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Canadian Indian reserve : community, population, and social system Inglis, Gordon Bahan 1970

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THE CANADIAN INDIAN RESERVE: COMMUNITY, POPULATION, AND SOCIAL SYSTEM by GORDON BAHAN INGLIS B.A. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1959 M.A. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November, 1970 In present ing t h i s thes is in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment o f the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make i t f r e e l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thes is for s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representa t ives . It is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of th is thes is f o r f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date November 1 6 , 1970 ABSTRACT The c e n t r a l problem addressed i n this thesis was formulated i n 1965 and 1966 during p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a study of administrative and other problems r e l a t i n g to the Indians of Canada. As i t is now generalized, i t has become a problem of conceptualization posed by population aggregates within any larger p o l i t y . Most studies of contemporary Indians i n Canada and the United States employ as a major model and unit of analysis concepts such as society and community, i n which s p a t i a l and s o c i a l boundaries are treated as coterminous. In the f i r s t chapter of th i s t h e s i s , I have discussed the l i m i t a t i o n s of these concepts when they are applied to smaller population aggregates such as Indian bands or reserve populations. In the second chapter, I have constructed an a l t e r n a t i v e framework i n which the conceptual d i s t i n c t i o n between people and systems of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -ship is made a ce n t r a l feature. In this model the unit of analysis i s an aggregation of people e i t h e r s p a t i a l l y or s o c i a l l y d i s t i n c t , for which I have used the term population i n an attempt to avoid the unwanted connotations of such terms as "community". The population is regarded not as having a s o c i a l system i n the way that s o c i e t i e s and communities are conceived, but as being a nexus of many systems of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -ship, some of which may be contained within i t s boundaries and some extending f a r beyond them. The population i s thus envisaged as the context or s o c i a l f i e l d within which in d i v i d u a l s act. The systems of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i n t e r s e c t i n g i n a population are conceived of as ex i s t i n g as models i n the minds of the actors and the observer, with each actor holding at least two: an i d e a l model of his s o c i a l context as he would l i k e i t to be, and a concrete model of how he believes i t a c t u a l l y to be. Actors make choices of behaviour within the framework of constraints and incentives provided by these models, t h e i r s i t u a t i o n , and the choices of others. In Chapters III, IV, and V, three Indian Reserve populations are described and discussed i n terms of th i s conceptual scheme, using data I c o l l e c t e d i n 1965 and 1966. The p o t e n t i a l of the scheme for explaining and i n t e r p r e t i n g behaviour and events i s demonstrated i n Chapter VI, where the p o s i t i o n of the bands i n the larger p o l i t y i s analysed, and in t e r a c t i o n between Indians and government personnel, the formation of reserve power groups, factionalism, and the q u a l i t y of reserve l i f e are discussed as further tests of the scheme's u t i l i t y . In Chapter VII, i t i s concluded that i n sp i t e of differences i n organization, location, c u l t u r a l heritage, and economic a c t i v i t y , the three reserve populations have many features i n common, and that these features may be accounted for i n terms of the p a r t i c u l a r interconnections of systems that they represent. It i s further concluded that the frame-work of concepts developed i n Chapter II provides an improved model f or the description, analysis, and comparison of aggregations of people that do not f i t the standard d e f i n i t i o n s of community and society. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter I BAND, SOCIETY, COMMUNITY 4 II POPULATIONS AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE 19 A. Population and System 19 B. Systems and Behaviour 26 C. Conscious Models 29 D. Models and Consensus 34 E. Transaction 37 F. Relational System 41 II I AN INDIAN RESERVE POPULATION: NORTH PRAIRIE 58 Introduction 58 North P r a i r i e Band 61 A. The Populations 61 B. General Description 63 C. Organization 75 D. Some Recent Events 80 IV AN INDIAN RESERVE POPULATION: SHIELD LAKE 102 A. The Populations 102 B. General Description 103 C. Organization 109 D. Some Recent Events 120 V AN INDIAN RESERVE POPULATION: NORTH COAST VILLAGE 132 A. The Populations 132 B. General Description 138 C. Organization 162 D. Some Recent Events 180 VI INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS . 195 A. The Position of the Bands i n the Larger P o l i t y . . . . 195 B. Some Consequences of the Connection and Operation of Systems i n the Band Populations 215 C. Summary 254 VII CONCLUSION 256 LITERATURE CITED 265 i'v LIST OF TABLES Table Page I Employment, North P r a i r i e Band 69 II Income, Other than from Employment, North P r a i r i e Band . . . 69 I I I Household Composition, Shield Lake Reserve 106 IV Employment, Shield Lake Band 108 V Income, Other than from Employment, Shield Lake Band . . . . 108 VI Household Composition, North Coast V i l l a g e 141 VII Employment, North Coast Band 144 VIII Income, Other than from Employment, North Coast Band . . . . 144 IX Population, North Coast Band 161 X Experience of other Populations, North Coast V i l l a g e Children 204 XI Preference Among Populations, North Coast V i l l a g e Children 204 v 1 INTRODUCTION This thesis had i t s genesis i n 1965 when I conducted a series of studies of the organization of Indian bands as a participant i n a project designed to make recommendations to the Government of Canada about the administration of the a f f a i r s of Canadian Indians. Although the administrative and s o c i a l problems were rea l enough, and many of the s o c i a l phenomena connected with them d i r e c t l y observable, the data I and my co-workers collected did not f i t easily into t r a d i t i o n a l anthropological frameworks of concepts and assumptions. The conceptual and theoretical problems thus raised have, I believe, a more general relevance and application, and lead to fundamental questions about the units of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l analysis. I have attempted to work out and present i n this dissertation a conceptual 'scheme that w i l l organize such data and allow for a broader range of comparison among population aggregates that do not meet the requirements of definitions of "society" and "community". It must be acknowledged that the conceptual framework, the descriptions, and the analysis are presented here i n a more orderly sequence than that i n which they actually occurred. In r e a l i t y , the questioning of concept and assumption was i n i t i a t e d by the f i e l d studies and i n discussions with the directors of the project and with my co-workers. The conceptual scheme was developed during and after the c o l l e c t i o n of descriptive data i n an attempt to organize and interpret those data. Most anthropological studies of Indians i n Canada have focussed 2 upon those a s p e c t s o f t h e i r l i v e s t h a t a r e most c l e a r l y I n d i a n — u p o n b e h a v i o u r , thought, and o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t i s d e r i v e d from t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s — a n d p a i d a t t e n t i o n t o the i n s t i t u t i o n s and arrangements o f the l a r g e r s o c i e t y o n l y to the e x t e n t t h a t these impinge upon t h a t I n d i a n i d e n t i t y and b e h a v i o u r . In the s t u d i e s I have p r e s e n t e d h e r e , I have attempted t o focus upon p o p u l a t i o n s o f Canadian Indian s as c l u s t e r s o f i n d i v i d u a l s who l i v e out t h e i r l i v e s i n the c o n t e x t o f a complex maze of s o c i a l systems, some l o c a l and i n d i g e n o u s , and some o f much wid e r scope. I have i n c l u d e d d e s c r i p t i o n and a n a l y s i s o f some o f the workings o f the lower a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l e v e l s o f the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch, of o t h e r government a g e n c i e s t h a t work w i t h and f o r I n d i a n s , and o f chu r c h e s , companies, and o t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s w i t h which India n s have d e a l i n g s . T h i s i s the r e s u l t of h a v i n g attempted t o f o l l o w outward from a c e n t r e o f o b s e r v a t i o n i n the homes, v i l l a g e s , and workplaces o f I n d i a n people, the webs of r e l a t i o n s h i p and t r a n s a c t i o n t h a t make t h e i r l i v e s what they a r e . In my d e s c r i p t i o n s and a n a l y s i s I b e l i e v e t h a t I have r e f l e c t e d some of the r e a l i t i e s o f everyday l i f e among Indians o f s o u t h e r n Canada, and f o c u s s e d upon some events and s i t u a t i o n s t h a t a r e important t o them. A pa r a g r a p h o f e f f u s i v e thanks t o a long l i s t o f p r o f e s s o r s and kinsmen i s o f t e n an i r r i t a t i o n or an embarrassment t o the r e a d e r s of i n t r o d u c t i o n s to theses and books: however, I s h o u l d be remiss i f I d i d not acknowledge t h a t d u r i n g the p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s work I r e c e i v e d much a s s i s t a n c e and s u p p o r t . My t e a c h e r s a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, my c o l l e a g u e s a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto, and my co-workers on the Hawthorn p r o j e c t a l l p r o v i d e d s t i m u l a t i n g d i s c u s s i o n . The I n d i a n p e o p l e r e c e i v e d me w i t h k i n d n e s s , and the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch p e r s o n n e l 3 with cooperation. Most p a r t i c u l a r l y , Dr. H.B. Hawthorn has been a patient, generous and i n s p i r i n g mentor. 4 CHAPTER I BAND, SOCIETY, COMMUNITY In an a r t i c l e p u b l i s h e d i n 1964, R.W. Dunning proposed two i d e a l , p o l a r types f o r Canadian I n d i a n bands.''" H i s Type A i s "a remote and i s o l a t e d s o c i e t y which i n some cases appears t o be f u n c t i o n i n g w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o i t s i n d i g e n o u s s t r u c t u r e s and norms". Type B i s a band " w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e h i s t o r y of c o n t a c t t o g e t h e r w i t h a knowledge of the n a t i o n a l language and c u l t u r e " (1964:3/4). By d e f i n i n g t h e s e two t y p e s , Dunning draws a t t e n t i o n t o a s e t of problems r e l a t i n g t o the c o n c e p t u a l frameworks and models by which such p o p u l a t i o n u n i t s as the Type B band may be s t u d i e d — a s e t of problems t h a t a r e v i s i b l e under the s u r f a c e o f most s t u d i e s of r e s e r v e and r e s e r v a t i o n I n d i a n s i n No r t h America, but have been seldom d i r e c t l y c o n f r o n t e d , and nowhere a d e q u a t e l y r e s o l v e d . In the paper c i t e d , Dunning examines a Type B band and con c l u d e s t h a t i t i s " n e i t h e r a c u l t u r a l u n i t nor a s o c i a l e n t i t y " (1964:26) and t h a t " t h e c o l l e c t i v i t y of persons r e c o g n i z e d by Government as I n d i a n s . . . i s an a r t i f i c i a l one" (1964:35). I m p l i c i t i n Dunning's a n a l y s i s i s a model o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n which be g i n s w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s f u n c t i o n i n g as u n i t s a c c o r d i n g t o t r a d i t i o n a l systems. W i t h f o r m a t i o n i n t o l e g a l l y - d e f i n e d bands and extended c o n t a c t w i t h the s u r r o u n d i n g (non-Indian) s o c i e t y , the in d i g e n o u s systems br e a k , down, and i n d i v i d u a l I n d i a n s adopt b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n e d a f t e r t h a t of those non-Indians w i t h whom the most e x t e n s i v e c o n t a c t takes p l a c e . The pr o d u c t of this i r r e v e r s i b l e process i s an unstructured population aggregate with a r t i f i c i a l (legal) boundaries, the members of which exhibit, as individuals, behaviour patterns l i k e those of low-status non-Indians. Wayne Suttles, commenting on the study of B r i t i s h Columbia Indians by Hawthorn, Belshaw, and Jamieson (1958) c r i t i c i z e s their use of a similar model: In this view, the Indians are on a one-way track to North American culture, though they may get s t a l l e d i n d e f i n i t e l y along the way. There seems to be no room here for the formation of neo-Indian cultures among these s t a l l e d groups of Indians (Suttles 1963:524). However, Suttles agrees with Dunning i n rejecting the band as a meaningful unit for study, and his main c r i t i c i s m of Hawthorn_et al. is 2 that they have made i t central to their analysis. He describes for the Coast Salish both aboriginal and modern i n t e r - v i l l a g e t i e s , and goes on to suggest that the intergroup relations he has described "define the rea l s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t s o c i a l u n i t " (Suttles 1963:523) (emphasis added) for the Coast Salish. Like Dunning, Suttles concludes that the band is 3 "largely an a r t i f i c i a l administrative unit" (1963:524). Eleanor Leacock comes to a si m i l a r conclusion about a band she studied i n 1945: "Seabird has no 'community'...people l i v i n g near each other do not form a single s o c i a l unit despite the pressure of outside forces i n this d i r e c t i o n " (1949:194). She accounts for this with the statement that "the unconscious patterns of [the Seabird Island residents] former, interpersonal l i f e apparently remain dominant" (1949:188). Wilson Duff sees present-day Indian populations i n a t r a n s i t i o n a l stage between some previous, aboriginal steady state and a new one: ...the process of change has not yet run i t s course. What we see i n Indian l i f e today is not the old cultures in s l i g h t l y modified forms, and i t is not a carbon copy of the white man's culture. Nor has i t settled into an equilibrium as a somewhat different sub-culture, which is what i t might become (1964:76). In each of these discussions, a dichotomy l i k e Dunning's is apparent; a dichotomy created by assumptions about the nature of society Although Dunning's two types are defined i n empirical terms, the d i s t i n c t i o n between them is conceptual. Quite simply, Type A i s a unit to which a f u n c t i o n a l i s t model of an integrated sociocultural system may be applied a unit amenable to study by t r a d i t i o n a l ethnographic method and Type B is not. In each of the discussions cited above, there is an attempt to arrive at a unit of the A type, and a rejection of units that w i l l not f i t . In her pioneering study of reservation Indians, Margaret Mead drew attention to these problems, casting them i n the larger framework of problems r e l a t i n g to the study of " t r a n s i t i o n a l primitive culture": Such cultures provide neither the homogeneous routinized background upon which the ethnologist depends for the v a l i d i t y of his conclusions nor the large number of cases by means of which the s t a t i s t i c a l sociologist attempts to control the complexity of his material...(1932:12) The homogeneity of a true primitive society i s gone. Parts of the culture which once reinforced and articulated with each other i n a smoothly functioning whole are gone... The student finds not an organic s o c i a l background but an odd c o l l e c t i o n of t r a d i t i o n s , once integrated, now merely coexistent...(1932:13). The student lacks not only an integrated culture but also the t y p i c a l i n d i v i d u a l , the product of the routinized s o c i a l attributes of a primitive society...(1932 :14). Mead's solution was to use what was known of the aboriginal society and culture of the "Antlers" as a baseline, and treat her study as a description of " t r a n s i t i o n " and change. The two most successful recent studies of reservation Indians i n the United States, Elizabeth Colson's on the Makah (1953) and Theodore 7 Stern's on the Klamath (1965), follow a s i m i l a r l i n e . In both, a b o r i g i n a l units are used as reference points from which change is c a r e f u l l y documented. Each study includes within i t s scope whatever units, r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and events are necessary for understanding the h i s t o r i c a l sequences involved non-Indian towns, Bureau of Indian A f f a i r s p o l i c i e s and personnel, the s o c i a l e f f e c t s of World War II, and so on. Rohner's study of a Canadian band (1967) seems to stem from a s i m i l a r conceptual base. Contemporary units of observation are not discussed as conceptually problematical, and the analysis of G i l f o r d Island is treated as a c o n t r i b u t i o n to the continuing study of the Kwakiutl. Admirable though these studies may be, they are so d e s c r i p t i v e and empirical that they admit of very l i t t l e comparison with one another and provide no conceptual basis for undertaking comparative studies of other bands or reservations. There are no c o n s i s t e n t l y applied units of analysis beyond the a b o r i g i n a l baseline or the group of people who were treated as a unit by a government agency at some time i n the past. This i s not, c e r t a i n l y , to say that such studies are useless. Apart from the l i g h t they may shed upon processes of change and accultur-ation, something l i k e them is necessary background to the study of any contemporary population. However, judged _as studies of contemporary populations, and for t h e i r p o t e n t i a l contribution to s o c i o l o g i c a l generalization, they s t i l l appear as Mead described them nearly forty years ago - studies of s o c i e t i e s i n peculiar conditions of disequilibrium.- t. D i f f i c u l t to c o n t r o l , d i f f i c u l t to duplicate i n the experience of the student, too aberrant to make pl a u s i b l e a p r e d i c t i o n of...exact recurrence, too disorganized and complicated to provide a complete and s a t i s f a c t o r y study...(1932:15). 8 Where they f a l l short i s i n the lack of a consistent conceptual scheme capable of contemporaneous, comparative application to a number of l i k e s ituations. In each of the examples discussed thus far, the fundamental unit has been the "small society", conceptualized as c l e a r l y bounded and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , or at least self-contained. The concept is a useful he u r i s t i c device when applied to a group that existed at some time i n the past, as i n these h i s t o r i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d studies of change and " t r a n s i t i o n " . I t may remain h e u r i s t i c a l l y useful when applied to present-day North American Indian populations that are s p a t i a l l y and s o c i a l l y isolated, where contact with the larger society is through r e l a t i v e l y few and s p e c i f i c channels, as i n Dunning's study of Pekangekum (1959). However, for many contemporary Reserve populations and other populations i n which one may be interested, i t simply does not f i t . Adherence to i t leads Dunning to reject such groups as meaningful units for study, 0 Suttles to direct his search for a "real s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t u n i t " that must somewhere exist, Leacock to postulate the existence of such a unit only i n the memory of her informants, and Duff to look forward to a "new equilibrium", when, presumably, such units w i l l again be available. A. K. Davis has summed up the burden of the argument thus f a r : ...a t r a d i t i o n a l , l o c a l l y oriented ethnological approach... has long been obsolete;...Indian and Metis communities must now be viewed i n terms of Canada's national urban-i n d u s t r i a l society...(Davis 1968:222). He does not delve into the problems of conceptualization that I am posing here; however, the implication seems to be that units which are the conceptual equivalent of Dunning's Type A band may have existed among Canadian Indians at some time i n the past, but such units are now to be found at the national l e v e l or beyond, i f they are to be found at a l l . This does not solve the problems. If Indian bands (for example) are to be treated " i n terms of" or "as parts of" (Davis 1968: 222, 219) or as "a...sub-system of" (Dunning 1964:26) some larger functional whole i t is s t i l l necessary to define them as units. I f they are parts of something, what is that thing, and what sort of parts are they? Methodologically, Davis favours an ec l e c t i c approach. He states that to understand contemporary Indian populations i n the context of the larger society ...we must draw upon a l l the s o c i a l sciences, including history i n p a r t i c u l a r ; and upon both the orthodox and Marxian i n t e l l e c t u a l traditions of s o c i a l philosophy and p o l i t i c a l economy (1968:217). In practice, however, his approach i s that of the "community study". The concrete group studied may be a band, a non-Indian town with a reserve nearby, a Metis settlement, and so on, but the central concept is that "complex, usually unanalyzed abstraction", the community (Minar and Greer 1969 : i x ) . Conrad Arensberg, who has devoted much time and ef f o r t to the explication of the concept of community, makes a d i s t i n c t i o n between the community as "sample" and as "object" (1961). The former refers to the effort of the student of s o c i a l phenomena to "come to terms with an explicandum", such as " s o c i a l disorganization" (1961:243) "the nature of peasantry" or "the emergence and interaction of high culture...and low culture" (1961:245), by means of "close-up observation of his proble: matter i n a l o c a l scene, normally a community" (1961:243/4). This " r e f e r r a l of problems to empirical r e a l i t y " , he argues, can 10 proceed (and has proceeded f r u i t f u l l y ) without consistent and e x p l i c i t d e f i n i t i o n s of the concept of community, the method being developed and re f i n e d i n p r e c i s i o n and rigour ahead of the conceptual base. Its va r i a t i o n s , however, "continue s t i l l to be matters of journeyman experience rather than high plan" (1961:245), and the "vague models" of community to be "derived from unspecified and unsystematized canons of art and l i t e r a t u r e " (246). It i s this f a c t , i n part, that leads Steward to make the statement that "...community studies are not comparable, f o r quite unlike purposes underly t h e i r problems, methods, and reporting of data" (1950:51). To provide a basis f o r this v i t a l l y necessary comparability to "provide a r a t i o n a l e for the community study method...a better theory of the part-whole r e l a t i o n s of findings i n a community and explanations of a problem of a larger universe of many communities"— requires the " l i m i t a t i o n and s t r u c t u r i n g of the community as object or bounded f i e l d " (Arensberg 1961:246, 244). That i s , i t requires the working out of a co n s i s t e n t l y applicable d e f i n i t i o n . In pursuit of this goal, Arensberg treats of the community as a t e r r i t o r i a l u nit (1961:248), a population unit (249), a "table of organization" (249), and a "temporal pattern" (250). For the purposes of this discussion, the crux of his d e f i n i t i o n is the statement that "the community i s the minimal unit table of organization of the personnel who can carry and transmit [a] c u l t u r e " (253). It "contains within i t , s p e c i f i c a l l y . . . p e r s o n s and roles and statuses, or the transmitted and learned awareness of them, for every kind and o f f i c e of mankind that the culture knows" (1961:254). Defined this way, the concept of community becomes a to o l for the 11 study of cultures: ...a master i n s t i t u t i o n or master s o c i a l system; a key to society; and a model, indeed perhaps the most important model, of culture. (Arensberg and Kimball 1965 : i x ) . ...there is...good reason to believe that i n general, with proper sampling and due attention to special-izations, communities do give us some c e l l - l i k e minimal duplication of the basic c u l t u r a l and str u c t u r a l whole at each age and stage of human society (Arensberg and Kimball 1965:45). The diagnostic c r i t e r i a for the delineation of a community are defined by reference to a larger whole; i n many ways community, so defined, seems l i k e the older concept of society scaled down. Indeed, Arensberg and Kimball, i n warning against mistaking a neighbourhood or suburb for the real thing, refer to the community as "self-perpetuant" (1965:31). Obviously, such a concept does not help to solve the problems introduced at the beginning of this chapter. I f "the North American c i t y taken whole... is ... the community of American modernity" (Arensberg 1961:256), a nation-state l i k e Canada w i l l contain many population aggregates, such as "company towns", r u r a l hamlets, and groups of Indians l i v i n g on reserves, that are not communities. What of them? If they are to be studiable at a l l , a different scale of organizing concept i s required. One anthropologist who has given e x p l i c i t recognition to these problems as they relate to groups of Indians i s James C l i f t o n . He notes the inadequacy of t r a d i t i o n a l frameworks for the study of people on reservations, and begins his search for more satisfactory ones from the statement that "stable s t r u c t u r a l forms have obviously developed out of the acculturative experience of American Indians" (1965:320). He then proposes as an organizing concept Leonard Plotnikov's (1962) "fixed membership group". 12 I would be i n c l i n e d to dispute t h i s concept's " f i t " to many reserve and r e s e r v a t i o n p o p u l a t i o n s — f o r example, the c r i t e r i o n that " s o c i a l cohesion i s based on emotional t i e s " ( C l i f t o n 1965:320)—but i t has a much more serious weakness than t h a t . The major s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the fixed-membership group i s that "there are very few r o l e requirements a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the status of member" ( C l i f t o n 1965:322). Beyond the observation which C l i f t o n makes that "the membership of t h i s type of group i s predisposed to c u l t u r a l heterogeneity by v i r t u e of the f a c t that there are only minimal sanctions against experimentation w i t h n o v e l t i e s " (1965: 322), the concept has l i t t l e a n a l y t i c a l power. A primary requirement of the conceptual scheme being sought here i s that i t allow f o r a comparative study; "the elements which enter i n t o the system of a n a l y s i s should be capable of continuous comparison" from one u n i t to another (Belshaw 1967:7). Since the fixed-membership group i s by d e f i n i t i o n v i r t u a l l y s t r u c t u r e l e s s i t cannot provide the r e q u i r e d basis f o r comparison and g e n e r a l i z a t i o n , and the conceptual problems remain unsolved. In the d i s c u s s i o n to f o l l o w , these problems w i l l be considered w i t h p a r t i c u l a r reference to three Canadian Indian bands. I s t u d i e d the organ-i z a t i o n of each band f o r about a one-month period i n 1965, and continued the study of one of them f o r about four months during the summer of 1966. In a d d i t i o n , some reference w i l l be made to a c l u s t e r of small bands i n the Fraser V a l l e y area, where I conducted a three-week study of o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the summer of 1965, and a study of I n d i a n — W h i t e r e l a t i o n s f o r three months i n 1964. The names of the bands, of i n d i v i d u a l s , and of non-Indian towns and c i t i e s have been d i s g u i s e d . A f u l l e r d e s c r i p t i o n of these bands w i l l be presented i n Chapter I I I and f o l l o w i n g , but they may be i d e n t i f i e d b r i e f l y as f o l l o w s : 1. North Coast V i l l a g e : A Tsimshian band consisting i n 1966 of about 1,000 people, located on the northern B r i t i s h Columbia coast. The band owns some 85 reserves i n the area, and i n 1966 approximately 870 members liv e d i n a compact v i l l a g e on one of them, the only one occupied. The v i l l a g e has existed continuously for well over a hundred years. Most of the cash income and a large part of the subsistence of the Villagers comes from f i s h i n g . 2. North P r a i r i e Band: A Cree band i n Alberta with a population i n 1965 of approximately 1,650 people. About 1,200 of these l i v e on one reserve at P r a i r i e Lake, and 450 on another reserve, Fish Lake, some 25 miles away. Although i t i s o f f i c i a l l y one band, there i s some admin-i s t r a t i v e separation of the two populations, and each reserve group elects a chief and councillors proportionate to thei r portion of the t o t a l population. Economic a c t i v i t i e s are diverse, and include some trapping and commercial fis h i n g along with agriculture and part-time a g r i c u l t u r a l labour. Few band members have regular and dependable sources of income. Welfare payments are high. 3. Shield Lake Band: An Ojibway band i n Ontario of approximately 485 members, of whom about 350 l i v e on a long, narrow reserve along the shores of a large lake. Economic a c t i v i t i e s include the cutting of pulp-wood both on and off reserve land, employment i n nearby industry, some guiding of fishermen and hunters, and the leasing of cottage and ic e - f i s h i n g sites to non-Indians. 4. Fraser Valley Bands : A cluster of small bands i n an area of the Fraser Valley, B r i t i s h Columbia, that i s intensively exploited by the non-Indian population i n dairy farming and mixed agriculture. Very few Indians i n the area are farmers. 14 The studies of band organization i n 1965 were undertaken as part of a comprehensive study of Indian A f f a i r s i n Canada, which has since been published (Hawthorn et a l . 1966, 1967). The second period of f i e l d study at North Coast V i l l a g e was undertaken to follow up the problems of conceptualization raised by the f i r s t series of studies, and was financed partly through the Hawthorn project, and partly by a Canada Council pre-doctoral fellowship. The study of Indian-White relations i n 1964 was carried on under the di r e c t i o n of Dr. R.W. Dunning, then of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, and supported by him from a grant from the National Museum of Canada. This study was not connected with the studies of organization, but i t raised i n embryonic form some of the problems that have been outlined above. For the purposes of the Hawthorn project, the data from studies of band organization could be organized for description and comparison using the formal structures of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch as a general framework. The bands share a common identity i n law, and a common formal relationship to the bureaucratic and governmental i n s t i t u t i o n s of the country. As a unit of analysis for studying the administration of Indian a f f a i r s , the foand may be used i n much the same way that Arensberg's concept of community is employed as a tool for the study of cultures (see p. 11 above). Several band studies carried out by several f i e l d workers were used this way with good results i n the published reports of the Hawthorn project (1966, 1967). However, this approach does not organize a l l the data, and i t i s limited i n i t s purposes and i n the range of comparisons i t makes possible. It was my purpose to view the data from my band studies i n a larger perspective, as referring to people i n groups rather than to units i n a 15 b u r e a u c r a t i c system. T h i s l e d t o a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f concepts a p p r o p r i a t e f o r the d e s c r i p t i o n o f the bands as u n i t s c a p a b l e of such wider comparison. I t became a p p a r e n t - t o me t h a t i n c r e a s i n g l y i n the modern w o r l d the concept o f " s o c i e t y " can be a p p l i e d w i t h any s t r i c t d e f i n i t i o n o n l y t o l a r g e and complex u n i t s ; the " s m a l l - s c a l e s o c i e t i e s " t h a t were the o b j e c t of so much a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s t u d y a r e few and growing fewer, and Canadian I n d i a n bands a r e c e r t a i n l y not u n i t s o f t h a t k i n d . I f u r t h e r c o n c l u d e d t h a t the concept o f "community", when d e f i n e d w i t h any r i g o u r , may be a p p l i e d o n l y to c e r t a i n segments o f s o c i e t i e s . There-f o r e t h e r e remain, i n a p o l i t y such as Canada, a g r e a t many a g g r e g a t i o n s of p o p u l a t i o n t h a t do not f i t the d e f i n i t i o n s of s o c i e t y o r community, and do not even seem t o be groups i n any but the s p a t i a l s e n s e ; y e t such a g g r e g a t i o n s a r e r e a l and s i g n i f i c a n t t o t h e i r members and o t h e r s , they a r e the m i l i e u f o r much day-to-day s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , and they a r e d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from one an o t h e r by assessments o f the c o s t s and s a t i s f a c t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h o c c u p y i n g a p l a c e i n them. T h i s , then, i s the problem. I n d i a n bands a r e t r e a t e d as u n i t s by the governments of Canada and the p r o v i n c e s , and r e g a r d e d as u n i t s by t h e i r members and t h e g e n e r a l p u b l i c . They e x i s t i n time and space. The q u a l i t y of l i f e on an I n d i a n r e s e r v e i s p a l p a b l y and o b s e r v a b l y d i f f e r e n t from l i f e i n a n o n - I n d i a n town of comparable s i z e . However, t h e s e p o p u l a t i o n u n i t s may be c a l l e d s o c i e t i e s or communities o n l y by e x t e n d i n g and l o o s e n i n g the d e f i n i t i o n s o f these terms u n t i l the concepts a r e v i r t u a l l y u s e l e s s f o r a n a l y t i c a l p u r p o ses. How can we r e g a r d I n d i a n band, the company town, the r u r a l hamlet or the urban g h e t t o ? We "know" t h a t they a r e r e a l , and we "know" t h a t they a r e s i g n i f i c a n t , but how can they be c o n c e p t u a l i z e d f o r a n a l y s i s ? 16 Obviously, we must t r y to conceptualize them as units, and we must t r y to say something about t h e i r structure i f we are to compare them one with another. From what has been said above, i t is clear that such groupings are being v i s u a l i z e d as aggregations not of statuses or roles or positions, but of people, and i t i s from that point of view that the following discussion begins. NOTES Chapter I Except where I have indicated otherwise, the term "band" is used throughout to refer to the administrative unit defined i n Section 2 of the Indian Act (Revised Statutes of Canada, 1952). 2 Hawthorn et _al. do, i n fact, take account of the other units and the inter-band t i e s that Suttles draws attention to (cf. 1958:465). However they take the position that "the band is today the most effective and si g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l unit beyond the family" (1958:19). Since theirs is primarily a study of administration, they take the administrative band unit as given, and do not discuss the problems of conceptualization I am posing here. 3 Suttles is dealing with an area i n which most bands are small, and i n which inter-band relations may well be of more importance to the Indians than they are anywhere else i n Canada. Certainly, his stress on inter-v i l l a g e ties is well j u s t i f i e d ; however, I believe that he has under-valued the importance of the "largely a r t i f i c i a l " band units. At the annual Cultus Lake gathering that he mentions (1963:518), participants i n the various competitions are i d e n t i f i e d by band membership. In the heart of the area with which he is concerned are three small neighbourin bands that are closely bound together by common c u l t u r a l background, interests, and kinship t i e s . They have cooperated i n the building of a community h a l l , and hold i n common the rights to some Reserve land. In 1965, Indian A f f a i r s Branch personnel had been working for twelve years to bring about the amalgamation of the three bands, but had met continuous resistance from the band members. Some band members i n the same area, supported by Indian A f f a i r s Branch personnel, were i n 1965 working to create an inter-band council, but they received l i t t l e popular support. The chief councillor of one band expressed his opinion of amalgamation and inter-band organization this way: It won't get off the ground..."We l i k e things the way they are. We've got our own band; we're our own boss; we have everything we want. We don't want any changes. We're s a t i s f i e d the way we are. You get a bigger organization, and you have to go down on your knees to ask for things. We l i k e to be our own boss." It appears that even within the larger structures linking the Coast 18 S a l i s h , the band is an important unit to the actors. 19 CHAPTER II POPULATIONS AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE A. Population and System The discussion above was i n i t i a t e d by, and focussed upon, conceptual problems posed by a particular phenomenon, the Canadian Indian band. It i s , however, part of a much more general movement i n anthropology involving widespread d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with fundamental conceptual units. This d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n is evident i n such writings as Barnes (1954), commonly cited i n the genealogy of "network" studies; Manners (1965) and Philpott (1968) on West Indian migration; Mayer (1966) on "quasi-groups"; Barth (1966) on transaction models; and Boissevain (1968) on "non-groups"; to c i t e only a few examples. Trad i t i o n a l l y , anthropologists and sociologists have recognized systematic, patterned s o c i a l interaction, and s p a t i a l aggregations of people within which a great deal of this patterned interaction takes place, and they have striven to conceptualize units i n which the boundaries of one are also the boundaries of the other. Sociocultural systems have t y p i c a l l y been used to delineate groups of people: the " c a r r i e r s " of a culture, or the "members" of a society. By treating systems and population aggregates as coterminous i n this way, discrete units for analysis are created, which may be thought of as "s e l f -s u f f i c i e n t " — - s o c i e t i e s (cf. Aberle et a l . 1950); or as parts of a larger whole—-communities. Within these, i n turn, the focus has been upon groups—corporate, organized bodies of individuals. The demands of this 20 pattern of thinking are c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e d i n a recent discussion by C.S. Belshaw, whose d e f i n i t i o n of s o c i a l system leads him to "focus... upon s o c i a l systems which correspond to the largest p o l i t i c a l units which organize populations" (1967:4), and to exclude "interactions beyond the bounds of the nation state", even though he is well aware that " i t i s here that the model departs most sharply from the r e f l e c t i o n of r e a l i t y " (1967:5). This departure from r e a l i t y need not, i n i t s e l f , be a d i f f i c u l t y . As Belshaw notes i n the same context, " i n the modern world, and indeed throughout history, the isolated society i s a f i c t i o n " (1967:5). It has been a most useful f i c t i o n i n the past, and Belshaw's current version of i t , among others, w i l l undoubtedly prove useful for the study of many problems i n the future. D i f f i c u l t i e s do arise, however, when we are faced with recognizable aggregations of people, l i k e Indian bands or urban ghettos or migration-oriented societies (Philpott 1968), which do not f i t any of the definitions i n which system and population boundaries are coterminous. Such situations present themselves as problematical for a number of reasons. Relatively small population aggregates l i k e neighbourhoods, towns, etc., are i n t u i t i v e or "common sense" units (see Belshaw 1967:4). Seen apart from theories of community or society, they seem no more a r t i f i c a l or epiphenomenal than any other. They are the locale for a great deal of the interaction from which we bui l d up our idea of s o c i a l system i n the f i r s t place. They frequently draw our attention because of a d i s t i n c t i v e s t y l e or quality of l i f e . Because of the l i m i t s on the scope of individual interaction, they are the sort of unit that is manageable for study by participant-observation techniques, and often seem to be the 21 sort within which the direct action of "applied" or "welfare" anthropology-can most usefully take place. Most important, perhaps, these units have the sort of " s o c i a l r e a l i t y " defined by W.I. Thomas—they are treated and thought of as units by their "members" and others. If such units can be considered a n a l y t i c a l l y only when they can be made to f i t arbitrary definitions of society or community, the problems remain. However, i t should be possible to manipulate or modify conceptual frameworks to solve them. It is important to remember at the outset that the conceptual separation of s o c i a l system and individual human being has long been a feature of anthropological and s o c i o l o g i c a l theory. Linton stated the d i s t i n c t i o n c l e a r l y : "...a s o c i a l system is an organization of ideas. It represents a particular arrangement of statuses and r61es which exist apart from the individuals who occupy the statuses and express the r61es i n overt behaviour" (1936:253). A society, on the other hand, he saw as "an organization of individuals" (1936:253). Establishing the boundaries of societies posed no particular problems for Linton with his c u l t u r a l emphasis; societies were simply "...the sort of organized groupings which can function as independent culture-bearers" (1945:57). As long as he was dealing with such groups as the Comanche, and concentrating on analysis of how exotic s o c i a l systems were constructed, this sort of formulation was quite adequate. Something l i k e i t underlies a great deal of standard ethnography, and i t seems to me that the conceptual d i s t i n c t i o n made so c a r e f u l l y by Linton has become blurred and p a r t i a l l y forgotten: A system is seen as composed of a number of individuals united by ordered relations, existing i n time and space...(Arensberg and Kimball 1965:270). (Emphasis added). 22 However, the modern w o r l d does not l e n d i t s e l f e a s i l y to the drawing o f c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l b o u n d a r i e s on t h i s b a s i s . One may choose t o draw them wide and a c t "as i f " the r e s u l t i n g u n i t s (such as Belshaw's n a t i o n s t a t e s ) f i t the d e f i n i t i o n ; or one may focus upon a s p e c i f i c a s p e c t or narrow range of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n so t h a t the p r e c i s e l o c a t i o n o f b o u n d a r i e s i s r e l a t i v e l y u n i m portant. However, when one's a t t e n t i o n i s drawn to p o p u l a t i o n aggregates of the s o r t d i s c u s s e d h e r e , i t i s n e c e s s a r y to r e t u r n to the fundamental d i s t i n c t i o n between systems and p e o p l e . B r i e f l y s t a t e d , the s t r a t e g y I propose i s s i m p l y to abandon the attempt to f o r c e a n a l y t i c a l and " r e a l " u n i t s together, t o a c c e p t the " r e a l " u n i t s as an o b j e c t o f study, and to a p p l y the a n a l y t i c a l concepts t o them w i t h o u t pre-judgment of how they s h o u l d f i t . I n t h i s way, s t r u c t u r i n g , i n t e g r a t i o n and s t r u c t u r a l bounding of u n i t s a r e not m a t t e r s of d e f i n i t i o n , l e a d i n g to the r e j e c t i o n o f a p o p u l a t i o n u n i t as an o b j e c t of s t u d y i f not enough of them i s found. They become, r a t h e r , v a r i a b l e s t o be measured f o r any g i v e n a g g r e g a t i o n of p e o p l e by e m p i r i c a l e x a m i n a t i o n . A.R. R a d c l i f f e - B r o w n d i s c u s s e d the problem of d e l i n e a t i n g u n i t s o f a n a l y s i s and a r r i v e d a t a f o r m u l a t i o n not u n l i k e the one I have s u g g e s t e d ; to him, the u n i t o f s t u d y c o u l d be "any c o n v e n i e n t l o c a l i t y o f s u i t a b l e s i z e " (1952:193). In p r a c t i c e , however, and f o r purposes of comparison, he t r e a t e d the r e s u l t s of such s t u d y as though they r e f e r r e d t o d i s c r e t e s o c i a l u n i t s . My c o n c e r n h e r e i s w i t h a g g r e g a t i o n s o f p e o p l e w i t h i n a l a r g e r p o l i t y , and I w i s h t o a v o i d the c o n n o t a t i o n s of such terms as "community". For t h i s purpose, the term p o p u l a t i o n seems t o be one t h a t c a r r i e s few unwanted c o n n o t a t i o n s f o r s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s . 23 It is used by zoologists with a variety of meanings; perhaps the one closest to my intended usage i s Pearl's (1937): A group of l i v i n g individuals set i n a frame that is limited and defined i n respect of both time and space (cited i n Allee _et a l . 1949:265). For my purposes, "ind i v i d u a l s " w i l l be taken to mean human individuals, and the "framing" i n time and space to exist i n the minds of people. By this approach, the basic conceptual unit i s an aggregation of people treated or thought of by some s i g n i f i c a n t individuals as a unit and expected to be r e l a t i v e l y enduring. This d e f i n i t i o n is merely a description of the sorts of units that are recognized i n everyday speech and s o c i a l intercourse. If i t is to be used as a concept for a n a l y t i c a l purposes, i t w i l l be necessary to enlarge upon and c l a r i f y i t somewhat. To begin with, i t must be repeated that the population i s to be seen as an aggregation of people, and the term does not imply anything necessary about organization or system. Thus, the delimitation of populations would seem to depend upon (a) the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of persons with places or t e r r i t o r y , or (b) the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of t o t a l s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as race or ethnicity. The f i r s t may be thought of as referring to physical or geographical space, and the second to so c i a l space. In some cases, of course, the two may coincide to some extent. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of persons with places refers, t y p i c a l l y , to the individual's domestic arrangements—to where he " l i v e s " — a n d leads to the delineation of s p a t i a l l y bounded populations of the kind that w i l l be of primary interest i n the discussion that follows. However, the d e f i n i t i o n seems to allow for the delineation of what may be termed "dispersed" populations; for example, the members of an ethnic category 24 s p r e a d through a l a r g e r p o p u l a t i o n . Both s o r t s of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n may-be r e l a t e d i n v a r i o u s ways to p o s i t i o n s i n s o c i a l systems, but are not d e f i n i t i o n a l l y dependent upon them. With t h i s d e f i n i t i o n a l independence, the c o n n e c t i o n s between p o p u l a t i o n s and systems can become the c e n t r a l focus of i n t e r e s t . O b v i o u s l y , the u n i t s t h a t may be termed p o p u l a t i o n s i n t h i s usage a r e many and v a r i e d . They have i n common o n l y the f a c t t h a t they a r e r e g a r d e d or t r e a t e d as u n i t s f o r some purposes by some pe o p l e , and thus have a measure of s o c i a l r e a l i t y . There need not be g e n e r a l agreement. Persons " o u t s i d e " may r e g a r d a p a r t i c u l a r a g g r e g a t i o n as a s i g n i f i c a n t , bounded u n i t , w h i l e persons " i n s i d e " the p o p u l a t i o n so d e s i g n a t e d may r e g a r d i t as s e v e r a l u n i t s , or not as a u n i t a t a l l , or may i n c l u d e o t h e r persons i n t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n . None of t h i s need m a t t e r , f o r , by • the approach I s u g g e s t , any p o p u l a t i o n t h a t i s thought of as a u n i t i s p o t e n t i a l l y a s i g n i f i c a n t u n i t f o r s t u d y . However, i t i s incumbent upon the r e s e a r c h e r to do two t h i n g s at the o u t s e t . F i r s t , he must i n d i c a t e c l e a r l y the grounds on which the b o u n d a r i e s of the p o p u l a t i o n he has s e l e c t e d f o r s t u d y a r e drawn where they a r e . That i s , he must i n d i c a t e who r e g a r d s or t r e a t s t h i s a g g r e g a t i o n as a u n i t , and f o r what s o c i a l purposes they do so. Second, he must i n d i c a t e i n what way the u n i t so d e f i n e d seems s i g n i f i c a n t f o r s t u d y — p e r h a p s because i t i s t y p i c a l l y the l o c u s of c e r t a i n k i n d s of i n t e r a c t i o n , or because u n i t s of a s i m i l a r type seem s i g n i f i c a n t i n some l a r g e r c o n t e x t . For example, Canadian I n d i a n bands a r e u n i t s d e f i n e d f o r m a l l y by the law of the c o u n t r y and l e s s f o r m a l l y i n o t h e r ways by members and non-members a l i k e . They may be r e g a r d e d as s i g n i f i c a n t u n i t s f o r s t u d y because o f the presumed e f f e c t s o f t h e i r unique l e g a l 25 d e f i n i t i o n , because of the k i n d s of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n b e l i e v e d to go on w i t h i n them, or because of s o c i a l problems t h a t a r e d e f i n e d as b e i n g p e c u l i a r t o , o r w i d e s pread w i t h i n , them. Once such groupings of p e o p l e are s e l e c t e d and d e l i n e a t e d , they may then be examined f o r elements of system r e p r e s e n t e d i n them, or a f f e c t i n g the l i v e s o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n c l u d e d w i t h i n them. L i n t o n d e s c r i b e s s o c i a l systems by analogy w i t h g e o m e t r i c f i g u r e s : A g e o m e t r i c f i g u r e c o n s i s t s of a s e r i e s of s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s which are d e l i m i t e d by p o i n t s . These p o i n t s a r e e s t a b l i s h e d by the r e l a t i o n s h i p s and can be d e f i n e d o n l y i n terms of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s . They have no independent e x i s t e n c e . Each of the p a t t e r n s which t o g e t h e r compose a s o c i a l system i s made up of h y p o t h e t i c a l a t t i t u d e s and forms of b e h a v i o u r , the sum t o t a l of t h e s e c o n s t i t u t i n g a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . The p o l a r p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n such p a t t e r n s , i . e . , the s t a t u s e s , d e r i v e from t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p and can o n l y be d e f i n e d i n terms o f i t . They have no more independent e x i s t e n c e t h a n do the p o i n t s of the g e o m e t r i c f i g u r e ( L i n t o n 1936:256/7). When p o p u l a t i o n and system a r e thought of as b e i n g c o t e rminous, as i n s o c i e t y o r community, i t i s m e a n i n g f u l to speak o f the s o c i a l system, c o v e r i n g the t o t a l i t y o f p a t t e r n e d i n t e r a c t i o n s . However, i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e to c o n c e i v e of p a r t i c u l a r l i n k a g e s of s t a t u s e s as f o r m i n g s e p a r a t e systems w i t h t h e i r own u n i t y , r e g u l a r i t y , and b o u n d a r i e s . L i n t o n made a c l e a r and i m p ortant p o i n t of " t h e r e c o g n i t i o n of...systems as e n t i t i e s d i s t i n c t from s o c i e t i e s " (1936:259): The i n d i v i d u a l s who compose...a s o c i e t y a r e c l a s s i f i e d and o r g a n i z e d i n s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t ways s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . Each of t h e s e systems has i t s own f u n c t i o n s as r e g a r d s r e l a t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l to c u l t u r e , and he o c c u p i e s a p l a c e w i t h i n each o f them (1945:75). Thus, i t may be seen t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n as d e f i n e d here, f a r from " h a v i n g a system", i s a nexus o f s y s t e m s — a p o i n t a t which systems o v e r l a p and i n t e r c o n n e c t . The v e r y e x i s t e n c e of the p o p u l a t i o n "on the 26 ground" and i t s recognition as an e n t i t y is the r e s u l t of the operation of systems, the boundaries of which may be anywhere. The d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of given populations and of the q u a l i t y of l i f e within them is the r e s u l t of the p a r t i c u l a r l i n k i n g and overlapping of systems they represent. If these can be c l a s s i f i e d and typed, the basis f or comparison of one population with another i s established. It is the stress upon comparison that distinguishes t h i s approach from, for example, that of Boissevain's a r t i c l e on non-groups, with which i t shares a great deal i n i t s basic d e f i n i t i o n of the problem. It is an attempt, l i k e Boissevain's, to s h i f t the accent "from the group towards the i n d i v i d u a l " (1968:544), with the i n d i v i d u a l seen as "the ce n t r a l point of a s h i f t i n g network of r e l a t i o n s , r e c r u i t e d from many f i e l d s , which he manipulates for his own ends" (1968:544). However, i t is also an attempt to place the i n d i v i d u a l , not i n a "network" or "quasi-group" but i n the context of an aggregation of other individuals with whom he shares physical space and some minimal s o c i a l i d e n t i t y . Boissevain's avowed i n t e r e s t i s i n "forms...which are intermediate between the i n d i v i d u a l and the corporate group", and he states that "once they become pure groups I cease to be interested" (1968:544). I, on the other hand, am p r i m a r i l y interested i n the ways i n which aggregations of individuals r e l a t e to systems, whether or not these relationships involve groups. B. Systems and Behaviour Another dimension of Linton's conceptual d i s t i n c t i o n between systems and people relates to differences between the "ideas" of the system and the actual behaviour of i n d i v i d u a l s . Again, his i n t e r e s t i n exploring the structure of exotic systems made the d i s t i n c t i o n of l i t t l e p r a c t i c a l importance. He could, for the most part, "ignore the wide range of individual v a r i a t i o n i n the expression of the system's patterns and...concentrate upon those patterns and their i n t e r r e l a t i o n s " (1936: 259). Nevertheless, he insisted upon the d i s t i n c t i o n i n spite of the d i f f i c u l t y of maintaining i t (1936:113, 253). To many anthropologists this dichotomy has not seemed essential, and they have defined s o c i a l structure as inhering i n "standardized behaviour patterns" (Nadel 1951:29) (cf. also 1957:2-6), or i n " r e g u l a r i t i e s " discoverable i n "the d i v e r s i t y of part i c u l a r events" (Radcliffe-Brown 1952:2-3). Levi-Strauss, however, makes the point very cl e a r : The term " s o c i a l structure" has nothing to do with empirical r e a l i t y but with models that are b u i l t up after i t . This should help one to c l a r i f y the difference between two concepts which are so close to each other that they have often been confused, namely, those of s o c i a l structure and of s o c i a l  relations. It w i l l be enough to state at this time that s o c i a l relations consist of the raw materials out of which the models making up the s o c i a l structure are built...(1952:525). Frederick Barth's summary of the " s t r u c t u r a l i s t ' s view" suggests that this conceptual d i s t i n c t i o n was rendered unimportant for many scholars by an assumption (not necessarily e x p l i c i t ) of congruence between systems of ideas about behaviour and observed behavioural r e g u l a r i t i e s : This view leads to a type of analysis where regu l a r i t i e s i n the pattern of behaviour are related to a set of moral constraints and incentives which stipulate the c r i t i c a l features of that regularity. Thus for example the reg u l a r i t i e s summarized i n a status position are specified as a series of rights and obligations which summarize a l l the regular aspects of behaviour which are associated with that status (1966:1, 2). (Emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) . James Coleman, although engaged i n a different argument, made a s i m i l a r o b s e r v a t i o n : . . . s o c i o l o g i s t s have c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y t a k en as t h e i r s t a r t i n g p o i n t a s o c i a l system i n which norms e x i s t , and i n d i v i d u a l s a r e l a r g e l y governed by th e s e norms ...(1964:166). T h i s s o r t o f assumption, whether made e x p l i c i t l y o r m e r e l y l y i n g b e h i n d a s t r a t e g y o f d e s c r i p t i o n and a n a l y s i s , i s h e l p f u l and perhaps even n e c e s s a r y when the emphasis i s upon e x p l o r i n g a l i e n systems, l i k e the assumption about bounded s o c i a l u n i t s , f o r , a f t e r a l l , o bserved r e g u l a r i t i e s o f b e h a v i o u r a r e the o b j e c t of s t u d y — t h e t h i n g t o be e x p l a i n e d . However, i t does not seem adequate f o r the s o r t s of s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t e d i n t h i s s t u d y by I n d i a n Reserve p o p u l a t i o n s , f o r put i n t o p r a c t i c e i t i n v o l v e s , a c c o r d i n g to B a r t h , a " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n " i n which one form, i n the sense o f a s e t of r e g u l a r p a t t e r n s of b e h a v i o u r , i s t r a n s l a t e d i n t o another, v i r t u a l l y congruent form, made up of mor a l i n j u n c t i o n s , which a r e made l o g i c a l l y p r i o r t o b e h a v i o u r (1966:2). T h i s may be an o v e r - s t a t e m e n t o f the case, but even so, c o n s t r u c t i n g a s e t of norms t o account f o r r e g u l a r i t i e s o f Reserve I n d i a n b e h a v i o u r would not seem t o be p a r t i c u l a r l y e n l i g h t e n i n g . On the o t h e r hand, c o n s t r u i n g d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s i n b e h a v i o u r between the Reserve and the n o n - I n d i a n town as I n d i a n " r e j e c t i o n " o f "White v a l u e s " seems t o come no c l o s e r t o e x p l a n a t i o n . An a l t e r n a t i v e view i s p r o v i d e d by what have been termed " c h o i c e ' o r " d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g " models: I t i s p o s s i b l e t o l o o k upon a s o c i e t y as a c o l l e c t i o n of c hoice-making i n d i v i d u a l s , whose every a c t i o n i n v o l v e s c o n s c i o u s o r un c o n s c i o u s s e l e c t i o n among a l t e r n a t i v e ends. The ends a r e t h e g o a l s of the i n d i v i d u a l c o l o r e d by the v a l u e s o f h i s s o c i e t y toward which he t r i e s t o make h i s way ( B u r l i n g 1962:811). 29 The most simple and general model...is one of an aggregate of people exercising choice while influenced by certain constraints and incentives (Barth 1966:1). In this view, Linton's " d i f f i c u l t d i s t i n c t i o n " i s made central to the analysis. Individual human beings make choices i n the pursuit of their various needs and wants; they make them i n the context of pre-existing sets of ideas held by themselves and by others ; and they make them i n a world peopled with other human beings pursuing their own ends. The norms and injunctions of systems are not seen as d i r e c t l y and immediately determining behaviour, but rather as part of the framework within which choices about behaviour are made. Patterns of behaviour may be explained by analysis of the contexts within which a number of individuals made similar choices. It appears, then, that the description above (p. 25) of the population as a "nexus of systems" i s somewhat ambiguous. The point would be made clearer by seeing the population as a nexus i n a web of concrete s o c i a l relations and i n sets of ideas about such relations. C. Conscious Models What Linton included i n the term "system", Levi-Strauss has termed "conscious model", and equated with "norms" (1952:527). Barbara Ward added a dimension to this with the observation that i f i t implies that there i s ever one single version of their own s o c i a l system [ i . e . pattern of s o c i a l relations] constructed i n the minds of a l l the individuals of any society i t i s misleading (1965:137). In her analysis of data from a fi s h i n g v i l l a g e i n Hong Kong, she l i d e n t i f i e d three v a r i e t i e s of conscious model: the "ideological model", or what the v i l l a g e r s believe to have been the system of the t r a d i t i o n a l l i t e r a t i of old China; the "immediate model", or the v i l l a g e r s ' view of their own, present pattern of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s ; and "internal observers' models" which are the v i l l a g e r s ' views of the s o c i a l relations of other Chinese groups (1965, esp. pp. 135-7). Cara Richards makes much the same observation when she argues that instead of "the dichotomy between ideal and rea l culture...there is actually a trichotomy of ideal, r e a l , and presumed behaviour", the last referring to "what members of the society think other members do" (1969:115). However, she seems to miss the point stressed by both Levi-Strauss and Ward that the " r e a l " behaviour is not i n i t s e l f a structure or system, but i s the raw data upon which at least some models, including the observer's, are based.''" For the purposes of this presentation, I s h a l l consider three relevant models. The ideal model i s the picture of their s o c i a l context as individual participants believe i t should be; the concrete model is the picture of the s o c i a l context as they think i t actually to be. The th i r d model, of course, i s the observer's model, and i t includes the analyst's view of the " r e a l i t y " of the si t u a t i o n as well as his analysis of the way i n which ideal and concrete models of participants relate to observed and reported behaviour. I s h a l l use "system" and "system of relationship" to refer to both ideas about interaction and actual patterns of interaction. For example, ideas about the relationships among teachers, p r i n c i p a l , and pupils, and an actual school may both 2 be referred to as systems of relationship. At their widest, such concepts as ideal and concrete models could be equivalent to "individual world-views", encompassing a l l that the individual knows or believes about his surroundings and himself. For 31 present purposes, however, the terms w i l l be used p r i m a r i l y to r e f e r to models of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . For the units i n such models, the terms status, r o l e , and group are among the most common, but the terms have been employed i n a wide v a r i e t y of ways : What Linton and Newcomb define as a r o l e , Davis defines as a status. What Davis defines as a r o l e , Newcomb c a l l s r o l e behaviour and Sarbin r o l e enactment (Gross et a l . 1958:17). Some writers have abandoned the concept of "status" e n t i r e l y , others retained the concept but substituted the term " p o s i t i o n " ( c f . B a n t o n 1965:28). Goodenough has suggested that the term "status" be reserved for "combinations of r i g h t and duty only" and that " s o c i a l i d e n t i t y " be used to r e f e r to positions i n a system (1965:2). The plethora of terms and usages i s the product of the struggles of many scholars with p a r t i c u l a r problems of analysis, but the differences i n usage represent, for the most part, v a r i a t i o n s on a conceptual theme of units linked to one another i n a systematic way by rights and o b l i g a t i o n s . It may be said, as Nadel said of the concept of r o l e , that these basic ideas are Not an invention of anthropologists or s o c i o l o g i s t s but [are] employed by the very people they study. No soci e t y exists which does not i n this sense c l a s s i f y i t s p o p u l a t i o n — i n t o fathers, p r i e s t s , servants, doctors, r i c h men, wise men, great men, and so forth, that i s , i n accordance with the jobs, o f f i c e s or functions which in d i v i d u a l s assume and the entitlements or r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s which f a l l to them...(1957:20). Since my concern here i s with the sorts of conscious models outlined above, a r e l a t i v e l y simple set of concepts st r e s s i n g the ordering of positions into systems of r e l a t i o n s h i p seems to be required. 32 A modified version of Linton's status and role seems to f i t that description. In Linton's statement, statuses are compared to points i n a geometric figure defined only by their relationships, and he wrote as though each status had a single role (1945:77). Merton (1957:368-70) expanded upon this view with the observation that, just as an individual may occupy several statuses, a status may have several roles. That i s , a single "point" may be associated with several sets of behavioural expectations vis _| vis other "points". Gross _et _al. have developed this further: the points acquire labels or i d e n t i t i e s which may come to have an almost autonomous significance. People may recognize that some i d e n t i t i e s are located i n a relation-ship system, but have only a rudimentary conception of what those relationships are (1958:489). As an example, they refer to the position of school superintendent. Many people recognize only that i t i s a position of authority i n the school system, but have no clear idea of the relationships between that position and teachers, p r i n c i p a l s , and so on. In this way, statuses may have a s o c i a l r e a l i t y apart from their constituent roles. This view of status has i t s main significance with reference to the concrete model, for i t i s part of the broader notion that any given conscious model is not uniformly precise and orderly. It allows the p o s s i b i l i t y that individuals may conceive of a position i n a r e l a t i o n a l system without having any clear conception of how that position i s related to other positions i n the system. Such a " f l o a t i n g " status i s more than a mere label or l i n g u i s t i c tag by virtue of the fact that i t s general location i s known or postulated. The point may be of considerable importance i n the analysis of Indian reserve populations, where some 33 members' access to information about s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s hips beyond reserve boundaries i s often l i m i t e d . Another set of questions about the p r e c i s i o n and c l a r i t y of conscious models has to do with the degree to which the ideas about roles and statuses held by the people under study are "conscious and v e r b a l i z e d " (Linton 1936:259). To i d e n t i f y statuses and t h e i r constituent r o l e s , i t i s necessary for the investigator to employ both "statements and case h i s t o r i e s " (1936:260). That i s , he must c o l l e c t from the people not only p r e s c r i p t i v e or normative statements, but also expressions of a t t i t u d e toward actual behaviour. Various actions may be judged by observers as "proper" or " c o r r e c t " for the status holder i n a given s i t u a t i o n ; others may be seen as i n some way d e f i c i e n t , excessive, or "wrong". Some actions may be judged as " t y p i c a l " , even though disapproved, and so on. It is out of such material that the investigator builds up his picture of the i d e a l and concrete models held by his informants—a picture that may well be more precise and e x p l i c i t than the view a c t u a l l y held i n the mind of any of the actors. Thus, what are represented as "conscious models" of any i n d i v i d u a l or group are, i n f a c t , "models of models", for the r e a l i t y they represent can never be d i r e c t l y known. That i s , a l l of the models referred to are, i n fact, observer's constructs. However, the process i s , l i k e other uses of "status" and " r o l e " , an attempt to go beyond the simple recognition of the fact that people do categorize and hold expectations, and to "turn i t into a s p e c i a l a n a l y t i c a l tool".(Nadel 1957:20). 34 D. Models and Consensus Though models and parts of models may be communicated from one individual to another, they are held i n individual minds. Many scholars who have worked with the concepts of status and role have been led to assume, or at least to postulate, a general agreement among "members" of a "society" about behavioural expectations. Linton, for example, i n one of his definitions of role, states that i t "...includes the attitudes, values, and behavior ascribed by the society to any and a l l persons occupying this status" (1945:77). (Emphasis added). In this connection, Gross _et a_l. surveyed l i t e r a t u r e from several branches of the s o c i a l sciences and concluded that "the postulate of role consensus has been as embedded i n sociology as i n anthropology and s o c i a l psychology" (1958:37). Nadel, however, allows for v a r i a b i l i t y i n expectations: "We know that diverse and even c o n f l i c t i n g s o c i a l norms frequently coexist i n the same society...and what is true of s o c i a l norms i n general is l i k e l y to be true also of the norms underlying roles" (1957:45). Over a l l , he would seem to be i n agreement with this statement by Gross _et a l . : That the members of a s o c i a l system, whether a dyad or a t o t a l society, must agree among themselves to some extent on values or expectations is a matter of d e f i n i t i o n . The point we have been trying to underscore is that the degree of consensus on expectations associated with positions i s an empirical variable (1958:43). In the terms used here, this i s the question of the extent to which conscious models or parts thereof are shared among interacting individuals. I t is another question that may be of particular importance i n the study of Indian reserve populations, where, as I hope to show, many key interactions take place between individuals whose conscious models may be expected to d i f f e r by v i r t u e o f d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l i z a t i o n and l i f e e x p e r i e n c e . Most d i s c u s s i o n s o f t h i s m a t t e r , l i k e the two q u o t a t i o n s above, r e f e r p r i m a r i l y t o agreement on " v a l u e s " or "norms" or " e x p e c t a t i o n s " . That i s , they seem t o r e f e r t o agreement or s h a r i n g a t the l e v e l of the i d e a l model, i n v o l v i n g commitment t o a s p e c t s o f a mor a l o r d e r . The i n c l u s i o n of the concept o f c o n c r e t e model a l l o w s f o r agreement t o e x i s t i n the form o f s h a r e d knowledge o f s t a t u s e s and r o l e s or r e l a t i o n a l systems. I n t e r a c t i o n , then, may take p l a c e on the b a s i s o f some shar e d d e f i n i t i o n of the s i t u a t i o n , and need not depend upon congruence o f i d e a l models. S e v e r a l a s p e c t s o f s t a t u s and r o l e d e f i n i t i o n and s h a r i n g o f c o n s c i o u s models may be i l l u s t r a t e d by r e f e r r i n g t o b e h a v i o u r i n v o l v i n g members of the R o y a l Canadian Mounted P o l i c e a t N o r t h Coast V i l l a g e . The v i l l a g e was v i s i t e d from time t o time by an R.C.M.P. boat c a r r y i n g t h r e e o r f o u r members of the f o r c e . Sometimes t h e s e v i s i t s were i n res p o n s e t o c a l l s from the v i l l a g e ; more o f t e n they were " r o u t i n e " . The p o l i c e m e n might remain i n the v i l l a g e f o r a few hours or f o r most of the day, or o v e r n i g h t . On some o c c a s i o n s , a p o l i c e m a n would remain i n the v i l l a g e over the weekend, s t a y i n g i n a "government c a b i n " on the s c h o o l p r o p e r t y . One o f the policemen, a c o r p o r a l , had the r e p u t a t i o n o f b e i n g s t r i c t and unbending, r i g i d i n h i s a p p l i c a t i o n o f the law, and c o l d l y f o r m a l i n p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t s , which i n the v i l l a g e were c o n f i n e d t o " o f f i c i a l " ones. He was d e s c r i b e d as one who would " a r r e s t h i s own grandmother" i f t h e o c c a s i o n a r o s e . A younger man o f the rank o f c o n s t a b l e , on the o t h e r hand, would j o k e and c h a t w i t h p e o p l e , was 36 reported to "turn a b l i n d eye" to minor i n f r a c t i o n s when no serious consequences seemed l i k e l y , and was observed at least once to lay aside his uniform jacket and cap to j o i n i n an impromptu baseball game with the v i l l a g e men and boys. Most of the v i l l a g e residents with whom I discussed these two men seemed to f e e l well-disposed toward the constable, though some appeared to d i s t r u s t his f r i e n d l i n e s s . A few people professed approval of the " r i g i d " corporal, saying that with more policemen l i k e him there "would not be so much trouble" i n the v i l l a g e or i n Harbour C i t y . In a discussion among a small group of men, one observed that the constable was " f a i r " i n his dealings with people i n the v i l l a g e . No one disagreed, but another added that the corporal was also " f a i r " i n that he c a r r i e d out his duties i m p a r t i a l l y . Again, no one disagreed, but some i r o n i c laughter and comment indicated that the corporal's band of " f a i r n e s s " could prove uncomfortable at times. Thus, at the l e v e l of the concrete model, there seemed to be something approaching consensus about the status and r o l e behaviours of the two policemen. Although some v i l l a g e r s might recount incidents i l l u s t r a t i n g unexpected r i g i d i t y i n the behaviour of the constable, or equally unexpected in f o r m a l i t y or leniency i n the behaviour of the corporal, there was general agreement about a pattern of behaviour to be expected of each. Further, the behaviour of each man was seen to approximate one of two d i f f e r e n t i d e a l - t y p i c a l policeman's roles v i s a v i s members of the pub l i c . These, i n turn, are part of a more general class of stereotypes associated with "authority" statuses i n formal structures, such as teachers, Indian A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l s , and even, i n some measure, clergymen. Both stereotypes are, of course, represented 37 f r e q u e n t l y i n the cinema, on t e l e v i s i o n , and i n l i t e r a t u r e . At the l e v e l o f the i d e a l model, t h e r e was disagreement, f o r some v i l l a g e r s "approved o f " one r o l e more than the o t h e r . F i n a l l y , agreement c o u l d a g a i n be reached on the a b s t r a c t v a l u e of " f a i r n e s s " a g a i n s t which b o t h men's b e h a v i o u r c o u l d be measured. The i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h i s f o r i n d i v i d u a l c h o i c e s of b e h a v i o u r w i l l be e x p l o r e d more f u l l y below. F o r the moment, the main p o i n t i s t h a t b o t h commitment to and knowledge o f norms and v a l u e s may i n f l u e n c e the way pe o p l e choose t o behave v i s £ v i s o t h e r p e o p l e . E. T r a n s a c t i o n The l i n k between c o n s c i o u s models and a c t u a l b e h a v i o u r may be found i n a c o n c e p t i o n l i k e F r e d r i k Barth's o f "the t r a n s a c t i o n a l n a t u r e of most i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s t h e r e c i p r o c i t y which we impose on o u r s e l v e s and o t h e r s " (1966:3). I m p l i c i t i n t h i s approach i s the n o t i o n o f m a x i m i z a t i o n — t h e assumption t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s make t h e i r c h o i c e s o f b e h a v i o u r i n such a way as to maximize t h e i r s a t i s f a c t i o n s . T h i s assumption has been s t a t e d i n many ways. Homans, f o r example, p r e s e n t s i t as two l i n k e d p r o p o s i t i o n s : 1. Men a r e more l i k e l y t o p e r f o r m an a c t i v i t y , the more v a l u a b l e they p e r c e i v e the reward o f t h a t a c t i v i t y t o be. 2. Men a r e more l i k e l y t o p e r f o r m an a c t i v i t y , t h e more s u c c e s s f u l they p e r c e i v e the a c t i v i t y i s l i k e l y t o be i n g e t t i n g t h a t reward. (Homans 1964:816-817) B a r t h summarizes h i s " t r a n s a c t i o n a l " approach as f o l l o w s : In any s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p we a r e i n v o l v e d i n a flow and c o u n t e r f l o w o f p r e s t a t i o n s , o f a p p r o p r i a t e and v a l u e d goods and s e r v i c e s . Our own and our c o u n t e r p a r t ' s i d e a s of a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s and v a l u e a f f e c t our r e l a t i o n s h i p i n two major ways. F i r s t l y , they determine which s t a t u s e s may s e r v e as complementary p o s i t i o n s i n a s i t u a t i o n , 38 i.e. be combined i n a set: only those involving commensurate prestations are relevant counterparts i n a s o c i a l relationship. Secondly, they affect the course of interaction i n a relationship: the flow of prestations i s not random over time, for each party's behaviour is modified by the presence and behaviour of the other i n a progressional sequence (Barth 1966:3-4). For the present purpose of application to the study of populations, certain aspects of Barth's formulation need to be modified. His statement that only statuses involving commensurate prestations can be counterparts i n a s o c i a l relationship is a corollary of a more general statement that he makes i n the same context: I should think few w i l l quarrel with one of Leach's formulations: 'In any such system of r e c i p r o c i t i e s one must assume that, o v e r a l l , both parties... are s a t i s f i e d with their bargain, and therefore that the exchange account "balances" ' . (Leach, 1952 :51) (Barth 1966:4). In Leach's a r t i c l e , "any such system of r e c i p r o c i t i e s " refers to the exchange of women between two l o c a l descent groups of unequal status, and "both parties" refers to "the junior group and the senior group a l i k e " . Barth seems to employ the statement much more broadly as an assumption about s o c i a l relationships i n general. Though such an assumption may be useful for certain kinds of analysis, i t appears, when applied to many observable situations, to be f l a t l y contradictory to experience. Many individuals may continue to be a party to a s o c i a l relationship and engage i n transactions with another individual not because "the value gained...is greater or equal to [sic] the value l o s t " (Barth 1966:4), but simply because i t i s the best bargain they can get. Perhaps the simplest i l l u s t r a t i o n s are provided by the employee who continues to work for what he considers to be inadequate wages because he has no immediate prospects of earning more from a different employer, or the tenant who continues to pay what he regards as excessive rent simply because he cannot secure s i m i l a r accommodation for l e s s . The continuation of the transactional r e l a t i o n s h i p is based not upon " s a t i s f a c t i o n " but upon a r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n of known a l t e r n a t i v e s . The point has important implications for the study of changes i n behaviour patterns. At the North P r a i r i e Reserve, Indian A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l s and c e r t a i n f i n a n c i a l l y successful Indian leaders reported that the men of the band were becoming " l a z i e r " . There had been a time, they said, when non-Indian farmers around the Reserve had no d i f f i c u l t y r e c r u i t i n g band members for casual labour on t h e i r farms. The men would walk long distances and otherwise exert themselves to secure this kind of employment. Such recruitment, however, was becoming more and more d i f f i c u l t , even when the farmers came to the Reserve i n t h e i r trucks o f f e r i n g transportation to and from the job. Some non-Indian farmers gave s i m i l a r statements. Even though they explained the s i t u a t i o n i n terms of increasing " l a z i n e s s " , the Indian A f f a i r s o f f i c i a l s and Indian leaders also noted that increases i n welfare payments had created a s i t u a t i o n i n which a man with a moderately-sized family could receive "on r e l i e f " as much as, or more than, he would receive by working for the extremely low wages offered by the non-Indian farmers. From this s i t u a t i o n there flowed a whole series of actions and counteractions that underline the transactional nature of the r e l a t i o n -ships. I.A.B. o f f i c i a l s threatened to, and sometime did, cut off welfare payments of men who refused legitimate offers of work; men sent t h e i r wives to apply for welfare b e n e f i t s ; I.A.B. o f f i c i a l s refused to deal with the women and i n s i s t e d that they send t h e i r husbands to apply; 40 women c o n t i n u e d to c a l l on I.A.B. o f f i c i a l s w i t h a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r " r e l i e f " , s a y i n g t h a t t h e i r husbands were i l l or were away l o o k i n g f o r employment; and so on. The r e l a t i o n s h i p s were c o n t i n u i n g ones, but to assume t h a t the I n d i a n s were at any p o i n t " s a t i s f i e d " w i t h t h e i r b a r g a i n would be q u i t e i n c o r r e c t . For p r e s e n t purposes, t h e r e f o r e , i t would seem t h a t the word "commensurate" i n B a r t h ' s statement (quoted above) s h o u l d be r e p l a c e d by "commensurable". That i s , the goods and s e r v i c e s o f f e r e d by each p a r t y t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p must be a b l e to be measured i n v a l u e a g a i n s t one a n o t h e r . However, one p a r t y to the t r a n s a c t i o n may be a b l e t o exact more from the o t h e r than t h a t o t h e r wishes to g i v e . T h i s a b i l i t y t o c o n t r o l the t r a n s a c t i o n may be termed power. A c o r o l l a r y of the assumption of b a l a n c e d r e c i p r o c i t y i s the n o t i o n t h a t t r a n s a c t i o n a l b e h a v i o u r between p a i r e d s t a t u s h o l d e r s may be a n a l y z e d as though i t c o n s t i t u t e d a " c l o s e d system". However, when the focus i s upon p o p u l a t i o n s , a b r o a d e r view must be taken. A p o p u l a t i o n , a f t e r a l l , i s by d e f i n i t i o n made up not of s t a t u s e s and r o l e s , but of p e o p l e . I t i s p e o p l e who want t h i n g s and need t h i n g s , p e o p l e who make c h o i c e s , engage i n t r a n s a c t i o n s , occupy s t a t u s e s , and p l a y r o l e s . V e r y o f t e n , p e o p l e want t h i n g s t h a t a r e d i f f i c u l t t o s p e c i f y i n terms of r i g h t s and d u t i e s . Goods an i n d i v i d u a l may g a i n as the incumbent of one s t a t u s he may d i s b u r s e as the incumbent of another, i n exchange f o r o t h e r goods more d e s i r a b l e or more n e c e s s a r y to him. He may engage i n a c e r t a i n s e t of i n t e r a c t i o n s , not f o r the rewards or s a t i s f a c t i o n s to be g a i n e d d i r e c t l y from them, but because they a r e a means to o t h e r k i n d s of reward. I n d i v i d u a l s do not a l l want the same t h i n g s , and they want t h i n g s a t d i f f e r e n t times and w i t h d i f f e r e n t degrees of i n t e n s i t y . In terms of the c o n c e p t u a l scheme, then, the a t t r i b u t e s of p e o p l e a r e t h a t they have d e s i r e s and they c a l c u l a t e the c o s t s and rewards o f a c t i o n . They may be a b l e t o s e l e c t some o f the s t a t u s e s they w i l l occupy, and to choose which a s p e c t s o f some of t h e i r r o l e s they w i l l emphasize or w i t h what i n t e n s i t y they w i l l i n v e s t i n a t r a n s a c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . T h e r e f o r e , the approach taken must be f l e x i b l e enough t o i n c l u d e i n t a n g i b l e "goods" as w e l l as monetary and o t h e r m a t e r i a l rewards, and to p e r m i t c o n s i d e r a t i o n of complexes o f t r a n s a c t i o n s as w e l l as r e l a t i o n -s h i p s between p a i r e d s t a t u s e s . The p r i n c i p l e of m a x i m i z a t i o n i s s t i l l a p p l i c a b l e , but i t must be a p p l i e d t o the t o t a l t r a n s a c t i o n a l l i f e o f the i n d i v i d u a l . One i m p l i c a t i o n of t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e i s t h a t r e l a t i o n -s h i p s must o f t e n be a n a l y z e d on more than one l e v e l o f t r a n s a c t i o n . For example, an I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l , i n h i s d e a l i n g s w i t h I n d i a n p e o p l e w i t h i n h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n , may conduct h i m s e l f i n such a way as to maximize i n t a n g i b l e goods l i k e esteem and a f f e c t i o n . S e v e r a l Branch o f f i c i a l s have spoken t o me w i t h p r i d e of the h i g h r e g a r d i n which they a r e h e l d by " t h e i r " I n d i a n s , o f t e n d i s p l a y i n g or t e l l i n g of g i f t s and compliments t h a t a r e symbols o f t h i s , and s t a t i n g t h a t the Indians "always come to me when they need h e l p " . At the same time, however, the o f f i c i a l i s b e i n g p a i d by the Government o f Canada t o c a r r y out c e r t a i n t a s k s o f which t h e s e i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h the Indians a r e a p a r t , and the requ i r e m e n t s of h i s j o b a c t as c o n s t r a i n t s and i n c e n t i v e s upon h i s r e l a t i o n s w i t h the I n d i a n s . F. R e l a t i o n a l Systems In the d i s c u s s i o n above, i t has s e v e r a l times been i m p l i e d t h a t t h e s t a t u s e s and r o l e s t h a t make up the c o n s c i o u s models o f b o t h 4 2 p a r t i c i p a n t s and observers form r e l a t i o n a l s y s t e m s — c o l l e c t i o n s of statuses linked to one another by roles into complexes that have some measure of conceptual independence or separateness. Some of these may be very s p e c i f i c i n t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n , i n t h e i r p r e s c r i p t i o n of r o l e s , and i n t h e i r boundaries—bureaucracies, f o r example. Some may be d i f f u s e , with both r o l e prescriptions and boundaries vaguely defined. It could well be argued that from the perspective of our Euro-American c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n with i t s u n i v e r s a l i s t i c values, no encounter between human beings i s devoid of system, since minimal "human-to-human" behaviour is morally prescribed, and as soon as an i n d i v i d u a l is conceived of as occupying a p o s i t i o n v i s _a v i s another, system i s present by d e f i n i t i o n . Systems are given concrete r e a l i t y when individuals are i d e n t i f i e d as occupying the statuses and t h e i r behaviour i s therefore measured against the r o l e prescriptions of conscious models. Some may be exemplified many times within a given p o p u l a t i o n — t h e family, f o r example—while others may be unique, such as departments of a government. They may be de l i b e r a t e l y and consciously created by agreement among i n d i v i d u a l s , as i n the formation of a company or club, or they may "grow" out of values, choices of behaviour, and transactions, as kinship systems have presumably done. In part, r e l a t i o n a l systems may be distinguished from one another by the nature of the goods that are the content of transactions among occupants of statuses within them—what might be c a l l e d the "currency" of the system. Such systems may be to some extent independently analyzed on the basis of power r e l a t i o n s h i p s , posing questions about the con t r o l various status holders can exercise over the terms of transactions, and so on. One aspect of treating population and system boundaries as coterminous (as i n the concepts of "society" and "community" discussed above) that is methodologically convenient is the fact that the two sorts of boundaries, when merged, reinforce one another i n the picture that i s f i n a l l y drawn of the unit described. If some idea of system is used to delineate a population, then the population boundaries can be used as a boundary for other aspects of system. This kind of thinking i s not confined to delineating societies and communities, but may also be applied to their "parts". Parsons and S h i l s , for example, speak of "single system(s) of interaction" i n which the "boundaries are defined by incumbency i n the roles constituting the system" (emphasis added). These they refer to as " c o l l e c t i v i t i e s " . C o l l e c t i v i t i e s are character-ized by " s o l i d a r i t y " which i s "the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of shared value-orientations" (1951:192, 193). However, when the focus is upon a population as an aggregation of individuals, especially i f i t is a small aggregation l i k e a southern Canadian Indian band, i t may readily be seen that the boundaries of r e l a t i o n a l systems bear no necessary relationship to the boundaries of the population. Some systems may be wholly contained within i t ; some may include i t but extend far beyond; some may be coterminous with i t ; some may cut through i t , involving some members but not a l l . It is this perspective that gives meaning to the description of the population as a "nexus" of systems, and allows particular features of the population to be explained as the product of a part i c u l a r intersection and over-lapping of systems of relationship. In any given interaction, a participant may be acting i n the context of, and with reference to, several r e l a t i o n a l systems, even though his s o c i a l context probably presents i t s e l f to him as a complex whole, and 44 h i s own c l u s t e r of s t a t u s e s , by v i r t u e o f h i s occupancy, appears to have some k i n d o f u n i t y . However, i n the a n a l y t i c a l model p r e s e n t e d here, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o s t a t e w i t h g r e a t e r c l a r i t y the ways i n which systems can r e l a t e t o one a n o ther. By the d e f i n i t i o n s o f f e r e d above, i t would appear t h a t systems may be l i n k e d i n f o u r s e p a r a t e ways: (a) A s t a t u s i n one system may be r e l a t e d by p r e s c r i p t i o n of r i g h t s and d u t i e s to a s t a t u s i n a n o t h e r . The l i n k i s i n the r o l e . (b) A s t a t u s i n one system may be a l s o a s t a t u s i n a n o t h e r . T h i s i s what Cross and McEachern (1958) term a " p i v o t a l s t a t u s " and the l i n k i s p r o v i d e d , of c o u r s e , by the s t a t u s i t s e l f . ( c ) A p e r s o n may occupy s t a t u s e s i n s e v e r a l systems, so t h a t the systems are l i n k e d by the i n d i v i d u a l . (d) I n d i v i d u a l s o c c u p y i n g s t a t u s e s between which no p r e s c r i p t i o n of r i g h t s and d u t i e s e x i s t may engage i n ad hoc exchange. The l i n k i s p r o v i d e d by the t r a n s a c t i o n . I t i s o b v i o u s , e s p e c i a l l y from (a) and ( b ) , t h a t the b o u n d a r i e s of systems are somewhat a r b i t r a r y , f o r i f what a r e termed s e p a r a t e systems have s t a t u s e s i n common or r o l e p r e s c r i p t i o n s l i n k i n g them, they c o u l d be seen as one system. However, i f the systems are thought of as s e p a r a t e , and e s p e c i a l l y i f d i f f e r e n t " c u r r e n c y " c i r c u l a t e s w i t h i n them, the .ft c o n c e p t u a l s e p a r a t i o n and s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f l i n k a g e can be of a n a l y t i c a l importance. The b u r e a u c r a t i c phenomenon of " g o i n g through c h a n n e l s " p l a c e s emphasis upon l i n k s of the (a) type; the appointment of " l i a i s o n o f f i c e r s " and _ex o f f i c i o members of e x e c u t i v e b o d i e s seem to be d e l i b e r a t e c r e a t i o n o f type (b) l i n k s . L i n k a g e s of the (c) type can e a s i l y be o v e r l o o k e d or under-emphasized i n the a n a l y s i s o f f o r m a l s t r u c t u r e s , but they s h o u l d be o f g r e a t a n a l y t i c a l importance i n the st u d y o f p o p u l a t i o n s . They may o c c u r a c c i d e n t a l l y or i n c i d e n t a l l y as a consequence o f the normal occupancy by an i n d i v i d u a l o f a number of s t a t u s e s , but the l i n k s so formed may have consequences f o r the o p e r a t i o n o f the systems concerned. They may be i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , w i t h an i n d i v i d u a l who o c c u p i e s a s t a t u s i n one system b e i n g expected t o occupy a s t a t u s i n another. P a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r tant i s the f a c t t h a t such l i n k s may a l s o be d e l i b e r a t e l y c r e a t e d by i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e i r p u r s u i t of s a t i s f a c t i o n s ; advantages may be g a i n e d and i n t e r e s t s f u r t h e r e d by the l i n k a g e of two or more systems through the occupancy of s e l e c t e d s t a t u s e s by a p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l . Two b r i e f examples o f type ( c) l i n k s between r e l a t i o n a l systems a t N o r t h Coast V i l l a g e may make the p o i n t c l e a r e r : ( i ) The p r i n c i p a l of the v i l l a g e s c h o o l , s e v e r a l of h i s t e a c h e r s , an e d u c a t i o n a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r i n the Agency o f f i c e , and the P u b l i c H e a l t h Nurse a t the v i l l a g e a r e a l l members of a p r o s e l y t i z i n g P r o t e s t a n t s e c t d i f f e r e n t from the f o r m a l r e l i g i o u s denomination of any o f the North Coast band members. I t may be assumed t h a t t h e i r view of t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s and d u t i e s as members of the s e c t i n f l u e n c e d t h e se i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e i r d e c i s i o n t o come to the v i l l a g e i n these s t a t u s e s , and t o assume o t h e r s f o r which they have v o l u n t e e r e d , such as Boy Scout and G i r l Guide l e a d e r , and so on. I t f u r t h e r seems c l e a r t h a t t h e i r view o f " s e c t d u t i e s " i n f l u e n c e s t h e i r c h o i c e s o f b e h a v i o u r i n t h e i r v a r i o u s r o l e s i n the v i l l a g e . By v i r t u e o f t h i s p a r t i c u l a r l i n k a g e o f systems through persons, h i g h s c h o o l aged c h i l d r e n from the v i l l a g e who 46 a r e " s e n t o u t " to a t t e n d s c h o o l have been d i r e c t e d t o f o s t e r or b o a r d i n g homes of s e c t members i n another p a r t o f the P r o v i n c e . Thus, the s e c t as a system of r e l a t i o n s h i p i s l i n k e d , through these i n d i v i d u a l s , t o a number of o t h e r systems t h a t impinge upon the p o p u l a t i o n h e r e r e f e r r e d t o as North Coast V i l l a g e , ( i i ) The c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r o f the N o r t h Coast band was a member of the board of d i r e c t o r s o f a timber company, a l o n g w i t h s e v e r a l non-Indians from the a r e a . The i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f the company i s a m a t t e r of p u b l i c r e c o r d , but I c o u l d f i n d no e v i d e n c e t h a t i t had ever c a r r i e d on any b u s i n e s s . However, s i n c e the N o r t h Coast band owns s e v e r a l r e s e r v e s upon which t h e r e i s m a r k e t a b l e timber, i t may be s u g g e s t e d t h a t the simultaneous occupancy by one i n d i v i d u a l o f s t a t u s e s i n the band c o u n c i l and the timber company c o u l d have important consequences f o r the o p e r a t i o n o f t h e s e two r e l a t i o n a l systems, and hence f o r the rewards g a i n e d by i n d i v i d u a l s o c c u p y i n g s t a t u s e s i n them. The importance of the (d) type of l i n k a g e i n s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s a t c u l t u r a l i n t e r f a c e s has been e x p l o r e d by Robert Paine (n.d.) among o t h e r s , w i t h p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r e n c e to e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t y . I t s h o u l d , perhaps, be n o t e d t h a t the examples above ( i and i i ) a l s o d e s c r i b e e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t y , and t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p d e s c r i b e d i n example ( i i ) p r o b a b l y s t a r t e d w i t h a (d) l i n k a g e t h a t was c o n v e r t e d to (c) by the p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d . The main p o i n t t o be u n d e r s c o r e d here i s t h a t i t i s p e o p l e who engage i n t r a n s a c t i o n s , and p e o p l e have, a t l e a s t i n t h e o r y , some measures of c h o i c e w i t h r e g a r d to the s t a t u s e s they w i l l occupy and the t r a n s a c t i o n s they w i l l engage i n . B a r g a i n s s t r u c k among i n d i v i d u a l s have important consequences f o r the o p e r a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n a l systems 47 i n which they may occupy statuses, as well as for the satisfactions of the individuals concerned. G. Characteristics of Populations The founders of sociological theory posed as a central problem the question of how i t is that people come to be organized. In c u l t u r a l terms, Malinowski's "theory of needs" (1939) i s of this k i n d — c u l t u r a l systems are seen as the result of people i n groups pursuing their needs and wants. In the terms used here, this is the question of how populations create systems. Even when soc i o l o g i c a l inquiry ranged far from this fundamental question, i t s basic assumptions remained, and societies and communities are visualized as groups of people organized by a system or systems more or less coterminous with the group. Having arrived at this conception, sociologists and anthropologists have then sometimes worked backwards from i t , attempting by this means to determine the fundamental characteristics of the units so conceived. Aberle _et _al. proceed by providing a d e f i n i t i o n of society (1950:101), then stating four conditions "terminating the existence of a society" (1950:103) which are negations of the essential elements of the d e f i n i t i o n , and f i n a l l y stating eight "functional prerequisites"—conditions that must be f u l f i l l e d i f the society-terminating conditions are to be avoided (1950 :104ff.). The l i s t i s a convenient guide for the organization of data, and i n effect provides the investigator with the question of how these prerequisite conditions are f u l f i l l e d for any given concrete unit. In the approach being developed here, however, the prior existence of systems of relationship is taken for granted, and i t seems clear that, i n the modern world at least, once systems are manifested i n 48 b e h a v i o u r , they c r e a t e p o p u l a t i o n s . Systems are v i s u a l i z e d as webs or networks of p o s i t i o n s , some s p r e a d w i d e l y and extend even beyond n a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l b o u n d a r i e s ; some a r e s m a l l and c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n the compass of a s m a l l c l u s t e r o f p e o p l e . I n d i v i d u a l human b e i n g s , p u r s u i n g t h e i r wants w i t h i n the p a t t e r n of c o n s t r a i n t s and i n c e n t i v e s p r o v i d e d by the systems, o c c u p y i n g p o s i t i o n s and engaging i n t r a n s a c t i o n s w i t h o t h e r p o s i t i o n h o l d e r s , a r e aggregated i n t o groups. P o p u l a t i o n s a r e where they a r e and what they a r e i n a l a r g e measure because o f the o p e r a t i o n o f systems of r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h i n which p e o p l e pursue t h e i r g o a l s . W i t h i n t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , i t s h o u l d be p o s s i b l e to f o l l o w the same l o g i c a l p r o c e d u r e as t h a t employed by A b e r l e _et _ a l . i n the paper c i t e d above (1950), and a r r i v e a t a s e t of q u e s t i o n s t h a t w i l l a i d i n e x p l o r i n g the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f any g i v e n p o p u l a t i o n . I have d e f i n e d a p o p u l a t i o n as "an a g g r e g a t i o n of p e o p l e t r e a t e d o r thought of by some s i g n i f i c a n t i n d i v i d u a l s as a u n i t and expected by them to be r e l a t i v e l y e n d u r i n g " . The r e f e r e n c e to " s i g n i f i c a n t " i n -d i v i d u a l s i d e n t i f y i n g the u n i t i s m e r e l y the r e q u irement t h a t the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n have o b s e r v a b l e s o c i a l consequences. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a u n i t by a few i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h power—members of a government body, f o r i n s t a n c e — c o u l d have as important s o c i a l consequences as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by a much l a r g e r number o f l e s s p o w e r f u l i n d i v i d u a l s . However, t h i s a s p e c t of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n p r o v i d e s the f i r s t q u e s t i o n : who i d e n t i f i e s t h e p o p u l a t i o n as a u n i t ? How, and f o r what s o c i a l purposes do they do so? In answering t h e s e q u e s t i o n s , the a n a l y s t must make c l e a r h i s reasons f o r d e l i n e a t i n g the p o p u l a t i o n as he does, and he must do so w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o the s o c i a l consequences of i t s d e f i n i t i o n . I f a p o p u l a t i o n i s i d e n t i f i e d as e x i s t i n g , h a v i n g e x i s t e d , and/or being expected to p e r s i s t , obviously the people making i t up must not a l l die, nor must they a l l disperse into other populations, and most of those who do either must be replaced. Therefore, i t must be assumed for any e x i s t i n g population, seen as an aggregation of choice-making i n d i v i d u a l s , that t h e i r b o dily needs are at least minimally s a t i s f i e d and that they have reasons for remaining where they are. If the replacement of those who die or emigrate is by other means than sexual reproduction, there must be reasons f o r individuals to j o i n the population. However, i t should be noted that this reference to choice and to "reasons" should not be taken to mean that a l l — o r even m ost— members of any given population are there by preference. It should also be noted that populations may d i f f e r markedly from one another i n the permanence of residence of the individuals who make them up. A "company town" for example, may maintain a population over a considerable period of time i n which numbers, age and sex d i s t r i b u t i o n s , and other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s remain quite stable, but the turn-over of individuals is considerable. Although there have been speculations about aggregations of completely independent in d i v i d u a l s (cf. Leighton 1959), no such population is l i k e l y i n r e a l i t y , so the s a t i s f a c t i o n of bodily needs and the motivation to come to or remain i n a population must be provided at least p a r t i a l l y i n the context of systems of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . Therefore, a further set of questions i s r a i s e d : what systems maintain the population i n existence? How do they do so? What influences do the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the individuals making up the population have upon the operation of the systems? How do the systems i n t e r s e c t i n the population? What consequences does this p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r s e c t i o n of systems have f o r the l i v e s o f p e o p l e i n the p o p u l a t i o n ? I f h i s t o r i c a l d a t a a r e a v a i l a b l e , i t i s p o s s i b l e to d e s c r i b e the i n t e r a c t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n s and systems over time f o r a s e l e c t e d space. For example, w i t h the d i s c o v e r y of g o l d i n what i s now the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1856, a world-wide complex of r e l a t i o n a l systems p r o v i d e d the m o t i v a t i o n to b r i n g thousands of p e o p l e i n t o the a r e a , and thousands more came t o p r o v i d e s e r v i c e s d e s i r e d by those s e e k i n g g o l d . P o p u l a t i o n c l u s t e r s l i k e the one a t B a r k e r v i l l e g e n e r a t e d l o c a l r e l a t i o n a l systems out o f i n d i v i d u a l t r a n s a c t i o n s among these people, and a t t r a c t e d n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l ones, from banks to C h i n e s e s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s . As the g o l d t h a t had p r o v i d e d the i n i t i a l m o t i v a t i o n p e t e r e d out, the p e o p l e making up some of these p o p u l a t i o n s moved to o t h e r l o c a t i o n s ; some p o p u l a t i o n s remained i n e x i s t e n c e , m a i n t a i n e d by the o p e r a t i o n of o t h e r r e l a t i o n a l systems long a f t e r those concerned w i t h g o l d were no l o n g e r r e p r e s e n t e d . The r e s u l t s of t h i s k i n d o f d e s c r i p t i o n would d i f f e r from those produced by s t a n d a r d t e c h n i q u e s o f h i s t o r i o g r a p h y o n l y i n the p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t sees the p o p u l a t i o n aggregates as a r t i f a c t s o f e x i s t i n g and emerging r e l a t i o n a l systems, r a t h e r than as "communities" s u i g e n e r i s , i n a s t a t e of "growth" or "decay". However, i t i s t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e t h a t p r o v i d e s the v i t a l l y n e c e s s a r y b a s i s f o r s t r u c t u r a l comparison t h a t i s so o f t e n l a c k i n g i n h i s t o r i c a l a c c o u n t s . T h i s p o i n t of view i s of p a r t i c u l a r importance, I would suggest, i n the s t u d y , o f I n d i a n r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n s , f o r i t draws a t t e n t i o n to the f a c t t h a t however d i f f e r e n t from the "average" Canadian v i l l a g e or town such p o p u l a t i o n s may appear to be, they a r e n o n e t h e l e s s embedded i n the r e l a t i o n a l systems t h a t make up the Canadian p o l i t y , and a r e thus as s u r e l y m a i n t a i n e d by, and m a i n t a i n i n g o f , systems of r e l a t i o n s w i t h world-51 wide r a m i f i c a t i o n s . The p o i n t i s u n d e r s c o r e d i n the c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n by Dunning, S u t t l e s , and Leacock ( c i t e d above) among o t h e r s , o f the p r e s e n t I n d i a n band p o p u l a t i o n s as " a r t i f i c i a l " , which by i m p l i c a t i o n c o n t r a s t s them w i t h " n a t u r a l " n o n - I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n a g g r e g a t e s . T h i s c o n t r a s t seems t o be produced by the e x t e n s i o n of an o r g a n i c f u n c t i o n a l i s t view from the l e v e l o f s o c i e t y or c u l t u r e (where these terms a r e used t o r e f e r t o bo t h aggregates o f pe o p l e and the systems of ide a s t h a t o r g a n i z e t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s ) t o p o p u l a t i o n aggregates w i t h i n a modern p o l i t y , and the " n a t u r a l " v s . " a r t i f i c i a l " dichotomy seems t o r e s t upon two main f e a t u r e s of t h a t p o i n t o f view. The f i r s t o f these i s an assumption o f d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between the economic a c t i v i t i e s of p e o p l e and t h e l o c a t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n aggregates o f the k i n d t h a t i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s as the c u l t u r e areas d e l i n e a t e d f o r a b o r i g i n a l N o r t h America. T h i s assumption i s not r e a l l y adequate f o r a c u l t u r a l s i t u a t i o n i n which t e c h n i q u e s o f p r o d u c t i o n o f m a t e r i a l goods a r e so complex, networks o f d i s t r i b u t i o n a r e so wide, and where so many i n d i v i d u a l s a r e f a r removed from s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n . A town around a p u l p m i l l on the B r i t i s h Columbia c o a s t i s not the f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t of an a b o r i g i n a l K w a k i u t l v i l l a g e . However, p o p u l a t i o n s w i t h i n a modern s t a t e do come i n t o b e i n g , grow, d i m i n i s h , s h i f t , and change i n re s p o n s e to "economic f a c t o r s " , and i t may seem as though the assumption works as w e l l f o r e x p l a i n i n g the demographic map of modern as a b o r i g i n a l America. I f the m a t t e r i s not p r e s s e d f u r t h e r , s o u t h e r n I n d i a n bands may seem t o s t a n d out as d i f f e r e n t , and thus " a r t i f i c i a l " . The second f e a t u r e o f the p o i n t of view t h a t sees I n d i a n bands as a r t i f i c i a l u n i t s i s the assumption t h a t inadequate o p e r a t i o n o f a s o c i o -c u l t u r a l system w i l l r e s u l t i n the t e r m i n a t i o n o f the u n i t which the system defines (cf. Aberle _et al. 1950:103-4). There is no measurement of "adequacy" independent of the persistence or non-persistence of the unit, but the statement i s not intended to be propositional, i t i s d e f i n i t i o n a l . To speak of units with coincident physical and r e l a t i o n a l boundaries i s to set l i m i t s to the kind and extent of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n -ships that are to be considered. Thus, i f a defined unit i s taken as a st a r t i n g - p o i n t , changes over time may be plotted i n the relationships that define i t , and among the possible kinds of changes, obviously, are ones that w i l l a l t e r or o b l i t e r a t e the boundaries stated or implied i n the o r i g i n a l d e f i n i t i o n . Members of the unit may a l l die, or be "absorbed" into some other u n i t — t h a t i s , the r e g u l a r i t i e s that allowed the unit's d e f i n i t i o n i n the f i r s t place may disappear. To again r e f e r the assumption to an example from a b o r i g i n a l North America, the Nicola were presumably once a c l e a r l y - d e f i n e d Athabaskan enclave i n S a l i s h t e r r i t o r y . By the 1890's, t h e i r language, material culture, and s o c i a l organization were distinguishable only with d i f f i c u l t y from t h e i r S a l i s h neighbours'. This assumption, too, i s not adequate when applied to population aggregates within a large modern p o l i t y . In present circumstances i n Canada, b i o l o g i c a l e x t i n c t i o n is no longer a possible end for a l l but the most remote population aggregates, and i f i t should occur there, i t would much more l i k e l y be due to "inadequate" operation of some r e l a t i o n a l system outside the population aggregate than within i t . To be sure, both r e l a t i o n a l systems and p o p u l a t i o n s — c l u b s , companies, sects, organizations, and towns—come into being and cease to exist with the passage of time, but causes f o r the creation or o b l i t e r a t i o n of t h e i r boundaries must usually be sought outside those boundaries as well as 53 w i t h i n . However, because I n d i a n bands o f t e n do not appear t o have the s o r t s o f i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e i m p l i e d by d e f i n i t i o n s o f community and s o c i e t y , and n o n - I n d i a n u n i t s a r e assumed or b e l i e v e d to have them, the I n d i a n band a g a i n appears d i f f e r e n t and may be l a b e l l e d a r t i f i c i a l . The d e s c r i p t i o n o f p r e s e n t - d a y s o u t h e r n I n d i a n bands as " a r t i f i c i a l " w i t h r e f e r e n c e to t h e s e two f e a t u r e s of an o r g a n i c f u n c t i o n a l i s t frame-work can be r e l a t e d t o c e r t a i n common elements i n t h e i r h i s t o r i e s . The bands as u n i t s have r i g h t s under the I n d i a n A c t to lands t h a t were s e t a s i d e f o r t h e i r use. For some bands, t h e s e a r e t e r r i t o r i e s which t h e i r a n c e s t o r s were o c c u p y i n g and e x p l o i t i n g , by a b o r i g i n a l s u b s i s t e n c e t e c h n i q u e s or whatever m o d i f i c a t i o n s of them had been brought about by c o n t a c t and i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h n o n - I n d i a n s , a t the time when the r e s e r v e s were c r e a t e d . F o r o t h e r bands, the lands were "new" lands i n t e n d e d f o r the a n c e s t o r s of the p r e s e n t p o p u l a t i o n to e x p l o i t by a method new t o t h e m — f u l l - t i m e a g r i c u l t u r e , f o r example. L i t t l e o f the a b o r i g i n a l or e a r l y - h i s t o r i c a l economy remains f o r the f i r s t group, and few of the o t h e r s made f u l l y the expected changes i n t h e i r economic base. However, the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between p o p u l a t i o n s and t e r r i t o r i e s have remained f i x e d i n law. The p o p u l a t i o n s t h a t became the bands v a r i e d g r e a t l y i n the e x t e n t to which they approximated the i d e a l embodied i n d e f i n i t i o n s o f s o c i e t y or community. Some were t r i b e s or p o r t i o n s of t r i b e s ( t h e B l o o d ) , some were v i l l a g e s (Coast S a l i s h bands), some t r a d i t i o n a l bands ( n o r t h e r n O j i b w a ) . Some were c l u s t e r s o f a b o r i g i n a l u n i t s brought t o g e t h e r by c o n t a c t i n f l u e n c e s ( t h e K w a k i u t l a t F o r t R u p e r t ) , and some may have been no more than c l u s t e r s o f r e f u g e e s (some s o u t h e r n Ojibwa b a n d s ) . None appear t o have been a b o r i g i n a l u n i t s u n m o d i f i e d by Euro-American i n f l u e n c e s . 54 The s o c i a l , as well as the t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries of these populations were established and/or "frozen" i n law, the mode of succession to membership was. formalized, and formal patterns (e.g. of lo c a l government) were superimposed upon whatever elements of internal structure were present. These legal boundaries have t y p i c a l l y been reinforced by a variety of new s o c i a l ones—patterns of thought and action on both sides of the legal boundaries that make i t d i f f i c u l t for individuals to cross them. To the extent that such populations lacked "adequate" organization (especially i n the face of changing economic conditions) this has been provided from outside their boundaries i n the form of subsistence goods, control of disruptive behaviour (cf. Aberle _et a_l. 1950:110), and so on. The differences between such units and the " t y p i c a l " non-Indian unit implied by the a r t i f i c i a l / n a t u r a l dichotomy may be summarized as follows (though i t should be noted that the description of the "natural" non-Indian community i s an ideal one that may be d i f f i c u l t to find exemplified i n r e a l i t y ) : Non-Indian Town Indian Reserve Population Social and t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries Social and t e r r i t o r i a l boundaries established by individual and largely dependent upon Federal c o l l e c t i v e decision, agreement government f i a t , and contract. Membership replaceable by sexual reproduction and recruitment of adults. Immigration and emigration mainly dependent upon "opportunity" and subject to considerable individual choice. Membership mainly ascribed and members replaceable almost en t i r e l y by sexual reproduction. Both immigration and emigration r e s t r i c t e d by formal and informal s o c i a l patterns. Population's position on the land related to the operation of the national (and international) economic system, and the pop-ulation o r d i n a r i l y "self-support-ing" i n the context of that system. Population's position on the land fixed i n law. Population not necessarily "self-supporting" i n terms of the national and inter-national economy. 55 Non-Indian Town Indian Reserve Population Recruitment of new members from beyond population boundaries to f i l l status positions for which no current member is a v a i l a b l e . No recruitment from beyond pop-u l a t i o n boundaries to f i l l any status positions except those of marriage partners for men. A narrow range of s p e c i a l statuses provided by "outside" systems and t y p i c a l l y f i l l e d by non-members who remain non-members (e.g. teachers). Formal p o l i t i c a l structure integrated with a hierarchy of elected governments and re l a t e d bureaucracies. Formal p o l i t i c a l structure dependent upon and responsible to a si n g l e bureaucracy of the Federal government. From this examination, i t appears that the d e s c r i p t i o n of Indian band populations as " a r t i f i c i a l " can be summed up i n the proposition that i f i t were not for the Indian A f f a i r s l e g i s l a t i o n and a c t i v i t y of the Government of Canada, most southern Indian Reserve populations would not be where or what they are, and i t further appears that this proposition derives from the a p p l i c a t i o n of a f u n c t i o n a l i s t model of society to population aggregates within the Canadian p o l i t y . However, from the point of view elaborated here, i t may be argued that no population aggregate i n the country would be where i t is or what i t is without the operation of r e l a t i o n a l systems of national and world-wide scope, and that the bands are neither more nor less " a r t i f i c i a l " than company towns, urban slums, ghettos, or, indeed, v i l l a g e s or c i t i e s . A l l of these are clusters of individuals embedded i n a complex of r e l a t i o n a l systems, and t h e i r a t t r i b u t e s may be investigated and compared by analysis of the p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n a l systems that surround and pervade them. It should therefore be possible to si n g l e out given population aggregates and by i n v e s t i g a t i o n determine what concatenation of systems maintains them i n existence, and what consequences this has for the l i v e s 56 of the individuals who make them up. It should also be possible to make e x p l i c i t s t r u c t u r a l comparisons on these grounds. The discussions under headings A to F above are intended to provide the main elements of a conceptual framework or model by which such analysis and comparison may proceed. 57 NOTES Chapter II Another treatment of this subject is Oliver's (1958), i n which he c l a s s i f i e s i n t e r a c t i o n as "normative", r e f e r r i n g to "peoples' opinions... about how persons ought to behave" (1958:803); " h i s t o r i c a l " , r e f e r r i n g to i n t e r a c t i o n the observer sees or has r e l i a b l y reported to him; and "suppositional", r e f e r r i n g to interactions the " h i s t o r i c i t y " of which "cannot be r e l i a b l y established" (1958:804). The main weakness of this formulation from my point of view i s that i t does not adequately d i s t i n g u i s h actors' and observers' perspectives. An i n t e r a c t i o n that the observer may categorize as "suppositional" may be regarded as " h i s t o r i c a l " by actors. 2 In Marion Levy's formulation, what I am here c a l l i n g systems of r e l a t i o n -ship would be "concrete structures", which he defines as "patterns that define the character of units that are at least i n theory capable of physical separation ( i n time and/or space) from other units of the same s o r t " (1952:88). However, by my use of conscious models and the concepts of transaction and choice I am attempting to maintain a conceptual separation between statuses and roles as ideas, and the actual behaviour of i n d i v i d u a l s . 58 CHAPTER III AN INDIAN RESERVE POPULATION: NORTH PRAIRIE Introduction This chapter and the two that follow i t present summary descriptions, with some analysis and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , of three Indian Reserve populations i n d i f f e r e n t parts of the country. I spent about one month i n the study of the organization of each population i n 1965 as part of the comprehensive research project on Indian A f f a i r s mentioned above, and returned to North Coast V i l l a g e for about four months i n the summer of 1966 to follow up questions raised during the e a r l i e r studies. For about two months at North Coast, I was accompanied by my wife and three c h i l d r e n . It i s my opinion that because the populations were made up of people of Indian l e g a l status, the c o l l e c t i o n of some kinds of information was easier than i t would be for other sorts of population aggregate. The Indian A f f a i r s Branch, l i k e most bureaucracies, keeps voluminous records. Agency f i l e s include l e t t e r s and memoranda dealing with the personal l i v e s of band members, minutes of band council meetings, data on band finances, and a wealth of other information. For each of the three populations I was able to examine these records i n some d e t a i l . At Shield Lake and North P r a i r i e I was given f u l l access to Agency f i l e s . For North Coast V i l l a g e , I was allowed more s e l e c t i v e access to Agency and Regional O f f i c e f i l e s , but had f u l l freedom to examine records and documents held by the band council and by individuals and organizations i n the v i l l a g e , some of which dated as far back as eighty years. In 59 each case I was a b l e t o g i v e c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n t o documentary m a t e r i a l s r e l a t i n g to events o f the t e n or f i f t e e n years immediately p r e c e d i n g my v i s i t and r a t h e r more c u r s o r y a t t e n t i o n t o o l d e r m a t e r i a l s . For North Coast V i l l a g e I a l s o c o n s u l t e d a r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l and p u b l i s h e d s o u r c e s . The i n f o r m a t i o n g a i n e d t h i s way enabled me t o proceed q u i c k l y t o i n t e r v i e w s w i t h s e l e c t e d i n d i v i d u a l s , and h e l p e d me t o a v o i d some o f the d i f f i c u l t i e s e ncountered when t r y i n g t o e x p l o r e an u n f a m i l i a r s o c i a l s e t t i n g w i t h o u t such h e l p . The aim of the f i e l d s t u d i e s was t o i n v e s t i g a t e the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f each p o p u l a t i o n from the p o i n t o f view of i t s members and o t h e r r e l e v a n t p e r s o n s , and I p r e s e n t e d m y s e l f t o the persons i n t e r v i e w e d as f r a n k l y as p o s s i b l e as one who wanted t o l e a r n about "the way t h i n g s were" i n t h a t p l a c e . By q u e s t i o n i n g p e o p l e i n a g e n e r a l way about "problems" I was a b l e t o e l i c i t a ccounts of events o f importance t o them, and these accounts u s u a l l y i n c l u d e d t h e i n f o r m a n t ' s summary of the r e l e v a n t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s as s k e t c h e d i n f o r an i n t e r e s t e d s t r a n g e r . Each of these p e r s o n a l "maps" of a web of r e l a t i o n -s h i p i s a gu i d e to f u r t h e r i n t e r v i e w i n g and an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of i n t e r -views a l r e a d y r e c o r d e d . F o l l o w i n g such threads l e d me to i n t e r v i e w , b e s i d e s band members, I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch p e r s o n n e l , policemen, n u r s e s , t e a c h e r s , clergymen, s t o r e k e e p e r s , and o t h e r s . I attempted t o t r a c e webs o f r e l a t i o n s h i p and t o c o n s t r u c t from the many c o n s c i o u s models p r e s e n t e d , my o b s e r v e r ' s model o f the s o c i a l systems r e l e v a n t t o the choice-making a c t i v i t i e s o f the p e o p l e o f the p o p u l a t i o n . I do not c l a i m t h a t the summaries i n the c h a p t e r s t h a t f o l l o w are "complete" d e s c r i p t i o n s . I do b e l i e v e , however, t h a t they focus upon events and i s s u e s t h a t a r e important t o the pe o p l e concerned, and from an a n a l y t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , important t o the e x i s t e n c e 60 of the populations and to the qua l i t y of the l i v e s of the people who make them up. The three d e s c r i p t i v e chapters are s i m i l a r l y arranged. F i r s t , each presents a discussion delineating the population that is the focus of i n t e r e s t . There i s then a "General Description" covering the physical s e t t i n g of the population and information about communications, transportation, and so on. This is followed by a d e s c r i p t i o n of the "organization" of the population, c l a s s i f i e d under four headings according to whether the organization i s contained within the population or extending outside i t , and according to the nature of the Indians' p a r t i c i p a t i o n . F i n a l l y , there is a section e n t i t l e d "Some Recent Events" i n which are described events, s i t u a t i o n s , and phenomena that should be explainable i n terms of the conceptual scheme presented above. Any d e s c r i p t i o n i s s e l e c t i v e . Under the heading of "General Description" the s e l e c t i o n is my own and intended to provide the reader with s u f f i c i e n t general information to form a picture of the population. For the rest, the s e l e c t i o n i s i n a great measure that of the people themselves, f o r although I prompted informants with questions about "problems", they made, for the most part, t h e i r own choices of the issues they wished to discuss. There is l i t t l e d e s c r i p t i o n r e l a t i n g to the d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r a l heritages of the populations nor to the i r h i s t o r i e s for either North P r a i r i e or Shield Lake. For North Coast V i l l a g e there is considerably more, but i t f a l l s f ar short of a Tsimshian ethnography. This accurately r e f l e c t s the way people presented information to me. At North P r a i r i e the remarks of even e l d e r l y informants r a r e l y included references to events of anything but the most recent past. At Shield Lake people 61 rooted their descriptions of contemporary events i n accounts that reached back to the 1920's and 30's. At North Coast V i l l a g e , adult informants of any age made reference to their people's aboriginal past and to the hundred-year history of the v i l l a g e as an entity i n the Euro-American society. The differences may be due i n part to the d i f f e r i n g lengths of time spent with each population and to differences i n the length and intensity of interviews, but I believe that they also r e f l e c t differences i n the way the people think about thei r world. Since some of the information I have included could be embarrassing to some people, I have disguised the names of bands and individuals. A l i s t of the documentary sources used for the chapter on North Coast V i l l a g e w i l l be submitted under separate cover to the Library of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia and w i l l be allowed, I hope, only limited d i s t r i b u t i o n . North P r a i r i e Band A. The Populations The population unit designated as the North P r a i r i e band of Indians by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch consisted i n 1965 of about 1,880 people. Approximately 1,250 liv e d on the North P r a i r i e Reserve, and 450 on a second reserve, Fish Lake, about 40 miles away. The remaining 200 were c l a s s i f i e d as l i v i n g off the reserves. The North P r a i r i e band was created by the government out of four t r a d i t i o n a l Cree bands, three of which were at the time resident at or near the present North P r a i r i e Reserve, and the fourth at Fish Lake. The intention was that the Fish Lake people would move to the North P r a i r i e Reserve and take up farming, and that the wooded, h i l l y Fish 62 Lake Reserve would remain as a h u n t i n g and f i s h i n g p r e s e r v e f o r members of the combined band. The expected move d i d not take p l a c e , a l t h o u g h t h e r e has been some movement of p e o p l e from one r e s e r v e to the o t h e r a t t i m e s . Thus, a l t h o u g h the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i s o f f i c i a l l y one band w i t h two r e s e r v e s , i t i s de f a c t o two bands, each w i t h i t s own r e s e r v e . Each group e l e c t s i t s own c h i e f and c o u n c i l l o r s , a l t h o u g h the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r from N o r t h P r a i r i e i s r e c o g n i z e d by the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch as the c h i e f o f the whole band. The two c o u n c i l s meet s e p a r a t e l y on t h e i r own r e s e r v e s from time to time, and meet r e g u l a r l y each month as a combined c o u n c i l i n the l o c a l o f f i c e s of t h e I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch, w i t h c h a i r -manship of the meetings sh a r e d between the two c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r s . The band's budget i s s h a r e d between the two groups on the b a s i s of o n e - t h i r d to F i s h Lake, and t w o - t h i r d s to N o r t h P r a i r i e . Most of the p e o p l e at North P r a i r i e a r e Roman C a t h o l i c s , and most a t F i s h Lake a r e members of the U n i t e d Church. A l t h o u g h t h e r e has been some exchange of p e r s o n n e l between the two p o p u l a t i o n s , and many c o n s a n g u i n e a l and a f f i n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s l i n k them, people i n each group e x p r e s s e d o p i n i o n s i n d i c a t i n g t h a t they r e g a r d e d the o t h e r as b e i n g made up o f a " d i f f e r e n t s o r t o f p e o p l e " . An I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l s a i d t h a t the F i s h Lake p e o p l e were "more community minded" and "work t o g e t h e r b e t t e r " , and t h i s o p i n i o n was r e p e a t e d by a number of p e o p l e at North P r a i r i e . The o p p o s i t e view was e x p r e s s e d by s e v e r a l p e o p l e a t F i s h Lake, who s a i d t h a t t h e i r segment of the band " c o u l d never get o r g a n i z e d " l i k e the N o r t h P r a i r i e group. A North P r a i r i e man who moved t o F i s h Lake s a i d t h a t he found the p e o p l e t h e r e " u n f r i e n d l y " and "hard to g e t to know". Thus, on a l l but the most f o r m a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l e v e l , the North 63 P r a i r i e Band consists of two populations, and the appellation North P r a i r i e commonly refers to the larger population on the reserve of that name. The report that follows w i l l use that terminology, and concentrate upon that population, referring to Fish Lake only for comparative purpos es. The only non-Indians l i v i n g on the reserve are a Roman Catholic p r i e s t ; four nuns, two of whom teach i n the Indian Day School on the reserve; one lay teacher; an Assistant Superintendent of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and his family; and a Public Health Nurse employed by Indian Health Services. None of these people is regarded as belonging to the population; they are seen as "outsiders" temporarily resident on the reserve. B. General Description North P r a i r i e is a reserve of 54,800 acres, located about 150 miles from a large p r a i r i e c i t y . The town of Wheatville, where the Indian A f f a i r s Branch Agency offices are located, i s 15 miles away, about half of the distance covered by a paved secondary highway and the other half by a graded d i r t and gravel road. Wheatville, with 2,500 inhabitants, is the largest population centre for about 100 miles i n any direction, but around the periphery of the reserve, and a few miles from i t s boundaries, are perhaps a half dozen small non-Indian farming communities, consisting of a store or two, a gas-station and perhaps a feed or equipment dealer's establishment. The reserve residents do some shopping and receive mail at the one nearest to them. These communities are t y p i c a l of the area i n appearance, and r e f l e c t the ethnic differences common to the Canadian P r a i r i e s . The people at North P r a i r i e make s p e c i f i c references to these ethnic differences, and speak of "the Ukrainians at " or "the Irishmen :at ". Ukrainians and French Canadians are numerous among the non-Indian farmers; Wheatville is an old settlement of French Canadians and Metis, and about h a l f of the population i s French-speaking. Some Indians from North P r a i r i e , mostly women, have married non-Indians l i v i n g near the reserve, and some Indians speak a l i t t l e French or Ukrainian. Most of the people at North P r a i r i e , however, speak English and Cree. Apart from Fish Lake, the nearest Indian reserve is over 50 miles away; i t is a Chippewyan reserve, and there appears to be l i t t l e i n t e r a c t i o n between the people there and those at North P r a i r i e . Along the road from Wheatville, and about 4 miles inside the boundaries of the reserve, i s the nearest approach to a centre of population. Here, along a st r e t c h of about 1 mile of the main road through the reserve, are found: 1. An Indian A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c e , s t a f f e d by an Assistant Superintendent. The o f f i c e i s small and bare, and i s open for a short time during the mornings, mainly to receive applications for s o c i a l assistance. The Assistant Superintendent spends hi's afternoons i n the main Agency o f f i c e s i n Wheatville, where the main f i l e s f o r the Agency are kept. 2. The residence of the Assistant Superintendent and his family, a small, tidy, well-appointed house. 3. The nursing s t a t i o n , consisting of o f f i c e , c l i n i c , and residence. According to the nurse i n residence i n 1965, the st a t i o n is supposed to have two nurses, but r a r e l y has. The resident nurse does both treatment and public health work, but a f u l l schedule of c l i n i c s , including one afternoon a week during which a doctor v i s i t s the reserve, prevents her from making many home v i s i t s . 4. A four-room Indian Day School i n two buildings, one with an attached teacherage. The school buildings are r e l a t i v e l y new, and well-appointed. 5. A Roman Catholic church and the pr i e s t ' s residence. The p r i e s t is a French Canadian i n his late f o r t i e s who has been on the reserve for many years, and speaks Cree quite w e l l . From his house he operates a "bank" and a "store", and offers other minor services to his parishioners besides the services of his c a l l i n g . There is a pay-telephone outside the p r i e s t ' s house, and a large, ligh t e d clock i n the window of his study. 6. A residence for nuns, where four s i s t e r s were i n residence i n 1965. Three of the nuns taught at the school. 7. A large h a l l owned by the band where dances, band meetings, and other public functions are held. 8. A bu i l d i n g that housed f o r about a year a s e l f - s e r v i c e laundry owned and operated by a non-Indian who owns s i m i l a r i n s t a l l a t i o n s i n nearby towns. One Indian informant said that the laundry had been closed because the machines had been abused. 9. A "stampede c o r r a l " b u i l t i n 1964 for a rodeo put on at the time of d i s t r i b u t i o n of Treaty payments. According to informants, the rodeo was a feature of Treaty Time at North P r a i r i e for many years i n the past, and attracted almost the ent i r e population of the band, as well as many non-Indians and 66 Indians from other reserves. The 1964 performance was the f i r s t for twenty years, but was well attended and successful. 10. Besides these buildings, i n an area of about a mile square around the Agency o f f i c e , are perhaps f o r t y houses, ranging from a f a i r l y large and well-appointed farmhouse to one-room log shacks. Some informants who l i v e elsewhere on the reserve spoke disparagingly of the people who l i v e i n this area, and suggested that they l i v e there so that they can have access to the Agency o f f i c e for help. Although the school, church, and the residences of the Whites are supplied with e l e c t r i c power and telephone service from li n e s running along the road from Wheatville, only three of the Indians 1 homes are so supplied. About a h a l f dozen overhead l i g h t s on the power poles i n this area are the only outdoor l i g h t s on the reserve. About 5 miles away from t h i s centre i s the United Church, served by a minister and a lay-preacher from a nearby town. Not far from the church i s a newly-built "gospel h a l l " b u i l t by a small number of f a i r l y recent converts to a'Protestant sect. Many of the minority of Protestant members of the band l i v e i n this area, but by no means a l l . Apart from the small c l u s t e r of houses around the Agency o f f i c e s , North P r a i r i e ' s 1,250 people l i v e i n 220 households widely scattered about the large reserve. The houses vary i n type from four or f i v e large, well-appointed farmhouses occupied by successful farmers, to small, one-room shacks referred to as "log cabins" i n Indian A f f a i r s Branch records and correspondence. The term i s misleading i n that i t suggests a measure of s o l i d i t y and "coziness"; i n fact, the "logs" are poles about 6 inches 67 i n diameter, and the walls are chinked and plastered with mud. In several such houses, i t was possible to see daylight through large cracks i n the walls. One of them that I v i s i t e d was 15 feet square, and housed three adults and four children. Some occupants of these houses l i v e i n tents during the summer, and some reported l i v i n g i n tents during some winters. In recent years, a number of "welfare houses" have been b u i l t with funds from the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and the band. These are small, urban-sty l e houses, the largest type of which had a floor area of 32 x 24. A few of these are painted and well-maintained, but most are by urban standards d i r t y , unfinished, and i n a state of disrepair. Many are over-crowded, since people with large families have p r i o r i t y i n being supplied with a house, but the designs allowed by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch are not large enough for families with more than f i v e children. In the opinion of both Indian A f f a i r s o f f i c i a l s and band members, housing for the population i s inadequate, both i n quality and quantity. Four large farmhouses belonging to the successful farmers, which are located on the periphery of the reserve, and a few of the houses i n the v i c i n i t y of the Agency o f f i c e are provided with e l e c t r i c i t y and telephone, and have running water from wells. Indian A f f a i r s Branch records state that water for a l l the houses is provided by wells, and that there is no health problem associated with water, although there is a problem of supply. Health records and verbal reports by the nurse, however, indicate that health problems associated with the water do exist, and i t is clear from observation that many houses do not have wells. People i n these houses get water from creeks and sloughs, some hauling i t for a mile or more. During the ten years between 1955 and 1965, the main roads on the 68 reserve were improved greatly so that school buses could transport children to nearby towns, and the band owns and operates a road grader to maintain them. Many roads, however, are l i t t l e more than t r a i l s , and are impassable at some times of the year. According to the Indian A f f a i r s Branch records, members of the band own 76 automobiles and ten trucks, but such a figure i s very d i f f i c u l t to estimate, for the purchase and sale of old cars goes on whenever seasonal employment provides a l i t t l e extra money, and many houses have the hulk of at least one automobile beside them. There i s no public transportation besides the school buses, and some families with no car can be very isolated indeed. Many families own a horse or two, and Branch records show 34 horse-drawn wagons owned by band members. Although there have been explorations for petroleum on the reserve, and some surface leases granted to petroleum companies, the only known exploitable resource i n 1965 was land for agriculture and stock-raising. Band lands are held i n common; there is no formal allotment of land to individuals, but band members have rights of use to whatever tracts of land they may be able to cu l t i v a t e or use for pasture. Of 9,078 acres c l a s s i f i e d as "improved", 7,128 are i n use by band members, and 1,375 are leased by the band to non-Indians. Most of the rest is road allowance. Of 42,005 acres c l a s s i f i e d as "unimproved", including native pasture, 9,505 are leased to non-Indians and 6,000 are i n use by band members. According to Indian A f f a i r s Branch estimates, the average annual income for workers on the reserve i s $600.00. Of the 220 households, 210 received s o c i a l assistance i n money or groceries at some time during 1964, and the average annual expenditure for the band on welfare is estimated at $80,000.00. Sixty-two households are l i s t e d as permanent recipients of welfare, about half receiving cash and the other half groceries. Indian A f f a i r s s t a t i s t i c s for employment and other income are shown i n Tables I and I I . TABLE I EMPLOYMENT, NORTH PRAIRIE RESERVE Type of Employment No. of Workers Man Months Estimated Income On Reserve: Forestry 10 trapping 50 f r u i t , berry picking 30 s k i l l e d trades 3 c l e r i c a l and o f f i c e 1 unskilled and casual 130 beef stock ranching 5 dairy farming 10 crop farming 40 Off Reserve: Forestry 30 s k i l l e d trades 2 c l e r i c a l and o f f i c e 6 unskilled and casual 130 Fishing on or off reserve 3 5 25 4 12 3 130 15 30 160 60 20 60 300 1,000 9,000 600 3,600 900 21,000 6,000 7,000 24,000 9,000 6,000 15,000 45,000 1,000 Source: Indian A f f a i r s Branch Resources Questionnaire, 1964. TABLE I I INCOME, OTHER THAN FROM EMPLOYMENT NORTH PRAIRIE BAND Source tof Income No. of Recipients Estimated Income Treaty payments Family allowance Old Age Pensions D i s a b i l i t y Pensions, etc. Unemployment Insurance Welfare assistance 1,297 181 (722 children) 39 1 6 210 households 6,485 56,496 35,100 900 3,300 80,002 Source: Indian A f f a i r s Branch Resources Questionnaire, 1964. 70 By my analysis, the population at North P r a i r i e seems to be d i v i s i b l e into three income classes : 1. Successful Farmers. Two older men and one son of each, or four heads of families are i n this category. In both cases, the father and son work together and share machinery, although each farms land that i s "his own" i n the terms of the band agreement. A l l four l i v e on the edge of the reserve, and are successful farmers even by the standards of nearby non-Indians. They occupy the large and well-appointed farm-houses and own a variety of large farm machinery. Two or three other men are on the borderline between this category and the next. 2. Marginal Farmers and Stock-raisers. These are men who farm small holdings with a minimum of machinery and/or have small herds of c a t t l e . They may supplement their income from farming, by working for neighbouring non-Indian farmers, or by engaging i n the seasonal labour to be mentioned below, and occasionally receive welfare assistance. Their housing ranges from f a i r to poor by outside standards. In 1965, perhaps t h i r t y heads of families would f a l l into this category, but the numbers fluctuate. For example, a number of men who were i n this category and indebted to the band for farm improvements lost their investments i n a series of bad crop years i n the late 1950's, and the lands they had been using were leased out to non-Indians by the band council for six-year periods. The revenue from these leases is to be used to pay the outstanding debts, and any surplus is to be used to re-establish the men i n farming i f that is possible. In 1965, therefore, these men would f a l l into the next category. 71 3. Casual Labourers and Welfare Recipients. This is the largest group, and i t includes a l l the other employable males. Some have a few horses and/or cows, and cut hay from common hay-fields to s e l l to non-Indians. The main p o s s i b i l i t i e s of employment for these people are: Labour for non-Indian farmers. This i s the usual sort of farm labour, mainly available at planting and harvesting time. Hours are l o n g — ten to twelve hours a day—and rates of pay as low as $4.00 per day were documented i n Indian A f f a i r s records for 1964. Although machinery has replaced some hand labour on the farms, the demand for workers i s high at certain times of year, but many men of the band are unwilling to work for the wages offered. Indian A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l s and members of the council reported that many more men could be employed this way than actually are. Work on the sugar-beet farms i n southern Alberta. This is available during a three-to-four month period starting early i n June. It is highly organized by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch, the National Employment Service, and the sugar-beet growers, with buses transporting workers from a l l over the P r a i r i e provinces to the farms, and some regulation of working conditions. Payment is on a piece-work basis, by the acre, and is graded according to the d i f f i c u l t y of the work done. The f i r s t hoeing of the f i e l d s is the most d i f f i c u l t , and paid at the highest rate, with the second and t h i r d hoeings paid at decreasing rates per acre. According to reports, extremely hard workers can earn $15.00 or more i n a ten-to-twelve hour day, but averages estimated by informants were nearer to $10.00. Whole families go to the beet f i e l d s , and even 72 s m a l l c h i l d r e n of s i x or seven work w i t h t h e i r mothers and f a t h e r s . A c c o r d i n g t o the o f f i c i a l agreements, l i v i n g accommodation i s t o be p r o v i d e d f r e e by the beet farmer, but Indians r e p o r t e d t h a t r a t e s of pay tend t o be lower f o r pe o p l e who l i v e i n the accommodation p r o v i d e d than f o r those who f i n d t h e i r own p l a c e s t o l i v e . A c c o r d i n g t o the te s t i m o n y o f the I n d i a n s , the l i v i n g accommodation on the beet farms ranges from r e a s o n a b l y good on a few farms to v e r y bad on most, and these assessments were o f f e r e d by pe o p l e whose permanent l i v i n g arrangements would be judged as v e r y bad by most urban Whites. S i n c e most Indians who go t o the beet farms have no t r a n s p o r t a t i o n w h i l e they a r e t h e r e , they cannot go t o town f o r shopping, and many beet growers s e t up s m a l l commissaries or company s t o r e s t o s e l l them g r o c e r i e s and to b a c c o . Some Indians r e p o r t e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n r a t e s of pay a g a i n s t I n d i a n workers, and r e p o r t s of sharp p r a c t i c e s by the bee t farmers were common. F a l l and w i n t e r jobs f o r men, o r g a n i z e d i n a s i m i l a r manner to the sugar b e e t h o e i n g . These a r e jobs l i k e c u t t i n g b r u s h f o r a pipe -l i n e , or c l e a r i n g b r u s h i n such p l a c e s as J a s p e r N a t i o n a l Park. Men a r e r e c r u i t e d through the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch, t r a n s p o r t e d to the p l a c e of work, and p r o v i d e d w i t h accommodation. Wages a r e about $1.25 per hour. A number o f i n f o r m a n t s complained of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t I n d i a n s i n the type of accommodation p r o v i d e d on these j o b s . W i n t e r Works p r o j e c t s . These p r o j e c t s a r e o r g a n i z e d by the band c o u n c i l , and i n c l u d e road maintenance, land c l e a r i n g , and so on, on the r e s e r v e . A l t h o u g h government r e g u l a t i o n s p r e v e n t the I n d i a n 73 A f f a i r s Branch from operating a "work for welfare" system, the band council may do so, and these projects are arranged that way. Men are hired at $1.25 per hour, and allowed to earn the amount of welfare assistance a l l o t t e d to their families. The scheme was, according to his own report, i n i t i a t e d by an Indian A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l , and was spoken of with approval by Branch employees and the more successful members of the band council as contributing to the "community s p i r i t " and " s e l f respect" of the band members. However, men who had worked on the projects expressed a variety of complaints about them, for example, that the council are u n r e a l i s t i c i n their demands, expecting men to work i n weather conditions that would close down private projects; that men can lose welfare money they would otherwise receive i f they cannot provide medical proof of i n a b i l i t y to work; that able-bodied young men who are covered by their fathers' welfare applications are not allowed to work, and so on. Other off-reserve jobs. A few men find employment from time to time i n the construction or logging industries. The number so employed varies with the demand, of course, and i n 1965 very few men were i n this category. These represent the major categories of employment for the people of North P r a i r i e . Some people do not f i t easily into any of them; i n 1965 two men with carpentry training had been steadily employed for over a year i n the construction of "welfare houses", one man was employed f u l l -time as the jani t o r of the day school, and another as janitor-maintenance man at a nearby r e s i d e n t i a l school. One man was steadily employed as band constable. 74 C. Organization 1. Organization sponsored and directed by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch The band council at North P r a i r i e operates under Section 2 of the Indian Act (Revised Statutes of Canada 1952), which specifies a chief and councillors "chosen by the custom of the band", but i n fact the council is elected i n a manner very similar to the procedures l a i d down i n Section 73 of the Act. The people on the North P r a i r i e Reserve elect a chief and eight councillors. The council has standing committees, such as a Hay Committee to organize and control the cutting of hay on band lands, an Agriculture Committee that recommends on assistance and loans to farmers, and a Welfare Committee that receives and passes judgment on applications for s o c i a l assistance. On some occasions the council may appoint a committee of non-councillors or a council committee including non-councillors. The Treaty Day Rodeo was handled by such a committee i n 1964. The council or committees may meet from time to time as needed on the reserve, usually at the Agency o f f i c e s , but most of i t s business i s carried on at monthly meetings i n the main Agency offices i n Wheatville. Those, meetings are attended by the Assistant Superintendent who is mainly i n charge of Indian A f f a i r s Branch administration for North P r a i r i e , and by the Superintendent or other Branch personnel as required. The Assistant Superintendent keeps the records of the band and i n i t i a t e s most of the discussion of routine business. He keeps rather sketchy minutes, and posts a typewritten copy oh a b u l l e t i n board outside the o f f i c e on the reserve. Band meetings are held from time to time on the i n i t i a t i v e of the council, when some action requires a band vote, or as the result of a 75 p e t i t i o n from band members. According to informants, before 1956 a l l meetings were open to the band members. The council employs members of the band i n road and building maintenance, house-building on the winter works projects described above, and i n other capacities as needed. One man is employed as band constable. The council as a body and through i t s committees administers the granting of welfare assistance, farm assistance loans, and "welfare houses"; i t recommends on applicants for loans from the Revolving Loan Fund and for a Revolving Herd of beef c a t t l e designed to give prospective ranchers a s t a r t . The council controls and administers a l l leasing of band lands, and rules on disputes over land among band members. For a few years between 1956 and 1960, the council administered the band's ownership of two bulls that were maintained for the service of band members' herds. Also sponsored by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch, through the council, and drawing funds from the council from time to time is the Women's Aux i l i a r y that replaced the Homemakers' Club after a religious factional dispute, a School Committee, and a "War Dance Club". The Women's Aux i l i a r y is active mainly for such special occasions as dances and the Treaty Day Rodeo. The War Dance Club was intended for young people to learn t r a d i t i o n a l dances for performances at such occasions, but according to reports i t has not been very active. 2. Organization sponsored by other agencies outside the population The North P r a i r i e Band has three church organizations. Over 80 per cent of the band members are Roman Catholics, and perhaps 15 to 18 per cent belong to the United Church of Canada. A small number are converts 76 to an Evangelistic sect that was started on the reserve by a man and wife who taught at the Indian Day School for a short period. The council asked that they be relieved of their duties as teachers, charging that they were causing disruption on the reserve and using the school to teach their religious b e l i e f s , but they have remained i n the area and continue to take a leading part i n the a c t i v i t i e s of their small group of converts. The parish priest and the teaching s i s t e r s sponsor Boy Scouts and Cubs, G i r l Guides and Brownies for the children, but this is not solely a church enterprise. One scoutmaster is a member of the United Church, and children of both Roman Catholic and Protestant families belong. Most of the children who attend come from families l i v i n g near the Agency o f f i c e s . Executive members of both the Catholic Indian League and the provincial Indian Association are members of the band, and each of those organizations has a North P r a i r i e chapter, but neither has a very large or very active membership. 3. Organization contained or centred i n the population It appears that the three t r a d i t i o n a l bands that were amalgamated to form the North P r a i r i e Band (four, i f the Fish Lake group is included) may have been s i g n i f i c a n t units i n reserve a f f a i r s at one time, but have declined i n importance i n recent years. Council records from before 1956 contain references to "chiefs and p r i n c i p a l men" of the four bands, and to events that appeared to involve the bands i n some opposition to one another from time to time. In 1965, however, very few people made reference to these groupings, and then only when speaking of events of 77 the p a s t . In t h e i r assessments o f c u r r e n t events, i n f o r m a n t s r e f e r r e d t o k i n - b a s e d f a c t i o n s , such as " t h a t bunch o f Smiths", or to economic c a t e g o r i e s l i k e " t h e r i c h guys" or "the r e l i e f - h o u n d s " . The pe o p l e r e f e r r e d t o as " t h a t bunch o f S m i t h s " appear t o be a l o o s e a f f i l i a t i o n of descendents o f an e a r l y p a r t - I n d i a n P r o t e s t a n t m i s s i o n a r y from E a s t e r n Canada, and some of t h e i r a f f i n e s and o t h e r s u p p o r t e r s . These p e o p l e a r e a l l P r o t e s t a n t s , and m o s t l y " b e t t e r o f f " than the average by r e s e r v e s t a n d a r d s . Many a r e , or have been, members of the c o u n c i l . A s i m i l a r but s m a l l e r a f f i l i a t i o n i s the H a l t o n f a m i l y , who a r e Roman C a t h o l i c s . Of the f o u r s u c c e s s f u l farmers mentioned above, two a r e Smiths and two a r e H a l t o n s . The two H a l t o n s and the e l d e r Smith a r e members of the c o u n c i l , as a r e two o t h e r members of the Smith f a m i l y . Many o f the p o o r e r band members spoke of the band i n terms of a s i m p l e dichotomy, w i t h "us poor p e o p l e " on one s i d e , and on the o t h e r "the r i c h guys" whom they equate w i t h " t h a t c o u n c i l " and speak of as dominated by Smiths. Most a d u l t male members of the band have a t one time or another been i n v o l v e d i n some form o f a g r i c u l t u r a l e n t e r p r i s e , a l t h o u g h f o r many t h i s has not i n v o l v e d much beyond c u t t i n g hay on band lands f o r s a l e t o non - I n d i a n f a r m e r s . The s u c c e s s f u l farmers on the r e s e r v e o p e r a t e i n much the same manner as t h e i r n o n - I n d i a n c o u n t e r p a r t s i n the r e g i o n , f a r m i n g q u i t e l a r g e t r a c t s o f l a n d , and h a v i n g c o n s i d e r a b l e investment i n heavy farm machinery. They have an advantage over the n o n - I n d i a n farmers i n t h a t t h e i r l and i s f r e e and not taxed, but i t may be a d i s -advantage t o them t h a t they cannot borrow money w i t h t h e i r l a n d as s e c u r i t y . They draw most o f t h e i r p r o f i t s from g r a i n , but grow o t h e r c r o p s and r a i s e some c a t t l e . As might be expected, the l e s s s u c c e s s f u l farmers own l e s s machinery and farm s m a l l e r t r a c t s , and thus have l e s s 78 margin to s u s t a i n them i n d i f f i c u l t times. U n t i l 1961, i t was p o s s i b l e f o r i n d i v i d u a l band members to enter i n t o agreements w i t h non-Indian farmers, i n which the band member received the use of the non-Indian farmer's machinery i n exchange f o r a share of the crop. They a l s o leased lands they had cl e a r e d to non-Indian farmers i n r e t u r n f o r cash or the use of machinery. These arrangements were forbidden by a d e c i s i o n of the c o u n c i l , and i n 1965 the only such arrangement open to a band member was to exchange h i s own labour on the non-Indian's farm f o r the use of h i s equipment. There was some evidence that crop-sharing agreements might s t i l l take place, d i s g u i s e d as labour agreements. The lowest l e v e l of a g r i c u l t u r a l e n t e r p r i s e i s the hay-cutting mentioned above. I n d i v i d u a l s make a p p l i c a t i o n to the c o u n c i l f o r a share i n the common hay meadows, and may cut the hay a l l o t t e d to them and s e l l i t to another band member or to a non-Indian. 4. I n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n o r g a n i z a t i o n centred out-s i d e the popu l a t i o n Band members buy gr o c e r i e s and other n e c e s s i t i e s from stores owned by non-Indians i n hamlets around the reserve and i n W h e a t v i l l e . Some of these s t o r e owners reported that they would give no c r e d i t to Indians, and others that they would open charge accounts f o r Indians they knew w e l l . In 1965 i n t h i s province, the s a l e of a l c o h o l i c beverages to Indians was i l l e g a l , and a number of non-Indians were known as boot-leggers from whom Indians could buy l i q u o r . Some of these people were reported to come to dances on the reserve w i t h l i q u o r i n t h e i r cars f o r s a l e to band members at p r i c e s of $10.00 or $15.00 f o r a b o t t l e that s o l d 79 f o r $5.00 i n the P r o v i n c i a l l i q u o r s t o r e s . People from the r e s e r v e a l s o bought and consumed l i q u o r when they came t o W h e a t v i l l e . In the view o f many r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s , s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s between the p e o p l e a t No r t h P r a i r i e and the non-Indians o f the s u r r o u n d i n g a r e a a r e marked by d i s c r i m i n a t o r y a t t i t u d e s on the p a r t of the Whites. For example, two women from the r e s e r v e r e p o r t e d i n c i d e n t s i n which t h e i r c h i l d r e n , w h i l e w a i t i n g f o r t h e i r mothers t o conduct b u s i n e s s i n Wheat-v i l l e , went i n t o the town p l a y g r o u n d . Mothers of White c h i l d r e n i n the pl a y g r o u n d c a l l e d t o them t o "get o u t " and t o t h e i r own c h i l d r e n not to p l a y w i t h " t h o s e d i r t y I n d i a n k i d s " . A member o f the R.C.M.P. detachment i n W h e a t v i l l e r e p o r t e d t h a t i t was not uncommon f o r White youths d r i v i n g c a r s to p i c k up g i r l s from the r e s e r v e and s u p p l y them w i t h l i q u o r or beer i n exchange f o r s e x u a l f a v o u r s . Sometimes the g i r l s a r e m i s t r e a t e d and lodge c o m p l a i n t s w i t h the p o l i c e , or a r e l e f t a l o n e and drunk on the back r o a d s . The s u c c e s s f u l farmers, on the o t h e r hand, p a r t i c i p a t e i n a v a r i e t y o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h n o n - I n d i a n s , b e l o n g i n g t o a g r i c u l t u r a l and ot h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s . R. Smith, the most s u c c e s s f u l North P r a i r i e farmer, b e l onged t o a s e r v i c e c l u b i n W h e a t v i l l e and t o a n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , f o r which he had once been a c a n d i d a t e i n a F e d e r a l e l e c t i o n . 5. Summary In terms of the c o n c e p t u a l framework, the No r t h P r a i r i e Reserve h o l d s a p o p u l a t i o n t h a t i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be a u n i t by government, by i t s members, and by s u r r o u n d i n g n o n - I n d i a n s . Band members not r e s i d e n t t h e r e a r e i n a somewhat ambiguous c a t e g o r y , b e i n g f o r some purposes s t i l l a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the r e s e r v e . I t i s my i m p r e s s i o n t h a t some o f them a r e 80 regarded as members of the population temporarily resident elsewhere, while others are regarded as members of other population units, although they remain members of the band corporation. The non-Indians are not regarded as members of the population, but as representatives of systems centred outside i t . The population as a body and each member of i t i n d i v i d u a l l y take part i n the systems of relationship provided by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. They also hold statuses i n the more general systems of the Provincial and Federal governments as recipients of health services, family and other allowances, law enforcement services, and so on. Apart from the band organization i t s e l f there are few other systems of relationship organizing the population or centred i n i t . Among the most important of these few seem to be loose a f f i l i a t i o n s of kin, and factions of s h i f t i n g membership. A few organizations other than the governments provide some organization within the population, but apart from nominal church a f f i l i a t i o n none of these includes very many people. Social interaction between most members of the population and non-Indians of the surrounding area seems to be limited to buyer-purchaser and employee—employer relationships. A few of the most economically successful members of the population occupy statuses i n the systems organizing i t and i n systems limited to the surrounding area, providing links among these systems of the kind that I have c l a s s i f i e d above as "Type C" (p. 44). D. Some Recent Events Before 1959, the funds of the North P r a i r i e Band were low, and the largest annual expenditure was i n the form of a per capita d i s t r i b u t i o n of interest money. During the 1950's the funds increased 81 slowly, apparently from a p o l i c y of encouraging o i l exploration and surface leases and the leasing of a g r i c u l t u r a l land. In 1956, the council and committee arrangements described above took shape. From 1956, the annual budgets show an increase i n expenditure of band funds on welfare assistance and on small loans and grants for farm assistance. Council meetings began to be held i n the Agency o f f i c e s i n Wheatville, rather than on the reserve. In 1956, 1957, 1959 and 1960, p e t i t i o n s and motions at band meetings c a l l e d for the resignation of the s i t t i n g c o u n c i l , and on two occasions the council did resign. During that period, influence i n the council appeared to s h i f t among members of the family and economic factions mentioned above, with none able to command control completely. In 1960, for example, a group of band members p r i v a t e l y engaged a lawyer to seek the resignation of the council, and the lawyer wrote l e t t e r s to Ottawa o u t l i n i n g t h e i r charges of favouritism i n the granting of assistance and jobs, the use of band funds for the purchase of equipment without band sanction, and drunken-ness and immoral behaviour by c o u n c i l l o r s . The Superintendent answered the charges by saying that the main complainants had been "at the bottom of the p o l l " at the previous e l e c t i o n , and referred to them as "a badly defeated opposition t r y i n g to push through a vote of non-confidence i n an e f f o r t to force the resignation of the governing body". Of the whole incident, he s a i d : " t h i s , i n e f f e c t , is democracy at work on an Indian Reserve". The s i t t i n g council he referred to as "progressive". In 1961, several of the complainants i n t h i s action were elected to the council, one as chief c o u n c i l l o r . The new chief c o u n c i l l o r and some of his supporters continued t h e i r campaign, aiming t h e i r complaints now mainly at the Agency personnel, and charging them with interference 82 and non-cooperation with the council on matters of welfare, housing and planning. A lo c a l Member of Parliament forwarded their complaints through Indian A f f a i r s Branch channels. The Agency Superintendent answered the charges i n a lengthy l e t t e r i n which he accused the chief councillor and his supporting councillors of misappropriating band funds, drunkenness, i n s u l t i n g Agency s t a f f , disorderly behaviour, and c h i l d neglect. One sentence read: "I would l i k e to dispel the b e l i e f that [North Pr a i r i e ] has a progressive council. This was true up u n t i l the new council was elected i n December .I960". In 1962, the chief councillor/resigned for "personal reasons". In 1963, he was re-elected, and two men who had given some support to his complaints were elected councillors, but his main supporters among the councillors were replaced by men who had been on the previous "progressive" council. Records and informants' accounts of the events of these years are a bewildering array of charges and counter-charges, alignments and re-alignments. Individuals who appeared, from council records, to be a l l i e s i n a dispute, c r i t i c i z e d each other volubly i n interviews. Persons who made heated charges of favouritism and .nepotism when they were not on the council were the object of i d e n t i c a l charges when they became councillors. The major i d e n t i f i a b l e trends through the period are toward a central-i z a t i o n of control of band a f f a i r s and information in the council, with a corresponding decline of pa r t i c i p a t i o n by the band at large, and an expansion of the policy of the use of band funds and resources to support and encourage agriculture by band members. On the council i n 1965 were three of the four most successful farmers—two members of the Halton family and one of the Smith family. Three other councillors were i n the next highest economic category, and two of these were members of the 83 Smith family. Two councillors were unsuccessful farmers. In 1958, opposition to the trend toward increasing c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of decis ion-making took the form of appeals to the Regional o f f i c e of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch over the fact that council meetings were being held i n the Wheatville Agency o f f i c e s , where "the people can't find out what is going on". The complaint was passed back from the Regional o f f i c e to the lo c a l Agency, and the Superintendent replied with the following l e t t e r : Regional Supervisor Agency June, 1958 Use of Basement of New Post Office Building for Council Meetings  The subject matter i n your l e t t e r of , was placed before the [North P r a i r i e ] Council on . It was actively discussed and the council took a determined stand on the matter. I advised them to place something i n the minutes to confirm their views. It is l i s t e d hereunder: "Moved by we continue to hold council meetings i n Agency o f f i c e i n [Wheatville] for the following reasons: (1) In arr i v i n g at decisions for assistance to band members the personal background and history of the individual often have to be discussed. Such personal problems should not be made available through discussion to band members because of the common gossip which may result. (2) The constant delays i n individuals bringing small personal problems to the council impedes and delays the passing of more urgent business which is for the common good of a l l band members. Seconded by . Carried. There is no doubt that since they have been meeting i n Wheatville they have speeded up their business and worked i n a more business-like manner. I do not think i n the matter of democracy we can draw a comparison between the House of Commons and a Band Council or a Municipal Council. The House deals with the broad issues and policy and the arrangements are such that the public cannot voice their opinions i n the House. On the other hand, council chambers are small a f f a i r s and once the public 84 i s a d m i t t e d i n t e r r u p t i o n s f o l l o w . At the c o u n c i l l e v e l they are d e a l i n g w i t h p e r s o n a l c a s e s . Every time a p e r s o n a l case comes up you s i m p l y cannot c l e a r the room and c l o s e the doors and a f t e r the p e r s o n a l problem has been d i s c u s s e d , open the doors a g a i n . In s p i t e o f t h e b e l i e f t h a t m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l s open t h e i r meetings to the p u b l i c , t h i s i s not t h e case and p u b l i c a t t e n d a n c e a t t h e i r meetings i s d i s c o u r a g e d . W i t h a p o p u l a t i o n of 1,600 i n a band, the c o u n c i l breaks up i n t o committees. P e r s o n a l problems s h o u l d be taken to the committee members i n p r i v a t e . A f t e r the committee member has o b t a i n e d a l l the d e t a i l s , he can r e f e r i t to c o u n c i l i f unable t o handle i t h i m s e l f . However, a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of the p e r s o n a l problems can be d e a l t w i t h d i r e c t l y by the committee members. The N o r t h P r a i r i e C o u n c i l i n p a r t i c u l a r are f u n c t i o n i n g more l i k e a m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l . Should we r e v e r s e t h i s t r e n d ? We a r e i n the p r o c e s s o f s e e i n g c o u n c i l d e v elop up t o the p o i n t where they w i l l t ake a determined s t a n d a g a i n s t p r e s s u r e groups. Open the doors to t h e p r e s s u r e groups and the c o u n c i l w i l l y i e l d i f t h e y have to f a c e them on the f l o o r . My s u g g e s t i o n i s t o l e t them g a i n s t r e n g t h i n t h e i r p r e s e n t s t a n d w i t h o u t open i n t e r f e r e n c e . Perhaps i n a few y e a r s t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e and s t r e n g t h w i l l e n a ble them t o open the doors, c o n t r o l the meetings e f f e c t i v e l y and s t i l l s t a n d up t o the p r e s s u r e groups. They a r e not ready f o r t h i s y e t . The c o u n c i l a l s o brought out the f a c t t h a t the c o u n c i l minutes a r e p o s t e d on a l l n o t i c e boards and a v a i l a b l e t o a l l band members t o r e a d . T h e r e f o r e , i t cannot be c l a i m e d t h a t the c o u n c i l b u s i n e s s i s b e i n g h i d d e n from them. M u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l s do not p o s t the minutes, t h e r e f o r e , we a r e b e i n g more d e m o c r a t i c i n p o s t i n g o u r s . My f r a n k b e l i e f i s t h a t the Department s h o u l d take another l o o k at the m a t t e r and a s s e s s the development of c o u n c i l s i n a r e a l i s t i c manner and not expect the i d e a l of democracy to o q u i c k l y . Yours t r u l y , S u p e r i n t e n d e n t . The p o s t e d minutes r e f e r r e d t o i n the l e t t e r a r e s k e t c h y and w r i t t e n i n a b u r e a u c r a t i c s t y l e not u n l i k e t h a t of the l e t t e r i t s e l f . I n t h e c o u r s e of a g e n e r a l i z e d c o m p l a i n t , not h a v i n g r e f e r e n c e to the i s s u e d i s c u s s e d i n the l e t t e r , one band member s a i d t o me: "Those c o u n c i l , they have meeting i n [ W h e a t v i l l e ] , We don't know what they say t h e r e . [The A s s i s t a n t S u p e r i n t e n d e n t ] , he put up a paper, but we c a n ' t r e a d t h a t . Sometimes my daughter, she r e a d i t to me, but I don't know what i t s a y s . A l l those b i g words. They never t e l l us nothing. Just say we do this and we do that." On the Resources Questionnaire f i l l e d out by Agency personnel i n 1964, adults over t h i r t y years of age were c l a s s i f i e d as " i l l i t e r a t e " , though my own observations indicate that many can, i n fact, read and write. Appeals to persons outside or above the Agency o f f i c e , such as those mentioned above, occur frequently. Several were made to me during the short period of my f i e l d work at North P r a i r i e . They have been made to a l l levels of the Federal Government, and these tend to be handled by r e f e r r a l back to the l o c a l Agency. In 1964, for example, the chief councillor again took a series of complaints about the Assistant Superintendent to a loc a l Member of Parliament, which led to an exchange of lett e r s among the Ministry, the Regional Office, and the loc a l Agency o f f i c e . The charges were a l l answered by the Assistant Super-intendent against whom they were made. The i l l i t e r a t e man who was quoted above with reference to the posting of council minutes told me of a l e t t e r he had had his daughter write to the Prime Minister, complaining of the council and the Agency s t a f f , and suggesting that the council was using band money for i t s own purposes. The l e t t e r ended with a request for a book "that w i l l t e l l us what i s i n the Indian Act, so that we w i l l know what i s righ t " . Later, at a council meeting i n Wheatville, which I attended, the Assistant Superintendent said, "I am going to read you something amusing." He then read aloud from a copy of the l e t t e r to the Prime Minister, mimicking the halting monotone of a semi-literate person. When he had read the l e t t e r , he read i n a brisk voice a formally worded reply from 86 an a s s i s t a n t i n the Prime M i n i s t e r ' s o f f i c e , r e f e r r i n g the complainant to h er l o c a l Agency o f f i c e o f the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch. The c o p i e s of the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e had been forwarded t o I n d i a n A f f a i r s by the Prime M i n i s t e r ' s o f f i c e , and f u r t h e r c o p i e s s e n t from Ottawa t o the Agency l e v e l . S t i l l l a t e r , the man who had caused the o r i g i n a l l e t t e r to be w r i t t e n showed me the r e p l y and t h e "book" he had r e q u e s t e d — a s t a n d a r d o f f i c e copy o f t h e I n d i a n A c t — a n d s a i d a g g r i e v e d l y , "My daughter says she c a n ' t r e a d t h a t . Don't know what i t s a y s . " When I t o l d him t h a t the l e t t e r s a i d t h a t he s h o u l d take h i s c o m p l a i n t s t o the Agency o f f i c e i n W h e a t v i l l e , he r e p l i e d , "But those a r e the guys I'm c o m p l a i n i n g about. They're the ones who a r e do i n g e v e r y t h i n g . " He seemed t o f e e l t h a t h i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y r e p l y may have been h i s daughter's f a u l t — t h a t she might not have w r i t t e n the o r i g i n a l l e t t e r p r o p e r l y . An extreme, but r e v e a l i n g , example o f t h i s r e f e r r a l o f communications from band members to the channels of the l o c a l Agency o f f i c e was p r o v i d e d by a s e r i e s of l e t t e r s on f i l e a t the W h e a t v i l l e o f f i c e . A young woman who was i n a l a r g e c i t y h o s p i t a l w i t h t u b e r c u l o s i s wrote t o an I n d i a n A f f a i r s employee who had been i n the North P r a i r i e o f f i c e but was now i n another Agency. A l t h o u g h she knew he was no l o n g e r a t N o rth P r a i r i e , she s a i d , she had c o n f i d e n c e i n him and c o u l d t r u s t him t o h e l p h e r . She r e p o r t e d t h a t she was r e c e i v i n g a s m a l l sum of money i n the h o s p i t a l , and t h a t she wished t o send i t to him a l o n g w i t h her T r e a t y money to keep f o r h e r " l i t t l e boy" who would need a l i t t l e e x t r a money from time t o time. I n s e v e r a l sentences through her l e t t e r , she r e p e a t e d i n v a r i o u s wordings t h a t she d i d not want anybody e l s e t o know about h e r r e q u e s t . I t was "none of t h e i r b u s i n e s s " and was to be 87 a " s e c r e t " between the w r i t e r and the r e c i p i e n t . The I n d i a n A f f a i r s employee forwarded the l e t t e r t o the N o r t h P r a i r i e o f f i c e w i t h the p e n c i l l e d n o t a t i o n , " I b e t you d i d n ' t know I had such l o y a l g i r l - f r i e n d s out t h e r e . " The young woman was s e n t a t y p e w r i t t e n l e t t e r s i g n e d by the Agency S u p e r i n t e n d e n t , which s a i d , i n f u l l : "Dear Miss : Mr. has forwarded to us your l e t t e r o f . P l e a s e be a d v i s e d t h a t t h e r e i s a S o c i a l Worker i n the H o s p i t a l , who w i l l a s s i s t you to open a s a v i n g s account a t a l o c a l bank i f you so d e s i r e . " Yours t r u l y , People from the t h r e e income c l a s s e s e x p r e s s e d d i f f e r e n t o p i n i o n s d u r i n g i n t e r v i e w s about the main problems of the r e s e r v e . A l l of the s u c c e s s f u l farmers put r e l i e f h i g h on the l i s t , s t a t i n g t h a t p e o p l e " a r e not w i l l i n g t o work any more". They went on t o c o m p l a i n of i n e p t i t u d e and i n e f f i c i e n c y on the p a r t of government o f f i c i a l s , s t a t i n g t h a t t e c h n i c a l a d v i s o r s and o t h e r s made d e c i s i o n s about m a t t e r s c o n c e r n i n g the r e s e r v e w i t h o u t c o n s u l t i n g knowledgeable l o c a l p e o p l e . F o r example, one man r e c o u n t e d a s t o r y of the government spending $30,000.00 to p r o v i d e a water s u p p l y f o r the s c h o o l , which t u r n e d out to be u n u s a b l e . A c c o r d i n g to h i s r e p o r t , the p r o j e c t was u ndertaken a g a i n s t the a d v i c e of band members. Other i n f o r m a n t s gave s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same s t o r y , and i n 1965, the s c h o o l had two water systems, one p r o v i d i n g water t h a t was u n f i t f o r d r i n k i n g . The more s u c c e s s f u l p e o p l e among the m a r g i n a l farmers a l s o p l a c e d r e l i e f a t the head o f t h e i r l i s t o f problems on the r e s e r v e , some s t a t i n g i t even more s t r o n g l y than the s u c c e s s f u l f a r m e r s : "What problems do we have? R e l i e f . People don't want to work f o r a l i v i n g . Everybody wants a hand-out." S e v e r a l s t a t e d t h a t t e n or f i f t e e n y e a r s e a r l i e r , men "kept busy" a l l y e a r around, working f o r nearby farmers i n the s p r i n g and summer, and t r a p p i n g and f i s h i n g i n the w i n t e r . However, as one man s a i d , "Farmers come to the r e s e r v e now w i t h t r u c k s , begging men to go and work f o r them, but they won't go. People used t o walk m i l e s t o get those j o b s . " Some pe o p l e blamed Agency p e r s o n n e l f o r making r e l i e f too easy to get i n the r e c e n t p a s t , and " s p o i l i n g " p e o p l e . Another major a r e a of c o m p l a i n t by the m a r g i n a l farmers was the d i f f i c u l t y of g e t t i n g c a p i t a l t o improve t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s . They s t a t e d t h a t the Government loan s r e q u i r e t h e r e c i p i e n t t o have some c a p i t a l of h i s own, and s e c u r i t y i n the form of b u i l d i n g s or machinery, and t h a t s m a l l farmers cannot p r o v i d e i t . F u r t h e r , they s a i d , the s m a l l farmer has no a s s e t s t o a c t as i n s u r a n c e a g a i n s t bad c r o p y e a r s . One man s a i d , "These s m a l l loans i s no good [band r e c o r d s show many loans from band funds of one to two hundred d o l l a r s ] . They j u s t put a man deeper i n d e b t . " Another s a i d , "Farming i s b i g b u s i n e s s these days. At one time a man c o u l d get s t a r t e d w i t h a c o u p l e of h o r s e s and a plow and a wagon, but now i t takes twenty thousand d o l l a r s . " Some of the l e a s t s u c c e s s f u l m a r g i n a l farmers e x p r e s s e d the o p i n i o n t h a t loans from the Government and from band funds were a v a i l a b l e o n l y t o the " b i g guys", and t h i s s e n t i m e n t was echoed i n a l e t t e r w r i t t e n by the l o c a l Member of P a r l i a m e n t to the M i n i s t e r i n charge of I n d i a n A f f a i r s d u r i n g one of the d i s p u t e s mentioned above: " I f a i l t o u n d e r s t a n d why the R e v o l v i n g Fund, which i s supposed to h e l p the I n d i a n s , i s a v a i l a b l e o n l y t o , perhaps, those who need h e l p the l e a s t . The m a j o r i t y o f the p e o p l e on the r e s e r v e , who a r e i n n e i t h e r of t h e s e income c a t e g o r i e s , e x p r e s s e d a complex of r e l a t e d problems. High 89 on the l i s t was e m p l o y m e n t — t h e r e were not enough j o b s , and those t h a t were a v a i l a b l e from time t o time were b a d l y p a i d and i n v o l v e d bad working c o n d i t i o n s . W e l f a r e a s s i s t a n c e , they s a i d , was in a d e q u a t e and h a r d t o g e t . They charged t h a t the c o u n c i l and W e l f a r e Committee p r a c t i s e d f a v o u r i t i s m , and t h a t they were never s u r e who was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r r e c e i v i n g t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r r e l i e f . Some gave r e p o r t s of a p p r o a c h i n g a c o u n c i l l o r and b e i n g s e n t t o the A s s i s t a n t S u p e r i n t e n d e n t , who sen t them t o another c o u n c i l l o r , who r e f e r r e d them t o the Agency o f f i c e s i n W h e a t v i l l e . Many e x p r e s s e d d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the "work f o r w e l f a r e " scheme, s a y i n g t h a t t h e r e was f a v o u r i t i s m i n h i r i n g , t h a t the c o u n c i l -a p p o i n t e d foremen were " s l a v e d r i v e r s " , and t h a t a b l e - b o d i e d young men were not a l l o w e d t o work i f co v e r e d by t h e i r f a t h e r s ' a p p l i c a t i o n s . Others complained t h a t a l t h o u g h " w e l f a r e houses" were supposed t o be a l l o t t e d on a p o i n t system, depending upon the numbers and ages of c h i l d r e n i n the f a m i l y , the c o u n c i l l o r s a l l o t t e d houses t o t h e i r " f r i e n d s and r e l a t i o n s " , and t h a t , i n any case, not enough houses were b e i n g b u i l t , and those t h a t were b u i l t were inadequate. In g e n e r a l , they seemed t o l a y the blame f o r the s i t u a t i o n on the c o u n c i l and "the b i g s h o t s " who a r e v i r t u a l l y synonymous, and on the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch as r e p r e s e n t e d by the l o c a l Agency s t a f f . One man, r e f e r r i n g t o the c e n t e n n i a l g r a n t s o f f e r e d by the F e d e r a l Government t o m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and I n d i a n Bands, s a i d : "Our Queen, she say she g i v e us some money. So much per head, f o r - what you c a l l ? One hundred y e a r ? We never see t h a t money. Those c o u n c i l got t h a t money. R. Smith take t h a t money. Got t h a t money r i g h t i n h i s p o c k e t . " I r o n i c a l l y , the c o u n c i l had not a t t h a t time made i t s a p p l i c a t i o n f o r the g r a n t , and the c o u n c i l l o r r e f e r r e d t o was u r g i n g them t o complete i t 90 b e f o r e the d e a d l i n e d a t e . People i n t h i s c a t e g o r y a l s o o b j e c t e d s t r o n g l y t o the f a c t t h a t , d u r i n g the p r e c e d i n g few y e a r s , the amount o f the annual per c a p i t a d i s t r i b u t i o n s had de c r e a s e d , and f i n a l l y the d i s t r i b u t i o n s had stopped a l t o g e t h e r . People i n a l l economic c a t e g o r i e s complained about s e r v i c e s on the r e s e r v e — t h e l a c k o f access t o power and t e l e p h o n e l i n e s , bad roads, i n adequate h e a l t h s e r v i c e s , and poor s c h o o l i n g . Some complained t h a t the s c h o o l buses f o r the r e s e r v e were o p e r a t e d by a c o n t r a c t o r d i f f e r e n t from the one who s e r v e d the p r o v i n c i a l s c h o o l boards i n the r e g i o n , and t h a t he gave bad s e r v i c e . O p i n i o n was d i v i d e d about t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f s c h o o l i n g , which had taken p l a c e over a f i v e - y e a r p e r i o d , and was n e a r l y complete by 1965. Some f e l t t h a t i t would b e n e f i t the c h i l d r e n and t h e band—"Now maybe our k i d s w i l l get the same e d u c a t i o n as White k i d s " . Others f e l t t h a t the r e s e r v e c h i l d r e n were a t a d i s a d v a n t a g e i n b e i n g s e n t t o "White" s c h o o l s — " O u r k i d s don't have n i c e c l o t h e s l i k e those White k i d s . The White k i d s don't l i k e them. Our k i d s f e e l bad i f t h e i r c l o t h e s a r e n ' t so good l i k e the White k i d s have." Op i n i o n s of I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch p e r s o n n e l seemed t o be c l o s e s t to those o f band members i n the h i g h e r income c a t e g o r i e s . They complained of " u n w i l l i n g n e s s t o work" on t h e p a r t of most members of the band, and of c o n s t a n t and p e r s i s t e n t a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . They complained o f the c o u n c i l ' s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of r e l i e f , s a y i n g t h a t a l t h o u g h the W e l f a r e Committee was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r g r a n t i n g or r e f u s i n g a p p l i c a t i o n s , i t s members were o f t e n not a v a i l a b l e , and even when an a p p l i c a n t c o u l d f i n d a c o u n c i l l o r , he would o f t e n be r e f e r r e d back t o the Agency o f f i c e . They a l s o e x p r e s s e d the o p i n i o n t h a t the "work f o r w e l f a r e " scheme, a l t h o u g h a good i d e a and b e t t e r than s i m p l e r e l i e f , was b e i n g b a d l y 9 1 handled, charging that the council-appointed foremen were lax and i n e f f i c i e n t , and did not keep proper track of whether men came to work on time. R e l i e f was a frequent topic of conversation by the Assistant Superintendent. At a council meeting i n the Agency o f f i c e s i n Wheatville, his f i r s t words to the c o u n c i l l o r s upon entering the room were, "By God, I just got back from a couple of days' holiday, and there were four of them [ r e l i e f applicants] on my doorstep this morning. How'd they know I was home?" Like the Superintendent at North Coast, he complained that women t y p i c a l l y made a p p l i c a t i o n for assistance, and said that he was i n the habit of t e l l i n g them to "send t h e i r husbands i n " . Women who applied f o r r e l i e f complained that they could not get i t without "a l o t of nasty t a l k " , and two men said that the women applied because "a man can't put up with a l l the s h i t they give you there". Both the Agency personnel and the c o u n c i l l o r s reported pursuing a p o l i c y of refusing or delaying r e l i e f when sugar beet hoeing or other employment was ava i l a b l e . It was my impression that although the co u n c i l l o r s f e l t i t to be i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t to control the granting of assistance, they preferred not to refuse very many applicants, and this could account for the complaints of band members that they "got the run-around" when trying to apply, and of the Assistant Superintendent that the c o u n c i l l o r s were not av a i l a b l e to applicants when needed. In one recorded dispute, the Welfare Committee accused the Assistant Superintendent of granting r e l i e f to two applicants without consulting the council, and the Assistant r e p l i e d that he had been unable to fi n d the responsible c o u n c i l l o r s i n sp i t e of several e f f o r t s to do so. There were also mutual complaints by Agency personnel and the poorer band members over t h e i r personal i n t e r a c t i o n s , with the Agency 92 p e o p l e s a y i n g the I n d i a n s were "a n u i s a n c e " , " p e r s i s t e n t " , and " i n s o l e n t " , and the I n d i a n s s a y i n g t h a t the Agency p e r s o n n e l " t r e a t us l i k e d i r t " . D u r i n g a day i n the W h e a t v i l l e o f f i c e s , I heard the stenographer-r e c e p t i o n i s t g r e e t band members i n manners r a n g i n g from f r i e n d l y i n f o r m a l i t y f o r the s u c c e s s f u l f a r m e r - c o u n c i l l o r to a r a t h e r a g g r e s s i v e brusqueness f o r some p o o r l y - d r e s s e d women. To one man who s a i d he wanted to a p p l y f o r r e l i e f and t h a t he had no food she s a i d , " W e l l , y o u ' l l j u s t have to w a i t u n t i l gets back. Anyway, anybody who can a f f o r d t o r i d e around i n a c a r doesn't need any r e l i e f . " The man's home was i n a r a t h e r remote p a r t of the r e s e r v e , some twenty m i l e s or more from W h e a t v i l l e . In g e n e r a l , Agency p e r s o n n e l seemed to f e e l t h a t t h e r e were a few " p r o g r e s s i v e " p e o p l e a t N o r t h P r a i r i e , but t h a t too many of them were "backward" and " i r r e s p o n s i b l e " . Even the " p r o g r e s s i v e " c o u n c i l l o r s , they s a i d , o c c a s i o n a l l y showed unexpected i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and i n t r a c t a b i l i t y . F o r example, the A s s i s t a n t S u p e r i n t e n d e n t s a i d t h a t he and o t h e r s had been u r g i n g the c o u n c i l t o a p p l y t o be a d m i n i s t e r e d under S e c t i o n 68 of the I n d i a n A c t , which pe r m i t s a band t o " c o n t r o l , manage and expend i n whole or i n p a r t i t s revenue moneys" ( R e v i s e d S t a t u t e s of Canada 1952), but t h a t t h e c o u n c i l had c o n s i s t e n t l y r e f u s e d to take t h i s s t e p . A " p r o g r e s s i v e " c o u n c i l l o r e x p l a i n e d h i s o p p o s i t i o n to the s u g g e s t i o n on t h e grounds t h a t i f the band were to come under S e c t i o n 68 they would have to employ a f u l l - t i m e manager to l o o k a f t e r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e t a i l s p r e s e n t l y h a n d l e d by Agency p e r s o n n e l , and they c o u l d not a f f o r d to do t h a t . In 1965, the North P r a i r i e Band C o u n c i l c o n s i s t e d o f : 1. J . Moore, C h i e f C o u n c i l l o r , a m a r g i n a l farmer i n h i s 93 s i x t i e s . T h i s was the man who i n i t i a t e d the f o r m a l c o m p l a i n t s about the I n d i a n A f f a i r s p e r s o n n e l as d e s c r i b e d above, and who was d e s c r i b e d as " i r r e s p o n s i b l e " and accused o f d i s h o n e s t y by the A s s i s t a n t Super-i n t e n d e n t d u r i n g h i s p r e v i o u s term o f o f f i c e . He had been a c o u n c i l l o r o f f and on f o r t h i r t y y e a r s . He v o i c e d t o me c o m p l a i n t s about " r e l i e f hounds", and c r i t i c i s m o f the two c o u n c i l l o r s i n (4) below, whom he put i n t o t h a t c a t e g o r y . He a l s o complained about the " r i c h guys", r e p r e s e n t e d by the c o u n c i l l o r s i n (2) below. He i s a Roman C a t h o l i c . 2. R. Smith, M. H a l t o n , and K. H a l t o n , t h r e e of the f o u r most s u c c e s s f u l farmers on the r e s e r v e . Smith was i n h i s l a t e f i f t i e s ; M. H a l t o n s l i g h t l y younger, and K. H a l t o n , h i s son, was i n h i s l a t e t w e n t i e s . Smith i s P r o t e s t a n t , and the two H a l t o n s a r e C a t h o l i c s . R. Smith has been a c t i v e i n c o u n c i l a f f a i r s f o r n e a r l y t h i r t y y e a r s , and was the most s u c c e s s f u l i n d i v i d u a l on the r e s e r v e . At times, w h i l e not h o l d i n g a s e a t on the c o u n c i l , he has a c t e d as i t s " f i n a n c i a l a d v i s o r " . He was a p p a r e n t l y the most i n f l u e n t i a l of the Smiths, and was named f r e q u e n t l y by poor d i s s i d e n t s as sym b o l i c of the " r i c h guys" and "th o s e c o u n c i l " . Both of the H a l t o n s m a r r i e d n o n - I n d i a n women from nearby towns. The younger man speaks l i t t l e or no Cree. He i s i n h i s f i r s t term as a c o u n c i l l o r , and exp r e s s e d the o p i n i o n t h a t i t was " a l l r i g h t , as long as i t doesn't take too much time". His f a t h e r had been a c o u n c i l l o r s e v e r a l times, but not as o f t e n as Smith. He, too, had a c t e d as a " f i n a n c i a l a d v i s o r " t o the c o u n c i l on occas i o n . 3. J . Smith and C. Smith, men i n t h e i r f o r t i e s , P r o t e s t a n t s , and d e s c r i b e d as c o u s i n s to each o t h e r and to R. Smith. J . Smith was once a m a r g i n a l farmer and r a n c h e r , but s o l d h i s s t o c k when he had an o p p o r t u n i t y to work on a con-s t r u c t i o n job o f f the r e s e r v e . When the j o b ended a f t e r t h r e e y e a r s , he t r i e d t o r e - e s t a b l i s h h i m s e l f i n f a r m i n g but c o u l d not, and h i s l a n d was l e a s e d by the c o u n c i l to pay h i s d e b t s . He was on the W e l f a r e Committee of the c o u n c i l w i t h the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r and M. N o r r i s (see below) the l a t t e r of whom he d e s c r i b e d as "no good". He e x p r e s s e d the o p i n i o n t h a t r e l i e f was too easy to get, and t h a t men s h o u l d be f o r c e d to work f o r n e i g h b o u r i n g farmers when such j o b s were a v a i l a b l e : "They don't k i l l you f o r $5.00 a day." J . Smith l i v e d i n a new w e l f a r e house. C. Smith worked f o r o u t s i d e farmers and d i d some s m a l l f a r m i n g f o r h i m s e l f f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s . He took a c a r p e n t r y c o u r s e sponsored by the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch i n 1959, a t the age of f o r t y - o n e . S i n c e t h a t time he had been f a i r l y s t e a d i l y employed i n b u i l d i n g w e l f a r e houses on the r e s e r v e , and l i v e d i n one h i m s e l f . In h i s o p i n i o n , the b i g g e s t problem o f the band i s t h a t the people a r e " s p o i l e d " by a s s i s t a n c e : "They want to be h e l p e d a l l the time i n s t e a d of h e l p i n g themselves. I t a l l comes too easy." C. and J. Smith f e l t that the two councillors i n category 4 below represented the worst (and largest) element of the population. 4. M. Norris and M. Bird, two men i n their late t h i r t i e s . Both had been unsuccessful i n attempts to establish them-selves i n farming, and i n 1965 owed money to the band and were among the occasional workers and welfare recipients that made up the majority of the population. They both acted as foremen for the council on the winter works projects. I could not interview Bird, who was away working, but gathered from interviews with Norris and others, that the two men were close friends and tended to agree with and support each other. Norris was c r i t i c a l of the " r i c h guys" who, i n his opinion, dominated the council and the band. These, he said, were people who had received assistance from the Indian A f f a i r s Branch at a time when i t was easier to begin farming and when no security was required, and they were now using their positions of leadership to prevent others from getting assistance. He mentioned that he and Bird and others had f a i l e d at farming because they had too l i t t l e c a p i t a l , and because of their f a i l u r e they were not allowed to try again. He and Bird were planning to help Norris's brother to acquire '•li-the necessary equipment to qualify for assistance to set up as a stock-raiser. Norris had supported the chief councillor's attacks on the old council i n 1961, and had been described at that time by the Assistant Superintendent as immoral and dishonest. Both B i r d and N o r r i s had m i s sed a number of c o u n c i l meetings s i n c e t h e i r e l e c t i o n , and were c r i t i c i z e d f o r t h i s by t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s and the Agency p e r s o n n e l . N o r r i s s a i d t h a t he o f t e n c o u l d not go to the meetings because he had to work when work was a v a i l a b l e , and the meetings were always h e l d i n the daytime. Both men have f r e q u e n t l y been away from the r e s e r v e working on the s u g a r - b e e t s and o t h e r s e a s o n a l j o b s . N o r r i s i s a Roman C a t h o l i c , and B i r d a P r o t e s t a n t . 5. L. ^Conway, a man i n h i s s i x t i e s , once a P r o t e s t a n t but i n 1965 a Roman C a t h o l i c . He had done the u s u a l v a r i e t y of j o b s and m a r g i n a l f a r m i n g , and i n 1965 was on w e l f a r e . He had been on the c o u n c i l w i t h b r i e f i n t e r r u p t i o n s f o r over twenty y e a r s . D u r i n g our i n t e r v i e w , Conway showed l i t t l e c o n c e r n o r knowledge of the s p e c i f i c i s s u e s mentioned by the o t h e r c o u n c i l l o r s , but c o n f i n e d h i m s e l f m a i n l y t o g e n e r a l remarks about " r i g h t n e s s " and "good b e h a v i o u r " . Remarks by him r e c o r d e d i n minutes of c o u n c i l and band meetings were a l s o of t h i s c h a r a c t e r , t a k i n g the form of a d j u r a t i o n s to the c o u n c i l or the p e o p l e t o behave w i t h p r o p r i e t y . He judged the m e r i t s of p a s t c o u n c i l s on which he had s a t by whether t h e r e had been " q u a r r e l l i n g " , which, from the c o n t e x t of h i s remarks, I took to mean disagreement o f any k i n d . His view of the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e beyond the c o u n c i l d i d not seem to be v e r y p r e c i s e , and he sometimes r e f e r r e d to i t i n r a t h e r m y s t e r i o u s terms. He spoke s p e c i f i c a l l y of only one matter—the water supply for his welfare house, which he had occupied since 1959. By his account, "some people" had come on three occasions to dig wells at his house. When I asked who had employed them, he replied, "Oh, the council. Or maybe the Agency." On one occasion, he said, the well-diggers had found good water, but immediately upon doing so, "they covered i t up. F i l l e d i t i n . They've never been back. I don't understand that." When I asked i f he had inquired further into the matter, he said that he had not. In 1965, he was hauling brackish water with horses and a stone boat for three-quarters of a mile for his house-hold supply. On analysis, i t appears that the interests and opinions of the fiv e councillors i n categories 2 and 3, two of the Halton family and three of the Smith, coincide much of the time, so that they form a group which might be termed for descriptive purposes the "governing faction". The two councillors i n ( 4 ) represent an "opposition" whose interests and opinions are opposed to those of the governing faction most of the time. The chief councillor appears to share some interests and opinions with both, and to side with one or the other on sp e c i f i c issues. In interviews he was c r i t i c a l of both sides, but expressed some opinions sim i l a r to some of those expressed by representatives of each. L. Conway appears to be a man who does not f u l l y understand what is going on i n the council, but gives an impression of knowledge by speaking i n terms of abstract values rather than issues. He had maintained a seat on the council during the period i n the late 1950's and early 1960's when others 98 were losing and regaining them. As a body, i t appears that the council represented the interests of the successful and marginal farmers, though not uniformly nor i n a united manner. The poorest members of the band, though d i s s a t i s f i e d , did not aspire to council seats. Several said that they could not run because they were i l l i t e r a t e and/or could not speak English w e l l . After one man had given me a lengthy l i s t of complaints and a de t a i l e d analysis of reserve p o l i t i c s , I asked him i f he had ever considered running for o f f i c e . He r e p l i e d , "Oh, I couldn't do that. I got no education. I don't know about a l l those....(vaguely)... things." Another such man had been a c o u n c i l l o r for one term, but had found i t very d i f f i c u l t : "I couldn't understand R. Smith and those Government men, what they say, and I couldn't t a l k good. Couldn't express myself." During a council meeting i n Wheatville, which was not attended by either of the "opposition" c o u n c i l l o r s , I observed two men who brought problems before the cou n c i l , waiting i n the outer o f f i c e of the Agency u n t i l the coun c i l was ready to hear them. The f i r s t man came into the counc i l chamber and stood behind the chair of the Assistant Superintendent,' who did not turn around. Nobody greeted him. The man spoke i n Cree, d i r e c t i n g his remarks toward the chief c o u n c i l l o r , while most of the rest of the c o u n c i l l o r s talked among themselves and the Assistant Superinten-dent passed around a r e s o l u t i o n form for signatures. When the man stopped speaking, the ch i e f c o u n c i l l o r answered him b r i e f l y i n Cree, and the man l e f t . To the Assistant Agent, the chief said, "He was asking for money for his house and a we l l . I to l d him we have no money budgetted for that." The second man was concerned about the r e c e n t l y - b u i l t "gospel h a l l " . The lease for the land on which i t had been b u i l t had not been completed, and he wanted to know whether i t was a l l right for the sect members to have an o f f i c i a l opening. He also stood behind the Assistant Superintendent's chair and addressed the whole council, speaking English i n a careful, formal manner, and nervously twisting his hat between his hands. The councillors conversed with each other during his presen-tation, some explaining to each other i n l e g a l i s t i c terms where he was i n error and expressing amused exasperation at his ignorance. The Assistant Superintendent did not turn around, and, beginning while the man was s t i l l speaking, he told the councillors that the sect should go ahead with their opening, and that the lease would have to wait u n t i l a survey had been completed. The man continued to stand behind the Assistant's chair, and the Assistant opened discussion on another matter. The man waited uncertainly for a moment, then said, "Thank you", and went to the end of the table where he showed L. Conway a paper referring to the opening of the h a l l . After a moment, he looked uncertainly around the table, said "Thank you" again, and l e f t the room. Nobody had spoken to him d i r e c t l y except Conway. From time to time, however, the poor majority are able to influence or make decisions through a band meeting. In 1964, the band had received a f a i r l y large sum of money from petroleum companies for explorations and surface leases. The council wanted the money to go into band funds for community projects, but on the i n i t i a t i v e of a number of poorer people, with some support from the two "opposition" councillors, a band meeting was held at which there was a heavy vote i n favour of a per capita d i s t r i b u t i o n , amounting to about $9.00 per band member. The Indian A f f a i r s Branch personnel and the more successful band members saw 100 t h i s as t y p i c a l l y s h o r t - s i g h t e d and " I n d i a n " b e h a v i o u r . The A s s i s t a n t S u p e r i n t e n d e n t e x p l a i n e d the a c t i o n i n terms of " i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " and i n a b i l i t y t o " p l a n f o r the f u t u r e " . The s u c c e s s f u l I n d i a n s seemed t o agree, and to f e e l t h a t i t had damaged the r e p u t a t i o n o f the band w i t h the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch and p r e j u d i c e d t h e i r chances of r e c e i v i n g Government a s s i s t a n c e i n the f u t u r e . S e v e r a l o f the poor m a j o r i t y , however, e x p l a i n e d the i n c i d e n t i n si m p l e terms: e i t h e r the c o u n c i l g e t s the money or the people do. One man e x p r e s s e d i t t h i s way: "Sure, I know i t ' s n ot much money we g e t . Not much. But why s h o u l d n ' t we g e t i t ? Those c o u n c i l get i t , they j u s t use i t f o r themselves. We don't g e t no good from i t . I t ' s b e t t e r we g e t a l i t t l e b i t , because i f we don't, they get i t a l l . " I t appears t o me t h a t i n t h i s i n s t a n c e the poor m a j o r i t y was a b l e t o o v e r - r u l e a c o u n c i l p o l i c y because t h e i s s u e was seen as c l e a r - c u t , and a per c a p i t a d i s t r i b u t i o n was w e l l w i t h i n t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e , so t h a t much of the mystery t h a t f o r them surrounds the workings of the c o u n c i l was i n t h i s c ase l a c k i n g . More t y p i c a l , however, a r e those s i t u a t i o n s i n which the poor p e o p l e f e e l d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , but seem unable t o g e n e r a t e a c t i o n . For example, one man s a i d : Used t o be we c o u l d c l e a r some l a n d and l e a s e i t out to some White man. Make a l i t t l e money t h a t way. Can't do t h a t no more. C o u n c i l made a law." Some c o u n c i l l o r s had argued f o r t h i s a c t i o n i n a band meeting by s a y i n g t h a t "we don't want non-Indians r e a p i n g the b e n e f i t s of I n d i a n l a n d " . One of the d i s s i d e n t s , however, p o i n t e d out t h a t a l t h o u g h the by-law w i l l no l o n g e r a l l o w i n d i v i d u a l s to l e a s e land t o non-Indians, the c o u n c i l was d o i n g so. He f e l t t h a t i f the i n d i v i d u a l l e a s e s had been a l l o w e d t o 101 c o n t i n u e , c o m p e t i t i o n f o r l a n d would have begun, d i s p u t e s would have a r i s e n , and a s u r v e y o f the r e s e r v e and f o r m a l a l l o t m e n t o f lands would be the i n e v i t a b l e outcome. T h i s , he f e l t , was what the s u c c e s s f u l farmers most wished t o a v o i d , f o r i t was h i s o p i n i o n t h a t the p r e s e n t system o f la n d t e n u r e — f r e e d o m to use any r e s e r v e l a n d not i n use by somebody e l s e — w o r k e d t o the advantage of those w i t h the c a p i t a l to e x p l o i t i t . However, t h e r e was no u n i t e d f e e l i n g among the p o o r e r band members on t h i s i s s u e . Some appeared t o f e a r s u r v e y and a l l o t m e n t because they b e l i e v e d t h a t t a x a t i o n and l o s s o f I n d i a n r i g h t s would f o l l o w . Others agreed w i t h t h e sentiments about White e x p l o i t a t i o n o f I n d i a n l a n d , and re g a r d e d the c o u n c i l l e a s e s as o n l y a temporary e x p e d i e n t , and so on. These, then, a r e some of the events and i s s u e s of co n c e r n t o peo p l e a t North P r a i r i e . Many o f the p o p u l a t i o n s u f f e r from what they and the l a r g e r s o c i e t y r e g a r d as p o v e r t y . There i s a p e r v a s i v e f e e l i n g among pe o p l e o f a l l economic l e v e l s t h a t t h e r e i s something wrong w i t h the s i t u a t i o n on the r e s e r v e , and t h i s f e e l i n g i s s h a r e d by I n d i a n A f f a i r s p e r s o n n e l . There a r e, however, a number o f d i f f e r e n t o p i n i o n s about.the causes of t h i s c o n d i t i o n . 102 .CHAPTER IV AN INDIAN RESERVE POPULATION: SHIELD LAKE A. The Populations In 1965, the Shield Lake Band of Indians consisted of 484 people of Ojibwa ancestry, of whom about 330 lived i n 70 households on a reserve stretching for 20 miles along the shores of a large Ontario lake, and 150 lived off the reserve i n about 37 households, some i n nearby towns and some scattered widely about Canada and the United States. In ordinary l o c a l usage, "Shield Lake Indians" refers mainly to those l i v i n g on the reserve, but i t may also include band members l i v i n g i n nearby towns and enfranchised Indians l i v i n g i n the towns or on the borders of the reserve. Persons other than band members l i v i n g on the reserve include only a Roman Catholic priest who lives beside the church at West Vil l a g e (see below); non-Indian summer cottage owners who have leased sites from the band; and two households of enfranchised Indians who rent houses at the eastern end of the reserve from kinsmen who are band members. Only the last of these are included i n the population as id e n t i f i e d by non-Indians. It appears that to most lo c a l non-Indians, a l l the people of the area possessing certain i d e n t i f i a b l e physical characteristics constitute a population which i s centred on the reserve but has a few members who have moved outside those boundaries. To some non-Indians i n o f f i c i a l positions, such as policemen and Provincial s o c i a l welfare personnel, band members resident on the reserve constitute a d i s t i n c t unit. As 103 at North P r a i r i e , the band council and Indian A f f a i r s personnel seem to regard band members whose permanent residence is on the reserve (thus including some people temporarily resident elsewhere) as constituting a d i s t i n c t population, and i t i s to this unit that I s h a l l refer i n what follows. For some purposes this population unit is sub-divided by both i t s members and Indian A f f a i r s personnel into two groupings at opposite ends of the reserve. Some Agency s t a f f referred to the people at the west end as "progressive" and "cooperative", as opposed to those at the east end, who were "conservative" and " h o s t i l e " . Others c r i t i c i z e d the west-enders as "always asking for something" and commended the east-enders as "self-supporting". This separation of the reserve population into two units with their own characteristics was also made by several members, and some had made attempts to have i t recognized o f f i c i a l l y by a formal separation into two bands, each with i t s own reserve. This d i v i s i o n and the reasons for i t w i l l be discussed more f u l l y below. B. General Description The Shield Lake Reserve consists of about 49,000 acres. A similar area i n two bordering townships is administered for the band under surrender to the Indian A f f a i r s Branch. Or i g i n a l l y , the reserve included, besides the present acreage, three f u l l Ontario townships. In 1907, the three townships were surrendered by the band and surveyed, and i n 1917 they were put up for auction i n lots of about 320 acres apiece. The purchase price of the lots was to be paid i n f i v e instalments; one-quarter at the time of sale and the balance i n four equal annual payments. Timber cut i n clearing the land for c u l t i v a t i o n could be disposed of free of dues, but timber cut outside of the clearing area before the 104 land was paid for i n f u l l was to be under permit from the Indian A f f a i r s Branch, and was to be subject to dues. No purchaser was to be allowed to buy more than one l o t , and the scheme was described as one by which returning veterans of the F i r s t World War could secure a g r i c u l t u r a l land. According to Agency records and testimony by a long-time Indian A f f a i r s Branch employee and local resident, many non-Indians including the Indian Agent of the time and his entire family, purchased the lots at prices between two and three dollars an acre. Two Indian informants reported that Whites paid Indians to purchase additional lots for them. Some purchasers paid their f i r s t instalment, cut the best timber, and allowed their payments to lapse and the ownership of the lots to revert. Some completed thei r payments and later did not keep up their Provincial taxes, so that the ownership of the lots passed to the Government of Ontario. Others completed their payments, continued to pay taxes, and retained their property. Some lots were not sold at a l l . Apparently timber regulations were not caref u l l y enforced; the entire area was pretty well stripped of the best timber, but l i t t l e a g r i c u l t u r a l enterprise was begun. The sale of lots stopped i n 1938. Thus, the three townships remained for many years a confusing patchwork of lots owned by the Provincial Government, by individual non-Indians, and by the Federal Government under the terms of surrender by the band. Between 1955 and 1965, the Indian A f f a i r s Branch pursued a policy of consolidation, trading lots with the Province and non-Indian owners with the intention of consolidating the Indian holdings, so that the remaining Indian lands could be released from surrender to the Crown and returned to administration as band lands. 105 The p r e s e n t r e s e r v e i s long and narrow, b o r d e r e d on the south s i d e by S h i e l d Lake and on the n o r t h by a major highway. L i n e s of b o t h major r a i l w a y s pass through i t . Three m i l e s from the w e s t e r n end i s Pulp C i t y , a m a n u f a c t u r i n g c e n t r e of 7,000 people, and about the same d i s t a n c e from the o t h e r end i s Mine C i t y , an i n d u s t r i a l and d i s t r i b u t i o n c e n t r e of 25,000. The main c e n t r e of p o p u l a t i o n on the r e s e r v e i s at t h e w e s t e r n end. On the l a k e s h o r e t h e r e , about 5 m i l e s from Pulp C i t y and two from the major highway, i s a c l u s t e r of t h i r t y - t w o households which w i l l be r e f e r r e d t o here as West V i l l a g e . On the highway and 2 m i l e s c l o s e r to Pulp C i t y i s a c l u s t e r of t e n households , h e r e c a l l e d the V e t e r a n ' s S i t e . These f o r t y - t w o households a r e r e f e r r e d t o c o l l e c t i v e l y as the "West End" and c o n s t i t u t e one of the s u b - d i v i s i o n s of the p o p u l a t i o n . Twenty m i l e s to the e a s t , a t the o p p o s i t e end of the r e s e r v e and about 3 m i l e s from Mine C i t y , i s a c l u s t e r of f o u r t e e n households, h e r e r e f e r r e d to s i m p l y as the " E a s t End". A p p r o x i m a t e l y mid-way between these two major c l u s t e r s i s Johnson's P o i n t , w i t h e i g h t households, and the r e m a i n i n g s i x w i t h i n a few m i l e s on e i t h e r s i d e . In the f a c t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n , most of these p e o p l e are i n c l u d e d w i t h the E a s t Enders. Of the s e v e n t y households, a p p r o x i m a t e l y f i f t y - t h r e e c o n s i s t o f n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s , and e l e v e n of t h e s e a r e s i n g l e persons, m a i n l y e l d e r l y widows and widowers. The r e m a i n i n g s e v e n t e e n households a r e of v a r i e d c o m p o s i t i o n , as shown i n T a b l e I I I . A l l band l a n d i s h e l d i n common w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of the b u i l d i n g l o t s at the V e t e r a n s ' S i t e and two or t h r e e at the E a s t End which were surv e y e d and a l l o c a t e d t o i n d i v i d u a l band members so t h a t they c o u l d q u a l i f y f o r g r a n t s under the V e t e r a n s ' Land A c t . S i x hundred acres on 106 the lakeshore at Johnson's Point have been surrendered and sub-divided into half acre lots for lease to non-Indians as summer cottage s i t e s . TABLE I I I HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION, SHIELD LAKE RESERVE Composition Number of Households Nuclear family (including bachelors, widows, etc.) 53 Nuclear family plus married offspring, t h e i r spouses and children 5 Nuclear family plus unmarried or separated offspring and children 3 Nuclear family plus children of offspring 3 Nuclear family plus parents of marriage partners 2 Nuclear family plus miscellaneous extra kin 2 Nuclear family, related nuclear families not covered i n the categories above _3 Total 71 Note: One household is counted under two categories Children from the reserve are brought into either Pulp City or Mine City by bus to attend school, and the reserve population uses both c i t i e s for shopping and recreation. There are small stores on the highway within a few miles of the smaller clusters of population near Johnson's Point. The Agency o f f i c e of the Indian A f f a i r s Branch is i n Mine City, and the Indian Health Services nurse has her o f f i c e i n Pulp City. By comparison with other reserves I have v i s i t e d , most of the houses are well kept and i n good repair. Most have e l e c t r i c i t y and telephone. The water supply comes from wells, from the lake, and from small creeks; about half of the houses have thei r own pumping equipment, and thus are supplied with running water and flush t o i l e t s attached to septic tanks. According to Indian A f f a i r s Branch records, 2 acres of 107 t h e r e s e r v e i s i n use by band members f o r gardens and o r c h a r d s f o r persona use, and 100 a c r e s a r e v i l l a g e and t o w n s i t e . The remainder i s unimproved woodland, p a r k l a n d , n a t i v e p a s t u r e and wetland. The same r e c o r d s i n d i c a t e t h a t band members own twelve a u t o m o b i l e s , one t r u c k , and two p i c k - u p t r u c k s , but I would e s t i m a t e t h a t the number of automobiles i s s l i g h t l y h i g h e r . T a b l e IV g i v e s an I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch summary of employment f o r the band, but the a c c u r a c y of the f i g u r e s must be r e g a r d e d as q u e s t i o n a b l e I n f o r m a t i o n i s i n c l u d e d f o r o n l y s i x t y - t w o workers, and j o b c l a s s -i f i c a t i o n s a l o n g w i t h my own i n f o r m a t i o n l e a d me to b e l i e v e t h a t some of these a r e women; o t h e r band r e c o r d s i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e r e a r e over e i g h t y employable males a l o n e . However, the t a b l e w i l l g i v e some i d e a o f types of employment and l e v e l s of e a r n i n g s . Other Agency r e c o r d s c o n t a i n e d the e s t i m a t e t h a t i n 1964, f o r t y - t h r e e workers were employed f o r e l e v e n or twelve months; n i n e were employed f o r f i v e to s i x months; f o u r t e e n f o r t h r e e or f o u r ; seven f o r one or two; and s e v e n t e e n f o r l e s s than one. March, A p r i l and May a r e the months of h i g h e s t unemployment. I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch f i g u r e s f o r o t h e r s o u r c e s of income a r e g i v e n i n T a b l e V, and no o t h e r d a t a I have would l e a d me to q u e s t i o n these 108 TABLE IV EMPLOYMENT, SHIELD LAKE BAND Type of Employment No. of Workers Man Months Estimated Income On Res erve: Forestry 14 84 15,000 trapping 9 9 250 guiding 8 48 7,200 c l e r i c a l and o f f i c e 1 12 2,100 unskilled and casual 6 54 26,000 handicrafts 6 6 950 Off Reserve: Forestry 1 8 2,000 s k i l l e d trades 8 80 24,000 c l e r i c a l and o f f i c e 3 36 10,000 unskilled and casual 2 22 2,500 Fishing on or off reserve 4 16 ? Source: Indian A f f a i r s Branch Resources Questionnaire, 1964 TABLE V INCOME, OTHER THAN FROM EMPLOYMENT, SHIELD LAKE BAND Source of Income No. of Recipients Estimated Income Renting cottage sites 3 1,800 Treaty payments 457 1,828 Band d i s t r i b u t i o n 457 3,656 Family allowance 100 (225 children) 20,250 Old Age Pensions 20 1,500 D i s a b i l i t y Pension, etc. 4 375 Unemployment Insurance 5 3,000 Welfare assistance 39 households, 47 dependents 3,600 Source: Indian A f f a i r s Branch Resources Questionnaire, 1964. 109 C. Organization 1. Organization sponsored and directed by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch The band has the usual elected council organization, with a chief and four c o u n c i l l o r s . The council has created several committees, consisting of a c o u n c i l l o r and one or more band members, which are responsible to the council for such areas of i n t e r e s t as Timber, Welfare, Sports, and so on. Since 1962, the council has employed a band member i n a p o s i t i o n sometimes referred to as Band Administrator. This man i s also the Welfare O f f i c e r and F i r e Warden, and he keeps the council's books and pay l i s t s . He received some t r a i n i n g from the l o c a l Agency s t a f f , but both Agency personnel and P r o v i n c i a l welfare o f f i c i a l s f e l t that he was not capable of being a r e a l administrator and f i n a n c i a l advisor to the band; they f e l t that he did not have a f u l l understanding of band finances, and had only learned the mechanics of f i l l i n g out forms. At the same time, however, both Indian A f f a i r s o f f i c i a l s and band members suggested that he had conspired with the chief c o u n c i l l o r to manipulate r e l i e f funds and other money to t h e i r mutual benefit, which would suggest a rather greater understanding. Several band members expressed the opinion that the p o s i t i o n was a "pension" for the incumbent since he was unable to do other work, and suggested that he had been chosen because he is the father of one of the c o u n c i l l o r s . His own account of his appointment is phrased i n rather mysterious terms, which could r e f l e c t a r e a l lack of understanding or may be an attempt to combat suggestions of nepotism: One day the nurse came i n here and said, "You're 110 going to be the R e l i e f O f f i c e r here one day." I didn't know anything about i t . Then I was c a l l e d to a council meeting. The Superintendent said, "Sign here." I didn't know what i t was a l l about. Af t e r that I went to Mine City and they taught me what to do. When I asked the Assistant Superintendent about this man, he r e p l i e d , "Oh, he's pretty good. He keeps welfare costs down." However, the d i s t r i c t P r o v i n c i a l Welfare Coordinator f e l t that he was not administering s o c i a l assistance properly at a l l , but merely giving small sums "to keep people quiet". The Coordinator showed me a monthly welfare sheet, pointing out small sums that, i n his opinion, would be completely useless for the purposes for which s o c i a l assistance is intended. One example was a family of twelve which had received a payment of $48.00, of which the Coordinator said, "What's the use of that? They probably came to him and said that the husband had missed a couple of days work, and he gave them that so they wouldn't cause him any trouble." The c o u n c i l manages the resources of the band, granting permits to cut timber on the reserve and c o l l e c t i n g money for band lands leased to non-members. In 1965, reserve land was leased for a gas s t a t i o n , a sawmill, a p i p e - l i n e , and an ore m i l l . In addition, the council has invested a large sum of money i n developing and sub-dividing a section of the reserve on the lakefront for lease to non-Indians as summer cottage s i t e s . The returns from such enterprises are disbursed by the council for the b u i l d i n g and maintenance of roads, the digging of wells, for s o c i a l assistance payments, and, u n t i l recently, i n per capita d i s t r i b u t i o n s to members of the band. Through the council, the band and i t s members are linked to a v a r i e t y of i n s t i t u t i o n s of the larger p o l i t y . For example, the c o u n c i l I l l pays out of band funds two-thirds of the cost of premiums for each band member i n the Ontario hospital insurance plan and i n a private insurance scheme covering doctors' b i l l s . The remaining t h i r d i s paid by Indian Health Services. The administration of s o c i a l assistance i s under an agreement with the Provincial Government, which reimburses the band for 80 per cent of the funds paid out i n this way, and Provincial welfare o f f i c i a l s advise the Band Administrator on matters rela t i n g to s o c i a l assistance. Partly because of the efforts of the priest mentioned below, surrounding municipalities have begun to take account of the reserve population as a municipal entity, and the chief councillor i s sometimes invited to inter-municipal meetings of elected o f f i c i a l s . The Indian A f f a i r s Branch also sponsors a Homemakers' Club which is included for descriptive purposes under the next heading. 2. Organization sponsored by other agencies outside the population An organization-minded Roman Catholic p r i e s t , Father Dunn, has made Shield Lake his headquarters since 1960. Although he had been absent from the reserve during much of his tenure, doing post-graduate study on community organization, he apparently had a considerable effect upon the lives of the people at Shield Lake. During 1964, he encouraged the people to put into practice many of his ideas, and i n 1965 eleven organizations were active on the reserve. Two years before, the Indian Affairs-sponsored Homemakers' Club was the only one. Some of these organizations are i n the nature of l o c a l branches of systems of wider scope, and some are purely l o c a l . They include: (a) The Legion of Mary (Junior and Senior) - a church and community service organization; 112 (b) The Church Committee; (c) The Catholic Youth Organization; (d) Alcoholics Anonymous; (e) The Cana Club - a s o c i a l club for young married people; (f) Brownies and Cubs ; (g) The Homemakers1 Club; (h) The Sports Committee; ( i ) Adult Education - taught by Father Dunn and concentrating on public speaking and organizational t o p i c s ; (j) Up-grading English - organized l o c a l l y and taught by a teacher from Pulp C i t y . A l l of these groups together are regarded as a "Community Council", and hold monthly j o i n t meetings at which each group may discuss i t s problems, programmes, and plans. The community council elects a chairman, and a monthly schedule i s worked out so that there w i l l be a minimum of overlap i n a c t i v i t i e s and a minimum of c o n f l i c t i n meeting times. Sometimes guest speakers are i n v i t e d to address meetings of the c o u n c i l . A l l of these a c t i v i t i e s are intended to be separate from those of the band council, although the chief and a l l the c o u n c i l l o r s take a leading part i n the community organizations and make use of them i n carrying out band council a c t i v i t i e s . Most of the participants i n this scheme f e l t that the programme was very valuable to the band, and commented to the e f f e c t that "nothing was happening here u n t i l Father Dunn came". Two c o u n c i l l o r s expressed the opinion that the programme had helped them greatly i n t h e i r work with the council by teaching them procedural and organizational s k i l l s , and by giving them confidence to speak i n public. The system of band coun c i l committees consisting of both a c o u n c i l l o r and other members of 113 the band was i n f l u e n c e d by t h i s community o r g a n i z a t i o n . Two c o u n c i l l o r s f e l t t h a t the committee system and F a t h e r Dunn's community o r g a n i z a t i o n had h e l p e d to check the i l l i c i t a c t i v i t i e s o f the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r and t h e band a d m i n i s t r a t o r . Almost the e n t i r e membership i n t h ese o r g a n i z a t i o n s i s drawn from the West End of the r e s e r v e — f r o m West V i l l a g e and the V e t e r a n s ' S i t e . The c o r e of t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n seems to i n c l u d e about h a l f of t h e a d u l t s i n t h a t a r e a , p e o p l e who a r e a l s o on the band c o u n c i l , a c t i v e i n c o u n c i l committees, t a k i n g o t h e r a c t i v e p a r t i n band a f f a i r s , and engaged i n the e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t i e s d e s c r i b e d below. People from the r e s t of the r e s e r v e do not b e l o n g to the o r g a n i z a t i o n s and a t t e n d o n l y r a r e l y a t p u b l i c f u n c t i o n s . Some of t h e s e e x p r e s s e d the o p i n i o n t h a t F a t h e r Dunn was "not i n t e r e s t e d i n u s " and t h a t the whole progiamme was a p a r t of a c o n s p i r a c y by the West End group to dominate the a f f a i r s o f the r e s e r v e . Some of the E a s t End p e o p l e do not a t t e n d F a t h e r Dunn's church, but go i n s t e a d to a c h u r c h i n Mine C i t y . One e x - c o u n c i l l o r i n the West End f e l t t h a t some e f f o r t s h o u l d be made to extend t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n t o the E a s t End, perhaps by b u i l d i n g a h a l l and h o l d i n g some meetings t h e r e . Most o t h e r a c t i v e West Enders f e l t t h a t the E a s t Enders c o u l d p a r t i c i p a t e i f they wanted t o , but t h a t they were "not i n t e r e s t e d " . 3. O r g a n i z a t i o n c o n t a i n e d or c e n t r e d i n the p o p u l a t i o n F i v e men on the r e s e r v e c o u l d be r e g a r d e d as f u l l - t i m e e n t r e p r e n e u r s . One o f t h e s e i s an e l d e r l y man a t t h e E a s t End whose main j o b f o r n e a r l y f i f t y y e a r s has been taxidermy. He m a i n t a i n s a s m a l l shop near h i s house, where he s t u f f s and mounts f i s h , b i r d s and o t h e r game f o r t o u r i s t s and 114 t o u r i s t resorts. This man is descended from the man who was named as chief of the band when i t was created as an administrative unit i n 1850. In addition to his taxidermy, he has done some farming and wage work from time to time. Four men at West V i l l a g e are logging contractors, each employing four to s i x band members. U n t i l 1955, permits to cut timber on the reserve were granted to non-Indian as well as to Indian contractors, sometimes, but not always, on the condition that the contractor h i r e band members. Since 1955, permits can be granted only to band members, and a r u l e that permit-holders may h i r e only band members has been enforced :from time to time since then. Men who were c o u n c i l l o r s before 1955 maintain that they only granted permits i n times of unemployment, using the timber resources of the band as something to f a l l back upon i n time of need. Since 1955, logging has been c a r r i e d on a l l year, weather permitting. Buyers for pulp m i l l s , sawmills, and veneer plants contract with a band member for a s p e c i f i e d amount of timber. The contractor decides where he w i l l cut i t , and takes the proposal to the band co u n c i l . If the council agrees, i t w i l l authorize the Agency Superintendent to sign the permit. The buyer scales the cut timber each week, and issues the contractor advance payment on t h i s basis to cover his operating expenses. When the contract i s completed and the wood delivered, the buyer pays the balance of the agreed amount and the contractor pays dues to the band for the amount of wood cut. In theory, any band member can get a timber permit, but for the most part only the four contractors mentioned above a c t u a l l y got them. At least one other man had t r i e d to s t a r t contracting, but had been refused permits by the c o u n c i l . Older men say that at one time, when the 115 timber was c l o s e r to the roads, logging equipment was less complex, and buyers were w i l l i n g to contract for smaller amounts of timber, almost any man with a team of horses could cut and s e l l timber. Now, however, the c a p i t a l investment of a contractor is considerably more than that. The eldest of the four contractors operating i n 1965 had been i n the business for about twenty years and had equipment worth approximately $20,000.00. The other three, one of whom is the f i r s t man's son, had started t h e i r businesses within the previous seven to ten years, and each had equipment worth about $10,000.00. A l l four men had received and were s t i l l holding loans from the Federal Government's Revolving Loan Fund. One was i n u n o f f i c i a l partnership with a non-Indian who loaned him money to buy a piece of major equipment, and he suggested that the other contractors might have s i m i l a r u n o f f i c i a l arrangements with non-Indians. The contractors were reluctant to discuss some d e t a i l s of t h e i r operations with me, and East Enders who were c r i t i c a l of council p o l i c i e s vehemently denounced the contractors and t h e i r methods. The substance of this c r i t i c i s m was that the timber operations are under-capitalized, so that the contractors must cut a large volume of timber j u s t to meet the costs of i n t e r e s t payments or r e n t a l on equipment. One East Ender s a i d : C t o l d me he was renting a skidder for $800.00 a month. How much timber do you have to cut to pay for that? The timber is coming out f a s t , but what are we getting out of i t ? The band council sets the rate of pay for band members working i n the woods at $15.00 per day, with $3.00 extra i f the man uses his own chain saw. One contractor maintained that he could get non-Indian workers for $12.00 per day i f he were allowed to h i r e them. However, the dues paid by the contractor for timber cut on the reserve are considerably 116 lower than those charged f o r c u t t i n g on P r o v i n c i a l Crown l a n d s . A c c o r d i n g t o I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch s u r v e y s , the c o u n c i l i s l e t t i n g too many c o n t r a c t s , and t h e timber r e s o u r c e s of the band w i l l soon be d e p l e t e d . A l l f o u r c o n t r a c t o r s b e l i e v e t h a t they w i l l be a b l e to c o n t i n u e t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s by c o n t r a c t i n g f o r timber on Crown lands a f t e r t h e r e s e r v e timber i s d e p l e t e d , but none has t r i e d such c o n t r a c t s y e t . Two o f the c o n t r a c t o r s were members o f the band c o u n c i l i n 1965, and the o t h e r two have been c o u n c i l l o r s and a r e l e a d e r s i n the community o r g a n i z a t i o n o f F a t h e r Dunn. A l l have r e c e i v e d loans from the band funds f o r house improvements as w e l l as the c a p i t a l investment loans from the R e v o l v i n g Fund. As T a b l e IV i n d i c a t e s , a number of men engage i n commercial f i s h i n g f o r a few months each y e a r . About t e n women and two men make s m a l l h a n d i c r a f t items f o r s a l e to n o n - I n d i a n s . There i s no e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l Ojibwa k i n s h i p system o p e r a t e s as an o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e f o r the band. I t appears t h a t each of the t h r e e p o p u l a t i o n c e n t r e s — W e s t V i l l a g e , Johnson's P o i n t and t h e E a s t End—may have been the home of a s m a l l group of kinsmen i n 1850, when the p o p u l a t i o n of the band was o n l y f o r t y - s e v e n . Johnson's P o i n t and the E a s t End a r e s t i l l l a r g e l y c l u s t e r s of f a i r l y c l o s e k i n , and West V i l l a g e appears to c o n t a i n about f o u r such c l u s t e r s . However, each of the p o p u l a t i o n c l u s t e r s i s l i n k e d to the o t h e r s by k i n t i e s , and most f a m i l i e s appear to have k i n l i n k s w i t h persons of n o n - I n d i a n s t a t u s l i v i n g o f f the r e s e r v e . 1 1 7 4 . I n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n o r g a n i z a t i o n c e n t r e d out-s i d e the p o p u l a t i o n The band members r e s i d e n t on the r e s e r v e p a r t i c i p a t e as i n d i v i d u a l s i n a wide v a r i e t y o f systems o f r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t have t h e i r main focus o u t s i d e the p o p u l a t i o n b o u n d a r i e s . There a r e no s t o r e s on the r e s e r v e , and r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s go t o e i t h e r Pulp C i t y or Mine C i t y f o r shopping and e n t e r t a i n m e n t . A l l of the s c h o o l c h i l d r e n go t o one c i t y or the o t h e r by bus t o a t t e n d the m u n i c i p a l s e p a r a t e ( C a t h o l i c ) s c h o o l s , and s e v e r a l p a r e n t s b e l o n g t o Parent - T e a c h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The O n t a r i o P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e and the R o y a l Canadian Mounted P o l i c e have detachments i n bo t h c i t i e s ; the former have c o n t a c t w i t h band members i n cases c o v e r e d under o r d i n a r y p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l s t a t u t e s , and the l a t t e r i n cases c o v e r e d under the I n d i a n A c t . R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of b o t h p o l i c e f o r c e s r e p o r t e d t h a t cases i n v o l v i n g r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s seemed p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y no more numerous than f o r the p o p u l a t i o n at l a r g e . Some r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s belonged t o the Union of O n t a r i o I n d i a n s and the Indian-Eskimo A s s o c i a t i o n , but n e i t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n had a l o c a l c h a p t e r . A number o f East End men were s t e a d i l y employed i n i n d u s t r i e s i n and around Mine C i t y , and some o f these belonged to u n i o n s . No West End men had jobs o f f the r e s e r v e . Some men from b o t h ends of the r e s e r v e , m o s t l y young and unmarried, l e a v e the p o p u l a t i o n from time t o time t o work i n lumbering and mi n i n g camps or on c o n s t r u c t i o n j o b s ; t h e s e men are s t i l l r e g a r d e d as r e s i d e n t s , and a few of them have wives and c h i l d r e n or o t h e r dependents l i v i n g on the r e s e r v e . I t appears t h a t most n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s i n the p o p u l a t i o n have some k i n l i n k s w i t h p e o p l e o f non - I n d i a n s t a t u s l i v i n g i n the nearby c i t i e s 118 and towns. I r e c e i v e d a t S h i e l d Lake no r e p o r t s of g e n e r a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t Indians by s u r r o u n d i n g n o n - I n d i a n s , such as I r e c e i v e d a t North P r a i r i e . However, t h e r e were s e v e r a l r e p o r t s of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n by n e i g h b o u r i n g i n d u s t r i e s i n h i r i n g p o l i c y . The West Enders f e l t t h a t i t was i m p o s s i b l e f o r a r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t t o get a "good" job i n Pulp C i t y , and they accused the E a s t Enders of h a v i n g made " d e a l s " w i t h i n d u s t r i e s i n Mine C i t y when they were i n power i n the c o u n c i l , t o s e c u r e jobs f o r themselves and keep West Enders out. E a s t Enders, even those w i t h s t e a d y j o b s , r e c o g n i z e d some d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n h i r i n g , and s a i d t h a t c e r t a i n i n d u s t r i e s would never h i r e I n d i a n s . They tended to blame the s i t u a t i o n as much upon c e r t a i n f e l l o w r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s as much as upon the employers. One man s a i d , Some of t h e s e guys who don't r e a l l y want to work, they g e t i n t o t h e se p l a c e s f i r s t . A f t e r the f i r s t pay they q u i t . A f t e r t h a t they [the employers] don't want any more I n d i a n s . They are f e d up. Another East End man s a i d t h a t more men from the r e s e r v e c o u l d be employed i n nearby i n d u s t r i a l j o b s , but t h a t they p r e f e r r e d t o work f o r the r e s e r v e timber c o n t r a c t o r s under the e x i s t i n g c o u n c i l p o l i c y : A w h i l e ago they wanted men at. . I went up t h e r e [to t h e West End] and asked them. They a l l s a i d , "No, s i r ! We'd r a t h e r work i n the woods." The money wasn't so good, but a t l e a s t i t was a j o b . They wouldn't take i t . L i k e o t h e r E a s t Enders, t h i s man was c r i t i c a l o f t h e c o u n c i l ' s timber p o l i c y , s a y i n g , "We used to keep the timber f o r when we needed i t — f o r when men c o u l d n ' t get o t h e r j o b s . Now t h e y ' r e u s i n g i t a l l up." 5. Summary As at North P r a i r i e , the members o f the S h i e l d Lake Band who a r e 119 r e s i d e n t on the r e s e r v e form a r e a s o n a b l y w e l l - d e f i n e d p o p u l a t i o n u n i t . However, f o r some purposes t h i s u n i t may be s u b - d i v i d e d i n t o two, and t h i s d i v i s i o n a p p a r e n t l y e x i s t s i n the c o n c r e t e models of most of the p e o p l e . I t e x i s t s a l s o i n the i d e a l models of a t l e a s t some E a s t - E n d e r s , who would l i k e to see the d i v i s i o n made o f f i c i a l . In 1965, many systems of r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t i n the i d e a l models of some a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and band members s h o u l d o r g a n i z e the whole p o p u l a t i o n , were r e l e v a n t o n l y or m a i n l y i n the West End. A l t h o u g h the band c o u n c i l i s e l e c t e d by the whole p o p u l a t i o n , o n l y West Enders were c o u n c i l l o r s or a c t i v e on c o u n c i l committees. The community o r g a n i z a t i o n sponsored by F a t h e r Dunn was a l s o c o n f i n e d to the West End, and o n l y West Enders were engaged i n the e x p l o i t a t i o n of band r e s o u r c e s , e i t h e r as p r i v a t e or c o u n c i l e n t e r p r i s e s . The E a s t Enders, a p a r t from t h e i r s t a t u s e s as band members, p a r t i c i p a t e i n p r a c t i c a l l y no systems of r e l a t i o n s h i p c e n t r e d or c o n t a i n e d i n t h e p o p u l a t i o n . Many have jobs o f f the r e s e r v e , and most a p p a r e n t l y have k i n and f r i e n d s of n o n - I n d i a n s t a t u s l i v i n g o f f the r e s e r v e . In the West End, t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e i n t e r l o c k i n g of systems. F a t h e r Dunn's community o r g a n i z a t i o n r e s t s upon what I have termed "Type B" l i n k s among systems; s t a t u s e s i n the v a r i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s are o r g a n i z e d i n t o the "community c o u n c i l " . L i n k s p r o v i d e d by i n d i v i d u a l s ' s i m u l t a n e o u s occupancy of s t a t u s e s i n more than one system, or what I have termed "Type C" l i n k s , connect the community o r g a n i z a t i o n , the band c o u n c i l and i t s committees, and the o p e r a t i o n s of the timber c o n t r a c t o r s . O r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h i n the p o p u l a t i o n i s l i n k e d to systems o u t s i d e i t by "Type A" l i n k s , such as the d e v e l o p i n g r o l e s r e l a t i n g p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l o f f i c i a l s t a t u s e s w i t h those of band a d m i n i s t r a t o r and c h i e f 120 councillor, or the established roles r e l a t i n g non-Indian timber buyers and band timber contractors. The emergent nature of much of this organization seems to leave scope for the creation of Type D l i n k s , or ad hoc transactions among individuals, such as the i l l i c i t ones with which the chief councillor and band administrator were charged. D. Some Recent Events U n t i l the early 1950's, money from the sale of lands i n 1917-38 was the main constituent of the band's c a p i t a l assets, and the policy of both the Indian A f f a i r s Branch and the band council appeared to be to conserve i t . Interest on this c a p i t a l made up the bulk of each year's revenue, and the major expenditure was an annual d i s t r i b u t i o n of about $30.00 per capita. Most of the men were employed seasonally at fi s h i n g , trapping, guiding, and logging. A few men at the East End had jobs i n nearby industries. The councillors were mostly older men from the East End, and E. Corteau, the taxidermist mentioned above, was re-elected as chief councillor without opposition for a number of years. According to informants' reports, the policy of conservation was also applied to the timber resources, and permits were granted to cut on band lands only when other work was not available. Between 1939 and 1945, several men from Shield Lake served i n the Armed Forces, and many families l e f t the reserve to l i v e i n nearby towns and c i t i e s where opportunities for employment i n wartime were good. According to some informants there were only four or five families i n West Village during the early 1940's. After the war, there was a gradual return to the reserve. The veterans b u i l t houses with the aid of Veterans' Land Act grants, and younger members returning from m i l i t a r y 121 service or work i n wartime industry began to take a greater interest i n band a f f a i r s . In the early 1950's a new Agency Superintendent took o f f i c e , replacing a man whom informants i n 1965 referred to as "lazy" and "inactive". At this time a number of families were l i v i n g i n one-room shacks along the highway, without e l e c t r i c i t y or other f a c i l i t i e s , and under the stimulus of the new Superintendent a vigorous programme of house-building and improvement was begun, which by 1965 had involved $50,000.00 of band funds. Most of this was i n the form of loans which were to be repaid out of the annual per capita d i s t r i b u t i o n s . Most of those returning to the reserve and leaving the shacks on the highway settled at the West End, i n West Vi l l a g e and the Veteran's Site, the l a t t e r location having been chosen by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch over the opposition of many band members for i t s proximity to existing survey lines and to e l e c t r i c i t y and telephone l i n e s . In 1958, E. McDougal, a man i n his t h i r t i e s from the Veterans' Si t e , opposed Corteau i n the election for chief councillor, and was elected by a narrow margin. Three of the four councillors were s t i l l older men from the East End. A p e t i t i o n claiming election i r r e g u l a r i t i e s and asking for a new election, signed by the defeated chief councillor and forty band members, was sent to the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, but was not allowed. Under the new chief councillor, a policy of expanded services to band members was embarked upon, using c a p i t a l funds as well as revenue. Besides the house-building programme, roads were b u i l t , e l e c t r i c and telephone lines brought i n to West V i l l a g e , and wells were dug. There seems to have been no active attempt to increase revenue. In 1959, a regional University Committee proposed to build a university 122 on 400 a c r e s of r e s e r v e l a n d . The Indians were t o be guaranteed employment i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n , f r e e t u i t i o n and room and board f o r s t u d e n t s from the band i n p e r p e t u i t y , and a s e a t on the board of d i r e c t o r s f o r the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r . The p r o p o s a l was tu r n e d down by the band under the a d v i c e of the c o u n c i l . In 1965, those who had opposed the o f f e r e x p r e s s e d t h e i r reasons f o r do i n g so i n terms of "not l e t t i n g any more o f our l a n d go". Others s a i d t h a t a l t h o u g h they had v o t e d a g a i n s t i t a t the time, they would not do so a g a i n i f the o f f e r were t o be r e p e a t e d . In 1960, McDougal was opposed i n the e l e c t i o n f o r c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r by T. Dubois, a man i n h i s twe n t i e s from West V i l l a g e w i t h k i n t i e s i n the East End. A c c o r d i n g t o i n f o r m a n t s , Dubois e x p r e s s e d an extr e m e l y " c o n s e r v a t i v e " p o i n t of view, and was a v o c a l opponent o f the c o u n c i l ' s p o l i c i e s and a c t i o n s . B e f o r e the e l e c t i o n t h e r e was a good d e a l of c o n t r o v e r s y about the e l i g i b i l i t y o f v o t e r s , and an E a s t End man made a f o r m a l r e q u e s t t h a t the v o t i n g take p l a c e under p o l i c e s u r v e i l l a n c e . The e l e c t i o n r e s u l t e d i n a t i e , and t h e Agency S u p e r i n t e n d e n t c a s t the d e c i d i n g b a l l o t i n f a v o u r o f McDougal, the incumbent. A l s o i n t h i s e l e c t i o n , two younger c o u n c i l l o r s from the West End were e l e c t e d i n p l a c e of two o l d e r E a s t Enders. A p l a n t o s u r r e n d e r and develop l a n d on the l a k e s h o r e i n the Johnson's P o i n t a r e a began t o r e c e i v e s e r i o u s d i s c u s s i o n . As n e a r l y as I c o u l d determine, the p l a n was i n t r o d u c e d by the Agency S u p e r i n t e n d e n t and promoted by Agency p e r s o n n e l . At f i r s t , i t was r e j e c t e d by the c o u n c i l as too ex p e n s i v e . By 1961, e x p e n d i t u r e s on roads, w e l f a r e , and o t h e r community s e r v i c e s were so h i g h t h a t the annual per c a p i t a d i s t r i b u t i o n was made 123 out of c a p i t a l funds. A l s o i n t h a t y e a r , band meetings were c a l l e d upon to v o t e on t h e proposed s u r r e n d e r of the l a k e f r o n t l a n d f o r development. At the f i r s t two meetings, the p r o p o s a l d i d not r e c e i v e the r e q u i r e d m a j o r i t y , and each time the Agency S u p e r i n t e n d e n t wrote l e t t e r s t o the R e g i o n a l o f f i c e u r g i n g t h a t another v o t e be taken. In one i n s t a n c e , he argued t h a t "the more p r o g r e s s i v e element [was] away at s e a s o n a l o c c u p a t i o n s " a t the time o f the v o t i n g . S e v e r a l E a s t Enders, i n c l u d i n g some e x - c o u n c i l l o r s , were v e r y v o c a l i n t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n t o the p l a n . On the t h i r d v o t e , i n 1962, the p r o p o s a l passed, though not w i t h a v e r y l a r g e m a j o r i t y . Opponents from the E a s t End and Johnson's P o i n t i n i t i a t e d l e g a l a c t i o n to s t o p the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of the p l a n , but w i t h -out s u c c e s s . The per c a p i t a d i s t r i b u t i o n s were d i s c o n t i n u e d , and as a r e s u l t many of the h o u s i n g loans t h a t were t o have been p a i d by h o l d i n g back the b o r r o w e r s ' shares i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n s had not been p a i d i n 1965. In i n t e r v i e w s , E. McDougal, the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r f o r t h i s p e r i o d , c o n f i d e d t h a t d u r i n g h i s t e n u r e he had been "a drunk" and t h a t he " d i d not know what was g o i n g on". In 1965, he was a member of A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous, and a l t h o u g h he was s t i l l an a c t i v e s u p p o r t e r of the p o l i c i e s and programmes begun d u r i n g h i s term of o f f i c e , i t seems c l e a r t h a t the main impetus f o r those programmes came from the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch. In the e l e c t i o n s of 1962, f o u r o t h e r c a n d i d a t e s were nominated b e s i d e s McDougal f o r c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r . Three of these were men i n t h e i r s e v e n t i e s , i n c l u d i n g Corteau, the l o n g - t i m e c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r whom McDougal had d e f e a t e d i n 1958. A l l opposed the p o l i c i e s and a c t i o n s of McDougal's c o u n c i l . The f o u r t h c a n d i d a t e was T. Dubois, the young man from West V i l l a g e who had t i e d w i t h McDougal i n the 1960 e l e c t i o n . A c c o r d i n g to r e p o r t s , Dubois had promised t h a t i f he were e l e c t e d he would h a l t the 124 lakefront development and resume per capita d i s t r i b u t i o n s . Dubois was elected by four votes. From a f i e l d of fourteen candidates, four young councillors from West Vil l a g e were elected, three of them new to the council. One of these was the new chief councillor's brother, and another was the daughter of the Band Administrator. At f i r s t , Dubois attempted to carry out his election promises, but was met with heavy opposition from the Indian A f f a i r s Branch personnel and from some of the councillors. By his own account, as he learned more about the projects and po l i c i e s from the o f f i c i a l s of the Branch, he became convinced of th e i r merit, and by 1965 he had become one of the most vocal supporters of the cottage s i t e development, and was talking about new projects of a similar kind, such as offering industry inducements to lease reserve land. In 1963, the council t r i e d a policy of taking timber contracts on behalf of the whole band, and allowing any band member to cut timber under the contract. Out of this rose a series of charges that Dubois, his councillor brother, and the Band Administrator were conspiring with non-Indian timber buyers to make money for themselves. The timber contractors were angered by the policy and charged that other band members, including the chief councillor, had waited u n t i l they had used their machinery to make logging roads, and then had moved in to cut the timber thus made available. Early i n 1964, a p e t i t i o n was circulated by a councillor and signed by eighty of the 134 e l i g i b l e voters of the band, asking for the impeachment of the chief and council. In a memo to the Regional o f f i c e , the Agency Superintendent offered his opinion that the charges were substantially true, and noted that the husband of the female councillor 125 had been on w e l f a r e most of the time u n t i l the e l e c t i o n of h i s w i f e and Dubois, but t h a t s i n c e the e l e c t i o n he had been d o i n g v e r y w e l l out of the timber c u t t i n g . The R e g i o n a l O f f i c e r e f u s e d the p e t i t i o n , s t a t i n g t h a t the e l e c t o r s "must take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r a c t i o n s i n e l e c t i n g the p r e s e n t c o u n c i l " . I t was noted t h a t r e g u l a r e l e c t i o n s were t o be h e l d w i t h i n a few months, anyway, and t h a t the p e t i t i o n e r s c o u l d e l e c t somebody e l s e . In May of 1964, about t h r e e months a f t e r the p e t i t i o n , Dubois was a g a i n nominated f o r c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r . Running a g a i n s t him was F. McDougal, a c o u s i n o f the p r e v i o u s c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r and one of the West End timber c o n t r a c t o r s . Dubois was r e - e l e c t e d w i t h f i f t y - f i v e v o t e s to h i s opponent's t h i r t y - t h r e e . A l s o r e - e l e c t e d were Dubois's b r o t h e r , the female c o u n c i l l o r whose husband and f a t h e r were i m p l i c a t e d i n the charges of d i s h o n e s t y , and the c o u n c i l l o r who had c i r c u l a t e d the p e t i t i o n . The f o u r t h c o u n c i l l o r was a n o t h e r of the West End timber c o n t r a c t o r s . In 1965 t h i s c o u n c i l appeared to be working harmoniously, p u r s u i n g the p o l i c i e s begun i n the 1950's; the d e f e a t e d c a n d i d a t e f o r c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r was on a c o u n c i l committee, as was h i s f a t h e r , another timber c o n t r a c t o r . At the same time, most of the c o u n c i l l o r s e x p r e s s e d t o me d i s t r u s t of some of the o t h e r s , and of the McDougals. People who had s i g n e d the p e t i t i o n a g a i n s t Dubois, i n c l u d i n g the c o u n c i l l o r who had i n i t i a t e d i t , e x p r e s s e d the o p i n i o n t h a t he was no l o n g e r i n v o l v e d i n d i s h o n e s t p r a c t i c e s , but most f e l t t h a t he had to be watched c l o s e l y . E a s t Enders s a i d t h a t the e n t i r e c o u n c i l was engaged i n d i s h o n e s t and d e s t r u c t i v e a c t i v i t y , and t h a t the c o n t r o l l i n g group had "bought" t h e i r p o s i t i o n s by s pending band money. S e v e r a l f e l t t h a t no o p p o s i t i o n c a n d i d a t e c o u l d win an e l e c t i o n because too many r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s had become dependent 126 upon income stemming from the c o u n c i l ' s p o l i c y . One East Ender s a i d of the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r , He doesn't know a n y t h i n g about money. He's never had a n y — n e v e r had a j o b . Now he s i g n s cheques f o r thousands o f d o l l a r s , but he doesn't know what he's d o i n g . Thus, i n 1965, the c o n t r o l of the c o u n c i l and community o r g a n i z a t i o n was i n the hands o f younger people (45 and under) from the West End of the r e s e r v e . The pe o p l e a t the East End were not i n v o l v e d i n the c o u n c i l or i n the community o r g a n i z a t i o n , and d i d not a t t e n d c o u n c i l meetings except when i s s u e s of p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t were b e i n g d i s c u s s e d . Members of the a c t i v e c o u n c i l f a c t i o n suggested t h a t the East Enders were "not i n t e r e s t e d i n p r o g r e s s " and o n l y a t t e n d e d meetings t o b r i n g up p e t t y g r i e v a n c e s a g a i n s t the c o u n c i l members and each o t h e r . E a s t Enders suggested t h a t the r u l i n g f a c t i o n and t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s were c o n s p i r i n g w i t h " o u t s i d e r s " f o r t h e i r own s h o r t - t e r m b e n e f i t , and were not i n t e r e s t e d i n c o n s e r v i n g I n d i a n r i g h t s and a s s e t s . Two e l d e r l y e x - c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r s from the East End approached the Agency S u p e r i n t e n d e n t w i t h a p r o p o s a l to f o r m a l i z e the d i v i s i o n and make two bands, d i v i d i n g t h e a s s e t s e q u a l l y between them. A l t h o u g h b o t h band members and I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l s commonly r e f e r t o the d i v i s i o n i n these terms, as a s p l i t between Eas t and West, events between 1955 and 1965 were a l s o d e s c r i b e d as a r e p l a c e -ment o f " o l d " and " c o n s e r v a t i v e " l e a d e r s by "young" and " p r o g r e s s i v e " ones. The b a s i s f o r bo t h of these d e s c r i p t i o n s w i l l be seen i n the f o r e g o i n g account. C l e a r l y , the g e o g r a p h i c a l and g e n e r a t i o n a l d i v i s i o n s a r e p a r t of the p i c t u r e , but e x p l a n a t i o n s on the grounds of the r e l a t i v e c o n s e r v a t i s m or p r o g r e s s i v e n e s s of the a c t o r s a r e not adequate. The 127 c o r e o f the f a c t i o n s u p p o r t i n g c o u n c i l p o l i c i e s (though not n e c e s s a r i l y the p r e s e n t incumbents of c o u n c i l p o s i t i o n s ) i s p r i m a r i l y young and from the West End, but some su p p o r t does come from o l d e r people, l i k e the Band A d m i n i s t r a t o r and the e l d e s t timber c o n t r a c t o r , who a r e l i n k e d t o the young " p r o g r e s s i v e s " by k i n t i e s . P r a c t i c a l l y a l l of the men i n the c o u n c i l f a c t i o n make t h e i r l i v i n g s on the r e s e r v e , as c o n t r a c t o r s or w o r k e r s ; i n the woods, through employment i n band p r o j e c t s , or as r e c i p i e n t s o f s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . P r e s e n t c o u n c i l p o l i c i e s o f g r e a t e r e x p e n d i t u r e on w e l f a r e , h o u s i n g , and p u b l i c s e r v i c e , and t h e development and l e a s i n g o f band l a n d a l l work to t h e i r b e n e f i t . The c o r e of the o p p o s i t i o n i s made up of o l d e r p e o p l e who a r e opposed to any a c t i o n t h a t they see as endangering t h e i r r i g h t s as Indians or as d i s s i p a t i n g band r e s o u r c e s . They r e c a l l what they r e g a r d w i t h some j u s t i f i c a t i o n as the t h e f t of t h e i r l a n d and timber i n the s a l e s of 1917, and a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y angered by the d i s c o n t i n u a t i o n of the per c a p i t a d i s t r i -b u t i o n s . These p e o p l e a r e s u p p o r t e d by younger band members, m o s t l y i n the E a s t , who a r e s t e a d i l y employed i n i n d u s t r y o f f the r e s e r v e , f o r whom the c o u n c i l p o l i c y seems to p r o v i d e no immediate b e n e f i t . Even the payment of m e d i c a l i n s u r a n c e premiums out of the band fund meant l i t t l e t o t h e s e men, s i n c e they were a l r e a d y c o v e r e d by schemes a d m i n i s t e r e d through t h e companies employing them. A t h i r d group a r e i n the c o n d i t i o n t h a t most r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s — a n d the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r h i m s e l f — o n c e were i n . They a r e p o o r l y educated, unable t o get s t e a d y work, and dependent upon the v a g a r i e s o f the weather, the t o u r i s t t r a f f i c , and the l a r g e r economy f o r work o p p o r t u n i t y . Many peo p l e who had been i n t h i s p o s i t i o n were i n 1965 g a i n i n g b e n e f i t from the y e a r - r o u n d timber o p e r a t i o n s , work on band p r o j e c t s , and w e l f a r e and 128 h o u s i n g a s s i s t a n c e , but these c o n d i t i o n s remained f o r some. Seen i n these terms, the " c o n v e r s i o n " o f Dubois i s r e n d e r e d u n d e r s t a n d a b l e . A l t h o u g h he was young and l i v i n g i n the West End, he was the son of an e l d e r l y and " c o n s e r v a t i v e " f a t h e r , and had l i n k s w i t h " c o n s e r v a t i v e " k i n i n the E a s t . He r e c e i v e d l i t t l e e d u c a t i o n , and had never been s t e a d i l y employed. I t appears t h a t h i s o p p o s i t i o n to c o u n c i l p o l i c i e s was based on the e m o t i o n a l a p p e a l of the arguments of h i s " c o n s e r v a t i v e " k i n , but t h a t once he became c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r he c o u l d see the p o t e n t i a l m a t e r i a l b e n e f i t s to h i m s e l f and h i s f r i e n d s of c a r r y i n g on w i t h t h e " p r o g r e s s i v e " p o l i c i e s . N e i t h e r of the two major f a c t i o n s i s u n i t e d . On the c o u n c i l s i d e , the timber c o n t r a c t o r s oppose i n c r e a s e d w e l f a r e e x p e n d i t u r e and the l i m i t a t i o n o f h i r i n g o n l y band members t o work i n the woods ; o t h e r s oppose the g r a n t i n g of loans to the c o n t r a c t o r s , by which they "can f e a t h e r t h e i r own n e s t s w i t h our money". Some oppose the appointment of the Band A d m i n i s t r a t o r , s a y i n g he g i v e s w e l f a r e o n l y to h i s k i n and f r i e n d s . On the o p p o s i t i o n s i d e , the s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g workers are not u n a l t e r a b l y opposed t o the l e a s i n g and e x p l o i t a t i o n of band l a n d , but f e e l t h a t the p r e s e n t c o u n c i l i s " i n too much of a h u r r y " and w i l l exhaust band r e s o u r c e s f o r s h o r t - r u n g a i n s and p e r s o n a l advantage. The most " c o n s e r v a t i v e " element i n the o p p o s i t i o n m a i n t a i n t h a t every move to r e l e a s e band r e s o u r c e s s i n c e the 1907 s u r r e n d e r has been accompanied by promises of p r o s p e r i t y , but t h a t none of the promises have been f u l f i l l e d , and they phrase most of t h e i r arguments i n terms of a b e t r a y a l of I n d i a n r i g h t s and i n t e r e s t s by " o u t s i d e r s " and t h e i r dupes. One s m a l l k i n group p o s s e s s e s what they r e p r e s e n t as the " r e a l t r e a t y " between the band and the Crown, and m a i n t a i n t h a t the t r e a t y under which the a f f a i r s 129 of the band are being administered is a f a l s e document, substituted by the government. The " r e a l " treaty guarantees the i n v i o l a b i l i t y of the reserve, freedom from government interference, free housing, per capita annual payments of $120.00, and so on. On the basis of this document, obviously prepared by someone u n s k i l l e d i n the use of written English, they claim the r i g h t to massive compensation for v i o l a t i o n s of the reserve that have taken place, and advocate that the government should oust the present council and cancel a l l i t s projects. Some of these people believe, or profess to believe, that decisions of the council taken without a band vote are i n v a l i d , and they have attempted to take l e g a l action to have council decisions reversed. Some believe, or profess to believe, that the Whites leasing cottage s i t e s have symbolically or l e g a l l y "become Indians" and now hunt and f i s h on the reserve without reference to game laws. When some of the lessees advertised t h e i r cottages for sale i n a l o c a l newspaper—one for $8,000— some "conservatives" interpreted this as the re-sale of t h e i r land by Whites for i n f l a t e d p r i c e s . Although the cottage s i t e s are leased for twenty-one year terms, many "conservatives" state t h e i r b e l i e f that the land is " l o s t " to the Indians, just as happened with the 1917 sales, and that i f the lessees do not r e t a i n i t , the P r o v i n c i a l government w i l l . These people have gained some v a l i d a t i o n for t h e i r arguments from c e r t a i n d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered by the council i n pursuing t h e i r p o l i c i e s , and from c e r t a i n actions of the surrounding municipal govern-ments. For example, when a p i p e l i n e was b u i l t across the reserve and contiguous Crown lands i n the 1950's, a county school board b u i l t a school near i t , across the highway from the reserve, apparently to give them-selves the r i g h t to levy taxes on the p i p e l i n e company. According to 130 r e l i a b l e t e stimony, the s c h o o l has never had e i t h e r t e a c h e r or p u p i l s . A l t h o u g h the I n d i a n A c t does not a l l o w p r o v i n c i a l or m u n i c i p a l taxes to be l e v i e d on I n d i a n l a n d s , they may be l e v i e d on n o n - I n d i a n s ' i n t e r e s t i n I n d i a n l a n d s , and i n 1965 t h e r e was the t h r e a t t h a t summer c o t t a g e r s i n the Johnson's P o i n t development would be s u b j e c t t o taxes on t h e i r c o t t a g e s because of the pres e n c e o f the s c h o o l . S i n c e the c o t t a g e s i t e s had been a d v e r t i s e d as b e i n g f r e e from t a x e s , c o t t a g e owners were o b j e c t i n g t o the band c o u n c i l , and some were r e p o r t e d t o be demanding t h a t the band pay t h e i r taxes or o t h e r w i s e take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the s i t u a t i o n . The c o s t s o f the development a t Johnson's P o i n t had been h i g h e r than a n t i c i p a t e d , and c o t t a g e s i t e s were not b e i n g taken up as q u i c k l y as had been hoped. In p u r s u i t of i t s p o l i c i e s the c o u n c i l has, i n f a c t , spent a good d e a l of the c a p i t a l a s s e t s of the band. I n d i a n A f f a i r s e s t i m a t e s i n d i c a t e t h a t the timber r e s o u r c e s a r e q u i c k l y b e i n g d e p l e t e d , and no r e - f o r e s t a t i o n i s t a k i n g p l a c e . The t o u r i s t and summer-cottage development i s p r o d u c i n g some revenue and p r o v i d i n g some j o b s , but t h e r e i s no c e r t a i n t y t h a t i t w i l l be a s u c c e s s f u l investment. I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l s , a l t h o u g h they a r e c r i t i c a l of some of the a c t i o n s o f members of the r u l i n g f a c t i o n , r e g a r d the p o l i c i e s b e i n g pursued as " p r o g r e s s i v e " , and p r e s e n t a p i c t u r e o f a band which i s " d e v e l o p i n g s t r o n g and p o s i t i v e l e a d e r s h i p " and t a k i n g over more i n i t i a t i v e and c o n t r o l o f i t s own a f f a i r s . Two e l d e r l y e x - c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r s , on the o t h e r hand, g i v e an almost d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed view. They accuse the p r e s e n t c o u n c i l of b e i n g "weak" and "d o i n g whatever the S u p e r i n t e n d e n t t e l l s them". When they were i n o f f i c e , they s a y , they were not a f r a i d t o say "no" to the S u p e r i n t e n d e n t , and they c o n s t a n t l y r e s i s t e d e f f o r t s 131 by Indian A f f a i r s Branch o f f i c i a l s to encourage the lease and sale of band land. As was noted above, there i s some evidence that Indian A f f a i r s Branch personnel i n i t i a t e d the programmes, and i t is clear that they have fostered and assis t e d t h e i r implementation. The Shield Lake Reserve population, l i k e that at North P r a i r i e i s obviously embedded i n a fa r - f l u n g network of s o c i a l systems, and the operation of those systems c l e a r l y has effects upon the choices of action made by members of the population. 132 CHAPTER V NORTH COAST VILLAGE A. The P o p u l a t i o n s In l o c a l usage, N o r t h Coast V i l l a g e i s the name of a g e o g r a p h i c a l a r e a o f i n d e t e r m i n a t e s i z e around a s m a l l bay on the n o r t h e r n B r i t i s h Columbia c o a s t where a p p r o x i m a t e l y 900 people had t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s i n 1966. To these p e o p l e , "North Coast V i l l a g e " i s the answer to the q u e s t i o n , "Where do you l i v e ? " , and i t i s the address t h a t appears on t h e i r m a i l . However, the b o u n d a r i e s of the p o p u l a t i o n r e f e r r e d t o l o o s e l y by t h i s name may be drawn i n s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t ways, depending on the immediately r e l e v a n t c o n t e x t of i t s use. The l a r g e s t and most c l e a r l y d e f i n a b l e u n i t so named i s the N o r t h Coast Band of I n d i a n s , c o n s i s t i n g o f about 1,100 p e o p l e whose names appear on the Band L i s t and who a r e r e c o g n i z e d by the Canadian Government as making up the band. These p e o p l e have r i g h t s under the I n d i a n Act t o the s m a l l r e s e r v e t h a t forms the v i l l a g e s i t e , as w e l l as to s e v e n t y o t h e r r e s e r v e s t o t a l l i n g 35,000 a c r e s , and they s h a r e w i t h another band the r i g h t s t o twelve more r e s e r v e s t o t a l l i n g 127 a c r e s . Of t h e s e 1,100 p e o p l e , a p p r o x i m a t e l y 970 were i n 1966 r e c o r d e d by the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch as b e i n g r e s i d e n t on the r e s e r v e s , and had, i n f a c t , t h e i r permanent r e s i d e n c e i n the v i l l a g e . The r e m a i n i n g band members had t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s v a r i o u s l y i n nearby Harbour C i t y , i n o t h e r towns and c i t i e s down the B r i t i s h Columbia c o a s t and i n the i n t e r i o r . A few l i v e d i n o t h e r p a r t s of Canada and i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . These o f f - r e s e r v e band 133 members a r e thus f o r some purposes members of ot h e r p o p u l a t i o n s , but remain f o r some purposes members of the c o l l e c t i v i t y known as the North Coast Band. They may r e t u r n t o the v i l l a g e and ta k e up r e s i d e n c e t h e r e , and they r e t a i n t h e i r s h a r e i n the a s s e t s o f the band. In another c o n t e x t , the name No r t h Coast V i l l a g e may i n c l u d e i n a d d i t i o n t o the members of the band l i v i n g i n the v i l l a g e about f i f t y p e o p l e n ot o f I n d i a n l e g a l s t a t u s . A government-maintained road marks the b o r d e r of one s i d e of the r e s e r v e , and i t i s p a r a l l e l e d f o r p a r t of i t s l e n g t h by a s t e e l - m e s h f e n c e e n c l o s i n g the s c h o o l p r o p e r t y . The a r e a on the s i d e of t h i s r o a d o p p o s i t e the r e s e r v e i s r e f e r r e d t o as the "White S i d e " and a l l but one f a m i l y o f the n o n - I n d i a n r e s i d e n t s l i v e t h e r e . These p e o p l e p a r t i c i p a t e t o v a r i o u s degrees i n the d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s o f the v i l l a g e . They may be d i v i d e d f o r d e s c r i p t i v e purposes i n t o f o u r c a t e g o r i e s . The c a t e g o r i e s a r e not e n t i r e l y e x c l u s i v e , but each i s , I b e l i e v e , a t l e a s t p a r t l y c o n c e p t u a l i z e d by l o c a l people, though not n e c e s s a r i l y named. 1. E n f r a n c h i s e d I n d i a n s . These a r e t h r e e households o f persons who would be c l a s s i f i e d as I n d i a n s , o r p o s s i b l y as " h a l f - b r e e d s " a c c o r d i n g t o l o c a l assessment of p h y s i c a l type, but who do not have the l e g a l s t a t u s o f I n d i a n s . Members of a l l of these households a r e l i n k e d by k i n t i e s t o members of the band, and a l l p a r t i c i p a t e to some degree i n t h e s o c i a l l i f e o f the v i l l a g e . Members o f the households occupy h e r e d i t a r y s t a t u s e s i n the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l system o f the band, and one of them h o l d s a c h i e f l y p o s i t i o n . T h e i r h o u s i n g , o c c u p a t i o n s , and s t y l e o f l i f e d i f f e r i n no n o t i c e a b l e way from those o f band members r e s i d e n t i n the v i l l a g e . 2. ' Permanent Non-Indian R e s i d e n t s . These a r e f o u r households o f persons 134 of non-Indian status who make t h e i r permanent homes on the "White Side" of the v i l l a g e . In each case the male head of the household, and i n three cases other members of i t , are engaged f o r t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d i n occupations r e l a t i n g to the p h y s i c a l maintenance of the North Coast pop u l a t i o n . The four households are: C. Jackson, w i t h h i s w i f e , grown son and young daughter, keeps a st o r e j u s t outside the borders of the reserve. He grew up on the "White Side" of the v i l l a g e , where h i s f a t h e r was an independent fu r and f i s h buyer. Jackson s t i l l does a small amount of buying of f i s h and f u r s , but apparently depends mainly upon the s t o r e f o r h i s own and h i s family's l i v e l i h o o d . A. Gordon, a middle-aged man and h i s w i f e who l i v e i n a small cottage on the White. Side. He does some maintenance work on government roads outside reserve boundaries, o c c a s i o n a l l y h i r e s out to logging and other companies i n the area, and operates a f i s h camp f o r a cannery company during the f i s h i n g season. He i s a l s o a prospector, and i s reported to be developing a gold c l a i m on Crown land near the reserve. M. Larsen and B. Larsen, two middle-aged men who l i v e w i t h t h e i r e l d e r l y mother on the White Side, and are employed by a steam-ship company as wharfingers, f r e i g h t - h a n d l e r s , and warehousemen. They have a small blacksmith-cum-mechanic's shop; at t h e i r home, and do a wide v a r i e t y of odd r e p a i r jobs. They a l s o own a tr u c k w i t h which they do h a u l i n g and moving as re q u i r e d . Their mother has some Indian ancestry, and a l l members of the household have l i v e d i n the area f o r a long time, the brothers having grown up there. 135 K. D a v i s , who l i v e s w i t h h i s w i f e and s i s t e r - i n - l a w i n a s m a l l house w i t h an a t t a c h e d o f f i c e - p o r c h t h a t houses the Post O f f i c e . The s i s t e r - i n - l a w i s p o s t m i s t r e s s . The s i s t e r s a r e p a r t I n d i a n and r e l a t e d t o members of the band. Davis i s p r i m a r i l y a f i s h e r m a n , but has done a v a r i e t y o f o t h e r j o b s . The l a s t two households a r e i n c l u d e d i n t h i s c a t e g o r y r a t h e r than the f i r s t because, a l t h o u g h they c o n t a i n persons who might be i d e n t i f i e d as " I n d i a n s " by l o c a l n o n - I n d i a n s , the l i f e s t y l e and o r i e n t a t i o n o f the households seem to be p r i m a r i l y "White" w h i l e f o r those i n the f i r s t c a t e g o r y they a r e l i k e those of the band members i n the v i l l a g e . People i n t h i s c a t e g o r y d i f f e r from those i n the next by v i r t u e o f the f a c t t h a t t h e i r r e s i d e n c e i n N o r t h Coast V i l l a g e seems to be p r i o r t o or take precedence over t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n s . T h e i r r e s i d e n c e s , l i k e those of the households i n the f i r s t c a t e g o r y , are s p r e a d over a f a i r l y l a r g e a r e a near the r e s e r v e . T h i s i s i n c o n t r a s t to the households i n the next c a t e g o r y , which form a f a i r l y c l o s e c l u s t e r on and near the s c h o o l p r o p e r t y . Government and S e r v i c e P e r s o n n e l . These are persons who a r e temporary r e s i d e n t s of N o r t h Coast V i l l a g e by v i r t u e of the f a c t t h a t they a r e f i l l i n g a range of s p e c i a l s t a t u s e s p r o v i d e d by " o u t s i d e " systems of r e l a t i o n s h i p . T h e i r s t a t u s p o s i t i o n s a r e r e g a r d e d as more or l e s s permanent f e a t u r e s of the l o c a l c o n c a t e n a t i o n of systems, but the p r e s e n t incumbents are not expected t o be perm-anent r e s i d e n t s . None of the persons r e f e r r e d t o i n t h i s c a t e g o r y had been at N o r t h Coast V i l l a g e f o r more than f i v e y e a r s , and s i n c e 1966 p r a c t i c a l l y a l l have l e f t . The P r i n c i p a l and n i n e t e a c h e r s a t the F e d e r a l Day S c h o o l . Housing 136 for the teachers is provided by the government, and includes various sorts of accommodation. The school population has expanded rapidly over the past few years, and there i s a considerable annual turn-over of teachers, so l i v i n g accommodation is arranged each year according to the distributions of age, sex, and marital status i n that year's s t a f f . In 1966, teachers were l i v i n g i n apartments i n the school building, i n urban-style houses, i n a house-trailer on the school grounds, and so on. Teachers vary i n the extent to which they take part i n v i l l a g e a c t i v i t i e s , but they are apparently expected to take leading roles i n outside-supported organizations such as Boy Scouts and G i r l Guides, the United Church Sunday School, and so on. The Public Health Nurse, who operates a nursing station under Indian Health Services and lives i n attached quarters on the school property. The United Church clergyman and his family, who liv e d during 1965 and 1966 i n a house on the "White Side" that had once been the property of the Hudson's Bay Company. During the summer of 1966, a pre-built urban-style house was brought i n and set up on church land on the reserve for the new minister who was to take up his duties i n the f a l l of that year. A Community Development Officer, employed by the provincial government for a three-year period. This man's wife and family remained i n southern B r i t i s h Columbia, and he lived alone i n a house t r a i l e r on the school grounds. The Agent for the Northern Air Lines, a woman who lived i n a house on the reserve rented from i t s Indian owner by the company. 137 Her husband worked for a logging company some distance away, coming to the v i l l a g e from time to time on week-ends. Their daughter had married a young man of the band, and the young couple also l i v e d i n the house. The woman's job involved c a l l i n g to Harbour C i t y for charter a i r c r a f t , and handling passengers and small f r e i g h t for the two d a i l y scheduled f l i g h t s . The p o s i t i o n had been f i l l e d at other times by other non-Indian residents and occasionally (but b r i e f l y ) by members of the band. A cook and manager of a small restaurant b u i l d i n g beside Jackson's store. Jackson rents this b u i l d i n g to the manager, and provides him with supplies. According to informants, both Indian and non-Indian, the r e n t a l rate is very high and the restaurant manager i s expected to make his p r o f i t s from the i l l e g a l sale of a l c o h o l i c beverages. Although I have some evidence to suggest that liquor and wine were sold from the restaurant, I have none to indicate the involvement of Jackson. 4. Others. At any given time, there may be resident i n and around the v i l l a g e other persons who may be distinguished from those i n (3) above by the fact that the positions they f i l l are not permanent features of the l o c a l concatenation of systems. Their period of residence i s usually shorter than that of the service personnel, and most are men who either have no wives or families or whose wives and families have been l e f t at some permanent residence elsewhere. During the periods of study, this category included such persons as Two men employed by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch on the i n s t a l l a t i o n of sewer pipes i n the v i l l a g e . A carpenter employed by the United Church to supervise the bu i l d i n g 1 3 8 of the f o u n d a t i o n and the p l a c i n g of the new m i n i s t e r ' s house. A c a r p e n t e r employed by the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch to s u p e r v i s e 1 the e r e c t i o n of two new t e a c h e r s ' houses. A foreman and o t h e r employees of a l o n g s h o r i n g company engaged i n l o a d i n g logs aboard s h i p s a t a s i t e a few m i l e s away from the v i l l a g e (see below f o r d e t a i l s ) . A man and w i f e and another male employee who l i v e d on and o p e r a t e d a f l o a t i n g " f i s h camp"—a f i s h b u y i n g s t a t i o n and company s t o r e t h a t anchored i n the v i l l a g e bay d u r i n g the f i s h i n g season. For the most p a r t , p e o p l e i n t h i s c a t e g o r y a r e p r e s e n t d u r i n g the summer, and accommodation can be found f o r them i n the teacherages and the government b u i l d i n g s . The name "North Coast V i l l a g e " , t h e r e f o r e , does not always l a b e l the same a g g r e g a t i o n of p e o p l e . I s h a l l f o l l o w what I b e l i e v e to be l o c a l usage, and use i t u n m o d i f i e d f o r the band members r e s i d e n t i n t h e v i l l a g e . When o t h e r p o p u l a t i o n s a r e r e l e v a n t , I s h a l l i n d i c a t e by a p p r o p r i a t e m o d i f i e r s . B. G e n e r a l D e s c r i p t i o n The n e a r e s t c e n t r e of p o p u l a t i o n to North Coast V i l l a g e i s Harbour C i t y , an i n d u s t r i a l , s h i p p i n g , and d i s t r i b u t i n g c e n t r e of about 25,000 peo p l e , l i n k e d t o the r e s t o f B r i t i s h Columbia by a highway, a r a i l r o a d , by s h i p p i n g and r e g u l a r a i r l i n e f l i g h t s . A few o t h e r I n d i a n Reserves a r e not much f a r t h e r from the v i l l a g e t h a n Harbour C i t y . There i s no road between N o r t h Coast V i l l a g e and any o t h e r c e n t r e of p o p u l a t i o n . A s m a l l , l o c a l a i r l i n e o p e r a t e s two s c h e d u l e d f l i g h t s a day between Harbour C i t y and t h e v i l l a g e , u s i n g l i g h t pontoon a i r c r a f t ; the t r i p takes about f i f t e e n minutes, and c o s t s $6.00 each way, p l u s $1.50 t a x i f a r e between the c i t y and the s e a p l a n e base. The a i r c r a f t may be c h a r t e r e d f o r $18.00 a t r i p . In the o r d i n a r y f i s h b o a t s of the a r e a , the t r i p t o Harbour C i t y takes t h r e e to f o u r h o u r s . A steamship t h a t c a r r i e s passengers and f r e i g h t between Vancouver and s m a l l e r c e n t r e s northward on the c o a s t , c a l l s a t the v i l l a g e once a week. There i s no t e l e p h o n e s e r v i c e i n t h e v i l l a g e , but t h e r e a r e r a d i o - t e l e p h o n e s i n the n u r s i n g s t a t i o n , the a i r l i n e o f f i c e , a t a nearby l o g g i n g camp (see below) and i n Jackson's s t o r e . The l a s t i s a v a i l a b l e d u r i n g s t o r e hours f o r p u b l i c use a t a charge of t w e n t y - f i v e c e n t a a c a l l ; use of the o t h e r s i s n o r m a l l y c o n f i n e d to o f f i c i a l b u s i n e s s , but they may be used i n emergencies f o r o t h e r purposes. A s m a l l number of v i l l a g e - b a s e d f i s h -b o a t s have two-way r a d i o s . In 1966, two band members and the U n i t e d Church clergyman owned and o p e r a t e d c a r s ; l i g h t t r u c k s were owned and o p e r a t e d by the White s t o r e k e e p e r , the w h a r f i n g e r , and two members of the band. A p p r o x i m a t e l y f i f t y men o f the band and f o u r of the n o n - I n d i a n r e s i d e n t s own f i s h b o a t s ( w i t h the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s on ownership to be o u t l i n e d below). Almost a l l of them a r e s m a l l g i l l - n e t t e r s , and a f l u c t u a t i n g number of o t h e r v i l l a g e men have the use of s i m i l a r cannery-owned boats d u r i n g p a r t of the y e a r . Perhaps t h i r t y p e o p l e own s m a l l outboard or rowing b o a t s . In 1962, a t e l e v i s i o n " b o o s t e r " s t a t i o n was e s t a b l i s h e d near Harbour C i t y , and North Coast V i l l a g e came w i t h i n i t s s i g n a l range. In 1966, I would e s t i m a t e t h a t 50 to 60 per c e n t of the households had t e l e v i s i o n s e t s . W i t h the e x c e p t i o n of the t h r e e households of n o n - s t a t u s I n d i a n s mentioned above, the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n o f North Coast V i l l a g e l i v e s i n 140 n i n e t y - n i n e r e s i d e n c e s on b u i l d i n g l o t s a l o n g the unpaved v i l l a g e s t r e e t s . The houses are made of wood, and a l t h o u g h some under c o n s t r u c t i o n i n 1966 had c o n c r e t e f o u n d a t i o n s , o n l y one f i n i s h e d house had, the r e s t b e i n g s u p p o r t e d on wooden p i l i n g s . Most of the houses are o l d , few a r e p a i n t e d , and most appear to an urban o b s e r v e r to be i n a s t a t e o f d i s r e p a i r , w i t h broken windows, c o l l a p s e d s t a i r s and porches, and so on. Only two houses have s u c c e s s f u l g a r d e n s — o n e of f l o w e r s and the o t h e r o f v e g e t a b l e s ; most houses have none. I n s i d e , most of the houses a r e u n t i d y , and u n d e r f u r n i s h e d by comparison w i t h those of the n o n - I n d i a n r e s i d e n t s , and i n s p i t e o f e v i d e n c e of long occupancy, the u r b a n - o r i e n t e d White v i s i t o r may r e c e i v e an i m p r e s s i o n of impermanence. T h i s may be r e l a t e d t o the f a c t t h a t u n t i l r e c e n t l y much o f the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n moved about s e a s o n a l l y , l i v i n g f o r the summer f i s h i n g season near the l a r g e c a n n e r i e s a t Harbour C i t y . A few houses on the r e s e r v e a r e d e c o r a t e d , f u r n i s h e d , and m a i n t a i n e d i n a s t y l e s i m i l a r t o those of the n o n - I n d i a n s . The b a s i c household u n i t seems to be the n u c l e a r f a m i l y , a l t h o u g h n e a r l y h a l f , and p o s s i b l e more, of the households i n c l u d e o t h e r p e r s o n s . A summary of d a t a from a h o u s e h o l d census i s p r o v i d e d i n T a b l e V I . The f i g u r e s i n t h i s t a b l e can do no more than i n d i c a t e something of the range of v a r i a t i o n i n h o u s e h o l d c o m p o s i t i o n , f o r i t was not p o s s i b l e to c o l l e c t e q u a l l y r e l i a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n about a l l h o u s e h o l d s . For example, I s u s p e c t t h a t t h e r e a r e more cases i n which the c h i l d r e n of unmarried daughters a r e l i v i n g w i t h t h e i r g r a n d p a r e n t s , but a r e r e p r e s e n t e d p u b l i c l y as the o f f s p r i n g o f the g r a n d p a r e n t s . T h i s f i c t i o n a l " s k i p p i n g " of a g e n e r a t i o n seems t o be a p a t t e r n of l o n g s t a n d i n g i n the v i l l a g e . In s e v e r a l i n s t a n c e s I had been l e d to b e l i e v e t h a t two men were " b r o t h e r s " , but was l a t e r t o l d i n c o n f i d e n c e t h a t the younger was " r e a l l y " the e l d e r ' s 141 TABLE VI HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION, NORTH COAST VILLAGE C o m p o s i t i o n Number of Households N u c l e a r f a m i l y ( i n c l u d i n g widows, b a c h e l o r s , e t c . ) 53 N u c l e a r f a m i l y p l u s daughters w i t h husbands and c h i l d r e n 8 N u c l e a r f a m i l y p l u s daughters w i t h c h i l d r e n , no husband 10 N u c l e a r f a m i l y p l u s daughter's c h i l d r e n 4 N u c l e a r f a m i l y p l u s sons w i t h wives and c h i l d r e n 6 N u c l e a r f a m i l y p l u s son's c h i l d r e n 3 N u c l e a r f a m i l y p l u s husband's p a r e n t ( s ) 6 N u c l e a r f a m i l y p l u s w i f e ' s p a r e n t s 3 N u c l e a r f a m i l y p l u s husband's s i b l i n g s , t h e i r spouses and c h i l d r e n ( i f any) 6 N u c l e a r f a m i l y p l u s w i f e ' s s i b l i n g s , t h e i r spouses and c h i l d r e n ( i f any) 2 T o t a l 101 Note: Ninety-two of n i n e t y - n i n e households r e p o r t e d s i s t e r ' s son. On one o c c a s i o n an e l d e r l y man was t a l k i n g t o me about h i s m a r r i e d " d a u g h t e r " w i t h whom he was l i v i n g , when he suddenly "remembered" t h a t she had i n f a c t been born t o one of h i s o l d e r daughters b e f o r e the daughter's m a r r i a g e . He l a t e r r e p o r t e d t h a t he had gone home and mentioned t h i s s u d d e n l y remembered f a c t t o the woman, who had become angry and i n s i s t e d t h a t i t was not so. On another o c c a s i o n , I was t a l k i n g t o an e l d e r l y c o u p l e about a middle-aged man. As I i n q u i r e d about h i s k i n l i n k s , the o l d woman v o l u n t e e r e d , "He's my son. I had him b e f o r e I m a r r i e d , and my mother and f a t h e r brought him up." The v i l l a g e has a domestic water s u p p l y , but many houses do not have r u n n i n g water, t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s t a k i n g water from outdoor p u b l i c t a p s . Houses t h a t have r u n n i n g water a l s o have f l u s h t o i l e t s c onnected t o s e p t i c t a n k s . Many o f the tanks a r e i n poor c o n d i t i o n , and many 142 houses have outdoor t o i l e t s . Band c o u n c i l f i l e s i n c l u d e a number o f c o m p l a i n t s about a neighbour's sewage r u n n i n g onto the complainant's p r o p e r t y . D u r i n g 1966, a v i l l a g e sewer system was b e i n g i n s t a l l e d on a c o s t - s h a r i n g arrangement between the band and the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch. There i s no garbage d i s p o s a l system, and many pe o p l e c a r r y t h e i r garbage out to the end of the wharf and throw i t i n t o the water. The beaches and empty l a n d a r e h e a v i l y l i t t e r e d w i t h empty s o f t - d r i n k t i n s , broken b o t t l e s , and o t h e r d e b r i s . The band owns and o p e r a t e s a d i e s e l g e n e r a t i n g p l a n t which s u p p l i e s e l e c t r i c i t y f o r homes and s t r e e t l i g h t s from 6:00 p.m. u n t i l m i d n i g h t d u r i n g the summer months and from 4:00 p.m. u n t i l m i d n i g h t d u r i n g the w i n t e r . The p l a n t i n o p e r a t i o n i n 1966 was about f o u r y e a r s o l d , and s u p p l i e d A.C. power r a t h e r than the D.C. t h a t had been s u p p l i e d by the p r e v i o u s p l a n t . Because o f the change, a l l of the houses i n the v i l l a g e had t o be r e - w i r e d t o meet the p r o v i n c i a l s a f e t y r e g u l a t i o n s , and i n 1966 about t h i r t y houses were w i t h o u t e l e c t r i c power u n t i l r e - w i r i n g had been completed. The band c o u n c i l c o l l e c t s a " l i g h t r e n t " from p e o p l e u s i n g e l e c t r i c i t y , the money b e i n g used t o p r o v i d e f u e l and maintenance f o r the p l a n t . There are no meters. Rates a r e based on the number of l i g h t s and a p p l i a n c e s i n use and t h e i r assessment i s on what the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r termed an "Honour system". A few v i l l a g e houses and most o f the houses of the " n o n - o f f i c i a l " n o n - I n d i a n r e s i d e n t s have t h e i r own s m a l l g e n e r a t i n g p l a n t s . Jackson's s t o r e and r e s i d e n c e has i t s own e l e c t r i c p l a n t , and the s c h o o l , n u r s i n g s t a t i o n , t e a c h e r a g e s , and government b u i l d i n g s a r e s e r v i c e d by a s e p a r a t e p l a n t o p e r a t i n g t w e n t y - f o u r hours a day. The band a l s o owns a s m a l l s a w m i l l and p l a n e r m i l l . The m i l l i s 143 operated by the band council, who hire a non-Indian head-sawyer and a number of band members when there i s need of lumber. Some individuals have had beachcombed logs cut for lumber for their own use, and the council has cut some lumber for construction of a band building and some for sale. However, the m i l l i s not operated on a regular basis, and there is no regular supply of logs. Some non-Indian observers believe that the m i l l could be a profitable f u l l - t i m e enterprise. The band council maintains the v i l l a g e streets and, since part of the v i l l a g e i s an island at high tide, a bridge. There are two floats for fishboats. In 1966, the council met in a dilapidated h a l l b u i l t on pil i n g s over the foreshore, but a new council headquarters and "town h a l l " was under construction. Public buildings not under control of the band qua band include a large United Church building with a small attached h a l l , two large h a l l s b u i l t and maintained by clubs (see below), and two smaller h a l l s owned by religious groups. An ornamental band-stand is located on the band-owned land, but councillors and musicians were uncertain about the ownership of and re s p o n s i b i l i t y for the stand, i t s e l f . Indian A f f a i r s Branch figures for employment and other sources of income are given i n Tables VII and VIII. As with the figures for Shield Lake, these provide an indication of the range of types of employment and r e l a t i v e levels of income, but the accuracy of the actual figures and t h e i r r e f l e c t i o n of the real employment si t u a t i o n at North Coast must be questioned. For example, i n the same questionnaire that includes the data summarized i n these tables, i t i s estimated that i n 1964 the band's 125 resident workers earned $150,000.00, or an average of $1,200.00 each. However, even a conservative estimate based on the figures i n Table VII 144 TABLE V I I EMPLOYMENT, NORTH COAST BAND Type o f Employment No. of Workers Man Months E s t i m a t e d Income On R e s e r v e : F o r e s t r y 74 t r a p p i n g 6 u n s k i l l e d and c a s u a l l a b o u r 8 self-employment i n commercial e n t e r p r i s e 4 O f f R e s e r v e : F o r e s t r y 10 s k i l l e d t r a d e s 6 u n s k i l l e d and c a s u a l l a b o u r 25 self-employment i n commercial e n t e r p r i s e 1 F i s h i n g on or o f f r e s e r v e 65 222 18 24 48 60 72 150 12 260 $100,000 3,000 6,000 17,500 21,000 22,000 37,500 4,000 130,000 So u r c e : I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch Resources Q u e s t i o n n a i r e , 1964. TABLE V I I I INCOME, OTHER THAN FROM EMPLOYMENT, NORTH COAST BAND Source of Income No. of R e c i p i e n t s E s t i m a t e d Income F a m i l y a l l o w a n c e O l d Age pensio n s D i s a b i l i t y pensions Unemployment i n s u r a n c e W e l f a r e a s s i s t a n c e 150 48 3 25 40 (600 c h i l d r e n ) 4,200 43,600 3,565 10,000 21,000 S o u r c e : I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch Resources Q u e s t i o n n a i r e , 1964. 145 allowing for the i n c l u s i o n of non-resident band members, yi e l d s an average of over $2,000.00. Further, the figures i n that table r e f l e c t an a t y p i c a l employment year, f o r the seventy-four workers l i s t e d as earning $100,000.00 i n f o r e s t r y on the reserve were employed i n a timber operation on band land that had only begun i n the previous year and seemed u n l i k e l y to continue to provide this l e v e l of employment. Some of the men employed in this way would i n a t y p i c a l year have been fishermen at least during the summer g i l l - n e t t i n g season, but chose instead to take advantage of the opportunity to work i n the woods. Others worked for part of the year i n the logging operation and went f i s h i n g during the summer. More t y p i c a l l y , therefore, few North Coast Band members resident i n the v i l l a g e have much employment other than i n the f i s h i n g industry. A few men trap f o r furs during the f a l l and winter, but this no longer brings much return. Others leave the v i l l a g e for short periods to work i n the logging industry. Occasional, casual labour is a v a i l a b l e from time to time i n and around the v i l l a g e ; for example, i n 1966 a few men worked for short periods as labourers on the i n s t a l l a t i o n of the sewer system, on the erection of the new church manse, and on the construction of the new town h a l l . One man i s s t e a d i l y employed as janitor-maintenance man at the school. Two men operate r e t a i l stores i n the v i l l a g e , one with the aid of his wife; one man makes a r t i s t i c and handicraft items for s a l e ; one man and wife operate i r r e g u l a r l y a small confectionery and tobacco store i n t h e i r l i v i n g room. One man is reported to engage f a i r l y s t e a d i l y i n bootlegging. During the winter, a c e r t a i n amount of employment i s provided by "Winter Works" projects financed out of band and government funds, but these projects are not well organized and r a r e l y operate as planned. For example, i n 1965 i t was planned to use $8,000.00 146 of band funds for f i v e projects, but only two were a c t u a l l y undertaken. The sum of $6,000.00 had been budgetted for these, but only $4,000.00 was a c t u a l l y spent. The logging and loading operation that provided the "extra" income shown i n the table w i l l be discussed more f u l l y below. The major a c t i v i t y i n the f i s h i n g industry takes place for two and one-half to three months from June u n t i l September each year, when government regulations allow g i l l - n e t t i n g for salmon. During this period, the several large f i s h i n g companies with canneries near Harbour C i t y send out f l o a t i n g " f i s h camps"—storage and other buildings b u i l t on large r a f t s — a n d anchor them i n s t r a t e g i c locations, one of which i s i n the bay o f f North Coast V i l l a g e . Vessels c a l l e d "packers" ply between the f i s h camps and the canneries, carrying f i s h and supplies. The fishermen may purchase supplies from the f i s h camps and d e l i v e r t h e i r catches there, but some operate from a base at the cannery i t s e l f and d e l i v e r t h e i r catches d i r e c t l y . When conditions are favourable, the packers may pick up f i s h d i r e c t l y from the boats. At North Coast V i l l a g e , approximately f i f t y men are classed as boat owners, and have boats a l l year around. Others rent boats from the canneries during the season, bringing them back to the v i l l a g e and f i s h i n g from there as a home base. Some whole families spend the season at the canneries, with the husband f i s h i n g out of the cannery and the wife working i n i t . A few v i l l a g e men are employed during the season as crew on packers or i n some s p e c i a l capacity i n a cannery. Details of i n d i v i d u a l income are extremely d i f f i c u l t to determine because of the peculiar relationsh ips between the fishermen and the f i s h companies. The companies rent boats to the fishermen for approximately $300.00 per month, and supply them with nets, gear, and other nec e s s i t i e s 147 on c r e d i t . The fisherman de l i v e r s his catch to the company, and i t is recorded as c r e d i t i n his favour. At the end of a good season, the fisherman may be e n t i t l e d to a sub s t a n t i a l cash payment; a very bad season may leave him with a debt to be c a r r i e d over into the following year. Boat owners, although they are t h e o r e t i c a l l y free to s e l l t h e i r f i s h wherever they want, a l l appear to be involved i n a s i m i l a r c r e d i t arrangement with the f i s h companies; i n fa c t , boat ownership appears to be i n many cases more nominal than r e a l , for the companies often hold mortgages on the boats. For example, under the Federal Government's Revolving Loan Fund, a band member may borrow money to buy a boat i f he puts up 25 per cent of the amount himself, and agrees to repay the loan at an i n t e r e s t rate of 5 per cent per annum. By departmental regulations, the Agency o f f i c e must insure the regular payment of loan instalments by arrangement with the cannery company for which the man fishes, the payments to be made out of his accumulated c r e d i t before he receives any cash at the end of the season. I f the fisherman has a bad year, he may not have s u f f i c i e n t c r e d i t with the company to cover his loan payment. In this event, the company may make the loan payment on his behalf, carrying i t as debt against him, and by the time the Government loan is repaid, the company may hold a mortgage on the boat for an amount greater than the fisherman's equity i n i t . On some occasions, the companies have advanced fishermen money to cover t h e i r o r i g i n a l 25 per cent of the t o t a l amount of the loan. One man at North Coast V i l l a g e borrowed from the Revolving Loan Fund enough money to buy a h u l l and an engine for a large g i l l - n e t t e r . A cannery company then supplied funds on a second mortgage for the superstructure, radio, g a l l e y equipment, and f i s h i n g gear to an amount greater than the Revolving Fund's f i r s t mortgage, and 148 gave the man food and f u e l on a c r e d i t . U n less he were t o have s e v e r a l e x c e p t i o n a l l y good seasons, i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t he c o u l d ever be more than the nominal owner of the b o a t . B e s i d e s t h e c r e d i t extended f o r b o a t s , gear and s u p p l i e s n e c e s s a r y f o r f i s h i n g , the cannery companies a l s o extend c r e d i t f o r a v a r i e t y o f o t h e r p u rposes. In g e n e r a l , the amount of c r e d i t a man can c a l l upon i s r e l a t e d t o h i s p a s t performance as a f i s h e r m a n and t h e company's assessment o f h i s a b i l i t y . A good fis h e r m a n , or " h i g h - l i n e r " , can even make purchases i n department s t o r e s i n Harbour C i t y and have the b i l l s honoured by the company he f i s h e s f o r . One man b o a s t e d to me t h a t he had bought a t e l e v i s i o n s e t t h i s way d u r i n g the s l a c k w i n t e r season, and I saw the a b i l i t y demonstrated on s m a l l e r p u r c h a s e s . D u r i n g the months p r e c e d i n g the f i s h i n g season, s e v e r a l o f the companies i s s u e " t i c k e t s " — s m a l l p r i n t e d c h i t s t h a t may be used to make purchases a t the company s t o r e s on the f i s h camps. These a r e a c c e p t e d as payment by b o t h the I n d i a n and n o n - I n d i a n merchants a t the v i l l a g e , and s i n c e a l l the v i l l a g e merchants a l s o extend c r e d i t t o t h e i r customers, v e r y l i t t l e c a s h i s seen d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d . In r e t u r n f o r the c r e d i t extended to them, the f i s h e r m e n a r e expected to d e l i v e r t h e i r e n t i r e c a t c h to the company s u p p o r t i n g them. I t i s p o s s i b l e f o r a f i s h e r m a n t o s e l l some of h i s c a t c h f o r cash t o an independent buyer, but by doing so he runs the r i s k o f h a v i n g h i s c r e d i t c u t o f f and more s t r i n g e n t demands f o r payment a p p l i e d . Two men i n the v i l l a g e who c l a i m e d to own t h e i r boats " f r e e and c l e a r " m a i n t a i n e d an e x c l u s i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h one of the companies, even though they were t h e o r e t i c a l l y f r e e t o s e l l t h e i r f i s h t o anyone. They s a i d t h a t i f they t r i e d t o be f u l l y independent, they would not be a b l e to get c r e d i t and 149 s u p p o r t when they needed i t , as, f o r example, d u r i n g a bad yea r or i n the event of a major breakdown or l o s s o f boat or equipment. Some inf o r m a n t s were r e t i c e n t about d i s c u s s i n g t h e i r own r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the cannery company they f i s h e d f o r , but the arrangements o f o t h e r s were a f a v o u r e d s u b j e c t f o r comment and d i s c u s s i o n . I t was f r e q u e n t l y s a i d o f men w i t h l a r g e and e x p e n s i v e boats t h a t they d i d not r e a l l y own them, or t h a t they had a c q u i r e d them i n some underhanded way. One man s a i d of another, w i t h e v i d e n t s a t i s f a c t i o n , " I always thought owned h i s boat, he was always b r a g g i n g so much. But l a s t y e a r the cannery took i t away." I t i s my i m p r e s s i o n t h a t many o f the f i s h e r m e n do not keep t h e i r own r e c o r d s o f indebtedness and c r e d i t , but r e l y upon the company t o t e l l them how they s t a n d . They a r e aware o f whether they a r e d o i n g w e l l o r b a d l y i n any g i v e n season, and can c i t e f i g u r e s of how much f i s h they have d e l i v e r e d a t what p r i c e s , but p r o b a b l y c o u l d not g i v e a v e r y p r e c i s e e s t i m a t e of t h e e x t e n t of t h e i r i n d e b t e d n e s s . Many s t o r i e s of good y e a r s i n c l u d e d e s c r i p t i o n s of how s u r p r i s e d the t e l l e r was when he l e a r n e d how much money he was to r e c e i v e at t h e end of the season; t h i s may be a d e v i c e f o r dr a m a t i c e f f e c t , but I b e l i e v e i t a l s o r e f l e c t s the f a c t t h a t the f i s h e r m e n depend upon the companies f o r the d e t a i l s o f account and r e c o r d - k e e p i n g . Times and p l a c e s f o r f i s h i n g a r e s t r i c t l y r e g u l a t e d by the F e d e r a l Government. In 1966, g i l l - n e t t i n g f o r salmon was r e s t r i c t e d t o two days per week d u r i n g the summer season, and most o f the North Coast V i l l a g e f i s h e r m e n f i s h e d w i t h i n a r a d i u s o f about 30 m i l e s from the v i l l a g e , r e t u r n i n g home a f t e r d e l i v e r i n g t h e i r c a t c h . F o r the r e s t of the ye a r , t r o l l i n g f o r salmon i s a l l o w e d and many North Coast boat owners c o n v e r t to t h i s manner o f f i s h i n g when the g i l l - n e t t i n g season i s over. 150 D u r i n g the summer, c e r t a i n days are s e t a s i d e by the government f o r I n d i a n f i s h e r m e n to take salmon f o r t h e i r own use, employing the same g i l l - n e t equipment as f o r commercial f i s h i n g . These days are e x t r e m e l y busy ones i n the v i l l a g e . The f i s h e r m e n go out e a r l y , and men, women, and c h i l d r e n l e f t i n the v i l l a g e h u r r y about p r e p a r i n g j a r s , t i n s , and smoke-houses. As the c a t c h comes i n , and l a t e i n t o the evening, most p e o p l e i n the v i l l a g e a r e engaged i n t r a n s p o r t i n g , c l e a n i n g , b u t c h e r i n g , and p r e s e r v i n g the f i s h . A l t h o u g h not every household i n c l u d e s a f i s h e r m a n , a v a r i e t y o f i n f o r m a l s h a r i n g agreements seems to ensure t h a t each r e c e i v e s a s u p p l y of f i s h . Of c o u r s e , most f i s h e r m e n keep a few f i s h at any time from t h e i r commercial c a t c h t o eat f r e s h or g i v e to o t h e r s . N u c l e a r f a m i l i e s and o t h e r groupings of k i n and f r i e n d s make e x p e d i t i o n s to o f f - s h o r e i s l a n d s t o take sea-weed, clams, and abalone, and i n a l e s s o r g a n i z e d way men f i s h o c c a s i o n a l l y f o r h a l i b u t , c r a b , or octopus. In the f a l l , some men hunt f o r deer. In 1966, o n l y one man from N o r t h Coast made o o l i c h a n g r e a s e d u r i n g the e a r l y s p r i n g r u n of those f i s h i n the mouth of a r i v e r t o t h e n o r t h of the v i l l a g e . However, the g r e a s e i s v e r y much i n demand, and a g a l l o n j u g of i t c o u l d be s o l d f o r twenty d o l l a r s . A l l of these food items a r e g i v e n as g i f t s , t r a d e d , and bought or s o l d . O c c a s i o n a l l y boats from r e s e r v e s to the n o r t h s t o p at the v i l l a g e w i t h such foods f o r s a l e . The o r g a n i z a t i o n of North Coast V i l l a g e can b e s t be d e s c r i b e d a g a i n s t a b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l background. The p r e s e n t l o c a t i o n o f the v i l l a g e was a p p a r e n t l y a summer s i t e f o r n i n e T s i m s h i a n " t r i b e s " — p o l i t i c a l l y autonomous v i l l a g e s whose w i n t e r q u a r t e r s were at a s i t e about 20 m i l e s t o the s o u t h . Each of the t r i b e s owned a s t r e t c h o f beach and a t r a c t 151 of c o n t i g u o u s l a n d on the s i t e o f the p r e s e n t v i l l a g e , and used i t as a temporary base f o r sea-mammal h u n t i n g and o t h e r s u b s i s t e n c e e x p e d i t i o n s . In the e a r l y 1830's, the Hudson's Bay Company e s t a b l i s h e d a f o r t a t an o o l i c h a n - f i s h i n g s i t e some 50 m i l e s to the n o r t h which was v i s i t e d by these t r i b e s and o t h e r s i n the a r e a . A c c o r d i n g t o " o f f i c i a l " v e r s i o n s , the Company found t h e i r l o c a t i o n d i f f i c u l t because of bad w i n t e r weather, poor anchorage, and o t h e r f a c t o r s , and they purchased l a n d from the I n d i a n s a t N o r t h Coast V i l l a g e to r e - l o c a t e t h e i r f o r t . In the v e r s i o n of the s t o r y t o l d by s e v e r a l v i l l a g e r s , the daughter of the h i g h e s t -r a n k i n g c h i e f o f the n i n e t r i b e s was m a r r i e d t o the Hudson's Bay f a c t o r . She became homesick and f e l t i s o l a t e d i n the f o r t t o the n o r t h , and her f a t h e r i n v i t e d h e r husband t o b u i l d a house f o r her on h i s summer s i t e a t N o r t h Coast. The f a c t o r b u i l t a f o r t and l a i d c l a i m to a t r a c t o f l a n d around i t . However the Hudson's Bay Company may have come to be t h e r e , i t seems c l e a r t h a t once the f o r t was e s t a b l i s h e d the t r i b e s s h i f t e d t h e i r permanent w i n t e r q u a r t e r s to North Coast V i l l a g e , each t r i b e o c c u p y i n g i t s o l d summer v i l l a g e s i t e . R e l a t i o n s o t h e r than f o r t r a d e between the company p e r s o n n e l and the I n d i a n s were r a t h e r u n c e r t a i n , a p p a r e n t l y , w i t h the company men r e m a i n i n g b e h i n d l o c k e d gates and guarded w a l l s most of the time, and the I n d i a n s p u r s u i n g t h e i r own a f f a i r s i n the v i l l a g e w i t h o u t much d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n by Whites. As l a t e as 1862, l e t t e r s from a p o s t manager r e f e r t o I n d i a n s f i r i n g upon the f o r t and t r y i n g t o t e a r down the p i c k e t s . However, some Indians were employed i n the f o r t , and some Company men m a r r i e d women from the v i l l a g e . There was an attempt by an A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r y to C h r i s t i a n i z e the I n d i a n s i n the 1850's which ended w i t h h i s l e a v i n g the v i l l a g e i n the early 1860's with a large number of converts, including the highest-ranking chief. Shortly after, small-pox swept the coast, k i l l i n g as many as one-third of the people remaining at North Coast. In 1966, two very old men independently told me of their b e l i e f that the disease had been deliberately sent by the missionary who had moved away. In the 1870's the highest-ranking chief remaining among the tribes at North Coast and his wife, a woman of high rank from a different t r i b e , spent nearly a year i n a c i t y i n southern B r i t i s h Columbia. Both had liv e d there during their childhood, and both were the offspring of Hudson's Bay personnel and women of the v i l l a g e . The chief's mother was s t i l l i n the southern c i t y , and had become a Methodist. When they returned t North Coast V i l l a g e , the chief's wife began to hold classes i n her home giving religious and other instruction. According to lo c a l traditions, the people of the v i l l a g e became angry at a missionizing v i s i t from some of their erstwhile fellow-villagers who had l e f t with the Anglican missionary, and demanded to become Methodists. Whatever the reason, records show that i n 1874 there was a v i s i t from a Methodist clergyman who baptised about a hundred people and performed a number of marriages Later that year another Methodist clergyman took up permanent residence in the v i l l a g e and organized a congregation i n the manner of that denomination, with f u l l members, members "on t r i a l " , and a church board Many adults were baptised, adopting European names. In the version of the story told by one very old informant, the people were promised considerable material reward i f they became Methodists, including l i v e -stock and "a bucket-full of money for each f a m i l y — s i l v e r " . Of t h i s , the old man commented, "Big money....and big l i e , too." By 1877, the v i l l a g e had an elected "church council", made up, 153 according to l o c a l testimony, of hereditary chiefs voted into o f f i c e by their t r i b e s . The council had the v i l l a g e s i t e surveyed; streets and building lots were l a i d out, and people began to build European-style houses. Some of these were large, two and three-storey wooden buildings that housed more than one nuclear family. Around this time the v i l l a g e came under the administration of the Indian A f f a i r s Department, and became the North Coast band. Canneries began to be b u i l t near the s i t e on which Harbour City was later to r i s e , and the Indians became commercial fishermen. In the 1880's boarding homes were established at the v i l l a g e , one for boys and one for g i r l s , i n which the children were to learn European ways i n i s o l a t i o n from their families. Many v i l l a g e children stayed i n the homes, and Indian children from elsewhere were also accommodated. A day school for Indian children was also operated by the church. In 1888, the missionary established a church organization called the Band of Christian Workers to engage i n evangelistic a c t i v i t y such as holding religious meetings i n the streets. Within four years, according to a religious history of the v i l l a g e , the Band of Workers was "out of control of the missionary, and was being managed entirely by the Tsimpshean people, and was the gathering place for people disaffected from the church". They b u i l t their own h a l l , and carried on their own services. About ten years l a t e r , there were attempts by the Salvation Army and the Seventh Day Adventists to make converts i n the v i l l a g e , and a nucleus of the former organization has existed there ever since. In an effort to combat the appeal of these competitors, the Methodist missionary sponsored a church organization called the Epworth League, which held marches and street meetings with a small brass band. Like the Band of Workers, this organization also grew more 154 and more independent of the church, b u i l d i n g i t s own h a l l and c o n d u c t i n g meetings i n the N a t i v e language. The p e r i o d between 1890 and about 1915 was an e x p a n s i v e one f o r the whole a r e a , and N o r t h Coast was a major c e n t r e . A s i z e a b l e non-I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n grew up a d j a c e n t to the v i l l a g e , g i v i n g r i s e t o the name "the White S i d e " , which i s s t i l l i n use. The n o n - I n d i a n town and the v i l l a g e t o g e t h e r were c a l l e d N orth Coast, and the White S i d e was the c e n t r e f o r government p e r s o n n e l , the p o l i c e h e a d q u a r t e r s , and the communications c e n t r e f o r the n o r t h e r n a r e a . Ships t r a v e l l i n g t h e c o a s t stopped at the town, which i n c l u d e d an A n g l i c a n church, a s c h o o l , s e v e r a l r e t a i l s t o r e s , and two h o t e l s . In 1889, a M e t h o d i s t d o c t o r from t h e E a s t s t a r t e d a g e n e r a l h o s p i t a l . He r e c e i v e d no f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t from the c h u r c h a t f i r s t , but l a t e r the c h u r c h s u p p l i e d some money and p e r s o n n e l . The e x p a n s i v e mood was enhanced by s p e c u l a t i o n t h a t North Coast would become the P a c i f i c Terminus of the n o r t h e r n t r a n s - c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l r o a d l i n e . A b r o c h u r e p u b l i s h e d by l a n d s p e c u l a t o r s i n 1892 r e f e r r e d t o i t as " a l r e a d y an i n d u s t r i a l town of one thousand i n h a b i t a n t s " w i t h "the f i n e s t h a r b o r of B r i t i s h Columbia", and p r e d i c t e d t h a t " i t must become, not one of the l a r g e s t c i t i e s , but the l a r g e s t c i t y on the P a c i f i c C o a s t . " There was heavy s p e c u l a t i o n i n l a n d around the v i l l a g e , and a r t i c l e s appeared i n V i c t o r i a and Vancouver newspapers u n t i l 1907 t e l l i n g of the growth of m i n i n g e x p l o r a t i o n and the c e r t a i n t y o f the coming of the r a i l r o a d . By 1908, the P a c i f i c r a i l r o a d terminus was l o c a t e d t h i r t y - o d d m i l e s s o u t h of North Coast, and Harbour C i t y grew up. Newspaper and o t h e r r e p o r t s of t h e p e r i o d suggest t h a t both the I n d i a n band and the Hudson's Bay Company h e l d out f o r v e r y l a r g e sums of money f o r t h e i r l a n d h o l d i n g s a t North Coast, thus c a u s i n g the r a i l r o a d p l a n n e r s to l o o k elsewhere f o r a s u i t a b l e s i t e f o r t h e i r t e r m i n u s . I t would seem t h a t s p e c u l a t i o n and i n f l a t e d p r i c e s of a d j a c e n t l a n d might a l s o have been a f a c t o r . Harbour C i t y g r a d u a l l y r e p l a c e d North Coast as the major c e n t r e of n o n - I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n i n the a r e a , and government and o t h e r o f f i c e s g r a v i t a t e d t h e r e . The Hudson's Bay Company c l o s e d i t s North Coast s t o r e i n 1911. However, the town r e t a i n e d some n o n - I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n long a f t e r the c o m p l e t i o n of the r a i l w a y to Harbour C i t y i n 1917. A c c o r d i n g to e l d e r l y i n f o r m a n t s , the v i l l a g e o f those years was a v e r y busy p l a c e , and the people engaged i n a s e a s o n a l round of d i v e r s e a c t i v i t i e s . In about the m i d d l e o f March, the h e r r i n g began to spawn, l a y i n g eggs i n c l u s t e r s on seaweed. The people c o l l e c t e d and d r i e d the eggs, u s i n g canoes, rowboats and s a i l b o a t s f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Around the same time, about f i v e or s i x f a m i l i e s who had t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t s t o f i s h i n g p l a c e s a t the mouth of a r i v e r t o the n o r t h , went t h e r e to f i s h f o r o o l i c h a n and p r e p a r e g r e a s e . In l a t e A p r i l , when the l a n d weeds were of a c e r t a i n l e n g t h , people went to camping p l a c e s on o f f - s h o r e i s l a n d s t o p i c k and dry seaweed, and f i s h f o r h a l i b u t which was a l s o d r i e d f o r s t o r a g e . T h i s a c t i v i t y c a r r i e d on w e l l i n t o May. At the b e g i n n i n g of June, the cannery season began when a tugboat came to the v i l l a g e t o tow the f i s h b o a t s the t h i r t y - o d d m i l e s t o the c a n n e r i e s . E l d e r l y i n f o r m a n t s remember t h i s w i t h n o s t a l g i a as a time o f g r e a t excitement, w i t h f a m i l i e s s t a y i n g up l a t e i n the long n o r t h e r n summer t w i l i g h t , p a c k i n g f o r the t r i p . In the long, e a r l y dawn, f o r t y or f i f t y s m a l l s a i l b o a t s were s t r u n g out i n a l i n e b e h i n d the tug, each w i t h a canvas t e n t , and meals c o o k i n g over wood f i r e s i n i m p r o v i s e d s t o v e s . A few f a m i l i e s would remain b e h i n d i n the v i l l a g e , and a c o l l e c t i o n would be taken up t o pay them f o r watching the empty houses. Whole f a m i l i e s went t o the c a n n e r i e s , the men f i s h i n g throughout the week, and the women and g i r l s p a c k i n g t i n s i n the cannery b u i l d i n g s . A t the end of August, the pe o p l e r e t u r n e d t o the v i l l a g e and c o n c e n t r a t e d on t a k i n g t h e i r own w i n t e r ' s s u p p l y o f salmon from the c r e e k s . In l a t e September and October, they v i s i t e d the o f f - s h o r e i s l a n d s and beaches f o r clams and o t h e r s h e l l - f i s h . By e a r l y November, almost everyone was back i n the v i l l a g e , and under c o u n c i l r e g u l a t i o n s , each a b l e - b o d i e d man was expected to spend t h r e e days i n " s t a t u t e l a b o u r " on v i l l a g e s t r e e t s and p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s . Around the m i d d l e o f January, men went t r a p p i n g , some a l o n e or i n p a i r s and some w i t h t h e i r f a m i l i e s . In l a t e February, they r e t u r n e d t o the v i l l a g e and s o l d t h e i r f u r s , and by the mi d d l e o f March the c y c l e began a g a i n . They were e v e n t f u l y e a r s , t o o . In 1903, a man came to the v i l l a g e not under c h u r c h s p o n s o r s h i p , t o a c t as a t e a c h e r o f young people beyond s c h o o l age. He h e l d c l a s s e s i n h i s house, and h i s s t u d e n t s p a i d f o r t h e i r l e s s o n s . A p p a r e n t l y he d i d not make much money, and l e f t the v i l l a g e a f t e r a few y e a r s , but h i s i n f l u e n c e l a s t e d much l o n g e r . In 1911 w i t h the Band o f Workers and the Epworth League o p e r a t i n g n e a r l y i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f church, the r e s i d e n t M e t h o d i s t m i s s i o n a r y formed y e t another o r g a n i z a t i o n . T h i s time i t was the Wesley G u i l d , a c h u r c h o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r young p e o p l e . A prominent member of i t was a younger son of the c h i e f l y c o u p l e who had brought the church t o the v i l l a g e i n the 1870's. A year o r so l a t e r , t h i s young man came i n t o c o n f l i c t w i t h the m i s s i o n a r y when the l a t t e r attempted t o d i s c i p l i n e him f o r b e h a v i o u r of which the ch u r c h d i s a p p r o v e d . The young man g a t h e r e d around him some of the pe o p l e who had a t t e n d e d the i n f o r m a l young a d u l t s ' c l a s s e s t e n 157 y e a r s e a r l i e r , a l o n g w i t h people who had adhered to the S a l v a t i o n Army, and s t a r t e d an independent o r g a n i z a t i o n c a l l e d the E d u c a t i o n a l C l u b . The Club began to f i e l d a t h l e t i c teams, which took p a r t i n c o m p e t i t i o n s w i t h o t h e r teams i n the a r e a and g a i n e d c o n s i d e r a b l e s u c c e s s . The Wesley G u i l d , f o l l o w i n g the p a t t e r n of t h e e a r l i e r c h u r c h o r g a n i z a t i o n s , grew more and more independent, b u i l d i n g i t s own h a l l and competing i n a t h l e t i c s w i t h the E d u c a t i o n a l C l u b . By 1918, the G u i l d changed i t s name to the North Coast S p o r t s A s s o c i a t i o n , and ceased h a v i n g even nominal c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the c h u r c h . U n l i k e the p r e v i o u s two c h u r c h o r g a n i z a t i o n s , i t became almost c o m p l e t e l y s e c u l a r . Soon every p e r s o n i n the v i l l a g e belonged to one or the o t h e r of these two o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and c o m p e t i t i o n was v e r y s t r o n g . They t r i e d t o outdo each o t h e r i n the s i z e o f t h e i r h a l l s , and each r e b u i l t i t s h a l l at l e a s t t w i c e . A t h l e t i c c o m p e t i t i o n s o f t e n ended i n f i g h t s . D u r i n g t h e s e y e a r s , the F e d e r a l Government took over more and more f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p r o j e c t s t h a t had been f i n a n c e d by the c h u r c h and by the now-dwindling White p o p u l a t i o n , such as the b o a r d i n g homes f o r boys and g i r l s , and the h o s p i t a l . In 1912, the home f o r boys was c l o s e d , and many boys from the v i l l a g e were se n t s o u t h t o a r e s i d e n t i a l s c h o o l near Vancouver. Many men a t North Coast now t e l l of homesickness t h e r e and of r u n n i n g away from the s c h o o l to r e t u r n to the v i l l a g e . In s p i t e of i n c r e a s e d government f i n a n c i n g , however, the e d u c a t i o n a l and m e d i c a l s e r v i c e s remained, to a l l outward appearances, c h u r c h i n s t i t u t i o n s . Indeed, the v i l l a g e of t h i s p e r i o d p r o v i d e s an i n t e r e s t i n g example of the importance of what I have r e f e r r e d t o above as "Type C" l i n k a g e s of r e l a t i o n a l s y s t e m s — l i n k s brought about by i n d i v i d u a l s ' occupancy of s t a t u s e s i n more than one system. On a p u r e l y f o r m a l l e v e l , the 158 c o n c a t e n a t i o n o f systems r e p r e s e n t e d i n the v i l l a g e i n c l u d e d the s e p a r a t e o f m i n i m a l l y - r e l a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s o f government, church, h o s p i t a l , and s c h o o l s . In f a c t , however, the r e c o r d s of the p e r i o d show these important systems to have been o p e r a t i n g almost as one. Under the i n f l u e n c e o f the c h u r c h , the e l e c t e d c o u n c i l had passed by-laws to r e g u l a t e b e h a v i o u r i n the v i l l a g e , c o v e r i n g such matters as d r i n k i n g , s e x u a l b e h a v i o u r , and h o u s e h o l d maintenance. In one t y p i c a l case, an unmarried man and a m a r r i e d woman were charged w i t h " l i v i n g i n a p r o f l i g a t e manner". The accused persons appeared f o r judgment b e f o r e a J u s t i c e o f the Peace who was a l s o a prominent member of the g o v e r n i n g board of the c h u r c h and the c h i e f d o c t o r i n the h o s p i t a l . They were found g u i l t y and f i n e d . The woman and her husband were then c a l l e d b e f o r e the e l e c t e d c o u n c i l and a d v i s e d to become r e c o n c i l e d . F i n a l l y , the two o f f e n d e r s were d i s c i p l i n e d by the c h u r c h board by b e i n g p l a c e d "on t r i a l " w i t h r e g a r d to c h u r c h membership. An i n c i d e n t r e c o r d e d i n the Agency f i l e s and r e p o r t e d by i n f o r m a n t s p r o v i d e s f u r t h e r i l l u s t r a t i o n . In 1917, a v i l l a g e g i r l l i v i n g i n the g i r l s ' b o a r d i n g home was s l i g h t l y i n j u r e d w h i l e on a p i c n i c . Her f a t h e r , a p p a r e n t l y blaming the s u p e r v i s o r s of the home, took the g i r l away. The m e d i c a l d i r e c t o r of the h o s p i t a l , who was a l s o a prominent member of the c h u r c h board, a c t i n g i n h i s c a p a c i t y as J u s t i c e of the Peace, f o r c e d the g i r l ' s r e t u r n to the home under warrant, and j a i l e d h e r f a t h e r . T h i s a c t i o n a p p a r e n t l y angered a number of v i l l a g e r s , who c h a l l e n g e d the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the home, making sworn statements t h a t the g i r l s were m i s t r e a t e d and i m p r o p e r l y f e d . The I n d i a n Agent f o r the d i s t r i c t r e p o r t e d t h a t he was s a t i s f i e d t h a t the charges were f a l s e , and the d e c i s i o n of the J u s t i c e o f the Peace was a l l o w e d to s t a n d . 159 This l i n k i n g of systems was e x p l i c i t l y recognized by an Agent who wrote i n a report for 1914, "The missionary and the Indian Agent are usually looked upon by the Indians as inseparably associated i n the interests of the Government". Eight years l a t e r , the v i l l a g e council gave expression to the same sentiments i n a p e t i t i o n to the Government requesting "the removal of the Indian Agent, Doctor, and Constable, as they are a l l i n together". The constable referred to i n this p e t i t i o n was a non-Indian, resident on the "White Side". In addition, v i l l a g e constables were employed by the council, and council records show that they were responsible for bringing many charges against people of the v i l l a g e for such offences as drunkenness, adultery, and disturbing the peace. V i l l a g e by-laws were also enforced by committees. One e l d e r l y man reported of the F i r e Committee, We'd go around to a l l the houses. One man would have a s t i c k — a cane—and he'd bang on the stove-pipes. If anything was loose or not r i g h t , we'd . say, "You get that fixed up i n twenty-four hours." If i t wasn't fixed when we went back, we'd ju s t take the whole stove out and throw i t i n the yard. In s p i t e of this pervasive and sometimes very e f f i c i e n t organ-i z a t i o n , however, the v i l l a g e also experienced almost continuous dissen-sion, factionalism, and q u a r r e l l i n g , of which the di v i s i o n s among r e l i g i o u s and secular organizations described above were only a small part. As early as 1903, a southern newspaper c a r r i e d a report that the head chief at North Coast had s u c c e s s f u l l y sued a band member for "utter i n g and publishing a scandalous falsehood" to the e f f e c t that the chief intended to s e l l the V i l l a g e Reserve to railway promoters. Two el d e r l y men s t i l l a l i v e i n 1966 accused the same chief of using his 160 influence with church and government authorities to deny them access to education, while seeing that his own kinsmen received i t . In 1914, an Indian Agent wrote i n his annual report: At one time these Indians were induced to p e t i t i o n the government to be brought under the advancement part of the Indian Act, whereby they might be i n a po s i t i o n to have Indian council under an e l e c t i v e system. The system has come to nought and no council has been elected for some years. Those i n power t r i e d to use the system to persecute t h e i r enemies. They decided they would act as far as possible i n contravention of t h e i r own by-laws. On other occasions, the v i l l a g e r s acted with what was to observers remarkable unity. In 1931, the church burned to the ground, and was f u l l y and quickly r e b u i l t by cooperative, volunteer e f f o r t . The writer of the V i l l a g e ' s r e l i g i o u s h i s t o r y remarks of this event, " I t was the one project i n a l l this period i n which the v i l l a g e people cooperated to so e f f e c t i v e an extent". The same author writes less approvingly of a more recent event that I would be i n c l i n e d to see as a s i m i l a r phenomenon. According to his account and those of v i l l a g e informants, the minister had asked two women to leave the church choir on the grounds that he believed them to be p r o s t i t u t e s . They refused. Later, the minister's wife confronted the women p u b l i c l y with the charge, i n the presence of v i s i t o r s to the v i l l a g e . In response, the church congregation, which included most of the adult v i l l a g e r s , by a unanimous vote requested church auth o r i t i e s to remove the minister from his post. This pattern, i n which occasional nearly unanimous c o l l e c t i v e actions stand out against a background of d i v i s i o n and factionalism, has continued u n t i l the present, and I s h a l l comment upon i t more f u l l y below. The h i s t o r i c a l background may be completed with mention of only a 161 few more important events. In 1935, the Hudson's Bay Company re-opened i t s North Coast store. Also i n the 1930's, three men from the v i l l a g e were among the founders of the B r i t i s h Columbia Native Brotherhood. In 1946, the Federal Government opened a hospital for Indians near Harbour City, and i n the following year the North Coast hospital was closed. In 1948, the g i r l s ' boarding school was closed, and i n 1954, the Hudson's Bay Company again closed i t s post. By this time the independent non-Indian population had dwindled to almost nothing, and the populations were much as they were described above for 1966. It i s estimated by Wilson Duff (personal communication) that i n 1860 there were 2,300 Indians at North Coast, although elderly native informants are inclined to give much higher estimates. Numbers of registered Indians i n the band since 1893, the year of the f i r s t r e l i a b l e census, are provided i n Table IX. These figures were also supplied by Wilson Duff i n a personal communication. The discrepancy between the figures for 1966 i n the table and those i n the opening pages of this chapter i s probably accounted for i n part by the fact that the table refers to January 1, and my figures refer to July of that year. TABLE IX POPULATION, NORTH COAST BAND Year Population 1893 665 1900 700 1910 713 1917 659 1929 673 1939 669 1954 797 1961 984 1966 1,083 162 C. Organization 1. Organization sponsored and directed by the Indian A f f a i r s Branch The North Coast band has an elected council under Section 73 of the Indian Act (Revised Statutes of Canada, 1952) consisting of a chief and ten c o u n c i l l o r s . Since 1963, co u n c i l l o r s have received an annual salary of $300.00. During the winter months the council meets reg u l a r l y , holding s p e c i a l extra meetings when pressure of business requires; during the summer f i s h i n g season, meetings are held only i n exceptionally pressing circumstances. Band meetings are held for the discussion of co n t r o v e r s i a l issues, and these may be c a l l e d on the i n i t i a t i v e of the council or on the request of band members. The Agency Superintendent does not attend a l l council and band meetings, but when he does attend he usually acts as chairman. At times, the council has employed a secretary and some of these have kept minutes and records e f f i c i e n t l y , but on the whole record-keeping has not been very good. In 1966 the council had no secretary. Since 1964, the council has operated under Section 68 of the Indian Act (Revised Statutes of Canada, 1952), preparing an annual budget for Agency approval, and disbursing i t s own funds within the terms of that budget. The budget for 1966 amounted to $16,000.00. The council has standing committees, and may appoint others as the need a r i s e s . It is d i f f i c u l t to assess how e f f i c i e n t l y the system operates, for no records are kept of committee meetings, and the whole council discusses matters pertaining to the f i e l d s covered by committees without reference to committee reports. In 1966, there were f i v e standing committees, covering the areas of: Light and F i r e ; Water and Streets, 163 Lots and Buildings, Health and School, Police. The council passes by-laws, as North Coast V i l l a g e council have done since the church councils of the l a s t century. I could f i n d no record of by-laws ever being rescinded, but from time to time the l i s t i s revised. In practice, I believe, the by-laws are invoked.and enforced as situ a t i o n s seem to require. In 1966, for example, there was an attempt to enforce a 10:00 p.m. curfew for child r e n , but no apparent attempt to enforce a general midnight curfew; informants' reports indicated that the children's curfew had been ignored for a few years before, and that the young .people were "getting out of hand". Some council by-laws may be enforced by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, but the enforcement of most of them is the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the co u n c i l , which employs two band constables f or this purpose and for general s u r v e i l l a n c e . In 1966, the council was engaged i n a wide v a r i e t y of a c t i v i t i e s and projects. I s h a l l l i s t the major ones here and describe some of them i n more d e t a i l below. Construction of a new water system which w i l l supply piped water to a l l houses, one-third of the cost to be paid from band funds and the remainder from government appropriations. Construction of a sewer system, which w i l l replace the outdoor t o i l e t s and septic tanks, financed i n the same proportions as the water system. Re-wiring of houses for connection to the l i g h t i n g plant mentioned above. The plant and the re-wiring were paid for e n t i r e l y out of band funds, and had cost $24,000.00 i n 1966, with thirty-odd houses yet to be wired at approximately $300.00 per house. A house b u i l d i n g and re-building programme. People who have had 164 no house b e f o r e were b e i n g a s s i s t e d out o f c o u n c i l funds t o b u i l d . I n a d d i t i o n , a c c o r d i n g t o the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r , the c o u n c i l had e n l i s t e d the h e l p of I n d i a n H e a l t h S e r v i c e s p e r s o n n e l t o have "some of the worst houses" condemned, e s p e c i a l l y those t h a t had s t o o d v a c a n t f o r some time. The owners were o f f e r e d a s s i s t a n c e to r e b u i l d . The o p e r a t i o n o f the s a w m i l l mentioned above. A f o r e s t r e s o u r c e s u r v e y o f band l a n d s , c a r r i e d on by an independent company. The band p a i d h a l f o f the c o s t and the Branch the o t h e r h a l f . C o n s t r u c t i o n of a new c o u n c i l h a l l w i t h o f f i c e and meeting space. A community development p r o j e c t . The p r o v i n c i a l government s u p p l i e d a community development o f f i c e r f o r a t h r e e - y e a r p e r i o d , and the band s e t a s i d e $6,000.00 a y e a r f o r community p r o j e c t s . The purchase of new f i r e - f i g h t i n g equipment and r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n of a v o l u n t e e r f i r e - f i g h t e r o r g a n i z a t i o n . A d u l t e d u c a t i o n c o u r s e s i n the w i n t e r . In 1965, the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r s a i d , "Whenever we'd get any id e a s about a d u l t e d u c a t i o n , the [ i . A . B . o f f i c i a l s ] would say, 'There's a c o u r s e i n Vancouver. Why don't you go?' L a s t y e a r we dug i n . o u r h e e l s and p a i d the shot out o f our own f u n d s . " The cou r s e t h a t y e a r was i n n a v i g a t i o n , and was w e l l a t t e n d e d by v i l l a g e men. Most important, perhaps, a major p r o j e c t i n v o l v i n g the s a l e of timber from r e s e r v e l a n d s , which has p r o v i d e d most o f the money f o r the o t h e r p r o j e c t s . T h i s l i s t i s not exhaustive,- but i t co v e r s the major a c t i v i t i e s of the c o u n c i l , and g i v e s a f a i r l y f u l l p i c t u r e of t h e i r scope. The c o u n c i l 165 i s a l s o a t l e a s t n o m i n a l l y the sponsor o f a group o f boat owners who o r g a n i z e s e a r c h and r e s c u e o p e r a t i o n s when v i l l a g e f i s h e r m e n encounter d i f f i c u l t i e s a t sea. The v i l l a g e s c h o o l a l s o comes under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch, and some 400 c h i l d r e n a t t e n d , i n c l u d i n g a s m a l l number o f c h i l d r e n o f no n - I n d i a n l e g a l s t a t u s . At the Agency o f f i c e s i n Harbour C i t y a r e a S u p e r i n t e n d e n t and A s s i s t a n t S u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f Scho o l s f o r the r e g i o n . A f t e r c o m p l e t i n g Grade E i g h t i n the v i l l a g e s c h o o l , some c h i l d r e n go t o Harbour C i t y , t o Vancouver, or to Edmonton under Branch s p o n s o r s h i p t o a t t e n d h i g h s c h o o l . The Branch a l s o s p o n s o r s , through the c o u n c i l , a S c h o o l Committee o f pare n t s t h a t i s i n t e n d e d t o f i l l some o f t h e f u n c t i o n s o f p a r e n t - t e a c h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s i n n o n - I n d i a n communities. The I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch a l s o sponsors a Homemakers 1 Club f o r v i l l a g e women. There seems to be a tendency f o r t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n t o o p e r a t e i n d e p e n d e n t l y of Branch s p o n s o r s h i p and f o r i t s members to pursue t h e i r own g o a l s and purposes, t h a t i s r e m i n i s c e n t o f the movement toward independence by ch u r c h - s p o n s o r e d o r g a n i z a t i o n s of e a r l i e r days. Indeed, t h e r e seems w i t h i n the v i l l a g e t o be a g e n e r a l tendency f o r the f o r m a t i o n of independent, s p e c i a l - p u r p o s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . A l e a d i n g member o f the Homemakers s a i d : They [the Branch] wanted t o t e a c h us how to cook. Maybe some p l a c e s need t h a t , but the l a d i e s here know how t o cook. Once, though, a l a d y came from Vancouver and showed how to do some f a n c y d i s h e s . Q u i t e a few of us were i n t e r e s t e d i n t h a t . A l t h o u g h the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch seems t o i n t e n d the Homemakers' Clubs t o be e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n which r e s e r v e women w i l l l e a r n e lementary home economics, the North Coast V i l l a g e c l u b o p e r a t e s more as 166 a community s e r v i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n , r a i s i n g money f o r such p r o j e c t s as a v i l l a g e f i r e s i r e n and a co v e r e d b u l l e t i n b o ard f o r community n o t i c e s , and sewing baby c l o t h e s f o r needy f a m i l i e s . Many o t h e r v i l l a g e organ-i z a t i o n s have " L a d i e s ' A u x i l i a r i e s " and the Homemakers' Club seems to ac t as a g e n e r a l i z e d " L a d i e s ' A u x i l i a r y " t o t h e v i l l a g e . 2. O r g a n i z a t i o n sponsored by o t h e r a gencies o u t s i d e the p o p u l a t i o n N o rth Coast V i l l a g e has two f o r m a l r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s which a r e p a r t o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s of the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . In I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch r e c o r d s a l l members of the band a r e l i s t e d as members of the U n i t e d Church o f Canada, which r e p l a c e d the M e t h o d i s t Church i n 1929. In f a c t , however, about f i f t y a d u l t s a r e members of the S a l v a t i o n Army and have t h e i r own o r g a n i z a t i o n and meeting h a l l . Perhaps t h i r t y or f o r t y o t h e r s b e l o n g to the Epworth League, a r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t i s f o r most purposes s e p a r a t e from the U n i t e d Church, and w i l l be d i s c u s s e d more f u l l y below a l o n g w i t h o t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n the p o p u l a t i o n . A l t h o u g h t h e s e c o n s t i t u t e d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e g r o u p i n g s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r an o b s e r v e r t o determine the n a t u r e o f r e l i g i o u s systems of r e l a t i o n s h i p as they may e x i s t i n the c o n s c i o u s models of v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t s . For example, some members of the S a l v a t i o n Army and the Epworth League r e f e r r e d t o the U n i t e d Church as the "Mother Church" and appeared t o r e g a r d themselves as i n some way under i t s a e g i s . A U n i t e d Church clergyman r e p o r t e d t h a t on some o c c a s i o n s when the o t h e r r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s e n t e r t a i n e d v i s i t o r s from o t h e r r e s e r v e s , they brought them f i r s t t o the U n i t e d Church and r e q u e s t e d the m i n i s t e r t o l e a d a p r a y e r f o r them b e f o r e b e g i n n i n g t h e i r own s e r v i c e s and a c t i v i t i e s i n t h e i r own h a l l s . 167 The U n i t e d Church sponsors a number o f s u b s i d i a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g a Women's A u x i l i a r y and M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y , and a v a r i e t y of c h i l d r e n ' s and young p e o p l e s ' o r g a n i z a t i o n s . As was noted above, most of the t e a c h e r s i n the v i l l a g e s c h o o l b e l o n g t o a d i f f e r e n t denomination, but most of them take l e a d i n g r o l e s i n ch u r c h - s p o n s o r e d a c t i v i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y those concerned w i t h c h i l d r e n . In the summer, young a d u l t s from an e v a n g e l i c a l m i s s i o n s o c i e t y o f t e n come t o the v i l l a g e t o sponsor a c t i v i t i e s f o r c h i l d r e n . A l l of the v i l l a g e f i s h e r m e n b e l o n g t o the l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f the U n i t e d Fishermen's and A l l i e d Workers Union, or the N a t i v e Brotherhood of B r i t i s h Columbia. The Union l o c a l was formed i n 1958, and has s i n c e then g a i n e d i n membership at the expense of t h e Brotherhood. The p r e s i d e n t o f the v i l l a g e c h a p t e r o f the Brotherhood and some o f i t s members were v e r y c o n s c i o u s t h a t t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n had a wid e r purpose than t o be a fish e r m e n ' s u n i o n , and s a i d of the men who had j o i n e d the U.F.A.W.U., "An I n d i a n who j o i n s an o r g a n i z a t i o n headed by White men l o s e s the r i g h t t o c a l l h i m s e l f an I n d i a n " . The c h a p t e r ' s a c t i v i t i e s i n the v i l l a g e seem t o be m a i n l y c o n f i n e d t o r a i s i n g money t o send d e l e g a t e s to B rotherhood c o n v e n t i o n s . Members o f the Union e x p r e s s e d the o p i n i o n t h a t the Brotherhood was " t o o c o n s e r v a t i v e " and the l o c a l ' s p r e s i d e n t s a i d , "They t h i n k we s h o u l d never go on s t r i k e . They say p r i c e s a r e good enough". However, he f e l t t h a t o v e r t c o n f l i c t between the o r g a n i z a t i o n s took p l a c e o n l y over s t r i k e v o t e s , which a r e taken j o i n t l y by Union and Brotherhood. Other Union members e x p r e s s e d the o p i n i o n t h a t some men remained i n t h e Brotherhood because the dues a r e l e s s than Union dues, but f e l t t h a t the b e n e f i t s were l e s s , t o o : "They don't seem t o back up t h e i r members. The 168 Union comes r i g h t i n and h e l p s i f t h e r e i s any k i n d of t r o u b l e " . One member o f the Brotherhood c o n c u r r e d i n t h i s o p i n i o n , and t o l d o f l o s i n g t h e p r o p e l l o r on h i s boat a t the b e g i n n i n g of the s e a s o n : I had to w a i t over a week to g e t a new one. When a n y t h i n g l i k e t h a t happens to a Union member, the Union f l i e s him i n what he needs r i g h t away. Of the f i f t y boat-owners i n the v i l l a g e , f i f t e e n were i n the Brotherhood and t h i r t y - f i v e i n the Union. The Brotherhood p r e s i d e n t i s a l s o a band c o u n c i l l o r . The v i l l a g e a l s o has a l o c a l of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Longshoremen's Union. A c c o r d i n g to i n f o r m a n t s , when l o g g i n g began on nearby band lands i n 1963, a company approached the band c o u n c i l w i t h a p r o p o s a l t h a t band members work as s t e v e d o r e s , l o a d i n g the logs aboard s h i p s f o r e x p o r t . Some in f o r m a n t s r e p o r t e d t h a t the company had e n t e r t a i n e d c o u n c i l l o r s l a v i s h l y and urged the c o u n c i l t o s i g n a c o n t r a c t to s u p p l y men f o r the work. The Union a l s o approached the c o u n c i l , and the c o u n c i l s e t up a " L o n g s h o r i n g Committee" which o r g a n i z e d subsequent e v e n t s . A l t h o u g h some o l d e r c o u n c i l l o r s and o t h e r s were opposed to th e Union, the committee g a t h e r e d t o g e t h e r the men who wanted to work as s t e v e d o r e s and formed the U n i o n l o c a l , and then disbanded i t s e l f . In 1965 the l o c a l had f i f t y - f o u r members, c o m p r i s i n g two f u l l crews and s p a r e members f o r each, and members hoped to form a women's a u x i l i a r y t o engage i n community -work. Two of the Union l o c a l ' s e x e c u t i v e members were band c o u n c i l l o r s . 3. O r g a n i z a t i o n c o n t a i n e d or c e n t r e d i n the p o p u l a t i o n By c o n t r a s t w i t h North P r a i r i e and S h i e l d Lake, North Coast V i l l a g e has a g r e a t d e a l of i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Every v i l l a g e r and a l l of the permanent r e s i d e n t s of n o n - I n d i a n s t a t u s on the White S i d e b e l o n g to 169 e i t h e r the Sp o r t s Club or the E d u c a t i o n a l Club, the two o r g a n i z a t i o n s d e s c r i b e d b r i e f l y above i n t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e v i l l a g e . Even band members who have l i v e d away from t h e v i l l a g e f o r many years are s t i l l i d e n t i f i e d as b e l o n g i n g to one or the o t h e r , but none o f the t e m p o r a r i l y - r e s i d e n t government or s e r v i c e p e r s o n n e l b e l o n g . I t appears t h a t wives u s u a l l y , but not always, j o i n t h e i r husbands i f they b e l o n g t o o p p o s i t e c l u b s a t ma r r i a g e , and c h i l d r e n o r d i n a r i l y j o i n t h e i r p a r e n t s ' " h a l l " when they r e a c h t h e i r m i d - t e e n s ; some young people, however, have j o i n e d the o p p o s i t e c l u b from t h e i r p a r e n t s . New a p p l i c a n t s t o e i t h e r c l u b a r e "vot e d i n " by the membership. The p r e s i d e n t o f one s a i d t h a t h i s " h a l l " never t u r n e d anybody down; the o t h e r p r e s i d e n t s a i d t h a t they might t u r n down an a p p l i c a n t i f he were not " o f good moral s t a n d i n g " , but he added, " I t doesn't m a t t e r what happens a f t e r t h a t . We never put anybody out". Al t h o u g h everyone i s spoken of as b e l o n g i n g t o one " h a l l " or the o t h e r , the e x e c u t i v e o f each i s e n t i r e l y male, and each has a " l a d i e s ' a u x i l i a r y " w i t h i t s own e x e c u t i v e and f u n c t i o n s . The c l u b s sponsor a t h l e t i c teams and h o l d dances and e n t e r t a i n m e n t s , each h a v i n g i t s own h a l l f o r these a c t i v i t i e s . The i n t e n s e r i v a l r y over s p o r t s r e p o r t e d f o r the 1930's and 40's seemed t o be l e s s i n 1966, a l t h o u g h i t was r e p o r t e d t h a t games between teams from t h e c l u b s may s t i l l end i n f i g h t s . I c o u l d f i n d no e v i d e n c e t h a t the r i v a l r y was r e f l e c t e d i n o t h e r areas of v i l l a g e l i f e . F o r example, a l t h o u g h e i g h t of the e l e v e n band c o u n c i l l o r s were members of the E d u c a t i o n a l Club, the c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r and two of h i s main s u p p o r t e r s were members of- the S p o r t s C l u b . , In some r e s p e c t s , the two " h a l l s " resemble a moiet y system. For example, i n f o r m a n t s r e p o r t e d t h a t when a v i l l a g e r d i e s , members of h i s " h a l l " handle some of the funeral arrangements, and h i r e members of the opposite h a l l to carry out s p e c i a l duties at the ceremony. I did not observe any funerals, however, and received only p a r t i a l accounts from a few informants. Another system that encompasses a l l band members, whether or not they are resident i n the v i l l a g e , and includes the enfranchised Indians l i v i n g on the "White Side" is the t r a d i t i o n a l Tsimshian k i n s h i p - p o l i t i c a l system. As was noted above, the ancestors of the present v i l l a g e r s belonged to nine p o l i t i c a l l y autonomous " t r i b e s " , each of which s e t t l e d on i t s own segment of land around the Hudson's Bay Company f o r t . Each " t r i b e " contained up to four "clans", exogamous m a t r i l i n e a l kin-groups. Within the t r i b e , each clan group had i t s own hierarchy of hereditary positions, and the clans were ranked with reference to each other, so that each t r i b e had i t s "head ch i e f " , a " n o b i l i t y " of clan chiefs and p r i n c i p a l men, and a body of "commoners", or persons with no hereditary positions or very low-ranking ones. The four clan names were the same throughout the nine tribes that s e t t l e d at North Coast and the other Tsimshian tribes elsewhere, and the r u l e of exogamy applied to a l l persons under the clan name, regardless of t r i b e . The exogamy ru l e was also extended to analagous clan groupings i n trib e s of neighbouring Indians of d i f f e r e n t l i n g u i s t i c groups. Apparently the head chiefs of the trib e s were also ranked i n r e l a t i o n to one another, so that there was a head chief of the combined tribe s i n the v i l l a g e . According to informants, the f i r s t elected councils i n the v i l l a g e were made up of these c h i e f s . Although most adults can point out the sections of the v i l l a g e s i t e and the White Side that were once t r i b a l t e r r i t o r i e s , the trib e s 171 are no longer t e r r i t o r i a l l y d i s t i n c t u n i t s . Thus, the tribes have become another kind of non-localized m a t r i l i n e a l kinship group, for t r i b a l membership is s t i l l recognized and inherited through the female l i n e . This organization continues to function i n some contexts of v i l l a g e l i f e . Although marriages do take place between members of the same clan, and some couples i n the v i l l a g e who were married as long as f i f t y years ago belong to the same clan, by f a r the majority of marriages involve members of d i f f e r e n t clans. Several parents of unmarried young people reported that they had given t h e i r c h i l d r e n firm instructions on appropriate marriage partners, and several young people reported strong pressures from t h e i r parents and older k i n r e l a t i n g to t h e i r choice of "dates". On one occasion I was present while a middle-aged woman gave her s i s t e r ' s daughter a serious lecture on the subject. Interestingly, although informants unanimously agreed that marriage within the t r i b e was " a l l r i g h t " , by far the majority of ex i s t i n g marriages are across t r i b a l as well as clan l i n e s . When a person dies, the leaders of his clan group within his t r i b e are expected to take a major part i n the arrangements for his funeral. They come to the dead person's home, set up a bowl or plate on a table to receive cash donations, make a donation themselves, and s i t with the bereaved family. Other members of the clan are expected to c a l l , paying t h e i r respects to the dead person's immediate kin, and making a donation i n cash. The donation is referred to i n English as "putting something on" the dead person. The o b l i g a t i o n to donate i s apparently heaviest on the clansmen of the deceased, but other kin and friends may also c a l l and contribute. According to some informants, some of the dead person's p a t r i l i n e a l kin may also contribute "to show where they come from". 172 C o n t r i b u t o r s and the amount of t h e i r d o n a t i o n s a r e r e c o r d e d by a " s e c r e t a r y " . A f t e r the d o n a t i o n s a r e a l l i n , the immediate k i n of the dead p e r s o n and the l e a d e r s o f h i s c l a n count the money and p l a n the f u n e r a l , i n which most of the v i l l a g e o r g a n i z a t i o n s p a r t i c i p a t e . Grave d i g g e r s ar e chosen from the c l a n t o which the deceased was l i n k e d by m a r r i a g e ; p a l l - b e a r e r s a r e chosen from the o p p o s i t e " h a l l " ; the b r a s s band i s asked to p l a y f o r the ceremony and the c h o i r asked t o s i n g . A l l of t h e s e s e r v i c e s a r e " p a i d f o r " w i t h a p o r t i o n o f the donated money. O r g a n i z a t i o n s not p r o v i d i n g s e r v i c e s , such as the u n i o n l o c a l s or the N a t i v e Brotherhood c h a p t e r , may make a d o n a t i o n or send a wreath of f l o w e r s . In the a b s t r a c t , the number and amount of d o n a t i o n s depends upon the r ank and importance o f the deceased and h i s immediate m a t r i l i n e a l k i n . I f he i s a c h i e f o r h i g h - r a n k i n g person, h i s whole t r i b e i s expected to p a r t i c i p a t e , and not j u s t h i s c l a n . In p r a c t i c e , however, i t appears t h a t the esteem i n which the deceased was h e l d by the v i l l a g e a t l a r g e , and the e x t e n t of h i s own and h i s f a m i l y ' s d o n a t i o n s i n the p a s t a r e a l s o f a c t o r s t h a t a r e taken i n t o account on the o c c a s i o n of h i s death. Some p e o p l e a r e known not t o have f u l f i l l e d t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s i n the p a s t , and to have donated l i t t l e or n o t h i n g to the f u n e r a l s of clansmen; i n f o r m a n t s s t a t e t h a t when these p e o p l e d i e few p e o p l e w i l l donate f o r them. Others take t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s much more s e r i o u s l y , and keep a l e d g e r o f d o n a t i o n s g i v e n and r e c e i v e d . One woman s a i d , I always put something on f o r my k i d s . Even the l i t t l e ones. I t doesn't have to be much. I s t i l l have to get a f t e r and [her two m a r r i e d daughters ] when t h e r e i s a death. I go t o them and say, "Where i s your money?" I always t e l l them t h a t i f somebody d i e s when I'm away to put something on f o r me. I ' l l pay them back l a t e r . 173 This woman showed me the accounts for the funeral of one of her infant c h i l d r e n , and i t was clear from these that a great many people had honoured t h e i r obligations to her. If the deceased has names and rank to be inherited, the he i r i s expected to make a s p e c i a l donation to the funeral expenses, and give a substantial sum to the chief or highest-ranked surviving member of the clan, who gives i t out i n smaller sums to p o s i t i o n holders i n the t r i b e or clan. I f the he i r is able to do t h i s , the name and rank are trans-ferred from the deceased to him i n a simple ceremony at the funeral. If the h e i r takes his obligations seriously, he w i l l at some l a t e r time sponsor a dinner i n one of the v i l l a g e h a l l s for members of his clan, or i f the rank i s a t r i b a l one, of his t r i b e , at which his succession i s more formally announced i n speech-making. These seem to be the modern vestiges of potlatching; at such dinners or at wedding feasts an e f f o r t is made to provide more food that the guests are l i k e l y to eat, and paper bags are supplied so that guests can take home the extra food. In the c r e d i t economy that has been described f o r the v i l l a g e , i t often happens that the he i r cannot mobilize a s u f f i c i e n t amount of money to f u l f i l l these obligations. In this event, he may make a token presentation of a few d o l l a r s , s i g n i f y i n g his i n t e n t i o n of carrying through the rest of the ceremony when he is able. Some never do complete t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n , yet claim to be the holder of the name; other v i l l a g e r s may gossip about such people, saying, "He got his name cheap". Although i n the i d e a l system the m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e is adhered to, many men of rank have "adopted" t h e i r own sons and made them t h e i r h e i r s . This has to be done with the agreement of both of the clans involved, and some men are reported to hold positions i n two clans or 174 t r i b e s simultaneously, one inherited m a t r i l i n e a l l y and one p a t r i l i n e a l l y by adoption. Since not a l l v i l l a g e r s treat the t r a d i t i o n a l system with the same degree of respect, i t appears that the decision to adopt a son as he i r is often based upon assessments of which p o t e n t i a l h e i r i s l i k e l y to f u l f i l l his obligations honourably. I f a deceased person of high rank has a younger brother, the p o s i t i o n w i l l probably go to him. One man to l d me that when his father died, the dead man's s i s t e r came to him and asked i f he would take the name, the second-ranking p o s i t i o n i n one of the larger t r i b e s , because there was nobody "respectable" enough i n the m a t r i l i n e a l l i n e to i n h e r i t . He consulted with his wife, who had saved $100.00 for a t r i p to Vancouver. She agreed that he should accept, and gave him the money. He "put $50.00 on" his father and gave $50.00 to the chief of the t r i b e for d i s t r i b u t i o n . When he saves enough money he intends to sponsor a dinner for the t r i b e to complete his formal assumption of his father's p o s i t i o n . Records of the funeral of this man's father show some $1,500.00 given i n donations and disbursed to various organizations for the ceremony. This t r a d i t i o n a l organization has some influence i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the v i l l a g e , although the elected council i s no longer made up of hereditary c h i e f s . In 1966, two hereditary chiefs and one man of second rank i n his t r i b e were c o u n c i l l o r s , but the ch i e f c o u n c i l l o r was referred to as a "commoner" and a "nobody" i n terms of the t r a d i t i o n a l system. Some t r a d i t i o n a l l y - o r i e n t e d people expressed c r i t i c i s m of the chief c o u n c i l l o r on these grounds, but other people equally committed to the t r a d i t i o n a l system said that he was "a good man" and "doing a good job". The man who is regarded by himself and others as the "head c h i e f " or highest-ranking hereditary chief of the v i l l a g e is the son of the 175 c h i e f l y c o u p l e who brought the M e t h o d i s t Church t o N o r t h Coast and the man who, i n h i s youth, s t a r t e d the E d u c a t i o n a l C l u b . He and some of the o t h e r h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f s and t r a d i t i o n a l l y - o r i e n t e d p e o p l e seem t o r e g a r d the t r a d i t i o n a l system as the h i g h e s t l e v e l o f l e g i t i m a t e p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and the e l e c t e d c o u n c i l as a convenience f o r d e a l i n g w i t h day-to-day a f f a i r s o f the band as a c o r p o r a t e e n t i t y . Others, i n c l u d i n g some c o u n c i l l o r s and v i l l a g e r s who r e g a r d themselves as " p r o g r e s s i v e " tend t o deny the l e g i t i m a c y o f the t r a d i t i o n a l system, s a y i n g i t i s " o l d f a s h i o n e d " and "out of d a t e " . Some c o n f l i c t between the e l e c t e d c o u n c i l and the h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f s w i l l be d e s c r i b e d below. The two " h a l l s " and the t r a d i t i o n a l system of t r i b e s and c l a n s encompass a l l band members and i n c l u d e some persons o f no n - I n d i a n l e g a l s t a t u s . There a r e a l s o a number of o t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s c e n t r e d . w i t h i n the p o p u l a t i o n o f North Coast V i l l a g e which i n c l u d e o n l y some members of the p o p u l a t i o n . Something o f the h i s t o r y o f the Epworth League has been g i v e n above. S t a r t i n g as an o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the M e t h o d i s t Church, i t has become an independent r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h no f o r m a l t i e s t o the U n i t e d Church or o t h e r o u t s i d e o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a l t h o u g h some U n i t e d Church clergymen have t r i e d t o r e - i n c o r p o r a t e i t i n t o the c h u r c h and some of i t s members appear t o c o n c e i v e of i t as i n some a b s t r a c t way s t i l l a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the ch u r c h . I t has a c o r e of about t h i r t y members, a l t h o u g h more may a t t e n d from time t o time, and t h e s e people h o l d t h e i r own Sunday and weekday-evening s e r v i c e s i n t h e i r own h a l l . Most o f the s e r v i c e s a r e conducted i n the n a t i v e language, and t h e r e a r e some i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t " n a t i v i s t i c " elements a r e a p a r t o f the b e l i e f system, i n the form o f v i s i o n a r y e x p e r i e n c e s and m i r a c u l o u s happenings r e m i n i s c e n t o f the performances o f a b o r i g i n a l " s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s " . O c c a s i o n a l l y the League 176 p l a y s h o s t to e v a n g e l i s t i c or P e n t e c o s t a l - o r i e n t e d s e c t s from o t h e r r e s e r v e s . Some members are r e t i c e n t about d i s c u s s i n g the League w i t h o u t s i d e r s , and some of the reasons f o r t h i s as w e l l as an i n d i c a t i o n of i t s c o n c e p t u a l " s e p a r a t e n e s s " as a system of r e l a t i o n s h i p are r e v e a l e d i n t h i s statement by a v i l l a g e woman: I went to t h i s lawyer i n [Harbour C i t y ] , He asked me, "What's your r e l i g i o n ? " and I s a i d , "Epworth League." W e l l , he j u s t laughed r i g h t i n my f a c e . He s a i d , "What's t h a t ? Some I n d i a n c h u r c h ? " I was so embarrassed. Now, i f anybody asks me I j u s t say " U n i t e d Church". The v i l l a g e b r a s s band i s an o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t has e x i s t e d s i n c e the t u r n of the c e n t u r y . I t p l a y s f o r weddings, f u n e r a l s , and f o r v i l l a g e o r c l u b f u n c t i o n s . At one time the band was q u i t e l a r g e and was i n v i t e d to Harbour C i t y and o t h e r n e i g h b o u r i n g p l a c e s to p l a y a t s p e c i a l f u n c t i o n s . In 1966, i t had about f i f t e e n a c t i v e p l a y e r s , most of them middle-aged, a l t h o u g h as an o r g a n i z a t i o n i t had perhaps f o r t y or f i f t y n ominal members. A l l of the bandsmen are men, and i t has the u s u a l " l a d i e s ' a u x i l i a r y " who h o l d s a l e s and c o n c e r t s from time to time to r a i s e money f o r band expenses. The v i l l a g e c h o i r i s a n o t h e r group t h a t i l l u s t r a t e s the tendency n o t e d above f o r o r g a n i z a t i o n s to become independent at N orth Coast. I t i s n o m i n a l l y the c h u r c h c h o i r , and a c t s i n t h a t c a p a c i t y f o r c h u r c h s e r v i c e s . However, i t s l e a d e r and those members w i t h whom I spoke were adamant i n t h e i r view t h a t the c h o i r i s a s e p a r a t e e n t i t y . I t has i t s own o f f i c e r s and t r e a s u r y , and o c c a s i o n a l l y t r a v e l s to o t h e r p l a c e s to p e r f o r m w i t h o u t r e f e r e n c e to the c h u r c h o r g a n i z a t i o n or the r e s i d e n t clergymen. Somewhat to the annoyance of some of the c l e r g y , the c h o i r has sung f o r S a l v a t i o n Army s e r v i c e s when t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n was e n t e r t a i n -177 ing v i s i t o r s , and has raised money by holding bingo games, which is against church p o l i c y . The tendency toward organizational independence is i l l u s t r a t e d i n an anecdote t o l d by the wife of a clergyman who had worked at North Coast. She had found a f t e r a few months i n the v i l l a g e that she was meeting mainly middle-aged and e l d e r l y women and to remedy this had i n v i t e d a number of younger women to her home for tea. After an i n i t i a l period of awkwardness and reserve, the gathering became animated and spontaneously formed i t s e l f into an organization, e l e c t i n g an executive and choosing a name. The organization met r e g u l a r l y for a time, but f i n a l l y appeared to have disappeared. Two years l a t e r , however, a wreath was presented at a funeral i n i t s name. There are three stores i n the v i l l a g e owned and operated by band members. The largest of these is run by an e l d e r l y man who has been a c o u n c i l l o r and chief c o u n c i l l o r , and is the father-in-law of the man who was chief c o u n c i l l o r i n 1966. He has taken an active and vocal part i n band a f f a i r s f o r many years, often vigorously opposing the hereditary c h i e f s . Much of his business is done on c r e d i t , and most v i l l a g e r s either owe him money or have done so. A smaller store i s operated by the leader of the Salvation Army. This man has also been involved i n other enterprises. He makes c o f f i n s for v i l l a g e funerals, and u n t i l recently bought oolichan grease and sea-wee tl. to ship to Indians i n the i n t e r i o r . The t h i r d store is a very small tobacco and confectionery store run by a man and his wife i n t h e i r living-room which does, apparently, a largely cash business. Several v i l l a g e residents have some s p e c i a l s k i l l s or knowledge for which they are hired by other v i l l a g e r s from time to time. For 178 example, a few men are known to be good at rep a i r i n g boats or engines, or at carpentry or blacksmithing. One man does some shoe repairs and another occasionally cuts h a i r . On the whole, however, these services are purchased i n Harbour Ci t y when i t is possible for the buyer to go there. One man makes native arts and c r a f t items i n a home workshop f or sale to non-Indians. A woman acts as midwife, and attends most bi r t h s that take place i n the v i l l a g e . 4. Individual p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n organization centred out-side the population As has been noted above, most of the employment open to North Coast V i l l a g e r s involves them as status-holders i n systems of r e l a t i o n s h i p centred outside the population, mainly as fishermen or cannery-workers, and occasionally as workers i n logging or other industry. Some of these relationships have some elements of a cli e n t - p a t r o n system, with the v i l l a g e r having a s p e c i a l l i n k with a cannery o f f i c i a l , i n which each does small favours f o r the other. The v i l l a g e r may be able through such a r e l a t i o n s h i p to secure a job or a cannery boat f o r his son or other younger kinsman, or gain some other small advantage. A l l of the v i l l a g e r s who are able to t r a v e l use Harbour C i t y as a source of goods, services, and entertainment. Most also appear to have kin links with persons l i v i n g i n the c i t y or on neighbouring reserves. It appears that other p a r t i c i p a t i o n by individuals i n formal systems centred outside the population i s s l i g h t . The chief c o u n c i l l o r ' s occupancy of a status on the board of directors of a timber company, for example, was unique. In some instances, i t appears, the v i l l a g e i s treated as a unit or 179 a c t s as a u n i t i n s i t u a t i o n s t h a t would n o r m a l l y be expected t o i n v o l v e i n d i v i d u a l s a c t i n g a l o n e . On one o c c a s i o n , f o r example, a no n - I n d i a n r e s i d e n t i n d i c a t e d a d e s i r e to o r g a n i z e a l o c a l a s s o c i a t i o n of a major p o l i t i c a l p a r t y . The band c o u n c i l , through a s p e c i a l committee, s e t up the machinery by which t h i s c o u l d be done. I d i s c u s s e d t h i s m a t t e r w i t h c o u n c i l l o r s and c o n c l u d e d t h a t i t was not an i n s t a n c e of c o u n c i l l o r s f o s t e r i n g t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n s , but r a t h e r r e p r e s e n t e d t h e i r i d e a of the way " o u t s i d e " o r g a n i z a t i o n s s h o u l d approach the v i l l a g e . The d e c i s i o n of whether or not they wished t o j o i n the p a r t y was l e f t up t o i n d i v i d u a l v i l l a g e r s . 5. Summary By c o n t r a s t w i t h N o r t h P r a i r i e and S h i e l d Lake, North Coast V i l l a g e seems t o approach much more c l o s e l y the i d e a l d e f i n i t i o n s o f "community". There i s a g r e a t d e a l of i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t can be a n a l y z e d i n terms of s t a t u s , r o l e , and group. Some of t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n encompasses a l l members of the p o p u l a t i o n ; o t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n forms "groups" w i t h i n the p o p u l a t i o n , but these can be seen on some o c c a s i o n s , such as f u n e r a l s , t o i n t e r l o c k i n t o a "community s t r u c t u r e " . Even the l o c a l branches o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s c e n t r e d o u t s i d e the p o p u l a t i o n become i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h i s s t r u c t u r e , as e x e m p l i f i e d by the Longshoremen's Union l o c a l , which was o r g a n i z i n g a " l a d i e s ' a u x i l i a r y " and b e g i n n i n g t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n community a f f a i r s . At the same time, however, the p h y s i c a l maintenance o f the pop-u l a t i o n i s dependent upon systems o f r e l a t i o n s h i p of wide scope i n the l a r g e r p o l i t y , and the c h o i c e s of b e h a v i o u r by North Coast V i l l a g e r s a r e i n f l u e n c e d by the o p e r a t i o n of those systems and by events w i t h i n them. 180 The i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s o f v i l l a g e r s come i n c o n f l i c t as they pursue t h e i r g o a l s w i t h i n t h e se systems and, as w i l l be seen i n the s e c t i o n t o f o l l o w , s t r i f e and d i s s e n s i o n a r e no l e s s common i n the v i l l a g e than i n the o t h e r two r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n s . D. Some Recent Events A l t h o u g h f o r most o f i t s h i s t o r y N orth Coast V i l l a g e had been the scene o f many "community" a c t i v i t i e s , such as the b u i l d i n g o f h a l l s and churches and the s p o n s o r s h i p of a t h l e t i c teams and m u s i c a l groups, these were c a r r i e d on by the s e p a r a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f the v i l l a g e , each w i t h i t s own money. In the 1950's the funds of the N o r t h Coast Band were low. The c a p i t a l account ranged around $3,500.00, and annual revenue made up of i n t e r e s t on t h e c a p i t a l and a s e r i e s o f s m a l l taxes l e v i e d on r e s i d e n t band members, was u s u a l l y below $1,500.00. Most o f the revenue was spent f o r f u e l and maintenance of the v i l l a g e l i g h t i n g p l a n t , and the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch p a i d f o r w e l f a r e s e r v i c e s , s u b s i d i z e d some h o u s i n g , and p r o v i d e d money f o r o c c a s i o n a l p u b l i c works. A l t h o u g h most o f the v i l l a g e r s were s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g most o f the time, N o r t h Coast had the r e p u t a t i o n o f a v i l l a g e t h a t had " s t a g n a t e d " s i n c e the e x p a n s i v e days of the pre-war p e r i o d . I t was a p l a c e where " n o t h i n g was g o i n g on". Records and i n f o r m a n t s ' accounts i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e r e were c o n f l i c t s i n t h i s p e r i o d between some men who wanted to c e n t r a l i z e band dec i s ion-making i n the e l e c t e d c o u n c i l and expand c o u n c i l a c t i v i t i e s , and o t h e r s who appeared to see the c o u n c i l as mer e l y one of many elements i n the v i l l a g e s t r u c t u r e and d i d not want i t t o expand i t s sphere o f i n f l u e n c e . The former f a c t i o n i s sometimes i d e n t i f i e d as "commoners" and the l a t t e r as "the h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f s " or s i m p l y " t he c h i e f s " . An important f i g u r e among the "commoners" 181 was D. Graham, the owner of the l a r g e s t v i l l a g e s t o r e and the f a t h e r - i n -law of the 1966 c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r ; most prominent i n the o t h e r f a c t i o n was M. B l a n c h a r d , the "head c h i e f " of the v i l l a g e whose p a r e n t s had brought the M e t h o d i s t Church, and who had h i m s e l f s t a r t e d the E d u c a t i o n a l C l u b . Both men were, i n 1950, about s i x t y y e a r s o l d . In 1950, Graham was c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r ; i n 1951 B l a n c h a r d was e l e c t e d to the p o s t . In the mid 1950's, R. Stevens, the s o n - i n - l a w o f Graham, was e l e c t e d as c h i e f c o u n c i l l o r . Most of the o t h e r c o u n c i l l o r s had s a t on p r e v i o u s c o u n c i l s . By h i s own account, Stevens was concerned about the f u t u r e o f the v i l l a g e . A l t h o u g h i n a good y e a r v i l l a g e f i s h e r m e n c o u l d s t i l l e a r n a good r e t u r n , t h e r e was growing c o m p e t i t i o n from l a r g e r and b e t t e r - e q u i p p e d boats from the s o u t h . The p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r h e r r i n g or h a l i b u t f i s h i n g by v i l l a g e men were d e c l i n i n g , and few had the c a p i t a l to improve t h e i r boats and equipment. Stevens was a f r a i d , he s a i d , t h a t the v i l l a g e would " j u s t keep on g o i n g d o w n - h i l l " . W i t h the c o o p e r a t i o n of the I n d i a n A f f a i r s Branch, the c o u n c i l s u r r e n d e r e d r e s e r v e l a n d and tenders were c a l l e d f o r timber c u t t i n g . In 1960 a s m a l l r e s e r v e was s o l d f o r about $30,000.00, marking the f i r s t time the band f u n d s — a n d hence funds under c o u n c i l c o n t r o l — h a d c o n t a i n e d any s u b s t a n t i a l amount. The s u r r e n d e r and c a l l f o r t e n d e r s i n i t i a t e d the most important s e r i e s o f events i n the r e c e n t h i s t o r y of the v i l l a g e . In 1957 the band's l a r g e s t r e s e r v e , a t r a c t of 13,000 a c r e s a few m i l e s away from the v i l l a g e r e s e r v e , was s u r r e n d e r e d to the Crown, and tenders were c a l l e d f o r the timber on i t . No b i d s were r e c e i v e d . In 1961, a new p l a n was t r i e d . I t was d e c i d e d t h a t t e n d e r s s h o u l d be c a l l e d f o r about 4,000 acr e s w i t h the i n t e n t i o n t h a t band members would be employed by the company c o n t r a c t i n g 182 f o r the timber. W i t h the e x p e r i e n c e g a i n e d t h i s way, i t was hoped t h a t the band c o u n c i l c o u l d l o g the r e s t o f the a r e a as a band e n t e r p r i s e . Two companies b i d on i n v i t a t i o n . The Ajax Timber Company b i d i n the v i c i n i t y o f $800,000.00, and the H e r c u l e s Timber Company a thousand d o l l a r s more, c o n d i t i o n a l upon b e i n g a l l o w e d to e x p o r t l o g s . A month l a t e r , the A j a x Company added to i t s b i d an o f f e r of $20,000.00 a y e a r t o be p a i d to th