UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

"Dual allegiance" in the Mackenzie Delta, N.W.T. - aspects of the evolution and contemporary spatial.. 1970

You don't seem to have a PDF reader installed, try download the pdf

Item Metadata

Download

Media
UBC_1971_A1 W64.pdf
UBC_1971_A1 W64.pdf [ 16MB ]
UBC_1971_A1 W64.pdf
Metadata
JSON: 1.0101840.json
JSON-LD: 1.0101840+ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 1.0101840.xml
RDF/JSON: 1.0101840+rdf.json
Turtle: 1.0101840+rdf-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 1.0101840+rdf-ntriples.txt
Citation
1.0101840.ris

Full Text

"DUAL ALLEGIANCE" IN THE MACKENZIE DELTA, N.W.T. ASPECTS OF THE EVOLUTION AND CONTEMPORARY SPATIAL STRUCTURE OF A NORTHERN COMMUNITY by 3iOHN RAYMOND WOLFORTH B.Sc, U n i v e r s i t y of S h e f f i e l d , 1958 M.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Geography We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November, 1970 In presenting th is thesis in par t ia l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library shal l make i t f reely avai lable for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thesis for scholar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publ icat ion of th is thesis for f inancia l gain shal l not be allowed without my written permission. Depa rtment The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ABSTRACT In the f i r s t part of the thesis, h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s shows that agents of c u l t u r a l contact - the trading company and mission churches - focussed the a c t i v i t i e s of native Eskimo and Indian peoples upon the Mackenzie Delta. C e n t r i f u g a l forces exerted by whaling i n the Beaufort Sea and the Klondike Gold Rush were s h o r t - l i v e d and r e s u l t e d i n the more rapid a c c u l t u r a t i o n of native peoples involved i n them who eventually d r i f t e d back towards the Mackenzie Delta. The i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of trapping a f t e r 1920 and the growth of a pattern of settlements confirmed the importance of the Mackenzie Delta i n the e c o l o g i c a l regimes of Eskimos, Indians and the white trappers who mi- grated there at t h i s time, and favoured the emergence of a Delta Community. In the second part of the thesis, an objective h i e r a r c h i c a l grouping procedure i s used to i d e n t i f y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c groups of trappers i n terms of the species they trap. Groups s p e c i a l i z i n g i n more d i s t a n t species associated with each s e t t l e - ment v i r t u a l l y disappeared between 1931 and 1951 a n d the spring muskrat harvest i n the Mackenzie Delta became the dominant a c t i v i t y of most trappers. In 1950, trapping camps were evenly d i s t r i b u t e d through- out the Mackenzie Delta and the take of muskrat generally greater i n the northeast. A f t e r the b u i l d i n g of the new planned settlement of Inuvik the numbers of trapping camps diminished and the regional trend of the muskrat harvest s h i f t e d as the takes i n the v i n c i n i t y of the new town decreased. For the mid-sixties, a grouping procedure used to dichotomize "serious" and "part-time" trappers shows that a large proportion of the l a t t e r maintained trapping camps. Analysis of employment i n Inuvik also shows a divided commitment to land and town. High income and high status jobs were occupied pre- dominantly by white transient workers since they required s k i l l s and l e v e l s of educational achieve- ment possessed by few native people. Though native people of Metis o r i g i n showed some success i n employment, most Eskimos and Indians occupied more menial jobs. A comparison of employment i n government and non-government sectors indicates that native involvement i n the l a t t e r was growing, many native people i n both sectors s h i f t e d jobs f r e - quently, or between jobs and land-based a c t i v i t i e s . The town economy l i k e the land economy showed signs of adaptation to the dual allegiance f e l t by native people to land and town. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 1. The Growth of Settlements i n the North 1 2. The Concept of "Dual A l l e g i a n c e " 4 3. The Purpose and Organization of the Study 8 4. Methodological Context l4 The "Ecological"Approach 14 The "Man-Land" View of Human Ecology 15 The " S p a t i a l System" View of Human Ecology 18 C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n Ecology 21 The Emergence of E c o l o g i c a l Groups i n 24 the Mackenzie Delta The Methodological Approach of the Present Study 26 5. The Place, the People and the Time 30 The Place 30 The People 32 The Time 38 PART ONE: THE EVOLUTION OF THE DELTA COMMUNITY CHAPTER It THE EARLY FUR TRADE 42 1. Introduction 42 2. E x p l o r a t i o n and the Fur Trade 45 The Mackenzie Delta at the Time of F i r s t Contact 48 3. The Fur Trade and the Peel River Kutchin 52 The Establishment of Peel's River Post (Fort McPherson) 52 Indian Trading at the Fort 54 E a r l y Attempts to Extend the Line of F o r t s 56 4. The E a r l y A s s o c i a t i o n of the Kutchin with Fort McPherson and the Lower Peel 62 5. The Extension of the Fur Trade to the Eskimos 73 6. Conclusions 78 CHAPTER I I : MISSIONARIES, WHALERS, STAMPEDERS AND POLICE 83 1. Introduction 2. The Coming of the Missionaries 83 85 3. Missionary A c t i v i t y Among the Eskimo and the Kutchin 92 The Eskimos (1860-1895) 95 The Kutchin (1860-1895) k. The Impact of the Gold Rush and of Whaling 108 The Gold Rush 109 Whaling 114 The P o l i c e 118 5. Changes i n Ecology and Nodality (18^0-1912) 122 CHAPTER I I I ! CONVERGENCE UPON THE MACKENZIE DELTA (1912-1929) 127 1. Introduction 127 2. Trading Locations i n the Delta 130 Fort McPherson and Aklavik 130 The O r i g i n and Growth of Akla v i k 13** Posts Outside the Major Settlements , 1^0 3« The Coastal Trading Vessels 1^5 k* Competition Between the Traders 157 5« Changes i n the Seasonal Movements of the Kutchin People 161 The Mountain People 162 The Delta People 16k Convex-gence and i t s Consequences 166 6. Changes i n Eskimo D i s t r i b u t i o n I67 The Delta Eskimos 168 The Coastal Eskimos 169 7. The White Trappers 172 8. The Delta i n 1929 17*» CHAPTER IV t THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A SETTLEMENT PATTERN (1929-1960) 179 1. Introduction 179 The Emergence of a Settlement Hierarchy 182 The Dominance of Inuvik 186 2. C e n t r i f u g a l and C e n t r i p e t a l Forces (1929-1955) 187 3. The S a t e l l i t e Settlements 197 Reindeer S t a t i o n !97 Tuktoyaktuk 199 Fort McPherson 201 A r c t i c Red River 20^ k. The Growth of Akla v i k 204 5. The Establishment of Inuvik 211 PART TWO: THE CHANGING NODAL STRUCTURE OF THE DELTA ECONOMY CHAPTER V: THE CHANGING SPATIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE TRAPPING ECONOMY 230 1. Introduction 230 " S p e c i a l i s t " and "Non-Specialist" Trapping 234 2 . The Grouping Procedure 243 3 . Changes i n Trapping P r o f i l e s (1931-51) 252 4. Changes i n the Muskrat Harvest 264 Reg i s t r a t i o n of Trapping Areas 264 S p a t i a l Changes i n the Muskrat Harvest 271 5 . Trapping P r o f i l e s i n the Mid-Sixties 282 6 . Trapping Camp Locations and Trapping P r o f i l e s 293 7 . Conclusions 297 CHAPTER VI J INUVIK'S EVOLVING ECONOMY: TRENDS IN WAGE EMPLOYMENT 302 1. Introduction 302 2 . The Structure of Inuvik's Labour Force i n 1968 308 3» The Ethnic Dimension i n Employment 314 4 . Educational Achievement 322 5 . Job Turnover 330 6. Employment i n the Government Sector 340 7 . Employment i n the Non-Government Sector 351 6 . Summary and Conclusions 357 CHAPTER VII: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 366 REFERENCES 388 APPENDICES 402 LIST OF TABLES Table 1-1 Fur Returns f o r Fort McPherson, I85O, I860 and 1870 1-2 Recorded Indian V i s i t s to Fort McPherson, 1840-51 1-3 Indian V i s i t s to Fort McPherson, 1840-1850 1-4 Indians 1 Debts at Fort McPherson and La P i e r r e House, I85I-I87O 3- 1 Furs Traded by Capt. C T . Pedersen (1918-1922) 4- 1 Population of the Lower Mackenzie, 1931 5- 1 Loss i n Information Resulting from the H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of the "Trapping P r o f i l e s " of Trappers Trading Furs i n t o A r c t i c Red River 1962-63 5-2 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c Groups at the F i f t h Level of Grouping, Mackenzie Delta, 1931-32 5-3 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c Groups at the S i x t h Level of Grouping, Mackenzie Delta, 1940-41 5-.4 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c Groups at the Six t h Level of Grouping, Mackenzie Delta (Random Sample), 1950-51 5-5 Muskrat Takes Declared by Holders of Registered Trapping Areas, 1950-58 5-6 Trend Surface A n a l y s i s of Muskrat Takes from Registered Trapping 4 r e a s 5-7 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c Groups at the Sixth Level of Grouping, Mackenzie Delta, 1963-64 5-8 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c S p e c i a l i s t Trapping Groups by Settlement, 1963-64 5- 9 Grouping of "Serious" and "Part-time" Trappers i n Mackenzie Delta Settlements, 1964-65 29k 6- 1 The Inuvik Labour Force by Age, Sex and Ethnic Status, 1968 311 6-2 Ethnic Composition of the Inuvik Labour Force, 1965 and 1968 313 6-3 The Inuvik Labour Force by Occupational Category and Place of O r i g i n , 1968 317 6-4 The Inuvik Labour Force, by Ethnic Status and Monthly Income, ( f u l l - t i m e employees only) 1968 319 6-5 The Inuvik Labour Force by Ethnic Status, Monthly Income and Sex ( f u l l - t i m e employees only) 1968 321 6-6 The Inuvik Labour Force, by Ethnic Status and Educational Achievement, I968 324 6-7 The Inuvik Labour Force, by Age and Educational Achievement, 1968 327 6-8a Percentage of Permanent Employees who had been i n t h e i r Job at the Time of the Survey f o r l e s s than Six Months, by Sex and Place of O r i g i n , 1968 333 6-8b Percentage of Permanent Employees who had been i n t h e i r Job at the Time of the Survey f o r l e s s than Six Months, 1968 33^ 6-9 The Permanent Inuvik Labour Force, Duration of Employees i n the Job Occupied at the Time of the Survey, 1968 337 6-10 Employment i n Government Departments i n Inuvik, 1965 and 1968 3**1 6-11 F u l l - t i m e Government Employees by Ethnic Status and Monthly Income, 1968 3^k 6-12 Government Employees, by Occupational Category and Place of O r i g i n , 1968 3^6 6-13 Educational Levels of Government and Non-Government Employees, by Place of O r i g i n , 1968 3^8 6-l4 The Age Structure of the Labour Force, 1968 350 6-15 "Non-Government" Employers i n Inuvik, 19^5 and 1968 353 6-16 Government and Non-Government Employment, by Occupational Category, 1968 356 6-17 F u l l - t i m e Non-Government Employment by Ethnic Status and Monthly Income 358 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1-1 Indigenous Groups of the Lower Mackenzie Area 3-1 Trading Posts E s t a b l i s h e d i n the Lower Mackenzie Area, 1912 to 1929 3- 2 Muskrat Traded at the Hudson's Bay- Company i n Mackenzie Delta Settlements, 1915-16 to 19^0-41 4- 1 Trading Posts E s t a b l i s h e d i n the Lower Mackenzie Area, 1929 to 1935 4- 2 Muskrat Traded at Aklavik and Fort McPherson, 1930 to 1950 5- 1 Areas of R e l a t i v e Abundance of "Diagnostic Species" i n the Lower Mackenzie Area 5-2 H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s E r r o r Factor vs. Groups Remaining i n the Hierarchy, A r c t i c Red River, 1962-1963 5-3 H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s Structure of the Hierarchy, A r c t i c Red River, 1962-63 5-4 Muskrat Takes from Mackenzie Delta Trapper 1940-41 and 1950-51 5-5 H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s E r r o r Factor vs. Groups Remaining i n the Hierarchy, Mackenzie Delta: (a) 1931-32; (b) 1940-41; (c) 1950-51; (d) 1963-64 5-6 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Winter and Spring Camps i n the Mackenzie Delta; (a) I95O-5I; (b) 1964-65; (c) 1967-68 5-7 Registered Trapping Areas i n the Mackenzie Delta 5-8 Isarithmic Surfaces of Muskrat Taken from Registered Trapping Areas i n the Mackenzie Delta, 1949-1950, 195O-5I and 1957-58 274 5-9 Trend Surfaces of Muskrat Taken from Registered Trapping Areas i n the Mackenzie Delta 278 5-10 Residuals to Linear Trend Surfaces of Muskrat Taken from Registered Trapping Areas i n the Mackenzie Delta, 1949-50, 1950-51. 1955-56 281 5-11 Incomes from Trapping, 1963-64 284 5-12 Muskrat Takes from Mackenzie Delta Trappers, 1963-64 287 5-13 H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s , Structure of the Hierarchy, A r c t i c Red River, 1963-1964 290 5-14 H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s , Structure of the Hierarchy, Tuktoyaktuk, 1963-1964 291 5- 15 Camps of "Serious" and "Part-time"Trappers, 1963-1964 296 6- 1 Wage Employment by Income and Ethnic Status, Inuvik, 1965 316 6-2 Length of Time Inuvik Employees had spent i n t h e i r Current Jobs, August, 1968 339 6- 3 Age Structure of the Labour Force, Inuvik, 1968 339 7- 1 Diagram to show Major Zones i n the Lower Mackenzie Area 369 PREFACE In I 9 6 5 the w r i t e r was engaged by the Northern Coordination and Research Centre of the Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources 1 to prepare a preliminary survey of the economic geography of the Mackenzie Delta, N.W.T. This was to be a c o n t r i - bution towards a long term, m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r y p r o j e c t - the Mackenzie Delta Research Project - d i r e c t e d towards the a n a l y s i s of s o c i a l and economic change i n t h i s part of northern Canada. The f i r s t season spent i n the f i e l d r e s u l t e d i n an inventory of current resource uses: (Wolforth, £19663 ), and i n an awareness on the wr i t e r ' s part that the processes at work i n the Mackenzie Delta could not be understood outside t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l context. Even a cursory This l a t e r became the Northern Science Research Group of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development. a n a l y s i s revealed that the Delta has great c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y r e s u l t i n g from processes of contact spanning more than a century between three major ethnic groups. There was evidence however that out of these processes there had emerged a community of Delta people i n which d i f f e r e n c e s due to ethnic or c u l t u r a l o r i g i n were r e l a t i v e l y unimportant (Slobodin, 1962: 3 7 - 3 8 ; Smith [ l 9 6 6 ] t 18-28). I t was apparent a l s o that l i k e many other northern communities, that of the Mackenzie Delta was being shaken by changes more r a d i c a l than any which had a f f e c t e d i t to date. In the previous two decades, the major stimulus to change had come from the co n s t r u c t i o n of the new town of Inuvik which was designed i n many ways to be a showplace of what Canada' could do i n the d i f f i c u l t northern environment (Baird, i 9 6 0 ; P r i t c h a r d , 1962; S u l l i v a n , i 9 6 0 ). However, an i n i t i a l pre- occupation with engineering problems concerned with * This i s the l o c a l , popular term f o r the area and w i l l be used f o r b r e v i t y i n the present study. the c o n s t r u c t i o n of modern, f u l l y s erviced b u i l d i n g s on permafrost (Cooper, 1967) n a d often obscured press i n g problems of a s o c i a l nature r e s u l t i n g from the l a r g e - s c a l e movement of n a t i v e 1 people i n t b the new town as permanent residents or as squatters. When the major co n s t r u c t i o n work was f i n i s h e d these problems came to the fore and were described i n a number of studies (Boek and Boek, i 9 6 0 ; Lotz, 1 9 6 2 ) which demonstrated the concern of the f e d e r a l department, and formed the major impetus f o r the Mackenzie De l t a Research P r o j e c t . The signs of s o c i a l pathology with which they d e a l t were of course most intense i n the settlement i t s e l f where the native population f r e q u e n t l y seemed bemused and d i s o r i e n t e d by the pace of change, and the major emphasis of the Project was place there a l s o (Mailhot, I 9 6 8 ; E r v i n , 1 9 6 8 ; Lubart, 1 9 7 0 ) . I t 1 The term "native" i s used here i n the n e u t r a l sense of someone who l i v e s i n the area. I t w i l l be defined l a t e r with more precision together with other terms of a p o t e n t i a l l y p e r f o r a t i v e nature. was c l e a r that those who had moved i n t o the new settlement had not done so simply as urban immigrants l i k e those i n many parts of the l e s s developed world ( c f . Breese, 1966: 7 3 - 1 0 0 ) . In the f i r s t place t h e i r o r i e n t a t i o n towards the town was not accompanied by a complete break with the land with which many s t i l l maintained strong t i e s , e i t h e r by continuing some land-based a c t i v i t i e s themselves or by entering i n t o s o c i a l or economic i n t e r a c t i o n with those that d i d . In the second place, they came with a v a r i e t y of p r i o r experiences of what the settlement had to o f f e r derived from a long and complex h i s t o r y of contact with the outside world. They were thus not d i r e c t l y analogous with, say, Eskimos moving i n t o Baker Lake (V a l l e e , 1967) or even Frobisher Bay (Honigmann and Honigmann, 1965)1 where the contact experience pre- ceding the movement i n t o a settlement had been l e s s intense and l e s s complex. These two aspects of the movement towards the town provided the major focus f o r the present study which i s dire c t e d towards a number of re l a t e d questions, namely: ( i ) What patterns of points of contact with the external culture emerged during the area's history? ( i i ) What r e l a t i o n s h i p s did the indigenous people form with these points of contact? ( i i i ) What changes i n the use of t e r r i t o r y took place as these r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n t e n s i f i e d ? (iv) What are the e f f e c t s on both the land and the urban economies of people who maintain t i e s with both? It w i l l be seen that these are e s s e n t i a l l y questions about nodal r e l a t i o n s , and therefore c e n t r a l to geographical i n t e r e s t . Nystuen and Dacey (1961) suggest a d e f i n i t i o n of these r e l a t i o n s which i s u s e f u l . "Nodal regions," they write, "are defined by evaluating the external contacts of small a r e a l u n i t s . Each of these areal u n i t s i s assigned to that place with which i t has dominant a s s o c i a t i o n . Usually, t h i s w i l l be a nearby c i t y , and t h i s c i t y i s defined as the c e n t r a l place or nodal point f o r the u n i t areas assigned to i t . The aggregation of these u n i t areas, i n turn, i s c a l l e d the nodal region." In the Lower Mackenzie area, the "areal u n i t s " i n question are those t e r r i t o r i e s used by the land- based people at d i f f e r e n t times. The "nodal centres" are the points of contact with the external culture with which they have entered into transaction. The questions l i s t e d above then are concerned with, f i r s t , the patterns of nodal centres at d i f f e r e n t times, and second, the patterns of nodal regions associated with them. The l a s t question i s more p a r t i c u l a r l y con- cerned with the present i n t e r a c t i o n between nodal region and nodal centre, and the e f f e c t s of a s h i f t i n g emphasis from the one to the other. These questions a r i s e from the writer's previous i n t e r e s t expressed i n an analysis of the journey to work i n Vancouver, B.C. (Wolforth, 1 9 6 5 ) . Though t h i s work was dir e c t e d towards a f u n c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s of e x i s t i n g patterns, i t l e d to an awareness that changes i n the structure of nodal centres are p a r a l l e l e d by changes i n the structure of the nodal regions with which they are associated, and that these are interdependent processes. The Mackenzie Delta was an unusual but i n t e r e s t i n g place to examine nodal centres and regions f o r a number of reasons. I t was c l e a r that over a f a i r l y long h i s t o r y of over 100 years that quite d i f f e r e n t patterns of nodal centres existed at d i f f e r e n t times, though i t was not c l e a r what the precise patterns were i n a l l cases, nor what the influence of the nodal centres had been. Also, the recent establishment of the new town di d not simply r e s u l t i n the Delta people ceasing to trap i n order to take up wage employment, but rather i n t h e i r abandoning one system of resource u t i l i z a t i o n i n favour of another i n which wage employment could be accommodated to a greater or l e s s e r extent. In the Honigmanns1 (1965?77) useful terminology, many people showed a dual allegiance to the land and to the town which was r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r s h i f t i n g between them, neither completely g i v i n g up the one nor t o t a l l y accepting the other. The o r i g i n s and present s p a t i a l implications of t h i s divided allegiance form the p r i n c i p a l focus of t h i s study. The g e s t a t i o n period f o r t h i s work has been long and d i f f i c u l t , but made more t o l e r a b l e by the as s i s t a n c e , advice, support and encouragement of the f o l l o w i n g people. I owe a large debt to my colleagues i n the Mackenzie Delta Research Project who were always ready to share data and discuss problems of mutual i n t e r e s t . I learned much about the methods of other d i s c i p l i n e s from Dr. P.F, Cooper, Mr. A.M. E r v i n , Dr. J.M. Lubart, M i l e . Jose Mailhot, and Mr. D.G. Smith with whom I worked i n the f i e l d at various times. In a d d i t i o n , the permanent s t a f f of the Northern Science Research Group i n Ottawa d i d much to create an atmosphere i n which f r u i t f u l c o l l a b o r a t i o n was p o s s i b l e , e s p e c i a l l y the Group's c h i e f , Mr. A.J. (Moose) Kerr. I am e s p e c i a l l y g r a t e f u l to Dr. P.J. Usher who though not d i r e c t l y involved, with the p r o j e c t contributed much to i t s development with h i s knowledgeable advice, and to my own thinking i n p a r t i c u l a r . In an area such as the Mackenzie Delta one shares the f i e l d with scholars r i c h e r i n experience and i n s i g h t s than oneself: I count myself fortunate to have been able to seek the advice of Dr. J . J . Honigmann and Dr. R. Slobodin and to t r y to emulate t h e i r examples. Mr. R.M. H i l l and Mr. J . O s t r i c k at the Inuvik Research Laboratory do much to make such f r u i t f u l a s s o c i a t i o n s p o s s i b l e . The people of the Delta have suf f e r e d researchers p a t i e n t l y f o r some years and I should l i k e to thank the f o l l o w i n g people i n p a r t i c u l a r f o r taking the time to teach me: Mrs. Sarah Ross, Mr. L. S i t t i n c h i n l i and Rev. J . S i t t i n c h i n l i i n Aklavik; Mr. F. F i r t h , Mr. W. F i r t h , Mr. A. Kunnizi, Mr. B. Kunnizi, Mr. P. Thompson, Mr. J . Thompson and Rev. D. Wootten i n Fort McPherson; Mr. ¥. Clarke and Mr. L. Cardinal i n A r c t i c Red River; Mr. Owen A l l e n , Mr. Clarence F i r t h , Mr. B. Pascal and Mr. K. Peelooluk i n Inuvik. The l i s t of a l l the people i n the Del t a settlements who helped i n many ways would be much longer, but I should l i k e to record my s p e c i a l thanks to Mr. and Mrs. V. A l l e n f o r always making me welcome i n t h e i r home. At the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Dr. J.K. Stager showed much patience and understanding i n h i s r o l e as my major advisor, and Mr. M. Church guided me through the t h i c k e t s of computer technology. For making a v a i l a b l e documentary m a t e r i a l I am indebted to the e v e r - h e l p f u l s t a f f of the Pu b l i c Archives of Canada, to the Anglican Church of Canada, to the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, to the Scott Polar Research I n s t i t u t e , and to the Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company. The Northern Science Research Group of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development supported my project generously i n the f i e l d , and my time i n residence at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia was made po s s i b l e by a Fellowship from the Cen t r a l Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Mrs. U l r i k e Leigh typed my manuscript and produced order out of chaos. My greatest debt i s to my wife Joan who d i d many of the routine tasks of numerical c a l c u l a t i o n , proof-reading and cartography and above a l l remained u n f a i l i n g l y supportive under the most extreme provocation. INTRODUCTION 1. The Growth of Settlements i n the North One of the most important changes to have taken place i n northern Canada i n recent years has been the movement of native peoples into the settlements. In most areas t h i s has been accompanied by a diminishing i n t e r e s t i n land-based a c t i v i t i e s which had become established over many years, inclu d i n g trapping and a range of a n c i l l a r y occupations such as hunting, f i s h i n g , whaling and se a l i n g which defined the way of l i f e of most northern people. Though these were not a l l n e c e s s a r i l y t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s and r a r e l y i f ever conducted i n t r a d i t i o n a l ways, they nonetheless represented a co n t i n u i t y with the past which has now been broken f o r a growing number of people. The v i r t u a l abandonment of the old way of l i f e was brought about i n part by a general decline i n the value of the f u r trade associated with changing fashions, and competition from synthetics. At the same time the settlements themselves have come to o f f e r a greater range of opportunities and services and the native northerner-has sought refuge i n them from a land which no longer affords him a l i v i n g . U n t i l quite recently, most of the settlements shown prominently on the maps of northern Canada were i n f a c t l i t t l e more than outposts of an a l i e n c u l t u r e . For the most part they consisted of minute c l u s t e r s of buildings tenuously connected to the outside world and housing representatives of those i n s t i t u t i o n s which had been most i n f l u e n t i a l i n def i n i n g the channels of contact with native peoples; namely, the Hudson's Bay Company, the Church, and the R.C.M. P o l i c e . The native people themselves s t i l l made th e i r l i v i n g on the land and v i s i t e d the settlements from time to time to s e l l f u r s , buy provisions, get medical a t t e n t i o n or attend r e l i g i o u s services* I t i s true that schools were to be found i n some of the lar g e r centres where a number of native c h i l d r e n l i v e d for most of the year i n hostels, but few adults did so while trapping remained a p r o f i t a b l e a c t i v i t y and the settlements themselves offered few i f any competing opportunities. Today, t h i s has l a r g e l y changed. Some professional trappers s t i l l e x i s t i n the North, but an increasing number of native northerners make t h e i r l i v i n g i n the settlements. This has imposed a s t r a i n on the admini- s t r a t i o n and the people a l i k e , f o r few settlements have a broad enough economic base to absorb a large number of residents, and few native people have u n t i l recently possessed the s k i l l s which are required to l i v e success- f u l l y i n an urban environment. The r e s u l t has been the creation by the Federal, and l a t e r the T e r r i t o r i a l governments, of a large number of service and main- tenance jobs to absorb as many people as possible into wage employment. Even t h i s action however has not avoided burgeoning demands made upon s o c i a l assistance of a l l kinds and the appearance of a generation which often expresses i t s lack of adaptation i n anomic or, i n terms of the dominant values, pathological behaviour. Problems abound and have been the subject of a number of studies concerned with Eskimo town dwellers i n p a r t i c u l a r . Some of these have analyzed changing patterns of s o c i a l organization (Honigmann and Honigmann, 1 9 6 5 ) * of economic r o l e (Vallee, 1 9 6 7 ) * or of values and pe r s o n a l i t y (Lubart, 1 9 6 9 ). Others have been dire c t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y towards i d e n t i f i a b l e and indeed well recognized problems of s o c i a l deviance such as excessive drinking or juvenile delinquency (Clairmont, 1 9 6 3 ) . 2. The Concept of "Dual Allegiance" What emerges c l e a r l y from these studies i s a typology of native peoples expressed i n terms of the degree to which they have adapted to the urban environ- ment and which includes the bush dweller at one end of the scale and the town dweller at the other. Pried (196k) has suggested a gradient of native peoples based on t h e i r degree of acceptance of "town-Hiving" rather than "bush-living" with those who have taken up f u l l - t i m e wage employment at one end, those who make t h e i r l i v i n g by trapping at the other, and i n the middle, those who s h i f t between working f o r wages half-hearted- l y and trapping half-heartedly. Honigmann and Hon|gmann (19^5) n a v e examined t h i s gradient as i t e x i s t s i n Frobisher Bay and have suggested that i t exh i b i t s what they have c a l l e d a "dual a l l e g i a n c e " ( i b i d . : 7 ? ) to the bush and to the settlement. "Dual allegiance to land and town," they wrote, "constitutes a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Frobisher Bay culture about which Eskimos are quite self-conscious and p r o t e c t i v e . Allegiance to the land i s strong enough to make them r e s i s t what threatens the cont i n u i t y of hunting. Where some fa m i l i e s have chosen careers i n town, others remain p r i m a r i l y f i x e d i n hunting and trapping careers. Others seem un- decided or, unable to keep a job i n town, s h i f t back and f o r t h . " In a seminal study of the Eskimos of Baker Lake, Vallee ( 1 9 6 7 ) drew a d i s t i n c t i o n which suggests the same dichotomy between what he termed the nunamuit and the kabloonamiut - the land based people and those who had adopted white ways i n the settlement. 1 According to Vallee, the term nunamiut i s used l o c a l l y to denote those Eskimos who l i v e on the land. The term Kabloonamiut (kabloona=white man) i s a neologism, but has now enjoyed wide currency i n the l i t e r a t u r e . He saw moreover a connection between t h i s dichotomy and the emergent class system which seems to l i e at the root of the problems experienced by many northern settlements, f o r the kabloonamiut, he suggested ( i b i d . : ikk), enjoy a more p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n than the nunamiut. Not only are t h e i r r o l e s defined i n terms of the statuses of the dominant outside culture both by themselves and by the nunamiut, but more wealth now accrues to the successful wage-earner than to the successful trapper. I t i s apparent that the s e t t l ement-bush p o l a r i z a t i o n , i f not un i v e r s a l , at lea s t e x i s t s i n enough northern areas to make i t a concept of some generality f o r , besides the writers mentioned, i t has also been referre d to by Saario and Kessel (1966) and i n the Mackenzie Delta, by Smith [1967] and E r v i n ( 1968 ) . However, the processes of s o c i a l adaptation which take place i n the settlement represent only one aspect of the transformation of a hunting and trapping to an urban society. Another equally important aspect concerns the s p a t i a l transformation which takes place on the land as a dispersed pattern of resource u t i l i z a t i o n i s gradually abandoned. The dual allegiance to land and town i s expressed i n e c o l o g i c a l as well as s o c i a l terms, and the influence of the settlement has r a m i f i c a t i o n s throughout the system. Even the bush Eskimo or Indian no longer hunts and traps i n the same way that he did before that influence existed, but rather has adapted his prac- t i c e s to the changing s i t u a t i o n , and f o r the Eskimo or Indian who i s caught up i n the process of r e l i n - quishing a l i f e i n the bush for one i n the town, the e c o l o g i c a l adaptation i s even more profound. The response to new opportunities i s not immediate and does not consist i n simply q u i t t i n g the one i n favour of the other, but rather i n creating a composite way of l i f e which draws from both. Often i n f a c t i t seems that i t i s possible to become "locked i n " a p a r t i c u l a r e c o l o g i c a l pattern not through choice or because i t i s a necessary way s t a t i o n to the achievement of a pre-determined goal, but because i t was generated by the exigencies of the preceding pattern. Thus the growth of the settlements has not simply resulted i n native northerners abandoning the land i n order to take up wage employment and an urban way of l i f e . C e r t a i n l y "push" fact o r s have been i n operation to make l i f e on the land less a t t r a c t i v e and the settlements have exerted a strong " p u l l " i n terms of both material opportunities and amenities ( c f . Breese, 1 9 6 6 : 80), but the r e s u l t of these forces has been that many have simply abandoned one pattern of land- based a c t i v i t i e s i n favour of another. In t h i s way the e f f e c t of the settlement i s not f e l t only i n i t s i n t e r n a l s o c i a l morphology but also i n the changing s p a t i a l structure of i t s h i n t e r l a n d . 3. The Purpose and Organization of the Study The present study has two d i f f e r e n t but r e l a t e d tasks which are directed towards the understanding of these e f f e c t s . The f i r s t of these concerns the part which has been played by agents of the external culture i n the convergence of i n i t i a l l y d i s t i n c t ethnic groups towards what has been i d e n t i f i e d as a Delta Community,(Slobodin, 1962: 37-38; Smith £ l 9 6 7 3 18-28). The second concerns the changes which that community i s experiencing at the present time as the r e s u l t of the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of external contact which has accompanied the urbanization of the Canadian North. In p a r t i c u l a r , i t w i l l attempt to show that: 1. Agents of the external culture have provided the c a t a l y s t f o r c u l t u r a l convergence which has res u l t e d i n the emergence of a Delta Community, by c a l l i n g f o r e c o l o g i c a l adjust- ments which have focussed the a c t i v i t i e s of i n i t i a l l y separate ethnic communities upon the Mackenzie Delta, and i n doing so have widened the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r i n t e r a c t i o n between them; and 2. The e f f e c t of the establishment of the new town of Inuvik has not been to draw people o f f the land e n t i r e l y , but instead to break down the n o d a l i t i e s associated with trapping patterns based on the older Delta settlements and i d e n t i f i e d with p a r t i c u l a r ethnic groups; and to replace them by a s p a t i a l organization i n which allegiance to both land and town i s po s s i b l e . Since these are separate but r e l a t e d hypotheses they w i l l be dealt with i n two parts, the scope and method of which are d i f f e r e n t . PART ONE: THE EVOLUTION OF THE DELTA COMMUNITY Part One w i l l trace the evolution of the Delta Community as i t has been influenced by contact with a se r i e s of agents of the external c u l t u r e . In the research which contributed to t h i s Part, the usual methods of h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c enquiry were used, fo r though h i s t b r i c a l work had appeared on c e r t a i n aspects of the Delta, there i s no comprehensive study which could be used as a source. This i s not a gap i n the l i t e r a t u r e which the present study presumes to f i l l since i t s purpose i s the more l i m i t e d one of document- ing the appearance of nodal centres associated with contact with the external culture, and determining as f a r as i s possible the extent to which these were associated with the emergence of new e c o l o g i c a l regimes. Detailed written records e x i s t f o r the Delta since I8k0, and l e s s comprehensive records since 1789» though a l l are not generally a v a i l a b l e . The major documentary sources consulted include: the records of the Hudson's Bay Company both i n Ottawa at the Public Archives of Canada and i n London at Beaver House; the records of the Church Missionary Society at the Public Archives and of the Anglican Church of Canada at Church House i n Toronto; and records of the various government departments charged with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the administration of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s i n the Public Archives and i n the f i l e r e g i s t r y of the Northern Administration Branch of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development,^ Fortunately f o r the researcher, there are many Delta residents who have long and accurate memories and much usefu l data on developments during the present century was gathered also from personal interview and checked wherever possible with documentary sources. Much of the f i e l d season i n 1966 and again i n 1968 was dire c t e d towards t h i s end. * The abbreviations f o r documentary sources c i t e d are given i n the bibliography. PART TWO: THE CHANGING NODAL STRUCTURE OF THE DELTA COMMUNITY Part Two w i l l examine the changes i n the s p a t i a l structure of the Delta Community as they r e f l e c t the concept of dual allegiance associated with an increased pace of urbanization. These w i l l be considered i n two aspects the f i r s t concerning the changes on the land and the second the changes i n the settlement, the complementary components of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between nodal centre and nodal region. Since the major dichotomy i n the area between trapping on the one hand and wage employment on the other these have been chosen as the most appropriate indices to measure change* The analysis i n Part Two therefore f a l l s into two sections, the f i r s t concerned with trapping patterns and the second with wage employment. After 1929» data was a v a i l a b l e on the quantities of furs taken by trappers from General Hunting Licence returns, and l a t e r from Fur Traders's Record Books.. In a d d i t i o n during the decade of the f i f t i e s , trappers i n the Delta were required to r e g i s t e r trapping areas and to declare the number of muskrat they had taken from t h e i r areas. Data therefore e x i s t s which permits a comprehensive view of where trapping e f f o r t was being d i r e c t e d , from which could be i n f e r r e d e c o l o g i c a l patterns over a f a i r l y long period. This data was analyzed using standard s t a t i s t i c a l techniques of trend surface analysis (Chorley and Haggett, 1965) and grouping procedures (Berry, 1967) to y i e l d a picture of the changing s p a t i a l structure of the nodal regions associated with the settlements i n general, and with Inuvik i n p a r t i c u l a r . The second section w i l l be devoted to a consider- a t i o n of the degree of absorption of native people 1 Trappers were required by law to record the number of a l l species, they had taken during each season i n the f i r s t instance, andtraders to record a l l species taken by them i n trade i n the second. Both data sources are held by the Game Branch of the Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , to whom I am indebted f o r having access to them. wage employment. Part of the f i e l d a c t i v i t i e s i n 1965 and again i n 1968 were directed towards making a d e t a i l e d census of employment i n Inuvik. This ha£ been used to analyze the nature and extent of the involvement of native people i n wage employment, and since the surveys were undertaken three years apart of the processes involved i n t h e i r a s s i m i l a t i o n i n t o t h i s important sector of settlement l i v i n g . Quanti- t a t i v e work i n t h i s area was supplemented by i n t e r - views with employers which attempted to discern att i t u d e s to native employment. k. Methodological Context The "Ecological 1* Approach The approach taken by the present study i s " e c o l o g i c a l " i n that i t s major concern i s f o r the s p a t i a l arrangement of groups of people as t h i s r e f l e c t s the r e l a t i o n s h i p s among them, and between them and the t e r r i t o r y they occupy. However, the term "ecology", and"human ecology" i n p a r t i c u l a r , has had wide currency i n a number of contexts (Bates, 1953) and a more precise d e f i n i t i o n of the study^s frame of reference i s d e s i r a b l e . In essence, ecology i s a "pervasive point of view rather than a s p e c i a l subject matter" ( i b i d . ) which attempts to consider the objects i t studies as components of a "system" operating within an "environment" (M c M i l l a n and Gonzalez, 1965). The differences between the approaches which are subsumed under the heading of human ecology reside i n the d i f f e r e n t d e f i n i t i o n s which are given to these terms and i n p a r t i c u l a r to the l a t t e r * For some the "environment" i s equated with c l i m a t i c physiographic or b i o t i c conditions, and f o r others i t i s defined as the universe of a l l elements the changes i n which bring about corresponding changes i n the smaller set of elements defined as the system under i n v e s t i g a t i o n (Harvey, 1969* ^58). The "Man-Land" View of Human Ecology One of the most consistent views of human ecology i s that which sees i t as a study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between man and land, a f a c t leading more than one writer to suggest that geography and human ecology are one and the same thing (Barrows, 1923» Eyre and Jones, 1966) . In anthropology the e c o l o g i c a l i n t e r e s t has been expressed i n studies concerned with r e l a t i o n s h i p s which e x i s t between p r i m i t i v e groups and t h e i r environment through the mediation of a material c u l t u r e . An e c o l o g i c a l theme, i n t h i s sense of the term, may be discerned i n , f o r example, Forde's Habitat, Economy and Society ( 1934) , Evans-Pritchard*s (1940) study of the Nuer, Brookfield and Brown's (1963) study of the Chimbu or, to take a northern example, Spencer's (1959) study of the North Alaskan Eskimo. In a l l these works, the environment i s con- sidered i n i t s ph y s i c a l aspects alone, or i n the same sense the term was used by the geographical school of environmental determinism. A v a r i a t i o n on t h i s approach, as exemplified i n the massive c o l l e c t i o n of essays appearing i n Man's Role i n Changing the Face of the Earth (Thomas, 1956), has been to consider the e f f e c t of man's a c t i v i t i e s upon the ph y s i c a l world, an approach which can be e s p e c i a l l y important i n areas l i k e the North where the phys i c a l realm i s i n subtle and d e l i c a t e balance, and where i n d u s t r i a l man's a c t i v i t i e s have a great p o t e n t i a l f o r catastrophe (McTaggart-Cowan, 1969). E c o l o g i c a l work i n the man land t r a d i t i o n has been e s p e c i a l l y f r u i t f u l i n northern research, part- i c u l a r l y that which has been concerned with indigenous groups i n close contact with the land. Margaret L a n t i s ' (1954) plea f o r more work i n human ecology has now been met by a growing corpus of l i t e r a t u r e which both suggests the framework f o r examining e c o l o g i c a l processes and provides the data to do so. Spencer's (1959) study of the Eskimos of the North Alaskan slope i s a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the e c o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between two Eskimo groups, and work conducted as part of Project Chariot i n western Alaska, p a r t i c u l a r l y by Saario and Kessel (1966), and Poote and Williamson (1966), provide a d e t a i l e d analysis of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between Eskimo groups undergoing rapid and r a d i c a l change and t h e i r associated patterns of resource a v a i l a b i l i t y and u t i l i z a t i o n . Several studies of this type have espoused a "systems" approach (Foote and Greer-Wootten, 1968) and have provided d e t a i l e d quantitative inform- a t i o n on the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between resources and resource u t i l i z a t i o n systems (Freeman, I967» Usher, 1970). In places where the contacts with the land are weaker however such as the Mackenzie Delta, the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between man and man may seem more important than those between man and the land. The "Spatial*System"View of Human Ecology An a l t e r n a t i v e view of human ecology i s that which sees i t as the study of the ways i n which s o c i a l systems arrange themselves i n space and i t i s t h i s view with which the present study conforms more c l o s e l y . This t r a d i t i o n of human ecology had i t s o r i g i n s i n the school of sociology of the U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago i n the 1920,s, was l a r g e l y preoccupied with human communities i n the c i t y , and had as a major objective "to discover the p r i n c i p l e s and f a c t o r s involved i n the changing patterns of s p a t i a l arrangement of population and i n s t i t u t i o n s r e s u l t i n g from the i n t e r p l a y of l i v i n g beings i n a continuously changing culture" (McKenzie, 1931)• Some confusion may have a r i s e n out of d i f f e r e n t uses accorded the term "community" i n the b i o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l sciences (Bates, 1953)i hut from the work of the human ecologists emerged a consistent d e f i n i t i o n of a group of human beings or i n s t i t u t i o n s t i e d by a set of r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n such a way that a change i n one of those r e l a t i o n - ships n e c e s s a r i l y affected the whole. In these terms then the concept i s analogous to the " s o c i a l boundary system" of Murdoch (19^9* 79 -9D ) or to the " r o l e - complete group" of Belshaw (197O: 81) i n that a l l are bounded, adaptive, systems (McMillan and Gonzalez, 1965). Much of the e a r l y work of the Chicago school had the ambitious objective of comprehending the complex workings of e n t i r e metropolitan areas as functioning s o c i a l organisms (Park and Burgess, 1925) u s u a l l y i n terms of a number of concepts with strong overtones of s o c i a l Darwinism (Reissman, 1964: ch. 5) • On the other hand, some had the more l i m i t e d objective of d e f i n i n g the boundaries and i n t e r n a l structure of more manageable human communities. For example, Roderick McKenzie as one of the e a r l y proponents of the f i e l d suggested (193*0 that work on • the ecology of the community i s eith e r concerned with the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of " b i o s o c i a l phenomena", or the deter- mination of the boundaries of "communal organisms". C e r t a i n l y by the time a retrenchment was forced upon human ecology by c r i t i c i s m s a r i s i n g out of i t s i n a b i l i t y to take subtle c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s into account (Firey, 1950) , a great deal of work was concerned with such c l o s e l y circumscribed topics as s o c i a l area an a l y s i s , migration and mobility, and the journey to work (Reissman, 1964: 112). I t i s at t h i s point that t h i s other t r a d i t i o n of human ecology and some branches of human geography i n t e r s e c t , f o r they share above a l l an i n t e r e s t i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the structures of human systems and t h e i r s p a t i a l expression (Ackerman, 1 9 6 3 ) . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n Ecology C l a s s i f i c a t i o n forms an important part of e c o l o g i c a l work. Since ecology i s p r i m a r i l y concerned with the behaviour of aggregates but i t s data may be derived from the a t t r i b u t e s of i n d i v i d u a l s (Dogan and Rokkan, 1969? i t i s generally necessary to group i n d i - viduals i n t o appropriate classes. Many systems of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n are us u a l l y possible, but that which has most relevance to the problem at hand i s selected. "Problems and th e i r answers," Brown (1963s 171) reminds us, "are so c l o s e l y linked to the categories and nomenclature adopted by the in v e s t i g a t o r that a l l these elements develop concurrently." Thus a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of regions, to take a f a m i l i a r geo- graphical example, i s only use f u l when the purpose of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n has been c l e a r l y established. Though c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s do exis t i n geography, as i n other d i s c i p l i n e s , which have been produced f o r no purpose other than organizing the data, these have generally not assi s t e d i n the formulation of new hypotheses (Harvey, 1969: 326 ) . Like measurement and d e f i n i t i o n , " c l a s s i f i c a t i o n may be regarded as a means of searching r e a l i t y f o r hypotheses or f o r s t r u c t u r i n g r e a l i t y to test hypotheses" ( i b i d . ) . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n may proceed from above by " l o g i c a l d i v i s i o n " or "deductive c l a s s i f i c a t i o n " , or from below by "grouping" or "inductive c l a s s i f i c a t i o n " ( i b i d . : 33*0 . Both procedures are common i n e c o l o g i c a l analysis i n both the phys i c a l and s o c i a l sciences, though the l a t t e r i s more suitable f o r problems where the v a r i a t i o n among the a t t r i b u t e s of the elements to be c l a s s i f i e d i s continuous, and i t i s therefore desirable to c l a s s i f y the elements i n terms of the greatest s i m i - l a r i t y of t h e i r a t t r i b u t e s , considered together. The classes that emerge from th i s procedure are p o l y t h e t i c (Sokal and Sneath, 1963: Ik) i n that "a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s of elements so c l a s s i f i e d w i l l share many features i n common, but no element i n the class needs to possess a l l the features used to i d e n t i f y the c l a s s . " (Harvey, 1 9 6 9 : 3 3 8 ) . C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of t h i s kind are p a r t i c u l a r l y suited to e c o l o g i c a l problems i n which both elements and a t t r i b u t e s are numerous. In additi o n i t avoids the f a l l a c y of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n from a p r i o r i d e f i n i t i o n s pointed out by Sokal and Sneath ( 1 9 6 3 : 7)» which assumes but does not demonstrate the existence of a "natural" group i d e n t i f i e d by means of a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a t t r i - bute observed i n a few of i t s members, and then assigns other elements to the group by v i r t u e of t h e i r possess- ing that a t t r i b u t e . Inductive c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , on the other hand makes no assumptions but allows groups to be generated by whatever procedure has been used. Though both deductive and inductive c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are h i e r a r c h i c a l , the l a t t e r r e s u l t s i n an hierarchy with more l e v e l s since a l l elements appear as unique units at one end of the hierarchy, and are only com- bined i n t o one set at the other end through a number of steps% I t has been suggested that groupings of t h i s kind are "completely objective and present a more r e a l i s t i c picture with the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p and almost continuous v a r i a t i o n of the groupings r e a d i l y appreciated." (Kershaw, 1 9 6 4 : 145). The Emergence of E c o l o g i c a l Groups i n the Mackenzie Delta One of the more consistent c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the h i s t o r y of the Mackenzie Delta area has been the emergence at d i f f e r e n t times of groups organized to follow d i f f e r e n t e c o l o g i c a l regimes. In the e a r l y stages of t h i s h i s t o r y these groups were generally i d e n t i f i e d with the major ethnic d i v i s i o n s , but the l i n e s became blurred with the passage of time. The f i r s t part of t h i s study w i l l be concerned i n a q u a l i t i a t i v e , d i s c u r s i v e way with the emergence of these groups p a r t i c u l a r l y as they have been associated with the settlements as nodal centres. The second part, f o r which quantitative data was a v a i l a b l e , w i l l describe analysis d i r e c t e d towards the precise d e f i n i t i o n of groups i n terms of the trapping behaviour of t h e i r members* The Mackenzie Delta i s ringed by a number of areas producing c e r t a i n species i n abundance p a r t i c - u l a r l y white fox and marten, while the Delta area i t s e l f i s r i c h i n beaver and mink as well as the ubiquitous muskrat. Trapping e f f o r t d i r e c t e d e x c l u s i v e l y or s i g n i f i c a n t l y towards any of these species consequently suggests an allegiance to a p a r t i c u l a r area as well as to a seasonal pattern of a c t i v i t i e s . Thus by analyzing the trapping returns of i n d i v i d u a l s i t i s possible to determine by i n f e r - ence what t h e i r areal allegiances have been, and by grouping i n d i v i d u a l s i n terms of these returns, what patterns of a r e a l allegiances have predominated at d i f f e r e n t times. The working hypothesis f o r t h i s analysis was that urbanization was not accompanied by people leaving the land altogether, but rather i n the s h i f t i n g of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s from the more d i s - tant to the c l o s e r trapping areas i n which less investment of c a p i t a l equipment was required, and where trapping could be combined with p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l i f e of the settlements* From a geographical point of view, the more distant s p e c i a l i s t trapping areas could be regarded as nodal regions centered upon p a r t i c u l a r settlements to which trappers returned to trade t h e i r f u r s . Thus one part of the analysis w i l l be to demonstrate the a s s o c i a t i o n between p a r t i c u l a r trapping regimes (and by inference areas u t i l i z e d ) and settlements. The changing emphasis from more distant to c l o s e r areas i f i t can be demonstrated,will thus be seen as a breaking down of the n o d a l i t i e s based upon these settlements and t h e i r replacement by a si n g l e , more r e s t r i c t e d nodal region bounded by the Delta i t s e l f . The Methodological Approach of the Present Study Though the present work has a concern f o r the ways i n which native northerners have used resources, i t s primary i n t e r e s t w i l l be i n the s p a t i a l rami- f i c a t i o n s of the resource u t i l i z a t i o n pattern as i t has changed through time, and would thus seem to f a l l more properly into the " s p a t i a l " t r a d i t i o n of human ecology. I t w i l l be argued that i n general terms the influence of northern settlements has been to restructure the ecology in t o a nodal configuration so that formerly e x i s t i n g patterns based upon the d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources and t r a d i t i o n a l l y sanctioned modes of ex p l o i t i n g them have been superceded by those based upon the urban centres. The settlements have i n f a c t become the organizers of " e f f e c t i v e space" i n Friedman's ( 1 9 6 5 ) terminology i n both the s o c i a l and economic aspects of l i f e which are now channeled through them. I f the community may be seen as a bounded, adaptive system, as has been suggested, then the establishment and growth of the settlements i s an influence which has transformed the state of that system and i t s s p a t i a l expression. The e f f e c t of urbanization i n the North has been twofold. On the one hand as native northerners have taken up residence within the settlements .they have become incorporated in t o an emerging s o c i a l structure s t r a t i f i e d according to the degree of a c c u l t u r a t i o n to outside values exhibited by i t s members. On the other hand i t has changed the structure of native communities and th e i r resource u t i l i z a t i o n patterns through the t o t a l i t y of responses made to new oppor- t u n i t i e s , even by those who have not p h y s i c a l l y moved into the settlements. In i t s precontact state the North was occupied by d i s t i n c t communities e x i s t i n g within well defined t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries ( c f . Barth, 1969* 15-20). Though there were of course great c u l t u r a l s i m i l a r i t i e s between these communities, the v e r s a t i l i t y shown i n the face of environmental differences (Lantis, 1954) led to ethnographic d i s - t i n c t i o n s between Eskimo groups which have been well recognized, and between Eskimo and Indian groups these d i s t i n c t i o n s were 0 even more profound. Though there i s some evidence f o r the existence of linkages through precontact t r a d e 1 , the s e r i a l use of resources or 1 Though not common, trade did e x i s t p a r t i c u l a r l y between groups emphasizing caribou and those emphasizing sea mammals. For example, i n Alaska the inland nunamiut r e g u l a r l y traded with the coastal tareumiut at a number of recognized points (Foote, 1965)• t e r r i t o r y and other forms of symbiosis, each community i n e f f e c t constituted a closed system (McMillan and Gonzalez, 1 9 6 5 ; Chin, 1 9 6 1 ) . Prom a geographical point of view, since s o c i a l boundary systems were coterminous with t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries, the North could well be conceived as a mosaic of regions each made d i s t i n c t i v e and i n t e r n a l l y homogeneous by the fa c t that i t was occupied by a group of people pursuing a way of l i f e d i s c e r n i b l y d i f f e r e n t from that of i t s neighbours. These differences were most intense of course where they coincided with the major ethnic d i v i s i o n between Indian and Eskimo. As the influence of the settlement has ramified outwards, i t has resulted i n the convergence of behaviour towards common objectives, associated with p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the f u r trade p r i m a r i l y , but also with r e l i g i o n , education and other i n s t i t u i o n a l i z e d ^ This again was not common but did e x i s t . Rasmussen (1927) c i t e s the example of the umingmaktormiut and kiluhiktormiut using the same seal i n g grounds at d i f f e r e n t times. forms of i n t e r a c t i o n with the outside c u l t u r e . The processes of convergence have taken place at the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l as native northerners have s h i f t e d t h e i r allegiance with increasing frequency from the t r a d i t i o n a l community to the settlement i n more and more spheres of a c t i v i t y . At the macro-structural scale the r e s u l t of t h i s s h i f t i n g allegiance has been the incorporation of a set of closed systems i n t o the wider system defined by the world economy. From the geographical viewpoint i t has been the transformation of a uniform into a f u n c t i o n a l r e g i o n a l i z a t i o n (Berry, 1 9 6 8 ) . 5« The Place, the People and the Time 1. The Place The study i s set i n the physiographically complex d e l t a of the Mackenzie and Peel Rivers (Mackay, 1963) known as the Mackenzie Delta. This f l a t , marshy region laced with a complicated pattern of d i s t r i - butaries occupies an area of about 4 , 7 0 0 square miles ( i b i d , ; 98) between the Richardson Mountains i n the west and the Caribou H i l l s i n the east. The area straddles the tree l i n e and i s thus close to the tundra and coniferous forest b i o t i c zones and to areas t r a d i t i o n a l l y occupied by Eskimo and Indian people. This makes i t p a r t i c u l a r l y s u i t a b l e f o r the present study since i t i s one of the few parts of the North where the two major ethnic groups have been i n contact and have both been drawn into the world economic system. I t i s also suitable i n that, due to i t s greater a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the south by way of the Mackenzie River and Bering Sea routes, i t has been linked to t h i s outside system f o r a much longer period than many other parts of the North. Contacts have i n f a c t existed for one hundred and t h i r t y years between whites, Indians and Eskimos and have been expressed during that time i n complex, i n t e r d i g i t - a t i n g s o c i a l and e c o l o g i c a l patterns from which has emerged today's community of great ethnic and c u l t u r a l v a r i e t y . 2 • The People Though the evolution of thi s community w i l l be described i n d e t a i l i n the following chapters i t may be h e l p f u l at t h i s stage to identi f y the main ethnic groups which have contributed to i t i f only to define the terminology which w i l l be used. This i s a task which i s fraught with some d i f f i c u l t y since many terms are e i t h e r misleading or have come to have a pe r j o r a t i v e connotation. In the former category, f o r example, the term "Euro-Canadian" which the Honigmanns ( 1 9 6 5 ) found suitable i n Frobisher Bay could obviously not be applied to the stalwart Orkney men who cameewith the Hudson's Bay Company to the Mackenzie Delta twenty- seven years before the existence of Canada as a p o l i t i c a l e n t i t y . On the other hand, the term "white man" has overtones of racism though not i n the North where i t i s used as a neutral d e s c r i p t i v e term, i n which sense i t w i l l also be used i n the present work. S i m i l a r l y , the term "native" or "native northerner" w i l l be also used i n i t s non-derogatory sense of the people born i n the area or l i v i n g i n the area a s u f f i c i e n t l y long time to regards i t as t h e i r permanent home ( c f . Graburn, 1966) . In the e a r l y stages of course t h i s can only r e f e r to people of Eskimo and Indian o r i g i n but i n the Delta's l a t e r h i s t o r y would include several of other ethnic groups. In the present Delta Community the following ethnic stocks are represented: ( i ) The Kutchin (Osgood, 1934, 1936; McKennan, 1935; Jenness, 1955s 399-^04) are an Athapaskan people whose t e r r i t o r y had t r a d i t i o n a l l y extended westwards from the Mackenzie Delta to the c e n t r a l Yukon V a l l e y i n Alaska. Of the eight or nine communities into which they have been subdivided those which have played the major r o l e i n the h i s t o r y of the Mackenzie Delta have been the Mackenzie F l a t s (Nakotcho) and Peel River ( T e t l i t ) , though the Upper Porcupine (Tukkuth) and Rat (Vunta) also traded into the e a r l y trading posts associated with the Mackenzie Delta (Slobodin, 1962) . Most of the Indians of the Mackenzie Delta at the present time however are of Peel River or Mackenzie P l a t s o r i g i n though they recognize kinship t i e s with those on the other side of the Richardson Mountains and v i s i t the settlement of Old Crow to see r e l a t i v e s . The early explorers of the Mackenzie River c a l l e d the Mackenzie F l a t s and Peel River Kutchin "Loucheux" (louches yeux) (Hooper, 1853: 269) and t h i s i s the name by which people of this group r e f e r today both to themselves and to t h e i r language. Te c h n i c a l l y members of thi s group comprise a l l those who are l e g a l l y included i n the terms of treaty and consequently l i s t e d on so-called band l i s t s . ( i i ) The Eskimo to be found today i n the Mackenzie Delta are of complex o r i g i n . Mackenzie (1904) found evidence of Eskimo occupance i n the lower course of the r i v e r which now bears h i s name, but Eskimos were not a c t u a l l y encountered here by white men u n t i l F r a n k l i n (1828) and l a t e r Richardson (1851) v i s i t e d the area. The Mackenzie Eskimo of this period were oriented towards the west and would be subdivided on the basis of l o c a t i o n into f i v e d i s t i n c t groups between Shingle Point and Cape Bathurst (Usher, 1 9 7 0 b ) . Though some Eskimo people of the o r i g i n a l stock are to be found i n the Tuktoyaktuk area few remain i n the Delta due to the e f f e c t s of disastrous epidemics which came i n with the whalers at the turn of the century. The majority of Eskimos l i v i n g i n the Delta at the present time trace t h e i r o r i g i n rather to Alaskan Eskimo than to Mackenzie Eskimo stock though prolonged contact with whaling crews has re s u l t e d i n a large proportion of people with mixed blood. As with the Loucheuxhowever a t e c h n i c a l d e f i n i t i o n of the term Eskimo i s possible, namely as any person l e g a l l y designated as such by the possession of a disc number and the i n c l u s i o n on a so-called d i s c l i s t . ( i i i ) The "whites" of the Mackenzie Delta are s i m i l a r l y of complex o r i g i n s , though most would f a l l i n t o one of two major categories. The "old-timers" are trappers who have l i v e d i n the area many years, have married Indian or Eskimo women and raised f a m i l i e s there. Their c u l t u r a l orientations are somewhere between those of other whites and of many non-whites with whom they have shared a consistent s t y l e of l i f e f o r many years. A much larg e r category of whites today could be c a l l e d "transients" though some who have l i v e d i n the area f o r several years now, would no doubt resent the t i t l e . Nonetheless members of t h i s group can be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the "old-timers" by the f a c t that many of t h e i r c u l t u r a l t i e s are s t i l l with the "outside" , ̂  . a term which they would use with greater frequency than members of other groups. Though some no doubt have developed a strong commitment to the North and have come to regard i t as t h e i r permanent home, there are also many who have a "time-serving" The use of the term "outside" i s i l l u m i n a t i n g . Though generally used more often by the transient group than by others, i t i s having increasing currency even among native northerners. I t i s used to describe those areas of Canada and the rest of the world beyond the North and f o r Mackenzie Delta residents the "outside" begins at Edmonton. Lotz (1970s 22-25) has an i n t e r e s t i n g discussion of the implications of the term f o r the perception of the North by i t s residents. a t t i t u d e to residence there. (iv) The l a s t major groups consists of Metis, or people of mixed blood. Though many people who c a l l themselves Eskimo or Indian f a l l into t h i s category i t i s generally applied only to thdse who are not l e g a l l y recognized as such, that is*, to non- treaty Indian and u n l i s t e d Eskimos (siobodin, 1966: 5 ) . For many people however the term has an h i s t o r i c a l connotation which recognizes descent from some of the early white residents of the area rather than from a more recent union and i t i s doubtful whether the o f f s p r i n g of a recent white-Indian marriage, say, would be r e f e r r e d to as a Metis. The people who would be r e f e r r e d to as such themselves f a l l i nto a number of subgroups inclu d i n g a few descendents of the " o r i g i n a l " Red River Metis, and those of l o c a l unions between Indians and fur traders, Indians and missionaries, and Eskimos and members of whaling crews. Since the whaling crews themselves were of diverse r a c i a l stocks i n c l u d i n g Polynesian "kanakas" and negroes, the descendants of these unions are very mixed r a c i a l l y . In the following chapters the meaning attached to the above terms w i l l e i t h e r be c l e a r from the context i n which they appear or w i l l be e x p l i c i t l y defined. 3. The Time The period considered i n the study terminates with the l a s t season of fieldwork, the summer of 1 9 6 8 . In many respects t h i s was a s i g n i f i c a n t date since i t appeared that the area together with the r e s t of northern Canada was on the threshold of even more r a d i c a l change. The Prudhoe Bay o i l discovery was announced e a r l i e r that year and stimulated a rush to f i l e d r i l l i n g permits i n the Mackenzie Delta (Vancouver Sun, Aug. 1 9 , 1 9 6 8 ). The f l u r r y of a c t i v i t y which accompanied d r i l l i n g at Tununuk i n the northern part of the Delta, at Tuktoyaktuk on the coast, and at Eskimo Lakes, produced a f e e l i n g of business optimism i n Inuvik which resulted i n l o c a l and out- side entrepreneurs i n v e s t i n g i n increased f a c i l i t i e s of many kinds. For the f i r s t time the settlement was l o s i n g some of the aspect of a planned government town and developing a more mixed economy. The degree to which t h i s change of d i r e c t i o n would a f f e c t l o c a l people would be hard to p r e d i c t . At the same time the findings of the Carrothers Commission on the development of government i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (Canada, 1966) were beginning to have e f f e c t s as the T e r r i t o r i a l Government assumed a greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y forthe administration of the area. In Inuvik the r e s u l t s of t h i s were to be found i n the growth of T e r r i t o r i a l authority and the appearance of c i v i l servants with a Yellowknife rather than an Ottawa o r i e n t a t i o n . Though these were i n 1968 not widespread e f f e c t s , they seemed to herald a time of growing commitment to the North of people who had come there from "outside" as permanent residents. At the same time, there appeared to be a growing s e l f - awareness on the part of native people which was evidenced by the s t i r r i n g s among some teenagers of i n c i p i e n t "Red Power". I t seemed to be a time when new d e f i n i t i o n s would be given -to old a s c r i p t i o n s and when change was evident on many f r o n t s . PART ONE: THE EVOLUTION OF THE DELTA COMMUNITY CHAPTER I THE EARLY FUR TRADE 1. Introduction Though the Mackenzie Delta was f i r s t explored i n the late eighteenth century, trading establishments d i d not enter the area u n t i l 18^0. As i n other parts of the North, one contact agent was soon followed by others, though i n a d i f f e r e n t order than that which occurred i n the Eastern A r c t i c . In the Mackenzie Delta and adjacent areas, the Hudson's Bay Company was followed during the nineteenth century by missionaries of both the Anglican and Roman Catholic f a i t h s and by whalers from the P a c i f i c Coast ports of the United States. In t h i s chapter i t w i l l be argued that the impact of the traders was to channel the a c t i v i t i e s of the indigenous people of the area through a number of contact points. Though the l o c a t i o n , function and r e l a t i v e importance of these was to change from time to time, they were concentrated i n the Mackenzie Delta and adjacent parts of the Lower Peel V a l l e y and A r c t i c Coast due to the greater a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the South enjoyed by these areas. Williamson (1969) has argued that the e f f e c t of the f u r trade i n the North was to e s t a b l i s h regional i d e n t i t i e s associated with access routes to southern Canada. This was undoubtedly the case i n the Mackenzie Delta where the Mackenzie River, and to a smaller extent, the Bering Sea route, were early established as strong l i n e s of communication between the area and the outside world. Williamson ( i b i d . ) f u r t h e r contends that i n most places: "...there was a tendency towards the circumscription of i n t e r n a l trade o r i e n t a t i o n according to regular trading habit. The trading posts were established at accessible locations i n close touch with d i a l e c t a l sub-groups where trading prospects looked good. Though s t i l l nomadic within t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l range, the hunting f a m i l i e s tended to remain i n the area of the trading post with which t h e i r on-going credit-debt r e l a t i o n s h i p s had been developed. Thus the t r a d i t i o n a l d i a l e c t a l group tendency towards exclusive- ness was to some extent reinforced." Though t h i s was true i n the case of early trade with the Peel River Kutchin, the rapid involvement i n trade of other Kutchin groups and, more important, of the coastal Eskimo, soon le d to the breakdown of pre- trade c u l t u r a l a f f i l i a t i o n s and e c o l o g i c a l patterns, and the appearance of new ones i n which the Mackenzie Delta featured as an important common t e r r i t o r i a l component* Contact i n the Mackenzie Delta and adjacent areas was not a simple b i - p o l a r process as i t was i n other parts of the North. Not only did southern i n s t i t u t i o n s have diverse and sometimes c o n f l i c t i n g objectives which interacted with each other i n complicated ways, but t h e i r c l i e n t s d i d not exh i b i t a uniform c u l t u r e . I n i t i a l l y the major d i v i s i o n between the Kutchin and the Eskimo peoples was roughly coincident with the tree l i n e , but as time went on new groupings and c u l t u r a l a f f i l i a t i o n s emerged which were superimposed upon, and sometimes cut across the la r g e r ethnic systems. These were fostered by two f a c t o r s p r i n c i p a l l y . F i r s t , the d i f f i c u l t y of maintaining a large number of trading posts focussed a c t i v i t y on the few which existed and tended to break down nomadic patterns which had previously been very extensive into r e l a t i v e l y d i s t i n c t hinterlands each centered upon a trading post. Second, the trading a c t i v i t y i t s e l f was not adopted i n a homogenous way and res u l t e d i n d i s t i n c t i o n s a r i s i n g between those who were drawn into the fur trade to a greater or a l e s s e r extent* 2. Exploration and the Fur Trade The f i r s t trading post i n the area was established i n 1840 on the lower reaches of the Peel River, at which time the Mackenzie Delta was s t i l l p e r i p h eral to the trading system which had encompassed most of B r i t i s h North America. H i s t o r i c a l l y , the fur trade had d i f f u s e d from the two centres of Hudson Bay and the St. Lawrence Vall e y , the one through the agency of the Hudson's Bay Company and the other through that of the l o o s e l y k n i t group of merchants known as the Northwest Company. The strategy of the l a t t e r i n e n c i r c l i n g and c u t t i n g o f f the sources of supply of i t s older-established competitor, i n e v i t a b l y channeled i t s a c t i v i t i e s from the head of Lake Superior across the height of land to the Saskatchewan and the Athabasca drainage basins. The i n s t i t u t i o n of the "wintering partner" ( i n n i s , 1956: 242) allowed the Northwest Company to penetrate deep into the i n t e r i o r of the country from where i t posed a constant threat to the Hudson's Bay Company. I t i s against t h i s backdrop of competition between the two companies from I 7 8 7 u n t i l 1821, that the f i r s t exploratory penetration of the Mackenzie drainage basin took place. As early as 1775 Joseph Frobisher, a wintering partner of the Northwest Company, had met a party of Indians on the C h u r c h i l l River on t h e i r way to trade with the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort C h u r c h i l l , and had persuaded them to trade with him instead (Mackenzie, 1904: xxxiv). His success i n t h i s venture persuaded other traders of the Saskatchewan River to tap the more northerly f u r trade themselves, in c l u d i n g Peter Pond whose successful e f f o r t s i n the winter of 1778-79 established the Northwest Company even more f i r m l y i n the area. I t was Pond's trading post at Fort Chipewyan i n f a c t that became the base f o r Mackenzie's journey to the A r c t i c Ocean i n 1789 which represented the f i r s t contact of a white man with the Mackenzie Delta. The journey was of more general s i g n i f i c a n c e i n that i t opened up a new r i c h f u r area and marked a turning point i n the struggle between the Northwest Company and the Hudson's Bay Company (stager, 1965)1 though i n 1789 Mackenzie himself was f a r from sanguine about h i s d i s - covery. Hoping u n t i l the l a s t minute that the r i v e r would lead him to the P a c i f i c Ocean, he recognized on J u l y 10th at Point Separation that i t could only lead to the A r c t i c Ocean and would therefore have but l i m i t e d commercial value. The f a c t that h i s journey of 1793 was successful i n charting a route to the P a c i f i c was probably a f a c t o r i n delaying the entry of the f u r trade to the Lower Mackenzie area. In any case such a trade would have placed a severe s t r a i n upon the transportation technology of even the Northwest Company. The Mackenzie Delta at the Time of F i r s t Contact Mackenzie's d e s c r i p t i o n of the Delta provides the baseline on which future change took place. I t established that the area below Point Separation, over which Mackenzie t r a v e l l e d , was probably not important f o r e i t h e r the Indians or the Eskimos. Indeed the at t i t u d e of Mackenzie's guides (Mackenzie, 1904: 2%k) and the f a c t that he had no evidence of Eskimo occupance suggested that the Upper Delta was a "No Man's Land" which both avoided. As a p a r t i a l explanation of t h i s s i t u a t i o n , the image of the Eskimo as a f i e r c e and b e l l i g e r e n t people was postulated, a f a c t which was to a f f e c t the future d i r e c t i o n taken by both the f u r trade and by missionary a c t i v i t y . In the Lower Delta, Mackenzie's observations, though p a r t i a l , i n dicated some signs of Eskimo occupance but these were not extensive. Since Mackenzie did not i n f a c t encounter Eskimos on t h i s journey his conclusions about them are based on what he heard from h i s Indian guides and from the examination of a number of encampments ( i b i d . : 259)• Discussion regarding h i s route (Bredin, 196-2; Stager, 1965) are relevant here only i n s o f a r as they throw l i g h t upon the locations of encampments. The f i r s t one observed by Mackenzie, Stager (1965) suggests, was t h i r t y or more miles downstream from the Oniak Channel on the Main Channel, and i t s l o c a t i o n seemed to Mackenzie to be determined by i t s s u i t a b i l i t y f o r f i s h i n g . He wrote i n h i s journal: "They must have been here f o r a considerable time, though i t does not appear that they have erected any huts. A great number of poles, however, were seen f i x e d i n the r i v e r , to which they had attached t h e i r nets, and there seemed to be an excellent f i s h e r y . w (Mackenzie, 1904: 259-62). Later i n the same day he landed a second time to examine three huts which he again assumed were those of Eskimos, and once more there seemed to be evidence that these r e l a t i v e l y permanent structures marked a s u i t a b l e f i s h i n g area, since what Mackenzie took to be f i s h drying racks were present ( i b i d . : 260). A t h i r d encampment was discovered at the south-east t i p of the i s l a n d which marked the terminus of Mackenzie downstream journey, named Whale Island by him and probably the Garry Island of modern maps (Bredin, 1962; Mackay, 1963. Stager, I965)• This f i n a l encampment was an older one c o n s i s t i n g of f i v e or s ix huts which had evidently not been occupied f o r many years (Mackenzie, 1904: 271). On the return journey up the East Channel, neither Eskimos nor fu r t h e r encampments were encountered even at Campbell River which marked the terminus of a convenient portage from Eskimo Lakes to the Delta (Mackay, 1963: 7; Stager, 1965). Thus, although Mackenzie's expectations of encountering Eskimos were not i n f a c t met, h i s journey does indicate that the Delta was c e r t a i n l y occupied by Eskimos north of the tree l i n e , that encampments were r e l a t i v e l y numerous and r e l a t i v e l y permanent and that they were used e x c l u s i v e l y or mainly as f i s h i n g camps. Mackenzie' expedition s u c c e s s f u l l y mapped out the northern f u r f i e l d s and provided f o r a rapid increase of trade ( i n n i s , 1956:: 2 0 ) . In 1799* the massacre of Duncan Livingston's expedition by a party of Eskimos at A r c t i c Red River (Wentzel, 1832$ 78-79) discouraged the extension of trade to these people f o r almost h a l f a century and conditioned the views held by whites of them during that time (stager, 1967)• Though the northern f u r producing areas appeared to be promising, the e f f o r t s of the traders were directed towards more southern areas i n the decades following the explorations of Mackenzie and Livingston® Consolidation of the f u r trade i n the Mackenzie basin did occur and by 1821, the date of amalgamation of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Northwest Company, the p o t e n t i a l of the Far North was soon to be r e a l i s e d . In that year, W.F. Wentzel remarked of the Lower Mackenzie: "From a l l parts of the country that I have attempted to describe herein, beaver and other p e l t r i e s have been obtained while I was i n Mackenzie's r i v e r , a convincing proof of how worthy they are of notice i n a commercial point of view." (PAC, MG 19, A2). 3. The Fur Trade and the Peel River Kutchin The Establishment of Peel's River Post (Fort McPherson) The f u r trade f i n a l l y penetrated the Mackenzie Delta with the establishment i n 1840 of Peel's River Post. Peel's River had been known as a p o t e n t i a l f u r producing area since i t s discovery by F r a n k l i n i n 1827» and attempts had been made to e s t a b l i s h a post there. For example, Peter Warren Dease had been i n s t r u c t e d by the Governor and Council of the Northern Department of the Hudson's Bay Company to take the f i r s t steps towards doing so as e a r l y as 1828 (Stewart, 1955* 167) and was able to report i n 1829 that the "lower squint eyes", the only Indians occupying the Peel River drainage area, were not able to trade c o n s i s t e n t l y with the e x i s t i n g post at Fort Good Hope since i t was too f a r from t h e i r hunting grounds. The Peel River Indians were i n f a c t peripheral to the trading systems associated with both the Yukon and the Mackenaie r i v e r s , although they had s l i g h t contact with both. F r a n k l i n (1828) reports f o r example that "mountain Indians" a r r i v e d at Herschel Island at the same time as himself with a r t i c l e s of Russian manufacture, and Thomas Simpson had also seen Russian goods i n the area i n I836 (Simpson, 1843: 103). In I838, a more d e f i n i t e attempt was made to draw the Indians towards the Mackenzie system when S i r George Simpson wrote to Murdoch Macpherson, then i n charge of the Mackenzie D i s t r i c t : "For some time past I have been of the opinion that a new post might with every prospect of advantage be established on Peel's River and I s h a l l be glad i f you w i l l turn your a t t e n t i o n to that object. I t might not be safe to ascend the Mackenzie so as to mount Peel's River from i t s outlet as by that route we should come int o c o l l i s i o n with the large bodies of Esquimaux that u s u a l l y encamp at the outlets of those r i v e r s during the summer, but from the general character of the country which i s so much inter s e c t e d by streams and lakes, that a water communication intercepted by occasional portages, may be had i n almost any d i r e c t i o n . " ( c i t e d by Stewart, 1955:. 169) . In 1839» Peter Warren Dease and Thomas Simpson explored Peel's River and reported an abundance of f u r , and the following year the post was established by John B e l l and Andrew I s b i s t e r as the f i r s t to be established e x c l u s i v e l y f o r trade with the Indians of t h i s area. That these Indians, the Kutchin, eagerly awaited the a r r i v a l of the traders i s further evidence suggesting a p r i o r contact with trade goods. Not only was the trading party met by an escort on the Mackenzie, but a small group awaited i t s a r r i v a l on the Peel (HBC, B / l 5 7 / a / l ) . Although the f i r s t trading encounter was disappointing from the Company's point of view, "c o n s i s t i n g p r i n c i p a l l y of badly dressed leather and musquash" ( i b i d . ) , the Indians of the Rat River gave assurance of having caches of f i n e f u r i n the mountains which they would bring i n l a t e r v i s i t s . Indians Trading at the Fort Of the d i s t i n c t Kutchin groups generally recognized and named i n the Introduction to t h i s study, trade was f i r s t established only with those of the Mackenzie F l a t s (Nakotcho) and the Peel River ( T e t l i t ) . The "Rat Indians" who v i s i t e d the f o r t also at an early stage were probably not the Vunta but rather Tukkuth Kutchin from the Porcupine River. Also i n the f a l l of 1840 i t was recorded that there a r r i v e d at the f o r t "a strange Indian who inhabits the mountains beyond the source of the Peel" who was given a g r a t u i t y i n return f o r the promise that he would bring back h i s r e l a t i v e s the following year (HBC, B / l 5 7 / a / l ) . Later extension of the trade involved other Kutchin groups which led Osgood ( 1934) to d i s t i n g u i s h a t o t a l of s i x on the basis of trade. These were: ( i ) the Peel River ( T e t l i t ) occupying the Peel Plateau and southern Richardson Mountains; ( i i ) the Mackenzie F l a t s Kutchin (Nakotcho) occupying the Upper Mackenzie Delta; ( i i i ) the Upper Porcupine Kutchin (Tukkuth) i n c l u d i n g more recently those of Old Crow F l a t s and of the Rat and B e l l Rivers; (iv) the Tutchone Kutchin of the O g i l v i e Range and southern Eagle P l a i n s ; (v) the Old Crow River Kutchin; and (vi) the Yukon F l a t s and Chandelar River Kutchin ( F i g . l - l ) . Soon a f t e r the f o r t had been established on a low bank some one and one-half miles above the present s i t e of Fort McPherson, which from the beginning was recognized as being subject to fl o o d i n g (HBC, B / 1 5 7/a/l), the Company^ traders saw l i t t l e of t h e i r indigenous c l i e n t s u n t i l the following spring. B e l l heard rumours that the majority had returned to t h e i r winter hunting ground i n the mountains at the headwaters of the Peel, but apart from a few starving and d e s t i t u t e f a m i l i e s who ar r i v e d at the f o r t just before Christmas, he had no d i r e c t contact. "Not a single Loucheux have I seen during the whole winter," he wrote i n h i s journal, "except ithe starving f a m i l i e s that were here on the 2 3 r d . " (HBC, B / l 5 7 / a / l ) . E a r l y Attempts to Extend the Line of Forts One of the r e s u l t s of the poor contact with the l o c a l Kutchin was that the f o r t ran s e r i o u s l y short of food. This was i n f a c t to be a recurrent problem  i n the winters to come and one which caused hardship as well as anxiety. I t was also a f a c t o r i n the eventual spread of the f u r trade system across the mountains i n the establishment of s a t e l l i t e posts c l o s e r to the sources of meat. Only three years a f t e r the s e t t i n g up of Peel's River Post, B e l l made the f i r s t attempt to determine the p o s s i b i l i t y of opening a post on the western side of the mountains, where i t was by t h i s time c l e a r that the Kutchin spent t h e i r winters i n a r e l a t i v e abundance of game. A f t e r the f i r s t of his journeys across the mountains B e l l con- cluded that: MAn establishment at the place i n the midst of an extensive country r i c h i n Beaver and large animals would no doubt be a valuable a c q u i s i t i o n , but i n my opinion i t i s altogether impossible to succeed i n es t a b l i s h i n g i t from th i s place (Peel River) owing to the d i f f i c u l t y of trans- porting the necessary goods f o r carrying on the trade through a long chain of high and rough mountains u t t e r l y d e s t i t u t e of wood, and frequently of water." (HBC, B / 1 5 7/a/l). During the ear l y years of the f o r t ' s l i f e , these attempts to f i n d a suitable water route across the mountains continued, f i r s t by B e l l and l a t e r by Prudeau, Lewis and Boucher. The conceptual jump of e s t a b l i s h i n g not a water route l i k e those of the ent i r e summer transportation network of the Company, but a winter land route had yet to be made. As Stefansson ( l958j 192) points out, u n t i l the eventual establishment of La Pierre House,^ no post had been set up which was not supplied by boat i n the summer months* Thus the l a t e r expedition of Prudeau, Lewis and Boucher followed the water route of the Rat River but was abandoned by i t s guide and had to return (HBC, B / l 5 7 / a / l ) . During t h i s time, however, trade with the more dis t a n t Indians across the mountains was established v i a Peel River middlement. For example, i n 1843* Grand Blanc, the 2 leader of the "musquash Indians" was advanced one hundred "Made Beaver", c h i e f l y i n beads, ammunition, and tobacco f o r the purpose of trading with these more dis t a n t groups. Trade through middlemen was very i r r e g u l a r and u n r e l i a b l e however. ^ Also Lapierre House and Lapierre•s House. From the context of references to t h i s group they were probably Tukkuth-Kutchin of the Old Crow F l a t s . With the s e t t i n g up of La P i e r r e House i n 1845, B e l l was able to continue across the portage i n 1846 to intercept the Yukon drainage, and the following year Alexander Murray followed the same route to e s t a b l i s h Fort Yukon at the junction of the Yukon and the Porcupine Rivers (stager, 1962). Through t h i s tenuous chain of f o r t s supplied from Peel's River, the Company attempted to con t r o l the hunting patterns of Indians ranging over a t e r r i t o r y extending from the Upper Mackenzie Delta to the middle Yukon, hot always with success. Alexander Murray's Fort Yukon at the end of the chain was of course the most d i f f i c u l t to supply with trade goods and although i t was preferred that the more distant posts would supply t h e i r food from l o c a l sources, both Fort Yukon and La Pierr e House were forced to use t h e i r stores of pemmican when game was inadequate (PAC, MG 19 , A2). At the Peel's River Post an attempt was made to keep c a t t l e i n the 1840•s, but t h i s was abandoned a f t e r a b u l l c a l f had drowned i n the r i v e r , and the remaining two animals were taken over the mountains to La Pierre House. D i f f i c u l t i e s of both supplying these more dis t a n t posts, as well as shipping furs out, were immense. Muskrat was refused at Fort Yukon with deleterious e f f e c t s on trade, and marten and fox had to be sent out i n 6 © - to 8k- pound bales on Yukon sleds as f a r as the Peel River, where they then had to be made up into l a r g e r packs f o r transportation up the Mackenzie ( i n n i s , 1956: 2 9 8 ) . According to Innis ( i b i d : 32k)t "The complaints of A. H. Murray as to h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s i n competing with the Russians at Fort Yukon fu r t h e r i l l u s t r a t e the problem of control i n distant areas. Requisitions f o r commodities i n great demand, such as guns and beads, could be f i l l e d only a f t e r a long period of time had elapsed ... Resort to questionable methods of trade was e s s e n t i a l . " These problems resulted eventually i n a retrench- ment as the o r i g i n a l Fort Yukon closed i n 1 8 6 9 » i t s successor on the B r i t i s h side of the border Rampart House and La P i e r r e House i n 1893• k. The Ear l y Association of the Kutchin with Fort McPherson and the Lower Peel Of the three Kutchin groups who traded at Fort McPherson as the Peel River Post was soon c a l l e d i n i t s f i r s t decade, those from the Porcupine River (Tukkuth) and the Mackenzie River (Nakotcho) seem to have frequented the f o r t sooner than those from the Peel River i t s e l f ( T e t l i t - K u t c h i n ) , As Slobodin notes (1962: 21) the winter hunting grounds of the l a t t e r were a long distance from the f o r t , and the technology of both hunting and transportation pre- cluded much summer t r a v e l . In addition, i t took some time f o r needs to be created which would make v i s i t s to the f o r t e s s e n t i a l since the commodities offered i n trade were few i n quantity and, at least i n the ea r l y years of trade, not immediately r e l a t e d to the needs of the people. E s s e n t i a l l y they consisted of decorative items such as beads, c l o t h items such as blankets, and guns and tools (PAC, MG 19, D 1 2 ) . Though some of these had an obvious appeal to the people the acceptance of others required a learning process which took some time. The Hudson's Bay Company generally did not favour trade i n l i q u o r ( c f . Rich, I960) and even tobacco was not immediately accepted (Slobodin, 1962s 22). Nonetheless, the ea r l y h i s t o r y of the f o r t indicates that though the Peel River Kutchin v i s i t e d f a i r l y infrequently, a pattern of v i s i t a t i o n emerged during the period from 1840 to 1870 which linked them more c l o s e l y to the Lower Peel. Their early a s s o c i a t i o n with the f u r trade was supported by the f a c t that at le a s t some members of the band v i s i t e d the Lower Peel to f i s h and hunt muskrat even before the f o r t was established and that t h i s p r a c t i c e continued during i t s early years. Though the home t e r r i t o r y of the Peel River Kutchin was undoubtedly i n the mountains there i s c l e a r evidence that some at l e a s t came downriver i n canoes a f t e r breakup, fi s h e d and hunted muskrat and rabbits i n the Lower Peel and returned upriver at freezeup. Thus, i n May 1842, i t was reported that a party-of "Peel's Indians from Fond du Lac" had camped about the f o r t and l a t e r went o f f below to hunt muskrat (HBG, B / l 5 7 / l / a ) . They returned b r i e f l y i n June com- p l a i n i n g s i g n i f i c a n t l y , that the muskrat were not as p l e n t i f u l as i n previous years, and then were not eeen again u n t i l they passed the f o r t on t h e i r way upriver i n November ( i b i d . ) . The same pattern was repeated the following year, as John B e l l noted that the Indian had gone down to hunt muskrat "as they usually d i d " ( i b i d . ) . A s a f u r of r e l a t i v e l y low value, muskrat was not favoured by the trader, and by the end of the decade, Augustus Peer recorded that the Indians had gone to the Lower Peel to hunt muskrat, though given "no encouragement to do so." (PAC, MG 19» D 12). When muskrat were refused at Fort Yukon the Rat Indians t r a v e l l e d across to trade them at Fort McPherson ( i b i d . ) . The returns f o r the f i r s t three decades of the f o r t ' s operation indicate that attempts to discourage the hunting of muskrat might have resulted i n smaller Fur Returns f o r Fort McPherson , 1850 , I860 and 1870 Fur 1850 I860 1870 Bear 6 Ik 11 Beaver 1 (lbs castors) 12 60 50 I (Pelts) 362 959 550 Fox 1 [Blue) — 1 5 fCross) 35 68 167 Red) 2 8 75 iko [ S i l v e r ) 12 23 kl (White) - 193 176 Lynx 14 16 1 Marten 392 1,635 6 4 7 Mink 8 58 4 6 Muskrat 11,991 2,070 2 ,740 Wolf 2 - l Wolverine 1 - - Otter 2 — l Source: HBC, B / l 5 7/d/l - 2 U . amounts of t h i s species being taken in t o trade (Table 1-1) . The data however i s suggestive only, since the ammounts traded i n intervening years were not a v a i l a b l e . As more needs f o r trade goods were created among the Kutchin ( c f . Slobodin, 1 9 6 2 : 2 2 ) i t i s l i k e l y that the low r e l a t i v e value of muskrat eventually led to the Indians favouring the more valuable beaver and marten. In 1 8 4 8 the muskrat p e l t was valued at about six pence, the beaver at nine pence and the marten at about ten s h i l l i n g s (PAC, MG 19, D 1 2 ) . Besides drawing a t t e n t i o n to the early importance of the muskrat, the returns f o r Port McPherson also throw some doubt on the notion that i t was ever a meat post (Slobodin, 1962: 22; B i s s e t t , 1967: 3 4 ) , e s p e c i a l l y i n l i g h t of the f a c t that supplies of meat were never assured. On the contrary, i t seems that though the Kutchin v i s i t e d the f o r t infrequently and almost always i n the spring and l a t e f a l l , when they did so they traded vigorously and i n the more valuable f u r species. The exact numbers of Indians v i s i t i n g the f o r t i n i t s f i r s t decade are not known though the d e t a i l e d nature of the journals kept at t h i s time reveals a f a i r l y accurate picture of when v i s i t s occurred and the probable o r i g i n of the v i s i t o r s i n each case (Tables 1-2 and 1 -3) . The d i s t i n c t i o n was us u a l l y made between the "Rat Indians" (Tjuikkuth-Kutchin) , "Mackenzie Indians" (Nakotcho-Kutchin), and those Recorded Indian V i s i t s to Fort McPherson, 1840-1851 Date J Reference to a V i s i t Source B 157/a/l Inferred Grou oup. June 15 , 1840 J u l y 26 Sept. 18 Sept. 30 Oct. 5 Oct. 19 Oct. 30 Nov. 9 Mar. 12, 1841 Mar. 18 Mar. 27 Mar. 31 Apr. 1 "A party of Loucheux" "a party of Rat Indians" "some Indians from the upper part of the r i v e r " "Indians from Liard's Lake" "three Indians from Red River" "ten men and boys of the Rat Indians" "Loucheux from the Red River" "two Loucheux from Fond du Lac" "three Loucheux from the camp of the Rat Indians across the mountain" "small party from the Red River" "Loucheux from across the mountains" "a party of Loucheux" "two Loucheux from Mackenzie's River" Break i n Record Apr. 15 , 1842 May 1 May 20 June 1* June 11 June 13* "Indians from Mackenzie's River" "six f a m i l i e s from across the mountains" "Peel's Indians from Fond du Lac" "Indians from Upper Peel" "Indians arrived" "Indian seturned from mouth of Peel" Mackenzie Rat (R)3 P,eel (P) 2* (?) M R M P R M R (?) (?) M M R P P (?) P Table 1-2 (continued) Date Reference to a V i s i t Source Inferred Group Nov. 12 "Indians from below M B 157/a/l P (?) Nov. 15 "some Mackenzie River Indians" " M May 1 5 , * 1843 "Chief's brother" " P June 6 * "Indians...gone down to hunt r a t s " " P (?) June 26 "Musquash Indians... from across the mountains" " R Nov. 16 * "Indians who have been below returned" " P (?) Break i n Record Oct. 16, 1847 "Small pa r t i e s of f a m i l i e s " MG 19 , D 12 (?) Oct. 17 "two Indians" n (?) Oct. 22 " 'Bear Hunter' from Lapierre House" tt R (?) Oct. 26 " 'Letter C a r r i e r ' from his Youcon quarters" it R (?) Nov. 2 "Fond du Lac Indians i n " n P Nov. 11 "party of Indians from Mackenzie River" 11 M Nov. 16 "two of Grand Blanc's brothers" 11 R Apr. 27 , 1848 "a party of starving Indians" it (?) May 4 "ten Peel Indians" it P June 2 * "brigade of 19 canoes" w P June 2 9 * "few Indians from Mackenzie's River" tt M J u l y 11 "nine Rat Indians" tt R J u l y 25 "party from Fond du Lac" n P J u l y 30 "twenty-two Rat Indians" n R Jan. 9 , 1849 "large party of Peel River Indians" tt P Apr. 24 "some Indians from Mackenzie River" tt M Apr. 25 "Rat Indians" tt R May 15 "three Fond du Lac men" tt P May 2 0 * "band of Loucheux" 11 P (?) 03 Table 1-2 (continued) Date Reference to a V i s i t Source Inferred Group June 2 * "Fond du Lac Indians i n 2k canoes" MG 19 , D 12 P June 16 "Indians from above including one of the Gens du Roche" 11 P J u l y 5 "Grand Blanc with some of his men" n R J u l y 6 * "Rat Indians" « R June 22 , 1850 "two Mackenzie River Indians" it M June 26 "Indians from across the mountains" 11 R Nov. 9 "twenty Fond du Lac Indians" ti P May 7 , * 1851 "several Indians M P ( ? ) May 8 "several Mackenzie River Indians" II M June 3 * "almost a l l Indians o f f to hunt *a t s " It (?) J u l y k "party of Indians from Mackenzie River" II M Dec. 19 "ten Indians with marten" II (?) An a s t e r i s k indicates a reference to muskrat hunting. The Nakotcho of Osgood (1932) . E i t h e r the Tukkuth (Osgood, 1932) or the Vunta (McClellan, 1950 ) . The T e t l i t of Osgood (1932) . Indian V i s i t s to Fort McPherson, 1840-1850 Date Band Date B a n r f P R M 0 P R M 0 1840 J 1847 0 * * * p N ** * * M D A 1848 J M F J * M J * A * A M * S * * J * * * 0 * * ** J * * N * A * D S 1841 J O F N M * ** * * D A * 1849 J * M F 1842 A * M M * * A * * J ** M * J J ** A J ** S A 0€ S N * * 0 D N 1843 J D F 1850 J M F A M M * * A J M j J * A J * S A 0 S N * $ • D N * An a s t e r i s k indicates a recorded Indian v i s i t (P=Peel River Kutchin, R=Rat Indians, M=Mackenzie Indians, 0=Not known) from the Upper Peel (The Peel River Kutchin, or T e t l i t Kutchin). The l a t t e r were also c a l l e d the Fond du Lac Indians from a point up the Peel River, the exact l o c a t i o n of which can no longer be i d e n t i f i e d (Slobodin, 1962: 1 7 ) « V i s i t s from members of a l l three groups were f a i r l y common though the Peel River Kutchin more frequently appeared i n large groups e s p e c i a l l y i n the spring. There are p r a c t i c a l l y no records of members of any group v i s i t i n g the f o r t between December and February, the one major exception being i n January 1849 when a large party of Peel River Kutchin camped there (PAC, MG 19» D 12). J u l y and August were also times when v i s i t s were f a i r l y infrequent f o r the reason noted above. A f t e r I85O the trade had become s t a b i l i z e d to the extent that, apart from losses due to epidemics, the number of people trading at Fort McPherson and La Pierre House remained constant at about one hundred (Table 1-4). The f o r t s l o s t the precariousness they had suffered during the 1840's due to lack of meat and with the Indians' Debts^at Fort McPherson and La Pierr e House, 1851-1870 Year Peel Mackenzie Rat Tot a l Source 1851 93 PAC, MG 19 , D 12 1854 38 54 21 113 B 157/d /6/29 1855 104 B 157/d/7/28-29 I 8 5 7 117 B 157/d / 8 / l4 1859 112 B 1 5 7/d/lO/ll 1862 75 35 110 B 1 5 7/d / l 3 / l 2 1863 99 B 1 5 7/d / l 4 / 2 l 1864 112 B 157/d / l 5 /7 1865 5 5 2 B 157/d / l 8 /20 1868 75 B 157/d/28-29 1869 9 5 3 B 157/d /23/9 1870 97 B 157/d /24 / l9 The debt system was used from the beginning on the Peel River.Indian hunters were encouraged to e s t a b l i s h a debt to the Company by accepting goods against the next season's furs traded. In t h i s way they were constantly obligated to the f u r trade company. I t was a system which worked to the advantage of both p a r t i e s u n t i l the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of trading companies led to i t s abuse. Sixteen Mackenzie River Kutchin traded at Fort Anderson but returned to the Peel River when Fort Anderson closed i n 1866. The numbers also f e l l i n t h i s year due to the death of 29 people of s c a r l e t fever. In addition, seven Eskimos were l i s t e d , the f i r s t record of Eskimo debts at Fort McPherson. additions of the Eskimo trade to that of the Peel, Mackenzie and Rat Kutchin the con t i n u i t y of trade was assured. As the h o s t i l i t y between the Kutchin and Eskimos also decreased, a further i n h i b i t i o n was removed f o r both peoples to trade on the Peel River. 5• The Extension of the Fur Trade to the Eskimos The f i r s t contacts made with the Eskimos were probably through Kutchin middlemen. As ear l y as 1 8 4 7 , Grand Blanc, i d e n t i f i e d as the leader of the Rat Indians undertook to barter furs with the Eskimos (PAC, MG 1 9 , D 1 2 ) , though i n f a c t h i s agreement to come into the f o r t the following spring was broken ( i b i d . ) and thus i t i s not known whether trading con- tact was made at thi s time. In 1 8 4 9 , contact was made by a Mackenzie River Kutchin with a party of s ix Eskimos camping at what i s recorded as the i r "usual rendezvous" on the other side of the Mackenzie River from the mouth of the Peel. Though the Eskimos were not considered to be as unfriendly with the Mackenzie River Kutchin (Nakotcho) as with those of the Peel River, conversations took place "out of arrow range" and the Eskimos expressed the view that the white trader had given arms to the Kutchin to k i l l them. The a t t i t u d e of the Hudson's Bay Company f a c t o r i s i n t e r e s t i n g since though prepared to reason with them he also recorded i n h i s journal, "... i f I f i n d them i n c l i n e d to be c i v i l , well and good, but i f on the contrary they should be i n c l i n e d to mischief, I s h a l l think i t proper and f i t to f i r e on them." ( i b i d . ) . In the following year i n f a c t some Kutchin accompanied by two Company employees traded with a group of Eskimos at Point Separation but soon f e l l to blows and then to shooting with the r e s u l t that four Eskimos were k i l l e d . Thus the i n i t i a l contacts made with the Eskimos were not propitious and the following spring i t was recorded that no encounters were made with them ( i b i d . ) . Later i n the year however some Indians were sent to look f o r Eskimos and returned with the report that they had discovered a party of seven i n the f o o t h i l l s of the Richardson Mountains and that t h e i r reception had been f r i e n d l y . When Peers himself set o f f to f i n d them, however, he found only t h e i r abandoned "curiously constructed houses", but expressed the view that he was "anxious to see these people and. endeavour to e s t a b l i s h peace between them and the Indians." ( i b i d . ) In Peer's eyes the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of the Eskimos and Indians was e s s e n t i a l f o r the continued s u r v i v a l of the f u r trade i n the area f o r h o s t i l i t y between the two people was undoubtedly discouraging both from v i s i t i n g the f o r t . According to Richardson's ( 1 8 5 I : 215) account: " I t i s probable ... that the Eskimos had a purpose of opening a trade d i r e c t l y with the white people; but t h i s , being so obviously contrary to the in t e r e s t s of the Kutchin, was l i k e l y to meet with a l l the opposition they could o f f e r , and hence t h e i r f i r i n g on the Eskimos without parley." The f i r s t d i r e c t contact between whites and Eskimos was made i n I 8 5 I on two separate occasions and on the Eskimos' own i n i t i a t i v e . The f i r s t was at La P i e r r e House, where four Eskimos brought four fox skins to trade - a small o f f e r i n g , but as Peers remarked, "everything must have a beginning." (PAC, MG 19, D 1 2 ) . The second was made l a t e r i n the summer when a group of Eskimos v i s i t e d the Peel River post and were reported to be "much taken up with everything" since t h i s was the f i r s t time they had seen white mens' houses. This meeting was not altogether an auspicious one since they s t o l e a small boat before departing ( i b i d . ) . These early contacts resulted i n the Hudson's Bay Company adopting a more p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e towards the development of the Eskimo trade which included the i s s u i n g of a number of d i r e c t i v e s dealing with such matters as the s p e c i a l treatment to be given to Eskimos, the preparation of furs and the promotion-of good r e l a t i o n s with the Indians ( s t a g e r , 1967) . This p o l i c y resulted i n more Eskimos being drawn i n to trade at Port McPherson and eventually to the e s t a b l i s h - ment of Fort Anderson e x c l u s i v e l y f o r the Eskimo trade between 1861 and 1 8 6 6 (stager, 1967). This l a t t e r development was greeted by the Eskimos with enthusiasm and i t was reported that; "They are exceedingly well pleased at having a f o r t established f o r them at thi s place, and they s a i d they would do wonders i n the way of hunting furs and that they would bring us the whole." (HBC, B / 6/a/l: 4 ) . Though the post probably intercepted the i n d i r e c t trade which the Eskimos had with Russian traders, and also reduced the middleman's r o l e of the Kutchin, i t was not a success. I t was intended that returns from Fort Anderson would go out v i a the Beaufort Sea and the Mackenzie Delta and that, consequently, contact would be made each season with a l l Eskimos l i v i n g i n the area (HBC 6 / a / l : 3 ) . Fort Anderson was not well located to focus the entire Eskimo trade of the area, however, and the Mackenzie Eskimos, who remained aloof from those of the Anderson River, con- tinued to trade at Fort McPherson (stager, 1967) • 6. Conclusions During the f i r s t t h i r t y years of the f u r trade i n the Mackenzie Delta area contact had been made with a number of Kutchin groups and, less extensively, with the Eskimos. During t h i s time three s p a t i a l patterns of trade had prevailed roughly i n sequence. These were: ( i ) Trade based upon one ce n t r a l post (Peel's River) e i t h e r d i r e c t l y with the nearer groups, or i n d i r e c t l y , through middlemen, with those f a r t h e r away. ( i i ) Trade through the s a t e l l i t e posts of La Pi e r r e House and Fort Yukon i n Kutchin t e r r i t o r y to the west, and Fort Anderson to the east, ( i i i ) Trade based upon one ce n t r a l post again, but i n which the role of the middleman had disappeared and a l l c l i e n t hunters traded i n person. In the f i r s t stage the middlemen ( l i k e Grand Blanc) evidently strove to maintain t h e i r p r o f i t a b l e r o l e against some odds. The more distant Indians with whom they conducted trade evidently learned soon that the white man's goods could be obtained more cheaply at the white man's trading post. By the same token i t was evidently i n the company's i n t e r e s t s also to have d i r e c t contacts rather than through middlemen, since i t enabled more control to be exercized over the species offered i n trade. The attempt to e s t a b l i s h d i r e c t c o n t r o l through s a t e l l i t e posts was not successful however e i t h e r because the posts were d i f f i c u l t to supply with the Company's e x i s t i n g transportation technology ( f o r example, Fort Yukon), or because they were not i n easy locations f o r indigenous people to v i s i t ( l i k e Fort Anderson). However, the experiment with s a t e l l i t e posts accustomed a great number of Indian and Eskimo people to trade goods which could only be obtained r e l a t i v e l y cheaply, once the s a t e l l i t e posts collapsed, by v i s i t i n g the o r i g i n a l mother post on the Peel River. Thus the collapse of the s a t e l l i t e posts encouraged a much greater number of both Indians and Eskimos to v i s i t the Peel River than had done so before, and thus increased the nodal function of the Peel River Post over a wide area. The major exception to t h i s was the case of the Kutchin who found themselves on the U.S. side of the Alaska boundary i n 1 8 6 7 and thus within the purview of the more accessible American traders. Even among these .however, l o y a l t y to the Hudson's Bay Company was strong enough to draw them to the Peel River Post from time to time. The e f f e c t of the concentration upon the Lower Peel River increased the importance of the Mackenzie Delta. Though there i s good evidence that the upper part of the Delta was occupied i n the spring by at l e a s t some of the Kutchin, i t i s c l e a r that the v i s i t s to the f o r t r e i n f o r c e d i t s importance. Though muskrat p e l t s were not welcomed by the traders the propensity to go down into the Delta f o r spring " r a t t i n g " increased i n t h i s period.among the Kutchin. S i m i l a r l y , the Eskimos who came up to the f o r t to trade were also perforce drawn more c l o s e l y into the Delta. What t h i s amounted to i n simple terms was the expansion of the area of t e r r i t o r i a l overlap of both peoples i n the Upper Delta i n the spring so that t h i s area became much les s a "No Man's Land" than i n Mackenzie's time. To return to the hypothesis of Williamson (1969) mentioned at the beginning of t h i s chapter, i t seems cl e a r that though the f u r trade had not yet established a strong regional i d e n t i t y i n the Mackenzie Delta i t had started a tendency i n that d i r e c t i o n . The e c o l o g i c a l niche shared by the Kutchin and the Eskimo had widened though the contacts between them were s t i l l fraught with h o s t i l i t y . Unlike some other northern trading posts, that on the Peel River had drawn several d i a l e c t a l sub-groups in t o i t s sphere f o r reasons that have been outlined above. Consequently f a r from r e i n f o r c i n g the tendencies towards exclusiveness, as Williamson ( i b i d . ) has suggested, i t tended to break them down.and to i n i t i a t e some small degree of con- vergence. This convergence was to be increased when other agents of* contact widened the areas of common i n t e r e s t . CHAPTER II MISSIONARIES, WHALERS, STAMPEDERS AND POLICE 1. Introduction As i n other parts of the North, the trading company opened the way f o r other agents of contact, p a r t i c u l a r l y missionaries of both the Anglican and the Roman Catholic f a i t h s . The fac t that the Mackenzie Delta was more accessible than many other parts of the North both v i a the Mackenzie River and the Bering Sea route, opened i t also to other sources of influence. While the i n t e r i o r of Alaska was a t t r a c t i n g the attention of mineral prospectors, whaling ships were edging along the north coast i n search of Bowhead whale and were to reach the v i c i n i t y of the Mackenzie Delta i n the l a t e 1880*s. The famous gold s t r i k e i n the Klondike increased the i n t e r e s t i n prospecting and many of the stampeders to the gold f i e l d s followed the arduous but now well established route down the Mackenzie and then across the Rat-Bell Portage to the Yukon. Both whaling and the Gold Rush focussed the att e n t i o n of the Canadian Government on the Northwest and resulted i n the appearance i n the Yukon and the A r c t i c Coast of the Royal Northwest Mounted P o l i c e . The i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of contact with the outside culture and economy had a number of e f f e c t s upon the Mackenzie Delta. The a c t i v i t y of the missionaries at f i r s t tended to further the processes of c u l t u r a l convergence started by the f u r trade. As prosely- t i z a t i o n increased both Indian and Eskimo people v i s i t e d the mission post established at Port McPherson with greater frequency. Rather than r e i n f o r c i n g t h i s process, the Gold Rush and the whaling boom i n i t i a t e d some divergence. The Peel River Kutchin were a t t r a c t e d temporarily towards the Yukon side of the Richardson Mountain divide by the a c t i v i t y on the Klondike. At the same time, Eskimo v i s i t s to the Lower Peel became l e s s frequent as they d r i f t e d towards Herschel Island where the whalers established t h e i r winter quarters. In the long term view both events i n f a c t increased the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r convergence when Kutchin and Eskimo came into close contact again i n the Delta. Residence i n the Yukon broke down some of the cohesive- ness of the Kutchin and made t h e i r c l o s e r involvement i n trapping more pos s i b l e . The decimation of the o r i g i n a l Mackenzie Eskimos by disease allowed a wave of more acculturated Alaskan Eskimos to enter the Delta, and these were also more r e a d i l y absorbed into the trapping economy. 2. The Coming of the Missionaries Missionary a c t i v i t y began i n the area i n i 8 6 0 and as i n other parts of the North was strongly dependent upon the transportation network developed by the Hudson's Bay Company, a fac t which was recognized by traders and missionaries a l i k e . Of the bishop of the Athabasca-Mackenzie V i c a r i a t e , Douchaussois noted ( 1 9 3 7 : 9 ) : "Without the good graces of the Comapany he w i l l be hel p l e s s : he w i l l not be able to procure f o r himself even the necessaries of l i f e . " Generally the a t t i t u d e of the traders towards the missionaries was not encouraging, though some s l i g h t preference was often given by the Presbyterian Company fa c t o r s to the Anglican over the Catholic missionaries. As l a t e as I 8 7 6, however, Chief Commissioner Grahame wrote to Hardisty: "Should any boat a r r i v e at Portage La Loche not employed by the Company!,", but carrying passengers, p r i e s t s , missionaries or f r e i g h t intended f o r McKenzie's River, you w i l l decline f u r n i s h i n g transportation f o r them beyond that point or assistance i n any way whatsoever." ( i n n i s , I 9 5 6 : 3 7 l ) » Generally the Company o f f i c i a l s regarded r e l i g i o n as a d i s t r a c t i o n from trapping and a f a c t o r which caused the Indians to congregate around the f o r t s when there was no good economic reason f o r them to do so. Thus missionary a c t i v i t y was often c a r r i e d out i n face of an uncooperative a t t i t u d e on the part of the trading company. Similarly)*, the attitude of the two major mission groups to each other was one of outright h o s t i l i t y , f o r the missionaries were of d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i t y and language as well as of a d i f f e r e n t r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n . Protestant mission a c t i v i t y was dir e c t e d by the Church Missionary Society with i t s headquarters i n London, and Catholic by the Oblate Fathers from t h e i r mother house i n Belgium. Thus there was l i t t l e common ground between the missionaries i n the f i e l d or between the missionaries and the Company. Anglican i n t e r e s t i n the area began i n 1857 when Rev. James Hunter prepared to v i s i t trading posts down the Mackenzie River as f a r as the A r c t i c Coast the following year i n an attempt to "outflank" the Catholic missionaries who, i t was noted, would be "driven into the sea" i f they attempted to go beyond Fort Simpson (CMS, C.l/O, Nov. k, I 8 5 7 ) . He was encouraged i n the e f f o r t by the f a c t that, " a l l the gentlemen of the D i s t r i c t with one exception are Protestants and the majority of the men, and they are a l l anxious, and eve n zealous f o r the establishment of Protestant missions throughout the D i s t r i c t . " As a consequence, th i s was considered to be the "most promising f i e l d f o r mission- ary a c t i v i t y i n the whole of the country." (CMS, C/l / o , J u l y 31, 1858). In f a c t the a t t i t u d e of the Company was rather ambivalent and S i r George Simpson, though assuring that assistance would be given to Hunter, was con- cerned that mission posts should not be expected to depend upon the trading posts. "As i t i s proposed to have schools and c o l l e c t the Indians about the mission," he noted i n a l e t t e r to Bernard Ross, the Chief Trader at Norway House, "I further informed the Bishop that we should p o s i t i v e l y object to i t s being placed (at) Port Simpson or any of the Company's posts, and recommended that a s i t e should be selected i n the v i c i n i t y of some good f i s h e r y . " (CMS, C.l/O, June, I 8 5 8 ) . At the same time as rather grudging assistance was being given to the Anglican missionaries, i t was not being denied to those of the a l t e r n a t i v e persuasions so that the same brigade which took Hunter north, also c a r r i e d four p r i e s t s and a f r i a r "with f u l l permission from the a u t h o r i t i e s to go a l l through e s t a b l i s h i n g missions and to remain to carry them on." (CMS, C.l/M, June 10, I 8 5 8 ) . The r e s u l t was the rather unseemly race down the Mackenzie which culminated i n both mission groups reaching Fort McPherson at about the same time. At points along the r i v e r mass baptisms were c a r r i e d on by Anglicans and Catholics a l i k e with an e f f e c t that can hardly have been l a s t i n g . "No possible good can r e s u l t to the benighted heathen of these regions," recorded a Company trader, "by a system of p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n being c a r r i e d out between the two sects, indeed p o s i t i v e i n j u r y may r e s u l t from i t . " (CMS, C . 1 / 0 , Aug. 2 3 , I 8 5 8 ) . Fr. G r o l l i e r a r r i v e d at Fort McPherson i n September, i860 and baptized a number of Indians and also some Eskimos who were gathered there. Though he i s v a r i o u s l y reported to have reconciled the two peoples (Douchaussois, 1937: 291; Morice, 1910: 332; Lecuyer, n.d.), t h i s seems u n l i k e l y i n view of the short time he spent at the f o r t , the few Eskimos with whom he made contact and the fa c t that h o s t i l i t i e s between the two peoples continued well a f t e r his v i s i t . To t h i s time, however, many Catholic Kutchin give c r e d i t to the p r i e s t s for bringing peace to the area, just as many Anglican Kutchin give c r e d i t to the ministers (Slobodin, 1 9 6 2 : 2 5 ) . I t seems more l i k e l y that when easier r e l a t i o n s were established between the two peoples i t was the r e s u l t of t h e i r both being drawn together by the f u r trade rather than to the e f f o r t s of e i t h e r of the p r o s e l y t i z i n g sects. In the summer of 1861, Fr. G r o l l i e r returned to Fort McPherson overtaking the Anglican missionary, Rev. W.W. Kirkby at Fort Norman, but was prevented from staying long by a severe attack of asthma (Lecuyer, n.d.). The r e s u l t s of t h i s f a i r l y t r i v i a l occurrence may have been quite profound, f o r G r o l l i e r ' s i n f i r m i t y l e d to t h i s p a r t i c u l a r area being abandoned to the Anglicans, who through the agency of Rev. Robert MacDonald, made Fort McPherson an important centre f o r Indians through- out the Upper Peel and the Yukon. Kirkby's reception was a favourable one and he was greeted by the Protestant Hudson's Bay Company people and by about 140 Indians and 37 Eskimos, some of whom he had encountered at Point Separation on the journey (CMS, C.l/O, June 1 7 , l 8 6 l ) . The subsequent f a i l u r e of Fr. Seguin to make converts i n the Yukon i n the face of a vigorous mission by the Rev. Robert MacDonald discouraged the Oblates from continuing i n the area and though v i s i t s were paid to Fort McPherson i n the springs of 1864, I 8 6 5 and 1866, the Anglican f a i t h was by t h i s time too strongly entrenched f o r a permanent Catholic mission to be established there. This was s i g n i f i c a n t f o r a number of reasons. The v i r t u a l abandonment of t h i s area to the Anglicans placed the l a t t e r i n a favourable p o s i t i o n f o r the eventual extension of mission a c t i v i t y to the Eskimos. A major contributing f a c t o r to the r e l a t i v e strength of the Anglican church was undoubtedly the p e r s o n a l i t y of the Rev. Robert MacDonald whose missionary a c t i v i t y out of Port McPherson and i n t o the Yukon gave the f o r t a c e n t r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r Indians who ranged over a wide area and brought them to the Lower Peel River f o r r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s as well as f o r t r a d e . The mission thus increased the f o r t ' s p o t e n t i a l as a u n i f y i n g force. F i n a l l y , the exclusion of the Catholics from Fort McPherson led to the establishment of an a l t e r n a t i v e mission at A r c t i c Red River, and the p o l a r i z a t i o n of the Kutchin of the Mackenzie Delta area along r e l i g i o u s l i n e s which have pers i s t e d to the present time. U« Missionary A c t i v i t y Among the Eskimo and Kutchin The e f f e c t of missionary a c t i v i t y was twofold. Not only d i d i t r e s u l t i n an increased pace of a c c u l t u r a t i o n among native peoples, but i t strengthened the nodal functions of a number of points of contact between both the Kutchin and the Eskimo and the external world. While i t had never been i n the i n t e r e s t s of the trading company to teach t h e i r i n - digenous c l i e n t s to read and write, i t was very much i n the i n t e r e s t s of the missionaries to do so. MacDonald's t r a n s l a t i o n of the Tukkuth language and P e t i t o t ' s of the d i a l e c t of the Mackenzie Eskimos contributed strongly to the degree to which both peoples were opened to the influences of the outside world ( c f . Jenness, 1964: 15)• At the same time, the establishment of mission posts at the fur trade f o r t s , or indeed at completely new locations encouraged them to gather f o r r e l i g i o u s services at c e r t a i n times of the year, often with profound e f f e c t s upon previously established hunting patterns. For example, the necessity f o r C h r i s t i a n i z e d Kutchin to attend Christmas services i n Fort McPherson e f f e c t i v e l y reduced t h e i r winter hunting grounds. The a c t i v i t i e s of'the missionaries also had the e f f e c t of replacing old patterns of leadership and s o c i a l cohesion, as cat e c h i s t s came somewhat to assume the role previously- occupied by shamans, sometimes i n the same person (Slobodin, 1962: 26). Given the r e l a t i v e exclusion of the Catholic missionaries from the Lower Mackenzie and the A r c t i c Coast, the Anglican missionaries had the strongest influence, though Catholicism was dominant at other points up the Mackenzie River. This applied p a r t i - c u l a r l y to mission work among the Eskimos with the exception of that of Er. Emile P e t i t o t whose influence was very strong, though he was only with the Mackenzie Eskimos f o r a short time. P e t i t o t was however some- what of a maverick i n h i s own church and l a t e r mission e f f o r t among the Eskimos was dominated by two Anglican clergymen, Rev. ( l a t e r Bishop) W.C. Bompas and Rev. 1.0. Stringer. In the Peel River area and i n f a c t throughout the Yukon drainage area, Rev. ( l a t e r Archdeacon) Robert MacDonald stood head and shoulders above other missionaries. In the south-eastern part of the Delta, Catholicism was re-established when the mission was eventually abandoned o f f i c i a l l y at Port McPherson and opened at A r c t i c Red River. Because of the separation of the two missionizing sects, and the importance of the p e r s o n a l i t i e s of the missionaries, missionary a c t i v i t y among the Eskimos and the Kutchin may be dealt with separately a f t e r i 8 6 0 . The year 1895 marks a convenient turning point f o r i t saw both the permanent establishment of an Anglican mission to the Eskimos at Herschel Island and K i t t i g a z u i t , and of a Catholic mission at A r c t i c Red River. Both events occurred however when other agents of accul- t u r a t i o n were becoming more dominant than the church, (a) The Eskimos ( 1 8 6 O - I 8 9 5 ) E a r l y missionary a c t i v i t y among the Eskimos was discouraged by t h e i r reputation f o r h o s t i l i t y to the white man. Thus on Hunter's f i r s t expedition down the Mackenzie he considered that i t would only have been possible to have gone to the A r c t i c Coast with a large armed party since the Eskimos he noted were "a very treacherous and bl o o d t h i r s t y race and... co n t i n u a l l y at war with the Loucheux." (CMS C.l/O, Nov. 30, I 8 5 8 ) . Kirkby's encounter with Eskimos at Point Separation was f a i r l y peaceful and he was offered muktuk i n return f o r tobacco. When demands f o r more tobacco were not complied with by the missionary, however, the Eskimos became more quarrelsome and he was compelled to seek his escape (CMS C . l / 0 , June 15 , I 8 6 l ) , At Port McPherson, the few Eskimos present attended divine service though not apparently with much understanding. Kirkby noted however that they were fond of singing and appeared to have a good ear f o r music and, despite h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s at Point Separation, he considered them a f i n e race of people and probably superior to the Indians i n i n t e l l i g e n c e (CMS, C . 1 / 0 , June 17 , l 8 6 l ) . In the early years of Rev. Robert MacDonald*s mission, contacts with the Eskimos increased mainly due to the increasing frequency of t h e i r v i s i t s to the f o r t . C h r i s t i a n i t y does not appear to have impinged on them as strongly at th i s stage as i t did on the Kutchin. One reason f o r t h i s was the d i f f i c u l t y of conversing with them, f o r though those who frequented the f o r t spoke a fur trade "jargon" with both whites and Indian, those from f u r t h e r a f i e l d spoke only the Eskimo language (CMS C.l/O, May 31 , 1866; Feb. 2k, 1868) . MacDonald was to become we l l known fo r h i s Tukkuth lexicography, but he never f u l l y mastered the Eskimo tongue. Consequently, no strong e f f o r t s were made to p r e s e l y t i z e the Eskimo u n t i l the a r r i v a l of Rev. W.C. ( l a t e r Bishop) Bompas i n 1870. Bompas had early expressed the wish to carry out mission work among the Eskimos (CMS, C.l/O, Jan. 7 » 1870) and made a b r i e f v i s i t to the coast i n 1871 during which he noted some s a l i e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e i r way of l i f e at that time (CMS, C.l/O, I 8 7 1 ) . The annual v i s i t s to the f o r t had now become well established and were incorporated i n t o the ye a r l y cycle of most f a m i l i e s . A f t e r the spring f i s h i n g and the v i s i t to Fort McPherson to trade, the Eskimos returned to the coast to hunt s e a l , some sea ot t e r and walrus, the meat of which they cached u n t i l the following winter. Whales and caribou were also hunted along the coast during the summer months and f i s h nets were set on the r i v e r s f o r whitefish, inconnu and j a c k f i s h , while muskrat were taken by the Eskimos as they passed through the Delta on t h e i r way to the f o r t . Though fox and bear skins and some whale o i l were traded f o r tobacco, and i r o n pots and k e t t l e s , the Mackenzie Eskimos were by no means strongly dependent upon trade at t h i s time, though Bornpas expressed the fear that l i q u o r from the United States traders i n Alaska might bring about the degeneration of the Eskimos i n the Delta area. There was s u f f i c i e n t i n t e r e s t i n trade by t h i s time for. the Eskimos to want a trading post established halfway between the Coast and Fort McPherson, a wish which was not to be f u l - f i l l e d u n t i l the establishment of Aklavik h a l f a century l a t e r . Though Bornpas' t r i p established the f i r s t d i r e c t contact between the missionaries and the Eskimos i n the home t e r r i t o r y of the l a t t e r , the e f f o r t was not followed up and future contacts continued to take place mainly at Fort McPherson. Bompas• early approach to the Eskimos was to bear f r u i t when he achieved a p o s i t i o n of authority and was thus able to promote the mission to the Eskimos with greater force. This was not to occar however f o r twenty years. In 1881, as Bishop of Athabasca, he noted that since the Eskimos were now f r i e n d l y and several good in t e r p r e t e r s were a v a i l a b l e , the time was ripe f o r appointing a missionary e x c l u s i v e l y responsible f o r works among them (CMS C.l/O, May 9 , 1881). The growing fears of American influence i n the area increased Bompas' desire to have a missionary i n the f i e l d but though the Canadian Government now offered f o r the f i r s t time to pay one h a l f of a teacher's salary, the Church Missionary Society was not i n a p o s i t i o n to make an appointment (CMS C.l/O, Oct. 8, 1880). Bompas' att i t u d e to mission work was that he should provide a force f o r economic change i n b e t t e r i n g the material conditions of indigenous peoples. " I f we could introduce schooling, or farming or even a steamer on t h i s magnificent r i v e r , " he noted, " i t might elevate somewhat the character of the land i n respect to c i v i l i z a t i o n . " (CMS, C . l / 0 , Nov. 28, 1 8 8 1 ) . An appointment was f i n a l l y made i n the person of Rev. 1 . 0 . Stringer who f i r s t v i s i t e d the coast i n the summer of 1892. When i t was discovered that he was not a trader he was not encouraged to stay by the Eskimos and moved on to Herschel Island where American whalers were already having an impact on the Eskimo fa m i l i e s gathered there (CMS C . l / 0 , Sov. 1, 1893) . Stringer was aided by the fac t that Eskimos now gathered i n quite large numbers during the summer ei t h e r at t r a d i t i o n a l gathering places - one of which, at the mouth of the Mackenzie, had a good sized l og meeting house which he used as a church - or increasing- l y at whaling stations (CMS C . l / 0 , June 1894 ) . At Herschel Island i n 1894, Stringer described the v i l l a g e of h a l f underground huts b u i l t of poles covered with sod and snow which now clustered close to the ships and the presence of Eskimos from the west who had never v i s i t e d Port McPherson. Radical change was evidently underway and Stringer recorded with some anxiety: "Influences are bearing i n , which w i l l make (missionary) work f a r more d i f f i c u l t i n the years to come ... I f u l l y believe that a few years w i l l see the s a l v a t i o n or the r u i n of the Eskimos." (CMS C.l/O, June 1 8 9 4 ) . In the following two years a permanent mission was established among the Eskimos at K i t t i g a z u i t , where a new b u i l d i n g was erected, and at Hersehe1 Island, where one b u i l d i n g was purchased and another put up by the American Whaling Company at i t s own expense (CMS C.l/O, 1896 ) . Though Herschel Island had been desribed as "the world's l a s t jumping-off place, where no law existed and no writs ran" (Whittaker, 1937* 2 3 5 ) » there i s some evidence that the whalers welcomed the missionaries as a c i v i l i z i n g f o rce. By I896 however the breakdown of the Eskimo s o c i a l l i f e which had accompanied the coming of the whalers had reached major proportions and the ac c u l t u r a t i v e influence of the missionaries was probably subordinate, at l e a s t i n i t s p r a c t i c a l e f f e c t s , to that of the whalers. Large numbers of Eskimos now gathered at Herschel Island during the summer, where they worked or hunted f o r the whaling ships, while the winters were spent i n idleness (CMS C.l/O, Feb. 1 1897). Jenness (1964: 15) suggests that the role of the missionary was to "strengthen and restore t h e i r s p i r i t u a l equilibrium, which had been profoundly shaken when the world of t h e i r ancestors crumbled under the impact of white c i v i l i z a t i o n . " The missionaries made t h e i r strongest contacts with the Eskimos of the Mackenzie Delta just when that equilibrium was most disturbed, (b) The Kutchin (1860-1895) For some years a f t e r i 8 6 0 , Anglicans and Catholics continued to compete f o r the souls of the Kutchin. F r . Seguin continued to v i s i t the Peel River area during the springs of I 8 6 3 , 1864 and 1866 but without being able to e s t a b l i s h a permanent mission there due to the hold established by the Anglicans. This hold was considerably strengthened when Rev. Robert MacDonald a r r i v e d i n the area i n the f a l l of 1866 (CMS C.1/0, Sept. 11; c f . Slobodin, 1962: 25). MacDonald was remarkable i n that he t r a v e l l e d widely along the network of posts established by the Hudson's Bay Company so that h i s influence was f e l t among the Kutchin of the Lower Yukon. Though some attempts were made by MacDonald to convert the Kutchin of the Mackenzie River (Nugoochonjyet)^from Roman Catholicism (CMS C.l/O, Nov. 11, 1867), these did not meet with success. Hence while r e l i g i o n tended to draw together the Kutchin of the Peel and the Yukon Rivers, i t separated them from those of the Lower.Mackenzie and A r c t i c Red Rivers. In 1868 t h i s d i v i s i o n was widened when the Oblates established a small mission house f i r s t at the mouth of the A r c t i c Red River (CMS C.l/M, Oct. 28, 1868) and l a t e r at Tretchigwarat, six miles 1 The term i s MacDonaH's. These are the Nakotcho mentioned e a r l i e r . downstream (Lecuyer, n.d.) to serve the Mackenzie River people. Religious scruples did not, however, prevent Mackenzie River Catholics from passing through Port McPherson on t h e i r way to the mountains, and even attending Anglican church services there (CMS C.l/0, J u l y 8, 1876). Another source of concern to MacDonald was the gradual encroachment of American traders i n the west. A f t e r the purchase of Alaska, United States trading companies sent ships to the mouth of the Yukon River with the i n t e n t i o n of e s t a b l i s h i n g trading posts along the r i v e r (CMS C.l/M, Oct. 28, 1868)»which might have drawn the Kutchin further away from the influence not only of the Hudson's Bay Company but also of the missionaries. This concern was i n t e n s i f i e d when the Hudson's Bay Company decided i n 1869 to abandon Port Yukon since i t was now believed to be on United States T e r r i t o r y . The Church Missionary Society was given possession of the f o r t under the condition that the Hudson's Bay Company could resume con t r o l should surveys prove i t to be i n B r i t i s h T e r r i t o r y a f t e r a l l , but the unfavourable reaction to the United States traders Parrott and Co. and Hutchinson, Kohl and Co. resulted i n the Indians withdrawing to the east. When the Hudson's Bay Company proposed s e t t i n g up a new post at the Rat (Porcupine) River on B r i t i s h (by thi s time Canadian) t e r r i t o r y the mission post was also moved there. MacDonald t r a v e l l e d widely through the Canadian part of the Yukon during the 1870's, preaching and holding school at La Pi e r r e House, Rampart House and Fort Yukon as well as at Fort McPherson. The f a c t that he was p a r t l y of Cree descent, and soon a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l married a Kutchin woman, increased h i s influence with the Indians of t h i s very large area. Thus, when an attempt was made by Fr. Giroux to e s t a b l i s h a permanent Catholic mission at Fort McPherson i n 1890 (Douchaussois, 1937: 33^; Lecuyer, n.d.), i t did not meet with much success. In 1891 F r s . Grouard and Lefebre joined the mission, the l a t t e r with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of ministering to the Eskimos, and i n the winters of 1892 and 1893» Giroux toured the camps of the Peel River Kutchin i n an attempt to gain converts and to l e a r n the Tukkuth language (Lecuyer, n i d . ) . However, antagonism between the Catholic missionaries on the one hand and the Hudson's Bay Company f a c t o r and Protestant Kutchin on the other led to the abandon- ment i n 1895 °f the Peel River Mission i n favour of a permanent mission at A r c t i c Red River (Henoch, 1 9 6 I ; Licuyer, n.d.). The s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s l i e s i n the f a c t that the Anglicans placed more emphasis on native catechists than d i d the Catholics, so that with the departure of the l a t t e r , the catechists came to f i l l an important r o l e among the Peel River Kutchin. According to Slobodin (1962: 26): " A l l the c a t e c h i s t s , with one possible exception, were group leaders independently and p r i o r to t h e i r Church a c t i v i t y ; that i s , they were men who, i n s o c i a l groups larger than the family but smaller than the band gathering, were l i k e l y to d i r e c t economic or ceremonial a c t i v i t y . " The Anglican mission thus played quite a s i g - n i f i c a n t r o l e i n confirming established patterns of leadership among the Peel River Kutchin. More important f o r the evolving s p a t i a l structure of the area however was that the presence of two missions brought about the appearance of two d i s t i n c t nodal centres, one f o r the eastern and one f o r the western Kutchin. By I 8 7 6 , when the mission house was r e b u i l t and construction started on a church (CMS, C . l / 0 , Feb. kt 1878) , Fort McPherson was clearly the main centre f o r the Peel River Kutchin. Though Indians s t i l l gathered at Rampart House and La Pierre House (CMS,C.l/0, Jan 2 5 , 1876) , the r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s a t t r a c t e d the largest numbers to Fort McPherson. In addition, some chi l d r e n now remained at the f o r t to attend school, 15 doing so i n I 8 7 6 (CMS, C . l / 0 , Sept. 27 , 1 8 7 6 ) . In 1877, MacDonald's brother Kenneth l e f t the service of the Church Missionary Society to become Hudson's Bay Company fa c t o r at Rampart House, and MacDonald himself suggested that the large s i z e of the d i s t r i c t prevented him from v i s i t i n g a l l those i n hi s charge and that unless another missionary were appointed, i t would be impossible to cover the entire area (CMS, C.l/O, Feb. k, I878 ; Feb. 6 , 1879) . His journeys to the Yukon did i n f a c t become les s frequent a f t e r that time, and c h r i s t i a n i z e d Kutchin i n c r e a s i n g l y came to the mission post. At A r c t i c Red R i v e r t a l s o , an established centre was beginning to appear about the Roman Catholic mission. The Hudson's Bay Company had maintained a summer f i s h e r y here f o r some time (CMS, C.l/O, Sept. 27, 1867) , and i n 1902 established a trading outpost so that now there was l i t t l e reason f o r the eastern Kutchin to v i s i t Fort McPherson. 4. The Impact of the Gold Rush and of Whaling In the l a t t e r part of the nineteenth century two developments took place which led to a more active i n t e r e s t on the part of the Canadian Government i n the Western A r c t i c . These were the appearance of American whaling ships along the Canadian section of the Beaufort Sea coast, and the Yukon Gold Rush. The former af f e c t e d the coastal Eskimos most strongly by introducing new diseases and new patterns of l i f e , while at the same time causing a f a i r l y major immigra- t i o n of Alaskan Eskimos. The l a t t e r affected the Red River Kutchin i n s h i f t i n g the focus of attention from Port McPherson to the Klondike and by introducing new forces of r a d i c a l culture change which resulted i n the emergence of a sub-culture of Dawson C i t y Kutchin. As f a r as external influences were concerned, both the Gold Rush and Whaling led to the appearance f o r the f i r s t time i n t h i s area of d i r e c t agents of the Federal Government i n the form of o f f i c e r s of the Royal Northwest ( l a t e r , Royal Canadian) Mounted P o l i c e , (a) The Gold Rush During the Klondike Gold Rush of 1898-99 and the years following, the Mackenzie River provided a favoured though tough route to the gold f i e l d s . From F o r t McPherson, prospectors t r a v e l l e d up into the Wind and Rat Rivers u n t i l rapids impeded t h e i r further progress by scow. At these points, c a l l e d Wind C i t y and Destruction C i t y r e s p e c t i v e l y , they broke up t h e i r scows and waited u n t i l freeze-up permitted easier land t r a v e l across the mountains. The hardships suffered were often intense and large numbers died of scurvy and of exposure, though many succeeded i n making t h e i r way across to the Yukon with the aid of guides from the Peel River Kutchin. During the winter of 1 8 9 8 - 9 9 i t was estimated by one informant that as many as 6 0 0 people camped at Fort McPherson and another 2 0 0 had smaller camps i n the mountains. Such large incursions of people from the south had an undoubted e f f e c t upon the Kutchin with whom they came int o contact introducing them to a number of innovations including, reputedly, money (Slobodin, 1 9 6 2 s 3 0 ) . The most important e f f e c t of the Gold Rush however was to cause a s h i f t i n emphasis from Fort McPherson to Dawson C i t y which l a s t e d three decades. Those Peel River Kutchin who accompanied the prospectors as guides stayed on the other side of the mountains to hunt, encouraged by the i n f l a t e d p r i c e s to be received f o r meat i n Dawson C i t y and by the p o s s i b i - l i t i e s of picking up discarded gear from f a i l e d miners. In time they were joined by other members of the band u n t i l by 1901 most of the Peel River Kutchin looked to Dawson C i t y rather than to Fort McPherson. This change i n o r i e n t a t i o n from the Peel to the Yukon continued u n t i l about 1910 when the gold mining industry was r a t i o n a l i z e d and Dawson C i t y l o s t i t s boom character. Its e f f e c t s on the Peel River people have been described i n d e t a i l by Slobodin ( 1962 :30-35) * i n p a r t i c u l a r the emergence of the generation of people he termed the "Dawson Boys" (Slobodin, 1963) * These consisted of men who worked i n Dawson C i t y f o r a time and acquired there an urban s o p h i s t i c a t i o n which remained with them even a f t e r they d r i f t e d back to the Peel River, s e t t i n g them apart from the l e s s strongly acculturated younger generation born a f t e r the return from the Yukon. In ad d i t i o n to new a t t i t u d e s they also brought back to the Peel River a number of innovations, i n c l u d i n g breech-loading r i f l e s and canvas tents. During the absence of the Peel River Kutchin, a vacuum was created i n the Upper Delta which was r e f l e c t e d i n g r e a t l y reduced trade f o r Fort McPherson and the c l o s i n g of Rampart House and La Pierre House i n 1893 (Stewart, 1955s 2ko). Though some attempt was made by the Hudson's Bay Company f a c t o r John F i r t h to stimulate trade with the Eskimos, the whaling ships on the coast provided a strong inducement fo r them to stay away from Fort McPherson. In 1902, a large party of Eskimos did go up to Fort McPherson where many contracted measles from Indians v i s i t i n g from the Dawson C i t y side. The r e s u l t i n g epidemic on the coast considerably reduced the number of the o r i g i n a l Mackenzie Eskimos p a r t i c u l a r l y , and provided another reason f o r Eskimo v i s i t s to the Peel River to become l e s s frequent. In a l l , between 1905 and 1910 the Upper Delta and the Lower Peel River were largely- deserted by the Eskimos and Peel River Kutchin a l i k e . The Catholic Mackenzie River Kutchins were les s affected by the Gold Rush since, a f t e r the abandonment i n 1893 of the mission at Fort McPherson i n favour of A r c t i c Red River, t h e i r o r i e n t a t i o n was now e n t i r e l y towards the east. A r c t i c Red River was however a base f o r Catholic missionary work among the Eskimos, who were v i s i t e d by F r . Giroux i n 1899» and i n towards the gold f i e l d s f o r which Mgr. Grouard and Fr. Le C r e f f departed i n 1900 with two l o c a l guides (Lecuyer, n.d.). The A r c t i c Red River people themselves were s t i l l p r i m a r i l y occupied with hunting and trapping the Lower Mackenzie and i n 1901 a permanent trading post was established by Hyslop and Nagle, a f a c t which caused some consternation to the missionaries and the Hudson's Bay Company f a c t o r a l i k e (Lecuyer, n.d.), and which confirmed the o r i e n t a t i o n of the Mackenzie River people towards A r c t i c Red River. (b) Whaling Whaling had been active on the north Alaska coast since the middle of the nineteenth century and d i r e c t e d p r i n c i p a l l y towards the Bowhead whale which provided both whale o i l and baleen. As r i s i n g p r i c e s f o r such products during the l a t e 1880's encouraged a deeper penetration of these waters, some ships wintered as f a r east as Herschel Island. When the U.S. revenue cutter Thetis was sent there i n 1889 to determine the island's p o s i t i o n with respect to the Canadian-U.S. border, a number of whaling ships were already i n the v i c i n i t y i n c l u d i n g the Grampus and the Mary D. Hume at Herschel Island i t s e l f (Stockton, 1890; cf_. Cu r r i e , 1964: 2 ) . Continually r i s i n g prices e s p e c i a l l y f o r baleen on the one hand and the s u i t a b i l i t y as a harbour of Pauline Cove on the south side of the i s l a n d on the other hand, made t h i s a favoured place f o r whalers to gather during the I89O's. By 1893 the baleen from a single whale was worth $8 ,000 to $10,000 and the o i l y i e l d i n a d d i t i o n $100 per ton (Foote, 1964), and no fewer than f i f t e e n ships spent the winter on Herschel Island (CMS, C.l^O, June, 1894; Jenness, 1964: 13). In a l l , 170 ships are estimated to have wintered east of Point Barrow between the years I889 and 1914 (poote, 1964), with considerable e f f e c t upon the indigenous population. The most important of these was the depletion of the population by diseases to which the Mackenzie Eskimos had very weak immunity. The worst ravage of diseases imported by the whalers had been f e l t i n Alaska between I85O and I885, during which time the Eskimo population of the north coast had been halved (Foote, 1964), and these e f f e c t s were continued i n the Canadian part of the coast a f t e r 1889. In a d d i t i o n , the measles epidemic brought i n from the Yukon also took a heavy t o l l among the Mackenzie Eskimos and created a vacuum which was f i l l e d by an increasing number of Alaskan immigrants. According to Usher's (197^ estimates, the t o t a l native population between Demarcation Point and B a i l l i e Island was over 350, of whom 250 were Mackenzie Eskimos ( c a l l e d "Kogmollicks") and 100 Alaskan immigrants. While the Mackenzie Eskimos remained along the coast the Alaskans d r i f t e d into the Delta to take up trapping. Of almost equal importance to changes i n demography were those which were induced i n e c o l o g i c a l patterns and nodes of l i f e . Uninterested at f i r s t i n trading with the Eskimos, the whalers were eventually compelled to do so by the practice of wintering i n the A r c t i c which made them dependent upon Eskimo hunters f o r meat. The commodities offered i n trade were not only cheaper than those a v a i l a b l e from the f u r traders but of much greater v a r i e t y . Firearms were f i r s t offered i n trade a f t e r I863 and l i q u o r a f t e r 1870 (Foote, 1964) , as well as a number of food items which had not been offered to the Eskimo before (Stevenson, 1968a ) . In 1891, Eskimos went up to Fort McPherson with many exotic items gained i n trade with the whalers and an unsuccessful attempt was made by John F i r t h , the Hudson's Bay Company fa c t o r , to persuade the Americans not to trade i n exchange f o r mailing p r i v i l e g e s v i a the Company's f a c i l i t i e s (Stewart, 1955$ 2 6 2 ) . In a d d i t i o n a combined e f f o r t was made by F i r t h , Stringer, Archdeacon MacDonald and J.S. Camsell to have the whaling captains r e s t r i c t the indiscriminate c i r - c u l a t i o n of l i q u o r with some e f f e c t a f t e r 1895 (Stevenson, 1968b). However, the whaling ships con- tinued to a t t r a c t p o t e n t i a l c l i e n t s from the established trading companies, not only among the Eskimo but also, l e s s frequently, the Indian people. As early as 1889» Indians from the v i c i n i t y of Rampart House were at Barter Island (Stockton, I 8 9 0 ) and i n I 8 9 6 of La Pierre House at Herschel Island (Stewart, 1955: 2 6 2 ) . In return f o r trade goods, the Eskimos provided the whaling ships with meat and with driftwood f o r winter f u e l and, as a consequence, suffered the com- plete d i s r u p t i o n of p r e - e x i s t i n g e c o l o g i c a l patterns. Both caribou herds and marine mammals were s e r i o u s l y depleted to provide f o r the needs of the whales and, at the same time, the material culture of the Eskimos was profoundly al t e r e d as the r i f l e came int o common use and the whaleboats replaced the umiak and the kayak. In 1906, the p r i c e of baleen f e l l d r a s t i c a l l y to 40 cents per l l i b . (Stevenson, 1969; Currie, 1964: 2) where i t had sold f o r $1.53 per l b . in. 1863 (Foote, 1964), and the whaling ships began to leave the Beaufort Sea f o r good. According to Jenness (1964;: 1 4 ) : The whalers who had accompanied or followed up the early nineteenth century explorers had k i l l e d o f f most of the whales i n the waters of Canada's Eastern and Western A r c t i c , had unconcernedly decimated the Eskimo inhabitants of both regions, and had destroyed t h e i r indpendence by replacing with manufactured goods the tools and weapons, the stone cooking- vessels and the skin boats that they could make from l o c a l materials with t h e i r own hands. Now at the century's end, having shattered the a b o r i g i n a l economy, the whalers were departing, and the Eskimos no longer possessing t h e i r ancient s k i l l s or food resources, had to b u i l d t h e i r economy on a new base or p e r i s h . (c) The P o l i c e Both the Gold Rush i n the Yukon and the whaling boom along the A r c t i c Coast resulted i n the appearance of the Royal Northwest Mounted Po l i c e to maihtain Canadian sovereignty. In the Yukon the major concern had been to prevent the lawlessness associated with Gold Rush towns i n Alaska spreading to Canadian t e r r i t o r y . In the Beaufort Sea area as elsewhere i n the A r c t i c i t was to confirm Canadian r i g h t to areas which might otherwise be disputed. Thus i n 1903, the Neptune expedition was launched i n the east (Jenness, 196k?.f 18) and police posts established at Fort McPhecson and Herschel Island i n the west. That sovereignty was the main issue i n these events i s indicated i n fears expressed by S i r W i l f r i d Laurier concerning the r i s k s of the United States e s t a b l i s h i n g posts i n the A r c t i c , l i k e that "at the mouth of the Mackenzie River" and eventually l a y i n g claim to these areas (PAC, MG 27 , I I , B 1, v o l . 2 : 7 2 ) . There i s a l o c a l t r a d i t i o n i n the Mackenzie Delta that continuing h o s t i l i t y between the Indian and Eskimos prompted John F i r t h to appeal for p o l i c e assistance (.cf. Rasmussen, 1927* 3 0 l ) , but t h i s i s not l i k e l y to have been other than a minor consideration. Constantine of Klondike fame ( c f , Berton, 1963: 27) t r a v e l l e d down the Mackenzie to set up the p o l i c e post at Tort McPherson accompanied by Sergeant F i t z g e r a l d and Corporal Sutherland, who were to proceed to the Herschel Island post, "to c o l l e c t duty and prevent the demoralization of the Eskimo" (Longstreth, 1933: 2^2) . In f a c t , t h e i r duties were f a r from c l e a r i n the early stages and they frequently operated on b l u f f rather than c l e a r l y defined authority (Godsell, 19^2; Stevenson, 1969)• C e r t a i n l y the major antagonist was cl e a r to the o f f i c e r s i n the f i e l d as Sutherland wrote from Herschel Island: " I t i s a beastly business and I wish I were out of i t . But I've t r i e d not to shir k my duty so f a r , but suppose I must s t i c k i t out to show these Yankees that there i s a law or two even i n the A r c t i c . " (Longstreth, 1927: 2 6 5 ) . Ways of dealing with the American whalers were impeded however by the lack of authority, as Constantine•s successor Inspector Howard repeatedly reminded h i s superiors (RNWMP, 1906, 1 9 0 7 ) . The presence of the pol i c e i n the A r c t i c was s i g n i f i c a n t f o r a number of reasons. In the wider context i t s i g n a l l e d the beginning of a government role i n the area while at the same time d e f i n i n g that role i n s t a t i c terms. I t was accompanied however by the creation of an administrative structure i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s Amendment Act of 1905 which provided f o r the appointment of a Commissioner and a Council of four members (Rea, 1968s 34; Jenness, 1964: 2 1 ) , though as JJenness properly observes, the appointment of a senior p o l i c e o f f i c e r , L t . Col. Prederik White, to the p o s i t i o n of Commissioner did not suggest an at t i t u d e of creative development. The Act nonetheless l a i d the foundations f o r future p o l i t i c a l development. Beyond some assistance towards the paying of teachers* s a l a r i e s , however, (PAC, RG 18, A 2) l i t t l e o f f i c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n was made towards the s o c i a l development of the A r c t i c . On the other hand, at the l o c a l l e v e l the p o l i c e frequently contributed towards the welfare of indigenous people by supporting those i n need and by protecting them f o r some of the worst e f f e c t s of commercial e x p l o i t a t i o n . S>. Changes i n Ecology and Nodality (1840-1912) When the fur trade began i n 1840, the Mackenzie Beslta was peripheral to the pre-contact e c o l o g i c a l systems of both the Mackenzie Eskimos and the Peel River Kutchin. Though there i s evidence that numbers of both groups occupied i t s northern and southern sections f o r l i m i t e d times each year, the focus of a c t i v i t i e s was elsewhere. The Kutchin l i v e d f o r most of the year i n the mountains between the Peel and the Yukon drainage basins, where t r a d i t i o n points to the northern O g i l v i e and western Richardson Mountains as the major winter hunting grounds (siobodin, 1962: 1 6 ) . Eskimo t e r r i t o r y on the other hand comprised the A r c t i c l i t t o r a l from Demarcation Point to Cape Bathurst with some movement into the Eskimo Lakes and Anderson River areas (Richardson, 1851: 2 1 5 ) . The Delta was used by both people f o r f i s h i n g during the summer months and the Kutchin hunted muskrat i n the Lower Peel and probably the Upper Delta. However, there i s enough evidence of h o s t i l i t y between the two peoples (Whymper, 1869: 225» Richardson, 1851s 215; Mackenzie, 1904: 254) to given credence to the concept of a "No Man's Land" which comprised the greater part of the c e n t r a l Delta and was shunned by both peoples (Slobodin, 1962s 18). Eskimos ventured as f a r upstream as Separation Point, and perhaps A r c t i c Red River, to f i s h during the summer maintaining a cautious distance from the Mackenzie River Kutchin, but with the Peel River Kutchin t h e i r contacts were few and i n v a r i a b l y b e l l i c o s e . While outside agencies did not drawn both peoples immediately together, they did have the e f f e c t of making peaceful contacts more common e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r I865» when Eskimos began to v i s i t Port McPherson i n large numbers to trade. Though the e f f e c t which the f u r trade had upon the Eskimo i s not e n t i r e l y sure i t seems very probable that the necessity of v i s i t i n g Port McPherson drew them more deeply and frequently into the Mackenzie Delta, where they congregated at f i s h i n g camps, one of which was probably the present s i t e of Aklavik, f o r several weeks. At the same time the Peel River Kutchin also moved down to the upper part of the Delta to f i s h and to hunt muskrat between the i r spring and l a t e summer v i s i t s to the f o r t . The r e l i g i o u s missions which increased i n importance during the 1870*3 and 1880's, and the f a c t that one sect prevailed, provided a d d i t i o n a l opportunities f o r convergence. The Gold Rush and the whaling boom had the e f f e c t of drawing both people away from the Delta during the c r u c i a l summer months so that fewer meetings of Eskimo and Kutchin took place between 1902 and 1912. While the Kutchin did not frequent the Peel River during t h i s period, the Eskimos were engaged along the coast i n support a c t i v i t i e s f o r the whaling ships or simply congregated aimlessly at the whaling depots. During t h i s time the o r i g i n a l Mackenzie Eskimos declined d r a s t i c a l l y i n numbers so that when a movement back i n t o the Delta eventually took place i t involved l a r g e l y d i f f e r e n t actors. For the most part the r e l a t i v e l y unsophisticated Mackenzie Eskimo had been replaced by more highly acculturated, commercially oriented Eskimos who had followed the whaling ships eastward from Alaska. By 1912, the centre of gra v i t y f o r both the Peel River Kutchin and the Eskimo who now inhabited t h i s area was s h i f t i n g back towards the Delta. With the working out of the r i c h e r Klondike gravels, the Kutchin came to re-focus t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s upon Fort McPherson and though t h e i r way of l i f e s t i l l rested p r i m a r i l y upon the resources of the mountains and was to do so u n t i l the e a r l y 1920's, the s o c i a l organization of the Kutchin could now be much more c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d with the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the settlement. S i m i l a r l y , with the decline of whaling and the disappearance of most of the whaler-traders, the Eskimos too were drawn through the Delta again to trade t h e i r furs at Fort McPherson. Residence i n Dawson C i t y and contact with the whaling ships had created a set of more complex needs f o r each people that bound them irrevocably to the f u r trade. Fort McPherson formed the nodal centre i n which some of these needs were met about which both the Eskimo and the Kutchin organized t h e i r trapping a c t i v i t y i n the decade which followed. CHAPTER I I I CONVERGENCE UPON THE MACKENZIE DELTA (1912-1929) 1. Introduction The period from 1912 to 1929 saw a s h i f t i n the hunting patterns of both the Kutchin and Eskimo peoples towards the Mackenzie Delta i t s e l f . In part, t h i s was the r e s u l t of an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of i n t e r e s t i n the f u r trade generally which accompanied a sharp r i s e i n the prices received f o r a l l f u r s , and p a r t i - c u l a r l y f o r muskrat. Thus white fox sold f o r $50.00 i n Port McPherson i n 1919 compared with $2 .50 only four years e a r l i e r , marten f o r $55«00 compared with $ 2 . 5 0 , and mink f o r $ 2 0 . 0 0 compared with $1 .00 (PAC, RG 18, F l ) . Though the pr i c e of muskrat d i d not r i s e as d r a s t i c a l l y , from some kO cents i n 19lk to $1.50 i n 1920 (Slobodin, 1962: 3 6 ) , muskrat may be taken i n great quantities at break-up with a r e l a t i v e l y small expenditure of e f f o r t . I t was this consideration more than any other which made the Mackenzie Delta, the area i n which muskrat are e s p e c i a l l y p r o l i f i c , a t t r a c t i v e to both the Kutchin and Eskimo people. However, the d r i f t of population into the Delta was also connected with the movement away from other areas described i n the previous chapter and associated with the decline of whaling along the coast and of gold-mining i n the Yukon. In 1912, though the Eskimo and Kutchin did not form two homogeneous cohesive groups, there were few who were not bound to a greater or l e s s e r extent to the fur trade. Most had i n f a c t become dependent upon a wide range of trade goods so that, though they s t i l l l i v e d "on the land" i n the l i t e r a l sense, they did so only with hunting and trapping equipment, cl o t h i n g and even some food provided by the trading companies. Thus they tended to be quite responsive to new opportunities presented by changes i n the price structure of the furf/trade. The period from 1912 to 1929 saw the dependence upon trapping become even greater as the number of trading companies and posts increased, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Delta and along the coast* In the past, the f o r t s had been occupied by only three i n s t i t u t i o n s at most - the Hudson's Bay Company, the church and, more recently, the p o l i c e - and t h e i r populations had been e n t i r e l y white or Metis i n ethnic o r i g i n . During the nineteen twenties as the number of trading posts increased and other southern i n s t i t u t i o n s became more apparent, they came to more c l o s e l y resemble settlements than merely trading or mission posts. In the l a t t e r part of the period some Indian and Eskimo people could even be regarded as permanent residents. These two developments - the convergence upon the Delta and the growth of s e t t l e - ments per se - were accompanied by the emergence of the "Delta Community" i n which ethnic differences were subsumed by common i n t e r e s t s i n trade and an o r i e n t a t i o n towards settlement l i f e . Though the two aspects of the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of trading posts and the convergence of native peoples upon the Delta are obviously r e l a t e d , they w i l l be dealt with separately i n t h i s chapter. F i r s t w i l l be considered the changes which took place i n the economic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e of the area, p a r t i c u l a r l y the growth i n the number of trading l o c a t i o n s . The gross movements of the Kutchin and Eskimo people and the changes which occurred i n t h e i r seasonal pattern of a c t i v i t i e s which p a r a l l e l e d t h i s growth i n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e w i l l be considered second. 2 . Trading Locations i n the Delta Fort McPherson and Aklavik The s h i f t of trapping a c t i v i t y towards the Delta was p a r a l l e l e d by a corresponding s h i f t i n trading a c t i v i t y . Though both Kutchin and Eskimo trappers s t i l l traded at Fort McPherson, a l t e r n a t i v e trading locations were beginning to emerge. The most important of these was Aklavik which was established as a trading post i n 1 9 1 2 and by the e a r l y 1 9 2 0 , s had become a settlement with a number of trading companies and other southern i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t s major importance arose from i t s c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n i n the Delta and the s i g n i f i c a n c e t h i s gave i t as the p r i n c i p a l point f o r the trade i n muskrat. Also since i t soon contained a v a r i e t y of i n s t i t u t i o n s and became a more frequently v i s i t e d point, i t s function d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y from that of Fort McPherson. Though both Indians and Eskimos gathered i n large numbers to trade at Fort McPherson i n June and J u l y and occasionally at other times of the year a l s o , during i t s eighty-year h i s t o r y i t had never been other than an a l i e n outpost. I t s population had been almost e x c l u s i v e l y white or Metis and the i n s t i t u t i o n s i t contained existed s o l e l y to serve a c l i e n t e l e which was not permanently i n residence, but which merely passed through at c e r t a i n s p e c i f i e d times of the year i n order to s a t i s f y a number of wants. These character- i s t i c s were r e f l e c t e d i n i t s i n t e r n a l morphology which was dominated by the Hudson's Bay Company and the Anglican church. At the beginning of the period under review Fort McPherson contained stores of the Hudson's Bay Company and Northern Trading Company, the church buildings, p o l i c e barracks, twenty residences i n c l u d i n g the mission and t h i r t e e n other buildings and a permanent population of 112 (ACR, Fort McPherson, 1914, 1915). Prom 1912 to 1920, other trading posts were established i n addit i o n to those two i n existence at the beginning. The Scogate Mercantile Company opened a store i n 1 9 l 4 bringing i n supplies from Dawson C i t y (PAC, RG 18, A l ) , Lamson and Hubbard i n 1919* using the Mackenzie River route (ACR, Fort McPherson, 1919) , and three others i n the l a t t e r part of the period ( F i g . 3 -1 ; Appendix A). Fort McPherson was however soon overtaken by Aklavik. i n s i z e , number of trading posts and quantities of furs entering i n t o trade and by 1929 a l l the new posts had been abandoned leaving only the Hudson's Bay Company remaining. In addition, soon a f t e r Aklavik's establishment i t assumed some of the other roles previously enjoyed by I H > H <t> fl) P O, - H- 3 VO f- IS to o CD ct ct O 01 H M \o to ro ct vo P CT H H- (fl 0* <B P> ft cr © r o s fl) o (D 3 N H- <D The O r i g i n and Growth of Aklavik Aklavik had i t s beginnings i n 1915 when Northern Traders and l a t e r the Hudson's Bay Company placed a post at Pokiak Point or Shingnek (Big Point) opposite the present s i t e (Toronto Star Weekly, Feb. 1 9 , 1 9 2 7 ) . The posts were directed towards the Eskimo trade p r i n c i p a l l y which had tended to f a l l to the whaler- traders from West Coast ports who now p l i e d the A r c t i c Coast. Due to the cheaper transportation v i a Bering S t r a i t lower prices could be maintained by the whaler- traders at Herschel Island than by t h e i r competitors at Fort McPherson and A r c t i c Red River. For example, f l o u r was $6 to $8 per hundred pounds at Herschel Island and $18 at McPherson ( i b i d . ) . The new posts further down i n the Delta were intended to draw some of the Eskimo trade back to western Canadian business i n t e r e s t s . With the increase i n the importance of the trade i n muskrats they assumed new s i g n i f i c a n c e as the n u c l e i f o r the growth of a new Delta settlement. As early as 1915 i t was recorded that the Hudson's Bay Company post had attracted a large gathering of Eskimos i n December when the whaler-traders had gone south again. A f t e r some ear l y d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced i n docking r i v e r steamers at Pokiak Point, both the Hudson's Bay Company and the Northern Trading Company (the successor to Northern Traders) moved to the present s i t e i n 1921 ( i b i d . ) which had by t h i s time been given the bame of Aklavik (Place of the Brown Bear). During the 1 9 2 0 's a number of other trading posts also located at Aklavik ( F i g . 3-1» Appendix A) many of which were s h o r t - l i v e d . Some represented large companies such as the Hudson's Bay Company, Northern Trading Company, H. Liebes and Company and Lamson- Hubbard, while others were operated by small, inde- pendent, and sometimes i t i n e r a n t traders. H. Liebes and Company, the San Francisco f u r wholesaler was supplied by Capt. C T . Pedersen v i a Bering S t r a i t (NANR, NALB, 5 4 0 - 3 , v o l . 3) but a l l others were supplied by the Mackenzie system by transportation under the control of eithe r the Hudson's Bay Company or the Northern Trading Company. The Lamson-Hubbard Company maintained a post from 1921 (PAC, RG 18, F l ) which was supplied independently u n t i l the company and i t s subsidiary, the Alberta and A r c t i c Transportation Company, were purchased by the Hudson's Bay Company i n 1924 (NANR, NASF, 386, 389; Innis, 1956: 3 7 2 ) . Improvements i n transport f a c i l i t i e s and intense com- p e t i t i o n between the trading companies encouraged prices to f a l l to the l e v e l of those of Herschel Island and Aklavik s u c c e s s f u l l y a t t r a c t e d the Eskimo trade as well as some of that of Peel River people who were d r i f t i n g back to the Delta. I t was c l e a r that not only did the Hudson's Bay Company no longer enjoy a monopoly, but that Aklavik had assumed a dominant p o s i t i o n as a trading l o c a t i o n * In other ways also AklaviJfc was developing r a p i d l y as a settlement. In 1920 i t was recommended that since Aklavik was "now frequented more than any other i n the s u b - d i s t r i c t by the natives" a po l i c e post should be set up there (PAC, RG 18, A l ) . In 1922, the p o l i c e headquarters was i n f a c t transferred from Fort McPherson (NANR, NALB, 5^0-3, v o l . l ) , con- s t r u c t i o n was started on the buildings f o r the Anglican mission (ACR, Aklavik, 1922) , and the f i r s t post o f f i c e of the western A r c t i c established ( i b i d . ) . A survey party l a i d out the townsite i n the summer of 1922 and the following year construction began on a ho s p i t a l which would "embody ideas and materials such as are economic and can be supplied from the A r c t i c . " (ACR, Aklavik, 1923) . By the mid-twenties, Aklavik was already established as the major centre of the region with a number of f a c i l i t i e s which had not existed to date elsewhere. By the mid-twenties i t was described as the Canadian c a p i t a l of the Western A r c t i c with the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as follows: "The Hudson's Bay Company, the Northern Trader's Company and one or more independent traders have permanent establishments; the Royal Canadian Mounted Police have an important post of four men with a non-commissioned o f f i c e r i n charge. They also handle the p o s t b f f i c e . A duly q u a l i f i e d physician, who ministers to a l l and sundry as occasion demands, forms part of the p o l i c e establishment. A govern- ment saw-mill i s also under t h e i r management* Court, presided over by an Alberta judge, s i t s once a year. There are missions of the Anglican and Roman Catholic churches, with schools and h o s p i t a l ; There i s a radio s t a t i o n managed by men of the Signal Service of the M i l i t i a Department which sends and receives to and through stations at Simpson and Smith to Edmonton, and also to Dawson and Mayo i n the Yukon. (Toronto Star Weekly, Feb. 19. 1927) . Though Fort McPherson retained i t s p o s i t i o n as a trading post f o r a while against competition from Aklavik, the l a t t e r assumed a dominant p o s i t i o n e s p e c i a l l y i n the important muskrat trade some time a f t e r 1925 ( F i g . 3 - 2 ) . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of early Aklavik as a centre of f r o n t i e r society has been noted elsewhere (Slobodin, 1962& 37)• Some of the pathological aspects of urban l i f e were becoming apparent at a l l of the settlements as new s o c i a l problems appeared. In Fort McPherson i t was noted that "with the advent of the new trading f i r m (Northern Trading Company) has crept i n a gambling epidemic among natives and whites" (ACR, Fort 1915-16 20 -21 2 5 - 2 6 3 0 - 3 1 3 5 - 3 6 4C F i g . 3-2 M u s k r a t T r a d e d a t t h e H u d s o n ' s Bay Company i n M a c k e n z i e D e l t a S e t t l e m e n t s , 1915-16 t o 1940-41 McPherson, 1920). The.annual a r r i v a l of the steam- boats Northland Trade and D i s t r i b u t o r had generally- created an opportunity f o r i n e b r i a t i o n among the whites, but l i q u o r was now having a wide c i r c u l a t i o n among Eskimo and Indian populations a l s o . These tendencies were most strongly marked i n Aklavik, to a large extent due to the unaccustomed affluence brought about by the trapping boom. Rasmussen (1927: 294-295) commented on the materialism of the Mackenzie Delta Eskimos compared with those he had met i n the eastern A r c t i c and there i s no doubt that many of the Eskimos i n p a r t i c u l a r were r i c h by any standards. Of the f o r t y - f i v e Eskimo f a m i l i e s who traded i n t o Aklavik i n I 9 2 3 . most were reported to own schooners valued at between $ 2 , 0 0 0 and $7 ,000 each and some had bank accounts i n Seattle (NANR, NASF, 429, 3 9 ^ 3 ) . Posts Outside the Major Settlements Besides the posts established at Fort McPherson and Aklavik a number of others located i n the Delta and along the coast. Though the established companies had set up outposts at times to tap the trade of more dist a n t areas, t h i s marked the f i r s t time that independent trading companies existed i n abundance. The r e s u l t i n g competition was most intense and was encouraged by the increased mobility of the i n d i v i d u a l trapper. Many of the Eskimos i n p a r t i c u l a r had purchased whaleboats and schooners from the proceeds of trapping and were therefore able to exercise con- siderable choice as to where they should trade t h e i r f u r s (Hargrave, 1965). By 1924, the f l e e t of vessels owned by Eskimos i n the Delta area numbered t h i r t y - f i v e schooners and twenty-eight whaleboats valued at $128,000 and a l l of which had been purchased within the preceding f i v e years ( i n n i s , 19'5'6) • The trading posts themselves were very t r a n s i t o r y and i n many cases simply represented the f a c t that a p a r t i c u l a r trapper had decided to supplement h i s income from trapping by taking out a license to trade, as everyone other than Eskimo, Indian or Metis residents of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s were required to do a f t e r the enactment of the Northwest Game Act i n 1917* A r c t i c Red River saw the opening of several posts at which the eastern branch of the Kutchin traded but i t d id not assume the importance of Port McPherson. The Hudson's Bay Company had a post here by 1912 and the Northern Trading Company purchased the Hislop and Hagle post the following year ( i n n i s , 1956 s 3 6 6 ) . When the Scogate Mercantile Company opened a post at Port McPherson i n 1914, they also opened one i n A r c t i c Red River (PAC, RG 18, A l , v o l . 2 2 7 ) . The Roman Catholic Mission traded there a f t e r 1927» and a small trader a f t e r 1928 (Usher, 1970). However, A r c t i c Red River was not as well frequented as e i t h e r Port McPherson or Aklavik f o r f e s t i v e occasions (NANR, NALB, 5 4 0 - 3 , v o l . l), e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the depletion of the l o c a l Kutchin by influenza i n 1928 (NANR, NALB, 540-3, v o l . 3 ) . Trading figures f o r the Hudson's Bay Company indicate that A r c t i c Red River did not share i n the muskrat boom except very b r i e f l y i n the la t e 'twenties (Pig. 3 - l ) . The major p r o l i f e r a t i o n of posts outside Aklavik tookplace along the coast during the early •twenties and i n the Delta i n the l a t e 'twenties. The coastal posts were f a i r l y widely d i s t r i b u t e d with traders at Clarence Lagoon. Herschel Island, Shingle Point, Kendall Island, K i t t i g a z u i t , Atkinson Point, McKinley Bay, Liverpool Bay, Nicholson Island and Maitland Point (Pig. 3 - 2 ) , though posts opened more frequently on the coast east of the Delta i n the l a t t e r part of the period. The posts i n the Delta were more numerous i n the south and e s p e c i a l l y along the Peel River and the upper part of the east channel, though A.W.P. Eckhardt maintained h i s post at Kipnik i n the Lower Delta u n t i l 1930 when he moved to Aklavik (NANR, NASP, 4 6 2 , 5 6 5 3 ) . The small traders using e c c e n t r i c a l l y located posts were often i l l - e q u i p p e d and c a r r i e d a small range of trade goods, l i k e the DeSteffany brothers who made t h e i r way from B a i l l i e Island to Atkinson Point near starvation (NANR, NALB, 5^0-3, v o l . l ) , but as Innis (1956: 369) reported, were able to com- pete at l e a s t for a time with larger, well-established companies because of the mobility of the Eskimo population. The small traders were supplied from a number of sources but us u a l l y ei t h e r from the Hudson's Bay Company, the Northern Trading Company, or Capt. Pedepsen, although some supplied themselves from Edmonton wholesalers. For example, i n 1923, H. Warner i n Aklavik, Williams and Ostergaard at Liverpool Bay, and the DeSteffany brothers on the Anderson River and at Pearce Point were a l l supplied from Edmonton, P. Wyant at B a i l l i e Island by Capt. C.T. Pedersen, and J . D i l l o n near K i t t i g a z u i t by the Northern Trading Company i n Aklavik (NANR, NASP, 429, 39^3). Those traders with t h e i r own schooners formed a separate group since they did not r e l y upon middlemen and could go wherever the trading conditions seemed most favourable. 3. The C o a s t a l T r a d i n g V e s s e l s As t h e w h a l i n g boom ended i n 1906, many o f t h e w h a l e r s were r e f i t t e d as t r a d i n g s h i p s a n d c o n t i n u e d t o v i s i t t h e B e a u f o r t S e a . To a n e x t e n t t h i s r e p r e s e n t e d a change i n e m p h a s i s i n a n e x i s t i n g f u n c t i o n r a t h e r t h a n t h e a d o p t i o n o f a new f u n c t i o n , s i n c e most o f t h e w h a l i n g s h i p s h a d c a r r i e d q u a n t i t i e s o f t r a d e g o o d s a s b a l l a s t . I n t h e w i n t e r o f 1914, t h e r e were e i g h t t r a d i n g s h i p s i n t h e a r e a , t h e B e l v e d e r e , t h e N o r t h S t a r , t h e P o l a r B e a r a n d t h e A n n a O l g a f r o z e n i n U.S. w a t e r s west o f H e r s c h e l I s l a n d , t h e A l i c e S t o f e n , t h e T e d d y B e a r and t h e A r g o on a t r a d i n g t r i p i n t h e e a s t , a n d t h e R o s i e H. w i n t e r i n g a t B a i l l i e I s l a n d (PAC, RG 18, A l , v o l . 227). A d e v e l o p m e n t was t a k i n g p l a c e i n t h e e a s t however w h i c h w o u l d draw most o f t h e s e v e s s e l s mn t r a d i n g v e n t u r e s e a s t o f P e a r c e P o i n t , l e a v i n g o n l y t h e Herman o f C a p t . C.T. P e d e r s e n i n t h e M a c k e n z i e *•;•?« Bay a r e a . T h i s d e v e l o p m e n t was t h e o p e n i n g up o f t h e C o r o n a t i o n G u l f a r e a f o r t r a d e , a f t e r t h e discovery of the Coronation Gulf Eskimos. Though at one time the Coronation Gulf people had been i n contact with the Mackenzie Eskimos, l i n k s between the two groups had been severed by the westward movement of the l a t t e r towards the whalers. The f i r s t white trader to make contact had been C. Klengenberg (Klengenberg, 1932), who wintered the Olga on the southwest coast of V i c t o r i a l l s l a n d i n 1905. Capt. H. Mogg followed i n 1907 and Capt. J . Bernard i n 1910, 1912 and 1913 a f t e r which time the Canadian A r c t i c Expedition was launched to study the Coronation Gulf Eskimos i n depth. Since white fox trapping had been encouraged by J . Bernard, other trading vessels were attracted eastwards to trade with Eskimos who were s t i l l r e l a t i v e l y innocent of the f u r trade (PAC, RG 18, B2). Thus i n the summer of 1915> there a r r i v e d at B a i l l i e Island the Buby with supplies f o r the Hudson's Bay Company post, Capt. F. Wolki's Gladiator, Capt. Lane's Polar Bear, both trading out of Seattle, Capt. A. Allen's E l Sueno out of Nome, and the Hudson's Bay Company's McPherson out of Herschel Island (PAC, RG 18, B2). In addition, the Church Missionary Society vessel Atkoon a r r i v e d en route to Bernard Harbour where i t was intended to open a mission (Webster, 1966). In 1 9 1 9 » the Herman was the only vessel i n the western area (NANR, NALB, 540-3, v o l . 3 ) from which Capt. C T . Pedersen traded at several points along the coast with the Mackenzie Eskimos, and on occasions with the Peel River Kutchin (Slobodin, 1 9 6 2 : 34). The movement of Alaskan Eskimos into the Delta i t s e l f which had occurred since the departure of the whalers and the subsequent s c a r c i t y of game, was r e f l e c t e d i n the large number of muskrat received by Pedersen i n trade (Table 3 - 1 ) . In the 1 9 2 0 ' s , Pedersen traded from the Nanook and the new 9 0 0 ton schooner Patterson (Larsen, 1 9 6 7 s 14, 9 5 ) » though a question arose at t h i s time concerning the propriety of a U.S. ship trading i n Canadian waters (NANR, NASF, 429, 393. 1923). Other ships i n the area included the Maid of Orleans o u t f i t t e d by Capt. C. Klengenberg i n Vancouver, which supplied h i s post at Rymer Point, and the Anna Olga of Capt. M. Andreasson (NANR, NASF, 429, 3943, 1923; Larsen, 1967: 17-20). Pedersen continued to take the l i o n ' s share of the trade i n the Mackenzie Delta area and to o u t f i t other traders (Innis, I956: 369) u n t i l the assets of his Canalaska Trading Company were purchased by the Hudson's Bay Company i n the l a t e 1930's. TSble 3-1 Furs Traded by Capt. C T . Pedersen (1918-1922) Species 1918-1919 1919-1920 1920-1921 1921-1922 Beaver 13 62 2 Marten 2 219 105 15 Muskrat 90 10,747 1,009 721 White Fox 179 1,868 30 2,187 Lynx 10 13 - Polar Bear 7 76 7 92 Foxes 18 141 31 91 Source: NANR, NASF, 427, 3943. pages 1U9-156 oramited i n page numbering k. Competition Between the Traders The increase i n trading posts during the 1920*s evidently required regulation not only because i t was d i f f i c u l t to c o l l e c t duty from i t i n e r a n t traders but also because there seemed to be a desire on the part of government to protect the i n t e r e s t s of native people who although often b e n e f i t t i n g from intense compeition could also be exploited by unscrupulous traders. The practice of " t r i p p i n g " which consisted of a trader moving from camp to"camp was e s p e c i a l l y c r i t i c i z e d by the established companies since i t undermined the debt system. By s e l l i n g t h e i r furs immediately to i t i n e r a n t traders they could avoid v i s i t i n g the trading post where they may have had a debt (NANR, NASF, 452, 5 0 6 6 ) . As a consequence, the established traders were often compelled to maintain "runners" to v i s i t the camps also. In an attempt to impose some c o n t r o l , the Northern Advisory Board proposed to p r o h i b i t transient trading by a l i e n s and permit i t f o r B r i t i s h subjects only at increased fee ( i b i d . ) . This proposal would have been acceptable to the old-established companies since i t would have e f f e c t i v e l y barred not just i t i n e r a n t traders but small traders generally (Edmonton Journal, Feb. 11, 1926) . The Minister apparently f e l t however that a more just s o l u t i o n would be to compel a l l posts to be licensed and to grant licenses only to those posts which were operated the year round (NANR, NALB, 5 ^ 0 - U , v o l . 2 ) . The r e s u l t was the passing of an order-in- c o u n c i l which required that: "no trading post ... s h a l l be established or maintained i n any part of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , unless the establishment of such post has been authorized by the Commissioner." (P.C. 1146, Ottawa, J u l y 19, 1926) . The p r o l i f e r a t i o n of trading posts and the expansion of trade generally was a function of improved communication. In 1920-21 the f a l l i n pri c e s which had occurred i n the southern fur markets was not known by trappers i n the Delta who consequently suffered heavy losses. However r e p e t i t i o n of t h i s was not l i k e l y a f t e r the Royal Canadian Corps of Signals set up a chain of radioastations l i n k i n g the Mackenzie D i s t r i c t and the Yukon T e r r i t o r y a f t e r 1 9 2 3 (Zaslow, 1957: 204 -205) . I t was now possible f o r f u r p r i c e s i n the Delta to be immediately responsive to the economic climate and therefore f o r much of the r i s k to be taken out of the fur trade. At the end of the decade a i r t r a v e l also had become more important i n the region and i n 1929, Commercial Airways was awarded a contract to carry mail between McMurray and Aklavik so that Aklavik now received eight mail d e l i v e r i e s each winter instead of two by dog team ( i b i d . : 2 1 0 ) . More important yet was the improvement i n water transportation which occurred on the Mackenzie system and the fact that f o r a while i t was not c o n t r o l l e d by one company alone (Innis, 1956: 3 4 1 - 3 7 9 ) . The D i s t r i b u t o r was b u i l t by Lamson and Hubbard i n 1920 f o r the Mackenzie River and acquired the following year by the Alber t a and A r c t i c Transportation Company (NANR, NASF, 379, 35. Innis, 1 9 5 6 : 3 4 5 ) . The Northland Trader was operated by the Northern Trading Company u n t i l i t sank i n 1924, a f t e r which the company con- tracted with the Alberta and A r c t i c Transportation Company to carry f r e i g h t ( i b i d . : 3 6 6 ) . This company was purchased by the Hudson's Bay Company i n 1924 (Zaslow, 1 9 5 7 : 171) who thus regained c o n t r o l over transportation, but i t was never again able to exercise the control through i t s subsidiary as i t had during the nineteenth century when i t c o n t r o l l e d transport- a t i o n d i r e c t l y . In 1924, the Alberta and A r c t i c Transportation Company operated the D i s t r i b u t o r from Fort Smith to Aklavik and return twice, the L i a r d River from Fort L i a r d to Aklavik and return once ( i b i d . j 345» footnote 1 0 ) . In addition, the supply route v i a Bering S t r a i t was kept open by the Hudson's Bay Company's Lady Kindersley u n t i l i t was l o s t i n 1924 (Larsen, I 9 6 7 : 2 3 ) , and by Pedersen and others u n t i l the 1 9 3 0 's. The overland route from Dawson C i t y was also used from time to time by i t i n e r a n t trapper-traders and as mentioned above by the Scogate Mercantile Company (PAC, RG 18, A l , v o l . 2 2 7 ) . The d i f f u s i o n of trading posts and the improvement of transportation f a c i l i t i e s formed the backdrop against which rather complex changes were taking place i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n and seasonal a c t i v i t i e s of both the Kutchin and Eskimo people. These changes were p a r t l y the cause and p a r t l y the r e s u l t of the growth i n i n f r a - structure i n the Delta and they were connected among themselves. For the sake of convenience, however they w i l l be considered as two f a i r l y d i s t i n c t phases i n v o l v i n g the Kutchin and the Eskimo people. 5. Changes i n the Seasonal Movements of the Kutchin People"*" The f i r s t of these phases involved the r a d i c a l The following reconstruction i s based i n part on conversations with e l d e r l y Delta residents whose assistance the writer i s pleased to acknowledge with gratitude. In p a r t i c u l a r he would l i k e to thank Mr. Lazarus s i t t i n c h i n l i and Mrs. Sarah Ross i n Aklavik; Mr. Jimmy Thompson, Mr. Peter Thompson, Mr. Fred F i r t h , Mr. William F i r t h , Mr. Andrew Kunnizi and Mr. Ben Kunnizi i n Fort McPherson and Mr. Baptiste Pascal, Mr. Kenneth Peelooluk, Mr. Tom Kalinek and Mr. Owen A l l e n i n Inuvik. change which occurred i n the seasonal movements of the Peel River Kutchin between 1912 and 1923. I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d from the previous chapter that the decline of gold-mining i n the Yukon had seen a r e o r i e n t a t i o n of the band's a c t i v i t i e s back towards the Peel River. In 1912, the centre of a c t i v i t y was s t i l l i n the Richardson and O g i l v i e Mountains where the band spent the greater part of each year, though they now traded i n Fort McPherson and occupied the upper Delta as they had s p o r a d i c a l l y since at le a s t 1840. By 1923, i t had s h i f t e d to the south as a greater part of each year was spent i n the Delta i t s e l f and incursions into the mountains shortened i n both distance and duration. During the trans- i t i o n a l period two separate sub-groups of the Peel River K.utchin could be recognized. The Mountain People. Though the return to the Peel River from the Yukon had marked a resumption of the pattern of going up the r i v e r before freeze-up and down a f t e r break-up (Slobodin, 1962: 3 6 ) , some modifications were beginning to appear. For many of the band the departure to the mountains was postponed so that they could spend Christmas and New rear at Fort McPherson before s e t t i n g o f f i n e a r l y January. The moose-skin boats by which they would return a f t e r break-up were then constructed i n the mountains rather than being s a i l e d upstream as i n the past. Though the band stayed i n the mountains fo r a year and a h a l f , between January 1919 and June 1920 (ACR, Fort McPherson, 1920; PAC, RG 18, F l ) , the more usual pattern was to stay away from the Lower Peel only f o r six months. Thus during the e a r l y 1920»s each June saw the a r r i v a l at Fort McPherson of a large party of Peel River Kutchin (ACR, Fort McPherson, 1921, 2922, 1923). A f t e r a b r i e f stay at Fort McPherson the party would then go down to f i s h camps i n the Delta not to return u n t i l November when they would stay i n the v i c i n i t y of the Lower Peel u n t i l the following New Year took them back to the mountains. This pattern of a c t i v i t y however was incompatible with an intensive e f f o r t at r a t t i n g i n the Upper Delta since the best time f o r t h i s was i n the spring e i t h e r just before or just a f t e r break-up. Consequently the l a s t moose- skin boat came down i n June 1923 (Slobodin, 1962: 3 6 ) , and i t s occupants s i g n i f i c a n t l y hurried o f f to t h e i r r a t t i n g camps (ACR, Port McPherson, 1953) . The mountain regime was thus broken and apart from a b r i e f r e v i v a l of upriver trapping i n the 19^0's never resumed. The Delta People During the l a t t e r part of the nineteenth century a number of f a m i l i e s of the Peel River Kutchin had taken to hunting beaver i n the Upper Delta during the winter (Slobodin, 1962: 28 - 2 9 ) . These people were then better able to accommodate to a pattern which allowed for the maximum time spent i n the Delta during the c r u c i a l r a t t i n g period from A p r i l to mid-June. For these the winter was spent trapping the Upper Delta f o r beaver, mink and lynx with occasional excursions to f i s h under the ice as f a r north as the s i t e of Aklavik and i n t o the Richardson Mountains to hunt caribou. These people would then converge on Port McPherson with the Old Crow f l a t s people who since the c l o s i n g of La Pierre House now traded here also, before going down to the Delta f o r the spring r a t t i n g . They would then return to Fort McPherson to trade i n June at which time i t would be thronging not only with the Peel River people both from the Delta and the Upper Peel, but also with Eskimos from the coast or the middle Delta. Afte r about a month most of the Kutchin would go to t h e i r f i s h camps on the Lower Peel to return to the f o r t i n August and September to trade dried f i s h . Since the majority of time was spent by these people i n the Delta they b u i l t permanent cabins compared with the other members of the band who spent only the summer months i n the Delta and l i v e d i n skin tents. Convergence and i t s Consequences By 1923 then the majority of the Kutchin people followed a pattern of a c t i v i t y which allowed f o r a f a i r l y extensive time i n the Upper Delta during the spring and summer months. Among other things, t h i s was r e f l e c t e d i n a change i n the fur trade, i n p a r t i c u l a r by a gradual r i s e i n the qu a n t i t i e s of muskrat entering into trade at Fort McPherson and other trading posts ( F i g . 3 - 2 ) . I t was also r e f l e c t e d i n more frequent and l e s s h o s t i l e meetings between Kutchin and Eskimo people who now occupied adjoining and occasionally i n t e r d i g i t a t i n g t e r r i t o r i e s f o r part of each year. I t also became not uncommon for Kutchin people to t r a v e l to the coast during the summer to work at the mission at Herschel Island and l a t e r Shingle Point and to trade meat f o r dry goods and r i f l e s with the trading ships, e s p e c i a l l y with Pedersen's. Here again, f r i e n d l y contacts were made with the Eskimos i n what might have been regarded as t h e i r home t e r r i t o r y . In the eastern part of the Delta, the eastern branch of the Kutchin who generally traded i n t o A r c t i c Red River had also been drawn down into the Delta as indicated by the l o c a t i o n of known trapping camps at the time and by the quantities of muskrat entering i n t o trade ( F i g . 3-2), By 1923, large numbers of them are known to have been i n the Delta i n the spring as f a r downstream as the head of the Aklavik channel where they too must have come into contact with Eskimo trappers,(ACR, Fort McPherson, 1 9 2 3 ) . 6. Changes i n Eskimo D i s t r i b u t i o n Like the Kutchin the Eskimo too could be divided i n t o two f a i r l y d i s t i n c t groups at the beginning of the period under review. The whaling boom had attrac t e d a large number of Eskimos from Alaska to the Beaufort Sea coast, e s p e c i a l l y to Herschel Island. By 1912 the s c a r c i t y of game along the coast and the departure of the whaling ships was encouraging a d i s p e r s a l but t h i s had not yet reached i t s maximum proportions. The Mackenzie Delta was occupied by the remnants of the Mackenzie Eskimos now s e r i o u s l y depleted by the disease which had been brought i n to the area by the whalers and by the Kutchin from the Yukon. The Delta Eskimos These Delta Eskimos occupied the c e n t r a l and western portions as f a r up as the head of the Husky Channel. Here they occupied permanent, c o n i c a l , sod covered buildings described by Birkett-Smith (1959s 22) as t y p i c a l of the Mackenzie Eskimos. Like the Delta Kutchin they trapped the Delta during the winter months fo r beaver, marten, lynx and mink. Since b i g game i s not abundant i n the Delta, rabbits and muskrat formed an important source of food and the occasional moose would also be taken. A f t e r the spring r a t t i n g , f a m i l i e s would t r a v e l to Fort McPherson, or those i n the eastern part to A r c t i c Red River, to trade before going down to the coast f o r the summer. Thus the Eskimos are recorded as having l e f t Port McPherson fo r the coast i n early- J u l y of 1914, 1915, 1916 and 1917 (ACR, Fort McPherson, 1914-1917). At the coast they engaged i n domestic rather than commercial whaling at K i t t i g a z u i t and Shingle Point, and also v i s i t e d the trading ships at Herschel Island. By the ea r l y part of the period a larger number of Alaskan Eskimos began to move into the Delta also, so that as ea r l y as 1917 i t w a s reported that twenty-five non-Canadian trappers and hunters were i n the Delta and were already responsible f o r taking two-thirds of the fu r i n the area (NANR, NALB, 5^0-3, v o l . 3 ) . The Coastal Eskimos With the withdrawal of the whalers i t was no longer i n the i n t e r e s t s of the captains of vessels to have the coastal Eskimos congregate i n a few locations as they had during the whaling days, but rather to disperse along the coast where they could more e f f i c i e n t l y trap white fox. Thus Eskimo f a m i l i e s now tended to break i n t o small groups dispersed along the coast as f a r to the east as Pearce Point (Hargrave, 1965) . Those that did congregate at one point awaiting the a r r i v a l of the trading vessels which had now replaced the whalers suffered considerable hardship i f the ships did not a r r i v e , so great was t h e i r dependence upon them. For example, i n the summer of 1913» 200 Eskimos waited on Herschel Island f o r trading ships which did not appear, and consequently were short of food and supplies (PAC, RG 1 8 , A l ) . During the following winter only seven f a m i l i e s remained on Herschel Island, the remainder e i t h e r going into the Delta to trap ( i b i d . ) or camping on the i c e around the ships frozen into U.S. waters ( i b i d . ) . By 1920 the once f l o u r i s h i n g Eskimo settlement at Herschel Island which had come into being with the whalers and been maintained by the trading ships had v i r t u a l l y ceased to e x i s t . The Anglican mission te which had been i n operation since I 8 9 6 closed i n 1920 and moved to Shingle Point (ACR, Port McPherson, 1920) , though the Hudson's Bay Company trading post remained u n t i l 1938 and the p o l i c e post u n t i l a f t e r 1964, though only during the summer months (PAC, RG 18 , FT; C u r r i e , 1 9 6 4 ) . Shingle Point also was occupied mainly i n the summer months and hardly at a l l during the winter, as indicated by school attendance records kept there (NANR, NASP, 6334, 4 7 8 ) . The withdrawal from the west coast during the winter months can be ascribed to two main f a c t o r s . Game had been depeleted by the demands of the whalers and so meat was scarce i n the neighbourhood of Herschel Island (PAC, RG 18, A l , v o l . 2 2 7 ) . Though the emphasis had now s h i f t e d to trapping, white fox were not numerous i n 19 l4 ( i b i d . ) and i n the period from 1919 to 1922 (PAC, RG 1 » , F l , v o l . 1 2 ) . In contrast, the mink resources of the Delta were reported to be high and with i t s greater v a r i e t y of food resources, the Delta was i n any case a more secure place to be. The s t i l l abundant muskrat provided a more r e l i a b l e source of income f o r trapper and trader a l i k e , e s p e c i a l l y since the season had been extended to the more r e a l i s t i c date of June 15th (PAC, RG 18, P l , v o l . 12). Thus just as the mountain Kutchin moved into the southern portion of the Delta, so the coastal Eskimos moved into the north. 7. The White Trappers High fur prices encouraged an i n f l u x of white trappers i n t o the Mackenzie Delta as well as those of Indian or Eskimo o r i g i n . By 1921 the ten white trappers i n the Delta and adjoining parts of the coast were reported to be doing well ( i b i d . ) though some concern was being expressed that the po l i c e at Fort McPherson should be empowered to prevent improperly equipped trappers from proceeding further (PAC, RG 18, F l . v o l . 8). This revived a suggestion which had been made e a r l i e r that the native people should be protected against indigent white men becoming "beachcombers and squaw men" and a charge on the indigenous community„(PAC, RG 18, B2). This concern, combined with fears that the discovery of o i l at Norman Wells would r e s u l t i n a rush of o i l prospectors to the North, was to lead to the eventual passing of the Entry Ordinance i n 1921 which stated that "no person may enter the P r o v i s i o n a l D i s t r i c t of Mackenzie, NWT, without f i r s t having s a t i s f i e d the RCMP o f f i c e r at (several s p e c i f i e d locatiohs) that he i s not l i k e l y to become a public charge." (NWT Council Minutes, March 18, 1 9 2 1 ) . In general,however the experienced white trappers who entered the region brought with themrnew s k i l l s and prac t i c e s which generally enhanced the q u a l i t y of trapping, as did the Alaskan Eskimos and the remaining "Dawson Boys" (Slobodin, 1963) returning to the Peel River from the Yukon. Po l i c e reports i n d i c a t e that the problem p e r s i s t e d however since a number of white trappers came down- r i v e r i n canoes i n the summer of 1922 and started trapping i n the Delta though evidently quite i l l - equipped (PAC, RG 18, PI, v o l . 12; NANR, NALB, 5 4 0 - 3 , v o l . 1 ) . In 1924 i t was reported that the white trappers had not done well and that those i n the Delta had hardly been able to pay for t h e i r o u t f i t s (NANR, NALB, 540-3» v o l . l ) . The increasing number of white trappers and the complaints t h e i r presence e l i c i t e d from native trappers was evidently a f a c t o r i n the establishment i n 1926 of a number of game preserves, i n c l u d i n g the Peel River Preserve which were closed to white trappers (PC, ll46, July... 19, 1926) . 8 . The Delta i n 1929 The 1920 ,s had seen a major change i n the Mackenzie Delta. In 1912, at the time of the establishment of the trading post at Aklavik, the Delta had been peripheral to the a c t i v i t i e s of the Kutchin and the Eskimo people, and only a small number of each group had l i v e d there during the greater part of the year. By 1929, the Delta was the f o c a l area for the Kutchin almost without exception and for many Eskimos of both l o c a l and Alaskan o r i g i n . The areas which had once been f o c a l were themselves p e r i p h e r a l . This r a d i c a l change has been ascribed to a number of f a c t o r s . The Kutchin people had returned to the Peel River a f t e r t h e i r decade i n the Yukon and were attra c t e d down towards the Delta by the high prices received f o r muskrat. S i m i l a r l y , the vacuum which had been created f o r the Eskimo by the departure of the whalers was also f i l l e d by the fur boom as they too were drawn into the Delta. The focussing of a c t i v i t i e s upon the Delta had resulted i n more frequent contacts between Eskimo and Kutchin peoples, and i n a conver- gence of t h e i r material cultures and value systems so that by 1929 a s p e c i f i c a l l y "Delta community" could be recognized. Aklavik was a key f a c t o r i n t h i s convergence since i t provided the prime meeting place f o r Indians, Eskimos, whites and Metis. Where at Port McPherson there had been only two major agents of a c c u l t u r a t i o n and these had u s u a l l y been i n con- sensus, at Aklavik the chuatches, trading companies and government agencies presented a much more mul t i - faceted impression of "outside" society. The s e t t l e - ment i n i t s p l u r a l i s t i c character, resembled those of the world outside the North more than any other northern settlement had done to date* The pace of a c c u l t u r a t i o n to outside values had become i n c r e a s i n g l y rapid during the 1 9 2 0 's. In part, of course, t h i s had been the r e s u l t of a growing materialism brought about by r i s i n g fur pr i c e s and the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of goods offered f o r sale i n the trading posts. In the nineteenth century, the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort McPherson had offered a l i m i t e d range of goods - guns, ammunition, traps and blankets - i n exchange f o r f u r s . In the 1920's, K i t t o (1930: 68) reported: ...the igloos have given place to com- f o r t a b l e winter dwellings of logs or rough lumber, i n many cases f i n i s h e d with wall board and dressed lumber. White f l o u r , sugar, butter, jam, canned f r u i t and other luxuries are included now i n t h e i r d i e t . Long winter evenings are passed pleasantly l i s t e n i n g to good music provided by expensive gramophones and radio sets. Up-to-date sewing machines make the l o t of women easier. In part also i t had been the r e s u l t of improved and more frequent communications, includ i n g the a i r c r a f t and to conscious e f f o r t s by the government to equip the native person f o r some kind of r o l e i n the wider society. In 1929 the view was expressed by a Deputy Minister that: "...the Department(of the I n t e r i o r ) also f e e l s that something should be done i n the way of education of the Eskimo c h i l d r e n . The white race i s now mixing with them f r e e l y and the natives must have some measure of education to enable them to better carry on t h e i r commercial pursuits with them." (NANR, NASF, 6334, 478). The Church of England maintained schools at Fort McPherson and at Aklavik and a f t e r 1929 a t Shingle Point, and received a small subsidy from the government f o r doing so (cf.. Jenness, 1964: kZ) At the eve of the world depression the economic and s o c i a l orders of the Kutchin and Eskimo people were intertwined with the world economy. Both Kutchin and Eskimo peoples had been influenced by the boom a f t e r the F i r s t World War, the recession i n 1922 and the gradual climb i n prices during the 1920's. Both were to be aff e c t e d even more by the economic v i c i s s i t u d e s of the 1930's and 1920's. CHAPTER IV THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A SETTLEMENT PATTERN (1929-1960) 1. Introduction I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the world depression beginning i n 19^9 should have had l o c a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s i n the Mackenzie Delta, f o r t h i s region was now i n e x t r i c a b l y bound to the world economy. Though the trappers of the Mackenzie Delta were better able than those of other parts of the North to withstand the slump i n f u r prices which occurred throughout the A r c t i c during the ea r l y t h i r t i e s (Jenness, 1964: 5 0 ) , the change i n d i r e c t i o n of the fur trade had a number of i n d i r e c t e f f e c t s . F i r s t , the more marginal trading posts closed down and the trading tunctionabecame concentrated more i n the established settlements. Second, and i n part because of t h i s , the settlements increased t h e i r power as the organizers of a c t i v i t y i n the region as the s o c i a l as well as economic a c t i v i t i e s of native peoples were i n c r e a s i n g l y focussed upon them and the more t r a d i t i o n a l meeting places of both the Eskimosand the Kutchin l o s t t h e i r former s i g n i f i c a n c e . I f i n the years between 1912 and 1929 the Mackenzie Delta had emerged as a r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous culture region, i n which settlements had played an important but not dominant r o l e , trien a f t e r I929 t h e i r growing dominance was to lead to a trans- formation of the region's s p a t i a l structure into a more nodal configuration. I n i t i a l l y a p r i m i t i v e h i e r a r c h y 1 emerged as shown by the sharing of lowest order function of trading among a l l the settlements on the one hand and the appearance of some higher order c e n t r a l functions at Aklavik on the other. Then as trading hinterlands emerged, the s p a t i a l patterning of human a c t i v i t y became i n c r e a s i n g l y structured by the settlements i n 1 Anteexcellent though now out of date bibliography of Central Place studies was prepared by Berry and Pred (1967)• A more recent review of urban h i e r a r c h i e s i s to be found i n Berry and Horton (1970: 169-249). that community i n t e r e s t s were recognized on the basis of l o y a l t y to and a f f i l i a t i o n with a p a r t i c u l a r s e t t l e - ment as well as to an ethnic group. At the same time, the settlements themselves became larger and more complex and showed signs of the s o c i a l p o l a r i z a t i o n which was to loom la r g e r i n more recent times. The establishment of Inuvik i n the l a t t e r part of the period represented the arrest rather than the culmination of the emergence of a settlement hierarchy i n that i t s dominant r o l e and a t t r a c t i v e force over- shadowed that of the smaller settlements which were drained of population and economic a c t i v i t y a l i k e . At the same time, the disappearance of trapping as a v i a b l e a c t i v i t y eliminated the v a l i d i t y of the hierarchy based upon c e n t r a l functions and established the settlements as much more self-contained and atomistic centres. The processes under review can thus be seen as occurring within two d i s t i n c t phases both of which, i n t h e i r separate ways, contributed to the strengthening of the settlement m i l i e u . These were: ( i ) the emergence of a settlement hierarchy, and. ( i i ) the dominance of Inuvik, The Emergence of a Settlement Hierarchy The Great Depression, with which the preceding chapter closed, had the e f f e c t of eliminating the more marginal traders i n eccentric locations and of encouraging concentration of the trading function i n established settlements (Pig. 4-l). The r e s u l t was that these came to f i l l more the role of urban centres s t r i c t u sensu than they had i n the past, i n that s o c i a l and economic a c t i v i t i e s came to be i n c r e a s i n g l y structured by t h e i r presence. As the movements of Eskimo, Indian, Metis and white residents of the Delta were channelled through the settlements, the trans- actions conducted there came to dominate the use of the resources of the Delta and surrounding areas. Where i n the past trapping had been a part, a l b e i t an important one, of the domestic economy, i t now became i t s primary generator. Where i n the past the *3 CRJ I > 1 P) p. - H- 13 H Oq VO to h3 vo o cc cf ct- O tt H W vo co U) ct- Vjl p> cr H H- CO P* (0 P. H- 3 ct- cr CD r o s e> o ** CD 3 N H- CD TRADING POSTS OPEN/N 6 - (929-/935 • Posts Existing in 1929 A Posts Opening (1929-1935) • • Posts Existing In 1935 Land over 2000' Miles 00 v i s i t to the trading post had been an adjunct to the land-based economy as a means of gaining equipment and food with which to conduct a c t i v i t i e s on the land with greater e f f i c i e n c y , i t now became i t s most important component. As the settlements came to assume greater import- ance, at the same time they became both more diverse i n function and complex i n morphology and s o c i a l structure. To the trading function was added a number of others, each associated with one p a r t i c u l a r centre. A f t e r 1930 Fort McPherson, A r c t i c Red River and Aklavik were joined by Reindeer Station and Tuktoyaktuk, while Herschel Island, Shingle Point and K i t t i g a z u i t i n the north, and Indian V i l l a g e at the mouth of the Peel River continued only as i n t e r m i t t e n t l y occupied "native" v i l l a g e s which never regained any importance they may have once had. Functional s p e c i a l i z a t i o n appeared as Aklavik came i n c r e a s i n g l y to be the major f u r entrepot and administrative centre, Fort McPherson and A r c t i c Red River s a t e l l i t e trading posts catering to an e x c l u s i v e l y Indian c l i e n t e l e and with dimin- i s h i n g administrative functions, Reindeer Station and the supply base" f o r the Canadian reindeer herd, and Tuktoyaktuk the transhipment point between r i v e r and coastwise t r a f f i c . The r e s u l t s of these developments i n the settlement pattern were twofold. In the f i r s t place, the addi t i o n of functions other than that of trading which had been the preserve of whites and Metis now made i t f e a s i b l e f o r the h i t h e r t o land-based Eskimo and Indian to take up residence and employment on a l i m i t e d scale i n the settlements. This f a c t was to lead to the dichotomous society which i s found i n settlements at present and to the dual allegiance to land and town which characterize the Eskimo and Indian settlement dweller and which has been a theme of this study. In the second place i t allowed a l l settlements to share the trading function for an immediate and l i m i t e d h i n t e r - land, while Aklavik took on a few functions which were administered to the area as a whole. Thus i n 1929» though s t i l l most important as a fur trade post, Aklavik was to increase i t s role as broker between the smaller settlements and the world outside as the number of southern based i n s t i t u t i o n s located there continued to p r o l i f e r a t e . The Dominance of Inuvik This process was arrested by the establishment of Inuvik at a time when r a p i d l y d e c l i n i n g f u r p r i c e s removed the economic underpinnings of the smaller settlements and hastened the re t r e a t from the land. Rather than simply assuming Aklavik*s p o s i t i o n at the head of the hierarchy, Inuvik became the focus of a r e l a t i v e l y massive migration o f f the land and out of the smaller settlements as the emphasis of the l o c a l economy s h i f t e d from trapping, hunting and f i s h i n g to wage employment. This was to have e f f e c t s both within the centre and i n the h i n t e r l a n d . Studies of urban evolution are usually by t h e i r nature concerned more with the c e n t r a l places than with the regions they serve, though the gradual establishment, and i n t h i s case the elimination of a settlement hierarchy, undoubtedly c a l l s f o r r a d i c a l readjustments i n the s p a t i a l organization of the regions served as well as i n the c e n t r a l places and the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between them. Both are two sides of the same coin and w i l l be considered i n Part Two. This chapter w i l l be l i m i t e d to a consideration of the establishment of Inuvik i n an attempt to show how i t d i f f e r e d q u a l i t a t i v e l y from the establishment of a l l preceding settlements i n the region, 2 . C e n t r i f u g a l and C e n t r i p e t a l Forces (19 2 9-1955) The growing dominance of the settlements took place against a background of changes i n the f u r economy and i n the demography of the Mackenzie Delta. The period saw both a growth i n the economy of the area and the planting of the seeds of i t s c o l l a p s e . While the quantity of furs traded and the prices received f o r them continued to r i s e i n general and the population grew apace, no d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of the economy took place. Even at best, the fur economy provides an unstable base f o r economic growth due to wild f l u c t u a t i o n s i n s p r i c e which occur as the r e s u l t of the vagaries of nature on the one hand and fashion on the other. For example, i n 1935 a large muskrat p e l t sold f o r 70 cents, i n 1939 f o r $ 1 . 1 0 , i n 19^5 f o r $ 4 . 5 0 , i n 19^7 f o r $ 3 . 0 0 (blobodin, 1962) and i n 1965 back to 70 cents (Wolforth, ["1966]) . Thus the f u r economy exerted both a c e n t r i f u g a l and a c e n t r i p e t a l force with respect to the settlements. On the one hand, the settlements a t t r a c t e d people not only as a place to trade, but also i n which to seek secu r i t y i n times of hardship. On the other hand, as they became more a l i e n i n character, they r e p e l l e d the native trapper so that he removed himself and h i s family to more distant trapping areas which many s t i l l associated with the pre-trapping period but which, paradoxically, also produced the most valuable f u r species. In 1 9 3 1 there were 1,182 people l i v i n g i n the Lower Mackenzie area with a geographical and ethnic d i s t r i b u t i o n shown i n Table 4-1."*" At t h i s time indigenous people undoubtedly predominated f o r of the t o t a l population, 48 per cent was recorded as Indian and 40 per cent as Eskimo. Whites were a f a i r l y small minority i n the peripheral areas since they comprised only f i v e per cent of the population of A r c t i c Red River and d i s t r i c t , two per cent of that of Fort McPherson and d i s t r i c t , two per cent of that of Banks Island, and f i v e per cent of that of B a i l l i e Island, Pearce Point and d i s t r i c t . On the other hand, whites composed a f a i r l y s i z a b l e minority i n the c e n t r a l area of Aklavik and d i s t r i c t . I t i s unclear from the source from which t h i s table i s derived whether Metis are included i n the "white" category. I t i s very probable that they were since t h i s was common pra c t i c e at the time. Population of the Lower Mackenzie 1931 Total Indian Eskimo White Aklavik and D i s t r i c t 411 A r c t i c Red River 148 B a i l l i e Island, Pearce Pt. 214 Banks Island 51 Fort McPherson 268 Herschel Island 9k 180 132 255 191 k9 140 9k 91 16 23 2 13 Source: Minutes, NWT Council: I 8 9 9 . The gradual movement towards the east which had been d i s c e r n i b l e during the 1920*s was accelerated during the 1930 's as more white trappers moved into the Delta and Eskimo trappers l e f t f o r the coast i n order to keep ahead of them (NANR, NALB, 5 4 0 - 3 , v o l . 2 ) . Even by 1929 i t was recorded that a few Eskimos from the Mackenzie Delta were trapping f o r white fox at B a i l l i e Island where the majority were recent migrants from Alaska ( i b i d . ) . The movement was a s e l e c t i v e one however fo r not only was i t l i m i t e d to Eskimos, but also to those who were able to invest a considerable sum i n provisions and trapping equipment. I t was estimated i n the early 1930 fs that the cost of purchasing a complete winter o u t f i t f o r fox trapping, inclu d i n g provisions, c l o t h i n g , gasolene and coal was i n the neighbourhood of $5 ,000 to $6,000 (NANR, NASF, 378, 1 2 ) . Consequently, only the r e l a t i v e l y wealthy Eskimos who owned schooners were able to undertake the costs of trapping fox along the coast, the best examples being those who t r a v e l l e d as f a r as Banks Island. The les s wealthy tended i n times of hardship to revert to l i v i n g o f f the land by hunting caribou i n the winter and going to the coast for seali n g i n the spring. Usher (1970: 47 et. seq.) suggests that by the 1930 's three d i s t i n c t Eskimo groups had emerged: the Delta people, mainly of Alaskan stock, the Tuktoyaktuk- Herschel Island people, of the old Mackenzie Eskimo stock, and an eastern group composed of Alaskan Eskimos and the o f f s p r i n g of unions between whalers and Mackenzie Eskimo women. Since t h i s l a t t e r group had both seal hunting and caribou hunting s k i l l s and had adopted trapping with enthusiasm, they were most i n f l u e n t i a l i n extending trapping towards the east u n t i l the f a l l of white fox prices i n the m i d - t h i r t i e s l e d to retrenchment. During the time of t h e i r ascendency however they formed i n comparison with the Delta and the Tuktoyaktuk-Herschel Island Eskimos, a d i s t i n c t i v e trapping e l i t e ( i b i d . J 19). During the early 1930 's, a major f i s s u r e appeared i n the Delta Community between the well-equipped bona f i d e trappers who were able to ride the times of r e l a t i v e l y poor y i e l d or low p r i c e s , and those who l i v e d o f f the land and trapped only i n s o f a r as t h e i r poorer equipment permitted. The coastal group s t i l l gathered at a number of temporary meeting places during most of the year, i n c l u d i n g K i d l u i t Bay, Pullen Island, Kendall Island, Shingle Point, King Point, Head Point, between Herschel Island and the F i r t h River, Toker Point, Atkinson Point, Seal Bay, B a i l l i e Island and Horton River. When white fox prices became depressed i n the m i d - t h i r t i e s , t h i s dispersed pattern broke down as large numbers of people moved back into the Delta where, even though muskrat did not provide the large cash incomes which white fox had, a l l the things necessary f o r subsistence were present. The Delta seems to have formed a refuge i n a sense, where people could at least subsist a l l through the year when f i n e furs were not bringing i n adequate cash. The f i s s u r e s t i l l remained even i n times of poor pri c e s since the more prosperous, by r e t a i n i n g large dog teams and equipment, kept t h e i r freedom of movement, even though the schooners f e l l into disuse (Jenness, 1964: 5 1 ) . The Kutchin had not benefitted as much from the r i s i n g p r i c e s of the 1 9 2 0 's and so a comparable wealthy group had not emerged. However, the r e v i v a l of up- r i v e r trapping which took place i n the 1 9 4 0 's among the Peel River people was analogous to the Eskimo d r i f t along the coast i n the e a r l i e r decade. Slobodin (1962: 39) records that i n 1945 over t h i r t y f a m i l i e s and a number of men without th e i r f a m i l i e s were trapping fo r marten a l l winter i n the Upper Peel f o r the f i r s t time since 1 9 2 3 . Although a greater c a p i t a l i n v e s t - ment was undoubtedly required for marten trapping than f o r spring r a t t i n g , the Kutchin i n 19^5 started from a lower base than that of the Eskimos i n 1935» and often had as t h e i r goal simply getting ahead of the debt system ( i b i d . : 39-40). The s o c i a l r e s u l t s of the r e v i v a l of upriver trapping were s i g n i f i c a n t , f o r according to Slobodin ( i b i d . : 39)s ...to the older and middle generations, and even to some of the young, the upriver mountain country i f s t i l l the proper country of the Peel River Kutchin. The nineteenth century attitude of d i s d a i n f o r the • r a t - e a t e r s 1 , the Indians and half-breeds who remained near Fort McPherson has not been completely extinguished. ...The upriver country retains much symbolic value as the country par excellence of the 'real Indians'. For the Indian people then the recognition of the Upper Peel as being superior to the Delta and accessible only to the superior trapper - the " r e a l " Indian - provided a countervailing force to the p u l l of the settlements during the 1930 's and 1940's. At the same time, government r e l i e f which might have formed a c e n t r i p e t a l force at t h i s time as i t did l a t e r was kept to a minimum. During the 1930*s the fe d e r a l government maintained the view that r e l i e f should be l e f t to the trading companies, though some was i n f a c t administered by the RCMP i n cases of d i r e need. The o f f i c i a l opinion was that expressed i n the following d i r e c t i v e : "In dealing with a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r permits to e s t a b l i s h posts i n outlying d i s t r i c t s , the Department has s t i p u l a t e d that the applicants must assume f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the welfare of the natives who trade with them and the d e s t i t u t e natives must be maintained without expense to the Department." (Jennes, 1964: 5 4 ) . In the Delta s p e c i f i c a l l y , the administration of r e l i e f became the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of Dr. Urquhart, the Department's Medical Office*?, who was advised not to administer a i d unless absolutely necessary since i t was not desirable to "lessen the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the native towards the aged and helpless brethren and encourage him to congregate i n the settlements and away from the hunting and trapping areas." (NANR, NASF, 378, 18). I t was recognized that indigent whites might also need assistance, but t h i s too was only to be given i n order to a s s i s t t h e i r passage out of the T e r r i t o r i e s . The s p i r i t was one of optimism however even though r e l i e f was required at times. C e r t a i n l y the Mackenzie Delta trappers were co n s i s t e n t l y better o f f than those i n other parts of northern Canada. A f t e r the f a l l i n p rices which took place during the Great Depression, fur p rices generally rose during the l a t e r 1 9 3 0 's and 1940's with only temporary setbacks, and thus con- firmed the majority of Eskimo, Indian, Metis and white residents both i n the trapping economy and i n a c e r t a i n a t t i t u d e of mind which was characterized by the acceptance of r i s k as normal. Usually the returns from good years were s u f f i c i e n t to carry most people over the bad years given the existence of a sharing ethic which led to the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of material resources to the benefit of the temporarily d i s - advantaged as well as of the disabled, aged and i n f i r m . 3• The S a t e l l i t e Settlements U n t i l 1930, settlements owed t h e i r o r i g i n s and locations to the e x p l o i t a t i o n of natural resources. For McPherson, A r c t i c Red River, Aklavik, Herschel Island and Shingle Point had been established e i t h e r as trading posts or whaling depots and indigenous peoples had gathered at these points to carry out economic transactions with the white man. Missionaries and p o l i c e a l i k e established themselves as adjuncts to trading and whaling centres i n order to regulate the a c t i v i t i e s of whites and natives and the i n t e r - a c t i o n between them. A f t e r 1930 other settlements appeared which were not d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to l o c a l resources, but which together with those already i n existence contributed towards an evolving settlement hierarchy. At the same time the older established centres changed i n function and i n r e l a t i v e importance. Reindeer Station The attempt to introduce reindeer herding i n t o the Mackenzie D i s t r i c t has been described elsewhere (e.g. Abrahamson, 1963), and i s relevant to the present discussion only i n s o f a r as i t throws l i g h t on the settlement forming process. When the herd was driven across from Alaska a temporary headquarters f o r i t s management was set up at K i t t i g a z u i t , but was moved i n 1932 to a s i t e on the eastern side of the Delta. The reasons given for choosing t h i s p a r t i c u l a r l o c a t i o n were that i t was closer to both the winter and summer ranges, had a good supply of timber both f o r b u i l d i n g and f o r f u e l , was c l o s e r to Aklavik, and had a source of potable water (PAC, RG 22, A l , v o l . 339). U n t i l i t closed i n 1968, Reindeer Station (or Reindeer Depojtt as i t was known e a r l i e r ) contained only the homes of an administrator and the f a m i l i e s of the herders, since the herders themselves l i v e d close to the herd on the Reindeer Reserve f o r much of the year. Thus Reindeer S t a t i o n was not intended to become, nor d i d i t become u n t i l much l a t e r , a native settlement. Indeed, one of the hopes of the reindeer operation was that i t would decel erate any tendeaicy f o r Eskimo people to move into the e x i s t i n g s e t t l e - ments by providing an a d d i t i o n a l source of food and c l o t h i n g from a land-based a c t i v i t y (Jenness, 1 9 6 4 s 3 5 ) • I t was s p e c i f i c a l l y noted i n a meeting of the North- west T e r r i t o r i e s Council i n the e a r l y years of the reindeer operation that the existence of the herd should not be expected to lower the natives resource- fulness and independence, and that those r e c e i v i n g reindeer meat should be expected to work i n return (Minutes, NWT Councils 7 9 5 ) • Reindeer Station con- s i s t e d only of a s c a t t e r i n g of houses (Taylor, 1 9 4 5 ) without benefi t of a store u n t i l the Hudson's Bay Company established one i n 1 9 4 9 . a f t e r which the settlement took on l i m i t e d functions as a service centre f o r the eastern part of the Delta which per- s i s t e d u n t i l the establishment of Inuvik. Tuktoyaktuk The wreck of the Hudson's Bay Company vessels Lady Kindersley i n 1 9 2 4 (Larsen, 1 9 6 7 : 2 3 ) and the Bay Chimo i n 1 9 3 1 (Lloyd, 1 9 4 9 . Ch. 1 0 : 3 2 ) together with the abandonment of the A r c t i c trade by Capt* C.T. Pedersen i n 1938 f i n a l l y closed the hazardous Bering S t r a i t route which had been used i n t e r m i t t e n t l y since the whaling days. As an a l t e r n a t i v e route, the Hudson's Bay Company now developed a transhipment point at Tuktoyaktuk (formerly Port Brabant) to service soastal settlements v i a the Mackenzie system (IAND, NANR, 405/5/1, v o l . 4) . The opening of this port considerably increased the p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r Eskimos to be employed as longshoremen, but only on a l i m i t e d seasonal basis. In 1944 a small shipyard was also i n operation and about a dozen Eskimo f a m i l i e s l i v e d at Tuktoyaktuk i n addition to the Hudson's Bay Company manager and two Catholic p r i e s t s (Taylor, 1945). At t h i s time both permanent huts and tents were clustered away from the Company's compound, some near the mission and some on the southern end of the promontory on which the settlement i s located, a segregation of native and white housing which has pe r s i s t e d to the present time. Fort McPherson Fort McPherson was overshadowed during t h i s period i n every respect by Aklavik. Where the numbers of muskrat traded at Aklavik expanded gre a t l y from 1934 to 1938 ( F i g . 4 - 2 ) , the numbers at Fort McPherson remained f a i r l y constant and, at the same time, administrative and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l functions which had been strong there had s h i f t e d to the newer settlement. The Indians who s t i l l regarded Fort McPherson as t h e i r point of contact with outside i n s t i t u t i o n s also maintained a greater a f f i n i t y f o r the land than those who had s h i f t e d t h e i r allegiance to Aklavik. Thus i n the m i d - t h i r t i e s , the Anglican missionary regretted that since he was ordered by his bishop to remain i n the settlement he was faced with the prospect of ministering to a mere f i f t e e n Metis while the catechist had the s p i r i t u a l needs of seventy-one Indians to look a f t e r i n the camps (ACR, F t . McPherson, 1935)* At the same time he noted, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , that the Indians seemed more l i k e " t h i r d class white people" F i g . 4-2 M u s k r a t T r a d e d a t A k l a v i k and F o r t McPherson, 1930 t o 1950 and harboured the view that "the government has to look a f t e r them." ( i b i d . ) . Like that of Tuktoyaktuk, the morphology of Fort McPherson showed strong signs of ethnic segre- gation although on rather more complex l i n e s . The existence of a well established Metis group i n addit i o n to the Indian was r e f l e c t e d i n the pattern of housing which existed i n the 1 9 3 0 's and 1940 's, i n which Metis households clustered at the north end around the Hudson's Bay Company compound and the Indians, when i n residence, at the south end close to the Anglican mission (Slobodin, 1962: 56} Taylor, 1945) . In the 1940's a c e r t a i n amount of rowdyism had appeared i n the settlement causing the Anglican minister to p e t i t i o n f o r the re-establishment of the RCMP post which had closed i n 1922 (Minutes, NWT Council: 3 0 6 1 ) . By 19^7. f i f t e e n Indian f a m i l i e s l i v e d permanently i n Fort McPherson and operated trap- l i n e s out of the settlement and two years l a t e r government recognized the continued existence of the settlement by re-opening the RCMP post (IAND, NANR, 1000/118, v o l . i ) . A r c t i c Red River Of a l l the settlements, A r c t i c Red River seemed to have undergone le a s t change during the period. More than the others i t retained the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of trading and mission post rather than a t t r a c t i n g a native population. Thus i n the 1940's, only three Indian f a m i l i e s l i v e d there permanently, though 200 or so v i s i t e d f o r f i s h i n g during the summer (Taylor, 19^5)• Since A r c t i c Red River remained an ex c l u s i v e l y Indian and e x c l u s i v e l y Catholic centre i t also showed no signs of the i n c i p i e n t pattern of segregation which was evident at some of the other settlements. 4. The Growth of Aklavik Aklavik of course became the most complex of the settlement's during the period both i n i t s external r e l a t i o n s and i t s i n t e r n a l morphology. I t had developed stronger t i e s with the south both i n the form of regular steamboat schedules, and i n c r e a s i n g l y by a i r c r a f t . The expansion i n f r e i g h t c a r r i e d by the Mackenzie River Transport Company which had accompanied the increase of mining i n the Mackenzie D i s t r i c t , continued during the 1 9 3 0 * s (Robinson, 1 9 4 5 ; Zaslow, 1 9 5 7 s 1 6 6 ) , and the f i r s t a i r m a i l brought into Aklavik by the veteran northern p i l o t Punch Dickens i n 1 9 2 9 (Fleming, 1 9 5 7 $ 2 ^ 5 ) , i n i t i a t e d f a i r l y regular a i r service (Rea, 1 9 6 8 : 2 1 6 ) . Increased contact with the South gave Aklavik the lead over other settlements which was accentuated by the l o c a t i o n of a number of governmental and other i n s t i t u t i o n s there during the 1 9 3 0 ' s . The most important of these were the two mission boarding schools, the f i r s t opened by the Catholic mission at the upstream end of the settlement i n 1 9 2 9 and the second moved by the Anglican mission from Shingle Point i n + 9 3 6 and located at the downstream end. The immediate r e s u l t of t h i s move was that c h i l d r e n were no longer sent out of the area to school and thus the incentive to attend was stronger ( c f . Jenness, 1964: 68). The boarding schools at t h i s time became strong agents of ac c u l t u r a t i o n both f o r the c h i l d r e n who attended, and also for the parents who now stayed i n the settlement f o r longer periods i n order to v i s i t t h e i r youngsters. This i s not to suggest that education was now widely received, since of the 1,450 Indian and Eskimo c h i l d r e n between the ages of 5 and 14 i n the Mackenzie River basin, only 55 attended day school and 115 l i v e d i n the boarding schools i n 1943*44 ( i b i d . : 69). Another f a c t o r which increased the a t t r a c t i o n of Aklavik was the e s t a b l i s h - ment of a h o s p i t a l i n 1937 (Fleming, 1957: 263) and of an " I n d u s t r i a l Home" i n the following year (Jenness, 1964: 69). Thus during t h i s period Aklavik became the home not only of a number of young people during t h e i r formative years, but also of the aged and i n f i r m . The morphology of the settlement remained l i n e a r , as trading posts extended from the point towards the Anglican mission i n one d i r e c t i o n and the Catholic i n the other. The increase i n the number of such posts was the most s i g n i f i c a n t development i n Aklavik during t h i s period as white traders not only moved i n from the south but also from the coast when white fox pri c e s slumped i n the m i d - t h i r t i e s . In a d d i t i o n to the well established Hudson's Bay Company and Northern Traders Limited, there was a handful of s o - c a l l e d "free" traders most of whom set up business i n the settlement f o r the f i r s t time i n the early t h i r t i e s ( F i g . 4 - 1 ; Appendix A). In 1932, H.E. Peffer opened h i s store i n the bush behind the now quite crowded levee, s e t t i n g a new d i r e c t i o n i n the settlement's growth. The 1930's represented the heyday of Aklavik as schooners came i n from Banksland a f t e r breakup and Delta Eskimos came i n * to trade muskrat before s e t t i n g o f f f o r summer whaling camps at Shingle Point, Whitefish Station and K i t t i g a z u i t . Though muskrat pric e s varied they were usually s u f f i c i e n t l y high to provide an adequate income given the f a i r l y l i m i t e d needs of the time and the minimal expenditure of e f f o r t required. This made the Delta a t t r a c t i v e to Eskimos i n Tuktoyaktuk as well as the Indians of the Peel, which added to the strong e f f e c t which Aklavik i n p a r t i c u l a r had as a place of s o c i a l and ethnic admixture. Gambling and high l i q u o r consumption were both prevalent, and though Aklavik was s t i l l a v i l l a g e i n size i t possessed more varied and urban features than any other settlement i n the area. Gambling was e s p e c i a l l y active a f t e r the spring muskrat hunt and there was jealousy reported between Indian and Eskimo trappers as to who played f o r the biggest stakes (IAND, NANR, 1000/119, v o l . l a ) . Many native trappers were used to handling very large sums of money at thi s time, as evidenced by the fact that $11,000 c r e d i t was extended to one trapper by a free trader ( IAND, NANR, . 1000/19, v o l . l a ) , or that Bishop Breynat was offered $35,000 i n cash f o r the schooner Lady ofHourdes by another (Fr. Franche, pers.comm. July, 1968) . Though Taylor (19^5) had no h e s t i t a t i o n i n c l a s s i - f y i n g i t as an " i n f a n t i l e " settlement, he nonetheless noted that i t had the beginning of a town plan i n the shape of a square and many f a i r l y impressive b u i l d i n g s . As with other settlements, the housing of whites and natives showed a de facto segregation from the beginning (Taylor, 19^5) which r e f l e c t e d a s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n which was perhaps more strongly marked i n Aklavik than i n other settlements due to the greater number of white residents and, e s p e c i a l l y with the l a t e r a r r i v a l of government departments, t h e i r more o f f i c i a l status (Slobodin, 1962s 3 7 ) . In summary, both the new and the old settlements began to e x h i b i t c e r t a i n common features during t h i s period. Where i n the past they had contained l i t t l e more than the trading post, the mission and l a t e r the RCMP post, they now u s u a l l y contained a few residences. Though these were not n e c e s s a r i l y occupied by native people a l l during the year, t h e i r presence indicated that a l a r g e r number of native people spent long enough i n the settlement f o r them to consider i t worth erecting a permanent home there. As might be expected t h i s tendency was most strongly marked i n the settlements containing the greatest number of outside i n s t i t u t i o n s , l i k e Aklavik, and l e a s t strongly at those which con- tained few such i n s t i t u t i o n s , l i k e A r c t i c Red River. In each case, there was a f a i r l y strongly marked segregation of the residences of native and non-native persons, and also more subtly, those of Indians and Metis i n Fort McPherson, or Indians and Eskimos i n Aklavik. Some p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r employment had appeared, though on a very seasonal basis, and the only groups of native people l i v i n g permanently i n the settlements were c h i l d r e n attending school, the s i c k i n the h o s p i t a l s , or the aged and i n f i r m i n the i n d u s t r i a l homes. The p h y s i c a l movement of native people o f f the land and into the settlement was to come much l a t e r . The incentives to l i v e i n the settlement were as yet s l i g h t and government s t i l l pursued an active p o l i c y , e s p e c i a l l y i n the administration of r e l i e f ? o f keeping indigenous people on the land. However, the 1 9 3 0 's and 1 9 4 0 ,s saw the appearance of many more reasons to v i s i t the settlements, e s p e c i a l l y Aklavik. The decline of white fox prices i n the m i d - t h i r t i e s caused a retre a t i n t o the Delta accompanied by the c l o s i n g of more peripheral trading posts. This brought more people c l o s e r to the settlements and the presence of a growing number of i n s t i t u t i o n s e s p e c i a l l y i n Aklavik encouraged them to v i s i t more often. In t h i s period the settlement way of l i f e , though not yet adopted, was c e r t a i n l y becoming more f a m i l i a r . 5. The Establishment of lEnuvik The establishment of Inuvik represented a r a d i c a l departure from the processes of settlement formation which had occurred before. The form of preceding settlements had been l a r g e l y conditioned by the needs of the people they served. The missions and trading posts represented the most active southern i n s t i t u t i o n s . while the administrative function was usually represented only by the RCMP post. Inuvik, i n contrast, came into being l a r g e l y through decision-making processes which went on outside the North, and from the f i r s t i t was a planned settlement i n which f a c i l i t i e s were designed to be s i m i l a r to those i n the South. While i t can be argued that agents of the wider society were more i n f l u e n t i a l i n determining the l o c a t i o n and morphology of even the older settlements, continuing mutual adjustments did take place between these agents and th e i r indigenous c l i e n t s . Thus, trading posts and mission stations were established and abandoned i n response to ec o l o g i c a l s h i f t s which to a large extent were beyond the control of the agents concerned, and even detachments of the RCMP were relocated from time to time i n order to better administer a population which was e s s e n t i a l l y migratory. The importance of Inuvik l i e s i n the fa c t that c o n t r o l was exercised almost e x c l u s i v e l y from outside with the l o c a l society and economy responding to events over which there was l i t t l e or no l o c a l c o n t r o l . A period of greatly accelerated change was i n i t i a t e d by the b u i l d i n g of Inuvik, above a l l by presenting an opportunity f o r native people to abandon a l i f e on the land i n favour of one i n the settlement. The f a c t that Inuvik was b u i l t at a time when d e c l i n i n g incomes from trapping made a l i f e on the land less a t t r a c t i v e added further force to i t s c e n t r i p e t a l a t t r a c t i o n . The evolution of Inuvik as an administrative centre i s therefore of some i n t e r e s t since although wage employ- ment was not a dominant consideration i n i t i a l l y , i t came to assume greater importance as the project got under way. Had Inuvik been planned as a centre of change rather than becoming one perforce, there i s l i t t l e doubt that i t s form and function would have devolved i n d i f f e r e n t ways and would have done so more through a dialogue i n v o l v i n g indigenous people than was the case. By the early 1950'3» the expansion of government f a c i l i t i e s which had been experienced at Aklavik had given r i s e to some problems. However adequate f o r the trading posts of the twenties, the s i t e was patently inadequate f o r the burgeoning government sector of the f i f t i e s . By 1953» f i v e government departments (Resources and Development, Transport, National Health and Welfare, National Defence and R.C.M.P.) were represented at Aklavik, and together t h e i r establishments accounted f o r 3 6 . 5 per cent of the settlement's t o t a l f i x e d investment (ACND, ND -68) . In October of that year, the recently revived (Jenness, 196ki 1 9 2 ) Advisory Committee on Northern Development met to consider the problems which Aklavik's s i t e might present f o r possible continued expansion. Fore- most of these were possible sanitary problems a r i s i n g from the settlement's inadequate sewage disposal f a c i l i t i e s , which could only be brought into s a t i s - f a c t o r y condition through an estimated expenditure of some one m i l l i o n d o l l a r s (ACND, ND -68) . Other problems however included the annual r i s k of flooding, the erosion of the upstream r i v e r bank, the general lack of space and the lack of suitable materials f o r b u i l d i n g roads and gravel pads f o r new construction. Some thought was given at t h i s time to r e l o c a t i n g A k l a v i k 1 s t o t a l f i x e d investment of three m i l l i o n d o l l a r s to a more favourable s i t e at an approximate estimated cost of one and one-third m i l l i o n d o l l a r s , and then providing services to the transposed buildings at the new l o c a t i o n ( i b i d . ) . In order to consider t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y i n greater depth, an Aklavik Sub-Committee of the Advisory ei? Committee of Northern Development wasset up i n January 1954 and made several recommendations soon afterwards. I t was suggested by t h i s sub-committee that the work of r e l o c a t i o n should be c a r r i e d out i n three stages under the auspices of the Department of Public Works. F i r s t , earthwork and concrete i n s t a l l a t i o n s should be constructed at the new s i t e when a suitable one had been found. Second, those buildings at Aklavik which were worth salvaging should be moved to the new s i t e and the costs borne by the government departments concerned, or i n the case of buildings not owned by government departments, by the Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources. In addition, i t was recommended that the Federal Government should also a s s i s t Aklavik residents to move and should make suitable arrangements f o r the transfer of land (ACND, ND-81). T W O concepts were introduced at t h i s stage which represented a new departure i n the planning of northern settlements, and these were to remain constant throughout following developments. These were that the new settlements should be zoned and that the National B u i l d i n g Code should be enforced. The intr o d u c t i o n of these concepts was a key element i n producing the morphologically segregated settlement that Inuvik teas to become. The p r o v i s i o n of services was to be the responsi- b i l i t y of the T e r r i t o r i a l Government although funded i n d i r e c t l y by the Federal Government. In d e t a i l , i t was recommended that the senior government was to make an outright c a p i t a l c ontribution equal to the value of Aklavik's then inadequate summer water supply system, and a loan to the junior government to cover the extra costs of providing an adequate a l l year round system at the new l o c a t i o n (ibid»)» E l e c t r i c i t y i n Aklavik was at t h i s time supplied Dy the p r i v a t e l y owned Aklavik Power and supply Company. At the new lo c a t i o n , the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s Power Commission was to investigate how e l e c t r i c i t y should be provided, taking into consideration the p o s s i b i l i t y of using the plant and equipment of thi s company, At t h i s e arly stage, Aklavik inhabitants had not been consulted on developments, since i n i t i a t i v e had come e n t i r e l y from Ottawa, and s p e c i f i c a l l y from the Advisory Committee on Northern Development. However", a project manager was appointed to supervise the move i n the f i e l d and to act as l i a i s o n with Aklavik r e s i - dents through a l o c a l advisory committee. Opposition at the l o c a l l e v e l had thus had neither time nor the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structures to express i t s e l f , although some reservations had been expressed by other government departments. In p a r t i c u l a r , opposition to r e l o c a t i o n had been expressed by o f f i c i a l s of the Department of National Defence who f e l t that the e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s of the Royal Canadian Navy could not be moved and would therefore have to be replaced at a higher cost than had o r i g i n a l l y been estimated (ACND, ND-91). S p e c i f i c a l l y , the thorny question of whether an all-weather a i r s t r i p could be constructed at Aklavik was s t i l l an open one. Opinion i n the Department of National Defence at the time seemed to lean towards the l e s s c o s t l y a l t e r n a t i v e of constructing such a strip using gravel barged i n from elsewhere i n the Mackenzie Delta (Lt/Cdr L. Mann, pers.comm., J u l y , 1 9 6 5 ) . However, by t h i s time the d e c i s i o n to relocate Aklavik had already been made at the cabinet l e v e l and i n a meeting of December 3 r d , 1953» approval had been given to the r e l o c a t i o n proposal, provided that a l l f e d e r a l construction at Aklavik be suspended, and that surveys f o r an a l t e r n a t i v e s i t e be started the following summer (IAND, NALB, 1000/119-1 , v o l . 1 ) . A few days a f t e r t h i s meeting, a release was made to the press announcing the proposed move as follows: "Aklavik i s being moved f o r the good of i t s health. Sanitary conditions are uns a t i s f a c t o r y . Water supply and sewage disposal are inadequate and are growing worse year by year." ( i b i d . ) . The reasons f o r r e l o c a t i o n were made more s p e c i f i c within the Department. For example, l a t e r i n the month i t was noted that depressed fur prices i n preceding years made the need f o r r e h a b i l i t a t i v e t r a i n i n g and new employment e s s e n t i a l ( i b i d . ) . There was c e r t a i n l y some v a l i d i t y to t h i s claim. Fur pr i c e s had indeed dropped r a d i c a l l y from the r e l a t i v e bonanza days of the l a t e f o r t i e s . The l o c a l depression r e s u l t i n g from low f u r prices had also been aggravated by an influenza epidemic at the height of the previous muskrat season which bad resulted i n many trappers not being able to pay o f f debts to the traders. The t o t a l debt of the seven traders then operating i n the Aklavik area was estimated i n June 1952 to be i n the order of $42 ,000 (IAND, NALB, 1000/19, v o l . l a ) . In addition, some traders were themselves i n debt to the fur dealers outside and were consequently not i n a sound p o s i t i o n to advance further loans to trappers. Thus the economic p l i g h t of the area was a serious one. Yet the r e l o c a t i o n of Aklavik could only provide a temporary amelioration of th i s condition unless i t were accompanied by some more r a d i c a l a d d i t i o n to the economic base of the area. Some employment would c e r t a i n l y become a v a i l a b l e during the process of r e l o c a t i o n , but no consideration had been given at t h i s time to providing a permanent employment base at the new l o c a t i o n . However, the f a c t o r of employment was one which would receive increasing emphasis as plans progressed, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n discussions with Mackenzie Delta residents. For example, when the Minister of the new Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources v i s i t e d Aklavik i n the summer of 1953> he gave considerable stress to the hope that the b u i l d i n g of the new settlement would i n i t i a t e a programme of employment f o r Indian and Eskimo people (Berton, 1956 ) . That t h i s consideration should have received greater emphasis as r e l o c a t i o n plans progressed may have been motivated by two f a c t o r s . F i r s t , there i s no doubt that as the proposal magnified i n scale, hopes of providing employment received greater j u s t i - f i c a t i o n . Also, there i s the p o s s i b i l i t y that an increasing awareness of the economic problems of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s made any proposal which promised to provide employment even on a short term basis very a t t r a c t i v e to the executive l e v e l of government. As Jenness points out, the reorganization of government departments i n 1950 which resulted i n the establishment of the Department of Resources and Development with a s p e c i f i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the administration of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s had marked the beginning of a more active federal r o l e i n t h i s area (jenness, 1964: 78 e_t passim) . However, although some att e n t i o n had been given t o t h e p r e s s i n g e c o n o m i c and s o c i a l n e e d s o f t h e M a c k e n z i e D e l t a , t h e r e i s no e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e s e were s e r i o u s l y t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t , a t l e a s t i n t h e e a r l y d i s c u s s i o n s o f t h e r e l o c a t i o n p r o p o s a l . Some i d e a o f t h e p a r a m o u n t c r i t e r i a c a n be g a i n e d f r o m t h e f a c t o r s w h i c h were t o be c o n s i d e r e d by t h e f i e l d team i n i t s s e l e c t i o n o f a new s i t e . T h e s e were i t s s u i t a b i l i t y f o r t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a p e r m a n e n t sewer a n d w a t e r s u p p l y s y s t e m , i t s p o s s i b l e a c c e s s t o a d e e p w a t e r c h a n n e l , i t s p r o x i m i t y t o a s u i t a b l e s i t e f o r a n a l l - w e a t h e r a i r s t r i p , i t s p r o x i m i t y t o w a t e r s u p p l y s o u r c e s and t o sewage d i s p o s a l f a c i l i t i e s , a n d t o s u p p l i e s o f s a n d a n d g r a v e l f o r b u i l d i n g . A l s o t o be c o n s i d e r e d was i t s l o c a t i o n w i t h r e s p e c t t o a p o s s i b l e s i t e f o r h y d r o - e l e c t r i c power d e v e l o p m e n t and t o a p o s s i b l e s o u r c e o f c o a l 1 (IAND, NALB, W i t h r e g a r d t o t h e l a s t m e n t i o n e d p o i n t , c o a l w i t h a t h e r m a l v a l u e o f 1 1 , 0 3 5 B . t . u . ' s p e r l b . h a d b e e n m i n e d s u c c e s s f u l l y a t Moose C h a n n e l i n t h e n o r t h - w e s t e r n p a r t o f t h e D e l t a f o r a number o f y e a r s , and h a d s u p p l i e d t h e l i m i t e d n e e d s o f R e i n d e e r S t a t i o n and t h e Roman C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a t A k l a v i k . However, t h i s was r e j e c t e d a s a s o u r c e o f h e a t i n g f u e l a t a n e a r l y s t a g e and n e v e r became a s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n t h e c h o i c e o f t h e new s e t t l e m e n t l o c a t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , a p r o p o s a l t h a t t h e new s e t t l e m e n t m i g h t r e p l a c e T u k t o y a k t u k a s a t r a n s - s h i p m e n t p o i n t f r o m r i v e r t o s e a g o i n g v e s s e l s was a l s o d r o p p e d a t a n e a r l y s t a g e . F i n a l l y , i t was suggested that the i'ield team might give consideration to s e l e c t i n g a s i t e which would be suitable "from the economic and s o c i a l point of view" but, s i g n i f i c a n t l y , t h i s suggestion was made neither prominent nor s p e c i f i c ( i b i d . ) . During 1954, the re l o c a t i o n project gathered momentum as f i e l d surveys were c a r r i e d out and l o c a l people were brought more c l o s e l y i n t o developments. The s i t e survey team ar r i v e d at Aklavik and a l o c a l advisory committee was organized, both on A p r i l 1, 1954 (ACND, ND-91). In the short season a v a i l a b l e , some urgency was necessary so that by August seven s i t e s had been considered of which s i t e E -3 on the eastern edge of the Delta was designated the most su i t a b l e . The s e l e c t i o n of this s i t e on the basis of l a r g e l y engineering considerations c a r r i e d a number of implications. F i r s t , since E - 3 w a s so f a r from Aklavik - seventy miles by water - the physical r e l o c a t i o n of e x i s t i n g buildings would be more c o s t l y than an t i c i p a t e d and although t h i s s t i l l remained a feature of the project, l a t e r events were to make i t im p r a c t i c a l . Estimated costs, f o r the entire project had escalated considerably from $ 2 , 3 2 5 , 0 0 0 i n 1953 (ACND, ND-68) to $ 9 , 2 6 0 , 0 0 0 i n 1955 (IAND, NALB, 1000/125, v o l . l ) as the dimensions of the project came more sharply into focus. second, since E -3 was i n an area of r e l a t i v e l y scarce natural resources, i t s s e l e c t i o n showed eithe r a disregard f o r or a conscious break with a hunting, trapping and f i s h i n g economy. This l a t t e r point was by t h i s time apparent to l o c a l residents among whom some opposition began to appear. By August 1955» when construction had started at E-3» i t was noted by a prominent l o c a l resident that many people would not wish to leave the old settlement due to i t s proximity to good hunting and f i s h i n g areas ( i b i d . ) . To these l o c a l l y expressed doubts, the administration seems to have adopted a less r i g i d view than i s admitted l o c a l l y at the present time. For example, 1 the o f f i c i a l p o l i c y at t h i s time was that i t was not intended to compel anyone to move, but that f o r a number of residents who have no trapping areas or other adequate means of l i v e l i h o o d the new town would provide a welcome opportunity f o r earning a l i v i n g or supplementing t h e i r incomes f i r s t during the construction period and l a t e r i n government service, maintenance and operation of u t i l i t i e s and i n other a c t i v i t i e s which might develop ( i b i d . ) . From the e a r l i e s t stages of discussion, i t seems to have been generally recognized that Aklavik would continue to e x i s t , even i f i n attenuated form, i n face of a t t r a c t i o n s exerted by the new settlement. However, the b e l i e f was prevalent l o c a l l y that plans f o r the new town involved the disappearance, or even destruction of the old. Around th i s b e l i e f much l o c a l opposition was focussed. Since the project had now acquired a c e r t a i n urgency due to increasing costs (Rowley, 1955)• l o c a l l i a i s o n became rather s u p e r f i c i a l leading to a number of misunderstandings. For example, as late as 1956 a prominent l o c a l resident could claim that the move had been made without l o c a l consultation though there had been overtures i n that d i r e c t i o n (IAND, NALB, 1000/125, v o l . 2). To objections that the new settlement would be too f a r from the caribou hunting areas of the Richardson Mountains and that i t was a poor l o c a t i o n f o r f i s h i n g , o f f i c i a l r e p l i e s again suggested that Aklavik should continue to ex i s t as a centre for those who wished to make a l i v i n g from the land. Speci- f i c a l l y , i t was maintained that the government was prepared to have a day school at Aklavik and to see a small community continue to e x i s t there xfs there were people to whom i t would be advantageous ( i b i d . ) . However, i t was assumed by government, and in c r e a s i n g l y by native people, that Inuvik would dominate the region by channelling the younger people o f f the land and into wage employment, and go some way towards easing the l o c a l economic depression. Employment opportunities existed i n great numbers while the town was i n construction, but have only been sustained subsequently by the creation of top heavy administrative structure. In general the occupations f o r which native people were trained were r e l a t e d to the construction phase rather than to the administrative phase. This undoubtedly made adjustment to wage employment a l i t t l e more d i f f i c u l t f o r some people and delayed or prohibited the a c q u i s i t i o n of s k i l l s which would have more l a s t i n g value within the l o c a l economy as i t was l a t e r to develop. In the f i r s t two summers of construction work, wage employment provided l i t t l e more than a p o t e n t i a l f i l l i p to the lagging trapping economy. Working i n Inuvik i n the summer months did not n e c e s s a r i l y con- f l i c t with making a l i v i n g on the land, f o r many native people used the extra income from summer employment to repair and replenish trapping equipment and quit t h e i r construction jobs e a r l y enough i n September to get i n a supply of f i s h f o r the coming trapping season. For a larger number however the die was cast f o r wage employment or at l e a s t f o r a l i f e i n the settlement. Much of the income from con- s t r u c t i o n work was r e d i s t r i b u t e d i n poker games, the major form of entertainment, and dis s i p a t e d i n purchase of l i q u o r , which could only be acquired by chartering a i r c r a f t to Aklavik, s t i l l at this time the s i t e of the T e r r i t o r i a l Liquor Commission store. The establishment of Inuvik undoubtedly had profound e f f e c t s on the economy of the Mackenzie Delta, which were r e f l e c t e d both i n the changing economic complexion of the settlements, p a r t i c u l a r l y Inuvik i t s e l f , and i n the a c t i v i t i e s based upon the natural resources of the land. The reorganization of the region's s p a t i a l structure and the growing a s s i m i l a t i o n of native people into Inuvik's economy w i l l be discussed i n Part Two. I t should be c l e a r from the above discussion however that these were to take the form of a response to development over which there was l i t t l e l o c a l c o n t r o l . PART TWO: THE CHANGING NODAL STRUCTURE OF THE DELTA COMMUNITY CHAPTER V THE CHANGING SPATIAL ORGANIZATION OP THE TRAPPING ECONOMY 1. Introduction The establishment of a pattern of settlements which culminated i n the b u i l d i n g of Inuvik opened up new opportunities i n town l i v i n g and c a l l e d f o r readjustments i n the s p a t i a l structure of resource u t i l i z a t i o n patterns. In the previous chapter these have been represented simply as c e n t r i f u g a l and c e n t r i p e t a l forces. I t i s c l e a r that trappers adjusted t h e i r pattern of a c t i v i t i e s to accommodate the growing influence of towns i n much the same way that r u r a l peasants i n other parts of the world have responded to the pressures of urbanization (e.g. Wolf, 1 9 6 6 ) . However, where r u r a l depopulation i n a g r i - c u l t u r a l areas leaves i t s mark i n the form of patterns of land use which are d i s c e r n i b l e on the landscape, the changes which occur i n a hunting and trapping economy are not as c l e a r l y evident. They involve f a r reaching adjustments within a complex and c l o s e l y k n i t system which ramify outwards and are to be discerned not so much i n the landscape i t s e l f as i n the more subtle patterns of economic, e c o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . The consideration of the h i s t o r y of the region to which Part One of t h i s study has been devoted has shown that i t i s capable of supporting a number of a l t e r n a t i v e and competing ecologies. As well as having i t s own d i s t i n c t i v e b i o t i c community the Delta straddles the tree l i n e and i s therefore accessible to other d i f f e r e n t communities, each containing i t s own p a r t i c u l a r array of resources capable of entering into the l o c a l economies. Which of these have indeed been used, and i n what system of p r i o r i t i e s and seasonal preferences, has depended i n large measure on the state of the economic environment, conditioned at l e a s t i n the early stages by the c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y of the people. In very general terms though i t would seem that an expanding economy associated with high f u r p rices has supported an extensive pattern of resource use with the Kutchin e x p l o i t i n g the headwaters of the Peel and the Eskimo spreading out into the coastal tundra areas, while f a l l i n g f u r prices have usu a l l y been accompanied by a re t r e a t of both peoples in t o the Delta i t s e l f , where the greater range of resources may be used to support l i f e with l e s s expenditure of either e f f o r t or c a p i t a l resources. Which d i s t r i b u t i o n i s favoured i s r e f l e c t e d i n large measure i n the f u r species entering into trade. This i s so i n more recent times i n p a r t i c u l a r when furs traded have formed f a i r l y r e l i a b l e i n d i c a t o r s of the p r e v a i l i n g e c o l o g i c a l systems and have the a d d i t i o n a l advantage that they are q u a n t i f i a b l e . Each trapper may i n fact be i d e n t i f i e d by the number and type of f u r species that he presents i n trade and these i n turn give some clue concerning the area to which he had directed most of h i s e f f o r t , as well as the nature and extent of that e f f o r t . In other words, the array of furs traded by a trapper i n any one year constitutes a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c trapping p r o f i l e representing i n quantitative terms the behaviour of that trapper during the year. Though of course the p r o f i l e i s an abbreviated one and leaves out many important aspects of behaviour, inclu d i n g the getting of resources not entering into trade and, i n recent times, part-time employment i n a c t i v i t i e s not re l a t e d to the land, these may often be subsumed i n trapping a c t i v i t i e s . The aggregate of p r o f i l e s thus becomes a convenient, short-hand way of expressing the per- formance of the Delta Community i n any one year. The existence of d e t a i l e d records of fur takes makes i t possible to examine with some p r e c i s i o n the changes i n that performance which accompanied urban- i z a t i o n i n the area. Two sources of data are used i n t h i s chapter to carry out two d i f f e r e n t modes of analysis on re l a t e d t o p i c s . The f i r s t i s d i r e c t e d towards the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of trappers i n terms of t h e i r trapping p r o f i l e s over a period of three decades i n order to determine the changes that have occurred i n the use of areas peripheral to the Mackenzie Delta i t s e l f . The second i s directed towards the analysis of the s p a t i a l changes i n the muskrat harvest of the Mackenzie Delta which took place during the most intense period of urbanization associated with the b u i l d i n g of Inuvik. Neither analysis w i l l be concerned d i r e c t l y with the nature of the subsistence cycles of the land-based Delta Community since t h i s topic has beenuconsidered elsewhere (Smith |^1967j 5 B i s s e t t , 1967) , hut rather with the extent to which these provide an index of the influence of settlements and other a c c u l t u r a t i v e f a c t o r s . " S p e c i a l i s t " and "Non-Specialist" Trapping. Trappers may be divided into what might be c a l l e d , f o r the want of a better term, ^ s p e c i a l i s t " and "non-specialist" groups. The former require s p e c i a l equipment to hunt or trap species which generally are found outside the Delta, and t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s imply a greater commitment to trapping than i s i m p l i c i t i n those of the n o n - s p e c i a l i s t s . For example, the s p e c i a l i s t trapper must engage i n a range of a c t i v i t i e s which are intended to support his trapping by pro- v i d i n g food for himself and his dog team,and maintaining and replenishing h i s equipment. Since t h i s equipment cannot generally be used f o r other purposes, s p e c i a l i z e d trapping requires also a large c a p i t a l outlay which may only be recovered by several years of sustained e f f o r t . In contrast, the "non-specialist" trapper takes species found within the Delta i t s e l f e i t h e r with minimal equipment or with that which can double f o r other purposes. One of the f a c t o r s which makes the shooting of muskrat i n open water i n the spring more popular than trapping them i n the winter i s that i t requires only a r i f l e and a canoe, both of which are used f o r other activities."'' 1 Throughout t h i s chapter the term "trapper" i s used f o r convenience to describe a person taking furs f o r sale. I t must be acknowledged however that many "trappers" i n fact gain most of t h e i r fur take by means other than trapping. Trapping p r o f i l e s then may be distinguished on the basis of whether they indicate maximum e f f o r t d i r e c t e d towards "non-specialist" or " s p e c i a l i s t " a c t i v i t i e s . Because the species i n the Lower Mackenzie area occur i n abundance i n well defined areas the exact nature of the trapping p r o f i l e indicates the geographical area to which trapping attention has been di r e c t e d . I t thus becomes not only a short-hand d e s c r i p t i o n of the seasonal pattern of a p a r t i c u l a r trapper's a c t i v i t i e s but also the area that he has probably occupied. In p a r t i c u l a r , " s p e c i a l i s t " trapping i s dire c t e d towards on or two species which, because they are concentrated i n d i s t i n c t areas p e r i - pheral to the Delta proper are diagnostic of population d i s t r i b u t i o n s . These species are marten, white fox, beaver, mink, and to a smaller extent, coloured fox. Most trappers on the other hand spend at lea s t part of each year hunting muskrat i n the spring. Throughout most of the known h i s t o r y of the Delta, the muskrat harvest has i n some form or another been important and muskrat hunting has featured prominently i n the e c o l o g i c a l regimes of most Delta people. What i s important however i s not this a c t i v i t y i t s e l f but how i t has featured i n combination with other a c t i v i t i e s . I t i s possible today to d i s t i n g u i s h a very large group of i n d i v i d u a l s the greater part of whose income from furs i s gained from a few b r i e f weeks of shooting muskrat i n the spring. In contrast to these the s p e c i a l i s t trappers have ranged further a f i e l d than the Delta f o r f a i r l y long periods, even though they have returned there i n the spring to j o i n the others i n " r a t t i n g " . At various times i n the h i s t o r y of the Delta area the following groups have been distinguished: ( i ) The marten trappers of the Peel River people who have trapped the headwaters of the Caribou and Vittrekwa Rivers i n the Richardson Mountains i n combination with the winter caribou hunt, ( i i ) Thesmarten trappers of A r c t i c Red River who have trapped the T r a v a i l l a n t Lake area. ( i i i ) The beaver hunters of both the A r c t i c Red River and the Peel River people who have trapped the Upper Delta i n the winter or hunted beaver there i n the spring; and ( i v ) The white fox and marten trappers of Tuktoyaktuk. These s p e c i a l i s t groups also take muskrat i n the spring months when the major winter trapping season i s f i n i s h e d but this i s not th e i r major a c t i v i t y as i t i s with the non-specialist group. At the present time s p e c i a l i s t trapping may be direc t e d towards one or two of the following species, the approximate areas of abundance of which are shown i n F i g . 5-1: ( i ) Marten Though marten i s found throughout the treed area i t i s rare i n the Delta i t s e l f and e s p e c i a l l y abundant i n three other areas. These are: the southern part of the Richardson Mountains i n the headwaters of the Caribou and Vittrekwa Rivers; the T r a v a i l l a n t Lake P i g . 5-1 Areas of Relative Abundance of "Diagnostic Species" i n the Lower Mackenzie Area area and south to the Mackenzie River; and the Anderson River area extending west to the Kugaluk River. Marten i s taken during the winter months from December to March and since the areas of concentration are a long way from the settlements some expenditure of time and money i s required to get to them. The T r a v a i l l a n t Lake area i s accessible to A r c t i c Red River, and the Richardson Mountains to Fort McPherson by dog sled, but Delta trappers have chartered a i r c r a f t to get to the Anderson River. In a l l cases i t i s not possible f o r the trapper to commute to the Delta s e t t l e - ment s • ( i i ) White Fox White fox i s widespread i n the coastal tundra areas, though over-trapping and seasonal f l u c t u a t i o n s can r e s u l t i n l o c a l s c a r c i t y . They are taken from ea r l y i n November from areas that are r e l a t i v e l y accessible to Tuktoyaktuk people though not to those from the Delta. ( i i i ) Beaver Beaver f l o u r i s h i n a wet habitat south of the t r e e - l i n e and are found i n the Upper Delta as bank dwellers. They may be taken either with traps set under the ice i n the l a t t e r part of the winter or shot i n winter and spring. The Mackenzie Delta was declared a beaver sanctuary between 1940 and 1 9 5 ° " and i n t h i s period the major unprohibited areas were along the Peel and Mackenzie Rivers. B e a v e r - p r o l i f i c areas are more accessible to the Upper Delta settlements than to Inuvik and Aklavik. (i v ) Mink Mink are also found i n the Delta where they may be trapped i n combination with muskrat. They require a larger size of trap however and consequently some expenditure on s p e c i a l equipment. The usual time f o r trapping mink i s i n the early part of the winter. I t i s hypothesized i n this chapter that one of the consequences of the growth of settlements i n the Delta has been the erosion of s p e c i a l i s t groups taking these species as more people choose to l i v e close to the urban centres. The preceding chapters have attempted to show that the s p e c i a l i s t trapping a c t i - v i t i e s have often been associated with p a r t i c u l a r settlements and that, at least i n s o f a r as those engaging i n them have returned to one settlement to trade t h e i r furs and to p a r t i c i p a t e i n s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s , these may be regarded as nodal centres. I t i s further hypothesized that an a d d i t i o n a l r e s u l t of the influence of settlements has been the breaking down of the nodal regions based upon the smaller settlements and t h i s replacement by a structure i n which f i r s t Aklavik and l a t e r Inuvik have dominated. These hypotheses were examined by grouping the trappers i n terms of t h e i r trapping p r o f i l e s i n order to examine the extent to which c h a r a c t e r i s t i c groups have been associated with each settlement and how these have changed through time . 2. The Grouping Procedure Trappers were grouped using a procedure suggested by Ward (1963) tor forming from a u n i v e r s a l set, h i e r a r c h i c a l groups of mutually exclusive subsets, the members of each of which are most s i m i l a r with respect to a s p e c i f i e d array of v a r i a b l e s . 1 In the geographical l i t e r a t u r e t h i s method i s analagous to those which have been used for both c l u s t e r analysis and for r e g i o n a l i z a t i o n (Berry, 1 9 6 7 » 1968; Haggett and Chorley, 1969s 244). In the present example, the u n i v e r s a l set consisted of a l l trappers trading f u r s into a given settlement i n a given year, and the v a r i a b l e s the number of fur species traded by each. The v a r i a b l e s thus defined the trapping p r o f i l e of each trapper (see above) and the purpose of the I am indebted to R. Whittaker f o r permitting me to use a computer programme adapted by him from one appearing i n Veldman (1967: 308-319) to deal with t h i s problem, and to M. Church for helping me to transpose data into a form suitable for the programme and f o r g i v i n g advice on i t s operation. See Appendix B. zkh analysis was to group trappers whose p r o f i l e s were most s i m i l a r . The analysis was thus seen as a means of i d e n t i f y i n g s t r u c t u r a l differences i n the trapping pr a c t i c e s of the population either of the en t i r e Delta or of each settlment both i n space and time. The grouping procedure s t a r t s with a u n i v e r s a l set (u)i B.i» —j'*'' — n °^ — s u ^ s e t s , where n i s the number of trappers trading furs into a given settlement i n a given year and e, , e_, e„..., e are —1 —2 —3 —n the trapping p r o f i l e s of each trapper. That i s , at the beginning there as many subsets, or groups, as there are trappers and the greatest amount of inform- ation about the system i s a v a i l a b l e . The purpose of the grouping i s to reduce the number of subsets from n, through ( n - l ) , (n - 2 ) , etc. to 1 so that the minimum los s of information occurs at each stage, where the loss of information i s given by an objective function defined operationally as the sum of the squared deviations about the means of the number of species appearing i n the p r o f i l e s . This "errorsum ,of, squares" i s given by: m i = l Where m = number of species entering into trade x^ = number of i t h species offered i n trade by i n d i v i d u a l trapper Using t h i s procedure i t was possible to i d e n t i f y coherent groups of r e l a t i v e l y i n t e r n a l homogeneity. Each union involved some loss of information r e f l e c t e d i n the siz e of the ESS, so that the greater the differ e n c e between the two subsets united the greater was the ac c e l e r a t i o n of the ESS. Thus by p l o t t i n g the increase i n the ESS, i t was possible to discern by major changes i n slope the combining of two r e l a t i v e l y unlike groups. To take a simple example, i n the 1962- 63 trapping season, t h i r t y people traded furs into the settlement of A r c t i c Red River each with his own c h a r a c t e r i s t i c trapping p r o f i l e . The h i e r a r c h i c a l grouping of these p r o f i l e s resulted i n the ESS values shown i n tabular form i n Table 5*1 a n ( l g r a p h i c a l l y i n Loss i n Information Resulting from the H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of the "Trapping P r o f i l e s " of Trappers Trading Furs in t o A r c t i c Red River, 1962-63 Step No. of Groups ESS 1 (17 and 18) 29 7 .000 2 28 30.500 3 27 55.500 4 26 94.667 5 25 156.917 6 2k 225.417 7 23 389.583 8 22 566.083 9 21 864.583 10 20 1173.916 i i 19 1566.749 12 18 2046.249 13 17 2585.749 14 16 3146.249 15 15 3729.249 16 Ik 4597.582 17 13 5654.930 18 12 7069.094 19 11 9592.820 20 10 13067.250 21 9 16867.348 22 8 20966.758 23 7 26485.258 2k 6 37500)1109 25 5 52358.609 26 k 80000.500 27 3 114064.500 28 2 269197.812 29 1 867539.000 F i g . 5 - 2 . At the f i r s t step the two most l i k e trapping p r o f i l e s were combined int o one subset, reducing the t o t a l number of subsets by 1, and r e s u l t i n g i n a loss of information r e f l e c t e d i n an ESS of 7*0, obtained as follows: Species Traded Beaver Marten Mink Trapper No. 17 7 3 2 Trapper No. 18 8 0 0 T o t a l 15 3 2 Mean 7 .5 1.5 1 (Deviation f o r No.17)- ° » 2 5 2.25 1 (Deviation f o r No.18) 0 .25 2.25 1 0 . 5 +4.5 +2 = 7 .0 The second step s i m i l a r l y r e s u l t e d i n a loss of information of 30.5* the t h i r d of 55»5» an<* so on. I f the ESS i s plotted against the number of steps (or remaining groups) accelerations i n the curve indicate the combining of two r e l a t i v e l y unlike sub- sets, as f o r example at point A i n F i g . 5 - 2 . Com- parison with the data i n t h i s simple case i n f a c t confirms that the d i s s i m i l a r i t y i n the subsets com- bined i n the next step (27) may be r e l a t e d e m p i r i c a l l y to differences i n the trapping patterns. The Groups Remaining in Hierarchy F i g . 5-2 H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s , E r r o r Factor vs. Groups Remaining i n the Hierarchy, A r c t i c Red River, I 9 6 2 - I 9 6 3 . generation of a tree diagram or dendrogram (McCammon, 1968; Cole and King, 1968: 585) also pointed to d i s - c o n t i n u i t i e s as well as d i s p l a y i n g the structure of the hierarchy g r a p h i c a l l y ( F i g . 5-3)• Thus, i n the example under consideration, two major groups could be discerned (of Trappers 1 through 11, and 12 through 3 0 ) , the smaller i t s e l f c o n s i s t i n g of two subgroups (of Trappers 1 through 7» and 8 through 1 1 ) . Though i n t h i s i l l u s t r a t i v e example, a more rigorous examination of these subgroups was not warranted, even a cursory comparison with the data showed that they could be characterized as follows: Group I. (Trappers 1 through 7) This group consisted of trappers taking moderate amounts of muskrat together with some marten, mink and i n a few cases, beaver. Group 2 . (Trappers 8 through l l ) This small group consisted of the "professionals" most of whose income was derived from quite s u b s t a n t i a l marten takes supplemented by muskrat. P a r e n t h e t i c a l l y , S P E C I A L I S T I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II N O N - S P E C I A L I S T T R A P P E R S 2 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 2 0 21 22 2324 25 2627 28 29 30 F i g . 5 - 3 H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s , Structure of the Hierarchy, A r c t i c Red River, 1 9 6 2 - 6 3 3 of the 4 had trapping incomes of over $1,800, a good sum f o r A r c t i c Red River i n 1964 and r i v a l l e d by- no one i n the other two groups. Group 3. (Trappers 12 through 30) This largest group generally consisted of the "part-time" trappers, supplementing income from other sources with meagre takes of muskrat, with occasional mink, marten or beaver, though there were some anomalies which would be revealed by a f i n e r grouping. The h i e r a r c h i c a l grouping method was thus seen to have a number of advantages for analyzing changes i n trapping patterns i n the Mackenzie Delta. While ge n e r a l i z i n g a great amoung of data, i t nonetheless enabled gross patterns to be retained i n a way which f a c i l i t a t e d comparisons from year to year, and from settlement to settlement. As h e u r i s t i c devices, both ESS curves and tree-diagrams conveniently expressed the aggregation of trapping p r o f i l e s of a large number of trappers while at the same time not l o s i n g sight of i n d i v i d u a l performances. The method therefore permitted comparison with other e m p i r i c a l l y derived sources of data, i n c l u d i n g trapping camp locations and residence i n settlements. 3 . Changes i n Trapping P r o f i l e s (1931-51) The f i r s t part of the analysis was d i r e c t e d towards the Delta Community as a whole with the ob- j e c t i v e of determining whether c h a r a c t e r i s t i c trapping p r o f i l e s could be associated with each settlement and i f so whether these had changed i n the decades pre- ceding Inuvik's establishment. Three trapping seasons were selected f o r analysis the choice being i n part determined by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of data. These were 1931-32, 1940-41 and 1950-515 1 and the settlements appearing i n the analysis at these dates were Aklavik, 1 The number of i n d i v i d u a l s trading furs i n 1950-51 exceeded the l i m i t of subjects the computer pro- gramme was capable of handling. In t h i s case only a random sample was selected weighted i n the r a t i o of i n d i v i d u a l s trading furs into ea£h settlement. The sample represented 76 per cent of the t o t a l number of trappers i n the 1950-51 season. Fort McPherson, A r c t i c Red River and, except f o r 1931-32, Tuktoyaktuk. During these years trappers from a l l settlements traded sizable quantities of muskrat, which tended to obscure differences i n t h e i r trapping p r o f i l e s which could be ascribed to other species. Consequently the analysis i n t h i s section was l i m i t e d to the diagnostic species out- l i n e d i n the f i r s t part of the chapter. The j u s t i - f i c a t i o n f o r thi s procedure should be cl e a r from the foregoing pages. I t i s apparent from F i g . 5-4 that both i n 1940-41 and i n 1950-51 the majority of trappers traded substantial quantities of muskrat though some change was experienced between the beginning and the end of the decade. In p a r t i c u l a r , where i n the e a r l i e r season the greater number of trappers had brought i n over 1,000 muskrat i n the l a t e r season t h i s was not so. Then the majority of trappers brought i n les s than 400 muskrat, though i n Aklavik there was s t i l l about the same number brought i n 40. 30 B. 1950-1951 SEASON Hi Aklavik i Fort McPherson Hi Arctic Red River 111 Tuktoyaktuk 0- 100- 200-300-400-500-600-700-800-900 Over 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 10001000 ANNUAL MUSKRAT TAKE P i g . 5-4 Muskrat Takes from Mackenzie Delta Trappers, 1940-41 and 1950-51 large q u a n t i t i e s . Part of the differ e n c e may be ascribed to the r e g i s t r a t i o n of trapping areas i n the Delta which w i l l be described i n d e t a i l below but which m i l i t a t e d against more vigorous r a t t i n g . Analysis of the diagnostic species was more inform- ative . For the three seasons analyzed, ESS curves accelerated with about f i f t e e n groups remaining ( F i g . 5-5 a, b and c) i n d i c a t i n g that about t h i s number of s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t trapping patterns might be distinguished. The f a c t that the a t e of acc e l e r a t i o n was somewhat less f o r the 1931-32 season would suggest however that the differences were les s c l e a r l y marked, due perhaps to the f a c t that only two settlements - Fort McPherson and A r c t i c Red River - entered s i g n i f i c a n t l y into the a n a l y s i s . For t h i s e a r l i e r season the d i s t r i b u t i o n of trappers f a l l i n g into separate groups suggested that the differences could be associated with the settlements. Table 5-2 shows t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n at the f i f t h l e v e l 50 40 30 20 10 Group* Remaining in Hierarchy 50 40 30 20 10 Groups Remaining in Hierarchy 50 40 30 20 10 Groups Remaining in Hierarchy 50 40 30 20 Groups Remaining in Hierarchy F i g . 5 - 5 H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s Error Factor vs. Groups Remaining i n the Hierarchy, Mackenzie Delta: (a) 1 9 3 1 - 3 2 ; (b) 1 9 4 0 - 4 1 ; (c) 1 9 5 0 - 5 1 ; (d) 1963-64 of grouping - i . e . that l e v e l of hierarchy at which only f i v e groups remained 1 - and consequently some unlike groups had been combined at t h i s stage. Table 5-2 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c Groups at the F i f t h Level of Grouping, Mackenzie Delta, 1931-32. GROUP DOMINANT SPECIES TRAPPERS Ak 1 Ft.McP. 2 A.R.R.3 No. p. c. No. p. c. No. P.C. 1 BEAVER (+mink & marten) - 11 24 9 36 2 MARTEN (•beaver & mink) - 2 4 9 36 3 NONE5 1 13 2 4 2 8 4 NONE 2 25 24 50 4 16 5 NONE 5 62 8 16 1 4 Ind.^ 1 2 1. Aklavik. 2. Fort McPherson. J. A r c t i c Red River. 4. Individuals not included i n a group. 5* None of the "diagnostic species" and therefore muskrat by inference. Trappers f a l l i n g i n t o Group 1 were characterized by trading f a i r l y large numbers of beaver supplemented by a few marten or mink. Slobodin (1962: 28) notes that beaver hunting i n the Delta has been t r a d i t i o n - a l l y of importance to A r c t i c Red River people but Groups c o n s i s t i n g of only one i n d i v i d u a l were excluded. was taken up by the Peel River people at the turn of the century. Since beaver i s predominantly a Delta species, to engage i n beaver hunting involves spending e i t h e r the spring or winter i n the Delta, and thus the Peel River trappers who take s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of beaver^probably do not go f a r into the Richardson Mountains i n the winter ( i b i d . ) . For the A r c t i c Red River people, the absence of a distant winter hunting area makes beaver trapping more compatible with other a c t i v i t i e s . S i g n i f i c a n t l y though, i n 193I-3 2» a s l i g h t l y larger number of the beaver trappers were centered on Fort McPherson than on A r c t i c Red River. However, a larger number of A r c t i c Red River trappers f e l l i nto Group 2, characterized by s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater takes of marten, with beaver and mink i n a secondary p o s i t i o n . Though marten are found i n the Delta i t s e l f , concentrations are found i n the headwaters of the Vittrekwa and Caribou Rivers, the old winter grounds of the Peel River people, and the T r a v a i l l a n t Lake area, which i s accessible to the A r c t i c Red River people. I t might be i n f e r r e d from the f a c t that few Fort McPherson trappers could be characterized at t h i s time as marten trappers that few were spending the winters upriver, and i n f a c t the majority of Peel River people f e l l rather into a group which would seem to be associated with the Delta, since no p a r t i c u l a r species was outstanding i n the array traded* In 1940-41 the structure and composition of groups had changed somewhat as shown by Table 5-3* The majority of the i n d i v i d u a l s trading furs into Aklavik, Fort McPherson and Tuktoyaktuk f e l l i nto the two groups ( l and k) i n which no species pre- dominated among those entering i n t o the a n a l y s i s . The s p e c i a l i s t groups were Group 2 i n which white fox predominated i n combination with smaller quant- i t i e s of coloured foxes; Group 3» i n which coloured foxes predominated; Group 5» i n which marten pre- dominated accompanied i n some cases by beaver; and C h a r a c t e r i s t i c Groups at the Sixth Level of Grouping, Mackenzie Delta, 1940-41 GROUP DOMINANT SPECIES TRAPPERS No. Ak. p.c. Ft.McP. No. p.c. ARR No. p.c. Tuk. J- No. p.c. -1 NONE 35 40 16 44 2 8 17 51 2 WHITE POX (•coloured fox) 1 1 - - 3 9 3 COLOURED FOX 1 1 - - 7 22 4 NONE 40 45 15 42 3 12 12 5 MARTEN (•beaver) 5 6 3 8 6 25 6 BEAVER 5 6 2 6 13 55 - Ind. l 1 2 6 1. Tukt oyaktuk Table 5-4 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c Groups at the Sixth Level of Grouping, Mackenzie Delta (Random Sample), 1950-51 DOMINANT GROUP SPECIES TRAPPERS No Ak. . p.c. Ft.McP. No. p.c. ARR No. p.c. Tuk. No. p.c. 1 NONE 93 87 43 94 8 36 9 39 2 WHITE FOX 1 1 - - 3 13 3 MARTEN - - - 6 27 4 WHITE FOX (•marten) - - - 2 9 5 MINK+COLOURED FOX 12 11 3 6 - 1 4 6 WHITE FOX 1 1 - 14 64 1 4 Ind. - - - 1 4 Group 6, i n which beaver alone predominated. By 1940-41 i t i s apparent that the i n t e r e s t i n beaver hunting had s h i f t e d from the Fort McPherson trappers to those of A r c t i c Red River, and f o r most of these, represented an exclusive s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . For the Fort McPherson people t h i s may be associated with the f a c t that the decla r a t i o n of the Delta as a beaver sanctuary i n 1940 discouraged beaver hunting there, while the A r c t i c Red River beaver hunting areas were not af f e c t e d . A few Tuktoyaktuk trappers s p e c i a l i s e d and produced eith e r white fox i n combination with coloured fox, or coloured fox alone. In addition, two i n d i v i d u a l s who did not constitute a group at the l e v e l of hierarchy shown i n Table 5 - 3 produced large quantities of white fox. By the 1 9 5 0 - 5 1 trapping season the s p e c i a l i s t groups were much reduced i n numbers; the great majority of trappers f e l l i nto groups which were not characterized by any of the species entering into the a n a l y s i s . This was e s p e c i a l l y true f o r those centered on Aklavik and Port McPherson, though a few f e l l i nto groups (e.g. Group 5) i n which mink and coloured fox - e s s e n t i a l l y Delta species - constituted a specialism. The more peripheral settlements of A r c t i c Red River and Tuktoyaktuk did contain some trappers who f e l l i nto s p e c i a l i s t groups. Group 6, into which the majority of the A r c t i c Red River trappers f e l l , was characterized by large beaver takes. Tuktoyaktuk trappers who s p e c i a l i z e d f e l l i nto one of three groups, Groups 2 and 4 i n which white fox pre- dominated, the l a t t e r i n a s s o c i a t i o n with marten, and Group 3 i n which marten predominated. The analysis shows that f o r the three selected seasons preceding Inuvik's establishment, the s p e c i a l i s t groups were associated with p a r t i c u l a r settlements. Of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i s the f a c t that both A r c t i c Red River trappers and those from Tuktoyaktuk have f a l l e n into groups characterized by s i g n i f i c a n t marten takes. The major marten trapping area f o r the former i s i n the T r a v a i l l a n t Lake area, and f o r the l a t t e r i n the Anderson River area. The analysis would indicate that an increased i n t e r e s t i n beaver hunting by the A r c t i c Red River people was accompanied by decreasing i n t e r e s t i n marten. The t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e r e s t i n marten trapping of the Peel River people was not shown i n the analysis since the movement away from the marten-rich area of the Richardson Mountains had already taken place by the beginning of the t h i r t i e s . A b r i e f r e v i v a l i n upriver marten trapping was however r e f l e c t e d i n the analysis f o r 1940-41 ( c f . Slobodin, 1 9 6 2 : 3 9 ) i During the period of the analysis the s p e c i a l i s t trapping a c t i v i t i e s associated with each of the s e t t l e - ments tended to become r e l a t i v e l y l e s s important as greater numbers of trappers f e l l i nto a group i n which none of the diagnostic species was outstanding. Since muskrat was not included i n t h i s part of the a n a l y s i s , i t follows that those i n d i v i d u a l s would have gained the majority of t h e i r trapping income from muskrat, or that they trapped very l i t t l e of anything. Both cases imply a c l o s e r a s s o c i a t i o n with the Delta and with the settlements s p e c i f i c a l l y than i s implied by membership of a s p e c i a l i s t group. Of the settlements the more peripheral ones of A r c t i c Red River and Tuktoyaktuk seem to have been best able to maintain some specialisms, i n the former case d i r e c t e d towards beaver and marten, and i n the l a t t e r towards white fox and marten. The f a c t that even i n these settlements the s p e c i a l i s t groups have become r e l a t i v e l y l e s s important, would seem to indicate that by the ea r l y f i f t i e s , the greater number of trappers had converged towards a Delta type of trapping pattern i n which only muskrat stood out as a species traded i n quantity. 4. Changes i n the Muskrat Harvest R e g i s t r a t i o n of Trapping Areas The muskrat had been of some importance to indigenous peoples at lea s t since the beginnings of the fur trade.. I t s importance as a species entering into trade r e a l l y began, however i n the 1920's and was accelerated with the concentration of trappers i n the Delta which became p a r t i c u l a r l y marked a f t e r 1946. At t h i s time, a general decline i n the average price received f o r white fox from $20.00 i n 1946 to $3.50 i n 1949 (NWT Council, Minutes, 3709) made trapping along the coast a much les s a t t r a c t i v e occupation. In contrast, the Delta's greater range of food resources provided the same measure of s e c u r i t y that i t had i n the Depression. Though the average pr i c e received f o r a muskrat p e l t f e l l also throughout the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s from $2.75 i n 1946 to $1 .20 i n 1949 (Canada, DBS, 1950) the f a l l was r e l a t i v e l y l e s s than that experienced by other species and the greater a v a i l a b i l i t y of muskrat i n the Delta ensured the trapper there a l a r g e r p o t e n t i a l income than elsewhere. Immigrants to the Delta included Alaskan Eskimos who were attra c t e d also by more favourable Canadian statutory payments p r e v a i l i n g at t h i s time (LACO Hunt, pers. comm.), and some white and Indian trappers from elsewhere i n the t e r r i t o r i e s (Black, 1961). By 1948, there were i n the Delta some 228 trappers, of whom 43 per cent were Eskimo, 31 per cent Indian, 13 per cent Metis and 13 per cent white (NWT Council, Minutes, 3 5 5 7 ) , and there i s l i t t l e doubt that the area was rather s e r i o u s l y overpopulated i n terms of i t s l i m i t e d resource base. The r e s u l t s of overpopulation were not felt.however while the market for muskrat remained r e l a t i v e l y good and some a d d i t i o n a l gsources of income were a v a i l a b l e , e s p e c i a l l y from the DEW l i n e . The rel i a n c e upon a single species did present a s i t u a t i o n of p o t e n t i a l concern however. Two p r i n c i p a l methods are used to take muskrat. During the winter the muskrat l i v e s i n a den the entrance to which i s below the i c e , but maintains contact with the surface through "pushups" (Stevens, 1 9 5 5 )• Traps set i n these pushups during the winter y i e l d a high q u a l i t y fur but considerable e f f o r t i s required to set and check traps. Consequently a more favoured method has been to shoot muskrat i n the water a f t e r breakup. This method may be r e l i e d upon to produce much greater t o t a l y i e l d s though i n d i v i d u a l p e l t s are often damaged with gunshot. In the 19^0's, recent immigrants to the Delta followed the practice of hunting muskrat throughout the area a f t e r breakup by following the floodwaters down to Aklavik (Black, 1961). This r e s u l t e d i n some d i s a f f e c t i o n among the older established Delta tfrappers who feared, probably with j u s t i f i c a t i o n , that t h i s p r a c t i c e would r e s u l t i n a serious depletion of the muskrat population. In 19^6 the Mackenzie Delta Trappers Association was formed to protect the i n t e r e s t s of the l o c a l trappers (NANR, NALB, 515. 7 2 3 8 ) . At the same time the Department of Mines and Resources engaged a b i o l o g i s t , Dr. Ian McTaggart-Cowan, to carry out a survey of the Delta's trapping p o t e n t i a l and to make recommendations concerning the area's more e f f e c t i v e management ( i b i d . ) . Of the two major manage- ment procedures considered, that of r e g i s t e r i n g trapping areas was favoured over marsh management schemes due to the physical complexity of the Delta and the d i f f i c u l t i e s t h i s would present for enforcing game laws. Consequently i n the summer of 1947 each trapper was i n v i t e d to r e g i s t e r an area which would then be f o r h i s own exclusive use. This scheme met with the approval of the majority of trappers, though there was some dissension. The Peel River people, f o r example, saw trapping area r e g i s t r a t i o n as a l i m i t a t i o n of t h e i r r a t t i n g a c t i v i t i e s to the less productive Upper Delta (slobodin, 1962. 4 7 ) , while the Tuktoyaktuk people resented what they con- sidered as a usurpation of t h e i r resource base by newcomers from Alaska (.NA <;> NR, NALB, 7282). However, the advantages of the scheme were apparent to most Delta trappers. The s e t t i n g aside of an area f o r the exclusive use of one trapper encouraged him to carry out conservation measures (Black, 1 9 6 1 ) . Some lakes were l e f t unharvested to replenish themselves n a t u r a l l y , and channels were dammed to prevent productive lakes from draining. Most important was the f a c t that trappers were once more encouraged to trap muskrat i n the winter rather than hunt.them at breakup and thus to produce a better q u a l i t y f u r . In the 1950-51 season, the trapping population was dispersed over the Delta i n the winter (Pig. 5-6) and the area was probably as e f f i c i e n t l y trapped as at any other time i n i t s h i s t o r y . This s i t u a t i o n was however to be s h o r t l i v e d . Prom a b r i e f upturn to $2 .01 i n 1950 the average p r i c e received f o r a muskrat p e l t i n the Northwest T e r r i - t o r i e s declined s t e a d i l y to about 60 cents i n 1959 (Canada, DBS, i 9 6 0 ). I t was thus no longer possible f o r a trapper to make an adequate l i v i n g from the average registered area of between f i v e and 8k square miles (Black, 1961). At the same time as the incomes from trapping declined so new opportunities i n wage employment were offered by the construction of Inuvik a f t e r 1955* Trapping areas were gradually abandoned i n the more dis t a n t l o c a t i o n s , while those close to e x i s t i n g settlements or the E -3 construction s i t e were retained only f o r part-time a c t i v i t i e s . By 1958-59 the system was abandoned altogether i n favour of a 5 0 5 10 25 Miles P i g . 5-6 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Winter and Spring Camps i n the Mackenzie Delta; (a) 1950-51; (h) 1 9 6 4 - 6 5 ; (c) 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 group trapping area, though, a few i n d i v i d u a l s d i d r e t a i n t h e i r own registered areas close to the s e t t l e - ments well into the s i x t i e s ( F i g . 5-7). By 1959 however 35 per cent of the Aklavik trappers and 51 per cent of the Fort McPherson trappers had relinquished i n d i v i d u a l areas and joined the Mackenzie Delta group area (Black, 1961). Sp a t i a l Changes i n the Muskrat Harvest During the ten year period of trapping area r e g i s t r a t i o n , trappers were required by the game laws to declare the number of muskrat taken from t h e i r areas i n each trapping year. Though these declarations took the form of rough estimates, they lend themselves to the analysis of the s p a t i a l structure of trapping i n the Delta during the period of greatest recent change. For the f i r s t part of the period, the returns were f a i r l y complete and represented the major portion of the t o t a l muskrat harvest. A f t e r 1955, a s r e g i s t e r e d trapping areas were abandoned, a greater proportion of the muskrat take f a i l e d to appear i n the F i g . 5-7 Registered Trapping Areas i n the Mackenzie Delta returns f o r the registered areas and the data are therefore l e s s r e l i a b l e (Table 5 - 5 ) . Table 5-5 Muskrat Take Declared by Holders of Registered Trapping Areas, 1950-1958 Year T o t a l Muskrat Take Take from R.T.A.'s Percent. 1949-50 282,242;* 130,797 46 1950-51 217,679o 110,696 51 1951-52 150,708;? 75,653 50 1952-53 170,223;? 186,292;? 79,721 46 1953-54 72,163 39 1954-55 24l,864r; 116,391 40 1955-56 140,2117 65,514 46 1956-57 66.1211 32,427 48 1957-58 46,161^ 27,879 5? Fur Traders Record Books, Aklavik, Fort McPherson, 2 A r c t i c Red River, Reindeer Station and Inuvik. ^Registered Trapping Area returns. ^Excluding A r c t i c Red River. Excluding Fort McPherson and A r c t i c Red River. The following procedures were used to analyze the data. The numbers of muskrat taken i n each registered area were f i r s t plotted as i s a r i t h m i c surfaces f o r each of the eight years f o r which returns were av a i l a b l e ( F i g . 5-8 shows three of these). Returns were avail a b l e f o r the whole Delta u n t i l 1955 a f t e r which some blocks of data were not a v a i l a b l e f o r the southern part. In a l l cases, zero values were ignored on the assumption that they represented data which had page 27k omitted page numbering 5 0 5 10 Miles 25 F i g . 5-8 Isarithmic Surfaces of Muskrat Taken from Registered Trapping Areas i n the Mackenzie Delta, 1949-50, 1950-51 and 1957-58 e i t h e r never been declared or had been subsequently l o s t , and would therefore introduce gaps which would not ex i s t i n r e a l i t y . Trend surfaces were next f i t t e d to the i s a r i t h m i c surfaces i n order to determine t h e i r general structure, i f any. The merits of applying trend surface analysis to continuous areal data have been argued by a number of writers, notably Chorley and Haggett ( l965)» Cole and C. King (1968: 375-379) and L. King (1969: 152-153) . In p a r t i c u l a r i t i s seen as a means of damping l o c a l i r r e g u l a r i t i e s i n order to give a c l e a r e r picture of regional trends, and to allow the separation of l o c a l r esiduals (Chorley and Haggett, 1 9 6 5 ) . In the present case, the analysis was used for both purposes though r e s u l t s were diagnostic rather than p r e s c r i p t i v e . Levels of explanation were p a r t i c u l a r l y low i n the returns f o r 1951-52, 1952-53 and 1953-54 and these years were not analysed f u r t h e r . In the other years the l i n e a r equation did not explain a large proportion of the v a r i a b i l i t y and the goodness of f i t was not g r e a t l y improved by the quadratic or cubic surfaces. Levels of s i g n i f i c a n c e d i d indicate however that the trends were " r e a l " and therefore suggestive of some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the structure of the muskrat harvest from r e g i s t e r e d areas (Table 5 - 6 ) . In the e a r l i e r years the l i n e a r trend surface dips c o n s i s t e n t l y towards the south west ( F i g . 5 - 9 & shows that f o r 1 9 ^ 9 - 5 0 ) which would seem to conform with observations made i n more general terms by b i o l o g i c a l research (e.g. Stevens, 1 9 5 5 s Hawley, 1 9 6 8 ) and by the observations of Delta trappers that y i e l d s generally tend to be higher i n the north eastern section of the Delta. Though analysis was not dir e c t e d towards t h i s point, the surfaces also bear s u p e r f i c i a l s i m i l a r i t y to those of physiographic and b i o t i c v a r i a b l e s such as the height of levees above low water l e v e l (Mackay, 1 9 6 3 s 1 2 6 ) and tree coverage ( i b i d . : 1 6 7 ) . The quadratic surfaces f o r 1 9 ^ 9 - 5 0 , 1 9 5 0 - 5 1  a n < i 1 9 5 5 - 5 6 a l l show a peak to the north and west of the present l o c a t i o n of Inuvik ( F i g . 5 - 9 ° F i g . 5-9 Trend Surfaces of Muskrat Taken from Registered Trapping Areas i n the Mackenzie Delta Table 5-6 Trend Surface Analysis of Muskrat Takes from Registered Trapping Areas Order of Coefft. of Degrees of Significance Year Surface Determination P. Ratio Freedom Level 1949-1950 1 .21 14.16 2 and 109 0.5 2 .25 7.14 5 and 106 0 . 5 3 .27 4.28 9 and 102 0 . 5 1950-1951 1 ,12 7.24 2 and 111 0 . 5 2 .15 3.71 5 and 108 0 . 5 3 .19 2.67 9 and 104 2 .5 1954-1955 l .07 4.14 2 and 112 2.5 2 .11 2.69 5 and 109 2 .5 3 .17 2.38 9 and 105 2 .5 1955-1956 l • 17 7.39 2 and 73 0 . 5 2 .22 3.94 5 and 70 0 . 5 3 .25 2.49 9 and 66 2 .5 1956-1957 l .13 3.83 2 and 53 10.0 2 .16 1.88 5 and 50 2 5 . 0 3 .22 1.43 9 and 46 2 5 . 0 1957-1958 1 .21 5.14 2 and 39 2 .5 2 .22 2.07 5 and 36 10.0 3 .38 2.19 9 and 32 10.0 shows that f o r 1 9 4 9 - 5 0 ) . A f t e r 1 9 5 5 1 the dip of the surface was changed to the south east i n d i c a t i n g generally higher muskrat takes from re g i s t e r e d areas i n the upper part of the Delta furthest from the E - 3 construction s i t e . So many people were abandoning re g i s t e r e d areas at thi s time.however that the figures are of doubtful value since they no longer represent the majority of the harvest. They do perhaps suggest a lessening of i n t e r e s t i n trapping i n the regi s t e r e d areas cl o s e s t where the new town was being b u i l t consistent with the fact that many were taking advantage of opportunities f o r employment i n construction. Residuals to the trend surfaces also i n d i c a t e the possible e f f e c t s of the'construction of Inuvik. In both 1 9 4 9 - 5 0 and 1 9 5 0 - 5 1 the p o s i t i v e residuals to the l i n e a r trend surface formed a ridge running down the centre of the Delta from north to south ( F i g . 5 - 1 0 a and b). A f t e r 1 9 5 5 a n east-west trough began to open up roughly between Aklavik and Inuvik i n d i c a t i n g that P i g . 5-10 Residuals to Linear Trend Surfaces of Muskrat Taken from Registered Trapping Areas i n the Mackenzie Delta, 19^9-50, 1950-51, 1955-56 takes from registered areas were le s s than would be predicted by the l i n e a r trend surface i n this area. ( F i g . 5 - 1 0 ° )• However, given the low l e v e l of explanation offered by the trend surface these ob- servations are t e n t a t i v e . 5* Trapping P r o f i l e s i n the Mid-Sixties Change between 1951 and 1964 was r e f l e c t e d i n other ways also. Though there was a greater number of people trading f u r s * i n the mid-sixties, few of these could now be regarded as professional trappers, and even those that could generally had trapping incomes too low to sustain l i f e at an adequate l e v e l without some supplement from other sources. One t h i r d of those trading furs i n Delta settlements i n the 1 9 6 3 - 6 4 season, f o r example, received less than $100 Data for t h i s part of the analysis were taken from returns recorded i n the Fur Trader Record Books. and only f i f t e e n had incomes greater than $2 ,000 (Wolforth [ 1 9 6 6 ] : 13» P i g . 5-11) . For most Delta residents, trapping had become a part-time a c t i v i t y often c a r r i e d on out of the settlement as a source of "pocket money" to augment income from wage employment, s o c i a l assistance, and such statutory payments as old agespensions and family allowances. The convergence upon the Delta, and p a r t i c u l a r l y upon the settlements, which had been i n process since the 1 9 2 0 's was now l a r g e l y complete and was r e f l e c t e d above a l l i n the extreme attenuation of the number of trappers carrying on s p e c i a l i s t a c t i v i t i e s . As with the data f o r e a r l i e r years the trapping p r o f i l e f o r the 1963-64 season was analysed excluding 2 muskrat takes i n i t i a l l y . The analysis of the sample of i n d i v i d u a l s trading furs i n the 1963-64 season The number of i n d i v i d u a l s trading furs i n 1963-64 exceeded the l i m i t of subjects the computer programme was capable of handling. A random sample was selected weighted i n the ratio&of i n d i v i d u a l s trading f u r s into each settlement. The sample represented 44 per cent of the t o t a l number of trappers i n the 1963-64 season. INCOME FROM TRADING FURS I60_ I40_ 100. 1963-1964 EH3 A K L A V I K 13 I N U V I K • F O R T M C P H E R S O N •1 A R C T I C R E D • R E I N D E E R S T A T I O N UNDER 100-499 500 -999 1000-1499 1500-1999 OVER 100 2 0 0 0 INCOME (DOLLARS) F i g . 5 - 1 1 Incomes from Trapping, 1963-64 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c Groups at the Sixth Level of Grouping, Mackenzie Delta, 1963-64 DOMINANT GROUP SPECIES TRAPPERS I n . 1 AkT Ft.McP. ARR Tuk. No. p.c. No. p.c. No. p.c. No. p.c. No. p.c. 1 NONE 26 65 44 69 39 72 7 47 17 77 2 MINK 13 33 16 25 9 16 - - 3 MINK - 2 3 - - - 4 MARTEN - 1 2 - 2 13 2 9 5 MARTEN+ MINK 1 2 - 6 12 6 40 - 6 WHITE FOX - - - - 2 9 Ind. - 1 2 - — 1 5 1. Inuvik ( i n c . Reindeer station) r e s u l t e d i n an ESS curve which, l i k e those of the previous analyzes, accelerated most r a p i d l y with about f i f t e e n groups remaining ( F i g . 5_5<i) . At the s i x t h l e v e l of the hierarchy, the majority of trappers f e l l i n t o the non- s p e c i a l i s t group even i n the more peripheral settlements. Of the s p e c i a l i s t groups the largest (Group 2) was one i n which mink appeared more prominently than other species i n d i c a t i n g an o r i e n t a t i o n towards the Delta. Even f o r t h i s group the quantities of mink traded were small and only two trappers from Aklavik ( i n Group 3) were d i s - tinguished by large mink takes. The remaining s p e c i a l i s t groups showed a strong emphasis on marten trapping (Group k), a weaker emphasis on marten trapping i n combination with mink (Group 5)t and an emphasis on white fox (Group 6). The as s o c i a t i o n between c e r t a i n trapping s p e c i a l i t i e s and c e r t a i n settlements which was noted f o r previous years was s t i l l present though i n v e s t i g i a l form. Of the sample analyzed only two of the 22 trappers (9 per cent) from Tuktoyaktuk could be d i s - tinguished as s p e c i a l i s t white fox trappers and two as marten trappers. In A r c t i c Red River eight out of f i f t e e n trappers (53 per cent) i n the sample could be regarded as marten trappers though only two of these trapped marten i n l a r g e r q u a n t i t i e s . Where i n previous seasons f o r a trapper not to have belonged to a s p e c i a l i s t group generally indicated that h i s major trapping i n t e r e s t was i n muskrat, t h i s was not ne c e s s a r i l y true i n the 1963-64 seasons. As might be expected from the low trapping incomes, even muskrat takes were low f o r a great number of people ( F i g . 5-12). Thus membership i n the non - s p e c i a l i s t group indicated 1963-1964 SEASON Mackenzie Delta Aklavik Fort McPherson Arctic Red River Tuktoyaktuk •Inuvik and Reindeer Station 0- 100- 200- 300- 400- 500- 600- 700- 800- 900- Over 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 1000 1000 ANNUAL MUSKRAT TAKE Pig. 5-12 Muskrat Takes from Mackenzie Delta Trappers, 1963-64 f o r many an absence of any trapping i n t e r e s t at a l l . Thi.s was e s p e c i a l l y so i n A r c t i c Red River and Tuktoyaktuk where, unlike the previous seasons analyzed, muskrat had l a r g e l y ceased to feature i n the array of species trapped* The conclusion to be drawn from t h i s i s that where i n previous seasons a withdrawl from s p e c i a l i s t trapping in d i c a t e d a bias towards the Delta, and e s p e c i a l l y towards the muskrat harvest, by the mid-sixties i t indicated instead a withdrawal from trapping altogether towards some al t e r n a t i v e occupation. The extent to which a l t e r n a t i v e occupations were represented by wage employment w i l l be considered i n the following chapter. Since the sample f o r the 1963-64 season was r e l a t i v e l y small, the p r o f i l e s of a l l trappers i n each settlement were also analyzed and f i t t e d into the taxonomy which had emerged from the gross analysis of the Delta as a whole. Thus i n A r c t i c Red River there were found to be three trappers of the t o t a l af 3 3 f a l l i n g i n t o a group i d e n t i - f i e d i n the gross analysis as s p e c i a l i s t marten trappers (Group 4) and nine with a weaker bias towards marten trapping ( i n Group 5)» The structure of the hierarchy f o r A r c t i c Red River ( F i g . 5 -13) indicated, by the f a c t that branching occurred at higher l e v e l s f o r the s p e c i a l i s t than f o r the n o n - s p e c i a l i s t group, that the former had more heterogeneous trapping p r o f i l e s . S i m i l a r l y i n Tuktoyaktuk there were found to be eight s p e c i a l i s t white fox trappers ( i n Group 6) and nine marten trappers ( i n Group k) both also showing greater heterogeneity than the n o n - s p e c i a l i s t group ( F i g . 5 - l 4 ) . Therefore, i n the peripheral settlements where trapping specialisms were s t i l l quite entrenched, the differences i n performance among the s p e c i a l i s t s v a r i e d widely. In Aklavik there were 31 trappers showing s l i g h t l y higher takes of mink (Group 2) i n a d d i t i o n to two who showed very high takes (Group 3 )• Also a f u r t h e r small group of three s p e c i a l i s t marten trappers which had not appeared i n the analysis of the Delta as a whole was revealed by the f i n e r grained analysis and s i g n i f i c a n t l y a l l three memebers of the group were known to have trapped i n the Anderson River area. In Fort McPherson 4 — >K 5 ^ 7 — -} FTE*S GROUPEO 1 10 6 7 25 34 15 14 27 3 20 30 13 29 8 11 19 24 STEP ! J ERROR 4 26 32 21 33 9 12 28 * 2 5 16 31 22 18 17 23 * 1 23 27 0.5C 000000 * 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 l _ l 1 2 9 18 1.5C000C00 * 1 ) 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 M 1-1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 * 3 13 21 2.5CCOO00O + 1 I I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I J 1 1 I I 1 M 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 * 4 13 31 4 . 16666603 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 L I I I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 11 12 6 .16666603 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I I 1 1 1 1 1 1 L I 1 1 1 1 1 1 • 6 29 33 8.16666603 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 r i i i i i i i u i i i i I I i i i i I I * 7 9 15 1C.4C.99S90 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 l l I I I l i I I I i I i I I i i i i i i * 8 30 32 12.9999990 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 I J 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 1 1 *. 9 14 19 16.4S99847 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I J 1 1 1 10 9 11 20 .3666382 * 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 M i l l I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 * 11 9 17 27 .1666260 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 * 12 25 29 35 .8332825 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 M i l l 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 * 13 22 34 49 .3332825 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I I 1 1 I J 1 1 1 1 1 1 14 7 13 64 .6665955 * 1 1 1 1 1 I I I I 1 1 1 1 I I I 1 1 1 1 1 * 15 9 14 80 .2915344 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I I 1 1 I 1 I I 1 1 1 1 1 * 16 7 25 100.481949 * 1 I I 1 1.1 1 I I 1 1 l _ . 1 I I 1 I I I * 17 9 28 129.356888 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I I 1 1 1 I I 1 1 1 1 * 18 6 30 160.856888 * 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I I I I I * 19 23 24 192.356888 * I I 1 1 1 1 1 I I I 1 1 1 1 l _ l * 20 20 26 224.356888 * I I 1 1 1 I J I I I I I I I t  21 1 3 264.856689 * 1_l M M I I I 1 I I I I * 22 2 10 3 2 5 . 8 566 89 * 1 I I I 1 I I I 1 I I I I * 23 6 16 394.856689 I 1 T i 1 1 1 1 I I I I * 24 8 9 474.356445 * i i i i I I I I I _ I I * 25 2 20 57C.656201 * i i i i I I I I 1 1 * 26 7 22 680 .054199 * i i i 1 1 1 1 1 1 27 8 23 829.168701 * i i i I I 1 1 1 * 28 1 4 1136.66E70 * i 1 i I I I 1 * 29 5 6 1510.86865 * i i I I I 1 * 30 7 8. 2264.92017 * i i 1 1 1 * 31 2 5 3187.10645 l l 1 1 * 32 1 2 6727.375CC *' i i 1 * 33 1 7 20595.6250 * i . . , . J * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * . * * » • * * . * « * * * » * * » * * * . * * * *. » * * S T R U C T U R E O F T H E H I E R A R C H Y , A R C T I C R E D R I V E R 1 9 6 3 - 6 4 Pig. 5 -13 Hierarchical Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s , Structure of the Hierarchy, A r c t i c Red River, 1963-1964 4 6 —K 2 f * 4 > " I T E M S GROUPED I 2ft 2 4 20 12 . 4 8 4 2 3 7 4 5 32 9 14 7 23 1 0 3 5 3 2 7 2 4 5 4 4 3 0 43 15 3 9 S T E P I J ERROR 4 7 4 9 4 0 3 3 13 18 2 8 17 46 5 0 6 19 16 1 1 21 29 3 1 31 41 36 2 5 34 23 8 51 * ' « 1 H 7*—6.Or606160—* I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I l_l I I I I I I I I I I I I ! I I' V I I I * 2 1 7 3 7 0 . 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I » 3 1 7 4 4 O . O C 0 0 0 3 0 P - I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 4 1 7 4 6 0 . 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 • I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 5 2 4 28 O.nrcOOSOC • | I I I I I.I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I.I I I I I I I I I I I II I I I I. I I I I * 6 3 0 50 0 . P C 0 0 0 6 0 0 ' I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I M I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I « 7 3"3 3* O . O f C O C 7 0 0 *~1 I I I I I I I I I I I I I CT I I I I I I I I I I I I I . I I I I I I ' I I I I I I I I r~* 8 4 1 48 o . n r o c c n o o • I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I l_l I I I I I II I I I I I I I I I I I N * , 9 2 l O O . 5 G P 0 C 7 9 9 * | I I | | | I | |_| I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I II I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 10 9 15 1 . T 0 O C 7 6 3 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I II I I I I I I I.I I I I I I * 11 13 31 1 . 5 0 C 0 C 7 6 3 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I IJ I I I I I I I I I II I I I I I I I I I I I I * 12 2 3 32 2 . 0 0 0 0 0 7 6 3 > I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I- I I I II I I-1 j j j [ ! I ! ! I * IT ITS 41 2 . bl 6 6 7 3 6 6 * I I I | I Tl I I I I I I I TT I T~l I I I I i~I I I I I T I I I I I I I I I * 14 17 34 3 . 5 O 0 O 0 4 7 7 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I II I II I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 15 2 40 4 . 3 3 3 3 3 7 7 8 ' I I I I I I I I I I I I I J I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 16 2 3 43 5 . 1 6 6 6 7 C 8 0 * I I I I I I I I I I I I S\ I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I II I I I I I I * 17 17 45 6 . 0 4 7 6 2 0 7 7 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I II I II I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 18 18 24 7 . 3 8 C 9 5 C 9 3 • I I I I I I I I I I I I I II I II I I I I I I I I II I I I I I I » ~~F> TT, 4 2 8 . 8 8 8 9 5 0 9 3 H I I I I I I I I TTH I I I I T~l I Tin I I I T~I I II I I I * 2 0 17 3 0 1 0 . 4 9 9 9 9 0 5 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 I I I I I II I II I I I * 21 19 51 1 2 . 4 9 9 9 5 0 5 * | | I | I I | | I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I l_l I I I * 22 4 35 1 4 . 9 9 9 9 9 0 5 * I I I I I I I I I I l_l I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 23 12 27 1 7 . 9 9 5 9 8 4 7 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I l_l I I I I I I I I I I I I * 24 17 23 2 1 . 2 4 9 9 5 4 2 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I -1 II I I I I I « 4" 3~3" 2 4 . 4 9 9 9 3 9 0 *~\ I I I I X~l I I I I I I I I I I 1 I I I I I I 1 I T* 2 6 3 13 2 7 . S 9 9 9 3 9 0 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 27 2 29 2 3 . 4 , 1 6 5 9 5 5 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 28 7 4 7 3 9 . 9 1 6 5 9 5 5 * I l_l I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I' I I I I * 29 14 39 4 6 . 4 1 6 5 9 5 5 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I l_ I I * 30 18 36 5 3 . 2 0 2 2 8 5 8 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 37. 4" 27! 6 U . - 6 5 2 2 6 7 5 *~\ I I I I I I I I I I I I I I ~ l I I I I V» 32 9 19 7 0 . 9 0 2 2 5 2 2 ' I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 33 12 18 81 . 1 7 2 0 5 8 1 * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 34 5 17 " 6 . 1 7 8 4 2 1 0 • I I I I I I I I I I I I ; I I I I I I * 3 5 1 7 1 1 3 . 6 7 8 4 2 1 * I I I I I I I I I I I I . I I ' I I * 36 3 12 1 3 3 . 2 0 6 1 0 0 T | I I I I I I I I I . I I I I I I * 77 i ti 1 5 6 . 7 C 6 i r o * r i i r~i I I I I I l_U I I T* 38 3 5 1 9 8 . 8 5 9 3 1 4 » I I I I I I I I I I I I I I * 3 9 2 4 2 6 6 . 0 2 0 0 2 C * I I I I I I I I I • I I I » . 4 0 11 26 4 2 9 . 0 2 " C 2 C * I |_I I I I I I I I I I * 4 1 6 9 6 1 4 . 4 3 6 2 7 9 * I I I I I I I I I I I » 4 2 22 4 9 9 0 8 . 9 3 6 2 7 9 * I I l_l I I I _J I I * 4T 7 3 1329.3671)?—* I I I I I 1 ~1 ~~I H* 44 1 11 2 0 5 5 . 1 6 6 9 9 * I I I I I I I I * 45 6 14 2 7 9 3 . 1 2 3 0 5 * I I I I I 1 I * 46 1 22 5 8 0 6 . 6 7 1 8 8 * I I I I I I * 4 7 2 6 1 1 1 5 4 . 5 9 3 7 * I I I I I * 48 1 21 2 3 1 C 7 . 3 2 S 1 * I I I : I * 4 9 2 16 35B89*. 1 2 5 C * I ' I ' * 50 1 2 1 0 4 4 9 0 . 8 1 2 * I I * * » S T R U C T U R E OF THE H I E R A R C H Y , T U K T O Y A K T U K 1963-64 Pig. 5-14 H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping of Trapping P r o f i l e s , Structure of the Hierarchy, Tuktoyaktuk, 1 9 6 3 - 1 9 6 4 there were found to be f i f t e e n trappers with a s l i g h t emphasis on mink ( i n Group 2) and twelve with a s l i g h t emphasis on marten (Group 5)« In Inuvik and Reindeer Station, thirty-one of the trappers showed a weak emphasis on mink. Table 5-8 C h a r a c t e r i s t i c S p e c i a l i s t Trapping Groups, by Settlement, 1963-64 No. i n Settlement Group Percentage A r c t i c Red River ( i ) Marten trappers ( i i ) Trappers with a bias to marten Tuktoyaktuk ( i ) White fox trappers ( i i ) Marten trappers Aklavik ( i ) Mink trappers ( i i ) Trappers with bias to mink ( i i i ) Marten trappers Fort McPherson Trappers with bias to mink Trappers with bias to marten dl] Inuvik and Reindeer Station ( i ) Trappers with bias to mink 9 9 26 8 16 9 18 2 1 31 22 3 2 15 12 12 10 31 32 C l e a r l y by the 1963-64 season even i n the peripheral settlements the i n t e r e s t i n trapping species from the more distant trapping areas had diminished considerably 6 . Trapping Camp Locations and Trapping P r o f i l e s Given the d e c l i n i n g importance of the trapping of species common outside the Delta shown i n Table 5 - 8 , muskrat assumes much greater importance as an i n d i c a t o r of i n t e r e s t i n trapping i n the s i x t i e s than i n previous decades. Consequently muskrat was now included i n the analysis of f u r takes f o r the 1 9 6 4 - 6 5 season i n order to d i s t i n g u i s h what might be termed serious trappers from those who held a general hunting l i c e n c e to trap or hunt as a weekend sport. The term "serious" and "part- time" are of course r e l a t i v e though the concepts would be well recognized by Delta residents. Though an a r b i t r a r y d i s t i n c t i o n might be made between the two classes - i n terms of income, say - the h i e r a r c h i c a l grouping procedure allowed a more objective measure. The trapping p r o f i l e s of a l l trappers i n the three l a r g e r settlements of Inuvik, 1 Fort McPherson and Aklavik were grouped inclu d i n g a l l species and the composition Including Reindeer Sta t i o n . of the groups analyzed at the l e v e l of grouping at which the greatest acceleration.of the ESS curve was experienced. I t was assumed that the dichotomization of trappers i n t o "serious* and "part-time" would be indicated at t h i s stage, at which the most unli k e groups were being combined. The most rapid a c c e l - eration took place at the f o u r t h 1 l e v e l f o r Inuvik and Port McPherson, and the second f o r Aklavik. Table 5-9 Mackenzie Delta Settlements, 1964-65 SETTLEMENT TRAPPERS "Serious" "Part -time" Inuvik Aklavik Fort McPherson 53 (3 Groups) 22 (1 Group) 51 (3 Groups) 58 ( 129 ( 71 ( 1 Group) 1 Group) 1 Group) It has been suggested that one of the character, i s t i c s of trapping i n the s i x t i e s i n the Mackenzie Delta i s that i t i s strongly associated with the settlements. While i n the past trapping, and Excluding groups c o n s i s t i n g of one i n d i v i d u a l e s p e c i a l l y what has been i d e n t i f i e d as s p e c i a l i t y trapping, involved maintaining a winter or spring camp often at some distance from the Delta settlements, th i s was not n e c e s s a r i l y true i n the 1 9 6 0 fs. In order to examine the extent to which "serious" trapping was c a r r i e d out from the settlements, the locations of a l l winter and spring camps were obtained f o r the 1964-65 season and plotted on a map of the Delta ( F i g . 5-15)»^ Those camps occupied by trappers c l a s s i - f i e d as "serious" were next i d e n t i f i e d and found to comprise a large proportion of the t o t a l . Of the "serious" Inuvik trappers, 45 per cent maintained camps, 50 per cent of those of Aklavik and 71 per cent 2 of those of Fort McPherson. In other words, about one h a l f of the trappers of Inuvik and Aklavik who These were obtained by personal communication with t h e i r occupants i n many cases and checked with the Game Of f i c e s at Aklavik and Fort McPherson. Z A few of the F t . McPherson people had camps on the Peel River and are consequently not shown on F i g . 5-15*  produced more sub s t a n t i a l muskrat takes nonetheless d i d t h e i r trapping or hunting out of the settlement. That the proportion was much less f o r Port McPherson may be ascribed e i t h e r to the f a c t that the "old ways" had lasted there longer, as shown also i n the previous analysis by the persistence of s p e c i a l i s t trappers, or to the f a c t that the settlement i s further from the better muskrat hunting areas of the Delta. 7• Conclusions This chapter has attempted to i n f e r from the species which trappers have offered i n trade the areas which they have u t i l i z e d and the ways i n which these have changed over a period of some three decades. Since the Mackenzie Delta i s an area of some d i v e r s i t y i n which a number of d i f f e r e n t e c o l o g i c a l regimes may be supported i t i s possible to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between trappers on the basis of the array of species they trap. This i s not so f o r many other parts of the North, where trappers engage i n a uniform pattern of trapping a c t i v i t y and may only be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n terms of the enthusiasm and success with which they pursue i t . In the Mackenzie Delta i t i s possible to d i s t i n g u i s h trappers on the basis of whether they trap the Delta i t s e l f close to the settlements with minimal equipment and therefore produce an array of species i n whicn muskrat predominates, or whether they trap more distant areas with more s p e c i a l i z e d equipment and therefore produce an array which i s characterized by other more valuable f u r species. The analysis has shown that on the basis of the array of species trapped summarized as what has been termed a trapping p r o f i l e , groups of s p e c i a l i z e d trappers have been c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y associated with p a r t i c u l a r settlements. For example, beaver trapping was associated s l i g h t l y with A r c t i c Red River i n 1931-32 and much more strongly i n 19^0-41; marten trapping with A r c t i c Red River and Tuktoyaktuk i n a l l years; and white fox trapping with Tuktoyaktuk i n 19^0-41 and s l i g h t l y i n 1950-51. Since i t was known that these species are abundant i n p a r t i c u l a r areas, the settlements i n which s p e c i a l i s t trapping groups were s i g n i f i c a n t could be associated with these areas* Thus during the period i n question the resource u t i l i z a t i o n pattern could be conceptualized as a nodal one i n which c e r t a i n areas were t r i b u t a r y to c e r t a i n settlements. I t i s c l e a r however that during the period from 1931-32 to 195O-5I t h i s nodal structure became weaker as more trappers abandoned trapping specialisms r e q u i r i n g them to go to more dis t a n t areas and conver- ged upon the Delta. In Fort McPherson and Aklavik, both e a s i l y access- i b l e to the Delta and less accessible to more s p e c i a l i z e d trapping areas, most trappers f e l l i n t o groups that were characterized by large q u a n t i t i e s of muskrat, e i t h e r appearing alone or i n combination with other Delta species such as mink. While i n the early part of the period most trappers even from the more peripheral settlements produced s u b s t a n t i a l numbers of muskrat, i n f e r r i n g that i t was common f o r them to converge upon the Delta f o r spring " r a t t i n g " , t h i s was not so i n the l a t e r part of the period. The r e g i s t r a t i o n of trapping areas i n the Delta tended to s t a b i l i z e the muskrat harvest f o r a while, but the construction of Inuvik was evidently a d i s r u p t i v e force. Many people abandoned t h e i r trapping areas to work i n the new town's construction and the s p a t i a l nature of the muskrat harvest changed such that less e f f o r t was directed towards the area of the Delta c l o s e s t to the construction s i t e . By the mid-sixties few trappers indeed were s p e c i a l i z i n g i n those species which could only be produced i n quantity from the more distant areas, and though some specialisms could s t i l l be associated with c e r t a i n settlements, t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n was very weak. Most trappers from a l l settlements except Tuktoyaktuk now showed an o r i e n t a t i o n towards the Delta which would indicate e i t h e r an emphasis on muskrat or that trapping had ceased to be important at a l l . The f a c t that musk- rat takes were also low would indicate that the l a t t e r was the case. An objective measure of "serious" and "part-time" trapping indicated that most people trapping f u r s did so on part-time basis and that t h e i r major income had to come from other sources. However, of these many- s t i l l maintained camps i n the Delta, and only f o r Fort McPherson people were the majority of camps occupied by serious trappers. This would i n d i c a t e that even f o r those f o r whom trapping was no longer a vi a b l e a c t i v i t y , the allegiance to the land was s u f f i c i e n t l y strong f o r them to follow patterns of a c t i v i t y associated with trapping even when these had l o s t whatever economic rat i o n a l e they may have had. On the other hand, the allegiance to the settlements was s u f f i c i e n t l y strong to deter them from trapping the more d i s t a n t areas. The question remains whether th i s a l legiance was expressed i n simply l i v i n g i n the town or being incorporated into the town's economy, and t h i s w i l l be dealt with i n the following chapter. CHAPTER VI INFVIK'S EVOLVING ECONOMY J TRENDS IN WAGE EMPLOYMENT 1. Introduction The changes within the trapping hinterland analyzed i n the preceding chapter were accompanied by p a r a l l e l changes i n the settlements as erstwhile trappers were drawn into the wage economy. Since job opportunities have been very much greater i n Inuvik than i n any other settlement during the h i s t o r y of the Mackenzie Delta, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that these changes have been greatest there. Indeed Inuvik may be taken as the paradigm of a new north i n which the majority of native and transient people w i l l l i v e i n an urbanized environment. The f a c t that most northern settlements have populations of only a few hundred people at maximum should not obscure the f a c t that the l i f e s t y l e s followed i n them are e s s e n t i a l l y urban. I t i s thus not misleading to consider the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l change occurring i n the f a r north as concomitants of urbanization that bear some comparison with that process as i t takes place i n the l e s s developed countries (cf_. Breese, 19661 e s p e c i a l l y Chapter 3 ) . I t has become almost commonplace to suggest that t h i s process c a r r i e s many problems f o r the Indian or Eskimo person caught up i n i t . Recent immigrants to urban areas i n other parts of the world share these problems, which include an unpreparedness to compete su c c e s s f u l l y i n the urban economy (ibid,; 77) » the tension f e l t i n the c o n f l i c t between the non-urban and the urban cultures (ibid.: 8 6 ) , and the a n t i - s o c i a l r e s u l t s of these tensions which are r e f l e c t e d i n alcoholism, crime and mental disorder, e s p e c i a l l y amongst the young (ibid.: 7^, 8 7 ) . The fa c t that i n the North the ac c u l t u r a t i v e process involves the accommo- dation not only to urban values but to white urban values adds another dimension to the problem. The f i r s t part of t h i s study has made i t c l e a r that ethnic i d e n t i t y i s more confused i n the Mackenzie Delta than i n perhaps any other part of the Canadian North. Though over a century of ethnic admixture has produced a people i n which the pure Eskimo, Indian or European s t r a i n i s uncommon, nonetheless the contrasts between the person who has been raised i n the Mackenzie Delta and he who has been raised outside are strong indeed. I t i s the l a t t e r however who represents the dominant norms and values. Studies of recent c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l change i n the North have noted the emergence of a typology of native peoples expressed i n terms of the degree to which they exhibit at l e a s t s u p e r f i c i a l conformity to these norms and values. F r i e d ( 1 9 6 4 ) , Honigmann and Honigmann ( 1 9 6 5 ) , Saario and Kessel ( 1 9 6 6 ) and Vallee ( 1 9 6 7 ) have a l l drawn attention to the p o l a r i z a t i o n of native people into those with a town and those with a bush o r i e n t a t i o n as a key c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the s o c i a l structure of northern settlements. Underlying t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s what the Honigmanns ( 1 9 6 5 s 7 7 ) have c a l l e d a "dual a l l e g i a n c e " to the land and to the settlement, one of the aspects of which, that of the commitment towards trapping, has been considered i n the previous chapter. This chapter w i l l consider the other aspect of the absorption of native peoples i n t o urban l i f e i n the important sector of wage employment. In a l l the studies referr e d to above, acceptance of wage employment i s considered to be a prime index of a c c u l t u r a t i o n l a r g e l y because i t implies a number of other things f o r the native person, inclu d i n g above a l l the r e j e c t i o n of a way of l i f e based upon the resources of the land and the severing of a number of t r a d i t i o n a l l y sanctioned s o c i a l and economic arrangements. The preceding chapter considered the extent to which the r e j e c t i o n of the bush l i f e was r e f l e c t e d i n changes i n the s p a t i a l organization of trapping. I f migration to an urban centre i s seen as the r e s u l t of both "push" and " p u l l " f a c t o r s (Breese, 1966: 80), then these changes may be said to characterize the former rather than the l a t t e r . In t h i s present chapter, the more p o s i t i v e aspects of incorporation into the wage economy are considered. The analysis which follows i s based on surveys c a r r i e d out i n the summers of 1965 and 1 9 6 8 . In the f i r s t of these, a l l employers i n the settlements of the Delta were asked f o r l i s t s of t h e i r employees arranged by monthly income and ethnic status. The analysis of t h i s data presented i n a preliminary report to the Northern Coordination and Research Centre ( l a t e r Northern Science Research Group) of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development revealed c e r t a i n generalizations and trends (Wolforth, [ 1 9 6 6 ] ) . With few exceptions, employment f o r wages was based on non-basic rather than basic a c t i v i t i e s and the e x p l o i t a t i o n of natural resources was almost e n t i r e l y i n the hands of private i n d i v i d u a l s working alone and generally l i v i n g l i t t l e above the subsis- tence l e v e l . Inuvik 1s economy i n p a r t i c u l a r was very strongly biassed towards those service a c t i v i t i e s d i r e c t e d to the settlement i t s e l f rather than the wider region. In Inuviij. the majority of permanent jobs were held by transient whites from outside the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and many of these, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n government service, seemed to have a very weak commitment to the north and often exhibited a •"time- serving" a t t i t u d e towards t h e i r jobs and the settlement. Those native people who were employed generally had jobs i n the less s k i l l e d , lower s a l a r i e d occupations and the v e r t i c a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of employment on an ethnic basis was a f a i r l y widespread source of f r u s t r a t i o n among them, with s o c i a l and psychological consequences which has been noted by other researchers i n the area (Ervin, 1 9 6 8 ; Lubart, 1 9 6 9 , 1 9 7 0 ) . A major purpose of the l a t e r survey was to determine whether these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s had a l t e r e d over the three year period and to indicate trends. Though confined e n t i r e l y to the settlement of Inuvik, the 1 9 6 8 survey was very much more d e t a i l e d than that of 1 9 6 5 . As i n the e a r l i e r survey, a l l employers i n Inuvik were polle d , but with a questionnaire which e l i c i t e d more d e t a i l e d information f o r each employee on t h e i r p a y r o l l (See Appendix C). Though employers were not asked to i d e n t i f y employees by name i t was possible i n some cases to cross-check data with the employers themselves and to gain more de t a i l e d but i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c data from interviews i n depth. 2. The Structure of Inuvik's Labour Force i n 1968 In the summer of 1968 there were 6 1 0 1 people i n Inuvik e i t h e r working f o r wages or i n private businesses on t h e i r own behalf. This represented an increase of 40 per cent over the comparable f i g u r e f o r the summer of 1965. In t h i s three year period there had been some small growth i n the private sector, but the lar g e s t growth had occurred i n the government establishment. The functions of Inuvik had remained e s s e n t i a l l y unchanged, that of administrative and supply centre 1 Excluding armed service personnel attached to C.F.S. Inuvik, RCMP o f f i c e r s and r e l i g i o u s f u n c t i o n a r i e s not working i n childrensJ. h o stels. f o r the northern part of the Mackenzie D i s t r i c t , but although no s i g n i f i c a n t resource base had appeared i n the period, the discovery of o i l at Prudhoe Bay i n Alaska and the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of exploration associated with the Panarctic scheme had raised expectations concerning the settlement's p o t e n t i a l f o r growth, to which may be ascribed some at lea s t of the expansion i n the private sector. Of the 598 persons working f o r wages i n 1968, no fewer than 23 per cent were i n service occupations, of whom 49 per cent were drawn from the Mackenzie Delta, Ik per cent from elsewhere i n the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and the remaining 37 per cent from the South. In addition, 5 per cent of the labour force were employed i n managerial and o f f i c i a l occupations, 13 per cent i n professional occupations, 13 per cent i n c l e r i c a l occupations, k per cent i n sales, 6 per cent i n transportation, 3 per cent i n s k i l l e d trades, Ik per cent i n maintenance, and the remaining 17 per cent were labourers. Like that of other northern communities the labour force was r e l a t i v e l y young. Only 26 per cent of those employed f o r wages or s a l a r i e s were over 40 years of age i n 1968, 23 per cent were i n t h e i r t h i r t i e s and 37 P e r cent i n t h e i r twenties. This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was marked both f o r men and women. Of the 374 males i n the labour force, 29 per cent were over 40 years of age, 23 per cent were i n t h e i r t h i r t i e s and 35 P e r cent i n t h e i r twenties: of the 222 females, 22 per cent were over kO, 21 per cent i n t h e i r t h i r t i e s and 4 l per cent i n t h e i r twenties. This bias i n the labour force toward young workers was represented by a predominance of whites i n other age groups. Of a l l the workers i n t h e i r twenties, 51 per cent were white; of workers i n t h e i r t h i r t i e s , 67 per cent; i n t h e i r f o r t i e s , 67 per cent; and i n t h e i r f i f t i e s , 60 per cent. Only amongst the adolescents did native workers predominate, since 47 per cent of the teenagers i n the labour force were Eskimo, 18 per cent Indian and 27 per cent Metis (Table 6 - 1 ) . The Inuvik Labour Force, by Age, Sex and Ethnic Status, 1968 N.R. Whites Eskimos Indians Metis T o t a l Age M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T N.R.1 6 1 9 2 14 18 32 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 20 19 4 l 2 10-19 0 0 0 2 2 4 12 9 21 6 2 8 9 3 12 29 16 45 20-29 0 1 1 75 38 113 32 25 57 7 16 23 15 11 26 129 91 220 30-39 0 0 0 58 33 91 18 8 26 3 6 0 10 0 10 89 47 136 40-49 0 0 0 43 19 62 14 3 17 2 2 4 7 2 9 66 26 92 50-59 0 0 0 17 13 30 6 2 8 2 3 5 3 4 7 28 22 50 60-69 0 0 0 8 0 8 3 1 4 1 0 1 l 0 1 13 1 14 Totals 6 2 10 217 123 340 85 48 133 21 29 50 45 20 65 374 222 598 In a l l tables, nN.R." = not recorded. Including two subjects f o r whom sex was not recorded. As i n 1 9 6 5 there were more whites than natives i n the labour f o r c e . In the e a r l i e r survey i t was found that 6 5 per cent of the labour force was white, 1 7 per cent Eskimo, 1 0 per cent Indian and 8 per cent Metis. In 1 9 6 8 since the absolute number of whites had remained almost unchanged while the t o t a l labour force had expanded, the percentage of whites had dropped. In 1 9 6 8 , 5 7 per cent of the labour force was white, 2 2 per cent Eskimo, 8 per cent Indian and 1 1 per cent Metis (Table 6 - 2 ) . As suggested previously (Wolforth, £ l 9 6 6 j : Ik), the white predominance i n the labour force can r e s u l t i n the native person being regarded as a "bystander to the economic scene," r e s u l t i n g from his being i l l - e q u i p p e d by previous t r a i n i n g to f i l l the majority of occupations that an administrative centre l i k e Inuvik contains. Unlike the settlements of previous eras, Inuvik from i t s beginnings employed a large number of people whose jobs were not d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the northern m i l i e u and many of which would appear incomprehensible to the native person. As F r i e d (1964) notes, the phase of urbanization which occurred i n the North a f t e r 1950 was characterized by the appearance of large numbers of white administrators, technicians, teachers and other p r o f e s s i o n a l people with weak grounds f o r s o c i a l interchange with the indigenous population. Table 6-2 Ethnic Composition of the Inuvik Labour Force, 1965 and 1968 1965 1968 Number Percentage Number Percentage of t o t a l of t o t a l White 320 65 per cent 3^0 57 per cent Eskimo 83 17 11 tt 133 22 n n Indian 50 10 11 it 50 8 11 n Metis 36 8 w It 65 11 •t •t N.R. 0 0 n II 10 2 « 11 489 100 per cent 598 100 per cent I t appears then that i n the three year period between the two surveys, the involvement of native peoples i n wage employment had advanced somewhat. In p a r t i c u l a r while the number of employed whites and Indians has remained s t a t i c the number of employed Eskimo and Metis has increased considerably. Eskimo employment has increased 60 per cent over i t s 1965 value, and Metis employment 80 per c e n t . 1 3. The Ethnic Dimension of Employment The structure of employment i n Inuvik has a strongly ethnic dimension with whites generally i n the dominant and others i n the subordinate r o l e s . Since Inuvik was conceived as a northern outpost of an almost e x c l u s i v e l y white administrative community, i t i s hardly s u r p r i s i n g that t h i s pattern has p e r s i s t e d , even i n the face of a growing native involvement i n employment. The northerner enters the employment f i e l d Though the terms "native" and "indigenous" person are sometimes thought to carry a p e r j o r a t i v e connotation, they are inescapable i f any u s e f u l generalizations are to be made about the r e a d i l y observable differences which e x i s t within the popu- l a t i o n . In t h i s work both terms have been used to define people who because of t h e i r ancestry may be considered native to the area whether Eskimos, Indians or Metis. The term "white" has been used to r e f e r to a l l others whether they are long-term or short-term residents i n the area or i n the t e r r i t o r i a l North and the term "northerner" reserved f o r those born i n the t e r r i t o r i a l North, whether of Eskimo, Indian, Metis or white ancestry. For the s t a t i s t i c a l ../.. through those occupations r e q u i r i n g a minimum of education and t r a i n i n g and seldom achieves the means of becoming upwardly mobile. Thus, i n 1968, 13 years a f t e r the dec i s i o n to e s t a b l i s h Inuvik had been set in t o motion, 86 per cent of those i n managerial and o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s were from outside the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , plus 96 per cent of professionals and 65 per cent of c l e r i c a l workers. In contrast, 79 per cent of the labourers were from the Mackenzie Delta (Table 6-3). This f a c t o r showed a strong e f f e c t on the wage structure. In 1965, 93 per cent of a l l employed Eskimo persons, 82 per cent of a l l employed Indian persons, and 80 per cent of a l l employed Metis persons earned l e s s than $350 per month while, i n contrast, 71 per cent of a l l employed white persons earned more than t h i s amount ( F i g . 6-1). In 1968, wages had r i s e n generally with those of the country at large and there had been some tendency also f o r Eskimo, analysis on which t h i s chapter i s based required s p e c i f i c working d e f i n i t i o n s are given i n Appendix C. 1 4 0 120 100 2 C $ CD ni Hi $ "0 o -< PV 8 0 6 0 4 0 2 0 WAGE EMPLOYMENT, BY INCOME a ETHNIC STATUS W H I T E M E T I S I N D I A N E S K I M O 4 5 0 and above MONTHLY INCOME (Dollars) Pig. 6-1 Wage Employment by Income and Ethnic Status, Inuvik, 1965 The Inuvik Labour Force by Occupational Category and Place of Origin, 1968. Mackenzie Elsewhere i n Outside the Delta NVT or Yukon NWT or Yukon T o t a l Managers, O f f i c i a l s 1 2 25 29 P r o f e s s i o n a l 3 0 77 80 C l e r i c a l 22 5 52 79 Sales 6 0 20 26 Service 68 19 51 139 Transport k 13 34 A g r i c u l t u r a l k 0 0 4 S k i l l e d Trades 10 2 8 20 Maintenance 22 6 57 85 Labourers 81 8 12 102 Indian and Metis people to move into the higher s a l a r i e d occupations. Even so, 64 per cent of a l l employed Eskimo persons and 80 per cent of a l l employed Indian persons earned l e s s than $450 per month while 69 per cent of a l l employed white persons earned more than t h i s amount. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , people of Metis o r i g i n seem to have been more successful i n moving int o the higher s a l a r i e d occupations during t h i s three year period, since 55 per* cent earned more than $450 per month i n 1968 (Table 6-4). Analysis i n d e t a i l reveals other differences between and within ethnic groups. Metis men had been the most successful at moving into the more highly paid occupations, since i n 1968, 58 per cent of a l l those employed earned more than $450 per month, compared with 52 per cent of a l l employed Eskimo men, and 33 per cent of a l l employed Indian men (Table 6-5). Among employed women, Metis also received higher s a l a r i e s than t h e i r Eskimo and Indian counterparts, though the smaller numbers make comparison l e s s v a l i d . Of a l l The Inuvik Labour Force, by Ethnic Status and Monthly Income, ( f u l l - t i m e employees only), 1968 MONTHLY INCOME(DOLLARS) N.R. Less than 200 2 0 0 - 250 250- 300 300- 350 350- 400 4oo- 450 450- 500 More than 500 T o t a l White 19 0 1 1 17 25 38 12 207 320 Eskimo 0 0 4 7 21 26 22 9 37 126 Indian 0 1 4 2 9 10 11 1 8 46 Metis 1 0 l 10 3 3 11 3 32 64 N.R. 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 T o t a l 20 1 10 20 51 64 82 25 284 557 employed Metis women, 63 per cent earned more than $400 per month compared with 36 per cent of Indian women and 17 per cent of Eskimo women (Table 6-5). Slobodin (1966: 105) has noted that although wage employment has been c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f o r Metis people since t h e i r appearance i n the Mackenzie D i s t r i c t i t has u s u a l l y been i n occupations connected with trans- p o r t a t i o n and the f u r trade, neither of which have required adherence to a r i g i d r outine. I t appears now that both male and female Metis are showing greater signs than e i t h e r the Eskimo or Indian people of adjusting to wage employment i n Inuvik, i f the r a p i d i t y of movement i n t o the higher s a l a r i e d occupations may be taken as a v a l i d c r i t e r i o n . This of course i s not due to any innate s u p e r i o r i t y based upon race, but rather upon the a b i l i t y to take advantage of at le a s t one aspect of marginality, that of being able to r e l a t e e f f e c t i v e l y to Eskimo and Indian people on the one hand and to whites on the other (Slobodin, 1966: 89). Also the clannishness The Inuvik Labour Force, by Ethnic Status, Monthly Income and Sex ( f u l l - t i m e employees only), 1968. MONTHLY INCOME (DOLLARS) N.R. Less than 200 200 250 1 — 1 250 300 1 300- 350 350 400 1 400 450 450- 500 More than 500 M. F. M. F. M. F. M. F. M. F. M. F. M. F. M. F. M. F. White 1 18 0 0 0 1 0 1 2 15 15 10 15 23 6 6 164 43 Eskimo 0 0 0 0 0 4 2 5 5 16 16 10 17 5 7 2 37 0 Indian 0 0 0 1 3 1 1 1 1 8 5 5 4 7 1 0 6 2 Metis 1 0 0 0 0 1 8 2 0 3 2 1 8 3 1 2 25 7 N.R. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total 2 18 0 1 3 7 11 9 8 43 38 26 44 38 15 10 232 5 2 sometimes exhibited by Metis people has r a m i f i c a t i o n s i n the employment f i e l d as at l e a s t one business a c t i v i t y owned by a Metis entrepreneur employed other Metis people almost e x c l u s i v e l y . The p o s s i b i l i t y of Metis people over-reacting to an implied stigma cannot be excluded. One Metis informant, f o r example, rece n t l y returned from a prison sentence, refused to accept s o c i a l assistance because of what he c a l l e d "Metis stubborness" and eventually acquired an excellent employment record "to show," he said, "the Regional Administrator I could do i t . " k. Educational Achievement Educational achievement has been represented i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , as elsewhere i n Canada, as the entree to well paying jobs. To a c e r t a i n extent also i t has been seen as a major remedy of the economic problems of native peoples. For example, i t has frequently been assumed that with increasing educational achievement, native peoples would gradually come to f i l l r o l e s which up to the present have been f i l l e d by outsiders. The assumption of course rests on the b e l i e f that young native people who have acquired a higher education are content to return to t h e i r northern home communities. To date few native adolescents have progressed beyond Grade 12 and con- sequently the evidence one way or the other i s slim. Of a l l permanent employees with a secondary education or more (283 i n a l l ) no fewer than 80 per cent were white, compared with 8 per cent Eskimo, 5 per cent Indian and 7 per cent Metis. In contrast, of a l l those with an elementary education or l e s s (181 i n a l l ) 37 per cent were white, 38 per cent Eskimo, 13 per cent Indian and 12 per cent Metis. A more d e t a i l e d breakdown of the t o t a l labour force of both permanent and temporary employment (Table 6-6) shows that 56 per cent of a l l Eskimo employees, kZ per cent of a l l Indian and 45 per cent of a l l Metis had not proceeded beyond the elementary grades. In contrast, 89 per cent of a l l white employees The Inuvik Labour Force, by Ethnic Status and Educational Achievement, 1968. Level of . T o t a l Educational White Eskimo Indian Metis ( i n c . N. R.) Achievement M. F. T. M. F. T . M. F .T. M. F. T. M. F. To N i l or N.R. 36 15 51 20 3 23 6 5 11 2 3 5 64 35 100 Elementary 31 8 38 48 27 75 18 3 21 20 9 29 117 47 164 Grade 8 & 9 16 6 22 5 6 11 4 0 4 6 3 9 31 15 46 Grade 10 61 5 66 9 4 13 7 2 9 6 7 13 83 18 101 Grade 12 61 6 67 2 3 5 1 0 1 6 0 6 70 9 79 Grade 12 & Voc. 68 6 74 6 0 6 3 1 4 2 1 3 79 8 87 U n i v e r s i t y 20 1 21 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 20 1 21 T o t a l 293 47 340 90 43 133 39 11 50 42 23 65 464 133 598 had at l e a s t some secondary education. Within Inuvik, however, there was some i n d i c a t i o n that education was opening some doors f o r Metis people. As elsewhere i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , education i s the preserve of the young. Of Inuvik's labour force of 1968, 56" per cent had some secondary education and of these, 55 per cent were les s than 30 years of age. For those with places of o r i g i n i n the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s t h i s correspondence of youth and educational achievement i s even more pronounced. Although only 3k per cent had some secondary education, no fewer than 91 per cent of these were l e s s than 30 years of age. On the other hand, p r a c t i c a l l y none of the employed persons with places of o r i g i n i n the t e r r i t o r i a l North and over 30 years of age had better than elementary education (Table 6 - 7 ) . People i n the middle age groups were i n the p o s i t i o n of lea s t choice since they u s u a l l y lacked s u f f i c i e n t education even to embark on programmes of vocational t r a i n i n g f o r adults, although some attempt had been made at o f f e r i n g upgrading programmes. For The Inuvik Labour Force, by Age and Educational Achievement,1968. (a) T o t a l Population MAXIMUM EDUCATIONAL LEVEL ACHIEVED Gr.12 Elemen- Grade 8 and Age N.R. tary or 9 Gr.10 Gr.12 Voc. Univ. Tota N.R. 35 0 0 0 6 0 0 41 Less than 20 5 15 7 14 2 2 0 45 20-29 21 47 20 38 39 51 4 220 30-39 12 45 14 23 15 21 6 136 40-49 12 35 2 17 13 8 5 92 50-59 13 16 3 7 2 5 4 50 6 0 - 6 9 2 6 0 2 2 0 2 14 To t a l 100 164 46 101 72 87 21 598 Table 6-7 The Inuvik Labour Force, by Age and Educational Achievement, 1968 (b) People with Origins i n the NWT and Yukon MAXIMUM EDUCATIONAL LEVEL ACHIEVED ' Gr7l2 ....... Elemen- Grade 8 and u> Ase N.R. tary or 9 Gr.10 Gr,12 Voc. Univ. T o t a l N.R. 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 Less than 20 4 15 7 13 1 2 0 42 2 0 - 2 9 14 kk 16 19 16 12 0 121 30-39 6 36 3 3 1 0 0 49 40-49 .7 25 0 0 0 0 0 32 5 0 - 5 9 9 12 1 0 0 0 0 22 6 0 - 6 9 2 6 0 0 0 0 0 8 To t a l 48 138 27 35 18 14 0 2e0 young people s t i l l i n school, or out of school f o r l e s s than three years, the prospects were much better both with regard to a v a i l a b l e vocational programmes and to acquiring f i n a n c i a l support. For those with more than a Grade 10 l e v e l of education, grants and loans were av a i l a b l e from the T e r r i t o r i a l Government f o r con- t i n u i n g education at i n s t i t u t e s of technology and f o r those with Grade 12, at u n i v e r s i t i e s . For young people who had been out of school f o r l e s s than three years, comparable f i n a n c i a l support was a v a i l a b l e from the Department of Manpower subject to evidence that the s k i l l being acquired would be u s e f u l i n the current labour market. In 1968 there were ten students from the ent i r e Mackenzie D i s t r i c t e n r o l l e d at u n i v e r s i t i e s and of these, only three were not the c h i l d r e n of outsiders (Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , much greater use however of the programmes of vocational t r a i n i n g i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and elsewhere. For example, adolescents from the Mackenzie Delta were ). The c h i l d r e n of native people were making being trained at various centres i n the south to be s e c r e t a r i e s , cooks, telecommunications workers, community health workers, nurses aides and e l e c t r i c i a n s * The generation of adolescents surveyed had greater opportunities f o r advancement than i t s pre- decessors. I t was also much more open to influence from the outside, not only through the media of communication, but also through d i r e c t contact. I t was, i n consequence, the generation which had shown most signs of s t r e s s . In p a r t i c u l a r , a knowledge of the world outside the North combined with r e s t r i c t e d access to i t had r e s u l t e d i n ambivalent at t i t u d e s towards employment. Adolescents sought the rewards of the outside world, but often shunned the means of achieving them. The Honda motorcycle, the 45-horse "Kicker" and the Skidoo provided the incentive f o r work but often only s u f f i c i e n t work required f o r t h e i r attainment. The ethie of work and i t s implications was a concept which as yet had not received wide acceptance. Adolescent boys benefitted from the r e l a t i v e l y uncompetitive employment f i e l d which had been created i n Inuvik. I t was possible even f o r those with very l i t t l e education to f i n d jobs much more e a s i l y than i t would be f o r t h e i r southern counterparts. Often, however, these were not "serious" jobs that could be expected to lead anywhere, even though they might be well remunerated. Since jobs were acquired r e l a t i v e l y e a s i l y they were consequently not highly valued, a f a c t which was r e f l e c t e d i n high job turnover rates f o r adolescent boys. That t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c may be shared by other northern communities i s indicated by the Honigmann*s study of Frobisher Bay where i t was noted that at the time of the study no adolescent boy had yet succeeded i n holding a steady job (Honigmann & Honigmann, 19651 179). 5 . Job Turnover Both i n 1965 and i n 1 9 6 8 , the turnover rate among employees was unusually high, and one job might i n a period of only a few months be occupied by several workers. Employers, e s p e c i a l l y those i n the government and quasi-government sectors, were tolerant of absenteeism on the whole and were generally prepared to re-eraploy a l l but the most consistent absentees. This was e s p e c i a l l y true f o r those jobs which d i d not require a high l e v e l of s k i l l s , and tended to encourage the existence of a large pool of u n s k i l l e d workers who would accept a job when they needed one and leave when they had had enough. Much of the employment i n Inuvik was seasonal i n any case, l a r g e l y due to the exigencies of climate, and to the f a c t that the pace of a l l economic a c t i v i t y ought to quicken i n the summer months. Of the 598 employees i n Inuvik i n 1968, only k6k were i n jobs that were regarded as permanent, of whom 276 were men and 188 women. Even among permanent employees the time spent i n any one job was often very short. In August 1968, 22 per cent of a l l permanent employees, 32 per cent of those from the Mackenzie Delta and 17 per cent of those from outside the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s had been i n the same job f o r l e s s than six months (Table 6-8a)• There were c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n s that job turnover was higher among Eskimo and Indian employees than among e i t h e r whites or Metis. T h i r t y - f i v e per cent of a l l permanently employed Eskimos, 33 per cent of Indians, 22 per cent of Metis and 18 per cent of whites had been i n the same job f o r l e s s than s i x months (Table 6-8b). Using the same index i t would appear also that tr a n s f e r was some- what higher among women than among men f o r the labour force as a whole. This was accounted f o r by the f a c t that 25 per cent of the permanent female employees from outside the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s had been i n the same job f o r l e s s than s i x months, com- pared with 16 per cent of the permanent male employees. For those with o r i g i n s i n the Mackenzie Delta, on the other hand, the percentages were very s i m i l a r : i n both cases about one-third of the employees had been i n the same job f o r les s than s i x months. The c o r r e l a t i o n between the amount of education Table 6-8a. Percentage of Permanent Employees who had been i n t h e i r Job at the Time of the Survey f o r l e s s than Six Months, by Sex and Place of Origin, 1968. Place of O r i g i n • Mackenzie Delta NVT & Yukon Outside T o t a l A l l Employees 32.2 22.2 17.0 22.4 Males Only 31.5 27.8 16.0 19.4 Females Only 33.3 16.7 25.2 27.1 Percentage of Permanent Employees who had been i n t h e i r Job at the Time of the Survey f o r le s s than Six Months, 1968, ( i ) By Sex and Ethnic Status White Eskimo Indian Metis T o t a l A l l Employees 17.4 34.5 33.3 21.4 22.4 Males Only 12.8 36.8 28.6 16.0 19.4 Females Only 24.8 30.3 36.0 23.5 27.1 £ ( i i ) By Education and Ethnic Status**- Elem. Educ. 20.9(14)30.9(16) 33*3 (8) 13.7(3) 26.0 (46) 16.4(37)45.5(5) 33.3 (5) 30.0(6) 20.5 (58) 1 F i g u r e s i n b r a c k e t s i n d i c a t e absolute numbers. received and attitude towards work has been noted elsewhere. Stevenson (1968: 8), f o r example, states that, with respect to employment on the Great Slave Lake Railway: "Eskimo men with grade school education only, seem to form two categories: Those with grade eight or higher i n d i c a t e a greater awareness and a n t i c i p a t i o n of the benefits to be derived from wage labour. They include men with vocational t r a i n i n g as well as those without t h i s added ben e f i t . The second category includes those with l e s s than grade eight (again i n c l u d i n g those with vocational t r a i n i n g ) . This group displayed the greatest degree of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with both the work and s o c i a l conditions." Whether t h i s w i l l be the case with employment i n Inuvik remained to be seen, since few native people with any secondary education had yet entered the labour fo r c e . The f a c t that k6 per cent of Eskimo employees with some secondary education had only been i n the same job f o r s i x months compared with 31 per cent of those with no secondary education, 33 per cent of Indians with some secondary education compared with 33 per cent with none, 30 per cent of Metis employees with some secondary education compared with Ik per cent with, none; a l l of these may probably be ascribed both to the very small absolute figures (Table 6 - 8 b ) and to the recent graduation of almost a l l native adolescents with any high school t r a i n i n g . For the labour force as a whole, there were c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n s that the attainment of some secondary education a f f e c t e d job turnover: 26 per cent of a l l those permanent employees with no secondary education had been i n the same job f o r l e s s than s i x months compared with 21 per cent of those with some secondary education. Of course there are employees from each ethnic group who have been i n t h e i r same job f o r some length of time. In August 1 9 6 8 , 40 per cent of those with o r i g i n s i n the Mackenzie Delta had been i n the same job since 1 9 6 6 , and 43 per cent of those with o r i g i n s outside the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (Table 6 - 9 )• However, the f a c t that an unusually large number of workers seemed to have a very weak commitment to a p a r t i c u l a r job i s part of an unfortunate syndrome. With only a b r i e f experience of a c e r t a i n job, a worker was u n l i k e l y The Permanent Inuvik Labour Force, Duration of Employees i n the Job Occupied at the Time of the Survey, 1968. Place of O r i g i n of Employees Mackenzie NWT and Delta Yukon Outside T o t a l Length of Time i n Job No. Per Cent No. Per Cent No. Per Cent No. Per Cent 0- 4 months 35 23.0 8 22.2 38 13.8 85 17.5 5- 8 months 26 17.1 1 2.8 27 9.8 54 11.6 9-12 months 8 5.3 0 0 20 7.3 28 6.0 13-16 months 18 11.8 4 11.1 32 11.6 54 11.6 17-20 months 5 3.3 3 8.3 16 . 5.8 24 5.2 21-30 months 14 9.2 7 19.4 42 15.2 63 13.6 Between 2.5 and 3. 5 y r s . 13 8.6 3 8.3 23 8.3 39 8.4 Between 3»5 and 4. 5 y r s . 4 2.6 2 5.6 14 5.1 20 4.3 Between 4.5 and 5. 5 y r s . 8 5.3 l 2.8 9 3.3 18 3.9 Between 5«5 and 6. 5 y r s . 8 5.3 3 8.3 4 1.5 15 3.2 Between 6.5 and 7. 5 y r s . 4 2.6 2 5.6 6 2.2 12 2.6 Between 7*5 and 8. 5 y r s . 5 3.3 1 2.8 2 0.7 8 1.7 More than 8.5 y r s . 4 2.6 1 2.8 18 6.5 23 5.0 T o t a l 152 100.0 36 100.0 276 100.0 464 100.0 to gain the s k i l l s which would make i t possible f o r him to be promoted or even to gain a sense of s a t i s f a c t i o n from doing a s p e c i a l i z e d job well. There was thus very- l i t t l e inducement f o r him to stay should a l t e r n a t i v e opportunities a r i s e . That there was a growing commit- ment f o r wage employment i s indicated by F i g . 6-2, however. Of those employees who had entered the job they held i n August 1968 since 1966, a somewhat lar g e r percentage i n both groups - those with o r i g i n s i n the Mackenzie Delta as well as those with o r i g i n s outside the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s - d i d so between May and August of the preceding year than at any other time. This may be taken as small i n d i c a t i o n that some at l e a s t i n the former group, who took advantage of the greater a v a i l a b i l i t y of summer wage employment d i d not quit t h e i r jobs at the end of the summer as has often been the custom i n the past* E M P L O Y E E S J-4 5-8 9-12 13-16 17-20 24-30 2.5- 3.5- 4.5- 5.5- 6.5- 7.5- More than 3.5 4.5 5.5 6.5 7.5 8.5 8.5 MONTHS YEARS F i g . 6 - 3 A G E S T R U C T U R E OF T H E L A B O U R F O R C E , 1 9 6 8 6. Employment i n the Government Sector Employment i n the government sector did not change appreciably between 19&5 a n c * 1968 e i t h e r i n numbers or i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of employees among the various government departments. In both years the major share of employment was accounted f o r by two departments alone (Table 6 - 1 0 ), the p o l i c i e s of which have therefore tended to influence the t o t a l structure of government employment, and indeed of the unemployment i n a l l sectors. The Department of Northern A f f a i r s and ?• National Resources and i t s successor, the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development e x p l i c i t l y favoured the native employee as much as was consistent with e f f i c i e n t operation. The Department of National Health and Welfare, though not as f i r m l y committed to t h i s p o l i c y , also t r i e d to employ as many native people as possible. Notwithstanding t h i s , the proportions of native employees i n both government departments, and conse- quently i n the government labour force as a whole, Table 6-10 Employment i n Government Departments i n Inuvik, 1965 and 1968 1965 1968 Government Dept. W E I M T W E I M T North. A f f . and Nat. Devt. 1 43 58 15 28 144 - - - - -C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration 3 - - - 3 - - - - - Ind. A f f . and . North. Devt. - - - - - 57 40 5 22 124 Nat. Health and Welfare 75 12 11 1 99 78 19 11 5 113 Public Works 6 — — - 6 4 8 — 2 14 Transport 2 23 — 1 — 24 19 1 - 1 21 National Defence3 - 1 1 2 4 1 4 — - 5 Research Laboratory 3 - l - 4 4 1 3 - 8 Post O f f i c e 2 — _ — 2 4 _ — — • 4 RCMP3 3 — — 1 4 3 2 - 1 6 CBG (CHAK) 2 1 2 2 7 9 1 - 1 11 Can. Wild L i f e Service^ 2 - - - 2 4 4 - - 8 Totals 162 72 31 299 183 80 19 32 314 Percentage 55 24 10 11 99 59 25 6 10 99 1 Excluding teachers both f o r NA and NR and f o r IAND, but i n c l u d i n g employees of the government laundry i n both cases. Ai r p o r t , Meteorological and Radio D i v i s i o n s . C i v i l i a n personnel only. Including Reindeer Herders i n 1968. diminished s l i g h t l y between 1965 a n < * 1 9 6 8 . F o r t y - f i v e per cent of government employees were non-white i n I 9 6 5 and only kl per cent i n 1968 i n spite of a small increase i n the t o t a l government employment. Although a l l government departments had a number of u n s k i l l e d p o s i t i o n s to f i l l , and generally d i d so from the pool of l o c a l labour, many jobs required a l e v e l of s k i l l and t r a i n i n g which had not yet been acquired by native people. I t was noted i n I 9 6 5 that differences i n income according to ethnic status could be observed i n govern- ment service as i n other branches of the economy. In 1968 also t h i s was true, though as i n the e a r l i e r survey the differences were due to t h i s lack of s k i l l s rather than a discriminatory attitude on the part of government departments. On the contrary, most govern- ment departments seemed to be s e n s i t i v e to the need to produce p a r i t y of white and native wage l e v e l s and were generally prepared to make greater accommodation to the Eskimo, Indian or Metis employee than they would to t h e i r white counterpart. Even so, the de facto d i s t i n c t i o n between the wage and salary l e v e l s of native and white employees noted i n 1965 existed also i n 1968 (Table 6 - l l ) . In August 1968 there were 314 government employees i n Inuvik of whom 302 were classed as f u l l time. Of these, 59 per cent were white, 25 per cent Eskimo, 6 per cent Indian and 10 per cent Metis. As f o r the labour force as a whole, a preponderance of the white employees was to be found i n the higher s a l a r i e d occupations. While 76 per cent of the whites earned more than $450 per month, 55 per cent of the Eskimos, 79 per cent of the Indians, but only 35 per cent of the Metis, earned l e s s than t h i s amount. Managerial, o f f i c i a l and p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations were f i l l e d almost e n t i r e l y by those from outside the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s though 29 per cent of the c l e r i c a l workmen and 50 per cent of the service workers i n government employ were from the Mackenzie Delta, most of them women. As f o r the labour force as Table 6-11. F u l l - t i m e Government Employees, by Ethnic Status and Monthly Income, 1968. Less than $250- $300- $350- $400- Over $250 $300 $350 $400 $450 $450 T o t a l s No. Per Cent No. Per Cent No. Per Cent No. Per Cent No. Per Cent No. Per Cent No. Per Cent White 0 0 0 0 12 7 9 5 21 12 135 76 177 100 Eskimo 0 0 2 3 13 17 13 17 1 3 17 34 45 75 100 Indian 3 16 1 5 3 16 3 16 5 26 4 21 19 100 Metis 0 0 0 0 2 6 2 6 7 23 20 65 31 100 Totals 3 3 3 30 27 46 193 302 a whole, however, more l o c a l people f e l l into the "labourer" class than into any other (Table 6-12). I t i s one of the assumptions of northern p o l i c y at l e a s t i n s o f a r as i t i s a r t i c u l a t e d at the l o c a l l e v e l , that northerners should be drawn i n c r e a s i n g l y i n t o the labour force and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t o i t s higher echelons. The signs that t h i s p o l i c y i s reaching f r u i t i o n were weak indeed i n both 1965 and 1968 since the majority of native people e i t h e r occupied subordinate p o s i t i o n s i n government employment, or no p o s i t i o n at a l l . Unfor- tunately f o r the many northerners, the jobs which are becoming av a i l a b l e i n the North are p r e c i s e l y those f o r which t h e i r t r a i n i n g f i t s them l e a s t and the number of models to which most may reasonably aspire are few. E a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter i t was suggested that i n the North, as elsewhere i n Canada, education i s represented as the panacea which w i l l forward the a s s i m i l a t i o n of native peoples into the wider s o c i e t y . In the Mackenzie Delta i t i s often assumed by the administration that young native people with secondary Government Employees, by Occupational Category and Place of Origin, 1968. Place of O r i g i n Elsewhere Outside Mackenzie i n NWT NWT & T o t a l Delta & Yukon Yukon (inc e N.R. Category M. F. T. M. F. T. M. F. T. M. F. T. Manager, O f f i c i a l 0 0 0 1 0 1 8 0 8 9 0 10 Professionals 1 1 2 0 0 0 29 33 62 30 34 64 C l e r i c a l Workers 4 11 15 1 2 3 10 24 34 15 37 52 Sales Workers 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Service Workers 7 28 35 5 3 8 9 17 26 21 48 70 Transport Workers 5 1 6 l 0 1 7 0 7 13 1 14 A g r i c u l t u r a l Workers4 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 4 S k i l l e d Tradesmen 4 0 4 2 0 2 3 0 3 9 0 9 Main tenance Workers7 0 7 2 0 2 22 0 22 31 0 31 Labourers 44 4 48 4 4 8 3 1 4 51 9 60 Totals 76 45 121 16 9 25 91 75 166 183 129 314 and post-secondary education w i l l i n c r e a s i n g l y come to f i l l these occupations which at present can only be f i l l e d by transient whites. The l e v e l of educational attainment amongst government employees i s an i n d i c a t i o n that t h i s was not an unreasonable goal, since these l e v e l s were not p a r t i c u l a r l y high. They were however beyond the present reach of most native people i n the Mackenzie Delta. Of the t o t a l government labour force i n 1 9 6 8 , 61 per cent had attained an education beyond the elementary l e v e l , but of these only 24 per cent had places of o r i g i n i n the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . In contrast, only 50 per cent of the employees i n the non-government sector had an education beyond the elementary l e v e l , but of these 35 per cent were from the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (Table 6 - 1 3 ) . I t would seem then that opportunities f o r those with l i t t l e education were les s i n the government than i n the non- government sector and that, moreover, the l a t t e r seems to be a t t r a c t i n g a greater proportion of those native northerners who have acquired some secondary education. Educational Levels of Government and Non-Government Employees, by Place of Or i g i n , 1968. Government Non-Government Place of O r i g i n 1 Place of O r i g i n 2 Maximum Educational Level NWT & YT Outside NWT & YT Outside N i l or N.R. 13 1 35 48 Elementary 88 19 50 7 Grade 9 15 16 12 3 Grade 10 14 35 21 31 Grade 12 14 37 4 24 Grade 12 & Voc. 2 41 12 32 U n i v e r s i t y 0 17 0 4 T o t a l 146 166 134 149 Place of o r i g i n not known f o r 2 employees. Place of o r i g i n not known f o r 1 employee. As i n the labour force as a whole the majority of those with a post-elementary education were to be found among the younger employees, e s p e c i a l l y i n the case of native people. Of the 45 government employees from the Yukon and Northern T e r r i t o r i e s with more than an elementary education, a l l but 5 were les s than 30 years of age. In contrast, of the 146 employees from outside the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s with more than an elementary education, only 56 were l e s s than 30 years of age. The age structure of the labour force of both the government and non-government sectors were s i m i l a r since both employed a f a i r l y large proportion of persons under 30 years of age ( F i g . 6 - 3 ) . For the government sector, however, t h i s was s l i g h t l y l e s s , due to a preponderance of young native northerners, than i t was i n the non-government sector. Twenty-eight per cent of government employees from outside the Yukon and North- west T e r r i t o r i e s were l e s s than 30 years of age compared with 52 per cent of the native northerners. In contrast, 23 per cent of the non-government employees from outside The Age Structure of the Labour Force, 1968. Employees Less than 20 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 Greater than 60 N.R. Government^ 17 118 79 61 27 10 2 A. NWT & YT 16 59 32 21 12 6 •* B. Outside 1 59 47 40 15 4 - Non-Government1 28 102 57 31 23 4 39 A. NWT & YT 26 62 17 11 10 2 6 B. Outside 2 40 40 20 13 2 32 T o t a l 45 220 136 92 50 14 41 A. NWT & YT 42 121 49 32 22 8 6 B. Outside 3 99 87 60 28 6 32 1 The place of o r i g i n was not known f o r 2 government employee s o and one non-government employee. the Yukon and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s were le s s than 30 years of age compared with 67 per cent of the native northerners. This would seem to i n d i c a t e then that young native iiortherners are being a t t r a c t e d more strongly into the non-government than the government sectors of employment* 7• Employment i n the Non-Government Sector In the period from 1965 to 1968 almost the en t i r e growth i n employment i n Inuvik had been accounted f o r by what has been referre d to as the non-government sector. S t r i c t l y speaking, t h i s r e f e r s to a l l a c t i v i t i e s which are not d i r e c t l y under the con t r o l of a department of the f e d e r a l government - an assemblage of enterprises under the con t r o l of privat e i n d i v i d u a l s and companies, r e l i g i o u s establishments, crown corporations, and l e v e l s of administration other than the f e d e r a l . 1 In a l l , "^These were considered separately from agencies of the f e d e r a l government since t h e i r h i r i n g p r a c t i c e s are d i f f e r e n t , and they were f o r the most part concerned more d i r e c t l y with providing services f o r the settlement rather than the wider region. The d i s t i n c t i o n was i n some respects a r b i t r a r y however. there were 284 jobs i n t h i s sector of which 191 were occupied by men and 93 by women. Of t h i s t o t a l , 56 per cent were white, 19 per cent Eskimo, 11 per cent Indian and 12 per cent Metis. In contrast, i n 1965 only 27 per cent of the labour force i n t h i s sector were accounted f o r by non-whites. Although there has been considerable growth i n employment i n the non- government sector, i t appears to have been balanced among each of the major economic a c t i v i t i e s . Both i n 1965 and i n 1968, transport and communication accounted f o r 17 per cent of the employment i n t h i s sector and r e t a i l trade service a c t i v i t i e s f o r 36 per cent. A gain i n the r e l a t i v e share of the construction industry had been o f f s e t by a f a l l i n that of public u t i l i t i e s and the hostels (Table 6 - I 5 ). The major change however had been i n the proportion of non-white employees i n a l l branches, but e s p e c i a l l y i n those branches whose growth had been greatest. From employing almost no non-whites i n 1965, the transport and communications industry had 57 per cent of i t s labour force i n t h i s Table 6-15 "Non-Government" Employers i n Inuvik, 1965 and 1968 Numbers Employed^ 19651  19681 w E I M T w E I M T _ NA 2 5 1 8 26 3 10 - 39 31 3 11 2 47 Public U t i l i t i e s etc. V i l l a g e of Inuvik N.C.P.C.2 Transport and Communications A r c t i c Transportation 4 - - - 4 1 3 - 15 19 Bruno Taxi 2 - - - 2 NA C.N. Telecommunications 3 - - - 3 5 1 - 1 7 N.T.C.L.3 3 i _ _ 4 7 3 _ _ i o Northward Av i a t i o n NA 6 - - - 6 P.W.A.4 7 - - - 7 3 - - - 3 G.N.A.5 3 - - - 3 4 2 - - 6 Reindeer A i r Service. . - 1 - - 1 4 1 - 1 6 Douglas Trucking 1 1 - - 2 NA Construction None were i n Poole Construction j . . , ̂ -̂_ , . 5 3 1 - 9 „ I I < existence i n 1965 although t. . C Masons Painters j , . . , 5 - - I 0 " . _ , . . ( some contracting was done u * c Mackenzie Delta Constr.) . • . . A „ 4 1 1 - 6 « * j.j \ by firms l i s t e d i n other _ . _ A r c t i c Painting ) * • 4 - 2 1 7 ' categories Excluding owners. 2 Northern Canada Power Commission. Northern Transportation Company Limited. P a c i f i c Western A i r l i n e s . Great Northern Airways. Table 6-15 (continued) 1965 I C i V J-V*» 'oods ) >tel ) . 1 R e t a i l Service Imperial O i l North Star Service Topps Fine F Mackenzie Ho Rec. H a l l Inuvik Devt. Corp Hudson's Bay Co. C r a f t Shop Semmler's Gen. S. T e r r i t o r i a l L i q . S. Nanook Beauty S. The Drum Canadian Imp. Tuk Traders Hostels G r o l l i e r H a l l S t r i n g e r H a l l Bank W 5 1 12 5 15 1 l 4 l 13 6 E 2 1 2 JL NA NA 4 3 M 5 1 15 8 15 2 2 1 4 2 19 16 4 6 3 14 2 6 19 8 10 E 4 3 3 1 2 2 2 1 1968 6 8 1 2 3 2 NA NA NA 4 3 M 1 1 2 3 1 4 11 8 21. 32* 5 2 2 20 21 Ethnic status of remainder not established. category i n 1968, while the r e t a i l trade and services industry also increased the share of non-whites i n i t s labour force from 16 per cent to Jk per cent. I t was noted i n 1965 that private employers were more reluctant than government departments to employ p o t e n t i a l l y u n r e l i a b l e and untrained native people (Wolforth [±9663 : 48). This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c seemed to have been reversed i n 1968, though the same atti t u d e s were expressed by private employers on h i r i n g native people. In contrast with the government sector, the non- government had fewer jobs r e q u i r i n g a high l e v e l of s k i l l s . While 37 per cent of those i n the government sector required p r o f e s s i o n a l or c l e r i c a l t r a i n i n g ^ f o r example, only 15 per cent of those i n the non- government sector did so (Table 6-16) . Consequently a smaller proportion of the jobs i n the government than i n the non-government sector were open to the generally l e s s trained native person. In addition however the d i s t i n c t i o n between the r e l a t i v e l y well paid transient "white-collar worker" was often not as Government and Non-Government Employment, by Occupational Category, I 9 6 8 . Government Non-Government T o t a l Category Employment Employment Employment Managers,Officials 3.2 per cent 7.0 per cent 4.9 per cent Professionals 20 .4 n 5.6 n 13.4 n C l e r i c a l Workers 16.6 tt 9.5 n 13o2 II Sales Workers - 9.2 tt 4.4 tt Service Workers 22,3 tt 24.3 tt 23.2 it Transport Workers 4.5 tt 7.0 tt 5.7 tt A g r i c u l t u r a l Workers 1.3 It - 0.7 tt S k i l l e d Trades 2.9 tt 3.9 it 3.3 it Maintenance 9.9 tt 19.0 tt 14.2 tt Labourer 19.1 It 14.8 it 17.1 tt Absolute Totals (314) (284) (598) c l e a r l y marked among non-government employment as among government employees, which, made the former more a t t r a c t i v e to the native employee. Not only did he not appear to be i n as subordinate a p o s i t i o n but often h i s actual chances f o r material advancement were greater, since they did not depend to the same extent on the attainment of paper q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . The same d i s p a r i t y i n incomes did however e x i s t i n the non- government sector as i n the government sector. Of those f u l l - t i m e employees earning over $500 per month, 77 per cent were white compared with 71 per cent i n the government sector. In contrast, i n the non- government sector, 82 per cent of the Eskimos, 85 per cent of the Indians and 65 per cent of the Metis earned l e s s than t h i s amount~(Table 6 - 1 7 ) • 8. Summary and Conclusions In the three years separating the surveys on which t h i s chapter has been based, Inuvik 1s primary fun c t i o n had remained r e l a t i v e l y unchanged: the Table 6-17. Full- t i m e Non-Government Employment by Ethnic Status and Monthly Income. , v  i * MONTHLY INCOME (DOLLARS) Less More than 200- 250- 300- 350- 400- 450- than N.R. 200 250 300 350 400 450 500 500 T o t a l White 19 0 1 1 5 16 17 2 82 143 Eskimo 0 0 4 5 8 13 9 3 9 51 Indian 0 1 1 l 6 7 6 1 4 27 Metis 1 0 l 10 1 1 4 3 12 33 T o t a l 20 1 7 17 21 37 36 9 107 255 majority of i t s employment was s t i l l i n occupations which served the settlement i t s e l f and the wider region which i t administered. Although the signs were more promising i n 1968 than i n 1965 that the North was i n some respects approaching the point of economic take-off due to increased a c t i v i t y by the petroleum industry, no employment had been created i n Inuvik as a d i r e c t response to new primary resources. On the contrary, the numbers engaged i n serious trapping had declined s t i l l f u r ther and although there had been a b r i e f experience with commercial f i s h i n g , t h i s had not been sustained. Inuvik was i n 1968 as i n 19^5 a service centre par excellence. Changes i n the settlement's economy were d i s c e r n i b l e , however, the greatest being a r e l a t i v e s h i f t away from government towards non-government employment. To a very small extent t h i s had been accounted f o r with the relinquishment by the Federal Government of c e r t a i n functions, f o r example, that of the administration of the settlement i t s e l f . To a much greater extent, however, i t was the r e s u l t of an independent growth of non-government a c t i v i t i e s , and an economic climate which appeared to be more op t i m i s t i c f o r private investment. New economic a c t i v i t i e s , p a r t i c u a r l y i n the transportation and construction i n d u s t r i e s c o n t r i - buted to an increase i n wage employment i n the s e t t l e - ment by almost oner-half of i t s 1965 value. Though there was s t i l l some j u s t i f i c a t i o n i n 1968 f o r the observation that the role of the native person i n Inuvik was that of bystander to the economic scene, i t was possible to observe a f a r greater involvement of native people, and e s p e c i a l l y young native people, i n wage employment i n the non-government sector. Since employment opportunities i n thi s sector were r e l a t i v e l y u n a ttractive to the worker from southern Canada, there had not been a su b s t a n t i a l movement of white transient workers in t o the settlement as there had into other northern settlements i n the past. For the white person not employed by the Federal Government, the amenities of the settlement were also l e s s a t t r a c t i v e . As a consequence, any growth i n employment which took place was l a r g e l y accounted f o r by native peoples. The l o c a l entrepreneur did not exhib i t i n 1968 any le s s favourable at t i t u d e toward native employment than i n 1965 since his view was s t i l l that the native employee had not learned r e l i a b l e work habits. In f a c t , the native person's increasing f a m i l i a r i t y with wage employment had diminished the v a l i d i t y of t h i s claim. A greater number of Eskimos, Indians and e s p e c i a l l y Metis persons had adopted wage employment as a way of l i f e , rather than an occasional occupation i n I968 than i n 1965. This was e s p e c i a l l y true f o r young people who had gained a general or vocational education, though job turnover was s t i l l very high among thi s group. Even f o r those who were a c t u a l l y employed i n 1968, and therefore included i n the survey, there were d i s t i n c t differences i n attitude towards wage employment as well as observed behaviour which r e f l e c t e d the same process of p o l a r i z a t i o n noted elsewhere i n the l i t e r a t u r e (Ervin, 1968; F r i e d , 1964; Honigmann and Honigmann, 1965; Saario and Kessel, 1966). On the one hand, the r e l a t i v e l y highly acculturated town- dwelling native person held a permanent, f u l l - t i m e , well-remunerated job which he or she had occupied f o r several years. Often such people were active i n community associations (Mailhot, 1968) and were pur- chasing a home through the Innuit Housing Cooperative ( c f . Honigmann and Honigmann, 1965s 24). On the other hand, a large number of native people seemed to regard a job as a resource to be exploited i n order to g r a t i f y a transient want. Members of t h i s group occupied the jobs which were les s well-remunerated and often demeaning. They r a r e l y stayed i n one job long and even though they had abandoned the bush l i f e , d i s - played only a very weak commitment to l i v i n g i n the settlement. In the previous chapter i t was observed that there s t i l l remained a strong allegiance to the land expressed i n the persistence of part-time bush a c t i v i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y spring r a t t i n g . I t was c l e a r however that t h i s was no longer an economically v i a b l e a c t i v i t y though many people continued to c l i n g to i t as a way of l i f e , even to the extent of maintaining camps i n the Delta. The major e f f e c t of the e s t a b l i s h - ment of Inuvik had not been the complete abandonment of the bush i n favour of the town but rather a r e o r i e n t a t i o n of bush a c t i v i t i e s to take account of both the decreasing p r o f i t a b i l i t y of trapping and the desire to be close to the enhanced amenities of the urban centre. This chapter has addressed i t s e l f to the degree of involvement of native people i n the a c t i v i t i e s of the settlement i n the important sector of wage employment, and i t s conclusions also would seem to support the hypothesis that a dual allegiance i s f e l t to the land and to the town. Though there was without o doubt a group i n Inuvik which had f u l l y accepted wage employment and the changes i n l i f e s t y l e which accompanied i t , there were also those whose allegiance to the town was weak. Perhaps the most outstanding c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of wage employment i n 1968 as i n 1965 W £ i s the r e l a t i v e d i s p a r i t y i n incomes between white and native persons. I f income i s used as a measure of status as i t often i s i n western society (cjT. Reiss, 1961: Chapter IX), then the native employee occupies a lower status r o l e than h i s white counterpart and t h i s perhaps more than any other singl e f a c t o r , i s a root of p o t e n t i a l con- f l i c t i n the settlement. The higher s a l a r i e d "white- c o l l a r " occupations which predominate i n Inuvik, e s p e c i a l l y i n the government sector, cannot even now be f i l l e d by native people since they are i n categories f o r which native people have not yet been trained. The c i v i l service community i n Inuvik was s t a f f e d i n i t i a l l y by transients from outside the region, and t h i s pattern has p e r s i s t e d . Consequently, a transient, white, middle class community has been superimposed upon an e x i s t i n g society and has imposed i t s values upon i t . Problems of a s s i m i l a t i o n could undoubtedly have been l e s s Intense had the transient white population been of l a r g e l y working c l a s s status. In order to be accepted i n t o the now quasi-permanent dominant white community i n Inuvik, the Eskimo, Indian or Metis person has to cross class as well as ethnic b a r r i e r s : i t i s not therefore s u r p r i s i n g that so few are able to do so and that when they do i t i s i n a s p i r i t of s e l f - d e p r e c i a t i o n or of covert h o s t i l i t y towards those they wish to j o i n . CHAPTER VII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS According to a number of writers (Fried, 1964; Saario and Kessel, 1966; Vallee, 1965)» a character- i s t i c feature of the native populations of northern settlements i s t h e i r dichotomization between land- based and town-based types. This concept was a p t l y expressed by Honigmann and Honigmann (1965) as a dual allegiance f e l t by the inhabitants of Frobisher Bay to land and to town. I t was c l e a r from the work of other researchers i n the Mackenzie Delta (Smith, LI967!]; E r v i n , I968) that s i m i l a r p o l a r i t i e s existed there, e s p e c i a l l y i n the new planned settlement of Inuvik even though the population, unlike that of Frobisher Bay, was drawn from d i f f e r e n t ethnic stocks and had a long h i s t o r y of culture contact. The present studyfehas as i t s major objectives the t r a c i n g of changes i n s p a t i a l organization of the people who are presently experiencing the f u l l impact of urbanization i n the Mackenzie Delta, and the determination of the consequences f o r resource u t i l i z a t i o n patterns r e s u l t i n g from the present divided allegiance between land and town. The Development of "Dual Allegiance" The o r i g i n s of the Mackenzie Delta community are f a r from simple though the major indigenous ethnic components are the descendents of Kutchin Indians and Mackenzie and Alaskan Eskimos who i n the pre- contact era existed as d i s t i n c t bounded u n i t s . Barth ( 1 9 6 9 ) has suggested ways i n which ethnic boundaries may be maintained which help to conceptualize the processes at work i n the Delta. In the present day Mackenzie Delta community the boundaries between the Eskimo, Indian and Metis peoples have not per s i s t e d except i n v e s t i g i a l form; i n the pre-contact period, however, the Kutchin and the Mackenzie Eskimos were quite separate from one another because each people followed a d i f f e r e n t e c o l o g i c a l regime. This study has argued that the erosion of s o c i a l and ethnic boundaries i s a natural concomitant of the erosion of geographical boundaries which accompanied the processes of culture contact. The stages by which the transformation from the i n i t i a l to the present condition occurred may f o r c l a r i t y and convenience be represented by a number of phases shown diagrammatically i n P i g . 7-1. The diagram has both s p a t i a l and temporal im p l i c a t i o n s . The pattern of s p a t i a l evolution i s one i n which the peripheral zone characterized by di s c r e t e t e r r i t o r i a l i t y of the Peel River Kutchin, the Mackenzie Kutchin and the Mackenzie Eskimos, gives way to the j o i n t occupancy of the Mackenzie Delta or the core zone, which i n turn a l t e r s so that present day a c t i v i t y i s most concentrated i n settlements of the Delta region and i s dominated by the town of Inuvik - the urban matrix. The U R B A N M A T R I X C O R E Z O N E P E R I P H E R A L Z O N E F i g . 7-1 Diagram to show major zones i n the Lower Mackenzie Area (see text f o r explanation) pattern i s not a simple one of concentration over time, but involves people occupying new land, and responding to points of contact between indigenous and an exotic c u l t u r e . Such points became f o c a l or nodal with t r i b u t a r y zones or nodal regions. In time, some nodal centres lapsed, while others grew; the nodal regions changed accordingly with the o v e r a l l changes represented i n the diagram as moving from the p e r i p h e r a l zone to the urban matrix. The thesis i s at pains to point out that the change i h s p a t i a l pattern took place over time. I t was a gradual process i n which successive phases have been i d e n t i f i e d , each being marked by a greater degree of concentration and focus on nodes, and a greater involvement i n urban a c t i v i t i e s . Phase I - Dispersed Populations Occupying D i s t i n c t T e r r i t o r i e s . In i t s precontact phase, the Mackenzie Delta was peripheral to the home t e r r i t o r i e s of a number of indigenous groups who monoplised d i s t i n c t t e r r i - t o r i e s - the Mackenzie Eskimos along the coast, the Nakotcho Kutchin i n the Lower Mackenzie, the T e t l i t Kutchin i n the Peel River area, and the Tukkuth Kutchin across the divide i n the Upper Porcupine area (see the peripheral zone on F i g . 7 -1)» Though the t e r r i t o r i e s occupied by each group had widely separated centres, there i s strong evidence that overlap occurred i h the spring i n the Upper Delta leading to " a r t i c u l a t i o n (through) p o l i t i c s along the border" ( i b i d . ) u s u a l ly i n the form of bloody encounters between Kutchin and Eskimo groups. Phase I I - Isolated Outposts Acting as Nodal Centres. The f i r s t outposts of the external culture generally represented a single i n s t i t u t i o n or economic a c t i v i t y - trading posts, missions and whaling s t a t i o n s . They tended to r e a l i g n the s p a t i a l organization of the people who entered into transaction with them int o a more nodal config- uration, and t h i s i n turn l e d to some s h i f t i n the use of t e r r i t o r y . In some cases the area of overlap between d i s t i n c t t e r r i t o r i e s became greater while elsewhere tendencies towards exclusiveness were rei n f o r c e d . (Referring to Pig. 7-1» phase II would be borderline between the peripheral and core zones.) r- The forces acting i n phase II are both convergent and divergent: a) Convergent forces. Generally speaking the e a r l y f u r trade acted as a convergent force as i t centered upon the Delta and Lower Peel as the l a s t l i n k i n the t r a d i t i o n a l l y water borne transportation system of the Hudson's Bay Company along the Mackenzie system. The response to the presence of a trading post i n the lower reaches of the Peel River was neither immediate nor u n i v e r s a l as has been shown i n Chapter 2 . Only a few members of the c l o s e r Kutchin t r i b a l u n i t s were drawn int o the trade i n i t i a l l y and the Eskimo remained aloof u n t i l 1 8 7 0 . The work of Kutchin middlemen and the establishment of s a t e l l i t e trading posts at La P i e r r e House, Fort Yukon and Fort Anderson introduced the fur trade to more distant peoples who, wheni;-the s a t e l l i t e posts collapsed, were drawn to the Lower Peel to gain commodities f o r which they had developed a need. By the 1880's, the Mackenzie Eskimo and at least three Kutchin t r i b a l groups were trading r e g u l a r l y at Fort McPherson and together occupying the Upper Delta f o r part of each year. Nonetheless, c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between the Eskimos and Kutchin s t i l l p e r s i s t e d , r e i n forced by each group s t i l l f ollowing d i s t i n c t e c o l o g i c a l patterns, tbe former dir e c t e d northward towards the coast and the l a t t e r towards the mountains up the Peel River. The important point i s that with the collapse of peripheral trading posts, both peoples were drawn more strongly towards the nodal centre of Port McPherson, where they spent a part of each year i n trade, b) Divergent forces. Though the process of con- vergence was strengthened by the e f f o r t s of the e a r l y missionaries who encouraged converts to c l u s t e r at the f o r t f o r r e l i g i o u s service as well as trade, the presence of two competing sects r e i n f o r c e d some exclusive tendencies. Since the Protestant and Catholic missionaries established themselves more e f f e c t i v e l y at d i f f e r e n t centres - Port McPherson and A r c t i c Red River - they widened an e x i s t i n g d i v i s i o n between two Kutchin t r i b a l groups - the Peel River and Mackenzie P l a t s people. Moreover, the f a c t that the Catholic missionaries customarily made no use of native catechists increased the necessity to c l u s t e r around the settlement where the services of a p r i e s t would be a v a i l a b l e . Thus while the Peel River peopihe continued to roam over a wide area of the Upper Peel and the Yukon drainage basins u n t i l the 1920 fs, the hunting area of the A r c t i c Red River people was more c l o s e l y circum- scribed from an e a r l y period. Perhaps the strongest forces leading to divergence were the whaling boom i n the Beaufort Sea a f t e r 1890 and the Gold Rush i n the Yukon a f t e r 1897• The whaling boom attrac t e d the Mackenzie Eskimos westwards towards Herschel Island where the whaling ships spent t h e i r winters and, since the whalers provided trade goods i n return f o r meat, t h e i r presence eliminated the necessity f o r Eskimos to v i s i t Fort McPherson. In a s i m i l a r way the Kutchin were also a t t r a c t e d away from the Peel River towards Dawson C i t y by the market they found there f o r meat, and by the general a t t r a c t i o n s of a r e l a t i v e l y large urban centre. Both these forces were ephemeral however and when the Gold Rush and the whaling boom both petered out, the Kutchin and the Eskimos d r i f t e d back towards the Peel River and the Delta, but they returned with more sophisticated s k i l l s and expectations. In the case of the Eskimo, i n f a c t , since the o r i g i n a l Mackenzie stock had been decimated by disease they were replaced i n large measure by r e l a t i v e l y highly acculturated Alaskan Eskimos. The r e s u l t of the ebb and flow of peoples at the turn of the century was that by about 1920 there were i n the core zone and environs two d i f f e r e n t peoples who were used to trapping and valued a large number of material goods which could only be obtained through trade. Phase I I I - Dispersed Outposts i n the Core Area with V e s t i g i a l Tributary Areas. With the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of trapping a f t e r 1912 the Delta i t s e l f became much more important as a core area. (Phase I I I on F i g . 7-1 would be almost completely i n the core zone.) I n i t i a l l y , trading posts were widely d i f f u s e d throughout the area and the trappers themselves more mobile due to innovations i n transportation such as the schooner. Thus, no nodal centre was e s p e c i a l l y dominant and trappers ranged f r e e l y within the Delta and surrounding areas. Though groups of both Eskimos and Kutchin retained all e g i a n c e s to the older home t e r r i t o r i e s , these were weakening as the Delta i t s e l f became more a t t r a c t i v e . This phase of the Delta's h i s t o r y may thus be seen as a b r i e f t r a n s i t i o n from a more dispersed to a more concentrated pattern of a c t i v i t y . Phase IV - Strong Nodal Centres within the Core Area. A f t e r 1 9 2 9 , the trading posts retreated to a few recognized settlements where a range of other new i n s t i t u t i o n s were also to be found, such as schools, h o s p i t a l s , and government agencies. At the centre of the Delta, Aklavik assumed a more dominant nodal r o l e i n i t s m u l t i - f u n c t i o n a l aspects, and smaller settlements assumed the r o l e of s a t e l l i t e s . The t r i b u t a r y areas became much les s important as "home t e r r i t o r i e s " as people moved int o the Delta, though they were s t i l l trapped by a few f o r the more valuable f u r species. (Phase IV represented i n F i g . 7-1 i s t o t a l l y within the core zone.) U n t i l t h i s time, the settlements had existed s o l e l y as points of contact between the outside and indigenous c u l t u r e s . Since they Contained only the agents of contact - the trading company, the church and the p o l i c e - they could not be regarded as settlements i n the s t r i c t sense of the term. The i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of muskrat trapping, e s p e c i a l l y i n the Delta, and the establishment of Aklavik as a major centre of trade resulted i n the appearance of a d i f f e r e n t type of settlement which supported new nodal r e l a t i o n s . In p a r t i c u l a r , the majority of the Kutchin were now drawn down into the Delta where they i n t e r a c t e d with the Eskimo and the growing number of white trappers and traders. In addition, the agencies of contact with the outside culture pro- l i f e r a t e d as the r o l e of government increased and communication with the south improved. More a c t i v i t i e s were now organized through Aklavik as i t i n c r e a s i n g l y assumed the r o l e of nodal centre and as Kutchin, Eskimo and white trappers p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the muskrat economy. I f a stage were to be selected at which the two ethnic communities organized on t e r r i t o r i a l l i n e s had coalesced into a single community, i t would be at t h i s time. Not only had Aklavik emerged as a multi-ethnic p l u r a l i s t i c urban centre, but, i n the region which i t served, e c o l o g i c a l differences had been l a r g e l y submerged i n an o r i e n t a t i o n towards vigorous commercial trapping, e s p e c i a l l y of muskrat. Older t e r r i t o r i a l allegiances were now expressed l a r g e l y i n some trapping preferences, but a large area of common ground existed i n the spring muskrat harvest. These trapping preferences were s i g n i f i c a n t however i n that they were often l i n k e d with the older or more peripheral settlements and with, the more t r a d i t i o n a l areas of the two major ethnic groups. Besides i t s nodal structure, the Delta has been characterized during t h i s time by an in c r e a s i n g l y multi-ethnic complexion. Though ethnic d i v i s i o n s were recognized, as they are today, t h e i r v a l i d i t y had been reduced by intermarriage and by the adoption of a wide range of common value orientations expressed i n behaviour re l a t e d to the model presented by the external c u l t u r e . In Barth's ( 1 9 6 9 ) terms, the ethnic i d e n t i t i e s were no longer marked by e i t h e r behavioural differences or even i n many cases by organizational i n t e g r i t y . Phase V - Concentration on the Centres. The e c o l o g i c a l component of convergence upon the Delta took the form of the disappearance of trapping specialisms based upon the smaller settlements as shown i n Cnapter V. While these specialisms had demanded a strong commitment to the land the patterns which replaced them were associated with a growing allegiance to the settlements. The process of trans- formation was i n i t i a t e d by the growth of Aklavik, but reached maximum proportions when the establishment of Inuvik opened up new channels of employment. (On F i g . 7 - 1» t h i s phase i s within the urban matrix zone.) This combined with f a l l i n g f u r p r i c e s and r i s i n g costs to make trapping, and e s p e c i a l l y trapping r e q u i r i n g s p e c i a l equipment, less a t t r a c t i v e than wage employment. Thus the most recent phase of the area's historythas been one of intense concentration i n the settlements, e s p e c i a l l y Inuvik, accompanied by the attenuation of land-based a c t i v i t i e s . I t marked the end however of the Delta Community which had only recently emerged f o r , while i n the past i t had been possible to accommodate new r o l e s and p r a c t i c e s within e x i s t i n g indigenous i n s t i t u t i o n a l structures, they now had to be defined i n terms of those of the dominant external c u l t u r e . Nodal r e l a t i o n s e i t h e r with Port McPherson or with Aklavik had not n e c e s s a r i l y precluded a c t i v i t i e s which reinforced the coherence of the land-based community since they were based upon a complementarity between the nodal centre and the region which i t served. The establishment of Inuvik marked such a r a d i c a l departure since i t s r e l a t i o n s were much stronger with the '•outside" than with the region i n which i t was placed. What happened within t h i s region had become i n f a c t l a r g e l y i r r e l e v a n t to the a c t i v i t i e s c a r r i e d on i n the urban centre; and the land-based and urban economies operated as d i s t i n c t and poorly integrated u n i t s . The contemporary Delta Community i s one i n which ethnic differences have been l a r g e l y submerged by the features of the c u l t u r a l shock which seems to have been experienced through contact with a massive i n f l u x of white transients. The stress which has ar i s e n due to the d i s p a r i t y between the perception and the achievement of goals defined i n terms of the values of the external culture, has been documented elsewhere (Smith, 196b; E r v i n , 196b"; Lubart, 1969). Native northerners are caught on the horns of the c l a s s i c dilemma which e x i s t s i n the systems Barth (1969: J l ) has described. That i s : "Though such systems contain several ethnic groups, i n t e r a c t i o n between members of the d i f f e r e n t groups of t h i s kind does not spring from the complementarity of ethnic i d e n t i t i e s ; i t takes place e n t i r e l y within the framework of the dominant majority group's statuses and i n s t i t u t i o n s . " In the e c o l o g i c a l context, the convergence towards the dominant culture i s r e f l e c t e d on the one hand i n the attenuation of the land-based ecologies and on the other by the movement of people of both cultures into a settlement way of l i f e . In the early n i n e t e e n - f i f t i e s , before the new town of Inuvik was b u i l t , some semblance s t i l l remained of the old e c o l o g i c a l patterns which had evolved at the apex of the trapping era. A large number of people s t i l l made t h e i r l i v i n g s from trapping, and could be grouped according to d i f f e r e n t trapping patterns associated with t h e i r ethnic status and with the settlement upon which they were based. A decade l a t e r when the new town was f u l l y established, such d i s t i n c t i o n s had l a r g e l y disappeared and land- based a c t i v i t i e s were a part-time occupation f o r those who had been absorbed, f o r better or worse, into an urban existence. The Analysis of the S p a t i a l Component of "Dual Allegiance" The d e t a i l s of dual allegiance were analyzed i n two aspects, the f i r s t concerned with changing patterns of trapping and the second with changing patterns of employment i n the settlement. Since these are the p r i n c i p a l sources of income from land-based and town-based a c t i v i t i e s r e s p e c t i v e l y , they were considered to be the most appropriate indices of allegiance to the land and to the town. Both analyzes seemed to support the hypothesis that f o r a large number of people t h i s allegiance was divided f o r they p a r t i c i p a t e d i n land-based act- i v i t i e s i n a way which permitted close contact with the town, and i n town-based a c t i v i t i e s i n a way which permitted close contact with the land. S p e c i f i c a l l y i t was found that a large proportion of people could be categorized as part-time rather than serious trappers and that these usually maintained camps i n the Delta witnin a short distance of one of the towns. On the other hand i t was found also that a large proportion of the employed people i n Inuvik occupied temporary jobs and that the rate of job turnover was high. The pattern of s p e c i a l i z e d trapping which had been observed i n e a r l i e r periods were seen to have v i r t u a l l y disappeared at the present time. An objective grouping procedure showed that i n the 1930 *s and 1 9 4 0 's many trappers followed such patterns which, by inference, linked c e r t a i n resource u t i l i z a t i o n areas and c e r t a i n settlements as nodal regions and centres. The process of urbanization, e s p e c i a l l y as expressed i n the establishment of Inuvik had the e f f e c t of breaking down these older n o d a l i t i e s and replacing them with a pattern i n which the Delta i t s e l f predominated as the major resource region. Even within the Delta though the influence of the settlements was evident as the d i s t r i b u t i o n of trappers was seen to recede towards the settlements when the number of trappers declined. A trend a n a l y s i s of the major Delta species, the muskrat, showed also that the establishment of the new town changed the s p a t i a l structure of the harvest from re g i s t e r e d areas. During the complex h i s t o r y of the Mackenzie Delta, allegiance has not been simply to the land, but to patterns of a c t i v i t i e s derived from older e c o l o g i c a l regimes associated with p a r t i c u l a r ethnic groups. The growing allegiance to the settlement r e f l e c t e d i n the gradual absorption of native people iht o wage employment has been accompanied by the gradual relinquishment of these patterns i n favour of those i n which some p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the town's economy i s pos s i b l e . Since the older patterns were usually r e l a t e d to the u t i l i z a t i o n of more dis t a n t trapping grounds, the s p a t i a l expression of t h i s process has been the convergence towards the Delta i t s e l f and more e s p e c i a l l y towards those parts of the Delta which are within easy reach of settlements. The f a c t that on the one hand many of those occupying camps i n the Delta could not by any c r i t e r i a be serious p r o f e s s i o n a l trappers i n d i c a t e s that the allegiance to the land i s not supported by a v i a b l e economic a c t i v i t y . On the other hand, the f a c t that many take jobs i n the town f o r a short period only i n d i c a t e s that the allegiance to the town i s weak al s o . The signs are apparent however, that the Delta people are caught up i n the p a i n f u l process of t r a n s f e r r i n g t h e i r allegiance from the land to the town. There i s no course open f o r the Delta Community but to be drawn into the wider culture as i t i s represented i n Inuvik. Whether t h i s process can be accomplished without the signs of stress which have been a l l to apparent to date w i l l depend upon the mechanisms provided f o r i n d i v i d u a l adaptation, and upon the goodwill with which these are exercised. REFERENCES Abrahamson, G. 1963 "Canada's Reindeer," Canadian Geographical Journal, 66(6): 188-193. Ackerman, E.A. 1963 B a i r d , I . I960 "Where i s a Research F r o n t i e r ? " Annals, A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers, 53(4):429-44o. "Inuvik, Place of Man," Beaver, O u t f i t 291:16-23. Barrows, H. 1923 Barth, E r e d r i k 1969 Bates, Marston 1953 Belshaw, C.S. 1970 "Geography as Human Ecology," Annals, A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers, 13(1):l-l4. (ed.) * Ethnic Groups and Boundaries - The S o c i a l Organization of Culture D i f f e r e n c e s . London and Bergen. "Human Ecology," i n A.L. Kroeber (ed.), Anthropology Today, Chicago. The Conditions of S o c i a l Performance. London. Berry, B.J.L., and A l l a n Pred I96I C e n t r a l Place Studies: Berry, B.J.L., 1967 Bibliography of Theory and A p p l i c a t i o n s . P h i l a d e l p h i a . "Grouping and R e g i o n a l i z a t i o n : An Approach to the Problem using M u l t i v a r i a t e A n a l y s i s , " North- western U n i v e r s i t y Studies i n Geography, no. 13. Berry, B.J.L., 1 9 6 8 Berry, B.J.L., 1 9 7 0 Berton, P i e r r e 1 9 5 6 1 9 6 3 Birkett-Smith, 1 9 5 9 B i s s e t t , Don 1 9 6 7 nA Synthesis of Formal and Functional Regions Using a General F i e l d Theory of S p a t i a l Behaviour," i n Brian J.L. Berry and Duane F. Marble (eds.), S p a t i a l A n a l y s i s . Englewood C l i f f s , N.J. and Frank E. Horton Geographic Perspectives on Urban Systems. Englewood C l i f f s , N.J. The Mysterious North. Toronto. Klondike. Toronto. Kaj The Eskimos. London. The Lower Mackenzie Region - An Area Economic Survey. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, I n d u s t r i a l D i v i s i o n , Ottawa. Black, W.A. 1 9 6 1 "Fur Trapping i n the Mackenzie River Delta," Geographical B u l l e t i n , 1 6 : 6 2 - 8 5 . Boek, W.E. and J.K. Boek i 9 6 0 Report of F i e l d Work i n Aklavik and Inuvik, N.W.T. Department of Northern A f f a i r s and Natural Resources, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, Ottawa, (unpublished). Bredin, T.F. 1 9 6 2 Breese, Gerald 1 9 6 6 " 'Whale Island' and the Mackenzie Delta: Charted E r r o r s and Unmapped Discoveries, 1 7 8 9 to I 8 5 O , " A r c t i c , 1 5 ( 1 ) . 5 1 - 6 5 . Urbanization i n Newly Developing Countries. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey. Brook f i e l d , H.C., and Paula Brown 1963 Struggle f o r Land: A g r i c u l t u r e and Group T e r r i t o r i e s among the Climber of the New Guinea Highlands. Melbourne. Brown, Robert 1963 Explanation i n S o c i a l Science. Chicago, 111. Canada, Royal Northwest Mounted P o l i c e 1906 Annual Report, Ottawa. 1907 Annual Report, Ottawa, Canada, Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources 1966 Advisory Commission on the Development of Government i n the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , (Chairman A.W.M. Carro t h e r s ) . Ottawa. Chin, Robert I96I "The U t i l i t y of System Modela and Developmental Models f o r P r a c t i t i o n e r s , " i n W.G. Bennis, K.D. Benne, and R. Chin, (eds.), The Planning of Change. New York. Chorley, R.J., and P. Haggett 1965 "Trend Surface Mapping i n Geographical Research," Transactions, I n s t i t u t e of B r i t i s h Geographers, 37:47-67. Clairmont, D.H. 1963 Deviance Among Indians and Eskimos i n Aklavik, N.W.T. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Develop- ment, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, (NCRC 63-9), Ottawa. Cole, John P., and Cuchlaine A.M. King 1968 Quantitative Geography. London. Cooper, P.F. 1 9 6 7 C u r r i e , R.D., 1 9 6 4 The Mackenzie Delta - Technology, Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre. (MDRP2), Ottawa, The Yukon T e r r i t o r y L i t t o r a l } An Economic Development Programme. Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources, I n d u s t r i a l D i v i s i o n , Dogan, Mattei, and Ste i n Rokkan I 9 6 9 Quantitative E c o l o g i c a l Analysis i n the S o c i a l Sciences. Cambridge, Mass. Douchaussois, F r . P i e r r e 1 9 3 7 E r v i n , A.M. 1 9 6 8 Mid Snow and Ice. London. New Northern Townsmen i n Inuvik. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Northern Science Research Group, (MDRP5), Ottawa. Evans-Pritchard, E.E., 1 9 4 0 The Nuer: A D e s c r i p t i o n of the Modes of L i v e l i h o o d and P o l i t i c a l I n s t i t u t i o n s of a N i l o t i c People. London. Eyre, S.R., and G.R. Jones 1 9 6 6 Geography as Human Ecology. London. F i r e y , Walter I95O "Sentiment and Symbolism as E c o l o g i c a l V a r i a b l e s , " American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 1 0 : l 4 0-148. Fleming, Archibald Lang 1 9 5 7 Archibald the A r c t i c . Toronto. Foote, D.C., 196k "American Whalemen i n Northwestern A r c t i c Alaska," A r c t i c Anthropology, 2 ( 2 ) : l 6 - 2 0 . Foote, D.C., ' . 1965 Resource U t i l i z a t i o n i n Northwestern A r c t i c Alaska Before I 8 8 5 . Ph.D. the s i s i n geography, unpublished, M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y . Foote, D.C. and H.A. Williamson 1966 "A Human Geographical Study," i n N.J. Wilimovsky and J.N. Wolfe, (eds.), Environment of the Cape Thompson Region, Alaska, Oak Ridge, Tennessee:1041-1107. Foote, D.C. and Bryn Greer-Wooten I 9 6 8 "An Approach to System A n a l y s i s i n C u l t u r a l Geography," P r o f e s s i o n a l Geographer, 2 0 ( 2 0 ) ; 8 6 - 9 1 . Forde, C. D a r y l l 1934 Habitat, Economy and Society. New York. F r a n k l i n , John 1828 Narrative of a Second Expedition to the Shores of the Polar Sea. London. Freeman, Mi l t o n M.R. 1967 "An E c o l o g i c a l Study of M o b i l i t y and Settlement Patterns among the Belcher Island Eskimo," A r c t i c , 2 0 ( 3 ) : 1 5 4 - 1 7 5 . F r i e d , Jacob 1964 "Urbanization and Ecology i n the Canadian Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , " A r c t i c Anthropology, 2 ( 2 ) : 5 6 - 6 0 . Friedmann, John and John M i l l e r 1965 "The Urban F i e l d , " Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, 3 1 ( 4 ) 0 1 2 - 3 1 9 . G o d s e l l , P h i l i p 1942 "The Passing of Herschel Is l a n d , " R.C.M.P. Quarterly, 9 : 3 8 0 - 3 9 2 . Government of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s I 9 6 8 Mackenzie D i s t r i c t Vocational Education Annual Report, 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 . Graburn, Nelson 1966 "Mixed Communities," i n Maja van Steensel (ed.), People of Light and Dark, Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Ottawa. Haggett, Peter and R.J. Chorley I 9 6 9 Network An a l y s i s i n Geography. London. Hargrave, M.R., -1965-66 Harvey, David 1969 Hawley, V.D. 1968 "Changing Settlement Patterns Amongst the Mackenzie Eskimos of the Canadian North Western A r c t i c , " Albertan Geographer, 2:25-30. Explanation i n Geography. London. "Fur-bearing Animals of the Mackenzie Delta," 19th Alaskan Science Conference, Whitehorse, Y.T. Henoch, W.E.S. .1961 "Fort McPherson, N.^.T.," Geographical  B u l l e t i n , 16:86-103. Honigmann, J . J . , and I. Honigmann 1965 Eskimo Townsmen. Canadian Research Centre f o r Anthropology, U n i v e r s i t y of Ottawa. Hooper, William Hulme 1853 Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski. London. In n i s , Harold 1956 The Fur Trade i n Canada. Toronto. (Rev. ed.) . ~ "Jenness, Diamond 1955 The Indian of Canada. National Museum of Canada, B u l l e t i n 15» Ottawa. Jenness, Diamond 1964 Eskimo Administration: I I . Canada. A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of North America, Tec h n i c a l Paper no. l4, Montreal. Kershaw, Kenneth A. 1964 Quantitative and Dynamic Ecology. London. King, L e s l i e , J . 1969 K i t t o , F.H. 1930 S t a t i s t i c a l A n a l y s i s i n Geography. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey. The North West T e r r i t o r i e s , 1930. Department of the I n t e r i o r , Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s and Yukon, Branch, Ottawa. Klengenberg, C h r i s t i a n 1932 Klengenborg of the A r c t i c , An Autobiography. London, ('f. Maclnnes, ed. ) . L a n t i s , Margaret 1954 Larsen, H.A. 1967 Lecuyer, F r . n.d. Lloyd, Trevor 1949 "Problems of Human Ecology i n the North American A r c t i c , " A r c t i c 7 (3 & 4):307-320. The Big Ship. Toronto. Les Debuts de l a Mission du Saint Nom de Marie (Fort McPherson 1860-1895; A r c t i c Red River, 1895-1907). manuscript. The Geography and Administration of Northern Canada. D.Sc. th e s i s i n geography, unpublished, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i s t o l . Lonstreth, Morris 1927 The S i l e n t Force. New York. 1933 In S c a r l e t and P l a i n Clothes. Toronto. Lotz, J.R. 1962 Inuvik, N.W.T. A Study of Community- Planning Problems i n a New Northern, Town, Department of Northern A f f a i r s and Natural Resources, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, Ottawa, 1970 Northern R e a l i t i e s . Toronto, Lubart, Joseph M, 1969 1970 " F i e l d Study of the Problems of ' Adaptation of Mackenzie Delta Eskimos to S o c i a l and Economic Change," Psychiatry, 32(4):447-U58. Psychodynamic Problems of Adaptation - Mackenzie Delta Eskimos. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Northern Science Research Group, (MDRP7), Ottawa. Mackay, Douglas 1966 The Honourable Company. Toronto. (Rev. ed.). Mackay, J . Ross 1963 The Mackenzie Delta Area, N.W.T. Department of Mines and Technical Surveys, Geographical Branch, Memoir No. 8 , Ottawa. Mackenzie, Alexander 1904 Voyages from Montreal on the River St. Laurence, Through the Continent of North America to the Frozen and P a c i f i c Oceans i n the Years 1789 and 1793. New York. Mailhot, Jose I968 Inuvik Community Structure - Summer 1965. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Northern Science Research Group, (MDRP4), Ottawa. McCammon, R.B. 1968 wThe Dendrograph: A New Tool f o r C o r r e l a t i o n , " G e o l o g i c a l Society of America B u l l e t i n , 7 9 ; I 6 6 3 - I 6 7 0 . Mckennan, R.A. 1935 "Anent the K u t c h i n t r i b e s , " American Anthropologist, (New S e r i e s ) , 3 7 : 3 ^ 9 . McKenzie, Roderick D. 1931 "Human Ecology," Encyclopaedia of the S o c i a l Sciences. New York. 1934 "Demography, Human Geography and Human Ecology," i n L.L. Bernard (ed.), The F i e l d s and Methods of Sociology, New York. McMillan, Claude, and R.F. Gonzalez 1965 Systems A n a l y s i s : A Conrolete Approach to Decision Models. Homewood, I l l i n o i s . McTaggart-Cowan, Ian 1969 "The Ecology of the North: Knowledge i s the Key to Sane Development," Science Forum, 2 ( l ) : 3 - 8 . Morice, Rev. A.G. 1910 H i s t o r y of the C a t h o l i c Church i n Western Canada. Toronto. Murdock, George P. 1949 S o c i a l Structure. New York. Nystuen, John and M.F. Dacey 1961 "A Graph Theory I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Nodal Regions," Papers and Proceedings of the Regional Science A s s o c i a t i o n ^ 7:29-42. Osgood, Cornelius 1934 "Kutchin T r i b a l D i s t r i b u t i o n and Synonomy," American An t h r o p o l o g i s t, ( n e w s e r i e s ) 3 6 : 1 6 8 - 7 9 . Park, Robert E., and E.W. Burgess (eds.) 1925 The C i t y . Chicago. Parsons, G.F. 1970 A r c t i c Suburb; A Look at the North's Newcomers. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Northern Science Research Group, (MDRP8), Ottawa. P r i t c h a r d , Gordon B. 1962 "Inuvik, Canada's New A r c t i c Town," Canadian Geographical Journal, 64(6):200-209. Rasmussen, Knud 1927 Across A r c t i c America; Narrative of the F i f t h Thule Expedition. New York. Rea, Kenneth 1968 The P o l i t i c a l Economy of the Canadian North. Toronto. Reis s , A l b e r t J . 1961 Occupations and S o c i a l Status. New York. Reissman, Leonard 1964 The Urban Process. London. Rich, E.E. i960 "Trade Habits and Economic Motivation among the Indians of North America," Canadian Journal of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science, 26(1):35-40. Richardson, John I 8 5 I A r c t i c Searching Expedition. London. Robinson, J . Lewis 1945 "Water Transportation i n the Canadian Northwest," Canadian Geographical Journal, 31:236-56. Rowley, G.W. 1955 "Settlement and Transportation i n the Canadian North," A r c t i c , 7(4): 336-342. Saario, Doris and B. Kessel 1966 "Human E c o l o g i c a l I n v e s t i g a t i o n s at K i v a l i n a , " i n N.J. Wilimovsky and J.N. Wolfe, (eds.), Environment of the Cape Thompson Region, Alaska, Oak Ridge, Tennessee:969-IO39• Simpson, Thomas 1843 Narrative of the Discoveries on the North Coast of America. London. Slobodin, R. 1962 1963 1966 Band Organization of the Peel River Kutchin. National Museum of Canada, B u l l e t i n 179, Ottawa. "The 'Dawson Boys'-Peel River Indians and the Klondike Gold Rush," Polar Notes, 5 : 2 4 - 3 6 . Metis of the Mackenzie D i s t r i c t . Ottawa. Smith, Derek [1967J The Mackenzie Delta - Domestic  Economy of the Native Peoples. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, (MDRP3), Ottawa. Sokal, Robert R., and Peter H.A. Sneath 1963 P r i n c i p l e s of Numerical Taxonomy. San Fr a n c i s c o . Spencer, R.F, 1959 The North Alaskan Eskimo. Bureau of American Ethnology, B u l l e t i n 171. Washington, D.C. Stager, J.K. 1962 "Fur Trading Posts i n the Mackenzie Region up to 1850," Occasional Papers i n Geography,Canadian A s s o c i a t i o n of Geographers, B.C. D i v i s i o n , 3:37-46. Stager, J.K, 1965 1967 Stefansson, V, 1958 Stevens, W.E. 1955 Stevenson, A. 1968a 1968b 1969 Stevenson, D.S. 1968 Stewart, E t h e l 1935 "Alexander Mackenzie's E x p l o r a t i o n of the Grand River," Geographical B u l l e t i n , 7(3 and k):213-224. "Fort Anderson: The F i r s t Post f o r Trade i n the Western A r c t i c , " Geographical B u l l e t i n , 9(l):45-56. Northwest to Fortune. New York. Adjustments of the Northwestern Muskrat (Ondatra Zibethicus Spatulatus) to the Northern Environment, Ph.D. t h e s i s i n Zoology, unpublished, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. "Whalers' Wait," North, 15(5):24-32. "Herschel Haven," North, 15(6):24-32. "Lawless Land," North, l6(l):23-30. Problems of Eskimo Relocation f o r I n d u s t r i a l Employment. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Northern Science Research Group, (NSRG68-1), Ottawa. Fort McPherson and the Peel River Area. M.A. thesis i n history, unpublished, Queen's U n i v e r s i t y , Kingston, Ont. Stockton, Charles 1890 "The A r c t i c Cruise of USS Thetis i n the Summer and Autumn of 1889»H National Geographic Magazine, 2:171-198. S u l l i v a n , M. I960 "Down North," Habitat, 3 ( 2 ) : l l - l 6 . T a y l o r , G r i f f i t h 1945 "A Mackenzie Domesday, 1944," Canadian Journal of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science, 11:189-233. Thomas, Edwin (ed.) 1956 Man's Role i n Changing the Face of the Earth. Chicago. Usher, P.J. 1 9 7 0 a 1970b The Bankslanders: Economy and Ecology of a F r o n t i e r Trapping Community. Ph.D. th e s i s i n geography, unpublished, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. "The Canadian Western A r c t i c - A Century of Change," i n J . and P. Lotz (eds.), P i l o t not Commander: Essays i n Honour of Diamond Jennes ( i n p r e s s ) . V a l l e e , F.G. I967 Kabloona and Eskimo i n the Ce n t r a l Keewatin. Canadian Research Centre f o r Anthropology, Saint Paul Univer- s i t y , Ottawa. Veldman, Donald, J . 1967 Fortran Programming f o r the Behavioural Sciences. New York. Ward, Joe H. 1963 " H i e r a r c h i c a l Grouping to Optimize an Objective Function," American S t a t i s t i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n Journal , 58(301):236-244. Wentzel, W.F. 1823 "Notice on the Attempts to Reach the Sea by Mackenzie's River since the Expedition of S i r Alexander Mackenzie," Edinburgh P h i l o s o p h i c a l Journal, 8 : 7 8 - 7 9 ( c i t e d by Stager, 1 9 6 7 ) . Whittaker, C.E. 1937 A r c t i c Eskimo: A Record of F i f t y  Years' Experience and Observation Among the Eskimo. London. Whymper, F.J, 1 8 6 9 Travel and Adventure i n the T e r r i t o r y of Alaska. New York. Williamson, R.G. 1 9 6 9 Wolf, E r i c 1 9 6 6 Wolforth, John 1 9 6 5 [1966] Zaslow, Morris 1 9 5 7 " 'Regions* and I d e n t i t y i n the North: Some Notes," i n B.Y. Card (ed.), Perspectives on Regions and Regionalism Proc. of the 1 0 t h Annual Meeting of the Western A s s o c i a t i o n of Sociology and Anthropology, Banff. Peasants. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey. Work-Residence Relations i n Vancouver. M.A. th e s i s i n geography, unpublished, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver. The Mackenzie Delta - I t s Economic Base and Development. Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, (MDRPl), Ottawa. The Development of the Mackenzie Basin, 1920-45". Ph. D. thesis i n h i s t o r y , unpublished, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, Toronto. ABBREVIATIONS A number of documentary sources were consultei i n the preparation of t h i s work. They are c i t e d i n the text as f o l l o w s : ACND: Advisory Committee on Northern Development ACR: Anglican Church Records (jou r n a l s kept at Port McPherson and A k l a v i k ) . CMS: Church Missionary Society records on mi c r o f i l m i n the Public Archives of Canada. HBC: Hudson's Bay Company records on m i c r o f i l m i n the Pub l i c Archives of Canada. IAND: Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development. NALB: Northern Administration and Lands Branch (Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development). NANR: Department of Northern A f f a i r s and National Resources (predecessor to Department of Indian A f f a i r s and -Northern Development). -.NASF: Northern Area Subject F i l e s (Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development PAC: P u b l i c Archives of Canada. APPENDIX A Trading Posts i n the Lower Mackenzie Area (1840-1929) Date Trader or Date ... Opening Trading Company Location C l o s i n g Source 1840 H . B • C • F t . McPherson Present HBC B 1 5 7/a/l 1901 Hisiop and Nagel A r c t i c Red River 1912 Lecuyer,n.d. 1902 (?) Hislop and Nagel F t . McPherson 1908 Gazeteer, 4A-2 1902 H • B • C • A r c t i c Red River Present Lecuyer.n.d. 1912 Northern Traders A r c t i c Red River 1938 Gazeteer 3D-32 1912 H • B • C • K i t t i g a z u i t 193k Innis 1956 1913 D. Anuktuk Kendall Is l a n d 1928 Gazeteer 5A-110 1914 Scogate(Scogale) F t . McPherson 1918(?) PAC,RG18, Al , v o l . 2 2 7 1914. Scogate(Scogale) A r c t i c Red River 1915 PAC.RG18, Al , v o l . 2 2 7 1 9 l 4 ( ? ) Northern Traders F t . McPherson 1938 ACR, F t . McPherson Abbreviations f o r documentary sources c i t e d are given i n the bibliography. A complete gazeteer of trading posts of the Northern T e r r i t o r i e s has been prepared by P.J. Usher and Mary Jane Jones ( 1 9 7 0 ) to which the w r i t e r was glad to make some small c o n t r i b u t i o n . Reference to t h i s work i s given as Gazeteer with the reference number. 1915 1915 1915 1915 1916 1917 1917(?) 1918(?) -1918 1919 1920(7) 1920 1920 Northern Traders H • B. C • G. B u r r e l l Northern Traders A k l a v i k / 1939 Shingnek Toronto Star Weekly Feb.19,1927 H. B. C . H. Liebes and Company Northern Traders H. Lisbes and Company Ostergarde and Williams Lamson and Hubbard H. Liebes and Company H • B . C . B. Furlong A k l a v i k / Present Toronto Star Shingnek Weekly Feb.19,1927 A r c t i c Red 1916 River Herschel 1938 Islan d B a i l l i e 1942 Islan d K i t t i - 1921 gazuit K i t t i - 1920 gazuit Shingle 1928 Point L i v e r p o o l 1926 Bay F t . 1924 McPherson Aklavik Shingle Point Hare Indian River Gazeteer 3D-35 Innis,1956 PAC.RG18, B2,vol.58 Gazeteer 5A-113 NANR,NASF, 379,35 NANR,NALB, 540-3 NANR,NASF, 429,3943 PAC,RG18,F1, vol.12; NANR,NASF, 379,35 1921 1928 1932(?) Gazeteer NANR,NALB, 540-3,vol.3 PAC.RG18, Fl,vol.12 192l(?) O. Andreason Atkinson 1933 Point 3 D - 1 0 0 NANR,NASF, 462,5653 1921 E. Wyant 1921 H.B.C. 1921 Lamson and Hubbard 1922(?) Cunningham 1922(7) Warner 1922 Johnson and Hainline 1922 Ostergaade and Williams 1922(?) de Steffany Bros, 1 9 2 3 P. Wyant 1 9 2 5 P. Wolki 1 9 2 6(7) H.B.C. Horton River Mouth Clarence Lagoon Aklav i k Aklavik A k l a v i k F t . McPherson Kugaluk River Pearce Point B a i l l i e I s l a n d Horton River 1 9 3 1 1 9 2 4 1 9 2 4 1 9 2 7 ( ? ) 1 9 2 3 - 2 7 NANR,NASF, 4 6 2 , 5 6 5 3 PAC,RG18, F l , v o l . l 2 PAC.RG18, F l , v o l . l 2 ; Gazeteer 4B-3 NANR,NASF, 429 , 3 9 4 3 NANR,NASF, 4 2 9 , 3 9 4 3 1 9 2 7 ( ? ) 1 9 2 6 Gazeteer 1 9 2 4 ( ? ) NANR,NALB, 5 4 0 - 3 , v o l . 1 5A-132 1 9 2 6 Junction of 1 9 3 0 ( ? ) Husky "Channel and Peel River ( 6 7 ° 3 2'N 134°50'W) NANR,NASF, 4 2 9 , 3 9 4 3 ; Rasmussen,1927 NANR,NASF, 4 2 9 , 3 9 4 3 NANR,NASF, 466 ,5752 Gazeteer 4A - 1 0 0 1 9 2 6 ( ? ) A.N. Blake Half mile below ju n c t i o n of Husky Channel and Peel River 1 9 3 5 Gazeteer 4 A - 1 0 1 1926 1926 1926 1926 1926 1927 1927 1927(?) 1927(?) 1927 1927 Haindon and A l l e y F. Wolki A. Eckhardt W. Day Ostergarde and Williams Hare Indian River Pearce Point Kipnik (68°43'N: 135024'W) A k l a v i k 1927 1933 1930 1927(?) H.B.C. Anderson Forks 1929 Raney, 90 miles 1931 south of A r c t i c Red River A. Eckhardt A k l a v i k B. Nannen- gaksek Watson and Craig F. Wolki W.G. P h i l l i p s N. V e r v i l l e Nicholson I s l a n d Mouth of Peel River Middle Channel (68°30»NJ 134°10,W) (67°50«N: . 133°55,W) Half mile from j u n c t i o n of Main and East Channels 1933 1929 1927 1930 1939 1936(7) 1927(7) H.B.C. Point Separation 1930(?) Gaze teer 3 D - 1 0 1 NANR,NASF 466,5752 NANR,NASF 462,5653 NANR,NASF 462,5653 Gazeteer 5A-134 Gazeteer 3D-170 NANR,NASF 440,4572 Gazeteer 5A-142 NANR,NASF 464,5086 NANR,NASF 466,5752 NANR,NASF 466,5758 Gaze teer 4A-112 Gazeteer 4-120 1927 W. Clark T r a v a i l l a n t 1939 Gazeteer River Mouth 3D-160 1 9 2 7 1 9 2 7 ( ? ) 1 9 2 7 1 9 2 7 1 9 2 7 1 9 2 7 1 9 2 7 ( ? ) 1 9 2 7 ( ? ) 19.27 1 9 2 7 ( ? ) 1 9 2 7 ( ? ) 1 9 2 7 ( ? ) 1 9 2 7 A. Watson J . F i r t h M. Dehar Mouth of Peel River Mouth of Peel River Mouth of 1 9 3 0 ( ? ) and Company Peel River M. Dehar and Company H • B • C • M. Dehar and Company N. V e r v i l l e Northern Traders S. Daigle A k l a v i k Pearce Point 1 9 3 4 Northern Traders M. Dehar and Company A. Blake Mouth of S " Snake River L i t t l e Chicago Raney Mouth of Tree River on the Mackenzie Junction of Peel River and Peel Channel F t . McPherson F t . McPherson NANR,NASF, 462 , 5 7 5 3 Ga/eteer 4A-104 NANR,NASF, 462 , 5 6 5 3 NANR,NASF, 462 , 5 6 5 3 Gazeteer 5A - 1 6 0 NANR,NASF, 4 6 2 , 5 6 5 3 1 9 2 9 ( ? ) Gazeteer 3 D - 1 2 0 Gazeteer 3D - 1 7 1 NANR,NASF, 4 6 2 , 5 6 5 3 Gazeteer 4A-108 1 9 2 9 A.J. M i l l e r Aklavik 1 9 2 9 1 9 3 5 1 9 2 9 ( ? ) 1 9 2 7 ( 7 ) H.B.C. Northern Traders Rotten Eye 1 9 3 0 ( ? ) Creek ( 6 3 0 3 8 , N J 1 3 4°40'W) Bernard Creek NANR,NASF, 4 6 2 , 5 6 5 3 Gazeteer 41^8 Gazeteer 4B-9 Gaze teer 4 A - 1 0 2 NANR,NALB, 4 0 0 - 2 , v o l . 2 1928 E. Pantel 1928 A. Pantel 1928 N. V e r v i l l e 1928 F. Wolki 1928 Northern Traders 1928 H.B.C. 1928 H.Magnuson 1928 D. McLeod 1929 H.B.C. 1929 H.B.C. 1929 W. Day 1929(?) Hamdon and A l l e y L i t t l e Chicago A r c t i c Red River Ft.McPherson Middle Channel 15 miles north of o l d post 20 miles below Point Separation Peel Channel West (67°43«NJ 134 0 38«W) Junction of Oniak and Main Channels A r c t i c Red River East and Main Channels ( 6 7 ° 4 8 ' N : 134°10»W) "Big Rock", East Channel (68°05'N: 1 3 3 ° 4 8»W) L e f t Bank of Akl a v i k Channel (68°07 » N : 1 3 4 ° 4 0»W) A k l a v i k 1930 Gazeteer 3D-121 1930 Gazeteer 3D-36 1929(7) Gazeteer 4 A-9 1930 NANR,NASF 466,5686 NANR,NASF 464,5686 1930(?) Gazeteer 4A-107 1929 Gazeteer 4B-107 1929 Gazeteer 3D-37 1 9 3 0 ( 7 ) Gazeteer 4 A - 1 1 0 1 9 3 0 ( ? ) Gazeteer 4B-122 1930 Gazeteer 4B-141 1932(7) Gazeteer 4B-10 The l o c a t i o n s of trading posts which appeared between 1930 and 1935 shown i n F i g . 4-1 are a l l to be found i n the Gazeteer. A n a l y s i s of Trapping Data Cards were punched f o r each trapper f o r the seasons 1931-32, 1940-41, 1950-51. 1961-62, 1962-63, 1963-64, 1964-65 with format as f o l l o w s : Columns 1-6 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n number of each trapper Columns 1-2 : Year (e.g. 50) Column 3 : Settlement 1 = Aklav i k 2 = Fort McPherson 3 = A r c t i c Red River 4 = Inuvik 5 = Reindeer S t a t i o n 6 = Tuktoyaktuk Columns 4-6 : Trapper number Columns 7-10 Number of bear taken by trapper 12-14 Number of beaver taken by trapper 15-18 Number of black fox taken by trapper 19-22 Number of blue fox taken by trapper 23-26 Number of cross fox taken by trapper 27-30 Number of red fox taken by trapper 31-34 Number of s i l v e r fox taken by trapper 35-38 Number of white fox taken by trapper 39-42 Number of lynx taken by trapper 43-46 Number of marten taken by trapper 47-50 Number of mink taken by trapper 51-54 Number of muskrat taken by trapper 55-58 Number of o t t e r taken by trapper 59-62 Number of s q u i r r e l taken by trapper 6 3 - 6 6 Number of weasel taken by trapper 6 7 - 7 0 Number of wolf taken by trapper 7 1 - 7 4 Number of wolverine taken by trapper 7 5 - 7 8 Number of seal taken by trapper The grouping programme used was adapted by R. Vhi t t a k e r from one appearing i n Veldman ( 1 9 6 7 : 3 0 8 - 3 1 9 ) and i s reproduced on pp. (411-417. Since the programme was designed to analyse data arranged i n a m by n matrix, where m = the number of subjects, a f u r t h e r programme was required to transpose the data from the more orthodox n by m format i n which i t was punched on the cards. M. Church k i n d l y wrote the programme which i s reproduced on p. 418. 1 DIMENSION 0 ( 1 9 8 ) , K G ( 1 9 d ) , W ( 1 9 3 ) , L C I 193),CONT(198) "DIMENSION KHOLDI198,2) ,KSTOR£(198) , F M T ( 1 9 8 ) , T 1 T L ( 1 9 8 ) , I D 1198) COMMON A l 19701 ) DIMENSION LAMI200) EUOIVALENCE ('wri)VLAMrnT EuJIVALENCE ( C 0 N T I 1 ) , D ( D ) 1__ FORMAT ( 3 1 j , 3 1 1 , 1 3 , 1 5 ) 2 FORMAT (20A4) " : " 6 FORMAT (20A4) _9 FORMAT (IX,19HPR08LEM NAME ***** , 20A4/14HN0.OF SOBJECTS,15/15HN0. 10F VAKI A u L t S , 14) 42 F0i<MAI (IX.17HWITH CONT IGOIT I E S / / / / ) 43 FORMAT ( IX , 20HrlI THOOT CONTI G 01 T I E S////) 52 FORMAT ( 2 0 ( 2 X , I 4 ) ) 80 FORMAT (/5n STEP , 14,5X,14,IX.28HGR00PS AFTER COMBINING GR00P,I4,1X 1,1H(,13,1X,6HITEMS), 10H AND GROOP,14,1X,IH(,13,1X,6HIT£MS),16X,7HE 2KR0R =,F16.5/) 110 FORMAT (6X,5HGR00P,I5,1X,1H( ,I 3,I X,6HITEMS),1914/C30X,19 14)) _507 FORMAT 1048H CONTIGOWY CRITERION PREVENTS FORTHER GROOPING./) 600 FORMAT f l t U ) ' " 7 READ (5,t>) ( T I T L ( I ) t l =1,20) READ (5,1) NS,NV,KP,KS,KT,KC0NT TML,KX . WRITE lt>,600) WRITE (6,*) I T I T L I I ) , ! = 1 ,20),NS,NV IF IKCONT.tQ.O) GOTO j41 _ _ "WRITE (6,4 2 ) " ~ " " " " GO TO 45 41 WRITE (6,4 3 ) K E A D (5,2) ( F M T l l ) , l =1,20) READ (4,5 2 ) ( 1 0 ( 1 ) , I =1,NS) IF (ML.EU.O) ML =20 IF ( K.P. EO.O ) KP = NS-1 LX =0 LL =( (NS*NS)+NS)/2 DO 3 I = l , i _ L 3 A ( I ) =0.0 -_L =0 • 00 24 J J =1,NV READ (4,FMT) I D ( J ) , J =1,NS) _C STANDARDIZE VARIABLES IF OPTIONED IF (rf.i.UO.0 ) GO TO 12 SOM =0.0 DO 4 I =1,NS . 4 SOM =SOM+D(IT FM =NS XBAR -SOM/FM SOM =0.0 DO 5 I =1,NS 5 SOM = S O M + ( ( O i l ) - X a A R J * * 2 ) __ • _ STO =SJRT(SOM/FM) DO 8 1 =1,HS 8 0 ( 1 ) =(D( I )-Xj3AR)/STD 12 NG =NS-1 DO 17 I =1t NG K =1 + 1 """ ' OU 17 J =K,NS SUM = ( 0 < J ) - 0 < 1 ) ) * * 2 L = I + < J * J - J ) / 2 A ( L ) =A(L)+SUM 17 CONTINUE 24 CONTINUE DO 32 1 = l, N G K =1 +i 00 32 J =K,NS L = 1 H J * J - J 1/2 A U ) = A ( U / 2 . 0 _ IF (A(L).EU.O.O) A I D =0.000001 CONT 1NJE C READ IN CUNTIGUITY MATRIX STORE AS MINUS VALUES IN A IF (KCJNT.EQ.O) GO TO 55 00 3 3 i =1,NS READ i l , l Z i I K G ( J ) , J =1,ML) __D0 51 J J =1,ML IF ( K G ( J J ) . L E . i ) GO T0 51"" J = KG t J J J LL = I + ( J * J - J ) / 2 A(L L) = A ( L L ) « ( - 1 . 0 ) 51 CONTINUE _53_ _ CONTINUE 55 NG =NS C I N I T I A L I Z E GR0UP-MEM3ERSHIP ANO GROUP-N VECTORS. 00 60 1 = l t N S K G ( I ) = I K S T O R L U ) =1 60 W i l l - 1.0 C LOCATE UP TI MA L COMBINATION, I F MORE THAN 2 "GROUPS"REMAIN. KZ =0 CUM-0.0 65 NG = ING - 1 IF ING.EU.U) GO TO 120 X = 10.0**10 DO 7 5 1 = l . N S IF I K G ( I ) .NE. I ) GO TO 75 00 70 J = 1 ,NS IF ( i . c u . J -OR. K G ( J J -NE. J ) GO TO 70 LL ^ l + ( J * J - J ) / 2 TEMP =A I L L ) _ ; _ _ _ IF (KCONT.tQ.O) GO TO 67 IF ITtMP.GE.0.0) GO TO 70 67 LL = I + < 1*1-1) I Z TEMPI =AILL) LL = J + ( J * J - J ) / 2 TEMP2 =A(LL) DX = A13S1 I L MP)-TeMPl-fhMP2 IF (DX .GE. X) GO TO 70 X = OX L = 1 M - J CONTINUE _ _ CUNTINUt • CHfcCK WHETHER ANY GROUPS HAVE BEEN JOINED. CONTIGUITY CRITERION MAY PREVENT FURTHER GROUPING.IF SO PRINT OUT GROUP MEMBERSHIP AND 70 75 C C C GtT NtXT DATA SET 1 F U C 0 N T . E Q . O . O R . X . N E . 1 0 . 0 * * 1 0 ) GO TO 505 WRITE(6» 507) GO TO 120 505 K_=KZ+1 CUi^CUrt + X I F l K T . N t . l ) GO TO JI K H U L U ( K _ , l ) =L KH0LD(K._,2) = M _ : _ _ • _ 1 _ CUNT(K_)=CU .M " "~ ~ ~ ~ " " " 77 NL = nIL) m =W(H) | L W H I T E (t)it)0) Kl, NG, L,NL,M,NM,CUrt C MODIFY GROUP-MEMBERSHIP AND GROUP -N VECTORS, AND ERROR POTENTIALS. LJK = W ( L ) . _ _ 00 85 1 = 1,NS " I F IKG(I).NE.M) GO TO 85 KG( 1 ) =L K S I u R E ( l ) =KS1OREl I )+LJK 85 CONTINUE I F (KCONT.EQ . O ) GO TO 89 C ' SAVE CUNTIGUITIbS C F 'GK O O P S JOINED '- NEW GROOP HAS CONTIGUITIES C OF 80TH PREVIOUS GRUUP3 00 87 1 =1,NS IF ( H . u I . I ) GU TO 82 L L =M+(1*1-1)/2 _ _G0 TO 83 82 " L L =1 + 1 M*i-l -MJi/2 83 I F { A ( L L ) . G E . O . O . O R . L . E Q . I ) GO TO 87 I F ( L.GT.1) GO TO 84 L L = L M 1*1-1 Ml GU TO _6 84 L L = I + ( L * L - L ) / 2 _"" _ "_ 86 I F ( A ( L L ) . L T . O . O ) GO TO 87 A ( L L ) = A ( L L ) * t - 1 . 0 ) 87 CONTINUE 89 H i =WtL)+W (M) L L = L+(M*rt - M)/2 X =A8S<A<LL))*WS ; L J = L L L L = L + ( L * L - L ) / 2 TEMP = A 8 S ( A ( L D ) . _____ L L =M+(M*M -M)/2 T E M P I = A _ S I A ( L D ) _ Y =TEMP*W(L> + TEMP1*W(M) A(LM) = A b S ( A ( L J ) l 00 9 5 I = 1,NS I F ( I . t y . L .OR. KGUJ .ME. I ) GO TO 95 T U L =1*11*1-11/2 I XY = A U S ( A l L L ) ) * W ( I ) I F (1.GT . L ) GO TO 88 „ L L = 1 + 1 L * L - L ) / 2 TEMP = A O S ( A ( L L » ) L J = L L LL =l+(M*M - M)/2 TEMPI = A _ S ( A ( L D ) AT EMP= ( T trip * ( W ( I )+W( L ) ) +TEMP 1* I W ( 1 ) + W( M ) ") + X-Y-X Y) /{ W( I j + WS ) I F I A l L J ) - L T . O . O ) GO TO 93 GO TO 94 88 I F (I.LT.M) GO TO 90 LL =L+(1*1-1)/2 TEMP = A 8 S ( A < L D ) L J =LL LL = M + ( 1 * 1 - 1 ) / 2 TEMPI = AbS ( A1 LL ) ) ' A Tfc MP= t IcMP*(W(1 )+tH L)i+TEMP1*(W( I)+W(M) 1+X-Y-XY)/(W(1 )+WS) IF ( A t L J ) .LI'.0.0) GO TO 93 GO TO 94 _•_ 90 LL = L + ( I * I - i i / 2 ~ "~ ~ " TEMP = A B S ( A ( L L ) ) L J = L L \ LL =1+(M*M-M)/2 TEMPI = A d S ( A ( L L ) ) AlEHP=(TEMP*(W(I)+W(L))+TEMPl*(W<I) *W < M) ) + X-Y-XY) /{ W( I ) + WS) IF ( A I L J ) . L T . O . O ) GO TO 93 GO TO 94 93 A ( L J ) =ATEMP*(-1.0) GO TO 95 94 A ( L J ) =AT EMP _95 CONTINOE __ _ _• H(LJ = WS " " C PRINT GROUP MEMBERSHIPS OF ALL OBJECTS, IF OPTIONED. 513 IF (NG.GT.K.P) GO TO 65 506 DO 115 1 =1,NS IF ( K G ( I ) .NE. I ) GO TO 115 L = 0 oo ioo j = I ,N S " " ' " " ' IF I K G ( J ) .NE. I ) GO TO 100 L = L * 1 L C ( L ) = I D U ) 100 CONTINOE IF ( L . L E . l ) GO T0115_"^ WRI T E" ( 6 , 1 1 0 ) 1 , L , ( LC ( J ) r J = 1 » L ) 115 CONTINOE GO TU 65 '_ TZO IF ( K. I .NE. 1 .OR.NS.GT. 200) GO TO 135 NY =NS-NG IF (NG.NE.O) GO T0_ 145_ : DO 130 I =1, NY LL =KST0RE(1) K G ( L L ) =1 ^ 130 CONTINUE GO TO 130 145 L J =0 \ DO IbO I =1,NS IF ( K G ( 1 ) . N E . I ) GO TO 160 L =0 DO 150 J =1,NS IF ( K G ( J ) . N E . I ) GO TO 150 _ L =L+I NJ =KSTORE(j) LC (NJ) =J " .' " 150 CONTINOE . 00 155 J =1 , L L J =LJ«-1 LA M ( L J ) = L C ( J ) . 155 CONTINOE 160 CONTINOE CALL TREE INY.LJ,LAM,CONT,KHOLD) GO TO 135 138 CALL TREE ( N Y ,NS , KG ,CO.NT, KHOLO) 135 IF I K X . N E . l ) GO TO 7 STOP ENO SOdROOTINt TREE (NY,N,KG,CONT,KHOLO) ~ - DIMENSION S i l i OF OATA MOST 8E" SET EQUAL TO AT LEAST ( N * 2 ) + l C FOR A MAX I MOM OOTPOT OF 120 CHARACTERS PER RECORD CHANGE THE C_ VALOES OF LMJ AND LJR IN_ THE OATA STATEMENT TO 84 AND 116 C RESPECTIVELY DIMENSION KG( 198),KHOLD( 1 9 b , 2 ) , J O K E l 1 9 8 ) ,DATA(500) 01 MENS 1 ON C O N T ( 1 9 3 ) , I M T ( 2 9 ) , F S P E C ( 8 ) INItOER OAIA,FSPtC COMMON A I1V701) E001VALENCE ( A ( 1 ) , J O K E ( 1 ) ) , ( A t 1001),DATA(1)) DATA JV,JX,JY,JW,LMJ,LJR/1H ,1H*,1H_,1H| ,96,128/ OATA FS P t C / IH7,1H6,1H5, 1H4, IH3, IH2, 1H1,1H0/ DATA l M r / l r l ( ,1H3,1H1 ,1H5,1H, ,IH2,1HX,1H, , 1 HF , 1 HI , 1 HO , I H . , 1H8 , ,1HA, l H i t i h l J / 1MI/1H( H1 1 ,1HF,1 1H2, 1HX, IH, , 1HA,1HI,IH, , 1H1.1HX.1H,,1H1,1H0.1H1 FORMAl ( 1 4 , 15<4X, 14)) FORMAT ( 5X , 13HI TEMS GROUPED,6X,13<4X,14)) _ IH , 1 3 16 17 "FORMAT FORMAI 5X,13HITEMS GROUPED,-... (26X, 13( 4X.-I4)) UX,4HS1EP,4X,1H1,4X,1HJ,4X,5HERR0R,4X, ( 3 0 X . 1 3 ( 4 X , I 4 ) ) r u r v r i H i u A | t n j i L r | i A j n FORMAT ( 3 0 X , 1 3 ( 4 X , 1 4 ) ) . . . . . . . . T 1 *i. i k I I 1 3 ( 4 X , 1 4 ) ) ~̂ 20 FOKMA  (3X, 2VA1 ) 25 FORMAT { 2 X , 1 4 , 1 5 ( 4 X , 1 4 ) ) 26 FORMAT ( 1 6 ( 4 X , I 4 ) ) ~27 FORMAT (2X, 16(4X, 14)) 32 FORMAT (29X.A1) 34 FORMAT ( 2 9 X . A 1 , I X , 101A1) 3 5 " 76 FUi<M A T (1HI) FORMAT I I H ) NJ =NY-1 L =IN* 2 ) +1 NM =0 LX =LMJ M K J = 1 K J = L M J / 2 K L = L J R / 2 FORM =10.0 N L = K J I F C N . L E . K J ) N L =N WRITE l o , 5 5 ) IF (LX.GE.L-2) GO TO 19 MJ =LX' GO TO 13 MJ =L IF (MRJ.NE. 1) GO TO 21 19 13 KW = L M J WRITE 16 WRITE WRI TE WK I J E GO TO 2) ( K G ( 1 ) , I =1,NL,4) 16,3) (KG( I ) , l =2,NL,4) lt>,10) ( K G ( 1 ) , 1 =3,NL,4) <o,W) ( K G ( 1 ) , I =4,NL,4) 22 21 NL = KJ+1 K J =KJ+KL IF (KJ.GE.N) K J =N Krt = L J R " ~ ' WRITE (6,1) I K G ( 1 ) , I =NL,KJ,4) J J =NL+1 WRITE 16,25) I K G ( I ) , 1 J J = J J + 1 WRlTE (6, 2 6 ) ( K G ( l ) , I J J =JJ+1 WRITE ( 6 , 2 7 ) ( K G ( I ) , I 22 JS =0 OAIA ( L ) =JX GU TO 40 9 JS = JS + 1 K =6 L =0 00 5 I =1, N J = K G l I ) L = L+1 JOKE ( J) _ = L _____ DA TAIL* =JW L =L + 1 DATA(L) = JV C U M U N U E L = L + 1 DATA(L) =JX K =K + 1 IF (K.GT.NJ) GO TO 40 KM =KH0LP(K,1) KK =KHULU(K,2> LL = ( J O K E ( K K ) - J O K E ( K M ) ) - 1 LS =JUKE(KM)+1 _ _____ L J = ( L S + L L ) - 1 DO 10 1 =LS,LJ 10 DATA!I) =JY IF ( MRJ.i.c. 1) GO TO 2d IF (CUNT(K).LT.FORM) GO TO 80 NM = NM+1 _ [ IMT<13) =FSPEC(NM) FORM =F0RM*10.0 80 WRITt (6.IMT) K,KM,KK,CUNT 1 K ) , J X , ( O A T A ( I ) , I =1,MJI GU 10 i l 28 WRITE ( 6 , 2 0 ) ( D A T A ( I ) , I =HRJ,MJ) 11 LS_=LS-1 _ . L J =LJ+1 DO 12 I =LS,LJ 12 0 AT A ( 1 ) = JV LS = ( L L / 2 ) + l JOKE(KM) =JOKE(KM)+LS LS =JCKE(KM) . OATA(LS) =JW GO TO 14 40 J J =MJ-1 L J =MKJ+1 IF ( M R J . N E . l ) GO TO 37 IF (NL.GT.KJ) GO TO 56 • 00 43 I = 1 , J J 43 DAT A I I ) =JV WRITE 16,34) J X , ( O A T A ( 1 ) , 1 =1,MJ) GO TO -5 WRITE ( o , 3 2 > JX I F ( J S ) 8 5 , 9 , 8 5 I F ( L X . G E . L - 2 ) G 0 TO 42 WR1 I E ( o , 2 0 ) J V GO TO 800 = J J , K J , 4 ) = J J , K J , 4 ) = J J , K J , 4 ) 5 14 56 65 37 42 DO 31 I=MRJ,JJ 31 DATAU);-JV WRITE (<> i 2 U ) (DATA! n i l =MRJ,MJ) 800 1 H ( J S . t U . 0 J G 0 TO 9 85 DO 33 I=HRJ,MJ,2 33 OATA(I)=JX 00 JO 1 =LJ,MJ,2 70 O A T A ( l ) =JV I f ( MR J . NE. 1 )G0 TO 39 " WRIIE (o , 3 4 ) J X , ( D A T A ! I ) , I =1,MJ) GO TO 38 39 WRITE[fa,20)(DATA!I),1=MRJ,MJ) 38 I h ( L X . G e . L - 2 ) G 0 TO 41 MR J =MRJ + KW LX =LX + LJR GO TO .4 41 RE TORN END DIMENSION I D . 2 0 0 ) , A ( 2 0 0 , 1 8 ) , 6 ( 18,200) ,T I T L E ( 1 9 ) KfcADl 5, 12)NL2 12 FOKMAT ( 16) ~ " " ~ ~" ' " " 50 READ I 5 , 6 ) M , K K , ( T 1 T L E t I ) , 1 = 1 , 1 9 ) _6 FORMAT 1 13,1 1,19A4) N=0 1=1 _1 R E A D ! 5 , 2 , E N 0 = 4 ) I D ! I ) , ( A l l , J ) , J = 1 , M ) 2 '" FORMAT(i6,18F4.0) " " " " 1 = 1 + 1 N = N + 1 Go ru i 4 DO 3 1 = 1, N . . . . 00 3 J=1 , M ___ _ _ ' 3 B I J , I ) = A l 1 , J ) ' " " ' - - - W R I T E ( 7 , 1 0 ) ( I D ( I ),1 = 1,N) 10 FORMAT 12016) ^ • DO 15 I=1,M 15 WRITE!7,20)(BII»J),J=1,N) _20_ FORMAT (20F6.0) . E N = F L O A T ( N ) " • ' DIV=EN/2U.O 10IV=N/20 0IV_H = F LUA f ( I 0 1 V ) J IF<U1V-DIVCH)7,8,7 • • 7 I01V=1UIV + 1 . ~8 " ' NL1=NL2+1 N12=NL2+ID1V+M*IDIV W R I T E 1 6 , 5 ) ( T 1 T L E ( I ) , 1 = 1,19),N,NL1,NL2 "5 FORM AT I l r i O , 1 9 A 4 , * NO SUBJECTS=',14,' L l h t S IN FILE=«,14,•,•14) IF(KK.Ey.O)GU TO 50 • . STOP . EN 6 SENOFILE Appendix C Data was analyzed using the MVTAB programme of the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Computing Centre. The card format used was as f o l l o w s : ( i ) Columns 1-3 A l l employees were i d e n t i f i e d by a number between 001 and 5 9 9 . ( i i ) Columns 5-6 A l l employers i n ttnuvik were i d e n t i f i e d as f o l l o w s : 01 Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development 02 Department of National Health and Welfare 03 Department of National Defence 04 Department of P u b l i c Works 05 Department of P u b l i c Works (Meteorological D i v i s i o n ) 06 Department of P u b l i c Works ( A i r p o r t ) 07 Department of P u b l i c Works (Radio) 08 Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e 09 S c i e n t i f i c Research Laboratory 10 Post O f f i c e 11 Canadian W i l d l i f e Service 12 V i l l a g e of Inuvik 13 Northern Canada Power Commission 14 A r c t i c T ransportation 15 Poole Construction 16 Masons Painters 17 A r c t i c P a i n t i n g 18 Mackenzie Delta Construction 19 Imperial O i l ( R e t a i l ) 20 North Star Service S t a t i o n 21 Topps Fine Foods 22 Mackenzie Hotel 23 Rec. H a l l 24 Hudson's Bay Company 25 Inuvik Development Corporation 26 C r a f t Shop 27 Semmler's General Store 28 T e r r i t o r i a l Liquor Store - 29 Nanuk Beauty Salon 30 Bruno T a x i 31 The Drum (Newspaper) 32 Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce 33 Canadian National Telecommunications 34 Northern Transportation Company Limited 35 Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (Radio S t a t i o n CHAKj 36 Northward A v i a t i o n 37 P a c i f i c Western A i r l i n e s 38 Great Northern Airways 39 Reindeer A i r Service 40 G r o l l i e r H a l l (Hostel) 41 S t r i n g e r H a l l (Hostel) ( i i i ) Columns 8-10 A l l employers were f u r t h e r c l a s s i f i e d according to the Standard I n d u s t r i a l C l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The key to the t h r e e - d i g i t code i s given i n : Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Standard I n d u s t r i a l C l a s s i f i c a t i o n Manual. Catalogue No. 12-501 (Queen's P r i n t e r : Ottawa, Dec. i960) ( i v ) Column 12 A l l employees enumerated i n the survey were c l a s s i f i e d according to sex as f o l l o w s : 1 Males 2 Females (v) Column 15 A l l employees enumerated i n the survey were c l a s s i f i e d according to age. ( v i ) Column 17 A l l employees enumerated i n the survey were c l a s s i f i e d according to ethnic status as fo l l o w s : 1 White 3 Indian . 2 Eskimo 4 Metis Employees appearing on d i s c l i s t s and band l i s t s were considered to be Eskimo and Indian r e s p e c t i v e l y . Although the category Metis i s no longer used o f f i c i a l l y , i t was f e l t to be misleading to i d e n t i f y people of mixed ethnic o r i g i n as white since most have c u l t u r a l o r i g i n s which are more l i k e those of Eskimo and Indian people than those of tr a n s i e n t whites. ( v i i ) Column 20 The monthly incomes of a l l employees enumerated i n the survey were c l a s s i f i e d as follows : 1 Less than §100 6 $300-8350 2 $100-$150 7 $3^0-$400 3 $150-$200 8 $400-s450 4 $200-$250 9 $450-$500 5 $250-$300 A More than $500 Where a p p l i c a b l e , northern allowances were included i n incomes. ( v i i i ) Column 2 2 ( i x ) (x) The jobs of a l l employees enumerated i n the survey were c l a s s i f i e d as f o l l o w s : 1 Permanent Column 24 2 Temporary The jobs of a l l employees enumerated i n the survey were c l a s s i f i e d as f o l l o w s : F a l l - t i m e Part-time Column 2 7 The date when each employee was r e c r u i t e d i n t o his/her present job was coded as follow s : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 A B C D E Aug, J u l , Jun, May, Apr, Mar, Feb, Jan, Dec , Nov, Oct, Sep, Aug, J u l , 1968 1968 1968 1968 1968 1968 1968 1968 1967 1967 1967 1967 1967 1967 F Jun, 1967 G May, 1967 H Apr, 1967 I Mar, 1967 J Feb, 1967 K Jan, 1967 L 1 9 6 6 M 1965 N 1964 o 1963 P 1962 Q 1 9 6 1 R I960 S Before i960 ( x i ) Column 2 9 - 3 1 A l l employees enumerated i n the survey were c l a s s i f i e d •according to occupational c l a s s i f i c a t i o n given i n Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s : Occupational C l a s s i f i c a t i o n Manual, Catalogue No. 1 2 - 5 0 6 (Queen 1s P r i n t e r : "Ottawa, A p r i l , 1961). ( x i i ) Column 33 The educational l e v e l achieved by each employee was c l a s s i f i e d as f o l l o w s : 1 Elementary 2 Secondary ( l e s s than Gr. 10) 3 Secondary (minimum of Gr. 10) 4 Secondary (minimum of Gr. 12) 5 Gr. 1 2 plus s p e c i a l t r a i n i n g 6 U n i v e r s i t y 7 N i l , or not given ( x i i i ) Column 3 5 The place of o r i g i n of each employee enumerated i n the survey was c l a s s i f i e d as f o l l o w s : 1 Mackenzie Delta and Tuktoyaktuk 2 Elsewhere i n the N.W.T. or Yukon 3 Outside the N.E.T. and Yukon,

Cite

Citation Scheme:

    

Usage Statistics

Country Views Downloads
Canada 30 0
China 15 21
United States 9 0
France 6 0
India 1 0
City Views Downloads
Saskatoon 30 0
Beijing 13 0
Ashburn 6 0
Unknown 6 0
Clarks Summit 3 0
Guangzhou 2 0
Delhi 1 0

{[{ mDataHeader[type] }]} {[{ month[type] }]} {[{ tData[type] }]}

Share

Share to:

Comment

Related Items