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Structural analysis of Sobranija : Doukhobor and Russian Orthodox Newell, Claire Marion 1971

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A STRUCTURAL AHALYSIS OF SOBRAi-lMA: DOUKHOBOR AND RUSSIAN ORTHODOX  by CLAIRE MARION NEWELL B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1C69 and TERRELL POPOFF B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology Vie accept tin's thesis as conforming to the required standard C l a i r e Newell  Terrell  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1971  Popoff  In  presenting this  thesis  in p a r t i a l  fulfilment of  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of the I  Library shall  freely available  f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n  for  scholarly  by h i s of  make i t  this  written  It  for financial  r e f e r e n c e and  gain s h a l l  that  study. thesis  not be allowed without my  Sociology  Columbia  September 20, 1971  for  or  i s understood that copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n  Ant.hronr.1ngv and  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Vancouver 8, Canada  Date  I agree  f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s  permission.  Department o f  for  Columbia,  purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department  representatives. thesis  British  the requirements  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s  thesis  in p a r t i a l  fulfilment of  the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, the L i b r a r y s h a l l I  freely available for  f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n  for  that  r e f e r e n c e and study.  f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s  thesis  s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department o r  by h i s of  make i t  I agree  this  representatives. thesis  It  is understood that copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n  f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l  not be allowed without my  written permission.  Department o f  Anthropology and Sociology  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Vancouver 8, Canada  Date  20 September 1971  Columbia  ii  ABSTRACT Ttie thesis investigates  the Doukhobor meeting which has been treated  in the l i t e r a t u r e as the r e l i g i o u s - e c o n o m i c - s o c i a l - p o l i t i c a l  institution-  Previous writers have assumed that Doukhobors do not d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e i r activities.  A f a i l u r e to recognize that there are several d i s t i n c t kinds  of meetings can lead to a d e f i n i t i o n of the community meeting as a " m u l t i purpose" meeting  9  a d e f i n i t i o n which, the thesis maintains, i s not con-  s i s t e n t with the Doukhobor d e f i n i t i o n . In the l i t e r a t u r e the Doukhobor meeting has been referred to as the "community meeting," "prayer s e r v i c e , " "business meeting" or sobranie. In determining the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and the precise nature of the meeting, ambiguities a r i s e .  In the thesis one approach used to explain the v a r i a -  tions in the descriptions of a sobranie is the reconstruction of a meeting as i t took place in the nineteenth century.  Discrepancies between the  accounts can, in part, be understood in terms of deviations from the h i s "•  t o r i c a l prototype.  y.)  Some variations peculiar to three Doukhobor factions  can be explained by h i s t o r i c a l developments within each of the separate groups.  However, a comparison with the h i s t o r i c a l accounts does not com-  pletely explain the differences that are apparent among meetings presently held.  It is therefore necessary to consider other ways of explaining the  variations among these meetings. This thesis argues that the "community meeting" does not encompass such a diverse range of a c t i v i t i e s as is suggested in the l i t e r a t u r e . Further, i t is demonstrated that Doukhobors distinguish several types of meetings which are held on separate occasions and that unique terms are  Hi designated to each of these meetings.  By constructing a f o l k taxonomy of  gatherings i t i s shown that Doukhobors distinguish several types o f special purpose meetings.  On the basis of t h i s , i t i s argued that there  are two l e v e l s of contrast to the term sobranie and that Doukhobors d i f f e r e n t i a t e the Sobranie or 'Community M e e t i n g ' 'prayer meeting.'  1  from the molenie or  The various Doukhobor meetings are subsequently c l a s s i -  f i e d according to the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' categorization of a c t i v i t i e s .  This  has important implications with regard to the manner in which meetings and a c t i v i t i e s are c l a s s i f i e d by the various Doukhobor f a c t i o n s . There i s a presumed h i s t o r i c a l relationship between the Doukhobors and the Russian Orthodox Church, implying that there a r e , or were, connections between the two.  Given that Doukhobors dissented from the Russian  Orthodox Church, differences are assumed by d e f i n i t i o n , while s i m i l a r i t i e s may e i t h e r p e r s i s t or not.  When a relationship can be shown to exist  between some a c t i v i t i e s and others, t h i s not only demonstrates the connection between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Doukhobors but also suggests hypotheses which explain the behavior of the l a t t e r in terms of the former. Because Doukhobors and Russian Orthodox members are both Russian speakers, a comparison of t h e i r taxonomies i s made to ascertain whether or not they order t h e i r meetings and a c t i v i t i e s i n a similar manner and Vfhether they are making similar c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s with either the same or d i f f e r e n t terms. B r i e f l y , the concern of the thesis l i e s with the a c t i v i t i e s which lThe d i s t i n c t i o n between sobranie and Sobranie is an a n a l y t i c a l one and 1s discussed at length In the t h e s i s .  1v occur at a Doukhobor Sunday meeting.  The thesis also examines the terms  used to describe the a c t i v i t i e s and the meetings.  Comparisons are made  among the meetings held by the various Doukhobor factions and these i n turn are compared with the Sunday meeting of the Russian Orthodox Church.  V  TABLE OF CONTENTS  PRELIMINARY PAGES T 1 L>1 G 0306 • O 0 * » a o s « o * a o « » o o a o a o o o a » i > o * i>J Sl*l^ClCt oooo6aoooao*a»ooae*oeoao«ooooa Tab! e of Contents . . . . . . . . l_ 1 S  C  Q  I Cl L> 1 (} S  •  i  ii v vii vlii ix  a » o o o a a a a e a e a a e « a « » a o o «  L i s t of Diagrams and Figures ...... Acknow! edrpents Hote to the Graduate Studies Corrsnittee IiiTuODUCTIOr! A. Outline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. The T r a n s l i t e r a t i o n . . . CHAPTER I.  B. CHAPTER II.  0000a  INTRODUCTION iS SUrnP"b 1 01 i S  A a  oooeeooso«o»a*Ooa«oooo*  Procedure HISTORY OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH .  CHAPTER III. HISTORY OF THE DOUKHOCORS CHAPTER IV. C O N T E M P O R A R Y DOUKHOBOR MEETINGS A. Setting 1. Exterior Setting . . . . . . . . . . 2. Interior Setting B. Participants  0 • ! J V^G SS ooaoaaeooeoooaaaoaoaaaoaoaeoo 0  SIC »aaeoaeooaasaD0oooeea«ooeao«o  E. Sequence of Events F. H i s t o r i c a l Prayer Meeting . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER V . CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN ORTHODOX SERVICE  5) 0 C C 1 li 0 aoaeaavaaaaaoai  b. C.  1. Exterior Setting . 2. Interior Setting . Participr.nts . . . . . . . . . L.' V* G S S  MUSIC  F.  1 4  oeaeoaoaaaoaaaoo i > o O D O O O « a o i > a o a o B  13 •  a a • 1  21 37 47 48 49 52 5G G 3  70 82 oG 102 108 IOC llu 125  Sequence of Events . . . Chances in the Divine Liturgy . CHAPTER VI. DISCUSSION A. Taxonomy of Doukhobor Gatherings 13( B. Taxonomy of Russian Orthodox Gatherings 143 C. Categorization of the Characteristics of Doukhobor Meetings 117 150 D. Categorization of the Characteristics of Divine Liturgy 162 Spatial Usage and the Properties of Doukhobor Meetings .  F. 6!. I!.  APPLHDIX B. C.  Lcumenical CounciIs Excerpts from the l i t e r a t u r e containing the word sobranie Modus Operandi  n\ r\ccnn\f ^.;L«V-  *Js3;  .i • I  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .00.0...  . . . o . . .  . . . . . . .  . . . . . . . . .  . . . . . .  vii  LIST OF TABLES PAGE 136  TABLE I.  CHARACTERISTICS OF HOLE.iIE AND SOBRANIE  TABLE II.  CHARACTERISTICS OF HERBISON'S VIEW OF SOBRANYA  139  TABLE III.  CATEGORIZATION OF HERBISON'S CHARACTERISTICS ACCORDING TO MOLENIE AND SOBRANIE  140  CLASSIFICATION OF CHARACTERISTICS WITHIN THE 'THREE TRADITIONAL DOUKHOBOR MEETINGS'  152  CATEGORIZATION OF THE CHARACTERISTICS OF MOLENIE AND SOBRANIE  156  TABLE IV. TABLE V.  viii  LIST OF DIAGRAMS  DIAGRAM 1.  DOUKHOBOR MEETIMPS HALLS  53  DIAGRAM 2.  PLAN OF A RUSSIA;' ORTHODOX CHURCH BASED UPON HOLY TRINITY CHURCH  87  DIAGRAM 3.  USE OF SPACE AT SUNDAY MEETINGS  164  LIST OF FIGURES  FIGURE 1.  FOLK TAXONOMY OF DOUKHOBOR GATHERINGS  133  FIGURE 2.  TAXONOMY OF RUSSIAN ORTHODOX GATHERINGS  140  FIGURE 3.  TRI DUXOBORCESKIX OBRADA— 'THREE TRADITIONAL bOUKKGDGR MEETINGS': •PRAYER MEETIMS, WEDDING ' 'FUNERAL . . . .  149  1  1  1  s  ix  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We'wish to extend gratitude to a l l those Doukhobors who were most hospitable and spent many hours talking with the researchers.  Special  acknowledgment i s given to Peter Legebokoff and William Sukhorev f o r t h e i r comments in the early stages of the investigation and to E l i Popoff f o r his continued interest and assistance.  A study of the Russian  Orthodox Churches in Vancouver would not have been possible without the help of Bishop Antonuk and Father Vladimir.  In p a r t i c u l a r , we wish to  thank Father Vladimir for his patience and his i n c i s i v e explanations of the Russian Orthodox Church. Thanks are given to Professor A. Harshenin, of Slavonic Studies, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, who offered his help with the t r a n s l i t eration.  We are also indebted to Drs. Michael Ames, Werner Cohn, Harry  Hawthorn and El 1 i kong'as fiaranda, of the Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, f o r t h e i r c r i t i c i s m s and suggestions.  Dr. Cohn deserves added recognition f o r his encouragement  and discerning comments over the years. None of these people are., however, responsible f o r any errors or obscurities.  NOTE TO THE GRADUATE STUDIES COMMITTEE ON THE JOINT AUTHORSHIP The purpose of t h i s note i s to explain the authorship of the various chapters of the t h e s i s .  Parts of the research were c a r r i e d out indepen-  dently by one of the two authors and in these cases that author assumes sole r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the material. labor i s given here.  An indication of the d i v i s i o n of  The Assumptions (Chapter I,  the Orthodox Church (Chapter II),  Section A ) , History of  Contemporary Doukhobor Meetings  (Chapter  IV), Taxonomy of Doukhobor Gatherings (Chapter VI, Section A ) , Categori z a t i o n of Characteristics of the Divine Liturgy (Chapter VI, Section D), and Spatial Usage and the Properties of Doukhobor Meetings (Chapter VI, Section E) are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of C l a i r e Newell. (Chapter I  s  The Procedure  Section B), History of the Doukhobors (Chapter III),  Contem-  porary Russian Orthodox Service (Chapter V ) , Taxonomy of Russian Orthodox Gatherings (Chapter VI Doukhobor Meetings  9  Section B )  s  Categorization of Characteristics of  (Chapter VI, Section C ) , and Spatial Usage and the  Properties of the Divine Liturgy (Chapter VI, Section F) are the respons i b i l i t y of T e r r e l l Popoff.  Both authors acknowledge r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r  the concluding sections of the f i n a l chapter (Comparison and Summary).  1  PREFACE •A.  Outline  The introduction to the thesis i s found in Chapter I.  This chapter  outlines the main premises on which the study is based and the theoretical frameworks used in discussing the material in the other chapters.  The  l a t t e r part of this chapter w i l l discuss the methods of c o l l e c t i n g data and the procedure of the fieldwork. A history of the Russian Orthodox Church w i l l be given in the second chapter.  There are numerous volumes devoted exclusively to the history  of Orthodoxy and Chapter II  presents only a h i s t o r i c a l sketch which i s  intended to provide the context out of which'both Russian Orthodoxy and Doukhoborism emerged.  It should be emphasized that while care has been  taken in compiling the h i s t o r i c a l o u t l i n e , not a l l dates and events have been f u l l y documented.  As the interest of the thesis l i e s primarily with  c e r t a i n social occasions and behaviors, church doctrine and b e l i e f s could only be treated s u p e r f i c i a l l y . The chapter dealing with Doukhobor history follows that of the Orthodox Church because Orthodoxy is h i s t o r i c a l l y prior to Doukhoborism. In Chapter III  the Doukhobor history has been condensed and s p e c i f i c dates  and events, as well as b e l i e f s , have been sketched to f a c i l i t a t e comparisons with the Russian Orthodox Church. If a s t r i c t temporal outline were to be followed, a description of the Russian Orthodox Sunday service would preceed that of Doukhobor meetings.  However, as mentioned before, the thesis i s concerned with Russian  Orthodoxy only insofar as i t pertains to Doukhoborism.  In order to give  2 the reader a frame of reference with which to follow the description of the Orthodox divine l i t u r g y ,  1  i t was f e l t that the account of the Doukhobor  meetings should preceed that of the Orthodox. The descriptions of the Doukhobor meetings which constitute Chapter IV are presented as " t y p i c a l " meetings. because  9  They arc- considered to be typical  while they are the account of no one individual meetings they are  a general account of any meeting which takes place. the same pattern is repeated at the meetings. divided into several sections including:  It is argued that  The chapter h?.s been sub-  setting, participants  3  dress,  music, sequence o f events and h i s t o r i c a l prayer meeting. The account of the prayer meeting of the past i s placed a f t e r the description of the contemporary meetings for., unlike the f i r s t section o f the chapter, i t i s a reconstruction based upon incomplete secondary accounts and therefore i t cannot be f u l l y d e t a i l e d .  These tv/o main sections are  meant to be read in conjunction with one another as each provides a framework with which the other can be better understood. The comprehensive descriptions which comprise Chapter IV were i n cluded for two principal reasons.  P.i the present time no complete des-  c r i p t i o n s of an entire sobranie are available and, as has already been remarked, this lias led to inconsistencies between our own observations and the accounts in the l i t e r a t u r e .  It was f e l t that the descriptions would  also provide s u f f i c i e n t information to allow the reader to evaluate the subsequent analyses. ^ S t y l i s t i c a l l y i t i s consistent to use lower case l e t t e r s in writing divine l i t u r g y . It i s recognized that the gloss for this service i s usually c a p i t a l i z e d but the reason for tiie use of lower case l e t t e r s w i l l become apparent in the Discussion (Chapter VI).  3 The f i f t h chapter i s a description of a contemporary Orthodox divine l i t u r g y service in Vancouver.  The description considers s e t t i n g , p a r t i c -  ipants, dress, music and sequence of events.  Details which are recurrent  and typical of a l l divine l i t u r g y services are outlined under these headings.  It i s intended that the description of a Doukhobor Sunday meeting  w i l l be kept in mind as t h i s chapter is being read and that p a r t i c u l a r attention w i l l be given to s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences between the two occasions. While i t i s recognized that there were many changes in the divine l i t u r g y during the formative years of Orthodoxy, Orthodox doctrine maintains that the service has remained unchanged for the l a s t several centuries.  In considering the divine l i t u r g y , the f i n a l section of Chapter  V centers on the period beginning with the eighteenth century to p a r a l l e l the time when Doukhobors became an i d e n t i f i a b l e group and began holding t h e i r own type of meetings.  This section makes reference to the a l t e r -  ations since the eighteenth century and does not repeat the description in the f i r s t part of the chapter, which might be re-read in conjunction with the a l t e r a t i o n s found in t h i s section. The f i n a l chapter draws l a r g e l y upon the tv/o preceeding chapters, which were d e s c r i p t i v e , and the f i r s t chapter, which was t h e o r e t i c a l . In Chapter VI p a r t i c u l a r social occasions are examined and theoretical models are constructed and applied in an e f f o r t to explain the behavior on those occasions.  4  B.  Transliteration  In s p e l l i n g Russian words we have adhered to a t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n system which indicates the Russian s p e l l i n g and not the pronunciation. It i s e s p e c i a l l y important to make t h i s c l e a r because there are decided variations in pronunciation between Doukhobor and Russian Orthodox speakers. Since the Roman alphabet has fewer l e t t e r s than the Russian C y r i l l i c s c r i p t , d i a c r i t i c marks  , ') and two-letter combinations have been  used to indicate c e r t a i n C y r i l l i c l e t t e r s . The only exceptions to t h i s procedure are cases where a p a r t i c u l a r s p e l l i n g has become conventional i n English.  For example, the s p e l l i n g  of the name of Peter V a s l l l e v i c h Verlgln follows a conventional English form rather than a t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n which would read P i t e r Vasil'evlfc Verigin. The following Is a key for the t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n used throughout the thesis.  Cyrillic  Transliteration  Cyrillic  Transliteration  Cyrillic  Transliteration  a  a  K  k  X  X  6  b  Jl  1  u  c  B  V  M  m  H  C  r  g  H  n  111  s  R  d  O  0  m  sc  e  e  n  P  P  r  H  y •  e  NT  II  ac  I  c  s  h  3  z  T  t  3  e  H  i  y  u  K>  ju  a  j  f  ja  Russian words which have been t r a n s l i t e r a t e d into English are underlined and t h e i r glosses are indicated by single quotation marks. Foreign words, other than Russian words, are marked by double quotation marks and are underlined.  At the end of the t h e s i s , a glossary of  the most frequently used Russian words i s provided for the reader.  6  CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A.  Assumptions  It i s the objective of the thesis to be able to explain hov; certain events c o l l e c t i v e l y constitute p a r t i c u l a r social occasions such that predictions about those social occasions can be made.  1  A social occasion  can be discussed in terms of any number of a great variety of perspectives. For example i t could be viewed in terms of s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l , economic or legal f a c t o r s , ad infinitum.  Because i t i s impossible to  consider a l l perspectives at once, any investigation must necessarily concentrate upon certain f a c t o r s .  Insofar as the thesis focuses upon  f o l k taxonomies, spatial configurations and the d i s t i n c t i v e features of occasions, the thesis is s e l e c t i v e in i t s approach.  It must be recognized,  however, that while the perspectives are s e l e c t i v e , the data presented has not i n i t i a l l y been re-organized to substantiate p a r t i c u l a r hypotheses. Therefore lengthy  descriptions of the occasions have been included,  allowing the reader to follow the sequence of the events.  The method of  data c o l l e c t i o n has also been given in order that the l i m i t a t i o n s of material can be revealed.  This i s intended to enable the reader to accept  or challenge the authors' analyses on the basis of the material presented. In the t h e s i s , the three procedures (the construction of folk taxonomies, spatial configurations and d i s t i n c t i v e features) w i l l be used to examine the same social occasion.  If similar patterns emerge from each procedure,  ty d e f i n i t i o n of a "social occasion" follows.  7 then i t w i l l be suggested that they support one another and i t w i l l be assumed that s i m i l a r patterns can be taken as confirmation of one another. An occasion w i l l be defined as the coming together of individuals at a specified time and place for a specified purpose or purposes.  The  beginning of the occasion i s marked by the a r r i v a l of individuals at an appointed building and the termination of that occasion is indicated by the departure of the individuals from that building.  In speaking about  " s o c i a l " occasions i t i s assumed that more than one individual i s i n v o l ved.  A further assumption is made that the i n d i v i d u a l s , as members of  the same c u l t u r e , act in accordance with shared knowledge about those occasions.  Since i t i s taken as given that individuals come together at  a p a r t i c u l a r time and place with some common understanding of the occas i o n , i t must also be taken as given that they meet f o r a purpose that i s , to some extent, shared.  But i t l i e s beyond the design of t h i s thesis  to consider why individuals p a r t i c i p a t e in a given s i t u a t i o n .  The em-  phasis i s upon the a c t i v i t i e s of individuals as participants in the social occasion rather than upon t h e i r motivations for p a r t i c i p a t i n g . Language is communicative.  Customary a c t i v i t i e s and behaviors can  also be considered means of communication.  The thesis is predicated upon  the premise that there i s a l o g i c a l connection between language and behavior in that people's behavior in certain social occasions corresponds with t h e i r conceptual categorization of those occasions.  This r e l a t i o n -  ship can be demonstrated by considering the terms used to describe and categorize p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s and by then examining those same a c t i v i t i e s with respect to the physical setting in which they take place.  For  the purposes of the thesis i t has been assumed that physical space, in and of i t s e l f , has no meaning and that i t i s only attributed meaning by  8 those who use i t .  An attempt w i l l be made to demonstrate a correspon-  dence between the way a c t i v i t i e s are categorized and the way space is u t i l i z e d since i t i s hypothesized that there i s a correspondence between the categorization of a c t i v i t i e s and the use of space. From the above discussion i t should not be inferred that the authors w i l l undertake an analysis of everything that is said and done on a part i c u l a r occasion; rather, as previously mentioned, the thesis is concerned with the a c t i v i t i e s that take place within the framework set by the social occasion and the manner in which the a c t i v i t i e s are c l a s s i f i e d by the participants involved. It  is assumed that there i s a fundamental difference between a  p a r t i c i p a n t ' s view of his a c t i v i t i e s and an observer's view of those same activities.  It w i l l be suggested that in order to be able to explain  a c t i v i t i e s and events i t is necessary to take into consideration how they are defined by the participant.  This is based on the premise that d i f f e r -  ent cultures perceive t h e i r world d i f f e r e n t l y . This is not so much a search for some generalized unit of behavioral analysis as i t i s an attempt to understand the organizing p r i n c i p l e s underlying behavior. It i s assumed that each people has a unique system for perceiving and organizing material phenomena—things events, behavior, and emotions (Goodenough 1957). The object of the study i s not these material phenomena themselves, but the way they are organized in the minds of men. Cultures then are not material phenomena,; they are cognitive organizations of material phenomena.2 3  In his c l a s s i c work Language  5  Thought and R e a l i t y , Benjamin Lee Whorf  hypothesizes that the material world is dissected along l i n e s l a i d down ^Stephen T y l e r , "Introduction," Cognitive Anthropology, edited by S. T y l e r , iiew York, Molt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969, p. 3.  9 by one's native language.  3  Within t h i s hypothesis i s contained the idea  that c u l t u r e s , and therefore languages, d i f f e r e n t i a t e those things which are important to them.  Given d i f f e r e n t environmental and social  conditions,  there w i l l be a resultant variation in the phenomena considered to be important.  It  is a logical extension of t h i s hypothesis to advocate that  there is a d i r e c t correspondence between the r e l a t i v e importance of material  phenomena and the degree to which they are distinguished by the  language.^  Consequently, l i n g u i s t i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s w i l l vary from  culture to culture and members of those cultures w i l l perceive the world differently.  This can become an important issue in cross-cultural  studies  where the observer i s faced with the problem of conveying the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s terms and concepts from one language and culture to another. In undertaking the research, the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s point of view was formulated by taking into consideration those Doukhobors who regularly attended the meetings.  At Doukhobor meetings there is lay p a r t i c i p a t i o n  only and since a l l of the l a i t y are potential participants i t can be assumed that they have a common knowledge of the a c t i v i t i e s .  In the case  of the Russian Orthodox Church, where roles are i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y d i f f e r entiated and specialized,5 the preceedinq assumption was modified f o r 3B. L. Whorf, Language, Thought and R e a l i t y , U.S.A., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1956, p. 213. ^ B e r l i n , Breedlove and Raven apply t h i s hypothesis to the naming of plant categories among the Tzeltal-speaking Mexicans. Their findinqs support the hypothesis that the more important ( i . e . useful) a plant i s to the speakers, the more i t w i l l be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d l e x i c a l l y . See t h e i r a r t i c l e "Folk Taxonomies and Biological C l a s s i f i c a t i o n " in S. T y l e r ' s Cognitive Anthropology, pp.60-66. phrase was adapted from Bryan Wilson's a r t i c l e "Analysis of Sect Development" in American Sociological Review, V o l . 24, February 1959, pp. 3-15.  10 practical purposes.  Because of the formal t r a i n i n g of a p r i e s t and be-  cause the nature of his role i s such that the a c t i v i t i e s of a l l  others  are dependent upon i t , i t was assumed that the p r i e s t would have a knowledge of a l l a c t i v i t i e s .  It was from the p r i e s t ' s point of view that the  p a r t i c i p a n t ' s perspective was formulated in t h i s case.  This is not meant  to suggest, however, that we are proposing that the other participants share with the p r i e s t an identical understanding of the a c t i v i t i e s . i s recognized that the congregation's  It  point of view may be of interest in  understanding the a c t i v i t i e s of t h e i r meetings but i t was f e l t that t h i s area of investigation.was  well beyond the scope of the t h e s i s .  In conveying the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s concepts c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y , the observer can only formulate his interpretation and/or analysis of what he believes the participant means.  It is therefore recognized that ethno-  graphic descriptions are formulated p a r t i a l l y by the participant and p a r t i a l l y by the observer.G  Implicit in the preceeding discussion i s the  assumption that the participant has some understanding of the a c t i v i t i e s in which he is involved.  The social s c i e n t i s t can then be seen as a r t i c -  ulating the p a r t i c i p a n t ' s constructs and extrapolating from them.  Using  "secondary constructs" i t is possible to explain material phenomena which are ultimately defined by the participant. It i s further assumed that a c t i v i t i e s are independent of the part i c u l a r individuals who participate in them.  It i s possible to focus upon  the constants in a set of a c t i v i t i e s and to be able to explain what w i l l  T h i s is a point brought out by A l f r e d Schutz in The Problem of Social Reality where he uses the term 'secondary c o n s t r u c t s ^ (ColTected Papers V o l . I T h e Problem of Social R e a l i t y , edited by Maurice i'atanson, The Hague, Martinus N i j h o f f , 1962.) Abraham Kaplan makes a similar d i s t i n c t i o n when he refers to "act meaning and action meaning." (The Conduct of Inquiry, San Francisco, Chandler Publishina Company, 1964j p. 34.) 6  11 occur, regardless of the p a r t i c u l a r individual who performs that a c t i v i t y . In r e l a t i o n to the t h e s i s , there are two points which should be made c l e a r . On the one hand, the rules governing a c t i v i t i e s and events, l i k e the rules of grammar, are consistently applied although individuals may not be aware of them.  On the other hand, the rules for predicting events  and a c t i v i t i e s w i l l be derived and constructed from the rules applied (either e x p l i c i t l y or i m p l i c i t l y ) by the participants.  This is necessary  because i t has been previously argued that d i f f e r e n t cultures categorize t h e i r world d i f f e r e n t l y and that this must be taken into account. Orthodoxy was introduced into Russia in the tenth century and soon became the State r e l i g i o n .  The thesis reviews the history of certain  b e l i e f s of the Orthodox Church and certain of i t s services.  However the  s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l implications of these factors are not considered in the thesis.  This l i m i t a t i o n also applies to the consider-  ation of the Doukhobors and t h e i r history. While i t is postulated? that there may be a h i s t o r i c a l  relationship  between the Orthodox Church and the emergence of Doukhobors in Russia, i t is not possible to assume that the presence of the same t r a i t is always caused by the h i s t o r i c a l connection.  The presence of some t r a i t s may be  due to d i f f u s i o n while others may be the result of independent invention. ?It cannot be stated unequivocally that the Doukhobors and the Russian Orthodox Church were h i s t o r i c a l l y related. Among historians the point of contention appears to be the degree to which Orthodoxy was assimi l a t e d by the people and not whether Orthodoxy was, in f a c t , assimilated. Some writers propose that as a r e s u l t of the reforms introduced in the seventeenth century by Patriarch i'iikon there were controversies among Orthodox Christians over how t h e i r Orthodoxy was to be practiced. It i s argued that i r r e c o n c i l a b l e positions led to the Church's condemnation'of some groups as h e r e t i c a l . Other authors maintain that Orthodoxy was never completely assimilated by the masses and that the development of schismatic groups and the Doukhobors can be attributed to a nominal profession of Orthodoxy and the continuance of pre-Christian practices.  12 It is argued that the h i s t o r i c a l connection between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Doukhobors helps to reduce the l i k e l i h o o d of spurious connections.  As Boas remarks  3  "The h i s t o r i c a l method has reached a  sounder basis by abandoning the misleading p r i n c i p l e of assuming connections wherever s i m i l a r i t i e s of cultures were f o u n d . "  8  In establishing whether or not t r a i t s are r e l a t e d , i t i s  important  to note that a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c w i l l be considered similar when i t can be demonstrated that i t is present in both Orthodoxy and Doukhoborism.  How-  ever this does not permit one to further conclude that t r a i t s evident in both groups are necessarily equivalent.  On an empirical l e v e l , a charac-  t e r i s t i c w i l l be defined by the observer as s i m i l a r only i f the characteri s t i c is observed in both groups; i t w i l l be defined as equivalent i f and only i f the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c shares a d e f i n i t i o n which is common to both sets of participants.  For example, i f a p a r t i c u l a r form of bowing  i s observed in the Sunday meetings of both the Russian Orthodox and the Doukhobors, then t h i s action w i l l be considered s i m i l a r .  If the p a r t i c -  ipants' d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s a c t i v i t y is shared, then the a c t i v i t y w i l l be considered eguivalent.  If a h i s t o r i c a l connection is assumed, and i f  it  can be shown that there are equivalent and/or s i m i l a r t r a i t s among the Russian Orthodox and the Doukhobors, then i t can be suggested that the presence of t r a i t s among the Doukhobors can be explained in r e l a t i o n to those t r a i t s found among the Russian Orthodox. In this section of the chapter we have thus f a r considered the main assumptions upon which the thesis has been premised.  These assumptions  ^Franz Boas, Race, Language and Culture, Hew York Company, 1948, p. 280.  3  The Macmillan  13 are used in attempting to explain and define p a r t i c u l a r social  occasions.  Furthermore,, the a c t i v i t i e s of two related groups are compared with a view to further explaining the a c t i v i t i e s found within one of those groups.  D.  Procedure  The c o l l e c t i o n of data was governed by the assumptions the preceeding section.  set out in  This section w i l l discuss how the data was  gathered. It has been estimated  2  that at the present time there are 20,000  Doukhobors in Canada and that there are approximately 3,000 Doukhobors on the West Coast.  Of those Doukhobors l i v i n g in Greater Vancouver, approx-  imately s i x t y attend s o b r a n i j a l ° there.  When t h i s study was i n i t i a l l y  begun in 1968 there were two separate sobranija regularly held in Greater Vancouver.  Of the sixty Doukhobors attending, roughly one half p a r t i c -  ipate in the meetings at Lockdale H a l l .  This is a community hall located  in Burnaby which i s rented on Sunday afternoons by the Independent Doukhobors.  When the Independent Doukhobors of Greater Vancouver f i r s t  decided to form an organization in 1948 they met in a hall in Hew Westminster. H  In 1S62 they agreed to change the location of t h e i r Sunday  ^George Woodcock and Ivan Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, Toronto, Oxford University Press, 19G8, pp. 1-17; Koozma J . Tarasoff, In Search of Brotherhood, The History of the Doukhobors, Vancouver, Mimeographed, 19G3, V o l . 3, p. 871 (Hereinafter referred to as In Search of Brotherhood)and Harry B. Hawthorn (ed.), Doukhobors of BritisF~ColumbiaT~Vancouver, J . M. Dent and Sons, 1955, p. 9. ^ T h e plurals of Russian words are t r a n s l i t e r a t e d . For example, the ending te is given -for i neuter noun in the nominative singular case while the plural ending for the same i s j a . Thus the plural form of sobranie is sobranija, and molenie is moTenija. ^See Koozma Tarasoff, "A Study of Russian Organizations in the Greater Vancouver Area," Unpublished Raster's T h e s i s University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1963, pp. 149-82. 5  14 meetings to the hall in Burnaby, where they now continue to meet. Most of the remaining Doukhobors can be i d e n t i f i e d as members of Union of S p i r i t u a l Communities of Christ or Sons of Freedom.  These l a t t e r  two groups held t h e i r meetings j o i n t l y in the basement of the Russian People's Home in East Vancouver.  In the case o f the Doukhobors who meet  at the Russian People's Home, informal gatherings have been held spora d i c a l l y since the 1940's.  Tarasoff reports that no regular Sunday  services were held then but that Doukhobors did come together as a group on special occasions such as Petrov den' (Peter's Day, June 29).  During  the winter months of 1968 and 1969 sobranija were held weekly at the Russian People's Home.  At that time those attending said they had met  there the previous winter and that, prior to t h i s , sobranija had been held in private homes.  The winter of 1969 saw the discontinuance of  sobranija at the Russian People's Home.  It has since been learned that  there were several factors contributing to t h i s termination of  gatherings.  One of the reasons given involved a c o n f l i c t of opinions over the purpose of the gathering. of these gatherings  There were those who f e l t that the exclusive purpose should be praying and singing psalms.  But there  were others who f e l t that the discussion of business matters was also appropriate.  Another controversial topic centered around the problem of  who should act as the starosta or ' e l d e r . '  This was an important question  f o r them as the position involved, among other things, contacting people when special occasions arose (e.g. funerals or evening meetings) and c o l l e c t i n g s u f f i c i e n t funds to rent the h a l l .  There seems to have been  yet another major issue that was also discussed at this time.  Among the  Doukhobors attending, d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n was expressed over the place where they met.  The recurrent complaints about the overtones of the Russian  15 People's Home were again reiterated.12  Some people f e l t that the hall  had p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s with which they did not want to be associated. They also f e l t that the Russians frequenting the hall behaved contrary to Doukhobor ideals by smoking and drinking.  No concensus had been attained  a f t e r repeated discussions and the gatherings  gradually ceased.  At the  present time (1971) no sobranija are held at the Russian People's Home. Some of the Doukhobors who formerly met at the Russian People's Home now attend the sobranija at Lockdale Hall with the Independent Doukhobors.  However, while these people have been encouraged to attend  the gatherings  at Lockdale, tensions have appeared because the Indepen-  dents have asked them to make formal application to j o i n the Society of Doukhobors of Canada.  Some of those who have come from the Russian People's  Home feel strongly that Doukhobors are, and must remain, " f r e e " to carry out t h e i r way of l i f e without belonging to any organization.  Discussions  at Lockdale Hall often revert back to this issue and those Doukhobors attending have not yet reached an agreement of opinion. The data in the chapters concerning the Doukhobors was collected mainly from November 1968 to March 1969 during which time the researchers interviewed a l l those Doukhobors in regular attendance. held in the respondents' home.  Interviews were  A series of open-ended questions were  asked, to which the informant responded verbally.  Discussions  in Russian  and/or English took place between the respondent and one of the i n t e r viewers.  The task of the other interviewer was usually one of taking notes  o r , occasionally, of taping the conversation. imately two to four hours.  Each interview lasted approx-  There were twenty-six i n d i v i d u a l s , twelve  -The following issues also appear in T a r a s o f f ' s study of Russian organizations in Vancouver. lJ  16 males and fourteen females, who were interviewed.  Ages ranged from  t h i r t y - t h r e e years to eighty-four years, with an average age of s i x t y . Of these twenty-six i n d i v i d u a l s , fourteen were Independent Doukhobors, eight were members of the Union of S p i r i t u a l Communities of Christ and six were Sons of Freedom at that time.  In addition to the research carried  out in Vancouver, at the end of August 1969 approximately two weeks were spent in Grand Forks, B r i t i s h Columbia, interviewing three Doukhobor h i s t o r i a n s ^ using the available documents in the Iskra l i b r a r y , talking with Doukhobors and observing a wedding and f u n e r a l , as well as prayer meetings and community meetings.  Subsequent interviews were conducted in  the Spring of 1970 (January to A p r i l ) to c l a r i f y and further investigate the findings of the previous years.  Throughout 1970 and 1971 the r e -  searchers p e r i o d i c a l l y attended gatherings at Lochdale H a l l . The Russian language i s s t i l l  spoken at a l l Doukhobor  gatherings.  Russian is also the language of conversation at gatherings in the Russian Orthodox Churches.  However, the Russian Orthodox services are conducted  in Old Church Slavonic.  By the time C h r i s t i a n i t y was introduced into  Russia in the tenth century, the doctrines and practices of Orthodoxy had been translated into the Bulgarian-Macedonian d i a l e c t , a d i a l e c t which was i n t e l l i g i b l e to Slavic people.14  This language has come to be known as  Old Church Slavonic or Church Slavonic.  To the present day the l i t u r g i c a l  13This term i s used to describe three Doukhobor individuals who have c o l l e c t e d material about the Doukhobor history and have published a r t i c l e s . They are respected by Doukhobors in general as being authori t i e s on t h e i r history. Peter Legebokoff is the present editor of Iskra, E l i Popoff i s the o f f i c e administrator of the Union of S p i r i t u a l Communi t i e s of Christ and William Sukhorev i s the author of I s t o r i i a dukhobortsieve. 14 See Chapter II  for a more comprehensive discussion of t h i s point.  17 language has remained the same. modern Russian developed.*  5  Out of t h i s e c c l e s i a s t i c a l  language,  Roman Jakobson states that Russian had be-  come the l i t e r a r y language by the eighteenth century and was used for non-religious purposes.  The Russian Orthodox Churches in Vancouver s t i l l  perform t h e i r services in Church Slavonic.  Since Old Church Slavonic  quite d i s t i n c t from modern Russian, i t i s s a i d  l S  is  that most of the words  chanted in the services are not understood by the congregation. The following discussion i s intended only to demonstrate that the d i a l e c t s of Doukhobor and Russian Orthodox speakers are related and mutually intelligible.  At the same time, however, i t w i l l be emphasized that  there are marked differences between the two.  Within the larger Canadian  s o c i e t y , Doukhobors can be i d e n t i f i e d as a Russian speaking ethnic group. They are further d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from other Russians by t h e i r f a i t h and doctrine as well as by t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e way of speaking the Russian language.  Their d i a l e c t i s characterized by a mixing and blending of the  d i f f e r e n t d i a l e c t s of t h e i r national language.  17  In his "Analysis of the  Phonology of the Dukhobor D i a l e c t , " Harshenin observes that the Doukhobors lack several phonemes that are present in standard Russian, but that they possess additional phonemes absent from Russian. phonemes help to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the t i r o . example  s  18  The use of these  The Russian phoneme g_, for  i s frequently substituted by the phoneme h_ in Doukhobor Russian.  i^Roman Jakobson, "On Russian Fairy T a l e s , " in Structural ism A Reader, edited by M. Lane, London, Jonathan Cape, 1970, p. 136. l^The priests of the Russian Orthodox Churches in Vancouver and members of the congregation expressed this opinion. A . P. Harshenin, "An Analysis of the Phonology of the Dukhobor D i a l e c t , " Master's Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1960, p. 15. 1 7  ^Personal communication, Professor A. Harshenin.  18 to i l l u s t r a t e , the Russian word gospodi hospodi i n Doukhobor Russian.  (meaning ' L o r d ' ) i s pronounced  Harshenin found that the two d i a l e c t s are  also distinguished by variations in morphological factors.  s  syntactical and l e x i c a l  For instance a l e x i c a l difference appears in the use of the  word maSina.  In standard Russian as used by Russian Orthodox speakers,  the v/ord masina denotes a car whereas in Doukhobor Russian the term denotes a train.  This b r i e f discussion was intended to show that as minority  groups in Canada both Doukhobors and Russian Orthodox speakers share a common d i a l e c t , although there are Characteristics unique to each group. Many of the older people who attend the Doukhobor meetings and the Russian Orthodox services do not speak English while middle-aged people tend to speak both English and Russian at t h e i r respective meetings.  Since  the researchers were not completely fluent in Russian, interviews were sometimes conducted in both languages while at other times the aid of a translator was necessary.  In interviewing Doukhobors both English and  Russian were used, the f a c i l i t y of the interviewee and the type of i n f o r mation being e l i c i t e d also governed the use of one p a r t i c u l a r language. Similar remarks apply to the discussions clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church.es.  that took place with members and In these cases however, the  help of a translator was not used even though interviews were likewise conducted in both Russian and English. There are 13,761 Russian Orthodox in Canada according to the Canadian census of 1961, of which 1,509 reside i n Vancouver.  19  From  September 1970 to March 1971 the researchers attended the divine l i t u r g y services at three Orthodox Churches in Vancouver.  When the divine l i t u r g y  Census of Canada, 1961, Ottawa, Queen's P r i n t e r , 1952. "Population: Religious Denominations," B u l l e t i n 1.2-6. 19  services began at the Russian Orthodox Church on Forty-Third Avenue, the average congregation consisted of four males and thirteen females. ''  By  the end of the service the number of those in attendance had risen to nineteen for the males and to t h i r t y - f i v e for the females.  These figures  include those p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the c h o i r , the size of which averaged nineteen—nine of those being male and ten being female.  In contrast,  compared with the average of two children who v e r s present at this< Church, there were seven who attended Sunday services at the Orthodox Church on Campbell Avenue.  Here the number of males also varied from the beginning  of the service to the end.  T;.=e number of males increased from eight to  thirteen while the number o f females varied from sixteen to twenty-two. These numbers include the individuals who sang in the choir.  The mean  s i z e of the choir was ten, consisting of an enual number c f males and females. The Russian Orthodox Church on Thirteenth Avenue iiad the smallest congregation.  On the average there were six males and nine females who  macie up the congregation.  The size of the choir fluctuated from two  i n d i v i d u a l s , one of who was often the p r i e s t , to s i x . bers, two were males and four were females,  Of six choir mem-  during tiie period of study  there were never any children seen at this Church. Of those a s s i s t i n g the p r i e s t or the bishop at the divine l i t u r g y s e r v i c e s , there were always a l t a r boys.  At the Church on Thirteenth  Avenue there was one a l t a r boy although there v.'ere instances when he was ^'fhese figures are based on the total number of males and females at the Sunday s e r v i c e , divided by the number of Sunday services observed during the research period. This procedure has been used in c a l c u l a t i n g attendance figures at Russian Orthodox and Doukhobor meetings.  20 not present and the p r i e s t conducted the service without his  assistance.  Trie number of a l t a r boys accompanying the priest at Campbell Avenue ranged from two to four.  At the Church on Forty-Third Avenue the number of help-  ers for the bishop varied between three and f i v e . was always a subdeacon.  Of these, one helper  ^  Subdeacons were never seen a s s i s t i n g the priests  at the other two Churches. The researchers were unable to interview the members who attended the Churches regularly.  When members of the congregation were approached  with questions about Orthodoxy or about the Sunday s e r v i c e s , they always referred the researchers to the p r i e s t .  The usual response given to the  researchers, as non-members, was that i t was not up to a layman to explain such matters.  One was invariably t o l d to d i r e c t queries to the p r i e s t  "because he i s the one who understands such matters." From October 1970 to flay 1971 interviews were held approximately once a week with the p r i e s t of Holy T r i n i t y Church on Campbell Avenue and the bishop of Holy Resurrection Church on Forty-Third Avenue.  Time  did not permit extensive interviewing with the p r i e s t at St. Ilicholas Church on Thirteenth Avenue.  Occasionally the bishop spoke b r i e f l y with  the researchers a f t e r the services but usually afternoon discussions ing the week were arranged and took place in the parsonage.  dur-  The p r i e s t  at Holy T r i n i t y Church l i v e s several miles from the church building.  When  the interviewers made appointments with him, the arrangement always was to pick him up at his home and drive him to the church where the discussions took place.  In both these interview s i t u a t i o n s , the discussions  were loosely structured and sometimes followed the p r i e s t s ' Conversations usually lasted two hours.  interests.  21  CHAPTER  II  HISTORY OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH In the following chapter a history of the Orthodox Church is presented.  The chapter considers how the Church developed and how the  Orthodox Church sees i t s e l f in r e l a t i o n to others.  It i s also intended  to describe the context from which various dissenting groups,  including  the Doukhobors, emerged. The Orthodox Church traces much of i t s early history to the f i r s t Christian communities in Judaea in the f i r s t half of the second century B.C.I  During the f i r s t three centuries the Roman Empire adopted a policy  towards Christians which fluctuated between t o l e r a t i o n and persecution, depending on the w i l l of the emperors.  The early Christians were at f i r s t  seen by the Reman authorities as a branch of Judaeism and as such stood under i t s protection.  When a d i s t i n c t i o n was l a t e r made, the charges  against Christians were atheism and anarchism.  'Their rejection of the  old gods seemed atheism; t h e i r refusal to j o i n in Emperor-worship seemed treasonable."2  in the fourth century the Roman Empire l o s t some of  unity a f t e r a long period of c i v i l wars.  its  In 313 A.D., Constantine and  his co-emperor L i c i n i u s issued the Edict of Milan granting the f i r s t lSophie Koulomzin, The Orthodox Christian Church Through the Ages, U.S.A., Keystone Publishing Company, 1956, p. 37, (hereinafter referred to as The Orthodox Christian Church), and Williston Walker, A History of the Christian Church, New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1959, p. 3. ^Walker, A History of the Christian Church, p. 43.  22 official  recognition of the Christian f a i t h . 3  This edict did not make  C h r i s t i a n i t y the r e l i g i o n of the Empire but gave i t egual status with the other religions prevailing in the Roman world. the sole r u l e r of the Roman Empire.  Constantine l a t e r became  He favored C h r i s t i a n i t y and when he  moved his capital from Rome to the Greek c i t y of Byzantium in 324, he changed i t s name to Constantinopolis.4  The following year Constantine  c a l l e d an ecumenical council in Nicaea on the advice of his e c c l e s i a s t i c a l advisors. versy.  The council was c a l l e d to s e t t l e the prevailing Arian contro-  Constantine and his advisors  the unity of the Church and State.  saw the controversy as a threat to A p r i e s t Arius taught that Jesus Christ  was not God in the same sense as God the Father.5  This contentious teach-  ing spread throughout the Empire and caused a s p l i t within the Church.  The  Nicaean council condemned Arianism and gave a precise d e f i n i t i o n to the relationship of God the Father and the Son.  This was the f i r s t of seven  councils held to determine matters of Church doctrine and p o l i c y .  The  decrees of these ecumenical councils have become the canons which form the foundation of the Orthodox Church.  However while the decisions thus  formulated are considered to constitute the basis of the Orthodox f a i t h , they are not of immediate relevance f o r our purposes and can therefore be found in Appendix A. From the Orthodox point of view, the Church adheres s t r i c t l y to the ^Timothy Hare, The Orthodox Church, Great B r i t a i n , Penguin Books, 1963, p. 26. A l s o , Koulomzin, The~Q~rthodox Christian Church, p. 73. ^Walker, A History of the Christian Church, The Orthodox Church, p. 277  p. 105 and Ware,  ^Koulomzin, The Orthodox Christian Church, p. 79, and Alexander Schmemann, The H i s t o r i c a l RoacT of Eastern Orthodoxy, New York, Holt, Rinehart a Winston, 1963, p. 77.  23 promulgations o f the seven ecumenical councils thereby regarding i t s e l f as the guardian of the true f a i t h l a i d down by the apostles and the early Christians.  It i s f o r t h i s reason that they c a l l themselves Orthodox  C h r i s t i a n s , the name being taken from the Greek words "ortho" meaning 'true or c o r r e c t ' and "dojsa" meaning ' b e l i e f . '  6  i s one true f a i t h and therefore one true Church.  Orthodoxy claims that there However, as Heyendorff  points out i n his book The Orthodox Church, i t i s a f a l l a c y to argue that there ever was an "undivided church" which lasted f o r nine centuries. Throughout the whole history of the Church there were numerous d i v i s i v e factors causing schisms within the Church.  By moving the "New Rome" to  Constantinople, Constantine geographically separated his new Christian capital from Rome which had enjoyed, until that time, the legitimacy of being the capital of C h r i s t i a n i t y . The following centuries can be seen as increasing the separation between Constantinople and Rome.  Among the factors contributing to the  estrangement of the contending c a p i t a l s were theological differences r e garding the concept of " f i l i o Q u e " and the question of papal  infallibility.  In the sixth century the western Churches inserted the word "fil.iague" (meaning 'and from the Son') into the iiicaean-Constantinopolitan Creed. The Orthodox maintained that the concept of "fil.io.que" was heretical because they believed that the Holy S p i r i t proceeds from the Father a l o n e . According to Orthodox i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , the word was not part of the o r i g ^George H. Demetrakopoulos, Dictionary of Orthodox Theology: A_ Summary o f the B e l i e f , Practices and History of the Eastern Orthodox Church, U.S.A., Philosophical Library Inc., 1064, p. 139 (Hereinafter referred to as Dictionary of Orthodox Theology), and John Meyendorff, The Orthodox Church, U.S.A., Random House, 19C2, p. v i i . 7  Ware, The Orthodox Church, p. 59.  7  irial text and therefore the Creed in i t s altered form was not acceptable since the ecumenical councils s p e c i f i c a l l y forbade any change to be i n t r o duced into the Creed.  The western Churches regarded the Patriarch of Rome,  the Pope, as i n f a l l i b l e , having absolute power over a l l the f a i t h f u l .  As  long as the rule of the Roman Pope did not extend to the eastern Churches i t did not become a controversial  issue.  The Pope, however, believed his immediate power of j u r i s d i c t i o n to extend to the east as well as to the west.... The Greeks assigned to the Pope a primacy of honor, but not the universal supremacy which he regarded as his due.3 There were several other issues which developed over the centuries and which contributed to the eventual d i v i s i o n between the eastern and western Churches. priests:  Among the eastern clergy there were two types of  the black clergy who took the vow of c e l i b a c y , and, the white  or "secular" clergy who were permitted to marry prior to ordination.  In  contrast to t h i s , the western Churches made celibacy mandatory f o r a l l clergy.  In the ninth century another dispute arose over the Roman use of  unleavened bread in the oucharist because the eastern Churches had always used leavened bread.  Variations in language also contributed to the  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of the eastern and western Churches.  In A History of the  Christian Church, Walker mentions that by about the year 450 very few c l e r i c s in western Europe could read and speak Greek.  Conversely, he  says that by GOO A.D. i t was rare for a Byzantine to speak L a t i n .  Pre-  sumably this limited communication and increased the distance between the two Churches. Although repeated attempts were made to restore relations between the eastern and western Churches, 1054 is given as the date of the l a s t  " I b i d . , p. 57.  25 attempted r e c o n c i l i a t i o n .  Consequently t h i s date i s considered as marking  the schism between the Roman and Byzantine Churches.  It should be r e -  emphasized that the two Churches grew up more or less independent of one another from the beginning of C h r i s t i a n i t y , even though communication continued u n t i l the twelfth century. The middle of the ninth century was an epoch of expansion of C h r i s t i a n i t y emanating from Constantinople.  Much of the Church's energy was  directed toward the Slavic countries (Moravia, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Russia ) lying to the north and north-west of the Byzantine Empire. 9  The  Orthodox Church subscribed to the old missionary p r i n c i p l e of permitting each nation to conduct services in i t s own language.1°  Concerning the  conversion of the Slavs to Orthodoxy, perhaps the two people who had the most profound e f f e c t were the Greek brothers C y r i l and Methodius from Thessalonica.  In preparation for t h e i r missionary work in Moravia, the  two monks began a translation of the Bible and the Orthodox l i t u r g i e s into t h e i r native Bulgarian-Macedonian dialect.11  For t h i s C y r i l invented  a Slavonic s c r i p t based ultimately upon Greek l e t t e r s . d i a l e c t of the Bulgarian-Macedonian Church Slavonic.  In this way the  Slavs came to be known l a t e r as  Although the Greek missionaries went to Moravia at the  request of the Moravian Duke, once there, they met with opposition from the German missionaries who followed the western s t y l e of worship.  The  Greek c l e r i c s eventually were expelled, r e s u l t i n g in a Roman v i c t o r y . While the attempt to found a Slavic national Church had f a i l e d in Moravia,  ^Ernst Benz, The Eastern Orthodox Church, Chicago, Aldine Publishing Company, 1963, p. 82.  lOlbid., p. 112.  HLOC.  c i t . , and Walker, A History of the Christian Church, p. 195.  26 i t nevertheless had far-reaching e f f e c t s . ted by the other Slavic c o u n t r i e s  3  When Orthodoxy was l a t e r adop-  i t was introduced in a ready-made form  insofar as the texts were written in a d i a l e c t i n t e l l i g i b l e to the people. The history of Orthodoxy in Kievian Russia begins in the l a t e tenth century when Grand Duke Vladimir I married Anna, the s i s t e r of the Byzantine emperor.!2  on returning to Kiev, Vladimir brought with him Greek  missionaries, books, vestments, icons, crosses, r e l i c s , and church utensils.  In 932 A.D. a mass baptism was held in the r i v e r Dnieper for the  people of Kiev.13  This marks the beginning of Orthodox C h r i s t i a n i t y as  the State r e l i g i o n in Russia.  For approximately two hundred and f i f t y  years Kiev was considered to be the p o l i t i c a l , economic and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l center of Russia.  The Mongol suzaranity over Russia lasted from the  thirteenth to the f i f t e e n t h centuries, during which time a policy of r e l i g i o u s t o l e r a t i o n permitted the Orthodox Church to continue functioning. Gradually Kiev l o s t i t s influence as the capital and in 1325 the see of the Metropolitan was o f f i c i a l l y transferred to Moscow.14  By the middle  of the f i f t e e n t h century the Russians had succeeded in driving out the Mongols and t h e i r new p o l i t i c a l independence roughly coincided with the  ^Walker, A History of the Christian Church, p. 215. 13Koulomzin, The Orthodox Christian Church, p. 137, and D. Attwater, The Christian Churches of the East, London, Geoffrey Chapman, 1961, p. 45. l^Koulomzin, The Orthodox Christian Church, p. 155, and op_. c i t . , p. 215.  27 independence or autocephaly Until t h i s  15  of the Russian Orthodox Church (144816).  time the Patriarch of Constantinople had t r a d i t i o n a l l y appointed  a Greek metropolitan to the Russian Church. Moscow came to be regarded as the new capital of Orthodoxy a f t e r Constantinople was conquered by the Turks in 1453.17  The importance of  iioscow as the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l center was further strengthened by the marriage of Ivan III emperor in 1472.18  ("Ivan the Great") to the niece of the Byzantine Through this marriage Ivan., the Grand Duke of Moscow,  assumed the Byzantine t i t l e of Czar (a  Slavic version of the word  "Caesar")1S and as Czar headed both the Church and the State. In the course of the sixteenth century, the relationship between Church and State that resulted from t h i s union was challenged.  One party  (the "possessors" under Joseph, Abbot of Volokolamsk Monastery ) 20  was  committed to the idea of a close a l l i a n c e between Czar and Patriarch and therefore the acceptance of social and p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s by the Church.  The opposing party (the "non-possessors"  headed by Nil us Sorsky,  l^Meyendorff states (in The Orthodox Church, p. 143) that the word autocephalous comes from the Greek "auto," ' s e l f and "kepha.le," 'head.' According to Demetrakopoulos (Dictionary of Orthodox Theology, p. 21), in Orthodox canon law an autocephalous church i s one which elects i t s own head or primate and i s not dependent upon any other patriarch. The boundaries of the various autocephalies often coincide with national boundaries, although t h i s i s not always the case. l l Jalker, A Hi story of the Christian Church, p. 528. G  I 7 l b i d . , p. 523. l&leyendorff, The Orthodox Church, p. 107. ISWare, The Orthodox Church, p. 113. 20paul Miliukov, Religion and The Church in Russia, New York, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1043, p. 18.  28 founder of the Sorsk Hermitage) sought complete separation of State and Church matters.  The l a t t e r party emphasized a l i f e of monastic poverty  and piety and argued that clergy should be detached from worldly a f f a i r s . The quarrel was, for the most part, settled by the apparent v i c t o r y of the "possessors"  and from the sixteenth century onward the relationship  between State and Church v a s c i l l a t e d between co-existence and domination. The actions of Patriarch Nikon in the mid seventeenth century and of Czar Peter the Great in the eighteenth century demonstrate the i m p l i cations of t h i s union.  As Patriarch, Nikon attempted to standardize  church books and the form of worship,  iiany regional variations had crept  into the form of worship and Nikon demanded that the Russian practices conform to the l i t u r g i c a l customs prevailing in the other patriarchates. In a d d i t i o n , with the introduction of the printing press and the mass reproduction of service books, i t was f e l t that a prototype was necessary. The books, and consequently the p r a c t i c e s , were altered wherever they d i f f e r e d from the contemporary Greek s t y l e .  The reforms most frequently  mentioned in the l i t e r a t u r e concern the position of the fingers in making the sign of the cross, the number of halleluiahs sung and the d i r e c t i o n of Church processions.21  While crossing themselves, the Russians held two  fingers together, while the Greek custom was to hold three fingers t o gether, forming a single point?, whereas the Russians sang halleluiah twice, the Greeks repeated i t three times; Russian processions moved in a westward d i r e c t i o n and, in processions, the Greeks moved the opposite way. However inconsequential these points may have appeared to some of the Russian people, when conformity with the Nikonian reforms was demanded,  21stepniak, The Russian Peasantry, Third E d i t i o n , London, Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1894, p. 3877  29 there were both clergy and l a i t y who refused to accept the new books and to adopt the new forms. Just as there are a number o f explanations for the introduction of the reforms, there are many interpretations given for the strong resistance toward the modifications.  The opponents argued that the Greek practices  were of even more recent o r i g i n than the Russian forms and therefore had no more, or l e s s , j u s t i f i c a t i o n than t h e i r own with regard to the early Christian t r a d i t i o n s .  Further questions were raised about the implications  of the changes upon the saints and the other " f a i t h f u l " of the preceeding centuries who had adhered to the practices now being condemned as "unorthodox."  Although iiikon was deposed by a synod of the other p a t r i -  archs (in 166G A.D.), his reforms remained e f f e c t i v e and in 16C7 a council pronounced an anathema against  schismatics.22  Dissent characterized the seventeenth century in Russia.  This led  f i n a l l y to a schism (raskol) within the Russian Orthodox Church. dissenters  Of the  ( r a s k o l ' n i k i ) , those advocating continuance of the former  Russian Orthodox t r a d i t i o n s severed connections with the Church and came to be known as the Old Believers or Old R i t u a l i s t s .  Among the Old Be-  l i e v e r s , a d i s t i n c t i o n is made between those who have retained the p r i e s t hood (popovci) and those who have rejected the priesthood  (bezpopovci).23  Throughout the seventeenth century schisms spread and the dissenters themselves s p l i t into many f a c t i o n s . This has been viewed by some as a process in which the new factions can a l l be considered to be offshoots of the Orthodox Church.  The  22i;eyendorff, The Orthodox Church, p. 110. 23Robert 0. Crummey, The Old Believers and The World of A n t i c h r i s t , U.S.A., University of Wisconsin Press, 1970, p. 23.  30 divisions are said to have resulted from disputes a r i s i n g over the proper or r i g h t ( i . e . orthodox) form of worship.  A more contentious position i s  taken by those who argue that training for the priesthood was generally characterized by a low standard of education such that the priests were only minimally q u a l i f i e d to perform the functions of t h e i r o f f i c e .  Accor-  ding to t h i s reasoning, the people regarded the priests as tradesmen, performing the necessary services such as baptism, holy communion, marriage and burial which were required by State decree.  This i s aptly  expressed by Stepniak:  * The relations between the moujiks and t h e i r pops having l i t t l e , i f anything of the s p i r i t u a l in them . . . i t remains an undeniable f a c t that as a rule the pops are looked upon by t h e i r parishioners not as guides or advisors, but as a class of tradesmen, who have wholesale and r e t a i l dealings in sacraments.24 The i l l i t e r a c y of the priesthood, in conjunction with the growing distance between the parish priests and the l a i t y , often contributed l i t t l e to the s p i r i t u a l education of the people.25  while i t is impossible not to speak  of a minimal absorption of at least certain aspects of C h r i s t i a n i t y , *iIoujiks means peasants. Pops means parish p r i e s t s . This i s a disrespectful term which seems to be applied most commonly to "white" priests (secular or married p r i e s t s ) . Hingley points out that the proper term for priest i s svjascennik. (R. Hingley, Russian Writers and Society, New York, McGraw-Hill, 1907, p. 151.) Also see Schmemann, The H i s t o r i c a l Road of Eastern Orthodoxy. ^ S t e p n i a k , The Russian Peasantry, p. 373. 25in Chapter I of Religion and The Church in Russia, Miliukov centers on t h i s point in discussing the assimilation of Orthodoxy in Russia from the time of conversion (989 A.D.) to the pre-Mongolian period. Stepniak, in The Russian Peasantry, argues the same point but with respect to the period of time from the conversion to Orthodoxy until the time of his writing (1894). S i m i l a r l y , Dunn and Dunn speak about Orthodoxy in Russia from 1700 to the Bolshevik Revolution in t h e i r book The Peasants of Central Russia, (U.S.A., Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1967).  31 according to this argument i t is impossible to speak of the complete assimilation of i t .  Evidence i s given to support the claim that the con-  v i c t i o n s of the masses remained a mixture of Orthodoxy and pre-Christian beliefs.  Because Dunn and Dunn concisely express several of these ideas  they w i l l be quoted at length. Due to organizational d i f f i c u l t i e s and shortage of personnels the Orthodox Church f a i l e d to maintain active control over many rural areas which were nominally Orthodox. Therefore, quite apart from the questions of the peasant f e s t i v a l cycle and sectarian influences peasant r e l i g i o u s practice deviated from the o f f i c i a l church ceremonial . These deviations sometimes went so far that peasants who considered themselves Orthodox were regarded as schismatics by the Church hierarchy, and were treated accordingly. This i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t example of the way in which the cultural screen between the peasant and the urban resident operates. The operation of the screen in prerevolutionary Russia produced in e f f e c t two cultures in one country, both in point of r e l i g i o n and in other areas of l i f e . It is necessary to bear this in mind when considering any aspect of Russian h i s t o r y , and r.iost e s p e c i a l l y the role of the Orthodox Church in Russian l i f e . 2 6 This position emphasizes that schisms occurred because many of the people had only s u p e r f i c i a l l y assimilated the teachings and practices of the Orthodox Church.  Thus while acknowledging that the immediate issues con-  cerned s p e c i f i c Orthodox teachings and p r a c t i c e s , the d i v i s i o n s are said to express a d i s p a r i t y between the Orthodox doctrine and the continuance of previously existing b e l i e f s .  It w i l l be recalled that in accounting  for the development of the numerous dissident groups the a l t e r n a t i v e interpretation suggests that cleavages arose exclusively out of theologi c a l disputes within the Church. The reforms introduced by Patriarch Nikon had continuing repercussions on the Russian Church and society in the following centuries. another c r i s i s threatening union with the State was faced by the Church  26Dunn and DU?P~ The Peasant", of Central Russia, p. 30.  But  32 when Czar Peter the Great abolished the patriarchate.27  in 1721 he r e -  placed the patriarchate with a new form of organization c a l l e d the Holy Synod.  A new o f f i c e for a "lay procurator" was created and the remainder  of the Synod was comprised of bishops and other clergy appointed by the Czar.  As the Holy Synod was under the immediate control of the procurators  and ultimately the Czar, the power of the Church was subject to the State. This synodical form of organization continued for approximately two hundred years u n t i l , in 1917, the patriarchate was re-established by an All-Russian Church Council and Tikon, Metropolitan of Moscow, was elected Patriarch.28 On January 20, 1918, the Council of Commissaries of the People approved the famous decree regarding the "separation of Church and State and the separation of the schools from the Church," which was promulgated on January 23.29 A series of measures were begun in 1918 to prevent the propagation of Orthodoxy within the U.S.S.R.  A l l church buildings, lands and assets  were nationalized and shortly thereafter theological academies, church schools and seminaries were transferred to the control of the Commissariat f o r People's Education.30  j . order for a r e l i g i o u s group to congregate n  i t became necessary to obtain o f f i c i a l recognition by the State.  While  t h i s policy granted the right to meet for worship services, i t did not 27[ieyendorff, The Orthodox Church, p. 110; Schmemann, The H i s t o r i c a l Road of Eastern Orthodoxy, p. 331; and Walker, A History of the Christian ChurcFT p. 530. Meyendorff, The Orthodox Church, p. 122; Walker, A History of the Christian Church, p."~5T2; Ware, The Orthodox Church, p. 137; and Hicolas Zernov, Eastern Christendom, Hew York, G. P. Putman's Sons, 1961, p. 125. 28  22  Meyendorff  5  The Orthodox Church, p. 125.  30fiiiiukov, Religion and The Church in Russia, p. 158, and Ware, The Orthodox Church, p. 155.  33 allow formal r e l i g i o u s instruction or p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n . This b r i e f discussion i s not intended to be a resume of the o f f i c i a l State policy toward r e l i g i o u s groups and the Orthodox Church in the U.S.S.R. from the October Revolution to the present day.  It  i s intended  only to indicate the general view toward which the Soviet government has tended, recognizing that r e l i g i o u s groups in the Soviet Union have seen times of both r e s t r a i n t and l a x i t y . The re-establishment of the patriarchate in 1917 saw the beginning of further d i v i s i o n s within the Orthodox Church, d i v i s i o n s which have played a fundamental r o l e in the recent history of Russian Orthodoxy. Before Patriarch Tikon died in 1925 he appointed three possible "locumtenentes" or guardians of the patriarchal throne * (the Metropolitans 3  C y r i l , Agathangelos, and Peter), anticipating that further councils probably could not be held regularly.  Because of the incarceration of  these three appointees. Metropolitan Sergius became "deputy locumtenens."  32  In 1927 Sergius o f f i c i a l l y requested that the Soviet  government l e g a l i z e the Patriarchal Synod over which he presided, a request which was granted the same year.  "The l a t t e r demand appeared to  many to be going too f a r in the way of accommodation, for government ' l e g a l i z a t i o n ' necessarily implied an unspecified amount of government control."  3 3  Within the Orthodox Church many of the clergy protested t h i s  move, regarding i t as an unacceptable compromise with the government. Sergius was f i n a l l y elected Patriarch in 1943 by a small group of  Meyendorff, The Orthodox Church, p. 134. Church, p. 161. 31  32[1eyendorff, The Orthodox Church, p. 135. 33LOC.  cit.  Also Ware, The Orthodox  34  bishops34 but he died the following year.  In 1945 Metropolitan A l e x i s ,  a supporter of Sergius, was subsequently elected Patriarch. Not a l l of the Orthodox clergy agreed with the position taken by Sergius and Alexis concerning the relationship of the Russian Orthodox Church and the State.  Among them were a number of clergymen who, in  e x i l e a f t e r the Russian Revolution, formed The Synod of the Russian Church in Lxile.35 Sergius and A l e x i s , however, have several times put out condemnations of the Karlovtsy administration, and the Moscow Patriarchate continues to the present day to regard i t as e n t i r e l y i l l e g a l and uncanonical. The Synod, f o r i t s part, does not recognize as v a l i d the elections of Sergius and Alexis to the Patriarchate; and i t has i g nored the condemnations published by Moscow, looking upon them as p o l i t i c a l documents devoid of any s p i r i t u a l authority.36 There is yet another group of p r i e s t s , presently referred to as The Russian Orthodox Greek Catholic Church of America,37 ho o r i g i n a l l y w  came as missionaries to Alaska in 1794.  When Alaska was purchased by  the United States in 1868, the Russian Orthodox missionaries f e l t the need to extend t h e i r Church to other parts of North America.38  At that  time San Francisco was the center f o r Russian s e t t l e r s and in 1870 i t 34There'were nineteen bishops at t h i s c o u n c i l . Orthodox Church, p. 167.  See Mare, The  35A,1SO known as The Russian Orthodox Church Abroad, Russian Church Outside Russia, The Synodicals, The Karlovtzy Synod or Anastasians. See Ware, The Orthodox Church, p. 181; Tarasoff, "A Study of Russian Organizations in the Greater Vancouver Area," p. 18. 3e  Ware, The Orthodox Church., p. 133.  37A1SO known as The North American J u r i s d i c t i o n or The Metropolia. See Ware, The Orthodox Church, p. 182.  *Vieyendorff,  3  The Orthodox Church, p. 185.  35 was made the see of the Russian Orthodox Diocese in the United  States.  39  The seat of the Metropolitan was l a t e r (1905) transferred to Hew York. By 1924 the Russian Orthodox Church of America had severed contact with the Moscow Patriarch and considered i t s e l f to be an autonomous body. Although the history of t h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n is complicated, the controversy centers mainly upon the recognition of this j u r i s d i c t i o n by the Moscow Patriarchate.  The Patriarchate was not prepared to grant complete autonomy  to the North American j u r i s d i c t i o n and demanded the right to appoint bishops there.  The l a t e Patriarch Alexis is said to have granted an  autocephalous status to the North American Russian Orthodox Church in 1970 j u s t p r i o r to his death.40  i t i s important to remark that the new  o f f i c e of Patriarchate of New York has not yet been f i l l e d .  In spite  of t h i s , The Metropolia considers i t s e l f to be an independent body with i t s own Patriarch. From the Moscovite p o s i t i o n , both The Russian Church in Exile and The Russian Orthodox Greek Catholic Church of America are schismatic. How they view the relationship of the Church and the State in the Soviet Union and how they view themselves connected to the iioscow Patriarchate would therefore appear to be central c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g these two j u r i s d i c t i o n s .  In Vancouver, Churches belonging to The Russian Church  in Exile and The Russian Orthodox Church of America j u r i s d i c t i o n s are represented.  Holy T r i n i t y Church (on Campbell Avenue) and St.  Nicholas  Church (on Thirteenth Avenue) are a f f i l i a t e d with the former j u r i s d i c t i o n while Holy Resurrection Church (on Forty-Third Avenue) belongs to the % o u l o m z i n , The Orthodox Christian Church, p. 230; Tarasoff, "A Study of Russian Organizations in the Greater Vancouver Area," p. 16. 3  40Bishop Antonuk, personal communication.  36 latter j u r i s d i c t i o n . ^ There is a small group of Russian Orthodox Churches known as The Russian Exarchate in Western Europe^ h o , as Russian emigres, recognize w  the Patriarch i n Moscow.  Because there are no Churches with t h i s  affil-  i a t i o n i n North America, no further reference w i l l be made to them. ^*For a discussion of the history and development of these Churches in Vancouver see: Tarasoff, "A Study of Russian Organizations i n Greater Vancouver Area," Chapters 9, 10 and 11. AO  Also known as the Paris J u r i s d i c t i o n . Church, p. 182.  See Ware, The Orthodox  37  CHAPTER  III  HISTORY OF THE DOUKHOBORS Chapter II  outlined the development of the Orthodox Church, the  influence of Orthodoxy in Russia and i t s subsequent introduction to North America.  To understand the Doukhobors i t i s necessary to again  consider the period in history that begins roughly with the seventeenth century. III  The history of the Doukhobors, then, i s the subject of Chapter  beginning with the seventeenth century and the Nikonian reforms.  Brief consideration w i l l be given to some o f the events mentioned in Doukhobor l i t e r a t u r e , with the greater emphasis being given to events which occurred in the l a t e nineteenth and twentieth centuries. On the basis of h i s t o r i c a l evidence many attempts have been made to trace the o r i g i n of the Doukhobors in R u s s i a .  1  For present purposes  i t is s u f f i c i e n t to begin a discussion of the development of the Doukhobors at the time when they came to be i d e n t i f i e d as a s p e c i f i c group of dissidents.  In 1785 the Orthodox bishop of Ekaterinoslav, in the Ukraine  region, used the term duxo borec  2  (meaning 'those who f i g h t against the  reader is referred to Chapter II of the Russian Orthodox Church.  on the h i s t o r i c a l  background  E 1 i Popoff, Historical Exposition of Doukhobor B e l i e f s , Manuscript for the National Museum o f Canada, August 1964, p. 1, (Hereinafter referred to as H i s t o r i c a l Exposition); Charles Frantz, "The Doukhobor P o l i t i c a l System, Social Structure and Social Organization in a Sectarian Society," Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Chicago, 1958, p. 32, (Herei n a f t e r referred to as "The Doukhobor P o l i t i c a l System"); Tarasoff, In Search of Brotherhood, p. 5; and Vladimir Tchertkoff ( e d i t o r ) , C h r i s t i a n Martyrdom in Russia, London, The Free Age Press, 1900, p. 3. 2  38 Holy S p i r i t ' ) to describe one group of heretics who repudiated a l l Orthodox f o r m a l i t i e s .  The meaning of the word l o s t i t s pejorative over-  tones when i t was reinterpreted by i t s members to mean those who wrestle with the chaotic world in an attempt to gain the peace of the s p i r i t . S i m i l a r l y i t was taken to mean those who struggle against the i n j u s t i c e and e v i l in the world with s p i r i t u a l instead of violent means.3 The name 'church' was rejected as was any p a r t i c u l a r man-made structure because i t was contended that the s p i r i t dwells in man and the real church i s within the body. connection with the term church.  There are two points to be made in  The Doukhobors did not see themselves  as being formally constituted in a manner s i m i l a r to the Russian Orthodox Church and hence they rejected l a b e l l i n g themselves as a church ( i . e . subject to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d church d i s c i p l i n e ) .  They referred to the  place where t h e i r meetings were held as obScij dorn^ or molitvenyj dom, glossed respectively as  'community house* and 'prayer house.'  Such a  place was never referred to as xram or cerkov', terms which are glossed in English as 'church.' Each individual was regarded as equal to a l l others and Doukhobors advocated a brotherhood o f a l l mankind, recognizing God as the only 3This interpretation emphasizing the non-violent aspect of Doukhoborism was insisted upon by Legebokoff in an interview. The point is also made in many of the accounts including: J . P. Zubek and P. A. Sol berg, Doukhobors at War, Toronto, Ryerson Press, 1952, p. 7, 177; Popoff, H i s t o r i c a l Exposition, p. 1. ^This i s the term given i n T a r a s o f f ' s In Search of Brotherhood (Vol. 3, p. 917), but molitvenyj dom i s moreHEhe commonTy used form today.  39 supreme authority.5  Doukhobors were of the conviction that a l l  possess the s p i r i t o f God.  believers  They said that a l l were equal to interpret  the "Christ within" and that the individual himself was the only true priest.  Perhaps i t was from t h i s precept of equality that Doukhobors  renounced the authority of the clergy and government.6 the f o r m a l i t i e s and the ' r i t u a l '  They also opposed  ( r i t u a l ) of the Orthodox form of worship  including the Bible as the ultimate source of i n s p i r a t i o n , Orthodox l i t urgy, icons, crosses, f a s t s , sacraments, baptism, communion, and c o n f i r mation—all of which they saw as unnecessary e x t e r n a l i t i e s .  Emphasizing  the unity of the individual and God through the Holy S p i r i t , the Doukhobors interpreted baptism, marriage and communion as manifestations of the s p i r i t but not as overt acts.  From the Doukhobor perspective bap-  tism, for example, took place when a person repented and believed in God. Consequently they regarded baptism with water "as useless, saying that water only washes o f f the uncleanness of the external body."? Because these views were seen by the Orthodox Church and the State not only as heretical but also as a n a r c h i c a l , Doukhobors were continually persecuted.  At f i r s t Doukhobors were concentrated in the three provinces  of Ekaterinoslav, Tambov, and Kharhov.B 5  T n i s  i  in 1792 the governor of  s  a fundamental tenet professed by a l l Doukhobors. It can be seen, for example, in the "Declaration of the Union of S p i r i t u a l Communities of Christ in Canada," proclaimed in Verigin Saskatchewan, 1934. F r a n t z , "The Doukhobor P o l i t i c a l System," p. 16; Tchertkoff (ed.), C h r i s t i a n Martyrdom in Russia, p. 5-6; Zubek and Sol berg, Doukhobors at War, p. 7. 6  7Tchertkoff (ed.), C h r i s t i a n Martyrdom in Russia, p. 10. See also Tarasoff, In Search of Brotherhood, V o l . 1, p. 11; Zubek and Sol berg, DoukhoBors at War, p. 16$. 8  T a r a s o f f , In Search of Brotherhood, V o l . 1, p. 33.  40 Ekaterinoslav advocated that the Doukhobors be shown no mercy, for t h e i r b e l i e f s were seen by the o f f i c i a l s as a potential threat to the Russian Orthodox people with whom they came in contact.  Those practicing the  Doukhobor teachings were condemned to be burnt; the sentence was l a t e r remitted and they were exiled to "various regions on the periphery of the Russian Empire."  9  During the reign of Czar Alexander I (1801-1825) a  p o l i c y of t o l e r a t i o n towards the Doukhobors was adopted.  In 1802 they  were relocated in Taurida along the Molocnaja River, which in English i s generally described as the Milky Waters.10  Here the Doukhobors were  permitted to organize t h e i r l i v e s as they chose.  The State interfered  l i t t l e with them, p a r t i c u l a r l y regarding the matter of compulsory m i l i t a r y service. I  Alexander's reign was followed by the reign o f Nicholas  (1825-1855) a period during which Doukhobors were again persecuted.  In 1839 the Czar delivered an ultimatum that those not renouncing the Doukhobor teachings and returning to the Russian Orthodox Church would be exiled to the Caucasus.  Thus in 1841 Nicholas I expelled the r e c a l -  c i t r a n t Doukhobors from the Milky Waters region and forced them to r e locate near T i f l i s in the Caucasus Mountains.  Later, in 1887, an edict  was issued enforcing universal m i l i t a r y service.  This caused the Doukho-  bors to take an overt stand to uphold t h e i r b e l i e f s . At t h i s time in Doukhobor history the hereditary s p i r i t u a l leadership was held by Peter V a s i l i e v i c h Verigin (or Peter the Lordly) who set out to l i v e an exemplary l i f e by abstaining from eating meat, smoking and drinking l i q u o r .  Not only were these proscriptions i n s t i t u t e d among  Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, p. 31.  9  l O l b i d . , p. 36.  41 his followers, but communal l i v i n g and passive resistance were also made mandatory.  In response to the edict of 1887, Peter the Lordly chose  June 29, 1895 (Petrov den') as the day a l l Doukhobors would burn t h e i r weapons as a public demonstration of t h e i r refusal to serve in the army. Prior to the burning of arms, June 29th was said to be the day commemorating the b i r t h of the saints Peter and Paul.  In a d d i t i o n , the 29th  of June had been recognized as an important day by the Doukhobors f o r on the 29th of June, 1859, t h e i r leader Peter V a s i l i e v i c h Verigin was born.11  This public demonstration of Doukhobor opposition to conscrip-  tion led the State authorities to further persecute them.  These actions  eventuated in the migration of approximately 7,500 Doukhobors to Canada in 1899, although 12,000 chose to stay  behind.I  2  Arrangements, negotiated p r i o r to t h e i r a r r i v a l in Canada, appeared to the Doukhobors to protect t h e i r a f f a i r s from government interference. Education, under the authority of provincial governments, was not yet compulsory in outlying areas.  Nor was there a national r e l i g i o n to which  Canadian c i t i z e n s or immigrants were forced to conform.  From 1899 to  1904 Doukhobors arrived in Canada and were given land in the P r a i r i e **Popoff, H i s t o r i c a l Exposition, p. 18; Tarasoff, In Search of Brotherhood, p. 126; and Woodcock and Avakumovic, The DouFhobors, p. 76. 12These are the figures quoted to T a r a s o f f ' s In Search of Brotherhood , V o l . 1, p. 196; also in Hawthorn (ed.), The DoukTiobors o f B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 7; Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, p. 149; and Zubek and Sol berg, Doukhobors at War, p. 32. It w i l l be noted that at the turn of the century more Doukhobors remained in Russia than immigrated to Canada. During the 1880's the Doukhobors were s p l i t into two f a c t i o n s , the Large Party (although numerically the smaller party) under Peter V a s i l i e v i c h V e r i g i n , and the Small Party under Gubanov. This schism has been attributed mainly to a controversy over the legitimacy of Peter V a s i l i e v i c h V e r i g i n ' s claim for leadership, following the death of Luker'ia Kalmykova. See Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, pp. 70-85.  42 regions.  Under the provisions of the recently ammended Hamlet Clause  ( o r i g i n a l l y i n s t i t u t e d in 1870 f o r the Mennonites) they were allowed to s e t t l e together and to c u l t i v a t e the land j o i n t l y .  Further, by an Order  in Council of 1898 they, along with other p a c i f i s t i c groups, were exempt from m i l i t a r y service.13 Approximately 1907, the r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous group of "Canadian Doukhobors" s p l i t into three major factions.  While sharp l i n e s were  drawn between the groups over the question of pledging a l l e g i a n c e , less c l e a r l y defined boundaries emerged as early as 1900 when, according to several sources, approximately 2,000 Doukhobors had l e f t the community organization to farm independently. ^ 1  The factional d i v i s i o n s were  p a r t i a l l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to i r r e c o n c i l a b l e opinions on the question of the hereditary s p i r i t u a l leadership.  In 1905 government pressure demanded  that oaths of allegiance be taken in compliance with the Homestead Act. The signing of the Act involved two things contrary to Doukhobor p r i n c i p l e s — p r i v a t e ownership of land and swearing allegiance to the Queen. To r e g i s t e r land as individuals was a v i o l a t i o n of the Doukhobor tenet of communal l i v i n g and to swear allegiance to a monarch meant the recogn i t i o n of a sovereign other than God. icy were reached. Doukhobor.  Mo consensus and no o f f i c i a l p o l -  In the end i t became a personal decision for each  As a r e s u l t , the Doukhobors s p l i t into three main groups.  13woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, p. 134. ^Woodcock and Avakumovic (The Doukhobors, p. 159) c i t e t h i s figure from Bonch-Bruevich. Hawthorn (The Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 32) quotes from the same author also.  43 F i r s t , those who signed the Homestead Act (about 1,000 ) came to be 15  c a l l e d Independents since by owning land i n d i v i d u a l l y they e x p l i c i t l y disregarded the Community organization.  Secondly, those who refused to  take the oath of allegiance (roughly 6,400) were no longer e l i g i b l e f o r Crown land and t h e i r property reverted to the government.  Subsequently  t h i s l a t t e r group formed a l e g a l l y recognized company known as the C h r i s t ian Community of Universal Brotherhood Limited (C.C.U.B.) and bought land en masse, enabling them to continue l i v i n g and working together as a corporate group.  And t h i r d l y , the t i t l e Sons of Freedom came to be  associated with those Doukhobors who have been zealous opponents of assimilation*  6  throughout the entire time Doukhobors have been in Canada,  demonstrating t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s with the Canadian government and the modern North American way of l i f e .  Few in numbers during a l l of Doukho-  bor h i s t o r y , they were estimated to number about one hundred at the turn of the century. The Independent Doukhobors (now under the charter name of the Society of Doukhobors in Canada) remained in Saskatchewan a f t e r pledging allegiance.  They were more or less ostracized by the other Doukhobors  * These figures are estimations given by E l i Popoff, personal communication. Similar figures are given in Hawthorn's book The Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 8. Woodcock and Avakumovic estimate that ten per cent of the Doukhobor population was Independent by 1906 (The Doukhobors p. 198). The authors recognize that this l a s t figure seems to contradict that given previously where i t was said that by 1900 there were approximately 2,000 Independents (both estimates given by Woodcock and Avakumovic). However Woodcock and Avakumovic suggest that the decline in the number of Independents stemmed from pressures f o r conformity by Peter the Lordly a f t e r his a r r i v a l in Canada (1905). 5  T h e resistance of the Sons of Freedom to the a s s i m i l a t i v e process i s a point which i s discussed at length in the Hawthorn Report on the Doukhobors (1952). The point is also made by Woodcock and Avakumovic. 16  44 who, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the early years, are said to have been discouraged by t h e i r leader from associating with t h e m .  17  Most of the Independents  recognized Peter V a s i l i e v i c h Verigin as t h e i r s p i r i t u a l leader but denied the authority of his successors. Under Peter the Lordly the Christian Community of Universal Brotherhood was incorporated in 1 9 1 7 . ^  The Union of S p i r i t u a l Communities of  Christ (U.S.C.C.), envisioned by Peter Petrovich Verigin as the successor of the C.C.U.B., was not incorporated u n t i l 1939, one year a f t e r his death.  19  Members of both the Christian Community of Universal Brother-  hood and the Sons o f Freedom began migrating to B r i t i s h Columbia to acquire land i n 1908.  Although both these groups acknowledge the leader-  ship of the l a t e Peter Petrovich V e r i g i n , the U.S.C.C. members now r e spect the s p i r i t u a l guidance of John J . Verigin whereas many of the Sons o f Freedom follow Stephan S. Sorokin.  It i s interesting to note that  John J . Verigin i s regarded as the s p i r i t u a l leader by some members of the U.S.C.C. because of his lineage although his o f f i c i a l position r e mains only that of honorary chairman of the organization.20 The succession of hereditary leaders frequently has been a cont r o v e r s i a l issue among Doukhobors, the most recent example of which T a r a s o f f , In Search of Brotherhood, V o l . 2, p. 496; Woodcock and Avakumovic, The~Doukhobors, p. 240. 17  °Hawthorn, The Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 10; Tarasoff, In Search Of Brotherhood, V o l . 2, p. 410; and Zubek and Sol berg, Doukhobors at War, p. 100. I n conversation, members of the Union of S p i r i t u a l Communities of C h r i s t are usually referred to as "Orthodox" Doukhobors. Members of the Society of Doukhobors of Canada are generally referred to as "Independents." 19  20john J . Verigin was chosen f o r this position i n J u l y , 1961. See Tarasoff, In Search of Brotherhood, V o l . 3, p. 717, and Hawthorn, The Doukhobors of BritisTTColumbia, p. 255.  concerns Stephan Sorokin.  He i s regarded as a s p i r i t u a l leader by many  of the Sons of Freedom although there are other Doukhobors who question his claim.  It i s not only Sorokin's legitimacy that has been questioned;  throughout the e n t i r e history of the Doukhobors disputes have arisen over the question of hereditary leaders.  Several w r i t e r s  2 1  have sugges-  ted that these c o n f l i c t s are the r e s u l t of "structural ambivalence" inherent in Doukhobor b e l i e f s and organization.  Because every i n d i v i d -  ual i s free to interpret the " s p i r i t within" himself, he i s considered to be equal to a l l other i n d i v i d u a l s .  Consequently every person has the  potential f o r becoming a leader in spite of the fact that the descendents (putative or genealogical) of a p a r t i c u l a r family usually become the leaders.  It is said that because of "structural ambivalence"  there 1s the p o s s i b i l i t y of c o n f l i c t between the unlimited freedom of Individuals and the restraints placed upon those individuals by r o u t i n i zation.22  i t becomes apparent then that i f some kind of balance between  the authority of the individual and the authority of the c o l l e c t i v i t y i s not met, factionalism w i l l r e s u l t .  For almost as long as Doukhobors  have been in existence they have been wrestling with the implications of leadership, organization and r o u t i n i z a t i o n on t h e i r b e l i e f in freedom and i n d i v i d u a l i t y .  2lHarry B. Hawthorn, Charles Frantz, Koozma J . Tarasoff. A c c o r d i n g to Weber, charismatic authority rests upon the values of the extraordinary and i s opposed to t r a d i t i o n a l domination which Weber says i s based upon the sanctity of everyday routines. This c o n f l i c t i s always resolved with the charismatic authority becoming organized and permanent, f i n a l l y succumbing to r o u t i n i z a t i o n . (H. H. Gerth and C. W. M i l l s (eds.), From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, New York, Oxford University Press, 1958, pp. 52-54, 297TT This i s a point Frantz also develops in his thesis "The Doukhobor P o l i t i c a l System." 22  46 Presently in Canada members of these three factions of Doukhobors are to be found.  It i s important to keep in mind that the membership  in these categories fluctuates.  "There is no hard and f a s t dividing  l i n e of b e l i e f or of behavior between them the Sons of Freedom;and the others, and even membership and support are d r i f t i n g This is noticeable at meetings in Vancouver.  categories."23  For example i t can, and  does, happen that a member of the Sons of Freedom w i l l attend a meeting of the Independents or vice versa.  Although such a person participates  f u l l y , following the p a r t i c u l a r s t y l e of the group he i s v i s i t i n g ,  his  past a c t i v i t i e s and allegiances are remembered and are used to explain any inappropriate behavior.  Thus in attending a meeting of  Independents,  i f an individual from the Sons of Freedom were to kneel to the f l o o r in accordance with his s t y l e of worship, the others present would not follow his example; among themselves, they would probably explain t h i s behavior by the f a c t that he i s a zealous Son of Freedom.  Not only do  individuals attend the a c t i v i t i e s of d i f f e r e n t f a c t i o n s , but they sometimes also change the group with which they choose to be i d e n t i f i e d . A Son of Freedom can, for instance, become a member of e i t h e r the U.S.C.C. or the Independents.  Membership in the l a t t e r two groups i s more stable  in that membership turnover may be somewhat deterred by formal a p p l i cation to these organizations while such a formality does not seem to be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of allegiance with the Sons of Freedom.  At the present  time (1971) only the Independent Doukhobors hold sobranija regularly in Vancouver.  At these sobranija individuals from a l l three Doukhobor f a c -  tions p a r t i c i p a t e and sometimes the boundaries between the groups are d i f f i c u l t to detect.  23rlawthorn (ed.), Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 10.  47  CHAPTER IV  CONTEMPORARY DOUKHOBOR MEETINGS Having b r i e f l y considered the history of the Doukhobors, attention w i l l now be focused upon contemporary Doukhobor meetings which are held . on Sundays.  This chapter describes the Sunday meetings which take place  in Vancouver and Grand Forks, B r i t i s h Columbia.  A.  Setting  It i s understood by Doukhobors that a sobranie  1  begins at eleven  o' Clock every Sunday morning in Grand Forks and at one o' clock in Vancouver.  2  Doukhobors acknowledge no holy days and maintain that they  hold a sobranie on Sunday s t r i c t l y f o r the sake of convenience. are also held on special occasions.  Sobranija  On June 29 (or the closest Sunday  to that date) the Doukhobors commemorate Petrov den' (or Peter's Day) by holding a meeting out of doors. sobranie on August 1 as w e l l .  The U.S.C.C. Doukhobors gather for a  Annually they recognize this as Declaration  Day; in August 1934 a declaration of b e l i e f s was formulated and i t was this document that in 1938 became the basis of the U.S.C.C. are held year round in Grand Forks.  Sobranija  This i s also the case among the  iThe term sobranie here refers to a 'gathering' or 'meeting' in a general sense. This i s the term used by Doukhobors i n Vancouver in reference to Sunday meetings. In addition to the word sobranie, Grand Forks Doukhobors use another term. Molenie or 'prayer meeting' i s a more s p e c i f i c term used only in reference to t h e i r morning meeting. This i s an important d i s t i n c t i o n and should be kept in mind as the following descriptions are read. The Independent Doukhobors i n Vancouver are the exception in that they hold t h e i r sobranija on the l a s t Sunday of every month. 2  48 Vancouver Independents but when the other group in Vancouver held t h e i r own meetings, they did not meet during the summer months.  The s p e c i f i c  d e t a i l s regarding the hour, day and season peculiar to the various sobranija are taken for granted.  That i s , there i s no announcement of  the next meeting, and because of the nature and form of the meeting, there are few preparatory requirements.  For example, no individual de-  l i v e r s a sermon which could necessitate weekly preparation; because there i s no choir there obviously are no rehearsals during the week. Shortly before the beginning of the sobranie a l o a f of bread i s brought to the hall and i s placed on a table with s a l t and water.  These  items are the pre-arrangements necessary for the staging of a sobranie. 1.  Exterior Setting  One of the o r i g i n a l p r i n c i p l e s Doukhobors upheld was the rejection of any e x t e r n a l i t i e s of worship.  Because the Holy S p i r i t dwells within  man, they saw no need to attach great importance to the place where they met for prayers.  Having no special buildings, rooms or paraphernalia  they formerly met outside or in someone's home.  Today they maintain  that private houses are too small to accommodate t h e i r needs.  Grand  Forks i s a town with a population of approximately 5,000, s i x t y percent of which are of Doukhobor o r i g i n . 3  The Doukhobors l i v i n g there have  always had t h e i r own meeting hall and a new hall was b u i l t there in 1958.  In Vancouver, where the Doukhobor population attending sobranija  3Tarasoff, In Search of Brotherhood, V o l . 3, p. 875.  49 i s smaller, community h a l l s are rented by each of the two groups.^  The  Grand Forks dom (a word meaning 'house') is situated i n the middle of a large f i e l d on the outskirts of town.  It is a two-storied wooden s t r u c -  ture, facing east-west, with large continuous windows along the north and south sides.  There are no sign boards outside to indicate the iden-  t i t y of the building. Both of the h a l l s used in Vancouver are situated on side streets and while signs on the e x t e r i o r i d e n t i f y the buildings as community h a l l s , there i s nothing to indicate that this i s where Doukhobors meet. As i n Grand Forks, the buildings l i e i n an east-west d i r e c t i o n , with the entrance at the west end.  The locations of the buildings are such that  t h e i r s e t t i n g removes them from obvious extraneous noises including sounds from cars passing by, children playing or i n d u s t r i a l plants.  2.  Interior Setting  One enters the dom in Grand Forks through a set of doors on the west end of the building and then proceeds up four or f i v e s t a i r s to three sets of closed doors.  Beyond these doors l i e s the main room  (approximately f i f t y feet by ninety feet) which i s bounded at the f a r end by a b u i l t - i n stage.  One immediately senses a f e e l i n g of spacious-  ness created by the twenty foot c e i l i n g and the uninterrupted plate glass windows.  Because the windows constitute the greater portion of  ^As the terms f o r the various groups are cumbersome, the following notational system w i l l sometimes be used: (G) denotes Doukhobors in Grand Forks (G); (L) denotes the Independent Doukhobors who meet at Lockdale Hall (L) i n Burnaby; (R) denotes Sorts of Freedom and Union of S p i r i t u a l Communities of Christ Doukhobors who hold t h e i r meetings together at the Russian People's Home (R) i n Vancouver.  50 the side w a l l s , they expose the surrounding countryside. highly polished natural wood with no f l o o r covering. the same natural wood.  The f l o o r i s  The walls are of  There are no curtains or furnishings, nor i s  there any type of ornamentation (such as p i c t u r e s , i c o n s , candles, flowers e t c . ) i n the h a l l .  The wooden benches p i l e d along the walls, beneath  the windows, are a l l that disrupt the emptiness of the room. Because the h a l l i s used on many other occasions, the lower f l o o r or basement has kitchen f a c i l i t i e s and a dining area to accommodate three hundred people.  When the dining area i s not in use, the collapsable  tables and chairs are stored in the west corner, leaving a large empty area to be used as the occasion demands.  In contrast to the complete  absence of ornamentation in the upstairs h a l l , there are several small p o r t r a i t s of Doukhobor leaders and prominent Russian writers (e.g. Leo Tolstoy) on the basement walls. The two h a l l s in Vancouver are roughly the same s i z e ( t h i r t y feet by s i x t y feet) and are of the same general layout, with two sets of doors, a stage at the east end, and movable c h a i r s .  In the three h a l l s , the  area between the two sets of doors is not used for s o c i a l i z i n g ; rather, upon entering one immediately proceeds through both sets of doors.  In  Vancouver there i s not the same sense of spaciousness because the rented h a l l s have fewer and smaller windows.  In a d d i t i o n , the darker surface of  the walls seems to close i n the area.  Just as there are no Doukhobor  accessories displayed outside, there are no Doukhobor ornaments or f i x tures inside.  This i s not to say that there are no pictures etc. on  the w a l l s — o n l y that they do not belong to the Doukhobors. There are c e r t a i n arrangements which are c a r r i e d out j u s t p r i o r to the beginning of a sobranie.  A ' t a b l e ' ( s t o l ) i s placed at the east  51 end of the room, about eight feet from the stage and an equal distance from the north and south walls. shape.  The table i s small and can be of any  In one case i t is round (G), in another square (L), and in the  l a s t , rectangular (R). cloth or not.  The table can either ba covered with a t a b l e -  Thus at one hall  (R) the table is not covered; at the  other two halls the table is covered but in one instance (G) there is a plain white cloth and, in the other (L), there is a cloth with a white background and a multi-colored design. 'salt  1  ( s o l ' ) and 'water'  Upon the table 'bread'  (voda) are placed.  (xleb),  In a l l three cases water  from a tap is poured into a pitcher and placed on the table along with an empty glass and a s a l t c e l l a r .  A loaf of bread is sometimes put on a  plate but in any case i t is put near the other objects on the table. These objects are grouped together although t h e i r arrangement would appear to be a r b i t r a r y . -  In Vancouver, the bread is usually brought by  the informal chairman-who also takes i t upon himself to set out these objects and the table. taker of the dom. bread.  In Grand Forks, this duty f a l l s upon the care-  Mere, one of the women brings a loaf of homemade  It i s a round loaf about eight inches high, and, though i t  is  baked in the t r a d i t i o n a l way, there is no special preparation to set this p a r t i c u l a r l o a f apart from others.  The bread used at a Vancouver  sobranie i s usually purchased at the local store j u s t before the meeting and i s placed on the table in i t s commercial wrapping.  As the bread i s  brought to the hall for the occasion, i t is taken home afterwards by the donor whereas the other objects are stored at the hall and are reused at the next meeting.  The display of bread, s a l t and water i s an old  52 Slavic custom i n d i c a t i v e of h o s p i t a l i t y . ^  When asked, Doukhobors say  that while bread, s a l t and water may have individual meaning, in this context they are taken together to represent h o s p i t a l i t y , the basic necessities of l i f e and " t o i l and peaceful l i f e . " The table i s used to orient oneself in the building f o r as one enters the room, the males w i l l group on the l e f t half of the hall and the females on the right h a l f .  (See Diagram 1.)  Using the table as a  point of reference, Doukhobors say that males are on the right hand side and females on the l e f t hand side.  While from the entrance men are seen  to be on the l e f t and women on the r i g h t , Doukhobors see the reverse as being true since men are said to be on the right hand side of God and women on the l e f t .  6  This p a r a l l e l s t h e i r respective positions when one  stands behind the table and faces west. The above i s applicable to a l l three sobranija but i n Vancouver chairs are set up before the beginning of the meeting.  Again in r e l a -  tion to the t a b l e , several rows of chairs are set a few feet from the table toward the west end.  The rows of chairs are grouped so that those  on the men's side and those on the women's side face each other.  (See  Diagram 1.) B.  Participants  It was mentioned previously that the ages of those attending sobranija range between t h i r t y - t h r e e and e i g h t y - f i v e years, the average age being sixty to sixty f i v e years.  At such a meeting there i s  usually  ^Both Doukhobors and Russians say that this has been the custom f o r generations. See also Dunn and Dunn, The Peasants of Central Russia, p.  97.  6  T h i s interpretation was given by a l l  informants.  DIAGRAM. 1 DOUKHOBOR MEETING HALLS  East s in ac-  ,X table  il  Y.  empty chairs  position for f i r s t boy and qreotino  x  xx  y TV  y x  MEETING HALL IN VANCOUVER  L E G E N D ;  x  denotes males congregating before sobranija X denotes males during sobranija y denotes females congregating before sobranija - • Y ctefletes-^emates daring sobranija  54 an equal number of males and females.  The absence of young people, or  those between the ages of ten and t h i r t y years, i s readily apparent. Occasionally young children of both sexes accompany t h e i r parents.  Duri  the meeting children w i l l remain with the parent of the same sex. At a sobranie not only do most of the participants know each other on a f i r s t name basis, but because of the f a m i l i a r i t y within the ethnic group, one can also trace an i n d i v i d u a l ' s parents, grandparents, close r e l a t i v e s , v i l l a g e Of o r i g i n , allegiances and a c t i v i t i e s by the family name.  Before the meeting begins people chat q u i e t l y , often making i n -  q u i r i e s about other Doukhobors or talking about the differences between the various factions.  In a group where members know each Other, the non  member or the stranger is conspicious upon entrance, e s p e c i a l l y i f he does not give the proper Doukhobor greeting.  If one f a i l s to extend the  appropriate greeting or i f the proper greeting i s given and one s t i l l remains unrecognized, those Doukhobors already present w i l l ask one's family name.  If  patronymic name.?  the name is of Doukhobor o r i g i n one i s then asked his From this information the Doukhobors w i l l i n f e r that  one has come because of his background; in the case of a non-Doukhobor the reason for one's presence is asked. During the informal conversation p r i o r to the meeting individuals frequently glance around to check f o r the presence or absence of those who regularly attend.  When those who are expected to be there have  ?Among Russian speakers, one's patronymic name i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from one's family name. The patronymic is thename derived from the f a t h e r ' s f i r s t name with the addition of the appropriate s u f f i x . This name preceeds one's family name or surname, thus for example, in the name Peter Petrovich V e r i g i n , Petrovich ('son of Peter') is the patronymic and Verigin is the family name.  55 a r r i v e d , or when i t is f e l t enough people are present, someone suggests that the meeting begin.  The suggestion i s usually made by an e l d e r ,  always a male, who.simply says " L e t ' s s t a r t brothers and s i s t e r s . " ' e l d e r ' or s t a r o s t a  8  The  i s expected to be the i n i t i a t o r probably because he  i s assumed to have the greatest knowledge o f the t r a d i t i o n s .  The elder  informally assumes this role as a function of the p a r t i c u l a r social context and not s o l e l y because of personal a t t r i b u t e s . i n i t i a t o r at some sobranija and not at others.^  Thus he may be an  S p e c i f i c a l l y , as e l d e r ,  he is concerned with choosing the appropriate time to begin.  He i s  usually the f i r s t to give a prayer and he knows,.as does everyone e l s e , those who usually 'read' p r a y e r s . 1 °  He picks up cues as to when a given  sequence of events has terminated and a new one should commence.  In  some subtle manner (such as r a i s i n g his eyebrows or glancing in a certain d i r e c t i o n ) he intimates that i t i s appropriate f o r the next a c t i v i t i e s to begin. Considering a l l of the sobranija the researchers attended, there °The starosta ( l i t e r a l l y , ' e l d e r ' ) i n nineteenth century Russia was the head of the mir or peasant commune. (Dunn and Dunn, The Peasants of Central Russia, p. 9.) The elder was chosen by the members of the commune to act as t h e i r spokesman and to manage the transactions of the mir. (Also see Tarasoff, In Search of Brotherhood, Vol. 1, p. 54.) b r a k e ' s a r t i c l e was helpful in discussion of "assistants" in Subanun ("A Structural Description of Subanun Cognitive Anthropology, T y l e r , (ed.),  describing this r o l e . See his ceremonies, expecially p. 480. ' R e l i g i o u s ' Behavior," in 1969, pp. 470-487.)  l^The meanings given f o r the Russian verb c i t a t ' are 'to read' and ' t o r e c i t e . ' When Russian or Doukhobor Russian speakers translate this verb into English they tend to use one f o r m — ' t o read.' Thus the Doukhobors w i l l say in English that they "read t h e i r prayers." The English speaker should remember, however, that Doukhoborism i s an oral t r a d i t i o n and that prayers are ' r e a d ' ( i . e . recited) from memory.  56 were few incidents that could perhaps be c a l l e d inappropriate behavior. At one meeting in Vancouver, people were standing s i l e n t l y except for the person who was r e c i t i n g his prayer.  An e l d e r l y woman in her l a t e  eighties interrupted the proceedings by i n t e r j e c t i n g a few i r r e l e v a n t comments ( i . e . i r r e l e v a n t to the proceedings).  This was the only time  the elder was observed to make an overt gesture; he simple c a l l e d her name--"Tanya."  She immediately recoiled and stood in silence for the  remainder of the meeting.  It should be noted that in some ways this  is  an atypical example for everyone present considers the old woman to be "a l i t t l e s e n i l e " and excuses her on this account.  Nevertheless the  example was included as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of how the elder i s expected to handle violations of understood rules of conduct.  But i t i s not always  the elder who i s expected to deal with improper s i t u a t i o n s .  In the case  of a person who may attempt to converse in a hushed voice with his neighbour, those around him w i l l indicate that he i s not conforming to the decorum by turning to look at him b r i e f l y .  C.  Dress  At the sobranija of a l l three groups, men's a t t i r e i s not s t r i k i n g l y d i s t i n c t i v e and i t would not readily i d e n t i f y them as bor.'  Men wear e i t h e r suits or sports jackets and pants.  Shirts  'Doukhorange  from dress s h i r t s to sports s h i r t s and t i e s are worn by some but not by others. is worn.  Consistency seems to l i e in the fact that some type of jacket While men may wear overcoats and hats to the hall these are  removed a f t e r entering. In contrast to the men, the women at Grand Forks meetings have a d i s t i n c t i v e l y Doukhobor way of dressing.  No woman w i l l enter the dom  57 without her head covered.  A large shawl i s worn over the head and shoul-  ders, extending to the small of the back.  It is made e i t h e r of cotton  or l a c e , i n the former case the f a b r i c is plain though small groups of flowers frequently are hand embroidered on i t and in the l a t t e r case a f l o r a l design i n lace i s evident. in the back.  A three inch fringe borders the shawl  The shawl f i t s t i g h t l y around the face in front of the  ears, exposing l i t t l e or no hair and i s held under the throat by a broach. Women wear a two piece o u t f i t , a matching blouse and s k i r t . are f u l l , plain and mid-calf i n length.  Skirts  Blouses with three-quarter  length sleeves button down the front and tuck under the waistband of the skirt.  The blouses and s k i r t s are of matching f a b r i c and while some have  small patterns, they are predominantly of p l a i n material. shawl i s generally of the same colour as her o u t f i t .  A woman's  The prevalent  colours are pastel shades of green, blue, yellow and pink. Doukhobors wear no jewellery.  Bracelets, necklaces or broaches  are not worn as accessories and seldom are watches or rings seen.  Rings  are not exchanged at a Doukhobor wedding f o r i t i s believed that t h i s i s a "sign of materialism"; furthermore i t i s believed to be superfluous to the state of being married.  When a person feels a need f o r an out-  ward sign of marriage for the sake of the larger Canadian s o c i e t y , a woman w i l l wear a p l a i n thin wedding band.  It i s uncommon to see f a c i a l  make-up, even l i p s t i c k , and at a sobranie in Grand Forks, one never sees a woman carrying a purse. While this t r a d i t i o n a l dress i s maintained i n Grand Forks, v a r i ations are seen in the dress of women attending Vancouver sobranija. Although some Doukhobor women do wear the t r a d i t i o n a l dress in  58 Vancouver, t h i s i s c e r t a i n l y the exception.  It seems c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of  the older women ( s i x t y - f i v e years and over) to wear a shawl, kerchief or hat.  T y p i c a l l y , more women have t h e i r heads covered at one sobranie  (R) than at the other (L).  At both these meetings, covering the head  i s not as s t r i c t l y practiced as i t 1s in Grand Forks.  Generally, the  Doukhobor women wear clothing that can be included under the vague term of "average Canadian" dress.  Dark or pastel coats are worn to the halls  and are kept on throughout the meetings.  Again, jewellery is not d i s -  played although possibly i t maybe worn beneath the coat.  Wedding rings  and purses are apparent yet nevertheless they cannot be said to be common.  D.  Music  Much of Doukhoborism is revealed through i t s p a r t i c u l a r s t y l e of singing.  Doukhobors always sing without accompanying instruments, which  they condemn.  As t h e i r entire t r a d i t i o n i s o r a l , words and musical  arrangements have served as one of the principal means by which t h e i r h i s t o r y , prescriptions and p r o s c r i p t i o n s , and concepts of l i f e have been: passed from generation to generation.  Doukhobors believe that through  committing the words to memory, they w i l l become a part of the person and be his guide for l i f e . mouth" Doukhobors  "Record i t in your hearts; d e l i v e r i t by  say.  A c h i l d i s not only taught the words to the many songs but he i s also taught his own " p a r t . "  Over time an individual becomes so f a m i l -  i a r with the words and s t y l e as to be able to p a r t i c i p a t e at any Doukhobor gathering. apart.  Male and female voices sing in unison, though an octave;  There are two parts for both men and women and approximately one.....  59 h a l f o f the congregation w i l l sing the principal melody.  The others,  perhaps the more musically g i f t e d , w i l l sing the embellishing  harmonies.11  There i s rib provision made in this communally-oriented group for such a g i f t e d person to display his talents i n d i v i d u a l l y ; there i s no place for solos or duets.  Within the group then, everyone knows the words and  harmonies and the group together forms the choir which requires no f o r mal d i r e c t i o n .  Kenneth Peacock has c o l l e c t e d and recorded many types  of Doukhobor songs and he describes t h e i r music in the following way: " A l l Doukhobor group singing has this strong central column of sound from which the cantilevered harmonies are projected."12  To the unaccus-  tomed l i s t e n e r the music may sound monotonous and extremely slow and solemn.  When one becomes f a m i l i a r with the s t y l e of singing the solernn-  ness takes on the meaning of the words and one comes to appreciate the i n t r i c a c i e s of the harmony. Doukhobors divide t h e i r songs into three main categories: (psalmy),  'hymns'  ( s t i x i ) , and ' f o l k songs' (narodnaja pesnja).  'psalms' Folk  songs, however, are not important to this discussion since they are never sung at a Sunday meeting. the Doukhobor t r a d i t i o n .  Psalms are the oldest musical form of  They are memorized teachings of the s p i r i t u a l  leaders and selected lessons from the Bible. primarily by two early leaders: Savelii  Kapustin (1790-1818).  The psalms were l a i d down  I l a r i o n Pobirokhin (1775-1785) and Later additional contributions were made  llRenneth Peacock, "The Music of the Doukhobors," in his Twenty Ethnic Songs from Western Canada, Ottawa, National Museum of Canada, 1966, p. 39. 1 2  Loc. cit.  60 by Peter V. Verigin and Peter P. V e r i g i n .  1 3  Although the word "psalm"  i s used i t does not always refer to s p e c i f i c B i b l i c a l passages.  Ideas  from the Old and New Testaments have been used as the basis of some Doukhobor psalms.  These psalms are teachings common to a l l  rather than spontaneous invocations of i n d i v i d u a l s .  Doukhobors  They are memorized  and every individual supposedly knows exactly the same psalms as every other Doukhobor.  Because of the standardized nature, there i s no oppor-  tunity i n a psalm f o r individual v a r i a t i o n . Doukhobors say that the d i s t i n c t i v e manner o f singing psalms arose out of the r e l i g i o u s persecutions they suffered in R u s s i a . ^  To avoid  detection of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , the words of the psalms were made unrecognizable by extending some s y l l a b l e s f o r several minutes, creating a dirge-like effect.  To i l l u s t r a t e , when the word slava (meaning  'praise')  i s contained in a psalm the s y l l a b l e sla_ is held over a series of varying notes f o r about two or three minutes.  This being the case, f i v e words of  a psalm may take up to ten minutes to be sung. * 15  Psalms most commonly deal with the Doukhobor concept of l i f e and worship.  Among other things they give the Doukhobor view of heaven and  h e l l , church r i t u a l , passivism, humility, brotherhood and understanding. Every psalm ends with the phrase 'glory to our God' (Bogu nasemu slava). P o p o f f , H i s t o r i c a l Exposition, pp. 10-13, and Peter Legebokoff, personal communication. 13  ^ T h e respondents interviewed related the emergence of this s t y l e of psalm singing to the time of Doukhobor persecutions by the Russian Orthodox Church and State. This explanation i s also given by Hugh Herbison in his chapter on "Religion" in Hawthorn's Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia, p. 176, and by Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, p. 22. 15  0p_. c i t . , p. 35.  61 Many o f the psalms are i n the form of questions and answers.  For example,  the psalm "What manner of person art thou" (also referred to as "The question and answer psalm") is said to have been composed around 17751785 by I l a r i o n Pobirokhin who i n s i s t e d that the written word was l i f e less as, he s a i d , was evident i n the Russian Orthodox C h u r c h .  16  Because  t h i s i s a lengthy psalm, Doukhobors have broken i t into several parts and these are sung separately.  Selected questions and answers from t h i s  psalm have been included here to indicate some of the ideas and precepts contained within psalms. What i s the kingdom? The kingdom i s neither food nor drink; i t i s righteousness on earth and joy i n the Holy S p i r i t . What i s the root of a l l  evil?  Love of money and idol worship. How do you pray to God without priests? With true reverence, humility and love. What kind of works do you r e f r a i n from doing? We r e f r a i n from anger and violence; from the judgment of others and taking of oaths, and from taking part i n the t e r r i b l e acts of war. We do not keep company with those who indulge i n f o o l i s h giddiness, dance and other forms of d e v i l - i n s p i r e d worldly p l e a s u r e s . 17  While these memorized teachings are sung, they are also said spoken) at a p a r t i c u l a r time in the sobranie. referred to as 'prayers* (molitvy).  In this case they are  When psalms are sung at a sobranie  a l l those present stand shoulder to shoulder.  16  (I.e.  Men and women stand with  P o p o f f , H i s t o r i c a l Exposition, p. 7.  I b i d . , pp. 32-39; and Doukhobors: Their F a i t h , Saskatchewan, Published by the Doukhobor Society of Canada, 1961, pp. 9-24. 1 7  62 elbows s l i g h t l y bent and hands clasped i n front below the waist. heads are s l i g h t l y bowed during psalm singing.  All  The pitch and tempo are  set by one person, usually a woman, who i s known to be a good singer.  The  person who i n i t i a t e s the singing has a s i m i l a r position to that described f o r the elder.  That i s , whether one is informally expected to begin the  psalms depends not only upon who else i s present but also upon how f a m i l i a r one i s with the i m p l i c i t l y agreed upon psalm. In addition to psalms, Doukhobors sing hymns which Peacock has categorized into several types. h i s t o r i c a l hymns.  One group can be c l a s s i f i e d as early  These were sung in Russia before the turn of the  twentieth century.  They are t r a n s i t i o n a l in that they have elements  which i d e n t i f y them as both psalms and hymns.  They are not completely  metered as are l a t e r hymns nor are they exclusively of the form of the older p s a l m s .  18  Hymns are further d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from psalms as the  l a t t e r are in the form of one complete text which flows continuously from beginning to end.  Hymns, on the other hand, are made up of a num-  ber of verses or stanzas and there are noticeable breaks between these since the individual who starts the hymn also starts the f i r s t few bars of each verse.  As a r e s u l t of the ambiguous status o f early hymns they  are c a l l e d psalms by the Independent Doukhobors remaining Doukhobors  (L) while most of the  (R and G) regard them as hymns.^  The early hymns  have themes s i m i l a r to those presented in the discussion of psalms.  In  contrast to these early hymns, l a t e r hymns make reference to s p e c i f i c  18  Peacock, "The Music of the Doukhobors," pp. 35-38.  1^1n interviews, the older Doukhobors from Lockdale Hall stated that they sing "old hymns" instead o f "psalms." They say this i s so because many of the "younger people" no longer "know how to sing psalms."  63 events in Doukhobor history such as persecution, imprisonment, martyrdom, the burning of t h e i r arms, treks, and " . . . they often r e f l e c t the longing and d i s p a i r of a people undergoing persecution and e x i l e . "  2 0  In com-  parison with psalms, hymns are of a faster tempo and a l l words and phrases are known and understood by the singers.  B r i e f l y , psalms and  hymns can be considered an oral record of and a commentary upon Doukhobor life.  E.  Sequsnce of Events  At eleven o' clock on Sunday morning, a sobranie begins in the Grand Forks dom.  It lasts for about three-quarters of an hour.  In  Vancouver the s t a r t i n g time is supposedly one o' clock Sunday afternoon and once a sobranie begins i t l a s t s for about three and one half hours. People s t a r t a r r i v i n g approximately f i v e minutes before the meeting i s said to begin.  As individuals enter the building they give a formal  greeting for this occasion. simply bow t h e i r heads.  The f i r s t to a r r i v e at the dom enter and  When others a r r i v e , usually in couples or small  groups, they enter through the door on the appropriate side.  The men are  on the l e f t side of the hall and women on the right but, as was noted earlier,  2 1  males are said to be on the right side and females on the  l e f t side in r e l a t i o n to the table.  People enter with t h e i r hands i n  f r o n t , clasped below the waist, and walk half way into the room.  Here  they pause, bow from the waist down saying, slavim Bogu-Bog p r o s l a v ' s j a or 'we praise God and God i s worthy of p r a i s e , ' to which those already  0This quote is taken from Peacock's a r t i c l e "The Music of the Doukhobors," p. 35. See his chapter for a f u l l e r discussion of the Various kinds of hymns. 2  21  S e e Chapter IV, Section A 2, Interior  Setting.  64 present reply velikoe imja Gospod'noe povse zemle or 'the Lord's name i s known throughout the who!e e a r t h . '  The procedure i s the same i n Van-  couver sobranija, although people walk only a few paces into the room and say slava Gospody or 'praise our Lord.' SIavim blagodarim. Christ i s r i s e n .  In this case those present reply  Xristos voskres or 'We g r a t e f u l l y praise him too.  , 2 2  In both Grand Forks and in Vancouver, people congregate i n the west h a l f of the building (at the opposite end from the table) and talk informally while waiting f o r the others to a r r i v e . s i d e s , men and women chat q u i e t l y to one another. the h a l l to talk to someone of the opposite sex.  On t h e i r appropriate People rarely cross When i t i s f e l t that  a l l who are expected to attend have a r r i v e d , or when i t is f e l t that "enough" people are there, the elder w i l l say "Brothers and s i s t e r s start."  let's  This informal period can vary i n length from approximately ten  minutes to one hour during which time people anticipate the a r r i v a l of some t h i r t y of forty others.  It i s interesting to observe that while the  s t a r t i n g time f o r the sobranie fluctuates in Vancouver, the commencement of the sobranie i n Grand Forks i s punctually adhered to. A f t e r the suggestion to begin has been made, people gradually move toward the opposite end of the hall and group together more or less in rows of f i v e or s i x people, with the table between the sexes. (Refer to Diagram 1.)  As people approach the table they assume a  stance that i s maintained throughout the sobranie; men stand with hands clasped below the waist while women's hands are clasped and placed at the waist.  The head i s s l i g h t l y bowed, the eyes open.  While people  2 For an explanation of the reasons f o r these d i f f e r e n t greetings see Chapter IV, Section F. 2  65 may glance around, they look at no one i n p a r t i c u l a r .  Should an i n d i v -  idual a r r i v e while any part of the sobranie i s i n progress, he w i l l enter q u i e t l y , walk to the center of the room pause, and bow, waiting f o r the others to acknowledge his presence with a nod of the head before he takes his place. Prayers are r e c i t e d f i r s t by the males and then by the females. Respect f o r age may be evidenced by the places where people stand and the order i n which they give t h e i r prayers.  When people are gathered at the  table to give prayers they stand i n rows, males and females facing each other so that the elders stand closest to the east end and closest to the table.  Perhaps the Doukhobor view of age and maleness i s demon-  strated i n the sequence of prayers—the e l d e r , e l d e r l y men, younger men, e l d e r l y women, younger women. prayer.  Each individual r e c i t e s a d i f f e r e n t  T r a d i t i o n a l l y , everyone present was obliged to say a d i f f e r e n t  prayer but now the number of prayers spoken varies from week to week, depending on the number of people who choose to say a prayer. conclusion of each prayer everyone bows together.  At the  Different types of  bows occur and consequently i t should be noted that the bow at the end of a prayer i s c a l l e d obs'cee p o k l o n e n i e Doukhobors.  23  or 'communal bow by the 1  It i s distinguished from the bow that i s given upon entering  the hall which i s simply referred to as poklonenie or ' b o w . '  24  The  f i n a l prayer r e c i t e d i s always Otce nat or 'Our Father' ( i . e . The  ^Doukhobors translate the noun poklonenie as 'bow.' However i n standard Russian this term means 'worship.' The word poklonenie i s derived from poklon, which means 'bow' to both speakers. But, poklon is rarely used by the Doukhobors f o r the above mentioned bows. Doukhobors explain bowing as the acknowledgment o f the presence of the s p i r i t within the other person. 24  66 Lord's Prayer). recited.  The prayers take between ten and f i f t e e n minutes to be  A f t e r t h i s , three psalms are sung, the f i r s t being 'Our Father.'  People group c l o s e r and closer together as the singing proceeds.  This  i s a subtle movement of people slowly, continuously, but perhaps unknowi n g l y , c l u s t e r i n g together. more women sing than men.  Although most people p a r t i c i p a t e , as a r u l e As i s the case during the r e c i t i n g of prayers,  those who do not wish to p a r t i c i p a t e 1n the psalm singing stand furthest from the table.  On the second verse of the second psalm the man nearest  the east end (usually the elder) clasps the right hand of the man beside him and they bow deeply to each other three times, kiss three times— on the r i g h t cheek, l e f t cheek and then on the l i p s . the men as a group bow to the women.  They turn and a l l  Only as many individuals as choose  p a r t i c i p a t e in this a c t i v i t y — g e n e r a l l y i t involves about ten men.  When  the men have completed the rounds of bowing and k i s s i n g , the women commence the same.  The singing of psalms continues uninterrupted  throughout this sequence. poklonenie.  This act of bowing and kissing i s also c a l l e d  The length of time involved for the singing of psalms, the  bowing and kissing varies with the number of participants but on the average i t l a s t s f i f t e e n to twenty minutes.  The conclusion of a Grand  Forks meeting i s marked by a l l individuals simultaneously kneeling and touching t h e i r foreheads to the ground three times. bow they repeat in unison:  On each respective  Vefc'naja pamit' vsem' pokoj nam borcam  z a i s t ' i n u or 'Everlasting memory f o r a l l those strugglers of t r u t h ! ' zivem pozalej Gospodi dobroqo zdorov'ja.  Prosti nam Gospodi i_ ukrepi  v putjax t v o j i x or 'Grant 0 Lord good health to those l i v i n g .  Forgive  us 0 Lord and strengthen us in your pathways'; Otcu i synu i svjatomu duxu or 'Of the Father and Son and Holy S p i r i t . '  This i s known as the  67 zemlepoklonenie or 'bow to the e a r t h . ' and nothing more i s s a i d . to chat informally.  After the l a s t bow people r i s e  They slowly disperse, though some congregate  The conversation is c a r r i e d on in the west half of  the h a l l , away from the t a b l e , j u s t as i t was p r i o r to the beginning of the meeting. sex.  Most conversation takes place between members of the same  If males and females do speak to one another they usually stand  near the center of the hall at the west end.  Generally most people  have l e f t the dom within ten minutes and presumably they have returned home. Both of the l a s t two types of bows mentioned are omitted from sobranija in Vancouver. * 2!  When the three psalms have been sung, people  proceed to the chairs west of the table (See Diagram 1) where they soon begin to talk among themselves.  In Vancouver then, the movement away  from the table and the breaking of the s i l e n c e mark a change in the tone of the meeting.  Once the people walk away from the table and move toward  the c h a i r s , the atmosphere becomes more relaxed as people begin to converse, re-arrange chairs and the usual sounds of people s h u f f l i n g , coughing and getting themselves s e t t l e d continue for about f i v e minutes. During t h i s time there is a conscious manipulation of people as someone inevitably says "move up to the front and closer together." Of the two and one h a l f hours that follow, approximately half of the time i s spent singing while the remainder i s taken up by group d i s cussion.  Again, not necessarily everyone participates and those people  who s i t in the back rows often carry on conversations with one another. During this part of the sobranie individuals do get up to go to the  2  ^ F o r an explanation of t h i s omission see Chapter IV, Section F.  68 washroom or to leave the h a l l .  Upon occasion, i f the necessity a r i s e s ,  an individual w i l l cross the hall to speak b r i e f l y with a member of the opposite sex.  As people often look over to the other side of the room,  a husband and wife may subtly indicate to each other when to leave, f o r example. ible.  In this event the people then leave as unobtrusively as poss- .  In a Vancouver sobranie when someone arrives while the others are  seated, he stops several yards to the west o f the c h a i r s , pauses, and then says 'Praise our L o r d . '  If those present are not in the process of  singing they give the customary reply.  If they are, however, they  simply nod in recognition. The choice of a psalm sung while the people stand around the table seems to depend mainly upon the preference of the individual who starts the singing.  Once people are seated, the s e l e c t i o n of hymns i s  often preceeded by unstructured conversation until a consensus  is  reached as to what p a r t i c u l a r hymn w i l l be sung at a given time.  It  also happens that an individual w i l l s t a r t singing a hymn without p r i o r discussion.  Should the others have forgotten this hymn and not j o i n i n ,  the singing stops and a discussion follows as to whether or not to continue.  This has happened occasionally during hymn singing but never has  i t been observed during psalm singing. The discussions  at the two sobranija take d i f f e r e n t forms.  sobranie which i s held by the Independents  The  (L) assumes a d i f f e r e n t  character a t t r i b u t a b l e , to at least some extent, to the formal structure of the Society of Doukhobors of Canada.  The Society has an elected  chairman who presides over discussions which deal with organizational matters.  A new chairman i s elected annually and this position does not  necessarily f a l l upon the elder.  At one meeting the discussion concerned  69 the proposal to build a home f o r e l d e r l y Doukhobors; at another, the topics centered around Doukhobor Youth Groups and an a t h l e t i c association; a f a m i l i a r theme i s Doukhobor factionalism.  Individuals begin speaking  by addressing the others as "Brothers and s i s t e r s " and indicate the end of t h e i r discourse by thanking the others for l i s t e n i n g . Discussion of such matters continues p r i n c i p a l l y among the males f o r roughly ten minutes o r , until the women interrupt with another hymn. The subjects are not considered resolved u n t i l everyone more or less agrees on a course of a c t i o n . sobranie to another.  Therefore discussions continue from one  The hymns which punctuate the discussion  usually  number nine or ten but one or several can be sung consecutively.  In  sum, the portion of the sobranie when people are seated can be described as discussion frequently interspersed with hymns. The other sobranija (R) can be described as the reverse: singing interspersed with discussion. topics that are raised.  This can be readily seen by the  Often discussions  revolve around whether or not  i t i s appropriate to talk about "business" at a sobranie. cussion begins, the comment usually made i s "I and this i s n ' t a sobranie."  hymn  When d i s -  come to sobranie to sing  At this sobranie the only recurrent topic  pertains to the differences between the various Doukhobor groups.  There  i s no chairman among the group, r e f l e c t i n g the unstructured nature of t h i s sobranie i n contrast with the other.  It is because discussion  is  not generally held to be proper, by those attending, that hymn singing predominates this meeting. In comparison with the entire Grand Forks sobranija and the part of the Vancouver sobranija when people stand around the t a b l e , the seated portion o f the meeting appears to be characterized by more f l e x -  70 ibility.  There i s no set number of hymns to be sung nor i s there a  d e f i n i t e order to the proceedings.  People seem to be able to choose the  extent they wish to p a r t i c i p a t e and there are less r e s t r i c t i o n s on appropriate behavior.  The lack of r e s t r i c t i o n s i s seen in the examples  of a person leaving the room or of a t h i r s t y individual going over to the table and pouring himself a glass of water, occurrences which are never seen while people are grouped around the table. . A f t e r about two or three hours of sobranie people often begin leaving.  When either the numbers are greatly reduced or when they feel  they have discussed and sung enough, someone begins the hymn 'The closing of the sobranie.'  A f t e r t h i s , people c o l l e c t the bread, s a l t  and water and put away the table and the c h a i r s .  This usually takes  about t h i r t y minutes because of the conversation that occurs while these things are being dene.  People then leave the hall to return home.  F.  H i s t o r i c a l Prayer Meeting  In attempting to account for soma of the variations which are apparent i n the meetings as described in the previous part of t h i s chapter, a description of a late nineteenth century Sunday meeting i s given in this section.  The reconstruction of the meeting deals mainly  with the sequence of events on this occasion, to the exclusion of other ethnographic d e t a i l s such as dress and music.  The account which i s  presented in this section of the chapter has been reconstructed primari l y on the basis of Christian Martyrdom in Russia edited by Vladimir Tchertkoff, the text of which is a translation of a manuscript published in Russian Antiquity,  (1C05). Another f i r s t - h a n d description was r e -  corded by Stephen O r e l l e t in his " V i s i t to the Doukhobors near  71 Ekaterinoslav i n 1819."  Several secondary descriptions were also used  i n researching the prayer meetings of the nineteenth century. It i s said that the Doukhobors broke away from the Russian Orthodox Church in the seventeenth century because of the emphasis placed upon what they considered to be ceremonial e x t e r n a l i t i e s . The Doukhobor f a i t h at this time expressed i t s e l f i n a negative attitude to outside authority. They believed external sacraments were offensive to God, and that priests and r i t u a l acted as a b a r r i e r to actual communion between God and man. By removing the Orthodox b a r r i e r s , the Doukhobors believed men and women could a t t a i n harmony with God. This harmony involved freedom from a l l obligations to the Church and State.27 Viewing a l l obligations  to the Church as inexcusable abuses, the  Doukhobors then i n i t i a t e d what they believed to be the " c o r r e c t " form of worshipping God. From the time of t h e i r early history Doukhobors held a gathering known as 'God's prayers' or 'God's prayer meeting.' glosses f o r the Doukhobor word boqomolenie.  These phrases are  The word Bog ('God')  was often dropped so that the gathering was simply c a l l e d a molenie / " I n Alymer Maude's A Peculiar People an account i s found (New York, Funk and Wagnalls, c. 1904, pp. 142-43). In Slava Bohu, J . F. C. Wright recreates the 1877-78 mode of " r e l i g i o u s observance" (New York, F e r r i s and Rinehart, c. 1940, pp. 38-39). Additional references to "prayer services" are found in Tarasoff's In Search of Brotherhood (Vol. 1, p. 92). In The Doukhobors, Woodcock and Avakumovic describe a s i m i l a r gathering which took place during the time of Luker'ia Kalmykova (the late nineteenth century), p. 103. It i s possible that the variations in these accounts may be attributable to differences in time, location or i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Wright, Slava Bohu, p. 13.  72 ('prayers'or  'prayer m e e t i n g ' ) . "  Doukhobors say they confine the word  molenie exclusively to t h e i r own prayer meetings; they never use the word molenie when r e f e r r i n g to prayer meetings or gatherings of nonDoukhobors. Since Doukhobors recognized no holy days, a l l days were regarded as equal and a molenie could be held at dawn on any day.  However i n  most cases, f o r the sake of convenience, these gatherings took place on ordinary Church or national holy-days.  Because the Doukhobors did  not attach any significance to p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l i t i e s , these prayer meetings were held outside or i n anyone's house.  Upon entering the  house, i t was customary to walk a few paces into the room and exchange greetings.  The t r a d i t i o n was to bow from the waist down (objcee  poklonenie) saying:  Slavim Bogu-Bog p r o s l a v ' s j a ('We praise God and  God i s worthy of his p r a i s e ' ) to which those already present r e p l i e d Velikoe imja Gospod'noe povse zemle ('The Lord's name i s great throughout the whole e a r t h ' ) .  2 9  When the exchange of these salutations had  ^°Bonch-Bruevich in Zhivotnaya Kniga Dukhoborstev (St. Petersberg, n.p., 1909) makes reference to a bogomolenie, p. 24. The use of the word bogomolenie was confirmed in personal interviews with a number of e l d e r l y Vancouver Doukhobors including: Mr. Sam Chernoff, Mr. William Makayoff, Mr. Nikitn Popoff and Mrs. V e r i g i n , wife of the l a t e Michael the Archangel Verigin. Further validation was obtained i n Grand Forks, B r i t i s h Columbia from Peter Legebokoff, E l i Popoff and William Sukhorev. There i s , however, no mention of a molenie or bogomolenie in the English l i t e r a t u r e on Doukhobors. But in these accounts there are references made t o , and descriptions o f , " r e l i g i o u s services" and sobranija. This is an important point and w i l l be discussed i n great d e t a i l i n Chapter VI. A1though these greetings have not been documented, N i k i l a Popoff remembers attending molenija i n Russia when this t r a d i t i o n was practiced. E l i Popoff corroborates t h i s from material he has gathered. Furthermore this greeting i s s t i l l c a r r i e d on at the molenija i n Grand Forks at the present time, and possibly other Doukhobor settlements. 29  73 been.completed, a man would stand in l i n e on the right hand side of the rccm while a v/oman would stand in l i n e on the l e f t side.  A plain table  with a,white, cloth upon which, was placed bread, s a l t and water separated the men's side from the women's.  Thus the men would be standing, on the  l e f t side of the rccm as one entered, the women standing on the right side of the room.  The f i r s t man in l i n e would s t a r t r e c i t i n g a prayer  followed by each one, in t u r n , saying a d i f f e r e n t prayer,  '.'hen a l l the  men had finished r e c i t i n g , the women then began saying t h e i r prayers. Attention should be drawn to the f a c t that generally between f i f t y and cne hundred people attended a molenie, a l l of whom were obliged to r e c i t e a d i f f e r e n t prayer.  HiVan a l l  begin singing a psalm.  the prayers had been s a i d , someone would  On the second verse of the secend psalm the f i r s t  man.in l i n e would clasp the right hand of the second man and they would bow very low to each other three times, then kiss three times, before bowing to the women (poklonenie). "'  By turns, a l l other males repeated  this procedure until every male carried out the bowing and kissing with every other male,  "hen the men had completed the rounds o f bowing and  k i s s i n g , the women then commenced the same. all  The singing of psalms Ly  those present continued throughout this sequence.  At the end o f the  meeting, a prayer was said a f t e r which everyone returned home. This was the form of worship in Russia and i t remained e s s e n t i a l l y unchanged during the Doukhobors' f i r s t years in Canada (approximately The sequence of the bowing i s not made e x p l i c i t in any of the early accounts mentioned in footnote 25 of this chanter. However the sequence in Grand Forks today is two deep bows, followed by a kiss and another deep bow. Then the participants face the opposite sex and bow once more. It i s possible that the present practice carried out in Grand Forks is either the o r i g i n a l procedure or a variation of that tradition.  74 three to f i v e years).  When the Doukhobors arrived in Canada in 1899,  t h e i r leader Peter V. Verigin remained imprisoned in S i b e r i a .  During his  incarceration, Verigin sent l e t t e r s containing advice as to how his followers should meet the challenges of l i f e in a new country.  In his  l e t t e r s , Verigin passed on to the Doukhobors in Canada the p r i n c i p l e of passive resistance and other moral rules of conduct which they accepted on his authority.  From interviews with e l d e r l y Doukhobors, i t became  apparent that when Peter's l e t t e r s were received they were read a f t e r the conclusion of the molenija.  If questions arose over the application and  implementation of his i n s t r u c t i o n s , a sxodka ('regional held.  meeting*) was  The word sxodka was used by the Doukhobors to mean a meeting held  exclusively for discussion, among those within walking distance of each other.  In contrast to t h i s , a s"ezd or 'convention' was held f o r s i m i l a r  meetings and included followers from a l l  areas.  It i s important to note that at this time no discussion was c a r r i e d on during the molenie; rather a separate meeting s p e c i f i c a l l y for the purpose of discussion was held either following a molenie or at some other convenient time.  It should be emphasized here that the reading of the  l e t t e r s a f t e r the molenie was the i n i t i a l aberration from the o r i g i n a l procedure.  When Peter the Lordly arrived in Canada in 1902, i t was a  l o g i c a l extension to replace the reading of his l e t t e r s at the close of the molenie by his personal d i s c o u r s e . with s p i r i t u a l matters.  31  His speeches dealt primarily  Gradually other individuals were permitted to  speak o f s p i t i t u a l matters only.  Doukhobors say that over a long period  o f time topics began to d r i f t away from what could be c a l l e d s p i r i t u a l  F r o m interviews with e l d e r l y Doukhobors. Avakumovic's The Doukhobors, pp. 238-39. 31  See also Woodcock and  75 concerns and f i n a l l y turned to business matters. It i s necessary to recognize that in Russia Doukhobors sang hymns, a f a c t that has been documented by Bonch-Bruevich.  The d i s t i n c t i o n be-  tween psalms and hymns made in the preceeding chapter was intended to make i t c l e a r that although both psalms and hymns were a part of Doukhobor t r a d i t i o n in Russia, only the former were an integral part o f the molenie.  During the interval between 1899 and 1907 (?),  composed a few hymns and, as E l i Popoff s t a t e s ,  3 2  Peter the Lordly  some hymns were taken  from other Christian groups (including Baptist and Russian Evangelical Christian).  However, the incorporation of these new hymns was dependent  upon the approval of V e r i g i n .  In the past, informal gatherings were  occasions at which hymns were sung.  For example, i f people did not r e -  turn home immediately a f t e r the molenie they would congregate to sing. As one respondent s a i d , " a f t e r the bogomolenie some stayed to play games but others gathered in the afternoon to sing hymns."  As a r e s u l t of the  increase in the number of hymns, as well as the increasing persistence o f informal discussions,  i n i t i a l modifications can be seen.  Because the changes were gradual  i t is not possible to give t h e i r  precise dates but those interviewed maintain that several changes took place between 1902 and 1907, corroborating the account of R e i b i n .  3 3  When Peter V. Verigin returned from a v i s i t to Russia in 1905, he held a s"ezd ('convention')  at which he informed his followers that they should  relinquish some of t h e i r old forms of worship.  Taking advantage of his  S e e E l i Popoff, The Soul Expressive Heritage of the DoukhoborRussian Group Singing, Unpublished Manuscript, 1968. 32  Simeon F. Reibin, Trud mirnaia zhizn, i s t o r i i a dukhoborstev bez maski, San Francisco, Delo, 1952, p. 115. 33  76 l i t e r a r y l i c e n c e , Tarasoff suggests what might have been Peter's view of these practices. "Now that we are in Canada" he s a i d , "there is no need to be a f r a i d of Orthodoxy; we can now eliminate those things, which under the T s a r i s t regime, were employed to muddle and confuse the opposition. L e t ' s go back to fundamentals." ^ 3  Peter the Lordly declared that some of the psalms, being composed so long ago, had l o s t t h e i r relevance and should be either changed or given up. The Doukhobors complied with t h i s and other a l t e r a t i o n s .  He suggested  that the greeting of SI avim Bogu-Bog p r o s l a v ' s j a be replaced by the shorter salutation of Slava Gospody.  Further, he abolished the  poklonenie (the Doukhobor practice of k i s s i n g , bowing and handshaking during the molenie).  In 1936 (?)  Peter the L o r d l y ' s successor Peter  Petrovich Verigin reintroduced into the molenie both the poklonenie and the old form of the g r e e t i n g . ^ 3  It was also during t h i s time of Peter  Petrovich's leadership that a more intense e f f o r t was made to compose and c o l l e c t hymns and, as a r e s u l t of his intervention, the singing of hymns became more prominent than the singing of p s a l m s .  36  Although Peter  P. Verigin r e i n s t i t u t e d these t r a d i t i o n s , they have not been accepted by a l l Doukhobors.  The poklonenie and the long form o f the greeting  have not been reincorporated by Independent Doukhobors who recognize only the authority of Peter V. V e r i g i n . Having described a molenie in Russia, and having discussed a l t e r -  3  * T a r a s o f f , In Search of Brotherhood, V o l . 2, p. 396.  T a r a s o f f , In Search of Brotherhood, V o l . 2, p. 396. Personal interview with William Sukhorev, also to be found i n his I s t o r i i a dukhobortsev. 35  P o p o f f , The Soul Expressive Heritage of the Doukhobor-Russian Group Singing, p. 6. A l s o , Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, p. 349, and Peacock, "The Music of the Doukhobors," p. 38. 36  77 ations that took place in Canada, i t may be useful to b r i e f l y summarize the prayer meeting or molenie as i t occurred during the time of Peter Petrovich V e r i g i n . Early in the morning people gathered, bowed and said either Slavim Bogu-Bog p r o s l a v ' s j a or Slava Gospody depending on t h e i r allegiance to one or the other of the hereditary l e a d e r s .  37  When those already  present had given t h e i r r e p l y , the men stood on the right hand side of the table with i t s bread, s a l t and water, the women on the l e f t side. Prayers were recited and psalms sung.  The bowing, kissing and hand-  shaking (poklonenie) were carried out at t h i s point by those who accepted the authority of Peter Petrovich Verigin while i t was omitted by those who did not. as such terminated.  A f t e r the f i n a l prayer had been s a i d , the molenie It was in Canada that immediately following the  molenie, or shortly thereafter, people would gather to hear s p i r i t u a l discussions  and to sing hymns.  T h e researchers concluded from the evidence gathered that the use of one phrase or the other stems from allegiance to a p a r t i c u l a r leader. This i s not necessarily meant to imply that people make t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n explicitly. 37  78  CHAPTER V  CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN ORTHODOX SERVICE Having presented the descriptive material on the Doukhobor meetings, we w i l l now turn the attention to the Sunday meetings which are held i n the Russian Orthodox Churches i n Vancouver.  For comparative purposes t h i s  chapter has been arranged to p a r a l l e l the organization of Chapter IV.  It  i s intended that i n reading the description of a Russian Orthodox service attention w i l l be given to s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s which appear between this meeting and the Doukhobors' meetings.  One could, f o r i n -  stance, compare the preparatory arrangements or the number of people i n volved in the staging of one meeting in comparison with that of the other.  A.  Setting  The Orthodox service held every Sunday morning i s the social occasion which constitutes the subject matter o f this chapter.  The s e r -  vice i s referred to as the divine l i t u r g y (bozestvennaja l i t u r g i j a ) or mass  1  (obednja).According to Orthodox doctrine, the divine l i t u r g y i s one  of seven sacraments,  2  the other s i x being:  confession, baptism, c o n f i r -  mation, marriage, ordination and extreme unction.  Each one of these  ' M a s s ' i s a rough gloss f o r the Russian term obednja which is derived from the word 'dinner' (obed), hence the divine l i t u r g y or mass implies the sharing of the eucharistic meal. 1  Sacraments are defined o f f i c i a l l y as " . . . a holy act through which the grace o f the Holy S p i r i t i s given." (Archimandrite Anthony, A B r i e f Catechism of the Orthodox Catholic Eastern Church, "Russian Day" Committee, 1952, p. 44, hereinafter referred to as A B r i e f Catechism.) 2  79 sacraments i s celebrated in the church.  In the case of extreme unction,  except when exceptional circumstances may sometimes be p r o h i b i t i v e , i t  is  considered preferable that even t h i s sacrament be administered in the church.  As the concern of the thesis l i e s only with the divine l i t u r g y ,  i t i s s u f f i c i e n t to mention b r i e f l y that on each of these occasions, d i f f e r e n t parts of the church are used.  As i t w i l l become apparent l a t e r ,  the sanctuary i s used by the p r i e s t on Sunday morning and "It s t r i c t l y speaking, that Divine Services are conducted . . . . "3 f o r example, confession i s held on the l e f t side (from the  i s here, In contrast,  congregations's  point of view) of the nave, and the entire wedding service or 'crowning  1  (venEanie) i s conducted in the central part of the nave. On the evening p r i o r to the divine l i t u r g y , vespers (ve£ernja) are held at six o' clock.  Those anticipating receiving communion the  following morning are obliged to "take confession," and they are expected not to "break the f a s t " before the service.  T r a d i t i o n a l l y confession  was taken the evening before the divine l i t u r g y .  However now i t i s not  unusual f o r members to take confession on the morning of the eucharistic s e r v i c e , although t h i s is not favored by the clergy.^  In contrast, at  least once a year a clergyman takes confession when in the presence of other priests even though he takes communion weekly.  The confessional  services observed were of very short duration (approximately two or three minutes).  At t h i s time "the sinner c o n t r i t e l y confesses his sins before  Rev. Leonid Soroka and S. W. Carlson, Faith of Our Fathers, The Eastern Orthodox R e l i g i o n , Minnesota, The Olympic Press, 1954, p. 37, (hereinafter referred to as Faith of Our Fathers). 3  ^Father Vladimir, personal communication.  80 a p r i e s t and God forgives h i m . "  5  The divine l i t u r g y i s held at least once a week, though during f e s t i v a l times a modification of the Sunday service i s held during the week. For example during Holy Week in Great Lent, p r i o r to Easter, the l i t u r g y i s celebrated three times a week and vesper services are held once a day. The Russian word f o r Sunday (Voskresen'e) means 'day of r e s u r r e c t i o n ' and i t is on this day that a eucharistic service i s held in remembrance of the Last Supper before C h r i s t ' s resurrection. takes place between daybreak and noon.  6  The service always  A priest can celebrate only one  divine l i t u r g y a day and only one divine l i t u r g y can be celebrated on a communion table on any one day.  In Vancouver, while the services are not  announced from week to week, they always begin punctually at t e n - t h i r t y in the morning at two o f the churches (HT and SN) and at eleven at the other (HR).  7  The services continue f o r two to two and one half hours.  Prior to the staging of t h i s occasion there are certain preparations that must be made.  A 'choir p r a c t i c e ' (spevka) is held during the week.  The a l t a r breads are baked, the church is cleaned and vacuumed and wax is removed from the brass candle holders.  On some occasions the icon which  i s placed in the center of the nave is changed in accordance with the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l calendar and the current f e s t i v a l that i s being celebrated. ^Archimandrite Anthony, A Brief Catechism, p. 149. 6  The exception is Easter, when midnight mass i s held.  ?These abbreviations refer t o : (HT) Holy T r i n i t y Church (SN) Saint Nicholas Church (HR) Holy Resurrection Church Two i n i t i a l s have been used to denote Orthodox Churches in order that they may r e a d i l y be distinguished from the various Doukhobor h a l l s which were denoted by a single i n i t i a l .  81 The cloths which completely cover the tables in the church are likewise changed p e r i o d i c a l l y to correspond to the Church seasons ( i . e . during Great Lent a l l cloths are changed to black and before the midnight Easter service they are again changed, this time to white).  On Sunday morning  wine i s brought, along with a pitcher of warm water.  Approximately one  hour before the service begins, the church warden a r r i v e s , the candles are l i t and put in the brass candle holders. A divine l i t u r g y can take place even when no adult member of the congregation has taken confession, in t h i s case the priest and children p a r t i c i p a t e in the communion.  Up to seven years of age, children take  communion without confession but a f t e r t h i s age they must assume respons i b i l i t y for t h e i r actions and must confess t h e i r sins.  Of a l l those  present at a divine l i t u r g y , i t is more common f o r children under the age of seven to take communion than f o r adults.  For example, i n a seven  month p e r i o d adults have been observed taking communion approximately 8  four times (out of t h i r t y ) , and two of these occasions were important festivals  ( i . e . Easter and Christmas).  Orthodox members are supposed to  take communion at least once a year, and they most commonly take communion at Easter.  Another usual time i s one's namesday ( i . e . the day commem-  orating the saint a f t e r whom one i s named).  However, young children  take communion every time they attend which, as previously mentioned, i s not the case for adults. Not only must the above preparations be made, but also a p r i e s t and congregation (among whom there must be those who know the l i t u r g y and can respond to the p r i e s t ' s petitions at the appropriate times) must be  8  September 1970 to March 1971.  82 present.  Because the word l i t u r g y means 'public worship,'9 no divine  l i t u r g y can be held by a p r i e s t alone.  For a divine l i t u r g y s e r v i c e , there  always must be a congregation present.  A divine l i t u r g y i s always c e l e -  brated in an Orthodox church in the manner described below.  However,  there may be instances when there is no church building available and since a divine l i t u r g y cannot be cancelled, temporary arrangements must be made. ^ 1  Services can be held in other locations (e.g. f i e l d , house,  or garage) when certain provisions have been made. least an a n t i m i n s  11  There must be at  bread and wine and icons of Christ and Mary before a  divine l i t u r g y can be celebrated.  1.  Exterior Setting  Of these Orthodo* churches in Vancouver, Holy Resurrection is the l a r g e s t , both in terms of the size of the building i t s e l f and in terms of the s i z e of the congregation.  Of the churches, i t i s the most recently  constructed (in the l a t e 1950's).  The church i s located in a residential  area, (Forty-Third Avenue and Main Street) on a comer l o t , with an adjacent hall on the same property.  The church building i s surrounded  by a lawn and garden, which extends around the h a l l , on a l l but one side. There is a paved parking area, accessible from Forty-Third Avenue.  The  blacktop parking area separates the church buildings from the parsonage,  %rom the Greek word " l e i t o u r g i e " meaning public s e r v i c e , service of the gods, or public worship. Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1933. Pub].c worship is also a-meaning given by informants. ^ F a t h e r Vladimir and Bishop Antonuk, personal communication. " T h e word antimins has been incorporated into the Russian language but i t is a loan word from the Greek language. This also applies to many other terms used by the Russian Orthodox Church.  83 a modest two-storey stucco house on the adjoining l o t .  Here, the resident  p r i e s t , presently a bishop, l i v e s alone in a minimally furnished house. Relative to the other two churches, Holy Resurrection has the most elaborate decorations and l i t u r g i c a l paraphernalia. largest area inside the church building.  It also has the  In a d d i t i o n , i t i s the only  church with an adjoining building used for church concerts and meals. Holy T r i n i t y on Campbell Avenue, i s bounded by a wire fence that i s kept locked when the church i s not in use.  This p a r t i c u l a r church  has been mentioned second of the three f o r , compared to the others, i t ranks in an intermediary position with respect to s i z e , number of members, and (in very general terms) i n t e r i o r decorations and ornamentation. the property there i s one building.  On  Access to the basement, used for  church gatherings and f e a s t s , i s gained only by an outside door on the side.  The p r i e s t who o f f i c i a t e s at Holy T r i n i t y l i v e s at least one mile  away from the church, in a house which he shares with his  (biological)  sister. St. Nicholas Church, on the corner o f east Thirteenth Avenue near Kingsway, is b u i l t on a single l o t among surrounding homes, most o f which are of older vintage.  Approaching the church, one walks up a h i l l , beside  an a l l e y and passes in front of a small, one room manse, located behind the church, where the monk l i v e s .  This i s a very modest church, being  one storey, without a basement or h a l l .  Because i t has no basement, when  one enters the church one finds that a heater occupies a prominent place in the center part of the church. A l l these Orthodox churches, in Vancouver, are located on sidestreets and are readily i d e n t i f i a b l e by the d i s t i n c t i v e s t y l e of architecture.  Saint Nicholas i s the exception a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y because  84 i t s exterior construction i s not of the typical Byzantine form; i t is a brown stucco, rectangular building with a gabled roof.  Of the three  churches, Holy Resurrection i s i d e n t i f i e d by a large sign near the east end of the property s t a t i n g , in English, the name of the Church, the j u r i s d i c t i o n , the o f f i c i a t i n g bishop and the hours of services.  Perhaps  i t is interesting to note that t h i s p a r t i c u l a r Church belongs to the North American J u r i s d i c t i o n which acknowledges the use of some English in the services.  Of the other two Churches which belong to the j u r i s -  d i c t i o n of the Russian Orthodox Church in E x i l e , one (HT) has no sign outside, while the other'(SN) has a small n o t i c e , tacked to the door s t a t i n g , in Russian, the hours of the services. Orthodox churches are usually b u i l t in the Byzantine s t y l e , characterized by one or more "onion-shaped" domes or cupolas. cupolas varies from one to t h i r t e e n .  1 2  There may be more than t h i r t e e n ,  yet there are always an odd number of domes. to the number of cupolas on a church.  The number of  Significance is attached  One dome, for example, s i g n i f i e s  that Christ is the head of the Church and three domes represent the Holy Trinity.  1 3  Holy Resurrection and Holy T r i n i t y each have three domes,  while there i s no dome at St.  Nicholas.  On top of each cupola i s a cross of the Orthodox form.  There are  0rthodox Cathoiic Christian Education Lessons, Unit 3—The Divine Liturgy, published by Metropolitan C o u n c i l , Russian Orthodox Greek Catholic Church, 1965, p. 18, (hereinafter referred to as Orthodox Education Lessons). 12  Soroka and Carlson, Faith of Our Fathers, p. 36. Explanations of other numbers of domes are as follows: f i v e cupolas represent Christ and the four evangelists, seven cupolas represent the seven g i f t s of the Holy S p i r i t , nine cupolas represent the nine ranks of angels, and thirteen cupolas represent Christ and the twelve d i s c i p l e s . 13  85 several h i s t o r i c a l explanations f o r the Orthodox style of the cross. This c r o s s , which emerged around the tenth century, has a lower, diagonally placed, foot bar and a top horizontal cross b a r . *  4  In an  interview, the bishop gave the following interpretation of the bars on the cross:  when facing the cross, the foot bar i s t i l t e d with the l e f t  side slanting up and the right side slanting down, because Christ was upon the cross and the sides were reversed f o r Him.  Thus the cross has  continued to be interpreted from C h r i s t ' s point of view.  It i s t i l t e d  up that way [where the l e f t side i s raised from the onlooker's perspect i v e , but where the right side i s considered to be elevated] f o r the t h i e f who asked to be remembered in the kingdom—for those who follow Christ w i l l go to heaven. w i l l not reach paradise. > 1£  The opposite side slants down f o r those who The shorter, upper bar stands f o r "the  t a b l e t " nailed above C h r i s t ' s head when he was c r u c i f i e d . The exterior shape of the Orthodox church can be one o f several forms.  One church (HT) is b u i l t in the shape of a cross, meant to r e f e r  to the c r u c i f i e d Christ as redeemer.  The other two churches (HR and SH)  are rectangular, and this is said to be i n d i c a t i v e of the ark which c a r r i e s the Christian to find salvation.  There are two other forms upon  which Orthodox churches can be constructed:  c i r c u l a r churches denote  the i n f i n i t y of the Church and the unity of earth and heaven; star-shaped buildings with eight angles symbolize the role of the Church as a guiding  1 4  I b i d . , p. 34.  15 Explanations in the l i t e r a t u r e on Orthodoxy give t h i s and similar interpretations. (See Soroka and Carlson, Faith of Our Fathers, p. 34, also Archimandrite Anthony, A Brief Catechism, p. 95."]  86 light.  1 6  After walking up a few s t a i r s , one enters the churches through a set of double doors.  When inside the lobby, a person then faces another  set of closed doors.  He opens these and immediately proceeds into the  nave.  2.  Interior  Setting  The i n t e r i o r of the church is divided into three parts: ' v e s t i b u l e ' or narthex ( p r i t v o r ) ; (2) central (sepedinaja c e r k o v ' ) , and (3)  'sanctuary'  (1)  'nave' or the church proper  (altar*).  A plan of an  Orthodox church i s presented in Diagram 2.  VESTIBULE The vestibule i s said to correspond to the courtyard where, in the past, the catechumens  17  (oglasenie) remained during the service.  portion of the church i s now much reduced in size. ** 1  This  At two of the  Churches (HT and SN) the vestibule is an area approximately six feet by six f e e t , containing a large wardrobe with the c l e r i c a l vestments for the various e c c l e s i a s t i c a l seasons. Often small notices of future church events are tacked to the doors separating the vestibule from the nave. Now this area acts only as a passage-way for the members of the Church.  NAVE Beyond these inner doors l i e s the nave where the worshippers  16  Soroka and Carlson, Faith of Our Fathers, p. 35.  17  T h e unbaptized or those preparing for baptism into the Orthodox  Church.  •^Orthodox Education Lessons, p. 18.  G7  DIAGRAM 2 PLAM OF A RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH BASED UPON HOLY TRINITY CHURCH*  -See legend on foilowing page.  LEGEND FOR DIAGRAM 2 PARTS OF THE CHURCH:  ICONS ON ICONOSTAS:  A.  a. b. c. d. e. f.  B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I. J. K. L. M.  iconostas (or a l t a r screen) vestibule nave sanctuary kliros sacristy solea amvon domes s t a i r s to balcony royal doors north door south door  Gabriel Patron Saint of Church Mary and C h r i s t Child Jesus Christ John the Baptist Archangel Michael  ICONS ON BANNERS: g. h.  banner o f Mary and C h r i s t Child banner of Jesus Christ  FURNISHINGS: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.  table (at which the church warden stands) brass candleholders coffin crucifix throne table of oblation plants chairs icons (not specified) carpet  ICONS ON ANALOI: i. j. k.  icon on festival icon of Child icon of  central analoj of celebrated Mary with Christ Jesus C h r i s t  89 gather.  Upon entering the nave the western observer may notice the  absence of pews and the lack of regular rows of chairs to seat the congregation.  The dim l i g h t i n g and the heavy smell of incense surround  the person upon entering.  The windows are not a predominant part of the  w a l l s , nor are they a primary source o f l i g h t .  The chandelier and can-  dles are sources of a r t i f i c i a l l i g h t though the tone of the room remains subdued.  DOME The central cupola outside has i t s counterpart inside as a large dome.  The eye is drawn upwards by a chandelier suspended from the  middle of the dome and as one looks up, frescoes are seen.  At Holy  T r i n i t y Church, the dome i s octagonal, and on every other side is a painting of one of the four evangelists  (Matthew, Mark, Luke and John).  At Holy Resurrection church, a painting depicting the resurrection of Christ is on the east side of the dome.  On either side of t h i s are in  paintings of two angels, seraphim and cherubim.  At the t h i r d Church  (SH) there are no domes and no frescoes on the c e i l i n g . ANALOJ In the center of the church, below the chandelier, i s an analoj or ' T e c t u m . '  The analoj is completely covered with a cloth and has a  sloped top on which rests an icon.  There are several other lecturns  around the nave, each with a d i f f e r e n t icon.  Some also serve as stands  ^ T h e paintings on the dome of an Orthodox church are prescribed but not demanded. That i s , i t is not necessary to have paintings on the dome of the church; however, given that the dome w i l l be painted, then the subject matter for these paintings i s prescribed. (See Soroka and Carlson, Faith of Our Fathers, p. 43.)  90 for the Gospel.  The icon on the central analoj i s changed according to  the day of the Church year and the cloth s i m i l a r l y varies with the Church season.  In front of the a l t a r screen, there are two additional  or Tectums.  analoi  Upon the lecturn on the north side of the church rests  an icon o f "Mary, Mother o f God, with the Christ C h i l d . "  An icon of  Christ i s placed on the other analoj.  ICONS Icons depicting the l i f e of Christ and the saints are considered to be holy pictures.  They are to be venerated but not worshipped.^  Accordingly, when an individual l i g h t s a candle or prays before an icon he does t h i s in remembrance o f the saint represented and not in order to worship the icon i t s e l f . the function of icons.  There are several explanations concerning  They are said to add richness and beauty to the  church and to help make perceptible to the believer those things which are unseen.21  Just as there are rules governing the painting of church  frescoes, there are special rules of iconography.  The subject matter,  symbolism, s t y l e of figures and background, colors and materials used, as well as the procedure to be followed by the monks in the actual painting had been established by the f i f t h century of Orthodoxy. Icons range in size from very small  (two inches square) to very  large (seven feet high and three feet wide).  In two o f the Churches in  Vancouver (HT and HR) there are f i v e large free-standing icons, in T h i s was defined by the second ecumenical council o f Nicaea in 737 A.D. See Appendix A. 2 0  21 F o r a comprehensive discussion of icons see: Benz, The Eastern Orthodox Church, Chapter 1. See also Soroka and Carlson, Faith of Our Fathers, p. 42. t A  91 elaborate wooden frames. such icon.  At the other Church (SN) there i s only one  Some of these large icons are placed in the church in such  a way as to section o f f portions of the nave.  A similar f e e l i n g i s  created in a l l of the churches by the profusion of smaller icons placed about the church by members of the congregation.  These smaller icons  form a continuous collage j u s t above eye-level along the north and south walls.  There i s one large icon on the east w a l l .  an icon of C h r i s t .  This must always be  At the other end of the church, on the west w a l l ,  there are no icons and the p r i e s t explains this by saying that people should never have t h e i r backs toward icons.22  Despite t h i s , there are  a few icons on the back wall which, according to the p r i e s t , "confuse some of the old people."  The f e e l i n g of spaciousness is reduced by the  many icons and furnishings that protrude into the nave.  In the east end  of the church a screen extending from f l o o r to c e i l i n g sections o f f the nave and blocks the remaining portion of the church from view.  The  v e r t i c a l distance within the nave i s set by a narrow red carpet (three feet wide) which begins at the inner doors and abruptly stops at the east end of the nave in front o f the a l t a r screen.  As the predominant  colors of icons are gold and blue they contrast with the dark tone of the wooden walls, thus making the icons seem to advance into the room.  The  icons seem to project into the room perhaps because most of them are not contained by frames and are not covered by glass. BANNERS Metallic or brocade cloth forms the background of banners.  To the  center of the background i s sewn an icon, usually outlined in gold braid.  22Father  Vladimir, personal communication.  92 This purple or white rectangle is fringed at the bottom, and i s attached to a seven-foot pole.  There are two or three banners in each church,  two always being found j u s t in front of the steps below the icon screen. The banner with an icon of Mary rests on the north s i d e , while on the south side i s found a banner with an icon of C h r i s t . of the year banners rest against the walls.  Throughout most  They are used to head  processions as, f o r example, the procession around the church at the beginning of the Easter mass.  CANDLEHOLDERS In front of most of the large icons, and near the Tectums with icons, are found brass candleholders.  Many candles are placed in each  of the candleholders as members of the congregation burn candles in remembrance of a p a r t i c u l a r person or saint.  Thus, as the services  proceed, more and more candles are l i t as people continue to a r r i v e u n t i l , near the end of the s e r v i c e , candles have been placed in most of the holders.  In addition to the candles burning before icons, there  are small gold lamps suspended on a gold chain from the top of a l l  free-  standing icons, in front of the c r u c i f i x and in front of the icon of the Last Supper  on the icon screen.  ' l i t t l e icon lamps'  These are s t i l l referred to as the  (lampadka) even though a short candle is placed in  the glass container where formerly pure o i l was burned.  CRUCIFIX It has been mentioned that there i s , in the church, a large wooden cross (approximately seven feet high) with the figure of Christ attached to i t .  This i s always located on the north s i d e , not far from the  steps at the east end.  Beside or in front of the c r u c i f i x is found a  93  small table which often blocks the lower part of the c r u c i f i x from view. The table is completely covered with a cloth and on i t , a t i e r e d , brass candleholder r e s t s .  Members of the congregation place candles here in  remembrance of deceased r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s . COFFIN Near the c r u c i f i x , there may be a " c o f f i n , " or there may simply be a wooden rectangular box representing a c o f f i n .  The top is covered  by a cloth which matches the coverings on the lecturns.  The c o f f i n l i e s  parallel to the north wall and i s situated mid-way along that w a l l .  It  remains in t h i s position a l l year, except at Easter when i t is moved to the center of the nave.  On the w a l l , behind or beside this c o f f i n , i s  a large icon of Christ in the t o m b .  23  PLANTS In a l l three churches, i t is common to see flowers or plants placed on the f l o o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y on special f e s t i v a l days.  Surrounding  the icon on the central a n a l o j , flowers are usually placed.  At one  Church (HR) there are palm trees beside the two lecturns in front of the elevated area at the east end of the church.  At another Church  (SN)  p l a s t i c flowers are placed around the a l t a r screen and around many of the icons in the nave. BALCONY On entering, the balcony is not readily v i s i b l e to the person as one's attention is directed toward the a l t a r screen.  The balcony is  T h e r e is a c o f f i n at Holy Resurrection and a wooden box as described above at Holy T r i n i t y . Saint Nicholas i s the exception, where there is no c o f f i n nor a representation of one. 23  94 located at the west end of the nave and a staircase in the north-west corner i s used by the choir members to gain access to i t .  This i s the  case at Holy Resurrection and Holy T r i n i t y but i s not true of St. Nicholas where there is no balcony.  During the time when the researchers  attended divine l i t u r g y s e r v i c e s , members of the congregation who were not part of the choir were never seen in the balcony. TABLE In the south-west corner of the nave at Holy T r i n i t y and St. Nicholas there i s a ' t a b l e ' ( s t o l ) where a l t a r breads and candles of various sizes can be purchased.  At Holy Resurrection there i s a snail  room with a table on the south side of the v e s t i b u l e ; i t is used for s i m i l a r purposes. SOLEA Separating the nave from the sanctuary i s an a l t a r screen or iconostas (meaning, a place on which icons stand). extends to the c e i l i n g of the church.  The iconostas usually  Of the Churches in Vancouver, only  Holy T r i n i t y has an iconostas which does not extend the f u l l the building.  height of  In this Church the c e i l i n g i s approximately t h i r t y feet  high, and the screen reaches about one half that distance.  An iconostas  has three doors—the north door, the south door, and the 'royal doors' (carskie dveri) or 'royal gates' which are in the middle. doors open toward the sanctuary.  A l l of these  The area on the nave side of the north  and south doors is c a l l e d the solea, while that in front of the royal doors i s known as the amvon.  The solea i s elevated a step or two and the  top step forms a narrow platform (approximately three or four feet wide) across the entire width of the church.  To the south of the solea i s a  95 square structure (kl iros) enclosed on three sides with walls over six feet high.  At Holy T r i n i t y the k l i r o s is sometimes used by a chanter  who remains unseen from the nave.  At St. Nicholas, where there i s no  balcony, the choir stands in this k l i r o s during services. At Holy T r i n i t y , perhaps because of the architecture of the b u i l d i n g , the k l i r o s i s uated on the south side but is not adjacent to the solea. 2.)  sit-  (See Diagram  At Holy Resurrection there i s another k l i r o s on the north side but  this i s not the case in either of the other two Churches. v i s i b l e to the viewer i s one large icon. ** 2  A l l that is  The amvon i s usually a  semicircular projection of the solea into the nave and i s located d i r e c t l y in front of the royal doors (HT).  However, the amvon i s considered to be  part of the solea even when i t i s not a physically  distinguishable  feature, but in such a case (as at HR and SN), i t continues to be referred to as the amvon.  ICONOSTAS As already mentioned, the iconostas forms a high w a l l , covered with icons arranged in a prescribed order. halves by the royal doors.  The screen i s divided into  Because the royal doors are not the f u l l  height o f the iconostas, there is an open space above them, bounded on either side by the rest of the iconostas.  At certain times during the  services a curtain i s drawn from behind the screen, f i l l i n g in t h i s area. On the royal doors are four icons depicting the four evangelists. surround a central icon portraying the annunciation of the V i r g i n .  These At  the top of each royal door, there i s a small icon (three inches by four  « T h i s applies to Holy Resurrection and Holy T r i n i t y . At St. Nicholas a great variety of icons (rather than one large icon) covers this wall. 2  96 inches).  At the upper corner of the royal door on the south side there  i s an icon of Christ and in the same position on the other door there is an icon of Mary.  When the royal doors are closed, an Orthodox cross  rests at the point where they meet. The iconostas i s divided into sections, each panel containing a f u l l - l e n g t h single f i g u r e .  Dealing with the south side f i r s t , the icon  closest to the royal doors portrays a figure of C h r i s t .  Next, John the  Baptist or an honored s a i n t , usually St. Nicholas, i s represented and on the adjacent panel, which serves as the south door, i s an icon of the Archangel Michael.  With respect to the north side of the iconostas,  the icon closest to the royal doors i s a figure of "Mary, Mother of God." Next to Mary the saint or event for which the church was named is depicted. As in the case of the south s i d e , the adjacent panel with an icon of the Archangel Gabriel serves as the north door. depict the same f i g u r e s . ^ 2  These six icons always  The iconostas can consist of more than these  six panels, as in the case of Holy Resurrection church where there are additional icons--St. Lawrence (south side) and Archdeacon Stephan (north s i d e ) .  The subject matter of additional icons along t h i s row  varies with the individual preferences of a given church.  This set  of icons is c o l l e c t i v e l y referred to as the " d e i s i s " t i e r and sometimes a series of smaller icons with B i b l i c a l scenes i s placed below i t ^^This is corroborated by Benz, The Eastern Orthodox Church, p. 9, and Demetrakopoulos, Dictionary of Orthodox Theology, p. 108. 26  Soroka and Carlson, Faith of Our Fathers, p. 41.  97 These are the principal icons Above them hang three or four rows of smaller i c o n s — t h e i r number depending on the size of the church—in which the whole story of redemption and the hierarchy of of the c e l e s t i a l church are represented. Above the " d e i s i s " t i e r is the second or f e s t i v a l t i e r including icons that i l l u s t r a t e the twelve great feast days of the Orthodox Church.  An  icon of the Last Supper is always above the royal doors and i t forms 28 the central panel of this t i e r .  The t h i r d t i e r depicts the twelve  d i s c i p l e s ; the fourth t i e r i s a l l o t t e d to the Old Testament prophets; and the f i f t h t i e r is devoted to the c r u c i f i x i o n .  The arrangement varies  when not a l l f i v e t i e r s are present (Holy T r i n i t y has three t i e r s , Holy Resurrection has two t i e r s , and St. Nicholas has one t i e r ) but the f i f t h t i e r ( i . e . c r u c i f i x i o n t i e r ) always completes the iconostas. On the south side of the iconostas, between the l a s t t i e r and the c e i l i n g (HR and SN), a r e p l i c a of the Gospel i s found.  A r e p l i c a of the  tablet on which the Ten Commandments were given is found on the north side above the l a s t t i e r . SANCTUARY The area bounded by the iconostas and the east wall of the building i s called the 'sanctuary' or ' a l t a r '  (altar').  2 9  The word ' a l t a r '  is  used by the Orthodox to refer to the entire elevated area behind the iconostas.  It is not applied to any table within the sanctuary  itself.  The sanctuary in Orthodox churches i s , in p r i n c i p l e , located at the geographic east of the b u i l d i n g , (HR and HT).  27  28  However, since the con-  B e n z , The Eastern Orthodox Church, p. 9.  0p_. c i t . , p. 40.  '•From the Hebrew word meaning "a place of s a c r i f i c e . "  98 struction of any building is in part determined by the position of the property, an Orthodox church which i s b u i l t with i t s entrance facing south and i t s sanctuary in the north (this is true of St. Nicholas) still  considered to be facing east.  is  That i s , the position of the  sanctuary conceptually determines the d i r e c t i o n of the church and the placement of a l l properties within i t . ^ 3  For the Orthodox person i t  is  31 the sanctuary which orients his directions and actions.  Among the  reasons offered for the sanctuary being located in the east are the following:  (1) the East is where the f i r s t Christian Church o r i g i n a t e d ,  (2) the sun rises in the east, and (3) C h r i s t , as the source of  light,  was born in the East and his l i g h t shines through the darkness of the world.  3 2  Great significance i s attached to the sanctuary and only men are allowed to go through the north and south doors into the sanctuary.  The  p r i e s t and his helpers alone are in the sanctuary during the divine liturgy.  At other times a male is permitted behind the iconostas  his presence be necessitated by the circumstances.  should  According to the  clergymen in Vancouver, even in t h i s situation a male should vest before entering.  Only the clergy are permitted to pass through the royal doors  and even they must do so at s p e c i f i e d times during the divine l i t u r g y . ^ F a t h e r Vladimir and Bishop Antonuk, personal communication. 3 1  Loc. cit.  Soroka and Carlson, Faith of Our Fathers, p. 35, and Orthodox Education Lessons, p. 4. 32  99 Women are not permitted behind the iconostas.  THRONE When the royal doors are open a large fresco of Christ is seen on the east wall and a large table (four feet long, three feet wide, and three feet high) is v i s i b l e in the center of the sanctuary.  This table  i s c a l l e d the presto!, or in English, the 'throne' or 'communion t a b l e . ' It i s equally spaced between the north and south walls, and also i s equidistant from the east wall and the iconostas.  The throne has  several meanings attributed to i t , contingent upon the actions of the p r i e s t during the service.  Over the throne there are three coverings.  One of these, the s r a c i c a , i s consecrated by the bishop and i s never removed from the throne.  The other two coverings ( i n d i t i j a and pokryvalo)  3"The p r i e s t and the bishop both said that i n the Bible women were forbidden to enter the sanctuary. Demetrakopoulos gives the following explanation: "The reasons for these r e s t r i c t i o n s are found in Holy Scriptures and Sacred T r a d i t i o n , according to which only consecrated males served God at the a l t a r s and only males are tonsured and ordained." (See Dictionary of Orthodox Theology, p. 7.) The i n t e r d i c t i o n seems to have something to do with the menstrual cycle but when interviewed neither the p r i e s t nor the bishop could (or would) elaborate either of these explanations. In exceptional circumstances e l d e r l y women, past menstruation, are permitted to enter the sanctuary. 3  ^During the "great entrance" in the divine l i t u r g y , the throne i s considered to be the grave where Christ was buried; during the f i r s t part of the Creed i t is regarded as the table on which the Last Supper was celebrated; and at a l a t e r point in the Creed i t becomes the place o f s a c r i f i c e where the wine and bread are transubstantiated. (See Nikolai Gogol, Meditations on the Divine Liturgy of the Eastern Orthodox Catholic and Apostolic Church, New York, American Review of Eastern Orthodoxy, Reprinted 1964, pp. 29-53, hereinafter referred to as Meditations on the Divine Liturgy.)  100 are changed to coincide with the colors of the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l seasons. ^ 3  "The holy table a f t e r consecration cannot be used f o r any other purpose than the s a c r i f i c e . "  3 6  Upon the throne a prescribed set of objects are found in specified positions.  The antimins (also known as the corporal) i s a rectangular  piece of s i l k cloth on which i s stamped a picture representing the entombment of C h r i s t . evangelists.  At the four corners are small pictures of the four  Also on the antimins is an i n s c r i p t i o n by the Archbishop  of the diocese consecrating the antimins and the church in which i t found.  Without t h i s cloth no Orthodox church can e x i s t .  is  Minute portions  37 of r e l i c s  annointed with holy o i l are sewn on the side which is turned  to the East.38 The word antimins is derived from Greek and Latin words and means ' i n place of a t a b l e . ' The Orthodox consider the antimins to be absolutely necessary f o r the divine l i t u r g y to be performed and should an occasion a r i s e where there is no throne, the antimins serves as the throne. the i l i t o n .  The antimins i s covered with an outer red c l o t h c a l l e d  Together these are placed under the Gospel.  The Gospel  i s r i c h l y bound in red velvet with s i l v e r or gold g i l t and l i e s on the central part of the throne. and the evangelists.  It is ornamented with medallions of Christ  Beside the Gospel l i e s a gold blessing cross.  Another cross stands upright at the back of the throne and in front o f  "^Father Vladimir, personal communication. 36  Demetrakopoulos, Dictionary of Orthodox Theology, p. 8.  ^Demetrakopoulos defines " r e l i c s " as: "remains of holy persons, either parts of t h e i r bodies or possessions such as clothes or vestments " , I b i d . , p. 153. H . C. Romanoff, Sketches of the Greco-Russian Church, England, Rivingtons, 1869, p. 85. 3 8  101 t h i s t h e r e , i s a seven branched candelabrum.  In front of t h i s candle-  holder i s the tabernacle (daroxranitel'nica or 'communion c o n t a i n e r ' ) , a container in which the consecrated bread and wine are reserved for administration to the s i c k . TABLE OF OBLATION In the north-east corner of the sanctuary is another table c a l l e d the 'table of s a c r i f i c e ' (zertvenik). referred to as the 'table of o b l a t i o n ' .  In English t h i s i s  usually  This table i s completely covered  by a cloth and upon i t are placed two icons and the utensils  necessary  for the preparation of the bread and wine for the divine l i t u r g y .  The  two icons which are always found on the table of oblation are the c r u c i f i x i o n and Christ praying in the Garden of Gethsemane. include:  The utensils  the paten, a small disc on a stand, usually made of s i l v e r or  gold, on which the various pieces of bread are put during the divine l i t u r g y ; the a s t e r i s k , consisting o f two arched gold bands, i s placed on top of the paten to support the v e i l s or coverings and to keep these from touching the pieces o f bread; the c h a l i c e , made o f gold or s i l v e r , i s the vessel into which the wine and water are poured; a v e i l , which i s placed on top of the chalice and another to be placed on top of the paten; a larger t h i r d v e i l which i s placed over the other two v e i l s ; a golden (or s i l v e r ) spoon with a long handle used to administer communion; the spear, a small, double-edged knife used by the p r i e s t f o r the cutting of the a l t a r breads; a small sponge used to wipe the paten a f t e r the pieces of bread have been put into the c h a l i c e ; the ' a l t a r breads' (or prosfora) which are brought to the table of oblation during the  102 divine l i t u r g y .  3 9  The prosfora are leavened a l t a r breads**  ding to a prescribed procedure. one of two special seals.  Stamped on some of the prosfora i s a square signifying  A l l of the other prosfora are stamped with a  picture of Mary and the Christ c h i l d with the l e t t e r s MP BY, "Mother of God."  made accor-  Each small round bread i s stamped with  seal consisting of a cross and the l e t t e r s IC_ XX NI KA "Jesus Christ conquers."  0  signifying  Prosfora are used only in the divine l i t u r g y .  SACRISTY The south side of the sanctuary i s c a l l e d the ' s a c r i s t y * Although i t may be a separate room,**  1  (riznica).  in the Orthodox churches i n  Vancouver i t i s not a partitioned area but a conceptually defined part o f the sanctuary.  Here the sacred vessels,**  2  the censer, and vestments  of the season worn by the p r i e s t , subdeacon, and a l t a r boys are kept.  B.  Participants  Bishops, priests and deacons are referred to as the major orders and are assisted by the non-ordained minor orders including subdeacons, chanters and a l t a r boys.  While the major and minor orders are ranked  r e l a t i v e to one another there i s a hierarchical structure within each of these.  The head of an autocephalous Church i s a Patriarch.  The  F o r a more detailed explanation of these utensils see: Demetrakopoulos, Soroka, Romanoff, and Orthodox Education Lessons. 3 9  40  Demetrakopoulos, Dictionary of Orthodox Theology, p. 150.  ***Ibid., p. 157; also Orthodox Education Lessons, p. 20. ^ Soroka and Carlson, Faith of Our Fathers, p. 156. fc  103 heads of a l l other Churches are c a l l e d Archbishop or M e t r o p o l i t a n .  43  These are followed in turn by the o f f i c e of bishop, p r i e s t , and d e a c o n .  44  Each of the above o f f i c e s is attributed an increasing amount o f importance and respect. At two of the Orthodox Churches in Vancouver there are p r i e s t s o f f i c i a t i n g while at the t h i r d (HR) there is a bishop.  A bishop can  celebrate a l l church services and perform a l l sacraments.  A p r i e s t can  celebrate a l l church services and perform a l l sacraments, with the exception of ordination.  Furthermore, a p r i e s t i s not permitted to  bless the antimins or holy o i l .  Neither a p r i e s t nor a bishop i s  permitted to marry once he i s ordained though i t i s possible f o r a p r i e s t to marry before o r d i n a t i o n . ^ 4  However, should a p r i e s t marry,  he cannot r a i s e his position in the Church, for a l l bishops must be monks.  The bishop in Vancouver was married before his ordination into  the priesthood and i t was not u n t i l the death of his wife that he was ordained as bishop. During the course of the research i t was concluded that there are three principal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which distinguish a bishop from a p r i e s t at the divine l i t u r g y .  The bishop i s assisted by at least two sub-  deacons and at least two a l t a r boys.  At two of the Churches (HT and SN)  the researchers have never seen subdeacons a s s i s t i n g the p r i e s t .  At  " 0 r i g i n a l l y a Metropolitan was the bishop of the capital of a province, while Archbishop was a t i t l e of honor given to other bishops ' of special eminence, whose sees were not provincial c a p i t a l s . The Russians s t i l l use the t i t l e s in t h i s way " (Ware, The Orthodox Church, p. 299.) 4 3  44 A similar hierarchy exists in the monastic orders but a d i f f e r e n t set of o f f i c e s a p p l i e s . These are Archimandrite, Higumenos, Hieromonk, Hieredeacon. (See Ware, The Orthodox Church, p. 300.) ^0rthodox Education Lessons, pp. 28-30. 4  104 the l a t t e r two Churches, there is usually one a l t a r boy although there may be more. Characteristic of the o f f i c e of bishop are the p a r t i c u l a r vestments worn.  At each ordination, as one moves up in the Church hierarchy, some  new a r t i c l e of the canonicals i s added. vestments than a p r i e s t .  Thus a bishop wears d i f f e r e n t  The bishop also has additional ornaments.  Each  a r t i c l e of clothing worn by the clergy f o r the divine l i t u r g y has a special meaning and must be put on in a prescribed manner.  46  For the  purposes at hand, i t i s s u f f i c i e n t to remark that the clergy are identi f i e d by t h e i r vestments which readily distinguish them from each other and from the congregation. The differences between the various c l e r i c a l orders do have an e f f e c t on the sequence of events during a service.  The o f f i c i a t i n g of  a bishop greatly magnifies the complexity of the service.  The  researchers have chosen to discuss the divine l i t u r g y only when a p r i e s t o f f i c i a t e s because bishops are much fewer in number  47  and consequently i t  is the exception for a bishop to conduct the service.  A d i f f e r e n t format  of the divine l i t u r g y i s apparent when a bishop conducts the service.  For  example, when a bishop o f f i c i a t e s the divine l i t u r g y , the royal doors are only closed once, but they are closed at several points when a p r i e s t holds the same service. The deacon i s the f i r s t of three ordained orders of the priesthood, F o r a description of the vestments and of the symbolic s i g n i f i cance of each a r t i c l e the reader is r e f e r r e d , f o r example, to Orthodox Education Lessons, and Romanoff, Sketches of the Greco-Russian Church. 4 6  mentioned previously, the bishop in Vancouver i s one of eleven in North America.  105 and the deacon's primary function is a s s i s t i n g the priest during services. For example, he chants the l i t a n i e s .  The deacon cannot celebrate any  service alone and he can only a s s i s t an o f f i c i a t i n g p r i e s t or bishop. There are no deacons in Vancouver, but there are subdeacons.  This i s a  non-ordained position and of higher rank than that of a l t a r boy.  The  subdeacon who holds the l i t a n y books for the bishop and removes his at prescribed times during the divine l i t u r g y .  stole  On the other hand, the  a l t a r boy's duties are confined l a r g e l y to holding candles and moving to appropriate positions at required times during the service. The 'reader' or chanter (ponomar') a s s i s t s the priest at the divine l i t u r g y by chanting the "hours" ( i . e . prayers and psalms of the day) at the beginning of the service and by chanting the E p i s t l e lesson.  The  chanter is not ordained; he is merely blessed. A man i s appointed 'church warden' (cerkovnaja starosta), or AO  'elder'  (starosta) because he has "worked hard" for the church. °  The  church warden looks a f t e r the church building and during the divine l i t u r g y sees to the proper functioning of c e r t a i n of the a c t i v i t i e s in the nave.  He stands at the table (in the south-west corner of the nave)  where candles of various sizes may be purchased.  It i s through the  starosta that a person requests that the p r i e s t say a prayer for a p a r t i c u l a r individual  (s).  When such a request is made, the starosta  sends the name of the i n d i v i d u a l , along with an a l t a r bread, to the p r i e s t in the sanctuary.  After the prayer has been said and a p a r t i c l e removed  from the prosfora, the remaining l o a f , then c a l l e d antidor, i s returned to the starosta. 48  He wraps each antidor in a plain white paper serviette  F a t h e r Vladimir and Bishop Antonuk, personal communication.  106 and leaves i t on the table to be picked up by members of the congregation as they leave.  The starosta has been observed to reprimand individuals  for breeches of the rules of behavior.  For instance, when a young boy  entered the nave with his hat on, the starosta pulled him by the arm, took o f f his hat, and scolded him.  It i s also the church warden's duty  to ring the bell at appointed times during the divine l i t u r g y and to take the c o l l e c t i o n . Those people attending the Russian Orthodox divine l i t u r g y on Sundays in Vancouver can roughly be divided into two main age groups. The predominant age group at any given Church on any given Sunday i s estimated to f a l l between f o r t y and eighty years, with the age of the majority of people tending toward the upper extreme of t h i s range.  At  Holy T r i n i t y there a r e , on the average, ten children between eight and eighteen years of age.  Occasionally young children under the age of  seven are brought for infant communion; however, there are r a r e l y more than f i v e such infants on any p a r t i c u l a r Sunday.  Children who attend  are expected to follow the actions of t h e i r parents.  If very young  children become restless and noisy during the service t h e i r parents are expected to quieten them immediately.  When a g i r l about two years old  started crying during the divine l i t u r g y , the bishop waited until she was quiet before resuming the sermon.  Older children frequently leave  the church and go outside for a few minutes.  At Holy Resurrection and  St. Nicholas i t i s exceptional to see children of any age at a divine liturgy.  The absence of younger people between the ages of twenty and  f o r t y i s apparent in a l l three instances. The children who attend Holy T r i n i t y are of both sexes though the absolute number of g i r l s tends to be greater.  At a l l the Churches  107 the number of females exceeds the number of males.  This is p a r t i c u l a r l y  true of the most e l d e r l y , among whom there is a group of women who are both the most e l d e r l y and the most regular attenders. At the services participants enter, buy candles, pray before various icons, and then stand in the west half of the nave.  These:  a c t i v i t i e s are carried out at d i f f e r e n t points in time by d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s ; some people are moving about while others stand q u i e t l y . It i s exceptional to see people engaging in conversation at t h i s time, but sometimes a f t e r the divine l i t u r g y people chat informally as they leave the nave. People appear to recognize regular attenders or friends and to acknowledge t h e i r presence by a gesture such as a nod of the head.  The  non-member or stranger i s not approached,but a f t e r several weeks, though he s t i l l may not be known by name, others may acknowledge his presence. Non-members and strangers generally are conspicuous by t h e i r lack of p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the proceedings.  Their presence becomes obvious i f , for  example, they do not cross themselves at the appropriate times, or do not burn candles before the icons. The divine l i t u r g y begins at ten o' clock in the morning at Holy T r i n i t y and St. Nicholas Churches, and at t e n - t h i r t y at Holy Resurrection. The p r i e s t begins preparing for the service at t h i s time.  For the people,  the service starts punctually one half hour a f t e r the p r i e s t has begun the f i r s t part of the divine l i t u r g y .  The service usually l a s t s two  to two and one half hours and a l l of the participants stand throughout the whole s e r v i c e .  There are several chairs provided and these are used  intermittently by the e l d e r l y , most frequently during the sermon at the end of the s e r v i c e .  The only times when i t i s considered not permissible  108 to be seated are when the royal doors are open, the Lord's Prayer and the Creed are being sung, or when the priest faces the congregation.  It  should be pointed out that while there is the provision f o r s i t t i n g , most people stand during the s e r v i c e .  C.  Dress  Reference has already been made to the f a c t that the priest and his helpers are readily i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r special apparel.  As f o r the  male members of the congregation, i t i s usual to see them wearing s u i t s . With the suits most men wear dress s h i r t s and t i e s .  If a man wears an  overcoat or a hat to church, he w i l l remove these upon entering. Generally women wear coats to the church and do not remove them during the s e r v i c e .  The coats are of diverse styles and patterns and  i t i s not uncommon to see coats with fur trim or fur coats at any of the three Orthodox churches.  The older women (roughly s i x t y - f i v e years and  over) seem to wear hats with greater frequency than the younger women. Jewellery i s commonly displayed on f i n g e r s , w r i s t s , ears and clothing. hand.  In a d d i t i o n , diamond wedding rings are worn on the right  Most women carry a handbag which they place on the f l o o r beside  them and because i t remains there throughout the s e r v i c e , a woman's hands are l e f t free.  D.  Music  Instruments are never used in the Russian Orthodox Church. are excluded on dogmatic grounds.  They  In The Eastern Orthodox Church,  Ernst Benz explains that the Orthodox believe man should not use " l i f e l e s s metal" instruments; man himself should be the l i v i n g instrument to praise  109 God.  Benz also says that because "pagan" forms of worship employed  50  musical instruments t h i s contributed to the r e j e c t i o n of instruments in the Orthodox Church.  In order to distinguish themselves, the early  Christians are said to have r e s t r i c t e d the use of instruments to a c t i v i t i e s outside of the Church.  "The very absence of instrumental music  led to an unusual p r o l i f e r a t i o n of choral song and hymnody in the churches."  The entire divine l i t u r g y  s  by the p r i e s t , the reader and the choir.  except for the sermon, i s sung The music of the l i t u r g y has  developed over the centuries and is of such complex arrangement that i t requires a trained choir and conductor.  Many parts of the divine l i t u r g y  vary according to the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l calendar, and therefore weekly 'choir p r a c t i c e s '  (spevka) are held in preparation f o r the Sunday service.  Members of the congregation do not participate in the singing at the divine l i t u r g y .  It i s said that the congregation are not able to take  part because of the complexity of the m u s i c .  52  There are several l i t u r g i e s that are used in the Orthodox service. The divine l i t u r g y used throughout most of the year i s that of St. John Chrysostom (c. 344-407 A.D.).  St. John did not compose the l i t u r g y in  i t s e n t i r e t y ; rather, he established the practice of having certain actions, prayers and practices already in use at that time, follow each other in a c e r t a i n o r d e r . iated with his name.  50  51  5 3  This order of the l i t u r g y came to be assoc-  Another form of the divine l i t u r g y has come to be  B e n z , The Eastern Orthodox Church, p. 146.  Loc_. c i t .  T h i s i s the explanation given by both Father Vladimir and Bishop Antonuk. 5 2  53  Koulomzin, The Orthodox Christian Church, p. 99.  110 associated with St. Basil The l i t u r g y of St. Basil  (who l i v e d in the middle of the fourth century). i s used on ten occasions during the year, mainly  during Great Lent ( i . e . Easter Lent). Within the framework of these l i t u r g i e s , the exact words s a i d , the sequence of t h e i r occurrence as well as the actions accompanying them are prescribed and rigorously followed at every divine l i t u r g y . parts which vary from week to week follow a set pattern. individual prokeimenon  54  Even the  Thus the  (psalms), troparion and kontakion (hymns),  other types of hymns, and antiphons are designated according to the f e s t i v a l day.  The d i f f e r e n t types of l i t u r g i c a l music found in the  Orthodox Church are very complex and would demand a discussion which l i e s beyond the scope and purpose of the chapter.  E.  Sequence of Events at the Divine Liturgy  The divine l i t u r g y i s divided into three main parts: proskomedia or ' p r e p a r a t i o n ' ;  55  the  ^  the 1 i t u r i j a oglasenie or ' l i t u r g y of  the catechumens'; and, the 1 i t u r i j a vernjaja or ' l i t u r g y of the faithful.'  Each of these parts is in turn divided into a number of  l i t a n i e s or p e t i t i o n s . ^  6  54  S e e footnote 11 of this chapter.  5 5  Loc. cit.  T h e r e are many books which contain verbatim the text of the divine l i t u r g y . The present chapter is not concerned so much with the words said as with the relationship of the actions of both the p r i e s t and people, within the framework set by the divine l i t u r g y . The reader is referred to Reverend Basil Shereghy, The Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, Minnesota, The L i t u r g i c a l Press, copyright 1961 by The Order of St. Benedict; Gogol, Meditations on the Divine Liturgy; The Divine Liturgy according to St. John Chrysostom, New York, Russian Orthodox Greek Catholic Church of America, 1967. 66  Ill The priest i s the only participant in the preparation which begins about one half hour p r i o r to the a r r i v a l of most of the congregation and prior to the beginning of the l i t u r g y of the catechumens.  The  proskomedia is the preparation of the bread and wine for the s a c r i f i c e and subsequent communion in the divine l i t u r g y .  If a deacon i s present  then he a s s i s t s the p r i e s t throughout the entire divine l i t u r g y .  In  Vancouver there are no deacons and consequently the p r i e s t takes both roles. When the priest enters the nave  3  the l i g h t s in the nave and  sanctuary are o f f and remain o f f u n t i l the beginning of the l i t u r g y of the catechumens.  A l l the doors of the iconostas are closed and the  curtain behind the royal doors i s drawn.  While the priest i s preparing  for the service in the sanctuary i t i s not possible to see him.  Those  present know that the preparation i s in progress because the reader i s chanting the "hours" ( i . e . prayers and psalms of the day) from the balcony.  P e r i o d i c a l l y the p r i e s t ' s voice i s audible as he responds to  the reader's chanting but the most of the time i t i s not possible either to see or to hear him. Upon entering the nave, the priest stands in front of the closed royal doors, bows three times and prays, then he goes before the icon of Christ on the iconostas and kisses i t .  He proceeds to the other side  of the iconostas and goes before the icon of Theotokos  or ('Mother of  God'), kisses i t while praying s i l e n t l y , as he did before C h r i s t ' s  image.  After praying in front of these icons the p r i e s t enters the sanctuary by way of the south door.  In the sanctuary the p r i e s t stands on the west  5 See footnote 11 of t h i s chapter. 7  112 side of the throne and bows three times toward the east.  Afterwards  he kisses the Gospel, the throne and the blessing c r o s s , asking God to cleanse him.  Prayers are recited at the throne and the p r i e s t proceeds  to the south side of the sanctuary where he vests.  The p r i e s t says the  required prayer while putting on each a r t i c l e of c l o t h i n g .  At the  completion of his vesting the p r i e s t moves to the north side of the sanctuary to the table of oblation where the l i t u r g y of preparation begins. Standing before the table of o b l a t i o n , the priest again bows three times.  He then takes one of the a l t a r breads or prosfora with  the seal of C h r i s t , and pierces i t , a f t e r which he makes an i n c i s i o n with the spear along the right side.  The p r i e s t then makes an i n c i s i o n  along the l e f t side of the prosfora.  After making incisions along the  right and l e f t sides, and cutting cross-wise through the bread, a large square i s removed from the center.  A l l these actions are carried out  according to a prescribed manner and s i l e n t prayers are said a f t e r each gesture.  This square of the prosfora now represents the "Lamb"  58  and  i s placed in the middle of the paten and i s pierced once more, t h i s time on the right side under the l e t t e r IC_.  Next the wine and warm water  are blessed as they are poured into the c h a l i c e .  After completing this  act the p r i e s t removes a large t r i a n g l e from the second prosfora again according to a set procedure.  This p a r t i c l e i s removed in honor o f the  Blessed V i r g i n Mary and i s placed at the r i g h t side of the Lamb (at the priest's l e f t ) .  From the t h i r d bread the priest removes nine p a r t i c l e s  in memory of the saints.  At the Lamb's l e f t (the p r i e s t ' s r i g h t ) the  CO  "The priest cuts the Holy Bread crosswise, taking care not to cut through the s e a l , and says: s a c r i f i c e d i s the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin o f the world, f o r the l i f e of the world, and i t s s a l v a t i o n . " (The Divine Liturgy according to St. John Chrysostom, p. 14.)  113 p r i e s t places three rows of three p a r t i c l e s , in honor of the prophets, apostles, saints and hierarchs, martyrs, "holy and venerable fathers and mothers," "holy wonderworkers and unmercenaries," "ancestors of God," the saint of the church, the saint of the day, and the saint whose l i t u r g y i s being celebrated, each of who i s remembered by name.  From  the fourth prosfora portions are removed in remembrance of the Orthodox r u l e r s and clergy and other Orthodox Christians who have asked to be mentioned by name.  ("the l i v i n g  faithful")  The portions from t h i s a l t a r  bread are placed on the paten, at the foot of the Lamb below the l e t t e r s NJ_ KA.  At the end of the row f o r "the l i v i n g " the priest adds another  p a r t i c l e for himself.  P a r t i c l e s are removed from the f i f t h prosfora in  memory of the departed founders of the Church and a l l other "departed faithful."  These are placed on the paten below the p a r t i c l e s for  "the l i v i n g . "  The Lamb, together with the other p a r t i c l e s placed on the  paten, represents the universal C h u r c h .  59  The p a r t i c l e s thus removed have been blessed by the priest though the remaining prosfora i s unconsecrated. antidor.  The l a t t e r i s now c a l l e d the  The antidor w i l l be eaten at the end of the service by "the  f a i t h f u l , " even i f they have not taken holy communion. When a l l the p a r t i c l e s have been placed on the paten, the priest censes the asterisk and v e i l s , placing them over the chalice and paten. Next the p r i e s t is required to bow and cense the offerings wine) and the sanctuary. and f i n a l l y the s a c r i s t y .  (bread and  He censes the table of o b l a t i o n , the throne The procedure for censing i s as follows:  f i r s t the south side of the iconostas, then the north s i d e ; the priest  59  Shereghy, The Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, p. 9.  114 then censes the nave starting at the south-east corner working his way, icon by i c o n , around the perimeter of the church until he reaches the north-east corner; he goes through the royal doors to the sanctuary where he concludes with a censing of the throne.  The priest censes the throne  by swinging the censer i n the form of a cross: north and f i n a l l y to the south. the throne.  f i r s t to the east, to the  The p r i e s t kisses the Holy Gospel and  The congregation knows that the p r i e s t i s concluding the  preparation when he appears from the sanctuary and begins censing the iconostas and nave. At Holy T r i n i t y and St. Nicholas, people begin a r r i v i n g shortly a f t e r ten o' c l o c k , and at Holy Resurrection they begin a r r i v i n g at tenthirty.  At a l l three Churches people are a r r i v i n g while the preparation  i s in progress.  Before entering the nave (at the threshold of the  vestibule and nave) an individual w i l l pause, bow s l i g h t l y and cross himself.  This action of bowing and crossing i s c a l l e d obscij poklon  ('group or communal bow'). hand.  The sign of the cross is made with the right  The thumb, index f i n g e r , and forefinger which are held together  are said to be symbolic of the Holy T r i n i t y ; the other two fingers which rest on the palm of the hand, are said to represent Jesus Christ as fin being t r u l y God and man.  The individual makes the sign of the cross  by tapping his forehead, chest, right and l e f t shoulder.  Ideally, an  individual i s supposed to face east, then south, and f i n a l l y north, each time crossing himself; but i t i s most common f o r people to enter and cross themselves only once, while facing the east. After crossing one's s e l f , a person w i l l go to the starosta or ^Orthodox Education Lessons, p. 23.  115 churchwarden and purchase candles which he w i l l l i g h t before various icons.  Although people may come to the church together, they obtain  t h e i r candles separately, and only one person w i l l go before the icons to l i g h t his candles.  The other (s) w i l l wait at the west end o f tha  church u n t i l the individual has finished venerating the icons.  There  are no prescribed rules governing which icons an individual must venerate; however consistency seems to l i e in the fact that most people go to the icon on the central analoj f i r s t .  At an icon, the individual  bows his head and crosses himself ( i d e a l l y three times) and kisses the i c o n ; he then l i g h t s the candle and places i t in the candleholder. Before j o i n i n g the rest o f the congregation, or before proceeding to another i c o n , the person w i l l pause in front of the icon and cross himself again.  Immediately a f t e r venerating the icon (s) an individual  takes his appropriate place in the church—females on the north side and males on the south side.  This sex separation i s not s t r i c t l y adhered  to but i t i s apparent n o n e t h e l e s s .  61  The e l d e r l y women who attend  regularly stand together in a group, closest to the north-east end of the church, while those people who appear to be casual or i r r e g u l a r attenders  62  seem to congregate near the west end of the church, along  the back w a l l .  The younger members (twenty to f o r t y years) seem to  constitute the predominant part of t h i s group.  I n an interview, the priest stated that the separation of sexes v/as s t r i c t l y observed in Russia but that today he notices t h i s is not so r i g i d l y maintained. He goes on to explain that while the sexes "should" be separated (as specified in the Old Testament) i t is not of paramount importance—"It's not so important anymore," he says. 6 1  T h e s e are terms applied by the researchers to those people who were not recurrent attenders, who stood near the back of the nave, and who were never observed to cross themselves, bow or kneel during the service. 62  116 People continue to a r r i v e throughout the e n t i r e divine l i t u r g y , and usually follow the same practice of bowing and crossing, buying candles and venerating the icons.  There are times when people w i l l  enter and remain at the back o f the church u n t i l "important" proceedings in the service are completed.  It has been observed that people w i l l not  move about when the Creed i s being sung by the c h o i r , Otce Nas ( i . e . the Lord's Prayer) i s being sung, or any time when the royal doors are open and the p r i e s t can be seen.  The movement of people continues during the  divine l i t u r g y as people often remain at the church f o r only a portion of the s e r v i c e .  When a person leaves the church he pauses at the  threshold o f the nave and v e s t i b u l e , faces east and crosses himself. By the time the p r i e s t has begun censing the nave, most of the congregation has arrived and as the p r i e s t moves about the nave censing the icons, those near him bow t h e i r heads.  The large chandelier i n the  nave i s suddenly switched on, the b e l l s t o l l and the choir sings.  By  these events the congregation knows that the l i t u r g y of the catechumens has begun.  The sanctuary l i g h t s are also turned on although the royal  doors remain closed.  The p r i e s t has returned to the sanctuary where he  remains unseen though his voice i s audible as he chants twelve i n t e r cessions (THE GREAT LITANY).  To these, the choir responds at each  separate p e t i t i o n with Gospodi pomiluj or 'Lord have mercy.' people cross themselves at the end o f each p e t i t i o n .  The  At the conclusion  o f t h i s chain of prayers and responses, the choir begins to sing the f i r s t antiphon.  The antiphons are selected songs from the Book of Psalms  and they vary according to the Church feast-day.  During the singing of  the antiphon the p r i e s t prays s i l e n t l y i n the sanctuary and at the end o f the antiphon the people cross themselves.  This same sequence of  117 actions occurs through the next antiphon and series of intercessions (THE LITTLE LITANY).  At the singing of the t h i r d antiphon the curtain is  drawn aside and the royal doors are opened.  Now, for the f i r s t time  during the s e r v i c e , the congregation sees the throne. Standing on the west side of the throne, the priest takes the Gospel and proceeds f i r s t in a southerly d i r e c t i o n around the east side of the throne and then out the north door of the iconostas, (THE LITTLE ENTRANCE).  Usually preceeding the p r i e s t as he comes through the north  door are two a l t a r boys holding candles.  The p r i e s t stands on the amvon  in front of the royal doors with the two a l t a r boys on either side of him.  The p r i e s t faces the people and blesses them by making a sign of  the cross with the Gospel.  He does t h i s by elevating the Gospel and  t i l t i n g i t to the south and to the north, and then lowering i t . response, the people bow.  In  The p r i e s t returns to the sanctuary through  the royal doors, while the a l t a r boys, who were standing on the north and south s i d e s , pass each other in front o f the royal doors, returning to the sanctuary by the south and north doors respectively.  The Gospel  i s placed on the throne and throughout t h i s procession the choir sings hymns in honour of the feast o f the day. The p r i e s t stands in front of the throne with his back to the congregation and s i l e n t l y r e c i t e s a prayer.  While the p r i e s t i s r e c i t i n g  the prayer he i s interrupted by a male choir member who w i l l read the E p i s t l e of the day.  The E p i s t l e reader comes from the balcony, across  the nave, to the south door o f the iconostas.  He kisses the icon on  the door before entering, and stands on the south side of the throne. The p r i e s t blesses the reader by placing his r i g h t hand on the E p i s t l e , a f t e r which he makes the sign o f the cross before the face of the reader.  118 They chant a short prayer together, and afterwards the reader exits through the south door.  As the reader leaves he holds the E p i s t l e with  both hands i n front of his face and walks to the central analoj where he stands facing the east.  When the p r i e s t has completed the prayer he  stands on the south east side of the throne, facing the congregation. It i s only at this point that the reader begins to chant the prelude to the E p i s t l e .  He f i r s t sings verses from the Psalms or the prophets  that have some r e l a t i o n to the saint or feast of the day.  A f t e r the  prelude, the reader chants the E p i s t l e which usually consists of s e l e c tions from the l e t t e r s of the apostles.  At the end of the E p i s t l e  reading the reader returns to the balcony and the choir.  The p r i e s t  censes the throne and, standing on the amvon, censes the people, moving the censer f i r s t to the south side and then to the north side. After censing, the p r i e s t removes his b i r e t t a and stands on the amvon holding the Gospel.  At this point some members of the congreg-  ation kneel and cross themselves while most others simply cross themselves. As the p r i e s t begins chanting the appointed Gospel lesson, the bell rung and members of the congregation j o i n those already kneeling.  is At  the end of the Gospel reading those individuals who are kneeling, stand, and the members of the congregation bow t h e i r heads and cross themselves while the p r i e s t blesses them with the Gospel according to the form previously mentioned.  The p r i e s t then walks through the royal doors,  kisses the Gospel and returns i t to the throne.  The royal doors are now  closed. From inside the sanctuary the p r i e s t chants a series of i n t e r c e s s i o n s ^ LITANY OF FERVENT SUPPLICATION), to which the choir replies 'Lord have mercy,' the congregation crossing themselves a f t e r each  petition.  Behind the iconostas the p r i e s t unfolds the antimins in a  prescribed manner.  When the antimins i s f u l l y unfolded and the chain of fi'  intercessions completed, the p r i e s t exclaims, " A l l catechumens depart." This marks the end of the l i t u r g y of the catechumens and the beginning of the l i t u r g y of the f a i t h f u l . The following hour i s spent preparing the bread and wine f o r the s a c r i f i c e and i t s subsequent transubstantiation.  After the antimins  has been unfolded, the royal doors are opened as the choir sings a hymn and the p r i e s t censes the sanctuary, the iconostas, and the people. When he censes the sanctuary he moves from the throne, to the table of o b l a t i o n , and f i n a l l y to the s a c r i s t y .  When censing the iconostas and  the people, the p r i e s t goes to the south side f i r s t and then to the north side. When the p r i e s t finishes censing, he enters the sanctuary through the north door and he recites the Cherubic Hymn three times, making a deep bow a f t e r each r e c i t a t i o n . where he censes the offerings  He proceeds to the table of oblation  (bread and wine).  The p r i e s t removes the  large v e i l , folds i t and places i t on his l e f t arm. in his l e f t hand and the chalice in his r i g h t .  He takes the paten  After praying s i l e n t l y ,  the p r i e s t , preceeded by the two a l t a r boys, carries the chalice and paten through the north door to the amvon (THE GREAT ENTRANCE).  The  p r i e s t stands in front of the royal doors facing the people who kneel or cross themselves.  The royal doors and curtain are closed a f t e r the  I n the early centuries, the unbaptised or catechumens were required to leave the church. This d i s c i p l i n a r y procedure concerning the catechumens was discontinued long ago but this arrangement of the l i t u r g y was retained. Today everyone can remain throughout the divine l i t u r g y , whether baptized or not. (Shereghy, The Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, p. 29.) 6 3  120 p r i e s t enters the sanctuary.  He places the chalice and paten on the  unfolded antimins which i s l y i n g on the throne.  After removing the  v e i l s from the paten and c h a l i c e , and a f t e r censing the o f f e r i n g , the p r i e s t chants a series of twelve petitions (THE LITANY OF THE OFFERTORY) to which the choir responds while the people cross themselves.  If there  i s more than one clergyman p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the s e r v i c e , the celebrants exchange the kiss of peace at this point in the service.  The senior  p r i e s t stands in front of the throne and the others stand on the south side of the throne, according to t h e i r rank.  The senior p r i e s t takes  the hand of the p r i e s t closest to him and they kiss each other on the right shoulder, the l e f t shoulder and then the priest kisses the right hand of his senior.  As the kiss of peace is exchanged the senior p r i e s t  says 'Christ is in our midst' 'He i s and shall be' (Est'  (Xristos posredi nas) to which the answer  i budet) i s given.  This series of actions  i s carried out by each of the other celebrants in turn. As the choir sings the Nicaean Creed the curtain is drawn aside permitting an individual to p a r t i a l l y see the p r i e s t .  During the  singing of the Creed the priest removes the v e i l from the offerings and waves i t gently above them, invoking the Holy S p i r i t to transubstantiate the bread and the wine.  This action is accompanied by the repeated  t o l l i n g of the church b e l l .  As the worshipper can p a r t i a l l y see over  the royal doors he i s able to see the p r i e s t elevating the v e i l and then the g i f t s (the bread and wine transubstantiated into the body and blood of C h r i s t ) .  At this time the person in the congregation prostrates him-  s e l f , or at least crosses himself.  After the p r i e s t r i s e s , for he too  prostrates himself, he prays s i l e n t l y and censes the g i f t s .  When the  p r i e s t censes the g i f t s he makes the sign of the cross over  them--swinging  121 the censer east, north and then south.  After completing t h i s act the  p r i e s t gives a verbal blessing to the people who now stand and bow. From the sanctuary the p r i e s t again chants a series of petitions (THE LITANY BEFORE THE LORD'S PRAYER) and the congregation cross themselves every time the choir r e p l i e s  'Lord have mercy.'  At the end of  the twelve intercessions the people and p r i e s t cross and prostrate themselves (zemlepoklon or 'bow to the e a r t h ' ) , as the choir sings Otce nas ( i . e . the Lord's Prayer). Lord's Prayer the p r i e s t , s t i l l  Near the end of the singing of the  kneeling, washes his hands.  After  washing, the priest and people stand and the priest comes forward, onto the amvon, and exclaims a p e t i t i o n to which the choir and congregation respond, the former verbally and the l a t t e r by the action of crossing themselves and bowing. a prayer.  The priest returns to the sanctuary and says  The curtain behind the royal doors is now drawn thus making  i t impossible for the congregation to view the sanctuary.  As the choir  sings a hymn, the p r i e s t behind the iconostas prays s i l e n t l y and makes " C h r i s t ' s body and blood" ready for communion.  In the nave, the church  warden walks among the members of the congregation taking a c o l l e c t i o n of money.  He returns d i r e c t l y to the table in the south-east corner of  the nave when he is f i n i s h e d . In the sanctuary, the p r i e s t , in preparing for communion, divides the Lamb into four parts and places these on the paten in the form of a cross.  The f i r s t portion marked IC_ is dropped into the chalice over  which the p r i e s t makes the sign of the cross.  A second portion (stamped  XC) the p r i e s t takes between the f i r s t two fingers of his right hand. says a prayer.  He  The p a r t i c l e is eaten by the priest who afterwards drinks  from the chalice three times.  The p r i e s t divides the remaining two  122 portions of the Lamb (marked NT and KA) and puts them into the chalice for the communicants present. and r e c i t e s a prayer.  He then covers the chalice with a v e i l  The royal doors are opened and the p r i e s t , with  the c h a l i c e , walks through them onto the amvon where he administers communion to children (under seven years) and adults v/ho have taken confession. the amvon.  Those about to cake communion proceed to the south side of Here the p r i e s t , standing on the amvon, instructs the  communicants to take "the sacred body and the precious blood."  These  are taken, by the p r i e s t , from the chalice with the spoon and are placed in the mouth of the i n d i v i d u a l .  After the person has partaken of the  g i f t s , a subdeacon or a l t a r boy cleans the l i p s of each communicant with a red c l o t h .  Each person then walks to a small table which has been  temporarily moved to the north s i d e , near the amvon.  Here the person  drinks water from a s i l v e r cup a f t e r which he takes a small piece of antidor. all  The water and bread are taken "to clean the mouth."64  when  have communed, the priest blesses the people with the chalice  containing the remaining p a r t i c l e s and then he returns to the sanctuary through the royal doors, placing the chalice on the throne. At the throne the priest wipes into the chalice the p a r t i c l e s remaining on the paten and then he verbally blesses the people who cross themselves.  After blessing the congregation, the priest covers the  chalice with one veil and censes i t three times.  The p r i e s t , with the  chalice in his right hand, faces the people who then bow. Subsequently, the p r i e s t c a r r i e s the chalice around the throne to the table of oblation.  Here the p r i e s t again censes the chalice, three  ^Explanation given by Father Vladimir.  times.  He returns to the throne and folds the antimins. The p r i e s t  9  while holding the Gospel, makes the sign of the cross over the folded antimins.  This i s done by raising the Gospel and t i l t i n g i t f i r s t to  the north then to the south, and f i n a l l y resting the book on the throne. s  The priest walks through the royal doors and stands facing east, in front of the amvon, and recites a prayer (PRAYER BEFORE THE AMVON). At the conclusion of this prayer the people cross themselves and the priest enters the sanctuary through the royal doors, goes to the table of oblation and prays s i l e n t l y .  From here the priest moves to the royal  doors and verbally blesses the people who cross themselves. After the blessing he moves out onto the amvon and delivers the sermon.65 The sermon generally consists of an explanation of the previously read Gospel lesson. The sermon differs from the rest of the divine l i t u r g y in that i t i s spoken i n Russian while the divine liturgy i s chanted i n Church Slavonic.  At the end of the sermon (which lasts  approximately fifteen minutes) the priest blesses the people and they either bow or cross themselves. Before departing from the church the congregation gathers at the foot of the amvon. As the people move to the front they pause, then kiss the icon of Christ on the analoj near the amvon. I f the priest has an announcement to make, he w i l l speak as the people move forward. At such a time he may announce that there w i l l be a gathering i n the hall after the service, the date of a wedding service or the time of a special event that w i l l take place during the week.  When the priest  has finished speaking, the people approach him and kiss the gold cross G^At St. Nicholas Church the sermon i s delivered earlier in the service, d i r e c t l y following the reading of the Gospel.  124 which he is holding.  After t h i s , they walk over to the small table which  i s again moved to the north side.  They take a piece of antidor.  It  i s usual for the a l t a r boys to receive the antidor f i r s t , followed by the e l d e r l y women, the remainder of the congregation, and f i n a l l y the choir.  This marks the end of the divine l i t u r g y . The formal service being completed, the members of the congregation  informally talk among themselves while s t i l l at the front of the nave. Shortly thereafter, they leave.  By t h i s time the church warden, and  occasionally a person from the congregation, have begun to extinguish the candles and to c o l l e c t them from the holders. royal doors and draws the c u r t a i n .  The p r i e s t closes the  Before the p r i e s t leaves, he i s  required to eat and drink the remaining g i f t s . Almost every Sunday a f t e r the divine l i t u r g y there i s a gathering in the church hall or basement. occasions as:  Gatherings can be held for such  66  pominki or 'remembrance s e r v i c e ' f o r a deceased r e l a t i v e  or member of the congregation; a p a r t i c u l a r church f e s t i v a l  (at times  such as Christmas, Lent, Easter); or when the p r i e s t has something to discuss with the members (beseda). practice to serve Russian food.  On these occasions i t is the  The women of the church prepare some of  the food while the divine l i t u r g y i s in progress and therefore a few of them leave the service p e r i o d i c a l l y . When the divine l i t u r g y has concluded the people gradually move to the h a l l .  The priest i s often the l a s t person to a r r i v e at the hall  because he must consume the remaining g i f t s and then remove his vestments.  The people gather in the hall but they do not begin eating until  S t . Nicholas i s the exception. neither a hall nor a basement. 6 6  As mentioned t h i s church has  125 a f t e r the p r i e s t has a r r i v e d .  The priest leads the people in singing  Otce nas and a few short p r a y e r s . time.  67  Everyone present stands at t h i s  Afterv/ards the people are seated and they then begin eating.  While eating they talk informally among themselves.  If there are  matters to be discussed, i t is the p r i e s t who conducts the proceedings. Some people leave before the others, but most remain until the p r i e s t i n i t i a t e s a closing prayer.  Gatherings such as these l a s t approximately  one or two hours.  F.  Changes in the Divine Liturgy  The divine l i t u r g y has evolved throughout approximately 2,000 years and there are many changes which have taken place during t h i s time. Some of the developments have taken place in the l a s t several centuries, corresponding to the time when Doukhobors began emerging, and these changes are of greater interest to the thesis.  From the information  reviewed, i t is evident that the development of the divine l i t u r g y service i s complex but despite t h i s i t was often d i f f i c u l t to establish even r e l a t i v e dates when alterations became apparent.  Possibly t h i s  is  because the changes were gradual and occurred in d i f f e r e n t regions at d i f f e r e n t times or perhaps t h i s may have something to do with the fact that the Orthodox maintain that the divine l i t u r g y service has remained e s s e n t i a l l y unchanged throughout i t s existence. The Orthodox Church views the Last Supper celebrated; by Jesus Christ before his c r u c i f i x i o n as the f i r s t divine l i t u r g y .  However,  for centuries the proceedings of the l i t u r g y were not precisely formulated.  67 he p r i e s t says that Otce nas ( i . e . the Lord's Prayer) always sung at a l l church gatherings. T  is  126 The prayers, hymns, readings and movements of the celebrants were variable. By the fourth century St. Basil and St. John Chrysostom had standardized two forms o f the divine l i t u r g y , but even these continued to be modified over the c e n t u r i e s .  6 8  Several of the changes were a d i r e c t r e s u l t of prevailing controversies.  To c i t e a few examples, the Nicaean-Constantinopolitan  Creed was written and incorporated into the l i t u r g y in the fourth century to define the Church's position on the relationship of God the Father and the Son.  Throughout the service the doxology to the T r i n i t y i s  frequently repeated. liturgy  One of the reasons for i t s r e p e t i t i o n in the  is  that during i t s formative period various heresies concerning the T r i n i t y were f l o u r i s h i n g , and i t was necessary to counteract them by mentioning the d i s t i n c t names of the three divine Persons as often as p o s s i b l e . 69  For s i m i l a r reasons the second antiphon was incorporated into the service. This i s a psalm which i s a statement against the Nestorian heresy? was prevalent during the sixth c e n t u r y . ?  0  that  1  There were other reforms but not a l l of these were d i r e c t responses to controversies.  During the f i r s t f i v e centuries, catechumens were not  permitted to attend the entire divine l i t u r g y .  They were not allowed  to p a r t i c i p a t e in the l i t u r g y of the f a i t h f u l during which holy communion was administered.  Gradually the p o l i c y of forcing catechumens to leave  was a l t e r e d , and while they s t i l l could not participate in holy communion,  6  8  See Chapter V, Section D, "Music."  69 Shereghy, The Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, p. 54:. ?°See Appendix A. 71  0p_. c i t . , p. 18.  127 they were permitted to remain in the church during that part o f the service.  The vestiges of t h i s practice remain in the divine l i t u r g y o f  today f o r at the end of the l i t u r g y of the catechumens the p r i e s t says: A l l catechumens, depart. Depart, catechumens. A l l that are catechumens, depart. Let no catechumens remain. Let us, the f a i t h f u l , again and again in peace pray unto the Lord.72 Formerly the sermon followed the reading of the Gospel but i t was moved to the l a s t part of the divine l i t u r g y .  One explanation account-  7 3  ing f o r the change suggests that i t disrupted the continuity of the service.  7 4  Other explanations say that the time of the sermon was  altered because many of the people did not a r r i v e until the service was well in progress and would therefore not have been present f o r t h i s i n s t r u c t i o n i f i t occurred early in the s e r v i c e . ^ 7  It i s d i f f i c u l t to  establish when t h i s s h i f t was made f o r , in The Orthodox Christian Church Through The Ages, Sophie Koulomzin says that i t had changed by the fourth century while the priests in Vancouver suggest i t is a more recent innovation.  In Meditations on the Divine Liturgy Gogol, who i s writing  about nineteenth century Russia, remarks that " i n former times" the sermon followed the Gospel reading.  While t h i s modification has been  adopted in many Churches there are s t i l l those who follow the old form. St. Nicholas Church in Vancouver i s a case i n point. In his book, Gogol supplements most of the text of the service  72  T h e Divine Liturgy according to St. John Chrysostom, p. 45.  73 See footnote 65 of t h i s chapter where i t was stated that t h i s order i s s t i l l maintained today. 74  7  G o g o l , Meditations on the Divine Liturgy, p. 26.  ^Bishop Antonuk and Father Vladimir, personal communication.  128 with an explanation of the actions and the words said.  From his account  we see that there have been few changes in the divine l i t u r g y between the time of his writing and the present day.  One of the most noticeable  differences l i e s in the degree of verbal p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the congregation. Whereas the Cherubic Hymn, Beatitudes, Lord's Prayer and petitions are sung by the choir today, they were sung by the people in Gogol's time. This is evident in his account of the divine l i t u r g y where the text i s divided into parts specified for the p r i e s t , choir and people. Churches in Vancouver the congregations  now participate only by s i l e n t  prayers and by bowing and crossing themselves. parts.  In the  They have no spoken  It may be of interest to note that the priest in Vancouver  mentioned that in some Churches (e.g. in Ottawa) the people have retained some of these verbal responses to the present day. Gogol mentions that prior to his writing a l l of the people present would j o i n the clergy in exchanging the "kiss of peace."  "In former  times a l l present in the church kissed one another, men other men, women other women, saying: and w i l l b e . "  7 6  Christ i s between us, and others replying:  He is  It was learned that "a long time ago," when a l l of the  people received communion weekly, they would ask forgiveness of each other.  7 7  An individual would say ' C h r i s t i s between us' to which another  (a member o f the same sex) would respond 'He is and w i l l be.'  Today  the only time when the people p a r t i c i p a t e in a s i m i l a r kind of a c t i v i t y  76  G o g o l , Meditations on the Divine Liturgy, p. 36.  77  B i s h o p Antonuk and Father Vladimir, personal communication.  T h e bishop and the priest in Vancouver draw t h i s between the two a c t i v i t i e s . 78  relationship  7 8  129 is during the Easter service.  At t h i s divine l i t u r g y they kiss one  another and say Xristos voskres ( ' C h r i s t i s r i s e n ' ) to which Voistinnyj Xristos  ( ' V e r i l y Christ i s r i s e n ' ) i s r e p l i e d .  These same words are  repeated many times throughout the Easter service by both p r i e s t and congregation. In b r i e f l y pointing out some of the modifications that have occurred in the divine l i t u r g y , attention was drawn to the fact that numerous modifications occurred in the formative centuries of Orthodoxy.  The  l i t e r a t u r e indicates that by the eighteenth century the divine l i t u r g y had assumed a stable form.  From Gogol's account of the l i t u r g y as  it  was practiced in Russia in the mid nineteenth century, i t becomes apparent that apart from the changes mentioned above the same worship service i s practiced today. The Orthodox people and clergy themselves emphasize the s t a b i l i t y of t h e i r divine l i t u r g y and the unaltered continuance of the 'correct form' of worship.  130  CHAPTER VI  DISCUSSION A.  Taxonomy of Doukhobor Gatherings  One of the objectives of the thesis is to describe and categorize p a r t i c u l a r social occasions in an e f f o r t to explain the behavior that occurs on those social occasions.  In cross-cultural studies, and in  the study of the Doukhobors, the researcher is faced with the d i f f i c u l t y of conveying terms and concepts from one language and culture to another. It is a contention of the thesis that the f a i l u r e of other writers to f u l l y explicate what the Doukhobor Russian terms denoted has led to confusion with English glosses and concepts.  It i s therefore necessary  to take the language of the speakers into consideration, using native concepts as a basis for constructing models to explain behavior. In the past the Doukhobor community meeting has been defined by observers as a general purpose meeting at which a wide range of a c t i v i t i e s takes place. This d e f i n i t i o n may stem from the supposition that Doukhobors do not categorize and compartmentalize t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s so that r e l i g i o u s , economic, educational and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s can p o t e n t i a l l y occur at a sobranie.  However, the authors argue that i t cannot be assumed a p r i o r i  that Doukhobors make no d i s t i n c t i o n s between kinds of a c t i v i t i e s . Chapter IV consisted of descriptions of contemporary sobranija as they are carried out in both Grand Forks and Vancouver.  It w i l l be  recalled that while Doukhobors refer to these meetings by the term sobranija, the meeting in Grand Forks i s also referred to by the term  131 molenie.  Molenie was used in speaking of the meeting which was held by  Doukhobors in Russia. two terms.  It i s necessary to now consider the usage of these  When we find that d i f f e r e n t words are being used by the  speakers, the problem becomes one o f identifying what d i s t i n c t i o n s , i f any, are being made when one term is applied rather than another. From the descriptions in Chapter IV i t becomes apparent that there are several c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s common to the molenie and sobranie. c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are:  These  p a r t i c u l a r greetings; r e c i t i n g of prayers; singing  o f psalms; bowing and k i s s i n g ; the presence of bread, s a l t and water; and the separation of males and females.  Furthermore, there are unique  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are exclusive to the term sobranie.  A particular  greeting, s i t t i n g throughout, singing of hymns and verbal  discussions  are features unique to the term sobranie.  From this i t becomes apparent  that sobranie is used i n r e f e r r i n g to a set of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which is shared with molenie and that the term sobranie i s also used to refer to a set of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which is not shared with molenie. In considering these terms as they are defined by the Doukhobors, i t w i l l be noted that molenie i s glossed as 'prayer meeting' while sobranie is glossed either as 'meeting' or 'gathering.'  Considering  these factors concomitantly we conclude that Doukhobors use the term sobranie on two l e v e l s .  On the one hand sobranie i s used by the Doukho-  bors in r e f e r r i n g to any congregation of people or any gathering.  On  the other hand sobranie i s used i n a more s p e c i f i c sense to denote a p a r t i c u l a r greeting, and times of s i t t i n g , hymn singing and discussion. Henceforth when the word Sobranie i s written with a capital "S" i t w i l l be used exclusively to designate the above mentioned meeting which i n cludes hymn singing and discussions.  The small "s" sobranie denotes any  132 type of gathering in a more general sense thus subsuming the upper case Sobranie.  1  The d i s t i n c t i o n between the two forms of the word sobranie  i s made here to f a c i l i t a t e the observer formulating the categories of the actor.  When the word Sobranie i s used to refer to the 'Community Meeting,'  such a meeting includes only Doukhobors.  In contrast, when sobranie is  used in the other sense to denote a gathering, i t can refer to gatherings involving Doukhobors or non-Doukhobors.  Where the term sobranie is used  with reference to non-Doukhobor gatherings, i t can be used to refer to such occasions as a Parent-Teachers' Association meeting or a c i t y council meeting.2  Perhaps a few i l l u s t r a t i o n s w i l l c l a r i f y the usages as they  pertain to Doukhobors.  It i s possible to use sobranie in the general  sense to mean a gathering which i s a convention; and i t i s possible to use the term s"ezd ('regional sense.  Clearly a l l  but not a l l  meeting' or 'convention') in a more s p e c i f i c  'conventions' (s"ezdy) are 'gatherings'  'gatherings'  are 'conventions.'  (sobranija)  In a similar manner molenie  ('prayer meeting'), Sobranie ('Community Meeting'), svad'ba  ('wedding'),  poxorony ( ' f u n e r a l ' ) , pominki ('remembrance s e r v i c e ' ) , sxodka meeting'), spevka ('choir p r a c t i c e ' ) , beseda ('a meeting f o r  ('local discussion')  are special purpose meetings—all of which can be referred to as  Concerning the use of the term sobranie, the d i s t i n c t i o n between actor and observer categories and the use of the word nacerima made by Werner Cohn was found to be useful in t h i s discussion. For a f u l l discussion, see Cohn's a r t i c l e " ' R e l i g i o n ' in Non-Western Cultures?" American Anthropologist, V o l . 69, No. 1, February 1967, pp. 73-76. I t i s possible that Doukhobors make some d i s t i n c t i o n between terms for t h e i r own meetings and those f o r non-Doukhobor meetings. However the manner i n which the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n may be accomplished, has not been investigated i n this t h e s i s . 2  133 sobranija or 'gatherings.'  This d i s t i n c t i o n becomes a l l the more apparent  when diagramatically set out as in Figure 1.  FIGURE 1 FOLK TAXONOMY OF DOUKHOBOR GATHERINGS* sobranija  ! — j — i — i — r * ~ i — i — i — i cu  •r—  e:  •I— r:  •1—  <ti s-  JQ  C  •r—  ±£  -a o  . £ o  ta  -a M  >  G>  - C 2  X  </>  o.  0) to  <y  a;  •r—  ty i—— o E  \ >J  —  >  c :  C>:  J -  %-  c ;  o  I""  x>  o  OJ • i - - o  o  s-  i> G  o X o o.  r—  O  3  •r-  O  c o  *This taxonomy of gatherings i s intended to be i l l u s t r a t i v e and is not meant to be exhaustive. There may be other special purpose meetings which could also be included.  Figure 1 indicates that the word sobranie i s used in two senses.  On  one l e v e l , sobranie denotes any gathering while on the other level Sobranie means a p a r t i c u l a r type of meeting just a s denotes a p a r t i c u l a r type of meeting.  s  for example, molenie  The folk taxonomy shows that  Sobranie and molenie are only two of many s p e c i f i c types of sobranie but the  reader is reminded that these two meetings are the primary concern of  the following discussion. The contemporary molenie in Vancouver and Grand Forks and the  134 Sobranie in Vancouver are very predictable in that they are held regularly. Other meetings are less predictable in that they occur only when the occasion a r i s e s .  In the a r t i c l e "A Fresh Approach to the Problem of Magic  and R e l i g i o n , " iiischa T i t i e v c l a s s i f i e s ceremonies as either calendric or c r i t i c a l .  He proposes that calendric ceremonies are scheduled, r e -  current and predictable in that they occur in fixed forms and at set times even though the participants may vary.  Calendric ceremonies are  social or communal in nature and therefore invariably tend to disappear when a society loses i t s distinctiveness or r a d i c a l l y a l t e r s i t s old way of l i f e .  T i t i e v speaks of c r i s i s ceremonies designed to meet immediate  needs and consequently these ceremonies cannot be announced, scheduled, or prepared for too far in advance.  When a personal or private need  arises such as i l l n e s s , death or marriage, ceremonies are c a l l e d to meet the needs of the concerned individuals or groups. It i s useful to consider T i t i e v ' s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n in r e l a t i o n to the various kinds of Doukhobor meetings.  Inasmuch as molenija occur r e g u l a r l y ,  on a p a r t i c u l a r day and in a p a r t i c u l a r manner, they can be c a l l e d c a l endric meetings, As pointed o u t  s  Molenija formerly were the only meetings of t h i s type. in Vancouver and Grand Forks, molenija are s t i l l  scheduled occurrences.  regularly  In contrast, Sobranija gradually evolved in  Canada and occurred with increasing frequency.^  In the past then,  Sobranija were unscheduled or c r i t i c a l meetings and even now remain unscheduled among those Doukhobors l i v i n g in Grand Forks, while they have i i i s c h a T i t i e v , "A Fresh Approach to the Problem of Manic and R e l i g i o n , " in Reader in Oomparative Religion, edited by E." A. Lessa and E. 1. Vogt, Second E d i t i o n , U.S.A., Harper and Row, 1955, p. 317. ^Ses Chapter IV, Section F  135  become calendric meetings in Vancouver. The other Doukhobor meetings such as weddings and funerals can be classified as critical meetings, arising to serve the needs of a particular occasion. In the previous discussion the focus was upon the terms used to refer to meetings. In relation to the first part of this chapter, two meanings of the word sobranie have been distinguished and these have been separated from the meaning of the word molenie. Attention will be re-directed to the descriptions and to the components that constitute present day molenija and Sobranija. From these descriptions we find that there are particular greetings that are given at the beginning of the molenija. There are two greetings either of which can be said, depending upon the particular Doukhobor faction with which the individual identifies and the allegiance of those who are holding the meeting. The males and females stand on opposite sides of the hall in a "V" formation with bread, salt and water between them (See Diagram 1). Those present recite prayers,, sing psalms, and bow and kiss. The order of these proceedings is not variable. People stand throughout the entire meeting and tiiere is little movement by individuals except for those activities carried out in common with the others present.  5  At Sobranija there is only one greeting that is given. The males and females are separated by the bread, salt and water. People sit during the singing of hymns and the discussions that ensue. There is, however, flexibility in this pattern of hymn singing and discussion as the frequency of hymns and the amount of discussion are variable. Throughout These last two characteristics are principally the result of observations made by the researchers. This is not meant to imply that the participants do not recognize the characteristics, but only that they are not necessarily mentioned by the participants. 5  the Sobranija some people f r e e l y come and go.  The above mentioned  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of molenija and Sobranija are presented in Table  I.  TABLE I CHARACTERISTICS OF MOLENIE AND SOBRANIE  sobranie 'gathering' molenie 'prayer meeting'  Sobranie 'Community Meeting' • »••<  1.  bread, s a l t ,  water  2.  separation of sexes  3. greeting  1.  bread, s a l t , water  2.  separation of sexes  3.  greeting always slava Gospody  A.  —  either slava Gospody or si avim Bogu-Bog proslav'sja prayers  *  psalms bov/ing and kissing  G .  standing in "V"  7.  sitting  3.  discussion hymns  9. 10.  order invariable  10. order variable  11.  r e s t r i c t e d movement  11.  less r e s t r i c t e d movement  *The broken l i n e beside a number indicates the absence of that characteristic.  137 With the aid of Table I,  i t is possible to consider how previous  authors have used the term sobranie. Examples from the l i t e r a t u r e w i l l not be quoted at length in this chapter but b r i e f summarizations of the types of references w i l l be made here.  A review o f the relevant texts  is presented in Appendix B and the reader i s referred to these detailed excerpts.  Charles Frantz speaks of the "sobranie or v i l l a g e and  community meeting" at which there i s "the customary bowing and kissing." " 1  He describes these 'community meetings" as structured very informally and he maintains that a wide range of a c t i v i t i e s occur,  nevertheless  Frantz argues that the sobranie is the central p o l i t i c a l assembly of the Doukhobors.  Koozma Tarasoff often refers to "sobranyas [ s i c j "  as " r e l i g i o u s and business meetings" but in other instances he refers to " t r a d i t i o n a l prayer services or r e l i g i o u s sobranyas [ s i c ] ."  By  examining the references of these two authors i t can be concluded that the term sobranie has not bean consistently applied.  Perhaps i t  is  necessary to examine in detail a s p e c i f i c passage which exemplifies such usages. One of the most important i n s t i t u t i o n s in Doukhobor l i f e i s the community meeting, the sobranya. Here i s the Church, the school, the fraternal society, and the government .... i t is assumed that as the same God is in every heart, the desired unaminity depends upon each person's giving up his own i n d i v i d u a l i t y so that the God within him may"merge with the God in others, and in t h i s corporate union i s found the consensus of the meeting . . . . The effectiveness of the sobranya l i e s not in a b u i l d i n g , which is unnecessary: not in r i t u a l , which i s minimal: not in the preaching, which i s incidental * not in personal communions and prayer, for which there is no provision- and not in the heightened s e n s i t i v i t y of mind and heart reaching for t r u t h , because t h i s is not c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . 7  ^Charles Frantz, "The Doukhobor P o l i t i c a l System," p. 73. Hugh Herbison, " R e l i g i o n , " in The Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia, edited by Harry B. Hawthorn, Vancouver, J . M. Dent and Sons, 1955, p. 168. 7  138 It i s important to understand used in this text.  'how the word "sobranya [sic] " is  The author states in the f i r s t sentence that he i s  using the word sobranya [ s i c ] " to describe the community meeting. l;  :|  11  C l e a r l y , his use of sobranie is l i m i t e d , by d e f i n i t i o n , to Sobranie as a p a r t i c u l a r meeting.  While the author states t h i s , i t is evident that he  is sometimes i m p l i c i t l y using the term in a more general sense to refer to several d i f f e r e n t types of meetings.  Consequently, although the  author states that he i s r e f e r r i n g to a single type of meeting fact he has confounded two levels c f contrast.  (Sobranie)  If one assumes, as  Kerbison does, that a Sobranie is a 'Community Meeting' then i t should be possible to find those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which were l i s t e d under the head ing Sobranija in Table I. (i.e. discussion)  8  Herbison considers " r i t u a l , " "preaching"  and Sprayer" to be part of the Sobranie. By grouping  these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s under his term "sobranya f s i c ] " i t i s possible to conceptualize what the author is r e f e r r i n g to (Table  II).  There is actually no "preaching" among Doukhobors in the usual sense of that term. Presumably the author is r e f e r r i n g to personal d i s courses by members of the group ( i . e . discussion). s  TABLE  II  CHARACTERISTICS OF IlERBISON'S VIEW OF SOBRANYA  'sobranya or community meeting"  1.  r i tual  2.  preaching  3.  prayer  (discussion)  By incorporating these same c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s with the framework of Table I, i t is now possible to v i s u a l i z e where misconceptions can arise (Table  III).  140  TABLE  III  CATEGORIZATION OF HERBISOli'S CHARACTERISTICS ACCORDING TO MOLENIE AND SOBRANIE  sourame 'qatherinn' Sobranie 'Community Meeting'  molenie 'prayer meeting'  1. 2. 3.  ritual — prayers  In Table III,  1.  ritual  2.  preaching (discussion)  3.  r i t u a l has been included under both molenie and  Sobranie as the author does not specify what he considers to be r i t u a l . If r i t u a l is broadly defined as patterned behavior then, because there are predictable elements in both moleiiie and Sobranie, r i t u a l can j u s t i f i a b l y be placed in both categories.  For a l l  intents and purposes,  the term r i t u a l could j u s t i f i a b l y be eliminated from both categories. From Tables I and III  i t is seen that "preachinn  ;i  (discussion)  can only be attributed to Sobranie.  In the same way, "prayer" can only  be included under the term molenie.  By virtue of the fact that  "preaching ' (discussion) i s exclusive to Sobranie and 'prayer" 1  is  exclusive to molenie, i t is obvious that two separate meetings have been treated as one and that both have been referred to by the general  141 meaning of the word sobranie. As previously suggested;, molenie and Sobranie are mutually exclusive meetings and unless they are so treated confusion w i l l r e s u l t . Misconceptions r e s u l t when the researcher, as an observer, f a i l s to conceptualize d i s t i n c t i o n s the participants themselves recognize.  The  recent book by Woodcock and Avakumovic (1968) provides a good i l l u s tration of the consequences of f a i l i n g to make this d i s t i n c t i o n .  They  state: The sobranie appears to have served three purposes, as i t does among the Doukhobors to this day. F i r s t i t was a r e l i g i o u s meetino, beginning with the chanting of hymns and psalms around the table carrying the symbolic bread and s a l t . Then, when a level of common f e e l i n g had teen established by this kind of s p i r i t u a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the meeting would turn to discuss the every day business of the community This brings us to the f i n a l function of the sobranie. It gave the leader the means of ascertaining the f e e l i n g of the group on p a r t i c u l a r issues before he reached his own d e c i s i o n . J  In t h i s description a reference i s made to ''psalms  ,:  and these  were found to be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a molenie. Other references are made to "hymns" and 'business discussions," of a Sobranie.  found only to be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  Thus elements of both the molenie and Sobranie are seen  by the authors as components c f a single e n t i t y . Because other authors have not used the term sobranie in t h e i r w r i t i n g s , i t is not possible to establish unequivocally what type of meeting or meetings are being described. events of a  Zubek and Solberg relate the  'religious service" in their book Doukhobors At War.  They  speak of separation of the sexes in a "V" formation, prayers, psalms, hymns, and bowing and k i s s i n g .  In Doukhobors As They Are, Stoochnoff  gives an account of a Doukhobor meeting in which he refers to the sep-  %'oodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, pp.  43-44.  142 aration of the sexes, bowing ions).  These i l l u s t r a t i o n s  s  psalms, prayers and messages ( i . e .  discuss-  indicate the w r i t e r s ' lack of s p e c i f i c i t y  with respect to the type of meeting being discussed and i t would appear that no d i s t i n c t i o n has been made between the molenie and the Sobranie. It is not possible to present a detailed c r i t i c i s m for the cases where the word sobranie has not been used in the l i t e r a t u r e but nonetheless i t is obvious that often some confusion is apparent in the use of English  glosses.  10  It can be concluded that in the Russian language, as used by Doukhobors, the term used to refer to a 'gathering' Nesting' can be the same.  and a 'Community  In one sense of the word, Sobranie is viewed  as a p a r t i c u l a r type of meeting; but in the other sense, sobranie is viewed as any gathering of people.  It is these separate connotations, the  p a r t i c u l a r and the general, that are not e a s i l y conveyed from one language to another. Tiie previous discussion has demonstrated that in the past Doukhobors viewed the molenie and Sobranie as separate meetings and tiiat these meetings are s t i l l d i f f e r e n t i a t e d in Grand Forks, B r i t i s h  Columbia.11  Although some of the Doukhobors interviewed in Vancouver e x p l i c i t l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between molenie and Sobranie, i t is apparent that this d i s t i n c t i o n i s becoming increasingly vague to them.  Everyone made some  d i s t i n c t i o n between ' f o r m a l i t y and i n f o r m a l i t y " ; "standing and s i t t i n g " ; "psalms and hymns"; 'absence of discussion and discussion.  ,:  While the  T h e reader i s again referred to Appendix ii for these and additional excerpts. lL  ^See Chapter IV., Section F.  143 terms molenie and Sobranie were not always used, a d i s t i n c t i o n between types of a c t i v i t i e s was made nevertheless.  It should be emphasized that  although this d i s t i n c t i o n i s apparent to the p a r t i c i p a n t s , the tendency is for them to consider the Vancouver Sobranie in terms of ''formality and informality" and not in terms of the words molenie and Sobranie. To the extent that the Vancouver Sobranie is perceived in this way, i t is suggested that molenie and Sobranie are being conceptualized as a single meeting and that the term Sobranie is gradually being attributed another meaning by Vancouver Doukhobors.  As the d i s t i n c t i o n between  moienie and Sobranie becomes less precisely defined, i t can be suggested that in Vancouver these meetings may eventually be referred to simply by the term Sobranie, a term which is consistent with that used in the l i t e r a t u r e to date,  nevertheless i t is important to remark that this  does not necessarily imply that an extensive range of a c t i v i t i e s  is  possible, a view which is not consistent with that presented in the literature.  Again, i t must be recognized that at the present time,  within the Vancouver Sobranie, there s t i l l exist two separate parts which correspond to molenie and Sobranie. B.  Taxonomy of Russian Orthodox Gatherings  Having presented a taxonomy of Doukhobor gatherings, attention w i l l now be directed to the construction of such a taxonomy for the Russian Orthodox speakers.  Because of the presumed h i s t o r i c a l connection between  the Russian Orthodox Church and the Doukhobors, consideration w i l l be given to the Russian Orthodox c l a s s i f i c a t o r y scheme of gatherings.  A  comparison of the resulting taxonomies w i l l be made to see whether gatherings are ordered in a similar manner and to see i f , on an analytical  144 l e v e l , s i m i l a r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are being made with either the same or d i f f e r e n t terms. At the most general l e v e l , Russian Orthodox speakers use the word sobranie to mean any gathering.  Further, gatherings are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d  into two main c a t e g o r i e s - - ' r e l i g i o u s meetings' and 'secular meetings'  (svetskie sobranija).  ( r e l i g i o z n i e sobranija) As the i n t e r e s t of this  discussion centers upon the divine l i t u r g y and ' r e l i g i o u s meetings,' those meetings which are categorized as secular w i l l not be discussed. 'Religious meetings' are dichotomized into 'God's services' or 'divine services'  (bogosluzenie) and 'church meetings'  (cerkovnie sobranija).  •f  'God's services' are l i t u r g i e s or public worship services conducted by the p r i e s t .  The p r i e s t must be vested at a l l of these services.  contrast to t h i s ,  'church meetings' are parish meetings at which'the  priest may or may not be present. vested.  In  If the p r i e s t attends, he is not  Each of these categories of ' r e l i g i o u s meetings' are subdivided  into numerous types of meetings.  'God's services'  (bogosluzenie)  are divided i n t o : 1.  'divine l i t u r g y ' 'vespers'  (bozestvannaj a l i t u r g i j a )  (vecernja)  3.  'matins'  (utrenja)  4.  'wedding'  (vencanie)  r 0 .  'baptism'  (krescenie)  6.  'churching'  7.  'funeral s e r v i c e '  O•  'thanksgiving s e r v i c e '  (vocerkovlenie) (panixida) (moleb en)  9.  others*  2  There are also several types of 'church meetings'  (cerkovnie sobranija)  among which are the following: 1. 2  'remembrance s e r v i c e '  (pominki)  . 'choir p r a c t i c e ' (spevka)  3.  'dinner following a s e r v i c e  4.  'a meeting at which the p r i e s t gives a t a l k '  5.  others  1  (trapeza)  The Russian Orthodox categorization of gatherings  (beseda)  is shown in Figure 2.  !^It i s recognized that both l i s t s of meetings are not exhaustive. However i t should be noted that the meetings which are l i s t e d here are those most commonly held.  FIGURE 2  TAXONOMY OF RUSSIA  ORTHODOX GATHERINGS*  sobranija I  svetski sobranija ;  i  religicznie sobranija I  .  1  bonosluzenie  o  73  •o  CO ~i  CO cr  —j.  tC5  t+  O  iT>  < o o  -s  X  -5  o<  O-  O  =s  0)  ra ?~  < . ,j  Vc  o< o> rj i.  o  1  •Source;  Russian Orthodox  Driest in Vancouver.  cerkovnoe sobranija  ro  I o ro  =j  in  c  <  "5  o<  rti C j .  01  ~i  -J.  cr  <  I  1  o  cr  ro -5  ro  </>  a. o»  1 <•+  -i a> :j  ro N 01  <  »  o 3 —i.  147 The taxonomies of gatherings f o r Russian Orthodox speakers and f o r Doukhobors (Figures 1 and 2) show that, at the most general l e v e l , both groups use the word sobranija to denote gatherings.  At the most s p e c i f i c  level of the taxonomies, Russian Orthodox speakers and Doukhobors d i s tinguish p a r t i c u l a r meetings but there are only two terms which are common to both.  Spevka i s the word both groups use to denote a ' c h o i r p r a c t i c e '  and the word pominki s i m i l a r l y denotes a 'remembrance s e r v i c e ' which i s held six weeks a f t e r the burial of the deceased followed by a meal provided by the next-of-kin. It is evident that f o r Russian Orthodox speakers there are two intermediary l e v e l s that do not appear in the Doukhobor c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The dichotomies of ' r e l i g i o u s meeting-secular meeting' and 'God's services-church meetings' are aspects which are absent in the Doukhobor scheme.  From this i t can be concluded that Doukhobors do not d i s -  criminate r e l i g i o u s and non-religious meetings at this l e v e l . Russian Orthodox speakers distinguish  Because  'secular meetings' from ' r e l i g i o u s  meetings,' the taxonomy o f gatherings, would suggest that Russian Orthodox speakers distinguish secular a c t i v i t i e s from r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s .  The  Doukhobor taxonomy of gatherings, in which there is no p o l a r i z a t i o n of 'secular meetings' and ' r e l i g i o u s meetings,' would therefore suggest that doukhobors do not distinguish secular and r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s in this way.  At this point one may ask upon what c r i t e r i a , i f any, Doukhobors  c l a s s i f y t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s within the various meetings.  C.  Categorization of the Characteristics of Doukhobor Meetings  The primary concern of this section l i e s with the categorization  of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which constitute the molenie and Sobranie. Consideration w i l l f i r s t be given to the molenie and the manner in which i t s attributes are ordered by the Doukhobors.  The molenie i s regarded  as one of three Doukhobor obrada ( t r i duxoborceskix obrada), the other two being svad'ba ('wedding') and poxorony ( ' f u n e r a l ' ) .  The phrase t r i  duxoborceskix obrada can be glossed as 'three Doukhobor t r a d i t i o n s . As the term ' t r a d i t i o n s ' refers s p e c i f i c a l l y to p a r t i c u l a r meetings  1  the  s  phrase w i l l be glossed here as 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings.' The word obrad i s defined by Doukhobors as the 'prayer meeting.,'  'custom' or ' t r a d i t i o n '  1 3  and  'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l ' were, and s t i l l are, con-  sidered to be the 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings.'  Hone of the  other meetings previously mentioned are grouped with these meetings and c a l l e d t r i duxoborceskix obrada.  The grouping of the various meetings  i s indicated by Figure 3. Mot only do Doukhobors categorize 'prayer meeting,'  'wedding' and  ' f u n e r a l ' as t r i duxoborceskix. obrr.da, but they distinguish  specific  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s within the meetings as obrady--'customs'  'traditions.'  It  or  is apparent that there i s more than one usage of the term obrad and  thus i t becomes necessary to indicate this d i f f e r e n c e .  When the word  obrad i s used to refer to an entire meeting (e.g. molenie, svad'ba, poxorony) obrad w i l l be written with a capital "0".  When the term i s  used with reference to p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s within a meeting, i t w i l l be written with a small  "o."  The participants i d e n t i f y some character-  * 0ther d e f i n i t i o n s of obrad that were given in the interviews 3  include; the way something is done; the way i t was in the past; t h a t ' s our s t y l e . The dictionary d e f i n i t i o n of obrad is r i t e " but Doukhobors do not use t h i s gloss in describing t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . , :  149 i s t i e s within the molenie by the term obrad.  The appropriate greeting,  the separation of males and females and the presence of bread, s a l t and vater are referred to as 'customs' or  'traditions.'  o  o  ca o  I D O O  Sobranie  I—  zn  pominki  —  1  _ J  sxodka  o 1— 1—* Q < c  —  1—  CD S:-  U J DC.  L.J U J cv: a : i —  !  O o L U  111  »o c-; o t a o X  Q i—« c 1—  —  beseda  i—i 1— L U U J tu  >-  a'.  c —  TO <e  •a  o  so >< O'l molenie CJ »<J svad'ba o  o  ITJ  Srs  X V.< t/J  •r-'j)  others  §  c ! r n o  s' ezd  ta  Xi  o X  3  ooxorony  •  ex  Ol  spevka  —  +•>  cu  c cz .+•>  o  •r-  -S-> f :  iC  •r-  •r— r—  -a  N  (U  res«/> to •i— c." O «o to o •l— "O a> to •f—  150 In examining the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these three meetings, i t  is  necessary to understand how the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are seen by the Doukhobors and how they are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the elements in the meetings which are not referred to as obrady.  We find that certain a c t i v i t i e s  within the molenie are i d e n t i f i e d by the participants as l i t u r g i j a .  In  the molenie the r e c i t i n g of prayers, singing of psalms and bowing and kissing are c a l l e d l i t u r g i j a .  'Acts of worship' is a rough gloss for the  term which uoukhobors define as " r e c i t i n g prayers," "singing psalms," "bowing and k i s s i n g , " worship." God.'  "those things which are not obrad," "the prayer  It is said that l i t u r g i j a denotes 'actions directed toward  Thus i t can be concluded that in the molenie some a c t i v i t i e s  are categorized as the 'customary' or ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' a c t i v i t i e s  (obrady)  as distinguished from those a c t i v i t i e s which are considered to be 'actions directed toward God'  (1iturgija).  Within the other meetings i d e n t i f i e d as the 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings,' corresponding demarcations of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are found.  The f i r s t part of the 'wedding' and the ' f u n e r a l ' are composed  of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s similar to those of the molenie.  At both  'weddings'  and ' f u n e r a l s , ' prayers are r e c i t e d , psalms are sung and bowing and kissing are carried out.  These a c t i v i t i e s are likewise c a l l e d l i t u r g i j a .  The greeting, separation of the sexes, and the bread, s a l t and water which are part of these occasions, are s i m i l a r l y known as obrady. a d d i t i o n , the hymns which are sung as another part of 'weddings' ' f u n e r a l s ' are c a l l e d obrady.  In and  There are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are part  of these two meetings but which are said to f a l l into neither of the groupings 1 i t u r g i j a nor obrady.  The Doukhobors consider, for instance,  separation of the r e l a t i v e s from the remaining people or the communal  151 dinner at a 'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l ' as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are simply ,;  part of" the 'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l . '  They do not c l a s s i f y these  a c t i v i t i e s by any special terms. I n i t i a l l y i t was found that the 'prayer meeting," 'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l ' were the 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings.'  It was then  established that Doukhobors do distinguish p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as l i t u r g i j a or obrady.  The same c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which were 'actions  directed toward God' and termed l i t u r g i j a were found to be common to a l l three meetings.  S i m i l a r l y , the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the 'prayer  meeting' which were c a l l e d obrady or 'custom' were apparent in the 'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l . ' Table  IV.  These c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s are summarized in  TABLE IV  CLASSIFICATION OF CHARACTERISTICS WITHIN THE 'THREE TRADITIONAL DOUKHOBOR MEETINGS'  sobranija 'gatherings  1  t r i duxobcrceskix Obrada 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings' svad'ba 'wedding'  molenie 'nraver meeting'  noxorony 'funeral'  bread, s a l t , water (obrad)*  bread, s a l t , water (obrad)  bread, s a l t , water (obrad)  separation of sexes  separation of sexes  separation of sexes  greeting prayers psalms  (obrad)  (obrad) (liturgija)  (liturgija)  bowing and kissing (liturgija)  greeting prayers psalms  (obrad) (1iturpija)  bowing and kissing  greeting  4.  prayers psalms  6.  communal dinner  (liturgija) (liturgija)  bowing and kissing (1iturgija)  7. (**)  (obrad)  (obrad)  (1iturpija)  etc. •Doukhobors define obrad as 'custom' or ' t r a d i t i o n ' and l i t u r o i j a as 'acts of worship'  3.  (1ituroija)  hymns (obrad)  8.  (obrad)  8.  hymns  (obrad)  communal dinner  (**)  9.  etc. ••see text f o r explanation of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n  153 The previous section of this chapter indicated that, in reference to themselves, Doukhobors do not make the Orthodox d i s t i n c t i o n between ' r e l i g i o u s meetings' and 'secular meetings.'  But, as the above  discussion i n d i c a t e s , they do d i f f e r e n t i a t e three p a r t i c u l a r meetings from a l l others and tliey do distinguish between p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s within these three meetings. meeting,'  The same c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the 'prayer  'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l ' are c l a s s i f i e d as either 'actions d i -  rected toward God' ( l i t u r g i j a ) or 'customary'  (obrady) and the Doukho-  bors speak of part of the 'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l ' as "a l i t t l e molenie." ^ 1  However, there are many more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which make up the 'wedding' and the ' f u n e r a l ' and which are exclusive to each. The researchers have interpreted t h e i r explanations to mean that a l l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the molenie are present in the 'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l ' but that these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are not always i d e n t i c a l . given at the 'prayer meeting,'  A greeting i s  'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l ' but the greetings  are d i f f e r e n t on these occasions; prayers are recited and sung; bowing and kissing are carried out among members of the same sex at the 'prayer meeting' but at the ' f u n e r a l , ' the deceased i s kissed, and at the 'wedding,' the bride and groom kiss the n e x t - o f - k i n . c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the 'prayer meeting,' the same terms, l i t u r g i j a and obrady.  Doukhobors c l a s s i f y the same 'wedding.' and ' f u n e r a l ' with  The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the molenie  would therefore seem to be the common denominator which can be used in accounting for why Doukhobors group the 'prayer meeting,'  'wedding,'  and ' f u n e r a l ' together as the 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings.' Although these findings are the r e s u l t of a preliminary investigation of  1^'From interviews with UoukSioL'or informants.  154 the 'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l ' in comparison with the 'prayer meeting,' the relationship between these three meetings appears to be an important one.  It is recognized that further investigations along these lines are  necessary before conclusive results can be made on this p a r t i c u l a r point. Because Doukhobors categorize the three meetings together as t r i duxoborceskix Obrada and because the three meetings have common a c t i v i t i e s which Doukhobors c a l l l i t u r g i j a , i t can be concluded that the 'prayer meeting,' meetings,  ' f u n e r a l ' and 'wedding' are set apart from other types of nevertheless i t i s not possible to i n f e r that 'actions directed  toward God' ( 1 i t u r g i j a ) are equated with " r e l i g i o u s " and that  'customary'  a c t i v i t i e s (obrady) are equated with "secular" by the Doukhobors. Doukhoborism i s a wholistic concept; i t is a way of l i f e which does not separate the " r e l i g i o u s " from the " s e c u l a r . "  1 5  Therefore, i t i s also not  possible to i n f e r that Doukhobors separate the t r i duxoborceskix Obrada as r e l i g i o u s meetings and that these are opposed with other, or secular, meetings.  To repeat the point, t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of 'prayer meeting,'  ' f u n e r a l , ' and 'wedding' can only bo taken to suggest that Doukhobors separate three meetings from a l l other meetings and that within these meetings, a c t i v i t i e s are c l a s s i f i e d as  'acts of worship.'  While the  'wedding' and ' f u n e r a l ' have been considered in this context, subsequent discussions w i l l revert to the Sunday molenie and Sobranie. Doukhobors say that the Sobranie or 'Community Meeting' can i t s e l f be c a l l e d a t r a d i t i o n a l meeting (Qtrad).  However the Sobranie is not  regarded as one of the 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings.'  Within  the Sobranie there are no c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which the Doukhobors view as  iJoukhobors do not apply to themselves a term which could be glossed as ' r e ! i g i o n . ' 15  155 1 i t u r g i j a . A l l of the components, with the exception of discussion, are said to be obrady or 'customary' a c t i v i t i e s .  In other words, the greeting,  separation of the sexes, bread, s a l t , water and hymns are the 'customary' or ' t r a d i t i o n a l  1  attributes of the Sobranie.  The discussions that take  place within a Sobranie are categorized by a d i f f e r e n t term.  Porjadok  i s the word Doukhobors apply to the periods of discussion in the Sobranie. There are several d e f i n i t i o n s of porjadok which Doukhobors give in explaining the term.  This word is glossed as ' h a b i t . '  It i s also  considered to mean "form" or 'personal way of doing things."  Because the  term is applied to a c t i v i t i e s that "can change at any time," Doukhobors contrast porjadok with obrad and confine the l a t t e r word to a c t i v i t i e s which cannot change because " i t is the Doukhobor way" (see Table V). Thus we see that the Sobranie and the molenie are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d beyond the attributes as they are l i s t e d in Table I.  It has now been demonstrated  that Doukhobors group the components of the Sobranie into obrady and and porjadoky while those of the molenie are divided into l i t u r g i j a and obrady.  156  TABLE V  CATEGORIZATION OF THE CHARACTERISTICS OF MOLENIE AND SOBRANIE  sobranija 'gatherings' Obrad 'a t r a d i t i o n a l meeting'  t r i duxoborceskix Obrada one of 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings'  Sobranie 'Community Meeting'  molenie 'prayer meeting' 1.  bread  2.  separation of sexes  3.  greeting  4.  prayers  5.  psalms  G.  bowing and kissing  s  salt  s  water  (obrad)*  1.  bread, s a l t , water  (obrad)  2.  separation of sexes  3.  greeting  (obrad)  (obrad) (obrad)  (obrad)  (1iturgija) (1iturgija) (1iturgija)  5.  —  C.  —  7.  7.  discussion  8. —•  0.  hymns  (porjadok)  (obrad)  *Douk'iobors define obrad as 'custom' or ' t r a d i t i o n ' : 1 i t u r g i j a as 'acts of worship'; porjadok as ' h a b i t . '  In speaking of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s or a t t r i b u t e s  s  both actions o f the  participants (e.g. bowing and kissing) and physical properties (e.g. bread, s a l t , water) have been taken into account.  By concentrating on the type  157 of a c t i v i t i e s ( i . e . what people do) within the two meetings, i t becomes possible to reduce the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s further.  A l l of the actions in the  molenie are c l a s s i f i e d as l i t u r g i j a or 'acts of worship.'  There are two  types of actions in the Sobranie—obrady or ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' actions and porjadoky or ' h a b i t u a l ' actions.  While these two types of actions con-  s t i t u t e Sobranija, there can be variations in the nature of 'Community Meetings.'  For example, the Sobranija held on Sundays at the Russian  People's Home was previously described as primarily hymn singing with some discussion.  Consequently most of the actions ( i . e . hymn singing) are  obrady or ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' actions.  Because the Sobranija at Lockdale Hall  were described as discussions with some hymn singing, the reverse applies. That i s , most of the actions ( i . e . discussions)  at the Lockdale Sobranija  are c l a s s i f i e d as porjadoky or ' h a b i t u a l ' actions. are characterized by 'acts of worship'  In sum, moienija  (1iturgija) while Sobranija are  characterized by ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' and ' h a b i t u a l ' actions (obrady and porjadoky). It must be r e c a l l e d that at the Vancouver Sobranie no e x p l i c i t d i s t i n c t i o n i s made between the terms molenie and Sobranie although i t was established that Doukhobors recognize attributes d e f i n i t i v e of the molenje ( 1 i t u r g i j a and obrady) and of the Sobranie (obrady and porjadoky). It has already been remarked that psalms are considered to be l i t u r g i j a but hymns are regarded as obrady.  While hymns have been categorized  as obrady they have not, in the past, been part of the molenie.  In  Vancouver, some hymns are now sung during the f i r s t part of the meeting  153 or molenie, usually to the exclusion of psalms.  1G  This can be taken as  indicating that there are modifications in the constituents of the molenie. T h i s , combined with the fact that the d i s t i n c t i o n between molenie and Sobranie is becoming less e x p l i c i t , leads the researchers to suggest that the Vancouver Sobranie i s assuming a d i f f e r e n t form from that of the t r a d i t i o n a l prayer meeting.*  7  Whereas the entire Sunday meeting in  Vancouver i s considered to be an Obrad ( ' t r a d i t i o n a l  meeting ), i t 1  is  not regarded as one of the t r i duxoborceskix Obrada ('three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings').  On the basis of the preceeding discussion i t  is  reasonable to hypothesize that the Vancouver Sobranie w i l l come to be regarded by Doukhobors in Vancouver as one of the 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings.'  D.  Categorization of the Characteristics of Divine Liturgy  It i s interesting to consider whether or not Russian Orthodox speakers categorize attributes of a Sunday divine l i t u r g y service.  The  term l i t u r g i j a can be applied by the Orthodox to a l l the meetings which fall  under the category of 'God's services'  (see Figure 2).  sense l i t u r g i j a denotes 'public worship s e r v i c e s . ' 'divine l i t u r g y '  In t h i s  A d d i t i o n a l l y , the  service (bozestvennaja l i t u r g i j a ) may be simply referred  to as the ' l i t u r g y '  (1iturgija).  Yet, further d i s t i n c t i o n s within the  divine l i t u r g y i t s e l f are not made with this term. because the e n t i r e service i s  'public worship'  It i s explained that  (1iturgija)  a l l the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which together constitute that service are 'public worship'  l^Refer to the section on music in Chapter IV where psalms and hymns are discussed. F o r a more complete discussion of t h i s lack of c l a r i t y between molenie and Sobranie see Chapter VI, Section A. 1 7  159  and individual attributes are not s p e c i f i c a l l y referred to as 1 i t u r g i j a . This explanation i s interesting insofar as i t contrasts with the Doukhobor usage of l i t u r g i j a . w h i c h is applied to individual  characteristics  within some meetings. The term obrady i s glossed by Orthodox speakers as 'customs' 'old t r a d i t i o n s . '  or  They say that obrady refers to "our r u l e s / and  "how traditions are performed."  In i l l u s t r a t i n g the use of the term,  the p r i e s t remarked that the singing of antiphons or the l i g h t i n g o f candles before the icons and the accompanying crossing of oneself are examples of when the term obrad might be used. introduced in describing actions such as these. 'custom' or ' t r a d i t i o n . '  Another word is often Obycaj i s glossed as  When people cross themselves at the beginning  and the end of the divine l i t u r g y or when the p e t i t i o n 'Lord have mercy' is repeated, these are said to be 'customs' or ' t r a d i t i o n s . '  From these  and other examples i t can be suggested that the two terms obrad and obycaj are often used interchangeably.  There are two words, and Russian  Orthodox speakers say that there is a difference between them but they s  were unable to categorize c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s according to the c r i t e r i a which they had set. 'customs' customs'  However, i t does appear that sometimes (though not usually)  (obycai) are c l a s s i f i e d into one of two types.  'Church  (cerkcvnie obycai) nr~ distinguished from 'native customs'  (narodie obycai).  The former phrase is used in speaking of rules such as  the ones specifying that only the p r i e s t may touch the throne and that everyone must be standing when the royal doors are open.  The l a t t e r phrase  applies, for example, to the bringing of bread and eggs to the Easter divine l i t u r g y .  From t h i s the researchers surmise that the phrase  'church customs' denotes features which are considered to be Church law  160 whereas 'native customs' are features which are executed according to local  traditions. The findings show that in discussing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the divine  l i t u r g y service there is a lack of c l a r i t y among Orthodox speakers in the uses of the terms obrad ('custom'  or ' o l d t r a d i t i o n ' ) , obycaj  ('custom'  or ' t r a d i t i o n ' ) , cerkovnie obycai ('church customs') and narodie obycai ('native customs').  These findings are c f importance in a comparative  study for they would seem to indicate that for the Russian Orthodox speakers this categorization of a c t i v i t i e s is not commonly used.  It  lias been found that p a r t i c u l a r components of the divine l i t u r g y are not categorized by the concepts 1 i t u r g i j a , obrad, and obycaj.  There is  considerable difference in the use of these terms between Orthodox and Doukhobors, who apply two of the terms to s p e c i f i c features within t h e i r meetings.  Another difference l i e s in the f a c t that while the Russian  Orthodox refer to obrad as well as to obycaj, Doukhobors do not use the l a t t e r term in the context of their Sunday meetings. Doukhobors view the actions of a molenie as  'acts of worship'  while Russian Orthodox speakers view the divine l i t u r g y as  'public worship.'  It is interesting to note that neither of the groups use the term ' r i t u a l ' in speaking of t h e i r meetings, term r i t u a l  1'hile neither of the groups apply the  ( ' r i t u a l ' ) to t h e i r own a c t i v i t i e s , they do use this word  in r e f e r r i n g to the a c t i v i t i e s of "others." mention tiiat they do not have ' r i t u a l '  Thus Russian Orthodox speakers  but that other faiths do.  Likewise,  Doukhobors say that ' r i t u a l s ' are not a part of their meetings but that the Russian Orthodox services are  'rituals.'  This can be taken as evidence that a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s made between one's own a c t i v i t i e s and the a c t i v i t i e s of "others"' and that the term  1G1 ritual  i s applied to the l a t t e r .  Ritual can have the connotation of a  meaningless or empty act and this may serve as a reasonable explanation of why the term is confined to the a c t i v i t i e s of o t h e r s .  1 8  If one of the  connotations of r i t u a l implies a meaningless act and, i f the term i s not applied to one's own a c t i v i t i e s ; then i t would be consistent to conclude that one's own a c t i v i t i e s are seen as meaningful.  It was pointed out  that of the four terms r i t u a l , r i t e , ceremony and custom, custom alone does not convey the idea of a meaningless act.  Even though Doukhobors  and Russian Orthodox speakers are r e f e r r i n g to d i f f e r e n t tilings, they gloss the word obrad as 'custom,'  ' t r a d i t i o n ' or 'way of doing things.'  It  was noted that the translation " r i t e " is given in the dictionary f o r the term obrad.  On the basis of the data c o l l e c t e d , i t was found that " r i t e "  i s never used as an English gloss for the word obrad as used in the context of Sunday meetings.  It can be suggested that the term r i t e i s not used  by the speakers because, l i k e r i t u a l , i t can have disparaging overtones and therefore the speakers choose to define obrad in terms of 'custom' and ' t r a d i t i o n ' ( i . e . not-meaningless a c t s ) .  It can be concluded that  Doukhobors and Russian Orthodox speakers w i l l apply the gloss ' r i t u a l ' to the a c t i v i t i e s of "others'' but not to t h e i r own a c t i v i t i e s .  It can also  be concluded that in r e f e r r i n g to t h e i r own Sunday meetings, neither group ^The authors constructed a matrix of a l l possible d e f i n i t i o n s of the concepts r i t u a l , r i t e , ceremony and custom in order to be able to delineate the shared and unique meanings among the words. I t was found that one meaning of r i t u a l , r i t e , and ceremony connotes 'meaningless or empty" acts. However custom is set apart from the other three terms because i t is not appropriated this meaning, indicating that the word custom i s not used when r e f e r r i n g to meaningless or external actions. This and related problems are discussed at length in an unpublished paper by C. ilevel 1 t i t l e d "Aspects of the terms r i t u a l , r i t e , ceremony, custom: an application to the Russian Orthodox Church."  of speakers w i l l use the gloss L. :  'rite.'  Spatial Usage and the Properties of Doukhobor Meetings  The previous discussions have demonstrated that Doukhobors make a d i s t i n c t i o n between the molenie and Sobranie and that i t i s possible to see this d i s t i n c t i o n by considering the actions within these meetings. Tiie sections concerned with the use of space are intended to determine whether there is a correspondence between the patterns of observable behavior and the l i n g u i s t i c groupings of actions within the meetings. Chapter IV described the proceedings at a molenie and Sobranie. There, i t was stated that as one enters, the males are always on the l e f t side of the hall and females are on the right side.  It was also noted  that from the time people enter the hall until the time they leave, men and women remain on t h e i r respective sides of the h a l l .  Doukhobors say  that i t i s t h e i r custom that the men and women do not stand together. From the Doukhobor point of view the sides are reversed, for the p o s i t i o n ing i s interpreted from behind the table in the east end.  Thus as one  stands behind the table with the broad, s a l t and water and looks toward the entrance in the west end of the h a l l , males are on the right side and females on the l e f t .  l y  Doukhobors speak of this separation in terms  of l e f t and right and they say that men are on the right hand of God. The descriptions of the meetings indicated that there i s a set order governing not only the placement of men and women at the molenie, but also governing the order in which men and women p a r t i c i p a t e .  The  men say t h e i r prayers f i r s t : the men bow and kiss before the women.20  l^'This point was discussed in Chapter IV, Section A 2. 2°See Chapter IV, Section t .  I;i  163 the molenie, a correspondence can be drawn between right and male, and between male and primacy of performance.  Consequently there must also  be a correspondence between l e f t , female and secondary performance. In Grand Forks and Vancouver the man and women stand in a "V" formation throughout the entire- mcjlonj^e, with the table between them. In Vancouver when the molenie concludes, the men and women move to the chairs which are west of the t a b l e , roughly in the middle of the h a l l . During the Sobranie they remain seated on t h e i r respective sides.  In  a l l cases, the actions which are part of the molenie have been described as 1 i t u r g i j a ('acts of worship'),  /".s already mentioned, the actions  which comprise the Sobranie in Vancouver are c l a s s i f i e d as obrad ('custom') and porjadok ( ' h a b i t ' ) .  (Refer again to Table V.)  Considering the above  points in r e l a t i o n to one another, two deductions can be made;  (1)  l i t u r g i j a or 'acts of worship' occur in the east end of the hall while peopla are standing around the t a b l e , and (2) obrad and porjadok or 'customary acts' and 'habitual a c t s ' take place while people are seated to the west of the table (see Diagram 3 ) . Because i t is assumed that space is attributed meaning by the individuals who use that space, and because i t was found that there are d i s t i n c t l i n g u i s t i c and spatial patterns in the Doukhobor Sunday meetings, i t can be concluded that there i s a correspondence between the l i n g u i s t i c and spatial F.  configurations. Spatial Usage and the Properties of the Divine Liturgy  It was intended that the Orthodox use of terms would be related to the Orthodox use of space.  Previously, i t was indicated that Russian  Orthodox speakers do not d i f f e r e n t i a t e the attributes of the divine  DIAGRAM 3 USAGE OF SPACE AT SUNDAY MEETINGS East  Location of l i t u r g i j a or 'acts of worship' in a molenie Location of obrad or 'customary a c t s ' and porjadok or 'habitual acts' in a Sobranie Left R'i ght  MEETING HALL IN VANCOUVER  East Left Right Iconostas Area in which divine l i t u r g y is celebrated  Right Left  RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH IN VANCOUVER  ICC l i t u r g y according to the terms l i t u r g i j a , obrad, obycaj.  Obviously then,  i t is not possible to demonstrate a correspondence between these terms and the use of space.  But i t does appear that some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  of the divine l i t u r g y are defined s p a t i a l l y . I n i t i a l l y i t was stated that the Orthodox church building is oriented by the throne and that the throne, in turn, is defined with respect to the east.  Furthermore i t was noted that the east end was separated from  the rest of the church by the iconostas.  Only males are permitted in the  sanctuary behind the iconostas and even '-hen in this area they should be vested.  At the divine l i t u r g y , the p r i e s t and his assistants are the  only persons who pass through the side doors of the iconostas sanctuary. * 2  into the  Because the divine l i t u r g y i s celebrated by the p r i e s t in  the sanctuary, the Orthodox maintain that this i s the most important part no  of the church.  West of the iconostas i s the nave where the congregation  remains during the entire service. In the description of the Russian Orthodox divine l i t u r g y service there are many east-west and north-south d i s t i n c t i o n s .  It has j u s t been  stated that the east end is considered the most important part of the church.  The west, being d i r e c t l y opposite and farthest from the east,  can be inferred to be of lesser importance.  As the meaning of the east-  west axis is c l e a r l y defined, i t w i l l not be considered as problematic here.  Therefore the Orthodox conception of north and south w i l l be  considered. For the observer, i t is apparent that more males congregate on the  2  *See Chapter V, Section A 2.  ^ F o r a discussion on the importance of the sanctuary see Chapter V, Section A 2.  1G5 south side of the nave and that conversely, more females congregate on the north side.  When the p r i e s t was asked why the males stand on the  ' r i g h t " s i d e , he replied that men are on the right hand of God.  Con-  sequently, the north side of the nave i s relegated to the women.  Females  "should not" stand on the south side of the nave, the p r i e s t s a i d , but now t h i s proscription i s not r i g i d l y maintained. 'not so important any more."  is  There is another rule concerning women  which i s adhered to without exception. the sanctuary.23  He explains that this  Women are prohibited from entering  while they may venerate the icons on the iconostas,  they cannot go through the doors (either north or south) into the sanctuary. When the priest enters the church before beginning the divine l i t u r g y , he. prays before the royal doors, goes to the icon of Christ on the south side of the iconostas, and then proceeds to the icon of Mary on the north s i d e .  2 4  During the divine l i t u r g y the priest holds the  censer in his right hand and moves around the perimeter of the nave, s t a r t i n g at the south-east corner and moving to the north-east corner. When he censes the sanctuary or anything in the sanctuary, he swings the censer to the east (the d i r e c t i o n he i s f a c i n g ) , north and then south. When the p r i e s t stands on the amvon and blesses the people with the Gospel, he stands facing them and t i l t s the Gospel f i r s t to the south and then to the north.  Just p r i o r to the PRAYER BEFORE THE AHVQi! the p r i e s t ,  standing at the throne, makes the sign of the cross over the antimins, moving the Gospel to the north before he moves i t to the south.  A l l of  T h e explanation given in Chapter V Section A 2 suggested that the i n t e r d i c t i o n may be attributed to the menstrual c y c l e . 23  'See Chanter V, Section E for a more complete description of the d e t a i l s of the a c t i v i t i e s referred to in the present paragraph. t,  167 these actions are oriented with respect to the throne and hence, the east. They are also directed with respect to the north-south axis. The table of oblation i s situated on the north side of the sanctuary.  But in discussion this t a b l e , the priest speaks of i t as being  on the right side in reference to the fresco of Christ on the east wall behind tiie throne.  Consequently, the p r i e s t says that the table of  oblation i s on the right side of the throne. Thus we see a contradiction between the interpretations given and the actions (or the placement of objects) within the sanctuary and the nave. With reference to the p r i e s t ' s actions in the nave (kissing the icons before entering the sanctuary, censing, blessing with the Gospel), the p r i e s t invariably moves to the south f i r s t .  However, when the p r i e s t  stands in the sanctuary, he always follows the pattern: south when blessing with the Gospel and censing.  east, north then  Furthermore, when an  individual crosses himself his actions are prescribed so that he touches his right shoulder before the l e f t . 2 5 It i s suggested t h a t , f o r the observer, these actions can be ordered by taking into consideration the Orthodox conception of the cross.  It  has previously been explained that when one stands in front of an Orthodox cross, the lower bar slants upwards to the l e f t side.26  it  has also been pointed out that one must v i s u a l i z e the cross from C h r i s t ' s I t i s recognized that the individual touches his forehead, chest, right and l e f t sides but the interest here l i e s in the privacy of the right over l e f t . This is an important issue as the order of crossing oneself was one of the factors which led to the s p l i t with the "oman Catholic Church (the l a t t e r cross themselves in the following manner: forehead, chest, l e f t and right shoulder). 4 : 5  26  S e e Chapter V, Section A 1 for a discussion of the Orthodox cross.  ICS  perspective so that i t i s , in f a c t , the r i g h t side -which slants upwards.The interpretations given explain that the rinlit side is elevated to represent the pardoning of the repentant sinner, his ascension into heaven while the l e f t side i s lowered to r e f l e c t the fate of the non-repentant sinner who was condemned. A pattern of the rules governing the order of the actions emerges when accounted for by a r i g h t - l e f t d i s t i n c t i o n instead of a north-south distinction.  In the sanctuary, the table of oblation i s then on the right  of the throne (perceived in r e l a t i o n to the Orthodox c r o s s ) .  Although  the p r i e s t censes the south before the north when he i s in the nave, he censes the north before the south when he is in the sanctuary.  Therefore,  in both cases he is censing the right side f i r s t . Looking at the actions (or the placement of objects) and the interpretations given to them by the Orthodox, we find a d i s t i n c t i o n between actions executed in the nave and those executed in the sanctuary. Thus we see that on the nave side of the iconostas, the south side i s considered to be the right side and axiomatically, the north side i s the l e f t side.  On the sanctuary side o f the iconostas, the south side is  regarded as the l e f t s i d e , and the north side as the r i g h t .  From this  i t can be said that the r i g h t - l e f t d i s t i n c t i o n is reversed depending upon where one i s standing in the church (nave or sanctuary).  Therefore the  perspective one w i l l adopt in perceiving that space (in the nave or sanctuary) i s reversed. It should be emphasized that only the clergy (bishops, p r i e s t , deacons) use the area bounded by the iconostas and the east wall and so the reversal of sides in the sanctuary d i r e c t s them, and not the  1G9 congregation  3  in orienting t h e i r actions.  27  nevertheless, i t can be  pointed out that the male members of the congregation stand on the right ( i . e . south) side of the nave and females on the l e f t ( i . e . north) side. With this information, i t is possible to construct a model of the way the space in the Orthodox church i s defined and used, and a model of the q u a l i t i e s attributed to that space. right is equated with: faithful with:  We find that, on the one hand,  (1) C h r i s t , (2) male, (3) heaven, and (4) the  (Orthodox) and the repentent.  On the other hand, l e f t i s equated  (1) Theotokos Clary), (2) female (menstruation),  and (4) sinners and the non-repentent.  (3) not h e a v e n , ^  The attributes equated with the  right side seem to emphasize positive asnects:  (1) (Son of) God,  (2) r i g h t hand of God, (3) "saved," and (4) correct b e l i e f in God.  The  attributes equated with the l e f t side would appear to emphasize the opposite (not-positive) aspects;  (1) Mother of God, (2) l e f t hand of  God, (3) not saved and therefore condemned, and (4) not correct b e l i e f in God. " 2  :  A l l the attributes of " r i g h t " can be summed up by the term "orthodox" where "orthodox" is defined as correct or right in opinion (from the Greek words  :!  q rtiio" and 'cfoxos" meaning right in opinion). r  Conversely, the attributes of " l e f t " can axiomatically be defined as *-7while i t i s projected that members of the congregation w i l l be interviewed at a future date in order to ascertain t h e i r perception of this d i s t i n c t i o n , only the clergy have been dealt with at this point. It is therefore not possible to state whether or not this d i s t i n c t i o n applies to the members of the congregation as w e l l . Of'  The Orthodox do not speak of " h e l l , " they speak of an eternal separation from God. ^-This argument was more f u l l y developed in an unpublished paper e n t i t l e d "Spatial ••leaning in the Russian Orthodox Church," written by T. Popoff.  170 net-orthodox. '3  This would seem to indicate that r i g h t - l e f t i s a binary  opposition that operates within the divine l i t u r g y .  This opposition  appears to explain the d i r e c t i o n of actions and the placement of objects in the Orthodox church.  The opposition i s a factor governing the pro-  cedure of the actions involved in crossing oneself, in blessing the people and in censing.  Presumably this opposition also operates in the location  of icons and the location of the table of oblation. Hithin the nave, the r i g h t - l e f t d i s t i n c t i o n separates the males from the females.  In the sanctuary, the north side i s seen to be the  right side and the south, the l e f t , but in the nave the sides are considered to be reversed.  Thus i t can be concluded that the sanctuary i s sectioned  o f f not only p h y s i c a l l y , by the iconostas, but also conceptually, by the reversal of the right and l e f t sides (refer back to Diagram 3). While the Russian Orthodox and the Doukhobor conceptions of space cannot be d i r e c t l y compared in r e l a t i o n to t h e i r l i n g u i s t i c categorizations of the attributes of t h e i r meetings, there are some s i m i l a r i t i e s that can be drawn.  It has been shown that the east is where the Doukhobors hold  t h e i r molenie and where the Russian Orthodox priest and his assistants Of!  In this model Mary is relegated to the "not orthodox" side of the church. It i s recognized that Mary is treated with great respect in Orthodox doctrine, but in this case she may be considered in opposition to Jesus C h r i s t . Because of Mary's placement in the church, and because of the. high esteem with which she i s held in the Orthodox Church, i t may be postulated that " l e f t " is not d i r e c t l y opposed to " r i g h t " but that " l e f t " is a residual category for those things which are not c l a s s i f i e d as "right." Thus while Mary i s located on the l e f t s i d e , she may riot be considered "not orthodox" for i t i s possible that a d i f f e r e n t p r i n c i p l e is operating, cross-cutting these categories. (The authors wish to .acknowledge the comments of E l l i Kongas Maranda on this point.)  171 celebrate the divine l i t u r g y .  3 1  The vest end, on the other hand, i s  never used for e i t h e r of these purposes.  It is interesting to note  that invariably Doukhobor males are perceived to be on the right side and females on the l e f t side.  The same dichotomy is apparent f o r Russian  Orthodox males and females.  In summary, p a r a l l e l s can be drawn between the  east-west, r i g h t - l e f t , and male-female d i s t i n c t i o n s made by both Doukhobors and Russian Orthodox speakers.  G.  Comparison of Doukhobor and Russian Orthodox Sunday Meetings From a b r i e f comparison of the descriptions of Doukhobor and Russian  Orthodox Sunday meetings, there are several differences which become immediately apparent.  In the Orthodox Church there are a number of  f u n c t i o n a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d roles.  Broadly defined, there are the following  categories of people at the divine l i t u r g y : congregation.  clergy, assistants, choir,  At Doukhobor Sunday meetings there are no specialized roles  that people assume, with the exception of the informal elder who i n i t i a t e s some of the a c t i v i t i e s .  There is no Doukhobor choir at these meetings  and most c f the people j o i n i n the singing.  Another difference is the  s t r i k i n g contrast in the amount of paraphernalia and the preparations that accompany these two meetings.  Relative to the molenie and the  Sobranie, the divine l i t u r g y is very complex.  Without exception, the  divine l i t u r g y is held at the same time every Sunday—this cannot be cancelled.  sacrament  There seems to be some degree of variation with  regard to Doukhobor Sunday meetings.  The commencement of the molenija  and Sobranija fluctuates among the Doukhobors in various l o c a t i o n s , as  F o r the discussion on Doukhobor use of space see Chapter VI, Section E. 3 1  172 does the frequency with which meetings are held.  At t h i s level of com-  parison these would seem to be the major differences between the meetings of the two groups. There are a number of s i m i l a r i t i e s that arise from the description of these meetinos.  It was suggested e a r l i e r that h i s t o r i c a l connections  between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Doukhobors might be used to explain certain aspects of contemporary Doukhobor meetings. A l l Doukhobors participate in the molenie at the east end of the hall.  The divine l i t u r g y is celebrated by the p r i e s t in the sanctuary at  the east end of the church.  The people at the meetings in both groups are  segregated according to sex.  In both cases the males are said to be on  the right side because men are on the right hand of God.  Because t h i s  is  an instance where both groups interpret the behavior in the same way, i t can be said that t h e i r behavior i s equivalent. At the divine l i t u r g y and at the molenie, people stand throughout the entire service and sing unaccompanied by musical instruments.  The  sneakers attribute the same explanation to the proscription on musical instruments and consequently this can also be considered equivalent. Several d i f f e r e n t kinds of bows are executed by Doukhobors and Russian Orthodox members.  As was explained, both groups of speakers use  comparable terms to distinguish between various types of bows.  The 'Dov'  that i s made on entering a Doukhobor meeting is c a l l e d poklonenie while the 'communal or group bow' (obscee poklonenie) is made at the end of every psalm and prayer.  The 'bow to the earth' (zemlepoklonenie) i s the  t h i r d type of Doukhobor bow. op  At the close of the moienie, Doukhobors  An explanation of this assumption is found in Chapter  I.  173 together 'bow to the earth' in remembrance of the l i v i n g , the dead and the Trinity.  There i s another type of 'bow' which is also c a l l e d noklonenie.  In t h i s case poklonenie refers to the bowing, kissing and .handshaking.  33  With the exception of the 'bow to the e a r t h , ' which i s directed toward the l i v i n g , the dead, and the T r i n i t y , a l l Doukhobor bows are said to acknowledge the s p i r i t within the other person.  There are two d i f f e r e n t  bows made by the people attending the divine l i t u r g y .  Upon entering the  church, and generally at the end of every p e t i t i o n , one crosses  himself,  simultaneously bowing.  'group  or communal bow.' "important tines'  This is known as the obscij poklon ^ or 3  The zemlepoklon or 'bow to the earth' is made at during the service.  Sometimes when one venerates the  icon on the central a n a l o j , this bow is made. Russian Orthodox individuals  It  i s usual to see some  'bow to the earth" during the Lord's Prayer  and tiie transubstantiation of the bread and wine.  Both of these bows are  Interpreted as showing praise and humility toward God.  From this i t  is  seen that Doukhobor and Russian Orthodox members make s i m i l a r types of bows and that they c a l l them by similar terms but that these bows are given d i f f e r e n t meanings.  There i s one bow that has not been mentioned  and which might be considered equivalent to the ,-oukhobor bowing, and handshaking (poklonenie).  kissing  During concelebration at a divine l i t u r g y ,  Orthodox p r i e s t s exchange the kiss of peace while they bow and shake  T h e l a t t e r two bows are not carried out in Vancouver. These two types of bows were re-introduced into the meeting by Peter Petrovich Verigin whom the U.S.C.C. Doukhobors and the Sons of Freedom acknowledge. Therefore at a molenie of Independent Doukhobors one would not expect to f i n d these two types of bows. See Chapter IV, Section F. 33  34  T  lie connection between the words poklon and poklonenie were mentioned in Chapter IV under the heading "Sequence of Events."  174 hands.  This is interpreted as an acknowledgment of the s p i r i t within the  other person.  Thus we see that the kiss of peace can be equated with the  Doukhobor poklonenie. Prior to the beginning of a molenie or Sobranie, one walks approximately mid-way into the hall before bowing and giving the greeting.  Upon  entering the Russian Orthodox church, i t is usual f o r one to walk to the middle of the nave to the central analoj where he bows and venerates an icon.  Although d i s s i m i l a r a c t i v i t i e s take place a f t e r one enters and bows  at the two types of meetings, some s i m i l a r i t y can be seen in the positioning of these actions. In the descriptive chapters, reference was made to the Doukhobor and Russian Orthodox use of the term starosta.  Doukhobors gloss starosta  as ' e l d e r ' and this person i s considered to be an informal i n i t i a t o r of the proceedings at the molenie.  Russian Orthodox speakers gloss the same  term as 'church warden' and the church warden looks a f t e r some of the proceedings in the n a v e - - s p e c i f i c a l l y , he looks a f t e r the candles, a l t a r breads and o f f e r i n g .  Although the same term i s used by the two groups,  the functions of these men are very d i f f e r e n t .  From these comparisons  we see that there are several actions which are s i m i l a r in the Russian Orthodox and Doukhobor meetings; there are also a few actions which are equivalent.  While this can serve as one possible explanation f o r t h e i r  occurrence among the Doukhobors, the authors recognize that the r e l a t i o n ships cannot be considered conclusive.  !!.  Summary  The o v e r - a l l purpose of the thesis has been to explain and define the behavior of Doukhobors cn p a r t i c u l a r social occasions.  The attempt  175 to examine the same occasions with several procedures was based on the assumption that correspondences among the findings could be taken as supportive of one another.  Discrepancies among the Doukhobor gatherings  may be due to h i s t o r i c a l changes.  By taking the changes into account in  constructing a folk taxonomy of gatherings,  i t becomes c l e a r that the  participants make d i s t i n c t i o n s among types of meetings. two of the meetings  3  Concentrating upon  p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were isolated and were  found to be l i n g u i s t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by the Doukhobors.  Furthermore,  i t was demonstrated that there i s a correspondence between l i n g u i s t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and the meaning that those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s attribute to the physical space.  The meetings, taxonomies, grouping of  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and spatial configuration of two h i s t o r i c a l l y related groups were compared in an e f f o r t to establish the areas o f congruity between them.  This summary i s intended to highlight the findings of the  previous sections and to use these findings to extrapolate beyond the points discussed. Contrary to the l i t e r a t u r e which states that the "community meeting" i s a "multi-purpose" i n s t i t u t i o n , this thesis concludes that special purpose meetings are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by Doukhobors, that a limited range of a c t i v i t i e s takes place within the Sobranie or 'Community Meeting,' and that these a c t i v i t i e s are distinguished from those which occur within the molenie or 'prayer meeting.'  A folk taxonomy of terms for gatherings  was constructed and was, to some extent, based on the development of the Sobranie in Canada.  It was then demonstrated that present day meetings  car, be understood with reference to this taxonomy.  It was found that the  molenie or 'prayer meeting' i s l i n g u i s t i c a l l y and conceptually d i s t i n c t from the Sobranie or 'Community Meeting' and that both of these s p e c i f i c  176 types of meetings are subsumed by the general use of the term sobranie, meaning any gathering.  The Doukhobor taxonomy of terms does not  d i f f e r e n t i a t e between ' r e l i g i o u s meetings' and 'secular meetings.' However at a more s p e c i f i c l e v e l , Doukhobors i d e n t i f y p a r t i c u l a r attributes of Sunday meetings as 'acts of worship,'  'custom' or ' h a b i t . '  This i s  especially interesting when compared with the Russian Orthodox taxonomy of gatherings which i n i t i a l l y dichotomizes ' r e l i n i o u s meetings' and 'secular meetings' but which does not l i n g u i s t i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the divine l i t u r g y as 'acts of worship,' 'custom' or ' h a b i t . ' By r e l a t i n g the morphology of the molenie and Sobranie to the terms that are used in ordering the component a t t r i b u t e s , i t was deduced that 'acts of worship' are confined s o l e l y to the molenie.  By a s i m i l a r  deduction, i t was found that the components of the Sobranie are seen as either 'custom' or ' h a b i t . '  These findings contradict the view of meetings  presented in the previous l i t e r a t u r e where i t i s suggested that there i s great l a t i t u d e in the types of a c t i v i t i e s which can p o t e n t i a l l y occur at the 'Community Meeting.' When the Russian Orthodox and Doukhobor Sunday meetings are compared with respect to the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' categorizations of the attributes within those meetings, there is a d i s p a r i t y in t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s by the terms l i t u r g i j a , obrad, porjadok, and obycaj.  It can be suggested that Doukho-  bors c l a s s i f y t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s more c l e a r l y than the Russian Orthodox and that this may be attributable to h i s t o r i c a l circumstances.  There was a  period in Doukhobor history when t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s were considered by the Church and State in Russia to be heretical and when Doukhobors were persecuted.  It seems reasonable to hypothesize that the so-called heretical  177 activities  (and perhaps other a c t i v i t i e s as well) were c l e a r l y defined  in order that they would p e r s i s t .  It i s possible to go beyond these  findings to suggest that the Doukhobors'  greater l i n g u i s t i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  of a c t i v i t i e s is attributable to an attempt to define t h e i r own a c t i v i t i e s as sectarian and to d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s from those of the Orthodox Church. The previous sections demonstrated that both Doukhobors and Russian Orthodox speakers orient t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s with respect to the east end of the building. worship')  It was seen that the molenie (consisting of 'acts c f  is held around the table in the east end of the hall and that  the divine l i t u r g y i s celebrated by the p r i e s t in the east end of the church.  East i s used by Doukhobors as the reference point in perceiving  the men's and women's sides of the h a l l .  They say that, as one stands  behind the table and faces west, the men are on the north side of the hall but they are considered to be on the r i g h t .  Behind the iconostas,  the p r i e s t defines the sides of the sanctuary in a similar manner so that the north side i s considered to be the right side. For Doukhobors this male-female,  r i g h t - l e f t separation holds  throughout the entire building but for Russian Orthodox speakers, the r i g h t - l e f t d i s t i n c t i o n is reversed behind the iconostas at the east end of the church.  Doukhobor males are on the geographical  north side of  the building (conceptually said to be the right) and conversely the females are on the south side ( i . e . the l e f t s i d e ) .  In the Russian  Orthodox church, the males are on the south side of the nave ( i . e . while the females are on the.north side ( i . e . l e f t ) .  right)  Behind the iconostas,  the north side of the sanctuary is considered to be the right while the south side i s said to be the l e f t .  Taking a l l of these r i g h t - l e f t , north-  178 south  5  east-west d i s t i n c t i o n s into accounts i t can be hypothesized that  Doukhobors are adopting a perspective which coincides with that of the Russian Orthodox p r i e s t .  This hypothesis i s further reinforced with the  recognition that during concelebration the priests exchange the kiss of peace—an action that was found to be equivalent with one of the Doukhobor bows. Calendric meetings are viewed as communal or societal in nature and, at least according to T i t i e v , they tend to disappear when the society changes i t s t r a d i t i o n s or loses i t s old ways.  The conclusion has already  been drawn that, in the past, the molenie was a calendric or scheduled meeting and that the Sobranie was an unscheduled or c r i t i c a l meeting.  It  was also stated that in Grand Forks these d e f i n i t i o n s of the molenie and Sobranie s t i l l apply.  However, i t was concluded that while the a c t i v i t i e s  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the molenie are s t i l l apparent in Vancouver, the d i s t i n c t i o n between molenie and Sobranie i s becoming increasingly  vague.  People are less apt to use the word molenie in l a b e l l i n g t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s at Sunday meetings in Vancouver and this can be seen as a modification of previous practices.  There is another a l t e r a t i o n that is seen in the  Vancouver Sobranie.  Because many of the people no longer know the  words, psalms are less frequently sung, a development which is most noticeable in Vancouver.  Psalms which were formerly sung during the  molenie are gradually being replaced by hymns.  The introduction of hymns  into the molenie i s s i g n i f i c a n t for this can be taken as an indicator of the changing nature of the molenie and the ambiguous boundaries that are developing between the attributes of the 'prayer meeting' and the 'Community Meeting.'  From the evidence discussed here, i t is  possible  to project that a new type of meeting is emerging in Vancouver and that  179 some attributes of meetings are assuming a new meaning.  Tin's new type  of meeting has been alluded to in the thesis as the Vancouver Sobranie and i t can be hypothesized that t h i s meeting w i l l come to replace the molenie as the calendric meeting of Doukhobors in Vancouver.  180  APPENDIX A  ECU iiZrilCAL COUNCILS  1  1.  The f i r s t council c f Nicaea, 325 A.D.  The f i r s t council condemned the Arian teaching and defined the i n carnate Son of God as  !  c o n s u l . s t a n t i a l w i t h the Father.  It also proclaimed  tiie f i r s t part of the Creed and established tiie day on which Laster is to be celebrated.  2.  The f i r s t council of Constantinople, 301 A.D.  This council defined the teaching of the Church on the Holy T r i n i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y on the iioly S p i r i t .  Later, this council vas credited vitii  having adopted tiie present creed known as the iiicaean-Constant1 nopolitan Creed.  3.  Tiie council of Ephesus, 431 A.D.  Nestorianism, which declared that Christ had two separate natures, was condemned by the t h i r d c o u n c i l .  The council s p e c i f i e d the Church's  teachings on the Holy Virgin and declared that the d i v i n i t y c f God and the humar.ity of Christ were united in one person and that consequently ;-iary, Mother of Jesus, is the Aether of God (Theotokos).  •'•The following sources were used in compiling this summary of the seven ecumem"cal counci 1 s; Koulorrtzin, Tiie Orthodox Christian Church, p. 04, .'ieyendorff, The Orthodox Church, pp. 32-30r. Schnemann, The H i s t o r i c a l Ftoad of Eastern Orthodoxy, pp. 86-135: and Walker, A History of the Christian Church, pp. 107-145.  4„  The council of Chalcedon, 4UI A.D.  'flie council of Glialcedon condemned the "-lonophysites ("mojo," 'one'; pan.  physics  I! 5  'nature') who taught that Christ was only Hod and not  The council a f f i m e d that the Son of God must be confessed in two  natures "unconfusely, i m u t a b l e , i n d i v i s i b l y , inseparably united . . . in one Person or  G.  hypostasis."  The second council of Constantinople, 3G3 A.D.  It further condemned the iiestorian heresy and sought to explain, in iisore precise terms than the council of Chalcedon, how the two natures of Christ unite to form a single person. G.  The t h i r d council of Constantinople, GCC A.D.  This council condemned another branch of the Monophysites, the iio no t h e l i t e s (''thelesis / ' of Christ has two natures. divine w i l l .  'will').  The liono t h e l i t e s taught that the w i l l  That i s , there is only only one w i l l , the  The council maintained that the humanity in Christ i s not  an abstract entity but is manifested by, and subject t o , the divine w i l l .  7.  The second council of Kicaea, 787 A.D.  It defined the Orthodox doctrine concerning the images (icons) which represent Christ or the saints. became true man.  The word of o d was t r u l y incarnate and R  i!e and the saints may therefore be p i c t o r i a l l y represented.  While sacred images ought to De venerated, the one '.'horn they represent is the true object of the veneration,  however, i t is not lawful to pay  to them the highest form of worship ("l.atrei.a ),which i;  (The d i s t i n c t i o n between 'veneration' "latreia"  j "prcskynesis"  i s due to God alone. and 'true worship'  has been an important one for the Orthodox.)  The veneration  1£2 of images v;as opposed by several Byzantine emperors, resulting in the iconoclastic controversy c f the eighth century.  APPENDIX D EXCERPTS FROM THE LITERATURE CONTAINING THE WORD SOBRANIE This appendix contains passages from various works pertaininn to Doukhobors.  The writers are quoted d i r e c t l y .  Brief prefatory comments  are made before the text i s cited and, in a few instances, the explanatory notes of the present authors have been marked by an asterisk. The  following i s an account written by Stephen O r e l l e t in 1010  describing his v i s i t tc a Uoukhobor settlement near Ekaterinoslav. the  From  events that he describes i t can be inferred that he is describing a  molenie.  The account riven by Maude (1004) ouotes at lenoth from O r e l l e t .  ... The Duhobortsi c o l l e c t e d , c t about ten o' clock, on a spacious spot c f ground out-of-doors. They a l l stood, forming a large c i r c l e ; all the men on the l e f t hand of the old man, tiie women on his right,; tiie children of both sexes formed the opposite side of the c i r c l e ; they were a l l cleanly dressed; an old woman was next to the old man; she began by sinning what they called a psalmr, the other women joined in i t ; then the pan next to the old man, taking him by tiie hand, stepped in front of him, each bowed down very low to one another three times, and then twice to the woman, who returned tiie salute; that man resuming his place, the one next to hini performed the same ceremony to tiie old man, and to the '-omen; then, by turns, a l l the others, even the boys, came and kissed three tines tiie one in the c i r c l e above him, instead of bowing, When the men and boys had accomplished t h i s , tiie women did tiie same to each other; then tiie g i r l s ; the sinning continuing the whole time. It took them nearly an hour to perform this round of bowing and kissing; then the women in a fluent manner, uttered what they c a l l e d a prayer and t h e i r worship concluded 1  ^Stephen O r e l l e t , " V i s i t to the Doukhobors near Ekaterinoslav in 1G1£," in Memoirs of the l i f e and gospel labours of Stephen O r e l l e t , edited by Benjamin Seebohm, Philadelphia, Lonastreth, 1064, Vol. 1, pp. 455-57.  J i 17* Wright l i v e d among the Saskatchewan Doukhobors (roughly between 1 9 3 2 and 1 D 3 D ) and based his novel on personal experiences, corroborated by the Doukhobors themselves. " r e l i g i o u s observance.  u  Wright re-created the  1C77-70  mode of  Although he does not use a Russian term, i t can  Le inferred that he is describing a molenie. As the sun rose higher over the meadow, the confusion of a r r i v a l gradually subsided and the elders prepared for the ordered routine of r e l i g i o u s observance. To the rioht of the ceremonial t a b l e , with i t s white clot!;, some of the older men in somber blue beshmets formed to r e c i t e a psalm, while several grandmothers took t h e i r places to the l e f t . Groups of men and women who were conversing here and there came to j o i n the ceremony, and soon a large human v spread out in the meadow ....They spoke f i r s t a short psalm, "praise be Almighty God, t h e i r voices droning along the meadow When the l a s t notes had floated away in the flower-scented breeze, V a s i l i V e r i g i n , father of Peter V a s i l i v i c h , spoke a psalm as the assemblage stood with bowed heads: "So says the Lord: 'The heavens are Uy throne; the earth is My f o o t s t o o l . Wherever I may rest is My home, for is not a l l this the work of 'Ay hands? Who w i l l y eye rest on with pleasure: the gentle the s i l e n t and those that fear Ay word.' The Lord is ever near those of c o n t r i t e heart; He w i l l save those of humble s p i r i t , lie who obeys the w i l l of God, him God w i l l also hear. Higher, superhuman q u a l i t i e s do not e x i s t in churches, and things of lower plane receive l i f e only from human hands. Physical baptism is not true prayer before God. Oft repeated motions of r i t u a l gladden the heart of the d e v i l , but we pray to the only ^od maker of heaven and earth. God i s the s p i r i t , God is the word, God i s the man. Well i t is to bow down before the true God and the true S p i r i t . Slava Dohu! Let us a l l bow to Almighty God."* As one they knelt to the ground, touching t h e i r foreheads to the grass. Then came the "Godly ceremony c f kissing in brotherly and s i s t e r l y l o v e . " beginning with the most devout men and women who formed the closed end of the v-shaped assembly v the ceremonial t a b l e , one by :;  ;:  4  !  *In the above account the author seems to be describing a molenie. However, there would appear to be contradictory evidence concerning "the psalm" spoken by V a s i l i V e r i g i n . The words in single quotes appear to be the psalm while the words following,, in double quotes, appear to be an interpretation of the psalm by the speaker. If t h i s i s what ''right i n tended, then we would argue that he has confused the two d i f f e r e n t types of meetings. Perhaps this could have resulted from the fact that by the time Wright was reconstructing the " r e l i g i o u s observance" (molenie) i t may have already assumed the new form i n which the leader spoke a f t e r the close o f the 'prayer meeting.'  lGli  one they stepped from t h e i r places to face t h e i r neighbor, bowed three times, then j o i n i n g hands, kissed three t i r e s . The ceremony continued throughout three hours, but i t was not possible for everyone to kiss everyone else in that length of time. Thouoh there were some who had not taken part, the sun was high, and the assemblage showed signs of restlessness. Even the elders were r e t t i n g hungry, so tiie religious service was I rought to a close with the sinninc^of another psalm. All went to t h e i r wagons to make the meal Zy the events that Zubek and Sol berg include under the term " r e l i g i o u s s e r v i c e s , " i t i s presumed that the account is a resume of a molenie in 1949.  Tiie new colonists meet for religious services every Sunday morning  at ten o' clock. These services are conducted much as they ware in tiie old days before tiie ortltodox group began to disintegrate. Men and boys form a l i n e on one side of a small table. Women and g i r l s arrange themselves in a second l i n e facing tiie men. Tiie table is tiie apex of a "V formation. On i t rest a loaf of bread, a jug of water and a shaker of s a l t — t h e symbols of Doukhobor f a i t h — a n d often a vase of v i v i d flowers. Dread represents tiie s t a f f of l i f e for the material body and symbolizes purity; s a l t , the seasoning and preservative which Christ commended when he s a i d , "Ye are the s a l t of the earth." A l l three combine to represent the love of Pod, tiie t r i n i t y . The service consists of prayers, psalms and hymns unaccompanied by musical instrument. It always closes with the r e c i t a t i o n of The Lord's Prayer. Then each man and boy salute each other male by bowing twice, kissina on the mouth and bowl no again. Each woman and g i r l carries out the sare r i t u a l within tiie ferale croup. Bowing and handshaking follow between sexes but tiie formal kiss is omitted. Tiiese salutations end the ceremony which i s followed by tiie communal breakfast.3 ::  "-Wright, Slava Boiiu, pp. 30-39. 3Zubek and Sol berg, uoukhobors at War, p. 210.  In Scoociinoff's d e s c r i p t i o n * attention should be drawn to where 3  the author says " a f t e r the prayers and psalms" speeches begin.  While no  e x p l i c i t d i s t i n c t i o n i s made between "prayers and psalms" and messages, :  the phrasing of the account could lead one to i n f e r that the author may be separating the two types of events.  Since there is no term given to  the meeting or meetings, the reader is l e f t in doubt as to what the author intended. Underlying the whole Doukhobor l i f e and economy i s the r e l i g i o u s basis upon which i t is b u i l t , the main focal center of r e l i g i o u s fellowship in the meeting. As they gather into the hall f o r the meeting, the men and women separate to s i t on opposite sides of the hall facing each other. As others enter, bows are exchanged to acknowledge the S p i r i t of God within. Then commences the singing of the Lord's Prayer in a reverent position and the meeting enters into an hour and a half of r e l i g i o u s psalms and prayers sung e n t i r e l y by the congregation without i n s t r u mental music . . . . Following the psalms and prayers, messages are given by various members and v i s i t o r s present» who take t h e i r place behind a small table with the simple elements of bread, s a l t and water--signifying Jesus, the bread and water of l i f e . . . and us the s a l t of the earth . . . in some of the meetings a large choir of Doukhobor youth may participate a f t e r the prayers . . . . s  f  w  Stoochnoff is an "orthodox Doukhobor."  ^Joiin P h i l i p Stoochnoff, Doukhobors As They Are, Toronto, Ryerson Press, 1961 p. 24. s  1G7 lierbiscn worked witii the Research Committee which studied the Doukhobors from 1350-51.  As part of his stated purpose, he was attempting  to report Doukhobor "values and b e l i e f s " from t h e i r point of view. Herb1son, l i k e other authors, maintains that Doukhobors do not "departmentalize" t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and his account of the "community meeting" includes a wide range of a c t i v i t i e s . Because Woodcock and Avakmovic regard Harbison's account as  1-  an  excellent essay on Doukhobor r e l i g i o n , " they c i t e him in t h e i r book The Doukhobors. One of the most important i n s t i t u t i o n s in Doukhobor l i f e is the community meeting, the sobranya. Here is the church, the school, the fraternal society, and the government. The character of the sobranya i s completely a l i e n to p o l i t i c a l system, man-made l e g a l i t i e s , and democratic procedure. The underlying p r i n c i p l e i s that Ood is present and available and i t i s His w i l l , not rules nor order and majorities of men, which i s expected to influence decision. Moreover, i t is assumed that as the same Ood is in every heart, the desired unanimity depends upon each person's giving up his own i n d i v i d u a l i t y so that the Ood within him may marge with the Ood in others, and in this corporate union is found the consensus of the meeting. In Sons of Freedom meetings tiiere may be t a l k , there may be speeches, there may be anything unpredictable as w e l l ; but in the end, i f there are decisions, they are not important—what remains impressed upon the people is a unanimity of mood, a shared attitude which provides the sense of belonging, which unites the people as strongly as any voting aye or nay. Its vagus i n d e f i n a b i l i t y is of no concern. The effectiveness of the sobranya l i e s not in a b u i l d i n g , which is unnecessary; not in r i t u a l , which i s minimal; not in the preaching, which is i n c i d e n t a l ; not in personal communion and prayer, for which tiiere is no provision; and not in the heightened s e n s i t i v i t y of mind and heart reaching for t r u t h , because this is not c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . The sobranya i s a settling-down into the past, an immersion of s e l f into the group. The sinning at a sobranya is monotonous, p e r s i s t e n t , inescapable" i t i s vocal manic which takes the place of other forms and determinants of unity.  Doukhoborism i s remarkable in that i t s symbols are neither numerous nor s a n c t i f i e d . They are simply bread, s a l t and water, placed at every meeting on a plain table covered with a white c l o t h — a big golden loaf of homemade bread, a simple shaker or carton or dish of s a l t , and a jug of water accompanied usually by a drinking cup or glass. The non-Doukhobor observer who has a respect for sacred symbols  1r»r w i l l be shocked by an incident which i s l i k e l y to take place during any sobranya. A t h i r s t y c h i l d may no to the table and have an older person pour a drinfe of water from the jug. If a few drops remain unwanted, they are l i k e l y to be thrown out on the rough f l o o r . 5 Several quotations w i l l be presented from Frantz's thesis because he is using the term "sobranie  11  to describe many kinds of meetings.  Such a usage may stem from one of his premises in which he suggests that Doukhobors do not separate t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s from one another. In the v i l l a g e and community meetings, the presence of the leader brought much greater deferential behavior than was shown to other administrative o f f i c i a l s . Speeches by the leaders generally were absorbed in the midst of quiet awe. Deferential gestures, such as the customary bowing and k i s s i n g , were displayed The community meeting, or sobranie, has been the singularly outstanding i n s t i t u t i o n through which widespread p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n has occurred. It w i l l be recalled that Doukhobors t r a d i t i o n a l l y have rejected the state, the church, the priesthood, and a l l sacraments because these interfered with the attainment of Godly perfection. Their conceptions of the sacred l i f e have not distinguished between the r e l i g i o u s and the c i v i l ; the realm of the sacred embraced both. Hence, they believed no d i s t i n c t social structures were necessary for p o l i t i c a l , economic, r e l i g i o u s , or other a f f a i r s . On the contrary, God is inherent in a l l of nature, and a l l men possess immanent and permanent Holiness. Individuals are miided by the "inper l i g h t , ' and the a f f a i r s of d a i l y l i f e are r e l i g i o u s by d e f i n i t i o n . 1  0  The author had frequent opportunities to observe and participate in these sobranii during his f i e l d work. The dynamics of the meeting varied considerably from those of most American groups. One observer (Mavor 1923:10) of a Doukhobor meeting during t h e i r early years in Canada made the following report: "'Each man who spoke shouted in a loud voice, and the a f f a i r bore the complexion of a contest in lung power." The sobranie considered the interests of a l l the Doukhobor v i l l a g e s throughout the whole day, than "suddenly the clamour ceased without apparent formal reason. One side had shouted the other down, and the defeated side became s i l e n t . That was a l l A decision had been reached."' The meetings have been characterized by free and  • fyterbison, " R e l i g i o n , and pp. 174-75. G  1  The Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia, p.  F r a n t z , "The Doukhobor P o l i t i c a l System,  u  ItC  p. 73, and pp. 76-77.  139  uninhibited discussion. The face to face interaction frequently has been very intense. Cursing and f i g h t i n g have not been rare occurrences. The meetings t r a d i t i o n a l l y have been structured very informally, and the topics discussed have ranged widely during the course of the meeting as the interests of the group have been reviewed and elaborated. There usually have been no "sermons, as each individual has been free to speak on a subject i f he f e l t " d i v i n e l y i n s p i r e d . " Meetings usually have been held outdoors, weather permittinr, and they often have lasted for hours, and even days. Both men and women have part i c i p a t e d without discrimination. s!o formal votes have occurred in the community meetings. Rather, decisions have been made upon the basis of consensus, and sometimes unanimity. i:  Trie sobranie sometimes lias gone on the road, too. Since 1902 Doukhobors -especially Sons of Freedom--have made pilgrimages of one kind or another. These have been designed to bring chances in Canadian governmental p o l i c i e s , or to gain new members by pointing out the retrogression of the accommodating Independent and Orthodox Doukhobors.  In sum, the sobranie has been the central p o l i t i c a l (equated with r e l i g i o u s ) assembly although i t has shared authority and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y with the hereditary charismatic leader. It has been based more on emotion than on r a t i o n a l i t y . It has functioned to purify the community and presumably to reaffirm the s o l i d a r i t y of the group . . . . It has allowed for the p a r t i a l resolution of personal differences and internal factional s t r i f e . Through the sobranie, the community has attempted to face the outside world as a harmonious group. The frequency with which i t has been held and the Intensity of expression and p a r t i c i pation within i t unquestionably attest to this view.  I b i d . , pp. 77-70, 00-31.  190 From the quotations presented, i t i s apparent that Tarasoffdistinguishes  "prayer services'  usually  (or " r e l i g i o u s services") from 'business  meetings" but in some cases his usage of the terms is vague.  However,  in several instances he denies the d i s t i n c t i o n he had previously made. ilote that in one of the passages c i t e d here the author makes note of the f a c t that "men are on the l e f t and women on the r i g h t " , an interpretation which contradicts the Doukhobor view of where they stand. They** were concerned b a s i c a l l y with three things: 1. The problem of youth ("something should be taught to them about the Doukhobor movement"); 2. The concern over the fact that a number of Doukhobors were a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the Russian People's Home ("which is a Bolshevik organization where people drink l i q u o r " ) ; 3. The need to have an independent Doukhobor organization in order to hold t h e i r own sobranyas (religious and business meetings), to give some order to the annual Petrov L i e n , and so f o r t h . The meeting discussed these concerns and as a r e s u l t i t s members decided toAform an organization.  Speaking of the same group Tarasoff goes on to say: At t h e i r Easter Service, 200 Doukhobors came . . . . Following the formal s e r v i c e , choral presentations and open forum speeches were the order of the day. The young people were never r e a l l y brought into the a c t i v i t i e s of the Society--only a few ever attended. "Religious services were always, in Russian, so were the business meetings nonetheless, the Fraternal Society has brought together a number of individuals who might not otherwise have joined any Doukhobor organization. E s p e c i a l l y , this is true with those members who are d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the t r a d i t i o n a l prayer services or r e l i g i o u s sobranyes and nevertheless desire to maintain t h e i r ethnic i d e n t i t y .  n 0  Tarasoff is a Doukhobor himself. "*"They" refers to the Doukhobors of Hew Westminster now known as the Society of Doukhobors of Canada. ° T a r a s o f f , "A Study of Russian Organizations i n the Greater Vancouver Area," pp. 150, 153, 157, 162.  191  Since its official inception, tiie Society* has held sobranyes twice a month ... and has provided leadership for the Petrov Dien event. At one of the sobranyes last year ( 1 9 5 2 ) , one of the people present stated that it is the Doukhobor's role today to ... join in the protest for world peace and disarmament .... ... the Doukhobors have been traditionally opposed to the formal structure of churches, priests and their ritualistic paraphernalia .... Some members use the word ''Church" interchangeably with the word sobranye—but this has been periodically challenged by other members. Likewise challenged is the contention that many of the 'old psalms have no meaning whatsoever and should be discarded . 1  Tiie prayer part of the sobranyes and most of the business part have been in the Russian language. Sunday afternoon, May 2 7 , 1 9 0 2 , 2 : 1 5 p.m. to 5 : 2 0 p.m. I came in a bit late (from another meeting just concluded in the kitchen) at a time when the group was singing some Doukhobor hymns in Russian .... Chairs were set up in the centre facing the front of the stage. In between was the table with tiie traditional bread, salt and water. Men on tiie left and women on the right: and some people standing in the centre amidst the chairs. It was obvious that iiikita Popoff was at the head of the meet Inc.-i.e. of the sinning part. After the Otche pThe Lord's Prayer'Q , several psalms and hymns were sung. The people then sat down. (in English) Ken noted surprise that a "prayer service" was held before this meeting. Ken, it appears, wants the religious and business meetings entirely separated. KJT. But this is really contrary to tiie Doukhobor tradition where soLranye meetings were practically always a combination of tiie two; i.e. Doukhobors don't really separate tiie "sacred" from the "secular"; life is a union, not a segmentary thing. SPEECH DY KEii iCOHi'Ii!  *i.e. I he Society of Doukhobors of Canada, in Vancouver B.C. 9  Ibid., pp. 1 7 4 , 1 7 9 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , 2 4 1 , 0 4 3 .  132 Harry Cheveldave: . . . I look around us and note t!ie lack of young people at this sobranye. I'm the l a s t o f the Doukhobor generation — unless we do something about i t . L e t ' s do something positive to build up a "proper r e l i g i o n " John Chutskoff: "Spiritual sobranyes are necessary for us. |_To the youth.3 lie t r i e d in the past to organize the youth. He t r i e d teaching them psalms—no, i t d i d n ' t work..." Ken Konkin: He have one aim: " s p i r i t u a l sobranye winch we do not have today." Adjournment at 5:20 p.m. Everyone stood un and sang "Hi Okonchali Sobranye" (We've Concluded Our Assembly--customary ending).  J3kuhovnoe"J  Meeting.announcement published in Iskra (Grand Forks, B.C.)  Mo. CS1,  May 18, 10G2, p. 30, in Russian: Notice to a l l Doukhobors in Vancouver and D i s t r i c t On Sunday May 27, 1202, at 2 p.m. in Lochdale Hall (Hastings and Sperling, Burnaby), there w i l l take place a s p i r i t u a l meeting, a f t e r which a business one of the Society of Doukhobors f o r the discussion of the following important q u e s t i o n s . . , l j  Although there are two manuscripts on the Doukhobors by Tarasoff, they have been treated separately because one deals primarily with the history of the Doukhobors (In Search of Brotherhood:  The History of the  Doukhobors) while the other is s p e c i f i c a l l y a consideration c f contemporary Russian organizations in Vancouver ('A Study of Russian Organizations in the Greater Vancouver Area").  The comments made with respect to Tarasoff's  thesis apply to the following excerpts. Even during Kanustin's time, we are told by Novitsky, the "secret sobranyes (gatherings)" were held along with regular communal prayer s e r v i c e , 'but there significance is not known. It is only known that during the time of Kanustin's nephew these secret sobranyes f l e a d toj scandalous o r g i e s . . . * ! l ° I b i d . , pp. 24D-51, 242. ^ T a r a s o f f , In Search c f Brotherhood:  V o l . 1, 0. G2.  193 . . . i f we look at the following account by the Doukhobors„ describing the period up to 133G: Sirotskoy Dom i s located in the v i l l a g e c f Horeloe. It consists of two buildings~~a cne-story brick structure covered with t i l e , and a small two-story wooden building. The f i r s t structure was used for sobranyes and prayer services,---where two rooms were present f o r this purpose—while the second one was used as a public forum with the administrators of the Home  V e r i g i n ' s second important l e t t e r had the status of a psalm and was read often at sobranye prayer meetings with tiie customary close: "Doi.u nashemu slava' (Glory to God). The " l a t t e r " was written in tiie style of the "Ten Commandments'"'' and was directed towards the building of the "Christian Community of Universal Brotherhood," a t i t l e which Verigin coined to supercede the word "Doukhobor"...  iiext day* Verigin and his escorts l e f t by t r a i n for York ton, then by sleigh and horses f o r t y miles north to Poterpevsha -the v i l l a g e of his aged mother...It was a solemn and .joyous occasion as the people awaited t h e i r leader. With fur caps o f f , the whole crowd began to sing a psalm of welcome: "Cur Dear Guest". In response Verigin took o f f in's cap and waited u n t i l the psalm and lengthy sobranye came to a c l o s e . Then in a customary manner he bowed low and followed this by words of greetings... **The conditions were ripe f o r Verigin and his communal experiment. A l l the features of Russian communal l i f e , except l i v i n g in v i l l a g e s , were introduced. Tiiere was the same groups of sobranyes, winch met weekly.; these same sobranyes chose t h e i r e l d e r , who transacted business on t h e i r behalf. The sobranyes assigned the duties of each individual for the coming year and dealt with a l l matters a f f e c t i n g the domestic and i n d u s t r i a l l i f e of i t s members. Verigin was quick to i n i t i a t e reform. In 1902 he abolished the practice of •''kissing" and "handshaking" which had crept into t h e i r sobranyes as foreign end superfluous ceremony.12  *The author is speaking of the period around 1S02. The date i s also around 1002. 1 2  I b i d . , V o l . 1, pp. 92,238, and Vol. 2 , pp. 205-86, 300, 3S  Around 1912 there were ten o f f i c i a l d i s c i p l i n a r y measures" that !:  became e f f e c t i v e , the l a s t of these i s ; 10. A l l c h i l d r e n , without exception, must come every day to the sobranye to sing prayers and hymns and to read psalms. William A. Soukoreff r e c a l l s his youthful days- when he and other v i l l a g e r s had to ^et up at 4 o'clock in the morning and walk barefooted to a designated Community l;ome_for a prayer s e r v i c e . . . ...during the middle of April L l ' O l s U , Verigin returned to the Kootenays. A sobranye was called for in Loogovoe [pass Creek^U* and everyone was instructed to walk there barefooted... It was only in 1232, though, that a youth organization was f i r s t formed by the Community Doukhobors.Evening sobranyes were held regularly at f i r s t , with the program being mainly that of singing, some drama, presentation of t a l k s , and an attempt at learning Russian and reading books. *A11 who could find standing room squeezed into the Community Home, while the r e s t , shawled women and bareheaded men stood in the t r a d i tional "V in the courtyard by the iam factory. Inside, on the platform, stood a plain-clothed tabie with i t s loaf of bread, s a l t in a salt- shaker and a pitcher of water. When the l a s t psalm ended Peter ascended the platfrom, Bonderoff, the secretary of the "Darned Doukhobors", came right behind The usual greetings were exchanged as heads bowed in acknowledgement, for there was no room to bow a l l the way. "Brothers and s i s t e r s " , began V e r i g i n , sonorously? "on tin's beautiful day we are gathered here in the S p i r i t of C h r i s t . . . " :i  According to Michael the Archangel V e r i g i n , Peter P. Verigin advocated several changes to the new community: schools were to be accepted by a l l , but based on Christian principles:; the kissing r i t u a l of the Community Doukhobors which Peter P. Verigin had introduced into the sobranye meeting was to be abolished, for only one bow was necessary.. .I 3  "Tarasoff i s speaking of the practices in the 1330's. 1 3  I b i d . , V o l . 2, pp. 402, 406, 550, 5G6, 705.  Concerning tiie 50th Jubilee: The big event arrived July 31-August 1 as 5,000 v i s i t o r s came... People took t h e i r seats on benches facing an open stage against the background of a community meeting h a l l , the former community barn if. the 1930's. They waited f o r the big moment, but f i r s t the prelimi n a r i e s — t h e opening prayer s e r v i c e ; the community dinner, p i c n i c style f o r most, seven banquet tables f o r the guests ( a l l vegetarian meals); words of greetings at the banquet t a b l e ; . . . "Should Folk Singing De Permitted in the Doukhobor Community lionse?"' This discussion was c u r t a i l e d prematurely when one e l d e r l y v i s i t o r got up and said: ''This topic is not appropriate in this b u i l d i n g . ' Immediately came other comments? "The hews w i l l get into the newspapers and we w i l l be the laughing stock from our neighbours." "Is t h i s a Community 'tome or is i t a Prayer Home?" "Folk singing, yes, but not during the time for praying"; "there should be folk songs in order to have a more complete r e l i g i o n " ; "any other day but Sunday";... The f a c t i s , however, that Blaine Lake and d i s t r i c t have already changed s i g n i f i c a n t l y since the f i r s t Doukhobor set foot here in tiie summer of 1890. Alexei Popoff, Doukhobor e l d e r , v i v i d l y describes t h i s change in 1951; "As i t is known to a l l there were no churches and no community homes amongst the Doukhobors". Rather Sunday sobranyes as well as business meetings were held in the homes, although not at the same time  4. Tiie Doukhobor ideal rejects churches, worships no ikons or i d o l s , supports no baptism, or confession, nor the " d i v i n e " position of ministry. T r a d i t i o n a l l y Doukhobors have held 'meetings, or sobranyes at which they prayed and discussed t h e i r various everyday problems (both local and i n t e r n a t i o n a l ) . The building where t h i s i s held is not considered "sacred", nor i s i t a " c h u r c h " . . . . 1 4  "'Ibid., V o l . 3, nn. 751, 854, 900, 917.  195 In addition to citing. Harbison's description of "Doukhobor r e l i g i o n . Woodcock and Avakumovic make several other references to " s o b r a n i i a . " It i s also interesting to note that the authors say women are on the right and men are on the l e f t , a perspective which i s not adopted by the Doukhobors. . . . in L u k e r ' i a ' s reign . . . . Her a r r i v a l in a v i l l a g e would mean a gala day of r e j o i c i n g ; beginning with the welcome of the v i l l a g e r s , ranged in a great V on the v i l l a g e green, the white-shawled women on the right and the men on the l e f t of the table symbolically l a i d with i t s great peasant l o a f of rye bread and i t s dish of s a l t ; continuing in psalm singing and feasting; and ending in a kind of durbar at which L u k e r ' i a , always approachable, would l i s t e n to the complaints and requests c f her followers.  Today . . . . Almost every sobranie held in Canada s t i l l opens with the hymn to t h e i r memory," 'Sleep on, you brave fighting eagles,' which lias inspired many a latter-day Doukhobor to choose a path of r e b e l l i o n and imprisonment.... **Within the v i l l a g e the sobranie served as a means for reaching Community decisions. Attended by a l l the inhabitants,, i t was usually a combination of r e l i g i o u s gathering and business meeting. The week was punctuated by routine events—the sobranie every Sunday and on Saturday the v i s i t to the bathhouse Among them*** the ceremonial l i f e of sobrani1a and psalm-singing was r i c h e r than elsewhere, and they developed the strongest resistance to any concession to the materialism of non-Doukhobor l i f e . 1 5  v  " t h e i r memory" refers to the martyrs who died in Russia. The authors are speaking of the period up to 1907. "Them" refers to the Sons of Freedom.  ^Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, pp. 71, 103, 199, 200, 31C.  APPENDIX C MODUS OPERANDI When tiie researchers began tin's investigation in 1968, Doukhobors in Vancouver were the focus of the study.  Perhaps because one of the  researchers is of Doukhobor heritage and has a Doukhobor surname, access to the community was not problematic.  Strangers and young people are  conspicuous when they attend Doukhobor meetings and this c e r t a i n l y applied to the presence of the researchers at the meetings.  A f t e r i n o u i r i e s had  been made about cur surnames, we inferred that the Ocukhobors assumed the one researcher came to learn of his heritage and that the other came as a potential spouse.  Despite retpeated statements to the e f f e c t  that we were colleagues, and riot betrothed to each other, they continued to look upon the relationship as one of introducing the "English'non-Doukhobor) person to the Doukhobor way of l i f e .  (i.e.  Tiie f a c t that there  were Doth male and female researchers was regarded as an asset, given the physical separation of males and females at the meetings.  Tins  enabled the researchers to observe and discuss the proceedings from both perspectives. Although a l l Doukhobors in regular attendance at the Vancouver Sobranija were w i l l i n g to talk at length with the researchers, they often referred us to the more e l d e r l y Doukhobors.  The elderly Doukhobors were  said to te the people who better understood t h e i r customs.  There seemed to  be some s e l e c t i v i t y in the individuals we were referred t o , f o r there appeared to be a bias toward members of the same f a c t i o n .  While we were  aware of tins problem, i t was interesting to consider this in r e l a t i o n to the boundaries between the various groups which are often ambiguous and/or not a r t i c u l a t e d .  It should be pointed out again that there were  few young people or children who attended meetings and consequently these categories of respondents are net represented in the study. A s i m i l a r non-attendance of young people at Russian Orthodox Church services drew attention to the presence c f the researchers.  Members of  the congregation and the clergy were delighted to see a "young couple" regularly attend services throughout this year.  The researchers were  given the irepression that they were seen as potential Church members. When members of the congregation were asked questions about the s e r v i c e , they invariably referred us to the p r i e s t since he was considered to be "the expert."  Apart from b r i e f comments after the s e r v i c e , members of  the l a i t y would net engage in discussions with the researchers about Orthodoxy or the services. The study concentrated upon the Doukhobors in the f i r s t years of the investigation and upon the Russian Orthodox in the l a s t year of data c o l l e c t i n g .  Cur close proximity to the communities enabled us to  maintain contacts and to make repeated v i s i t s to the same informants ever the years.  This was especially advantageous  in the l a t e r stages of the  i n v e s t i g a t i o n , when i t was possible to check the on-going analysis with the respondents,  ''hen the taxonomy of Doukhobor gatherings  had been  constructed;, i t was shown and explained to various Doukhobors who were asked to make comments.  The Russian Orthodox taxonomy of gatherings  constructed by the researchers in conjunction with the p r i e s t .  In both  cases the most usual questions asked at this stage of inquiry were "Is  " x " a kind of gathering?"  was  and "What kind of a gathering is " x " ?  ;:  IDS In addition to procedural matters, there are several d i f f i c u l t i e s that can arise in j o i n t research.  A basic dilemma revolves around the  separation of the individual author's ideas and contributions.  As tiie  theoretical problems are discussed and worked upon together, i t becomes increasingly d i f f i c u l t to assess the individual contributions of the authors since ideas are continually being r e f i n e d .  The ramifications of this are  also seen in tiie manner in which the i n d i v i d u a l s , as j o i n t authors, are treated by others.  It would seem to us that, as j o i n t authors, we have  become equated with each ether, by the university community, and that we are seen by then as i n t e l l e c t u a l l y inseparable,  l.'hile this problem  persists a related but seemingly contradictory problem a r i s e s .  l.'e are  speaking here of tiie question of equal recognition of authorship.  In  tin's p a r t i c u l a r study tiiere would appear to be added i n t r i c a c i e s since one author i s male and lias a Doukhobor name while the other is female and non-Doukhobor.  We have noted from conversations and correspondence that  inquiries are generally directed toward tiie former author and not to tiie latter.  Dot withstanding the d i f f i c u l t i e s mentioned above, the benefits  of a j o i n t undertaking are to be found in the continual development and exenanoe of ideas, the d i f f e r e n t orientations tiie individuals have to o f f e r and therefore the greater scope of investigation which is  possible.  200  GLOSSARY* altar'  'sanctuary.'  amvon  Area east of the iconostas in an Orthodox church.  The area in front of the royal doors in an Orthodox church.  analoj  'lecturn.'  Lecturn upon which an icon or icons are placed.  antidor A l t a r bread which has been blessed by the p r i e s t . It is usually given to the congregation at the end of the divine l i t u r g y service. antimins A s i l k c l o t h , consecrated by a bishop, which remains on the throne. beseda  A meeting at which an Orthodox p r i e s t gives a t a l k .  beseda  A Doukhobor meeting at which some issue i s being discussed.  Cog  'God.'  bogomelenie 'God's prayer meeting.' Also molenie.  Refers to a Doukhobor prayer meeting.  bogosluzenie 'God's services' or 'divine s e r v i c e s . ' Orthodox to r e f e r to p a r t i c u l a r meetings. bozestvennaja l i t u r n i j a 'divine l i t u r g y . ' service. See l i t u r g i j a . carskie dveri cerkov' dom  'royal doors.'  Used by the Russian  The Orthodox Sunday Church  The doors in the middle of the iconostas.  'church.'  'house.' Refers to the building in which Doukhobors hold t h e i r meetings. Also molitvenyj dom, obscij dom.  Gospodi pomiluj 'Lord have mercy.' at the divine l i t u r g y . kliros  An intercession sung by the choir  A square structure in the Russian Orthodox church, enclosed on three sides. Used either by tiie chanter or choir.  krescenie  'baptism.'  One of the seven sacraments in the Orthodox CUurcii..  *The meaninos given in this glossary are defined primarily with reference to the Doukhobors and tiie Russian Orthodox Church.  201  liturgija 'liturgy. Terr, used by Russian Orthodox speakers in reference to the divine l i t u r g y . See bczestvennaja l i t u r g i j a . 1  1iturgija 'acts of worship' or 'actions directed toward Sod.' Term used by the Doukhobors to refer to certain actions in the molenie, poxorony, and svad'ba. l i t u r g i j a oglascenie ' l i t u r g y of the catechumens.' principal d i v i s i o n s of the divine l i t u r g y . l i t u r g i j a vernjaja lituroy.  ' l i t u r g y of the f a i t h f u l .  moleben 'thanksgiving s e r v i c e . ' held f o r an i n d i v i d u a l .  1  One of the three  A d i v i s i o n of tiie divine  This i s a private church service usually  molenie, molenija 'prayer meeting,' 'prayer meetings.' A shortened form of bogomolenie or 'Hod's prayer meeting.' Used to refer to a Doukhobor prayer meeting. molitvenyj dom 'prayer bouse. Refers to the building in which Doukhobors hold t h e i r meetings. Also dom, obscij dor. 1  obednja 'mass.' Refers to the divine l i t u r g y . Derived from the word obed, meaning 'dinner,' hence tiie word implies the sharing o f the eucsiarist meal. obrad  'custom' or ' t r a d i t i o n . ' Used to refer to p a r t i c u l a r actions and objects i n Doukhobor meetings. Also used by Orthodox speakers but not in reference to p a r t i c u l a r actions and objects.  Obrad  ' t r a d i t i o n a l meeting.' An analytic d i s t i n c t i o n i s made between Obrad and obrad. Obrad refers to an entire meeting which Doukhobors consider to be a ' t r a d i t i o n a l meeting.'  obscij dom 'community house.' Building in which Doukhobors hold t h e i r meetings. Also dom, molitvenyj dom. obscij poklon 'communal or group bow.' Refers to tiie Orthodox person bowing and crossing himself. The phrase i s sometimes used by Doukhobors in reference to a group bow. See poklonenie and obscae poklonenie. obscee poklonenie 'communal or group bow.' The usual phrase employed by Doukhobors in reference to a group bow. obycaj  'custom' or ' t r a d i t i o n . ' I'sad by the Orthodox in reference to actions within the divine l i t u r g y . Dot used by Doukhobors in the context of Sunday meetings.  oglascenie 'catechumens.' Unbaptized or those preparing f o r baptism into the Orthodox Church.  202 Otcfe nas  'Our Father.'  Cur Father or the Lord's Prayer.  panixic'a  An Orthodox church service for the dead.  Potrov den' 'Peter's day.' On the 29 June, Doukhobors commemorate the burning of t h e i r arms in Russia. Also refers to St. Peter's day (29 June) in the Orthodox Church. poklon  'bov?.' There are various kinds of bows distinguished by the Jrthoclox and Doukhobors. This term is not frequently used by Doukhobors. See poklonenie, obscij poklon, zemlepcklon, zemlepoklonenie.  poklonenie 'bov;.' The word is used by Doukhobors to mean either a bov; or the act of bowinr; and kissing. In standard Russian the word means 'worship.' pominki 'remembrance s e r v i c e . ' Refers to both Russian Orthodox and Doukhobors gathering in remembrance of the deceased. These gatherings are held six weeks and a year a f t e r the person has died. porjadok ' h a b i t . ' Also defined by Doukhobors as form or personal way of doing things. poxorony ' f u n e r a l . ' The term used by Doukhobors in reference to the singing of psalms over the deceased, the burial and the communal dinner 'ield a f t e r the b u r i a l . presto!  'throne.'  pritvor  'vestibule.  proskomadia prosfora psalom  1  ;*arthex or vestibule in an Orthodox church.  'preparation.'  ' a l t a r bread.' 'psalm.  riznica  The communion table in the Orthodox church.  The f i r s t main d i v i s i o n of the divine l i t u r g y .  Leavened a l t a r Dreads used in the divine l i t u r g y .  1  'sacristy.'  seredinaja cerkov'  The south-east area behind the iconostas. 'nave.'  The center of the Orthodox church.  sobranie, sobranija 'gathering,' 'gatherings.' Written with a small T , " sobranie refers to any gathering and conseouently the term subsumes a l l tyoes of p a r t i c u l a r meetings. i T  Sobranie, Sobranija 'Community Meeting,' 'Community Meetings. Capital " S " Sobranie denotes a p a r t i c u l a r Doukhobor meeting at which hymn singing and discussions take place. It is subsumed by the more general term sobranie ( ' g a t h e r i n g ' ) . 1  spevka  'choir p r a c t i c e . '  203  starosta ' e l d e r . ' The term i s used by Doukhobors to refer to t h e i r i n fo rma1 cha i rma n. starosta 'church warden. Used by Russian Orthodox speakers to refer to the man who has several duties including looking a f t e r the church buildinq. 1  stix  'verse' or 'hymn.'  stol  ' t a b l e . ' The table upon which Doukhobors place bread, s a l t and water. Also used to refer to any table in the nave of the Orthodox church.  svad'ba  'wedding.»  A Doukhobor wedding.  sxodka  ' l o c a l meeting.' For tiie Dcuknobors the term refers to a meeting within walking distance.  s' ezd  'convention' or 'regional meeting.' meeting by v e h i c l e .  ;  Implies t r a v e l l i n g to the  trapeza A. meal at which a clergyman is present. Among Vancouver Russian Orthodox people i t refers to a meal held in tiie hall a f t e r the divine l i t u r g y . t r i duxoborceskix brada 'three Doukhobor t r a d i t i o n s ' or 'three t r a d i t i o n a l Doukhobor meetings'--moienie, ooxorony svad'ba. n  s  utrenja xram  'matins.'  'church.'  vecemja  An early morning Orthodox service.  Usually denotes a large church or cathedral.  'vespers.'  An evening Ortiiodox service.  vencanie 'crowning.' Tiie wedding service or crowning in the Russian Ortiiodox Church. vocerkovlenie 'churching.' A mother brings her infant to a church service forty days a f t e r tiie b i r t h of the c h i l d . Voskresen'e  'Sunday.'  The day of resurrection.  zemlepoklon 'bow to the e a r t h . ' The term refers to a Russian Ortiiodox person bowing to the f l o o r and crossing himself. zemlepoklonenie 'bow to the e a r t h . ' The Doukhobors r e f e r to the action of bowing to the f l o o r by this term. See poklonenie. zertvenik 'table of o b l a t i o n ' or 'table of s a c r i f i c e . ' The table of oblation is behind the iconostas in the north-east corner of the sanctuary in the Russian Orthodox church.  204  BIBLIOGRAPHY  A.  GEHEKAL REFERENCES  Becker Howard. 'Current sacred-secular theory and i t s development." Modern Sociological Theory. Edited by Howard Becker and Alwin Baskoff. Hew York, Molt, Rinehart and Winston, 1957. 3  Boas, Franz. Race, Language and Culture. Company, 1948.  New York, The Macmillan  Canada, Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . 1901 Census of Canada (Ottawa 1DC2). 'Population: Religious Denominations,''' b u l l e t i n 1. 2-C. Co.bn, Werner. " ' R e l i g i o n ' in i-ion-Western Cultures?" American Anthropologist, V o l . 59, Do. 1. February 1007, pp. 73-76. . "What i s Religion? An Analysis for Cross-Cultural Comparisons." Journal of Christian Education, V o l . 7, No. 2 and 3. November 1904, pp. 116-30. Dunn, S. P. and Ethel Dunn. The Peasants of Central Russia. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1907.  U.S.A.,  Fortes, M. "Religious premisses and l o g i c a l technique in divinatory ritual." Royal Society of London Philosophical Transactions, Series B, V o l . 251, Issue No. 772. 19GC,'pp. 402-15. Geertz, C l i f f o r d . "Ethos, World-View and the Analysis of Sacred Symbols-" The Antioch Review, V o l . XVII, No. 4. December 1957, pp. 421-37. Perth, H. ii. and C. Wright H i l l s , eds. and trans. From Pax Weber: Essays in Sociology. Dew York, Oxford University Press, 195S. Kaplan, Abraham. The Conduct of Inquiry. Publishing Company, 1954. Lane, Michael, ed. 1970.  Structural ism:  San Francisco, Chandler  A Reader.  London, Jonathan Cane,  Leach, E. R. " R i t u a l i z a t i o n in Man." Royal Society of London Philosophi c a l Transactions, Series B, Vol. 251 Issue No. 772. 195G, pp. 403-C6. s  Levi-Strauss, Claude. The Raw and The Cooked. Translated by John and Doreen Weightman. Mew York, Harper and Row, 1970.  205 0 1 i v a r Douglas. 'An Ethnographer's Method for Formulating Descriptions of Social Structure." Amc r i ca n A n t h ro po1o n i s t , Vol. 60. 1956, pp. 801-£6. 3  Propp Vladimir, Morphology of the Folktale. Second e d i t i o n . Translated by Laurence Scott. Austin, University of Texas Press, 1308. s  Proshansky, Harold M . , et al_, , eds. En vi ronmental Psychology: I an and his Physical Setting. U.S.A., Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1370. Schutz, Al free!. Col 1 ected Papers V o l . U Tiie Problem of Social Reality. Edited by Maurice Natanson. Tiie Hague, Martinus M i j h c f f , 1002. T i t i e v , Mischa. "A Fresh Approach to the Problem of Magic and Religion. in Reader in Comparative Religion. Second E d i t i o n . Edited by E. A. Lessa and E. Z. Vogt. U.S.A., Harper and Row, 1S05, pp. 316-12. 11  T y l e r , Stephen, ed. Cognitive Anti\ropo1ogy. and Winston, 1909.  New York, Holt, Rinehart  Whorf, b. L. Language, Thought and Reality. Institute of Technology, 1056.  U.S.A., Massachusetts  Wilson, Bryan. "An Analysis of Sect Development." Review, V o l . 24. February 1959, pp. 3-15.  American Sociological  20C  0.  RUSSIA! ORTHODOX REFERENCES  Anthony, Archimandrite, ed. A Brief Catechism of the Orthodox Catholic Eastern Church. Pennsylvania, published by ''Russian Day" Committee of Luzerne and Lackawanna Counties, 1002. Benz, Ernst. The Eastern Ortiiodox Church. Translated ty Richard and Clara Winston. Chicago, Aldine Publishing Company, 1063. Crummay, Robert 0. The Old Believers and The World of A n t i c h r i s t . U.S.A., University of Wisconsin Press, 1970. Oemetrakopoulos, George i-i. Dictionary of Orthodox Theology: A Summary of the B e l i e f s , Practices and History of the Eastern Orthodox Church. U.S.A., Philosophical Library Inc., 1004".  Tiie Divine Liturgy According to St. John Chrysostom.  ;lev.' York, Russian  Ortiiodox Greek Catholic Church of America, 1057.  Gogol, N i k o l a i . Meditations on tiie Divine Liturgy of the Eastern Ortiiodox Catholic and Apostolic Church, New York, American Review of Eastern Orthodoxy, Reprinted 1364, {Written c. 1845-51] . iiingley, R.  Russian Writers and Society.  New York, McGraw-Hill, 1907.  ixoulomzin, Sophie. Tiie Orthodox Christian Church Through Tiie Ages. U.S.A., Keystone -Publishing Company, 1956. McGowan, Jean C a r r o l l .  ConceleDration.  Heyendorff, John. The Ortiiodox Church. U.S.A., Random House, 19c2.  iiew York, Herder and Herder, 1904. Translated by John Ciiapin.  Hiliukov, Paul. Religion and The Church in Russia. Translated by U. Unhet and E. Davis, iiew York, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1943. Orthodox Catholic Christian Education Lessons, Unit 3--The Divine Liturgy. Published by Metropolitan Council, Religious Education Department, Russian Ortiiodox Greek Catholic Church of North America, Revised IOCS. Romanoff, H. C. Sketches of tiie Greco-Russian Church. Rivingtons, 1869.  England,  Schmemann, Alexander. The H i s t o r i c a l Road of Eastern Orthodoxy. Translated by L. W. Kesich. Flew York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 19G3.  Shereghy, Reverend B a s i l . The Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom. Minnesota, The L i t u r g i c a l Press, Copyright 10X1 by The Order of St. benedict. Soroka, Reverend Leonid, and Stan Carlson. Faith of Our Fathers: The Eastern Orthodox Religion. Minnesota, The Olympic Press, 1054. Stanley, Arthur Penrhyn. Lectures on The History of The Eastern Church. London, John Murray, 1383.  Stepniakrjs.  M. KravchinskyJ . The Russian Peasantry. London, Swan Sonnenschein Z. Co., 1894.  Tarasoff, Koozma John. Vancouver Area." Columbia, 19C3.  "A Study of Russian Organizations in the Greater Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of B r i t i s h  Walker, W i l l i s t o n . . A History of the Christian Church. Charles Scribner's Sons, 1959. Ware, Timothy. Zernov, Hi col as. 19'bl.  Third E d i t i o n .  The Orthodox Church. Eastern Christendom,  Nov: York,  Great B r i t a i n , Penguin books, 1953. riew York, G. P. Putman's Sons,  200  C.  DOUKHOBOR REFERENCES  A l l e n , Vii H i am. " V i s i t to the Doukhobors in 1819." L i f e of Hi H i am Al1 en, with selections from his correspondence, Vol. 2. London, G i l p i n , 1G4C 47, pp. C1-D3. Bellows, John. Letters and Memoir. Kegan Paul, 1904. Donclv Druevich, Vladimir D . berg, n.p. 190?.  Edited b* his wife.  London,  Zhi.vatnaya Kniga Dukhoborstev.  St. Peters-  9  Bradley, Arthur G r a n v i l l e . "The Doukhobors." in his Canada in the Twentieth Century. London, Constable, 1905. Dawson, C. A. "Doukhobors." in his Group Settlement -Ethnic Communities in Western Canada, Vol. 3. Toronto, Macmillan Co., 193G, pp. 1-51. "Doukhobors; Their F a i t h . " Canada, 1901.  Published by the Doukhobor Society of  Elkington, Joseph. Doukhobors, Their History in Russia, Their Emigration to Canada. Philadelphia, F e r r i s and Leach, 1003. Fitzqibbon, Mary Agnes T s a l l y Bernard J . Canadian Doukhobor Settlements-A Series of Letters. Toronto, Wi11iam Brings, 1809. Frantz, Charles. "The Doukhobor P o l i t i c a l System, Social Structure and Social Organization in a Sectarian Society." Unpublished Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Chicago, 1050. O r e l l e t , Stephen. " V i s i t to the Doukhobors near Ekaterinoslav in 1813." Memoirs of the 1ife and gospel labors of Stephen Grel1et, V o l . 1. Edited by benjamin Seebohm. Philadelohia, Longstreth, 18G4, pp. 455-57. 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The Soul Expressive Heritage of the Doukhobor-Russian Group Singing. Unpublished Manuscript, 19G8. . "What i s true Doukhoborism?" Columbia, June 1951. Reibin, Simeon F. Trud i mi m a i a zhizn: San Francisco, halo, 1952. Stoochnoff, John P h i l i p . Press, 1951.  in Iskra.  Grand Forks, B r i t i s h  i s t o r i i a dukhobortsev bez maski.  Doukhobors As They Are.  Toronto, Ryerson  Tarasoff, Koozma John. In Search of Brotherhood: A iii story of the Doukhobors, 3 Vols. Vancouver, Mimeographed work, 1963. Tchertfcoffj Vladimir, ed. Christian Martyrdom in Russia. Tiie Free Age Press, 1900. Woodcock, George, and Ivan Avakumovic. University Press, 19GC. Wright, J . F. C. Zubek  9  Slava Bohu.  The Doukhobors.  London, Toronto, Oxford  New York, F e r r i s Printing Company, 1940.  John P., and P. A. Sol berg. Press, 1552.  Doukhobors At War.  Toronto, Ryerson  

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