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Coast Salish gambling games Maranda, Lynn 1972

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COAST SALISH GAMBLING GAMES by LYNN MARANDA B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the req u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1972 In present ing t h i s thes i s : in part i al fu l f Mmen t o f the- requ i remen t s fo r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ib ra ry sha l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I fu r ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is t h e s i s for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representa t ives . It is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of th is thes is fo r f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion . Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y The Un ive rs i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date September, 1972 - i i -ABSTRACT The t h e s i s examines i n d e t a i l the h i s t o r i e s and customs of Coast S a l i s h gambling games, and looks at the game s t r u c t u r e and i t s attending s p i r i t power a f f i l i a t i o n s . Three p r i n c i p a l sources of data were employed i n the e x p l i c a t i o n of the t h e s i s : (1) p e r t i n e n t ethnographical data recorded i n published reference l i t e r a t u r e and a r c h i v a l docu-ments, (2) inf o r m a t i o n acquired from v a r i o u s museums on the re l e v a n t m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e i n t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n s and the at t e n d i n g documentation, (3) e m p i r i c a l data c o l l e c t e d i n the f i e l d through d i r e c t game observation and the i n t e r v i e w i n g of informants. The study concludes as the circumstance of Coast S a l i s h gambling games suggests t h a t these games are not j u s t a simple s e t of r u l e s , and t h a t the games discussed here have, on the other hand, meaningful f u n c t i o n s and serve as a form of s o c i a l e x pression. As a s o c i a l mechanism, Coast S a l i s h gambling games are a forum f o r supernatural power. The existence of power i s seen as the bas i c i n f l u e n c e i n Coast S a l i s h l i f e , and as such, powers are given meaning as o n t o l o g i c a l expressions. The gambling games are seen to be an expression of man's power a f f i l i a t i o n s . Power i s an element which may a f f e c t the outcome of each gambling event, and the gambling games thereby may be an endorsement of power favour. In view of t h i s concept, Coast S a l i s h gambling games appear t o be u s e f u l devices to measure the d i f f e r e n t i a l degrees or strengths of power among p l a y e r s . Further, i t can be s a i d - i i i -t h a t one of the f u n c t i o n s of these games i s t h a t they give t a n g i b l e and observable v e r i f i c a t i o n of the i n f l u e n c e of power. - i v -TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ABSTRACT i i LIST OF FIGURES v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v i i CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I I - ETHNOGRAPHY 3 1. DICE GAME 11 2. DISC GAME 24 3. HAND GAME 49 CHAPTER I I I - EMPIRICAL DATA 30 CHAPTER IV - POWER 129 CHAPTER V - CONCLUSION 177 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1BO - V -LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1. Map: Ethnic sub-divisions within the Coast Salish area. 2 2. Dice. Ivory (beaver teeth). N.W. Washington. 13 3. Dice. Ivory (beaver teeth). Cowichan. 13 4. Discs. Wood (dogwood). Skokomish. 29 5. Discs. Wood (elder). Clemclemaluts-Cowichan. 29 6. Bundle of shredded bark (cedar). Skokomish. 37 7. Counters. Wood (elderberry). Cowichan. 37 8. Bones. Bone. Quileute? 53 9. Bones. Bone. Cowichan. 53 10. Bones. Bone. Puget Sound-Twana? 54 11. Collecting and booking the team wager or bet. 90 12. Two leaders counting out the money for the 'pot'. 90 13. The 'pot', wrapped in a scarf, between the two teams. 92 14. Leader singing and beating percussion board prior to distributing bones. 99 15. Leader tossing one pair of bones to a player. 99 16 . Mixing bones under a sweater. 102 17. Mixing bones behind a drum. 102 1#. 'Shaking' the bones (one method). 104 19. Holding the bones motionless (one method). 104 20. Revealing both bones following incorrect guess. 106 21. Revealing one bone following incorrect guess. 106 22. Tossing correctly guessed bones to other team. 10$ - v i -FIGURE PAGE 2 3 . Forfeiting counter to other team following incorrect guess. 108 24. Rolling the bones, on the ground, under the palms, 109 25 . Returning the bones to the mixer. 109 26. Two-stick percussion. I l l 27. Slahal songs. 113 28. (a-d) Hand signals used when quessing for both pairs of unmarked bones. 117-119 29. Hand signal guess for both pairs of bones (one method). 121 30. Hand signal guess for both pairs of bones; (one method). 121 31. Guess for one pair of bones. 123 32. Guess for one pair of bones;. 123 33. Position of counters at game commencement. 125 34« Position of counters i n t a l l y keeping* 125 - v i i -ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would l i k e t o acknowledge the r e c e i p t of funds, 7 granted, i n 1968, by the H i s t o r y D i v i s i o n , ^ N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, Ottawa, to Dr. B a r r i e Reynolds, C h i e f Curator, C e n t e n n i a l Museum, Vancouver, which enabled me, as the museum1s E t h n o l o g i s t , to undertake the p r e l i m i n a r y research. Further research was made p o s s i b l e through a grant r e c e i v e d , i n 1969, from the Ethnology D i v i s i o n , N a t i o n a l Museum of Man, and I was indeed a p p r e c i a t i v e o f t h i s a s s i s t a n c e . My warmest thanks go t o my f r i e n d , Uncle Louis (Louis Miranda), who spent so much time p a t i e n t l y i m p a r t i n g h i s knowledge o f s l a h a l . Mr. Walker Stogan and Mrs. P e a r l Warren a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d i n f o r m a t i o n towards my a c q u i r i n g a f u l l e r understanding of the game. I extend my a p p r e c i a t i o n to my t h e s i s committee, Dr. P i e r r e Maranda, Chairman, and Drs. Michael Kew and Dorothy Smith, f o r t h e i r h e l p f u l advice and d i r e c t i o n . In t h e i r own c a p a c i t i e s , the f o l l o w i n g i n d i v i d u a l s have a s s i s t e d i n the pr e p a r a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s : Peter Macnair and Alan Hoover, B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , and Robert Free, Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, S e a t t l e , ( i n making the r e l e v a n t m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e and attending documentation a v a i l a b l e ) ; P r o f e s s o r T. B a r t r o l i , Department o f His p a n i c S t u d i e s , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, ( i n the t r a n s l a t i o n of Manuel Quimper's d i a r y ) ; Wendy Stuart ( i n t r a n s c r i b i n g the s l a h a l songs); and J u d i t h Gould ( i n drawing the map). In t h e i r c a p a c i t i e s as Chief Curator, C e n t e n n i a l Museum, - v i i i -Vancouver, Dr. B a r r i e Reynolds and h i s successor, Dr. Robert Carcasson, l e n t support to t h i s p r o j e c t . Numerous other i n d i v i d u a l s a s s i s t e d i n many ways. These were p r i m a r i l y C e n t e n n i a l Museum v o l u n t e e r s . C H A P T E R I - I N T R O D U C T I O N This study deals w i t h the gambling games of the Coast S a l i s h , who i n h a b i t the south-western c o a s t a l and lower Fraser R i v e r V a l l e y areas of mainland B r i t i s h Columbia, the southern and south-eastern c o a s t a l areas of Vancouver I s l a n d , and the north-western and western c o a s t a l areas of Washington S t a t e . The l a r g e r Coast S a l i s h ethnic d i v i s i o n c o n s i s t s of a number of smaller ethnic s u b - d i v i s i o n s , the names and approximate l o c a t i o n s of which are i n d i c a t e d on the accompanying map (see Figure 1 ) . The t h e s i s examines i n d e t a i l the h i s t o r i e s and customs of Coast S a l i s h gambling games, and looks at the game s t r u c t u r e and i t s attending s p i r i t power a f f i l i a t i o n s . Coast S a l i s h gambling games, are not j u s t a simple set of r u l e s , and the games discussed here have, on the other hand, meaningful f u n c t i o n s and serve as a form of s o c i a l expression. F i r s t l y , p e r t i n e n t ethnographic data recorded i n published reference l i t e r a t u r e and a r c h i v a l documents w r i t t e n by anthro-p o l o g i s t s , e t h n o l o g i s t s , . m i s s i o n a r i e s , e x p l o r e r s , and l a y -students of Indian c u l t u r e , are examined i n some d e t a i l . In a d d i t i o n , i n f o r m a t i o n acquired from various museums on the re l e v a n t m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e i n t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n s and the attending documentation i s incorporated here. This ethnographic study deals w i t h the three Coast S a l i s h gambling games - d i c e , B i s c , and Sfiand. Each game i s documented s e p a r a t e l y , i n terms of the devices used, the game circumstance, r u l e s , and p l a y i n g process ( i n c l u d i n g any v a r i a t i o n s i n p l a y ) , and the data covering s o c i o -F i g u r e 1. Ethnic s u b - d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n the Coast S a l i s h area. - 3 -l o g i c a l aspects concerning such elements as p r o f e s s i o n a l gamblers, s k i l l and s t r a t e g y , and supernatural h e l p . P a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n i s paid to c r i t e r i a by which a s u c c e s s f u l gambling venture i s ensured. F u r t h e r , b r i e f mention i s made regarding the age of each game, and w i t h regard to the Band game, changes i n the form of the game are discussed. Secondly, the e m p i r i c a l data c o l l e c t e d i n the f i e l d , through d i r e c t observation and the i n t e r v i e w i n g of informants, are s y s t e m a t i c a l l y documented. Information acquired through d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n , c o l l e c t e d on f i v e separate occasions and i n two d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s when the only e x i s t i n g gambling game of a b o r i g i n a l o r i g i n , the Hand, bone, or S )a~hgil game, was being played, i s documented. The game s e t t i n g and circumstance, o r g a n i z a t i o n ( i n c l u d i n g teams, p l a y e r s , p l a c i n g of b e t s ) , devices used, r u l e s , p l a y i n g process ( i n c l u d i n g any v a r i a t i o n s i n p l a y ) , and end-game ( i n c l u d i n g the d i s p o s i t i o n of winnin g s ) , are f u l l y d escribed. Although almost the e n t i r e body of i n f o r -mation recorded here i s taken from d i r e c t f i e l d o b s e r v a t i o n , c e r t a i n a c t i o n s v/hich appeared l a t e n t or ambiguous, were c l a r i -f i e d and v e r i f i e d by supplementing the f i e l d observation method by two other methods of enquiry: c o n s u l t i n g r e l e v a n t m a t e r i a l from recent reference sources, and i n t e r v i e w i n g informants. Reference l i t e r a t u r e provided necessary background and basic i n f o r m a t i o n p r i o r t o entering the f i e l d and thereby made the f i e l d s i t u a t i o n more comprehensible; recent ethnographic data i s consulted i n order to v e r i f y the present f i n d i n g s . The - 4 -i n t e r v i e w i n g o f i n f o r m a n t s e s p e c i a l l y has s e r v e d t o c l a r i f y and v e r i f y b o t h t h e d a t a a c q u i r e d t h r o u g h o b s e r v a t i o n and t h e i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n s p l a c e d on t h e o b s e r v a t i o n s } and has a l l o w e d f o r t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f new i n f o r m a t i o n no t r e a d i l y o b s e r v a b l e . C o n c l u -s i o n s a r e r e a c h e d w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e p r e s e n t day s i g n i f i c a n c e and f u n c t i o n o f t h e games. T h i r d l y , d a t a o b t a i n e d f rom l i t e r a r y s o u r c e s and i n t e r v i e w s c o n c e r n i n g t h e C o a s t S a l i s h concep t o f power , and i n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e r e l a t i o n o f t h i s concep t t o t h e g a m b l i n g games, a r e c o m p i l e d , documented and a n a l y s e d . A l t h o u g h , up t o t h i s p o i n t , t h e s t u d y c o n t a i n s , f o r t h e most p a r t , e t h n o g r a p h i c d e s c r i p t i o n based on t h e r e f e r e n c e l i t e r a t u r e and on f i e l d w o r k , i t i s f rom among t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t we become aware t h a t C o a s t S a l i s h g a m b l i n g games s e r v e as a fo rm o f s o c i a l e x p r e s s i o n . T h i s s o c i a l mecha-n i s m i s a forum f o r s u p e r n a t u r a l power . The e x i s t e n c e o f power i s seen as t h e b a s i c i n f l u e n c e i n C o a s t S a l i s h l i f e , and as s u c h , powers a r e g i v e n meaning as o n t o l o g i c a l e x p r e s s i o n s . C o a s t S a l i s h g a m b l i n g games a r e seen t o be an e x p r e s s i o n o f man ' s power a f f i l i a t i o n s . Power i s an e lement w h i c h may a f f e c t t h e outcome o f each g a m b l i n g e v e n t , and t h e g a m b l i n g games t h e r e b y may be an endorsement o f power f a v o u r . The q u e s t i o n i s a s k e d : What i s power? The c h a r a c t e r o f power , d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o r c l a s s e s o f power , means o f a c q u i r i n g o f power , s o u r c e s o f power , and t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n , l o s s , and r e - a c q u i s i t i o n o f power , a r e d i s c u s s e d . R e f e r e n c e s t o g a m b l i n g powers a r e i n c l u d e d w h e r e v e r p o s s i b l e and whenever i n f o r m a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e , and ' p e r s o n a l ' a c c o u n t s documen t ing s p e c i f i c - 5 -cases i n v o l v i n g gambling powers are c i t e d . The d i s c u s s i o n of the power concept i s seen to be a necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e to the understanding of the Coast S a l i s h gambling games i n r e l a t i o n to the existence of s p e c i f i c powers which had i n f l u e n c e on and were manifested through the gambling circumstance. Although data c o l l e c t e d through i n t e r v i e w s on t h i s s u b j e c t , y i e l d e d good, but only l i t t l e , i n f o r m a t i o n , such data are s y s t e m a t i c a l l y recorded. B r i e f mention i s made of the present-day s t a t u s of the power concept and i t s r e l a t i o n to gambling games, and of the n o t i o n of 'luck'. In order to acquire i n f o r m a t i o n on the specimens used i n the Coast S a l i s h gambling games, museum f i e l d w o r k was under-taken, and l o c a l museums having a q u a n t i t y of r e l e v a n t m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e , were t h e r e f o r e v i s i t e d and t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n s examined. These museums were: the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a (December 1968); and, The Thomas Burke Memorial Wash-ington State Museum, S e a t t l e (May 1969). In a d d i t i o n , f u r t h e r , but l i m i t e d , data were obtained by corresponding with some 130 museums throughout Canada, the United S t a t e s , and Europe ( i n c l u -ding eastern Europe), and w i t h a number of a r c h a e o l o g i s t s who had worked i n the Coast S a l i s h area. E m p i r i c a l data were c o l l e c t e d i n the f i e l d through d i r e c t game observation. J5\OM.CK.\ games were observed at the Cultus Lake Indian F e s t i v a l , h e l d at Cultus Lake, B.C., i n June of 1969 (1 game), 1970 (2 games), and 1971 (3 games), - 6 -and, at the Stommish F e s t i v a l , held on the Lummi Indian Reserva-t i o n , Gooseberry P o i n t , Whatcom County, Washington, i n June of 1970 (3+ games), and 1971 (2+ games). Further data acquired, i n a d d i t i o n to that based on game observations, i n c l u d e d photo-graphs of the game a c t i o n and tape recordings of the gambling songs. A few informants were interviewed i n order to a c q u i r e , c l a r i f y , and v e r i f y s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n on various ambiguous or not r e a d i l y observable aspects of the games. The p r i n c i p a l informant was Mr. Louis Miranda, now 80.years of age (August 1972), himself a Squamish Indian p r e s e n t l y r e s i d i n g on the M i s s i o n Indian Reservation i n North Vancouver. At one time, Mr. Miranda was an a c t i v e 5 l<3-^ -^1 game pl a y e r , and although he s t a t e d that h i s p r i n c i p a l r o l e i n the games was "to j u s t s i n g f o r our people", he a l s o p a r t i c i p a t e d , on occasion, as both 'mixer' and ' p o i n t e r 1 ; r e c e n t l y , he has taught students (of both Indian and non-Indian o r i g i n ) how to play the game. Interviews w i t h Mr. Miranda were conducted i n J u l y and December of 1971. In a d d i t i o n to data.on the game s t r u c t u r e and p l a y , Mr. Miranda provided the i n f o r m a t i o n concerning gambling game powers. Another informant was Mr* Walker Stogan, now 56 years of age, who p r e s e n t l y r e s i d e s on the Musqueam Indian Reservation i n Vancouver. Mr. Stogan has been, on occasion, an a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t i n the games, and was observed i n attendance at the 1971 Cultus Lake games. The i n t e r v i e w took place i n September of 1970. - 7 -A b r i e f meeting with another informant, Mrs. Pearl Warren, occurred during the June 1970 Stommish F e s t i v a l , at the Lummi Indian Reservation, where Mrs. Warren a c t i v e l y participated, as a 'mixer', i n the games. This was followed :by a v i s i t , i n August 1970, to Seattle, where Mrs. Warren worked as the Director of an Indian organization, and where a short interview was held. Mrs. Warren i s of Quileute and Makah (a Nootka group) o r i g i n ; i t was estimated that she was i n her 50's. Further data were sporadically c o l l e c t e d , whenever possible, from Indian observers present at the 1 games. As such, information was acquired under extremely informal circum-stances . CHAPTER I I - ETHNOGRAPHY - 9 -Evidence i n the form of ra r e a r c h a e o l o g i c a l f i n d s , early-reference sources, museum c o l l e c t i o n s , f i e l d observations and inf o r m a t i o n i n c l u d i n g f o l k t a l e s and myths, acquired from natiy.e informants and recorded i n ethnographies, e s t a b l i s h e d the existence of those games i n v o l v i n g the l a y i n g of wagers as b e t s , that i s , of gambling games. Pe r t i n e n t h i s t o r i c and ethnographic documentation, whether found i n published reference l i t e r a t u r e or i n a r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l s , was w r i t t e n by a v a r i e t y of 's c h o l a r s ' : a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , ethno-l o g i s t s , m i s s i o n a r i e s , e x p l o r e r s , and lay-students of Indian c u l t u r e . These m a t e r i a l s , which form, by f a r , the gr e a t e s t p o r t i o n of the inf o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e on the games, u s u a l l y only gave l i t t l e other than b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n s of the games and t h e i r r u l e s . Even t h i s was o f t e n sketchy, i n c o n s i s t e n t and vague. Fu r t h e r , i t was not p o s s i b l e through t h i s means, to e s t a b l i s h whether the games e x i s t e d p r i o r to the time of 'contact'. Although John Kendrick, i n 1789 on the Lady Washington, appeared to have been the f i r s t to t r a v e l i n Coast S a l i s h waters, l i t t l e f u r t h e r was known, since (according to the P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v i s t , W i l l a r d Ireland) a j o u r n a l of the voyage, i f one was kept, has not yet been discovered. The j o u r n a l s of Manuel Quimper's 1790 voyage on the Princesa Real (Wagner, 1933), and George Vancouver's 1792 voyage on the Discovery (Vancouver, 1796), mentioned nothing of the games or of gambling, even though both j o u r n a l s gave d e s c r i p t i o n s of the Indians and some of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . The f i r s t i n f o r m a t i o n obtained, on the presence of gambling, was a b r i e f mention, dated 10 August 1#33, - 1 0 -in William Fraser Tolmie's journal (1963: 225 ) , of a fight between the "Klalum and Nusqually" where the "Klalum" accused the "Nusqually" of "foul play in gambling". Paul Kane's docu-mentation of the disc game in his 16*46-1848 "Wanderings" (1968: 152) was the f i r s t piece of descriptive material obtained. The quality of the documentation of the relevant gambling devices in museum collections was found to be poorer than that which appeared in the reference material! Therefore, except in a very limited way, this material could not be used as a supplementary source of information of any real value. Nevertheless, from such information, although scanty and apparently f u l l of discrepancies, some attempt was made to present a basic description of the games. The quality of repor-ting and the interest of the writer in the subject probably contributed to the level of accuracy and to the quality and quantity of the information acquired. Reasons for discrepancies in game description might have been attributed to, for example, regional variations in the game rules, and time differentials between the various reports. However, this could not be verified since for most of the ethnic groups, only one account existed for any of the games. Where more than one account per game per group had been written, those accounts normally were separa-ted by a time gap, over which discrepancies between the reports most surely would have occurred. As such, each account for each ethnic group was considered as occurring once only, and was not treated as the norm, especially through a time perspec-- 11 -t i v e . However, f o r the Coast S a l i s h area as a whole, a gener-a l i z e d over-view of the games was e s t a b l i s h e d , and a d d i t i o n a l d e t a i l s were added from those few accounts where such was a v a i l a b l e . Through t h i s evidence, i t was found t h a t , f o r the Coast S a l i s h , there e x i s t e d three basic gambling games: d i c e , U s e , and hand (3 forms). I t was found t h a t the di c e and d i s c games and two forms of the hand game were no longer played, and that the t h i r d form of the hand game had p e r s i s t e d up to the present. The d i c e game was a game i n which a number of o b j e c t s , s m a l l enough to f i t i n the hands, and which f o r t h i s purpose were termed d i c e , were thrown, t h e i r f i n a l r e s t i n g p o s i t i o n deter-mining the count. The d i s c game was a guessing game, i n which a number of round d i s c s were bundled together and d i v i d e d i n the hands, the object being f o r the opponent t o guess i n which bundle was concealed the 'odd' d i s c . The hand game was a guessing game i n which one, two or f o u r o b j e c t s , of which one of the two or two of the f o u r were marked, were held i n the hands, the object being f o r the opponent t o guess i n which hand was held e i t h e r the one obj e c t , or the p a r t i c u l a r object or o b j e c t s t o be guessed. 1. DICE GAME The game of di c e was most commonly c a l l e d SWt^Lt7(X.\e*/ (Boas, 1891: 571), or a s i m i l a r form t h e r e o f , and more l o c a l l y - 12 -Q u i n a u l t , Twana, and Puyallup - N i s q u a l l y r e s p e c t i v e l y , 5MO. 't> <£<9/h (Olson, 1936: 131), s b c c ' t ^ (Elmendorf, I960: 234), and ke'tz. Idu (Smith, 1940: 218). For the Squamish, the term SM zfcnl'? - 'dice game' appeared i n the d i c t i o n a r y (Kuipers, 1969: 56). The upper i n c i s o r t e e t h from beavers were the d i c e u s u a l l y used i n the game, although muskrat t e e t h ( E e l l s , 1877: 90 and 1889: 649) and bone or i v o r y "carved i n the shape of beaver t e e t h " (Gunther, 1927: 276) (Glenbow Foundation, Calgary, Cat. No. AA 1134) (Museum of Anthropology, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Cat. No. A 3592) were o c c a s i o n a l l y used. A set u s u a l l y c o n s i s t e d of f o u r t e e t h , except i n at l e a s t one case where a set of f i v e i s recorded (Smith, 1940: 218). On one side of one or more of the fo u r t e e t h per s e t , were i n c i s e d a v a r i e t y of l i n e a r or c i r c u l a r designs; such i n c i s i o n s were blackened, g i v i n g prominence to the design. Dice bearing l i n e a r designs showed l i n e s c r o s s i n g or near p a r a l l e l to each other, or arranged i n chevron f a s h i o n , and those w i t h c i r c u l a r designs c o n s i s t e d of a row of small c i r c l e s , s i n g l e or two-concentric, nucleated or without s i n g l e c e n t r a l 'dots', or simply of a number of 'dots'. L i n e a r and c i r c u l a r designs d i d not appear i n combination on a s i n g l e d i e , but r a t h e r remained separate, thus d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the corresponding value of each d ie or p a i r s or groups of di c e w i t h i n any one set (see Figu r e 2 ) . The combination of d i c e w i t h l i n e a r designs and those w i t h c i r c u l a r designs to form any one set a l s o v a r i e d widely. In a d d i t i o n , dice bearing no markings what-so-ever on e i t h e r side were used w i t h d i e or dice c a r r y i n g - 13 -Figure 2 . Dice. Ivory (beaver teeth). N.W. Washington. (Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, Seattle. Cat. No. 1-1434-1,2,3,4). Figure 3. Dice. Ivory (beaver teeth). Cowichan. (Provincial Museum, V i c t o r i a . Cat. No. 2 3 7 2 ) . - 14 -e i t h e r type of design (see Figure 3 ) . However, the most usual grouping was a p a i r w i t h l i n e a r designs and a p a i r w i t h c i r c u l a r designs to form one set of two p a i r . A d d i t i o n a l , not so common, dic e s e t s ranged among: two marked ( c i r c u l a r design) and two p l a i n d i c e , one marked ( l i n e a r design) and three p l a i n d i c e , and three marked ( c i r c u l a r design) and one p l a i n d i c e . A l l such sets o r i g i n a t e d from groups a l s o using the more common type of d i c e set mentioned above. No set inc l u d e d a l l three kinds of d i c e ( c i r c u l a r , l i n e a r , p l a i n ) , but only a maximum of two k i n d s . F u r t h e r , one set has been l o c a t e d ( P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , Cat. No. 1174) which bears l i n e a r designs on a l l f o u r d i c e , one p a i r being d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the other through the doubling of the s i n g l e l i n e p a t t e r n ; and one set has been recorded ( P e t t i t , 1950: 12) as having " i d e n t i c a l designs", on one s i d e of a l l fo u r d i c e . Often, one d i e i n the set had some s t r i n g , s k i n , or some s i m i l a r m a t e r i a l t i e d around -v i t s c e n t r a l p o r t i o n (see Figure 2 ) , and although a d i e bearing a c i r c u l a r design u s u a l l y would be so marked, dice w i t h both l i n e a r designs and no design ( p l a i n ) were a l s o found. This p a r t i c u l a r l y marked die was c a l l e d i H K ' a}\' 7 e /  (Boas, 1391: 571), A ties ( C u r t i s , 1913: 94) , kie.s (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 64), and appears i n Gibbs' N i s q u a l l y d i c t i o n a r y as /CcL<o - "the highest or f o u r p o i n t of the d i c e " (Gibbs, 1877: 325). The presence of t h i s die i n a dice set gave an a d d i t i o n a l dimension to the s c o r i n g p o s s i -b i l i t i e s of the game. Further, observation of museum specimens revealed that the proximal ends of the tee t h were oft e n plugged - 15 -wi t h wood or some other m a t e r i a l . The two kinds of d i e , whether c i r c u l a r designed and/or l i n e a r designed and/or p l a i n , i n any one di c e set were d i s t i n -guished from each other through a male-female type of designa-t i o n , where one k i n d of die would be termed as male and the other k i n d as female. Therefore, each set of dice i n c l u d e d both male and female d i e or d i c e . Here, again i n keeping w i t h s i m i l a r variances i n v o l v i n g the d i c e , there appeared to have been no set r u l e s regarding which k i n d of di c e were male and which k i n d were female. Although female dice were u s u a l l y those bearing c i r c u l a r markings, dice w i t h l i n e a r designs were a l s o found to be designated as female; no evidence was found to i n d i c a t e that p l a i n d i c e were female. Male dice covered the range of the three types of d i c e . For one group, K l a l l a m , John Raub ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 155) i n d i c a t e d that the two di c e marked w i t h dots were c a l l e d S UJ<Zi , men. and the two marked wi t h chevrons were c a l l e d sI^-Wi , women; on the other hand, Gunther (1927: 276), again f o r the K l a l l a m , described t h a t one p l a i n d i e w i t h a black s t r i n g t i e d around the centre was c a l l e d £ U > C L , man, and tha t the three other d i c e bearing dots were c a l l e d sl<L''ni women. S i m i l a r terms of reference appeared f o r the Songish ( LKv'n <fen ) (Boas, 1891: 571) as 5\<*Jna.€- , women (two di c e w i t h c i r c l e s ) , and Sum f'K'cJL < men (two di c e with crossed l i n e s ) . For the Puget Sound r e g i o n , Haeberlin and Gunther (1930: 6l+) gave the women (two dice w i t h dots) and 5 ~t~& b&kc , men (two dice w i t h l i n e s ) , and f o r the Quinault, - 16 -O l s o n ( 1 9 3 6 : 131) gave them as H?)< )\ uk\\ . woman ( two d i c e • _ • ) . . . . . w i t h d o t s ) , and K ^ C L C J . ' J 0 uJ , man (two d i c e w i t h l i n e s ) . What i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t i s a v a i l a b l e on t h e r u l e s and p r o c e s s o f p l a y i s s k e t c h y and s p o r a d i c . T h e r e f o r e , many o f t h e o b s e r -v a t i o n s r e c o r d e d h e r e , o r i g i n a t e d as i s o l a t e d i n s t a n c e s , and as s u c h , canno t be s a i d feo have been r e p r e s e n t a t i v e t h r o u g h o u t t h e C o a s t S a l i s h a r e a as a w h o l e . The d i c e game was c o n s i d e r e d a womanis game and was p l a y e d by two o p p o s i n g p l a y e r s , a l t h o u g h somet imes t h e r e were " two o r t h r e e on each s i d e " ( E e l l s , 1669 : 6 4 9 ) . S p e c t a t o r s s u p p o r t i n g e i t h e r one o f t h e p l a y e r s w e r e , a t t i m e s , p r e s e n t ( S m i t h , 1 9 4 0 : 2 1 8 ) . The p l a y e r s k n e l t o r were s e a t e d a t t h e o p p o s i t e s i d e s o f o r a round a b l a n k e t o r m a t . A l l f o u r d i c e were h e l d i n t h e hand by one p l a y e r , a p p a r e n t l y s h a k e n , and t h r o w n o n t o t h e b l a n k e t o r mat i n f r o n t o f t h e p l a y e r s . A l t h o u g h o n l y one a c c o u n t (Swan, 16*57: 153) a c t u a l l y s t a t e d t h a t t h e d i c e were s h a k e n i n t h e hand p r i o r t o b e i n g t h r o w n , f u r t h e r e v i d e n c e i n d i c a t e d t h i s p r o b a b l y t o have been t h e norm, s i n c e o b s e r v a t i o n r e v e a l e d t h a t t h e b e a v e r t e e t h were " t h r o w n as d i c e " ( G i b b s , 1677 : 206) o r " t h r o w n a f t e r t h e manner o f d i c e " ( E e l l s , 1 6 7 7 : 9 0 ) . W h a t e v e r t h e c a s e , t h e d i c e , because o f t h e i r s i z e ( a v e r a g i n g 2-3 i n c h e s t o t a l l e n g t h ) and awkward c u r v e d shape , were p r o b a b l y shaken be tween b o t h hands and t h r o w n e i t h e r f r o m one o r b o t h h a n d s . S c o r i n g was based on t h e a r r angemen t i n w h i c h t h e d i c e l a y on t h e b l a n k e t o r mat f o l l o w i n g t h e t h r o w , and t h e c o u n t s g i v e n , f o r t h e most p a r t and w i t h a few e x c e p t i o n s , a p p e a r e d t o have been f a i r l y u n i f o r m . Based on t h e most common t y p e o f d i c e s e t - 17 -c o n s i s t i n g of f o u r marked d i c e of two pairs. - one p a i r 'female* and the other 'male 1, the s c o r i n g i n part was as f o l l o w s : (1) The highest count (of four) was obtained whenthe K&S "the highest or f o u r - p o i n t of the d i c e " (Gibbs, 1877: 325), or that d i e s p e c i a l l y marked w i t h s t r i n g wrapped and t i e d around i t s middle, was up (that' i s , the marked surface faced t i p w a r d s ^ and the remaining three d i c e down (that i s , the marked surface faced downwards), or when the string-marked d i e was down, and the remaining three up; i n e i t h e r case, the p l a y e r who threw the d i c e won f o u r counters or s t i c k s (see below); evidence i n d i -c a t e d that t h i s f o u r - p o i n t score was i n e f f e c t when one of the die i n the set being used, was so marked w i t h s t r i n g ; (2) When a l l marked faces of the dice were e i t h e r up or down, the p l a y e r won two s t i c k s ; (3) When both male d i c e were up and both female down, or when both female were up and both male down, the p l a y e r won one s t i c k . Information acquired on the s c o r i n g of the remaining d i c e combinations does not a l t o g e t h e r agree. I f one p a i r of dice was upr or down and the other d i v i d e d , unless i t counted f o u r , then i t counted nothing ( E e l l s , 1877: 90 and 1889: 649) - ( E e l l s d i d not give the s c o r i n g £or any of the remaining combinations); the r e s u l t i n g combinations from a l l other throws counted as nothing (Gunther, 1927: 276 and H a e b e r l i n and Gunther, 1930: 64). Olson (1936: 131), who described the game on the b a s i s of a dice set which d i d not c o n t a i n a string-markeid d i e , recorded t h a t (a) i f one p a i r o f dice was up or down and the other d i v i d e d , the pl a y e r l o s t one s t i c k ; (b) i f one d i e from each p a i r was up and one from each down, the p l a y e r l o s t one s t i c k ; (c) i f one d i e was - 18 -up and the second d ie of t h a t p a i r down along w i t h both d i c e from the other p a i r , the p l a y e r l o s t one s t i c k . Only vague and incomplete i n f o r m a t i o n e x i s t s regarding the s c o r i n g of a game i n v o l v i n g d i c e which were not of the common two-pair type. Such dice sets c o n s i s t e d of, f o r example, three female dice bearing c i r c u l a r markings and one male d i e bearing no markings (that i s , p l a i n ) . One report (Eomendorf, I960: 235) i n d i c a t e d that i f the male d i e f e l l w i t h i t s "white s i d e down", •fehen "the c a s t i n g p l a y e r scored one p o i n t " ; another (Smith, 1940:218), mentioned t h a t when the d i e "turned upon i t s b e l l y " or lower s i d e , the throw was l o s t , and a cry of JC^7 i f> was given by the opposing player and her supporters. Smith (1940: 218) went on to say tha t K^e7L3 was the name given to the male d i e , as w e l l as to i t s p o s i t i o n i n the l o s i n g throw. S i m i l a r terms have been given to the string-marked d i e (see above), and, i n h i s N i s q u a l l y d i c t i o n a r y , Gibbs (1877: 325) gave ® K.e.$ as "the highest or f o u r - p o i n t of the d i c e " . An a d d i t i o n a l account (Gunther, 1927: 276) i n d i c a t e d t h a t , i n the case of a d i c e set c o n s i s t i n g of one p l a i n but string-marked d i e (male) and three marked ( c i r c u l a r design) d i c e (female), i f the female d i c e were down i t counted four s t i c k s , and i f only two female d i c e were down and one up, i t counted two s t i c k s , and that a l l other throws counted as nothing. As mentioned above, score was kept by counters or s t i c k s . The counters were u s u a l l y made of wood and were, f o r example, of e l d e r b e r r y twigs ( F i e l d Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , Chicago, Cat. No. 85965), or of cedar wood (Glenbow Foundation, Calgary, - 19 -Cat. No. AA 1134). Their length ranged from the more us u a l 3 to 4 inches, up to some 8| inches (Glenbow Foundation, Calgary, Cat. No. AA 1134). In a d d i t i o n to wooden counters, f u r t h e r sources recorded that r a d i a l or l e g bones of b i r d s , measuring some 3 inches i n length ( C u l i n , 1907: 156 - United States N a t i o n a l Mu-seum, Cat. No. 130990) ( E e l l s , 1889: 65O), and beans of some type ( H a e b e r l i n and Gunther, 1930: 64), were a l s o used i n t h i s way. Game counters t o t a l l e d anywhere from ten t o f o r t y p l u s ; according to Olson (1936: 151), each woman " s t a r t e d w i t h 100 t a l l y s t i c k s " . Boas (1891: 571) f u r t h e r observed t h a t , f o r the Songish, According to the value of the stak e s , t h i r t y or f o r t y s t i c k s are placed between p l a y e r s . (Boas, 1891: 571) Score was th e r e f o r e kept through the exchange, r e c e i p t and l o s s , of counters. A winning throw counting f o u r , two or one was recorded by the winning of an equivalent number of counters by the pl a y e r throwing the d i c e , who r e c e i v e d the counters won, e i t h e r from her opponent (Wilson, 1666: 285), i n which case both pla y e r s would have s t a r t e d p l a y i n g w i t h an equal number of counters ( O l -son, 1936:313D, or from a c e n t r a l p i l e placed, f o r example, between the p l a y e r s (Boas, 1891: 571); E e l l s (1889: 650) reported t h a t each p l a y e r kept her own t a l l y . As mentioned e a r l i e r , a l o s i n g throw u s u a l l y counted as nothing. Olson's i n f o r m a t i o n on the Quinault (1936: 131) which recorded that l o s i n g throws were scored by the l o s s of one counter, i n a d d i t i o n to the l o s s of the d i c e , provided an exception. Although data i s sparse, what there i s suggests that normally, as long as the throwing p l a y e r won, she continued t o p l a y , but when the throw was l o s t , the p l a y e r i n t u r n l o s t - 20 -the dice to her opponent. On the other hand, Haeberlin and Gunther (1930: 64) maintained t h a t a player continued to throw the dice u n t i l "she threw number f o u r " , f o l l o w i n g which "she passed the dice on" to her opponent. O c c a s i o n a l l y , both p l a y e r s each used t h e i r "own se t " of dice (Elmendorf, I960: 235), i n which case, the d i c e would not be exchanged upon a l o s i n g throw. The game ended when one of the p l a y e r s won a l l the counters or when the agreed upon score was reached. P r i o r to game commencement and by agreement, "the players s e t t l e d the number of points to be played f o r " (Elmendorf, I960: 235), and "decided how many times a l l counters must be won by one s i d e " (Gunther, 1927: 276). In the l a t t e r case, i t i s reported that a l l counters had to be won three times i n order to win the game (and thereby the wager). The number of t a l l y - s t i c k s v a r i e d from f i f t e e n to f o r t y , but as a game could be won only by exhausting the opponent's store three times i n succession, an e n t i r e day was u s u a l l y r e q u i r e d f o r a s i n g l e wager to change hands. ( C u r t i s , 1913: 94) T h i r t y i s a game, but they g e n e r a l l y play three 0: games — ( E e l l s , 1889: 649) There are twenty counters and i f the stakes are high they must o f t e n be won three times. (Gunther, 1927: 276) When one p l a y e r won a l l counters and/or reached the agreed= upon score, she won the game and thereby the stake, the winning of which appeared to have been the primary o b j e c t i v e of the game (Elmendorf, I960: 234 - 5 ) . Wagers were placed p r i o r to game commencement both by the playe r s and by the spectators i f they so chose (Olson, 1936: 131). The goods staked were - 21 -money and c l o t h i n g ( E e l l s , 1877: 90 and 16*6*9: 649) and such other th i n g s as mats, basketry and d r i e d f i s h (Gunther, 1927: 276), and "such a r t i c l e s as they jthe women} a l s o used f o r p o t l a t c h g i f t s " (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62). Two accounts (Boas, 1891: 571 and Gunther, 1927: 276) have recorded t h a t the value of the stake played a d e c i s i v e r o l e w i t h regard t o the number of counters used and to the number of times the counters had t o be won before the game was completed. The length of each game i n v o l v i n g the l i m i t e d but repeated winning of a l l counters would have been considerable, e s p e c i a l l y i f the counters should number towards f o r t y , and C u r t i s (1913: 94) reported (above) tha t one day was r e q u i r e d " f o r a s i n g l e wager to exchange hands". Game an a l y s t s r e f e r r e d to d i c e games, such as t h a t described, a s, being purely games of chance ( C u l i n , 1907: 44) (Roberts, A r t h , and Bush, 1959: 597) ( C s i k s z e n t m i h a l y i and Bennett, 1971: 48). C u l i n d e f i n e d d i c e games as "those i n which the hazard depends upon the random f a l l of c e r t a i n implements employed l i k e d i c e " (1907: 44), and Roberts, A r t h , and Bush ca t a g o r i z e d games of chance on the c r i t e r i a t h a t "chance must be present and both p h y s i c a l s k i l l and s t r a t e g y must be absent" (1959: 597). However, a few of the accounts documenting Coast S a l i s h d i c e games, i n d i c a t e d t h a t t h i s may not always have been the case, and that the outcome of the game was not n e c e s s a r i l y one of pure chance, tha t the f a l l of the d i c e was not e n t i r e l y random, and t h a t even some amount of p h y s i c a l s k i l l was present. E e l l s recorded: They sometimes l e a r n very e x p e r t l y to throw - 22 -the one w i t h the s t r i n g on i t d i f f e r e n t l y from the others by arranging them i n the hand so that they can hold t h i s one, which they know by f e e l i n g a t r i f l e longer than the others. ( E e l l s , 1877: 90 and 1889: 649-650) In other accounts: I t i s s a i d t h a t some women were very c l e v e r w i t h the throwing and were not above r e a l cheating. (Olson, 1936: 131) There are no p r o f e s s i o n a l gamblers among them as among the men but there are some women who know how to throw winning combinations. (Gunther, 1927: 276) Some women "knew how to throw". (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 64) As mentioned, cheating was considered as an a t t r i b u t e of the game (Olson, 1936: 131) (Smith, 1940: 218). In a d d i t i o n , the game a n a l y s t s attempted to c o r r e l a t e the games of chance (the dic;e game being one) w i t h supernatural f o r c e s and r e l i g i o u s ceremonial a c t i v i t i e s . Games of chance s p e c i f i c a l l y seem t o have emerged from the d i v i n a t o r y aspect of r e l i g i o u s ceremonials. The purpose of d i v i n a t i o n i s to secure guidance from the un p r e d i c t a b l e powers tha t r u l e over the de s t i n y of man and f i l l him with a n x i e t y over the f u t u r e . ( C s i k s z e n t m i h a l y i and Bennett, 1971: 47) games of chance appear to be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s . I t i s commonly thought by many peoples t h a t the winners of games of chance have received s u p e r n a t u r a l or magical a i d . (Roberts, A r t h , and Bush, 1959: 601) Again and again, outcomes are a t t r i b u t e d to the i n t e r v e n t i o n of magical or supernatural f o r c e s . (Roberts, A r t h , and Bush, 1959: 602) However, although the Coast S a l i s h d i c e game may have had at one time s i g n i f i c a n c e as a d i v i n a t o r y device, and may have - 23 -involved the intervention of supernatural powers, no evidence, not even among myths and folk tales, have been found to sub-stantiate the former, and only one reference (Olson, 1936: 150) has been located in support of supernatural aid. Elmendorf (I960: 235) went so far as to say that Mno s p i r i t power was used in playing the dice game". No further information exists with regard to the circum-stances of the game, except that evidence indicates that the game appears to have been played at such occasions as potlatches (Gunther, 1927: 276) (Eells, 1889: 647). Evidence from bo£h written records and museum collections has established that the di#cegame had f a i r l y wide distribution throughout the Coast Salish area, having been played by the following ethnic groups: Chehalis, Chemakum, Chemainus, Comox, Cowichan, Cowlitz, Klahuse, Klallam, Lummi, Nanaimo, Nisqually, Pentlatch, Puyallup, Quileute, Quinault, Sanetch, Seshelt, Skagit, Skokomish, Snohomish, Snuqualmi, Songish, Sooke, Squamish, Squaxon, Twana. Although there i s no information as to when the dice game reached extinction, an approximate guess could probably be made on the basis of such vague indications as the use of the present tense for game description, and the few mentions given of players ' s t i l l l i v i n g ' . The beaver tusk game, however, has been played by Indians s t i l l l i v i n g . (Pettit, 1950: 121) There is no literature early enough to indicate that £he dice game originated in pre-contact times, that i s , prior to the - 24 -1789/1790 p e r i o d ; there e x i s t n e i t h e r adequate a r c h a e o l o g i c a l data nor museum records which might be employed here. The only evidence of beaver t e e t h , marked i n s i m i l a r f a s h i o n as those used i n the d i c e game, and which were acquired through excavation, was at the P r o v i n c i a l Museum i n V i c t o r i a . In 1933-34 a number of specimens were excavated by a Mr. C. Godfrey from h i s property at Cadboro Bay, near V i c t o r i a . Among these, was a set of f o u r beaver t e e t h , two i n c i s e d w i t h l i n e s and two w i t h dots, which were found some one and a h a l f f e e t below the s u r f a c e . L a t e r , i n 1 9 6 6 , t h i s s i t e , now designated as DcRt-15, was more f u l l y excavated by the P r o v i n c i a l Museum. The beaver t e e t h , as men-t i o n e d , were found along w i t h a number of other specimens, some i d e n t i f i e d as E a r l y Developed Coast S a l i s h (pre-contact up to 1000-1500 years BP), and some as post-contact. As such, no conclusions can be drawn here. 2. DISC GAME Un l i k e the dice game, the d i s c game had importance not on l y as a simple gambling game, but a l s o as an a c t i v i t y of ceremonial s i g n i f i c a n c e . I t s ceremonial aspects i n c l u d e d i n t e r -v i l l a g e challenge and competition, the i n v o c a t i o n and supposed i n t e r v e n t i o n o f s p i r i t u a l powers, s p e c i a l songs, heavy b e t t i n g and expenditure of property. Remarking upon these aspects Smith r e p o r t s : The d i s c gamble was the high p o i n t i n challenge - 25 -a f f a i r s . In a d d i t i o n to t e s t i n g the a b i l i t i e s of the l e a d e r s , i t drew every man and woman of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e v i l l a g e s i n t o the contest, f o r t h i s was a t r u e ceremonial occasion i n which the powers of the main p r o t a g o n i s t s were keyed up to f u l l e s t performance by the powers of t h e i r supporters. (Smith, 1940: 206-207) ,S l&k a.' I E-m. (Boas, 1891: 541) or a s i m i l a r form t h e r e o f , was the term by which the d i s c game was most commonly c a l l e d . Other terms used incl u d e d : Sl#-J\ c<11 and /Vk<z! I'U & (Elmendorf, I960: 2 3 5 ) U / ^ h a . V ( H i l l - T o u t , 1903: 393), zUka'l°b (Smith, 1940: 218), S c / A / A (Olson, 1936: 130), suwexfrdz. (Dorsey-in C u l i n , 1907: 250). In a d d i t i o n , Elmendorf (I960: 238) gave the term SU)a' k^Xrk d° . Smiths(1940: 218) the term SkHkxt'S . and Boas (1891: 571) the term k'^/ZJTs . when r e f e r r i n g to the i n t e r - t r i b a l , i n t e r - v i l l a g e ceremonial v e r s i o n of the game. According t o Gunther (1927: 276), when the game inc l u d e d s i n g i n g and dancing, i t was r e f e r r e d to as £i/a?fl IK The game was played w i t h a number of small marked d i s c s made of wood, and although the wood was u s u a l l y of yew, maple and dogwood were a l s o used. Younger Wild Woman asked Yew. He s a i d , "You are q u i t e n i c e l o o k i n g , t h a t t a t t o o looks w e l l on you." She t o l d him, "They w i l l go a long distance to obta i n you. They w i l l carve needles from your wood, and even Cspirit-J power poles and f i s h clubs w i l l be made from you. People w i t h power w i l l scrape your hard surface and make l i t t l e flat d i s c s f o r gambling games. Large wagers w i l l be made over you, even sl a v e s w i l l be wagered." (Jacobs, 1959: 149) In a d d i t i o n , d i s c s were also made from the wood of at l e a s t f o u r shrubs: s y r i n g a (mock orange) (Smith, 1940: 219); e l d e r - 26 -(Prov i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , Cat. No. 10850); probably squash-berry (Viburnum edule), as t h i s most closely resembles E.C. Cherouse's description: The present casters or trundles are made of a shrub that grows i n r i c h bottom lands and i s c a l l e d by the Indians set-ta-chas. The shrub i s the genus Viburnum, and 1 would c a l l i t the wild snowball tree, ( i n Culin, 1907: 253) and, saskatoon berry (Amelanchier a l n i f o l i a ?>)which was referred to by C.F. Newcombe i n his catalogue (manuscript, Pr o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a ) as "service tree, tishnats ( A . a l n i f o l i a ) " ( i n describing "Gambling Disks" from Chemainus, Vancouver Is-land, speciman no. 8548B; 190-). (It i s intere s t i n g to note that i n the case of Newcombe1s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , that species of saskatoon berry, Amelanchier a l n i f o l i a , i s presently only found east of the Cascade Mountains, whereas that of A. f l o r i d a i s the Coastal variety.) In addition, Adamson documented the following: To soapwood, heJMoonJ said, "The future generations w i l l make gambling sets from you. Yo u ' l l be cut into l i t t l e wheels (about an eighth of an inch t h i c k ) . When you're f i n i s h e d , y o u ' l l be round and smooth (the l a l ) . The inner bark of the cedar w i l l be peeled o f f , and when dry, w i l l be smashed on either side, and then rubbed together u n t i l s o f t . The wheels made from you w i l l be concealed i n t h i s . From your sprouts, children w i l l make arrows." He said to brush (the reddish-brown bark of which can be peeled o f f ) , " L i t t l e gambling wheels w i l l be made from you." (Adamson, 1934: 162) Further, on the manufacturing of the discs, E.C. Cherouse remarked: They b o i l the trundles during three or four - 27 -hours, and when d r i e d they scrape them w i t h shave grass u n t i l they are w e l l shaped, p o l i s h e d , and n a t u r a l l y coloured. ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 253) and Gibbs reported: These d i s k s are made of the yew, and must be cut i n t o shape wi t h beaver tooth c h i s e l s o n l y . The making of them i s i n i t s e l f an a r t , c e r t a i n persons being able by t h e i r s p e l l s to indue them w i t h l u c k , and t h e i r manufactures b r i n g very high p r i c e s . (Gibbs, 1877: 206) The d i s c s measured some 1^ to 2\ inches i n diameter and approximately £ i n c h i n t h i c k n e s s . The surfaces u s u a l l y were very smooth, and were worn probably through handling. A game set n e a r l y always c o n s i s t e d of ten d i s c s ; however, sets of eleven (Museum f u r Volkerkunde, B e r l i n , Cat. No. IV A 2031, i n C u l i n , 1907: 249) (Smith, 1940: 219), and twelve (Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, S e a t t l e , Cat. No. 188) (Olson, 1936: 130) have been recorded. Players o f t e n had s e v e r a l sets of d i s c s , o c c a s i o n a l l y of d i f f e r e n t kinds of wood-(Elmendorf, I960: 237); i n some cases d i f f e r e n t sets would number s i x or more ( E e l l s , 1889: 648). Each such set was d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the others by means of d i f f e r e n t markings and/or varying s i z e s ( E e l l s , 1889: 648). During the game, a p l a y e r normally used one set so long as luck attended i t , but changed set s when h i s l u ck changed. The d i s c s i n each set bore a v a r i e t y of markings of which p a r t i c u l a r ones were e s s e n t i a l to and played a part i n the game process. Although the kinds of markings were f a i r l y standard throughout the Coast S a l i s h area, there appeared to have been - 2$ -an almost l i m i t l e s s number of combinations of these markings used w i t h i n each set of ten d i s c s . Such markings were p r i m a r i l y of b l a c k , white and/or red c o l o u r i n g ( u s u a l l y of pain t ) which appeared on the faces and/or sides (edges) of the d i s c s . In a d d i t i o n , other kinds of markings, which may or may not have appeared i n combination w i t h those of a coloured nature as j u s t mentioned, were r a i s e d rims e n t i r e l y around the periphery on both f a c e s , and/or i n c i s e d marks i n a c i r c l e around both faces but immediately on the i n s i d e of the r a i s e d periphery rim (see Fig u r e 4 ) . Further, many d i s c s and sets of d i s c s had a number of minute p i n - l i k e holes bored i n t o , but not through, the face s u r f a c e s . This was observed i n re l e v a n t specimens i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s , and noted i n C u l i n (1907: 253). I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o say, without proper microscopic examination, whether those holes were made by man or by a wood-boring i n s e c t or by both. At any r a t e , no evidence e x i s t s to the e f f e c t t h a t e i t h e r d i s c s w i t h holes or those w i t h r a i s e d rims w i t h or without i n c i s e d s u r f a c e s , played a part i n the game process. (Many d i s c s , o r i g i n a l l y manufactured from the transverse c u t t i n g s of woody stems or branches, l o s t t h e i r p i t h y centres; t h i s r e s u l t e d i n a hole through the c e n t r a l area of the d i s c s . However, t h i s was not considered as a d i s t i n g u i s h i n g feature.) Only those d i s c s , bearing c e r t a i n c o l o u r markings or r e -maining p l a i n (that i s , w i t h no colour markings), appeared to have been the only f u n c t i o n a l game devices, and to t h i s end, each d i s c i n a set was so designated. The word ' c e r t a i n ' serves - 29 -Figure 4. Discs. Wood (dogwood). Skokomish. (Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, S e a t t l e . Cat. No. 1/11203 A-J). Figure 5. D i s c s . Wood ( e l d e r ) . Clemclemaluts - Cowichan ( P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , Cat. No. 10850 a - j ) . - 30 -as a q u a l i f y i n g f a c t o r , since a number of sets were e n t i r e l y or p a r t l y made up of d i s c s bearing painted designs on one or both face surfaces; such designs as have been observed, c o n s i s t e d , f o r example, of s o l i d blocks of black c o l o u r covering one or two p o r t i o n s of one or both f^aces, black dots, black l i n e s f o l l o w i n g the curve of the d i s c , or any combination of these (see Figures 4 and 5 ) . These designs apparently played no part i n the game, and d i s c s which bore them, a l s o bore colour mar-kings on t h e i r s i d e s . Of importance to the game was the colour of each d i s c , o r , the colour markings which appeared on the si d e s of each d i s c . Therefore, f o r every set of ten (or whatever) d i s c s , each d i s c was designated i n one of the f o l l o w i n g ways: b l a c k , white, red, or p l a i n ; or, of the s i d e s , black, white,, r e d , p l a i n , black and white, or black and p l a i n . ( I t should be noted 'that a p l a i n surface at times may have been r e f e r r e d t o as 'white', e s p e c i a l l y i n o p p o s i t i o n to black; n e v e r t h e l e s s , white d i s c s d i d e x i s t as d i s t i n c t from p l a i n d i s c s (Olson, 1 9 3 6 : 1 3 0 ) . ) There appeared to have been no set r u l e s w i t h regard to the combinations of d i s c s i n any one s e t . A set included any number, except the t o t a l , of s i m i l a r / l y or d i f f e r e n t l y marked d i s c s w i t h any combination of f e a t u r e s ; f o r example, one set of ten inc l u d e d the f o l l o w i n g : f o u r d i s c s completely p l a i n ; two d i s c s w i t h r a i s e d rims, i n c i s e d l i n e s , and coloured (black) l i n e a r and c i r c u l a r designs on both f a c e s , each face of the same d i s c being d i f f e r e n t ; three d i s c s w i t h coloured (black) l i n e a r - 31 -and c i r c u l a r designs; one d i s c with s l i g h t l y r a i s e d rims, but remaining p l a i n ; of those same ten, eight had h a l f b l a c k , h a l f p l a i n s i d e s , one had a completely p l a i n s i d e , and one a com-p l e t e l y coloured (black) side (Thomas Burke Memorial Washington S t a t e Museum, S e a t t l e , Cat. No. 7972). Other sets were not so d i v e r s e , and o c c a s i o n a l l y , simply c o n s i s t e d o f , f o r example, "one white and nine black d i s c s " (Boas, 1891: 571). For sets where the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s , necessary to the game, were those c o l o u r markings which appeared on the s i d e s , the us u a l combination i n any one s e t , i n c l u d e d d i s c s with sides of black, p l a i n , and black and white or black and p l a i n . The numbers of d i s c s , i n a s e t , with each k i n d of c o l o u r , v a r i e d g r e a t l y . Whatever the case, f o r each s e t , at l e a s t one d i s c stood out as d i f f e r e n t from the others. O c c a s i o n a l l y , two d i s c s , although d i f f e r e n t from each other, were both d i f f e r e n t from the remainder: Of the ten d i s k s , one i s q u i t e p l a i n on the edge, another i s blackened a l l around, and the edges of the r e s t are p a r t l y p l a i n and p a r t l y blackened. (C.F. Newcombe catalogue, manuscript, P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , V i c t o r i a , specimen no. 85488) In t h i s l a t t e r case, one u s u a l l y had a t o t a l l y black s i d e , and one a t o t a l l y white s i d e . I t was these one or two s p e c i a l l y marked d i s c s which played the p r i n c i p a l r o l e ( s ) i n the game. O c c a s i o n a l l y , the d i f f e r e n t kinds of d i s c s i n each set were designated by p a r t i c u l a r terms, and the most common of these was that of male-female. Again, there was no set pa t t e r n as to which k i n d of d i s c s were male and which k i n d were female. John Raub ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 249) described the d i s c "with a white edge" as " S&jtLifca^ . man" and t h a t "with a - 32 -dark edge" as " S l<Z/li woman". On the other hand, Elmendorf (I960: 237) s t a t e d that the "black-edged ace d i s k was the ,<> / J\ /X '/ a l s o designated as the "male" , S~f,Jb<£/'£ ^ / k / i P C 7 / ". O c c a s i o n a l l y , other terms were i n c l u d e d or s u b s t i t u t e d : " s i x females, h a l f black and h a l f white; one male, a l l black; three odd, a l l white, (f^l^Ct'^^e^^A " (Dorsey, i n Culin,., 1907: 250); or where two d i s c s "edged w i t h black o r white" are c a l l e d " c h i e f s " and "the others", "slaves or servants" (Cherouse, i n C u l i n , 1907: 253); or where seven were c a l l e d "women", two c a l l e d "witnesses", and the tenth was the "man". ( C u r t i s , 1913: 93). Haeberlin and Gunther (1930: 62) r e f e r r e d to the " d i s c which i s d i f f e r e n t " as S&3""'Wl There i s a f a i r q u a n t i t y of i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e on the game process, and as such, the f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n w i l l pro-v i d e an o v e r a l l view of the game i n general f o r the e n t i r e Coast S a l i s h area. Any notable v a r i a t i o n s i n play and circum-stance w i l l be i n t e r j e c t e d where necessary. The d i s c game was u s u a l l y considered a man's game, and no evidence e x i s t s to s u b s t a n t i a t e t h a t women at any time were the a c t u a l p l a y e r s , except p o s s i b l y f o r one vague mention (Pet-t i t , 1950: 12). However, women, i n a d d i t i o n to men, were o f t e n present, and o c c a s i o n a l l y p a r t i c i p a t e d as a c t i v e team supporters. This was e s p e c i a l l y the case when the game was an i n t e r - v i l l a g e , i n t e r - t r i b a l a f f a i r . This i s the men's game, as a general t h i n g , but sometimes a l l engage i n i t . ( E e l l s , 1889: 648) - 33 -I t i s considered indecent f o r women to look on when the men gamble. Only when two t r i b e s play against each other are they allo\ired to be present. (Boas, 1891: 571) Women a l s o p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the s p i r i t u a l aspects of the game. Another form of t h i s game i s c a l l e d the tamanous game. A l a r g e number of people who have a tamanous, i n c l u d i n g the women, take part i n i t , ....while one man plays the other members of h i s party beat a drum, c l a s p t h e i r hands, and s i n g ; each one, I b e l i e v e , s i n g i n g h i s or her own tamanous song to invoke the a i d of h i s s p e c i a l guardian s p i r i t . ( E e l l s , 1889: 649) Neveretheless, i n f o r m a t i o n maintained that the game was played "between men only" (Elmendorf, I960: 236), that o n l y men were the " p r o t a g o n i s t s i n t h i s game" (Smith, 1940: 219), and that o n l y the men " s h u f f l e the d i s k s " ( E e l l s , 1889: 649). Men played e i t h e r as two i n d i v i d u a l opponents or i n two opposing teams. Normally, the game was played between two men "who might be c o - v i l l a g e r s , i n the daytime and at any season" (Elmendorf, I960: 238). For t h a t form of the game i n v o l v i n g ceremonial a c t i v i t y and i n t e r - g r o u p competition, the play was between teams "from d i f f e r e n t w i n t e r v i l l a g e s " and "was played only a f t e r dark and u s u a l l y i n the win t e r " (Elmen-dor f , I960: 238). Each team may have had, f o r example, "two rows of p l a y e r s " ( E e l l s , 1889: 648), or "eight on each s i d e i n a d d i t i o n to the Indian who a c t u a l l y does the p l a y i n g " (Sam-mons, i n C u l i n , 1907: 252). However, whether played on an i n d i v i d u a l (two opponents) or a team b a s i s , the game i n v o l v e d only two a c t i v e but opposing p r o t a g o n i s t s at any one time. In the case of team play, i t i s not known how such a pl a y e r - 34 -was chosen to represent h i s team, except that the " c h a l l e n g i n g team s h u f f l e d the d i s c s f i r s t , s e l e c t i n g i t s best gambler as S7\)uV p l a y e r " (Elmendorf, I960; 239). On the other hand, i f the p l a y e r should " f a i l repeatedly another from t h i s group would take h i s p l a c e " (Gunther, 1927: 276). The two opponents played seated or k n e e l i n g on the ground, f a c i n g each other up t o , f o r example, some "fourteen f e e t apart" (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62), at the ends of or on, one 'long' mat or two smaller mats, one being used by each of the two p l a y e r s . In the l a t t e r case, the mat was r o l l e d out i n f r o n t of the p l a y e r towards that of h i s opponent. There may have been a space between both mats as i n d i c a t e d i n Sammonsl report ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 252). O c c a s i o n a l l y , where only one mat was used, a r i d g e was made across the breadth of the mat and midway between the two p l a y e r s ; t h i s r i d g e may have been not only a " r a i s e d crease" (Elmendorf, I960: 237), but a l s o another mat, t i g h t l y r o l l e d , and fastened i n the same p o s i t i o n (Olson, 1936: 130). S i m i l a r l y , i n d i v i d u a l mats were " r o l l e d up somewhat at the f r o n t " (Olsen, 1936: 130). The r o l l e d or r a i s e d p o r t i o n of the mat served as an o b s t r u c t i o n against which the players r o l l e d the d i s c s . The p l a y i n g mat, i^ IV (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62) or f/ah'/g.flra. Zf"/. (Gunther, 1927: 275), was considered an e s s e n t i a l piece of paraphernalia, necessary f o r the game. Normally, i t was made of rush, had a smooth surface, and when l a i d out , was pinned to the ground by f o u r or s i x wooden s t i c k s , H a e b e r l i n and - 35 -Gunther, 1930: 62). The sticks were some "twelve inches long, of pencil thickness, and carved at one end" (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62); the only woods of manufacture reported were those of ironwood (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62) and maple (C.F. Newcombe catalogue, manuscript, Provincial Archives, Victoria, specimen no. 19733). While the two opposing protagonists played seated from the ends of the mat(s), the remaining players on their respective teams and/or their supporters, either were seated along the sides of the mat(s), or were 'clustered about' the two opponents. The term 'supporters', here covers a range of individuals, repor-ted to be onlookers, singers, drummers, dancers, betters. To begin play, some mechanism was employed to decide which player or team was the f i r s t to mix the discs and which was the f i r s t to guess; Haeberlin and Gunther (1930: 62) simply i n d i -cated that the two sides "agree on the one to start", and Elmen-dorf (I960: 239) reported that the "challenging team shuffled the discs f i r s t " , while Olson was more specific: To start the game each man shuffled his discs ...and then placed them one by one in the bundles of bark...The bundles were then shuffled very rapidly...The bundles were then held one on each knee for the guessing. The f i r s t man to miss a guess had to guess f i r s t , and the game began with the other repeating the same performance in hiding, shuffling, etc. (Olson, 1936: 130-131) From here, the game proceeds as follows. One of the two opposing players, referred to as (Smith, 1940: 220), or S^lu'p player (Elmendorf, I960: 238), normally began by shuffling, in his hands, one set of discs. Following this, he placed the discs into a bundle of finely - 36 -shredded i n n e r cedar bark (see Figure 6 ) , c j 7 ^ ^ 'jp • - - ' (Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 237) or ^t'sZh^'i 'tc (Gunther, 1927: 275) or fiJ0S0?^ (Swan, 1857: 157). The d i s c s , wrapped i n and hidded by the cedar bark, were then thoroughly mixed, again i n the hands. F o l l o w i n g t h i s , the one bundle of cedar bark w i t h concealed d i s c s , was d i v i d e d i n t o two, c a r e f u l l y enough so that the d i s c s remained hidden. Each of the two smaller bundles contained h a l f of the t o t a l number of d i s c s i n the s e t , t h a t i s , u s u a l l y f i v e each. The p l a y e r then placed these two bundles on the mat i n f r o n t of him, one under each hand. At t h i s p o i n t , h i s hands e i t h e r remained s t a t i o n a r y , or moved each bundle around q u i c k l y " w i t h a c i r c u l a r motion, each hand moving counterclockwise" (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 6 2 ) , or "backward and §forward from r i g h t to l e f t " (Boas, 1891: 571). This movement continued u n t i l e i t h e r the p l a y e r decided to stop, or h i s opponent made h i s guess , which he e v e n t u a l l y d i d w i t h a hand gesture towards one of the two bun-d l e s . The guesser f o l l o w s the bundle which he chooses w i t h h i s f o r e f i n g e r . When he stops h i s f i n g e r and r a i s e s i t s l i g h t l y h i s guess i s made. (Gunther, 1927: 276) Smith went on to say t h a t even a f t e r the i n i t i a l guess, the two bundles (or sections) of d i s c s were kept i n motion, under the hands of the "holder" or were switched from one hand to the other, and e v e n t u a l l y were stopped, f o l l o w i n g which the guessing p l a y e r had the opportunity of changing h i s o r i g i n a l s e l e c t i o n . - 37 -Figure 6. Bundle of shredded bark (cedar). Skokomish. (Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, S e a t t l e . Cat. No. 1/11203 K). Figure 7. Counters. Cowichan. V i c t o r i a . Wood ( e l d e r b e r r y ) . ( P r o v i n c i a l Museum, Cat. No. 2373). - 38 -A f t e r the guess had been made the holder moved the s e c t i o n s around on the mat before him, always passing the r i g h t hand away from him and toward h i s l e f t and the l e f t hand under the other toward him and to the r i g h t . The guesser continued to point at the s e c t i o n he had chosen and f o l l o w e d i t s movement w i t h h i s f i n g e r . The holder could switch or "throw over" the s e c t i o n s from one hand to the other t o confuse the guesser'. When the holder brought the s e c t i o n s to a h a l t , the guesser confirmed h i s choice or changed i t . (Smith, 1940: 220) I n order to f u r t h e r confuse the guessing p l a y e r , " a bunch of straw, moss, or anything of a l i k e nature" (Sammons, i n C u l i n , 1907: 252) was o c c a s i o n a l l y used to hide the hands of the mixing p l a y e r as he moved the two bundles around the mat. As mentioned foefore, there were one or two s p e c i a l l y marked d i s c s i n every s e t , which were important i n the game. When the guessing p l a y e r made h i s s e l e c t i o n , he chose, by hand gesture, the one bundle of the two which he b e l i e v e d contained the s p e c i a l l y marked d i s c . Depending on the combination of c o l o u r markings i n any one s e t , t h i s one 'odd' d i s c , according to the a v a i l a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n , was b l a c k , red or white, or had b l a c k or p l a i n s i d e s (edges). The terms 'male 1 or ' c h i e f 1 were a l s o used when r e f e r r i n g t o the d i s c to be guessed. Con-t r a r y to t h i s process of guessing f o r the s p e c i a l l y marked d i s c , H a e b e r l i n and Gunther i n d i c a t e d : The d i s c which i s d i f f e r e n t i s c a l l e d - g / f ^ y f r /c »»»»The other p l a y e r , (B) must guess which bundle does not contain the Sytp/sn/z. (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62) However, t h i s proved the only exception. Where only one d i s c i n a set was s p e c i a l l y marked, the quessing process seemed - 39 -relatively simple; however, where there were two discs that were not only different from each other, but also different from the remainder, some way of indicating for which one the choice would be made was required. To this end, the following two excerpts were pro.fided. Each man had 12 yew wood discs ....Ten of these were l e f t their natural colour, one was coloured white, another black .... The guesser used the same gestures in making a choice as were employed in the game of S/auA (ff/ . but indicated whether he was guessing for the black or white disc. (Olson, 1936: 130 - 131) Each player has ten discs of wood ....there are but two pieces of value; one has the edge blackened entirely round, and the other i s perfectly plain, while the others tehawe different quantities of colour on them, varying from the black to the white .... He has bet either on the black or the white one, and now, to win, has to point out which of the two parcels contains i t . (Swan, 1857: 157) Following the guess, the mixing player took the bundle chosen and rolled the discs, one by one, out of the shredded cedar bark, and across the mat towards the midway barrier. The other bundle i s unwrapped, by the mixing player, and the discs "placed in front of himself" (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62). A win or a loss was based on the guessing player's a b i l i t y to choose the bundle containing the disc designated for selection. Normally, i f the guess was correct, the only action taken was the reversal of the roles of the two opponents, the guessing player becoming the mixer, and the mixing player, the guesser. In addition, a correct guess was accompanied, on occasion, by the receipt of a point or counter (see below), - 40 -c r e d i t e d to the guessing p l a y e r . Each guess meant a count e i t h e r f o r the guesser or f o r the holder, depending on whether i t was c o r r e c t or not. (Smith, 1940: 220) By way of exception, Boas reported: I f the guesser guesses r i g h t he r o l l s a s t i c k over to h i s opponent, who i s the next to guess. (Boas, 1891: 571) I f the guess was wrong, the guessing player u s u a l l y f o r f e i t e d a p o i n t or counter to the mixing p l a y e r , and the mixing p l a y e r continued to s h u f f l e the d i s c s u n t i l h i s opponent guessed cor-r e c t l y . However, Boas (1891: 571) reported that the guessing p l a y e r was i n r e c e i p t of a counter from h i s opponent, should the guess be wrong; other than t h a t , the mixing p l a y e r continued as before. C o n t r a r i l y , Smith (1940: 220) maintained that i f the guess was i n c o r r e c t , i t was at t h i s point t h a t the r o l e s of the two opponents were reversed, t h a t i s , the guessing player becoming the mixer, and the mixing p l a y e r , the guesser. At the time the r o l e s became reversed, e i t h e r the d i s c s , f o r m e r l y i n p l a y, were simultaneously t r a n s f e r r e d from one pla y e r to h i s opponent, o r the player i n the new r o l e of mixer, produced and used h i s own s e t . A pla y e r used "the set b r i n g i n g him the best l u c k , changing sets i f h i s luck changed" (Elmendorf, I960: 237). As mentioned above, score was kept through the exchange, r e c e i p t and l o s s , of counters. The counters or t a l l y s t i c k s , S^t- £ E (Gunther, 1927: 274), v5Xa/Z^< I (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62), Xa '' c> (Elmendorf, I960: 237), - 41 -(Smith, 1940: 220), were made of wood and were, f o r example, of s p i r a e a (C.F. Newcombe catalogue, manuscript, P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , V i c t o r i a , specimen no. 85459), e l d e r b e r r y ( P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , Cat. No. 2373), ironwood (Hae-b e r l i n and Gunther, 1930: 62), or of w i l l o w or maple (Smith, 1940: 220). Their l e n g t h was 3-4 inches, and they t o t a l l e d anywhere from ten to e i g h t y . The counters were p l a i n c y l i n -d r i c a l s t i c k s u s u a l l y s p l i t lengthwise i n t o two, so the one surface was f l a t enabling the s t i c k to l i e without r o l l i n g ; o c c a s i o n a l l y , one end was s l i g h t l y pointed (see Figure 7). ; Each of the two opponents or teams began the game w i t h an even number of counters, ranging from f i v e (Boas, 18*91: 571) to f o r t y (Olson, 1936: 131) each. The counters l a y i n a row side by s i d e , u s u a l l y on a s m a l l board, 5>Xg -f a/S (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62), which was s i t u a t e d between the two opponents but p a r a l l e l to the mat(s). Each pl a y e r ' s or team's counters were placed towards t h e i r end of the board, and were separated from those of the o p p o s i t i o n , normally by a space. O c c a s i o n a l l y , a p l a y e r i n r e c e i p t of a counter, apparently drew i t not from h i s opponents's a l l o t m e n t , but r a t h e r from a centre 'pot'. This 'pot' contained an even number of counters which were d i v i d e d i n t o two p o r t i o n s , each p o r t i o n being separated from the other by a s p e c i a l l y marked counter. Elmendorf (I960: 237) reported t h a t such a counter, £fk/?A/Q>£ "the middle", was used f o r t h i s purpose. In a d d i t i o n , Haeberlin; and Gunther (1930: 62) i n d i c a t e d t h a t two such counters, darker than the - 42 -o t h e r s , and c a l l e d /<V^L , " h a l f way", were s i m i l a r l y used; and Smith (1940: 220) noted that " f o u r s t i c k s " , Q^lx)(k\\\7 , d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from the others, "marked the middle stage of the game". P r i o r to game commencement, the num-ber of p o i n t s i n a game or counters to be used was decided upon, u s u a l l y by mutual agreement between the p l a y e r s , but o c c a s i o n a l l y by the value of the wager ( E e l l s , 1889: 648). Normally, the s c o r i n g procedure i n v o l v e d the simple ex-change of counters between opponents. However, where a 'pot' of counters e x i s t e d , d i f f e r e n t r u l e s a p p l i e d . In one case (Smith, 1940: 220), the winning p l a y e r , as p o i n t s were made, s h i f t e d a counter from the centre 'pot' to h i s end of the t a l l y board, and when there were no more i n the 'pot', he then took counters from h i s opponent. Elmendorf (I960: 237) o u t l i n e d a s i n i l a r process, but reported an a d d i t i o n a l move whereby the "counters already won by the opposing s i d e had to be "won" back to the center before they could be moved to one's own s i d e and score as p o i n t s " ; t h a t i s , "counters were won only from the "pot" ". On the other hand, Haeberlin and Gunther recorded a d i f f e r e n t method of s c o r i n g : The counting i s as f o l l o w s : I f B guesses wrong the f i r s t time A r e c e i v e s two s t i c k s . A f t e r t h a t he r e c e i v e s only one s t i c k f o r each wrong guess. I f B guesses r i g h t the f i r s t time he r e c e i v e s no s t i c k s , only the r i g h t to play. Then i f A guesses wrong the f i r s t time B p l a y s , B gets two s t i c k s , provided he himself had guessed wrong two or more times w h i l e A was p l a y i n g . I f he guessed wrong only once, he r e c e i v e s only one s t i c k now. (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 62) - 43 -Only one account (Elmendorf, 1960 : 239) mentioned the presence of a s p e c i a l scorekeeper, b i^sYcX ''(L^ who was "appointed to watch over the t a l l y s t i c k s and move them". The game ended when one p l a y e r or team had acquired a l l the counters, thereby winning the game. Contrary to t h i s , Boas (1891: 571) reported t h a t t h a t p l a y e r or team winning a l l the counters, l o s t the game (see above, r e : guessing). Occa-s i o n a l l y , i f " t h e stakes were h i g h , i t was r e q u i r e d that the counters be won twice by one s i d e , before the winner was de-c l a r e d (Gunther, 1927: 276). On the other hand, Elmendorf (I960: 238) recorded that the number of games to be played was decided by the opponents p r i o r to commencement, and that t h i s number was represented by " s p e c i a l , l a r g e r , carved t a l l y s t i c k s " which were "stuck u p r i g h t i n the ground" on the winning s i d e to mark the games won; a l l "had to be won by one s i d e i n order to decide a match or set of games". The winner of the game won the stake. Although there i s l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n regarding the b e t t i n g aspect, i t appeared t h a t g e n e r a l l y , the wagers were placed p r i o r to game commencement and t h a t "no bets were paid" u n t i l a l l counters had been won by one pl a y e r or team (Olson, 1936: 131). Nevertheless, bets o c c a s i o n a l l y were made on the outcome of a s i n g l e p o i n t ( C u r t i s , 1913: 94) . The few accounts which touched on t h i s subject mentioned that money was staked. In a d d i t i o n Sammons ( i n C u l i n , 1907: 250-252) l i s t e d the f o l l o w i n g : b l a n k e t s , wearing apparel, canoes, buggies, wagons, harnesses, horses, cows, - 44 -dogs, r i f l e s , watches. The simple form of the d i s c game played between c o - v i l l a g e r s and without any ceremonial a t t r i b u t e s , i n v o l v e d some b e t t i n g , but the stakes remained nominal. On the other hand, b e t t i n g was at i t s heaviest i n games of an i n t e r - v i l l a g e and ceremonial nature. On these occasions, "power demonstrations i n the form of gambling games were backed by a l l of the group's a v a i l a b l e property" (Smith, 1940: 150). Smith continued: Slaves, guns, and horses, sometimes i n h e r i -t a b l e and consequently i n a l i e n a b l e , might be i n c l u d e d i n bets. But bets d i d not normally i n c l u d e personal or i n h e r i t a b l e property such as canoes, houses, weapons and t o o l s . With the exception of these the l o s i n g group was o f t e n completely im-poverished. In matching bets of i t s oppo-nent, a v i l l a g e sometimes even lowered i t s standards, l o s i n g i n s l a v e s and personal property what i t could i l l a f f o r d to be without. S i m i l a r to t h i s was the o c c a s i o n a l b e t t i n g of " e x t r a " wives. B e t t i n g might, t h e r e f o r e , o c c a s i o n ^ a sudden, d r a s t i c s h i f t i n economic goods. ' To somewhat o f f s e t such a s h i f t i t was not unusual f o r men to take a bet back a f t e r they had l o s t i t . Only men of some p r e s t i g e dared attempt t h i s but a l e a d e r might demand the r e t u r n of a l l h i s group's property. When i t was done f o r c e f u l l y with l i t t l e c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r the r i g h t s of the winner, i t was c a l l e d z^UJS. dqusz Q{<A. /e. and was ah open a s s e r t i o n of erfmity. Done i n a "good s p i r i t " , however, i t was f o l l o w e d by the p r e s e n t a t i o n of a g i f t to the winner, who had waived h i s r i g h t s , and caused no i l l f e e l i n g . This p r a c t i c e was known as c£.J?a./<tAI \ o\ u , the same term used when a young man took h i s w i f e f o r her f i r s t v i s i t to her parents. I t explains why groups which were s a i d to have " l o s t every-t h i n g " sometimes a c t u a l l y r e t a i n e d the greater p o r t i o n of t h e i r m a t e r i a l possessions. (Smith, 1940: 150) - 45 -While s i n g i n g and drumming or beating on a plank may have taken place during the p l a y i n g of the smaller v e r s i o n of the game, i t was p r i m a r i l y l i n k e d w i t h the ceremonial form. S p e c i a l songs were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the game and players obtained these e i t h e r through i n h e r i t a n c e (Gunther, 1927: 277) or from t h e i r guardian s p i r i t s , "which had conferred on them disk-game power" (Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 2 3 8 ) , U k I dy4*iLt (Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 489-490). Elmendorf went on: S k i l l i n disk-game play was a f u n c t i o n of the c l a s s of s p i r i t powers designated as y ^ X ^ / , powers otherwise e x h i b i t e d l a r g e l y i n ceremonial forms. Disk-game songs could be i d e n t i f i e d as a / ^ a ^ x a by a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c rhythm w i t h rapid^drum beat. (Elmendorf, I960: 238) The mixing p l a y e r , upon commencing to s h u f f l e the d i s c s , began h i s own s p e c i a l s p i r i t song which he used to invoke the a s s i s -tance of h i s guardian s p i r i t . On t a k i n g the d i s k s t h i s p l a y e r s t a r t e d h i s disk-game s p i r i t song, which was picked up by the song leader and drummers and the r e s t of h i s team; a f t e r one or two repe-t i t i o n s the audience j o i n e d i n the song, s i n g i n g as l o u d l y as p o s s i b l e . The songs were only those of ffi'^<z-/Xtf/ power and were sung only wh4n p l a / was a c t u a l l y going on. (Elmendorf, I960: 239) Gunther (1927: 276) i n d i c a t e d that i t was that "group of people who bet" who were the ones that sung. Whatever the case, both men and women were i n v o l v e d i n t h i s a c t i v i t y . In a d d i t i o n to the s i n g i n g and drumming, hand c l a p p i n g , f o o t stomping, dancing (Gunther, 1927: 276) ( C u r t i s , 1913: 94), and g e s t u r i n g , espe-c i a l l y w i t h the arms, accompanied the game, and although the - 46 -, players were i n v o l v e d to some extent i n the s i n g i n g and ges-t u r i n g , the performing of these a c t i v i t i e s was mainly the f u n c t i o n of the supporters. At times, only one i n d i v i d u a l from each team would be assigned the duty of drumming f o r h i s side (Sammons, i n C u l i n , 190?: 251). Although the information a v a i l a b l e was somewhat unclear w i t h regard to who sings when, i t was evident t h a t the s i n g i n g , drumming, g e s t u r i n g , and so on, were t a c t i c s employed by the mixing team i n order to d i v e r t the mind of the guesser on the opposing team. Stern (1934: 70) also i n c l u d e d such d i s t r a c t i o n s as " s i d e remarks" and "magic phEases". The a t t e n t i o n of the guessing p l a y e r was most c e r t a i n l y pre-occupied w i t h studying h i s opponent, and pondering the s i t u a t i o n p r i o r to making a guess; he s t u d i e d the f a c i a l expressions of the mixing p l a y e r i n an attempt to place h i s guess according to what he read (Gunther, 1927: 274). At any r a t e , Elmendorf (i960: 238) i n -d i c a t e d t h a t " n e i t h e r s i d e sang u n t i l i t had won i t s f i r s t p o i n t " . Since the r i s k s taken i n an i n t e r - v i l l a g e gamble were consi d e r a b l e , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h regard to those of an economic nature, every avenue f o r success was employed. I f the d i s k game gambler should f i n d a small fungus on b u l l r u s h e s or on a salmon-berry bush, he takes i t o f f and mixes i t w i t h the shredded cedar bark of h i s gaming o u t f i t . This brings l u c k . I f they do not have some of t h i s fungus they always pray to J > £ a IAJ^/ frc/. the e a r t h , f o r success i n t n e i r game. ; A gambler has a person who helps him by wishing confusion on the opponents. - 47 -This person s i t s somewhere out of s i g h t w h i l e the game i s going on. He mentions f i r s t the name of the person againstwhom he i s wishing and then says, "Your eyes are d u l l ; your mind i s d u l l ; your guesses are wrong." A person who wishes against another i s called*. C a u i T ' c The gambler pays him unless" he i s one of the people b e t t i n g on h i s s i d e ; then the wisher does i t to make the si d e s u c c e s s f u l . Women as w e l l as men do the wish i n g . The person who i s wished against i s c a l l e d <3ujcL>E./'.a.i'Q£) . With these aids and s u r e t i e s of success, the gambler f a r e s f o r t h t o win h i s f o r t u n e . (Gunther, 1927 : 274) Supernatural a i d was b e l i e v e d indispensable to s u c c e s s f u l gambling, and the game was u s u a l l y played by " p r o f e s s i o n a l " gamblers, fll/X^la k<t' (Gunther, 1927 275) who were men having the 51)IJl ("magic") of gambling (Stern, 1934: 70). In the intercommunity game disk-game p r o f e s s i o n a l s , w i t h the proper a^^a. 'Xtf, s p i r i t power, challenged guest gamblers v from another community and acted as sponsors and hosts f o r a f e a s t , h i r i n g a song l e a d e r or master of ceremonies ( S X M ^ S ^ a ' l s d-b ).• Host v i l l a g e r s and nonplaying guests from the challenged v i l l a g e attended as a r i t u a l audience ( a a.M ^ / M >a.(Xt7L ) and by t h e i r help i n s i n g i n g created the ceremonial s e t t i n g w i t h i n which the s p i r i t powers of the player could best operate. (Elmendorf, I960: 239) Through both the person of the " p r o f e s s i o n a l " gambler and the nature of the d i s c game s p i r i t songs, a s s i s t a n c e was invoked from an i n t a n g i b l e power - a power, the i n t e r v e n t i o n of which i t was b e l i e v e d , dominated the outcome of the game. The winning p l a y e r and team were considered as having been able to b e t t e r monopolize t h e i r power resources. When a player's " l u c k " ran aga i n s t him, " h i s guessing became bad and the s i n g i n g of h i s - 48 -s i d e was weak" (Olson, 1936: 131). I f a pl a y e r f a i l e d repeatedly to guess c o r r e c t l y , another from h i s team took h i s place (Gunther, 1927: 276). The l e n g t h of each game v a r i e d , and where there were a l a r g e number of counters, games were reported to l a s t , i n one case, f o u r days ( E e l l s , 1889: 649), and i n another, up to a week or more (Smith, 1940; 220). The form of the d i s c game as played between c o - v i l l a g e r s normally took place during the daytime and at any season. On the other hand, the ceremonial, i n t e r - v i l l a g e games were played at n i g h t , during the w i n t e r , and w i t h i n b i g wooden houses. On these occasions a f i r e would be used f o r l i g h t . Quarrels f r e q u e n t l y arose during the game. Each p l a y e r u s u a l l y brought h i s own personal gambling p a r a p h e r n a l i a to the game; these i n c l u d e d d i s c s , counters, gambling mat w i t h pins and shredded cedar bark. These devices were regarded as ceremonial o b j e c t s , and when they were not i n use, they were "kept together and w e l l cared f o r " (Smith, 1940: 219). Evidence from both w r i t t e n records and museum c o l l e c t i o n s has e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t the d i s c game, l i k e t h a t of the d i c e game, had f a i r l y wide d i s t r i b u t i o n throughout the Coast S a l i s h area. The game was played by the f o l l o w i n g e t h n i c groups: C h e h a l i s , Chemakum, C h i l l i w a c k , Cowichan, Dwamish ( ? ) , K l a l l a m , Lummi, Nanaimo, N i s q u a l l y , Puyallup, Q u i l e u t e , Quinault, Samish, Sanetch, Skokomish, Snohomish, Snuqualmi, Songish, Twana. - 49 -I n h i s C u l t u r a l Element D i s t r i b u t i o n L i s t f o r the Gulf of Georgia S a l i s h , Barnett (1939: 252) recorded t h a t the Comox, Klahuse, P e n t l a t c h , Sechelt and Squamish groups d i d not engage i n the d i s c game; l a t e r , (1955: 262), he s t a t e d t h a t the game was " r e s t r i c t e d t o groups south of the Sechelt and Comox". Again, ho information i s a v a i l a b l e as t o when the d i s c game reached e x t i n c t i o n , or whether or not i t o r i g i n a t e d i n pre-contact times. The e a r l i e s t d e s c r i p t i o n of the game appeared i n Paul Kane's record of h i s I846-I848 "Wanderings" (Kane, 1968). Documentation on two sets of gambling devices found i n the Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, S e a t t l e (Cat. Nos. 7969 and 7972) record t h a t both of these were acquired from the Samish i n 1916 and were considered at t h a t time to be "over 70 years o l d " . In a d d i t i o n , Elmendorf recorded: H e ^i/k03ibA~l t r i e d to get r i d of the d i s k game, ^)g.lQ'/ . He threw the d i s k s away s e v e r a l times, but they kept coming back, so he l e t them remain. And we s t i l l have that game. (Elmendorf, 1961: 35) 3. HAND GAME Sl/xh <Z /1 (Smith, 1940: 216), the hand or bone game, developed through three d i f f e r e n t forms, the l a s t of these having p e r s i s t e d up to the present time. These forms d i f f e r e d i n t h a t the number of devices used i n play was e i t h e r one, two, or f o u r , and although the r u l e s changed a c c o r d i n g l y , the - 50 -o b j e c t i v e remained somewhat the same. The hand and d i s c games resembled each other i n a number of ways, and these s i m i l a r i t i e s i n c l u d e d i n t e r - v i l l a g e compe-t i t i o n , power demonstrations i n v o l v i n g s p e c i a l s i n g i n g and super n a t u r a l help, p r o f e s s i o n a l gamblers and b e t t i n g . For the d i s c game, the status of the ' p r o f e s s i o n a l ' gambler was essen-t i a l l y one of a ceremonial nature, whereas the "development of gambling as a p r o f e s s i o n " seemed to have been " t i e d e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h the bone gamble" (Smith, 1940: 207). Hand game players competed on an i n t e r - v i l l a g e b a s i s f o r personal p r e s t i g e ; b e t t i n g was not heavy. Nevertheless, the " s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of games f o r p r e s t i g e " remained " d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from t h a t of the challenge contests" (Smith, 1940: 207). The one device form of the game was played w i t h a small piece of bone or a s m a l l s t i c k or stone. Both the two and fou r device forms were played with two or f o u r c y l i n d r i c a l bones or pieces of wood u s u a l l y shaped to resemble the bone implements. Although these 'bones' normally were made from a s e c t i o n of bone from the lower f o r e l e g o f a deer, horse shank bone was a l s o used (Elmendorf, I960: 240). The wood 'bones', according to one account (Smith, 1940: 210), were made of ashwood; a-not her account ( C o s t e l l o , 1895: 51) mentioned that " s t i c k s of green a l d e r " were used. The bones measured approximately 2g to 3g inches i n le n g t h , 1 to l i inches i n diameter, and 2\ to 4 i inches i n circumference. Although the dimensions of the bones v a r i e d somewhat, i t was 51 -considered important that c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n be paid to t h e i r s i z e . This was due to the f a c t t h a t the bones were made to be h e l d lengthwise i n the player's f i s t , and t h e r e f o r e were cut to measure the width of the hands across the knuckles (Elmendorf, I960: 240). The hand was a f a c t o r determining the s i z e of the bones s i n c e each p l a y e r made h i s own set with par-t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n to h i s own a b i l i t y to handle them (Smith, 1940: 211). In a d d i t i o n , care was a l s o taken to ensure t h a t both bones i n a p a i r were equal i n weight and balance (Smith, 1940: 211). The bones were n e a r - c y l i n d r i c a l to c y l i n d r i c a l i n shape; one specimen ( P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , Cat. No. 10042) was s l i g h t l y curved throughout i t s l e n g t h . Occa-s i o n a l l y , the bones bulged i n the centre area, having a convex surface which tapered s l i g h t l y towards the ends. The ends were cut squarely, and i n a number of specimens, the bone r e -inforcement s t r u c t u r e , l y i n g through the centre, was s t i l l present. Other specimens had hollow centres; i n others, the ends had been plugged u s u a l l y w i t h wood; and s t i l l i n other s , s m a l l wooden d i s c s of the same dimensions as the rounded ends of the bones, were added to both ends and secured by various means, one being by the use of screws (Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, S e a t t l e , Cat. No. 1/8) (see Figure 8 ) . The bones were made i n p a i r s - a set of two bones co n s i s t e d of one p a i r , and tha t of fo u r bones, of two s i m i l a r p a i r s . However, a set of three bones, one of which was so marked so th a t i t could be used i n cheating, has been documented (Pro-- 52 -v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , C a t . N o . 2368) ( see F i g u r e 9 ) . Bones were e i t h e r e n t i r e l y p l a i n o r marked , n o r m a l l y w i t h v a r -i o u s l i n e a r a n d / o r c i r c u l a r d e s i g n s i n c i s e d u s u a l l y i n ' b a n d s ' , a r o u n d t h e o u t e r c i r c u m f e r e n c e o f t h e bone and i n t o i t s s u r f a c e ; s u c h i n c i s i o n s were d a r k e n e d , u s u a l l y i n b l a c k bu t o c c a s i o n a l l y i n r e d , g i v i n g p rominence t o t h e d e s i g n (see F i g u r e s 8, 9, and 10). L i n e a r d e s i g n s r a n g e d f rom s i m p l e , s i n g l e n a r r o w o r w i d e b a n d s , t o bands o f c r o s s e d a n d / o r p a r a l l e l l i n e s ; c i r c u l a r d e s i g n s we re e i t h e r s i m p l e c i r c l e s , n u c l e a t e d o r w i t h o u t s i n g l e c e n t r a l d o t s , u s u a l l y a r r a n g e d i n bands bu t o c c a s i o n a l l y , d i f f e r e n t l y p a t t e r n e d . L i n e a r and c i r c u l a r d e s i g n s appea red b o t h a l o n e and t o g e t h e r on any one bone ; such marked bones were o c c a s i o n a l l y f o u n d p a i r e d w i t h p l a i n o n e s . More common however , was t h e p a i r i n g o f a p l a i n bone w i t h one s i m p l y m a r k e d , a round i t s c e n t r a l a r e a , by one o r more bands o f b l a c k , o r by t h e a d d i t i o n o f a band o r bands o f , f o r example , l e a t h e r ( R . H . L o w i e Museum, B e r k e l e y , C a t . N o . 2-5679), b l a c k t h r e a d ( E l m e n d o r f , I960: 240), o r s i n e w , h e l d f i r m by p i t c h , ( S m i t h , 1940: 211), w h i c h were s e t i n t o a g r o o v e i n t h e bone s u r f a c e . Bo th bones c o n s t i t u t i n g a p a i r r e s e m b l e d each o t h e r i n t h e i r s u r f a c e d e s i g n s , s h o u l d any be p r e s e n t , bu t d i f f e r e d t h r o u g h t h e i n c l u s i o n o r e x c l u s i o n o f m a r k i n g s a round t h e c e n t r a l a r e a ; as s u c h , one bone o f t h e p a i r was so marked and one was n o t . T h i s was e s s e n t i a l t o t h e game. A c c o r d i n g l y , t h e bone w i t h m a r k i n g s a round i t s m i d d l e was r e f e r r e d t o as t h e ' m a r k e d ' bone , and t h a t w i t h o u t such m a r k i n g s , t h e r e b y r e m a i n i n g - 53 -Figure 8. Bones. Bone. Quileute? (Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, S e a t t l e . Cat. No. 1/8 a,b). Figure 9. Bones. Bone. Cowichan. ( P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a Cat. No. 2368). - 54 -F i g u r e 10. Bones. Bone. Puget Sound - Twana? (Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, S e a t t l e . Cat. No. 226). - 55 -p l a i n i n t h i s area, was r e f e r r e d to as the ' p l a i n ' bone. The p l a i n bone, however, i f not e n t i r e l y p l a i n , often had designs, but these were l o c a t e d towards one or both ends of the bone (see Figures 9 and 10). The marked bone was so d i s t i n g u i s h e d both by l i n e a r and c i r c u l a r designs, appearing s i n ^ j l $ $ - or i n combination around the middle, or as p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, by the a d d i t i o n of a band or bands of l e a t h e r , black thread, or sinew. There seemed to have been no r u l e s w i t h regard to the combinations of designs which appeared e i t h e r around -the middle of a bone or elsewhere on i t s s u r f a c e . Such markings apparently were l e f t to the d i s c r e t i o n of each pl a y e r when making h i s own set of bones. Bones were v a r i o u s l y marked w i t h f i n e , i n c i s e d l i n e s so th a t each man could i d e n t i f y h i s own and protect h i s set from attempted d u p l i c a t i o n on the part of h i s opponents or enemies. (Smith, 1940: 211) The bone used f o r cheating, as mentioned above, ( P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , Cat. No. 2368) (see Figu r e 9 ) , was found to be one of a set of three bones, which c o n s i s t e d of one p a i r , one marked one p l a i n bone, and the cheating bone. The cheating bone was so marked that one side of i t s t o t a l l e n g t h was s i m i l a r t o the p l a i n bone, w h i l e the other s i d e resembled the marked bone. An i n c i s e d l i n e around e i t h e r end of each of the bones comprising the p a i r , was absent from the cheating bone; by way of e x p l a n a t i o n of t h i s i n c o n s i s t e n c y , Smith o f f e r e d : The cheating bone never d u p l i c a t e d the bones of one's own set: i t was a way of beating the power of the opponent, a power which - 56 -l a y , i n p a r t , i n h i s bones. (Smith, 1940: 216) Both p a i r s of bones i n a two p a i r set u s u a l l y were i d e n t i c a l . Two p a i r s of bones, both i d e n t i c a l , of which the two marked bones bear a design other than geometric, have been l o c a t e d i n two separate museums. ( F i e l d Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , Chicago, Cat. Nos. 19748 and 19749, and, Thomas Burke Memorial Washington State Museum, S e a t t l e , Cat. No. 226) (see Figure 10). On one side of these marked bones, along w i t h an i n c i s e d design, around the middle, of three bands of nucleated c i r c l e s separated from each other by two p a r a l l e l l i n e s , are two i n c i s e d zoomorphic (wolf or dog-like) heads, l y i n g upside-down to:, each other and f a c i n g i n opposite d i r e c -t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , on one of the cut ends of one bone i n each of the two p a i r s , are i n c i s e d f o u r nucleated c i r c l e s . In the case of wooden bones, markings were u s u a l l y created by removing the bark from the wood; f o r the marked bone, a s t r i p of bark was normally l e f t around the middle (Smith, 1940: 211) ( E e l l s , 1889: 648). As i n the d i c e and d i s c games, the two bones of a p a i r were u s u a l l y each designated male or female - one being male, the other female. Here a l s o , no p a t t e r n was observed as t o which bone, marked or p l a i n , was male and which was female. Smith (1940: 211, 216) described the p l a i n bone as female, 5')d' ^e. and the marked one as male, S~fc/?bz- \ on the other hand, Elmendorf (I960: 240) reported the p l a i n bone as StC6a./ it s/*Jl*t'/* "male hand-game bone", and the marked - 57 -one as Si ot cla<j $Ud, "female hand-game bone". For one group, the Klallam, Gunther (1927: 274) recorded s) 4.' nl . woman, as the plain bone, and SU)e. ^ka. . man, as the marked bone; again for the Klallam and using similar terms, John Raub (in Culin, 1907: 299) gave the reverse. Further, Haeberlin and Gunther (1930: 63) designate the plain bones as 'J)/9/b<^, men, and the marked ones as 'a,}''dd&l » women. The hand game was mainly played by men, and although • Elmendorf (I960: 240) maintained that i t "was played by men only", both Smith (1940:209) and Haeberlin and Gunther (1930: 63) indicated that women did play, and occasionally became known as gamblers. In addition to adult men and women, "young men and older boys" were reported to play the game (Eells, 1877: 89 and 1889: 647). Although, at times, the game was played between only two players, any number could play, and the more usual form was that of competition between groups or villages, each being represented by a team. In view of the latter, Smithoobserved: was/ The bone gamble always played between groups which considered themselves distinct one from the other. Meetings were arranged between such groups expressly for gambling and the game likewise featured at a l l gath-erings of two or more groups whatever their avowed intent. (Smith, 1940: 209) When only two opposing individuals played, and occasionally in the case of inter-team competition (Eells, 1877: 89 and 1889: 648), one device or two devices (one pair bones)' were used. However, - 58 -the u s u a l number of devices found i n team play were f o u r (two p a i r s bones), and as such, only two p l a y e r s per side handled the bones (one p a i r each) at any one time. In a d d i t i o n t o the one or two protagonists r e q u i r e d on each s i d e , a team numbered up t o , f o r example, two (Olson, 1936: 130), s i x ( E e l l s , 1877: 89 and 1889: 648), or four t e e n to s i x t e e n (Smith, 1940: 209) p l a y e r s . The opposing i n d i v i d u a l or team players s a t , k n e l t or squattest on the ground and, i n the case of teams, i n two roughly p a r a l l e l rows, f a c i n g each other, some s i x f e e t apart ( E e l l s , 1877: 89 and 1889: 647). According to Commander Mayne (1862: 276) who described two versions of the one-device form of the game, ten to twelve p l a y e r s sat i n a c i r c l e . F u r t her, Olson (1936: 130) i n d i c a t e d t h a t a team of two players faced an opposing team of two playe r s across a mat. And C o s t e l l o (1895.: 51) reported t h a t a f i r e was b u i l t i n the area between the' two teams. However, on the ground d i r e c t l y i n f r o n t of each team was l a i d a 'drumming1 board L 1 / ? a. f r s j (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 63), upon which the players beat w i t h a s t i c k , 7^/ ^x<»<xdld (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 63') or ,^c</(Elmendorf, I960: 243). According to Elmen-dorf (I960: 241) the board of one team was some f o u r to s i x f e e t distance from that of the opposing team. O c c a s i o n a l l y , the drumming board was r a i s e d s l i g h t l y o f f the ground, some three or more inches, and supported on stones (Smith, 1940: 209-210), or on a shor t e r board ( C o s t e l l o , 1895: 51), thus - 59 -g i v i n g resonance as i t was pounded. Normally, i n the case of the four-device form of the game, each s i d e had one team l e a d e r , d/3b' V 17*-) or &q.'t'^>/AJ a 1 (Elmendorf, I960: 241), or & ^ / (Smith, 1940: 216), who acted as pro t a g o n i s t on behalf of h i s team during the game, arid who k n e l t or sat i n the middle of the row of p l a y e r s . The leader's primary f u n c t i o n was t o guess the p o s i t i o n of the bones when they were h e l d by the opposing s i d e . Since he u s u a l l y d i d not manipulate the bones himself when they were held by h i s team, the leader assigned both p a i r s , one to each of two pla y e r s on h i s s i d e . While h i s playe r s were shaking the bones, he l e d the s i n g i n g and drumming f o r h i s team (Elmendorf, I960: 241). Normally, leaders were great gamblers whose p a r t i c i p a -t i o n insured success and who had "hand-game gambling powers", sU^a// ^ 7 . ? V / _ r , (Elmendorf, I960: 241-242, 489-490). Such s p i r i t power as possessed by a le a d e r , gave him "l u c k i n guessing" (Elmendorf, I960* 241-242), and "helped so to e n l i v e n the bones when they were on h i s own side t h a t t h e i r p o s i t i o n could not be guessed by the opponents" (Smith, 1940: 210). However, Smith went on to say: Leadership, however, was not permanent and the great gamblers entered the games only when the success of t h e i r s ide l a y i n the balance. So long as a le a d e r was winning f o r h i s side he stayed i n the game; i f h i s side was l o s i n g he got some other p l a y e r to guess f o r him or v o l u n t a r i l y gave up h i s place to another l e a d e r . Leadership might, t h e r e f o r e , s h i f t s e v e r a l times i n the course of a n i g h t ' s play. (Smith, 1940: 210) - 60 -Smith -continued, r e p o r t i n g that a "second" sat beside the lea d e r and acted as deuteragonist during the game. Beside the leader s at a "second". The second might guess the p o s i t i o n of the bones at the leader's request. In the main, how-ever, h i s r o l e was t h a t of second-in-singing and not d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the game as such. When the leader changed the second might remain. (Smith, 1940: 210) Behind each team's row of p l a y e r s , stood i t s r e s p e c t i v e supporters. Although the supporters, c o n s i s t i n g of both men and women, were nonplayers, they helped w i t h the s i n g i n g and drumming, and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the b e t t i n g . Any number were present, and"may have t o t a l e d a hundred or more (Densmore, 1943: 66). The opening play, £>kl 7^ 6^>Ui^\ (Elmendorf, I960: 241), or K.e!J(t0£/ (Smith, 1940: 216), det ermined which team s t a r t e d h o l d i n g the bones and which was the f i r s t to guess t h e i r p o s i t i o n . Normally, i n t h i s p l a y , two opposing p l a y e r s , u s u a l l y the le a d e r s , each h e l d and concealed i n the hands one p a i r of bones; o c c a s i o n a l l y , the two opponents h e l d only one bone from each p a i r (Olson, 1936: 130). For e i t h e r case, each of the two players simultaneously guessed each other, by attemp-t i n g to l o c a t e which of the opponent's hands concealed the bone to be guessed. On occasion, only one player h e l d a p a i r of bones, while h i s opponent guessed (Elmendorf, I960! 241). The guess was made by a simple gesture of the guesser's r i g h t hand. In the case where two opponents each held one p a i r of bones, i f the players both guessed c o r r e c t l y or i f they both - 61 -missed, the play was repeated; i f only one of them guessed c o r r e c t l y w h i l e the other missed, then the team of the success-f u l guesser began the game by h o l d i n g both p a i r s of bones, whereas the "more d i f f i c u l t task of s t a r t i n g the guessing f e l l to the leader who l o s t the opening p l a y " (Smith, 1940: 212) . When only one player concealed the bones, one team s t a r t e d by ho l d i n g and the other by guessing depending on a c o r r e c t or i n c o r r e c t guess by the opponent. O c c a s i o n a l l y , the opening pl a y i n v o l v e d not only the determination as to which side was the f i r s t to hold the bones or the f i r s t to guess t h e i r p o s i -t i o n , but al s o the r e c e i p t or l o s s of a p o i n t , counter, or t a l l y s t i c k . Smith (1940: 212) reported t h a t the "opening p l a y of the game counted as any other ", and Haeb e r l i n and Gunther (1930: 63) observed that i f one of the two opposing l e a d e r s "guesses r i g h t he gets the two c y l i n d e r s , and one t a l l y s t i c k " . On the other hand, Elmendorf (I960: 241) recorded that "no p o i n t was scored", and i n a d d i t i o n , that " n e i t h e r s i d e sang during the 5 k ' \ '' tft~£ (//'zl " . The o b j e c t i v e of each p l a y , f o r a l l three forms of the game (one, two or f o u r d e v i c e ) , was the guessing of the l o c a t i o n of, that i s , which hand concealed, the bones or s t i c k or stone (one device form), or the p a r t i c u l a r bone, one of a p a i r , to . be guessed (two and four device forms). Again, f o r a l l three forms, each play appeared to have progressed somewhat the same, except p r i m a r i l y i n the case of the f o u r device form, where two opposing teams, each having a l e a d e r , competed. In a d d i t i o n , - 62 -because of the obvious d i f f e r e n c e s among the three forms, e s p e c i a l l y w i t h regard to the number of devices used, guessing and s c o r i n g v a r i e d a c c o r d i n g l y . F o l l o w i n g the opening play, i n which the competitors were two opposing teams, each c o n s i s t i n g of a row of playe r s and a leader, and i n which two p a i r s of bones were used, the leader l o s i n g the i n i t i a l p l ay and thereby s t a r t i n g the guessing, passed or threw the p a i r of bones he had been h o l d i n g across the space between the two teams to the leader of the opposing s i d e . The r e c e i v i n g leader then had the set of fo u r bones (two p a i r s ) on h i s s i d e . He shook the bones i n h i s own hands and then passed or threw, i n succession, one p a i r to each of two players on h i s team, c a l l i n g the name of the p l a y e r t o which a p a i r was being assigned (Smith, 1940: 212). U s u a l l y , the two playe r s were seated one on e i t h e r side of (but not n e c e s s a r i l y immediately next to) the leader, but o c c a s i o n a l l y both were on one si d e of him (Smith, 1940: 212). In t h i s form of the game, the p l a y e r or players assigned the bones were r e f e r r e d to as the 'holder', ^ " ^ ^ X / folio (Smith, 1940: 0 216), or as the 'shakers', Utid?JL/y a / / a i ? - "work the arms" (Elmendorf, I960: 242). In a d d i t i o n , players who had "the proper magic" r e c i t e d words over the bones at the time play began (Stern, 1934: 70). In the one-device form of the game, one player h e l d , i n h i s hands, a piece of bone, s t i c k or stone which was passed r a p i d l y and dexterously from one hand to the other and " s h i f t e d - 63 -behind the back, e t c . , " (Gibbs, 1877: 206). The p l a y e r ' s hands "kept swinging backwards and forwards" and "every now and then he would stop" (Mayne, 1862: 275). His opponent or a player on the opposing side then attempted to guess i n which hand the object h e l d was concealed. In the two-device form of the game, one p l a y e r h e l d one p a i r of bones; i n the four-device form, two p l a y e r s , both on the same team, each held one p a i r of the two-pair set of bones, u s u a l l y having been assigned them by the team leader. The p l a y e r or players h o l d i n g the bones then s h u f f l e d them by s h i f t i n g them from one hand to the other, w h i l e u s u a l l y h i d i n g t h e i r hands behind t h e i r backs, under t h e i r s h i r t s or a coat l y i n g across the knees, under a mat or blanket, i n grass (Barnett, 1939: 252), or, under "loose-hanging neck c l o t h s " or " i n the o l d days ...beneath a piece of s k i n suspended on t h e i r chests" (Smith, 1940: 212). A f t e r the bones had been s h u f f l e d , the h o l d e r or holders presented both hands, each one concealing one bone of a p a i r , to the view of the opponent or opponents. The hands hold i n g the bones were kept, not only i n view, but a l s o u s u a l l y i n constant motion u n t i l a f t e r the guess was made and the bones exposed. This motion was r e f e r r e d to as "shaking 1 the bones (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 63) (Smith, 1940: 212) (Elmendorf, I960: 242), and simply i n v o l v e d the backward and forward or sideward movements of the hands and arms i n which the hands, conceal i n g the bones, moved away from and towards the player's body, c r o s s i n g i n f r o n t of h i s chest. Smith o u t l i n e d i n some - 64 -d e t a i l , v a r i o u s ways i n which the bones were shaken. ...with the upper arm steady, lower arms swung f u l l to the sides and then brought forward So that the f i s t s almost touched. The bones could a l s o be shaken i n unison, w i t h one forearm bent across the chest, the other bent upward and out making a r i g h t angle w i t h the upper arm, the f i s t s not f a r apart and the motion slower and c l o s e r t o the l a p i n f r o n t and f a s t e r on the upward swing. Opponents were apt to object to t h i s type of shaking. Other types were: w i t h short swings i n unison arms bent at the elbows; and back and f o r t h i n short swings, arms bent at the elbows ...One type which has been r e c e n t l y i n t r o -duced and was not used i n the o l d days i s an up and down motion i n which the bones are h e ld v e r t i c a l l y , the arms bent and the hands moving together. In a l l the o l d e r ways of shaking, the bones were h e l d more or l e s s h o r i z o n t a l l y , the palms of the hands turned to the ground. In none of the types described d i d the hands ever cross above each other. (Smith, 1940: 212-213) On the other hand, to show that he was not ch e a t i n g , a player o c c a s i o n a l l y f o l d e d h i s arms, across h i s chest, and placed h i s hands upon them, where they remained motionless and i n view of the opposing s i d e (Smith, 1940: 213). Throughout the s h u f f l i n g and shaking processes, the p l a y e r or p l a y e r s or team leader doing the guessing, watched very c a r e f u l l y the movement of the hands of the opponent or opponents h o l d i n g the bones. A good guesser watched f o r and followed signs which i n d i c a t e d t o him the probable p o s i t i o n of the bone to be guessed. Such signs were contained i n f a c i a l expressions, which enabled"professional gamblers" to "place t h e i r guesses according to what they read on t h e i r opponents's countenance" (Gunther, 1927: 274), or i n the eyes of the opposing p l a y e r , - 65 -thereby causing players to have kept " t h e i r eyes down w h i l e they had the bones" (Duff, 1952: 127). Smith added: The holder was apt to f a v o r the hand which contained the p l a i n bone, hold t h a t shoulder s l i g h t l y higher or c o n t r a c t the muscles of the eye on t h a t s i d e . The good guesser f o l l o w e d these s i g n s . (Smith, 1940: 213) In a d d i t i o n , and as mentioned before, great gamblers u s u a l l y obtained g u a r d i a n - s p i r i t a s s i s t a n c e i n guessing. Nevertheless, care was taken by the supporters who d i d not watch the p l a y e r s as they s h u f f l e d the bones " f o r f e a r t h a t , i f they knew the bones' p o s i t i o n , t h e i r expression might betray i t " (Smith, 1940 ; 212), and, as mentioned, by the p l a y e r s h o l d i n g the bones, who when shaking them "kept t h e i r heads down and avoided l o o k i n g at the opposing l e a d e r , who would attempt to catch t h e i r eye" (Elmendorf, I960: 242). During shaking, i f the opponent has not yet made a guess, a holder o c c a s i o n a l l y s h i f t e d the bones again behind h i s back or under h i s s h i r t . When the guesser f e l t he knew the p o s i t i o n of the bones, he made h i s guess, tTcSr.sltcr? (Smith, 1940: 216). As soon as the guess was made, the holder or holders stopped shaking the bones and revealed t h e i r p o s i t i o n . In t h i s p l a y , the guesser attempted t o guess c o r r e c t l y f o r one bone of the p a i r or, i n the four-device form, f o r one bone of both p a i r s . Although the bone to be guessed was u s u a l l y the unmarked ( p l a i n ) one, t h i s was not always the case, and the guess o c c a s i o n a l l y was f o r the marked bone. Again, by way of discrepancy, the p l a i n bone was r e f e r r e d t o e i t h e r as female or as male; t h e r e f o r e , , - 66 -the usual guess would have been f o r the female or p l a i n bone or f o r the male or p l a i n bone. Guessing f o r a l l three forms of the game was done by a quick gesture, u s u a l l y made by the r i g h t hand, "which l e f t no doubt as t o the meaning intended" (Elmendorf, I960: 242 ) . Normally, the gesture was emphasized by the other hand being slapped down on the guesser's chest or on the upper part of the arm doing the p o i n t i n g . In the one or two device forms of the game, the opponent or a player on the opposing side made a simple gesture p o i n t i n g to that hand of the holder which was thought to conceal the object i n play or the p a r t i c u l a r bone to be guessed. I n the four-device form of the game, a player " or the team leader on the opposing s i d e made the i n i t i a l guess f o r both p a i r s of bones. The guess was based on the r e l a t i o n of the bones to each other, and as such, i t was p o s s i b l e f o r the bones (one from each of the two p a i r s ) t o be guessed to have been h e l d i n any one of fo u r p o s i t i o n s . Therefore, the gestures made by the guesser corresponded to the way i n which he thought the bones were h e l d . I f , f o r example, the p l a i n bones were t o be guessed: (1) i f they l a y to the r i g h t of the guesser and i n the l e f t hands of the holders (MPMP - where P=plain, and M=marked), faa?* t c l (Smith, 1940: 216), the guess was made by the l e f t arm of, the guesser c r o s s i n g h i s chest p o i n t i n g t o h i s r i g h t w i t h f i s t c l o s e d but index f i n g e r extended (Smith, 1940 : 213), or by motioning w i t h the extended f o r e f i n g e r of the r i g h t hand t o the r i g h t , <&X C- ? L ' X a - 67 -(from £ y C % a L ' d ( "push away") (Elmendorf, I960: 242); (2) i f they lay to the l e f t of the guesser and i n the r i g h t hands of the holders (PMPM), ^aliC^i (Smith, 1940" 216), the guess was made by the r i g h t arm of the guesser crossing i n front of him pointing with f i s t closed but for e - f i n g e r extended towards the l e f t , tot1* t y L / / * (from zf V £"> / V . " p u l l toward oneself") (Elmendorf, I960" 242); (3) i f they lay i n the centre or neighbouring hands of the holders (MPPM), <t, Z.c^/di<, (Smith, 1940 : 216), the guess was made with the r i g h t arm extended before the guesser with f i s t closed, hand back up and palm toward body, but forefinger extended pointing downward, 4.XU~>n'so./ . (from %£/''/ . "dive") (Elmendorf, I960* 242); (4# i f they lay i n the outer hands of the holders (PMMP), /g^/g^r, IB (Smith, 1940: 216), the guess was made with the right hand held before the guesser with three fingers closed and forefinger or l i t t l e f i n g e r extended and thumb upright, with hand palm or back up or with palm toward body, & D L ' I h k * ( E l m e n d o r f , I960: 242). By way of exception, Costello (1895 : 5.2) reported that although four (two pairs) 'bones' (alder sticks) were used and two players did the playing, two players were "selected on the other side to do the guessing". In addition, Olson (1936: 130) described a si m i l a r action i n which "the opposing two guessed, each at the same time and each d i r e c t i n g his attention to the man opposite." Following the guess, the holder or holders revealed the - 68 -p o s i t i o n of the bones. A win or l o s s was based on a c o r r e c t or i n c o r r e c t guess f o r the l o c a t i o n of the device or of t h a t p a r t i c u l a r bone to be guessed. The courses taken f o l l o w i n g e i t h e r a c o r r e c t or i n c o r r e c t guess, v a r i e d w i t h i n any one of the three forms of the game played. Normally, each guess meant a count f o r one s i d e or the other. As such, when the guesser was c o r r e c t , h i s side u s u a l l y r e c e i v e d one or two counters (see below); i n a d d i t i o n , at t h i s point the r o l e s of the two s i d e s became reversed, as the r i g h t to h o l d the 'bone1 or bones passed to the former guessing s i d e . When the guesser was i n c o r r e c t , h i s s i d e l o s t one or two counters, and the oppo-s i n g side continued to play u n t i l a c o r r e c t guess was made. In one case, the occasion of the exchange of h o l d i n g and guessing r o l e s between s i d e s , was opposite to that j u s t mentioned. So long as a guesser was s u c c e s s f u l the counts went t o h i s side and he continued to guess. When he missed the count went to the other s i d e and the bones were thrown ^ across f o r h i s s i d e t o h o l d . (Smith, 1940: •• 214) Normally, i n the four-device form of the game, i f both p a i r s of bones were guessed c o r r e c t l y , the guessing s i d e won both p a i r s of bones, the r i g h t to play next, and o c c a s i o n a l l y , two counters; i f both p a i r s of bones were guessed i n c o r r e c t l y , the guessing s i d e f o r f e i t e d two counters and the opposing side continued to play; i f one p a i r of bones was guessed c o r r e c t l y w h i l e the other p a i r was missed, then the guessing side won only one p a i r of bones but, at the same time, f o r f e i t e d one - 69 -counter. F o l l o w i n g a guess, the bones were returned to the le a d e r , (Smith, 1940 # 212), who e i t h e r r e d i s t r i b u t e d them t o the holders on h i s s i d e or threw them across to the leader of the opposing s i d e . I f a holder was guessed c o r r e c t l y s e v e r a l times i n succession by the opposing s i d e , the leader o f t e n reassigned the bones to another player on h i s s i d e . Although the guessing was normally done by the team l e a d e r , others had the opportunity to guess but only by permission of the leader (Densmore, 1943: 65); on occasion the leader requested that h i s 'second' guess i n h i s place,(Smith, 1940: 210). As mentioned, score was kept through the r e c e i p t and l o s s o f counters. The counters or t a l l y s t i c k s , SXpCtty (Smith, 1940: 216), SX a.'t5 I (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 63), X#J £ B C L (Elmendorf, I960: 242), were made of wood, such as cedar ( C o s t e l l o , 1895: 51), and were p l a i n c y l i n d r i c a l s t i c k s , u s u a l l y sharpened at one end to enable them to stand u p r i g h t i n the ground. They measured a recorded minimum of 5 inches (Glenbow Foundation, Calgary, Cat. No. AA 1248), to an average of some 8-12 inches, to a recorded maximum of 18 inches (Smith, 1940: 214). Although the counters u s u a l l y t o t a l l e d ten or twenty per game, or f i v e or ten per s i d e , q u a n t i t i e s of "20 or 40 marker s t i c k s f o r each team" (Olson, 1936: 130) and "as many as eig h t y are played f o r " (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 63), have been recorded. On the other hand, s c o r i n g o c c a s i o n a l l y was done i n m u l t i p l e s of t e n , and ten-point t a l l y - 70 -s t i c k s were used f o r t h i s purpose (Smith, 1940 : 214-215)(Elmen-dorf, I960: 242-243). The two opposing p l a y e r s or sides each began the game wit h an even number of counters, and the number used or the number of points to be played f o r was agreed upon by both sid e s i n advance of the beginning of the game. On each s i d e , the counters u s u a l l y were stood u p r i g h t i n the ground i n a row i n f r o n t of the drumming plank and, i n the case of team p l a y , i n f r o n t of the team l e a d e r . According t o Elmendorf (I960: 243), " t h e i r tops i n c l i n e d toward the opposing s i d e " . On occasion, the counters were l a i d on a common plank set to one s i d e (Olson, 1936* 130). I n a d d i t i o n , i f the s c o r i n g was done i n m u l t i p l e s of ten, f o r each ten points to be played f o r , a ten-point t a l l y s t i c k , s i m i l a r t o the other counters, was stood u p r i g h t i n the ground to one side of the drumming planks but between the two s i d e s . For example, i f the game was f o r 40 p o i n t s , f o u r of these ten-point t a l l y s t i c k s , i n a d d i t i o n to ten game counters ( f i v e per s i d e ) , were used (Elmendorf, I960: 243). When a point was won, u s u a l l y the counters were i n i t i a l l y drawn from the allotment i n f r o n t of the r e c e i v i n g s i d e , one s t i c k being taken from the row i n f r o n t of the drumming plank and placed behind, u p r i g h t i n the ground w i t h i t s top lea n i n g toward the team leader (Elmendorf, 1960» 243), or placed "between h i s [the l e a d e r ' s ] knees or otherwise s h i f t e d . . . s o that i t could be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the u p r i g h t s t i c k s " (Smith, 1940: 214). When i t s counters, from i n f r o n t of the drumming plank, had been won by e i t h e r s i d e , subsequent counters were - 71 -won from those of the opponent's, which were tossed across from one s i d e t o the other. When ten counters had accumulated on one s i d e , and where a p p l i c a b l e , one ten-point s t i c k was s h i f t e d , "by men appointed by the l e a d e r s " (Smith, 1940 : 125), from i t s c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n toward the winning s i d e . In t h i s case, the ten-point s t i c k s , or "end s t i c k s - 3bid.SfX{J/c//s"{Smith. 1940: 216), moved to one side or the other whenever ten counters were accumulated. When one sid e l o s t ten counters, then a te n -p o i n t s t i c k , should that side possess one, moved back to i t s o r i g i n a l p o s i t i o n ; when no ten-point s t i c k s remained i n the middle, then they were drawn from those of the opponents. Although i n f o r m a t i o n i s sketchy, the score was a l s o kept through the d i r e c t exchange of counters, where a win was r e -corded by the r e c e i p t of a counter from the opponent and a l o s s , by the f o r f e i t of a counter t o the opponent. The score was u s u a l l y kept by the leader i n the case of team p l a y , or by "two of the p l a y e r s , one f o r each s i d e " ( E e l l s , l 8 8 9 ; 648). The game ended when one pla y e r or s i d e had acquired a l l counters, or, where i n use, a l l ten-point s t i c k s , thereby winning the game. O c c a s i o n a l l y , and according t o the s i z e of the stakes, a side was r e q u i r e d to win a l l counters a number of times, and perhaps up to "f o u r or f i v e times i f the stakes are high" (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 63). P e t t i t (1950 : 12) recorded t h a t " i n meetings wi t h other t r i b e s i t was customary to play u n t i l one s i d e or the other had won two games". The winner of the game won the stake. Game wagers were - 72 -p l a c e d p r i o r t o the commencement of pl a y by players on both s i d e s , and according t o Swan (1857 : 158) "each a r t i c l e staked i s put before the owner, and whoever wins takes the whole p i l e " . Supporters partook i n b e t t i n g among themselves (Olson, 1936: 130), and "shakers o r d i n a r i l y placed i n d i v i d u a l wagers before each turn w i t h the bones" (Elmendorf, I960: 242). According to Olson (1936 ; 130), "bets were c o l l e c t e d only when one si d e had won a l l the counters". Although Smith (1940: 207) maintained t h a t b e t t i n g was not heavy, e s p e c i a l l y i n comparison w i t h the d i s c game, Stern (1934: 70) reported t h a t b e t t i n g on the outcome " i s very i n t e n s e , many valu a b l e s being wagered", and P e t t i t (1950 : 12) surmised t h a t , t r a d i t i o n a l l y , " b e t t i n g was so heavy tha t there had to be a r u l e a g a i n s t a man's b e t t i n g h i s w i f e or h i s c h i l d r e n " . L i t t l e was recorded about the nature of the wagers except f o r b r i e f and vague mentions of money, c l o t h i n g and 'valuables'. However, Mayne (1862: 276) mentioned t h a t blankets were staked, C o s t e l l o (1895: 51) l i s t e d : "Two canoes, a s i l v e r watch, two ponies, $1.50 i n s i l v e r , a coat, a s h i r t and some other t h i n g s . . . " , and C u r t i s (1913: 70) in c l u d e d guns, ammunition, and sla v e s as gambling wagers. Throughout the game, s i n g i n g , drumming, and beating on the 'drumming plank' took p l a c e . These a c t i v i t i e s were normally l i m i t e d to the s i d e h o l d i n g the bones, wh i l e the opposing side concentrated, i n s i l e n c e , on the guessing. P l a y e r s , i n c l u d i n g h o l d e r s , l e d by the team leader (where p r e s e n t ) , and helped by t h e i r supporters (both men and women), sang while the bones - 73 -were i n motion. In a d d i t i o n , p l a y e r s , excluding h o l d e r s , but i n c l u d i n g , and again l e d by, the team leader, each beat, w i t h a s t i c k , on the 'drumming plank' i n f r o n t of them., Two or three p l a y e r s at one or both ends of the row beat upon drums. Sin g i n g occurred u s u a l l y p r i o r t o but not during the opening play; i t was again resumed, along w i t h the beating, while the bones were being s h i f t e d and 'shaken'. On the other hand, C o s t e l l o (1895: 52) reported t h a t the s i n g i n g (etc.!')1' began at t h a t time when the hands came i n t o view during shaking, but f o l l o w i n g s h u f f l i n g . F u r t h e r Elmendorf (I960: 243) i n d i c a t e d that the s i n g i n g stopped when the leader on the opposing s i d e guessed. As w i t h the d i s c game, the hand game a l s o had i t s own songs, but "always d i s t i n c t i n rhythm and melody from disk-game songs" (Elmendorf, i960: 244$. Each team sang " i t s gambling s p i r i t songs....led by one who has a gambling s p i r i t song acquired i n a dream" (Stern, 1934: 70). Such songs were used by great or p r o f e s s i o n a l gamblers to invoke the a s s i s t a n c e of t h e i r guar-dian s p i r i t s . As mentioned p r e v i o u s l y , the great gamblers-g e n e r a l l y played as leaders and, w i t h t h e i r s p i r i t power a f f i -l i a t i o n s , t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the games ensured success. Smith (1940: 210) reported that beside the leader s a t v a "second" whose primary f u n c t i o n was that of "second-in-singing". As such, the "second" acted as " i n t e r p r e t e r or intermediary between the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h the power and the r e s t of the people" (Smith, 1940: 101). Singing "strengthened the hand-game gambling powers of one's own team" (Elmendorf, I960: 243-244), - 74 -enlivened the bones enabling them "to take on an action almost t h e i r own" (Smith, 1940: 216), and confused the opposing guesser (Elmendorf, I960: 244) (Duff, 1952: 127). Cheating was recognized as an inherent part of the game, and was performed "only by the great holders, by men who 'knew how to shake' " (Smith, 1940: 215). Cheating was executed i n a number of ways. Exchanging the bones was accomplished by throwing the bones, ,5o(X/Ja. It £ (Smith, 1940: 216), "from one hand to the other during the shaking" (Smith, 1940: 215). Further, i f the exchange was either "seen or heard by the other side, the play was repeated or the point f o r i t was l o s t " (Smith, 1940: 215). Elmendorf (i960: 242) termed the action of "exchanging the bones i n front of the body" as StjLf*wl'/df&C% and described i t as follows: This was done by passing one hand over the other, turning the lower one palm up, and making the exchange ra p i d l y and unobtrusively, i f possible while the opponent pointer was glancing at the other bone shaker. (Elmendorf, I960: 242) Contrary to Smith's statement, Elmendorf (1970: 242) reported that the cheat "was not penalized i f detected". Great mani-pulative dexterity was required i f t h i s form of cheating were to have been successful, and such a s k i l l was usually acquired i n private practice (Elmendorf, I960: 242 ) . E e l l s added: Some grow so expert at t h i s game that even i f the guess of the opponent i s r i g h t the player can afterward change the bone to the other hand without i t s being detected. ( E e l l s , 1889: 648) - 75 -Fu r t h e r , according t o Barnett (1955: 262), excessive cheating was the reason t h a t the one-device form of the game was replaced by the two-device form. Another form of cheating was accomplished by s l i p p i n g a band of sinew over the p l a i n bone, < ^ o f ^ ^ i u i 5 > (Smith, 1940: 216), so that i t appeared s i m i l a r to the marked one. This form was s u c c e s s f u l so long as the holder exposed only one and not both bones. A t h i r d method was the use of a 'cheating' bone, d.sa.'frs/'/kktf.g kJlS (Smith, 1940: 216), as described above ( f o r specimen, Cat. No. 2368, P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a ) , which made i t p o s s i b l e f o r t h a t bone to be shown, f o l l o w i n g the guess, as e i t h e r male or female. Cheating was important not only w i t h regard to the obvious g a i n i n g of p o i n t s , but a l s o and e s p e c i a l l y i n r e l a t i o n to the comp e t i t i v e , p r e s t i g e and power aspects of the game. Cheating was never r e s o r t e d to more than two or three times by e i t h e r s i d e during a n i g h t ' s p l a y . The p o i n t s won i n t h i s way d i d j of course, help the cheating s i d e . But the importance of cheating was out of a l l p r o p o r t i o n to the value of these p o i n t s . The cheating bone never d u p l i c a t e d the bones of one's own se t : i t was a way of beating the power of the opponent, a power which l a y , i n p a r t , i n h i s bones. Throwing the bones was a means of showing mastery over those of the opposing side or of complete accord w i t h those of one's co-pl a y e r . An undetected cheat was soon noised around. A gambler, even i f detected, never admitted that he had cheated and the doubt cast a gloom on the assurance of h i s oppo-nents. Had he, then, the power to cheat t h e i r power? (Smith, 1940: 215-216) The hand game was played o u t s i d e , g e n e r a l l y i n the summer, - 76 -but occasionally, "winter games seem also to have been carried on in the open" (Smith, 1940: 209). Although Smith (1940: 209) maintained that the games were "always played at night, never in the daytime", other reports indicated that games began during the daytime and extended far into the night. More specifically, Densmore (1943: 66) recorded that a game was played "every Sunday afternoon at Chilliwack, extending far into the evening" and that upon occasion i t was played "in the evening during the week". Normally, the game was played between different village groups. "Meetings were arranged between such groups expressly for gambling" (Smith, 1940: 209), or on the other hand, the game was played at large gath-erings such as potlatches, or 'more recently', berry or hop picking. A game lasted anywhere from "hours" (Pettit, 1950: 12), to several days, depending on the number of points or counters to be won. In the old days the bone gamble had four, and frequently six, end sticks to be played for. Such a game often took a f u l l week to play off. (Smith, 1940: 215) Although the hand game, like both the disc and dice games, i s classified as a game of chance, and although Roberts, Arth, and Bush (1959: 597) categorized the games of chance on the c r i t e r i a that "chance must be present and both physical s k i l l and strategy must be absent", documentation indicated that elements of both s k i l l and strategy were present-in the hand game. Physical s k i l l used in cheating has already been discussed. - 77 -Methods of s t r a t e g y and s k i l l were used by both the guessing and h o l d i n g s i d e s . According to Densmore (1943: 65 ) , " s k i l l depends l a r g e l y on a study of averages and p r o b a b i l i t i e s " , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h r e l a t i o n to the r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n of the bones. To prevent t h i s , Smith (1940: 210) suggested a counter-strategy whereby the bones "were c o n s t a n t l y s h i f t e d t o d i f f e r e n t holders to prevent the opponents from " g e t t i n g on" to the way i n which they were h e l d " . Evidence from both w r i t t e n records and museum c o l l e c t i o n s has e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t the hand game, l i k e those of the d i s c and dic e games, had f a i r l y wide d i s t r i b u t i o n throughout the Coast S a l i s h area. The game was played by the f o l l o w i n g t r i b a l groups: Che h a l i s , Chemakum, Chemainus, C h i l l i w a c k , Comox, Cowichan, Klahuse, K l a l l a m , Lummi, Nanaimo, Nusqually, Pent-l a t c h , Puyallup, Quileute, Quinault, Sanetch, S e c h e l t , Sko-komish, Snohomish, Snuqualmi, Songish, Squamish, Twana. The hand game was played i n three d i f f e r e n t forms depending on whether one, two or four devices were used. I t appeared t h a t the game was o r i g i n a l l y played w i t h only one device. Elmendorf reported the f o l l o w i n g : P r i o r t o the middle of the nineteenth century a p a i r of bones was not used. The game was then played w i t h a s i n g l e ace or "male" bone, one player guessing which of h i s opponent's closed hands held t h i s . Some p r o f e s s i o n a l players i n FA's youth ( e a r l y 1870's) s t i l l used a s i n g l e bone; the p r a c t i c e was then o l d fashioned. (Elmendorf, I960: 240) In a d d i t i o n to the above, e a r l y reference m a t e r i a l on the game - 78 -documented the one-device form: Swan (1857), Mayne (1862), Wilson (18661, Gibbs (1877), E e l l s (1877 and 1889), Boas (1891). This one-device form e v e n t u a l l y became tha t i n v o l v i n g two-devices and two opposing p l a y e r s ; and " i n recent times" (Elmendorf, I960* 240), the fo u r - d e v i c e game i n v o l v i n g two teams of oppo-nents was more f r e q u e n t l y played. This l a s t form of the game, which has p e r s i s t e d up to the present, was u s u a l l y an i n t e r -group a f f a i r , and team o r g a n i z a t i o n , o r i g i n a l l y based on the "now e x t i n c t w i n t e r - v i l l a g e community", became "based on r e s e r -v a t i o n community or general geographic a f f i l i a t i o n " (Elmendorf, I960: 244). The hand game, i n the l a t t e r part of the nineteenth century, superseded the d i s c game i n p o p u l a r i t y , and Elmendorf (I960: 240) observed t h a t the game's "surge of p o p u l a r i t y was a phenomenon of the r e s e r v a t i o n p e r i o d " . No s u b s t a n t i a l i n f o r m a t i o n e x i s t s to e s t a b l i s h whether the hand game o r i g i n a t e d i n pre-contact times. Elmendorf (I960: 240) vaguely i n d i c a t e d t h a t the game "was known to and played by the Twana p r i o r t o white contact", and Densmore r e l a t e d the t r a d i t i o n a l o r i g i n of the game: The t r a d i t i o n a l o r i g i n of the s l a h a l game was r e l a t e d by Jimmie O'Hammon, c h i e f of a band of Squamish Indians l i v i n g on the Squamish R i v e r . He i s known as "Chief Jimmie Jimmie" and h i s group i s known as O'Hammon's Band. He s a i d t h a t s l a h a l was played before the f l o o d , when a l l the people spoke the same language. Only one bone was used at tha t time and the players "hugged themselves w i t h t h e i r arms" when p l a y i n g . A f t e r the f l o o d , there s t i l l were people who played the game, but many languages were spoken and the people were " a l l s p l i t up". When C h r i s t came and changed the people i n t o - 79 -animals, there were some who were not changed, and they preserved the game, so i t has come down to the present day. (Densmore, 1943: 67) CHAPTER I I I - EMPIRICAL DATA - 81 -The f o l l o w i n g i s a d e s c r i p t i o n of the only Coast S a l i s h gambling game of a b o r i g i n a l o r i g i n s t i l l being played today. This game'is u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d t o as the Hand, Bone, or /^JgJiaJ game; i t i s a fast-moving guessing game accompanied by s i n g i n g , drumming and other percussion, shouting, and g e s t u r i n g . A l -though i t i s u s u a l l y described.as a game of chance, ^/a^/iCL,/ i n v o l v e s not only elements of chance, but a l s o those of s t r a t e g y and s k i l l . The data recorded here were c o l l e c t e d i n the f i e l d through both d i r e c t o bservation and the i n t e r v i e w i n g of informants. Reference l i t e r a t u r e provided necessary background and basic i n f o r m a t i o n p r i o r t o e n t e r i n g the f i e l d , and thereby made the f i e l d s i t u a t i o n more comprehensible; recent ethnographic data i s consulted i n order to v e r i f y the present f i n d i n g s . The i n t e r v i e w i n g of informants e s p e c i a l l y has served t o c l a r i f y and v e r i f y both the data acquired through observation and my i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n s placed on the obser v a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y where c e r t a i n a c t i o n s appeared l a t e n t or ambiguous, and has allowed f o r the a c q u i s i t i o n of new inf o r m a t i o n not r e a d i l y observable. Large inter-group s l & h a J games were observed on f i v e separate occasions and i n two d i f f e r e n t l o c a t i o n s , and were played at various times during those days on which the summer Indian f e s t i v a l s took p l a c e . The summer f e s t i v i t i e s p e r i o d runs approximately from the middle of May to the middle of J u l y , and although the f e s t i v a l s e x i s t o s t e n s i b l y f o r competitive canoe r a c i n g , other events such as l a c r o s s e games, Sunday morning - 82 -mass, and <3/#..Aa^/ games take p l a c e . Games were observed a t the Cultus Lake Indian F e s t i v a l , h e l d at Cultus Lake, B.C., i n June of 1969 (1 game), 1970 (2 games), and 1971" (3 games), and, at the Stommish F e s t i v a l , h e l d on the Lummi Indian Reser-v a t i o n , Gooseberry P o i n t , Whatcom County, Washington, i n June of 1970 (3^ games), and 1971 (2^games). Although the games played at both the Cultus Lake and Stommish F e s t i v a l s were e s s e n t i a l l y the same, a few d i f f e r e n c e s were observed. For example, the games h e l d at Cultus Lake began i n the e a r l y evenings, f o l l o w i n g the canoe races; those played during the Stommish F e s t i v a l began i n the e a r l y afternoon, w h i l e the canoe races were s t i l l i n progress; i n both cases, games u s u a l l y l a s t e d w e l l on i n t o the night or the e a r l y morning hours. The p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the Cultus Lake games c o n s i s t e d p r i m a r i l y of playe r s and supporters from Vancouver I s l a n d ( u s u a l l y Duncan a r e a ) , lower B r i t i s h Columbia mainland, Northwest Washington ( u s u a l l y Lummi I n d i a n ) ; the p a r t i c i p a n t s at the Stommish games in c l u d e d not only those p l a y e r s and supporters present at Cultus Lake, but a l s o r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from the Yakima Indian group. As such, there were d i f f e r e n c e s i n team composition, and i n the , r e p e r t o i r e of gambling songs. At no time d i d women p a r t i c i p a t e as team leaders or po i n t e r s at the Cultus Lake games; on the other hand, .at the Stommish games, both men and women p a r t i c i -pated as lead e r s and p o i n t e r s . However, there d i d not appear to be any e s t a b l i s h e d patterns w i t h regard to the sex of opposing team leaders and p o i n t e r s , as both men and women opposed members - 83 -o f the same and opposite sex. (Throughout the chapter, only the t r a n s c r i p t i o n s of Squa-mish words have been used, and these have been taken from K u i p e r s ' 1967 and 1969 p u b l i c a t i o n s on the Squamish language. Other than t h i s , a l l data recorded, unless otherwise noted, have come from f i e l d note sources.) used i n gambling game" (Kuipers, 1967: 293), game commenced when there were 'enough* p l a y e r s t o form two opposing sides or teams approximately equal i n s i z e . This may have been the r e s u l t of a group d e c i s i o n t o pl a y , and/or of an i n f o r m a l c h a l -lenge from a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e or r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of one group to another. The p a r t i c i p a n t s of one si d e d i s t i n g u i s h e d themselves from members of the opposing side on a we/they b a s i s by u s i n g d i f f e r e n t s e t s of c r i t e r i a . Opposing side s or teams, f o r any one game s e s s i o n , were arranged along those l i n e s , the d i s t i n g -u i s h i n g c r i t e r i a of which were, f o r example, national/geographic (Canadian versus American, Vancouver I s l a n d versus Northwest Washington), or ethni c (Musqueam versus Lummi), or ethnic/geo-graphic (Fraser V a l l e y versus Lummi), or some other combination o r v a r i a t i o n . I n d i v i d u a l s who wished to p a r t i c i p a t e , but who d i d not f i t p r e c i s e l y i n t o a defined team category, played f o r or supported whichever side they chose, or that side w i t h which they f e l t 'most c l o s e l y a l l i e d ' . This i s a loose statement on the subject of which there was c o n f l i c t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n . One informant maintained that p a r t i c i p a n t s a l l i e d themselves on a The > S-\CaS-\\ l&X (Squamish), l i t e r a l l y "bone - 84 -f a i r l y r i g i d k i n s h i p b a s i s . Conversely, other informants main-t a i n e d that no d e f i n i t e c r i t e r i a were used i n team composition. These informants s t a t e d t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l a l l i e d himself, w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r team, p r i m a r i l y on the basis of h i s b e l i e f i n t h a t team's a b i l i t y to win; that i s , an i n d i v i d u a l played f o r or supported and bet on tha t team which he thought would win. F u r t h e r , informants maintained t h a t anyone could play w i t h whomever he chose, and t h a t , f o r example, a woman could even pla y a g a i n s t her own husband. Observation supported the e x i s -tence of v a r i a t i o n s i n team composition. From a number of par^ t i c i p a n t s who appeared r e g u l a r l y at the games observed, s e v e r a l were seen p l a y i n g together on the same si d e during one s e s s i o n , but opposing each other i n another encounter. Nevertheless, there were f o r a l l would-be p a r t i c i p a n t s , necessary c r i t e r i a by way of which i n d i v i d u a l s recognized t h e i r team a l l i a n c e s . When the question, "What teams are p l a y i n g ? " was asked, the u s u a l r e p l y was, " B r i t i s h Columbia versus the Americans' 1, or more s p e c i f i c a l l y , "Duncan versus Lummi", or some other v a r i a t i o n , s t i l l u s i n g , however, the ethnic/geographic d i s t i n c t i o n s . Each s i d e or team co n s i s t e d of the a c t u a l p l a y e r s and t h e i r supporters both of whom served, more or l e s s , as a c t i v e game p a r t i c i p a n t s . The pl a y e r s were those i n d i v i d u a l s who were i n v o l v e d i n the a c t u a l p l a y i n g a c t i o n of the games; the supporters were not n e c e s s a r i l y i n v o l v e d i n the p l a y i n g a c t i o n , but p a r t i c i -pated, u s u a l l y by s i n g i n g , g e s t u r i n g , and/or c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the i n i t i a l team wager or 'pot'. The playe r s themselves were s i m i l a r l y i n v o l v e d i n that they a l s o sang, gestured, and c o n t r i -- 85 -buted to the i n i t i a l wager. In a d d i t i o n t o a c t u a l p l a y e r s and supporters, groups of spe c t a t o r s were a l s o present, and made sid e - b e t s w h i l e the game was i n progress. In a d d i t i o n , both p l a y e r s and supporters were a l s o i n v o l v e d i n the s i d e - b e t t i n g a c t i v i t y . Any i n d i v i d u a l who co n t r i b u t e d to the i n i t i a l wager had the opportunity of becoming i n v o l v e d i n the p l a y i n g a c t i o n , s i n c e i t was maintained t h a t i f an i n d i v i d u a l had bet on the game, he or she should have the opportunity of 'handling the bones'. The two opposing s i d e s arranged themselves i n two roughly p a r a l l e l rows about f i f t e e n f e e t apart, f a c i n g each other, u s u a l l y , but not always, i n an east-west p o s i t i o n . With the a d d i t i o n of more and more p a r t i c i p a n t s p r i o r to game commencement, the ends of these rows become j o i n e d so as t o e v e n t u a l l y form an o v o i d - l i k e p l a y i n g area. Those i n d i v i d u a l s choosing to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the game a c t i o n as mixers, seated themselves i n f r o n t of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e teams, e i t h e r on some object such as a bench, c h a i r , s t o o l , or l o g , or on the ground i n a k n e e l i n g -s i t t i n g p o s i t i o n , where the kneeling p o s i t i o n becomes one of s i t t i n g as the buttocks r e s t on the calves and ankles. Behind these p l a y e r s stood t h e i r supporters; behind and of t e n i n t e r -mingled w i t h the supporters, stood the s p e c t a t o r s . The number o f a c t u a l p l a y e r s on e i t h e r s i d e ranged anywhere from approx-imate l y ten t o twenty, or more, depending on the number of i n d i v i d u a l s wishing t o p a r t i c i p a t e d However, observation r e -vealed t h a t ' b i g ' games remained more or l e s s i n t a c t f o r one or two games, (that i s , where each game ended w i t h one si d e winning - 86 -the i n i t i a l wager), and t h a t , as continuous p l a y i n g went on throughout the afternoon and/or evening, smaller gaming groups broke o f f from the main, o r i g i n a l game u n i t , to form s m a l l e r games which were played i n an adjacent area. Although there were no f i x e d r u l e s as t o the number of p l a y e r s or spectators on each s i d e , i t was advantageous to both sid e s to be approx-i m a t e l y equal i n s i z e , e s p e c i a l l y so w i t h regard t o the t o t a l team wager. In a d d i t i o n , i t a l s o gave each s i d e a more equal opportunity, i n that there was a s i m i l a r range i n the numbers of players from which were chosen those two who mixed the bones during any one play (one t u r n per s i d e ) . Both men and women of a l l ages p a r t i c i p a t e d as players and supporters. Through o b s e r v a t i o n , the average age of both p l a y e r s and spectators was estimated t o be approximately 40 years of age. E l d e r l y , middle-aged, and young a d u l t s p a r t i c i p a t e d , although the l a t t e r who d i d so were r e l a t i v e l y few i n number. C h i l d r e n d i d not p l a y , but were present at the games. Out of the p a r t i c i p a n t s on each s i d e , one player was, p r i o r t o game commencement, designated as 'leader' and thereby, as 'p o i n t e r ' , S~rt'>a.flt-aJj ?S . He fun c t i o n e d , on the opposing or 'guessing' s i d e , as the a c t i v e antagonist of the ' p l a y i n g 1 or 'mixing' s i d e . As such, he was the most important p a r t i c i p a n t on h i s s i d e , and on him r e s t e d the success or f a i l u r e of the gamble. The choice of leader was a group d e c i s i o n made e i t h e r p r i o r t o or during the assembling of team p a r t i c i p a n t s . By 'group d e c i s i o n ' , i t was meant that each s i d e had one pla y e r who - 87 -was u s u a l l y the leader f o r t h a t s i d e , and was such because he or she was known to be a good guesser or p o i n t e r . This d i d not mean tha t other p a r t i c i p a n t s on the team could not nor d i d not have the a b i l i t y to f u n c t i o n as l e a d e r . On the c o n t r a r y , l e a d e r s h i p was not permanent and o c c a s i o n a l l y changed s e v e r a l times dur i n g a s i n g l e p l a y , and/or during a game. Successive games u s u a l l y saw changes i n l e a d e r s h i p , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e , between game pe r i o d s , the composition of the si d e s was most l i k e l y to change. P r i o r to the commencement of a game, the l e a d e r - e l e c t may wish not t o undertake t h i s p o s i t i o n , i n which case another p a r t i c i p a n t , known to be capable of f u n c t i o n i n g as l e a d e r , assumed the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , u s u a l l y upon request from team members. Information acquired i n d i c a t e d t h a t although so-an-so d i d the guessing, so-and-so and so-and-so were a l s o guessers some of the time; but f o r 'big games', there was u s u a l l y only one man tha t d i d the p o i n t i n g , or guessing, f o r h i s s i d e . F i e l d observation s u b s t a n t i a t e d t h i s t o some degree, i n that some f o u r or so i n d i v i d u a l s c o n s i s t e n t l y reappeared as leaders f o r one or more game pe r i o d s . During any one pl a y or game period a leader o c c a s i o n a l l y delegated another player t o guess f o r him, or gave up h i s place t o another l e a d e r . I f the former was the case* the leader normally re-entered, again as p o i n t e r , whenever he chose t o ; i f the l a t t e r was the case, then he f o r f e i t e d h i s p o s i t i o n and f u n c t i o n to another leader, and thereby d i d not re-enter as le a d e r during that game pe r i o d . The c r i t e r i o n on which the e n t e r i n g , l e a v i n g , r e - e n t e r i n g and - 8 8 -change of l e a d e r s h i p i n the game was based, was t h a t of 'luck*. As long as a leader was s u c c e s s f u l as p o i n t e r , and thereby winning f o r h i s s i d e , he stayed i n the game; as soon as h i s s i d e began l o s i n g on h i s account, he e i t h e r delegated another p l a y e r t o guess f o r him or r e l i n q u i s h e d h i s p o s i t i o n t o another l e a d e r . The leader p o s i t i o n e d h i m s e l f , i n the middle of the seated row of a c t u a l p l a y e r s , i n f r o n t of h i s team. At most of the games observed, one p l a y e r , who sat next t o the lea d e r , acted as a 'consultant' or 'second' to the le a d e r . P r i o r t o making a guess the l e a d e r o c c a s i o n a l l y consulted w i t h h i s 'second' regarding the p o s i t i o n of the bones. While the p a r t i c i p a n t s of both s i d e s or teams assembled and arranged themselves p r i o r t o game commencement, the i n i t i a l wager was made and the bets subsequently booked. Wagers were placed i n d i v i d u a l l y by team p a r t i c i p a n t s , and each team booked t h e i r wagers, independent of the o p p o s i t i o n , up t o the point where i t appeared th a t the l a s t wagers had been made. Since the wager from one s i d e must equal t h a t from the other s i d e , the l e a d e r s , at t h i s p o i n t , consulted, w i t h regard to the sum t o t a l of the independent wagers. If one team's wager was l e s s than that of the other team, then the le a d e r s o l i c i t e d a d d i t i o n a l wagers from among the p a r t i c i p a n t s on h i s team, i n order to b r i n g the sum up to that of the opposing team. For example, i t was ob-served t h a t p r i o r t o one game, one team had wagered $48.50, the other team wagering only $33.75; the other team, being s h o r t , subsequently c a l l e d f o r the a d d i t i o n a l $14.75 from i t s p a r t i c i -- 89 -pants. The game d i d not s t a r t u n t i l the wagers from both oppo-s i n g teams were equal. Any i n d i v i d u a l wishing t o support a team demonstrated concrete proof of h i s support by c o n t r i b u t i n g to h i s team's wager. As a c o n t r i b u t o r to the wager, an i n d i v i d u a l could choose e i t h e r t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the a c t u a l p l a y i n g a c t i o n as a p l a y e r , or t o remain only as a supporter. Any i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a t i n g as a p l a y e r , had c o n t r i b u t e d t o the team wager. As the t o t a l game wager was considered a 'pot' bet, the b e t t i n g of one i n d i v i d u a l against another of the opposing group d i d not occur here, but r a t h e r , i n the form of si d e b e t t i n g , during any one p l a y , a f t e r the commencement of game a c t i o n . Each team booked t h e i r own bets. Wagers were placed i n the form of American and/or Canadian currency. Although there were no set amounts that p a r t i c i p a n t s were r e q u i r e d t o bet, wagers remained s m a l l - $1, $2, $$, and sometimes, $10 per person. Bets were booked by one p l a y e r on the team, u s u a l l y a female p l a y e r , who noted the amount and the name of the c o n t r i b u t o r , i n w r i t i n g i n a small notebook used f o r t h i s purpose; the leader h i m s e l f , o c c a s i o n a l l y booked h i s team's bets. The money was c o l l e c t e d e i t h e r by the p l a y e r booking the bets, who l a t e r turned i t over t o the leader, or d i r e c t l y by the leader h i m s e l f , at the time the wager was being recorded. While being c o l l e c t e d , the money forming the wager was e i t h e r h e l d i n the hand, or c o l l e c t e d i n some type of r e c e p t a c l e , such as a hat or a drum turned upside down (see Figure 11). When i t appeared as i f a l l bets had been placed and that no f u r t h e r wagers were forthcoming, Figure 11. C o l l e c t i n g and booking the team wager or bet. (Cultus Lake, 1971). Figure 12. Two leaders counting out the money f o r the 'pot'. (Cultus Lake, 1970). - 91 -The two opposing team leaders consulted, w i t h regard t o t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e wagers, and as mentioned before, i f one team was short i n comparison w i t h i t s opponent, then t h a t leader s o l i c i t e d the remainder r e q u i r e d to even the wager, from p a r t i c i p a n t s or would-be p a r t i c i p a n t s on h i s s i d e . When both teams' wagers were equal, then the two leaders together counted out the money f o r the f i n a l time (see Figure 12), and upon completion, wrapped i t i n a s c a r f provided f o r t h i s purpose by one of the teams, and placed i t i n the centre of the area between the two opposing s i d e s (see Figure 13). Late bets were accepted up u n t i l the time of the f i n a l count; a f t e r t h i s p o i n t , no f u r t h e r wagers were madej the 'pot* bet remained wrapped i n the s c a r f throughout the game, and could not be touched u n t i l that game was completed. I t was e s s e n t i a l t h a t the bets were booked a c c u r a t e l y , since the c o n t r i b u t o r s to the wager of the winning team stood to gain double the amount of t h e i r i n i t i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n , and t h i s could o n l y be determined through thorough and accurate booking. In a d d i t i o n to the f o r e g o i n g , there were a number of other pre-game a c t i v i t i e s which took p l a c e . I f i t was g e t t i n g dark, a f i r e was b u i l t and/or another l i g h t source erected i n the centre of the area between the two opposing teams; i f t h i s was not the case, then these a c t i v i t i e s were postponed u n t i l r e q u i r e d . I f f i r e was a v a i l a b l e , the surfaces of drums were warmed, causing the deer-hide s k i n surfaces t o become more t a u t , thus producing a more resonant sound. In a d d i t i o n , a long, narrow, wooden board was placed on the ground i n f r o n t of the p l a y e r s of a team; - 92 -- 93 -short wooden s t i c k s were a l s o c o l l e c t e d and used, by the p l a y e r s , t o beat the board i n f r o n t of them. This was used as a per-c u s s i o n device which accompanied the s i n g i n g . F o l l o w i n g the l a y i n g of the i n i t i a l wager and the p l a c i n g of the *pot' bet, i n the s c a r f , i n the centre of the area between the two teams, the two leaders returned to t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e s i d e s and took t h e i r place among the p l a y e r s . At t h i s time, one of the two leaders produced the devices, bones and counters, to be used i n the game. Although both l e a d e r s had a set of gambling devices at t h e i r d i s p o s a l , which u s u a l l y they themselves had brought t o the game, only one set was used. Two kinds of necessary devices were used i n the game. The f i r s t of these were two p a i r s of 'bones* which were h e l d and mixed i n the hands of two of the p l a y e r s on the mixing team; t h a t i s , each of the two p l a y e r s held one p a i r of bones. As mentioned i n the previous chapter, the bones were o r i g i n a l l y manufactured from a s e c t i o n of bone from the lower f o r e l e g of a deer; the hollow ends of the bones were plugged w i t h wood. These bones were some 2^" i n length and were c y l i n d r i c a l t o ovoid i n shape, but w i t h t r u n c a t e d ends, and c i r c u l a r i n cross s e c t i o n . The bones were used i n p a i r s , one of the p a i r being p l a i n i n the centre area, the other being marked here by a band around the circumference; designs and markings were u s u a l l y i n c i s e d i n t o the bone's surface and coloured u s u a l l y black, but o c c a s i o n a l l y , red; a copper band around the c e n t r a l circumference was o c c a s i o n a l l y used to d i s t i n g u i s h the marked bone. Although - 94 -such bones are s t i l l being used today, wood i s the m a t e r i a l of most recent manufacture. These more recent wood bones had a smooth surface and were approximately of the same dimension and shape as those mentioned above. They were made from such mate-r i a l as broom handles, and were painted i n a v a r i e t y of co l o u r s as, f o r example, high g l o s s red w i t h a yel l o w band, d i s t i n g u i -s h i n g the marked bone. As already i n d i c a t e d , the game req u i r e d two pairs of bones, two playe r s each h o l d i n g one p a i r . Each p a i r c o n s i s t e d of one unmarked bone and one marked bone; the unmarked bone was u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d to as the 'female', and the marked one as the 'male'. Although t h i s i s u s u a l l y the case, my Squamish informant maintained t h a t the 'white' or unmarked bone, T^^aJ/H - Cn , was the male, S-UL-U i , and th a t the 'black-band' marked one, X ° L ' K* -fn , was the female, S-/Lc^-Xr\~a.i. Nevertheless* the unmarked bone was of most importance as i t was the one to be guessed i n the game; my Squamish informant r e f e r r e d t o the marked, female bone as the "escaped one". The second of the two kinds of devices r e q u i r e d f o r the games were the counters or t a l l y s t i c k s . These u s u a l l y c o n s i s t e d of eleven (although t h i s number va r i e d ) round, wooden, smooth surfaced s t i c k s of some twelve inches i n len g t h and from £" to 1" i n diameter. These s t i c k s u s u a l l y were s l i g h t l y pointed at one end, thus f a c i l i a t i n g t h e i r being stood u p r i g h t i n the ground. The s t i c k s were c y l i n d r i c a l i n shape; some s e t s had grooves cut i n t o the wood surface to form a band or bands around the circum-ference. The s t i c k s were painted various c o l o u r s as, f o r example, - 95 -a l t e r n a t i n g r i n g s i n high gloss y e l l o w and black, or i n red and green. Ten of the eleven s t i c k s were the counters proper and were i n play during the game a c t i o n , s e r v i n g t o keep score. A l l ten counters were u s u a l l y i d e n t i c a l i n appearance; occa-from'/ s i o n a l l y , f i v e d i f f e r e d the remaining f i v e i n , f o r example, co l o u r . The eleventh s t i c k was not i d e n t i c a l t o the other ten i n that i t was u s u a l l y l a r g e r i n s i z e , and had - ^ d i f f e r e n t arrangement of c o l o u r s , or some other d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e . This s t i c k was u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d t o as the ' k i n g 1 s t i c k , although ' k i c k ' and ' b u l l ' were a l t e r n a t i v e names. I t was i n play both d u r i n g the i n i t i a l p l a y - o f f between the team leaders p r i o r t o the a c t u a l game commencement and, on occasion, during the l a s t p l a y of the game. The winning of the 'king' s t i c k by one of the , teams, f o l l o w i n g the i n i t i a l p l a y - o f f , s i g n a l l e d the beginning of p l a y . Of the ten (usual) a c t u a l counters i n p l a y , each team s t a r t e d , p r i o r to game commencement, w i t h f i v e , although each played f o r a l l ten during any one game. Both team leaders placed t h e i r f i v e counters immediately i n f r o n t of them, u p r i g h t i n the ground, but i n a row i n f r o n t of and p a r a l l e l to the 'percussion* board, l y i n g on the ground i n f r o n t of the seated p l a y e r s . The 'king' s t i c k was a l s o placed upright i n the ground, by the leader p r o v i d i n g the p l a y i n g devices, but f u r t h e r i n f r o n t of h i s coun-t e r s towards the centre of the area between the two opposing teams. This same le a d e r then tossed over, t o the opposing team l e a d e r , one p a i r of bones, and he hi m s e l f r e t a i n e d the other p a i r . - 96 -This was the beginning of the i n i t i a l p l a y - o f f , t7^-~t'}Mi'-fll? . which decided which team s t a r t e d mixing the bones and which was the f i r s t t o guess t h e i r p o s i t i o n . The 'king' s t i c k was i n p l a y at t h i s p o i n t , and the team t h a t won the i n i t i a l p l a y - o f f , and thereby the f i r s t to mix the bones, a l s o gained possession o f the 'king* s t i c k . This gave the team, winning the »king' s t i c k , one e x t r a play or gamble at the end of the game, should the team be l o s i n g . The i n i t i a l p l a y - o f f was a b r i e f event and took place without any f o r m a l i t y and without any s i n g i n g , drumming or g e s t u r i n g . Here, the leaders of the two opposing teams each held i n t h e i r hands, one p a i r of bones, t h a t i s , one marked bone and one un-marked bone. Concurrently, both leaders q u i c k l y mixed the bones i n t h e i r hands, and a f t e r some ten seconds or so, h e l d out t h e i r arms i n f r o n t of them, one of the p a i r of bones clenched i n each f i s t . At t h i s p o i n t , each l e a d e r , e i t h e r both together or i n t u r n , t r i e d t o guess i n which hand h i s opponent h e l d the unmarked bone. A l l guessing was done by gesture, and here, i n the case of the i n i t i a l p l a y - o f f , the leaders guessed each other w i t h a nod of the head or by a hand gesture. F o l l o w i n g the guesses, the l e a d e r s opened both hands, e i t h e r both together or i n t u r n , to show the p o s i t i o n of the bones. I f one leader guessed c o r -r e c t l y f o r the unmarked bone, then h i s s i d e r e c e i v e d both p a i r s of bones, the 'king' s t i c k , and the opportunity of being the f i r s t s i d e t o mix the bones. In t h i s case, the other l e a d e r , having made the wrong guess, had the task of being thfe f i r s t to - 97 -s t a r t the guessing. I f , on the other hand, both leaders guessed each other wrongly, then they both again mixed and guessed the bones u n t i l such time that one leader won and the other l o s t . The same happened i f both leaders guessed each other c o r r e c t l y . Although the leaders d i d not place s i d e - b e t s on the outcome of the i n i t i a l p l a y - o f f , other p a r t i c i p a n t s d i d so, p r i o r t o and sometimes d u r i n g , but not f o l l o w i n g , the a c t u a l mixing of the bones by the l e a d e r s . That i s , a l l side-bets were placed p r i o r to the commencement of guessing. With regard t o s i d e - b e t s , a bet was s o l i c i t e d by a p a r t i c i -pant on one team, from any p a r t i c i p a n t or from a p a r t i c u l a r par-t i c i p a n t on the opposing team; a l l s i d e - b e t s , to be v a l i d , were evenly matched. Such bets were s m a l l , and u s u a l l y ran from about one to three d o l l a r s . S i d e - b e t t i n g was done on an i n d i v i -d u a l b a s i s , and the money from both opposing s i d e - b e t t i n g p a r t -ners appeared together, i n the area between the two opposing teams; the money was e i t h e r thrown or placed together, u s u a l l y being weighted down by a stone or s t i c k . The side-bet was always based oh the success of the b e t t o r ' s team, and on the f a i l u r e o f the opposing s i d e . F o l l o w i n g the outcome of the p l a y , on which the side-bet had been placed, the winner c o l l e c t e d t h a t amount i n i t i a l l y wagered by him s e l f plus an equal amount matched by h i s opposing partner. The winning of the 'king' s t i c k and thereby, the concluding of the i n i t i a l p l a y - o f f , s i g n a l l e d the commencement of the game. The leader of the team winning the i n i t i a l p l a y - o f f u s u a l l y l a y -98 -the 'king' s t i c k on the ground, immediately i n f r o n t of him, but behind the percussion board. O c c a s i o n a l l y , i t was covered w i t h a s c a r f orsome other m a t e r i a l . He then took both p a i r s o f bones i n h i s hands, at which poin t the p a r t i c i p a n t s on h i s team began to s i n g and the game a c t i o n commenced. At the o u t s e t , the leader of the mixing team u s u a l l y h e l d and mixed both p a i r s of bones i n h i s hands. This was done i n f r o n t of h i s body, no e f f o r t being made to conceal the hands. The l e a d e r a l s o gestured w i t h h i s body and/or hands and arms, h o l d i n g the f o u r bones together between both hands, and/or h o l -ding each p a i r s e p a r a t e l y w i t h the hands apart and the arms out-s t r e t c h e d and/or f o l d e d i n f r o n t of and perpendicular t o the body, or some other combination. The leader o c c a s i o n a l l y chose to r o l l the bones on the ground under the palms of h i s hands, and/or t o blow on the bones w h i l e both p a i r s were between h i s hands. F u r t h e r , the leader o f t e n began s i n g i n g and beating on the percussion board before t u r n i n g h i s a t t e n t i o n to the bones (see F i g u r e 14). A f t e r a minute or so had passed, the leader prepared t o toss or pass both p a i r s of bones to two p l a y e r s on h i s team. These two p l a y e r s were chosen, by the le a d e r , from those seated i n f r o n t of h i s team, and he i n d i c a t e d h i s choice by a hand gesture, by reaching over and touching the intended mixer w i t h h i s hand or w i t h the bones, and/or by a nod of h i s head. This was f o l l o w e d by h i s t o s s i n g or passing one p a i r of bones (that i s , one unmarked and one marked bone) to each of the two players (see Fig u r e 15). The two play e r s chosen, u s u a l l y - 99 -Figure 14. Leader singing and beating percussion board prior to distributing bones. (Lummi Reservation, 1970). Figure 15. Leader tossing one pair of bones to a player. (Cultus Lake, 1971). - 100 -sat one on e i t h e r s i d e of the l e a d e r , but not n e c e s s a r i l y next to him. On ra r e occasions, the leader chose to mix one of the p a i r s of bones hi m s e l f . Although the p l a y e r s t o whom the bones were tossed u s u a l l y accepted t h e i r leader's choice, they d i d have the a l t e r n a t i v e of not wi s h i n g t o hold the bones, i n which case, the lea d e r chose another p l a y e r and the bones were passed on to him. O c c a s i o n a l l y , the l e a d e r chose one of the p a r t i c i -pants standing, as a supporter, behind the p l a y e r s ; i n t h i s case, room was found among the seated p a r t i c i p a n t s f o r the new p l a y e r . Both men and women p a r t i c i p a t e d as p l a y e r s , and at the d i s c r e -t i o n of the l e a d e r , mixed the bones. I f a p l a y e r , chosen t o mix the bones, had been beating a drum or the percussion board, he ceased upon r e c e i p t of the bones, and e i t h e r passed h i s drum or beating s t i c k t o an adjacent p l a y e r , or placed them on the ground i n f r o n t o f or beside where he himself was s i t t i n g . Before mixing the bones, a pla y e r u s u a l l y held them together, between h i s hands, or s i n g l y , one i n each hand, g e s t u r i n g w i t h h i s hands and arms and/or showing the bones to the opposing team; o c c a s i o n a l l y , he tossed them i n the a i r , both together or one a f t e r the other, and/or he blew on them, and/or r o l l e d them between h i s palms and/or on the ground beneath h i s palms. The bones were then mixed. They were h e l d i n the hands and mixed by r o l l i n g both bones between the palms of both hands and by interchanging the p o s i t i o n of the bones from one hand to the other. During t h i s process, the hands were concealed, so as to make i t more d i f f i c u l t f o r the opposing team leader t o - 101 -guess t h e i r p o s i t i o n . The pl a y e r h o l d i n g the bones h i d h i s hands and mixed the bones i n a v a r i e t y of ways: behind h i s back, under h i s s h i r t and/or j a c k e t , beneath a blanket or piece of c l o t h i n g r e s t i n g on h i s knees, beneath or behind a s c a r f or hat r e s t i n g on the top of the hands or held i n the mouth, between the t h i g h s ( e s p e c i a l l y i f the p l a y e r was k n e e l i n g on the ground), behind an adjacent p l a y e r , and/or behind a drum h e l d and beaten by an adjacent'player (see F i g u r e s 16 and 17). Each p l a y e r had h i s own method by which he mixed the bones, and t h i s was not n e c e s s a r i l y the same as th a t of h i s team partner who was mixing the bones at the same time. Female play e r s u s u a l l y mixed the bones beneath a blanket or piece of c l o t h i n g r e s t i n g on the knees, or beneath or behind a s c a r f r e s t i n g e i t h e r on the top of the hands or held i n the mouth. Although the players mixing the bones d i d not p a r t i c i p a t e as p e r c u s s i o n i s t s , they d i d par-take i n the s i n g i n g of t h e i r team's gambling songs. However, as the mixing process, which u s u a l l y took some minutes, proceeded, the p l a y e r ' s c o n c e n t r a t i o n on h i s mixing a c t i v i t i e s e v e n t u a l l y e l i m i n a t e d him from the s i n g i n g group. A f t e r s e v e r a l minutes, the mixing of the bones ended, and the p l a y e r s brought t h e i r hands out of concealment, i n t o view i n f r o n t of t h e i r bodies. Although there was no pre-arranged s i g n a l between the two pl a y e r s mixing the bones, t h i s a c t i o n u s u a l l y occurred more or l e s s at the same time; when the hands appeared f o l l o w i n g the mixing process, one bone of the p a i r was concealed i n each hand. When a p l a y e r presented both hands to - 102 -Figure 17. Mixing bones behind a drum. (Lummi Reservation, 1971). - 103 -the view of h i s opponents, he u s u a l l y kept h i s hands moving i n a constant, rhythmical motion, u s u a l l y referred* to as 'shaking', u n t i l a f t e r the guess was made and the bones exposed. This ac-t i o n took s e v e r a l forms: the upper arm steady by the s i d e , w i t h the lower arms swinging f u l l to the s i d e s and then brought f o r -ward so t h a t the f i s t s almost touched; the arm bent at the elbow t o form a r i g h t angle, w i t h the arm swinging from the shoulder forward and backwards at the s i d e s ; the arms at the s i d e s , but bent w i t h the hands h o l d i n g the bones v e r t i c a l l y and moving up and down; the arms bent w i t h the hands hol d i n g the bones more or l e s s h o r i z o n t a l l y , w i t h the palms of the hands turned to the ground, and w i t h the arms moving s l i g h t l y forward and back from the shoulders (see F i g u r e 18); and/or a small v a r i e t y of other s i m i l a r motions. There were times, however, when p l a y e r s , a f t e r having presented both hands t o the view of the opposing team, chose to keep t h e i r hands and arms motionless u n t i l the guess was made; ( o c c a s i o n a l l y , the p o i n t e r , on the guessing team, i n d i c a t e d by gesture t h a t t h i s stance be taken). In t h i s case, the p l a y e r threw h i s arms i n f r o n t of h i s chest, p l a c i n g h i s hands upon them (see F i g u r e 19), or held h i s arms at f u l l l e n g t h out i n f r o n t of him w i t h h i s hands some dis t a n c e a p a r t , or kept one hand on each knee. A f t e r s e v e r a l minutes, when the l e a d e r or h i s delegate from the opposing team was ready, a guess was made. The i n i t i a l guess always t r i e d f o r both p a i r s of bones. F o l l o w i n g the guess, one or, u s u a l l y , both of the hands of each p l a y e r opened and the bone or bones revealed - 104 -- 105 -(see Figures 20 and 21). I f the guess was c o r r e c t f o r both p a i r s , then the two players h o l d i n g the bones tossed them over t o the opposing s i d e . I f the guess was wrong f o r both p a i r s , then the mixing team r e c e i v e d two counters from the opposing (guessing) team which were to s s e d , by the leader of the guessing team, towards the leader of the mixing team, who then c o l l e c t e d them and e i t h e r placed them on the ground immediately i n f r o n t of him, but behind h i s team's percussion board, and under a s c a r f i f one was being used. O c c a s i o n a l l y , he gave them to an adjacent p l a y e r , u s u a l l y a female, who u s u a l l y wrapped a s c a r f around t h e i r lower p o r t i o n , and then, h o l d i n g them, moved them about i n f r o n t of her i n f u l l view of her own and the opposing teams. I f t h i s were the case, then, f o l l o w i n g a change of t u r n s , these counters were e v e n t u a l l y placed behind the p e r c u s s i o n board. I f the guessing team guessed wrongly f o r both p a i r s , then the mixing team proceeded to mix the bones again. In t h i s case, the bones d i d not u s u a l l y go back to the team leader f o r r e d i s -t r i b u t i o n s , but were mixed again by the same two p l a y e r s . How-ever, the leader o c c a s i o n a l l y r e d i s t r i b u t e d e i t h e r one or both p a i r s of bones, and he d i d so a t t h i s time. The player mixing the bones, f o l l o w i n g a wrong guess by the opposing team l e a d e r , h e l d one or both bones i n f u l l view of both teams, and u s u a l l y moved h i s arms about i n gesture (see Figure 21). F o l l o w i n g t h i s b r i e f a c t i o n , the p l a y e r got down to the business of again mixing the bones. I f the opposing team leader guessed c o r r e c t l y f o r only one p a i r of bones, then the p l a y e r , whose bones were thus Figure 20. Revealing both bones f o l l o w i n g i n c o r r e c t guess (Cultus Lake, 1971). F i g u r e 21. Revealing one bone f o l l o w i n g i n c o r r e c t guess (Lummi Reserva-t i o n , 1970). - 107 -guessed, tossed them over t o the leader of the opposing team (see F i g u r e 2 2 ) . The p l a y e r , whose bones were guessed i n c o r r e c t l y , e i t h e r r e t a i n e d them to p l a y again, or tossed them to h i s own leader f o r r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . For only one i n c o r r e c t guess, the leader of the guessing team tossed over to the leader of the mixing team, only one counter. Counters were f o r f e i t e d so long as i n c o r r e c t guesses were made (see Figure 2 3 ) . When both p a i r s of bones had been guessed c o r r e c t l y and thereby won by the gues-s i n g team, the play changed s i d e s , and the former guessing team now became the mixing team, and the former p l a y i n g team, the guessing team. I f the leader of the guessing team consistently guessed i n c o r r e c t l y , e s p e c i a l l y f o r the remaining p a i r of bones, excitement mounted on the mixing s i d e , and the p l a y e r mixing the bones, o c c a s i o n a l l y , f o l l o w i n g an i n c o r r e c t guess, passed the bones e i t h e r back t o the lea d e r , or t o some other p l a y e r on t h i s team ( i n t h i s case, u s u a l l y an o l d e r person), who, w i t h hands i n f u l l view, held the bones between the palms of both hands, and/or blew on the bones, and/or r o l l e d the bones on the ground underneath the palms of the hands w i t h one bone under each palm (see Fig u r e 2 4 ) . F o l l o w i n g t h i s the bones were then returned t o the p l a y e r (see Fig u r e 25) who recommenced mixing. (When I described to my Squamish informant t h i s a c t i o n , where an o l d woman re c e i v e d the bones from the mixer, blew on them and r o l l e d them on the ground under her hands, before r e t u r n i n g them to the mixer (see Fi g u r e s 24 and 2 5 ) , he remarked t h a t she was g i v i n g them (the bones) the 'Indian 1 power, S\\)l"l'h7 «) - 108 -Figure 2 3 . F o r f e i t i n g counter to other team f o l l o w i n g i n c o r r e c t guess. (Lummi Reservation, 1970). - 109 -Figure 25 . Returning the bones to the mixer. (Lummi Reservation, 1971)• - 110 -S i d e - b e t t i n g occurred i n the same manner as mentioned above. Such bets were u s u a l l y placed by the supporters and s p e c t a t o r s standing behind the row of p l a y e r s , and o c c a s i o n a l l y by the seated p l a y e r s . The two p l a y e r s mixing the bones and the l e a d e r normally d i d not p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s a c t i v i t y . I t was p o s s i b l e to place side-bets f o r each and every guess of the bones, whether f o r both p a i r s or f o r only one p a i r , and occa-s i o n a l l y , t h i s was the case throughout an e n t i r e game. When both p a i r s of bones were i n p l a y , then the opposing s i d e - b e t t i n g partners bet e i t h e r on the success or f a i l u r e of the guess f o r both p a i r s on one t r y . The team mixing the bones sang gambling songs to the accompaniment of drumming and the beating of s t i c k s upon the percussion board by the seated p l a y e r s . Other p e r c u s s i o n , such as hand c l a p p i n g , two beer cans, two rocks, or two wooden s t i c k s being beaten together (see Figure 26), were a l s o present. The drums were u s u a l l y made of a round, bent wood frame some two to three inches wide, over one s i d e of which d e e r s k i n was s t r e t c h e d ; on the other s i d e there were u s u a l l y two lengths of w i r e running across the backside of the drum on two planes and attached to the r i m of the frame. Where the two w i r e s i n t e r -sected, a c l o t h - l i k e m a t e r i a l was wrapped around the w i r e s , t o provide a more comfortable hand g r i p . The drums were beaten with a wooden drumstick; one end of the s t i c k was bulbous and u s u a l l y wrapped i n some m a t e r i a l such as cotton or l e a t h e r . Anyone of the p a r t i c i p a n t s could c o n t r i b u t e to the percussion - I l l -- 112 -sound, but i t was u s u a l l y those seated as players who were i n v o l v e d i n t h i s a c t i v i t y . In a d d i t i o n to the s i n g i n g and per c u s s i o n , there was a great d e a l of g e s t u r i n g , sometimes accompanied by shouts, on the part of the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Ges-t u r i n g took such forms as the moving of arms and hands and the i m i t a t i n g of the hand s i g n a l s used i n guessing the bones. O c c a s i o n a l l y , words of a t a u n t i n g nature were shouted by the mixing team to the guessing team; one such word was Qi 'x~\JS ' b l i n d 1 . A l l t h i s was designed t o confuse and d i s c o n c e r t the guessing s i d e . There was some discrepancy i n the i n f o r m a t i o n acquired regarding the gambling songs themselves. Observation i n d i c a t e d t h a t the team leader or some other p l a y e r or playe r s on that team began both the s i n g i n g and the percussion. Whatever the case, the leader appeared t o play a prominent r o l e w i t h regard to t h i s a c t i v i t y , and u s u a l l y sang, drummed, or beat the percus-s i o n board j u s t p r i o r to h i s mixing the bones and subsequently t o s s i n g them to two of h i s p l a y e r s . Information obtained, through observation and subsequent i n t e r v i e w s , i n d i c a t e d t h a t anyone could s t a r t and/or s i n g a gambling song. However, one informant denied t h a t t h i s was so, and claimed t h a t although anyone could j o i n i n s i n g i n g a p a r t i c u l a r gambling song, that song was i n i t i a t e d only by i t s owner. F u r t h e r , t h i s informant was able t o pick out, from a tape r e c o r d i n g , one song owned by a p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l y . Each team appeared t o have a r e p e r t o i r e o f gambling songs. (For some examples, see Fi g u r e 27.) This - 113 -d. (American s io/ej 7 > •9= 3 * * * v ' -0--STICKS S 3 2 \>. (cansiiavx side) c- (/4me^^a^ side) f-t 4 - A3 I- — -— 7 - — p - f '/ V eke. 1 ^ r , M — I 1 1 1 r 0—— f ^ \Y * 1. 1 -1 ' Jfr* 1 i ^ ^ 1 Figure 2 7 . / S i c ^ h c A . l songs. (Cultus Lake, 1 9 6 9 ) . (Transcribed by W. S t u a r t ) . - 114 -was evident s i n c e many of the songs were repeated, even w i t h i n any one game, w i t h or without s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n . During any one game, there were, o c c a s i o n a l l y , one or two songs which were repeated more o f t e n than the others. I t was observed t h a t these songs u s u a l l y r e c u r r e d when the mixing s i d e was l o s i n g , and t h a t such songs were again sung because they had been used formerly at a time when the s i d e was winning. Consequently, i t was hoped that these songs would again b r i n g l u c k . At any one p o i n t during the s i n g i n g , a p l a y e r , or any number of p l a y e r s , o f t e n chose to change the song. In t h i s case, the v o i c e or voices of the p l a y e r or players overrode those of the other s i n g e r s ; i f only one p l a y e r chose to change the song, he u s u a l l y stood up and accompanied the change w i t h loud drumming or beating. F u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n acquired maintained t h a t the gambling songs were not taught but r a t h e r learned through presence at the games. The p i t c h of the songs were higher and stronger at the beginning of any one p l a y , and u s u a l l y became lower and weaker j u s t p r i o r to the guessing of the bones. I f the guess was i n c o r r e c t , the songs again swelled up t o a higher and stronger p i t c h . When both p a i r s of bones had been guessed c o r r e c t l y , the mixing team stopped s i n g i n g , and the opposing team, whose t u r n i t now was to mix the bones, began to s i n g t h e i r gambling songs. The mixing team sang, drummed, and gestured, w h i l e , i n marked c o n t r a s t , the opposing, guessing team remained s i l e n t and, f o r the most p a r t , s t i l l . Although the l e a d e r of the . guessing team u s u a l l y d i d the p o i n t i n g , thereby guessing the - 115 -p o s i t i o n of the bones, he o c c a s i o n a l l y chose not t o guess, probably because he f e l t t h a t h i s guess might be wrong, or because he had, s e v e r a l times before, guessed i n c o r r e c t l y . In t h i s case, he e i t h e r appointed another guesser, w i t h the op-t i o n of himself resuming the r o l e at a l a t e r time, or he r e l i n -quished h i s l e a d e r s h i p a l t o g e t h e r . While the two p l a y e r s on the opposing team were mixing the bones, the guesser c a r e f u l l y s t u d i e d both p l a y e r s , and during t h i s time, o c c a s i o n a l l y con-f e r r e d w i t h a player next to him who i n t h i s respect, served as a 'second 1 Gto the guesser. The guesser, w h i l e studying the opposing team, went through a v a r i e t y o f gestures such as, f o r example, h o l d i n g one arm across the chest w i t h the elbow of the other arm r e s t i n g on the hand of the f o l d e d arm and the c h i n r e s t i n g i n the hand of t h i s other arm; both arms brought forward and bent at the elbow w i t h clenched f i s t s touching the forehead; one arm f o l d e d i n f r o n t of but away from the chest, the hand of which i s r e s t i n g on the other arm which i s o u t s t r e t c h e d perpendicular to the body^ and so on. While the guesser was contemplating h i s move, a few p a r t i c i p a n t s on h i s team occasion-a l l y engaged i n g e s t u r i n g , i n a s i l e n t attempt t o mimic the k i n d of hand s i g n which the guesser might use t o guess the p o s i t i o n of the bones. Only a f t e r the two opposing, mixing p l a y e r s had presented both hands, each one concealing'a bone, d i d the guesser begin to make h i s move. His i n i t i a l movement was one of g e s t u r i n g , as mentioned e a r l i e r , and of making spor-a d i c , ' f a l s e ' guesses. The two mixing p l a y e r s were aware of - 116 -these a c t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e a f a l s e guess was q u i c k l y f o l l o w e d by f u r t h e r g e s t u r i n g . When the f i n a l guess came, no ge s t u r i n g f o l l o w e d , and i n order that the two playe r s d e f i n i t e l y knew t h a t they were to r e v e a l the bones, the guesser gave some i n d i c a t i o n , u s u a l l y a nod of the head. When both p a i r s of bones were i n p l a y , the guesser always guessed f o r the two p a i r s at once; t h a t i s , the one guess g i v e n covered both p a i r s . A l l guesses were made by hand s i g n a l s and represented the p o s i t i o n of the bones as a 'mirror' image, as viewed by the guesser. As mentioned before, the guess was made f o r the two unmarked bones, and was based upon the r e l a t i o n of the bones to each other. Therefore, i t was p o s s i b l e f o r the unmarked bones, one from each p a i r , t o l i e i n any one of four ways. The unmarked bones l a y to the r i g h t of the guesser or i n the l e f t hands of the mixers, to the l e f t of the guesser or i n the r i g h t hand of the mixers, i n the centre or i n neighbouring hands, or i n the outer hands. Corresponding hand gestures or s i g n a l s made by the guesser f o r guessing both unmarked bones at once were as f o l l o w s (see Figures 2& a-d). The l e f t arm of the guesser, being thrown across i n f r o n t o f , but away from, h i s chest, p o i n t i n g t o h i s r i g h t , f i s t c l o s e d but w i t h index f i n g e r extended and the palm s i d e of h i s hand f a c i n g toward h i s chest, o r , the r i g h t arm extended i n f r o n t of h i s body, f i s t c l o s e d but w i t h index f i n g e r extended and palm toward the ground moving from immediately i n f r o n t of h i s body out towards the r i g h t , i n d i c a t e d t h a t the unmarked bones were t o the r i g h t of A - 117 -a . • o a rrn _z=3 b . • eu czzn OD F i g u r e 28 (a, b ) . Hand s i g n a l s used when guessing f o r both p a i r s of unmarked bones. - 118 -c . Figure 28 ( c ) . Hand s i g n a l s used when guessing f o r both p a i r s of unmarked bones. - 119 -d . CZD CE m r — _ Figure 28 ( d ) . Hand s i g n a l s used when guessing f o r both p a i r s of unmarked bones. - 120 -the guesser or i n the l e f t hands of the mixers (see F i g u r e 28a). This gesture was reversed (see Fig u r e 28b) when the guesser i n d i c a t e d t h a t both unmarked bones were t o h i s l e f t or i n the r i g h t hand of the mixers (see Figure 29). The r i g h t arm extended before the guesser, w i t h the hand clenched and index f i n g e r p o i n t i n g downwards, 7 ^ ^'M'I90>-S* palm turned e i t h e r toward or perpendicular t o the body, o r , r i g h t arm extended but w i t h palm exposed and hand extended and p o i n t i n g downward, the hand p a r a l l e l to the body, i n d i c a t e d t h a t the unmarked bones were i n the centre or i n neighbouring hands (see Figures 28c and 30). The r i g h t hand h e l d before the guesser, three f i n g e r s bent, w i t h e i t h e r index f i n g e r ( u s u a l ) , ^vc^° . or f i f t h , f i n g e r extended p o i n t i n g l e f t and thumb more or l e s s u p r i g h t and w i t h the palm towards h i s chest, or w i t h both r i g h t and l e f t arms extended away from but r e s p e c t i v e l y t o the r i g h t and l e f t of the body, w i t h f i s t s c l o s e d , index f i n g e r s extended, and palms towards the ground, i n d i c a t e d that the unmarked bones were being h e l d i n the outer hands (see Figure 28d). A l l ges-t u r e s were sudden and quick, and at times, were accompanied by the guesser 1s other hand coming across and h i t t i n g h i s chest or the upper part of the arm doing the p o i n t i n g (see Figures 29 and 30). F o l l o w i n g the guess, the bones were revealed. I f the guesser was s u c c e s s f u l i n l o c a t i n g the unmarked bones of both p a i r s , a l l f o u r bones were then tossed over towards h i s team; the leader c o l l e c t e d the bones from the ground and the former - 121 -Figure 30. Hand s i g n a l guess f o r both p a i r s of bones (one method). (Cultus Lake, 1971). - 122 -guessing team then became the mixing team, and as such, began to s i n g as soon as the c o r r e c t guess was v e r i f i e d . In t h i s case, that i s , when the guess was c o r r e c t f o r both p a i r s , no counters were e i t h e r f o r f e i t e d or won. I f the guesser was unsuccessful f o r both p a i r s , he tossed two counters over towards the l e a d e r of the mixing team, and then prepared to guess again f o r both p a i r s . I f he guessed one p a i r c o r r e c t l y and the other i n c o r r e c t l y , the p a i r c o r r e c t l y guessed was tossed over t o the guessing team, and f o r the p a i r guessed i n c o r r e c t l y , the guessing team f o r f e i t e d one counter; the guesser then prepared to guess again, but t h i s time f o r o n l y one p a i r . There were various methods of guessing f o r the f i n a l p a i r of bones. Here, the guesser u s u a l l y h e l d the p a i r already guessed c o r r e c t l y , and mixed them i n h i s hands. His hands o c c a s i o n a l l y were concealed w h i l e he mixed the bones. When he was ready to make the guess, he u s u a l l y h eld the bones, one i n each closed hand, i n f r o n t of him, w i t h arms e i t h e r bent or o u t s t r e t c h e d , opening up h i s hand or hands to r e v e a l the p o s i -t i o n of e i t h e r one or both bones (see Figures 31 and 32). The p o s i t i o n i n d i c a t e d , by way of m i r r o r image, the corresponding l o c a t i o n and arrangement of the bones as h e l d i n the hands of the opposing p l a y e r . That i s , i f the unmarked bone was i n the guesser's l e f t hand, the guess i n d i c a t e d t h a t the corresponding unmarked bone was being h e l d i n the mixer's r i g h t hand. A l t e r -n a t i v e l y , he o c c a s i o n a l l y placed the bones on the ground, one under each palm, and then l i f t e d one or both hands to r e v e a l the Figure 32. Guess f o r one p a i r of bones (Cultus Lake, 1971). - 124 -bones 1 p o s i t i o n . Again a l t e r n a t i v e l y , he sometimes chose to guess f o r the one remaining unmarked bone w i t h a simple hand gesture e i t h e r t o the r i g h t or l e f t . In a d d i t i o n , w h i l e mixing the bones and p r i o r to making the guess f o r the l a s t p a i r , the guesser u s u a l l y gestured w i t h h i s hands and arms i n a manner s i m i l a r to t h a t when guessing f o r both p a i r s ; he o c c a s i o n a l l y blew upon the bones w h i l e mixing them i n h i s hands. Guessing r e c u r r e d u n t i l both p a i r s of bones had been guessed c o r r e c t l y , and subsequently t r a n s f e r r e d to the other team f o r t h e i r t u r n . As i n d i c a t e d , score was kept through the l o s s and a c q u i s i -t i o n of counters. Although each team u s u a l l y commenced w i t h f i v e counters, the number o c c a s i o n a l l y v a r i e d . In a d d i t i o n , the team winning the i n i t i a l p l a y o f f acquired the 'king* s t i c k . At the beginning of the game, the f i v e or so counters were placed u p r i g h t i n the ground i n f r o n t of each team's percussion i board (see Figure 3 3 ) . When the guessing team began l o s i n g , i t s l eader drew counters from the team's o r i g i n a l stand and tossed them over to the leader of the mixing team who, i n t u r n , e i t h e r placed them behind the percussion board, normally under a s c a r f or some other piece of c l o t h i n g , or gave them t o a p l a y e r , u s u a l l y a female, who h e l d them i n her hand and moved them about i n f u l l view of both teams. I f the l a t t e r were the case, the counters were u s u a l l y h eld i n a s c a r f which was wrapped around the lower p o r t i o n s of the s t i c k s . Nevertheless, the, counters were e v e n t u a l l y placed behind the percussion board, f o l l o w i n g the completion of the one p l a y . The guessing leader Figure 34. P o s i t i o n of counters i n t a l l y keeping. (Lummi Reservation, 1970). - 126 -continued t o draw counters from the o r i g i n a l stand u n t i l the supply wa3 depleted, i n which case he then drew upon the resource of counters which h i s team had won from the o p p o s i t i o n , and which l a y behind the team's percussion board. However, i f the guessing team had none of these, and the opposing mixing team s t i l l had counters from t h e i r o r i g i n a l stand, u p r i g h t i n the ground, then subsequent l o s s e s , i n c u r r e d by the guessing team, were recorded by the leader of the mixing team. Since each team played f o r the t o t a l number of counters ( u s u a l l y t e n ) , o r i g i n a l l y d i v i d e d i n h a l f - h a l f ( u s u a l l y f i v e ) going t o each of the two s i d e s - an accurate t a l l y was recorded i n a number i of ways. Here, f o r example, the leader of the mixing team moved the r e q u i r e d number of counters, from h i s o r i g i n a l stand, forward from t h e i r v e r t i c a l p o s i t i o n so t h a t they pointed t o -wards the guessing team, but s t i l l remained i n the ground(see Figure 3 4 ) . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , he moved the r e q u i r e d number of counters from those i n h i s o r i g i n a l stand, placed them on the ground, i n f r o n t of the u p r i g h t counters, i n the area between the two opposing teams. ( E v e n t u a l l y , these counters were placed behind the mixing team's percussion board. This occurred when the p l a y changed s i d e s . ) O c c a s i o n a l l y , he removed those counters won, which were l y i n g behind h i s team's percussion board, and arranged them i n f r o n t of h i s u p r i g h t counters again i n the area between and i n f u l l view of the two opposing teams. When the l e a d e r of the mixing team had used up the remaining counters from h i s o r i g i n a l stand of f i v e , as an i n d i c a t i o n of the guessing - 127 -s i d e ' s l o s s , and i f the guessing s i d e d i d not o r i g i n a l l y win the 'king' s t i c k , then the game was over, and the team possessing a l l the counters won. On the other hand, i f the guessing team d i d possess the 'king' s t i c k , then i t was the 'counter' f o r which the l a s t play or gamble was made. The f o r e g o i n g has described only one method of s c o r i n g . The other, and probably that most commonly used today, i n v o l v e s the d i r e c t and c o n t i n u a l l o s s of counters by the l o s i n g team. In t h i s method, there are u s u a l l y more than f i v e counters on each s i d e and the l o s s of a l l by one team s i g n i f i e s the l o s s of the game. Here, the opposing mixing team does not r e c o r d l o s s e s i n c u r r e d by the guessing team, as o u t l i n e d above. When a l l counters and the 'king' s t i c k were on one s i d e , t h a t s i d e won both the game and the 'pot' bet. The leader of the winning team c o l l e c t e d the wager from the area between the two opposing teams, u n t i e d the s c a r f , and proceeded to d i s t r i b u t e the winnings a c c o r d i n g l y , on the b a s i s of the i n f o r m a t i o n r e c o r -ded a t * the time the bet was placed. Since winning and l o s i n g the i n i t i a l wager was a double or nothing a f f a i r , those on the winning s i d e , who had c o n t r i b u t e d t o the i n i t i a l wager, gained double the amount of t h e i r o r i g i n a l bet. The winnings were u s u a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d by the team leader, who c a l l e d out the names of the c o n t r i b u t o r s , who i n t u r n came forward t o c o l l e c t t h e i r bets. P r i o r t o or f o l l o w i n g the completion of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the winnings, bets were placed and booked f o r the next game. While t h i s was being done, both teams had the opportunity of - 128 -taking a brief recess. Today's S 1A. lq CL I game s t i l l has importance. The continuance of this game into the modern Indian circumstance must be attributed to social factors, such as the maintenance of intergroup ties, the establishment and endorsement of in d i v i -dual status, the sense of personal achievement through contri-bution to successful group action, and the reaffirmation of Indian indentity. (Similar assessments were made in Kew (1970), Suttles (1963), and Joseph (1968).) C H A P T E R IV - POWER - 130 -The Coast S a l i s h b e l i e v e i n the existence of supernatural powers which i n f l u e n c e a l l l e v e l s of S a l i s h l i f e and which are given meaning as o n t o l o g i c a l expressions. The Twana view of the world and i t s r e l a t i o n s to human a c t i v i t i e s was based on explanations or i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of cause and e f f e c t u t t e r l y at variance w i t h any mechanistic or m a t e r i a l i s t i c scheme of c a u s a l i t y . To the Twana most s i t u a t i o n s sprang recognizably and sometimes p r e d i c t a b l y from antecedent causes, but r e l a t i o n s between antecedent and r e s u l t a n t s i t u a t i o n s were almost always conceived i n terms of f o r c e s or agencies apart from observable p h y s i c a l c a u s a l i t y . The Twana scheme was not c a p r i c i o u s or u n c o n t r o l l a b l e ; i t was i n t e r p r e t e d as causal and l o g i c a l throughout, but not as mechanistic. (Elmendorf, I960: 480) The Twana concept of guardian s p i r i t s and s p i r i t powers i n v o l v e d throughout the i d e a of magical c a u s a l i t y , the d i r e c t i n g of s u p ernatural f o r c e s by w e l l - d e f i n e d p r a c t i c e s to b r i n g about e f f e c t s which were i n l a r g e part observable and p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s . (Elmendorf, I960: 523) Coast S a l i s h gambling games are seen to be an expression of man's power a f f i l i a t i o n s . S p e c i f i c gambling powers have i n f l u e n c e on and become manifest through the gambling circumstance. Power i s t h a t a t t r i b u t e which i s ' t h e d i f f e r e n c e between winning and l o s i n g , i s that element which charges the outcome of each gambling event. The gambling games are thereby an endorsement of power favour, and are, i n f a c t , examples of power i n a c t i o n . - 131 -What i s 'power'? It was generally reported that the Coast Salish believed that any individual human being could enter into a special kind of personal and potentially helpful relationship with one or more supernatural beings, forces or powers, usually referred to as 'guardian s p i r i t s ' . Such guardian s p i r i t s were "named, describable entities which granted specific a b i l i t i e s or powers to human recipients" (Elmendorf, I960: 491). Further, the "specific character of guardian spirits was shown by their distinction from other types of supernatural beings in \ terminology and concept, in their special partnership with human individuals, in their functions as .helpers of their human owners, and in the special body of r i t u a l observances and acts with which they were associated" (Elmendorf, I960: 46*5). Nevertheless, c o n t r a d i c t i o n s concerning these concepts and their inger-relationships exist. For example, Smith (1940: 56) stated that for the Puyallup-Nisqually, the supernatural was neither 'guardian' nor ' s p i r i t ' , and in preference to these terms, the word 'power' was substituted. Here, in fact, the concept of the supernatural and that of power were synonymous. On the other hand, the term 'power' ( 3"' U)I ' Wl'* ), in Katzie usage was synonymous neither with 'guardian s p i r i t ' not with the supernatural in general (Suttles, 1955: 6). Suttles continued, It C'power0 i s evidently sometimes conceived as an entity, but more often the term seems to mean simply "strength" or "a b i l i t y " in a physical as ..well as a - 132 -s p i r i t u a l sense and p o s s i b l y d e r i v e d from s e v e r a l sources. ( S u t t l e s , 1955: 6) Subsequently, S u t t l e s emphasized the n e c e s s i t y to ... d i s t i n g u i s h among the s e v e r a l p o s s i b l e sources of "power" :? the s W<7 £ ("guardian s p i r i t " i n the usual usage; l i t e r a l l y the term seems to mean " v i s i o n " ) the ,sg^ -UJ V '/) 7 ("prayer" i n Jenness's usage; and the ?< ^ -x" £ f \ (here "community r i t u a l , " l i t e r a l l y " c l e a n s i n g " ) . ( S u t t l e s , 1955: 6) I n the study of the K a t z i e which preceded that by S u t t l e s (1955), Jenness (1955: 41) noted that the being that bestowed 'power' on a man was h i s 'guardian s p i r i t ' , and was c a l l e d h i s f~>7^''IUr>> • Although, as quoted above, S u t t l e s acknowledged the term ,<?r>L'/tj -^ as meaning 'guardian s p i r i t ' i n general usage, h i s l i t e r a l t r a n s l a t i o n was ' v i s i o n ' . The conceptual r e l a t i o n s h i p s between 'guardian s p i r i t ' and ' v i s i o n ' , and between 'power' and ' v i s i o n ' were s u b s t a n t i a t e d elsewhere. For example, Elmendorf (1960:485) explained t h a t although "there was no s i n g l e general term i n the Twana language f o r guardian s p i r i t , the word nearest to an i n c l u s i v e c l a s s term was S^c^lifXM » "that which one encounters i n a v i s i o n experience," from O i l C X u , "to o b t a i n power from a guardian s p i r i t i n a vision-encounter" ". S i m i l a r i l y , the Squamish used the f o l l o w i n g terms: ( I - 'dream', P [ j^a' [ i - 'to dream'; S - ? S (1 - 'dream, v i s i o n , guardian s p i r i t ' , - 5 - 'see i n dream', (Kuipers, 1967: 302, 388). The 5-?aV/ of the Squamish appeared i d e n t i c a l to the 5 ?p</1 (j ^  of the K a t z i e , and t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between 'guardian s p i r i t ' and ' v i s i o n ' was - 1 # * f u r t h e r confirmed by Kew (1970: 123) who s t a t e d t h a t one Musqueam man d e f i n e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the human being and the s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e or power as " "... what you see i n your dream" ". The concept of 'power' w i l l become more i n t e l l i g i b l e throughout the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n s concerning the d i f f e r e n t k i n d s of power, the sources of power, the a c q u i s i t i o n , demonstration and l o s s of power. In g e n e r a l , f o r the Coast S a l i s h , the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e r e p o r t e d t h a t u s u a l l y two major c l a s s e s of 'guardian s p i r i t s ' were recognized: those c o n f e r r i n g shamanistic powers, and those c o n f e r r i n g non-shamanistic or ' l a y ' powers. In a d d i t i o n , Elmendorf (I960: 483) noted t h a t t h e r e were, f o r the Twana, other ' s u p e r n a t u r a l b e i n g s ' "not c l a s s e d as or f u n c t i o n i n g as guardian s p i r i t s , but whose r e l a t i o n s w i t h human beings might have on o c c a s i o n important and f a r - r e a c h i n g e f f e c t s " . F u r t h e r , a " l a r g e but d e f i n i t e number of s u p e r n a t u r a l beings whose r e l a t i o n s to human beings were i n d i f f e r e n t o r o c c a s i o n a l and a c c i d e n t a l " were a l s o i n c l u d e d (Elmendorf, I960: 484). On the o t h e r hand, Gunther (1927: 290) s t a t e d t h a t among the K l a l l a m t h e r e d i d not seem to be "a r i g i d d i s t i n c t i o n " between shamans' s p i r i t s and laymen's s p i r i t s , and the same s p i r i t c o u l d have been of e i t h e r k i n d . Yet ag a i n , even f u r t h e r removed from the two-class d i s t i n c t i o n , Olson (1936: 142) r e p o r t e d t h a t shamans " d i d not c o n s t i t u t e a c l a s s a p a r t " as i t was probably thought t h a t every man was " h i s ovm shaman", and t h a t a shaman "was - 134 -merely an o r d i n a r y i n d i v i d u a l who had been p a r t i c u l a r l y v f o r t u n a t e i n a c q u i r i n g e x c e p t i o n a l l y potent guardian s p i r i t s " . Among those groups r e p o r t e d l y r e c o g n i z i n g the two ' c l a s s e s ' of s p i r i t s (shamans' and laymen's), each i n t e r p r e t e d these c a t e g o r i e s on the b a s i s of s l i g h t l y d i f f e r i n g c r i t e r i a . Elmendorf ( I960: 485, 46*7) r e p o r t e d t h a t the Twana r e f e r r e d to those s p i r i t s c o n f e r r i n g d i a g n o s t i c and c u r i n g o r shamanistic powers as f^UJaJ #(A-<- . and to those c o n f e r r i n g non-shamanistic or ' l a y ' powers as d."* <L au' It7 , and t h a t although the l a t t e r " c o n f e r r e d a great v a r i e t y o f d i f f e r e n t powers" a l l had i n common the f e a t u r e of "not p e r m i t t i n g d i a g n o s i s o r , except i n r a r e cases, treatment of i l l n e s s " . Elmendorf continued: The two c a t e g o r i e s of shaman and l a y powers i n v o l v e d almost wholly d i f f e r e n t s e t s of s p i r i t s . A very few shaman s p i r i t s , eg. cougar, raven, o c c a s i o n a l l y granted s p e c i f i c l a y powers f o r war, hunting or gambling, i i n s t e a d o f c u r i n g powers, but those cases were e x c e p t i o n a l . F u r t h e r , the a c q u i s i t i o n , c o n t r o l , and use of shaman s p i r i t s r e q u i r e d , ... a d i f f e r e n t s et of r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s which proceeded a c c o r d i n g to a d i f f e r e n t sequence p a t t e r n from those a s s o c i a t e d with l a y - s p i r i t acquirement and use. The dichotomy of these two kinds of guardian s p i r i t s was profound and b a s i c , r e f l e c t i n g r e a l s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n the c u l t u r e i t s e l f . (Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 487) Lay s p i r i t s "can be c l a s s i f i e d a c c o r d i n g to the type of being or o b j e c t used by the Twana to d e s c r i b e the form of the s p i r i t " (Elmendorf, I960: 4 8 7 ) , and s p i r i t powers were f u r t h e r s u b d i v i d e d and grouped i n t o numerous named c a t e g o r i e s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r power f u n c t i o n s . Included among the more important - 135 -- /'/>riL117t or l a y - s p i r i t powers were wealth powers, wai? powers, soul-recovery powers, messenger powers, disk-game gambling powers ( / d / i b t ' / ), hand-game gambling powers ( s l a . l a ' ' / ), land-mammal hunting powers, sea-mammal hunting powers, and ceremonial powers ( <^7kJ'q /Xfl, ) ("exhibited i n l e v i t a t i o n or animation of paraphernalia at ceremonies") (Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 4 ^ 9 - 4 9 0 ) . These 'Ceremonial powers' were p r e v i o u s l y mentioned i n the d i s c u s s i o n on the d i s c game (above), where: S k i l l i n disk-game pl a y was a f u n c t i o n of the c l a s s of s p i r i t powers designated as; q^tfL'x. a. . powers otherwise e x h i b i t e d l a r g e l y i n ceremonial forms. (Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 238) Elmendorf ( I960: : 490) f u r t h e r noted t h a t "guardian s p i r i t s themselves, as d i s t i n c t from t h e i r conferred powers and ceremonial f u n c t i o n s , could not be n e a t l y f i t t e d i n t o the p o w e r - c l a s s i f i c a t i o n scheme" and that "the same l a y s p i r i t might customarily confer two or more d i s t i n c t powers, on d i f f e r e n t human r e c i p i e n t s at d i f f e r e n t times". For example, Wolf s p i r i t might have f u n c t i o n e d as waryppweriiin one case and as hunting power i n another; a few s p i r i t s u s u a l l y c o n f e r r i n g shaman power, might have o c c a s i o n a l l y granted some l a y power, f o r example, cougar might have conferred e i t h e r shaman or war powers. Although, s p i r i t s whose power f e l l i n t o both c a t e g o r i e s (shaman and l a y ) were r a r e , "those g r a n t i n g two or more kinds of named l a y powers were numerous" (Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 4 9 0 - 4 9 1 ) . Elmendorf ( I960: : 487) recorded t h a t t h i s primary d i s t i n c t i o n of shaman and l a y s p i r i t s or s p i r i t powers was; - 1 3 6 -common to other groups i n the general geographical region of the Twana. Thus, to the Twana <ZU)tSL'/AS and <£'gj ffr corresponded the S t r a i t s S a l i s h (Klallam) terms sx10A<*' and s\ k> e.'9.ytn , and the Puget Sound SK^daJ^b and ^X/c^ldletot. Both the Twana and the Puget Sound terms f o r l a y - s p i r i t power show an etymological connection with the words i n these languages f o r "dream, dreaming" (Twana, t^a.'SalV ) , although the experience of guardian-spirit a c q u i s i t i o n ( o i l c / K1^ ) was not interpreted by the Twana as dreaming. (Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 4 8 7 ) This l a s t observation was of p a r t i c u l a r interest i n view of the e a r i i e r discussion (above) regarding the conceptual interpretations of guardian s p i r i t s and power. Elmendorf concluded by reca p i t u l a t i n g : ...guardian s p i r i t s were named, describable e n t i t i e s , which granted s p e c i f i c a b i l i t i e s or powers to human r e c i p i e n t s . There was a native c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of s p i r i t powers into two major categories of shaman and lay, the l a t t e r sub-divided into numerous further power categories. Major d i s t i n c t i o n s i n associated r i t u a l s and ceremonial acts accorded with native power c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Spirit-power functions were not exhausted by the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , which included only the more important powers and the better-defined ceremonial forms. F i n a l l y , the power c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was not also a formal c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of s p i r i t s , but of the power functions and ceremonial functions of s p i r i t s . More than one of these functions might be inherent i n or granted by a single s p i r i t . (Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 4 9 1 ) Gunther ( 1 9 2 7 : 2 8 9 f f . ) made no mention of the S t r a i t s S a l i s h (Klallam) terms <$XK'n<Z PM and S^kyc/?iJm, as recorded by Elmendorf ( I 9 6 0 : 4 8 7 ) . As noted above, the Klallam did not seem to make a r i g i d d i s t i n c t i o n between shamans' and - 137 -laymen's s p i r i t s and tha t the same s p i r i t may have been e i t h e r one or the other. Gunther continued: I t i s not the kind of s p i r i t but the manner i n which i t i s acquired that determined whether i t can be used f o r c u r i n g . (Gunther, 1927: 290) Nevertheless, Gunther (1927: 291) maintained t h a t some of the layman's s p i r i t s may be used i n c u r i n g . For the K l a l l a m , n e a r l y a l l s p i r i t s were b e l i e v e d "to bestow wealth or some power by which wealth and p r e s t i g e may be obtained" (Gunther, 1927: 291). Although unnamed, Gunther (1927: 274) recorded that there were s p i r i t powers which gave help i n gambling, and that the sun was e s p e c i a l l y powerful f o r t h i s , as w e l l as f o r the accumulation of wealth; a "person who r e c e i v e d power from the sun could not be overcome by any shaman" (Gunther, 1927: 291). Unlike Gunther's 1927 monograph, Haeberlin and Gunther (1930) d i s t i n g u i s h e d the two kinds of s p i r i t s f o r the Puget Sound, i n s i m i l a r terms as recorded by Elmendorf (I960: 487). Here, shamanistic s p i r i t s were Xv^^- ' b and l a y s p i r i t s , zKMeCvt (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 67). Shamanistic s p i r i t s helped t h e i r owners e f f e c t cures and were b e l i e v e d to have p o s s i b l y been 'dangerous'. On the other hand, l a y s p i r i t s e i t h e r brought luck i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of wealth, and thereby, rank, or were war s p i r i t s c o n f e r r i n g success i n war. Lay s p i r i t s were considered 'harmless' (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 67). Further, H a e b e r l i n and Gunther (1930: 68) reported t h a t i n the "realm of s p i r i t s there was r e f l e c t e d the s o c i a l - 13$ -system of t h e i r b e l i e v e r s " , t h a t , i n ge n e r a l , a "powerful s p i r i t would appear only to a man of high rank", and tha t "a person of low rank u s u a l l y got only a small s p i r i t " . Here a l s o , s p i r i t s which conferred a s s i s t a n c e i n gambling were l i s t e d among those bestowing ' l a y ' powers. For example, l*J0 ''xtf I . a s p i r i t "known to the Snuqualmi and Snohomish", helped to catch deer, to cure i t s owner when i l l , and i n gambling; i t l i v e d i n the mountain, t r a v e l l e d around the world, and had a pole and a fea t h e r hat (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 71). The s p i r i t , / a. fcj , acquired more often by women than by men, helped women make good baskets and mats, thereby making them wealthy, and helped men i n hunting and f i s h i n g ; i t a l s o t r a v e l l e d around the world, and had a house and a servant; to those i n d i v i d u a l s seeking t h i s s p i r i t , gave va r i o u s kinds of implements, which included gambling s t i c k s (Haeberlin and Gunther, 1930: 71). Under the power category of " S p i r i t s f o r a c q u i r i n g property", probably analogous to the 'wealth power' ca t e g o r i e s found i n other sources, H a e b e r l i n and Gunther (1930: 74) l i s t e d tf!u<?>{<jen , which c o n s i s t e d of two s p i r i t s (both c a l l e d by the same name), one t r a v e l l i n g by land and the other i n a canoe by water, these "were not powerful, but good f o r b r i n g i n g wealth"; the water s p i r i t , having no house, t r a v e l l e d around l o o k i n g f o r wealth to bestow on that i n d i v i d u a l w i t h t h i s power, and having no servants, i t met the seeker h i m s e l f ; the land s p i r i t had the same powers; the i n d i v i d u a l who had t h i s s p i r i t "could gain wealth e a s i l y , e s p e c i a l l y by gambling". - 139 -Smith, who, as mentioned e a r l i e r , reported t h a t the s u p e r n a t u r a l , f o r the P u y a l l u p - N i s q u a l l y was n e i t h e r "guardian* nor " s p i r i t " , and s u b s t i t u t e d instead the term "power" (1940: 56), documented two kinds of power:. So^ula: li tut- and t'"^d b (1940: 58). Z^VW was "the r e g u l a r word f o r shaman and i t i n d i c a t e d , at the same time, the powers of shamans and of w a r r i o r s " (Smith, 1940: 60). The shaman's a c t i v i t i e s were "always d e f i a n t l y competitive but, w i t h the exception of the c u r i n g ceremony, h i s sorcery was c a r r i e d on under apparently normal and pleasant s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s without ceremonial or magical adjuncts"; a shaman "had the a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l the movements" of h i s own or "of other shamans' powers, w i t h s i m i l a r r e s u l t a n t e f f e c t upon h e a l t h " (Smith, 1940: 60). F u r t h e r , a shaman "could send h i s power, or i t could wander without h i s v o l i t i o n , i n search of powers weaker than i t s e l f which i t might conquer", thus r e s u l t i n g i n constant s t r u g g l e s between powers such that every accident or misfortune "was viewed i n the l i g h t of such attempts" (Smith, 1940: 60-61). Any element of personal aggression was considered i^^db \ t h e r e f o r e , w a r r i o r s were fa/d b because " i n them these elements were stronger than the 5>Cfc( which was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the leader" (Smith, 1940: 62). Nevertheless, although tsfyddb powers had wide d i s t r i b u t i o n " i n the average person", they were "overbalanced and h e l d i n check by the possession of stronger Smith, 1940: 62). S^ocldl/t{/tX c o n s i s t e d of any of those powers which - 140 -" d i f f e r e n t i a t e d p e r s o n a l i t i e s or wa_s connected w i t h the enhancement of p r e s t i g e " , which included powers having to do w i t h "general wealth accumulation", such that i n d i v i d u a l s "with wealth power were lucky i n economic p u r s u i t s , the p a r t i c u l a r nature of t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n or s p e c i a l s k i l l s being determined by other of t h e i r powers" (Smith, 1940: 59). Further, "many of the £cj$ U l i M powers were r e l a t e d to ceremonial"; powers " r e l a t e d to p e r s o n a l i t y t r a i t s found no expression i n ceremonial", and those "connected w i t h economic success cor w i t h wealth had, l i k e w i s e , t h e i r main ceremonial expression i n the g i v i n g away of goods upon the occasion of a ceremony i n s t i g a t e d by another person" (Smith, 1940: 59). Smith continued: There was, f u r t h e r , a whole group of phenomena, c o n s t i t u t i n g out of the ordinary occurrences such as the appearance of salmon t r o u t out of season or the unusually s u c c e s s f u l accomplishment of some ordin a r y a c t , which took place without reference to ceremony and which were explained as manif e s t a t i o n s of power. These are r e l a t e d w i t h great r e l i s h and p r e s t i g e was enhanced by them as w e l l as by occurrences at ceremonies. Ceremonies o f t e n i n v o l v e d an open competition f o r p r e s t i g e . The d i s c gamble and other power r i v a l r i e s such as the challenge of e a t i n g power...might, indeed, e f f e c t an immediate and d i r e c t realignment of s o c i a l and economic f o r c e s . (Smith, 1940: 59-60) As d i d Elmendorf (I960: 487), Smith (1940: 58-59) a l s o made a l i n g u i s t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d observation which again was of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i n i t s r e l a t i o n to the e a r l i e r d i s c u s s i o n (above) i n v o l v i n g the conceptual i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of guardian s p i r i t s and powers: the term sad/<//1'tet' was l i n g u i s t i c a l l y - 141 -r e l a t e d to Sfl^g'^c/fc - "dream", but "dreams were not r e l a t e d to power" and the "trance of the power quest was nothing l i k e s l e e p i n g , dreams themselves f u r n i s h e d no powers nor l i k e l i h o o d of power". Un l i k e the above sources, Smith (1940: 68), i n presenting a l i s t of powers, made no attempt "to separate shaman power from other types of power since any such separation would be inaccurate as w e l l as a r t i f i c i a l " . W i t h i n t h i s l i s t i s found: "Chicken hawk. A good gambler" (Smith, 1940: 68). Although there was only the one d i r e c t reference between a s p e c i f i c , named power, chicken hawk, and gambling, there were i n d i c a t i o n s here, as elsewhere, t h a t success i n gambling was r e l a t e d to wealth powers; here, £i0~£ll)<X X (Smith, 1940: 71), was the strongest and thereby, the most d e s i r a b l e . S u t t l e s ' monograph on the Coast S a l i s h of the Haro and Rosario S t r a i t s a l s o reported two major types of s p i r i t s : shamans' s p i r i t s , X I ' M . and laymen's s p i r i t s , S ^ / / ( ^ (mainland d i a l e c t s ) or sJC^/'/I rtrj (Vancouver Island) (1951: 328). Power bestowed by s p i r i t s "ranged from l o n g e v i t y , good h e a l t h and general w e l l - b e i n g to s p e c i a l a b i l i t i e s which lead to s p e c i a l i z a t i o n " f o r example, " i n hunting or f i s h i n g , i n c r a f t s , i n the c o n t r o l of ceremonial p a r a p h e r n a l i a , or i n the c o n t r o l of s p i r i t s and s o u l s " ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 328). According to S u t t l e s (1951: 339), perhaps the p r i n c i p a l t h i n g which set the shaman apart from the layman was " h i s a b i l i t y to see and grasp souls and powers". ( S i m i l a r i l y , the Musqueams a l s o b e l i e v e d that the shaman had - 142 -these same a b i l i t i e s and powers. (Kew, 1 9 7 0 : 1 2 5 ) . ) Here, as i n other Coast S a l i s h areas, curing was also a function of the shaman's power. The shaman's s p i r i t "resided i n his body except when i t l e f t on some errand" (Suttles, 1951: 328). Certain kinds of layman's s p i r i t s conferred powers on individuals xvhich "led to s p e c i a l i z a t i o n as seeresses, mediums, gamblers, warriors and probably others" (Suttles, 1951: 328). Suttles (1951: 311) presented only one piece of documentary evidence naming a s p e c i f i c gambling power source, i n which he reported that a c e r t a i n Lummi man, (C^LXy' ec/fc ), the son of a warrior, "began as a shaman" and then "became a gambler"; he had "a shaman's power from SL '/] lj{c^L (a two-headed serpent), a wealth power from the sun, and a power from a black diving duck which was either a wealth power or a gambler's power"; the man "became wealthy, mainly through gambling". It was of inter e s t to note here that there appeared to been a relationship between gambling and wealth powers (mentioned before), that the sun was a source of wealth and/or gambling powers (see also Gunther, 1927: 274), and that any i n d i v i d u a l could have had more than one power and that these powers could have been of the shaman and/or layman kind (to be mentioned again). In addition, Jenness (1955: 55) l i s t e d "Small Black Water-bird of Unidentified Species" (the Katzie name being SC^CL^O^^C*), as a source f o r wealth-gambling powers: Since t h i s b i r d was generally the f i r s t to discover objects f l o a t i n g on the sea and c a l l e d a l l other birds to the banquet, i t - 143 -had power to give i t s proteges great wealth so that they, too, could i n v i t e t h e i r countrymen to p o t l a t c h e s . (Jenness, 1955: 55) In a re l e v a n t footnote, Jenness (1955: 55) noted S u t t l e s ' (1955: 5) reference to t h i s p a r t i c u l a r species of b i r d probably as having been the murrelet; S u t t l e s (1955: 5) reported t h a t t h i s b i r d was "the g u a r d i a n - s p i r i t of the Lummi 7 man Qgj'tuczuu", and probably was the same b i r d r e f e r r e d to i n h i s 1951 monograph as "black d i v i n g duck" ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 311) As already mentioned, Olson (1936: 142) reported t h a t , f o r the Quinault, shamans " d i d not c o n s t i t u t e a c l a s s apart", but r a t h e r , were o r d i n a r y i n d i v i d u a l s "who had been p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r t u n a t e i n a c q u i r i n g e x c e p t i o n a l l y potent guardian s p i r i t s " . The "average man c o n t r o l l e d s p i r i t s which aided him i n hunting"; i n a d d i t i o n , there were " s p i r i t s which were w e a l t h - g i v i n g " , and others which enabled i n d i v i d u a l s "to be s u c c e s s f u l a t whaling, i n war, or gambling" (Olson, 1936: 141). The most potent of the s p i r i t s which could be c o n t r o l l e d were those whose powers were p r i m a r i l y u s e f u l f o r c u r i n g , some of these, however, e f f e c t i n g malevolence; a l s o potent were those s p i r i t s known as ~&£/-/tr/tyfe "(he who comes from the dead p l a c e ) " who were adept i n the search f o r l o s t souls "who have s t a r t e d toward the land of the dead" (Olson, 1936: 145-146). Olson (1936: 150) documented f i v e gambling power s p i r i t s : Ida/opats ( " s i t down"), who sat down; 1%e-leJU~£/li<:a/ti ("kneels"), who k n e l t ; f^nA/tkcl&Xl/ts ( " c o l l a r bone") , who was headless; cktM.ta/tydt ( " l i e down"), and /isi £/a?/^s/Jr ("stand up"), who stood up. The "owners of the f i r s t two always assumed the - 144 -pose of the s p i r i t ( s i t t i n g or kneeling) while gambling" (Olson, 1936: 150). In addition, Olson (1936: 150) recorded that, i n one p a r t i c u l a r case, the s p i r i t , /' ijj'/f' j a ''/tfSvfc came to i t s owner " i n the form of a salmonberry bird (f?/(/<//7J)". S i m i l a r i l y , Kew (1970) did not distinguish between d i f f e r e n t kinds of power, and stated (1970: 125) that the powers of the -SXM/l£ » "Indian doctor", were "of the same order of supernatural relationship as those possessed by any dancer". Kew (1970: 123), recognizing the as the "supernatural force or power", the "guardian s p i r i t of the l i t e r a t u r e " , or as "one's v i s i o n " , noted that t h i s '"supernatural force or partner" JS^'hi <B- ) conferred upon the in d i v i d u a l "at the time of his vis i o n s , a 3tj^'^f) " • The SlJ^'klBH was spoken of"as i f i t were a force residing within the individual and occasionally possessing him" (Kew, 1970: 124), and as such the £>(jkj^was believed to mean 'power'. Further, "the 5t) ^UlBlf) might confer s p e c i a l a b i l i t i e s to achieve success i n everyday l i f e or i n f i s h i n g , hunting, gambling, and so on" (Kew, 1970: 126). The Squamish distinguished between S-/7<3'(ifi, the power possessed by the SPi°7u'wtn ('medicine man/shaman/lndian doctor'), and Si 71/V? ^  » the 'magic' power possessed by a K ° d l c ('person with magic power') (Kuipers, 1967: 287, 294, 340, and 1969: 62). Although Kuipers (1969: 57) recorded that Sf\a'.7(Y\ » the power proper to the ^ x t f u ' r v i t n » i s "exercised through dancing and singing", while Sltf PV 'f\ ? , the power proper to a f(°CL ?C * i s "exercised through words", the - 145 -.5 LC/ 7if\ 7 was the power r e f e r r e d t o when t h e Squamish t a l k e d o f ' s p i r i t d a n c i n g ' and ' s p i r i t s i n g i n g ' ( r e f e r e n c e : f i e l d n o t e s ) , t h e l a t t e r o f w h i c h i n c l u d e d s p e c i a l songs w h i c h were owned by i n d i v i d u a l s and w h i c h c a r r i e d a s p e c i f i c power , t o g i v e , f o r example , s u c c e s s i n a g a m b l i n g v e n t u r e . (More w i l l be s a i d about ' s p i r i t power ' songs l a t e r . ) F o r t h e Squamish , t h e S> I £>h i ' / , g a m b l i n g power , was g e n e r a l l y ^ r e f e r r e d t o as JZ-kW-k^ltZ ( r e f e r e n c e : f i e l d n o t e s ) , ( f rom KV- A 7 £ r -' t o g a m b l e ' ) , l i t e r a l l y t r a n s l a t e d as t h e "bone u s e d i n g a m b l i n g game" ( K u i p e r s , 1967: 291, 293, 339). K u i p e r s (1967: 291) a l s o men t ioned t h a t was t h e "West C o a s t w o r d " f o r Jy^-k/fcx » N e v e r t h e l e s s , a Squamish i n f o r m a n t made t h e f o l l o w i n g r e f e r e n c e s : " . . . h e had t h e g i f t o f . f g \ , 5-k"V'-AVfx , • • • t h e y s a i d t h a t was h i s h e l p " , a n d , " . . . he gave h im t h e /sl&hi'l , t h e S-k^a'-kf/tx , and t h a t ' s t h e way he was g o i n g t o e a r n h i s l i v i n g , he was g o i n g t o be a p r o f e s s i o n a l g a m b l e r . . . " ( r e f e r e n c e : f i e l d n o t e s ) . The i m p o r t a n c e o f s u p e r n a t u r a l powers c a n n o t be u n d e r e s t i m a t e d i n v i e w o f C o a s t S a l i s h l i f e and b e l i e f . To t h e C o a s t S a l i s h , s p i r i t h e l p , t h r o u g h t h e a c q u i s i t i o n and c o n t r o l o f s u p e r n a t u r a l power , was " t h e g r e a t n e c e s s i t y , s i n c e w i t h o u t i t man was i m p o t e n t " ( E l m e n d o r f , I960: 4#1). A l l human s u c c e s s e s and f a i l u r e s were e x p l a i n e d i n te rms o f p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s o r l a c k o f r e l a t i o n s w i t h s u p e r n a t u r a l p o w e r s : Human b e i n g s u n a i d e d by s p i r i t power were p o o r , weak, m i s e r a b l y i n e f f e c t i v e , t h e i r e f f o r t s i n any d i r e c t i o n foredoomed - 146 -to f a i l u r e . With the help of powers conferred by supernatural beings they could a t t a i n to a high degree of i n d i v i d u a l success and excellence i n t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s or other l i n e s of endeavor. (Elmendorf, I960: 481) Since every i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c and c u l t u r e complex "was understood and was thought to operate through power" (Smith, 1940: 56), the "concept of guardian s p i r i t s and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s to man fur n i s h e d a framework of explanation capable of accounting f o r , or r a t i o n a l i z i n g , most of the important f a c t s of human l i f e " (Elmendorf, I960: 482). Power "was obtained through questing or i t came unsought" ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 327); o c c a s i o n a l l y , i t was i n h e r i t e d . Questing, the usual method of a c q u i r i n g power, i n v o l v e d a t r a i n i n g process which began i n childhood and continued through to e a r l y adulthood. Such t r a i n i n g included a c t s of cl e a n s i n g and p u r i f i c a t i o n of both the body e x t e r i o r and i n t e r i o r through c o l d water bathing, scrubbing and by f a s t i n g , through p h y s i c a l p r i v a t i o n , and by fr e q u e n t i n g i s o l a t e d or lonely-p l a c e s , remote from the v i l l a g e , and o c c a s i o n a l l y , being those spots where s p i r i t s were b e l i e v e d to v i s i t , or being s p e c i f i c places where s p e c i f i c s p i r i t s were known to i n h a b i t . In a d d i t i o n , t r a i n i n g a l s o i n v o l v e d the observance of a v a r i e t y of taboos. Emphasis i n t r a i n i n g was from the outset on l a y i n g the ba s i s f o r a l a t e r s u c c e s s f u l s p i r i t quest by the novice. The e s s e n t i a l requirements were seriousness of a t t i t u d e or mental c o n c e n t r a t i o n , and r i t u a l p u r i t y of the novice. These were the mental and p h y s i c a l p r e r e q u i s i t e s to a t t r a c t i n g the favorable a t t e n t i o n of guardian s p i r i t s - 147 -of any k i n d . (Elmendorf, I960: 492) The emphasis placed on the degree of t r a i n i n g i n v o l v e d i n the questing method of power a c q u i s i t i o n , ranged between such apparent extremes as expressed, f o r example, by Olson (1936: 143) who reported, f o r the Quinault, that the "supernatural helpers which came to a man i n h i s youth could be acquired o n l y by means of prolonged r i t u a l " , and by Smith (1940: 57), who noted t h a t , f o r the P u y a l l u p - N i s q u a l l y , " s p e c i a l quests were sometimes undertaken but were not necessary, there being a con s i s t e n t a t t i t u d e , shov/n a l s o toward l e a d e r s , that the greatest reward came not to persons who made t e r r i f i c e f f o r t s to r e c e i v e i t but to persons n a t u r a l l y equipped", and as such, "people were strong because of t h e i r power and strong people got more or stronger powers". The d i f f e r e n c e between these two accounts appeared to have been the r e s u l t of d i f f e r i n g a t t i t u d e s i n v o l v i n g , on the one hand, the quest f o r a s p e c i f i c power: From e a r l i e s t childhood he was impressed wi t h the n e c e s s i t y of o b t a i n i n g shamanistic power. Over and over he would be t o l d that d i s t i n c t i o n i n hunting, i n gambling, or i n any other p u r s u i t depended on i t . (Olson, 1936: 143) A youth who e s p e c i a l l y d e s i r e d to get the ocean s p i r i t walked along the beach... (Olson, 1936: 145) and, on the other hand, the acceptance that the i n d i v i d u a l had to ""take what came to him"" (Smith, 1940: 58). However, i t was p o s s i b l e that both a t t i t u d e s could be maintained where strong emphasis l a y on pre-quest t r a i n i n g : - 148 -Often i t was not known by the seeker what type of s p i r i t might appear to him, although purposive quests s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r shaman s p i r i t s might be made. (Elmendorf, I960: 502) Although apparently d i f f e r i n g accounts e x i s t e d , the Coast S a l i s h u s u a l l y adherred to the combining of the two a t t i t u d e s , t h a t i s , t r a i n i n g , normally lengthy i n d u r a t i o n , was a p r e r e q u i s i t e to the a c q u i s i t i o n of power, and that the a c t u a l s p i r i t quest could be f o r an u n s p e c i f i e d or a s p e c i f i e d power. Nevertheless, i t was g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d that power, obtained through questing, "could ensure outstanding success i n p r a c t i c a l l y any f i e l d " (Duff, 1952: 97). Furt h e r , Elmendorf (I960: 491) recorded t h a t although the "most frequent or normal method", whereby the i n d i v i d u a l "acquired c o n t r o l of and r e c e i v e d power b e n e f i t s from a guardian s p i r i t " , i n v o l v e d a " s e r i e s of patterned a c t i v i t i e s extending over a considerable part of h i s childhood, adolescence and e a r l y m a t u r i t y " , these a c t i v i t i e s "formed complexes of t r a i t s which f o l l o w e d each other i n a r e g u l a r order at d i f f e r e n t periods i n the i n d i v i d u a l s l i f e t i m e " ; as such, they " c o n s t i t u t e d a sequence p a t t e r n of complexes, each of which had to be manifested i n behaviour i n order to b r i n g about appearance or expression of the subsequent complex". Elmendorf subsequently documented the s e q u e n t i a l p a t t e r n as a p p l i e d to l a y - s p i r i t powers Kc^^aLlt) ' The sequent complexes i n t h i s normal p a t t e r n of g u a r d i a n - s p i r i t a c q u i s i t i o n may be formulated as: (1) t r a i n i n g of novice; (2) g u a r d i a n - s p i r i t quest; (3) v i s i o n encounter of s p i r i t ; - 149 -(4) suppression or dormancy of v i s i o n experience; (5) s p i r i t dance, c e r e m o n i a l i z a t i o n r e c a l l , e x h i b i t i o n and c o n t r o l of encountered s p i r i t . (Elmendorf, I960: 491) S i m i l a r i l y , the sequence patte r n as a p p l i e d to shaman s p i r i t powers {SUJtXe&LS), d i f f e r i n g from that of l a y - s p i r i t power a c q u i s i t i o n , was a l s o recorded: For shamans the sequent complexes were: (1), t r a i n i n g of novice; (2) s p i r i t quest; (3) v i s i o n e n c o u n t e r , w i t h t r u e b o d i l y possession of novice by the s p i r i t ; (4\)continued u n c o n t r o l l e d possession of 1 novice by s p i r i t , manifested i n d i s p l a y s of magic power by novice; (5) a c o n t r o l p e r i o d , during which the u n c o n t r o l l e d possessing power abated and the possessed novice shaman obtained purposive use of i t ; (6) d i r e c t use by the new shaman of h i s c o n t r o l l e d power i n c u r i n g or malignant v i c t i m i z i n g . (Elmendorf, I960: 501) Both the l a y power and shaman power sequent complexes, as l i s t e d above, were s i m i l a r i l y , but not so c o n c i s e l y , recorded elsewhere f o r groups other than the Twana. As mentioned above, power a l s o came unsought. Power received i n t h i s manner came through various means and f o r v a r i o u s reasons. For example, Duff (1952: 97) recorded that c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s "were born w i t h supernatural a b i l i t i e s to see souls and ghosts, see what i s o c c u r r i n g i n d i s t a n t p l a c e s , and f o r e t e l l the f u t u r e " . Power a l s o came unsought "to those who would not normally have been considered f i t s u b j e c t s " (Smith, 1940: 58) . S i m i l a r i l y , power was conferred, as a g i f t , upon p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s : " . . . i t {^the gambling power-j?-Kya'-kPJtrx 1 was given to him as a g i f t because he was - 150 -disabled" (reference; f i e l d notes). Occasionally, i t came unbidded i f "one accidentally became receptive" (Smith, 1940: 58). An i n d i v i d u a l who controlled "a score of s p i r i t s " did not need to go i n quest of each (Olson, 1936: 143). In addition, Olson (1936: 143) i n f e r r e d that guardian s p i r i t s came, i n t h i s way, during the l a t e r years of an individual's l i f e . Further, Kew (1970: 123) noted that power might have been "conferred upon or induced to.come to an i n d i v i d u a l " by the action of persons who already had such a s p i r i t . Unsought power "was also obtained through inheritance, the s p i r i t owned by an ancestor coming to the person possibly without his even wanting i t " (Suttles, 1951: 327). Dead r e l a t i v e s ' s p i r i t s were also inherited, again unsought by the re c i p i e n t (Elmendorf, I960: 498) (Olson, 1936: 145). Children "who were thought to look or act l i k e deceased r e l a t i v e s were said to have been v i s i t e d by that r e l a t i v e ' s power" (Smith, 1940: 57). Smith (1940: 116) continued by documenting "a sort of prearranged inheritance consummated only at death" which involved the transfer and possession of power through " &')ftu « ceremonial objects; the recipient of C^rf/JC" "had usually played an important role i n the donor's power demonstrations f o r a long time". Elmendorf (I960: 498) maintained that power "inherited from the dead did not represent a s p e c i f i c kind of guardian s p i r i t or of s p i r i t powers, but merely a r e l a t i v e l y rare method of getting s p i r i t power, lay or shaman". Haeberlin and Gunther (1930: 67) recorded that among the Snohomish, "a boy usually got the - 151 -s p i r i t t hat had been i n h i s f a m i l y before, e i t h e r i n the pa t e r n a l or maternal l i n e " . Elmendorf (I960: 499) spoke i n s i m i l a r terms i n r e l a t i o n to a s p e c i f i c Skokomish f a m i l y , and then concluded that the "existence of a pa t t e r n of s p i r i t i n h e r i t a n c e w i t h i n a k i n l i n e made i t p o s s i b l e f o r c e r t a i n powerful s p i r i t s t o become a v a l u a b l e s o r t of f a m i l y property, r e c u r r i n g spontaneously generation a f t e r generation and i n some cases l i m i t e d to a p a r t i c u l a r k i n group". Generally, f o r the Coast S a l i s h , power, i n theory, came to "anyone who was p h y s i c a l l y clean and pure" (Smith, 1940: 56-57), or "to the s u f f e r e r " ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 327). This a p p l i e d to both boys and g i r l s , men and women, although i t was u s u a l l y the case t h a t g i r l s " d i d not search f o r supernatural powers as assiduously as boys" (Olson, 1936: 141). According to S u t t l e s (1951: 327), power "was a l s o obtained by o l d e r persons, e s p e c i a l l y during r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n a f t e r some c r i s i s or during g r i e f a f t e r some tragedy". However, there appeared to have been divergent opinions regarding the s t a t u s of the r e c i p i e n t s of power i n general, and of s p e c i f i c types of power. Hae b e r l i n and Gunther (1930: 67, 68) maintained t h a t "powerful s p i r i t s only came to men who could f a s t long and endure many hardships", and that such powerful s p i r i t s "would appear only to a man of high rank" w h i l e "a person of low rank u s u a l l y got only a small s p i r i t " . In a d d i t i o n , Elmendorf noted the f o l l o w i n g : iD0 The s p i r i t - p o w e r f a c t o r i n s o c i a l e v a l u a t i o n connects w i t h s o c i a l - c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s i n terms of an ideology which - 152 -explains a l l i n d i v i d u a l success, and indeed the outcome of most human a c t i o n s , as the r e s u l t of possession and use of guardian s p i r i t s . D i f f e r e n c e s i n s o c i a l performance between lower-and upper-class persons could h a r d l y escape explanation i n these terms. ...an i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e l a t i o n to h i s guardian s p i r i t was the 'sine qua non' of a l l s o c i a l attainment. For f u l l e s t e x e r c i s e of upper-class p r e r o g a t i v e s the acquirement of a guardian s p i r i t of a p a r t i c u l a r type, one of the c l a s s of "wealth powers" ( ^Luti'/fr) , was v i t a l l y necessary. The p r i n c i p a l f u n c t i o n of t h i s c l a s s of s p i r i t s was to provide the wealth and good fortune necessary t o s o c i a l p r e s t i g e . Wealth powers could o r d i n a r i l y only be acquired by persons of "good b i r t h " who had been r i g o r o u s l y t r a i n e d f o r the s p i r i t quest. ...Wealth powers were thus by t h e i r nature powers possessed only by upper-class persons, and the behavior of the wealth s p i r i t i t s e l f i n c o n f e r r i n g power only on the upper c l a s s was i n t e r p r e t e d i n terms of the s o c i a l -e v a l u a t i o n f a c t o r s of b i r t h and t r a i n i n g of the human seeker. (Elmendorf, I960: 334) On the other hand, Gunther (1927: 289) s t a t e d that the "best s p i r i t s " were acquired by "orphans and others who have f a r e d badly s o c i a l l y , f o r they w i l l make the gre a t e s t e f f o r t " , and as such, through the securing of a powerful h e l p e r , i n d i v i d u a l s improved t h e i r s o c i a l s t a t u s . The Quinault b e l i e v e d t h a t "even those of noble blood could not a s p i r e to great things and were l i k e l y to l o s e t h e i r wealth and p r e s t i g e " without supernatural a i d , and t h a t a poor man "of low caste" could " r i s e to a p o s i t i o n of wealth and i n f l u e n c e i f he c o n t r o l l e d or owned potent h e l p e r s from the other world" (Olson, 1936: 141). I n d i v i d u a l s who were " d i r t y , s l o v e n l y , u n t r a i n e d , without important f a m i l y connections" o c c a s i o n a l l y '""got good power" & 153 -and became i n f l u e n t i a l men" (Smith, 1940: 58). But poor-boy-meets-spirit-and-makes-good s t o r i e s are numerous and some of them are t o l d of a c t u a l people, so we may assume t h a t a man without i n h e r i t e d f i s h i n g s i t e s and without r i t u a l knowledge could a l s o become wealthy and a t t a i n high s t a t u s . ( S u t t l e s , 1958: 501). "Power was obtained i n a v i s i o n or a dream" ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 327). Although 'dream' was one of the mediums through which power came to the i n d i v i d u a l , the comments concerning the s t a t e of 'dreaming' noted above (Elmendorf, I960: 487; Smith, 1940: 58-59, footnote) were taken here i n t o r e l a t i v e and a n a l y t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Both Elmendorf and Smith made l i n g u i s t i c comparisons between the terms f o r the l a y - s p i r i t type of power and the 'dream/dreaming' s t a t e . In a d d i t i o n , the Squamish term S-?$*lL , meaning 'dream, v i s i o n , guardian s p i r i t ' was e t y m o l o g i c a l l y l i n k e d w i t h t h a t of 7a-'/1 , 'dream' (Kuipers, 1967: 302, 388); f u r t h e r , Kew (1970: 123) made mention of the Musqueam r e l a t i o n between sup e r n a t u r a l power and what was seen i n one's dreams. In a d d i t i o n , Densmore (1943: 67) recorded an o l d song "concerning a man who dreamed about s l a h a l bones", and that i n the dream the man may have been t o l d "how he might become a s u c c e s s f u l p l a y e r " . Stern (1934: 70) a l s o mentioned that gambling s p i r i t songs were acquired i n a dream. Fu r t h e r , Duff (1952: 103) reported t h a t the s p i r i t u a l v i s i o n encounter experience was c a l l e d a dream (su\i<^ ). Although Elmendorf (I960: 487) and Smith (1940: 58-59, footnote) maintained that the experience of g u a r d i a n - s p i r i t or power a c q u i s i t i o n was n e i t h e r r e l a t e d - 154 -t o nor i n t e r p r e t e d as "dreams/dreaming 1, evidence from other sources seem to have supported an opposing p o s i t i o n , whereby the dream-state was v a l i d a t e d as a l e g i t i m a t e mechanism f o r the a c q u i s i t i o n of supernatural powers. These d i s c r e p a n c i e s may have been merely the r e s u l t of d i f f e r e n c e s i n l i n g u i s t i c t r a n s l a t i o n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , or they may have s i g n i f i e d r e a l d i f f e r e n c e s between ethnic groups and each group's i n d i v i d u a l b e l i e f i n the s u p e r n a t u r a l . Nevertheless, r e l e v a n t ethnographic evidence reported t h a t power was g e n e r a l l y obtained through a v i s i o n encounter w i t h a ' s p i r i t ' or 'power source'. In a d d i t i o n , the v i s i o n appeared to have been experienced w h i l e the i n d i v i d u a l was i n , f o r example, an awake-like, a dream-like, or a t r a n c e - l i k e s t a t e . O c c a s i o n a l l y , an i n d i v i d u a l passed through more than one of these s t a t e s i n the v i s i o n encounter process. Contact with the s p i r i t took the form of a v i s i o n experience. This was the i n i t i a l v i s i o n encounter ( S f o J c X 0 0 ) whereby a s p i r i t e s t a b l i s h e d personal r e l a t i o n s w i t h h i s human partner. The v i s i o n , i n an a c t i v e , waking s t a t e , was not s h a r p l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d from a trance, an h a l l u c i n a t i o n i n a semi-conscious s t a t e . The l a t t e r was the reported c o n d i t i o n of the s p i r i t seeker during most of the experience r e s u l t i n g from the appearing of a s p i r i t , but the experience u s u a l l y began as a true v i s i o n , a wakeful, d e l u s i o n a l appearance.(Elmendorf, I 9 6 0 : 4 9 4 ) Elmendorf continued by a n a l y z i n g v i s i o n encounters i n t o stages: (1) the seeker f i r s t hears or sees a supernatural m a n i f e s t a t i o n , or the s p i r i t - 155 -i t s e l f ; (2) he t h e n behaves r i t u a l l y , w a l k s up t o t h e m a n i f e s t a t i o n , embraces i t , p u t s h i s hand i n i t s mouth , and so o n ; t h e r i t u a l a c t i o n v a r y i n g w i t h d i f f e r e n t s p i r i t s ; (3) t h e s e e k e r t h e n goes i n t o a t r u e t r a n c e a s t a t e compared t o d y i n g bu t c o n c e p t u a l l y and t e r m i n o l o g i c a l l y d i s t i n c t , i n w h i c h t h e s p i r i t appea r s i n human f o r m , t r a n s p o r t s t he s e e k e r t o i t s h o u s e , and shows h im symbol s o f t h e powers i t w i l l g r a n t , and s i n g s h im a song w h i c h t h e s e e k e r w i l l a f t e r w a r d s use i n c a l l i n g on the s p i r i t o r i n d e m o n s t r a t i n g c e r e m o n i a l l y h i s p o s s e s s i o n o f i t ; (4) t h e s e e k e r "comes t o " i n the s p o t where the v i s i o n e n c o u n t e r b e g a n . ( E l m e n d o r f , I960: 494-495) T h i s p r o c e s s , whereby an i n d i v i d u a l , u n d e r g o i n g a v i s i o n -e n c o u n t e r ,«.was t r a n s p o r t e d t o t h e home o f the s p i r i t o r power i n o r d e r t o r e c e i v e i n f o r m a t i o n t h r o u g h i n s t r u c t i o n and o b s e r v a t i o n , t o be t a u g h t s p e c i f i c songs and d a n c e s , and t o be g i v e n o r t o make c e r t a i n p a r a p h e r n a l i a , appea red t o have been t h e g e n e r a l case f o r t h e Coas t S a l i s h . Such s o n g s , d a n c e s , p a r a p h e r n a l i a , b e h a v i o u r , and so o n , a c q u i r e d i n t h i s manner , c o n s t i t u t e d " t h e ou tward m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p " be tween i n d i v i d u a l and s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e (Kew, 1970: 123-124). However , S m i t h (1940: 58) r e p o r t e d t h a t , a l t h o u g h , t h e o r e t i c a l l y , "power was r e c e i v e d i n a t r a n c e " , whereby t h e r e c i p i e n t became " l i k e a dead b o d y " , was " t r a n s p o r t e d t o t h e "home" o f a power" f o r t h e purpose o f r e c e i v i n g i n f o r m a t i o n , and t h e n was " r e t r a n s p o r t e d e i t h e r t o t h e same o r a n o t h e r s p o t " , t h i s b e h a v i o u r " a p p l i e d o n l y t o a few p o w e r s " , and r a t h e r , " e x t r a o r d i n a r y bu t n o t h a l l u c i n a t o r y e x p e r i e n c e was i n d i c a t e d " . S m i t h (1940: 58) c o n c l u d e d t h a t , f rom " t h e i n d i v i d u a l p o i n t o f v i e w any queer o r ou t o f t h e o r d i n a r y - 156 -experience, whether had under the c o n d i t i o n s of a s c e t i c i s m enjoined by the quest or during the p u r s u i t of everyday occupations, might communicate power". This concept was r e i t e r a t e d by Gunther (1927: 298) who noted that any "unusual experience at any time may br i n g w i t h i t a v i s i o n " . Olson (1936: 144) recorded that the v i s i o n i t s e l f "was t e r r i f y i n g i n nature". As noted o c c a s i o n a l l y throughout previous d i s c u s s i o n s , s p e c i a l s p i r i t songs were conferred upon i n d i v i d u a l s normally at the time of the v i s i o n encounter experience. According to H a e b e r l i n and Gunther (1930: 67), a f e a t u r e "common to a l l s p i r i t s " was that they had songs, "each s p i r i t having words and tunes of h i s own". S p i r i t s "gave to t h e i r owners songs which when sung brought the power conferred i n t o f u l l play" ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 328). S u t t l e s continued: A shaman's s p i r i t gave i t s owner a song, ksKMzr\a/saf\ ) c e r t a i n kinds of layman's s p i r i t s gave t h e i r owners songs which could be used as shamans' songs were used. These were the powers which l e d to s p e c i a l i z a t i o n as seeresses, mediums, gamblers, w a r r i o r s and probably others. These type of songs each had separate names. C e r t a i n other laymen's s p i r i t s gave t h e i r owners songs c a l l e d s'wl^r\ > which I s h a l l c a l l simply s p i r i t songs. Because the songs of shamans and other s p e c i a l i s t s were e s s e n t i a l to the operation of the s p i r i t s of these s p e c i a l i s t s , these songs were sung whenever needed. ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 328) F u r t h e r , S u t t l e s (1951: 357) maintained that the s p i r i t song was "conceived as being something more than a v o c a l performance", and that i t had "a permanent existence as a s p i r i t u a l e n t i t y , - 157 -perhaps even as a p h y s i c a l e n t i t y " . As such, i t stayed " w i t h i n the body of i t s owner" and may have moved "around w i t h i n i t s owner's body" ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 357). The general n o t i o n , according to S u t t l e s (1951: 363), was that because a song e x i s t e d "as an i n d i v i d u a l e n t i t y " , i t could not "be present i n more than one person at a time", although there were instances of "something very c l o s e to the possession of the same song, through i n h e r i t a n c e , by s e v e r a l persons at the same time". In accordance w i t h t h i s n o t i o n , songs acquired through s p i r i t u a l means were considered i not only to be c l o s e l y connected w i t h power, but a l s o p e r s o n a l , and as such, at ceremonies, "anyone who had a song might s t a r t s i n g i n g i t , then i t was taken up by the second or song l e a d e r and f i n a l l y , by a l l of the people who were present" (Smith, 1940: 102). Whatever the case, such songs could only be s t a r t e d by the owner of the song. F u r t h e r , at a p o t l a t c h , groups of i n d i v i d u a l s having the same guardian s p i r i t , sang t h e i r songs together; although two people may have had "an experience w i t h the same s p i r i t " , they d i d toot n e c e s s a r i l y get the same song"; the tunes may have been a l i k e but the words were always different,,, (Gunther, 1927: 290). O c c a s i o n a l l y i t appeared t h a t c e r t a i n s p i r i t songs, c a r r y i n g s p e c i f i c powers, were sung at times when such powers were not i n pl a y . For example: The drum beat i n Twana hand-game songs was s i m i l a r to t h a t of the shaman-power songs used i n diagnosis ( UUw^cL'a-b ) , but f a s t e r ; the melody i n some was reminiscent of shaman songs. Any shaman could use h i s shaman-power (scoa/oks ) song f o r p l a y i n g the hand game. However, most hand-game - 158 -songs were d i s t i n c t , used only i n the game and never f o r d o c t o r i n g . (Elmendorf, I960: 244) Again, as mentioned above s p i r i t songs were u s u a l l y acquired at the time of the v i s i o n encounter experience. Duff, however, documented f o u r ways by which s p i r i t songs were acquired: The f i r s t was by u n s o l i c i t e d s e i z u r e during the w i n t e r dancing season, r e s u l t i n g i n a dream or v i s i o n experience i n which a song was learned, and u s u a l l y f o l l o w e d by fo u r days' t r a i n i n g and a "run" i n the f o r e s t "to get the complete song". The second was s i m i l a r , except that the seizure or " f i t " d i d not come u n s o l i c i t e d , but was induced by the act i o n s of o l d e r dancers. The t h i r d and f o u r t h could occur at any time during the year: the song was learned i n an ordi n a r y dream, or was heard emanating from some n a t u r a l object such as a tree i n the f o r e s t . (Duff, 1952: 103) F u r t h e r , S u t t l e s (1951: 357) recorded an account which s t a t e d t h a t the s p i r i t song came when one was s l e e p i n g and tha t one then woke up h o l l e r i n g , i n t h a t i t "comes on your breath and makes you h o l l e r " . In a d d i t i o n Gunther (1927: 277) reported t h a t s p i r i t songs, such as those belonging to p r o f e s s i o n a l gamblers, were acquired not only through a s p i r i t u a l experience, but a l s o through i n h e r i t a n c e . Power came from a wide v a r i e t y of sources, a number of which have been s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioned above, and u s u a l l y appeared, during the v i s i o n encounter experience, i n a v a r i e t y of forms. Generally, "the sources of s p i r i t power were l i v i n g t h i n g s , n a t u r a l o b j e c t s , n a t u r a l f o r c e s , monsters, and, r a r e l y , even man-made o b j e c t s " , and u s u a l l y were "what we would regard - 159 -as l i v i n g c r e a t u r e s " ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 327). S u t t l e s (1951: 331) continued by s t a t i n g that shamans "got t h e i r powers from l i v i n g t h i n g s , t h i n g s that we would c a l l inanimate, and things t h a t we would c a l l s u p e r n a t u r a l " . According to Elmendorf (I960: 4^7), "the m a j o r i t y of l a y s p i r i t s represented some l i v i n g species of animal". Although S u t t l e s (1951: 327) sta t e d t h a t m y t h o l o g i c a l beings "were not sources of power", Elmendorf (I960: 488)'reported that a number of s p i r i t s "were purely m y t h i c a l beings, anthropomorphic or of u n c e r t a i n p h y s i c a l form", and t h a t t h i s category included those s p i r i t s c o n f e r r i n g wealth, war and a few other powers. Fu r t h e r , shaman powers were "mythical monsters of e x t r a o r d i n a r y potency" (Elmendorf, I960: 500). Smith (1940: 59) reported t h a t the l a y - t y p e of s p i r i t power, S6jp(.l^11 zf~^£", i n t e r p r e t e d as "powers which d i f f e r e n t i a t e d p e r s o n a l i t i e s or was connected w i t h the enhancement of p r e s t i g e " , might have been " e i t h e r animal or a b s t r a c t " . S i m i l a r l y , shaman and w a r r i o r , , were a l s o connected "with e i t h e r animal or a b s t r a c t powers" (Smith, 1940: 62). Olson (1936: 141) recorded t h a t s p i r i t s "which came from the land of the dead seem to have been the commonest type", and that others might have been "powers of the a i r , monsters, or oteher c r e a t u r e s " . Continuing, Olson (1936: 142) maintained that w i t h "the p o s s i b l e exception of powers which came from submerged l o g s , from forked t r e e s , or from the bones of the dead", " a l l s p i r i t s and powers were p e r s o n i f i e d " , "ageless, u s u a l l y s e x l e s s , and never d i e d " . Although there seems to have been some c o r r e l a t i o n of s p i r i t - 160 -and a b i l i t y or power conferred!, f o r example, "a c e r t a i n man w i t h a b l a c k f i s h s p i r i t was a sea-mammal hunter and a c e r t a i n man w i t h a wolf s p i r i t hunted deer" ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 330), t h i s was not always the case. As mentioned, power u s u a l l y appeared during the v i s i o n experience i n a number of forms. Gen e r a l l y , at the outset of the v i s i o n encounter, the s p i r i t appeared to the seeker i n i t s o r i g i n a l , n a t u r a l form, and then "assumed human form as the v i s i o n experience progressed" (Elemdorf, I960: 494). This s t a t e normally p e r s i s t e d u n t i l the seeker had received the i n f o r m a t i o n or i n s t r u c t i o n and paraphernalia conferred upon him, and had learned the song and dance performed byttthe s p i r i t , f o l l o w i n g which the s p i r i t "turned i n t o i t s " t r u e " form of animal, b i r d , f i s h , e t c . , and disappeared" (Duff, 1952: 103). F o l l o w i n g the v i s i o n encounter, there u s u a l l y was a p e r i o d o f time, perhaps l a s t i n g s v e r a l y e a r s , during which the s p i r i t u a l experience was 'supressed*. A seeker, who had obtained s p i r i t power was "expected to " f o r g e t " the v i s i o n encounter u n t i l the occasion of h i s f i r s t repossession by the s p i r i t at a w i n t e r s p i r i t dance" (Elmendorf, I960: 495). On the other hand, S u t t l e s (1951: 329) reported t h a t s p e c i a l i s t s (seeresses, mediums, gamblers, w a r r i o r s , and others) "apparently began to use t h e i r a b i l i t i e s as soon a f t e r they acquired t h e i r s p i r i t s as they f e l t s trong enough", and t h a t shamans i | " o f t e n d i d not use t h e i r powers u n t i l middle age". In a d d i t i o n , the " a b i l i t i e s conferred by l a y m e n ^ s p i r i t s : e v i d e n t l y could be used immediately or soon a f t e r the s p i r i t - 161 -experience", but the song "need not be sung at that time or ever", and because "the i d e n t i t y of the s p i r i t was kept secret the owner d i d not have to commit him s e l f on the nature of h i s a b i l i t y " ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 329). Gunther (1927: 290) maintained t h a t i f the i n d i v i d u a l , upon r e t u r n i n g from a s p i r i t u a l experience, t o l d of i t immediately, "he could never put h i s power to use". In a d d i t i o n to the c o n f e r r i n g of a s p e c i f i c power, by the guardian s p i r i t , on an i n d i v i d u a l , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s p i r i t and human partner r e q u i r e d that the power be demonstrated. Powers were u s u a l l y demonstrable through l u c k , s k i l l , attainment, or by whatever means through which the power might be manifested. There appeared to have been "a strong tendency to a s s o c i a t e each k i n d of power, or formal m a n i f e s t a t i o n of power, w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r k i n d of guardian s p i r i t " (Smith 1940: 482). On the other hand, possession of some s p i r i t s "was perhaps evidenced only by patterned song and dance forms e x h i b i t e d at ceremonies" (Smith, 1940: 482). For the Twana, t h i s was the normal method of power demonstration, such t h a t " f i n a l r e c a l l and c o n t r o l of a v i s i o n - a c q u i r e d guardian s p i r i t took the form of a w i n t e r - s p i r i t - d a n c e ceremonial ( s e c V ' c £ & b ) some years a f t e r the v i s i o n encounter" (Elmendorf, I960: 496). Elmendorf l i s t e d i n sequence, the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e s of the s p i r i t dance complex: (1) i l l n e s s of the human s p i r i t owner i n e a r l y w i n t e r , caused by h i s v i s i o n acquired s p i r i t r e t u r n i n g at that season and attempting to induce h i s to e x h i b i t ceremonially; (2) diagnosis of the i l l n e s s - 162 -by a shaman as ats/a/0 bd-ts-b , "being looked at by a v i s i o n - a c q u i r e d s p i r i t , "or J>L'a.-3>b?. 3ti>js <z->.5*-'/tr , "you are being made s i c k by your power"; (3) sponsoring by the p a t i e n t of a s p i r i t dance, i n v o l v i n g : (a) i n v i t i n g i n of guests who act as "audience help" ( O ^ a . y ( f b C c L ) by supporting the sponsor i n 'singing and dancing; (b) r i t u a l summoning of the patient-sponsor's guardian s p i r i t by the t r e a t i n g shaman, who dispatches h i s own s p i r i t s to brin g i t to the sponsor; (c) possession of the sponsor by h i s s p i r i t , which enters h i s body, begins to s i n g i t s song "from i n s i d e " of him, and induces the sponsor t o dance and perform other r i t u a l a c t i o n s depending on the nature of the possessing s p i r i t ; (d) subsequent e x h i b i t i o n of h i s s p i r i t by the sponsor during s e v e r a l successive n i g h t s , by s i n g i n g and dancing plus other, v a r i a b l e , r i t u a l acts demonstrating the power granted by the s p i r i t . (Elmendorf, I960: 496-497) The e n t i r e ceremony "removes the cause of the CLSJ#~/pJ>3b i l l n e s s and ensures f u l l subsequent rapport w i t h and c o n t r o l of the sponsor's s p i r i t " (Elmendorf, I960: 497). Elmendorf continued: Following the f i r s t s p i r i t dance were u s u a l l y l a t e r annual " v i s i t s " by the now c o n t r o l l e d s p i r i t to i t s owner i n w i n t e r , n e c e s s i t a t i n g r e p e t i t i o n of the s p i r i t - d a n c e procedure without shaman diagnosis...being necessary. Not a l l s p i r i t s r e q u i r e d these subsequent annual performances. Often spontaneous repossession of the human s p i r i t owner at someone e l s e ' s s p i r i t dance, accompanied by b r i e f dancing and s i n g i n g , s a t i s f i e d the annual d e s i r e of a s p i r i t f o r p u b l i c e x h i b i t i o n by i t s owner. On such occasion a b r i e f p u b l i c account of the s p i r i t owner's v i s i o n , s u f f i c i e n t t o i d e n t i f y the k i n d of s p i r i t , might be gi v e n . This was termed hl?va.'fi/f,/.af?±h « " t e l l i n g about power" . i(mmendorf, I960: 497) -The above accounts have been i n c l u d e d i n some d e t a i l s i n c e , to a g r e a t e r or l e s s e r extent, other Coast S a l i s h groups - 163 -exhibited a s i m i l a r form of power demonstration. However, both Gunther (1927: 290) and Haeberlin and Gunther (1930: 67) mentioned that when an i n d i v i d u a l was v i s i t e d by his guardian s p i r i t , and thereby became i l l , a shaman was not c a l l e d i n , and instead, the individual's f r i e n d s , none of whom had the same guardian s p i r i t , came and helped him sing his songs, only i f he started them. When the s p i r i t was " s a t i s f i e d , " i t l e f t i t s owner, who then became well again (Gunther, 1927: 290). In addition, Suttles (1951: 330) reported that although the r "source of power" or " i d e n t i t y of the s p i r i t " was usually kept secret, "the dance that accompanied the s p i r i t song and sometimes the s p i r i t song i t s e l f " might have hinted at the i d e n t i t y of the s p i r i t , and i f t h i s was known, "the s p i r i t song might be c a l l e d a f t e r i t " . According to Elmendorf (I960: 497), both shaman and lay-wealth s p i r i t s did not require, from t h e i r owners, t h i s form of public demonstration or exhibition "according to the regular spirit-dance form". Further, the lay-wealth s p i r i t s "did require public ceremonial exhibition by t h e i r owners but t h i s took the form of singing of his wealth s p i r i t ' s song by the sponsor of a ^JA/dd. give-away feast", thereby " p u b l i c a l l y demonstrating or v a l i d a t i n g possession of those lay s p i r i t s which granted wealth powers" (Elmendorf, I960: 497-498). Although Elmendorf (I960) did not make mention of other such l a y - s p i r i t s outside of those which granted wealth powers, i t would appear self-evident that powers, such as, f o r example, <;... gambling powers, would have manifested themselves i n s i m i l a r - 164 -p u b l i c demonstration appropriate and relevant to a d i r e c t , observably v e r i f i a b l e e x h i b i t i o n which v a l i d a t e d possession of the p a r t i c u l a r power. For example, i t would seem that an i n d i v i d u a l w i t h a gambling power would have e x h i b i t e d and thereby v e r i f i e d h i s possession of that power by a demonstrated s k i l l through the obvious means of the a c t u a l gambling game circumstance. Since the gambling circumstance made use of gambling power songs, these were sung, the primary purpose u s u a l l y being to invoke supernatural a i d during play. In a s i m i l a r sense, Smith reported the f o l l o w i n g : When i n d i v i d u a l s . . . c a l l e d upon t h e i r powers f o r a i d i n a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n or c r i s i s which arose i n t h e i r l i v e s , these occasions incorporated the elements of the ceremony except that they were without p u b l i c meaning and were matters of concern only to the i n d i v i d u a l . Occasions of t h i s k i n d involved two elements: the c a l l t o the power to come and show h i s s t r e n g t h , and the m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the power's presence i n some extr a o r d i n a r y circumstance or event, a m a n i f e s t a t i o n which i s c a l l e d here a "power demonstration" because the point of view should be c o n s i s t e n t l y from the human's side of the pa r t n e r s h i p i f d e s c r i p t i o n s are to be accurate. The t r u e ceremonies included a t h i r d element: the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of other people who j o i n e d i n the e f f o r t to strengthen and encourage the power by the combined f o r c e of t h e i r own powers and by t h e i r good w i l l . (Smith, 1940: 100) Smith concluded: G e t t i n g the power meant a« j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r i t s use and an assurance t h a t that use would succeed. Since a l l the f a c t s concerning the r e c e p t i o n of power were kept s e c r e t at l e a s t u n t i l the power was demonstrated, there was every opportunity f o r the i n d i v i d u a l to make constant adjustments between what he had conceived anj/iexperience to s i g n i f y and what i t had then helped him to accomplish. - 165 -As the f i n a l c r i t e r i o n of power was always achievement, such adjustments meant no i n s i n c e r i t y . (Smith, 1940: 58) Meeting the ceremonial requirements of one's power was of primary importance. F a i l u r e to do so "caused.a f r i c t i o n which r e s u l t e d i n the i l l n e s s or u l t i m a t e death of the human who was thus stubborn i n r e f u s a l " (Smith, 1940: 60). Further, b o d i l y weakness caused by f a t i g u e or p h y s i c a l i l l n e s s o c c a s i o n a l l y caused "the power to become detached or dislodged", again causing " i l l n e s s and u l t i m a t e death i f the power could not be recovered" (Smith, 1940: 60). Kew (1970: 126) concurred w i t h Smith i n t h a t death might r e s u l t i f the i n d i v i d u a l , i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h a supernatural being, d i d not achieve the m a n i f e s t a t i o n of h i s power ( SLJ-^'A/^/? ) . I f the power became detached or dislodged from the body, i t was u s u a l l y considered " l o s t " . In such cases a doctor/shaman was consulted, and by " s i n g i n g h i s doctor song KskM&r\al3BQ ) he could b r i n g the power i n t o f u l l p l ay" so t h a t he could "send i t out i n search" of the " l o s t s o u l or power" ( S u t t l e s , 1951: 339). Smith (1940: 96) i n d i c a t e d t h a t "the ' l o s t ' s o u l was returned to the body by a simple shaman cu r i n g ceremony", and t h a t i t was found i n a " f a m i l i a r l o c a l i t y " . S p e c i f i c a l l y d e a l i n g w i t h gambling, C u r t i s recorded the f o l l o w i n g : When c o n t i n u a l gambling l o s s e s warned a man t h a t h i s good luck had been c a r r i e d v away by s p i r i t s of the dead, or when dreams i n which he seemed to be i n f a r d i s t a n t places showed t h a t h i s very s o u l was being e n t i c e d to the underworld, he had recourse to the medicine-men whose s p e c i a l powers enabled them to r e c a l l the wandering s p i r i t s and t h i n g s and men. ( C u r t i s , 1913: 110) - 166 -F o l l o w i n g an i t i t i a l s u c c e s s f u l v i s i o n encounter, subsequent questing and o b t a i n i n g of other s p i r i t s u s u a l l y occurred. O r d i n a r i l y , "a youth d i d not stop h i s search f o r power w i t h the a c q u i s i t i o n of one s p i r i t but continued u n t i l he c o n t r o l l e d a number", and s p i r i t s may have continued "coming to a man at i n t e r v a l s u n t i l middle age or l a t e r " (Olson, 1936: 141). In a d d i t i o n , some s p i r i t s "conferred two or more d i s t i n c t kinds of power, u s u a l l y on d i f f e r e n t human owners" (Elmendorf, I960: 482 ) . The foregoing has been presented i n some length i n order to give as complete a p i c t u r e as p o s s i b l e of the power concept as i t was viewed, i n i t s v a r y i n g forms, by the Coast S a l i s h . This was e n t i r e l y necessary i f there i s to be a thorough understanding of the study i n question, Coast S a l i s h gambling games, i n r e l a t i o n t o the existence of s p e c i f i c powers which apparently had i n f l u e n c e on and were manifested through the gambling circumstance. Through these means, Coast S a l i s h gambling games were seen t o be an expression of mian's power a f f i l i a t i o n s . Although the foregoing was not e n t i r e l y or s p e c i f i c a l l y concerned w i t h gambling powers, p e r t i n e n t references were made wherever p o s s i b l e . Throughout, the assumption has been that gambling pollers, r e l e v a n t to the c l a s s of powers u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d t o as layman or la y - i ? s p i r i t powers, were acquired by the same means and from the dame sources as were other such £ 167 -powers i n t h i s c l a s s . In a d d i t i o n to the references made i n the proceeding d i s c u s s i o n s , 'personal' accounts, documenting s p e c i f i c cases i n v o l v i n g gambling powers, gave concrete evidence of t h i s assumption. During h i s youth one of Old P i e r r e ' s uncles who l i v e d at Lummi was an i n v e t e r a t e gambler. One day he l o s t everything he possessed, even a sl a v e whom he wagered. When h i s r e l a t i v e s reproached him the next morning, he refused to eat, and at night s t o l e away i n a canoe to Deception Bay, near the i s l a n d of Anacortes, where many supernatural beings dwell i n the water. A f t e r p u r i f y i n g h i m s e l f here f o r some days, he t i e d together two l o g s , set them a f l o a t on the ebbing t i d e , and d r i f t e d out, w i t h two heavy stones beside him. As soon as h i s c r a f t reached the open water, he gripped the two stones i n h i s hands and dropped overboard. I n s t a n t l y he l o s t consciousness, yet could hear the supernatural beings say to him: "Poor man, there are only w a r r i o r s p i r i t s here. The s p i r i t c h i e f that you are seeking dwells f a r away to the south-east. You must go t h i t h e r . " When he regained h i s senses, he was l y i n g at the edge of the woods. S t i l l f a s t i n g , he paddled to the south-east, bathed, and p u r i f i e d h i m s e l f f o r two days. Then once more he d r i f t e d out t o sea on two logs and drowned him s e l f w i t h two stones i n the open water. This time he dreamed th a t h i s v i t a l i t y entered a house th a t was f i l l e d w i t h goat's wool blankets and t h a t the inmates s a i d to him: "So you have come at l a s t , poor man. We v / i l l help you. Ju s t as I c a l l a l l the b i r d s and f i s h of the sea to p o t l a t c h e s , so s h a l l you c a l l a l l your people. You s h a l l g i v e eight p o t l a t c h e s during your l i f e t i m e . Now watch us gamble." The b i r d gave'him the power of winning whenever he played the gambling game sfexz /4/n. Consequently the man became very r i c h and gave eight p o t l a t c h e s , one every f o u r years. (Jenness, 1 9 5 5 : 5 5 ) A s l a h a l p l a y e r bet h i s two wives and l o s t them. He went away back i n the h i l l s , swimming, t r a i n i n g . Two loons came around, p l a y i n g . He was: t i r e d and went to sle e p . - 168 -The l o o n s t a l k e d t o h im and t o o k h im i n t o t h e i r home. They were two g i r l s . They t r a i n e d h im how t o see t h e w h i t e bone o f s l a h a l , by t h r o w i n g i t away somewhere and a s k i n g h im t o f i n d i t . A t f i r s t he c o u l d n ' t , bu t l a t e r he c o u l d , and he was r e a d y . They gave a new s l a h a l s o n g , and a l s o s o m e t h i n g t h a t t h e y d i d n ' t have i n t h o s e d a y s . He went back and s t a k e d t h i s t h i n g a g a i n s t h i s w i v e s and won them b a c k . Then he won e v e r y t h i n g f rom t h e man who had b e a t e n h i m . He go t t h e power t o gamble , but he c o u l d n ' t d o c t o r . ( D u f f , 1952: 103) About 1870 a l l t h e P u y a l l u p went o v e r t o Snoqua lmie F a l l s where t h e y had h e a r d t h e r e was a good g a m b l e r . A l l t h e g a m b l e r s went and t h e y be t e v e r y t h i n g t h e y h a d . Std^skaA was a g r e a t P u y a l l u p g a m b l e r . He went and be t h i s o n l y r a c e h o r s e on t h e game. When t h e y go t t h e r e and t h e b e t s had been f i x e d and t h e game a r r a n g e d , he went t o s l e e p . He was j u s t t i r e d and went t o s l e e p . But he t o l d them f i r s t t h a t i f t h e y s t a r t e d l o s i n g t h e y ' d b e t t e r wake h im u p . I t was a l o n g , s i x t y s t i c k game. When t h e y had l o s t o v e r h a l f t h e p o i n t s t h e y h a l t e d t h e game and c a l l e d .s^aLL/she*./ . He t o o k t h e l e a d . The bones were on t h e P u y a l l u p s i d e and he s a i d , " W e ' l l p l a y w i t h my bones n o w . " He had a l i t t l e s e t o f s m a l l b o n e s , w h i c h he had bought f rom t h e H a i d a . When he s a t dovm, he began t o s i n g a new song w h i c h none o f them had e v e r h e a r d b e f o r e . He guessed t h e bones , when t h e y go t on t h e o t h e r s i d e , s even t i m e s r u n n i n g . T h i s b r o k e t h e l u c k o f t h e S n o q u a l m i e . They changed s h a k e r s and t r i e d e v e r y t h i n g bu t about d a y l i g h t t h e P u y a l l u p w o n . They won t h e h o r s e r a c i n g , t o o . a t t h a t t i m e . ( S m i t h , 1940: 217) I t [ t h e s p i r i t ! came t o h e r i n t h e fo rm o f a s a l m o n b e r r y b i r d {s>J(u/it~) i n a c a n o e . She h e a r d i t s song and i t s d i r e c t i o n s t o t u r n a r o u n d . Then she saw two marked b e a v e r t e e t h d i c e l y i n g i n t h e canoe o f t h e s p i r i t s . She a l w a y s gambled v / i t h t h e s e and s e ldom l o s t , and d u r i n g h e r l i f e t i m e became q u i t e r i c h f rom h e r w i n n i n g s . She once s t a g e d a g a m b l i n g bout w i t h t h e most famous woman gamble r o f Puge t S o u n d . The game was p l a y e d a t E l m a and o n l o o k e r s be t l a r g e sums on t h e - 169 -outcome. Each woman s t a r t e d w i t h 100 t a l l y s t i c k s . A h a l f day passed before the contest was over. W.M.'s mother would prepare f o r an important contest such as t h i s by s i n g i n g her s p i r i t songs f o r tv/o or three days. (Olson, 1936: 150-151) A man from Washington Harbor had gone over to Whidby I s l a n d to gamble and had l o s t everything he took w i t h him. He paddled home i n the f o g , d r i f t i n g along without c a r i n g whether he l o s t h i s way or not. He s t r u c k a rock w i t h h i s paddle and t h i s became h i s power. A f t e r a r r i v i n g at home he d i d not eat f o r many days. This made him an expert at the d i s k game, ^ HJXOL']£m . Another man secured success i n p l a y i n g the dis k game f o r h i s whole t r i b e . He was walking along the road at Jamestown when he heard a disk game song although there was nobody near him. I t was a calm, windless day. He looked up and saw two <RO. Cottonwood t r e e s moving t h e i r top limbs j u s t the way a p l a y e r moves h i s arms i n the d i s k game. From that time on the K l a l l a m always won when they played the d i s k game during the hop p i c k i n g season. (Gunther, 1927: 274) The man who had the most power won. Once when my grandfather was a l i v e the N i s q u a l l y played the Oyster Bay. A l l the N i s q u a l l y went. They played f i v e nights and n e i t h e r side had won. The N i s q u a l l y turned to my grandfather and asked him to have p i t y on them and to p l a y . He took the seat and the Oyster Bay people a l l laughed because he was so o l d . He t o l d h i s power and shook the d i s c s . Three times he shook and n e i t h e r time d i d the other side guess him. Then he got up and s a i d they would win and turned the game over t o someone e l s e . I t only took t h a t same night f o r the N i s q u a l l y t o win. He had put l i f e i n the bones w i t h h i s power. He was a great leader. (Smith, 1940: 220-221) "You have to get a s p e c i a l v i s i o n f o r The gambler may see the sja/nzjI bones i n h i s v i s i o n . My cousin Solomon Balch K^laX c^) » a K l a l l a m who l i v e d at Lummi, was hop p i c k i n g at P u y a l l u p . He had no luck i n the gambling at the hop p i c k i n g . He l o s t everything and had to walk home. On the way he l a y down by the - 1 7 0 -road to sleep, and he got a 3UJia//_ song from a h a z e l bush there. $Balch's drum, i n HA's possession, had an eagle on i t s f a c e , i n black p a i n t , h o l d i n g a &)<zA*!/ bone i n e i t h e r foot.) My brother (informant FA) has h i s own S/CLACJ'/ song, from loon s p i r i t . He used t o be head man on the Skokomish team ( i n i n t e r t r i b a l gambling)." (Elmendorf, I960: 244) Data c o l l e c t e d , through i n t e r v i e w s , on the subject of gambling power y i e l d e d good, but only l i t t l e , i n f o r m a t i o n . Nevertheless, theainformation acquired not only served to corroborate t h a t already recorded, but a l s o i n d i c a t e d c u r r e n t b e l i e f s regarding the status of power as an i n f l u e n c e i n the game circumstance. A Squamish informant, 79 years of age, who, h i m s e l f , once played the bone or hand game, sl^-hd , although he d i d not have the s j o - h j l power, the ^K^^^fMx^ provided t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n . (Throughout the remainder of the chapter, only the t r a n s c r i p t i o n s of the Squamish words have been taken from Kuipers* 1967 and 1969 p u b l i c a t i o n s on the Squamish language. Other than t h i s , a l l data recorded, unless otherwise noted, have come from f i e l d note sources.) For the Squamish, the sj^jq^l , gambling power, i s ge n e r a l l y r e f e r r e d to as s-k^-JC/tx , (from K^-^ltx -•to gamble'), l i t e r a l l y "bone used i n gambling game" (Kuipers, 1967: 293). )CKuipers t ,(1967: 291) mentioned that sbA;'') i s the "West Coast word" f o r /{^-k^/frx .) In a d d i t i o n , the term SiL>?i'r\l , l i t e r a l l y "magic power" (Kuipers, 1969: 62), i s - 171 -used when reference i s made to power, i n g e n e r a l . Such power i s obtained when one gets a v i s i o n , and the v i s i o n i s , i n f a c t , the power. When an i n d i v i d u a l gets a v i s i o n , he apparently becomes s i c k and " d i e s " . ...they s a i d that was h i s help when he came back to l i f e , because when a person i s s i c k , our people say, when he gets a v i s i o n , that v i s i o n i s h i s power f o r h e l p i n g him whenever he does anything. The v i s i o n i s s a i d to come from "He who Guides, P r o t e c t s and P r o v i d e s " , and one "gets i t i n h i s dream", o_, (from - 'to dream') l i t e r a l l y "dream, v i s i o n , guardian s p i r i t " (Kuipers, 1967: 302). An i n d i v i d u a l would know that he has the gambling power because i t would be r e l a t e d t o him by means of the v i s i o n which he would get i n h i s dream; he would be t o l d : " t h i s i s going to be your g i f t " ; t h i s would be h i s power. In the past, the ' p r o f e s s i o n a l ' gamblers u s u a l l y had the gambling (J5 i.' 1 ) power, the ^2 , which was obtained through v i s i o n experience. Nevertheless, an i n d i v i d u a l could have become a ' p r o f e s s i o n a l ' i n gambling without supernatural a i d or power. (This was s u b s t a n t i a t e d by Duff (1952: 102) who recorded that men "could become e x c e l l e n t hunters, fishermen, w a r r i o r s ( ? ) , or gamblers without s p i r i t h e l p " . In a d d i t i o n , Kew (1970: 308) reported t h a t although " s p e c i a l c a p a b i l i t i e s i n p l a y i n g sje.k^{ were thought sometimes to be given by supernatural h e l p e r s , the •S ? t 9 / ^ > ....the supernatural helper merely endows the f o r t u n a t e i n d i v i d u a l w i t h a greater a b i l i t y than he would otherwise - 172 -have".) One such man was A.B., who d i d not have the power, but p r a c t i s e d towards h i s a b i l i t y and became known as a p r o f e s s i o n a l . Known as the "flybone k i n g " , A.B. became regarded as p r o f e s s i o n a l , f o r when he held the bones he "couldn't be caught", t h a t i s , the p o i n t e r on the opposing team was unable to guess the l o c a t i o n of the white, p l a i n , unmarked bone, t>am-75i. This was p r i m a r i l y because he " r e a l l y knew how to switch", S B L ^ - a ' c ( l i t e r a l l y "switch hands": Kuipers, 1969: 61), that i s , switch the bones from one hand to the other during 'shaking', before the guess was made. A.B. p r a c t i s e d towards t h i s s k i l l before a m i r r o r , everyday f o r f i v e y ears. Although the a b i l i t y to switch was commonly considered as cheating, and although i t was known that A.B. c o n t i n u a l l y p r a c t i s e d t h i s , thereby causing h i s team to win, he could not be caught i n the a c t . By means of h i s s k i l l , t h e r e f o r e , A.B. "brought the s t i c k s j^the counters^ back" to h i s team's s i d e . Therefore, an i n d i v i d u a l could have become a ' p r o f e s s i o n a l ' gambler e i t h e r through a c q u i r i n g power or by p r a c t i s e . However, the ' p r o f e s s i o n a l ' who had the power u s u a l l y earned h i s r e p u t a t i o n as a p o i n t e r . Although "most powers are given by seeking", my informant f e l t t h a t as "the gambling power i s j u s t a s m a l l t h i n g " , i n d i v i d u a l s would probably "ask f o r i t " , perhaps they would "go out and bathe a l i t t l e w h i l e f o r i t " , but they "didn't have to go through too much". U n l i k e t h i s , the power, S-fltdfm , r e q u i r e d to become an Indian doctor, SX°?U/mtn , i n v o l v e d a lengthy period of c l e a n s i n g : - 173 -. . . y o u ' v e go t t o go o u t , y o u ' v e go t t o go c l e a n s e y o u r s e l f , f o r d a y s , mon ths , y e a r s . . . H o w e v e r , i n t h e c a s e o f g a m b l i n g power , " i t was g i v e n t o t h e m " . One man, B . G . T . , had t h e g i f t o f sj^hl'l 5~£<x!-k~>/t'k' ; i t "was g i v e n t o him as a g i f t because he was d i s a b l e d " , h a v i n g gone b l i n d as t h e r e s u l t o f a s m a l l p o x e p i d e m i c . . . . a n d t h e n he s a y s . . . " a p e r s o n came and t o l d me t h a t t h i s was my h e l p , my a s s i s t a n c e " , he was g o i n g t o t a k e c a r e o f h i m , and he gave h im t h e zfokl'l , t h e $-k7a'-k''/£% , and t h a t ' s t h e way he was g o i n g t o e a r n h i s l i v i n g , he was g o i n g t o be a p r o f e s s i o n a l g a m b l e r . . . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e sl^kt'l power "was g o i n g t o be eyes f o r h i m " , and i t " l e d h im w h e r e v e r he w e n t " . As s u c h , i t a p p e a r e d t h a t t n e ^ i ^ A i i L P o w e r c o n f e r r e d , on B . G . T . , no t o n l y t h e a b i l i t y t o be a p r o f e s s i o n a l g a m b l e r and t h e r e b y , e a r n a l i v i n g , bu t a l s o t h e g i f t o f ' s i g h t | , a l t h o u g h he r e m a i n e d b l i n d . A t one t i m e , B . G . T . ' p l a y e d t h e s-j^-k^j game a g a i n s t C . R . , who was r e p u t e d as a l s o h a v i n g t h e \ \ . power , and who p r o c l a i m e d : " I ' v e g o t t h e p o w e r . I can p l a y t h e game." The game was p l a y e d d u r i n g hop p i c k i n g t i m e "so we had abou t 2 5 - 3 0 on each s i d e " , but B . G . T . and C . R . were " the ones t h a t were g o i n g t o match t h e i r p o w e r " . My i n f o r m a n t , who s a t n e x t t o C . R . , r e p o r t e d t h a t even before t h e p l a y e r s , m i x i n g t h e bones f o r t h e o p p o s i n g team, showed t h e i r h a n d s , p r i o r t o t h e guess b e i n g made, C . R . w o u l d t e l l h im Qny i n f o r m a n t ^ i n what p o s i t i o n t h e unmarked b o n e s , t h e ones t o be g u e s s e d , w o u l d l i e when t h e y were f i n a l l y r e v e a l e d , f o l l o w i n g t h e . g u e s s . C . R . n e v e r m i s s e d . - 174 -.•.he i s j u s t a s o r t of mind reader, he could read t h a t person's mind. That's the power, t h a t ' s the s\&hU/ power. . E v e n t u a l l y , BiG.T. s t a r t e d l o s i n g and "he got confused". Then "the others s t a r t e d p o i n t i n g and t h a t threw him r i g h t out so he q u i t . " . . . I t h i n k " I J S . R Z I had a stronger power than JB. G. T.J .... .therefore, there i s such a t h i n g as power. When a gambler i s p o i n t i n g "he says i t ' s not him t h a t ' s p o i n t i n g , i t ' s the power i n him t e l l i n g him what to do." The gambler "knows when the power i s r i g h t i n him and he knows when the power i s not t h e r e " . My informant reported t h a t sometimes he saw B.G.T. play "when he wouldn't p o i n t ; he wouldn't even take the bones; sometimes he wouldn't touch the bones", because the power was not t h e r e . In another case of power demonstration, my informant remarked t h a t he had "heard a person say t h a t a f e l l o w had such a strong power t h a t he could look at a bone and the bone would s p l i t " , t hat i s , " the bone would s p l i t r i g h t open" and t h e r e f o r e would be of no more use and would be thrown away. Although my informant d i d not witness t h i s power e x h i b i t i o n , two c l o s e r e l a t i v e s both s a i d t h a t t h e y had seen i t happen. A p a r t i c u l a r Indian doctor, U.B., who; "would go i n t o a t r a n c e and would eat f i r e - t h a t was the Indian power he had", played ^Az^WV during one hop p i c k i n g season and l o s t . I t was b e l i e v e d that U.B. was not u s i n g h i s power w h i l e p l a y i n g f o r i f he d i d , h i s opponents "wouldn't have a chance". - 175 -A l t h o u g h U . B . had t h e I n d i a n d o c t o r power , he n e v e r had t h e ^>l^hi' I power , but i t was f e l t , n e v e r t h e l e s s , t h a t "he c o u l d use t h a t I n d i a n power as t h e d o c t o r i n t h e ^l^k^l game" and t h a t i f he d i d , he w o u l d n e v e r be b e a t e n . An i n d i v i d u a l w i t h t h e s>l<^-hi'j power c o u l d become w e a l t h y because o f t h a t power , and my i n f o r m a n t c i t e d a ca se where a young man f rom the U n i t e d S t a t e s had t h e power and "nobody c o u l d b e a t h i m " . C o n s e q u e n t l y , "he was r o l l i n g i n w e a l t h " . P r o f e s s i o n a l g a m b l e r s h a v i n g t h e power d i d have s p e c i a l songs9 B . C - . T . " s ang h i s own s o n g ; he had a s p e c i a l s o n g " . Such songs came " i n t o a dream"; t h i s i s how t h e y were o b t a i n e d . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , C . R . " sang any song a t a l l " . P l a y e r s h a v i n g no power , w o u l d s i n g songs drawn f rom a l a r g e r e p e r t o i r e o f ' g a m b l i n g s o n g s ' . Some songs n e v e r "seemed t o draw any s t i c k s " , and some w o u l d be l u c k y . Such a song w o u l d be sung r e p e a t e d l y u n t i l i t s t a r t e d " t o l o s e i t s m a g i c " , and t h e n t h e p l a y e r s w o u l d s w i t c h t o a n o t h e r s o n g . A l t h o u g h i t i s s t i l l b e l i e v e d t o d a y t h a t some i n d i v i d u a l s p o s s e s s and r e l y on the s/^^i I power , and t h a t t h e power can w i n games, t h e r e appea r s t o b e , I i n t h i s c a s e , a r a p i d l y d e c l i n i n g acknowledgement o f t h e power concep t and i t s accompany ing m a n i f e s t a t i o n i n t h e game c i r c u m s t a n c e : " . . . d o n ' t b e l i e v e i n p o w e r , . . . b e l i e v e j u s t i n t h e game". However , i t i s m a i n t a i n e d t h a t "on t h e West C o a s t " (West C o a s t o f V a n c o u v e r I s l a n d , a round A l b e r n i and P o r t A l b e r n i ) and "up i n the Douglas r e g i o n " power i s s t i l l a v i a b l e mechanism r e q u i r e d f o r s u c c e s s i n t h e g a m b l i n g , games. My i n f o r m a n t s t a t e d t h a t - 176 -"they say on the West Coast i t ' s s t i l l l i k e t h a t today; they depend so much on t h e i r power when they're p l a y i n g the game, and t h e r e f o r e they say they go f o r one or two n i g h t s , three n i g h t s , f o u r n i g h t s , before they can complete the game because they're so evenly matched w i t h t h e i r power". Whereas the West Coast p l a y e r s "depend a l o t on t h e i r power", the Squamish "depend on l u c k " . Both game process and "outcome are seen i n terms of l u c k , and some players are ' j u s t l u c k i e r than others'. (However, i t i s of i n t e r e s t to note t h a t q u a l i t i e s of s k i l l and st r a t e g y evident i n the game, f o r example, i n being able t o study one's opponent and assess patterns i n e i t h e r the mixing or guessing processes, i n t e r f e r e w i t h the idea of 'pure l u c k ' , i n that 'luck' endorses the n o t i o n t h a t the f o r c e s which b r i n g about events and cause things to happen, are beyond the c o n t r o l and i n f l u e n c e of the i n d i v i d u a l s . ) CHAPTER V - CONCLUSION - 178 -The foregoing has examined i n d e t a i l the h i s t o r i e s and customs of Coast S a l i s h gambling games, and has looked at the game s t r u c t u r e and i t s attending s p i r i t power a f f i l i a t i o n s . F i r s t l y , p e r t i n e n t ethnographic data recorded i n published reference l i t e r a t u r e and a r c h i v a l documents, and i n f o r m a t i o n on the r e l e v a n t m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e i n museum c o l l e c t i o n s , were presented. Here, the gambling games of the past have been c l o s e l y examined and s y s t e m a t i c a l l y documented. Secondly, f u r t h e r background i n f o r m a t i o n has been s u p p l i e d by the docu-mentation of the e m p i r i c a l data c o l l e c t e d i n the f i e l d through d i r e c t observation and the i n t e r v i e w i n g of informants, concer-n i n g the only gambling game of a b o r i g i n a l o r i g i n s t i l l played today. T h i r d l y , from among the preceding ethnographic i n f o r -mation, I concluded t h a t Coast S a l i s h gambling games served as a form of s o c i a l expression. This s o c i a l mechanism was found to be a forum f o r supernatural power. The Coast S a l i s h concept of power, and i n p a r t i c u l a r , the r e l a t i o n of t h i s concept t o the gambling games, was t h e r e f o r e discussed i n l i g h t of the data obtained from l i t e r a r y sources and through i n t e r v i e w s . In the study, i t i s concluded t h a t the circumstance of Coast S a l i s h gambling games suggests that these games are not j u s t a simple set of r u l e s , and that the games discussed here have, on the other hand, meaningful f u n c t i o n s , and, as a forum f o r super-n a t u r a l power, serve as a form of s o c i a l expression. The e x i s -tence of supernatural powers are seen as the bas i c i n f l u e n c e i n Coast S a l i s h l i f e , and are given meaning as o n t o l o g i c a l expres-- 179 -s i o n s . I conclude t h a t Coast S a l i s h gambling games are an expression of man's power a f f i l i a t i o n s . Power i s an element which may a f f e c t the outcome of each gambling event, and the gambling games thereby may be an endorsement of power favour. In view of t h i s concept, Coast S a l i s h gambling games appear to me to be u s e f u l devices f o r measuring the d i f f e r e n t i a l degrees or strengths of power among p l a y e r s . F u r t h e r , i t can be s a i d t h a t one of the f u n c t i o n s of these games i s t h a t they give t a n g i b l e and observable v e r i f i c a t i o n of the i n f l u e n c e of power. Fu r t h e r study would be b e t t e r served i f a l a r g e r body of data were a v a i l a b l e , and i f a consistency of i n f o r m a t i o n were d i s c e r n i b l e . Future i n v e s t i g a t i o n of Coast S a l i s h gambling games should deal more s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h the r i t u a l i s t i c aspect of gaming and i t s connection w i t h the people's cosmology. Nevertheless, the study, as completed, i s a d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s t o r i c and present-day Coast S a l i s h gambling games. Although t h i s k i n d of ethnographic re c o r d i n g i s of major importance, there remain, however, other f r o n t i e r s of e x p l o r a t i o n which r e q u i r e f u t h e r research. With t h i s beginning, i t would be of i n t e r e s t t o explore the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of showing the s i m i l a r i t i e s and i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s between Coast S a l i s h gambling games and other ceremonies, and, i n a broader aspect, t o explore the general human c o n d i t i o n of gambling games. There are obvious and s t r i -k i n g f a c t s about gaming, and gambling i n p a r t i c u l a r , that are p e r s i s t e n t and apparently u n i v e r s a l t o the human c o n d i t i o n , f o r which study i s r e q u i r e d to r e v e a l , i f p o s s i b l e , the existence of l a t e n t human motive. 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S t e r n , Bernhard J . 1934 The Lummi Indians of Northwest Washington. Columbia U n i v e r s i t y C o n t r i b u t i o n s t o Anthropology 1 7 . - 184 -S t u a r t , Wendy Bross 1972 S u t t l e s , Wayne 1951 1955 1958 1963 Gambling Music of the Coast S a l i s h Indians. M.A. Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Economic L i f e of the Coast S a l i s h of Haro and Rosario S t r a i t s . Ph.D. Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of Washington. K a t z i e Ethnographic Notes. Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Memoir 2. V i c t o r i a . P r i v a t e Knowledge, M o r a l i t y , and S o c i a l Classes Among the Coast S a l i s h . American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 60: 497 - 507. The P e r s i s t e n c e of I n t e r v i l l a g e Ties Among the Coast S a l i s h . Ethnology 2(4): 512 - 525 Swan, J.G. 1857 The Northwest Coast: o r, Three Years at Shoal-Water Bay. New York, Harper and Brothers. Tolmie, Wm. Fra s e r 1963 The Journals of Wm. Fraser Tolmie, P h y s i c i a n and Fur Trader. Vancouver, M i t c h e l l Press L t d . Vancouver, George 1798 A Voyage of Discovery t o the North P a c i f i c Ocean i n the Years 1790 - 1 7 9 5 . 3 Volumes. London. Wagner, Henry R. 1933 Spanish E x p l o r a t i o n s i n the S t r a i t of Juan de Fuca. Santa Ana, Fine A r t s P r e s s . Wilson, Captain E.F. 1866 Report on the Indian Tribes i n h a b i t i n g the Country i n the v i c i n i t y of the 49th P a r a l l e l of North L a t i t u d e . Transactions of the E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y n.s., 4: 275 - 292. London. 

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