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The wilderness myth : wilderness in British Columbia Davies, Eric Owen 1972

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THE WILDERNESS MYTH: WILDERNESS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA by ERIC OWEN DAVIES B.A. University of B r i t i s h Columbia 196 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Geography We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF A p r i l BRITISH COLUMBIA 1972 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r . r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ABSTRACT The e x p l o i t a t i o n of natural resources i n B r i t i s h Columbia has been strongly influenced by man's attitudes towards his environment. These attitudes have evolved from the c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l legacy of Europe as well as from c e r t a i n unique North American c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . As an ultimately i r r e p l a c a b l e resource, wilderness serves as an in t e r e s t i n g example of man's re l a t i o n s h i p to his environment. However, t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s d i f f i c u l t to document, requiring consideration of such diverse aspects as the c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l sources of wilderness atti t u d e s ; the various values placed on wilderness; the t r e a t -ment of wilderness as r e f l e c t e d i n parks p o l i c y ; and an approximate knowledge of the ex i s t i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n of wilderness i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Attempts to integrate these can at best only provide a personal view of the o v e r a l l s i t u a t i o n , but t h i s seems useful i f there i s to be progress towards the understanding of man's r e l a t i o n s h i p to his environment. The North American's perception and treatment of wilderness have been s i g n i f i c a n t l y affected by human history generally and North American myths s p e c i f i c a l l y . Only i n the l a s t seventy to ^ ^eighty years has i t been possible for North Americans to regard wilderness without a'.great deal of fear and disdain. Up u n t i l t h i s time the wilderness was an area of the unknown where man ventured i n fear of his physical and s p i r i t u a l safety. With the advent of an increasingly technocratic society, wilderness has come to serve as a s i g n i f i c a n t l y important symbol for a growing number of people. Wilderness stands as a symbol of man's o r i g i n s and of his i n i t i a l r o le as a member of the earth community. I t symbolizes a c o l l e c t i o n of goals, i d e a l s , and values that man may pursue as a l t e r n a t i v e s to pure material achievement. Also, because i t i s ultimately an i r r e p l a c a b l e resource, wilderness preservation represents the preservation of i n d i v i d u a l freedoms and the number of a l t e r n a t i v e s a v a i l a b l e to future generations. The predominantly negative attitudes towards wilderness have f a c i l i t a t e d and encouraged i t s hastened removal from the North American scene. Certainly B r i t i s h Columbia presently possesses vast amounts of wilderness. However, given the r e l a t i v e l y short period of time since the date of i t s o r i g i n a l European settlement, the rate of wilderness depletion must be regarded as s i g n i f i c a n t . In examining wilderness losses over f i v e time periods ranging from 1923 to 1970 i t was found that the greatest alienations occurred following WW I I , notably on Vancouver Island and i n the mainland area south of 54°. While the rates of wilderness loss i n these two regions have slowed somewhat, the. mainland area north of 54° i s currently experiencing wilderness loss at an accelerating rate. In 1970 less than 40% of the mainland area south of 54° could be c l a s s i f i e d as wilderness. This same figure for Vancouver Island was discovered to be less than six percent. Study of the mainland area north of 54° indicated that 84% of t h i s area was wilderness, although th i s figure was based on i n s u f f i c i e n t data. In l i g h t of t h i s wilderness view for B r i t i s h Columbia, eight s p e c i f i c reccommendations on preservation p o l i c i e s at both the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s of Government can be outlined: c l a r i f i c a t i o n of .purposes and objectives, greater cooperation between governments, implementation of a public education program, preservation of future a l t e r n a t i v e s , a greater emphasis on long-term considerations, and a broader basis for p o l i c y decisions. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract i L i s t of Tables v i L i s t of Figures v i i L i s t of Maps v i i i Acknowledgement ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 2 A CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 7 CHAPTER 3 WILDERNESS VALUES The Ultimate Irreplacable Resource 29 Wilderness Values 31 CHAPTER 4 WILDERNESS AND BRITISH COLUMBIA'S PARKS The National Parks 50 Summary 70 The P r o v i n c i a l Parks 72 Strathcona P r o v i n c i a l Park 81 Tweedsmuir P r o v i n c i a l Park 90 Conclusions 96 V CHAPTER 5 Page DETERMINATION OF WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION Introduction 99 Def i n i t i o n s 101 Approaches to Mapping the Wilderness 1. Sampling I l l 2. A c c e s s i b i l i t y 115 3. Mapping 116 CHAPTER 6 WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION Introduction 121 Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n Over Time 124 Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n 1970 143 Summary 162 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSIONS 164 BIBLIOGRAPHY 17 3 v i TABLES Page I. Land Areas of B r i t i s h Columbia 124 II. Amount of Non-Wilderness at Given Time for Regions of B r i t i s h Columbia 139 I I I . Area of Additional Non-Wilderness as Indicated from Examination of National Topographic Series Maps at a Scale of 1:250,000 143 IV. Percentage of Wilderness Contained i n Each Unit of Grid 148 V. Residuals Prom Sample .. 153 VI. Residuals for Each Grid Unit South of 54° 159 VII. Relationship Between Wilderness and Elevation 161 v i i FIGURES Page l a . Change i n Wilderness Area Over Time for Mainland Regions South and North of 54 . . 134 b. Change i n Amount of Non-Wilderness for Each Time Period for Mainland Regions South and North of 54° 134 2a. Change i n Wilderness Area Over Time for Vancouver Island and Queen Charlotte Islands 137 b. Change i n Amount of Non-Wilderness for Each Time Period for Vancouver Island and Queen Charlotte Islands 137 3. Total Amount of Non-Wilderness at Given Time for B r i t i s h Columbia 139 4. Percentage of Wilderness at Given Time for Regions of B r i t i s h Columbia '. 141 5. Average Size of Wilderness Areas i n Province at Given Times 141 6. Percentage of Wilderness i n Each Horizontal Row of Grid 149 7. Residuals From Sample 154 8.' New Quantities of Wilderness for Vancouver Island as Obtained from Three Map Sources 1970 156 9. Total Value of Residuals for Each Row South of 54° 156 v i i i MAPS Page 1. National and P r o v i n c i a l Parks i n B r i t i s h Columbia 51 2. Ybho and Kootenay National Parks 67 3. Strathcona P r o v i n c i a l Park 89 4. Tweedsmuir P r o v i n c i a l Park 94 5. Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1923 125 6. Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1937 126 7. Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1948 127 8. Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1957 128 9. Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1970 129 10. Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia 1970 (revised) 146 ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would f i r s t l i k e to thank Dr. Gary Gates and Mr. K.G. Denike of the Department of Geography, U.B.C, for th e i r help and encouragement throughout the development of th i s t h e s i s . I am e s p e c i a l l y indebted to the s p i r i t of academic freedom provided by Dr. Gates. I should also l i k e bo thank Dr. C.S. Hol l i n g of the Resource Science Center, U.B.C. for supplying me with f i n a n c i a l support from the Ford Foundation. Thanks must also be extended to the Department of Geography, U.B.C. for the add i t i o n a l f i n a n c i a l assistance provided. F i n a l l y I should l i k e to thank my parents for t h e i r continued encouragement and my wife Diane who has provided both moral and f i n a n c i a l support. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION We have met the enemy and he i s us. (Pogo, by Walt K e l l y , date unknown) From the time of the f i r s t European settlements, North America has been subjected to actions based on several myths. Two of the most basic of these have been the myths of "progress" and "overabundance." The former refers to North America's conception of progress as meaning increased material production at v i r t u a l l y any cost. A t a c i t assumption i n pursuing progress has been that the attainment of material wealth would ensure the evolution of a s i g n i f i c a n t culture and a well-adjusted society. I t was seldom questioned that material wealth was synonymous with progress and that t h i s was a highly desirable goal for a new nation s t r i v i n g for recognition. The myth of overabundance has n i c e l y complemented the myth of progress, based as i t i s on the premise that the resources of t h i s continent were inexhaustable. Thus, with an endless supply of resources i t was r e l a t i v e l y easy to envisage a continuous flow of material growth. It was t h i s combination of myths coupled with an advancing technology and unbounding human energies that rushed a f r o n t i e r across a continent and i n the process enveloped the natural resources of the land at a t o t a l l y unprecedented rate. - 2 -The myths of progress and overabundance are related d i r e c t l y to those myths that have evolved around wilderness. The f i r s t of these centres around the under-standing and perception of what wilderness i s and what i t symbolises. The second i s merely a s p e c i a l case of the myth of overabundance, that i s , that vast areas of wilderness presently e x i s t and w i l l continue to do so i n the future without any conscious e f f o r t towards p re s e r v a t i on. The h i s t o r y and culture of North America have predisposed i t s peoples to perceive wilderness i n a p a r t i c u l a r l y negative manner. The unconquered wilderness was that area which harboured savage men and animals as well as countless demons of the imagination. I t was i n e v i t a b l e , therefore, that the wilderness i t s e l f should become inbued with the same negative a t t r i b u t e s . The frontiersman shared the condition of very early man who was forced to remove the forests i n order to b u i l d settlements and to provide protection from wild animals and nature. Both s i t u a t i o n s required the conquest of wilderness, which at the same time provided a measure by which man could assess his progress i n his e f f o r t s to a t t a i n a " c i v i l i z e d " status. Thus, wilderness was the enemy whose subjection was absolutely necessary i f man was to survive. - 3 -This aversion to wilderness was a part of the o r i g i n a l s e t t l e r ' s European heritage and encouraged his enthusiasm for i t s removal. The early American symbol of progess was that of the advancing f r o n t i e r pushing back the wilderness. The destruction of wilderness was considered b e n e f i c i a l i n several ways. I t removed a negative a t t r i b u t e of the country, i t provided safe areas fo r settlement, and most important, i t provided the material resources so necessary to ensure "progress " . In more recent years, the term "wilderness" has assumed some measure of a c c e p t a b i l i t y , although a general understanding of exactly what wilderness i s and what i t symbolizes has been slow i n evolving. For some, wilderness i s any area that does not contain roads or sidewalks, a conceptual d e f i n i t i o n that at l e a s t ensures a vast and e v e r l a s t i n g supply of the resource. Others percieve no difference between intensive r e c r e a t i o n a l parks and wilderness. Wilderness has also come to be viewed as a very expensive and exclusive type of park: Our industry (forestry) i s not opposed to the designation of parks as wilderness areas when t h e i r r e s t r i c t e d use i s required for research purposes or to protect h i s t o r i c a l areas of unique natural phenomena, but we f a i l to see how huge locked up areas w i l l a s s i s t any but a very few who have the time, energy and money to hike into v i r g i n t e r r i t o r y (Gordon Draeseka, October 19, 1971 Vancouver Province). - 4 -Such a statement i s quite t y p i c a l of the d i r e c t l y u t i l i t a r i a n manner i n which wilderness i s most often perceived. However, while one segment of the North American population has perceived wilderness as an obstacle to be overcome, another smaller, more intense segment sees wilderness as being something much more than mere animal, vegetable, and mineral. Their concern goes beyond the considerable u t i l i t a r i a n value of wilderness. I t more clo s e l y involves man's rati o n a l e for existence and f o r l i f e . They question whether man, as the earth's most powerful animal, has the r i g h t to annihilate his fellow creatures. There i s also the commonly expressed fear that man's greed f o r materialism has caused him to lose sight of l i f e ' s more basic values and goals, that i s , perhaps North Americans have paid too high a p r i c e for t h e i r material affluence. A further consideration l i e s i n the commitment to t h i s and future generations. To remove wilderness i s to e f f e c t i v e l y remove t h e i r freedom of choice and to reduce the number of a l t e r n a t i v e s a v a i l a b l e to them. For these people (wilderness advocates) wilderness i s much more than a p h y s i c a l resource to be u t i l i z e d for research and recreation, i t i s a symbol. I t stands as a symbol of man's o r i g i n s , of his i n i t i a l r o l e as a - 5 -member of the earth community rather than malevolent r u l e r of i t . Wilderness offers man the chance to regain that measure of humility that w i l l allow him to see himself as an i n t r i c a t e part of the universe and not as a t o t a l l y separate i d e n t i t y locked into an aimless and destructive existence. Wilderness symbolizes the al t e r n a t i v e a v a i l a b l e to the pursuant of complete materialism. I t represents a c o l l e c t i o n of possible goals, i d e a l s , and values that man may pursue. Ultimately then, i t s preservation represents the choice of one p a r t i c u l a r mode of l i f e and the r e j e c t i o n of another. A r e j e c t i o n of wilderness preservation would be viewed by many as a serious blow against i n d i v i d u a l freedoms. A future generation would not have the freedom to accept or to r e j e c t wilderness, the irrevocable decision would have already been made. The i n d i v i d u a l would have l o s t his freedom of choice and the number of possible alternatives as he was further "locked i n t o " a given system. As nature's ultimate i r r e p l a c a b l e resource, wilderness s u c c i n c t l y symbolizes the one-way process i n which man i s involved. This paper attempts to define and c l a r i f y the concept of wilderness through discussion of the term and i n v e s t i g a t i o n of i t s present r o l e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Two Chapters are deovted to an examination of wilderness - 6 -per se. The f i r s t places wilderness i n a c u l t u r a l / h i s t o r i c a l perspective that c i t e s some of the o r i g i n s of the North American's present attitudes towards wilderness. The following Chapter presents some of the reasons that have been offered for wilderness preservation, drawing on the writings of some of the wilderness " e l i t e s " as well as more general writings. Having hopefully c l a r i f i e d somewhat the question of what wilderness i s and what i t s values are, the paper proceeds to describe what measures e x i s t for wilderness preservation. This e n t a i l s examination of parks p o l i c y and l e g i s l a t i o n of both the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l levels of Government. The h i s t o r i e s of two P r o v i n c i a l Parks are also given i n some d e t a i l to provide examples of the actual functioning of parks l e g i s l a t i o n and the e x i s t i n g l e v e l of concern for wilderness preservation. The remainder of the paper i s devoted to confirming or denying the myth of an overabundance of wilderness i n B r i t i s h Columbia. I t discusses the d e f i n i t i o n a l problems involved and presents a number of d i f f e r e n t approaches to e s t a b l i s h i n g the quantity and d i s t r i b u t i o n of wilderness. The chosen methodology i s described and the r e s u l t s are presented, p r i n c i p a l l y i n the form of maps and graphs. These r e s u l t s involve two stages of study, an examination of changing wilderness d i s t r i b u t i o n over time and a more det a i l e d analysis of the 19 70 d i s t r i b u t i o n . More s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s concerning d e f i n i t i o n s and methodology are given i n Chapters 5 and 6. CHAPTER 2 A CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE The term "wilderness" i s fraught with countless d i f f i c u l t i e s of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Its meaning i s as variable as the number of writers using the word fo r as many d i f f e r e n t purposes. Roderick Nash has su c c i n c t l y described the dilemma by noting that "while the word i s a noun i t acts l i k e an adjective" (Nash, 1967, P . l ) . It i s i n thi s role as an adjective that wilderness possesses so many subjective i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . Not only does perception of wilderness vary between persons at any given time, but over time a person's own views are subject to change. . Webster's dictionary defines wilderness as "a desert; a t r a c t of land or region uncultivated and uninhabited by human beings, whether a forest or a w i l d barren p l a i n " or as "a sense of disorder and confusion". Wilderness has also taken on many meanings outside of the context of the phys i c a l landscape. Thus, the urban centre has often been described as a wilderness i n the sense that i t i s antipathetic to the needs of people, or that i t i s an area of "disorder and confusion". S i m i l a r l y , a mental wilderness implies the existence of deranged thought or a mental void. The C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n has made extensive use of wilderness as a place of sanctuary - 8 -and conversely as a desolate area of banishment. With t h i s wide gamut of use the term s t i l l remains l a r g e l y that of a subjective f e e l i n g about a natural landscape. What an i n d i v i d u a l feels i s wilderness, for him, i s wilderness. Such a broad range of p o s s i b i l i t i e s defies an acceptable general d e f i n i t i o n . The temptation i s to allow each i n d i v i d u a l to maintain his own personal understanding and to ignore the d e f i n i t i o n a l problem. I t i s p r e c i s e l y at this stage of adopting a widely acceptable d e f i n i t i o n that p o t e n t i a l conservation l e g i s l a t i o n has f a l l e n short because no two groups are able to a t t a i n an i d e n t i c a l understanding of the term. A l o g i c a l extreme to the s t r i c t l y personal i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s that of a rigorous d e f i n i t i o n that states e x p l i c i t l y the acceptable attributes of a wilder-ness. While such an approach f a c i l i t a t e s any discussion of wilderness, i t must also i n e v i t a b l y contradict the personal interpretations of a great many people. Yet another a l t e r n a t i v e i s forwarded by Nash's concept of a spectrum of environments ranging from " c i v i l i z a t i o n to wilderness" (Nash, 1967, P.6). This appears to be the most s a t i s f a c t o r y and r e a l i s t i c manner i n which to appraise the s i t u a t i o n . It i s c e r t a i n l y the most generally acceptable i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n that both terms may be viewed as opposing extremes with a l l other environments l y i n g somewhere between the two extremities. Thus, i n traversing th i s spectrum, one crosses from the very densely populated urban centers to areas with fewer and fewer people u n t i l - 9 -f i n a l l y one i s confronted with true wilderness unaffected by man. This idea of a spectrum based l a r g e l y on densities of people w i l l be examined further i n l a t e r discussions regarding the l o c a t i o n of wilderness areas. Given the innumerable d i f f i c u l t i e s and c o n f l i c t s associated with interpretations of wilderness i t seems appropriate to recognize the source of many of these problems through an examination of the term i n a c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l context. In addition to c e r t a i n features unique to t h i s continent, the North American's perception of wilderness has been shaped by the ent i r e long and complex hi s t o r y of Western man. From his e a r l i e s t most p r i m i t i v e beginnings, man's chief obstacle i n his struggle for s u r v i v a l was the wilderness. Not only did the wilderness r e s t r i c t man's community expansion and his a b i l i t y to t r a v e l , but i t also harbored w i l d beasts and savages that were a constant threat to his d a i l y existence. Thus, early man was quite j u s t i f i e d i n regarding wilderness as a most negative force opposing his every e f f o r t to remain a l i v e . As man evolved he was able to exert a greater control over this h o s t i l e environment through innovations such as the discovery of f i r e , the domestication of animals, and the r a i s i n g of crops. Each of these advance-ments f a c i l i t a t e d the removal of wilderness which i n turn made l i f e that much more pleasant for man. - 10 -The pattern then, was set - progress involved the destruction of wilderness. The degree of " c i v i l i z a t i o n " attained by a people could be measured i n terms of the quantity of conquered wilderness. The i n i t i a l chore i n the establishment of any community would be the removal of as much of the surrounding wilderness as possible. This would be followed by further c l e a r i n g for a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes and the natural expansion of the community. In place of the wilderness, man grew crops and "domestic" gardens, as opposed to the disordered f l a u r a of nature, providing not only a f e e l i n g of safety, but also of comfort and enjoyment. Wilderness domesticated was the "garden paradise". Nature came to be viewed as b e a u t i f u l when i t was usefu l , that i s , i n the form of ordered f i e l d s of crops and orchards. Thus, the nature that was l a t e r to be lauded i n the c l a s s i c a l Greek and Roman l i t e r a t u r e , was s o l e l y of a domestic, pastoral v a r i e t y . The wilderness remained an area beyond the control of man, carrying connotations of an e v i l and h o s t i l e environment. In common with e a r l i e r peoples, the folk tradions of the Greeks and Romans contained countless t a l e s of supernatural and e v i l creatures that inhabited remote and desolate regions. The t r a v e l s of Ulysses are replete with numerous encounters i n v o l v i n g t e r r i f y i n g monsters, the majority of whom dwelt i n caves on distant islands from which they preyed on t h e i r victims. One of these was S c y l l a , formerly a b e a u t i f u l maiden, - 11 -but transformed i n t o a hideous six-headed monster with an equal number of serpent-like necks that allowed her to reach down from her cave and snatch s i x s a i l o r s at a time, as she d i d from Ulysses' ship (F i t z g e r a l d , 1963). Ulysses also had to contend with the Laestrygonians, the Cyclopes and Charybdis. Chimaera, Geryon, and the Gorgons were other monsters of Greek mythology (Finlay, 1963; Anson, 1964; Bulfinch,. 1970) . B e l i e f i n the existence of these monsters i n s t i l l e d considerable fear i n those Greeks who dared venture beyond the known bounds of c i v i l i z a t i o n . I t was natural that these fears should also be transferred to the unknown wilderness that sheltered these creatures. These fears existed i n v i r t u a l l y a l l of the Western c i v i l i z a t i o n s . While not so numerous as the Greeks, the Romans too had t h e i r share of monsters, such as Cacus, the huge giant who remained true to t r a d i t i o n , by l i v i n g i n a cave from which he ventured forth to plunder the surrounding countryside (Bulfinch, 1970). Northern Europe, perhaps because of i t s less hospitable climate and many t h i c k l y forested, uninhabited regions, had a more i n t e n s i f i e d fear of wilderness. Probably the best-known of i t s legendary monsters was the t e r r i b l e man-eating beast Grendel who was eventually s l a i n by the hero Beowulf. The dominating c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a l l of these myths was t h e i r attitude towards wilderness, that i s , those areas most removed from c i v i l i z a t i o n . These were the areas of the unknown, of the e v i l and supernatural. - 12 -areas where man journeyed f i l l e d with fears f o r h i s p h y s i c a l and s p i r i t u a l safety. Fear of the wilderness then, had strong foundations that have been established from the most p r i m i t i v e to the r e l a t i v e l y more sophisticated o r i g i n s of man. Religion has also been a most i n f l u e n t i a l force i n shaping wilderness attitudes and values -predominantly the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n with regard to North American development. There are profuse references to wilderness contained i n the B i b l e . Then, as now, the term i s associated with several paradoxical a t t r i b u t e s . For example, the desert wilderness was often used by God as a weapon to threaten or punish people -"to be banished to the wilderness". Such was the case of Adam and Eve who were forced to abandon t h e i r garden paradise having yielded to temptation. At the same time, however, the wilderness served as a sanctuary from enemies or the persecutions of a society. I t could also be an area where one could be c l o s e r to God (through distance from man), or where one's f a i t h and strength could be tested. I t was for these l a t t e r reasons that r e l i g i o u s leaders and hermits often f l e d from society i n t o the wilderness where they hoped to e s t a b l i s h a closer communication with God i n a l i f e of greater s i m p l i c i t y and p u r i t y (Anson, 1964) . several These mixed perceptions of wilderness major occurrences i n early C h r i s t i a n i t y involved I t - 13 -was while i n the wilderness that Moses received the Ten Commandments and was t o l d that the I s r e a l i t e s might escape from the wilderness and into the promised land of Canaan. Thus, while the wilderness had off e r e d momentary sanctuary for Moses and his followers, i t was s t i l l regarded as a harsh and inhospitable environment. There e x i s t numerous examples of followers of Ch r i s t removing themselves to the desert (wilderness) that they might obtain a greater intimacy with God. Jesus himself went into the desert for forty days, where he was tempted by the D e v i l , rejected temptation, and emerged as the voice of God. Again, wilderness may be seen as a habitat of e v i l , o f f e r i n g sanctuary from society, but at the same time exposing the v i s i t o r to ce r t a i n e v i l forces. Northern Europe was introduced to C h r i s t i a n i t y by missionaries, whose primary task was the conversion of pagans to the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h . Because many pagan ceremonies were conducted i n the wilds, the removal of the surrounding forests that sheltered t h e i r r i t e s was viewed as a p o s i t i v e action that also served as a useful measure of the missionaries' success i n introducing C h r i s t i a n i t y . This was consistent with the inherent apprehension that these Northern t r i b e s f e l t f or the wilds. In addition to t h e i r many myths and legends there were many substantial reasons why they avoided the unpopulated woods. These were areas inhabited by s o c i a l outcasts, thieves, and generally those who d i d not f i t within the accepted confines of c i v i l i z e d society. - 14 -It i s understandable then, that t r a v e l through the woods was viewed with some misgivings and i n turn, that the wilderness i t s e l f should be imbued with these same negative a t t r i b u t e s . The antipathy of Western thought towards wilderness, notably through i t s r e l i g i o n , i s even more emphatic when constrasted to that of the Far East. Genrally, Eastern r e l i g i o n s f e l t that man was an intimate part of nature rather than the conquerer of nature. The Japanese Shinto r e l i g i o n d e i f i e d the forces of nature, c h i e f l y those more dynamic forces such as mountains, r i v e r s and storms, for i t was f e l t that the divine being was more potent i n these e s s e n t i a l l y wilder-ness settings than i n the r u r a l pastoral scene. In China, Taoism was i n i t i a t e d as a r e l i g i o n by Lao-tse, who taught that "the sum of wisdom and of happiness for man i s that he adjust himself to t h i s order (nature) and himself r e l f e c t the way the world moves"(Ross, 1956, p. 76). In a s p i r i t s i m i l a r to that often expressed today, the early Taoists refe r r e d to a past "Golden Age" when men l i v e d i n peace and harmony because they were natural and free from a r t i f i c i a l i t y . One of t h e i r primary goals was "to get back to nature", where nature was understood to be the natural and proper way of a l l things. At a s l i g h t l y l a t e r date, Confucious turned to the Tao and to nature, deciding that the best - 15 -man could do i n the world was to follow nature and harmony. The North American pioneers' attitude towards wilderness was conditioned by a complex i n t e r a c t i o n of forces. There were two strong factors a f f e c t i n g a bias against wilderness. The f i r s t of these was as a phy s i c a l threat to his s u r v i v a l - harboring savages, and other insundry creatures of the imagination. Second, was the wilderness as a s i n i s t e r symbol as derived from r e l i g i o n , mythology and the European c u l t u r a l heritage. Nor d i d the North American pioneers d i f f e r from t h e i r ancestors i n fearing the morally destructive powers of the wilderness. Like t h e i r early C h r i s t i a n predecessors, they f e l t that the wilderness was able to remove man's morality and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and change him into a creature of the wilds. In the preface to The Crucible, Arthur M i l l e r ' s play concerning the Salem witchcraft t r i a l s , he writes that "the Salem fo l k believed that the v i r g i n forest was the Devil's l a s t preserve" and that "to the best of t h e i r knowledge the American forest was the l a s t place on Earth that was not paying homage to God" ( M i l l e r , 1959, P.3). In a s i m i l a r vein, Nathanial Hawthorne described Goodman Brown, i n his story of the same name, awaiting h i s acceptance as a convert to the worship of the D e v i l . While he stands among those already i n i t i a t e d "there came a sound, as i f the roaring wind, the rushing streams, - 16 -the howling beasts, and every other voice of the unconcerted wilderness were mingling and according with the voice of the g u i l t y man i n homage to the prince of a l l " (Waggoner, 1965, p. 118). Such was the s p i r i t with which the Puritan perceived the wilderness. I t may be seen from the attitudes of these very early s e t t l e r s , namely the Puritans, that wilderness could not possibly be looked upon with anything but fear and contempt. Roderick Nash and Perry M i l l e r tend to disagree upon the exact sources of these f e e l i n g s . The l a t t e r asserts that the Puritans were i n i t i a l l y intending to lead a Reformation and that i t was not u n t i l l a t e r that they became intent on conquering the wilderness ( M i l l e r , 19 56) . Nash, on the other hand, regards the Puritan conquest of wilderness as an i n t r i n s i c part of t h e i r heritage and r e l i g i o n (Nash,1967). The point i s mostly academic i n terms of attitudes towards wilderness, as i t s conquest through westward expansion was recognized as one of the greatest achievements of the Puritans. Again conjuring many h i s t o r i c a l a l l u s i o n s are those references to the New World as the long-sought Garden Paradise. Ignorance perpetuated the myth that an earthly paradise was to be found i n the New World, a paradise with a temperate climate and re q u i r i n g a minimum of labour for food and s h e l t e r . Bruce Hutchison's The  Fraser, o f f e r s s t r i k i n g examples of t h i s l i n g e r i n g ignorance - 17 -i n which Englishmen were lured into t r a v e l l i n g overland to the Cariboo Gold Rush. In 1862, an o f f e r was made by a London-based organization to transport people from England to B r i t i s h Columbia for the grand sum of 42 pounds S t e r l i n g . The route from Saskatchewan to B r i t i s h Columbia was described i n t h e i r advertisement as passing "through a lovely country unequalled for i t s beauty and s a l u b r i t y of climate" (Hutchison, 1965, p.81). Crossing the Rocky Mountains and shooting the rapids of the Fraser River i n crude log r a f t s during Autumn and early Winter quickly d i s p e l l e d any notion of an earthly paradise. The occurrence of cannabalism on one of these runs would also reinforce the antipathy of the pioneers towards wilderness (Hutchison, 1965, p.96). I f the New World could not o f f e r a r e a d i l y made paradise, then i t must be created from the wilder-ness, replacing confusion and disorder with orchards and ordered landscapes. In removing wilderness, the frontiersman was givin g a broader and more profound scope to his d a i l y l i f e - the progress of c i v i l i z a t i o n could be measured i n terms of the rate of i t s depletion. For a nation with a n e g l i g i b l e c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y (for Europeans), the conquest of wilderness represented the establishment of a unique American c u l t u r e . The advancing f r o n t i e r was the heritage of America. I t i s not i n s i g n i f i c a n t that progress i n t o the wilderness should be referred to as a "conquest". The wilderness i t s e l f - 18 -had taken on, more than at any other time i n the past, a l l of i t s negative connotations and associations. The wilderness was the enemy. Thus, again and again, wilderness was spoken of i n m i l i t a r y metaphors that added a greater meaning and purpose to the cl e a r i n g of land. The frontiersman was not merely removing fo r e s t s , he was conducting a crusade against the wilderness. This concept of a crusade was strongly augmented by the notion of conquering the wilderness i n the name of God, a notion strongly supported by European hist o r y and the o r i g i n a l Puritan s e t t l e r s . In short, there has probably been no other time i n h i s t o r y i n which such a strong force of f e e l i n g , capable of action, was directed against the wilderness. It should not.be overly s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d that an appreciation of wilderness did not begin i n the wilderness i t s e l f , but rather i n the more densely populated centers. The pioneer, who was d a i l y p i t t e d against the wilderness could not be expected to i n s t i g a t e any movement that e x t o l l e d the "charms and beauty" of the unconquered forests. The stimulus towards wilderness appreciation was primarily an i n t e l l e c t u a l one with i t s p r i n c i p a l roots i n Europe. Nash attributes a great part of t h i s change of attitude to the Age of Enlightenment, generally accepted as that period covering the la t e Seventeenth Century and the Eighteenth Century, which saw science introduce an e n t i r e l y new view of the universe (Nash, 1967). - 19 -The r a p i d l y developing sciences, e s p e c i a l l y those of physics and astronomy, indicated that there was a great deal more harmony within the universe and on the earth i t s e l f than was ever before suspected ( C l i f f o r d , 1959; Day, 1963). I t was fa s t becoming possible to accept a l l parts of the earth as God's work, - including mountains, forests, and r i v e r s , - and i n e v i t a b l y , wilderness. Once these areas could be acknowledged to be the work of God and not the D e v i l , i t f a c i l i t a t e d the perception of beauty even i n w i l d country. An a d d i t i o n a l factor serving to strengthen t h i s new attitude was the extensive e f f e c t of the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution, which by t h i s period had d i s f i g u r e d great t r a c t s of the countryside and had s i g n i f i c a n t l y contributed to the swelling population densities of the c i t i e s (Day, 1963). The age-old concept of the s e l f -s u f f i c i e n c y of the farmer was forever broken as everyone depended to some degree upon manufacturing. Again, i t should be emphasized that t h i s was not a general new a t t i t u d e , but was l i m i t e d to a c e r t a i n minority composed of i n t e l l e c t u a l s and a l e i s u r e d upper c l a s s . Like t h e i r pioneer counterparts, the workers i n the new i n d u s t r i a l age were not i n a p o s i t i o n to appreciate any change i n the perception of nature. Romanticism may also be seen as a strong factor i n t h i s changing attitude towards nature. Depending upon whether one was h o s t i l e to, or i n favour of the - 20 -Romanticists, they were viewed as e i t h e r escapists or i d e a l i s t s . In support of the former may be c i t e d t h e i r g l o r i f i c a t i o n of the past - of medieval times, ancient Greece, and even the p r i m i t i v e . They c a r r i e d t h e i r remoteness into the present as well with t h e i r praise of ori e n t a l i s m and the noble savage, the semi-mythical i n d i v i d u a l who remained pure through d i r e c t contact with nature. C e r t a i n l y , the Romanticists may be seen as r e b e l l i n g against the concept of r a t i o n a l man as forwarded during the "Age of Enlightenment". They presented the i r r a t i o n a l man, seldom directed by facts and reason, but more by his subconscious and emotional desires. Through t h e i r e f f o r t s they wished to explore the true source of human motivation and purpose (Canaday, 1963; Day, 1963). In t h e i r own minds, the Romanticists saw themselves as l i b e r a t o r s and creators. "Common to a l l of the Romantics was an idealism that sought f o r the i n d i v i d u a l and for society the f u l l e s t of freedom and expression"(Day, 1963, p.325). Day goes on to ennumerate what he considers to be the p r i n c i p a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Romantic attitude that included a "love of the w i l d and the picturesque i n external and human nature"(Day, 1963, p.331). He ascribes t h i s new attitude to the Age of Reason that removed the superstitious fear of natural phenomena and to the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution that promised to tame the wilds. I t was p r e c i s e l y t h i s wild aspect of nature that the Romantic wishes to r e f l e c t from his own inner turmoil. The b i r t h of Romanticism - 21 -also s i g n a l l e d the b i r t h of the present dichotomy between art (humanism) and science (technology) so v i v i d l y i l l u s t r a t e d i n the contemporary works of C P . Snow (Snow, 1961). With a l l of these forces at work there was a s o c i a l pressure on any person of p o s i t i o n or i n t e l l e c t to demonstrate his appreciation of the wilds of nature. Thus, just as a young man of l e i s u r e f e l t compelled to undertake the "grand tour" of the continent during the Eighteenth Century, so i t became fashionable that t h i s same breed of person should t r a v e l to America and view wilderness f i r s t hand. Those who did praise wilderness were somewhat ambivalent i n t h e i r attitude i n that seldom was i t praised without q u a l i f i c a t i o n , generally of a u t i l i t a r i a n nature. Wilderness acceptance was s t i l l i n a t r a n s i t i o n stage. I t bears r e p e t i t i o n that these were s t i l l the attitudes of a minority and that for the general population the dominant f e e l i n g towards wilderness remained one of antipathy. The dual Romantic notions of the noble savage and the a t t r a c t i v e q u a l i t i e s of wilderness were not e n t i r e l y new concepts, but had never before reached such a pinnacle of popularity. In addition to Romantic poetry (which was' not the most popular poetry of the general public at that time), there was the w r i t i n g of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Daniel Dafoe. The l a t t e r had - 22 -a broad impact with his novel Robinson Crusoe,the semi-biographical account of a man trapped on a deserted i s l a n d . While the pri m i t i v e existence was not presented as t o t a l l y i d y l l i c , i t s advantages over c i t y l i v i n g were e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y received. Although Defoe's work, which s l i g h t l y preceded that of Rousseau, r e a l i z e d a more immediate general acceptance, Rousseau asserted a greater influence on the Eighteenth Century Romantic philosophy as well as on future writers and philosophers who had been concerned with human freedoms and the rights of the i n d i v i d u a l . Of equal importance to the changing perception of nature were the works of the Romantic painters; men such as Gros, Gericault, and Delacroix. Their paintings presented complete chaos when contrasted to the C l a s s i c i s t s of the period. While the C l a s s i c i s t sought to present the r a t i o n a l , the s t a t i c , the objective, and the ordered, the Romantic pursued the i r r a t i o n a l , the dynamic, the subjective, and the confused (Canaday, 1963). The acceptance of t h i s type of art also s i g n a l l e d an acceptance and appreciation of those wilder parts of nature. To accept a c e r t a i n degree of the disordered was to overcome one of the p r i n c i p a l objections to wilderness - i t s a b i l i t y to confuse and overwhelm both the human s p i r i t and body. While European culture struggled with the many innovative forces r i s i n g within i t , the Americans searched - 23 -for an i d e n t i t y on which to b u i l d a c u l t u r e . I t would have been d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible, to attempt the construction of t h i s culture on the foundations of the long-established European t r a d i t i o n s , and thus i t was necessary to seek those q u a l i t i e s which could be described as uniquely American. The f i r s t and l o g i c a l reaction was to turn to nature, an a t t r i b u t e e x i s t i n g i n super-abundance. However, the various laudatory aspects of nature, such as grand mountains and r i v e r s , were not exclusive features of America alone. The Alps not only equalled t h e i r American counterparts i n physical splendor, but were also endowed with an impressive h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l heritage. I t was necessary, therefore, for the Americans to seek out that one a t t r i b u t e that could not be matched anywhere i n Europe. C l e a r l y , the s i n g l e , most obvious d i s t i n c t i o n lay i n the vast quantities of wilderness that remained v i r t u a l l y untouched i n the unmapped areas of the West. In addition, " i f , as many suspected, wilderness was the medium through which God spoke most c l e a r l y , then America had a d i s t i n c t advantage over Europe"(Nash, 1967, p.69). Nash also notes that t h i s same l o g i c enabled the Americans to believe that "because of the aesthetic and i n s p i r a t i o n a l q u a l i t i e s of wilderness they were destined for a r t i s t i c and l i t e r a r y excellence" (Nash, 1967, p.69). This attitude i s confirmed by Thoreau: In l i t e r a t u r e i t i s only the wild that a t t r a c t s us. It i s the u n c i v i l i z e d free and wild thinking i n Hamlet and The I l l i a d . . . that delights us (Thoreau, 1893, p. 272). - 24 -Indeed, a great many Nineteenth Century American writers used the wilderness as the s e t t i n g for t h e i r works. In the area of no n - f i c t i o n , the Transcendentalists occupied a prominent place i n American l i t e r a t u r e , most notably through the writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau. The Transcendentalists were r e b e l l i n g against an increasingly m a t e r i a l i s t i c society and attempting to renew contacts with nature. While t h e i r writings were often excessively weighty and serious, they nonetheless exerted a considerable influence on American culture that i f not immediately f e l t , at least was lo n g - l a s t i n g . There was no doubt i n t h e i r minds that America's hopes for s alvation and culture lay i n i t s free wilderness. In the words of Thoreau: We go eastward to r e a l i z e h i s t o r y and study the works of art and l i t e r a t u r e , r e t r a c i n g the steps of the race; we go westward as into the future, with a s p i r i t of enterprise and adventure ( Thoreau, 1893, p. 267). A few paragraphs l a t e r appears perhaps his most f a m i l i a r quotation: The West of which I speak i s but another name for the Wild; and what I have been preparing to say i s , that i n Wilderness i s the preservation of the World (Thoreau, 1893, p. 275). In making th i s statement, Thoreau was not introducing - 25 -any revolutionary concept, per se, i t was more the manner i n which i t was expressed. The various parts that were implied by t h i s statement - the b a s i c a l l y w i l d nature of man, the productivity of the natural state, the good that existed i n wilderness, and so on - these ideas had a l l been presented before, p r i n c i p a l l y by the Romantics. What was innovative and somewhat shocking to a great many, was the d i r e c t connection made between wilderness and the fundamental physical and s p i r i t u a l s u r v i v a l of man. Today, with the numerous problems pressing i n on modern man, Thoreau's words carry an even greater impact and a more urgent meaning. American f i c t i o n writers were also eager to u t i l i z e wilderness as a uniquely American device. The works of Fenimore Cooper are good examples of t h e i r struggles to i d e n t i f y an American culture and to c l a r i f y the r o l e and character of wilderness. For example, one of h i s constant dilemmas, found i n almost a l l of h i s works, concerns the ant i t h e s i s between nature and c i v i l i z a t i o n , and between personal freedom and the law. This was a problem that governed the en t i r e westward movement and apparently s t i l l poses a c o n f l i c t of int e r e s t s to the contemporary American. Leatherstocking, the p r i n c i p a l characterization created by Cooper, was constantly placed i n the midst of these several apparent contradictions. Although not e n t i r e l y the noble savage, - 26 -Leatherstocking possessed a natural morality and n o b i l i t y that he gained from l i v i n g i n the wilderness. He f a l l s just short of the perfect c h i l d of nature - the i d e a l i z e d Indian. Representing "good" at the other extreme of the s o c i a l spectrum are those r e f i n e d persons from distinguished f a m i l i e s . Between these two extremities f a l l the vast majority, those who are neither one nor the other, but who possess cer t a i n imperfections of character. The character of Leatherstocking himself " i s by far the most important symbol of the n a t i o n a l experience of adventure across the continent" (Smith, 1950, p. 66). In his novel, The P r a i r i e , Cooper c l e a r l y presents his predicament of incompatible goals (Smith, 1950). F i r s t , he views the westward moving a g r i c u l t u r a l f r o n t i e r as e v i l . I t replaces the t r a n q u i l s o l i t u d e of the forests with the boisterous l i f e of the settlements with t h e i r accompanying vices and wastes. I t i s t h i s encroaching c i v i l i z a t i o n from which Leatherstocking f l e e s , and r i g h t l y so i f the above doctrine i s true; that i s , that c i v i l i z a t i o n , which.is inherently bad, destroys nature, which i s inherently good. Opposed to t h i s f i r s t view i s that which perceives the westward movement as good. This stand i s supported by the under-standing that the expanding f r o n t i e r brings with i t the kind of s o c i a l progress that i s able to produce the refined, a r i s t o c r a t i c product previously described. - 27 -Cooper i s unable to reconcile these two notions. With only subtle changes, contemporary America s t i l l has not reconciled these same c o n f l i c t s . Roderick Nash c i t e s an example from early American painting of the ambivalence i n the North American i n d i v i d u a l ' s attitude toward wilderness (Nash, 1969b, p.70). This dichotomy i s r e f l e c t e d i n a series of paintings by Thomas Cole, the great landscape painter. This series of f i v e paintings e n t i t l e d The  Course of Empire, was completed during the 1830's and depicted the evolution of a nation from Wilderness to c i v i l i z a t i o n to desolation. B r i e f l y , the paintings i l l u s t r a t e d the beginnings of America, as a wilderness, and eventually r i s i n g to become a great c i v i l i z a t i o n , presumably due to i t s close proximity to wilderness. However, i t also suggests that a t t a i n i n g t h i s goal i n f l i c t e d a cost. The l a s t picture is. one of complete desolation, depicting the pr i c e of achieving a great c i v i l i z a t i o n ; although hope i s pr o f f e r r e d for a r e b i r t h and renewal, as evidenced by a single mountain peak looming above the man-made chaos. From t h i s , Nash suggests that, i f wilderness had been the only basis of American pride the hi s t o r y of the American's attitude towards i t would have been much simpler. P r i n c i p a l l y what he means i s that Americans - 28 -have derived equal s a t i s f a c t i o n from the preservation of wilderness, per se, as well as i t s conversion to c i v i l i z a t i o n . Thus, the "national ego i s fed both by preserving and conquering wilderness" and "as a consequence, the i n d i v i d u a l tends to be ambivalent toward it"(Nash, 1969b,p.72). A l o g i c a l sequence to the preceding h i s t o r y would be an examination of the conservation movement from the late Nineteenth Century to the present day, although t h i s would necessarily be almost e x c l u s i v e l y a study of i t s development i n the United States - a development which does not have a p a r a l l e l i n Canadian History. Canada's lack of a conservation movement may be at t r i b u t e d to a number of factors, p r i n c i p a l l y centered around t h i s Country's small population and vast s i z e . As Nash has stated "Canadians s t i l l regard themselves as pioneering people with an overabundance of wild country" (Nash, 1969,p.79). Nonetheless, the basic h i s t o r i c a l forces that have shaped the American's attitudes towards and perceptions of wilderness are shared equally by Canadians and have been ostensively recorded i n th i s Chapter. - 29 -CHAPTER 3 WILDERNESS VALUES The Ultimate Irreplacable Resource We may not appreciate the f a c t ; but a f a c t nevertheless i t remains: we are l i v i n g i n a Golden Age, the most gi l d e d Golden Age of human hi s t o r y -not only of past h i s t o r y , but of future h i s t o r y . At an ever accelerating rate we are squandering the c a p i t a l accumulated i n the earth's crust during hundreds of m i l l i o n s of years. How long can t h i s spending spree go on? (Huxley, 1956, p.141) Huxley d i d not presume to a f f i x some d e f i n i t e date when man should f i n d himself irrevocably short of cert a i n c r u c i a l resources. As he points out, estimates of t h i s time period may vary considerably between i n d i v i d u a l s ; but what i s important to recognize i s that the supply is_ f i n i t e . Numerous books have been written concerning themselves with the questions of world resources and the q u a l i t y of man's future existence on t h i s planet. Predictions vary. Harrison Brown (19 54) presented three p o s s i b i l i t i e s , the most l i k e l y of which he thought to be a return to a b a s i c a l l y agrarian society. Writing at a s i m i l a r date (1955), S i r George Thomson foresaw short-term gains through technology, but that i n the long run present trends would continue with i n t e n s i f i e d d i s p a r i t y between i n d u s t r i a l and non-industrial nations. F r i t z Baade (1962) f e l t that i t was possible for man to produce s u f f i c i e n t food for future generations (barring c e r t a i n catastrophes and assuming a s t a b i l i z e d world population), although t h i s was not a l i k e l y occurrence. More recently a book has been produced e n t i t l e d Resources and Man (1969) - J U -that d i s t i l l s the ideas of several i n d i v i d u a l s pertaining to e x i s t i n g resources and t h e i r future a v a i l a b i l i t y . They a l l f r e e l y admit to an i n a b i l i t y to o f f e r any precise date regarding the t o t a l e x t i n c t i o n or dangerous shortage of any p a r t i c u l a r resource. There are simply too many unpredictable v a r i a b l e s , the primary one being the rate of population growth. Another common denominator i n most resource writings i s that current problems may be solved, or at leas t modified, through various discoveries and the advances of technology. This viewpoint i s far from unanimous, however, and has been l a b e l l e d the "Myth of S c i e n t i f i c Supremecy" by Stewart Udall (Udall, 19 63). Whatever the case, t h i s l a s t point i l l u s t r a t e s the unique attributes of wilderness. In i t s purest sense i t i s the ultimate i r r e p l a c a b l e resource. There can be no new technology to increase man's reserves of wilderness nor to improve i t s q u a l i t y . While cert a i n resource requirements o f f e r hopes of substitutes and/or a s t a b i l i z e d demand, the quantity of wilderness w i l l always be decreasing even as the demand for i t increases at an accelerating rate. For example, while the population of the United States i s expected to double between 1960 and 2000, projections made for t h i s same period indicate a tenfold increase i n the t o t a l man-days of wilderness use (Outdoor Recreation Resource Review Commission, 1962; National Academy of Sciences, 1969). - 31 -Wilderness Values How come nothing's l i k e i t was u n t i l i t s ' gone? (Will Mastin i n Yes I Can by Sammy Davis, Jr.) Any attempt to j u s t i f y the preservation of wilderness may be likened i n many ways to an argument advocating retention of the human element within an increasingly technocratic society; that i s , for many the d e s i r a b i l i t y of re t a i n i n g these a t t r i b u t e s i s a self-evident t r u t h , while for others the argument requires a s o l i d economic foundation. These types of value alternatives e x i s t i n v i r t u a l l y a l l aspects of modern l i f e and are concerned with what may be loosely described as the "quality of l i f e " . With regard to the various alternatives a v a i l a b l e , the present s i t u a t i o n i s not to be regarded as a neutral condition - i t i s one of the extreme a l t e r n a t i v e s . For example, i n the realm of population c o n t r o l , the extremes are represented by a continuing exponential growth or, barring a catastrophe, a zero growth rate. I t i s cl e a r that despite present e f f o r t s to control the b i r t h rate, we are currently proceeding i n a d i r e c t i o n close to the former extreme. Without making a decision we are not in a neutral p o s i t i o n where l i t t l e i s happening, instead we are unintentionally committed to the one p a r t i c u l a r extreme. Logic then should seem to di c t a t e that the b i r t h rate should be more severely curbed u n t i l such time as the complete range of alter n a t i v e s can be f u l l y evaluated. - 32 -This same thought pattern may be applied to the conservation of wilderness. In both instances i t i s f o l l y to be making (or not making) decisions when the objectives are not c l e a r l y understood and e x p l i c i t l y stated. Without a decision, or an extraordinary d i s a s t e r , the population trend i s i r r e v e r s i b l e - man i s locked into c e r t a i n global reactions that must occur with an overly high population. In an even more r e s t r i c t i v e sense, although on a less desperate l e v e l , at l e a s t i n terms of p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l , the loss of wilderness i s an i r r e v e r s i b l e process - i t can never be restored to i t s o r i g i n a l natural condition. The e x i s t i n g trauma of non-decision allows t h i s i r r e v e r s i b l e loss to continue, slowly removing the remaining number of a l t e r n a t i v e s . Again, the state of non-decision does not perpetuate the status quo, but rather i t narrows the f i e l d of choice. There appears to be s u f f i c i e n t evidence that wilderness i s not only desirable, but e s s e n t i a l , i n order to maintain, or perhaps improve, the present q u a l i t y of l i f e and i t s accompanying system of values. As J.A. Rush stated: When man o b l i t e r a t e s wilderness, he repudiates the evolutionary force that put him on t h i s planet. In a deeply t e r r i f y i n g sense, man i s on his own (Quoted i n Brower, 1969, p. x v i ) . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to compile a s a t i s f a c t o r y l i s t of the p o s i t i v e a t t r i b u t e s of wilderness because they - 33 -operate on so many planes. Perhaps the most encompassing i s that of the moral and e t h i c a l values. These are points constantly emphasized by conservationists, notably by Aldo Leopold who forwarded a land e t h i c which "changes the r o l e of Homo sapiens from conquerer of the land community to p l a i n c i t i z e n and member of i t " (Leopold, 1969, p.204). He further points out that "land-use ethics are s t i l l governed wholly by economic s e l f - i n t e r e s t , j ust as s o c i a l ethics were a century ago" (Leopold, 1969 p.209). While the idea of a land e t h i c i s not a new one, i t i s becoming more and more relevant as our avai l a b l e land areas decrease and we a l l become increasingly dependent upon one another, Man's ethics and his philosophy of ethics were also questioned by Albert Schweitzer: The great error of e a r l i e r ethics i s that i t conveived i t s e l f as concerned only with the r e l a t i o n s of man to man A man i s e t h i c a l only when l i f e , as such, i s sacred to him, that of plants and animals (as well) as that of his fellow man (Quoted i n Kiernan, 1965, p.214). S t i l l within the category of ethics l i e s the nonrenewable aspect of wilderness. What i s the o b l i g a t i o n to future generations? In a very r e a l sense the contemporary world i s d r a s t i c a l l y reducing t h e i r freedom of choice. If the resources of a wilderness are to be u t i l i z e d , that i s , the wilderness destroyed, what are some of the short and long-run trade-offs involved? On a short-term basis there would most c e r t a i n l y be economic gain. In the - 34 -long-run, the cost of replacing t h i s wilderness with an i n f e r i o r substitute would l i k e l y dwarf the o r i g i n a l immediate gain. Recent years have witnessed an accelerating i n t e r e s t i n both wilderness use and conservation. Between 19 47 and 1959 there was a f o u r - f o l d increase i n man-days of use on designated national forest wilderness areas i n the United States. Projections made for the year 2000 indicate an increase of 10 times the 1959 l e v e l for the t o t a l man-days of wilderness use (Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission, 1962, p.8). These are rates of increase far exceeding even the most extreme predicted population growth rates. Although Canada does not possess n a t i o n a l l y designated wilderness areas, the same accelerating i n t e r e s t i n the out-doors i s r e f l e c t e d i n the recorded number of v i s i t s to i t s National Parks. The reasons for t h i s f a n t a s t i c increase i n outdoor recreation and conservation are numerous and complex, but are prim a r i l y involved with population growth, a fix e d land supply, and increased d i s c r e t i o n a r y purchasing power. Naturally a l l of these factors are i n t e r r e l a t e d as well as being responsible for c e r t a i n other s o c i a l actions. For example, the North American material affluence that has increased discretionary purchasing power has also increased the amount of l e i s u r e time avai l a b l e to the average c i t i z e n (Holman, 1961). When these two factors are combined with v a s t l y - 35 -improved transportation networks and more economical modes of transportation i t i s i n e v i t a b l e that more people should be foresaking the c i t i e s and journeying into the country. C l e a r l y , however, these are merely the means by which the public i s able to carry out a p a r t i c u l a r desire. The desire i t s e l f i s i n s t i l l e d by increasingly crowded.conditions, a r e j e c t i o n of automation and technocracy, a fear of degenerating s o c i a l conditions, and an awareness that the "desirable" environments of our Continent are f i n i t e and are ra p i d l y disappearing - a l l of these factors and many more besides are d r i v i n g people out of the c i t i e s to seek some measure of r e l i e f through nature. I t i s becoming increasingly obvious that the r o l e of unaltered nature i s far greater than that of merely a source of casual r e c r e a t i o n a l use. Its existence has become an absolute necessity, not only for active p a r t i c i p a n t s , but also for those who are able to f i n d solace s o l e l y from the knowledge of i t s existence. Increasing urbanization and the loss of the ind i v i d u a l ' s i d e n t i t y have greatly accelerated the demand for wilderness. This fear of l o s i n g i n d i v i d u a l freedoms has been noted by Nash: The existence of wild country, they thought, would be insurance against the crushing of i n d i v i d u a l i t y by a t o t a l i t a r i a n society. With George Orwell's frightening forecast i n mind, Sigurd Olson was convinced that the stakes of the preservation campaign involved i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y as well as wilderness (Nash, 1967,p. 232). - 36 -Olson's fears of evolving s o c i a l trends are strongly supported through the writings of Aldous Huxley i n Brave New World Revisited (1957) , a r e t r o -spective look at the prophetic accuracy of h i s own Brave New World (1932) compared with George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four (19 49). The fourteen years that have followed the wri t i n g of Huxley's re-examination of global trends have strongly reinforced the majority of h i s predictions. His remarkable i n s i g h t into s o c i a l trends and t h e i r prophetic accuracy would c e r t a i n l y amplify those fears expressed by Olson. Yet another facet of the e t h i c a l question involves the preservation of w i l d l i f e . In some respects t h i s point may seem redundant i n terms of Leopold's land e t h i c ; however, i t s i n c l u s i o n i s f e l t necessary to introduce p a r t i c u l a r aspects concerning morals and e t h i c s . In addition to i t s occasional u t i l i t a r i a n value i n the form of food and clo t h i n g , w i l d l i f e i n i t s natural state has much to t e l l the s c i e n t i f i c community and mankind i n general. That the study of animal behaviour may y i e l d d i r e c t pay-offs for man i s hopefully recognized as indisputable f a c t . I t may be further presumed that the actions of an animal i n c a p t i v i t y bear remote resemblance to his actions i n the wild ;only i n the wild does he face those pressures and opportunities which give expression to h i s t o t a l nature (Ardrey, 1966, p.22). - 37-Beyond those l a r g e l y objective reasons looms the great e t h i c a l visage. Through the process of evolution, man has become the most i n t e l l i g e n t and powerful of a l l animals and capable of accepting, c o n t r o l l i n g or a n n i h i l a t i n g his fellow creatures. In 1600, there were 4,226 l i v i n g species of mammals. Since that time, 36 or.85%,have become ex t i n c t , and 120, or 2.84%, are presently i n some (or great) danger of e x t i n c t i o n . S i m i l a r l y , of 8,694 l i v i n g species of birds e x i s t i n g i n 1600, 94 or 1.09% have become e x t i n c t , and 187, or 2.16% are presently i n danger of e x t i n c t i o n . Only one quarter of these mammal and b i r d species have died out n a t u r a l l y and an even lower percentage of those now i n danger were placed i n jeopardy by natural evolutionary causes. (Hornaday, 1913; A l l e n , 1962; Silverberg, 1967). The day before yesterday we followed unconsciously what we c a l l e d Nature; yesterday we t r i e d conscientiously to conform to nature; but today, our power having grown considerably, i t behooves us sometimes to protect nature and sometimes to arrange i t i n ways that seem more favourable. We have somehow become responsible for evolution A r e a l i t y i s to be constructed, events are no longer to be awaited (G. Berger, quoted i n Forbes, 19 68, p.60). Man i s not the sole l i v i n g inhabitant of t h i s planet, although with a minimum of e f f o r t i t appears that he could r e a d i l y achieve t h i s condition. - 38 -An important constantly recurring theme i n the discussion of wilderness i s the i r r e p l a c i b i l i t y of the resource. This i s sometimes a point of debate, that i s , i s i t possible to restore wilderness? Such a question raises a l l of the d e f i n i t i o n a l problems of the term. The problem i s p a r t l y one of semantics and also of personal values. Part of the d e f i n i t i o n a l convention used i n t h i s paper i s that wilderness i s v i r t u a l l y untouched by man, thus denying to any s i g n i f i c a n t extent, grades of wilderness. Thus,just as there are no grades of v i r g i n s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to l a b e l any given area as 70% or 80% wilderness. Returning then to the question of r e s t o r a t i o n : the answer depends upon the values or elements of the wilderness environment to be restored.... almost by d e f i n i t i o n . . . wilderness cannot be restored to the point where i t provides a l l values (Outdoor Recreation Resource Review Commission, 1962, p.9). Having c l a r i f i e d somewhat the i r r e v e r s i b l e character of wilderness, i t i s easier to state that wilderness i s an u t t e r l y unrenewable resource with the strong l i k e l i h o o d that i t s values are t o t a l l y unique. Its very existence, whether safeguarded or threatened, must serve as an a r r e s t i n g point for man when he must question his role on t h i s earth and his r e l a t i o n s h i p with a l l l i v i n g things - i n a p h y s i c a l , p h i l o s o p h i c a l and e t h i c a l sense. I f p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l i s the sole primary goal i n - 39 -l i f e there can be no question. However man's absolute needs are much more complex, as may be t e s t i f i e d to by the vast numbers who have devoted or given t h e i r l i v e s , not for p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l , but for a set of values. What value can be given to a wilderness area? Whatever value i t i s given today, i t must c e r t a i n l y increase i n the future as dictated by an accelerating increase i n demand and at best a fixed supply, or i n r e a l i t y , a decreasing supply. Economically, such a s i t u a t i o n should help to c l a r i f y the often misted issue of the short-term versus the long-term with respect to eventual t o t a l cost. A l l of which points to a d e f i n i t e o b l i g a t i o n to conservation for future generations. It has also been suggested that wilderness serves a useful function as a bench-mark, o f f e r i n g completely unexploited t r a c t s of lands to be used by c i v i l i z a t i o n as a standard by which i t may measure the cost of i t s technological progress through the depredation of the planet. Even now i t i s becoming increasingly d i f f i c u l t i n c e r t a i n areas for s c i e n t i s t s to define with any degree of exactitude the natural state of a vegatation for comparison with i t s present condition as affected by various p o l l u t a n t s . At the same time i t i s necessary that the s c i e n t i f i c community be able to study these completely natural communities i n order to e s t a b l i s h more f u l l y the interdependence of l i f e and to perhaps place man i n a more humble p o s i t i o n - 40 -within the biosphere. On a more u t i l i t a r i a n l e v e l , n a t u r a l l y healthy specimens of animal and plant l i f e are needed for comparative studies and ind i c a t o r s of dangers to human health. Further, more d i r e c t applications are being found for plant and animal l i f e f o r use i n medicine, such as replacements for a n t i b i o t i c s i n those cases where a n t i b i o t i c s cannnot be used (Cowan, 19 69; Darling, 1969; Spurr, 1969). Speaking as a s c i e n t i s t , Frank F. Darling has stated that "the value of wilderness to science, put badly i s the provision of study areas of p r i s t i n e conditions" (Darling, 1969, p. 201). The majority of recent l i t e r a t u r e p e r taining to wilderness concerns i t s e l f with i t s d i r e c t recreational, values. These have been outlined i n many forms by numerous writ e r s , each presenting a somewhat personalized view of cert a i n common themes. Aldo Leopold has presented a l u c i d d e s c r i p t i o n as may be found of the various re c r e a t i o n a l components that he considers to be important to wilderness enjoyment (Leopold, 1969). The f i r s t and most basic of these i s the idea of trophy. The trophy i t s e l f may e x i s t i n a va r i e t y of forms including s t u f f e d animals, hides, f i s h , souvenir specimens, or photographs. There are several values attached to the attainment of the trophy, no matter what i t s form. This i s seldom i t s monetary value, but rather the associations i t c a r r i e d with i t . For each person the trophy represents a unique set of experiences involved with i t s capture. It serves as evidence to others - 41 -that some s k i l l or feat of endurance was necessary for i t s attainment. This i s as apparent i n a picture of a majestic, rugged landscape as with an animal trophy. For the owner of the trophy there i s always the deep s a t i s f a c t i o n of possessing something unique, be i t p h y s i c a l l y o r i g i n a l or i n the sense of a t o t a l l y unique experience. The uniqueness of a trophy i s l a r g e l y what determines i t s value, or degree of s a t i s f a c t i o n , f or the r e c r e a t i o n i s t . To capture h a l f a dozen trout i n an a r t i f i c i a l l y - s t o c k e d lake cannot compare to the landing of a single f i s h at some i s o l a t e d lake. The capture of the l a t t e r required an i n i t i a l extra e f f o r t just to reach the lake as w e l l as greater s k i l l i n the art of angling. The sense of achievement i s greatly diminished i n merely d u p l i c a t i n g the r e s u l t s of numerous other persons. The more e f f o r t and s k i l l involved i n the capture of the p r i z e , the greater i t s value. Further exertion and endurance enables the wilderness r e c r e a t i o n i s t to f e e l the s a t i s f a c t i o n of having escaped the crowds, r i s e n above the norm, and exerted a measure of i n d i v i d u a l i t y . The capture of a trophy then serves as a measure of proof of h is unique experience. In an age when the i n d i v i d u a l i s s t i f l e d i n t o conformity and given fewer and fewer al t e r n a t i v e s towards achieving some l e v e l of uniqueness and i n d i v i d u a l i t y the wilderness experience o f f e r s a refreshing challenge and opportunity. Perhaps the strongest, arguments f o r wilderness - 42 -are those immeasureable items that involve emotional and s p i r i t u a l values. In t h i s more subjective context, the most common theme among wilderness writers revolves around the a b i l i t y of wilderness to e s t a b l i s h or to r e - a f f i r m man's place on t h i s earth, or i n a more meta-physical sense, within the universe. Ashley Montagu has said that: I f man would simply have the grace and the humility to acknowledge himself the made-over ape that he i s , he might be able to see the world of which he i s a part i n truer perspective.(Montagu,1969, p.129) . The feelings that are shared by so many have had d i f f i c u l t y being expressed i n a concise and general way, and have thus been presented i n numerous personal in t e r p r e t a t i o n s . The quiet and solitude serve to relax the i n d i v i d u a l . The f r a n t i c , jerking motions that characterize man i n his urban s e t t i n g simply do not e x i s t i n the wilderness. The movements of the w i l d l i f e are sw i f t , but f l u i d and at one with the environment. Given a s u r p r i s i n g l y short period of time, man can adapt to become an accepted part of his wilderness surroundings as he allows his mind and his body to become attuned to the smooth tenor of nature. The greater t h i s harmony becomes the more t r i v i a l seem those problems that comprise our everyday existence as i t becomes possible to view l i f e i n a much broader perspective. - 43 -I t i s not the notion of wilderness for i t s own sake that i s of value, but the awareness of one's relatedness to i t , one's unity with i t , that deepens and extends the scope of human l i f e (Montague, 1969, p.128). What p r e c i s e l y the essence of the wilderness experience i s , apparently i s dependent upon the i n d i v i d u a l ' s perception of i t . I t i s worthwhile and i n t e r e s t i n g to compare the views of several wilderness leaders. For instance, William 0. Douglas expresses feelings s i m i l a r to Schweitzer's reverence for l i f e . The wilderness t e l l s us that a l l animals should be able to walk with man. Like man they are l i f e tenants. So there ultimately comes a point of time when man - immersed i n the wilderness and possessed by i t s wonders - no longer can k i l l . L i f e i n a l l of i t s forms becomes too i n s p i r i n g to destroy. That I think i s the ultimate lesson that the wilderness teaches (Douglas, 1969, p.118). In discussing the phychology of wilderness, Donald McKinley has summarized that: The highest value of wilderness i s not that natural phenomena are preserved i n unaltered form for t h e i r own sake. I t i s that people who enjoy i t achieve a respite from the usual tensions of l i v i n g and a t t a i n a sense of rejuvination of recreation (McKinley, 1966 ,p.35). Sigurd Olsen wrote "that i n wilderness and a l l i t e n t a i l s i n the broadest i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the word, i s the preservation of the human s p i r i t " (Olson, 1969, p.135). The sanc t i t y of l i f e , s p i r i t u a l values, - 44 -and u t i l i t a r i a n values constitute three broad themes that recur throughout the wilderness l i t e r a t u r e . That i s not to say that they are the only three - there are c e r t a i n l y others, such as h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l themes, - but the former three have a more immediate and d i r e c t a p p l i c a t i o n to contemporary wilderness use. A few a r t i c l e s , fewer than might be expected, have been written concerning psychology and wilderness. William Gibson o f f e r s a r e l a t i v e l y general presentation, suggesting i n broad terms that modern urban l i f e i s damaging to mental health and that wilderness may serve as a reasonable antidote (Gibson, 1966). Lowell Sumner, in his a r t i c l e "Are Beavers Too Busy?" suggests that there are three stages contributing to the mental and emotional breakdown so prevelent i n contemporaty society (Sumner, 1964). F i r s t i s Phase I, More People (or beavers). This i s a period i n which the environment can no longer support the continued rate of m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of the species. For the beavers i t i s a time when l i f e ' s n e c e s s i t i e s can no longer be e a s i l y achieved. Phase II then follows with More Complicated L i v i n g Conditions. Having reached an optimum p o s i t i o n between the population s i z e and the supply of aspens and willows, the beaver population has continued to expand causing these foods to be more d i f f i c u l t to obtain. The beaver - 45 -i s forced to t r a v e l greater distances and take greater r i s k s to acquire smaller amounts of food. The beaver no longer has the time required to maintain his o r i g i n a l dams and canals l e t alone to construct the needed new ones. He must now work harder and longer for less reward. In economic terms, he i s a v i c t i m of diminishing returns. The s o c i a l and economic structure of the beaver colony begins to erode. Its most active members leave the area e n t i r e l y i n the hope of discovering more hospitable conditions. Those remaining i n e v i t a b l y grow weaker and are increasingly victimized by the predators. Accompanying t h i s state of malnutrition i s a decline i n the f e r t i l i t y of the community. At t h i s stage the colony may e i t h e r disappear altogether or, given a favourable environment, i t may regain i t s strength. It i s not d i f f i c u l t to transfer the beaver's conditions to those of the contemporary American. Like Huxley, Sumner likens our present s i t u a t i o n to the "late afternoon of our Golden Age". A myriad of factors are now combining to i n h i b i t our q u a l i t y of l i f e . C i t i e s are uncomfortably overcrowded giving r i s e to a housing c r i s i s , to t r a f f i c congestion, to further a l i e n a t i o n ; p u b lic f a c i l i t i e s are over-used; p o l l u t i o n presents a threat to health; and perhaps paramount to Western man, his personal freedoms are being r e s t r i c t e d . A l l of these conditions are uni t i n g to exert a ponderous complexity of pressures on the i n d i v i d u a l as well as on the present s o c i a l and economic orders. - 46 -For many these pressures are simply too great. Which brings us to Phase III of Sumner's pressure cy c l e , namely Stress. In describing t h i s condition for animals he c i t e s evidence that: ....when animal communities multiply u n t i l they reduce t h e i r habitat to a b i o l o g i c a l slum, normal feelings of s e c u r i t y and t r a n q u i l l i t y give way to mounting i r r i t a b i l i t y toward companions and neighbours. Bickering and s t r i f e greatly increase. This lowers the physical health of the e n t i r e community and i t s a b i l i t y to adjust to the still-mounting pressures brought on by the over-crowding (Sumner,1964, p.99). He also points out that post-mortem examinations of such animals reveal d e f i n i t e evidence of stress damage such as inflammation or u l c e r a t i o n of the digestive t r a c t or c e r t a i n metabolic derangements. These observations are re-affirmed by F. Darling who also describes the c y c l i c a l patterns of over-population growth leading to decline, and notes that "the common factor i s s t r e s s " that leads to the d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the community (Darling, 19 70, p.11). Referring to stress i n people, Sumner c i t e s medical a u t h o r i t i e s as s t a t i n g that chronic emotional stress now i s a major cause of over 50% of a l l i l l n e s s and that increasing numbers are a c t u a l l y dying from types of degenerative diseases which are primarily due to s t r e s s . Again, i t i s hardly necessary to enumerate the countless sources - 47 -of stress that presently e x i s t , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the larger c i t e s . I t seemed worthwhile and relevant to d e t a i l parts of t h i s a r t i c l e p r i m a r i l y for two reasons. F i r s t , evidence of such strong connections between w i l d l i f e and human communities strengthens those arguments f o r the preservation of pure wilderness areas for s c i e n t i f i c research. While i t may be extremely d i f f i c u l t for man to recognize that ce r t a i n s u r v i v a l l i m i t s have e i t h e r reached or surpassed within his own community, much may be learned from animal communities with t h e i r more rapid rate of turnover. Second, as noted by Sumner, i s the need to escape from stress s i t u a t i o n s . So i t becomes c l e a r that as the pressures of c i v i l i z a t i o n continue to increase, the theraputic benefits of wilderness and natural areas, the philosophy, understanding, and serenity derived from contact with them w i l l be more and more needed by everyone (Sumner, 1964,p.101). Donald McKinley i s a l i t t l e more s p e c i f i c i n assessing the psychological values of wilderness (McKinley, 1963, 1966). For example, t r a v e l i n the wilderness with congenial companions greatly s i m p l i f i e s the ro l e - p l a y i n g a c t i v i t y and thus "less psychic energy i s required i n l i s t e n i n g for the f a m i l i a r cues to behavior" (McKinley, 1966, p.33). He also asserts that the i n d i v i d u a l , i n his dealings with other people, i f often p s y c h i c a l l y hurt through some human - 48 -encounter. While the memory of t h i s event may be p a r t i a l l y and/or consciously forgotton, there w i l l always be future person-to-person experiences that w i l l create stress because they reinforce the unpleasant memory of these past events. Thus, c e r t a i n types of situ a t i o n s w i l l continue to be viewed as threatening and w i l l cause anxiety. From these factors stems the importance of being able to v i s i t areas with l i t t l e or no evidence of man - areas where i t i s possible to remove v i r t u a l l y a l l of those p o t e n t i a l person-to-person contacts that act as threats to the i n d i v i d u a l . Unlike man, nature i s not personally threatening, i t i s t o t a l l y i n d i f f e r e n t to the i n d i v i d u a l . McKinley too, presents the theme of unity with nature when, describing the sensation of a magnificent view, he declares that: The viewer acquires a sense of extreme l i t t l e n e s s . Man, i n the face of the s i z e , complexity, and i n e v i t a b i l i t y of nature i s forced to concede that there i s something which he can l i t t l e influence or co n t r o l . He has no choice but to surrender to i t s dominance, relax and enjoy i t , and f e e l a sense of belonging at the centre of a much greater whole (McKinley, 1966,p.34). The role of wilderness i n defining and asserting man's place on t h i s planet and within the universe has been a common theme among wilderness w r i t e r s . Through the wilderness man i s best able to see himself i n a truer perspective - as only a small part of a vast and complex - 49 -system while at the same time the wilderness allows man to recognize himself as an i n t r i c a t e part of t h i s system and thus give man's existence more depth and meaning. Having once accepted t h i s r o l e , man must view his planet i n a much less s e l f i s h perspective, and recognize the ultimate importance of wilderness and the f u l l s i g n i f i c a n c e of i t s disappearance. Through wilderness man becomes an ordinary member of the "land community" and as such must accept the resultant r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . As man further alienates himself from th i s land community, the meaning of Thoreau's words c a r r i e s an increasingly important message that " i n wilderness i s the preservation of the World"( Thoreau,1893, p. 275). - 50 -CHAPTER 4 WILDERNESS AND BRITISH COLUMBIA'S PARKS For that which i s common to the greatest number has the lea s t care bestowed upon i t . ( A r i s t o t l e , quoted by Haefele, 1970). The National Parks: Any consideration of wilderness contained within parklands requires an examination of the p o l i c i e s and l e g i s l a t i o n of two level s of government, that i s , federal and p r o v i n c i a l . While numerous complexities and d i f f i c u l t i e s e x i s t i n assessing the r e l a t i v e powers of the two, i t i s reasonably safe to examine t h e i r respective structures and operations as separate i d e n t i t i e s combining the two when i t i s expedient or necessary. The senior government's authority stems from the B r i t i s h North America Act of 1867 that serves as Canada's Constitution. In Section 92 i t states that: In each Province the Legislature may ex c l u s i v e l y make laws i n r e l a t i o n to matters coming within the classes of subjects next hereinafter enumerated; that i s to say (5) The Management and Sale of the Public Lands belonging to the Province and of the Timber and Wood thereon (LaForest, 19 69) . It continues i n Section 109: A l l lands, Mines, Minerals and properties belonging to the several Provinces of Canada.... at the Union . . . . s h a l l belong to the Provinces (LaForest,1969). NATIONAL AND PROVINCIAL PARKS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Map 1 - 52 -The apparent intent of these p a r t i c u l a r Sections of the Act was that the management and sale of lands should serve as an important source of revenue for the Provinces. Whatever the success of t h i s intent, the most obvious r e s u l t of t h i s action i s r e f l e c t e d i n the fact that the vast majority of lands within the Provinces now f a l l under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the P r o v i n c i a l Governments. Thus, i t i s important i n terms of wilderness preservation, to r e a l i z e that there are no large reserves of Federal land such as e x i s t i n the United States. I t would be f u t i l e therefore, for the Federal Parliament to create a Wilderness Act s i m i l a r to that introduced by the United States i n 1964 (Douglas, 1965). There are simply no Federal lands i n the Provinces, with the exception of those already i n National Parks, that could be placed under i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n . One of the p r i n c i p a l conditions of Canadian federation, e s p e c i a l l y with regard to the admission of the Western Provinces, was the construction of a railway l i n k i n g the West Coast to the rest of Canada. Through t h i s westward expansion the Federal Government hoped to strengthen i t s claim to the west as well as to u t i l i z e the vast natural resources of the area to provide a - 53 -much-needed f i n a n c i a l l i f t to the fledging confederation. At the same time, the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway hoped to benefit from the expected flow of f r e i g h t and passengers (Brown, 19 69). It was during the period of exploration for a suitable railway route through the Rocky Mountains that the i n c r e d i b l e grandeur of the area achieved public prominance. There was l i t t l e that could be done immediately although once the CPR was completed to Vancouver i n 1884, the government was better able to d i r e c t i t s energies towards developing and s e t t l i n g the broad expanse of land between Vancouver and Winnipeg. In 1883, during the construction of the CPR, the mineral hot springs were discovered on the slopes of what i s now Sulphur Mountain j u s t above the present townsite of Banff. The government f e l t that t h i s natural phenomenon should be preserved from private e x p l o i t a t i o n , while at the same time, i t saw the opportunity for a p r o f i t a b l e t o u r i s t development. Thus, i n 1885, 6,400 acres of land surrounding the hot springs were reserved by Order in Council because they "promise to be of great sanitary advantage to the public" (Nicol, 1969,p.38). In other words, the p r i n c i p a l reason given for reserving these lands was pu b l i c s a n i t a t i o n , although i t i s safe to assume that development of a spa-type resort was cl o s e r to the true - 54 -eventual intent. Two years l a t e r , and enlarged to an area of 2 60 square miles, the Rocky Mountains Park Act established the Banff area as Canada's f i r s t national park. In 1888, the CPR had completed construction of the Banff Springs Hotel, the f i r s t of several luxurious developments to be erected within what i s now Banff National Park (National and H i s t o r i c Parks Branch, 19 70a). The pattern of development that evolved at Banff established a d e f i n i t e precedent i n the creation of the western national parks, namely as sources of t o u r i s t revenue. Most parks were located d i r e c t l y on the li n e s of the Canadian National and Canadian P a c i f i c Railways, or on major highway routes. This was i n d i r e c t contrast to early national park development i n the United States which was based on a p o l i c y of preservation, as i l l u s t r a t e d i n the case of Yellowstone National Park (Nash, 1969,p.73). While Canadian Parks p o l i c y appears to be rather heavily d o l l a r - o r i e n t e d i n contrast to American p o l i c y , i t must be remembered that Canada was a younger nation possessing a much smaller population that could not be expected to provide the l e v e l of f i n a n c i a l support necessary to maintain the degree of protection given to reserves in the United States. I t was not only expedient, but v i r t u a l l y a necessity, that Canada should receive at least some f i n a n c i a l return from the development of national parks. - 55 -I t should also be recognized, that i n these circumstances, t o u r i s t development was one of the only ways i n which some l e v e l of protection could be achieved (Nicol, 1969). While admittedly the s t y l e of accommodation i n the parks was both elegant and luxurious, the prime a t t r a c t i o n was s t i l l the natural beauty of the surroundings. Needless to say, so long as the t o u r i s t business prospered, neither the government nor the CPR were eager to allow any a c t i v i t y that might mar t h i s image. In 1886, two areas of B r i t i s h Columbia were set aside as park reserves - those areas around Glacier and F i e l d , l a t e r to become Gl a c i e r and Yoho National Parks res p e c t i v e l y . While both of these areas were loosely referred to as parks, they were not, i n f a c t , given national park status u n t i l 1911 under the Dominion Forest Reserves and Park Act. In Glacier National Park the CPR once again figured prominently i n park development, with i t s tracks providing the sole means of public access u n t i l the opening of the Rogers Pass Section of the Trans Canada Highway i n 1962 (Scharff, 1966). In addition, "the famous Glacier House, b u i l t by the CPR i n 1886 and opened i n January of 1887, did much to popularize the Park with mountaineers and v i s i t o r s from a l l over the world" (Scharff, 1966, p.9). To have an idea of the extent of CPR influence - 56 -i n park development, i t i s worth itemizing some of the construction that took place i n Yoho National Park. Mount Stephen House, a large hotel b u i l t i n 1886 near the railway s t a t i o n , was one of the f i r s t CPR enterprises. In 1890, the Company acquired 22 acres of land i n addition to already owned s t a t i o n land and established the town of F i e l d . The Company maintained t h i s land u n t i l 1925, at which time i t relinquished control to the government i n exchange for c e r t a i n other lands. In 190 4, a road was completed from F i e l d to Emerald Lake, providing access to the just erected CPR Emerald Lake Lodge. In 19 21 the Company b u i l t a central lodge and cabins at Wapta Lake, followed a year l a t e r by a group of cabins at Lake 0 1Hara and Takkakaw F a l l s i n Yoho Valley as well as rest houses at Abbott Pass and Summit Lake. Also, a teahouse with overnight accommodation was erected at Twin F a l l s i n 1922 (Scharff, 1966; National and H i s t o r i c Parks Branch, 1970c). The government's p o l i c y of t o u r i s t promotion was well supported by the e f f o r t s of the CPR. With these early p o l i c y implementations i n mind, i t i s c l e a r how present park conditions with respect to p h y s i c a l development and p o l i c y , have been l a r g e l y d i c t a t e d by h i s t o r i c a l precedent. - 57 -A major change took place i n 1911 with the enactment of the Dominion Forest Reserves and Park Act. P r i o r to t h i s date, there was no national parks administration per se - park matters had been looked a f t e r by the Forestry Branch of the Department of the I n t e r i o r (Nicol, 1969). However, the 1911 Act took parks administration from the Forestry Branch and created a Commissioner of Dominion Parks as the responsible o f f i c i a l . While govern-ment p o l i c i e s and attitudes towards the parks system did not undergo any major changes, improvements were i n s t i g a t e d by the f i r s t Commissioner of the National Parks of Canada, Mr. J.B. Harkin. In order to obtain funds f o r the proper maintenance and preservation of the natural features of the parks, Harkin heavily stressed the substantial revenue that could be derived from the t o u r i s t industry (Nicol, 1969) . Before proceeding to more recent f e d e r a l parks l e g i s l a t i o n b r i e f mention should be made of those other national parks l y i n g within B r i t i s h Columbia, namely Mount Revelstoke and Kootenay National Parks. Mount Revelstoke National Park stands out as one of the exceptions to the rule i n that i t s inception was not connected with the railway or with a government t o u r i s t promotion. This park was established i n 1914 l a r g e l y through the enthusiasm and e f f o r t s of several residents of Revelstoke who requested that the area be given park status. - 58 -The normal pattern of development was resumed, however, i n Kootenay National Park, "established i n 1920 to preserve the natural landscape, native w i l d l i f e and natural phenomena along the route of the Banff-Windemere Highway (National and H i s t o r i c Parks Branch, 1970b, p. 13). I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the construction of t h i s highway, which began i n 1911, was j o i n t l y financed by the B.C. Government, the Federal Government, and the CPR. Again, a mineral hot springs was the chief a t t r a c t i o n , and again the CPR was involved i n part of i t s development; th i s time i n the construction of the Radium Hot Springs Lodge i n 1923. Two s i g n i f i c a n t pieces of l e g i s l a t i o n were enacted i n 1930. The f i r s t of these was the Transfer of Resources Agreement which saw v i r t u a l l y a l l previously Federal land transferred back to the Western provinces. In B r i t i s h Columbia, t h i s involved 20 miles on e i t h e r side of the CPR tracks plus three and a h a l f m i l l i o n acres of land i n northeastern B r i t i s h Columbia, generally referred to as the Peace River Block (LaForest, 1969, p. 31). This transfer of power was s i g n i f i c a n t i n that i t was now impossible to e s t a b l i s h any National Park within the provinces without the d i r e c t cooperation of the p a r t i c u l a r p r o v i n c i a l government. Reinforcing t h i s point i s the f a c t that between 1930 and 1968, when r e s t r i c t i o n s were relaxed, only six r e l a t i v e l y small national parks were established i n the whole of Canada (Nicol, 19 69). In the same year the National Parks Act was passed which formally recognized the national parks as a d i s t i n c t administrative e n t i t y and set out some guidelines for parks p o l i c y . The purpose of the parks i s stated i n Section 4 of the Act: The Parks are hereby dedicated to the people of Canada for t h e i r benefit, education, and enjoyment....and such Parks s h a l l be maintained and made use of so as to leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations (In N i c o l , 1969 ,p.40). While the Act adopted a new concept of "unimpaired" the word was not so e x p l i c i t e l y defined as to introduce any s i g n i f i c a n t new p o l i c y change. A more d i r e c t l y p o s i t i v e change contained within the Act was the fact that i t defined a l l parks i n a Schedule attached to the Act whereby a l l subsequent parks could be created only by amending t h i s Schedule by Act of Parliament. Whereas previously changes could be made by the Governor i n Council, the parks now received important protection since only Parliament could create a national park or change i t s boundaries. Also within this Act, Section 6(3) empowered - 60 -the Governor i n Council "to purchase, expropriate, or otherwise acquire any lands of i n t e r e s t therein.... for the purposes of a park"(Turner, 1971, p.43). However, ce r t a i n conditions were s t i p u l a t e d for a c q u i s i t i o n of park lands: (1) The minimum siz e of 35,000 acres; (2) Natural (unchanged) e c o l o g i c a l conditions; (3) T o t a l transfer of natural resources to Federal control; (4) Transfer of a l l land t i t l e free (Ahrens,1970a, p.4). Naturally, p r o v i n c i a l governments have been most reluctant to r e l i n q u i s h control of possible revenue i n the form of natural resources s o l e l y for the purposes of park use. Unfortunately, t h i s problem i s compounded by the fact that none of the provinces possess park l e g i s l a t i o n as firmly dedicated to s t r i c t l y park use as that offered under the National Park Act. Primarily because of the aforementioned requirements, there was very l i t t l e a c t i v i t y i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of lands for n a t i o n a l parks during the three decades following the passage of the National Park Act. It was not u n t i l the early 1960's that any p o s i t i v e action was taken to resolve the stalemate that existed between the two levels of government. A major change of attitude and p o l i c y between federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments may be dated from the Canadian Resources for Tomorrow - 61 -Conference held i n 19 61 and involving those people interested i n resource administration .(Ahrens, 1970a, p.7). A d i r e c t r e s u l t of t h i s Conference was the f i r s t F e deral-Provincial Park Conference which was held the following year, and f i n a l l y i n 1963, the formation of the National and P r o v i n c i a l Parks Association of Canada. The e n t i r e Canadian Parks organization has since benefitted i n the series of annual conferences that have followed t h i s i n i t i a l merging of governments (Ahrens, 1970a). A most s i g n i f i c a n t motion was made in 19 64 i n an announcement by Arthur Laing, the then Minister of Northern A f f a i r s and Natural Resources, (Nicol, 1969, p.47). Generally, i t suggested that the o v e r a l l parks p o l i c y be direc t e d towards the preservation of natural and e c o l o g i c a l conditions and also that urban-type recreation f a c i l i t i e s were not i n keeping with the general purposes of the national parks (Hansard, Sept. 18,1964; i n N i c o l , 1969). This same statement goes on, however, to make i t cle a r that government p o l i c y i s s t i l l f l e x i b l e and that " a r t i f i c i a l recreation" s t i l l has, and w i l l continue to have, a d e f i n i t e place within most, i f not a l l , of the National Parks (Turner, 1971, p.88). Since the formation of t h i s j o i n t undertaking in 19 63, Ahrens notes that the federal government has shown an increased impetus towards a stronger and better directed administration of park lands, both i n terms of present obligations and future plans (Ahrens, 1970a, p.7). New p o l i c i e s were developed which c l a r i f i e d the role of park management and prepared the way for further park development. A d i r e c t r e s u l t of t h i s more favourable atmosphere has been the declaration to e s t a b l i s h 85 new national parks by 19 85. While attainment of even the minimum goal of 40 new parks by t h i s date may be overly o p t i m i s t i c , the general attitude of d i r e c t i o n and e x p l i c i t n e s s of p o l i c y being introduced o f f e r a good deal of hope for the Canadian National Parks. In the realm of federal a c q u i s i t i o n of lands d e f i n i t e progress has recently been made. While land must s t i l l be turned over unencumbered from the Province to the Federal Government, a number of changes have been made to f a c i l i t a t e t h i s transaction. F i r s t , there are j o i n t Federal-Provincial s i t e s e l e c t i o n surveys that recognize and attempt to assess resource c o n f l i c t s and the economic impact of park establishment. In addition, the two lev e l s of government have entered in t o various cost-sharing arrangements for the purchase of private holdings. Also, the time-base for consolidating a park has been lengthened so that land may be obtained i n more convenient phases (Ahrens, 1970 , p.12). One area i n which the federal government has been markedly slow i n e s t a b l i s h i n g land reserves has - 63 -been i n the Yukon and the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . There are s t i l l opportunities to at least designate various areas i n these rwo regions for future development as national parks, although these opportunities would appear to be fas t diminishing. As pointed out by Douglas Pimlott, the Federal control i s de jure, not de facto, and that increasingly more power has been given to T e r r i t o r i a l Councils who are "adament i n t h e i r opposition to the establishment of National Parks, or any form of land c l a s s i f i c a t i o n that would l i m i t or r e s t r i c t the e x p l o i t a t i o n of resources "(Pimlott, 1968,p.7). Pimlott proposes that federal money might be used to remove those f i n a n c i a l encumbrances accompanying p r o v i n c i a l lands, which i n B r i t i s h Columbia would larg e l y involve a c q u i s i t i o n of timber r i g h t s . Such action has already been taken by the federal government i n the obtaining.of c e r t a i n lands for the purpose of w i l d l i f e reserves. In A p r i l of 19 71, the National and H i s t o r i c Parks Branch of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development held a number of public hearings concerning the presentation of p r o v i s i o n a l master plans for Banff, Jasper, Yoho and Kootenay National Parks. Included within t h e i r proposals was an outline of suggested National Parks p o l i c y that would be f a r more e x p l i c i t i n i t s a p p l i c a t i on than any other previous statements. - 64 -The o v e r a l l purpose of the National Parks i s given i n two concluding p o l i c y statements that are i d e n t i c a l to those given by Arthur Laing i n his p o l i c y d i r e c t i v e of 196 4. While not as yet introduced into the context of l e g i s l a t i o n , the continued use of these two p o l i c y statements warrants t h e i r i n c l u s i o n : (1) The basic purpose of the National Park System i s to preserve for a l l time areas which contain s i g n i f i c a n t geographical, g e o l o g i c a l , b i o l o g i c a l , or h i s t o r i c features as a national heritage for the benefit, education, and enjoyment of the people of Canada. (2) The provision of urban type r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s i s not part of the basic purpose of National Parks. Such recreation f a c i l i t i e s i n harmony with the purpose and preservation of a park may be introduced as required to meet re c r e a t i o n a l needs; but always to minimize impairment and not at a l l i f s u b s t a n t i a l impairment i s i n e v i t a b l e (National and H i s t o r i c Parks Branch, 1969, p.5). Without delving into excessive d e t a i l at the national l e v e l , i t i s of i n t e r e s t to note c e r t a i n a d d i t i o n a l p o l i c y proposals that were forwarded, p r i m a r i l y for the purposes of l a t e r comparisons with p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y and l e g i s l a t i o n . For example, under the heading of w i l d l i f e and nature p o l i c y , i t i s suggested that: The following a c t i v i t i e s are detrimental to natural h i s t o r y values and should not be permitted i n a National Park: - 65 -(1) Grazing of domestic stock; (2) P o l l u t i o n of a i r , s o i l or water; (3) Construction and operation of hydr o - e l e c t r i c power i n s t a l l a t i o n s and other water diversions or impoundments for i n d u s t r i a l purposes; (4) The mining or harvesting of the resources of the land or water for the primary purposes of commercial gain (National and H i s t o r i c Parks Branch, 1969,p.5). While t h i s does not represent a t e r r i b l y extensive set of r e s t r i c t i o n s , i t does point towards a greater i n t e r e s t i n preservation, at least i n terms of h a l t i n g resource e x p l o i t a t i o n . A zoning system was also proposed on the basis of an area's natural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i t s lo c a t i o n r e l a t i v e to e x i s t i n g developments, and i t s capacity to withstand v i s i t o r use. I t was f e l t that such a system would best serve the vari e t y of public demands and at the same time f a c i l i t a t e park management. The f i v e classes s p e c i f i e d were: Class I Special Areas - These are of two types, namely e c o l o g i c a l areas and those areas containing p r e h i s t o r i c , h i s t o r i c or c u l t u r a l features. The primary purpose i n both cases i s preservation. - 66 -Class II Wilderness Recreation Areas - These areas are devoted to camping, hiki n g and r i d i n g , with access by any type of motor vehicle prohibited. Class III Natural Environment Areas - These areas are best described as buffers between the wilderness zones and more intensive-use areas. Class IV General Outdoor Recreation Areas - Physical developments, such as campgrounds and highway co r r i d o r s , characterize these areas. Class V Intensive-Use Areas - These areas contain much more intensive a c t i v i t y than Class IV, primarily i n the form of townsites (National and H i s t o r i c Parks Branch, 1970a,p.4). f Map 2 - 68 -Map 2 - shows these areas that might be designated as wilderness under the above c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s and the rather severe l i m i t a t i o n s imposed upon the establishment of any s i g n i f i c a n t l y large wilderness areas. I t also i l l u s t r a t e s the dominant role of transportation networks i n national park development. A f i n a l section of the p r o v i s i o n s a l plans that warrants attention i s that dealing with c r i t e r i a f o r the establishment of national parks. I t s t i p u l a t e s that two d i s t i n c t national obligations must be recognized; f i r s t , the preservation of the Canadian heritage, and second "to ensure t h i s and future generations of Canadians the opportunity to use, enjoy, and benefit from the values of natural wilderness" (National and H i s t o r i c Parks Branch, 1969, p.21). Here, at l a s t , "wilderness" receives mention, a l b e i t i n a rather l i m i t e d sense. With regard to wilderness preservation, the intent of the federal government seems encouraging i n proposals for the zoning of c e r t a i n areas as wilderness and at the same time providing some form of p r o t e c t i v e l e g i s l a t i o n . However, i f the 19 71 p r o v i s i o n a l master plans for the Western parks are an i n d i c a t i o n , there must be some doubt expressed as to the p r a c t i c a l applications of these intentions. Numerous roads have been proposed - 69 -that indicate a substantial emphasis i s s t i l l being placed on t o u r i s t promotion through f a c i l i t a t i n g t r a v e l by car. Most of these proposed roads are former t r a i l s that lead to p a r t i c u l a r scenic a t t r a c t i o n s , re-affirming the contention of J.G. Nelson that "the progression from a well-defined t r a i l to a gravel and then a paved road i s a rather consistent one" (Nelson, 1969 ,p.137). Even though park authorities endeavour to make these roadways as a t t r a c t i v e and unobtrusive as possible, there can be no question but that they act as d i s t i n c t intrusions into natural areas. The problem i s compounded by the fact that v i r t u a l l y a l l roads are constructed i n va l l e y bottoms, which also happen to be the areas containing the grassland slopes and shrublands that serve as winter ranges for the large game animals (Cowan, 1969, p.934). This point serves to emphasize c r i t i c i s m s made by Cowan that the ecology of an area i s one of the l a s t considerations that i s made i n park planning. This di s s e c t i o n of e c o l o g i c a l units by roads, coupled with severe areal reductions, d e f i n i t e l y l i m i t s the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of e s t a b l i s h i n g true wilderness within the parks. While the 100,000 acre si z e requirement i s a somewhat a r b i t r a r y value, i t does represent a reasonable approximation of the area required to allow a f u l l wilderness experience. In view of the reduced units proposed, such an experience would not be possible within the confines of most, i f any, of B r i t i s h Columbia's national parks. - 70 -Summary: The scope of any future wilderness l e g i s l a t i o n for the national parks has been strongly predetermined by the h i s t o r i c a l development of national parks p o l i c y . The p r i n c i p a l objective i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the majority of the parks was the promotion of tourism as a source of revenue. This goal was r e f l e c t e d i n the choice of location and consequent development of three of the four major national parks within B.C. -Mount Revelstoke National Park being the single exception. The other three were chosen pr i m a r i l y for the reasons of a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n conjunction with natural a t t r i b u t e s of the area. For example, both Glacier and Yoho National Parks owe t h e i r o r i g i n s to the existence of the CPR, who were also responsible f o r most of the commercial developments i n the two areas. S i g n i f i c a n t protective l e g i s l a t i o n was introduced i n 19 30 by the National Parks Act which formally recognized the National Parks as a d i s t i n c t administrative e n t i t y . The most noteworthy feature of t h i s Act, however, was the fa c t that a l l n a t i o n a l parks were i d e n t i f i e d i n a Schedule attached to the Act which could only be amended by an Act of Parliament. This now meant that the creation of parks or a l t e r a t i o n of park boundaries could only be determined by Parliament, whereas up u n t i l t h i s time a l t e r a t i o n s were c a r r i e d out through the actions of the Governor i n Council. - 71 -A major deterrent to e s t a b l i s h i n g national parks since 19 30 has been the Transfer of Resources Agreement of that year whereby v i r t u a l l y a l l land and resources l y i n g within the Provinces came under'the j u r i s d i c t i o n of those Provinces. This action necessitated a high degree of cooperation between the two leve l s of government i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of lands for national parks, e s p e c i a l l y on the part of the P r o v i n c i a l Government that must "transfer a l l lands t i t l e free" to the Federal Government. The reluctance of p r o v i n c i a l governments to release sources of present and future resource revenue i s understandable. Thus, i n the whole of Canada, only s i x r e l a t i v e l y small national parks were established between 1920 and 1968. The formation of the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l Parks Association of Canada i n 1963 was an important step towards c l a r i f y i n g National Parks' p o l i c y and increasing opportunities for cooperation between the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l Governments. Since that time, several measures have been taken to f a c i l i t a t e the ac q u i s i t i o n of p r o v i n c i a l lands for the purpose of establ i s h i n g national parks. These measures have included j o i n t assessment of resource c o n f l i c t s , a phasing of ac q u i s i t i o n periods, and various cost-sharing agreements. One of the outcomes of t h i s r e v i t a l i z e d i n t e r e s t - 72 -in e s t a b l i s h i n g national parks has been an e f f o r t to encourage public involvement i n formulating park p o l i c y . In the Spring of 1971, a series of pu b l i c hearings were held to a i r opinions on the Pr o v i s i o n a l Master Plans for the western parks. This event marked a new plateau i n the determination of National Parks' p o l i c y . While the general d i r e c t i o n indicated by these meetings and plans was encouraging, some of the s p e c i f i c proposals were not so preservation-oriented as may have been hoped for by conservationists. Given the condition of e x i s t i n g National Parks i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the greatest expectations for l e g i s l a t e d wilderness must l i e with the establishment of a d d i t i o n a l National Parks within the Province. The P r o v i n c i a l Parks B r i t i s h Columbia entered Confederation on July 20th, 1871 under v i r t u a l l y the same terms as the o r i g i n a l members - with one notable exception. Paragraph 11, Section 146 of the 1871 B r i t i s h North America Act provided that B r i t i s h Columbia would convey to the Dominion Government a t r a c t of land 20 miles i n width on each side of a railway to be b u i l t to the B.C. Coast. In addition, following various disagreements and changes, 3.5 m i l l i o n acres of land i n the Peace River D i s t r i c t were also to be put under Federal j u r i s d i c t i o n (LaForest, 1969, p.31). It was not u n t i l 1930 with the Transfer of Resources Agreement that control of most of these lands was turned over to the Province. I t was t h i s delay of transfer that allowed the establishment of so many (four) major national parks within B.C. The establishment of Long Beach National Park (1971) has marked the sole a c q u i s i t i o n made by the Federal Government within B r i t i s h Columbia since 1920. The P r o v i n c i a l Parks Act of 19 0 8 may perhaps be viewed as the i n i t i a t i n g piece of l e s i g l a t i o n for the reservation of lands for parks i n B.C. This early attempt at creating parks was aimed at the "low q u a l i t y " s e t t i n g comparable to today's urban parks - rather than any consideration for the preservation of wilderness and ecology. Administration of these areas was managed by l o c a l Parks Boards i n the respective M u n i c i p a l i t i e s and C i t i e s . Within a few years a more conscious need was f e l t f o r areas to be set aside with the s p e c i f i c purpose of preserving the wild and natural state of these areas (Greenwood, 196 8, p.34). This need was r e f l e c t e d i n the Strathcona Park Act of 1911 which set aside a vast area of 561,179 acres on Vancouver Island (Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1911) . This l e g i s l a t i o n prohibited the sale, settlement or occupancy of these lands with the primary intent of protecting the land from mining and logging i n t e r e s t s (Greenwood, 1968, p.34). Certain other areas were also set aside, primarily as reserves for future use i n that no formal plans were put forward for t h e i r development. However, during the Depression with the government seeking to create employment various projects were ca r r i e d out i n the development of the parks, a development that has proceeded at varying rates to the present day. In 19 40, p r i n c i p a l l y for reasons of expediency, parks administration was placed under the B.C. Forest Service of the Department of Lands, Forests and Water Reserves. U n t i l t h i s time the parks had been the d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the Minister of Lands. The Parks and Recreation D i v i s i o n of the B.C. Forest Service was created 8 years l a t e r , o f f e r i n g a somewhat greater degree of organization Then, i n 19 57, an Act was passed which created the Department of Recreation and Conservation. This was a Crown Department which brought together the major elements of outdoor recreation, including a P r o v i n c i a l Parks Branch. B r i t i s h Columbia's recreational, resources were now recognized by a s p e c i f i c Act and also there was now d i r e c t m i n i s t e r i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y (Dooling, 1970,p.3). A c e r t a i n degree of hope was offered for p o t e n t i a l wilderness preservation i n 1964 when Cabinet Order established Nature Conservancy Areas: - 75 -WHEREAS for the purposes of managing P r o v i n c i a l Parks" i t i s considered necessary to divide parks into.zones i n which natural environment i s preserved to varying degrees; AND to report that i n areas of superlative natural beauty, outstanding wilderness q u a l i t y , or unique f l o r a and fauna, i t i s necessary to preserve a l l natural resources free from commercial or i n d u s t r i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . . . ...zones i n which a l l natural resources are preserved i n the native state (B.C. Gazette, March 19th, 1964) . Unfortunately, a l l such areas were to l i e within already e x i s t i n g parks which meant that those areas chosen were simply those that had escaped resource e x p l o i t a t i o n , and were not necessarily selected for t h e i r "superlative natural beauty and outstanding wilderness q u a l i t y " . The broadest and most s i g n i f i c a n t parks l e g i s l a t i o n for B r i t i s h Columbia was introduced i n the Park Act of 1965. At a f i r s t glace the general tenor of the Act appears admirable, even i f i t i s somewhat ambiguous and i n e x p l i c i t . Before examining the Act i t s e l f , however, i t i s necessary to note c e r t a i n d e f i n i t i o n s that are used i n regard to the system of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . In 19 65, there were two types of areas that were so defined that they may be sa i d to q u a l i f y as wilderness. The f i r s t of these were the Nature Conservancy Areas, those areas which contained: s p e c i f i c a l l y outstanding examples of natural h i s t o r y uninfluenced.by the a c t i v i t i e s of man, whose purpose i s to preserve undisturbed natural environments ( B r i t i s h Columbia Dept. of Recreation and Conservation, 19 65, p.3). - 76 -V7ilderness parks were then described as areas containing expanses of unoccupied land, whose purpose i s to preserve conditions s i m i l a r to those which prevailed before the advent of European s e t t l e r s and to provide opportunities to observe the regenerative processes of nature ( B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Recreation and Conservation, 1965, p.4). To date, the term "wilderness 1 1 has not been used as an o f f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n for parks and no area has been described as wilderness, although d e f i n i t i o n s of wilderness are s t i l l maintained within the Parks Branch vocabulary. A more e x p l i c i t d e f i n i t i o n of Nature Conservancy Areas was created at a l a t e r date and i s described i n current L e g i s l a t i o n as: roadless t r a c t s within P r o v i n c i a l Parks. They contain outstanding examples of scenery and natural h i s t o r y , uninfluenced by the a c t i v i t i e s of man and dedicated to the preservation of undisturbed natural environments ( B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Recreation and Conservation, 1969, p . l ) . In addition, there were three classes of parks s t i p u l a t e d : Class "A" parks are intended to preserve outstanding natural, scenic, and h i s t o r i c features of the Province for public recreation. They have a high degree of l e g i s l a t i v e protection against e x p l o i t a t i o n and a l i e n a t i o n . Class "B" parks are also primarily for the protection of natural a t t r a c t i o n s , but other resource use i s permitted, provided i t does not unduly impair r e c r e a t i o n a l values. - 77 -Class "C" parks are P r o v i n c i a l Parks intended primarily for the use of l o c a l residents and are generally managed by l o c a l parks boards (Ibid, p . l ) . With respect to wilderness preservation, i t i s c l e a r that only Class "A" parks o f f e r s u f f i c i e n t l e g i s l a t i v e protection, although blatent weaknesses also e x i s t i n t h i s sector. An example of such a weakness i s the system of categorization that was also introduced as a part of the Park Act. These categories were given as follows based on the main purpose designated for the park: Category 1 Category 2 Category 3 Category 4 Category 5 Category 6 .... preservation of i t s p a r t i c u l a r atmosphere, environment, or ecology; ....preservation and presentation to the p u b l i c of s p e c i f i c features of s c i e n t i f i c , h i s t o r i c , or scenic nature; ....enjoyment, convenience, and comfort to the t r a v e l l i n g p u b l i c ; .... r e c r e a t i o n a l opportunity to the public of a p a r t i c u l a r community or area; . . . . s p e c i f i c r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y ; ....establishment of the park for two or more purposes. (Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965, Ch. 31, p.179). These s i x categories may be applied to Class "A", "B" or "C" parks, and thus have the p o t e n t i a l power of e f f e c t i v e l y " r e c l a s s i f y i n g " any park without t e c h n i c a l l y a l t e r i n g i t s class status. At present, of - 78 -the 1,623,726 acres that are c l a s s i f i e d as Nature Conservancy Areas, only 44,032 acres, or 2.7% l i e within Class "A" parks ( B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Recreation and Conservation, 1971). In terms of t o t a l park acreage within the Province, t h i s figure represents only 0.67% that i s both possible wilderness and at l e a s t protected as much as present l e g i s l a t i o n allows, that i s , designated as Nature Conservancy and l y i n g within a Class "A" park. This area i s only 0.018% of the t o t a l area of the Province. Having dispensed with t h i s preparatory work i t i s now possible to proceed to the 19 65 Park Act i t s e l f . In part, Section 8 of the Act reads: No i n t e r e s t i n land within a (a) park of Class "A" or Class "C" s h a l l be granted, sold, leased, pre-empted, or otherwise alienated or obtained or made the subject of a license except (when i t ) i s necessary to the preservation or maintenance of the r e c r e a t i o n a l values; (b) Park of Class "B" s h a l l be granted, sold, leased, pre-empted, or otherwise alienated or obtained except by a v a l i d and s u b s i s t i n g park use permit, the issuance of which i s not, i n the opinion of the Minister, detrimental to the r e c r e a t i o n a l values of the park concerned (Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965). The use of the word "detrimental" with respect to Class "B" parks, leaves the question of preservation open to a wide variety of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . A s i m i l a r - 79 -phraseology as applied to natural resources within the parks i s given i n Section 9 of the Act. Of prime importance i n any appraisal of the Park Act, however, i s the message contained i n Section 7, which states: The Lieutenant-Governor i n Council may cancel or r e - e s t a b l i s h any park established under this Act, and may revise the boundaries of any such park or increase or to decrease the area of the park or to consolidate two or more parks or to divide an e x i s t i n g park into two or more parks (Ibid). The Lieutenant-Governor's only o b l i g a t i o n i s to ensure that "the t o t a l area of parks and recreation areas i s not less than s i x m i l l i o n three hundred thousand acres" (Ibid,). T h e o r e t i c a l l y , t h i s t o t a l acreage could be Class "C" park land. As i t i s written there i s no adequate P r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i v e protection for any f i r s t class park land, l e t alone to preserve the higher requirements of wilderness. In t h i s regard, the Parks Branch of B r i t i s h Columbia has offered several d e f i n i t i o n s of wilderness. The 1965 version, which has already been quoted, d i f f e r e d from one given two years previously, and yet a t h i r d d e f i n i t i o n was contained i n a glossary of terms produced in 1968, which defined wilderness as: - 80 -A t r a c t of land set aside to perpetuate a natural environment. I t has the q u a l i t y of expansive s o l i t u d e , and unspoiled natural features preserved, as a r e t r e a t from c i v i l i z a t i o n and for outdoor enjoyment, i n s p i r a t i o n and s c i e n t i f i c study. Motorized equipment i s barred from wilderness areas except i n emergencies or under very exceptional i n d i v i d u a l circumstances ( B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Recreation and Conservation, 1968, p.10). Following t h i s the wilderness d e f i n i t i o n as contained i n the Wilderness Act of the United States (1964) i s offered; presumably as e i t h e r an addition or as an a l t e r n a t i v e (Douglas, 1965). Certainly the intent expressed i n e i t h e r d e f i n i t i o n i s admirable enough - what i s missing i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s an area with such a designation. Having given a b r i e f survey of p r o v i n c i a l parks l e g i s l a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i t i s of i n t e r e s t to observe a few case studies to o f f e r some i n s i g h t i n t o the actual a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n . The two parks chosen for examination were Strathcona and Tweedsmuir P r o v i n c i a l Parks. In addition to t h e i r large s i z e within the parks system - 561,381 acres and 2,424,400 acres respectively, these two parks also contain over two thirds of the Province's Nature Conservancy acreage ( B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Recreation and Conservation, 19 71). They are also of i n t e r e s t because of the numerous a c t i v i t i e s which have taken place within t h e i r boundaries. - 81 -1. Strathcona P r o v i n c i a l Park: The Province's f i r s t large p u b l i c park was established by the Strathcona Park Act of 1911 which set aside 50 4,176 acres of rugged mountain t e r r a i n on central Vancouver Island (Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1911). The Act s t i p u l a t e d that lands of the area be "withdrawn from sale, settlement, and occupancy", with the intention of protecting the area from development, p a r t i c u l a r l y from mining and logging (Ibid). Before t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was enacted, the area was c a r e f u l l y surveyed and most of those timber leases l y i n g within the boundaries of the proposed park were acquired by the government. At t h i s early stage i t appears that the government extended considerable e f f o r t towards eliminating any p o s s i b i l i t i e s of future disputes over ownership of park land (Turner, 1969, personal communication from R.H. Ahrens). During the next two decades several actions took place that greatly reduced the degree of protection afforded to the park. In 1918, the o r i g i n a l Strathcona Park Act was amended to permit "the l o c a t i o n , a c q u i s i t i o n and occupation of mineral claims" (Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1918). These same p r i v i l e g e s were also extended to the granting of timber lice n s e s . Yet another amendment was introduced in 1927 which allowed the Cabinet to grant licenses to "raise the water l e v e l or to use for storage any water course or lake within the l i m i t s of the Park" (Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1927). Two years l a t e r , the government - 82 -made e f f o r t s to reverse the increasing trend of a l i e n a t i o n and gained control of several timber holdings around the edges of Buttle Lake, although other large t r a c t s s t i l l remained i n the control of private i n t e r e s t s . Also, during World War I I , a number of other p r i v a t e l y held timber claims along the shoreline of Buttle Lake were recovered by the Government, o f f e r i n g additional security to the park (Haig-Brown, 1966). The greatest disturbances, and those a c t i v i t i e s that have caused the greatest controversy, have occurred since the e a r l y 1950's. The f i r s t of the two major c o n f l i c t s involved the production of hyd r o - e l e c t r i c power for the Campbell River area through construction of a dam at the outle t of Buttle Lake. A report was published i n 1953, i n which i t was estimated that the proposed flooding would increase the t o t a l area of the lake from 11.9 5 to 14.78 square miles and ra i s e the l e v e l by 2 8 feet (Larkin; McMynn, 1953). I t was concluded that t h i s flooding would endanger the e x i s t i n g f i s h populations, p r i m a r i l y because of i t s major depth fluctuations which would most e f f e c t the shallow waters where spawning takes place. Conservationists also pointed out that flooding would t o t a l l y inundate any ex i s t i n g beaches. Despite protests from the conservation sector of the public, the dam construction was c a r r i e d out in 1955. - 83 -A second and more prolonged c o n f l i c t arose over the purchase of mining claims near the Southern end of Buttle Lake. In 19 57, Strathcona had been transferred from the protection of i t s own s p e c i a l Act to Class "A" park status under the pretext that t h i s would bring the park properly into the park system and o f f e r even greater protection (Haig-Brown, 1966) . There, years l a t e r , Western Mines Ltd. (NPL) purchased 23 claims along Myra Creek and with Cabinet approval they then Optioned 15 ad d i t i o n a l claims and staked 128 others i n the same area. By l a t e 19 62, Park Use Permits had been granted to enable the Company to commence work on i t s claims (Turner, 19 69) . With his appointment as Minister of Recreation and Conservation i n 1964, one of the f i r s t proposals made by Kenneth Kiernan was that Class "A" parks should be made open to mining and logging. On March 10, 19 64 an Order i n Council was passed that allowed mining developments i n a l l parks of 5,000 acres or more; l e g i s l a t i o n which over-rode a l l previous l e g i s l a t i o n : Where there i s a c o n f l i c t between the regulations established under Section 24 of the Department of Recreation and Conservation Act and the provisions of t h i s Order i n Council, i n respect of any P r o v i n c i a l Park of Class "A" or Class "B" having an area of more than 5,000 acres, the provisions of th i s Order i n Council s h a l l govern ( B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette, March 19,1964). - 84 -This Order i n Council was not intended as long-term l e g i s l a t i o n , but rather a gesture of intent for the benefit of commercial i n t e r e s t s u n t i l such time as the expected new Park Act should come into being. Certainly t h i s action offered encouragement to Western Mines whose i n i t i a l proposals had appeared disarmingly simple and harmless - a small hole i n the ground and the mined ore shipped up the lake, an operation producing a minimal d i s -turbance of the environment. Further encouragement was given when a Government Order i n Council reduced Strathcona from Class "A" to Class "B" status because " i n the face of i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y which has proceeded i n the park since i t s establishment, i t i s necessary to r e c l a s s i f y the park" (B.C. Gazette, March 20. 1965). While the a c t i v i t i e s of Western Mines had passed larg e l y unnoticed since i t s i n i t i a l entry into Strathcona the public f i n a l l y became aroused i n 19 66 when i t was learned that mine t a i l i n g s would be dumped into the lake. The major concern, however, was not over the d e t e r i o r a t i o n of r e c r e a t i o n a l or aesthetic values, but of contamination of Campbell River's drinking water supply. In.this regard, a spokesman for the P r o v i n c i a l P o l l u t i o n Control Board said i t was decided not to hold a p u b l i c hearing because "on the evidence presented, the Board was s a t i s f i e d that the usefulness of the water w i l l not be impaired" ( V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, November 5, 1966) . - 85 -The Western Mines operation proposed to dispose of 800 tons of t a i l i n g s d a i l y - these t a i l i n g s being comprised of f i n e l y ground waste rock containing cyanide and other poisonous chemicals. The process of disposal involved the mixing of these t a i l i n g s with water to form a s l u r r y , then treating t h i s mixture with chemicals to make the fine rock p a r t i c l e s f l o c c u l a t e , or clump together into larger and heavier p a r t i c l e s . Roughly 720,000 gallons of t h i s treated s l u r r y would then be pumped into the lake each day to a depth of 140 to 180 feet. In reviewing the proposed methods of dis p o s a l , the B.C. Research Council stated that the proposed system was based on inadequate and incomplete engineering data. They also suggested that game f i s h i n the lake may be s e r i o u s l y endangered by poisonous chemicals and g r i t t y p a r t i c l e s i n the water. In addition, i t was pointed out that there was the p o s s i b i l i t y that the disposal system might cause upflow currents that would carry s o l i d s up from the lake bottom (Myers, 19 66). Yet another topic of debate was the question of transporting ore from the mine s i t e up the length of Buttle Lake. While i t had o r i g i n a l l y been proposed to ship the ore up the lake, i t was f e l t that there may be a threat of o i l s p i l l a g e from boats, and trucking was then chosen as the more expedient of the two transportation a l t e r n a t i v e s . This decision resulted i n the construction - 86 -of approximately 20 miles of road along the Eastern shore of Buttle Lake. I t was also decided, by mine o f f i c i a l s , that a townsite should be located i n reasonable proximity to the mine. The mining company requested and received government permission to acquire the best lake frontage a v a i l a b l e , that area of Ralph Creek F l a t ; one of the few areas suitable for government campsites (Haig-Brown,1966). The construction of the mining s i t e i t s e l f had numerous requirements. One of the f i r s t pieces of equipment brought i n was a sawmill, since transportation costs ruled out importing basic b u i l d i n g materials. Also, because there was no e l e c t r i c i t y , the Company had to generate t h e i r own power. Tennent Lake, located 2,200 feet above the mine s i t e , was used for t h i s purpose by d r i l l i n g a 550 foot tunnel under the lake bottom and laying a 2 4 inch p i p e l i n e down the slope of Mt. Myra to a generation s t a t i o n ( V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, November 17, 1966). Shortly before commencing operations, yet another dispute arose, t h i s time over the p o s s i b i l i t y of an open p i t mining operation. A charge was l e v e l l e d i n the B.C. Legislature by Robert Strachan, then NDP Leader, that Western Mines had led the p u b l i c to believe that t h i s was to be a tunnel operation when i n fact i t was to be an open p i t mine ( V i c t o r i a Daily Times, November 17,1966). In truth, there was to be some open p i t mining, to the - 87 -extent of a 10 acre open p i t area where minerals were too close to the surface to warrant a tunnel, but with the bulk of the ore being mined using a tunnel operation. During the Western Mines controversy, a number of p u b l i c statements were made by Thomas E l l i o t t , manager of the B r i t i s h Columbia and Yukon Chamber of Mines. In March of 19 66, with reference to t h i s issue, he stated: A quick look at Vancouver Island shows that there are at present nine operating mines. Considering that each of these mines may occupy about 1000 acres of land (under actual development) the t o t a l acreage occupied by mines i s so i n f i n i t e s i m a l , i t i s obvious t h i s industry can never do any material damage to the surface of the land (Vancouver Sun, March 15, 19 66). The facts of the Myra Creek s i t u a t i o n would appear to b e l i e t h i s statement. In 1957, Strathcona was r e c l a s s i f i e d as Class "A" park, o f f e r i n g the maximum l e g i s l a t u r e protection available at that time ( B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette, A p r i l 18, 1957). Within three years, a single mining company con t r o l l e d 166 claims within the p u b l i c l y "protected" area. Four years l a t e r an Order i n Council was passed which allowed mining i n a l l parks, including Class "A" parks ( B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette, March 19, 1964). However, to be on the safe side, the government alt e r e d the park - 88 -status to Class "B", where "other resource use i s permitted" (B.C. Gazette, May 20, 1965). A few years ago, R.H. Ahrens, Parks Branch Director, described the Western Mines development: This requires a h y d r o - e l e c t r i c power development, a portable sawmill for p i t props, a t a i l i n g s d isposal s i t e , a mining m i l l town, m i l l e f f l u e n t disposal s i t e s , many roads, a camp, a town s i t e , barge shipping and tugs on a major lake, loading out works, then a highway through the park (along water grades) - a l l just for a. s t a r t e r . That 10 acre hole influences 100,000 acres of the choicest part of the park (Ahrens, 1968). A l l of these a c t i v i t i e s occurred with the approval and cooperation of the P r o v i n c i a l Government. Where l e g i s l a t i o n was too r e s t r i c t i v e i t was altered, removed, or ignored. Preservation of a natural environment was given lowest p r i o r i t y i n any considerations. The Western Mines operation i s s t i l l dumping i t s t a i l i n g s i n t o Buttle Lake and does not anticipate terminating t h i s p r a c t i c e for at least another year at which time wastes w i l l be used to f i l l the open p i t mine (Vancouver Sun, December 10th, 1971). At the same time further mining a c t i v i t i e s are being considered i n the Cream Lake area, an area containing the spectacular 1,451 foot Delia F a l l s . In addition, a larger area surrounding the present Western Mines operation has been set aside i n which claims may be staked without the approval of the Department of Recreation and Conservation. Nearly - 89 -NATURE CONSERVANCY Blocked areas depict Mining Claims and Tree Licences existing within the boundaries of Strathcona Park. STRATHCONA PROVINCIAL PARK. Map 3 - 90 -200 mining claims have been recorded i n t h i s area since 1964 (Ibid). While the p r o v i n c i a l government i s attempting to phase out most of the logging operations i n Strathcona Park, i t appears to be a case of too l i t t l e too l a t e with regard to wilderness conservation. Although the t o t a l s i t u a t i o n i s i n a state of continual change, Map 3 i l l u s t r a t e s a reasonably accurate assessment of the scope of present a c t i v i t i e s within Strathcona as of January,19 72. 2. Tweedsmuir P r o v i n c i a l Park The second park to be examined i s Tweedsmuir Park, the largest i n B r i t i s h Columbia, which was established i n 19 36, s e t t i n g aside 3,456,000 acres i n what was at that time a r e l a t i v e l y inaccessible area of West c e n t r a l B.C. (Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1936). This vast area contained a wide variety of geographical features and w i l d l i f e as well as several unique natural phenemena. One of these i s Humber F a l l s which of f e r s a spectacular display i n plunging a distance that has been variously estimated between 830 and 1200 feet (Lyons,1956,p.58). The f i r s t evidence of parks management i n Tweedsmuir was a r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of park status from Class "A" to "B" i n 19 40, producing a s i g n i f i c a n t reduction i n the degree of l e g i s l a t i v e protection (Statutes of - 91 -B r i t i s h Columbia, 1940). Presumably, t h i s status change was based on anticipated development of mining and hydro inte r e s t s that were becoming increasingly active i n the area. During the 1940's the government undertook a survey of the park "to locate, map, and photograph park a t t r a c t i o n s , e x i s t i n g improvements, means of access and t r a v e l , to lay a foundation for a master plan of development" (Vancouver Province, quoting Premier Hart, 19 44). From t h i s work a report was compiled by C P . Lyons that as of October 30th, 1970 was "not available for public d i s t r i b u t i o n or use"(Ahrens, quoted by B i r t w e l l , 1970). I t must be assumed that the contents of t h i s report were not consistent with the ensuing government p o l i c y . Hydro-electric p o t e n t i a l had been surveyed throughout the Province during the late 1920's with an eye to a t t r a c t i n g industry through the promise of a cheap and r e a d i l y accessible power supply (Birtwell,1970,p.15). The Aluminium Company of Canada became interested i n the power p o s s i b i l i t i e s e x i s t i n g within Tweedsmuir, s p e c i f i c a l l y i n the Ootsa Lake area, before World War I I , but d i d not pursue an active i n t e r e s t u n t i l shortly a f t e r the War. Amidst r e l a t i v e l y minimal protest, the flooding of Ootsa Lake and environs was c a r r i e d out i n 19 53, r a i s i n g the levels of the lakes i n excess of 200 feet (Barteaux,1953). A double loss was i n f l i c t e d through the govern-ment's apparent d i s i n t e r e s t , or ignorance of, e c o l o g i c a l - 92 -damage and loss of timber and land revenues. Before the granting of the license to flood, there was no close survey made of timber and other resources, nor was any provision made for damage of Crown Assets i n the form of present and future timber products (Vancouver Sun, October 30, 19 70). According to the license issued, Alcan was to clea r and make useable, to water l e v e l , a l l public roads and t r a i l ends up to a t o t a l cost, but not to exceed $250,000.00. (Barteaux, 1953). Loss of timber revenues due to flooding were estimated at $15 m i l l i o n by Walter Wilson, Highway Secretary at Burns Lake (Lyons, 1956). In 1953, Robert Sommers, then Lands and Forests Minister, stated i n the B.C. Legislature that the Alcan project "has cost the people of B r i t i s h Columbia an estimated loss i n w i l d l i f e of $2,500,000.00 plus a loss i n lake value of $23,488,000.00" (Vancouver Province, March 10, 1953). The economic v i a b i l i t y of t h i s timber may be attested to by the fact that under-water logging i s currently taking place i n Ootsa Lake (Vancouver Sun, October 30, 19 70). In 19 70, 17 years from the date of the o r i g i n a l flooding, Ootsa Lake remained a scene of chaos: the vast p r o l i f e r a t i o n of standing trees - submerged or protruding, dead-heads and f l o a t i n g debris have ruined the recr e a t i o n a l value of the lakes (Vancouver Sun, September 19,1970). I t i s d i f f i c u l t to give a d e f i n i t i v e assessment of the t o t a l damage caused by such flooding as so many of the e f f e c t s are secondary. Certain r i v e r s , for exampl the Nechaka, l o s t most of t h e i r water, thus a f f e c t i n g vegetation, nesting grounds for geese and ducks, and the numerous other w i l d l i f e that are dependent upon the regular cycles of nature. The extensive flooding with the resultant drainage disruption and channel clogging have e f f e c t i v e l y ruined the q u a l i t y of much of the lake system of Northern Tweedsmuir (Greenwood, 1968,p.37). In June of 19 55, two years a f t e r the flooding of Ootsa Lake, a Government Order i n Council reduced the size of Tweedsmuir Park by 1,156,500 acres, s t a t i n g that "the above described lands are now considered unsuitable for park purposes" ( B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette, June 30, 1955). By 1967 a great deal of mining a c t i v i t y was taking place within the park, and the government responded i n two d i r e c t i o n s . They f i r s t created the Eutsak Nature Conservancy Area which gave optimum protection, a l b e i t i n a Class "B" park, to 629^300 acres of land i n the Northern portion of Tweedsmuir (Statutes of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967). At the same time, however, the rest of the park was placed into Category 6, which i s a park "established for two or more purposes" (Ibid, 1965). In 1970 Rainbow Nature Conservancy was created, encompassing 121,900 acres i n the South of the Park (Ibid - 94 -TWEEDSMUIR PROVINCIAL PARK. Map 4 - 95 -19 70) . This now meant, that there were only two areas within Tweedsmuir (containing a t o t a l of 751,200 acres) that were afforded any s i g n i f i c a n t protective l e g i s l a t i o n . In e f f e c t , the remaining 548,300 acres of Class "B", Category 6 land, are park i n name only, leaving less than one quarter of the o r i g i n a l l y designated 3,456,000 acres as legitimate park land. The d i s s e c t i o n of Tweedsmuir i s disheartening not so much for what i t presently i s , but for what i t might have been. However, i t i s s t i l l an immense park containing many magnificant and unique features. Although many mining inte r e s t s are active within the park, only three have been s u f f i c i e n t l y encouraged by t h e i r finds to hold park use permits for development work (Ahrens, 19 70c). A major obstacle to active mining has been the extreme i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y of promising areas. Presumably, t h i s i s one of the factors that has l i m i t e d logging to a r e l a t i v e l y small area on the highway to B e l l a Coola. A f i n a l encouraging note for Tweedsmuir i s the proposed Hunlen Nature Conservancy. This i s an extremely rugged area, 189,400 acres i n s i z e , and situated e n t i r e l y on a high plateau. The area i s thought to be so rugged and inaccessible that the Parks Branch anticipates access w i l l only be possible by f l o a t plane (Personal communication with Parks Branch, 1972). The Hunlen Nature Conservancy would be a most valuable addition to the P r o v i n c i a l Parks System and would rais e the t o t a l of l e g i s l a t e d wilderness i n the form of Nature Conservancies within Tweedsmuir .to 940 ,600 acres. Conclusions: Because of the terms of the B r i t i s h North America Act, v i r t u a l l y a l l of the lands within the Province are under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Government of B r i t i s h Columbia. Thus, any e f f o r t s by the Federal Government to e s t a b l i s h national parks require the f u l l cooperation of the province involved. Any province would be reluctant to r e l i n q u i s h control of i t s lands for a number of reasons. F i r s t and foremost i s the possible loss of revenue from natural resources that would be "locked up" i n a national park. For example, i n 19 64, Premier Bennett turned down an o f f e r from Ottawa of $10 m i l l i o n to develop G a r i b a l d i Park on the grounds that "to accept t h e i r o f f e r would mean giving up the mineral and timber resources of Garibald (Vancouver Sun, February 19, 1964). On a more d i r e c t and immediate l e v e l i s the matter of payment for p r o v i n c i a l lands. I t i s highly doubtful that the Federal government would be prepared to pay the p r i c e that the p r o v i n c i a l government would deem s u f f i c i e n t . A much more suit a b l e procedure for the p r o v i n c i a l government i s the establishment of a p r o v i n c i a l park. The e n t i r e park would now be subject to p r o v i n c i a l parks l e g i s l a t i o n which i s neither so rigorous nor protection-oriented as i t s federal counterpart. Also, should i t be - 97-expedient, the park's status or boundaries may be changed, or the park removed altogether, simply through the actions of the Lieutenant Governor i n Council. Whether or not the two l e v e l s of government w i l l be able to cooperate and agree on any large-scale land a c q u i s i t i o n s should become known within the next few years as the Federal Government attempts to expand i t s park system. While the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of some form of wilderness l e g i s l a t i o n at the federal l e v e l are not overwhelming, they appear much more l i k e l y than any i n d i v i d u a l action at the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l . Alhtough steps have been taken i n the d i r e c t i o n of wilderness preservation they are not such strong measures as they might at f i r s t appear. Such hopes have rested on the establishment of Nature Conservancy Areas which were l e g i s l a t e d f o r i n 1964. However, while the t o t a l acreage contained within these areas i s f a i r l y impressive (1,623,726 acres) over 97% of t h i s area l i e s within Class "B" parks, o f f e r i n g only l i m i t e d protection. The sing l e area r e c e i v i n g the maximum protection of Class "A" Status as well as designation as a Nature Conservancy i s the Black Tusk Nature Conservancy which contains only 44,0 32 acres. This represents only 0.018% of the t o t a l area of the Province that i s r e c e i v i n g maximum l e g i s l a t i v e protection and may be viewed as being t r u l y dedicated to wilderness preservation. - 98 -The great weakness of B r i t i s h Columbia's P r o v i n c i a l parks l e g i s l a t i o n l i e s with i t s great f l e x i b i l i t y whereby any park may be changed or t o t a l l y removed by the Lieutenant Governor i n Council. Supporters of t h i s p o l i c y f e e l that t h i s f l e x i b i l i t y o f f e r s the best of both worlds to be able "to have our parks and eat them too". However, t h i s development through economic expediency cannot be regarded as being compatible with wilderness preservation, despite the reassurances of Thomas E l l i o t t who t e l l s us that: There w i l l always be plenty of wilderness... mile a f t e r mile of snow-capped mountains that do not possess any resource that can be u t i l i z e d by man except, p o s s i b i l y , timber i n the valleys (Vancouver Province, March 30th, 1966). The h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia's P r o v i n c i a l Parks p o l i c y would seem to indicate that, without dramatic change, the government w i l l continue to pursue those p o l i c i e s which are most expedient for the immediate future. In doing so, they w i l l be severely l i m i t i n g the number of alternatives remaining for present and future c i t i z e n s of B r i t i s h Columbia. - 99 -CHAPTER 5 DETERMINATION OF WILDERNESS DISTRIBITION Introduction Before discussing the various facets involved i n determining the d i s t r i b u t i o n of wilderness, b r i e f mention should be made concerning the objectives and expectations of such an exercise. F i r s t , i t should be made clear that two d i s t i n c t s ituations are being examined, one dealing with v/ilderness change over time and the other involving a more det a i l e d analysis of the present d i s t r i b u t i o n of wilderness. There are a number of r e s u l t s to be obtained, d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y , from an examination of changing wilderness d i s t r i b u t i o n over time. C l e a r l y , each period of time examined w i l l not only indicate the dominant wilderness areas, but also those areas of development. I t i s a c t u a l l y these non-wilderness areas that are being examined, while those areas with no v i s i b l e evidence of s i g n i f i c a n t human a c t i v i t y are classed as v/ilderness, or more accurately as po t e n t i a l wilderness. In addition, for each time period i t should be possible to i d e n t i f y i n general terms the predatory forces responsible for the destruction of wilderness. I t would be expected that these forces would vary between time periods r e f l e c t i n g change - 100 -in economic growth or government p o l i c y , or the introduction of a new te c h n i c a l innovation. Observations made at th i s stage could also be u t i l i z e d i n assessing possible trends i n future wilderness a l i e n a t i o n . Another obvious r e s u l t to be obtained from t h i s model i s the ascertation of the rate of wilderness depletion. Again, t h i s information may be used to f a c i l i t a t e estimates of future a l i e n a t i o n s . Certain patterns of development may be observed and general forecasts made when these patterns recur, as for example with the introduction of a railway to a region. I t would also be hoped that an accurate assessment of the rate of wilderness depletion would act as at lea s t a mild incentive to p o l i c y decisions in the d i r e c t i o n of wilderness preservation. A more intensive examination of the present wilderness d i s t r i b u t i o n should y i e l d many of the same types of relationships indicated from the study of d i s t r i b u t i o n s over time. As well as noting the present negating forces, those developments that have been proposed w i l l be presented, o f f e r i n g room for some speculation as to future p o s s i b i l i t i e s for wilderness preservation. This more intensive mapping w i l l also provide a means of assessing the accuracy of the e a r l i e r , more generalized mappings. - 101 -By i t s very d e f i n i t i o n wilderness i s c l o s e l y related to the l e v e l of a c c e s s i b i l i t y , or more p r e c i s e l y , to the lack of a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The degree to which t h i s i s true may be examined at various time periods, noting the general sequence of development with r e l a t i o n to a c c e s s i b i l i t y . For example, r e l a t i v e l y inaccessible areas such as those possessing mountainous t e r r a i n , would be expected to remain as wilderness for a longer period than f l a t t e r , more navigable country. However, as the cost per resource unit r i s e s , the more immediately accessible and presumably diminishing resources become less p r o f i t a b l e and i t becomes more economically expedient to construct transportation l i n k s to areas containing higher concentrations of resources. An examination of the c o r r e l a t i o n between the d i s t r i b u t i o n of wilderness and elevation would give some i n s i g h t into the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the rate of wilderness depreciation and the degree of a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The substantiation of such a r e l a t i o n s h i p would lend support to the generally subjective and widely held notion that wilderness preservation i s large l y a case of what i s l e f t over a f t e r the e x p l o i t a t i o n of resources. In other words, i t i s speculated that the great majority of p o t e n t i a l wilderness l i e s i n those areas of higher elevations. D e f i n i t i o n s The various d i f f i c u l t i e s involved i n e s t a b l i s h i n g - 102 -an acceptable d e f i n i t i o n of wilderness have already been discussed i n Chapters 2 and 3 i n which three possible approaches were presented. The f i r s t of these e n t a i l e d a l a r g e l y subjective personal d e f i n i t i o n i n which the i n d i v i d u a l was free to in t e r p r e t wilderness according to his own personal conceptions and fe e l i n g s . Another al t e r n a t i v e was the app l i c a t i o n of a rigorous d e f i n i t i o n that e x p l i c i t l y stated the required attributes of a wilderness area. A f i n a l choice was offered through Nash's concept of a spectrum of environments ranging from the urban centre to absolute wilderness (Nash, 19 67, p.6). Numerous d e f i n i t i o n s of wilderness have been made at various times, many more poetic than p r a c t i c a l l y applicable. There i s more to wilderness than merely an area not perceptably al t e r e d by man. A common phrase used by wilderness advocates i s the "wilderness experience" a phrase that i s meant to encompass a multitude of p h y s i c a l , psychological, emotional and s p i r i t u a l sensations. I t i s not possible to sample a wilderness experience i n 5000 acres of p r i s t i n e forest i f at the same time one can hear cars and trucks passing on a nearby highway. There i s d e f i n i t e l y a size requirement for the wilderness experience. Robert Marshall's wilderness contains no permanent possesses no p o s s i b i l i t y of inhabitants, conveyance by - 103 -mechanical means, and i s s u f f i c i e n t l y spacious that a person crossing i t must have the experience of sleeping out (Marshall, 1969, p. x i i ) . While such a d e f i n i t i o n i s c l e a r l y not s u f f i c i e n t l y e x p l i c i t to allow designation of an area as wilderness i t does include some of the basic ingredients of wilderness. A more rigorously encompassing d e f i n i t i o n was presented by B r i t i s h Columbia's P r o v i n c i a l Parks Branch: These are large areas embracing completely natural, undeveloped portions of the Province. Wilderness parks should, i f possible, include i n s p i r a t i o n a l landscapes r e p r e s e n t i t i v e of the major physiographic d i v i s i o n s of the Province. Wilderness parks preserve undisturbed natural environments so that the park v i s i t o r may observe the t r a n q u i l i t y of, and gain i n s p i r a t i o n from a natural atmosphere. They occur, not necessarily where we would l i k e to have them but where nature put them. A recommended minimum size i s 100,000 acres. C e r t a i n l - they must be large enough to exclude the sounds and sights of what we term c i v i l i z a t i o n . In B.C. parks as small as 30,000 acres are being considered as wilderness areas. While the number of v i s i t o r s i s small, wilderness atmosphere might be maintained i n such an area, but with increasing p a r t i c i p a t i o n of wilderness enjoymen-, the larger minimum acreage i s advisable ( B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Recreation and Conservation, 1963) . Any d e f i n i t i o n chosen must f u l f i l l two basic requirements; i t must ensure that wilderness values do e x i s t within an area; and that i t i s defined i n such a way that i t may be used for purposes of a mapping. With minor a l t e r a t i o n s , the d e f i n i t i o n chosen for t h i s - 104 -study i s that used by the Wildland Research Centre, which st i p u l a t e s the following c r i t e r i a f or a wilderness area: 1. Not less than 100,000 acres i n extent; 2. Containing no roads: (a) Constructed for passenger car t r a f f i c , i n mountainous t e r r a i n ; (b) Suitable for passenger car t r a f f i c , i n deserts or p l a i n s ; 3. E x i s t i n g as a single unit with boundaries reasonably free of indentation; 4. With i t s succession of major e c o l o g i c a l stages not interrupted by on-site human influences, except that: (a) E f f e c t s of domestic livestock are acceptable; (b) E f f e c t s of s e l e c t i v e logging before 1920 are acceptable east of the 9 8th meridian; (c) E c o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s of f i r e suppression are acceptable i n a l l areas. (Outdoor Recreation Resource Review Commission,1962,p.26). This does not represent the d e f i n i t i o n i n i t s en t i r e t y , for a number of additions are made which allow a broader i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , as for example, i n permitting 7 the existence of ce r t a i n mountain roads that are only passable with a four-wheel drive v e h i c l e . As pointed out i n the Wildland /Research Centre Study, these and s i m i l a r allowances are necessary to ensure that an adequate amount of land may be designated as wilderness: many of the present values of wilderness t r a c t s depend not on what the land i s but what i t appears to be be - on, perhaps, the i l l u s i o n of a primeval landscape. E c o l o g i c a l studies i n a l l parts of the country demonstrate that there i s no undisturbed landscape l e f t i n the United States, except pernaps i n Alaska. The d e f i n i t i o n on which t h i s study i s based recognizes t h i s fact i n s t i p u l a t i n g that a Wilderness Tract be e s s e n t i a l l y free of the more v i s i b l e forms of human influence (Ibid., P.27). - 105 -In other words, t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n f a l l s short of the extreme end of the spectrum that represents pure wilderness. The preceding d e f i n i t i o n s h a l l now be rephrased to accommodate the intentions of t h i s study and the p a r t i c u l a r conditions of B r i t i s h Columbia. The f i r s t s t i p u l a t i o n i s that a wilderness area contain not less than 100,000 acres. The reasons for t h i s s i z e have already been given; preservation of e c o l o g i c a l u n i t s , freedom from various forms of p o l l u t i o n - i n summary, large enough to allow a wilderness experience. Admittedly, the choice of a 100,000 acre si z e requirement i s , of necessity, somewhat a r b i t r a r y . Over the years, various i n d i v i d u a l s and organizations have advocated s i z e requirements ranging from 5,000 to 500,000 acres (Ibid, p.18). In general, howver, these smaller areas were oriented more towards e c o l o g i c a l reserves and preservation of p a r t i c u l a r natural phenomena. The p r i n c i p a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s the a b i l i t y to provide a wilderness experience. C l e a r l y there w i l l be p h y s i c a l conditions, such as i n c e r t a i n mountainous t e r r a i n s , i n which an area of less than 100,000 acres would provide excellent wilderness conditions, while at the same time cert a i n f l a t , highly accessible areas, such as tundra, would require more than the defined minimum. It i s thought that 100,000 acres i s a reasonable estimate required for most conditions, although undoubtedly arguments could be leg i t i m a t e l y forwarded to increase or decrease t h i s figure, e s p e c i a l l y with regard to p a r t i c u l a r areas. - 106 -The second requirement i s that a wilderness area s h a l l contain no roads. The Wildland Research Centre d e f i n i t i o n does i n fact allow roads which i t feels "do not s i g n i f i c a n t l y detract from wilderness values, e i t h e r because they are closed to public entry and are of low standards or because they r e s u l t from pe r s i s t e n t use by all-wheel vehicles but involve no construction" (Ibid. .p. 26) . For a number of reasons, that are to be given, t h i s study w i l l not allow evidence of any roads to be permitted within i t s d e f i n i t i o n of wilderness. I t i s e x p l i c i t within the P r o v i n c i a l Parks Branch d e f i n i t i o n that wilderness i s a "roadless t r a c t , " a feature that i s consistent with the writings of v i r t u a l l y a l l wilderness advocates. At a more p r a c t i c a l l e v e l , i t i s also doubtful that with the available research sources,the p r i m i t i v e types of roads to which the Wildland Research Centre alludes could be located within B r i t i s h Columbia. The extent to which a road negates wilderness c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s also a subject open to debate. At present, the National Parks Branch of Canada designates a two mile corridor on e i t h e r side of a highway to serve as a buffer for wildeness, although t h i s distance i s regarded as minimal by several writers. Jim T h o r s e l l , for example, feels that a two mile buffer i s inadequate, c i t i n g a personal instance i n which truck and t r a i n t r a f f i c , could be heard a distance of four miles into a wilderness area (Thorsell, 1969,p.10). - 10 7 -In t h i s study, a l l of those roads located on the p a r t i c u l a r maps indicated, have been treated equally, that i s , an allowance has been made of three to four miles on e i t h e r side of any given roadway. Cert a i n l y , there w i l l be numerous examples of discrepancies i n such a system, as for example, between a four lane freeway and an abscure back road. However, while the major highway network generates a p o t e n t i a l l y much more destructive force i n terms of t o t a l t r a f f i c flows, i t does not, by i t s e l f , alienate s i g n i f i c a n t l y more land than a logging road. What the more intensive-use roadway does generate i s a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of smaller access roads. I t i s anticipated that the vast majority of both of these types w i l l be e i t h e r located from maps or included within the three to four mile c o r r i d o r . Although other transportation networks and c e r t a i n resource developments generally overlap the highway networks, t h e i r i n c l u s i o n i s necessary to pick up the exceptions to t h i s r u l e . For example, where railways do not coincide with highways, they have been treated i n a s i m i l a r manner, that i s , with the provision of a three to four mile corridor on e i t h e r side of the railway r i g h t -of-way. A s i m i l a r approach i s used for o i l and gas p i p e l i n e s and power l i n e s . Another s i g n i f i c a n t force that e f f e c t i v e l y eliminates wilderness values i s the construction of reservoirs for the generation of h y d r o - e l e c t r i c power. The e f f e c t s of the resultant flooding for these projects can be quite - 108 -extensive, notably i n an e c o l o g i c a l context. However, for purposes of t h i s study, a l i e n a t i o n of lands for wilderness purposes s h a l l only include those lands actually flooded. I t was also required that a wilderness area e x i s t as a single unit with boundaries reasonably free of indentations. Again, t h i s i s a question of personal judgment as i t would be extremely d i f f i c u l t to define t h i s requirement i n objective terms. However, i t i s probably safe to assume that a wilderness area must be at least 6 or 7 miles i n width. Judgments would also be based upon the o v e r a l l size of the prospective wilderness as well as i t s general locat i o n . The f i n a l required a t t r i b u t e was that the area have i t s major e c o l o g i c a l stages uninterrupted by on-s i t e human influences. An exception to t h i s rule was that the e c o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s of f i r e suppression are acceptable i n a l l areas, an exception that w i l l also be accepted for t h i s study both for reasons of l i m i t a t i o n s of research sources and the complex, often ambiguous role played by forest f i r e s . This l a t t e r point refers to the fact that there i s a good deal of debate as to whether forest f i r e s should be allowed to run t h e i r natural course within a wilderness area or whether these f i r e s should be c o n t r o l l e d . - 109 -An even more ambiguous problem arises with the second exception given by the Wildland Research Centre; that i s , the a c c e p t a b i l i t y of s e l e c t i v e logging before 1920 i n the Eastern United States. I t i s v i r t u a l l y impossible to determine such information for B r i t i s h Columbia. While dates could be ascertained for some areas, even approximate dates for a majority of the Province would be a project greatly exceeding the scope of t h i s paper. A l i e n a t i o n of areas through logging w i l l necessarily be an area of uncertainty. Wildland Research Centre also stated that the e f f e c t s of domestic li v e s t o c k are acceptable i n wilderness areas. With respect to the present study, t h i s p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t y does not seem compatible with wilderness c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , although on a p r a c t i c a l l e v e l , i t i s not expected that c a t t l e grazing would be a discernable a c t i v i t y . B r i e f l y then, and p r i n c i p a l l y for purposes of physical i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , - a wilderness area w i l l be defined as: 1. Containing not less than 100,000 acres; 2. Containing no roads; 3. E x i s t i n g as a single unit with boundaries reasonably free of indentation; 4. With i t s succession of major e c o l o g i c a l stages uninterrupted by on-site human influence. These influences include a c t i v i t i e s such as mining, logging, - 110 -p i p e l i n e s , powerlines, and reservoirs f o r h y d r o - e l e c t r i c power. The single exception i s that the e c o l o g i c a l e f f e c t s of f i r e suppression are acceptable. Before proceeding any further, several assumptions that have been made should be c l a r i f i e d and made more e x p l i c i t . F i r s t , Wilderness, as defined up to t h i s point, f a l l s s l i g h t l y short of the "absolute wilderness" end of the spectrum. This occurs for a number of reasons, larg e l y related to the scope of the study. I f a s i n g l e , 100,000 acre area were being examined to determine whether or not i t were wilderness, i t would be reasonable to include several additional factors, primarily of an e c o l o g i c a l nature. This i s not possible for the en t i r e Province, nor i s i t i n t o t a l agreement with the intent of the study. By increasing the degree of refinement, paradoxically one also increases the opportunities for dispute. In a s i m i l a r vein there are several data l i m i t a t i o n s when dealing with the whole Province; data sources not only being l i m i t e d , but also inconsistent over time. While i t i s d i f f i c u l t to state absolutely that the i d e n t i f i e d areas are wilderness, i t i s possible, within the l i m i t s of technical competence exercised, to p o s i t i v e l y i d e n t i f y those areas that are not wilderness. Thus, the resultant mapping i s not i n fact one of wilderness and non-wilderness, but of possible wilderness and non-wilderness. - I l l -Any refinement of d e f i n i t i o n or of research sources can only reduce the amount of possible wilderness. The erosion of wilderness i s thus presented as a one-way process. Approaches to Mapping the Wilderness 1. Sampling For some time the question of determining the d i s t r i b u t i o n of wilderness throughout B r i t i s h Columbia was regarded as a resource sampling problem. For a number of reasons t h i s approach was eventually abandoned i n favor of a mapping procedure. There are two basic d i f f i c u l t i e s r elated to the peculiar c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of wilderness that prevent the d i r e c t u t i l i z a t i o n or adaptation of e x i s t i n g sampling theory i n the f i e l d s of geology and fore s t r y (Krumbein and G r a y b i l l , 1965). Both problems are rela t e d to c e r t a i n d e f i n i t i o n a l requirements of wilderness, namely the minimum size s t i p u l a t i o n and the semi-indeterminate nature of the resource. Wilderness i s decribed as being semi-indeterminate i n nature not only because of i t s subjective a t t r i b u t e s , but also because of i t s minimum size requirements. This means that i t i s impossible to examine any areal u n i t of less than 100,000 acres and state that any or a l l of t h i s area i s wilderness. At best i t may be described as non-wilderness should i t possess a s u f f i c i e n t quantity of negating forces or, lacking any of these negating features, - 112 -the area may be c l a s s i f i e d as p o t e n t i a l wilderness. This same reasoning also dictates that no such area (of fewer than 100,000 acres) may be said to contain a c e r t a i n percentage of wilderness. Even should the area of examination be expanded, to say 500,000 acres, the same problem arises -ignorance of land c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s outside of the chosen area. While there may be a wilderness area t o t a l l y self-contained within t h i s 500,000 acre area, there also e x i s t s the strong l i k l i h o o d that at l e a s t some portion of the remainder can only be described as p o t e n t i a l wilderness and therefore no accurate percentage of. wilderness may be assigned. The fact that a wilderness area may contain not less than 100,000 acres, but may contain considerably more, introduces a var i e t y of problems. The most fundamental of these i s the s e l e c t i o n of sampling u n i t s . There are two basic choices i n assigning sampling units - the use of points or of areal u n i t s . The former would involve a random se l e c t i o n of points from a v i r t u a l l y i n f i n i t e population and the expansion of the area around these points to include no fewer than 100,000 acres. The d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered here are e s s e n t i a l l y the same ones c i t e d previosly. L i t t l e can be said for any area less than the required minimum, while at the same time a larger area leaves at lea s t as much e f f e c t i v e l y undefined area. A suggested solution i n t h i s regard has been that any point that has been expanded to 100,000 acres and remains undefined, be further expanded to the extent of definable - 113 -wilderness. There e x i s t c e r t a i n areas i n the North of the Province that would then e n t a i l the examination of upwards of 10,000 square miles. While not so severe, this problem would also e x i s t i n the South, with the r e s u l t that within a very short time the supposed advantages of sampling would be t o t a l l y l o s t as the "sampling" came to more clos e l y resemble an inventory. The u t i l i z a t i o n of areas to serve as sampling units would involve two basic alternatives - units of 100,000 acres or larger. The former would be useful only in those cases i n which the area could be described as either t o t a l l y wilderness or t o t a l l y non-wilderness. In a p i l o t project, based on the estimated d i s t r i b u t i o n of wilderness, this procedure was used and i t was found that greater than 40% of the sample units were undefined, that i s , they lay i n both wilderness and non-wilderness areas. It would also be possible to use sample units of varying sizes greater than 100,000 acres, although as has been pointed out t h i s approach leaves as much, i f not more area, undefined. Given these fundamental obstacles, there i s l i t t l e point i n elaborating on the various s p e c i f i c samplii procedures that were considered - with one exception. A general f i e l d of enquiry o f f e r i n g some hope of success was that involving subjective p r o b a b i l i t y ( H i r s c h l e i f e r , 1961). B a s i c a l l y , the f i r s t involves the assignment of a - 114 -c e r t a i n a p r i o r i p r o b a b i l t y d i s t r i b u t i o n t h a t d e s c r i b e s the decision-maker's s t a t e o f i n f o r m a t i o n or degree of b e l i e f as to the s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t c o n c e i v a b l e v a l u e s t h a t the unknown parameter may take. These i n i t i a l v a l u e s are then combined wi t h sample evidence taken from the s u b j e c t of i n v e s t i g a t i o n to form a p o s t e r i o r p r o b a b i l i t y d i s t r i b u t i o n t h a t then d e s c r i b e s the stae of knowledge at t h a t p o i n t . For thos p a r t i c u l a r study the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a p r i o r i v a l u e s would not be d i f f i c u l t u s i n g any one o f s e v e r a l techniques based on g e n e r a l mapped data such as road networks. However, the problems of sampling remain l a r g e l y the same, f u l f i l l i n g the requirements of minimum s i z e and d e f i n i n g o p e r a t i v e boundaries. Most of the major o b s t a c l e s i n v o l v e d i n d e t e r m i n i n g the d i s t r i b u t i o n of w i l d e r n e s s through sampling have been c i t e d b r i e f l y i n t h i s s e c t i o n . These s p e c i f i c d i f f i c u l t i e s , coupled with the p h y s i c a l r e a l i t i e s a f f e c t i n g the b a s i c i n t e n t of t h i s paper to examine w i l d e r n e s s d i s t r i b u t i o n over time, d i c t a t e d t h a t some approach o t h e r than sampling be employed. T h i s does not say t h a t no form o f sampling i s a p p r o p r i a t e or f e a s i b l e f o r a p p l i c a t i o n to t h i s problem. I t does say, t h a t w i t h i n the range of c r i t e r i a , and understanding of w i l d e r n e s s used i n the c o n t e x t of t h i s paper, t h a t sampling i s not the bes t s o l u t i o n to the g i v e n problem. At the same time, however, i t should be p o i n t e d out t h a t g i v e n somewhat d i f f e r e n t c r i t e r i a as a p p l i e d to w i l d e r n e s s , o r as a p p l i e d t o some oth e r r e s o u r c e , some form of subjective p r o b a b i l i t y may be e f f e c t i v e l y applied. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , promise was indicated i n the r e l a t e d area of pattern recognition, an avenue of i n v e s t i g a t i o n suggested by Mr. K.G. Denike who offered a work by Kenneth Abend as a sub-stantive reference i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n (Abend, 1966) . 2. A c c e s s i b i l i t y Another approach was considered that involved the d i r e c t adaptation of an a c c e s s i b i l i t y model (Wills, 1971). W i l l s defined the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of a place as the q u a l i t y of i t s location r e l a t i v e to the entire system of places and high-ways being considered. The method of analysis involved three components: a link-importance index, masses associated with the nodes (centers of population), and the gravity model. Such an approach was r e a d i l y adaptable to defining wilderness, s p e c i f i c a l l y through u t i l i z i n g Nash's concept of a spectrum of environments ranging from the densely populated urban center to absolut wilderness. Thus, a c c e s s i b i l i t y as used by Wil l s serves as a most s a t i s f a c t o r y surrogate for degrees of wilderness, with those most inaccessible areas depicting the wilderness being considered i n t h i s study. The r e s u l t s of t h i s analysis could then be presented e i t h e r two or three-dimen-s i o n a l l y i n the form of i s o l i n e s i n d i c a t i n g the degree of a c c e s s i b i l i t y of an area. - 116 -This model was applied using 100 nodes to cover the entire Province and included weightings for four categories of road q u a l i t y . In general, the results were encouraging, giving r e l a t i v e l y accurate assessments of the two extremes, areas of very high a c c e s s i b i l i t y and areas of very low a c c e s s i b i l i t y . For t h i s p a r t i c u l a r case, ten categories of a c c e s s i b i l i t y were defined, that i s , ten levels of i s o l i n e s were depicted. Necessarily, most areas f e l l somewhere in betv/een the two extremes, which i n i t s e l f does not constitute an overwhelming problem. The chief objection to this approach was the lack of refinement of scale, a problem that could presumably be overcome through the addition of many more nodes. While this a l t e r n a t i v e was viewed favourably as an i n d i c a t e r of general trends, i t did not o f f e r an adequate degree of resolution and thus was not used. Again, as i n the case of sampling, there was evidence that an a c c e s s a b i l i t y model might prove useful either by i t s e l f or to supplement'some other approach. 3. Wilderness Mapping Having rejected those approaches previously cited , as well as certain others, i t was ultimately decided that the most appropriate method was a simple mapping based on conventional map sources as produced by the P r o v i n c i a l and Federal Governments. It warrants repeating that any wilderness mapping considered i s i n fact a mapping of the - 117 -antithesis of wilderness, that i s , those features that preclude the existence of wilderness, while the remaining area i s best regarded as p o t e n t i a l or possible wilderness. Thus, while these areas of possible wilderness w i l l usually be referred to as simply wilderness, i n point of fact they represent the absolute maximum amount of possible wilderness. More de t a i l e d examination may only reduce thi s quantity as the degree of uncertainty i s decreased. Those areas designated as non-wilderness are areas about which knowledge i s c e r t a i n , i n the context of this study, while the remainder must be viewed as areas of uncertainty, areas about which knowledge i s incomplete. The manner i n which these wilderness, or non-wilderness mappings were c a r r i e d out has already been b r i e f l y described under the heading of D e f i n i t i o n s i n this Chapter. The mapping was b a s i c a l l y a sequential examination of the negating features. That i s , a l l of those forces which destroy wilderness values were i d e n t i f i e d and mapped i n turn so that each force and extent of i t s influence could be r e a d i l y evaluated. In p h y s i c a l terms th i s involved an allowance of three to four miles on eit h e r side of any roadways, railways, gas or o i l pipelines and powerlines. Areas within these corridors were c l a s s i f i e d as non-wilderness. S i m i l a r l y , those areas serving as reservoirs for hydro-e l e c t r i c power were designated as non-wilderness. - 118 -As well as determining the present d i s t r i b u t i o n of wilderness in B r i t i s h Columbia, i t was also the inten t i o n of this study to examine changes i n this d i s t r i b u t i o n over time. While i t may have been convenient for comparative purposes to compile this information for regular ten or f i f t e e n year i n t e r v a l s , t h i s i s not possible and data must be accepted for those dates a v a i l a b l e . A second problem related to the c o l l e c t i o n of data i s the matter of consistency. To be of any value for comparative purposes, a l l map sources should be reasonably consistent i n terms of the degree of refinement. This condition prevents the use of any large-scale maps - f i r s t , because t h e i r time of issuance greatly v a r i e s , and second, because these maps are simply not available for e a r l i e r years. The most appropriate and feasi b l e data sources were chosen to be the comprehensive maps of the entir e Province as produced by the P r o v i n c i a l Government. The dates selected, largely on the basis of a v a i l a b i l i t y , were 1923, 1937, 1948, 1957 and 1970. The second phase of inv e s t i g a t i o n concerned a more detailed analysis of the contemporary (1970) d i s t r i b u t i o n of wilderness u t i l i z i n g a dditional data sources. The benefits derived from t h i s more i n t e n s i f i e d examination are twofold: i t presents a more precise appraisal of the current wilderness d i s t r i b u t i o n , and i t serves as a form of benchmark by which to evaluate the r e l a t i v e accuracy of those maps - 119 -used i n e s t a b l i s h i n g changing wilderness patterns over time. The f i r s t step beyond the re s u l t s obtained u t i l i z i n g a s i n g l e , full-Province coverage map, was an examination of the National Topographic Series of maps at a scale of 1:250,000 with a l l addi t i o n a l data being mapped on top of the o r i g i n a l general r e s u l t for 19 70. The problem of consistency of data sources i s well i l l u s t r a t e d at th i s stage with publication dates for maps ranging from 1952 to 1970. The resultant mapping of t h i s exercise was then broken into a g r i d based on lines of l a t i t u d e and longtidude and the percentage of wilderness was calculated for each unit area. A s t r a t i f i e d ramdom sample was then undertaken,.; drawing a single unit area from each of 22 h o r i z o n t a l l y defined rows. T h e o r e t i c a l l y , each of these twenty two sample units would then be subjected to a more intensive analysis, the new percentage of wilderness per unit area calculated, and a table of r e s i d u a l values compiled, the re s i d u a l being simply the difference between the new and old percentages. In practice i t was not possible to examine a l l 22 samples, as map sources used, i n this case land status maps, were only available up to the 56th p a r a l l e l of l a t i t u d e . The p r i n c i p a l objective i n the analysis of residuals was to make note of any obvious trends i n r e s i d u a l sizes and to i d e n t i f y those features which accounted for the greatest degree of ignorance, that i s , those predatory - 120 -forces that were responsible for the largest r e s i d u a l s . Presumably those areas with small residuals do not require further input to e s t a b l i s h a reasonably accurate assessment of t h e i r true content. This allows more research e f f o r t s to be concentrated on those areas with larger residuals and provides an optimum a l l o c a t i o n of research resources. Although cer t a i n additional areas were subjected to more intensive study, t h e i r i n c l u s i o n was intended more as i l l u s t r a t i o n than as an extension to a general methodology and as such were simply included within the r e s u l t s . - 121 -CHAPTER 6 WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION Introduction Several assumptions underlying the methodology of t h i s study should be c l a r i f i e d before the various re s u l t s are presented. F i r s t , t h i s study does not presume to present a f u l l y accurate portrayal of the wilderness d i s t r i b u t i o n per se. The complete requirements of absolute wilderness are simply too complex and the area too vast to permit an adequately intensive examination. What the re s u l t s do show are areas of non-wilderness and possible wilderness. However, within the l i m i t a t i o n s of the c r i t e r i a given for wilderness i n t h i s study, t h i s "possible" wilderness o f f e r s a reasonable approximation to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of "absolute" wilderness. In e i t h e r case, the resultant mapping represents the maximum amount of wilderness that e x i s t s . More intensive study or more refined c r i t e r i a may only reduce t h i s quantity. The f i r s t stage of t h i s study, involving changing d i s t r i b u t i o n s over time, u t i l i z e d comprehensive maps of the ent i r e Province for f i v e d i f f e r e n t time periods, ranging from 1923 to 1970. I t was assumed i n using these maps that a l l maps offered equal degrees of refinement and accuracy. However, i t i s quite possible that there may have been po l i c y changes over the years regarding the degree of r e s o l u t i o n used or that technical improvements have permitted a greater - 122 -refinement of data presentation. A s i m i l a r mapping problem ex i s t s when conducting a closer examination of the 1970 d i s t r i b u t i o n u t i l i z i n g maps at a scale of 1:250,000. In t h i s case, i t i s assumed that equal data sources are available for the whole Province, whereas i n fact the National Topographic Series maps that were used for thi s purpose have dates ranging from 19 52 to 1970. I t may be assumed, however, and with some degree of j u s t i f i c a t i o n , that these early maps, p r i n c i p a l l y of Northern B r i t i s h Columbia, have not been revised because there has only been l i m i t e d development i n these areas. Certain d i f f i c u l t i e s are also presented when considering the smaller coastal i s l a n d s , that i s , a l l of those islands with the exception of Vancouver Island and the Queen Charlotte Islands. Islands constitute s p e c i a l cases within the context of wilderness d e f i n i t i o n s , notably with r e l a t i o n to s i z e requirements. While an i s l a n d may contain less than 100,000 acres, i t i s very possible that i t i s able to provide a f u l l e r wilderness experience than i s available i n a mainland area twice i t s s i z e . Also, applying the d e f i n i t i o n a l c r i t e r i a used i n t h i s study, i t i s u n l i k e l y that human a c t i v i t i e s would be detected on islands. For example, while an i s l a n d may be a c t i v e l y logged i t would not necessarily possess any roads, and - 12 3 -such roads that might e x i s t , would not necessarily be mapped. Given the conditions above i t would also be d i f f i c u l t to ascertain just when s i g n i f i c a n t human a c t i v i t y f i r s t began on any given i s l a n d . For these reasons and because these islands constitute only a minor proportion of the Province's area, the majority were c l a s s i f i e d as wilderness with the exception of certain islands located to the east of Vancouver Island where a c t i v i t y was c l e a r l y indicated. The area of these islands was not included i n c a l c u l a t i n g percentage of wilderness, although the areas involved were too small as to make t h e i r e f f e c t rather n e g l i g i b l e . Numerous pieces of data were c o l l e c t e d during the course of t h i s study permitting a wide v a r i e t y of possible presentations. In developing t h i s problem i t was f e l t that there were four d i s t i n c t land areas that could best be observed as separate i d e n t i t i e s . I s o l a t i n g Vancouver Island and the Queen Charlotte Islands as two of these four units was an obvious choice. I t also seemed meaningful to examine the mainland of B.C. i n two stages, d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between the " s e t t l e d " areas of the South and the f r o n t i e r aspects of the North. Naturally, the Province was also considered as a single e n t i t y , adding a f i f t h land category to the analysis. Given below, i n Table I are those figures representing the siz e of the areas that were examined. - 124 -Table I LAND AREAS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA ( IN SQUARE MILES ) South of 54° major islands minor islands mainland 18,373 1,287 148,972 168,632 North of 54° islands 354 mainland 19 7,269 Vancouver Island 12,40 8 Q. Charlotte Islands 3,545 197,623 B r i t i s h Columbia 366,255 Generally, the maps, graphs and tables speak for themselves, with only the more general type of observations being made as many e f f o r t s beyond th i s l e v e l would necessarily involve a f a i r l y extensive p o l i t i c a l - c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y of the development of B r i t i s h Columbia. Without delving into t h i s type of d e t a i l , an e f f o r t w i l l be made to i d e n t i f y the primary predatory forces responsible for the destruction of wilderness during the various time periods. Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n Over Time Maps 5 to 9 depict the d i s t r i b u t i o n of WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 1923. (Wilderness areas are shown i n white) Map 5 WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 19 37. (Wilderness areas are shown i n white)  Map 6 WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION IN BRITISH COLUMBIA j9"48. (Wilderness areas are shown i n white) Map 7 WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION IN B R I T I S H COLUMBIA 19 57. ( W i l d e r n e s s a r e a s a r e shown i n w h i t e ) Map 8 Map 9 - 130 -wilderness, or non-wilderness, throughout B.C. at f i v e d i f f e r e n t periods of time. The f i r s t map i l l u s t r a t e s the s i t u a t i o n as i t existed i n 1923. I t serves as the basis for a l l future mappings, and thus warrants somewhat more attention than those maps e x i s t i n g for other years. The most d i s t i n c t feature of t h i s time period i s the dominating r o l e played by the r a i l r o a d s . V i r t u a l l y a l l a c t i v i t i e s i n the Province were serviced d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y one of the several r a i l r o a d s that then existed. The p r i n c i p a l railway was, of course, the CPR which was i n i t i a t e d i n 1885. I t would be d i f f i c u l t to summarize the various reasons for the f i n a l route selected for t h i s railway except to say that i t s choice was l a r g e l y dominated by physical necessity, that i s , by passage through the lowest mountain passes and valleys and through minimizing the distance t r a v e l l e d . Ultimately there were compromises i n the physical requirements with regard to towns that would be serviced and various p o l i t i c a l considerations. The complex i n t e r a c t i o n of a l l of these forces i n the s e l e c t i o n of a f i n a l route i s well documented by Berton (1971). By 1923, numerous railway l i n e s existed, p r i m a r i l y for the service of various resource centres, such as the mining communities of the Kootenays. The o v e r a l l picture then i s one of several main railway l i n e s throughout the Southern portion of the Province serving as l i n k s to - 131 -larger trading centres for the smaller "feeder" railways and roadways. Map 6, for 1937, does not r e f l e c t a remarkable amount of change. There are the beginnings of (mapped) a c t i v i t y i n the Peace River area and a greater consolidation of a c t i v i t i e s i n South Central B.C. The former was caused primarily by expanded settlement from the Alberta side of the border, while the l a t t e r was a combination of forces comprised of logging, mining, and the i n e v i t a b l e expansion of settlements. S l i g h t l y more development took place i n the following time period (Map 7). Some of this development was merely an extension of that c i t e d for the previous time period, although there were two notable expansions into new areas. The most s i g n i f i c a n t of these was the Alaska Highway, b u i l t during World War I I , and which encouraged further growth i n the North. The second new transportation l i n e had only a l i m i t e d immediate e f f e c t i n l i n k i n g B e l l a Coola and Williams Lake. r The years between 19 48 and 19 57 witnessed an unprecedented period of expansion, almost t r i p l i n g the area that had been developed i n the previous time - 132 -period. For example, the area which i s North of the present boundaries of Tweedsmuir P r o v i n c i a l Park was the s i t e of extensive mining and logging a c t i v i t i e s as well as the flooding of Ootsa Lake for the generation of h y d r o - e l e c t r i c power. Also, development i n South Central B.C. continued to become more intense, due p r i m a r i l y to logging. Logging operations also became more apparent i n a large area South of Prince George. Again, increasing ease of a c c e s s i b i l i t y was encouraging expanding settlement i n the Peace River region. There were a number of reasons for t h i s sudden r i s e i n development, most of them connected with the post-war boom experienced by B.C. i n which thousands of returning veterans and converts swelled the population and while at the same time industry was reasonably prosperous (Ormsby, 19 5 8). The r e s u l t s of the f i n a l time period are shown on Map 9. During t h i s time there was a marked increase i n Northern development with more highways being constructed around mining a c t i v i t i e s such as those i n the area around Terrace. Although not yet completed two transportation routes were mapped on the grounds that these areas could no longer be regarded as wilderness. The f i r s t of these involves the construction of the PGE that w i l l run between Fort St. James and Dease Lake, an operation that presents the p r o b a b i l i t y of s i g n i f i c a n t l y more extensive - 133 -development. The second p a r t i a l l y completed transportation route i s the highway which w i l l l i n k Dease Lake and Terrace, providing Northwestern B.C. with a west coast linkage. In addition, considerable development has occurred i n and around the Peace River area with the discovery of large l u c r a t i v e sources of o i l and natural gas. To the West, the Peace River h y d r o - e l e c t r i c project and the r e s u l t i n g W i l l i s t o n Lake u t i l i z e d a large land area. A f i n a l area of marked development was Vancouver Island where mining and logging i n t e r e s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the l a t t e r , have expropriated large quantities of land. The f i r s t graph (Figure la) depicting the loss of wilderness over time, i s not very dramatic because of the r e l a t i v e l y small changes that have taken place, although i t does i l l u s t r a t e the more rapid rate of wilderness decline that i s occurring i n the South. I t i s f e l t that t h i s difference would be further accentuated with increased knowledge of the true s i t u a t i o n , a viewpoint that i s p a r t i a l l y substantiated by a closer study of the 1970 data. A more d e s c r i p t i v e graph follows, i l l u s t r a t i n g the amount of increase of non-wilderness that has occurred over the various time periods (Figure l b ) . Here the s i g n i f i c a n t increase i n the action of the predatory forces - 134 -200 AREA OF WILDERNESS (THOUSANDS OF SQUARE MILES) 160 H 20 -\ 80 40 1923 -o-.. North of 5 4 ~ ° - -South of 54 > D -o 1937 1 r~ 1948 1957 1970 (a) CHANGE IN WILDERNESS AREA OVER TIME FOR MAINLAND REGIONS SOUTH AND NORTH OF 5 4°. ~~ 20 AREA OF NON-WILDERNESS (TKOUSANDS16 OF SQUARE MILES) 12 8 H 4 H \ s o u t h of 54° s / , - -° O M _ — — North of 54 1923 1937 1948 1957 1970 (b) CHANGE IN AMOUNT OF NON-WILDERNESS FOR EAgH TIME PERIOD IN MAINLAND REGIONS SOUTH AND NORTH OF b4 . Figure 1 - 135 -in the South that took place between 19 4 8 and 19 57 i s v i v i d l y presented. While observations made from the comprehensive maps would seem to indicate a s i g n i f i c a n t decrease i n development during the period between 1957 and 1970, more intensive examination of 19 70 conditions would seem to contradict t h i s apparent trend, as w i l l be noted i n the second section of t h i s Chapter. The North would appear to be developing as might be expected for a r e l a t i v e l y i naccessible area containing d e f i n i t e resource p o t e n t i a l ; that i s , with an increasing rate of development. This increasing growth rate may be attri b u t e d to several factors, the p r i n c i p a l ones being a diminishing supply of accessible, e a s i l y extracted resources i n the South combined with an advancing technology that i s overcoming problems of a c c e s s i b i l i t y i n the North, and perhaps most important, a b o u n t i f u l supply of needed resources. I t would be expected that development i n the North w i l l continue to expand at an increasing rate, both for the aforementioned reasons and because of the considerable e f f e c t that the construction of a Northern railway w i l l have, namely those additions currently being made to the PGE. In r e l a t i o n to i t s s i z e , Vancouver Island has experienced the greatest loss of wilderness, with the 1970 - 136 -figure i n d i c a t i n g that only 41% of the area was wilderness (Figure 2) . In f a c t , t h i s figure i s a gross exaggeration as w i l l be shown l a t e r i n t h i s Chapter. Such intensive development i s to be expected on Vancouver Island for numerous reasons. F i r s t , i t was one of the e a r l i e s t heavily s e t t l e d (on a permanent basis) areas i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Geographically, the great majority of i t s area has been reasonably accessible from v i r t u a l l y a l l sides and p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable because of nearby population centres, including the Lower Mainland. The f i n a l factor leading to rapid development has been Vancouver Island's abundance of resources, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the form of forest products. There can be no doubt but that the forest industry has been the primary predator of wilderness on Vancouver Island and has at the same time proved to be the source of greatest ignorance i n assessing the existence of human a c t i v i t i e s . Like the Southern Mainland, Vancouver Island has experienced a rapid increase i n the rate at which land areas have l o s t t h e i r wilderness values. However, unlike the Southern Mainland, t h i s growth rate (in terms of development) showed a s l i g h t increase i n the l a s t time period between 19 57 and 19 70. The Queen Charlotte Islands present a rather s p e c i a l case for examination because of the f a c t that they - 137 -12 AREA OF WILDERNESS (THOUSANDS OF SQUARE MILES) 10 H 6 H 4 H o-1923 Vancouver Island ~ -o Queen Charlotte Islands 1 1937 r_ 1948 1957 1970 (a) CfeANGE IN WILDERNESS AREA OVER TIME FOR VANCOUVER ISLAND AND QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS. 25 20 AREA OF NON-WILDERNESS (THOUSANDS15 OF SQUARE MILES) 10 5 -A ~ ~ 1 — 1923 ' Vancouver Island ~4 Queen Charlotte Islands -o _ _ _ _ —• *** 1 -1937 1948 1957 " I 1970 (b) CHANGE IN AMOUNT OF NON-WILDERNESS FOR EACH TIME PERIOD FOR VANCOUVER ISLAND AND QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS. Figure 2 - 138 -are islands and because they possess much smaller areas than Vancouver Island. There i s l i t t l e that can be s a i d from viewing eit h e r of the two graphs for the Queen Charlottes, except to say that development was slow i n s t a r t i n g and has progressed at a slow rate to the present time. Keeping i n mind the extensive role of the forest industry on Vancouver Island and the lack of knowledge surrounding i t s existence, i t i s quite possible that a closer examination of the Queen Charlottes would reveal a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n . The graph i n Figure 3 gives perhaps the best i n d i c a t i o n of the general trend of development for the en t i r e Province. I t i l l u s t r a t e s a r e l a t i v e l y moderate increase i n the production of non-wilderness up to 1947 at which time the development rate shows a marked increase. I t i s speculated, although i t cannot be adequately substantiated, that t h i s development rate has i n fact increased at an even greater rate between 19 57 and 19 70. This conjecture i s at least p a r t i a l l y j u s t i f i e d through the more d e t a i l e d examination of the 19 70 data. Table II simply o f f e r s a comparison of the amounts of non-wilderness e x i s t i n g i n the various regions at each of the f i v e time periods. A comprehensive picture of the r e l a t i v e rates - 139 -100 AREA OF WILDERNESS (THOUSANDS OF SQUARE MILES) 80 60 ~ 40 20 _ - - -°" 1923 1937 1948 1957 1970 TOTAL AMOUNT OF NON-WILDERNESS AT GIVEN TIME FOR BRITISH COLUMBIA. : Figure 3 1923 1937 1948 1957 1970 Vancouver Island 1,458 1,818 2,457 4 ,878 7,317 Queen Charlotte Islands - - 234 459 738 Mainland south of 54° 20>313 26,694 32,688 54,936 63,819 Mainland north of 54° 3,132 5,733 11,439 17,712 30,087 B r i t i s h Coluir-bia 24,903 34,245 46,818 77,985 101,966 AMOUNT OF NON-WILDERNESS AT GIVEN TIME FOR REGIONS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Table II - 140 -of decrease i n wilderness for the various regions examined i s shown i n Figure 4. Predictably, the two most inaccessible areas, the mainland area North of 54° and. the Queen Charlotte Islands, show the smallest percentage decreases. I t i s f e l t that further study would serve to emphasize the discrepancies between these areas and the two Southern regions, with further examination revealing considerably more add i t i o n a l development i n the South while suggesting l i t t l e change in the North, although the Queen Charlottes may well be exceptions i n t h i s regard. A f i n a l i n t e r e s t i n g observation concerning changing wilderness c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s over time i s shown i n Figure 5, which graphically i l l u s t r a t e s the decreasing average s i z e of wilderness areas over time. The graph i s i n d i c a t i v e of several i n t e r e s t i n g trends. There are a number of actions which might be expected to occur as development progressed throughout .the Province. Generally, the f i r s t step i n the destruction of a wilderness area i s i t s d i v i s i o n into two or more parts by various transportation networks. This action produces increasing numbers of wilderness areas, a trend that has continued to occur over time, ranging from 31 i n 19 23 to 66 i n 19 70. These i n i t i a l transportation corridors are then the source of further developments that gradually encroach onto the reduced wilderness areas u n t i l such time as they are reduced beyond the required minimum of 100,000 acres and - 141 -AMOUNT OF WILDERNESS (PERCENT) 100 -| 80 -60 40 ~ 20 -o- • o- • o- . o-o--O 31 -o-' ~o ,o -o . ~N§Yth «cjf. 54^ - ^ oQueerr Charlottes ~ ~ ~ -o N-»O_ B r i t i s h Columbia "SQuth~of°54 0 *•«. "*» Vancouver Island T 1 1923 1937 1948 1957 1970 PERCENTAGE OF WILDERNESS AT GIVEN TIME FOR REGIONS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. ' ~~ ' Figure 4 AVERAGE SIZE OF WILDERNESS (THOUSANDS OF SQUARE MILES) 12-, 9 -6 -3 -T T 1923 1937 1948 1957 1970 AVERAGE SIZE OF WILDERNESS AREAS IN PROVINCE AT GIVEN TIMES, Figure 5 - 142 -the area becomes c l a s s i f i e d as non-wilderness. Thus, the creation of addit i o n a l wilderness areas i s not a continuously increasing phenomenon, but i s regulated by the ensuing consumption of the newly formed wilderness areas. The ultimate r e s u l t of the two actions (a generally increasing, but f l u c t u a t i n g number of wilderness areas and a rapid decrease i n the quantity of wilderness) i s a gradual, but not i n e v i t a b l e , reduction i n the average si z e of wilderness areas. Such a trend cannot be viewed as i n e v i t a b l e because of the remote chance that wilderness d i s t r i b u t i o n i n the Province may be reduced to a small number of larger wilderness areas. The ultimate erosion of wilderness w i l l occur when most or a l l e x i s t i n g wilderness areas are only s l i g h t l y larger than the required minimum. At thi s stage the wilderness system w i l l e x h i b i t only moderate r e s i l i e n c e i n response to predatory forces. The s l i g h t e s t i n t r u s i o n w i l l be s u f f i c i e n t to destroy the wilderness values of the area. A small-scale version of t h i s process may be observed i n the case of Vancouver Island, a case that s h a l l receive more attention i n the following section of t h i s Chapter. - 143 -Wilderness D i s t r i b u t i o n 19 70 The f i r s t task c a r r i e d out was an extension of the basic 1970 comprehensive map through the use of the National Topographical Series maps at a scale of 1:250,000. The addit i o n a l information regarding various developments that were available at t h i s more refined l e v e l i s shown below i n Table I I I . Table III AREA OF ADDITIONAL NON-WILDERNESS AS INDICATED FROM EXAMINATION  OF NATIONAL TOPOGRAPHIC SERIES MAPS AT SCALE OF 1:250 ,000 . Location Additional Area (In Square Miles) Vancouver Island 450 Queen Charlotte Islands 144 Mainland South of 54° . 4,806 Mainland North of 54° 63 B r i t i s h Columbia 5,463 With c e r t a i n reservations, a number of tentative observations may be made from these r e s u l t s . B a s i c a l l y , these concern the accuracy of the comprehensive maps used for compiling data for d i s t r i b u t i o n over time. C l e a r l y , the two more developed regions, Vancouver Island and the Mainland South of 54°, possessed s u b s t a n t i a l l y greater - 144 -amounts of a c t i v i t i e s that were not shown on the comprehensive maps. In other words, observations made regarding a c t i v i t i e s i n these two areas must be made with a greater uncertainty than those made for the two Northern regions. Fuzzing the issue somewhat i s the fact that the pu b l i c a t i o n dates for these larger scale maps vary from 19 52 to 19 70, with the e a r l i e r dates belonging predominantly to the North. While i t i s l i k e l y that areas with very early p u b l i c a t i o n dates have experienced l i t t l e recent development and thus have not warranted addi t i o n a l remapping at t h i s s c a l e , t h i s great variance i n publ i c a t i o n dates denies the assertion of any unqualified conclusions. A l l that may be s a i d i s that on the basis of published National Topographic Series maps produced at a scale of 1:250,000 there would appear to be a greater degree of ignorance i n terms of knowledge of human a c t i v i t i e s e x i s t i n g i n the Southern more, developed regions of the Province. The greatest source of these discrepancies between the comprehensive mapping and the more d e t a i l e d publications exists i n private resource development, namely from the forest and mining i n d u s t r i e s . The most l i k e l y explanation for these differences l i e s i n the fact that the comprehensive maps are published with an assumption of wide-spread use by the general public and thus "private" roads are not included as they might i n v i t e p o t e n t i a l i n t r u s i o n s . Presumably t h i s reasoning also permits pub l i c a t i o n of these "private" - 145 -roads on large scale maps with the b e l i e f that they w i l l not have a wide public c i r c u l a t i o n and that most users of such maps w i l l want to have a more de t a i l e d description of a l l available transportation routes. Following the aforementioned addition to the 1970 comprehensive version of wilderness d i s t r i b u t i o n , a g r i d was constructed over t h i s map for the purposes of sampling (Map 10). The g r i d size was d i c t a t e d by two basic c r i t e r i a . The f i r s t requirement was that the area be no less than 200,000 acres i n s i z e . This minimum figure was desired so that reasonably accurate assessments of the percentage of wilderness per unit area might be obtained. It was also s t i p u l a t e d that there be a s u f f i c i e n t number of areas defined so as to allow a reasonable sample to be made. Two ad d i t i o n a l requirements concerned the r e p l i c a b i l i t y of the sample design and the adapability of the g r i d format to the e x i s t i n g data sources (namely maps.) These two c r i t e r i a dictated the u t i l i z a t i o n of l i n e s of l a t i t u d e and longtitude as areal boundaries. The g r i d s i z e ultimately chosen then was a unit area enclosed by 30 minutes of l a t i t u d e and one degree of longtitude. For a s t r a t i f i e d random sample conducted on horizontal rows, t h i s g r i d created a t o t a l sample population of 238 units comprised of 22 rows with an average of s l i g h t l y more than 10 units per row. As much as possible or as was practical,- only those units which contained close to the maximum possible amount WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION IN BRITISH COLUMBIA ?970 (WITH ADDITIONAL USE OF NATIONAL TOPOGRAPHIC SERIES MAPS AT A SCALE OF 1:250,000. Map 10 - 147 -of area were u t i l i z e d , thus omitting the majority of coastal and border areas. Once t h i s g r i d had been constructed, the percentage of wilderness per unit of area was calculated and the r e s u l t s recorded i n the form shown i n Table IV. Several figures for the extreme North were omitted from the matrix for lack of space, an action that was permissible on the grounds that these units were not contained i n the f i n a l examination because the data sources used d i d not e x i s t North of 56°. Thus, while the sampling was conducted drawing one random sample from each row, only those f i r s t 14 units South of 56° were actually open to further examination. Before proceeding to examine the r e s u l t s of the sample, an i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t obtained d i r e c t l y from the g r i d should be presented(Figure 6). This graph depicts the percentage of wilderness e x i s t i n g i n each row from "A" to "V". Here, the trend of proportionately increasing wilderness from South to North i s c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e d , ranging from a low of 14.26% on the Southern-most row to a high of 91.7% near the Yukon border. Occassionally there are small dips i n the graph generally i n d i c a t i n g some form of East-West oriented development. For e-xample, the graph takes a small drop at "D" an occurrence due p r i m a r i l y to - 148 -PERCENTAGE OF WILDERNESS CONTAINED IN EACH UNIT OF GRID 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 A 61.9 5.5 7.9 0.6 29.3 4.7 6.5 2.3 23.9 0 B 21.9 37.1 84.1 44 .5 6.7 3.0 52.4 23.7 28.0 16.4 C 35.8 5.2 72.2 48.1 41.3 1.2 30.8 25.9 38.2 59 .8 D 24.8 19.3 81.8 • 4.3 5.0 2.5 0 23.7 51.3 33.1 E 96.5 91.1 77.8 87.8 46 .8 16 .4 27.2 67.7 68.3 68.3 F 100 100 36 .7 29.6 4.5 24 .5 41.2 32.9 71.6 73.5 G 77.0 73.2 76.5 34.6 26 .1 0 57.5 78. 4 60.7 H 100 96.0 91.3 88.7 66 .2 22.3 38 .4 97.3 66 .8 I 97.3 29 .3 88.5 94.6 21.4 0.6 81.8 88.5 J 80.0 56.4 39 .4 31.9 31.9 17.0 0 47.6 85.7 K 86 .7 73.1 77.2 30.3 13.1 33.1 51.7 47.5 86 .2 93.7 L 100 41.9 71.3 17.5 86 .7 51.7 69.2 59.4 96, 5 80 .4 M 90.1 69 .5 44.6 90.7 78.7 69.5 83 .6 65.9 100 88.6 N 92.8 49.6 87.0 82.7 51.7 59.7 52.5 84.8 37.4 17.2 0 60 .5 100 90.5 90.5 94.1 81.7 91.9 80.2 18.2 0 P: 97.0 82.2 94.8 85.9 100 100 90.3 100 57.0 24 .4 Q 100 86.4 96.2 84.9 100 100 100 100 100 30.0 R 91.5 96.1 72.3 100 100 100 100 100 100 84.6 S 100 100 78.9 76 .5 100 100 100 100 100 100 T 100 100 96.0 89 .6 100 100 100 85.7 86.7 71.4 U 90.2 100 100 . 100 67.7 100 100 95.1 88.6 100 V 100 78.8 93.3 61.6 98.3 85.8 100 85.0 95.8 84.1 Horizontal rows are indicated by l e t t e r s "A" to "V" where row "A" l i e s between 4 9 ° and 4 9 . 5 ° . The numbered columns indicate the unit areas contained within each row. Table IV 100' WILDERNESS (PERCENTAGE) 754 50H 25-1 • * » • * I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I A B C D E F G HI J K L M N O P Q R S T U V PERCENTAGE OF WILDERNESS IN EACH HORIZONTAL ROW OF GRID. Figure 6 - 150 -the highway system which i s centred around the Trans-Canada Highway from Ashcroft East to Revelstoke. A second example i s located on the "F" and "G" rows that are traversed by Highway 20 that connects B e l l a Coola and Williams Lake as well as the dense network of roads centered around Highway No. 24. Further North there i s a marked plunge i n the graph i n d i c a t i v e of the considerable a c t i v i t y North of Tweedsmuir Park, the Eastern portion of Highway 16 out of Prince Rupert, and the Northern Sector of the Yellowhead Highway. An i n t e r e s t i n g exercise with respect to t h i s graph would be the v e r i f i c a t i o n of a c o r r e l a t i o n between wilderness and elevation for each row and to use t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p to predict the approximate future form of t h i s graph. Such a r e l a t i o n s h i p would, of course, be based on the assumption that elevation might act as a reasonably accurate surrogate for a c c e s s i b i l i t y or wilderness. A l a t e r part of t h i s Chapter examines the r e l a t i o n s h i p between elevation and wilderness. As has been stated, the intention i n conducting a sample was to expose cert a i n areal units to more intensive examination and to compare the re s u l t s of t h i s examination and the two previous leve l s of study. The sample was conducted on a South-North basis because i t was known that the amount - 151 -of development decreased i n a South to North trend as d i d data sources. From t h i s sample i t was hoped to discover which were the areas of greatest ignorance, that i s , which areas possessed the most development that was not shown on the two previously used map types. It was suspected that these would be areas i n the North of the Province where the greatest concentrations of people and road networks offered greater p o s s i b i l i t i e s of unmapped resource a c t i v i t i e s such as logging and mining. The data sources\for t h i s more intensive examination consisted of P r o v i n c i a l Land Status maps at scales of both 1:126,720 and 1:250,000, although a l l but two were at the l a t t e r scale. As noted e a r l i e r these data sources were li m i t e d to those areas South of 56°, r e s t r i c t i n g the number of samples examined to 14. This l a s t f a c t o r i s not regarded with too much concern for a number of reasons. The f i r s t of these relates to the previously c i t e d assumption that i f these maps are not published, i t suggests that no s i g n i f i c a n t development has taken place. Again, while i t i s very d i f f i c u l t to t o t a l l y substantiate t h i s as f a c t , l i m i t e d evidence lends i t some degree of c r e d i b i l i t y . The second reason tends to lend support to the f i r s t , that i s , the difference between i n i t i a l appraisals of the percentage of wilderness and these more de t a i l e d examinations diminishes s i g n i f i c a n t l y - 152 -from South to North i n d i c a t i n g a diminishing need for further study. The results of the sample are given i n Table V, with a single sample unit given for each row. There are three percentage figures; the f i r s t indicates the percentage of wilderness i n the given unit area as derived from the 19 70 comprehensive map plus the National Topographic Series maps at a scale of 1:250,000; the second uses t h i s accummulated data plus the knowledge derived from the P r o v i n c i a l Land Status maps; and f i n a l l y the t h i r d figure i s the r e s i d u a l , that figure which indicates the amount of ignorance e x i s t i n g for the p a r t i c u l a r area. A large re s i d u a l r e f l e c t s a greater degree of ignorance about the given area when u t i l i z i n g only the primary sources. The residuals of the sample, expressed as percentages, are shown graphically i n figure 7. Applied to t h i s study, this approach allows ready i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the less obvious predatory forces. For example, i n one case the re s i d u a l was 34% i n d i c a t i n g a considerable degree of a c t i v i t y that was not recorded on the more conventional map forms. In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r area, the vast majority of the "unmapped" a c t i v i t i e s could be at t r i b u t e d to the logging industry. In f a c t , the source of most residuals could be traced to logging a c t i v i t i e s with mining being a rather distant second. - 153 -RESIDUALS FROM SAMPLE (AS PERCENTAGES) O r i g i n a l Percentage Wilderness New Percentage Wilderness Resultant Residuals A 23.9 14 .3 9.6 B 21.9 17.1 4.8 C 41.3 32.7 8.6 D 81.8 73.1 8.7 E 67.7 33.7 34 .0 F 100 .0 100 .0 0 G 34.6 24.2 10.4 H 91.3 82.0 9.3 I 99 .3 96 .6 2.7 J 47.6 43.5 4.1 K 33.1 25.5 7.6 L 71.3 63.6 7.7 M 78.7 77.3 1.4 N 51.7 50.3 1.4 tu Table V 40 RESIDUALS (PERCENTAGE) 30H 20H 10 i i i i i i i i \ _ _ _ _ _ T c 1 r H / ~I 1 M N RESIDUALS FROM SAMPLE. Figure 7 - 155 -The sample indicated a strong South to North trend of decreasing values of re s i d u a l s , r e f l e c t i n g a greater degree of uncertainty, i n terms of mapped a c t i v i t i e s , e x i s t i n g i n the South of the Province. The magnitude of many of these residuals suggested that a more extensive examination of the two Southern regions was warranted. Using the P r o v i n c i a l Land Status maps, Vancouver Island was examined i n i t s e n t i r e t y , l a r g e l y because i t could serve as a complete example of an area of advanced development. I t was advanced i n the sense that i t was reduced to seven r e l a t i v e l y small wilderness areas and was thus very susceptible to any predatory forces. The mainland area south of 54° was also subjected to more det a i l e d study, although only those areas within the sample g r i d were examined to enable the residuals to be evaluated and compared to the sample un i t s . The graph shown i n Figure 8 best i l l u s t r a t e s the s i g n i f i c a n t amount of unmapped a c t i v i t y that has taken place on Vancouver Island. The o r i g i n a l 1970 comprehensive map indicated that 41% of the i s l a n d was wilderness, while the add i t i o n a l use of the National Topographic Series maps at a scale of 1:250,000 only reduced t h i s figure to 37%. However, with the use of the P r o v i n c i a l Land Status maps, the figure f e l l d r a s t i c a l l y , i n d i c a t i n g that only 5.4% of - 156 -50' 40 —I WILDERNESS (PERCENTAGE) 30"i 20-10-— — , T 1 MAP 1 MAP 2 MAP 3 NEW QUANTITIES OF WILDERNESS FOR VANCOUVER ISLAND AS OBTAINED FROM THREE MAP SOURCES (19 70). Figure 8 25 2(H RESIDUALS (HUNDREDS OF SQUARE 15H MILES) 10" 5 H TOTAL VALUE OF RESIDUALS FOR EACH ROW SOUTH OF 54°, Figure 9 - 157 -Vancouver Island was wilderness. This wilderness was now contained within 3 small areas, ranging i n s i z e from 189 to 252 square miles. The required minimum s i z e for a wilderness area i s 156 square miles, suggesting that wilderness preservation i s a rather tenuous p o s i t i o n on Vancouver Island. With few exceptions, these rather s u b s t a n t i a l quantities of generally unmapped a c t i v i t i e s could be attri b u t e d to the forest industry. To maintain consistency throughout the study, only evidence of logging roads was accepted as an i n d i c a t i o n of logging a c t i v i t y . The existence of Tree Licenses was not regarded as s u f f i c i e n t evidence of such a c t i v i t y . Primarily because of t h i s considerable logging a c t i v i t y , i t i s quite l i k e l y that between the time of pu b l i c a t i o n of the Land Status map and 1970, the wilderness area on the east side of the Island has since disappeared. The other two areas are l i k e l y to be s t i l l reasonably i n t a c t as they were afforded some degree of protection. The Cape Scott area i s at lea s t p a r t i a l l y guarded by i t s i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y , while the second area i s contained l a r g e l y within the Central Strathcona Nature Conservancy. Without t h i s l i m i t e d speculation, the f i n a l v e r i f i a b l e figure shows that as of 1970 there were only 6 75 square miles of possible wilderness on Vancouver Island. The mainland area South of 54° d i d not in d i c a t e - 158 -nearly the same r e l a t i v e amount of unmapped a c t i v i t y as Vancouver Island. The graph of r e s i d u a l values (Figure 9) i s s u r p r i s i n g l y close to that constructed for the sampled areas (Figure 7). This graph depicts the difference i n the amount of wilderness i n each row disclosed through the use of the P r o v i n c i a l Land Status maps over that amount found previously u t i l i z i n g a comprehensive map of the Province and National Topographic Series maps at a scale of 1:250,000. Again, a generally decreasing trend i n r e s i d u a l values from South to North i s indicated within s i g n i f i c a n t l y large residuals indicated between 51° and 52°. These exceptionally large residuals resulted from extensive logging a c t i v i t i e s s i n a wide area between Kamloops and Williams Lake which at the same time p r e c i p i t a t e d the collapse of several border-line wilderness areas. The t o t a l presentation of r e s i d u a l values for the gridded mainland area South of 54° i s given i n Table VI. The general trends of "unmapped" resource a c t i v i t i e s c i t e s previously are reinforced in more d e t a i l , with the large residuals located i n the South and between 51° and 52°. A few additional c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s may also be noted. Once i t i s r e a l i z e d that the great majority of residuals are the r e s u l t of logging a c t i v i t i e s , the p a r t i c u l a r positions of the larger residuals i s not overly s u r p r i s i n g . For example, residual values are high for g r i d units located on the Coast, an area of intense logging a c t i v i t i e s . - 159 -RESIDUALS FROM EACH UNIT GRID SOUTH OF 54* A 43.6 5.5 5.5 0.6 29 .3 4.7 5.4 2.3 9.6 0 B 4.8 26.8 43.1 0 6.7 3 .0 23.7 6.0 1.2 7.9 C 19.6 0 3.9 0 8.6 1.2 30. 8 11.7 0 3.6 D 0 0 13.5 0 3.2 2.5 0 4.4 1.9 4.3 E 27.3 26.5 0 5.2 2.6 16.4 27.2 34 .0 35.6 15.1 F 0 0 2.6 1.3 0 24.5 28.9 9.7 0 G 0 0 1.7 10.4 7.5 0 0 1.9 0 H 0 0 9.3 0 10.5 18.6 0 0 0 I 0 2.7 0 0 0 0 40.2 7.5 J 0 0 0 0 2.1 0 0 4.1 0 Horizontal rows are indicated by l e t t e r s "A" to "V" where row "A" l i e s between 49 and 49.5°. The numbered columns indicate the unit/ areas contained within each row. Table VI - 160 -S i m i l a r l y , that previously c i t e d area between. Kamloops and Williams Lake i s e a s i l y accessible and very conducive to extensive logging operations. Another feature that i s sharply reinforced i n t h i s Table i s the marked decline i n r e s i d u a l values that occurs i n proceeding North of 56°. It. . i f i s to be assumed that these residuals are i n d i c a t i v e of logging operations, t h i s would seem to suggest that the forest industry i s s t i l l somewhat restrained i n Northern development by lack of ready access to suitable markets. Although the gridded area South of 54° does not represent a l l of the South mainland region, i t does comprise 88% of t h i s area and may thus be considered as reasonably representative of the whole. Before r e f e r r i n g to P r o v i n c i a l Land Status maps, 46% of the g r i d area i s designated as wilderness, while use of these maps reduce the figure to 37%. This i s a r e l a t i v e l y small decrease i n comparison to those experienced for Vancouver Island, although the t o t a l r e s i d u a l of 12,000 square miles must be considered s i g n i f i c a n t , e s p e c i a l l y when i t i s almost e x c l u s i v e l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to one industry. A f i n a l observation was made with reference to the previously suggested r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t i n g between wilderness and elevation. Such a r e l a t i o n s h i p i s based on the assumption that areas of high elevation are less accessible than low - 161 -areas, i n f l i c t a higher cost i n t h e i r attainment, and thus are the l a s t areas to experience development. In e l e v a t i o n a l extremes the v a l i d i t y of the assumption i s obvious, whereas the intermediate range i s open to discrepancies. There are a number of ways i n which th i s r e l a t i o n -ship could be at least p a r t i a l l y substantiated. The approach u t i l i z e d i n th i s instance involved i s o l a t i n g a l l major areas i n the Province that are over 4,000 feet and c a l c u l a t i n g the respective quantities of wilderness and non-wilderness that were located above t h i s height (Table VII). Table VII RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN WILDERNESS AND ELEVATION (OVER 4,000 FEET) Wilderness Non-Wilderness To t a l South of 54° 40,788 18,648 59,436 North of 54° 55,710 1,584 57,294 B r i t i s h Columbia 96,498 20,232 116,730 I t i s d i f f i c u l t to make any absolute judgments on the basis of such limited data, although an observable trend i s c e r t a i n l y indicated. - 162 -Summary The early pattern of development i n B r i t i s h Columbia was l a r g e l y influenced by the p a r t i c u l a r routes chosen by the railways that were the p r i n c i p a l service l i n k s for the Province. U n t i l a f t e r World War I I , the majority of develop-ment was l i m i t e d to the Southern portion of the Province. Up u n t i l t h i s time the. generous resource supply coupled with the lack of technology and people had assured that resource a c t i v i t i e s should remain i n the South. A f t e r the War, however, there was a new technology, a great i n f l u x of people, and a r i s i n g demand for some of B r i t i s h Columbia's Northern resources. While mining and c e r t a i n other resource industries such as o i l and gas have c e r t a i n l y played a r o l e i n the loss of wilderness, the most extensive predatory force has been fore s t r y . I n i t i a l l y , t h i s was lar g e l y a coastal industry, but once transportation li n k s were established inland, the expansion of logging a c t i v i t i e s was assured, The problem of l o c a t i n g logging operations presents i t s e l f as the greatest source of ignorance i n the mapping of resource a c t i v i t i e s , a fact r e f l e c t e d i n the large residuals d i r e c t l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to that industry. On the basis of examining wilderness depletion over time for past years, i t would be expected that general trends - 163 -would continue. This means that most established areas w i l l continue to expand, pushing back the wilderness and t o t a l l y removing the smaller, border-line wilderness areas. In the mainland region South of 54° this would leave large wilderness t r a c t s i n the coastal mountains and somewhat smaller areas i n the extreme East of the Province. I f past trends may be used as i n d i c a t o r s , Northern development w i l l be heavily dependent upon the construction of transportation l i n k s , such as the PGE l i n e being constructed between Fort St. James and Dease Lake. The degree of success experienced by t h i s l i n e i n terms of complementary resource a c t i v i t i e s w i l l have a very s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on wilderness preservation in B r i t i s h Columbia's North. CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSIONS For so i t f a l l s out That what we have we p r i z e not the worth Whiles we enjoy i t ; but being lacked and l o s t , Why, then we rack the value, then we f i n d The v i r t u e , that possession would not show us Whiles i t was ours. (Shakepeare, Much Ado About Nothing) The North American's perception and treatment of wilderness has been s i g n i f i c a n t l y affected by human h i s t o r y generally and North American myths s p e c i f i c a l l y . Only i n the l a s t 70 to 80 years has i t been possible for North Americans to regard wilderness without a great deal of fear and disdain. Up u n t i l t h i s time the wilderness was s t i l l the refuge of wild animals and savages as well as the p r i n c i p a l obstacle to the American Dream of material progress. I t v/as natural, therefore, that progress should be measured i n the same manner i n which i t was measured i n ancient times, that i s , through the removal of wilderness. An e s s e n t i a l part of the American myth s t i p u l a t e d that man and nature were t o t a l l y separate i d e n t i t i e s , that man was born to dominate and e x p l o i t nature. Such a b e l i e f was e s s e n t i a l to perpetuation of various other myths such as the myth of progress that required a continuous material growth. The net r e s u l t has been that the destruction of wilderness s a t i s f i e d several purposes. I t removed an area of fear while creating new opportunities for settlement - 165 -and advancement of the f r o n t i e r . More important i t provided resources to meet the accelerating demands of industry and a product- oriented society. Today i n B r i t i s h Columbia these attitudes are b a s i c a l l y the same, but the tools are d i f f e r e n t ; B r i t i s h Columbia possesses a f r o n t i e r mentality with a 2 0 t h Century technology. The Province continues to push forward i t s f r o n t i e r s i n the reckless fashion of a people who f e e l t h e i r land has no l i m i t s . while the dominant feelings towards wilderness i n B.C. has been e i t h e r negative or neutral, there has been a r i s i n g tide of opinion i n B.C., and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the United States, that wilderness represents considerably more than merely a s p e c i a l form of recreation area. This r e a l i z a t i o n i s not a new one as i t i s a movement that has been gaining momentum for several hundred years. However, as the amount of wilderness decreases the 2 0 t h Century technocracy continues to s t i f l e the i n d i v i d u a l and his freedoms, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of wilderness i s being more intensely f e l t . Wilderness has come to symbolize the extreme a l t e r n a t i v e to an increasingly m a t e r i a l i s t i c , de-humanized society. This i s not generally stated as a l i t e r a l a l t e r n a t i v e to the urban way of l i f e , although many people have taken i t as such and have adopted the rigors of subsistance l i v i v i n g . It does symbolize many of the values and ideals that modern man has had to - 166 -forsake to obtain h i s present extensive wealth of material goods. In addition, wilderness serves as the purest reminder of man's o r i g i n s , p h y s i c a l l y and metaphysically, a reminder that denies man from viewing himself as anything other than a mere small part of a greater universe. With t h i s humility comes the peace derived from the r e a l i z a t i o n that man's actions are ultimately i n s i g n i f i c a n t , that man i s not the begging nor the end. T h e o r e t i c a l l y , a democracy responds to the needs and demands of i t s people, r e f l e c t i n g them i n i t s p o l i c y and l e g i s l a t i o n . Beyond t h i s , a government may attempt to anticipate these needs and wants, an action that i s often a necessity i n terms of protecting future a l t e r n a t i v e s . The preservation of wilderness i s dependent upon both of these processes, that i s , increased public awareness and p a r t i c i p a t i o n and bold, far-sighted l e g i s l a t i o n on the part of the Government. To a c e r t a i n extent both of these actions are occurring, although at a much slower rate than the d e t e r i o r a t i o n of wilderness. With regard to parks l e g i s l a t i o n the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l Governments have functioned rather independently, often to the detriment of parks development. It has only been i n the l a s t 10 years that the two l e v e l s of government have joined together to f a c i l i t a t e and improve parks administration. While neither of the two governments - 167 -o f f e r s overwhelmingly better parks p o l i c y with respect to wilderness preservation, c e r t a i n l y the federal govern-ment possesses stronger protective l e g i s l a t i o n . This i s p r i n c i p a l l y due to the fact that a l l National Parks are defined i n a Schedule attached to the National Parks Act which means that parks may only be created or destroyed through an Act of Parliament. A great deterrent to the establishment of National Parks i n this Province l i e s i n the fact that v i r t u a l l y a l l of the land and resources come under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the B r i t i s h Columbia Government. Creating new National Parks i s contingent upon several conditions, including P r o v i n c i a l Government approval and the Federal Government's willingness to pay the sum of money demanded for the land. Naturally, a Province i s most reluctant to have any possible source of natural resources locked up in a National Park and by the same token i t i s u n l i k e l y that the Federal Government would agree to pay the amount sought by the P r o v i n c i a l Government. Some hopes fo r progress and cooperation i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n were offered through the establishment of the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l Parks Association i n 19 63, an organization that would appear to be expanding i t s sphere of influence. At the s t r i c t l y P r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , B r i t i s h Columbia possesses a p a r t i c u l a r park category that at - 168 -least on paper suggests wilderness conditions. These Nature Conservancy Areas provide for all of the attributes of wilderness, except for the size requirements, although in most cases this condition is satisfied. The major obstacle to wilderness preservation, however, lies in Section 7 of the Provincial Parks Act that empowers the Lieutenant-Governor in Council to change the status of, or totally remove, any park area. So long as this Section of the Act remains in effect, the chances for meaningful preservation legislation are rather weak. It is not the intention of this paper to make a detailed analysis of Federal and Provincial Parks policy and legislation. However, it would seem remiss not to include, at least briefly, some of the more general and obvious thoughts and recommendatons on possible legislative measures that may be taken with respect to wilderness preservation. Briefly, they are as follows: 1. Both levels of Government should redefine their park objectives and clarify the specific purposes of the parks. In this way the appropriate adminis-trative bodies may better implement policy and the public is given a better opportunity of understanding the true function of the parks. 2. It is important that government policy reflect the stable, long-term goals rather than succumbing to - 169 -short-term pressures. Examples of such short-term pressures are private development within parks and an i n s a t i a b l e p u b lic demand for more roads within parks. 3. An education program i s necessary to inform the public of the government's a c t i v i t i e s and intentions and to promote public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the decision process. To ensure support of preservation programs more people must be encouraged to leave t h e i r cars and experience the outdoors. 4. At the most general l e v e l parks p o l i c y should allow optimum freedom of alt e r n a t i v e s for the future. This simply means a p o l i c y which i s oriented more towards preservation than recreation. 5. The federal government should act to preserve areas containing n a t i o n a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t features. 6. There i s a need for increased cooperation between the two lev e l s of government to prevent d u p l i c a t i o n of services and to ensure that the advantages of both systems are f u l l y u t i l i z e d . For example/ there may be d i s t i n c t advantages to land trades i n which those areas designated for preservation would be co n t r o l l e d by the Federal Government. • - 170 -and recreation-oriented areas might be administered by the P r o v i n c i a l Government. The rationale for t h i s l i e s i n the Federal Government's t i g h t e r park l e g i s l a t i o n and the fact that the Federal Government i s less susceptible to s e l f - i n t e r e s t pressure groups. 7. S i g n i f i c a n t pressure could be taken o f f parks i f forestry lands could be used for r e c r e a t i o n a l purposes, thus allowing a greater emphasis to be placed on preservation i n both federal and p r o v i n c i a l parks. 8. In parks planning, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n e s t a b l i s h i n g "wilderness" areas, greater consideration should be given to the maintenance of e c o l o g i c a l u n i t s . The second myth that t h i s paper intended to examine concerned the myth of "overabundance" which suggested that much of B.C. was presently wilderness and would remain so i n d e f i n i t e l y without any conscious e f f o r t made towards i t s preservation. The r e s u l t s of t h i s study c l e a r l y indicate that this i s not the case. Vancouver Island (1970) was found to possess less than s i x percent of i t s area as wilderness. In using these figures i t must be kept i n mind that they represent the absolute maximum quantity of wilderness. Refining the d e f i n i t i o n or conducting a more intensive examination - 171 -can only reduce t h i s amount. Although the ent i r e area was not examined u t i l i z i n g P r o v i n c i a l Land Status maps, i t would be safe to assume that less than 40% of the mainland region South of 54° was wilderness i n 1970. The 1970 figure for the region North of 5 4° indicated that 84% of t h i s area was wilderness, a figure that was compiled without the use of P r o v i n c i a l Land Status maps. The accuracy of t h i s figure must necessarily remain uncertain, although i t may confidently be assumed that i t s value has been decreasing at a reasonably rapid rate as B.C.'s North continues to experience extensive development. In the t r a d i t i o n of a f r o n t i e r society, B r i t i s h Columbia's growth has been largely dependent upon resource development. The e a r l i e s t wide-spread a c t i v i t y was the mining industry that flourished i n many sections of the Province, most notably i n South-Central B r i t i s h Columbia. The greatest predator of wilderness values, however, has been the forest industry. It i s d i f f i c u l t to assess the exact extent of i t s role i n the past, but i n recent years i t s e f f e c t has d e f i n i t e l y been far-reaching. Forestry has also served as the greatest source of ignorance with regard to "unmapped" a c t i v i t i e s . Comprehensive data for t h i s industry i s v i r t u a l l y non-existent or hopelessly - 172 -outdated. I t was estimated that during 1970 the forest industry of B.C. u t i l i z e d 500/000 acres of forest (Personal interview with B.C. Council of Foresters, December, 1971). This was the f i r s t year that any such data had been tabled. Given B.C.'s vast forest reserves, the present trend of wilderness depredation through logging a c t i v i t i e s can be expected to continue and increase, leaving the forest industry as the primary predator of wilderness. The over-riding c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of wilderness that makes i t a very unique resource i s i t s i r r e v e r s i b l e q u a l i t y . A wilderness area may always be relegated to any resource a c t i v i t y however, the converse i s not true. 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