes a female s l a v e was manumitted and sent out of the household t o marry a non-slave, but more u s u a l l y she was g i v e n by her master t o one of h i s male s l a v e s . The c h i l d r e n o f s l a v e s i n h e r i t e d the s l a v e s t a t u s from t h e i r parents and were owned by the f a m i l y o f the master. Sl a v e s and t h e i r c h i l d r e n c o u l d o n l y be set f r e e by t h e i r masters. A c c o r d i n g t o Ta-ch'ing l t t - 1 1 (the Penal Code o f the Ch'ing d y n a s t y ) , male s l a v e s who r a n away from t h e i r masters were g i v e n f o r t y s t r o k e s and t a t t o o e d on the f a c e while the female s l a v e s were g i v e n e i g h t y strokes;.. The i n e q u a l i t i e s between masters and s l a v e s can be i l l u s t r a t e d by examples of the t r a d i t i o n a l laws. A master 107 had the r i g h t t o beat h i s s l a v e s and was not r e s p o n s i b l e f o r any i n j u r y t h a t might occur. No p e n a l t y was exacted f o r i n j u r i n g a s l a v e under T'ang, Sung, Ming o r Ch'ing laws. And i t was c l e a r l y s t a t e d i n a note t o the Ch'ing law, t h a t s i n c e the law r e q u i r e d no punishment f o r i n j u r i n g a s l a v e , a master was not h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e , i f h i s s l a v e d i e d a c c i -d e n t a l l y w h ile being l a w f u l l y punished. The law p r o h i b i t e d o n l y punishment i n an inhuman manner and k i l l i n g with i n t e n t . In Ming and Ch'ing times, the punishment f o r a master who, i n s t e a d o f r e m i t t i n g a g u i l t y s l a v e t o the a u t h o r i t i e s , k i l l e d him i n t e n t i o n a l l y on h i s own a u t h o r i t y , was one hundred s t r o k e s . A master, who k i l l e d a s l a v e who was not g u i l t y , was g i v e n s i x t y s t r o k e s and a year's imprisonment, the f a m i l y members of the murdered s l a v e a l l being f r e e d and becoming commoners. On the o t h e r hand, s l a v e s were expected t o behave towards t h e i r masters r e s p e c t f u l l y — a n y i n s u l t o r v i o l e n t a c t i o n was a s e r i o u s o f f e n c e . In the Ming and Ch'ing laws a s l a v e who accused h i s master was punished with one hundred s t r o k e s and t h r e e year's imprisonment, i f the a c c u s a t i o n proved t r u e ; and by s t r a n g l i n g , i f the a c c u s a t i o n proved f a l s e . On the o t h e r hand, i f a master thought t h a t a s l a v e was g u i l t y o f some crime, he was e n t i t l e d t o charge him with i t , and was not punished even i f the a c c u s a t i o n proved f a l s e . A s l a v e , g u i l t y o f s c o l d i n g h i s master, was s t r a n g l e d , and 108 one g u i l t y of s t r i k i n g h i s master, whether i n j u r y r e s u l t e d o r not, was beheaded. A s l a v e whose a c t caused the death o f h i s master, r e g a r d l e s s of whether I t i n v o l v e d simple f i g h t i n g , k i l l i n g with i n t e n t or premeditated murder, was t o be dismembered; i f the master was k i l l e d a c c i d e n t a l l y , the s l a v e was s u b j e c t t o d e t e n t i o n i n p r i s o n t o be s t r a n g l e d . S l a v e s d i d not r e c e i v e the same treatment as commoners bef o r e the law e i t h e r . Under the Ming and the Ch'ing laws,a s l a v e who s t r u c k a freeman was punished more s e v e r e l y than i n o r d i n a r y cases i n v o l v i n g two freemen; while the punishment f o r a freeman who beat and i n j u r e d a s l a v e was l e s s severe. Thus, i t can be seen t h a t the p o s i t i o n of s l a v e s l e f t them powerless t o defend themselves a g a i n s t c r u e l l y d i s p o s e d masters. The Manchu a u t h o r i t i e s o f f e r e d l i t t l e p r o t e c t i o n f o r s l a v e s . 1 The T a i p i n g P o l i c y on the A b o l i t i o n of S l a v e r y U n l i k e the p r e v i o u s d y n a s t i e s which had l e g a l i z e d s l a v e r y , the T a i p i n g Kingdom attempted t o e l i m i n a t e i t . The T a i p i n g p o l i c y t o a b o l i s h s l a v e r y was found i n Hung Jen-kan's "Tzu-cheng h s i n - p i e n " (The New D r a f t of the Heavenly Adminis-t r a t i o n ) which was i n the form of a memorial t o T ' i e n Wang (Hung Hsiu-ch'flan) and i s s u e d by him i n 1859. "The New D r a f t of the Heavenly A d m i n i s t r a t i o n " s t a t e d ; "...Among f o r e i g n n a t i o n s t h e r e i s a law p r o h i b i t i n g the s a l e of c h i l d r e n as s l a v e s . Those who s e l l t h e i r 109 c h i l d r e n because o f poverty o n l y do so out o f n e c e s s i t y and do not r e f l e c t t h a t t h e i r o f f s p r i n g a r e t o be f o r e v e r s l a v e s o f o t h e r s . T h i s i s ex-c e e d i n g l y d i s g r a c e f u l t o the a n c e s t o r s . Perhaps t h e i r p o s t e r i t y may produce v i r t u o u s and c l e v e r i n d i v i d u a l s , who w i l l , as s l a v e s , not onl y be unable t o serve t h a t s t a t e , but may a l s o b r i n g harm t o the s t a t e . Thus the r i c h s h a l l be all o w e d t o employ people as l a b o u r e r s , but not t o purchase s l a v e s which make us the o b j e c t o f scorn of f o r e i g n s t a t e s . I f daughters a r e too d i f f i c u l t t o mai n t a i n , they s h a l l be per m i t t e d t o be employed as Ntl-tzu ( w a i t r e s s e s ) . . . . " 2 The q u o t a t i o n above shows us t h a t Hung Jen Kan's d e s i r e f o r w e s t e r n i z a t i o n was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the a b o l i t i o n o f s l a v e r y . In order t o understand why he advocated these western i d e a s , i t i s necessary t o review a p a r t of h i s expe r i e n c e s . Hung Jen-kan was T ' i e n Wang's c o u s i n and c l o s e companion. When T ' i e n Wang began t o preach the C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e i n 1843, Hung Jen-kan and Feng Yun-shan were the f i r s t two c o n v e r t s . Hung Jen-kan had been i n Canton with Hung Hsiu-ch'tlan t o study the B i b l e under the m i s s i o n a r y , 3 Reverend I . J . Roberts i n 1847. When the R e b e l l i o n s t a r t e d i n C h i n - t ' i e n i n 1850, he d i d not have the chance t o j o i n the u p r i s i n g . In 1853, he went t o Hong Kong t o study b i b l i c a l works under Theodore Hamberg, a Swedish m i s s i o n a r y , a f t e r which, he became a preacher o f the London M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y . S h o r t l y a f t e r Hung Jen-kan a r r i v e d i n C h i n - l i n g i n 1859* T ' i e n Wang appointed him prime m i n i s t e r and c o n f e r r e d the t i t l e o f Kan Wang on him. 110 When Hung Jen-kan was i n Hong Kong, he had been i n close association with the Western missionaries and Western ideas. His "The New Draft of the Heavenly Adminis-t r a t i o n " was an outline of his program i n which he showed his understanding of the West and his desire to bring China abreast of the West i n the material aspect of c i v i l i z a t i o n . The main ideas of his program were l o c a l self-government, respect f o r public opinion, establishment of a monetary and banking system, encouragement of private invention through patent protection and monopoly ri g h t s , an o v e r - a l l plan f o r land and water communication and f o r a postal system, improvement of the ju d i c i a r y system and the a b o l i t i o n of slavery, etc.. A l l these reforms that he wanted to i n t r o -duce were derived from his missionary background and his view of the West. Therefore, the a b o l i t i o n of slavery as one item of his program, was probably based on the Ch r i s t i a n idea of equality as well as his desire f o r westernization. As to how f a r the a b o l i t i o n of slavery was carried out, L i n - l e i n his Ti-ping T'ien-kwoh stated: "The detestable system of slavery i s t o t a l l y abolished by the Taipings, and the a b o l i t i o n made e f f e c t i v e by punishment with decapitation upon the s l i g h t e s t infringement of the law by by male or female. The law as f a r as the slavery of men was concerned had no great occasion f o r existence, such cases being uncommon i n China; but the r e a l necessity f o r such an important innovation consisted i n the fact that every woman was more or l e s s a slave. "5 I l l Besides Christian and Western influence, the abolition of slavery may be attributed to one of the local Hakka customs, according to which Hakka g i r l s were rarely sold as slaves. Adultery and Prostitution in Traditional China The prohibition of adultery in traditional Chinese society seemed to be a restriction for women rather than for men. A married man as well as a single man, usually had the privilege of sexual intercourse with women who were neither members of his patrl-lineage nor wives of his blood relatives. For example, the Ming and the Ch'ing laws provided no punish-ment for a master who had i l l i c i t intercourse with his slaves or servants. On the other hand, women had never had such a privilege. A man could k i l l his unfaithful wife and her paramour and go unpunished. A wife or daughter of a master, who was guilty of having i l l i c i t intercourse with a slave or 7 a servant of the family, was always punished by death. A woman who lost her chastity was considered an utter disgrace to her family and was discriminated against by society. Under such circumstances, the only honourable recourse for the woman was to commit suicide. Society greatly praised a woman who died in defending her chastity. The practice of prostitution had long been recog-nized by laws and accepted by society. In the Ming dynasty, 112 f o r example, i t was an accepted practice f o r a woman to 8 become a prostit u t e as a form of punishment. There were many romantic s t o r i e s about relationships between the l i t e r a t i and prostitutes i n Chinese h i s t o r y . People i n general did not think that these s t o r i e s were degrading to the l i t e r a t i . Although p r o s t i t u t i o n was considered a disgraceful occupation, a woman, forced by extreme economic d i f f i c u l t i e s or some other reasons (e.g. l o s s of ch a s t i t y ) , could become a p r o s t i -tute. During the Ch'ing dynasty, houses of p r o s t i t u t i o n existed throughout the country. Before the Taipings' a r r i v a l , Chin-ling was the paradise of pr o s t i t u t e s . The Manchu author-9 i t i e s just ignored them. The traditional-minded women took i t f o r granted that men might have extra-marital p r i v i l e g e s , and society tended to keep s i l e n t , i f a man's wife did not complain about hi s behavior. The Taiping P o l i c y on the Pro h i b i t i o n of Adultery and P r o s t i t u t i o n As f o r the pr o h i b i t i o n of adultery and p r o s t i t u t i o n among the Taipings, we had better review t h e i r d i s c i p l i n e and the h i s t o r y of t h e i r movement. That one should not commit adultery was one of t h e i r most important doctrines. As early as 1845, Hung Hsiu-chuan (T'ien Wang) stated i n his essay c a l l e d "Ytlan-tao chiu shih ko" (The Proclamation on 1 1 3 the O r i g i n o f the P r i n c i p l e s o f World S a l v a t i o n ) s " A d u l t e r y i s the worst o f a l l e v i l deeds. What God hates most i s t h a t men become d e v i l s because o f committed a d u l t e r y . " 1 0 'The T a i p i n g s l a i d emphasis on the p r o h i b i t i o n o f a d u l t e r y a t the v e r y o u t s e t o f t h e i r campaign a t Yung-an i n 1 8 5 2 . At t h a t time, Hung Hsiu-chtlan gave out the f o l l o w i n g e d i c t 1 "...the male and the female s o l d i e r s and o f f i c e r s i n the whole army should obey the Heavenly commandments...all the commanders i n the v a r i o u s army corps should from time to time make c l o s e i n s p e c t i o n s f o r the purpose of d i s c o v e r i n g any v i o l a t i o n s o f the seventh heavenly commandment (Thou s h a l t not commit a d u l t e r y . ) . Should t h e r e be any v i o l a t i o n s of t h i s commandment, they should be executed Immediately a f t e r t h e i r crime i s d i s c o v e r e d and t h e r e should be no pardon. L e t no s o l d i e r o r o f f i c e r t r y t o p r o t e c t the c r i m i n a l s , f o r i n doing so they a r e sure t o o f f e n d the Heavenly Fa t h e r , the HuaSg Shang-ti and i n c u r h i s r i g h t e o u s i n d i g n a t i o n . " 1 1 One of T ' i e n Wang's T ' i e n - f u s h i h (poems of the Heavenly Father) readt "No e v i l i s unpardonable except the v i o l a t i o n o f the seventh commandment, f o r t h i s i s an e v i l o f the most d r e a d f u l s o r t . " ! 2 As d i s c u s s e d b e f o r e i n Chapter I I , the s e g r e g a t i o n o f the sexes was one of the d i s t i n g u i s h e d f e a t u r e s o f the T a i p i n g s o c i e t y , and the p r o h i b i t i o n o f a d u l t e r y and p r o s t i . t u t i o n was one o f t h e i r most s e r i o u s d o c t r i n e s . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r m i l i t a r y laws, those who were g u i l t y of rape were beheaded, and those who committed a d u l t e r y with consent, 114 13 even i f they were husband and wi f e , were executed. There i s p l e n t y o f evidence which i n d i c a t e s how s t r i c t l y they enforced t h i s d o c t r i n e . For example, H s i e h San, a T a i p i n g 14 s o l d i e r , was k i l l e d f o r a d u l t e r y . When the T a i p i n g army a r r i v e d i n Wu-han i n 185 2, some T a i p i n g s o l d i e r s , who broke i n t o the women's q u a r t e r and t r i e d t o have i n t e r c o u r s e with women, were executed immediately. And i n 1854, Ch'en Tsung-yang, the Deputy m i n i s t e r o f the Winter Department, was exe-16 cuted f o r s t a y i n g with h i s wif e o v e r n i g h t . Chang Ju-nan recorded i n h i s C h i n - l i n g sheng-nan c h i - l f l e h t h a t a f t e r the T a i p i n g s a r r i v e d i n C h l n - i n g , they s t i l l s t r i c t l y observed the seventh Heavenly Commandmentj even the o l d B r o t h e r s , who came from Kwangsi, dared not 17 v i o l a t e t h i s r u l e , otherwise they would be k i l l e d . A c c o r d i n g t o the T s e - c h ' l n g h u l - t s u a n . when t h e i r army marched t o Hupel i n 1854, two of the T a i p i n g army commanders—Wei Chun and Shih Feng-k'uei—warned the people t o t u r n away from o l d "degenerate customs" and r e t u r n t o Cheng-tao (the r i g h t p r i n c i p l e ) . One of the commands s a i d : " P r o s t i t u t i o n should by a l l means be p r o h i b i t e d . Men have men's q u a r t e r s t o go t o and women have t h e i r s ; . . . S h o u l d any one i n d u l g e i n Immoral conduct, o r should any o f f i c e r s , s o l d i e r s o r common people s e c r e t l y go t o s l e e p i n houses of p r o s t i t u t i o n and v i o l a t e the r e g u l a t i o n , they s h a l l be punished. Those who run houses o f p r o s t i t u t i o n s h a l l be summarily executed a l o n g with t h e i r e n t i r e f a m i l i e s ? and t h e i r neighbors who a r r e s t them and hand them over t o the government s h a l l be rewarded, while those who l e t them go s h a l l be punished. 115 Those who know the r e g u l a t i o n but i n - .0 t e n t i o n a l l y v i o l a t e t h i s s h a l l be executed." L i n - l e , as w e l l as Chinese w r i t e r s , r e p o r t e d t h a t p r o s t i t u t i o n was p r o h i b i t e d and anyone who committed a d u l t e r y 19 or p r a c t i c e d p r o s t i t u t i o n would be put t o death. The T a i p i n g s p r o h i b i t e d a d u l t e r y and p r o s t i t u t i o n mainly because of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e , and p o s s i b l y because they accepted and emphasized the Chinese t r a d i t i o n a l saying—Wan o y i n wei shou ( A d u l t e r y i s the g r e a t e s t o f a l l e v i l d e e d s ) — a s w e l l as the Seventh Commandment i n the Old Testament. The S i g n i f i c a n c e o f the T a i p i n g P o l i c i e s Towards S l a v e r y , A d u l t e r y , and P r o s t i t u t i o n Compared with the o t h e r Chinese d y n a s t i e s , the T a i p i n g a u t h o r i t i e s took the p r o h i b i t i o n o f a d u l t e r y and p r o s t i t u t i o n more s e r i o u s l y . They d i d not p r o v i d e men with any l e g a l e x t r a - m a r i t a l p r i v i l e g e s . Moreover, the p r o h i -b i t i o n o f p r o s t i t u t i o n was a new development i n Chinese h i s t o r y . The p r o h i b i t i o n o f a d u l t e r y and p r o s t i t u t i o n , as w e l l as the a b o l i t i o n of s l a v e r y , were b e n e f i c i a l t o women and undoubtedly helped t o improve t h e i r s t a t u s . 116 FOOTNOTES 1. c f . Ch'u T'ung-tsu, Law and S o c i e t y In T r a d i t i o n a l China. 196l. Chapter I I I , S o c i a l C l a s s e s , pp. 128-207. 2. "The New D r a f t o f the Heavenly A d m i n i s t r a t i o n " i n Cheng J . C . T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n 1850-1864, 1963, pp. .56-59. Peng T s e - i , T ' a i - p ' i n g t'len-kuo ko-ming ssu-ch'ao, 1946, p.34. 3. Teng Ssu-ytl, New L i g h t on the H i s t o r y o f the T ' a i - p ' i n g  R e b e l l i o n . 1950, p. 56. 4. c f . P'eng T s e - i , 1946, pp. 33-4l{ S h i h Y.C., 1967, pp. 138-139. 5. L i n - l e , 1866, p. 303. 6. c f . H s i eh T'ing-ytl " O r i g i n and M i g r a t i o n o f the Hakkas" i n Chinese S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l S c i e nce Review. V o l . X I I I , No. 2, A p r i l 1929, P. 205. 7. Chti T'ung-tsu, 1961, p. 110 and pp. 198-200. 8. Ch'en Tung-yuan, Chung-kuo fu-nti sheng huo s h i h . 1935, p.202. 9. I b i d , p. 292. 10. "Yuan-tao c h l u s h i h ko" i n Jen, T ' a i - p ' i n g chu Kwangsi sou  I s h i h . 1946, pp. 116-118. "Ytlan-tao c h i u s h i h ko" was w r i t t e n by Hung Hsiu-chiUan i n 1845 (46?). 11. T'ien-ming chao-chlh shu (Book of Heavenly Decrees and  Proclamations ) i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . I, p. 68. T'ien-ming chao-chlh shu. p u b l i s h e d i n I852, i n c l u d e s some o f T ' i e n Wang's (the Heavenly King) decrees and proclamations from 1849 t o 1852. 12. T ' i e n - f u s h i h . No. 465 i n Hsiao, Ts'ung-shu, V o l . 2, p. 857. 13. Chang, T s e - c h ' l n g h u i - t s u a n , Chuan 8, i n Hsiang Ta, V o l . 3 , 1952, pp. 227-232. 14. T ' l e n - c h ' l n g t a o - l l shu (Book on the P r i n c i p l e s o f the  Heavenly N a t u r e ) i n Hsiang Ta. V o l . I . pp. 388-389. T ' i e n - c h ' i n g t a o - l i shu which was w r i t t e n by one o f Tung Wang's (the E a s t e r n King) subordinates ( h i s name i s un-known) under the former's o r d e r and p u b l i s h e d i n 1854, 117 r e c o r d s the h i s t o r y o f the R e b e l l i o n and some of Tung Wang's poems. 15. Ch'en Hui-yun, Wu-ch'ang c h i h - s h l h i n Jen, 1958, p. 1206. 16. Chang, T s e - c h ' l n g h u i - t s u a n , Chuan 2 and Chuan 12, i n Hsiang Ta, V o l . 3, 1952, p. 72 and. p. 313. 17. C h i n - l i n g sheng-nan c h i - l u e h i n Jen, 1958, p. 1206. 18. T s e - c h ' i n g h u i - t s u a n i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . 3, pp. 224-225. 19. L i n - l e , 1866, p. 302, and pp. 317-318. 118 CHAPTER VI SOCIAL CUSTOMS AND PERSONAL ADORNMENTS Fo o t - b i n d i n g and I n f a n t i c i d e i n T r a d i t i o n a l China The custom o f f o o t - b i n d i n g was c e n t u r i e s o l d i n China. I t s o r i g i n can be t r a c e d back t o the t e n t h century 1 A.D.. The custom was s t i l l p r a c t i c e d u n i v e r s a l l y i n the Ch'ing p e r i o d , with a few exc e p t i o n s , such as the Hakkas, the Manchu women, the non-Chinese n a t i v e s , and the women from poor f a m i l i e s who had t o work hard t o earn t h e i r l i v i n g . The "San t s ' u n c h i n l i e n " (three i n c h golden l i l i e s , t he bound f e e t of Chinese women) seemed t o be not only a symbol o f beauty, but a l s o a mark of the l e i s u r e c l a s s . A woman of a poor f a m i l y could not a f f o r d t he p r a c t i c e o f f o o t -b i n d i n g . A woman without "golden l i l i e s " would have had d i f f i c u l t y i n f i n d i n g a husband o f good f a m i l y background. Although the Manchu Emperor, K'ang-hsi (1662-1722), had Issued a decree p r o h i b i t i n g the p r a c t i c e o f f o o t - b i n d i n g , he r e s c i n d e d i t l a t e r because o f the s t r o n g o p p o s i t i o n o f the people. I n f a n t i c i d e ( u s u a l l y o f a baby g i r l ) was another c e n t u r i e s o l d custom. I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t i t had been 2 p r a c t i c e d s i n c e the Han dynasty. I n f a n t i c i d e was p r e v a l e n t i n poor d i s t r i c t s (e.g. the v i l l a g e s o f Fukien p r o v i n c e ) , where the poor f a m i l i e s , e s p e c i a l l y those a l r e a d y over-119 burdened with daughters, might s e l l and g i v e t h e i r g i r l s away i f p o s s i b l e . Otherwise the baby g i r l s might be drowned, smothered o r abandoned i n the f i e l d s . Boys were seldom the v i c t i m s of i n f a n t i c i d e , because sons were u n i v e r s a l l y r e -garded as necessary f o r the support of t h e i r p a r e n t s , the comfort i n t h e i r o l d age, and the repose o f t h e i r s o u l s a f t e r death, so t h a t they were t r e a s u r e d and v a l u e d as one of Heaven's best g i f t s , * on the o t h e r hand, daughters were co n s i d e r e d u n p r o f i t a b l e servants and burdens, which c o u l d 3 o n l y be d i s p o s e d o f by i n c u r r i n g the expenses of marriage. In t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese s o c i e t y , c h i l d r e n were more or l e s s regarded by t h e i r parents as t h e i r p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t i e s . T h e r e f o r e , parents u s u a l l y would d e a l with them i n any way they wanted. The p r e v a l e n c e of i n f a n t i c i d e i n d i c a t e s t h a t the power which parents had over t h e i r c h i l d r e n , was p r a c t i c a l l y u n l i m i t e d i n the Ch'ing dynasty. The o n l y check upon t h e i r complete a u t h o r i t y was the law. Under the Penal Code o f the Ch'ing dynasty (Ta-ch'lng r a - l l ) . n e i t h e r the parents nor grandparents were h e l d g u i l t y when the b e a t i n g of a d i s o b e d i e n t c h i l d o r g r a n d c h i l d caused h i s unexpected death; o n l y when the c h i l d was k i l l e d Inhumanely were they punished by one hundred s t r o k e s . I f they k i l l e d a blameless c h i l d with i n t e n t , they were punished by s i x t y s t r o k e s and one year's imprisonment. The punishment f o r the premeditated murder of a c h i l d was the same as t h a t f o r k i l l i n g a blameless c h i l d w i t h i n t e n t . I n -120 f a n t i c i d e , which was not mentioned i n the Penal Code of the Ch'ing dynasty, might have been regarded as the premeditated murder of a c h i l d . However, the prevalence of i n f a n t i c i d e at that time suggests that the Ch'ing authorities did not 5 s t r i c t l y enforce the punishment fo r i n f a n t i c i d e . The Prohibitions of Foot-blndlng and Infanticide i n the Taiping Kingdom When the Taipings a r r i v e d i n Chin-ling i n 1853, a l l women were prohibited from p r a c t i c i n g foot-binding. The v i o l a t e r s were to be executed. Even those whose feet were 6 already bound were ordered to unbind them. L i n - l e said i n his Tl-plng T'len-kwoh: "The Ti-pings have abolished the h o r r i b l e customs of cramping and deforming the feet of t h e i r women. But although under t h e i r improved system, no female c h i l d i s so tortured, many of t h e i r wives have the f r i g h t f u l "small feet", having with the exception of the natives of Kwangsi, some parts of Kwangtung, and the Miau-tzu, o r i g i n a l l y conformed to the c r i p p l i n g custom. A l l children born since the e a r l i e s t commencement of the Ti-ping r e b e l l i o n have the natural foot. This great benefit to the women, t h e i r consequent improved appearance, and the re-lease of the men from the tall-wearing shaven-headed badge of former slavery, form the two most conspicuous of t h e i r d i s t i n g u i s h i n g habits, and cause the greatest difference and improvement i n the personal appearance of the Ti-pings as compared with that of t h e i r Tartar-governed countrymen. The much higher s o c i a l p o s i t i o n of the Ti-ping ladies over that of t h e i r unfortunate s i s t e r s included within the Manchoo domestic regime, has long been one of the brightest ornaments of t h e i r government. ...The greatest physical comfort to the women i s t h e i r enjoyment of natural feet and the a b i l i t y to move about as they wish: though, unfortunately, i t 121 i s o n l y amongst the youngest t h a t t h i s p r e v a i l s e n t i r e l y . . . " / I n f a n t i c i d e was not p r o h i b i t e d u n t i l 1859, when Kan Wang suggested i t i n h i s "The New D r a f t of the Heavenly Ad-m i n i s t r a t i o n " : "...with r e f e r e n c e t o the p o r h l b i t i o n of drowning one's own son o r daughter, i f a man i s unable t o feed h i s c h i l d , a c h i l d l e s s person s h a l l be allowed t o adopt the c h i l d as h i s own, not as h i s s l a v e 0 Perhaps the c h i l d may be handed over t o the f o u n d l i n g h o s p i t a l s . Any person who drowns h i s c h i l d s h a l l be punished."° Except f o r L i n - l e ' s r e p o r t about f o o t - b i n d i n g , t h e r e i s no ot h e r evidence which i n d i c a t e s how f a r and t o what extent the p r o h i b i t i o n s o f f o o t - b i n d i n g and i n f a n t i c i d e were c a r r i e d out. However, the emergence of these ideas i n China i n the 19th century can not be overlooked. The C a r r y i n g out o f Men's Work by the T a i p i n g Women The T a i p i n g women d i d much work which was u s u a l l y a s s i g n e d t o men, such as c a r r y i n g r i c e , c o a l , b r i c k s and s o i l , d i g g i n g d i t c h e s , trenches i n warfare, and h a r v e s t i n g , 9 e t c . . H s i e h chieh-ho, a pro-Manchu commoner i n h i s Chi n - l i n g k u e l - c h l a c h l - s h l h l u e h r e p o r t e d what he had seen i n C h i n - l i n g i n 1853 as f o l l o w s -"When the great camp of the E a s t e r n Gate was formed (the Manchu army p i t c h e d camps the r e } , the T a i p i n g s were a f r a i d and sent out twenty thousand women every day t o d i g d i t c h e s . ...The wheat o u t s i d e the E a s t e r n Gate had a l r e a d y r i p e n e d and had stood f o r a l o n g time 122 unharvested; they t h e r e f o r e sent women out t o har v e s t i t . " 1 0 Wang S h l h - t o , a commoner, was a l s o an observer i n C h i n - l i n g a t t h a t time. In Wang's I- p i n g j i h - c h l , he commented on women's worki "The T a i p i n g s came o r i g i n a l l y from the mountainous r e g i o n s and t h e i r womenfolk were used t o farming, weaving, dying and so f o r t h . They d i d not r e a l i z e t h a t t he women o f C h i n - l i n g were not used t o doing work l i k e t h i s . T h i n k i n g t h a t whatever they {the Hakka women) cou l d do the others c o u l d do too, they ordered them (the women of C h i n - l i n g ) t o do t h e i r own share o f the work i n c a r r y i n g r i c e , pounding g r a i n , f e l l i n g bamboo, d i g g i n g d i t c h e s , c a r r y i n g b r i c k s , h a r v e s t i n g wheat and g r a i n , c a r r y i n g s a l t and water e t c . . S i n c e t h e i r bound f e e t made working hard f o r the C h i n - l i n g women, they were ordered t o l o o s e n the b i n d i n g s on t h e i r f e e t . They d i d not r e a l i z e t h a t t he f e e t would not grow and r e c o v e r any more, once they had been bound. However, on l y the Kiangsu women s u f f e r e d from t h i s ; the women from Anhwel took i t as a matter o f course and d i d not f e e l strange about i t . " H The Kiangsu women s u f f e r e d more from the work mentioned by Wang S h i h - t o because they p r a c t i c e d f o o t - b i n d i n g , came from c i t i e s , and were not used t o doing t h a t k i n d o f work, whereas most of the Anhwei women i n C h i n - l i n g came from Anhwei v i l l a g e s o r r u r a l a r e a s , d i d not p r a c t i c e f o o t - b i n d i n g , and were accustomed t o hard work. The Dress and Ornament of T r a d i t i o n a l Chinese Women In the Ch'ing dynasty, the dresses of the wives o f mandarins were of good q u a l i t y , made of r i c h s i l k s , s p l e n d i d l y c o l o u r e d and b r i g h t l y embroidered. In s t y l e , g e n e r a l l y speaking, 123 t h e r e was no d i f f e r e n c e between the dresses o f a mandarin's wife and t h a t o f a commoner's w i f e . The dresses usually-c o n s i s t e d o f a l o o s e t u n i c r e a c h i n g t o the knees, which buttoned a t the neck and under the r i g h t arm. A p a i r o f t r o u s e r s drawn i n a t the ankles completed the a t t i r e on o r d i n a r y o c c a s i o n s , but on s p e c i a l days (e.g. f e s t i v a l s ) an embroidered p e t t i c o a t , which hung square both i n f r o n t and in-back, was a l s o worn. The h a i r was always c a r e f u l l y s t y l e d and g a i l y adorned, but i n ways and f a s h i o n s which d i f f e r e d In every p a r t o f China. Flowers, both n a t u r a l and a r t i f i c i a l , were commonly used as ornaments on the head, and r i c h l y en-graved and Jewelled h a i r p i n s were added t o g i v e t a s t e t o the c o i f f u r e . Dress and ornament were important as i n d i c a t i o n s of s t a t u s . The wives o r daughters o f the common people c o u l d wear on l y one g o l d h a i r ornament and one p a i r o f g o l d e a r r i n g s ; o t h e r ornaments had t o be of s i l v e r o r chrysoprase, nor were the common people allowed t o wear hats with l a r g e t a s s e l l e d knots. S l a v e s , s e r v a n t s and a c t o r s were not per-12 m i t t e d t o wear st o n e - b l u e . The T a i p i n g Women's P e r s o n a l Adornments , it) The dresses of the T a i p l n g women were s i m i l a r t o those o f oth e r Chinese women. The T a i p i n g women's dresses were i n the Chinese s t y l e , but with Hakka l o c a l and r u r a l v a r i a t i o n s . The mi s c e l l a n e o u s and l i m i t e d evidence a v a i l a b l e 124 may g i v e some ideas o f how the T a i p i n g women dressed themselves. When the T a i p i n g women's troops fought a g a i n s t the governmental army In Yung-an i n 1852, they wore turbans wrapped around t h e i r heads. L a t e r on, i n the b a t t l e f i e l d of Wu-ch'ang, 1 3 they wore red s i l k headdresses and grass s a n d a l s . Chin-ho, an observer i n C h i n - l i n g , d e s c r i b e d the T a i p i n g women as f o l l o w i n g t "What do the female r e b e l s l o o k l i k e ? They dress i n a f a s h i o n s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f the male r e b e l s — c o n s i s t i n g o f a dress with narrow c u f f s , a s h o r t coat, a y e l l o w t u r b a n on the head, a l o n g sword hanging a t the waist and b a r e f o o t e d — a n d they a r e v e r y s k i l l -f u l r i d e r s . " 1 4 The y e l l o w c o l o u r was r e s e r v e d f o r the women and the men o f f i c e r s , but red might be used by s o l d i e r s and common people. The women Chin-ho d e s c r i b e d were pro b a b l y women 15 o f f i c e r s , as they wore y e l l o w turbans. I t i s more l i k e l y t h a t they were wearing sandals, commonly worn by the peasants of Kwangsi and Kwangtung and seldom seen by Kiangsu people, than t h a t they were b a r e f o o t e d . T h i s l a t t e r o b s e r v a t i o n i s 16 probably a r e s u l t of the Chin-ho's p r e j u d i c e . Besides Chin-ho, the f o r e i g n observers (e.g. Wolseley) a l s o r e p o r t e d t h a t the T a i p i n g women rode horses and appeared i n p u b l i c p l a c e s 17 as a p a r t o f normal behaviour. The i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n L i n - l e ' s T i - p i n g T'ien-kwoh shows us how the T a i p i n g women dressed themselves. The Chinese dress which L i n - l e ' s f i a n c e , Marie, put on may be a 1 2 5 good model. He d e s c r i b e d the dress as f o l l o w s s "...a s t y l e of costume e x c e s s i v e l y becoming, c o n s i s t i n g of l o o s e p e t t i c o a t t r o u s e r s and a n i c e l y cut over-garment r e a c h i n g j u s t below the knees, t i g h t a t the neck h a l f t i g h t a t the w a i s t , with l o o s e s l e e v e s and a l o o s e embroidered s k i r t , open a t the s i d e s . " 1 ° The Sources, o f the T a i p i n g S o c i a l Customs and P e r s o n a l Adornments The T a i p i n g s o c i a l customs and the women's p e r s o n a l adornments may be t r a c e d back t o Hakka l o c a l customs and C h r i s t i a n I n f l u e n c e . F o o t - b i n d i n g was not common among the Hakka women. The l a n d which the Hakkas (the guest people, the l a t e immi-gr a n t s and the m i n o r i t y i n the South China) s e t t l e d was u s u a l l y not v e r y f e r t i l e , o f t e n making i t necessary f o r the Hakka men t o l e a v e t h e i r hometown o r t o emigrate somewhere e l s e (e.g. Southeast A s i a ) i n o r d e r t o make enough money t o support t h e i r f a m i l i e s . Thus, a l l k i n d s of work was l e f t t o t h e i r women, so t h a t besides doing housework and making c l o t h e s , the Hakka women became used t o working i n the f i e l d s , h e r d i n g c a t t l e , t i l l i n g l a n d , g a t h e r i n g f u e l wood and c a r r y i n g l o a d s . In the Hakka d i s t r i c t s , m i s t r e s s e s of the g e n t r y o r w e l l - t o - d o f a m i l i e s u s u a l l y worked as hard as concubines and maids. In g e n e r a l , the dresses of the Hakka women were crude and t h e i r ornaments, simple. When they worked i n t h e f i e l d s , they knoted t h e i r h a i r , wore turbans and b e l t s , and dressed 126 19 i n short jackets. Even i n the 19th century, i t was common for the Hakka women to go to the market town from d i f f e r e n t v i l l a g e s to s e l l t h e i r farm produce and to purchase what they wanted. The Hakka women seemed to be the hardest workers and the 20 most capable women i n China. The Kwangsi and the Kwangtung women were d i f f e r e n t from the Kiangsu and the Chekiang women, because the former were not only housekeepers, but also involved i n other pro-ductive a c t i v i t i e s . The t i l l i n g of the land was often re-garded as the main occupation of the women. I f there was not enough land f o r them to t i l l , they would go into the small towns i n order to look f o r other kinds of jobs. Both t i l l i n g the land and hunting f o r jobs outside t h e i r own home-town 21 were unusual events f o r the Kiangsu and the Chekiang women. Infanticide, which was prevalent i n Southern China, was also practiced by the Hakkas. The pr o h i b i t i o n of i n -f a n t i c i d e , as well as the opposition to the wearing ornaments, was suggested by Kan Wang, a Chris t i a n preacher. Therefore, i t i s possible to a t t r i b u t e them to the influence of C h r i s t i -anity and Kan Wangs' personal opinions. How f a r and to what extent these two p o l i c i e s were carried out remains unknown. From tlfre accounts given above, i t can be seen that there are s i m i l a r i t i e s between the Taiping s o c i a l customs (and p o l i c i e s ) and the Hakka customs. For example, the T a i -1 2 ? pings d i d not a l l o w the women t o p r a c t i c e f o o t - b i n d i n g , and the Hakka women simply d i d not have the custom. H a r v e s t i n g g r a i n and c a r r y i n g heavy l o a d s , which the women were r e q u i r e d t o do, were the o r d i n a r y work o f the Hakka women. The T a i p i n g women g e n e r a l l y wore turbans and b e l t s , which were the Hakka women's common adornments. The main reason f o r these s i m i l a r i t i e s seems t o be v e r y p l a i n , the T a i p i n g l e a d e r s and t h e i r b a s i c members were Hakkasj thus i t i s l i k e l y t h a t they would continue t o p r a c t i c e t h e i r own customs and would be i n c l i n e d t o r e q u i r e a l l people under t h e i r c o n t r o l t o conform t o t h e i r ways. I t i s s a f e t o say t h a t the Hakka l o c a l customs were the main sources of the T a i p i n g s o c i a l customs and the T a i -p i n g women's p e r s o n a l adornments. The T a i p i n g s o c i a l customs were merely l o c a l i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a t i o n s o f Chinese customs r a t h e r than r e v o l u t i o n a r y divergences from the Chinese t r a -d i t i o n a l customs. 128 FOOTNOTES 1. c f . Ch'en Tung-yuan, 1935, P. 125, p. 232, and Mou An-s h i h , 1961, p. 169. 2. Ch'en Tung-yuan, 1935, p. 6.1. 3. c f . Chapter I, Marriage and the Family. 4. Ch'u Tung-tsu, 196l, pp. 23-24 and p. 42. 5. F o r i n f o r m a t i o n concerning the extent of i n f a n t i c i d e i n China, see Ho P i n g - t i , 1959, pp. 58-62. 6. c f . Chang, T s e - c h ' l n g h u i - t s u a n i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . 3, p. 316; Lo Erh-kang, 1955, P. 92; Lo Erh-kang, 1950, p. 42; Mou An-shih, 196l, p. 169. 7. L i n - l e , 1866, p. 301 and p. 303. 8. Cheng J.C., 1963, p. 56; P'eng T s e - i , 1946, p. 37; Mou An-s h i h , 1961, p. 257. 9. Chang, Tse-ch'eng h u i - t s u a n i n Hsiang Ta, 19f>2, V o l . 3, p. I l l ; Lo Erh-kang, T ' a i - p ' i n g t-len-kuo s h l h - s h i h k'ao, 1955. PP. 325-326. 10. S h i h Y.C., 1967, P. 65; Lo.E. K. , 1955, P. 326. 11. I-plng .1ih-chlh. Chuan 3. i n Shih Y.C., 1967, p. 65; Jen, 1958, P. 1225. 12. Ch'u Tung-tsu, 196l, pp. 137-141. 13. T s e - c h ' i n g h u i - t s u a n i n Hsiang Ta, 1952, V o l . 3, p. I l l ; Ch'en hui-yen, Wu-ch'ang c h i - s h i h i n Jen, 1958, p. 1213. 14. Lo Erh-kang, 1955, pp. 338-339. 15. Lo Erh-kang, 1951, P. 184. 16. Jen, 1958, p. 1237. 17. c f . Jen, 1958, pp. 1194-95; Lo Erh-kang, 1950, pp. 50-51. 18. L i n - l e , 1866, p. 239. 19. c f . Wu Tsung-cho, Wen Chung-ho et a l . ( e d i t o r s ) C h i a - y l n g 129 chou-chlh, I898, Chuan 8, pp. 53-55. 20. c f . Lo H s i a n g - l i n , K'o-chia yen-chlu t ' a o - l u n . 1933; L e c h l e r "The Hakka Chinese" Chinese Recorder. 1878, V o l . IX, No. 5, pp. 358-59 i n Shih Y.C., 1967, p. 310? H s i e h Ting-yu "Origin.and M i g r a t i o n s of the Hakka" i n The Chinese S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Review, V o l . , X I I I , pp. 203-205. 21. c f . Kuo Chen-i, Chung-kuo fu-ntl wen-tl, 1937, PP» 1^7-148. 130 CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION The c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y o f T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo i s apparent i n i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r women, which were formed under the i n f l u e n c e s o f f o u r main e l e m e n t s — C h i n e s e t r a d i t i o n , the p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l customs of the Hakka, C h r i s t i a n i t y , and the need f o r women's h e l p i n p u b l i c a f f a i r s . The p r a c t i c e of polygyny, the s t a t u s o f women i n the f a m i l y and the contents o f women's educa t i o n a r e due t o the i n f l u e n c e o f Chinese t r a d i t i o n . Hakka l o c a l customs a r e the source of the p r o h i b i t i o n o f f o o t - b i n d i n g . The i n f l u e n c e of C h r i s t i a n i t y i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the promotion o f monogamy, the a b o l i t i o n o f s l a v e r y and the p r o h i b i t i o n o f a d u l t e r y and p r o s t i t u t i o n . The establishment o f women's q u a r t e r s , the c i v i l examinations f o r women, and the women's o f f i c i a l system are c h i e f l y due t o the need f o r women's h e l p — t h e d u t i e s o f the women's q u a r t e r s were s u b o r d i n a t e work connected with f i g h t i n g (and f i g h t i n g too, i f n e c e s s a r y ) , while the c i v i l examinations f o r women and the women's o f f i c i a l system p r o -v i d e d the Kingdom with capable women t o help i n p u b l i c a f f a i r s . I t seems a n a t u r a l outcome t h a t a c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y of heterogeneous elements w i l l show i n c o n s i s t e n c e s and c o n t r a -d i c t i o n s i n i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as the c o e x i s t e n c e o f monogamy and polygyny; e q u a l i t y f o r both sexes i n the d i s t r i -131 b u t i o n o f l a n d , but i n e q u a l i t y i n marriage; a s k i n g women not t o l e a r n o f the a f f a i r s o u t s i d e the household, but o f f e r i n g them c i v i l examinations and b u r e a u c r a t i c o p p o r t u n i -t i e s . The p o s i t i o n of T a i p i n g women can be examined i n the T a i p i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s r e l a t e d t o women. A T a i p i n g marriage, which had t o o b t a i n o f f i c i a l a p p r o v a l , was arranged by the o f f i c i a l match-makers. Except f o r some o f h i g h e r rank, people seldom had f r e e c h o i c e . The marriage ceremony was h e l d i n a church a t the expense o f the common t r e a s u r y . Polygyny, as w e l l as monogamy, was a l e g a l form o f marriage. Women were con s i d e r e d rewards f o r men i n the p r a c t i c e o f polygyny. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s mentioned above demonstrate t h a t the T a i p i n g s t r i e d t o u n i f y t h e i r marriage system under the a u t h o r i t y o f the s t a t e . The system n e i t h e r p r o v i d e d freedom f o r women (except f o r some female o f f i c e r s o f h i g h rank who had f r e e c h o i c e ) , nor regarded women as equal t o men. The extremely l i m i t e d m a t e r i a l s i n d i c a t e t h a t Confucian p r i n -c i p l e s o f k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n s h i p formed the s t r u c t u r e of the T a i p i n g f a m i l y . A l l evidence a v a i l a b l e shows t h a t the po-s i t i o n and r o l e s o f women i n a T a i p i n g f a m i l y were the same as those i n a t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y with o n l y one exce p t i o n , t h a t as a f a m i l y member, a woman had equal r i g h t s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d . G e n e r a l l y speaking, the p o s i t i o n o f women i n terms o f marriage and f a m i l y remained unimproved. 132 The establishment o f women's q u a r t e r s , which was a new development i n Chinese h i s t o r y , p r o v i d e d women with an o p p o r t u n i t y t o demonstrate t h e i r t a l e n t and c a p a b i l i t y i n both m i l i t a r y and c i v i l i a n work. In t r a d i t i o n a l China, both m i l i t a r y a f f a i r s and heavy l a b o u r were co n s i d e r e d men's work. The T a i p i n g women's q u a r t e r s proved t h a t women cou l d f u l f i l l m i l i t a r y d u t i e s and work as hard as men. The Kingdom o f f e r e d m i l i t a r y and c i v i l i a n work, not o n l y f o r men, but a l s o f o r women. In t h i s sense, the T a i p i n g women obtained e q u a l i t y with men and a new channel by which t o improve t h e i r p o s i t i o n . The T a i p l n g ' s e d u c a t i o n system d i f f e r e d from the t r a d i t i o n a l system mainly because i t d i d not n e g l e c t women's edu c a t i o n . The Kingdom o f f e r e d the same textbooks f o r both sexes. Women as w e l l as men had t o study the T a i p i n g B i b l e and a t t e n d the same church. Women cou l d a l s o be t e a c h e r s . These i n d i c a t e t h a t the T a i p i n g women had more e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s than the t r a d i t i o n a l women. The T a i p i n g women c o u l d not o n l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n the c i v i l examinations, but a l s o h o l d o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n t o r e c e i v i n g a degree, anyone who passed the examination was appointed t o a c e r t a i n o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n . Perhaps because the l a c k o f well-educated women who were capable o f t a k i n g the examination, the T a i p i n g Kingdom o f f e r e d the examination o n l y once and co u l d not completely depend on 133 i t f o r r e c r u i t i n g female o f f i c i a l s . Without t a k i n g the c i v i l examination, the r e l a t i v e s of the kings and the f i r s t s i s t e r s , who had j o i n e d the r e b e l l i o n i n Kwangsi, were a l s o a ppointed as o f f i c i a l s . The e x i s t e n c e of women's c i v i l ex-amination and female o f f i c i a l s i n d i c a t e t h a t the p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n o f women i n T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo was g r e a t l y enhanced. The T a i p i n g a u t h o r i t i e s attempted t o e l i m i n a t e the e v i l customs o f s o c i e t y — s l a v e r y , p r o s t i t u t i o n , f o o t - b i n d i n g and i n f a n t i c i d e e t c . . Because the main v i c t i m s o f s l a v e r y and p r o s t i t u t i o n were women, the a b o l i t i o n o f s l a v e r y and p r o h i b i t i o n o f p r o s t i t u t i o n , i n a c e r t a i n sense, meant the emancipation o f women. Poo t - b i n d l n g was d e s t r u c t i v e t o h e a l t h and r e s t r i c t e d movement. The major v i c t i m s o f i n f a n t i c i d e were female b a b i e s . Both the p r o h i b i t i o n s o f f o o t - b i n d i n g and i n f a n t i c i d e were p r o t e c t i v e p b l i c i e s f o r women which helped them t o improve t h e i r p o s i t i o n . A f t e r i n v e s t i g a t i n g T a i p i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s r e l a t e d t o women, we f i n d t h a t the s t a t u s o f women was improved i n many a s p e c t s . In the p o l i t i c a l sphere, they were allowed t o take the c i v i l examination and t o h o l d o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s . As t o the m i l i t a r y a s p e c t , t h e r e were female s o l d i e r s and o f f i c e r s . E c o n o m i c a l l y , a woman, as a f a m i l y member, had equal r i g h t s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of l a n d . As f o r e d u c a t i o n , women were no l o n g e r n e g l e c t e d . The p o l i c i e s of e l i m i n a t i n g c e r t a i n e v i l customs i n d i r e c t l y enhanced women's p o s i t i o n . The T a i p i n g 134 i n s t i t u t i o n s improved women's s t a t u s , though whether t h i s was t h e i r I n t e n t i o n remains unknown. The T a i p i n g b e l i e v e d i n the fatherhood o f God and the brotherhood of man. A l l human beings were God's c h i l d r e n , thus, a l l men were b r o t h e r s , and a l l women, s i s t e r s . Perhaps i t i s from such a r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f t h a t the T a i p i n g i d e a l o f s o c i a l e q u a l i t y evolved, f o r people who had such a b e l i e f were more l i k e l y t o e s t a b l i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s which d i d not d i s c r i m i -nate a g a i n s t women. However, i t does not n e c e s s a r i l y f o l l o w t h a t they would o f f e r equal o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r both sexes. The Hakka s o c i a l customs were e a s i l y adapted t o the i d e a l o f s o c i a l e q u a l i t y . As d i s c u s s e d b e f o r e i n Chapter VI, the Hakka women were r e l a t i v e l y independent and harder working as com-pared t o Chinese women of other a r e a s . They were used t o doing work nor m a l l y done by men. In t h e i r d a i l y l i f e , i t would seem t h a t the Hakka women were not as s t r i c t l y s eparated from men as elsewhere. The p o s i t i o n o f women i n the Hakka communities suggests the T a i p i n g view on women. In a d d i t i o n t o t h e s e , the need f o r women's h e l p was a l s o an element which encouraged the T a i p i n g s t o o f f e r equal o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r women i n c e r t a i n f i e l d s . I f women had not p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the r e b e l l i o n and performed a number of important d u t i e s , the r e b e l l i o n might not have been p o s s i b l e . In b r i e f , the improvement of the p o s i t i o n of the T a i p i n g women depended on the implementation of the T a i p i n g s ' 135 new id e a s which were i n f l u e n c e d by C h r i s t i a n i t y , Hakka customs and p r a c t i c a l n e c e s s i t y . The unchanged as p e c t s o f T a i p i n g women's p o s i t i o n a r e mainly a t t r i b u t e d t o the t r a d i t i o n a l i n -f l u e n c e . I f the T a i p i n g r e b e l s had succeeded i n d e f e a t i n g the Manchu Dynasty and had c a r r i e d through t h e i r new i d e a s , perhaps the emancipation o f Chinese women would not have been dela y e d u n t i l the t w e n t i e t h century. 136 BIBLIOGRAPHY A. CHINESE SOURCES Chang C h i n g \ M . Chung-hua t 'ung-shlh £ . 5 V o l s . T a i p e i i Commercial P r e s s , 1959. Chang Hslu-min fe% ft, . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo t z u - l i a o  mu-lu S. £ gj »| 9 | £ . Shanghai : Jen-min ch'u-pan she, 195?• Chang Te - c h i e n 5|L \\% &g ( e d i t o r and c o m p i l e r ) . T s e - c h ' i n g h u i - t s u a n ^\%%%.' 6 t s ' e , 12 chflan. P r e f a c e 1855* P u b l i s h e d i n f a c s i m i l e from a r a r e manuscript i n Nanking kuo-hstleh t'u-shu kuan i n 1932. Ch'eng Yen-sheng :/S ( c o m p i l e r ) . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo  s h l h - l l a o & % £ g3 t 1st S e r i e s , 3 V o l s . Peking: Peking U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1926. Ch'en Hstln-tz'u rf» P\ ^ . " T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo c h i h tsung-chiao cheng-chih" & % K m ^ ' , ? t ^ X i « , Shlh-hstieh t s a - c h l h £ V o l . I, No. 6 (December, 1929); and V o l . I I , No. 1 (March, 1930). Ch'en Ku-yuan 7 ^ # | j l L . Chung-kuo hun-yin s h i h l U ^ ^ © ^ . T a i p e i : Commercial P r e s s , 1968. Ch'en T'ting-yuan f|[ ^> . Chung-kuo fu-nfl sheng-huo s h i h ^ liQ • Shanghai: Commercial P r e s s , 1935. * Cheng Po-ch'ien |r2<&|j|. T ' a i - p ' i n g chlng-kuo c h i h shu ^ . i n Hsueh-chin t'ao-yttan.ts'e 25-26. Shanghai, 1805. •un % ^ t f • " T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo kp-ming i h s i n g - c h i h wen-t'i" &^£|0 %^W*£?$8& , Chia Shu-ts' t l L i - s h i h yen-chlu jgfe ^ , No.' 8', 1957. PP. 1-18 • C h i a - y i n g chou-chih ^ (ILTW , compiled by Wu T s u n g - c h o A Ching Heng ^ # j and L i n Yen-chiao (comp.). T ' a l -p ' l n g t'len-kuo ko-mlng h s l n g - c h l h wen-t'i t'ao-137 l u n c h l . * f * « 1 4 ** * *9 t i . Pekings S a n - l i e n s h u - t i e n , 1 96l. Chin I-chou Ijitf " . " T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo yen-chiu shu p ' l n g " 7x ^  ^  Q * f t,i£. . L l - s h i h yen- c h i u . /*£ 1961, No. 2, 123-135. Chou-1 y i n - t e j|J %~b\*i%* Harvard-Yenching I n s t i t u t e S i n o l o g i c a l Index S e r i e s , Supplement No. 10. P e i p i n g , 1935-Chou-11 Shanghai: Commercial P r e s s , 1936. Chou-1 i y i n - t e ) f 3 f $ 5 M | - . Harvard-Yenching I n s t i t u t e S i n o l o g i c a l Index S e r i e s , No. 37• P e i p i n g , 1940. Chung-kuo k' o-hstieh yen-chiu yuan \% % ?%j (comp). T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo t z u - l i a o A ^ * |g '| #f- . Peking: L i - s h i h yen-chiu so, 1959. Fan W e n - I a n ^ X^ll • T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo ko-mlng yttn-tung s h i h ^ £ f #f H o n S K o n S » 19^8. Hsiang Ta ^ j ^ a n d others ( e d . ) . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo A.3f R If] • 8 V o l s . Shanghai: Shen-chou kuo-kuang she, 1952. Hsiao I-shan % — ^ ( c o m p i l e r ) . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo  chao-yu A ? £ g | * * ^ i « P e i p i n g , 1935-( c o m p i l e r ) . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo ts'ung-shu A ? ^ l l 3 l l L if • 10 t s ' e . K u o - l i p i e n - i kuan. P r e f a c e , P e i p i n g , 193^. Re p r i n t e d , 1956. Ch 1 Ing t a i t'ung-shih ; ^ -f^jJt i» 3 V o l s . P e i p i n g : Wen-chih Hstteh-ytlan, n.d Hs i e h Hsing-yao & . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo s h l h - s h l h l u n - t s ' u n g £ ^£%X% •% • Shanghai, 1935-T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo t i she-hui cheng-chlh ssu-hsiang ^ t g l ^ f j J t i ^ Shanghai, 1935-. ( c o m p i l e r ) . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo ts'ung-shu sh l h - s a n ohunfi £ ^ £ i l " f t f +5 41 • P e i p i n g , 193" • Hu Ming-shu -tfl P$ ^  (ed). T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo ^ ' f ' 1  t ' i a o - c h ' a pao kao % if * 1% *z ****** 138 Peking: S a n - l i e n s h u - t i e n , 1956. Hua Kang 15Q . T ' a i - p ' 1 ng t ' 1 en -kuo ko -ming chan - ch eng  s h i h j^lt £ Ig) JL f ^ ; Shanghai and Peking, 1949. I-ching Jb, f t , e d i t e d by Jen Yu-wen ft'$\ 5L 3C , H s i eh H s i n g -yao XftM %. , Lu T a n - l i n f§ J^-fL, et a l . 33 i s s u e s appeared bi-monthly from March 5, 1936 t o J u l y 5, 1937. Shanghai. Jen (Chien) Yu-wen J»| X. 5<_ • C h l n - t ' l e n chlh-yu c h i c h ' l - t 'a ^ &J£ Ytfci • Chungking: Commercial P r e s s , 1944. . T'ai-p'ing-ohun Kwangsi s h o u - i s h i h k \\%h&>ifa $t • Shanghai, 194(5. ' " T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo h s i a n g c h i h k ' a o " A f £ $ # f vb ^ . J o u r n a l of O r i e n t a l S t u d i e s . Hong Kong: Hong Kong U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 195**, I, 249-398. . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo t i e n - c h l h t'ung-k'ao £ ^. Xg| i p ' i n , ^ #»] i 4 ^ • 3 V o l s . Hong Kong: Chi-sheng shu-chu, 1958. T ' a i - p ' i n g t'len-kuo ch'uan-shih K^f. iH ^ , 3 V o l s . Hong Kong: Ch i e n - s h i h meng-chin shu-wu, 1962. Ku Shen '4%. Hu-hsueh sheng-huan c h i & 'A. '£ 4 * & f i n Hsiang Ta et a l . ( c o m p i l e r s ) , T ' a i - p ' i n g t ' l e n - kuo, V o l . VI. Shanghai, 1952. Kuo I-sheng "Lun h s i n - h s i n g shlh-min t e n g - c h i t s a i t ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo kp-ming chung t i tso-yung" L i - s h l h y e n - c h i u . No. 3, 1956. Kuo Chen-i Chung-kuo fu-ntl wen-tl \% |g Jf 1-Jfcf4££ Shanghai: Commercial P r e s s , 1937* Kuo Jo-ytl f "p 3a (comp.) T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo ko-ming wen-wu t ' u - l u pu-plen * * ? i a > ^ 3 C * * | j l * f ^ • Shanghai: Ch'u-pan Kung-ssu, 1955« Kuo T ' i n g - i f-j51^_j*A • T ' a i - p ' i n g t'len-kuo s h l h - s h i h .1lh-c h i h ^ l i |r 9 ^ I 2 V o l s . Chungking and Shanghai, 1946. 139 L i Chien-nung ^.fa] %^ . Chung-kuo chin pai-nlen cheng-chlh shih \ i ffl jjj TS % £ • Taipei : Commercial Press, 1959. L i Ch'un j t f l & . T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo chih-tu ch'u-t'ah % ^ ^"18 &] & *0 f & . Peking: Chung-hua shu-tien, 1963. L i Fang ^ (compiler). T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi & %l%lz>. Peiping, 1934. L i I-ch'en f" — Ilk . T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo ko-ming yttn-tung shih £ ^ 3c l i | l i . ^  » . Shanghai: Kuang-hua shu chtl, i930. L i Kung ^ I t'ai-p'ing ts'e , i n Chi-fu ts'ung-shu ffi fjfi'-y * . ts'e 225. Published by the Wang family of Chung-ting chou, 1879. . P'ing-shu t i n g 3s l | , i n Chl-fu ts'ung-shu. ts'e 231-32. ^ Ling Shan-ch'ing ^ (ed.). T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo yeh-shih £ f £ gj Shanghai, 1923. L i u Tso-ch'uan f ij ^ jj< . "Kuan ytl T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo, ko-ming t ' e - t i e n t i hslng-ch'eng wen-t'i"P|l n?±t£*iT% ff3)Q • L i - s h l h yen- chiu, No. 3, 1957, PP. 1-7. Lo Erh-kang | | jgr Jf^j. T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo shih-kang T ^ f ^ 111 It. 4$ ' s h a n S h a l » 1937. T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo shih ts'ung-k'ao $ U s t ed. , 1943) Shanghai, 19^7. T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo shih k'ao-cheng chi ^ Jr-e_ * W ^ 7 W ^ % • Shanghai, 19^8. T T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo t i 11-hslang-kuo " %$M' Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1950. T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo shlh-kao ^^Zffi^ih . Shanghai, 1951. T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo shih-shih k'ao jc £ • Peking, 1955. " r ^ T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo s h l h - l l a o k'ao-shlh chi > & ® £ * 4 3 4£ • Peking, 1956. 140 . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo wen-wu t ' u - s h i h X ^ I^ J XtffrU f f . Peking« S a n - l i e n s h u - t i e n , 1956. T Lo H s i a n g - l i n H £ i^. K'o-chia yen-chiu t a o - l u n f^effW, Canton,-1933. * K'o-chia s h i h - l l a o h u i - p i e n % Hong Kong: I n s t i t u t e o f Chinese C u l t u r e , 1965. Lo l u n g ?!1Land Shen T s u - c h l v&t>& % . T ' a i - p ' i n g  t'ien-kuo shih-wen ch'ao 2: £ l|j t f 3c.4V • Shanghais Commercial P r e s s , 1935. Lung Sheng-ytln 11 ^ ± 1 , . " T ' a i - p ' i n g t 'ien-kuo hou-ch'i t u - t i c h i h - t u t i s h i h - s h i h wen-t'i" A ^ l ^ «0i*<b*»J 4 L 6 ^ t l * 4 i B 3 ® • L l - s h i h yen-chiu. V o l . I I (1958), pp. 35-54. Mou An-shih % . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo A ^ X ill . Shanghais S a n - l i e n s h u - t i e n , 196l. P'eng T s e - i l|y1| jg£. T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo ko-ming s s u - ch'ao X I f i W • Shanghai. 194-6. T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo ko-ming ytin-tung lun-wen c h i * ft ^ ||) %*ij£_tk %%X%• Peking, 1950. T' a i -p' i n g t ' i en-kuo ko-ming wen-wu t ' u - l u hstt-pl en k~jk?^ / i f & $ | f & . Shanghai. cTPu- T pan kung-ssu, 1953• T'ao Hsi-sheng TS ^  . Hun-yin ytt c h l a - t s u ^ X©-^- ^ . T a i p e i : Commercial P r e s s , 1966. Teng, Ssu-ytl -fiS ft)*J $rj. Chung-kuo k'ao-shih c h l h - t u s h i h \b @ ^ /t £ • T a i p e i : Hsueh-sheng shu-chu, ' 1966." T ' i e n Ytt-ch'ing \# ^  /!£ . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'len-kuo s h i h - l l a o % X I W • Peking: K'ai-ming shu-tien,' 1950. ' Tseng Kuo-fan <|p lf3 tfk-. Tseng Wen-oheng kung ch'ttan-c h i f X "2 ^  ^ ±f, V 1876. Tso-chuan \M- , i n Shlh-s a n - c h l n g chu-shu. Nanchang, K i a n g s i , 1815. 141 T s u n g - t s l n tsung-hul san-shlh-chou-nlen c h i - n l e n t'e-k'an T s u n g - t s i n t s u n g - h u i , 1950* Tu Wen-Ian %L XiflJ. P ' l n g - t i n g Ytteh-fel c h i - l t t e h %Z, &k • P u b l i s h e d under the a u s p i c e s o f Kuan Wen, 1871. Tz'u H a l (f)f 2 V o l s . Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chtl, 1936. Wang Ch'ung-wu and L i S h i h - c h ' i n g t£ V^j} . T ' a i -p ' i n g t'ien-kuo s h i h - l i a o l - t s ' u n g j\ ^ - ^ #4 UL • Shanghaii Shen-chou kuo-kuang she, 1954. Wang Ming £ 13$ . T ' a i - p ' i n g ohing ho-chlao k ~b f /£. Peking, I960. x Wang T*ien-1sang 3. . " T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo h s i a n g -kuan t i q h i e h - c h i ch'eng-fen" A T * 'U f w 1% L l - s h l h yen-chiu. No. 3, 1958, pp. 43. 54. Wu Sheng-hai J | . T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo s h i h -k3> f ^ . Shanghai, 1936. Yuan Ting-chung jL T . "Kuan ytl T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo^ ko-ming t i h s i n g - c h i h wen-t'i" ffl 3t A % HI % ^ ^ CflJ II • L l - s h l h yen-chiu. No. 8, 1957, PP. 19-33. Ytteh S h i h ^> ^ L ( e d . ) . T ' a i - p ' i n g huan-yu c h i ±% 'M ZtZJ . 200 chuaru Nanking, 1882. ' J 142 OTHER SOURCES Andorson, C A . and Bownian, M.J. The Chinese Peasant. Loxingtons U n i v e r s i t y o f Kentucky P r e s s , 1950. Arendt, Hannah. On R e v o l u t i o n . New York: V i k i n g P r e s s , 1965. Ayscough (Wheelock), F l o r e n c e . Chinese Women, Yesterday  & Today. London: A.W. Bai n & Co. L t d . , 1938. B i g g e r s t a f f , Knight. The E a r l i e s t Modern Government Schools i n China. New York: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961. B l a k i s t o n , Thomas W. F i v e Months on the Yang-tsze; with  a N a r r a t i v e o f the E x p l o r a t i o n o f I t s Upper  Waters and N o t i c e s o f the Present R e b e l l i o n s  i n China! London: J . Murray, 1862. Boardman, Eugene P. C h r i s t i a n I n f l u e n c e upon the Ideology o f T h e T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n . 1851-1864. Madison: U n i v e r s i t y o f Wisconsin P r e s s , 1952. Bodde, Derk and M o r r i s , C l a r e n c e . Law i n Im p e r i a l C h i n a — E x e m p l i f i e d by 190 Ch'lng"Dynasty Cases (Trans-l a t e d from the Hslng-an h u i - l a n ) . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1967. B r i n e , L l n d e s a y . The T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n i n China: A N a r r a t i v e o f I t s Use and Pr o g r e s s , Based upon  O r i g i n a l Documents and Inf o r m a t i o n Obtained i n China. London: J . Murray, 1862. Buck, J . L. Land U t i l i z a t i o n In China. Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1937. Burton, M.E. The Educati o n o f Women i n China. New York, 1911. C a l l e r y , J . Marie, and M. Yvan. H i s t o r y o f the I n s u r - r e c t i o n i n China: With N o t i c e s of the  C h r i s t i a n i t y . Creed and Proclamations o f the  Insur g e n t s . T r a n s l a t e d from French w i t h a supplementary Chapter N a r r a t i n g the Most Recent Events, by John Oxenford. New York: Harper and Br o t h e r s , I853. 143 Cheng, James Chester. T a i p l n g R e b e l l i o n 1850-1864. Hong-/Kong! Hong Kong U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963 . Cohen, Myron L. "The Hakka or Guest People: D i a l e c t as a S o c i o - c u l t u r a l V a r i a b l e i n Southeastern China" i n E t h n o h l s t o r y . V o l . 15, 1968. Cohen, P a u l A. China and C h r i s t i a n i t y — T h e M i s s i o n a r y  Movement and the Growth of A n t l - f o r e l g n l s m  1860-1870T Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963* Chu T'ung-tsu. Law and S o c i e t y i n T r a d i t i o n a l China. P a r i s : Mouton & Co., 1961. Chu You-kuang. Some Problems of a N a t i o n a l System of Ed u c a t i o n i n China. Shanghai: The Commercial P r e s s , 1933. Fairbank, John K i n g . The U n i t e d S t a t e s & China. New York: The V i k i n g P r e s s , 1963. F e i , Hsiao-t'ung. Peasant L i f e i n China. New York: Dutton, 1939. Fishbourne, Edmund G. Impressions of China and the Present R e v o l u t i o n : I t s Progress and P r o s p e c t s . London: Seeley, Jackson, and H a l l i d a y , 1855. Forbes, A r c h i b a l d . Chinese Gordon: A S u c c i n c t Record of H i s L i f e . London and New York: G. Routledge and Sons, 1844. F o r e i g n Languages P r e s s . Women i n New China. Peking, 19^9. Franke, Wolfgang. The Reform and A b o l i t i o n of the  T r a d i t i o n a l Chinese Examination System. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , i960. Freedman, Maurice. Lineage O r g a n i z a t i o n i n Southeastern  China. London: Athlone, 1958. Chinese Lineage and S o c i e t y : Fuklen and Kwangtung. London: Athlone, 1966. R i t e s and D u t i e s or Chinese Marriage. London and Southampton: The Camelot Press L t d . , 1967. 144 _. Family and K i n s h i p In Chinese S o c i e t y . S t a n f o r d , C a l i f . : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970. Goode, W.J. World R e v o l u t i o n and Family P a t t e r n s . New York! The Free P r e s s , 1963. Gurr Ted R. Why Men Rebel. P r i n c e t o n * P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970. H a l l , W.J. Tseng kuo-fan and the Suppression of the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n . New Haven: Yale U n i v e r -s i t y P r e s s , 1927. Hamberg, Theodore. The V i s i o n s of Hung-Slu-tshuen, and  O r i g i n of the kwang-si I n s u r r e c t i o n . (Hong Kong: China M a i l , 185*+.) R e p r i n t e d a t P e i p i n g i Yenching U n i v e r s i t y . L i b r a r y , 1935. Heyer, V i r g i n i a . " R e l a t i o n s between .Men and Women i n Chinese S t o r i e s " i n The Study of C u l t u r e a t  a D i s t a n c e . Chicago: T h e - U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1953-Ho P i n g - t i . S t u d i e s on the P o p u l a t i o n o f China. 1368- 1953. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1959. Hsiao Kung-ch'uan. R u r a l C h i n a — i m p e r i a l C o n t r o l i n the Nineteenth Century. S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington P r e s s , i960. H s i e h T i n g - y u . " O r i g i n and M i g r a t i o n s of the Hakkas" i n the The Chinese S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l S c i e nce Review. V o l . X I I I , No. 2 ( A p r i l , 1929). Hsu, Immanuel C.Y. The R i s e of Modem China. New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970. Kuhn, P h i l i p A. R e b e l l i o n and I t s Enemies i n L a t e  I m p e r i a l C h i n a - - M i l l t a r l z a t l o n and S o c i a l  S t r u c t u r e . 1796-1864. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970. Kuo Ping-wen. The Chinese System of P u b l i c E d u c a t i o n . New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 191^. Lang, Olga. Chinese Family and S o c i e t y . New Haven:Yale U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 19^6. 145 Lee Shu-ching. "China's T r a d i t i o n a l Family: i t s C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and D i s i n t e g r a t i o n " i n America S o c i o l o g y Review. V o l . 18, 1953' L i n - l e (Augustus F. L l n d l e y ) . T i - p i n g Tlen-kwoh: The  H i s t o r y of the T i - p i n g R e v o l u t i o n , I n c l u d i n g  a N a r r a t i v e of the Author's P e r s o n a l Adventures. 2 V o l s . London: Day and Son, L t d . , 1866. L i n Yueh-hwa. The Golden Wing. London: Kegan Paul Trench, Trubner & Co. L t d . , 1948. L i t t e l l , John B. " M i s s i o n a r i e s and P o l i t i c s i n C h i n a — The T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n " , P o l i t i c a l S c i e nce  Q u a r t e r l y . V o l . X L I I I , No. 4 (December, 1928), pp. 566-99. L i u Kwang-chlng. "Nineteenth-century China: The D i s -i n t e g r a t i o n of the Old Order and the Impact of the West" In China i n C r i s i s . V o l . I . Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1968. Lo Korch Huang. The C i v i l S e r v i c e System of China. T a i p e i 1 China C u l t u r a l S e r v i c e , 1961. Mackie, John M i l t o n . L i f e of Tal-plng-wang. C h i e f of  the Chinese I n s u r r e c t i o n . New York: Dix, Edwards and Co., 1857. Meadows, Thomas T. The Chinese and T h e i r R e b e l l i o n s . (London 1 Smith, E l d e r and Co., I856.) Repr i n t e d by S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1953• Menzel, J.M. The Chinese C i v i l S e r v i c e . Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1963. M i c h a e l , Franz. " M i l i t a r y O r g a n i z a t i o n and Power S t r u c t u r e of China During the T ' a l - p i n g R e b e l l i o n " P a c i f i c H i s t o r i c a l Review. 1949. No. 18. 4, 469-483. ~ The T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n . S e a t t l e and London: U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s , 1966. M i y a z a k i , I c h i s a d a . "The Nature of the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n , " A c t a A s i a t i c a , B u l l e t i n of the I n s t i t u t e of E a s t e r n C u l t u r e . Tokyo, 1965. No. 8. O'hara, A l b e r t . The P o s i t i o n of Women i n E a r l y China. Washington, 1949. 146 P a t a i , R a p b a l l . Women In the Modem World. New York: The Free P r e s s , 1967. P u r c e l l , V i c t o r . Problems o f Chinese E d u c a t i o n . London: Kegan P a u l , Trench, Trubner & Co. L t d . , 1936. S c a r t h , John. Twelve Years i n China: The People, The  Rebels, and the Mandarins, by a B r i t i s h  R e s i dent. Edinburgh: T. Constable and Co., 1860. Sargent, W. "The Chinese R e b e l l i o n , " North American  Review. V o l . LXXIX, No. 164 ( J u l y , 1854), pp. 158-200 S h i h , Vincent Yu-chung. " I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the T a i - -p i n g t'ien-kuo by non-Communist Chinese W r i t e r s " , F a r E a s t e r n Q u a r t e r l y . 1950-51. V o l . 10, pp. 248-257. The T a i p l n g Ideology. S e a t t l e and London: U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s , 1967• Snow ( F o s t e r ) , Helen. Women i n Modern China. P a r i s : Mouton & Co., The Hague, 1967. S o r o k i n , P i t i r i m A. The S o c i o l o g y of R e v o l u t i o n . New York: Howard F e r t i g Inc., 1967. S o c l o c u l t u r a l C a s u s a l i t y . Space, Time. Durham, North C a r o l i n a ; Duke U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1943. • Man and S o c i e t y i n Calamity. New York: - Greenwood P r e s s , 1968. S t e l l e , C h a r l e s C. " I d e o l o g i e s of the T a i p i n g I n s u r -r e c t i o n " Chinese S o c i a l and P o l i t i c a l S c i e nce  Review. V o l . XX, No. 1 ( A p r i l , 1936), pp.140-49-Sykes, W.H. The Taeplng R e b e l l i o n i n China: I t s O r i g i n . P rogress and Present C o n d i t i o n . London, 1863• T a y l o r , George E. "The T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n : I t s Economic Background and S o c i a l Theory", Chinese S o c i a l  and P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Review. V o l . XVI, No. 4 (January, 1933), pp. 5^5-614. 1 4 7 Teng Ssu-yu. New L i g h t on the H i s t o r y o f the T ' a i - p ' i n g R e b e l l i o n . Cambridge, Mass.; I n s t i t u t e of P a c i f i c R e l a t i o n s , Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 5 0 . Teng Ssu-ytl & Fairbank J.K. China's Response To The  West 1 8 3 9 - 1 9 2 3 * Cambridge, Mass.s Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 5 ^ . Teng Ssu-ytl. H i s t o r i o g r a p h y o f the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n . Cambridge, Mass.: East A s i a n Research Center, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y , 1962. Timasheff, N i c h o l a s S. War and R e v o l u t i o n . New York: Sheed and Ward, 1 9 6 5 . ~~ Van Der Sp r e n k e l , S y b i l l e . L e g a l I n s t i t u t i o n s In Manchu China. London: U n i v e r s i t y o f London, The Athlone P r e s s , 1 9 6 2 . Wakeman, F r e d e r i c J r . S t r a n g e r s a t the Gate. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1966. Wolf, E r i c R. Peasants. New J e r s e y : P r e n t i c H a l l , J nc., 1 9 6 6 . Wolf, Margery. The House o f L i n . New York: Appleton Century C r o f t s , 1 9 6 8 . Wong S u - l i n g . Daughter of Co n f u c i u s . London: V i c t o r G o l l a n c z L t d . , 1953. Wright, M.C. The L a s t Stand o f Chinese C o n s e r v a t i o n — The T'ung-chih R e s t o r a t i o n 1 8 6 2 - 1 8 7 4 . S t a n f o r d : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 5 7 . Yang Lien-sheng. "Toward a Study o f D y n a s t i c C o n f i g u -r a t i o n s i n Chinese H i s t o r y " i n S t u d i e s In  Chinese I n s t i t u t i o n a l H i s t o r y . Cambridge Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1963. Yap P.M. "The Mental I l l n e s s o f Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, Leader of the T a i p i n g R e b e l l i o n " i n The Far E a s t e r n  Q u a r t e r l y . V o l . 13, 1953/5^. 148 TABLE OP TRANSLITERATION An-ch'ing ^ ^ Anhwei 41 f H Chang C h i a - f u % %.%h Chang C h i a - h s i a n g ^ £jL Chang Chtieh ^ j|) Chang Hsien-chung $|t>!j£ ^ Chang Ju-nan ^ jfo Chang Pin-yuan ^t^J^S* Ch'ang-sha ^jf Ch'ang-sheng-chtin ^ J||l Jjz Chang Wan-ju ~$L-k$tJ<a Chao Chin-lung £ | ^ | t Ch'ao-nel ntl-kuan j j ^ Ch'en A-kuei - J -Chen-chiang ^ .-^ Ch'en Hui-yen ^ & ~§ Chen-ming chao-chi shu JL ^ t(2 § 1f| Ch'en Tsung-yang ^ ^? ^ Ch'en Yti-ch'eng ?|[. jfcj JS^ Ch'eng-hslang /Jc Ch'eng-huang - j ; ^ Cheng-tao jt, Ch'l-oh'u -b ^ 149 Ch' i - t a o C h i a - c h ' i n g Chla-ying-chou jj^ Chiang-chtin jfe jJL Chiao-t'ang ^ ^ Ch'ien ( t s ' i e h ) 4jr Chien-chtln ^ Sp. Ch'ien Lung | ^ C h i e n - t i e n ^ £ ^ Chih-hui i% Chin Chin-ho ^ f * Chin-hu ch'i-mo ^ ^ Ch'in L l a n g - y f l ^ ^ i C h i n - l i n g ^ f t C h i n - l i n g k u e i - c h i a c h l - s h i h l u e h ^ f 4 ^ f C h i n - l i n g sheng-nan c h i - l t l e h ^ v§ Jfji f L i C h i n - l i n g t s a - c h i ^ ?Jt $|E f& C h i n - s h i h £f£ -± C h i n - t ' i e n ^ \=0 Chin Wu T i ^ c h ' i n g . t | Ch'ing Kao Tsung ^ ,|j J Ch'ing-yflan % 1 ^ Ch'iu Erh-sou J^p ~ - 4 ^ 150 C h ' i u - i chao sheng-shu \ j [ \l it* Ch'iu-kuan % Chou $ Chou-kuan ^ C h o u - l i )f] | f Ch'fl Chen-tsu ^ ^ M Chu-jen ^ ^ Ch'tlan-chou ^ f^J Chflan-shih l i a n g - y e n %fi •£ j"^ ~ f Chtln-chung nu-kuan if- J g Ch'un-kuan ^ Ch'un-kuan ch'eng-hsiang Chtln-shual fjj Chung Chung T a i - y f l n |j» ^ Chung-t'uan t'uan-shuai ||| |Jj~] Chung Wang ^ Fang-hua ^ ^ Feng Ytl-shan j|f J., Fu-po >(£ Fu Shan-hsiang -||" Fu Wang | £ ^ Fuklen Han {•£ Han Kuang Wu ^ ^4 151 Han Ming T i J | 9% ^ Ho-shen ^ « Honan -JSJ ^ Hou H s i - k i a n g $Q £x H s i Wang ^ X Hsia-kuan ^ Hs'iang-chou ^ Hsiang-chtln J^g Hsiang Jung ^ H s i a n g - s h i h J ^ J f ^ J H s i a o Ch'ao-kuei | | Jij=| ^ Hsiao San-niang ^ £ H s i e h Chieh-ho fyf ^ | H s i e h San Hslen-feng ^ ^ Hsin-chou J^jp fA| Hsin-chou f u - c h i h ^ ^ 'c? H s i n - i chao sheng-shu |fr ^  f £ ^* H s l n Mang |fy H s i u - s h i h ^- ~fc-H s i u - t s a i ^ ^ Hsueh-hai T'ang ^ ^ Hua-hsien ^ j £ Hua Mu-lan fa ^ fj\ !52 Huai-chtln \\l Huang Ch'ao ~W JS-Huang-chin % ^ )j? . 2*% . Ac Huang chin g c h i n g - c h i h ^_ Huang Chun-tsai -^ jr £ty ^ Huang Shang-ti % ^ ^ Ml. If A, Huang Wen-chin X i H u i - s h i h ^ Hunan ^ Hung Hsiu-ch'tlan & £ £ Hung Hstlan-chiao y i t Hung Jen-kan ^ - f -Hung-men ^ f J Hupei I-ping j i h - c h i 2L» 1 7^ 0 t£J I Wang ^ Ju-hsueh &g> Juan Yuan Kan Wang ^ ^ K'ang-hsi ^ Jt& Kansu jjjg K i a n g s i \1. $Q Kiangsu Sty Ku Tsung j | | 5^ K u e i - h s i e n K u e i - l i n ^ ^ K u e i - p ' i n g ^ -f-Kwang-chou ) % Kwangsi ffc Kwangtung j j ^ L a i S h i h $ | C\ L i - c h i ^ | j r ^ L i Hsiu-ch'eng ^ ^ L i Hung-chang ^ ^ L i - s h u - t ' i e h fa | ,p£ L i Tzu-ch'eng ^ fa }^ L i a n g ^ L i a n g A - c h i u ^ fSf L i a n g Pa ^ L i a n g Hung-yu | n L i a n g ssu-ma |] L i e h ntl ch'uan | J L i e n - t ' a n g j j j ^ ^ L i n ^ L i n Shuang-wen ^ ^ Li u - c h o u fyf ->->| L i u Hsiang jjf.J V*/ Liu-meng ^ L u - l i ^ Lu-shuai L u - y i n g , ^ 15-+ Lung-feng ho-hui \\ ]|L ^  t% Mai-ch'ing l i u - t ' u \ % ^ ~ Meng Te-en % . ^ ^ Ming Ming Hstlan Tsung j f ^ Mou ^ Nan Wang ^ J L , Niang-niang Nu Nti c h i e n - c h t o JsL ^ Ntl chuang-yuan -^jS:' Ntl chtln-shuai ^ ^ | ^ Ntl h s i u - c h i n c h i h - h u i Ntl liang-ssu-ma ^] ^ Ntl ts'u-chang ^ Ntl t s u n g - c h i h -Jf- f j | , $J Ntl-tzu ^ Ntt-tzu wu t s a i p i e n s h i h t e ~k ^ ^ \ i^f^ f Ntl-ylng hsun-ch'a i££ ^ Pa - c h i t% Pa-kung P a i - l i e n chiao _y| P a i s h a n g - t i - h u i f ^ l ^ ^ P e l Chi 3t P e i Wang J3L P e i Wei J b Sfe 155 Peng-hua J^t, ^ Ping-nan ^- \^) Po-shih f|£ i San-fan ^ San-ho h u i 5. S a n - t i e n h u i / ^ San-ts'un c h i n - l i e n 3~ ~$ ^ San-tsung 2; - f ^ _ San-tzu-ching .2. f San-yuan San-yuan l i ^ S h a n g - t i - h u i ^ Shao-wu §"|J ^ Sheng ^ j -Sheng-yuan ^ ]| Shensi ffc tiQ S h i h ^ S h i h Feng-k'uel ^ ;J£j S h i h - s h u a l fi^j ifij? S h i h T a - k ' a i ^ B$ S h i h - t ou- chiao ^ «J Shih-wei ^ f f j -Shu-yuan -jj? S i n k i a n g J f j | j Su San-nlang 156 sui f% S u i Yang T i J% JL% ^ Sung Sung J e n Tsung ^ K£ Szechwan )>J Ta-ch'ing l u - l i A. f ^ ^ ' j Ta-hsuan ^ j f T a - s h i h - t T ' a i - p ' i n g tao ^ ^ i i f _ T ' a i - p ' i n g t ' l a o - k u e i ^ ^ T ' a i - p ' i n g t'ien-kuo ^ ^ |S) T'ang jf[ T'ang Hsuan Tsung j% ^ ^ Tao-kuang T i f ou tao j e n yfif X . T i - k u a n i & T'ien-ch'ao f i e n - m o u c h l h - t u ffl T ' i e n - c h i n g ?> T'ien-ch'ing t a o - l i shu ^ T ' i e n - f u h s i a - f a n chao-shu %^ ^ "|T -jfg T ' l e n - f u - s h i h ^ " x l t|p T'ien-kuan *g T'ien-kuan ch'eng-hsiang ^ ^"f T ' i e n - l i chiao X £ f T'ien-mlng chao-chih shu TC ^ ]§ ^ 157 T ' i e n - t i h u i T ' i e n - t i a o shu $sA$. % T' l e n t s i n ^ T ' i e n Wang i t T s ' a i - t s ' u n ^ c h i a n g ^.f \%. Ts'ao ytin tsung t u \% & $J§-Ts'e ( c h ' i ) _||. Tseng Ch'ai-yang ^7 ^ i j 3j| Tseng Kuo-fan «jf |Jy ^ Tseng Shui-yuan ^ ^ff, Ts'u-chang ^ -j^ Tsung-chih \ % r } $ \ T u - h s i u - f eng iw^ f T'ung-chih ]s] ^ Tung-kuan Tung-kuan fu-ch'eng-hsiang ^ ^ >"LE Tung Wang ^ i Tzu-cheng h s i n - p i e n Jjt f j | Tzu-ching ^ #)] Tzu-ching-shan ^ J-j Wan o y i n wei shou | | ^ ^ | Wan-sul % ^ Wang Wang S h l h - t o y_2 -± Wang T'ao j£ 158 Wang Tzu-chen j j . )| 3 ^ Wei Ch'ang-hui ^ & Wei Chtln % Wei nu-tzu ytt h s i a o - j e n wei n a i yang yen tJ-X^ Wen-chang J | h % t \ ^ Wen-yu yfl - t 'an g #| f ^ ^ Wu-ch'ang ^ ] | Wu-ch'ang c h i - s h i h ^ 1> |£j ^ Wu-chang ^ Wu-chih Wu-han ^ v j | Wu-hsuan J [ Wu-hu ^ yijj Wu-ts*u UL %f Yang-chou ify Yang Erh-ku . ~ # f Yang Fu-ch'ing ^ | ; J Yang Hsiu-ch'ing ^ ^ Yao Ying Wang j ^ . j r . Yu-chang ch'a o - i jfc ^ | $ - f j j | Y u-chih c h ' l e n - t z u chao f£j> |^  7 f Yu-hsueh-shih ^ ^ ||> Yu Wang ^ JE Yuan-k'ao jJj j ^ ^ 159 Yuan-tao c h ' i u s h i h ko rs>iA Yueh-shih i Yung-an 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0101929/manifest

Comment

Related Items