Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Social flexibility and integration in a Canadian Inuit settlement : Lake Harbour, M.W.T. ; 1970 Lange, Phillip Allen 1972

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Notice for Google Chrome users:
If you are having trouble viewing or searching the PDF with Google Chrome, please download it here instead.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1972_A8 L35_5.pdf [ 7.71MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0101683.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0101683-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0101683-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0101683-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0101683-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0101683-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0101683-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0101683-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0101683.ris

Full Text

at. FLEXIBILITY AND INTEGRATION CANADIAN INUIT SETTLEMENT t LAKE HARBOUR, N.W.T.; 1970 by P h i l l i p A l l e n Lange B . A . , C a l i f o r n i a S ta te C o l l e g e at Long Beach, 1968 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology SOCIAL IN A We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the req u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY- OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1972 In present ing th is thes is in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t • o f the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make it f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I fu r ther agree that permission for extensive copying of th is t h e s i s fo r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h is representa t ives . It is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f th is t h e s i s fo r f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion . Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada D a t e ^ &^£r/t>l_ ABSTRACT The f l e x i b i l i t y of I n u i t s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n may be d e f i n e d as a l a c k of s o c i e t a l pre fe rence among s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t courses of a c t i o n . A l t h o u g h the concept of f l e x i b i l i t y has wide a p p l i c a t i o n to I n u i t s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n t h i s does not suggest t h a t there i s a complete l a c k of s t r u c t u r e and o r d e r . Some of the parameters of f l e x i b i l i t y are d e s c r i b e d through behaviour which i s e i t h e r d isapproved or r e q u i r e d . Two theses are advanced. One i s tha t f l e x i b i l i t y a l l o w s c r e a t i v e a c t i o n which i s p o t e n t i a l l y a d a p t i v e and/or i n t e g r a t i v e . T h i s p o i n t i s developed by showing a v a r i e t y of ways i n which d i f f e r e n t I n u i t men i n Lake Harbour e f f e c t i v e l y u t i l i z e combinat ions of h u n t i n g , t r a p p i n g , c a r v i n g and w a g e - l a b o u r , each i n a manner unique to h i m s e l f . The o ther t h e s i s i s tha t I n u i t s o c i e t y i s i n t e g r a t e d w h o l l y through m u t u a l l y consensual d y a d i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s . There are two ways i n which the importance of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s are shown, in I n u i t l i f e . One i s l a c k of imposed a u t h o r i t y ; the other i s the r i c h v a r i e t y of r i t u a l and other r e l a t i o n s h i p s which are e i t h e r based or seen to be based on the consensus of the two p a r t i c i p a n t s f o r the i n i t i a t i o n and c o n t e n t , of the r e l a t i o n s h i p . L o c a l group l e a d e r s h i p shows t h i s c l e a r l y as men r e c o g n i z e a man as l eader o n l y w h i l e he p r o v i d e s them b e n e f i t s . The c h a r a c t e r i s i t c a t t r i b u t e s of l e a d e r s h i p (age, s k i l l i n h u n t i n g , knowledge, p o s i t i o n as head of a l a r g e k i n group and ownership of a boat) do not r e s u l t i n l e a d e r s h i p i f a man i s unable to p r o v i d e resources to o t h e r s . The importance of m u t u a l l y consensual dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s shown through d e s c r i p t i o n s of r e j e c t e d c h i l d r e n and orphans , who r e c e i v e what Euro-Canadians cons ider to be t rauma- induc ing abuse and r e j e c t i o n , ye t appear to develop h e l a t h y p e r s o n a l i t i e s through acceptance and nur turance on the p a r t of peers and sympathet ic a d u l t s . Because of the d y a d i c consensual nature of I n u i t s o c i a l o r g a n i -z a t i o n , i t s i n t e g r a t i o n r e l i e s c r i t i c a l l y on I n u i t v o l u n t a r i l y e s t a b l i s h i n g t i e s of dependence and s u p p o r t . TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE i INTRODUCTION . . 1 A BRIEF HISTORY OF EURO-CANADIAN CONTACT AT LAKE HARBOUR, N.W.T. AND A DESCRIPTION OF THE SETTLEMENT ©8 The Weekls A c t i v i t i e s 13 SOCIAL INTEGRATION IN LAKE HARBOUR 19 INTEGRATION THROUGH CONSENSUAL RELATIONSHIPS 70 CONCLUSION 82 FOOTNOTES 90 BIBLIOGRAPHY. . ... ...... 93 MAPS , South-East B a f f i n I s l a n d Settlement of Lake Harbour PREFACE The reader w i l l f i n d s e v e r a l usa.ges i n t h i s paper which are perhaps u n f a m i l i a r to him. The term "Euro-Canadian" r e f e r s to the White p o p u l a t i o n found i n the Canadian A r c t i c , f o r Canadians and Europeans form i t s l a r g e s t p a r t i although the term White i s a l s o used. Euro-North American i s used when d e s c r i b i n g modes of thought common to Europeans and North Americans. The Word I n u i t ( s i n g u l a r Inuk) r e f e r s to Eskimos,, f o r the l a t t e r term i s d i s l i k e d by some I n u i t and, indeed, o f t e n has a ^ p e j o r a t i v e connotation i n such centres as Fr o b i s h e r Bay. I f anyone objects to r e j e c t i n g the term "Eskimo" I can only say that i t seems a small t h i n g to c a l l a. group by the name which they p r e f e r . "Ka.bloona" r e f e r s to Euro-Canadians as perceived by I n u i t . V a l l e e ( 1 9 6 7 ) made t h i s term "Kabloona" current among s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and so I use h i s s p e l -l i n g although i n other d i a l e c t s i t would appear d i f f e r e n t l y . I f a l l the v a r i a n t v e r s i o n s of the word were used from d i f f e r e n t d i a -l e c t s by w r i t e r s with d i f f e r e n t orthographies, dozens of permuta-t i o n s are p o s s i b l e . I have seen krablunak, kadlunak, k a l l u n a k , qa.lunak, qadlunak and qallunaaq. Dozens of people deserve thanks f o r t h e i r p a r t i n f u r t h e r i n g t h i s t h e s i s . I am e s p e c i a l l y g r a t e f u l to the Lake Harbour I n u i t who helped me to l e a r n what l i t t l e I know of t h e i r way of l i f e . Many helped me, e s p e c i a l l y Sandy Akavak, T i m i l a k P i t s i u l a k , A r l u k -toq, K u tsiadjuk and Qipa.niq. To a l l of them "qujanamikl" I a l s o thank the Hudson's Bay Co. and George Croston, Lake Harbour H.B.C. manager, f o r valuable access to much inf o r m a t i o n on f u r and s k i n y i e l d s . In w r i t i n g my t h e s i s I was helped by Dr. W. W i l l m o t t , my t h e s i s committee chairman, and by Dr. K. 0. B u r r i d g e and Dr. M. Kew. T h e i r a i d was i n v a l u a b l e . George D i v e k y and S c o t t B u r b i d g e a r e f e l l o w g r a d u a t e s t u d e n t s who h e l p e d w i t h v a l u a b l e comments. T h i s t h e s i s i s based on the l i t e r a t u r e and on f i e l d work done i n Lake Harbour from December 19^9 t o September 1970 w h i l e I was a member o f the " I d e n t i t y and M o d e r n i t y i n the E a s t A r c t i c " r e -s e a r c h p r o j e c t o f the Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y , M e m o r i a l U n i v e r s i t y o f Newfoundland. The p r o j e c t was f i n a n c e d t h r o u g h g r a n t s awarded by the Canada C o u n c i l as p a r t o f i t s K i l l a m Awards Programme. While a t M e m o r i a l U n i v e r s i t y I r e c e i v e d much a i d and encouragement from Frank A l l u r e d , Dr. Jean B r i g g s , Dr. M i l t o n Freeman, Dr. Robert P a i n e ( p r o j e c t d i r e c t o r ) and P a u l Year-gans. I s i n c e r e l y thank them a l l . s p a 4^ « 1 ON O e f : M c o . r 0.6-2? 1 7W*oo$y at - / / V < W &3 o/rr's £<£sc<c B.4 /fee* /9P/»/<otsr«4ro£'s Jiesws-^ce Z<t> flues*** f<c 28 S.e.C & rente 3 / srui>e*>r /jfc*re<. XJ3L CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Many researchers have t r e a t e d I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y as a l a c k of behavioural r i g i d i t y i n I n u i t s o c i e t y and i n response to the p h y s i -c a l environment (Briggs 1970) (Guemple 1970) (Honigmann 1959» 119) (Willmott i 9 6 0 ) . In t h i s paper I propose to examine the nature and parameters of that f l e x i b i l i t y and to r e l a t e I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y to the i n t e g r a t i o n of I n u i t p e r s o n a l i t y and the s o c i a l order. The word " f l e x i b i l i t y " i t s e l f can have d i f f e r e n t meanings. In Websters New C o l l e g i a t e D i c t i o n a r y there are s e v e r a l meanings which could r e f e r to the I n u i t s i t u a t i o n "...2. y i e l d i n g to i n f l u e n c e ; 3. capable of responding or conforming to changing or new s i t u a t i o n s " (Gove 1970» 869). Honigmann was the f i r s t to analyze I n u i t s o c i e t y i n terms of i t s f l e x i b i l i t y , which he defined as "...a re l a x e d mode of procedures and t o l e r a n t a t t i t u d e s towards demands of l i v i n g " (1959» H9)» However, r a t h e r than r e s t r i c t t h i s paper to a s i n g l e d e f i n i t i o n of f l e x i b i l i t y , I w i l l attempt to demonstrate the nature of r e l a t i o n s h i p s (both w i t h s o c i e t y and environment) which among I n u i t are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a l a c k of r i g i d l y s p e c i f i e d a c t i o n s i n response to s o c i e t y and environment. Unless I am s p e c i f i c a l l y u sing the term " f l e x i b i l i t y " i n another w r i t e r ' s terms, the reader can assume tha t I use i t to describe s i t u a t i o n s i n which there i s no strong s o c i e t a l preference among s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t courses of a c t i o n . Let us look f u r t h e r i n t o the l i t e r a t u r e on I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y to see what i m p l i c a t i o n s previous research has on my t o p i c . - 2 -Honigmann f i r s t suggested f l e x i b i l i t y as a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of I n u i t c u l t u r e as one of s e v e r a l other r e l a t e d f e a t u r e s which were a l l subsumed as pa r t of the ethos of I n u i t c u l t u r e a t Great Whale Ri v e r , P.Q. (1959). Therefore, to understand h i s use of f l e x i b i -l i t y , one must f i r s t examine h i s idea, of ethos to understand the concept of which f l e x i b i l i t y forms a. p a r t . He defines ethos as "the emotional aspects" abstracted from a r t i f a c t s and behaviour ( i . e . c u l t u r e ) "...an attempt i s made to ex p l a i n the emotional q u a l i t y of an a c t i v i t y , thought or a r t i f a c t i n terms of p s y c h o l o g i c a l d r i v e theory" (1959» 106)?. To ampli f y the above qu o t a t i o n , Honigmann considers two other concepts as being very s i m i l a r to h i s ethos concepti Krbeber's " s t y l e " and Weakland's "form" (Honigmann 1959« 106-109). Yet these l a s t two concepts are not u s e f u l i n d e f i n i n g Honigmann's ethos concept, f o r they seem to have l i t t l e to do wit h e i t h e r i t or I n u i t society.-^ For myself, h i s ethos concept i s so vague that I cannot even con-ceive of what i d e a l l y are "the emotional aspects of c u l t u r e " and there f o r e cannot evaluate the concept as such. Yet despite the questionable nature of h i s concept of ethos, Honigmann does i s o l a t e out what to me are some of the most s a l i e n t aspects of I n u i t c u l t u r e , which I can only appreciate and u t i l i z e . To g i v e an overview of the feat u r e s of I n u i t c u l t u r e which, along w i t h f l e x i b i l i t y , were abstracted from Honigmann's data, a l l s i x aspects of the Great Whale R i v e r ethos are l i s t e d ! A. A frank f r i e n d l y g e n i a l and r a t h e r spontaneous demeanor i n i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s , to which i s r e l a t e d , p r i o r to marriage e s p e c i a l l y , an easy r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h mem-bers of the opposite sex and a ca p a c i t y to form deep emotional attachments. - 3 -B. A confident and o p t i m i s t i c approach to a t l e a s t the or-dinary problems of ex i s t e n c e . C. A n a r c i s s i s t i c i d e a l i z a t i o n of the s e l f along w i t h a strong f e e l i n g of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r one's a c t i o n s . D. A r e l a t i v e l y quick v u l n e r a b i l i t y to hu r t and to f r u s t r a -t i o n t h a t may be r e l a t e d to a c a p a c i t y f o r empathy. E. R e j e c t i o n and avoidance of aggression. F. F l e x i b i l i t y w i t h regard to many procedures (but not to the'point of d i s o r d e r l i n e s s o r undependajbility) accompan-i e d by a r e l a t i v e absence of m a g i c a l i t y . Remembering that Honigmann defines I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y as "...a relaxed mode of procedures and t o l e r a n t a t t i t u d e s towards demands of l i v i n g " , he attempts to give a q u a l i t a t i v e comparison by n o t i n g that I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y does not approach the d i s o r d e r l i n e s s of the Aymara and Kaska ( i b i d i 119). Rather than give spurious compari-sons or i l l u s t r a t i o n s l i k e t h i s , I w i l l compare the nature and ex-tent of I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y and behaviour to tha t of the Whites i n the A r c t i c , not i n order to use Euro-Canadians as a c o n t r o l group (which could not be j u s t i f i e d m ethodologically) but r a t h e r to y i e l d data on the c u l t u r e complex which a f f e c t s I n u i t most a c u t e l y and w i l l i l l u s t r a t e and h o p e f u l l y e x p l a i n some of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of c u l t u r e contact i n the Canadian East A r c t i c . . An important p o i n t i s that I n u i t s o c i a l l i f e i s not complete-l y impromptu and haphazard, f o r Honigmann notes t h a t there i s or-dering i n behaviour and t h a t , f o r example, although food l i e s ac-c e s s i b l e the c h i l d does not dive i n t o i t whenever he f e e l s hungry but waits u n t i l mother feeds him. He notes t h a t f l e x i b i l i t y i s not as high as i t could be t h e o r e t i c a l l y ( i b i d t 120). H o p e f u l l y , I w i l l be able to s e t f o r t h some of the parameters of t h i s f l e x i b i l i t y . - 4 -Willmott g r e a t l y c l a r i f i e d the e f f e c t s of I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y , not by seeing i t as a p a r t of a c u l t u r a l theme, but by d e s c r i b i n g s p e c i f i c areas of I n u i t c u l t u r e ( f a m i l y o r g a n i z a t i o n , k i n s h i p t e r -minology, community o r g a n i z a t i o n and r e c r e a t i o n ) and then d e s c r i b -i n g the e f f e c t s of the f l e x i b i l i t y observable i n the a c t i v i t i e s of those areas. He a l s o drew out the t h e o r e t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y . The questions that he r a i s e d about the nature and consequences of f l e x i b i l i t y i n I n u i t s o c i e t y s t i m u l a t e d t h i s paper and i t s two theses. In a s s e s s i n g the importance of I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y W i l l m o t t begins w i t h the household, the b a s i c s o c i a l u n i t . Yet the essen-t i a l needs which i t e x i s t s to f u l f i l l (food, sewing, emotional support, s l e e p i n g space, sex) are ofte n s a t i s f i e d elsewhere. Post-marriage l o c a l i t y depends on s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s and can be des-c r i b e d as f l e x i b l e . There i s a wide range of f a m i l y types, and adoption i s an important means of household recruitment (16% a t Port H a r r i s o n i n 1959» 13% a t Lake Harbour from 1961 to 1970). K i n s h i p terminology i s f r e q u e n t l y n o n - s p e c i f i c and i s more "appro-p r i a t e to the nature of the personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the two" i n question than to g e n e a l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n and k i n terms are used between un r e l a t e d people (Willmott 1960t 51). Community organiza-t i o n has v a r i e d from t h a t of sm a l l f l e x i b l e bands without c l e a r l y marked l e a d e r s h i p , through s t a b l e camps w i t h q u i t e powerful leaders to settlement l i v i n g without long-term l e a d e r s h i p (ibid« 4-9, 51, 52-5*0. A f t e r reviewing the o r i e n t a t i o n i n f a m i l y o r g a n i z a t i o n , k i n -- 5 -ship terminology and community o r g a n i z a t i o n which have been a p a r t of I n u i t experience, Willmott suggests t h a t a c c u l t u r a t i o n has been " r e l a t i v e l y f r e e of c o n f l i c t a t (Port) H a r r i s o n " because " a c t i o n p a t t e r n s were not r i g i d nor h e a v i l y value-laden (and) they couild adapt to the changing s i t u a t i o n without the Eskimo f e e l i n g an over-whelming sense of los s " < • ( i b i d i 55). Changes i n community organiza-t i o n o f f e r some e s p e c i a l l y c l e a r - c u t examples of t h i s . W i l l m o t t c o r r e c t l y notes t h a t I n u i t o f t e n r e a c t to changes wrought by both environmental f a c t o r s and tiy Euro-Canadians i n the same manner« by accepting and adapting to the changes. This acceptance i s o f t e n accompanied by the arunamut a t t i t u d e which says, i n e f f e c t , "One accepts without p r o t e s t because nothing can be done aibouitfiTt"» and the i s s u e i n question can be a r e f u s a l of c r e d i t , a drop i n the p r i c e of f u r s or c a r v i n g s , even mandatory school attendance f o r c h i l d r e n . Willmott has pointed out tha t Clnuit^ f l e x i b i l i t y has aided acculturation»(ibidi 55-56). But adaptation to changing circumstances a l s o occurs when I n u i t take c r e a t i v e a c t i o n to u t i -l i z e f a c t o r s present i n the s i t u a t i o n i n a c r e a t i v e manner which I b e l i e v e i s permitted by t h e i r f l e x i b i l i t y . And so one t h e s i s of t h i s paper i s t h a t " f l e x i b i l i t y a l lows c r e a t i v e a c t i o n and t h i s c r e a t i v e a c t i o n i s p o t e n t i a l l y adaptive and/or i n t e g r a t i v e " . Crea-t i v e processes are those which re-combine elements present i n the s i t u a t i o n i n t o new c o n f i g u r a t i o n s . Adaptation i s adjustment to an a l t e r e d environment. The d e f i n i t i o n of i n t e g r a t i o n to be used i n t h i s paper i s from an a r t i c l e by Landecker (1951',^0) i n which he develops Smend's approach to i n t e g r a t i o n as "the constant u n i f i c a -t i o n " of the members of a group. - 6 -The second t h e s i s of t h i s paper r e l a t e s to i s s u e s n?aised by Willmott about the r e l a t i o n between I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y and the i n -t e g r a t i o n of the various l e v e l s of t h e i r s o c i e t y i "For i f p a t t e r n s of behaviour are not standardized as values...what produces s o l i -d a r i t y and i n t e g r a t i o n i n the s o c i e t y * i n the l o c a l group o r i n the f a m i l y ? " (1960t 57). Because the household i s the ba s i c u n i t of I n u i t s o c i e t y * "One would the r e f o r e expect i t to be h i g h l y i n t e g r a t e d * w i t h strong interdependence not only on the economic l e v e l , but on the p e r s o n a l i t y l e v e l as w e l l . But the r e l a t i v e ease wi t h which c h i l d r e n are passed from one f a m i l y to another, and the apparent l a c k of p e r s o n a l -i t y damage to c h i l d r e n r e s u l t i n g from even repeated adoptions, i n d i c a t e s t h a t t i e s between parents and c h i l d r e n are e a s i l y broken, e a s i l y made... (S)ince we know tha t personal i d e n t i f y i s learned from r e l a t i o n s h i p s , how does the c h i l d g a i n h i s sense of personal i d e n t i t y ? How does he l e a r n to understand h i s st a t u s and...his r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h other members of the s o c i e t y ? I t has been assumed by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . . . that t h i s personal i d e n t i f y comes from the unique r e -l a t i o n s h i p between parent and c h i l d , e s p e c i a l l y mother and c h i l d . I s i t p o s s i b l e t h a t personal i d e n t i t y may develop without such a unique r e l a t i o n s h i p . . . ? " ( i b i d ) . The i n t e g r a t i o n of the l o c a l group i s a l s o problematic, f o r k i n s h i p i s not the p r i n c i p a l means of t h i s i n t e g r a t i o n and both economic co-operation and l e a d e r s h i p can vary from t h a t of a high order to r e l a t i v e l y none. Again, I b e l i e v e t h a t I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y f o s t e r s a s i t u a t i o n i n which o r i g i n a l , c r e a t i v e p a t t e r n s of behaviour can e x i s t and so I suggest as the second t h e s i s of t h i s paper th a t " I n u i t s o c i e t y i s i n t e g r a t e d through consensual r e l a t i o n s h i p s which are created by the a c t o r s who p a r t i c i p a t e i n them". Hop e f u l l y t h i s t h e s i s - 7 -w i l l v e r i f y to some degree the p o i n t that among I n u i t there i s no i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p whose i n i t i a t i o n and content can be taken f o r g r a n t e d — n o t even th a t between mother and c h i l d . CHAPTER I I A BRIEF HISTORY OF EURO-CANADIAN CONTACT AT LAKE HARBOUR, N.W.T. AND A DESCRIPTION OF THE SETTLEMENT Lake Harbour (62°5l'N, 69*53'W) i s l o c a t e d on the southern coast of B a f f i n I s l a n d , a t the head of North Bay. I t i s seventy-f i v e miles southwest of i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centre a t F r o b i s h e r Bay. This distance can be t r a v e l l e d by skidoo i n from f i v e tp eig h t hours (see Map, page i i i ) . When Boas d i d f i e l d w o r k i n 1883-1884 he learned of three groups that i n h a b i t e d the southern shore of B a f f i n I s l a n d ; the S h i k o s u i l a r m i u t , the A k u l i a r m i u t and the Qaumauangmiut (I8881 13). He reported i n f r e q u e n t contacts between the f i r s t two, because of a long uninhabited coast, and f a i r l y frequent contacts between the l a t t e r two. One of the w i n t e r camps of the A k u l i a r m i u t (and of many Qaumauangmiut) was a t North Bay. Boas reported t h a t Amer-i c a n whalers had already e s t a b l i s h e d a s t a t i o n i n A k u l i a r m i u t , and the I n u i t there were amply su p p l i e d w i t h f i r e a r m s and other Euro-pean trade goods. Whalers estimated the p o p u l a t i o n of tha t shore as f o l l o w s 1 f i f t y S k i k o s u i l a r m i u t , tw6 hundred A k u l i a r m i u t and f i f t y Qaumauangmiut, the people being s c a t t e r e d along the coast i n many camps ( i b i d i 14, 55» 60). Lake Harbour was the s i t e s e l e c t e d f o r the f i r s t permanent r e l i g i o u s mission on thessmth%m shore of B a f f i n I s l a n d . In 1909 A r c h i b a l d Lang Fleming, under the auspices of the An g l i c a n church, - 9 -landed there and began l e a r n i n g the language, t r a n s l a t i n g the B i b l e and t r a v e l i n g both east and west, i n s t r u c t i n g and teaching the people. By 1920 the great m a j o r i t y of the people seem to have been converted, f o r i n tha t year Fleming r e p o r t s the baptism of the one shaman from t h a t area who had been the most i n s i s t e n t i n r e f u s i n g to hear and accept the gospel (Fleming 1965« 203-205). The conversion of the I n u i t to Anglicanism seems complete f o r I encountered no evidence of shamanism whatsoever, and C h r i s t i a n t o p i c s enter n a t u r a l l y i n t o everyday conversation. On l a n d i n g a t Lake Harbour, Fleming found t h a t the Scots whaler A c t i v e had been long a c t i v e i n h i r i n g men to mine mica from an i n l a n d mine. I n a d d i t i o n about e i g h t y I n u i t men were h i r e d y e a r l y to work on the ship hunting whales. T h e i r e n t i r e f a m i l i e s accompanied them on the s h i p . Trading was a l s o c a r r i e d on ( i b i d t 56). The Hudson's Bay Company e s t a b l i s h e d a post a t Lake Harbour i n 1911 and has continued there to t h i s day. Hence the j o c u l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of H.B.C., "Here Before C h r i s t " , does not apply to t h i s p a r t i c u l a r community. Whereas the whaling captains had traded European goods f o r v a r i o u s f u r s and baleen, the H.B.C. str e s s e d the trapping of white fox to the e x c l u s i o n of other economic p u r s u i t s (Fleming 1965» l 6 * f - l 6 5 ) . The Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e e s t a b l i s h e d a post i n 1924 on the east side of the f j o r d . I t s d u t i e s have remained almost the same from t h a t year to the pre s e n t j the maintenance of law - 10 -and order, the iss u e of r e l i e f c r e d i t s , and ca r e t a k i n g of Canada's A r c t i c sovereignty and preventing misuse of w i l d l i f e resources. The Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e now a l s o handles m a i l and has the p r i n c i p a l r a d i o contact w i t h F r o b i s h e r Bay. In the summer of 1970 a l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r welfare payments was t r a n s f e r r e d to the l o c a l Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r , under the new Northwest T e r r i -t o r i e s government. As Graburn noted, the An g l i c a n church and the H.B.C. have had much ifiore e f f e c t on the l i v e s of the people than has the R.C.M.P. (I9631 2 ) . In 1921 the H.B.C. opened a store a t Amadjuak, but i t was clo s e d i n 1938. The U.S.A.F. oper-ated a r a d i o s t a t i o n at Lake Harbour during World War I I . Following the war a Nursing S t a t i o n was operated, f i r s t by the A n g l i c a n Church and l a t e r by the Department of N a t i o n a l Health and Welfare. Both i t and a. b o a t - b u i l d i n g p r o j e c t opened i n 1953 were closed due to misunderstandings among the Whites and between them and the I n u i t . During the 1950s the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the Dew-Line s t a t i o n a t Fro b i s h e r Bay a t t r a c t e d l a r g e numbers of people w i t h hopes of wage-work and a higher standard of l i v i n g . Between 1880 and 195^ the p o p u l a t i o n of the area probably v a r i e d between 250 and 330, but by i960 there were only 120, f o r most of * the r e s t had l e f t f o r F r o b i s h e r Bay (Graburn I9631 2-3). By i960 the H.B.C., An g l i c a n M i s s i o n and R.C.M.P. were a l l t h i n k i n g of c l o s i n g t h e i r f a c i l i t i e s , and Graburn was h i r e d by the N.C.R.C. to conduct a study and from h i s f i n d i n g s present data that could a i d the government i n planning f o r the f u t u r e of - 111-the people there (ibidi preface). He recommended strongly that Lake Harbour not be closed (ibid» 26-29). Whether pr not his re-commendations were heeded i s beyond the scope of this work, but none of the above institutions closed their doors, and since 1965 there has been considerable government investment in two new gen-erators, a new three-room school, twenty-two new three-bedroom houses, a hostel fbrhouse teachers and students from.the camps as well as a two-storey house for the Area Administrator. These works had been preceeded by an increase in the population to about 1^ -0, largely people dissatisfied with l i f e i n Frobisher Bay. Dur-ing the summer of 1970 Shell Oil invested in the construction of two A,000 barrel o i l tanks. If Lake Harbour were closed today there would be almost a total write-off of more than $500,000,000 (Higgins 1967« 133). The Inuit population of Lake Harbour was I67 in December, 1969. There were twenty-one households in the settlement and four in the permanent camp of Qiudjuak which i s seventeen miles <2£EG8II the fjord. An extensive input-output analysis of energy flow in the camp i s presented by Kemp (1971« 10^-ff). Lake Harbour has been the scene of considerable s c i e n t i f i c research. Dr. Dewey Soper of the Department of the Interior stu-died the zoology, geology and geography of southern Baffin Island with Lake Harbour as his base. Dozens of explorations in the area are detailed in Millward (1929). Lake Harbour has long been considered one of the most beau-t i f u l settlements in Canada's Eastern Arctic, but Euro-Canadians - 12 -Who a r r i v e there today u s u a l l y comment tha t t h i s was probably true before forty-two b u i l d i n g s were put up and dozens of e l e c t r i c poles were erected, p r o j e c t i n g up i n t o the sky. During the f i e l d work p e r i o d the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the va r i o u s agencies were as followst the H.B.C. bought f u r s , s k i n s and carv-ings (but no sewn goods)? s o l d b a s i c and l u x u r y goods and advanced c r e d i t ; the R.C.M.P. administered s o c i a l w e l f a r e , the m a i l s , p r o v i -ded h e a l t h care ( i f no nurse was present) and emergency communication and enforced game laws; the Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r as the s e n i o r govern-ment o f f i c i a l i m p l i c i t l y but i n f o r m a l l y oversaw a l l governmental ac-t i v i t i e s , more e x p l i c i t l y he was school p r i n c i p a l (and so oversaw the teacher) and hi m s e l f taught. The D.O.T. mechanic o f f i c i a l l y ^oversaw the maintenance of a l l governmental e q u i p m e n t t h i s i n c l u d e d water supply, e l e c t r i c i t y , sewage pickup, stoves and furnaces but i n f o r m a l l y he always helped p r i v a t e agencies w i t h t h e i r equipment; the missionary and h i s w i f e held s e r v i c e s f o r both I n u i t and Whites, he a l s o continued h i s t r a n s l a t i o n s . The f o l l o w i n g a l l c o n s e c u t i v e l y f u l f i l l e d the above f u n c t i o n s during the f i e l d w o r k periodt three H.B.C. managers, two R.C.M.P. o f f i c e r s , two Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r s , two D.O.T. mechanics and one missionary. Two teachers taught s i m u l t a n -eously f o r awhile. A l l wives of the married agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s were i n Lake Harbour. Also present were two researchers, a l i n g u i s t from the Univer-s i t y of Toronto and myself. S o c i o l o g i c a l l y the town's l a y o u t i s most i n t e r e s t i n g . Most of the Euro-Canadians l i v e n o r t h of the stream shown on the map on - 13 -page i v ^ The lands leased by the H.B.C. are d e l i n e a t e d . On that side of the stream are the quarters f o r the H.B.C. manager, the m i s s i o n -ary, the mechanic and the Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r . There are only three dwellings f o r I n u i t on the northern side of town, and two of these are the only three-bedroom houses to have been unoccuped. The peo-p l e c l e a r l y p r e f e r to l i v e south of the stream i n the midst of f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s . In the settlement a l l of the I n u i t (except f o r two f a m i l i e s new-l y a r r i v e d from F r o b i s h e r Bay) l i v e i n three-bedroom houses w i t h k i t c h e n , l i v i n g room and bathroom. Water i s s u p p l i e d twice a week to c t h i i f i f t y g a l l o n tank i n each house by a C a t e r p i l l a r - p u l l e d tank which i s mounted on a huge s l e d or wagon (depending on the season). The water comes from a lake c l o s e to the settlement. Sewage i s c o l -l e c t e d d a i l y i n p l a s t i c "honey bags" and deposited e i t h e r i n l a n d or out on the sea i c e . Both of these m u n i c i p a l s e r v i c e s are c a r r i e d out by I n u i t under the s u p e r v i s i o n of the D.O.T. mechanic. The Week's A c t i v i t i e s On Sunday morning the I n u i t e i t h e r v i s i t around to the houses of f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s or remain a t home, perhaps reading the B i b l e t e x t f o r the day from the s y l l a b i c t r a n s l a t i o n , perhaps p l a y -i n g w i t h t h e i r c h i l d r e n , or even j u s t s i t t i n g , enjoying a l e i s u r e -l y b r e a k f a s t of tea and bannock w i t h gam. The morning s e r v i c e be-g i n s a t l i t 0 0 a.m., but by 10t30 some f a m i l i e s are a l r e a d y on the way. By 10t50 almost everyone has s t a r t e d . A f t e r knocking e i t h e r snow or mud from t h e i r shoes they enter the Church and s i t q u i e t l y . - Ik -E x t r a c h a i r s and benches w i l l probably have to be fetched from the mission house by the young men f o r almost everyone comes un-l e s s s i c k or tending someone who i s s i c k , Skidoos can be heard buzzing along, loaded w i t h a w i f e and many c h i l d r e n , r i g h t up to 11tGO a.m. In wi n t e r about twenty skidoos are parked i n f r o n t of the church. Around 10i55 one of the young boys r i n g s the s t e e p l e - b e l l . F a m i l i e s u s u a l l y s i t together, and c e r t a i n f a m i l i e s l i k e to always s i t i n the same pew. Otherwise i f a male s i t s f i r s t i n a pew then u s u a l l y males w i l l continue to choose t h a t one, while females w i l l s i t i n pews occupied by other females. By the time the church i s almost f u l l one i s glad to f i n d a seat anywhere. ThenAnglican m i n i s t e r , a n a t i v e of northern England, enters i n h i s robes, followed by the l a y c a t e c h i s t , an o l d e r and respected Inuk who i s considered by Euro-Canadians to be the l e a d e r of the I n u i t . These men conduct the s e r v i c e , and the missionary's w i f e p l a y s the hymns on a small organ. This s e r v i c e and a l l others are i n the people's own language. Whites are conspicuous by t h e i r absence (except f o r the so-c i a l s c i e n t i s t s present i n the community). The great m a j o r i t y of the Euro-Canadians enter r a r e l y , i f ever, i n t o e i t h e r the church or the evening E n g l i s h hymn s e r v i c e held i n the missionary*s home. The church i t s e l f i s s m a l l and was b u i l t by the people them-s e l v e s . I n s i d e , the pews are simple and gray, and small s e a l s k i n s sewn by the women serve as seats and cushions f o r k n e e l i n g . The - 15 -a l t a r has a s e a l s k i n cover a l s o made by the women. A t a p e s t r y of the Last Supper hangs above the a l t a r . On the w a l l i s a bronze plaque commemorating i n s y l l a b i c characters Pudlo, one o f the f i r s t converts a t the mission e s t a b l i s h e d by Fleming, who l a t e r became a missionary to the I n u i t of the Baker Lake r e g i o n . At noon, the s e r v i c e ends and the c h i l d r e n stream o u t , f i r s t pausing to shake hands wi t h the missionary who stands i n s i d e the door, then w i t h the l a y e a t e c h i s t who stands without. The a d u l t s f o l l o w , each shaking hands w i t h the two men and saying qu.ia.na.mik ("One i s g r a t e f u l " ) . The I n u i t o f t e n go d i r e c t l y : t o a r e l a t i v e ' s house f o r tea and very l i k e l y a f e a s t of raw s e a l , c a ribou and ptarmigan, ithe men s l i c i n g the meat held i n t h e i r t e e t h w i t h k n i v e s , the women usi n g an u l u (the s e m i - c i r c u l a r women's k n i f e ) . The afternoon i s spent napping or v i s i t i n g by both I n u i t and < Euro-Canadians. As the I n u i t v i s i t , they may continue e a t i n g raw meat and w i l l c e r t a i n l y continue consuming tea and bannock. V i s -i t s among the Whites w i l l perhaps be accompanied w i t h more cakes, cookies and chips than i s normal during the week. At liOO p.m. the b e l l r i n g s f o r Sunday s c h o o l , which i s held i n the classroom i n the missionary's house. The c h i l d r e n of the r e s i d e n t Euro-Canadians o f t e n attend t h i s c l a s s . At 2i00 p.m. t h i s c l a s s i s over, and the teen-age boys and g i r l s come together i n the mission's classroom. Whereas the missionary's w i f e teaches the young c h i l d r e n , the Inuk R.C.M.P. s p e c i a l constable teaches the teen-agers. - 16 -The evening s e r v i c e begins a t 61OO p.m., and a t 5*55 the steeple b e l l i s again rung by one of the boys. Attendance a t t h i s s e r v i c e i s always l e s s than a t the morning s e r v i c e . I f i t i s Gommunion Sunday (the f i r s t i n the month) then only those who are baptized w i l l s t ay to share the sacraments. Otherwise, a t the end of the s e r v i c e there w i l l be B i b l e r e c i t a t i o n s . Each year a book of the B i b l e i s chosen ( i n 1970 i t was John),and those who have been asked e a r l i e r by the m i n i s t e r w i l l each r e c i t e as much as he o r she' can remember of a s e c t i o n t h a t he or she has chosen. At the c o n c l u s i o n of the B i b l e r e c i t a t i o n the people f i l e out as before, each shaking hands w i t h the m i n i s t e r and the l a y reader, saying qu.janamik. There are s e v e r a l l a y readers, a l l men i n t h e i r 50s, and one of them may a i d i n the morning s e r v i c e i n s t e a d of the l a y c a t e c h i s t i f he i s absent. ; The a d u l t I n u i t r e t u r n e i t h e r to home or to v i s i t w i t h a r e -l a t i v e or f r i e n d s . The c h i l d r e n w i l l probably be p l a y i n g , and the games vary w i t h the time of the year and group preference. A d u l t s are u s u a l l y almost a l l i n bed by midnight* * but many of thec^iiMrsan and teen-agers stay up s e v e r a l hours more; t h i s i s true f o r every n i g h t of the week. At 9»00 Monday morning the c h i l d r e n are a l l i n school, the wage-workers are a t work and those who hunt are e i t h e r working on gear or h e l p i n g someone w i t h h i s , enjoying b r e a k f a s t , v i s i t i n g or w a i t i n g f o r the st o r e to open between 9»30 and 10«00 so t h a t s u p p l i e s can be bought. Those who bought s u p p l i e s Saturday have probably gone on out hunting. Or a man may decide to carve i f the - 1 ? -weather i s not good, i f h i s c r e d i t i s poor (or g e t t i n g that way) or i f there are rumours th a t one of the Euro-Canadians who c h a r t e r a plane and f l y around buying carvings i s coming. These a c t i v i t i e s occur a l l wefek except Sunday f o r r e s t i n g on the Sabbath i s h e a v i l y s t r e s s e d . At noon the c h i l d r e n always come home f o r lunch and r e t u r n to school by one, as do those who do wage work f o r Euro-Canadians. By three i n the afternoon the c h i l d r e n are out of school p l a y i n g , and by f i v e the wage-workers are headed f o r home, on t h e i r skidoos i f w i n t e r , walking i f summer. By/ evening, no matter what day i t i s , the hunters w i l l very l i k e l y have returned, since over-night stops are only taken i f a group of men are going as f a r as the Amadjuak-Markham Bay area. Any n i g h t of the week a f e a s t i s l i k e l y to occur, a c h i l d going around to i n v i t e I n u i t r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s . Tuesday evening a t 81OO the men go to the mission classroom f o r a c l a s s l e d by the missionary. They f r e q u e n t l y d i s c u s s the exact meanings of words i n order to a i d the missionary w i t h h i s t r a n s l a t i o n of the Old Testament. Wednesday afternoon around 3«00 the women go to the mission classroom f o r a short s e r v i c e and sewing s e s s i o n . Sewn goods of s e a l s k i n made during these sessions are s o l d i n Canada, the U.S. and i n Lake Harbour to Euro-Canadians, and the r e s u l t i n g monies are sent to a i d an A n g l i c a n mission i n E t h i o p i a . - 18 -Thursday afternoon the hunters w i l l leave f o r home e a r l i e r than usual i n order to a r r i v e i n time f o r the song s e r v i c e t h a t n i g h t . I t begins a t 7»00, and the s e r v i c e c o n s i s t s of hymns chosen by the people. A person c a l l s out i n E n g l i s h the number of the hymn he would l i k e , and then the whole congregation sings i t . At the end of the s e r v i c e there i s a short sermon by the missionary, a f t e r which the l a s t hymn i s chosen by one of the.people and the s e r v i c e i s over. I f Saturday i s warm (30°F or higher) a man may take h i s pre-adolescent son or daughter hunting w i t h him. Any n i g h t of the week there might be a game of cards ( p a t i k ) i n someone's house. A d r i n k i n g p a r t y among I n u i t i s l e s s l i k e l y f o r the supply of l i q u o r i s sm a l l (only t h a t which comes i n from Fr o b i s h e r B a y — t h e r e i s no homebrew), and d r i n k i n g i s opposed by many of the people and by the missionary. A l l of t h e e c h i l d r e n are iquite t e r r i f i e d bf d r i n k i n g and are sure that two cans of beer would be f a t a l . There are no "community" a c t i v i t i e s f o r the Euro-Canadians except a t the major h o l i d a y s . An evening t y p i c a l l y f i n d s some of them v i s i t i n g a t the house of a f r i e n d , t a l k i n g , perhaps d r i n k i n g , perhaps p l a y i n g cards. The c l i q u e r e l a t i o n s h i p s be-tween Euro-Canadians w i l l be examined i n alt l a t e r chapter. CHAPTER I I I SOCIAL INTEGRATION IN LAKE HARBOUR One of my approaches to the i s s u e of whether or not f l e x i b i -l i t y i s a u s e f u l concept f o r the a n a l y s i s of I n u i t i n t e g r a t i o n w i l l be by t a k i n g the a n a l y t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s of Durkheim, Smend and Landecker on i n t e g r a t i o n a.nd then a p p l y i n g these p e r s p e c t i v e s to v a rious l e v e l s of I n u i t s o c i e t y to see what pat t e r n s of i n t e -g r a t i o n can be found. These patterns of i n t e g r a t i o n w i l l then be analyzed to see i f f l e x i b i l i t y i s present and i f so, then what i s the nature and parameters of that f l e x i b i l i t y . In reading Durkheim on s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n there i s a problem i n knowing e x a c t l y what he meant by mechanical s o l i d a r i t y and or-ganic s o l i d a r i t y . A n g e l l i n t e r p r e t s mechanical s o l i d a r i t y to be "...the i n t e g r a t i o n of p a r t s through common values and b e l i e f s " while organic s o l i d a r i t y i s " . . . i n t e g r a t i o n through interdepen-dence" (19681 381). Whether or not A n g e l l i s c o r r e c t about Durkf heim, the d i f f e r e n c e between t i e s based on common vaakues and from t i e s based on interdependence i s s u r e l y worth pursuing. So I w i l l proceed with A n g e l l ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Durkheim. Let us take I n u i t s o c i e t y a t three d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s (the p o l i t i c a l group,^ the l o c a l group and the household) and compare t h e i r i n t e g r a t i o n by A n g e l l * s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Durkheim during three d i f f e r e n t periods of time? the f i r s t p e r i o d of e a r l y con-t a c t w i t h whalers, ca. 1880 (as described by Boas 1888); second, during the peri'odtof©intensive tr a p p i n g (ca. 1920-1950); and t h i r d , during the present period of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n t o government-sub-s i d i z e d settlements. - 20 -Contact w i t h Whites brought a new people i n t o the I n u i t en-vironment. Yet we do not know i f or to what degree t h i s r e s u l t e d i n a consciousness by I n u i t of themselves as a people with a com-mon c u l t u r e . These new a r r i v a l s were "explained" i n t o r e a l i t y by-means of mythi the s t o r y of the young g i r l who s l e p t w i t h a dog and bore the f o r e f a t h e r s of Indians and Whites i s w e l l known (Boas 1888i 229) (Rink 1875» ^71). A more recent v e r s i o n from Back River t e l l s of the expulsion from the Garden of Eden as the o r i g i n of I n u i t and Whites (Briggs 1970). Conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y meant that the new f l o c k was oft e n brought i n t o the st r u g g l e between the C a t h o l i c Church and the An-g l i c a n Church ( B u l i a r d 1963« 73) (Fleck 1969» ^ 2 ) , but t h e i r s e l f -image as C a t h o l i c s or Anglicans has l i t t l e e f f e c t on s o c i a l i n t e -g r a t i o n . I a l s o f i n d i t hard to say i f membership i n a s i n g l e church increases the mechanical s o l i d a r i t y of a l o c a l group. Suf-f i c e i t to say that the members of a f a m i l y r e s i d e n t a t Lake Har-bour f o r ten years, who have n e i t h e r consanguines nor a f f i n e s , are s t i l l t r e a t e d l a r g e l y as st r a n g e r s , despite t h e i r a c t i v e p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n church a f f a i r s . An emic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the I n u i t p o l i t i c a l group would i n -clude those I n u i t who had s i m i l a r i t y of d i a l e c t and dress and who considered each other as r e a l or p o t e n t i a l r e l a t i v e s and among whom unchallenged and peaceful trade were normal. There was a d i f f u s e expectation of good treatment at the hands of other members of t h i s group as opposed to d i s t r u s t and u n c e r t a i n t y when t r a v e l -i n g outside of i t to the region of those who were not i n t h i s po-l i t i c a l group. Within i t a man could t r a v e l and rec e i v e no c h a l -- 21 -lenge from anyone. However, when t r a v e l i n g to a camp or hunting area outside of i t he would be challenged to a duel or t e s t of str e n g t h which could end i n death f o r e i t h e r d i s p u t a n t (Boas 1888» «0l). Boas d e l i m i t s some of these p o l i t i c a l groups ( i b i d i 5^-57)• With the p e r i o d of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n t o l a r g e settlements (post-1950) many settlements drew i n people from d i f f e r e n t p o l i -t i c a l groups, e.g. a t Fr o b i s h e r Bay, Clyde R i v e r (Stevenson 19721 112) and Povungnituk.^ In Fr o b i s h e r Bay today the I n u i t d e f i n i t e -l y perceive the d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l groups as c o n t i n u i n g to be endogamous, and endogamy was one of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p o l i t i c a l group. Marriage outside of i t was i n f r e q u e n t . Unfor-t u n a t e l y I have no in f o r m a t i o n 01S whether or not marriage i n Fro-b i s h e r Bay i s p r i n c i p a l l y w i t h i n the bounds of p o l i t i c a l groups. Yet, one of the organic t i e s of the p o l i t i c a l group i s s t i l l per-ceived as being i n operation. During a l l three of the periods d e l i n e a t e d , the common values and b e l i e f s of the p o l i t i c a l group had the e f f e c t of re p r e s e n t i n g a l a r g e audience to which an i n d i v i d u a l ' s shame or p r e s t i g e was sure to be communicated. Concurrent w i t h t h i s , sanctions (both p o s i t i v e and negative) were i n e f f e c t or p o t e n t i a l l y i n e f f e c t from t h i s l a r g e group. I n e a r l i e r days communications were by means of dog s l e d and boat? today they are f a c i l i t a t e d by the skidoo, a i r p l a n e and the C.B.C. ( i n F r o b i s h e r Bay). Organic s o l i d a r i t y d e f i n i t e l y decreased w i t h the a r r i v a l of r i f l e s (through the whalers), f o r a t Lake Harbour as elsewhere.-. (BalikciBL9<64M k 9 ) the communal f a l l c a r ibou hunt ( f o r w i n t e r c l o -- 22 -thing) was abandoned i n favour of i n d i v i d u a l caribou-hunting. Other forms of hunting do not seem to have become e i t h e r more communal ( f o r sea.ls a t the breathing hole) nor more i n d i v i d u a l -i s t i c ( f o r s e a l s at the f l o e edge and i n kayaks). With ithe p e r i o d of i n t e n s i v e trapping i t was advantageous to be able to l a y up enough caches of s e a l , walrus and whale i n the f a l l so that the wi n t e r could be spent i n tr a p p i n g and not hunting food f o r dogs and humans. Thus, the ownership of a la r g e wooden boat, which aided i n h a r v e s t i n g and t r a n s p o r t i n g tons of meat, became important i n s o l i d i f y i n g l o c a l group l e a d e r s h i p ( W i l l -mott 1959• 6 8 ) . The n e c e s s i t y of f u n c t i o n a l interdependence f o r food, f u e l and s k i n s has decreased w i t h the c e n t r a l i z e d settlements, f o r the f i r s t two resources are r e a d i l y a t hand from Euro-Canadians through cash, c r e d i t or s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . Not only i s economic a c t i v i t y more d i v e r s i f i e d i n the settlement than i t was i n the camps, but s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s p o t e n t i a l l y more d i v e r s i f i e d . Instead of three to ten f a m i l i e s i n a camp, there are twenty-five or t h i r t y i n Lake Harbour, and although one cannot move away from d i s l i k e d people (as was done i n camps), there i s a g r e a t e r v a r i e t y of •friends and r e l a t i v e s to v i s i t . For the men, the settlement i s a. much l a r g e r immediate audience f o r p r e s t i g e than the camp was. The f u n c t i o n a l interdependence of the household was a f f e c t e d more by c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i n t o settlements than by e i t h e r the a r r i v a l of whalers or by i n t e n s i v e t r a p p i n g . Old age .pen'si'ons made am asset co'f o l d f o l k s mho would have Iteeen economic l i a b i l i t i e s - 23 -before. Young men are i n c r e a s i n g l y independent due to wage labour and markets f o r soapstone c a r v i n g . But those who have r e j e c t e d hunting and trapping (and f r e q u e n t l y do not even have the most ba s i c gear« a gun, traps or s l e d ) a l t e r n a t e between having f a t paychecks (and fancycljbithms and t w e l v e - s t r i n g g u i t a r s ) and going f o r long periods without work while u t t e r l y dependent on t h e i r r e l a t i v e s f o r even bannock to eat. The t y p i c a l f a t h e r of an o l d e r teen-ager or young man f i n d s h i s son a l t e r n a t e l y i'ndependent-minded w i t h n i c e paychecks and then utterlypdependent (with no-t h i n g to c o n t r i b u t e ) to extremes which the f a t h e r never exper-ienced. i . i Although Durkheim*s d i s t i n c t i o n between i n t e g r a t i o n by common values and f e e l i n g s , and i n t e g r a t i o n by f u n c t i o n a l interdependence y i e l d s us some i n t e r e s t i n g (but not new) i n s i g h t s i n t o I n u i t i n t e -g r a t i o n , i t does not help us to evaluate I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y . Next, we w i l l consider Landecker's f o u r types of i n t e g r a t i o n . Although Landecker seems to be c a l l i n g f o r q u a n t i f i c a t i o n of h i s types of i n t e g r a t i o n , my i n t e r e s t w i l l be more w i t h t h e i r nature and parameters i n the A r c t i c s i t u a t i o n . He ydef-iriiss- c u l t u r a l i n t e g r a t i o n as the degree to which c u l -t u r a l standards which r e q u i r e adherence are mutually c o n s i s t e n t . This consistency i s emic i n nature and i s the d i f f i c u l t y due to c o n t r a d i c t o r y demands experienced by the a c t o r s . Normative i n t e g r a t i o n i s the degree to which conduct i n the group conforms to the c u l t u r a l standards of that group. - 24 -Communicative i n t e g r a t i o n i s the degree to which members of the group are l i n k e d to one another by exchanges of meanings. One c r i t e r i o n to use here i s the percentage of people w i t h symp-toms of s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n ; t h i s y i e l d s a negative index of communi-c a t i v e i n t e g r a t i o n . f F u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n i s the degree to which members are n l i n k e d to one another by exchanges of s e r v i c e s (1951» 333-340). One year -later Landecker published an a r t i c l e which set f o r t h a scheme f o r u t i l i z i n g the f o u r types of i n t e g r a t i o n d e l i n e a -ted above to focus 6n the i n t e g r a t i o n of complex groups. His scheme i s p a r t i c u l a r l y e x c i t i n g , f o r i t c a l l s our a t t e n t i o n to aspects of i n t e g r a t i o n not s t r e s s e d by any of the other formula-t i o n s and a l s o a i d s i n a n a l y z i n g , not only I n u i t s o c i e t y , but the mutual i n t e g r a t i o n between Euro-Canadians and I n u i t and the i n t e -g r a t i o n w i t h i n each of these groups. Taking the "compound group" to be the l a r g e s t u n i t under c o n s i d e r a t i o n , and c a l l i n g each group which composes i t a "sub-group", we then study a l l of the e x t r i n -s i c (between u n i t s ) r e l a t i o n s and i n t r i n s i c ( w i t h i n a u n i t ) r e l a -t i o n s of the compound group and the sub-group(s). Thus, there are » 1. Compound-group i n t e g r a t i o n : a) C u l t u r a l compound group i n t e g r a t i o n , b) Normative compound group integration,, c) Communicative compound group i n t e g r a t i o n , d) F u n c t i o n a l compound group i n t e g r a t i o n . 2. E x t r i n s i c sub-graupg i n t e g r a t i o n (between sub-groups)« a) C u l t u r a l i "the degree of consistency of sub-group s p e c i a l i t i e s w i t h u n i v e r s a l s of the compound-group and wi t h s p e c i a l i t i e s of other sub-groups would be the only r e l e v a n t measure of e x t r i n s i c c u l t u r a l i n t e g r a t i o n . " - 25 -b) Normative! "the degree to which the members of the sub-group conform to compound-group standards" (as manifested between sub-groups). c) Communicativei here measures of personal i s o l a t i o n are not r e l e v a n t , important i s " . . . t o what degree the sub-group i s being viewed as an 'out-group* by other segments of the compound-group, and a l s o to what ex-tent the sub-group viewsiogherssegments of the com-pound group as 'out-groups*. Therefore i n d i c e s are r e l e v a n t which measure the degree to which i n t e r - g group communication i s d i s t u r b e d . d) F u n c t i o n a l ! "the degree to which the sub-group i s i n -terdependent w i t h other segments of the compound groups". The hetereogeneity of each sub-group i s a l s o important. 3. I n t r i n s i c sub-group i n t e g r a t i o n ( w i t h i n each sub-group)« a) C u l t u r a l ! $his can r e f e r to the i n t e g r a t i o n of the c u l t u r a l s p e c i a l i t i e s of a sub-group; or i t can be the i n t e g r a t i o n of a l l the c u l t u r e t r a i t s of a sub-group, even those shared w i t h the remainder of the compound group. The choice depends on the focus of the research. b) Normative! "the degree to which sub-group members conform to standards of the sub-group". c) Communicative! the " i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s " of the members of a sub-group. d) F u n c t i o n a l ! "the degree to which...members are en-gaged i n d i v i s i o n of labour w i t h one another" (Lan-decker 1952i 395-397). 1(a ) . What l o o k i n g a t the c u l t u r a l i n t e g r a t i o n of the compound group i n communities i n the Eastern A r c t i c one i s str u c k by the degree to which contact ^between Euro-Canadians and I n u i t i s as p e a c e f u l and mutually b e n e f i c i a l as i t has been because there i s a l a r g e degree of congruence iii tthe sensual p l e a -sures and m a t e r i a l goods that b r i n g happiness to i n d i v i d u a l s i n both c u l t u r e s . The Euro-Canadians' a c q u i s i t i v e n e s s took them to the no r t h f o r sea-mammal o i l and bone, mica and f u r s , and the - 26 -I n u i t were w i l l i n g and able to help harvest these resources i n ex-change f o r manufactured goods. Consider how d i f f i c u l t contact would have been i f the Euro-Canadians had a r r i v e d as the Por t u -gese did i n I n d i a and were t o l d i n no u n c e r t a i n terms that nothing that they brought had any value. 1(b). But i f we look a t normative i n t e g r a t i o n (defined as the degree to which conduct i n the group conforms to i t s c u l t u r a l standards) we f i n d t h a t there i s so l i t t l e s i m i l a r i t y between the ways i n which members of the two groups ga i n the e n t i t i e s t h a t cause happiness that t h i s common value y i e l d s very l i t t l e norma-t i v e i n t e g r a t i o n . Yet happiness as a goal does make p o s s i b l e a high degree of compound-group f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n . One f a c t o r which prevents over-reaching community values which would i n c l u d e both I n u i t and Euro-Canadians : i s the high order of i n t e g r a t i o n among the I n u i t , so much so that they are w i l l i n g to d i s p l e a s e a Euro-Canadian and forego a generous cash payment r a t h e r than i n v i t e even a. smallrrebuke from one of t h e i r own people. 1 ( c ) . Remembering that communicative i n t e g r a t i o n i s the degree to which group members are l i n k e d to one another by exchanges of meanings, i t i s important to note t h a t only i n "on-the-job" con-t e x t s does t h i s type of i n t e g r a t i o n e x i s t . The settlement layout f u r n i s h e s a diagram of. the l a c k of communicative i n t e g r a t i o n between the two e t h n i c groups (see map on page y ) . To the south of the stream l i v e a l l of the I n u i t - 27 -(except f o r a widow). The agency Euro-Canadians l i v e r n o r t h of the stream (except when a teacher r e s i d e s i n the h o s t e l ) . How could the m a r g i n a l i t y of the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s be more g r a p h i c a l l y shown than by p u t t i n g them almost e q u i d i s t a n t from the two groups? And i t was the I n u i t - r u n Lake Harbour Housing A s s o c i a t i o n which assigned the researchers to these houses. 1(d). In the settlement of Lake Harbour there i s q u i t e acute com-pound group f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n (the degree to which group members are l i n k e d to one another by exchanges of s e r v i c e s and goods) between I n u i t and Euro-Canadians, as each e t h n i c groups' p h y s i c a l presence and o f t e n esteBtexistencespendependen^ton ?goods or s k i l l s possessed by members of the other ethn i c group. Yet despite tenuous compound-group c u l t u r a l , normative and communica-t i v e i n t e g r a t i o n , the acute f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n r e s t s on the e f f i c a c y of the communicative i n t e g r a t i o n between the two. I t would t h e r e f o r e be u s e f u l to develop next (a) the nature of the mutual stereotypes held by each group v i s - a - v i s the ot h e r j (b) the c r i t i c a l importance of both I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y and I n u i t per-cept i o n of personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s as mutually consensual i n f a c -i l i t a t i n g what does e x i s t i n the way of communicative i n t e g r a -t i o n between I n u i t and Euro-Canadians. The mutual stereotypes held by Whiles and I n u i t are derived i n major p a r t from the experiences of each w i t h members of both groups. - 28 -This quote o r i g i n a l l y i n t e r e s t e d me i n combining the study of experience along w i t h that of behaviourt " J u s t as any theory of personal i n t e r a c t i o n that focuses on experience and n e g l e c t s behaviour can become very m i s l e a d i n g , so t h e o r i e s that focus on behaviour to the ne g l e c t of experience become unbalanced" (Laing 1969»^3» h i s emphasis). Our look i n t o the e x p e r i e n t i a l dimension of i n t e r a c t i o n be^, tween I n u i t and Euro-Canadians w i l l answer two q u e s t i o n s i f i r s t , what have been the t y p i c a l experiences of members of each group v i s - a - v i s members of the other t h a t are considered most s i g n i f i -cant by the members of the p e r c e i v i n g group? Second, what are the e f f e c t s of these experiences on i n t e r a c t i o n between I n u i t and Euro-Canadians? The f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of a newly a r r i v e d agency represen-t a t i v e ' s f i r s t i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h I n u i t i s derived from conversa-t i o n s w i t h new a r r i v a l s , observation of the same, and from V a l l e e (1967* 105-, 111-112). A f t e r being accepted f o r a job i n Lake Harbour, a Euro-Canadian has t y p i c a l l y read F a r l e y Mowatt or Peter Freuchenn.and ther e f o r e a r r i v e s w i t h a n t i c i p a t i o n of f i n d i n g a happy, s m i l i n g , fey race of O r i e n t a l s . In a d d i t i o n , the ho r r o r s t o r i e s of the popular press and the warnings©©^ well-meaning f r i e n d s have him so t e r r i f i e d of the weather that i f he a r r i v e s i n w i n t e r , he i s sometimes a f r a i d of g e t t i n g f r o s t b i t e w h i l e going from the plane to h i s qu a r t e r s . The f i r s t few days are sometimes spent i n f e a r of a whiteout, which would r e s t r i c t him to h i s quarters and keep others from coming to h i s a i d . He " r e a l i z e s " that under such con-- 29 -d i t i o n s , i n such c o l d , i f the furnace were to go out h i s very l i f e would be i n danger. His f i r s t few experiences w i t h "Eskimos" are t a n t a l i z i n g l y f r i e n d l y , h i s f i r s t e x p l o r a t o r y smiles and h e l l o s meet w i t h even broader s m i l e s , some few I n u i t p o i n t a t themselves and say t h e i r names. The new White i s a n t i c i p a t i n g g e t t i n g to know t h i s hardy, f r i e n d l y race. And h i s own f e a r of the c o l d makes him respect them, without ever having known one, because they are able to s u r v i v e i n such a c l i m a t e . Soon, however, he i s advised by the other Whites t h a t the weather i s not a l l t h a t formidable, and then begins a process of e n c u l t u r a t i o n to the " r e a l way things are up here" o r , as V a l l e e has termed i t , the "Old Hands" teaching the "New Hands" (19671 105). Most of these Old Hands have complete contempt f o r the I n u i t , h o l d i n g that they were once a s t r o n g , s e l f - r e l i a n t people but now j u s t l a z e around and t r y to get w e l f a r e , i n a d d i -t i o n they are considered to be c h i l d i s h and to waste t h e i r money on n o n - e s s e n t i a l s l i k e candy and pop. Furthermore, many Old Hands consider "Eskimos" dishonest, recounting s t o r i e s of broken t r u s t , hard-driven bargains and other a l l e g e d b e t r a y a l s . Now the New Hand begins to wonder i f he had the "Eskimos" c o r r e c t l y f i g -ured o u t — b u t whatever h i s d e c i s i o n as regards h i s r e l a t i o n s w i t h them, he now knows th a t he w i l l only be s i l e n c e d f o r expressing p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e s towards them, f o r there are sure to be Old Hands present who, w i t h t h e i r g r e a t e r experience, are only too w i l l i n g to c o r r e c t h i s ignorance. However, one t h i n g i s suret although before he expected only good from I n u i t , he now h a l f ex-pects to f i n d them as they were described by the Old Hands. - 30 -Although a Euro-Canadian t y p i c a l l y begins i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h I n u i t w i t h l i t t l e p r i o r knowledge of them, any Lake Harbour I n u i t do so as p a r t of a group which has had c r i t i c a l l y important eco-nomic and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h Kabloonas ( i . e . , Whites) f o r a t l e a s t a hundred years. So he has heard an extensive body of f o l k l o r e which has as i t s s u b j e c t matter the a c t i v i t i e s of t h i s people. For the a d u l t I n u i t , Lake Harbour has been si n c e childhood the place where one encountered Kabloonas ( a l s o the now defunct Amadjuak H.B.C. s t o r e ) . 0 Coming i n from the camps, where only f e l l o w I n u i t were seen and only t h e i r language heard, there were always a few Kabloonas to be seen. But they had alr e a d y f i g u r e d much i n conversations, e s p e c i a l l y j u s t before coming i n to trade, f o r i t was true t h a t , although they were f r i g h t e n i n g (because they got angry e a s i l y , f o r no reason a t a l l i t o f t e n seemed, and they were a l l very s t r o n g - w i l l e d and had to have t h e i r w a y — i n f a c t had a l l the bad c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of c h i l d r e n ) they had c o n t r o l of the important trade goods t h a t the people needed and had to have. To I n u i t there were many d i f f e r e n t kinds of Kabloonas, not j u s t i n terms of t h e i r work, or l a c k of i t (some were o b v i o u s l y r i c h beyond b e l i e f although they do very l i t t l e work indeed), but i n t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t i e s ; some were always laughing, j o k i n g and enjoyed dancing, while some were very g r u f f and never happy, and some were generous wh i l e others were s t i n g y beyond b e l i e f — e s p e c i -a l l y s ince they o b v i o u s l y had more than they needed. The va r i o u s adventures w i t h these strange men i n a l l t h e i r v a r i e t i e s f u r n i s h e d - 31 -many s t o r i e s heard by the c h i l d who had only seen them from the sa f e t y of h i s mother's parka hood. Several t h i n g s emerge from t h i s look i n t o the t y p i c a l ex-periences t h a t members of each c u l t u r e have had w i t h each other, and the mutual stereotypes held by each group v i s - a - v i s the other has a d i r e c t e f f e c t on tnenature of the communicative i n t e g r a t i o n present i n Lake Harbour. One p o i n t i s t h a t members of each c u l t u r e p e r c e i v e the other's behaviour as c h i l d i s h . The I n u i t are q u i t e frank on t h i s score and have f r e e l y admitted to v a r i o u s i n v e s t i g a t o r s t h a t they f e l t t h i s way (Rasmussen 1931» 128) (Briggs 1970) or i n my own case, remarks to th a t e f f e c t were overheard. I heard only one Euro-Canadian openly say th a t he considered "Eskimos" c h i l d i s h , but t h i s i d e a was i m p l i c i t i n much of what was s a i d about them. Constant references were made to t h e i r a l l e g e d improvidence, l a c k of sense of time, l a c k of f o r e s i g h t , s e l f - c e n -tredness and c r u e l t y to each other and to animals. To be more pre-cise?? I n u i t were perceived to e x h i b i t a syndrome th a t can be des-c r i b e d as being "cunning c h i l d r e n " ! improvident and c a r e l e s s yet always l o o k i n g f o r an opp o r t u n i t y to take advantage of the White man. These sentiments were expressed w i t h b i t t e r n e s s or anger by seven of the twelve agency Whites who were s t a t i o n e d a t one time or another i n Lake Harbour w h i l e I was there. Only f o u r of the agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s ever expressed any p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of the I n u i t . (Only one of these expressed both views.) There i s a - 32 -strong p o s s i b i l i t y that the term " c h i l d i s h " or something a k i n to i t was avoided because i t could be construed as r a c i s t and, of course, my presence as a student who was not o b l i g a t e d to any of the agencies might have been taken i n a. s u s p i c i o u s l i g h t . Thus, the Euro-Canadians f r e q u e n t l y r e j e c t e d I n u i t as a whole, c o n s i d e r i n g them as people not deserving re s p e c t , and t h i s was t y p i c a l l y a f t e r an acquaintance w i t h t h a t people of only months or even weeks. The I n u i t , a f t e r l i f e - t i m e s of contact, character-l z e Kabloonas i n general as c h i l d i s h due to two c r i t e r i a i t h e i r a l l e g e d short-tempers and t h e i r s e l f i s h n e s s i n i n s i s t i n g on t h e i r own way. To what degree do these stereotypes a f f e c t i n t e r - e t h n i c r e l a t i o n s ? For I n u i t there are s e v e r a l courses taken towards Euro-Cana-dians. For a newcomer, there i s an avoidance of c l o s e r e l a t i o n s w i t h him " u n t i l he i s there long enough f o r people ( i . e . I n u i t ) 9 to know what kind of person he i s " . Thus, w i t h the passage of time he manifests h i s p e r s o n a l i t y , and I n u i t w i l l know on what b a s i s they can i n t e r a c t w i t h h i m . 1 0 Here the e f f e c t of the nega-t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of Kabloonas serves to lengthen the amount of time which passes before i n t e r a c t i o n i s i n i t i a t e d ; i . e . v i s i t i n g or t a k i n g a Euro-Canadian hunting and f i s h i n g . The t h e s i s t h a t I n u i t s o c i e t y i s i n t e g r a t e d through consensual r e l a t i o n s h i p s which are created by the p a r t i c i p a t i n g a c t o r s would seem to be supported by the f a c t t h a t i n d i v i d u a l I n u i t a l s o attempt to e s t a b l i s h dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h WhitesC(just as they do among themselves) i n terms of a consensus between the two people - 33 * i n v o l v e d and not i n terms of the occupational r o l e of the White. Despite years of contact w i t h d i f f e r e n t v a r i e t i e s of government personnel I n u i t f r e q u e n t l y take t h e i r problems to the Euro-Cana-dian whom they know r a t h e r than to the agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e r e s -p o n s i b l e f o r t h a t problem. For sejxample, people came to me w i t h problems about c h i l d r e n s * s c h o o l i n g and lumber owned by the gov-ernment. I n u i t who l i k e the H.B.C. manager went to him f o r the treatment of f a i r l y s e r i o u s i n j u r i e s . Yet he had l i t t l e more than a f i r s t - a i d k i t and the a c t i n g nurse had an e x t e n s i v e l y equipped o f f i c e . By going to the person whom they p r e f e r r e d to have handle the matter I n u i t were c l e a r l y f u n c t i o n i n g w i t h i n a consensual framework and not a r o l e framework. The transference of the i m p l i c i t p a t t e r n of r e l a t i o n s h i p s to those w i t h members outside of the c u l t u r e s u r e l y suggests that t h i s p a t t e r n i s w e l l i n t e r n a l i z e d . These two strong tendencies f o r members of each c u l t u r e to see each other as c h i l d i s h are matched by the d i f f e r e n t c o g n i t i v e tendencies of the two groups i n v o l v e d . When Euro-Canadians e v a l -uate anulnuk any one f a u l t seems to d i s q u a l i f y t h a t person from being a p p r e c i a t e d . For example, one of the I n u i t i s a t r u l y top-notch carpenter whose well-maintained t o o l s r e g u l a r l y produced b e a u t i f u l and sturdy trap-boats (even h i s d e t r a c t o r s admit to t h a t ) . He was h i r e d to make a door. When he began to make a b e a u t i f u l , sturdy and c l o s e - t o l e r a n c e door, one of the White c l i q u e s began r i d i c u l i n g him f o r producing a "bloody work of a r t " . Be-cause one response of h i s was considered i n a p p r o p r i a t e by some of the agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t h i s man was r e j e c t e d by those Whites. - 34 -Another example concerns an Inuk who was q u i t e s w e l l thought of by the Euro-Canadians. But something he d i d was i n t e r p r e t e d by Whites as a v a r i c i o u s (although s e v e r a l a l t e r n a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s could have been v a l i d l y made), and t h i s man was then p o i n t e d out a t gossip sessions as proof t h a t "you j u s t can't t r u s t these Eskimos'* • Quite a c o n t r a s t to the prevalence of these stereotypes which are e a s i l y and f r e q u e n t l y v e r b a l i z e d i s a d e f i n i t e tendency on the p a r t of I n u i t to avoid r i g i d stereotypes because each i n d i v i d u a l (Inuk or Euro-Canadian) i s to a very high degree evaluated, com-mented on and i n t e r a c t e d w i t h as a unique e n t i t y w i t h h i s own i d i o s y n c r a c i e s . Although my knowledge of the language of I n u i t was f a r from complete, i n the conversations I overheard and par-t i c i p a t e d i n there was c l e a r evidence of t h i s non-stereotyping tendency. Gubser has described t h i s non-stereotyping phenomena f o r Alaskan Nunamiutt "As a Nunamiut accumulates experience, he g r a d u a l l y modifies h i s conceptions about the nature of ithe en-vironment. The g r e a t e r h i s a b i l i t y to remember past experiences and to compare them, the more c l o s e l y h i s conceptions w i l l approximate r e a l i t y . " (19651 222) . Although Gubser was t a l k i n g about the process of l e a r n i n g to hunt, I am sure t h a t h i s g e n e r a l i z a t i o n a p p l i e s to the way i n which Lake Harbour I n u i t approach the s o c i a l environment, and the f a c t t h a t Gubser was d e s c r i b i n g an Alaskan group perhaps i n d i c a t e s that i t i s a very widespread c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of I n u i t . - 35 -Next I s h a l l consider the e x t r i n s i c sub-group i n t e g r a t i o n of Euro-Canadians and I n u i t . 2 ( a ) . Beginning w i t h the c u l t u r a l standards by which the Euro-Canadians o r i e n t themselves to the I n u i t i n the settlement, I can only confirm V a l l e e ' s f i n d i n g s t h a t i "A person moving i n t o the v ..settlement from southern Canada q u i c k l y d i s c o v e r s , i f he does not know i t a l -ready, that he i s expected to adopt a t t i t u d e s and to operate w i l l i n g l y under c e r t a i n r e s t r a i n t s which do not apply i n n o n - A r c t i c communities. He i s expected to cooperate w i t h the other Kabloona, to seek t h e i r guidance p a r t i c u l a r l y i f he i s a New Hand—and to mix w i t h the others i n s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . L i k e the other Kabloona he i s expected to be a good example to the Eskimos, to r e f r a i n from excessive d r i n k i n g , o v e r t sex p l a y w i t h Eskimo women, swearing, o f f - c o l o u r s t o r i e s , and so on i n f r o n t of the Eskimos. He l e a r n s that he must maintain the appearance of s o l i d a r i t y w i t h otherKKabloonas even i f he i s a t odds w i t h some of them. With the l a t t e r (the I n u i t ) he i s expected to be f r i e n d -l y but not o v e r l y i n t i m a t e * some s o c i a l d i stance must be maintained (1967» 105). 2(b). V a l l e e a l s o notes t h a t almost a i l Whites accept t h e i r own self-imposed r o l e and image as s o c i a l i z e r s who mold I n u i t to "change a t l e a s t some f e a t u r e s of Eskimo behaviour and b r i n g them i n t o l i n e w i t h h i s or her conception of the d e s i r a b l e per-son" ( i b i d i 129). In Lake Harbour t h i s r o l e was unquestionably accepted by eleven of the twelve agency Euro-Canadians, and only one seemed to have enough doubts about such e f f o r t s ever to r a i s e them i n conver s a t i o n . The c r i t e r i a which I n u i t use to judge Euro-Canadians seem to be h i g h l y c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the c r i t e r i a used i n judging other I n u i t . In f a c t , I f i n d i t hard to say i f they apply c u l t u r a l - 36 -standards to Whites which are d i f f e r e n t from those a p p l i e d to un-known or unrelated I n u i t or those considered a. b i t odd and poten-t i a l l y f r i g h t e n i n g or even dangerous i f not tre a t e d d e l i c a t e l y . There i s c e r t a i n l y no evidence that they have agreed among them-selves on a group stance v i s - a - v i s Kabloonas—and t h i s i s to be expected i f i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s ( i n c l u d i n g those w i t h Whites) are i m p l i c i t l y seen as r e s u l t i n g from the consensus of the p a r t i c i p a t i n g a c t o r s . The emphasis on maintaining amiable i n t e r a c t i o n i s one c u l -t u r a l standard which among I n u i t has such high p r i o r i t y i n norma-t i v e terms (the degree to which conduct confirms to c u l t u r a l stan-dards) t h a t there i s no a l t e r n a t i v e to i t . People who get angry are s o c i a l l y i s o l a t e d (see Briggs 1970i 225-310) and so are those who a c t harshly towards others. I f I n u i t s o c i e t y has a group stance, i t i s s u r e l y i n the maintenance of amiable i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s . 2(c) and 2(d). The communicative i n t e g r a t i o n of I n u i t and Euro-Canadians v i s - a - v i s each other shows some marked d i f f e r e n c e s r e -s u l t i n g from the d i f f e r e n t nature of t h e i r economic u t i l i z a t i o n of each other. I n u i t depend l i t t l e on s p e c i a l i n f o r m a t i o n e x t r a c t e d from Whites f o r t h e i r economic a c t i v i t i e s . When a. Euro-Canadian has any i n f o r m a t i o n which he considers of v i t a l i n t e r e s t to I n u i t he u s u a l l y c a l l s a. meeting or t e l l s those whom he meets about i t . In e i t h e r case, the news would spread r a p i d l y among the I n u i t . - 37 -anyway, f o r the o b l i g a t i o n to share i n f o r m a t i o n i s strong ( t h i s w i l l be developed l a t e r on). Nonetheless, t r a d i n g f u r s , s k i n s and c a r v i n g s , performing wage labour and c o l l e c t i n g s o c i a l a s s i s -tance almost never depend on nor are a f f e c t e d by i n f o r m a t i o n which would be possessed by one Inuk ( o r s e v e r a l I n u i t ) to t h e i r advantage. This i s i n c o n t r a s t to Euro-Canadians, who almost a l l depend on i n f o r m a t i o n obtained from I n u i t f o r even minimal performance of t h e i r jobs and c e r t a i n l y depend on data f o r the s u p e r i o r job performances t h a t b r i n g promotion. The D.O.T. mechanic would seem to be the exception here, f o r where there i s an Area Admin-i s t r a t o r (now c a l l e d Settlement Manager), the mechanic's job does not r e q u i r e i n f o r m a t i o n about I n u i t as people other than t h e i r job c a p a b i l i t i e s . The Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r must know the people w e l l enough t h a t he can make d e c i s i o n s such as s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e a l l o t -ments and work assignments. I t would be a poor H.B.C. manager who was not aware of a l l i a n c e s and d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n the community as w e l l as i n d i v i d u a l economic p o t e n t i a l , r e l i a b i l i t y on the job and a myriad of other such f a c t o r s . The missionary must know the s p i r i t u a l and c a r n a l a t t r i b u t e s of h i s p a r i s h . A teacher i s more e f f e c t i v e i f he knows how he i s received by the parents and i f he knows the backgrounds of the p u p i l s . I n order to g a i n i n f o r m a t i o n the Bay manager and the R.C.M.P. have a s s i s t a n c e almost from the s t a r t from t h e i r c h i e f c l e r k and s p e c i a l constable, r e s p e c t i v e l y . These long-term jobs o u t l a s t many Euro-Canadian t r a n s f e r s , and the I n u i t who hold them have good to e x c e l l e n t E n g l i s h . These a s s i s -t a n t s supply i n f o r m a t i o n which helps the new man f u l f i l l h i s job - 38 -almost immedidately upon h i s a r r i v a l . However, i n keeping w i t h the consensual nature of r e l a t i o n s h i p s among I n u i t , the Euro-Canadian who does not keep up good relationsi/iiwith h i s counter-p a r t soon f i n d s the in f o r m a t i o n d r y i n g up. Wiith the exception of these two (the H.B.C. c h i e f c l e r k and the R.C.M.P. s p e c i a l c o n s t a b l e ) , I n u i t d e f i n i t e l y avoid g i v -i n g i n f o r m a t i o n to l i t t l e - k n o w n Euro-Canadiansr, even about some-th i n g as innocuous as the weather. This stands i n r e a l c o n t r a s t to the openness and d i r e c t n e s s which Rasmussen (192?» 22-24) and Fleming (1965* 126) found c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the people when t e l l -i n g ( o f t e n only minutes a f t e r they had met) of t h e i r l i f e s t o r i e s , t h e i r joys and sorrows and even philosophy of l i f e . The Euro-Canadians who want i n f o r m a t i o n about people u s u a l l y c a r r y on as do a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s i they are f r i e n d l y and "good" to the people, attempt to joke some and show themselves to be good f e l l o w s . Yet anyone who a c t s l i k e t h i s i s only doing as have dozens of Euro|Canadians before him, and i t would be strange i f I n u i t — w h o are such p e r c e p t i v e observers of other animal behaviour — d i d not r e a l i z e what was going on. These data-seeking a c t i v i -t i e s by the Whites are not organized group a c t i v i t i e s - - y e t they are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of i n d i v i d u a l Whites, each seeking i n f o r m a t i o n f o r h i s own ends. Euro-Canadians o f t e n t r y an i n f o r m a t i o n - e l i c i t i n g technique which u s u a l l y m i s f i r e s miserably when a p p l i e d to I n u i t . I n Euro-Canadian s o c i e t y a common si g n of rapport between two i n d i -v i d u a l s i s the t r a d i n g of g o s s i p , i n f o r m a t i o n i n general and per-- 39 -sonal d e t a i l s of t h e i r own l i v e s . We o f t e n advance or exchange such i n f o r m a t i o n as a s i g n t h a t a c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p i s d e s i r a b l e to one or both p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d . By unconsciously assuming th a t the same process "works" among Inuit',---many Whites who want to draw informat i o n from I n u i t advance in f o r m a t i o n of the type that they want r e c i p r o c a t e d . Thus, a teacher who wanted i n f o r m a t i o n on "marriage and morals" t o l d a young Inuk about the c o n d i t i o n s un-der which young Whites sleep together and then paused, w a i t i n g f o r h i s f r i e n d to r e c i p r o c a t e . There was no response. He went on to t e l l about the h i s t o r y and d e c l i n e of arranged marriages and) again paused, again i n v a i n . The usual r e a c t i o n of an Inuk to these pointed r e v e l a t i o n s i s an embarrassed s i l e n c e , w i t h a-voidance of eye contact by l o o k i n g down at the t a b l e or the f l o o r . Except f o r the s i t u a t i o n j u s t described, Euro-Canadians of-f e r i n f o r m a t i o n to I n u i t as p a r t of a. f r i e n d s h i p r e l a t i o n s h i p and to i n d i c a t e t r u s t . Yet t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s managed i n a. very i n -t e r e s t i n g mannen i t never concerns Whites who are p a r t of the settlement s i t u a t i o n or who could p o s s i b l y become p a r t of that s i t u a t i o n . There i s a d e f i n i t e b a r r i e r r a i s e d here which shuts I n u i t o f f from even the most innocuous i n f o r m a t i o n about Euro-Canadians, and t h i s b a r r i e r a p p l i e s as e q u a l l y to the White's enemies and opponents as to h i s f r i e n d s and supporters. What i s the nature of t h i s b a r r i e r ? I t seemed to o r i g i n a t e i n the Euro-Canadians' expectations that I n u i t as a group are not worthy of respect and t r u s t and i s compounded by what Whites con-s i d e r to be u n e t h i c a l a c t s by I n u i t . Note t h a t t h i s o f t e n i n c l u d e s - 40 -tr a n s a c t i o n s i n which I n u i t t r y to gain as much as p o s s i b l e ( i n cash, goods or s e r v i c e s ) , and they are roundly denounced by Whites who attempt the same t h i n g . Therefore, much of White r e j e c t i o n of I n u i t r e s u l t s from a double-standard held by these Whites. I n u i t are c a s t i g a t e d f o r behaving i n many of the same ways that the Euro-Canadians dot d r i n k i n g , t r y i n g to get as much cash as i s p o s s i b l e f o r carvings and f u r s , m a r i t a l i n f i d e l i t y , and not working a t maximum e f f o r t . I n order to maintain the b a r r i e r Euro-Canadians cooperate i n wi t h h o l d i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about them-selves from I n u i t and prevent other Whites from forming f r i e n d -ships or romantic t i e s w i t h I n u i t . When an Inuk and a Euro-Canadian become f r i e n d s , they understandably have the misunder-standings common between any f r i e n d s , as w e l l as misunderstand-ings which r e s u l t from c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s . Both types of mis-understandings are treated by the Whites as proof t h a t "you j u s t can't t r u s t those Eskimos". Again, expectations of mistreatment from I n u i t are b u i l t up among the Euro-Canadians. I t was mentioned e a r l i e r that the l a c k of e x t r i n s i c communi-c a t i v e i n t e g r a t i o n does not hinder the e x t r i n s i c f u n c t i o n a l i n -t e g r a t i o n of the sub-groups, f o r economic i n t e r a c t i o n s between Euro-Canadians and I n u i t are very standardized, p r i n c i p a l l y by  agency norms. S t i l l , there are p a i n f u l c r i s e s which occur because of the l a c k of communication between members of the two sub-groups; a baby dies and the I n u i t f e e l that the Whites " d i d not take care of i t " , while the agency Whites f e e l t h a t the baby's parents were c r i m i n a l l y n e g l i g e n t . C h i l d r e n are taught American Indian myths and the teacher i s completely unaware of the resentment f e l t by - 41 -the s c h o o l c h i l d r e n ' s parents. A teacher t r i e s to begin a swimming program* and although the k i d s are obvi o u s l y g r e a t l y i n t e r e s t e d they always " f o r g e t " to come because t h e i r parents are worried about drownings and prevent them from coming. Exchanges of s e r v i c e s s u f f e r most from the l a c k of communica-t i v e i n t e g r a t i o n and the communications b a r r i e r s r a i s e d by i n d i -v i d u a l I n u i t and by Whites as a group. Although the s t r a t e g i e s which f u n c t i o n a l l y i n t e g r a t e Whites to I n u i t are l a r g e l y determined by agency norms, the I n u i t u s u a l -l y perceive the a c t i o n s of a Euro-Canadian as r e s u l t i n g from h i s own p e r s o n a l i t y and not from the d i r e c t i v e s of h i s s u p e r i o r s . As a r e s u l t , I n u i t attempt to c r e a t i v e l y manipulate an agency employ-ee on the b a s i s of what they perceive to be h i s p e r s o n a l i t y . In a d d i t i o n , i n d i v i d u a l I n u i t u t i l i z e the o p p o r t u n i t i e s pre-sent i n the s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environment w i t h great v a r i a t i o n s from i n d i v i d u a l to i n d i v i d u a l . The argument f o r t h i s f l e x i b i l i t y l i e s i n the e x p l o i t a t i v e v a r i a t i o n s observed, and the e f f e c t i v e -ness of tha t f l e x i b i l i t y r e s t s on the argument that men w i t h great-l y d i f f e r e n t personal s t y l e s of work have equal p r e s t i g e . I w i l l g ive such in f o r m a t i o n whenever p o s s i b l e i n the f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p -t i o n s of environmental e x p l o i t a t i o n ? . I n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v e a c t i o n w i l l be considered f i r s t and then group c r e a t i v e a c t i o n . E a r l i e r I t r i e d to make the p o i n t that the I n u i t c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c of f l e x i b i l i t y a l l o w s a s i t u a t i o n i n which c r e a t i v e a c t i o n i s p o s s i b l e . Next I w i l l t r y to v e r i f y t h a t t h i s p o t e n t i a l f o r - 42 -c r e a t i v e a c t i o n i s r e a l i z e d and w i l l describe the nature of t h i s c r e a t i v i t y by t r e a t i n g the ways i n which v a r i o u s men u t i l i z e the op p o r t u n i t i e s present i n the s o c i a l and economic environment i n order to support t h e i r f a m i l i e s . I w i l l describe the ways i n which men u t i l i z e wage-work* hunting, t r a p p i n g , c a r v i n g and the presence of Euro-Canadians. Of the twenty-eight economically a c t i v e men, seven have f u l l -time jobs, one as R.C.M.P. s p e c i a l constable, f o u r p r o v i d i n g muni-c i p a l s e r v i c e s as D.O.T. employees, and two as H.B.C. c l e r k s . Two men have r e g u l a r part-time employment, one as caret a k e r of the school, the other as S h e l l O i l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . The other nineteen men carve, hunt, trap and do short-term wage labour whenever i t i s a v a i l a b l e . The economic p o s i t i o n of the men who have r e g u l a r jobs ( f u l l or part-time) i s considered v-ary good by the I n u i t because t h e i r earnings are such that they almost always have c r e d i t a t the Bay. This i s i n marked c o n t r a s t to those who carve, hunt and t r a p , f o r these men are always i n the process of going i n t o debt or s l o w l y working t h e i r way out of i t . The expenses of the skidoo are so high i n r e l a t i o n to the re t u r n from the s e a l s k i n s f o r fox f u r s (the area has never been notable f o r the number of foxes harvested) that ray data i n d i c a t e that hunting can only be considered as a source of cheap and no u r i s h i n g meat and not as cash p r o f i t , f o r the o u t l a y to main-t a i n and fun the skidoo i s always more than the value of the s k i n s harvested. As a r e s u l t , a man who hunts by skidoo can only work - 43 -h i s way slow l y i n t o debt. E v e n t u a l l y h i s debt w i l l be such that he i s denied c r e d i t , and then the only way to r e s t o r e h i s c r e d i t i s through s e l l i n g c a r v i n g s . I describe these men as those who "carve to hunt". Two other men have abandoned t h i s s t r u g g l e and concentrate on c a r v i n g so tha t i t represents t h e i r g r e a t e s t cash income. These men only hunt i n c i d e n t a l l y and e v i d e n t l y f o r food as much as f o r the s k i n and so I say that they "hunt i n order to 13 carve". -* Yet there are s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s even between these two men and the ways i n which they u t i l i z e resources. One of the men who concentrates on c a r v i n g i s a stranger to the area and has no k i n i n the settlement outside of h i s household ( n e i t h e r consanguines nor a f f i n e s ) . For reasons t h a t I was never able to d i s c o v e r , he seems to be d i s l i k e d by both the I n u i t i n the settlement and by the m a j o r i t y of Euro-Canadians, so much so that even h i s e x c e l l e n t and s k i l l f u l carpentry and cabinet work bringi? him no p r e s t i g e among I n u i t nor among most of the Whites. As a r e s u l t , he does not attempt to gain p r e s t i g e through b r i n g i n g home l o t s of game and concentrates h i s e f f o r t s on c a r v i n g . Here he s p e c i a l i z e s i n smooth-faced a b s t r a c t s o l i d s which are f i l l e d w i t h d e l i c a t e and accurate engravings of a r c t i c animals and I n u i t i n f u r c l o t h i n g . His walrus tusks wrih engraved hunting scenes are always i n demand. Being one of the best engravers i n the Eastern A r c t i c , he f i n d s a ready market f o r h i s work a t the l o c a l H.B.C, among the r e s i d e n t Whites land".at the co-op i n F r o b i s h e r Bay. A gentle and q u i e t man, he enjoys «ery much the few f r i e n d s h i p s he has w i t h Euro-Canadians and makes no attempt to se&l c a r v i n g s to them. (This i s i n marked c o n t r a s t to other men.) - 44 -The other man who p r i n c i p a l l y carved and hunts only sporadi-c a l l y uses the a i r service which ©ceastonally f l i e s between Fro-bisher Bay and Lake Harbour to earn himself a very nice income. His wife and children l i v e i n Lake Harbour and p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n community l i f e there among t h e i r many k i n f o l k . A f l i g h t into Lake Harbour often brings the husband i n , and he has a quick v i s -i t with his family while he gathers up a supply of large soapstone lumps from h&s cache and then returns to Frobisher on the same f l i g h t . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , he w i l l spend a few weeks i n Lake Harbour, s o c i a l i z i n g , hunting and carving. In either case, he always carves the large massive sculptures with rounded forms and l i t t l e d e t a i l which are seen as " r e a l a r t " by Whites and which therefore command good prices and a ready market at the Frobisher Bay co-op. This man regularly takes a i r transportation to u t i l i z e t h i s favourable market. While i n Frobisher Bay he l i v e s with k i n . Now l e t us consider the two men who work part-time and the very d i f f e r e n t ways i n which they u t i l i z e resources present i n the community and outside of i t . These men are excellent compar-ative cases, f o r both have jobs which pay approximately the same and which use only a couple of days per week (at the most). One man i s the l o c a l S h e l l O i l Ltd. representative; his res-p o n s i b i l i t i e s are the sale of gasoline and other f u e l s , and he tops up the stove o i l tanks which supply each bu i l d i n g . He f e e l s that he should stay f a i r l y close to the community because of his job, and so he does not make as many t r i p s to s e l l carvings at the Frobisher Bay co-op as other men do. However, when he f e e l s i - 45 -that he can get away he prepares many l a r g e carvings to s e l l to the co-op. This man c o n s i s t e n t l y u t i l i z e s h i s cash c a p i t a l i n what I would c a l l a s t r a t e g i c manner. A good example of t h i s occured during atwo-week p e r i o d i n which very few s e a l s were taken. A l l of the hunter-carvers were going out d a i l y , and because most of them were already i n debt they only went as f a r as was necessary to get to p o t e n t i a l l y productive i c e . In t h i s way they got as many t r i p s to the s e a l grounds as was p o s s i b l e out of t h e i r r e -maining c r e d i t . Then one March morning t h i s man l e f t very e a r l y , and f o r a long time h i s t r a c k s were the only ones i n the s o f t deep snow. The snow discouraged most of the others from going, f o r they were s t i l l hunting beside the s e a l ' s breathing hole and deep snow.made i t almost impossible to f i n d the hole, l e t alone hear the s e a l come up. L a t e r that same n i g h t a t about nine o'clock, j u s t as people were v i s i t i n g around a f t e r supper, a skidoo was heard coming i n . He brought i n f i v e s e a l s , almost as many as had been taken a l l week by a l l the men I His s t r a t e g y was t h i s i having enough cash f o r a l a r g e o u t l a y of g a s o l i n e he headed t h i r t y m i l e s west along the coast to an area which i s much r i c h e r i n s e a l s than the Lake Harbour area and where he could hunt by the edge of the sea i c e . In March the edge of the sea i c e i s a t i t s f a r t h e s t from the l a n d ; t h i s would - 46 -e x p l a i n why those who were i n debt d i d not go t h a t f a r out. Another example of t h i s man's s t r a t e g i c use of resources so that as high a y i e l d as p o s s i b l e was obtained from h i s c a p i t a l was h i s r e f u s a l to hunt by the s e a l ' s breathing hole--he f e l t t hat hunting s e a l s by the fiLoe edge, or w h i l e they were basking i n the sun, or i n open water w i t h a canoe, were tfeejonly methods produc-t i v e enough to be p r a c t i c e d . He q u i t e c o n s c i o u s l y took the time one day to e x p l a i n t h i s to me i n s u i t a b l y simple words so that I would understand. This man a l s o had a few f r i e n d s among the Euro-Canadians, and he a l s o d i d not attempt to s e l l carvings to them. The example of the other part-time worker, the school care-t a k e r , o f f e r s an i n t e r e s t i n g c o n t r a s t to the S h e l l O i l represen-t a t i v e mentioned above. The caretaker hunts l i k e the other men and f r e q u e n t l y takes carvings to the co-op a t F r o b i s h e r Bay. How-ever, he i s unique i n the way he u t i l i z e s the Euro-Canadians pre-sent i n the community. Because he has a government job he con-s i d e r s the Euro-Canadian government employees h i s coworkers and v v i s i t s w i t h them o f t e n , a t l e a s t one n i g h t per week. F i r s t , he seems to enjoy s o c i a l i z i n g w i t h Euro-Canadians more than most I n u i t do. Second, he enjoys r e g u l a r d r i n k i n g (which most of the Lake Harbour I n u i t do n o t ) , and since l i q u o r i s i n short supply i n the community, the l o c a l Whites are the only r e l i a b l e source f o r t h i s resource. T h i r d , h i s f r i e n d s among the Euro-Canadians provide a market f o r h i s carvings? h i s a c c u r a t e l y proportioned animals and people are o f t e n q u i t e detailed,and are of the type - 47 -most appreciated by the average agency-employed Euro-Canadian i n the settlement. Most i n t e r e s t i n g i s the way i n which t h i s man r e g u l a r l y u t -i l i z e s the mails and h i s Euro-Canadian f r i e n d s as t r a n s l a t o r s and/ or helpers i n order to earn money i n ways which no other n a t i v e i n the community does. By m a i l i n g h i s s k i n s and f u r s d i r e c t l y to the f u r auctions i n southern Canada he re c e i v e s twice as much as he would have r e c e i v e d from the H.B.C. Because of h i s f r i e n d s h i p w i t h the Whites and because he l i k e s to transact;through the m a i l s , the Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r o f t e n gives him s p e c i a l requests t h a t a r r i v e from v a r i o u s p l a c e s , f o r example, the order by an Ontario mosquito r e p e l l e n t manufacturer f o r s e v e r a l b a r r e l s of p o l a r bear and s e a l o i l f o r a very n i c e p r i c e . Some of h i s c o n t r a c t s a l s o come through h i s b r other who j s on the N.W.T. C o u n c i l . As mentioned e a r l i e r , both men have approximately the same income and r e q u i r e approximately the same amount of time f o r t h e i r jobs. Yet both u t i l i z e t h i s "spare time" (and I am not suggesting t h a t I n u i t see i t as such) i n s t r i k i n g l y d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s t y l e s which are c o n s i s t e n t through time. Yet the argument that such d i f f e r e n t r e s o u r c e - u t i l i z a t i o n r e -presents f l e x i b i l i t y would p a r t l y r e s t on showing t h a t both men are eq u a l l y e f f e c t i v e i n maintaining themselves and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . To judge t h i s e f f e c t i v e n e s s two c r i t e r i a seem a p p l i c a b l e i economic p r o s p e r i t y and p r e s t i g e . Both men have approximately the same l e v -e l of p r o s p e r i t y as measured by ownership of manufactured goods. And t h e i r p r e s t i g e among the other I n u i t seems to be about the same. - 48 -I f there i s a d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e i r p r e s t i g e i t would seem to r e -s u l t from t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t i e s and not from t h e i r economic e f f e c -t i v e n e s s . Even among the f u l l - t i m e wage workers there are considerable d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e i r u t i l i z a t i o n s , of t h e i r jobs, hunting-trapping and c a r v i n g . T h e i r job performances were remarkably uniform* a l l of t h e i r employers expressed s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the men's prompt-l y ness, a t t e n t i o n and energy on the job. Here are some examples of work-styles and l i f e - s t y l e s . The o l d e s t s t e a d i l y employed man i s i n h i s l a t e f i f t i e s and works on the D.O.T. muni c i p a l s e r v i c e s crew. He i s q u i t e w e l l o f f , s ince ^his ample income i s augmented by h i s retirement pay from long years of s e r v i c e , as R.C.M.P. s p e c i a l constable. He never carves. A strong and vigorous man, he i s so keen on hunting that he sometimes h i r e s another o l d e r man to work f o r a day while he goes hunting and/or checks h i s t r a p l i n e . ; Although h i s f u l l -time work prevents him from g e t t i n g as many.seals as the f u l l - t i m e hunters, he runs q u i t e a long t r a p l i n e (even i n poor y e a r s J 1 ^ and checks i t on Saturday, or during the week i f he has h i r e d a r e -placement f o r t h a t day, or on long week-ends. As a r e s u l t he ranked twenty-second i n terms of number of s e a l s k i n s traded but was the second highest trapper of f o x s k i n s . 1 ^ His o l d e s t son a l s o works f u l l - t i m e on the D.O.T. municipal s e r v i c e s crew as a C a t e r p i l l a r d r i v e r . L i k e h i s f a t h e r , he does not carve and sometimes hunts on Saturday. - 4 9 -Another member of the m u n i c i p a l s e r v i c e s crew, a l s o a son of the r e t i r e d R.C.M.P. s p e c i a l constable mentioned above, i s notable f o r the energy w i t h which he t a c k l e s economic a c t i v i t i e s . A f t e r a f u l l day's work f o r the D.O.T. he o f t e n comes home and carves u n t i l bed-time. He s e l l s h i s carvings to the l o c a l Whites, or on long weekends or h o l i d a y s dashes i n t o F r o b i s h e r Bay to the co-op. So e n e r g e t i c i s t h i s man t h a t he d i s l i k e s hunting or t r a v e l l i n g w i t h others because he p r e f e r s to s e t a f a s t e r pace and f e e l s held back by t h e i r frequent l e i s u r e l y teaebreaks. More o f t e n than not he hunts and t r a v e l s alone, charging along a t h i s own pace. I n u i t a l s o show c r e a t i v i t y on the r a r e occasions when some of them confront Euro-Canadians who have flown i n to present a p l a n or a change i n the agency norms which w i l l be used by the agency Whites. T y p i c a l l y , a Euro-Canadian a r r i v e s w i t h a p l a n a l r e a d y formulated by h i s s u p e r i o r s . He only n e e d s t h e t a c i t approval of I n u i t f o r a t a c t i c a l success. Yet I n u i t o f t e n prevent him from a c h i e v i n g t h i s . The f o l l o w i n g example i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s p o i n t . Soon a f t e r the government co-operative o r g a n i z e r got o f f the plane he came to see me and over tea s a i d that he would l i k e to ask a favour. Would I mind h e l p i n g out i n g e t t i n g the co-op s t a r t e d i n Lake Harbour by working j u s t a couple of hours a month? Be-cause of my experience i n t r y i n g to e s t a b l i s h f i s h i n g co-ops i n B r a z i l he f e l t that I would be very u s e f u l . I agreed, and he r e -quested t h a t I come to the meeting t h a t afternoon i n the s c h o o l -house. - 50 -Only three White people were i n v i t e d to and present a t the meeting! Lake Harbour's Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r , the co-operative o r -ga n i z e r , and myself. Of I n u i t , there were two groups;the f i v e members of the Co-operative Committee and those who performed mun i c i p a l s e r v i c e s f o r D.O.T. The t r a n s l a t o r was the c h i e f - c l e r k a t the H.B.C. There was considerable over-lap i n the membership of the two groups of I n u i t , many were i n both. The government man began the meeting by e x p l a i n i n g what he had been doing and why he had had to wait so long i n coming to see them about the co-op that they wanted to s t a r t . The Inuk head of the Co-operative Committee thanked him f o r coming and s a i d t h a t they s t i l l wanted very much to have the co-op. Then the government man explained th&t I would be a v a i l a b l e to help e i t h e r government or "Eskimos" w i t h matters that could be handled by m a i l . The I n u i t maintained blank faces. Next he t o l d them th a t the f i r s t problem i n s t a r t i n g the co#op would be to get the s t a r t i n g c a p i t a l , but h i s c h i e f had thought of a very wise p l a n and now he wanted to know what they thought of i t . I t would work l i k e t h i s i the government would g i v e the co-op the lump sum tha t f o r the whole year p a i d the s a l a r i e s of a l l the D.O.T. muni c i p a l s e r v i c e s workers (thus t h e i r i n v i t a t i o n ) . With t h i s money carvings would be bought from the people and then s o l d to d i s t r i b u t o r s and thus the money would be used twice, both to give the co-op i t s f i r s t c a p i t a l to s t a r t w i t h and then to pay the s a l a r i e s of the D.O.T. workers. He quoted the <hump sum a v a i l a b l e t h i s way and asked the I n u i t what they thought of the i d e a . - 51 -There was a s i l e n c e of about a minute, a f t e r which the young-est Inuk there (except f o r the t r a n s l a t o r ) s a i d i n h i s own language "perhaps i t ' s not enough". The others s a i d "perhaps so" and be-gan c a l c u l a t i n g the sum of t h e i r y e a r l y earnings. In the midst of a l l of the d i s c u s s i o n the government co-op man asked the t r a n s -l a t o r what was being s a i d . He d i d not r e p l y u n t i l s e v e r a l men each did a sum of t h e i r incomes and a l l got the same r e s u l t s on the f i r s t t r y ; they were being o f f e r e d about t h r e e - f o u r t h s of what they earned. With agreement among the I n u i t the 1 t r a n s l a t o r s a i d , "Oh, they say i t ' s not enough, th a t they a l l together earn ". The government man asked each Inuk what he earned and d i d h i s own t o t a l . They were r i g h t . He s a i d , " W e l l , uh, I don't f e e l i t ' s r i g h t to lower your men's wages. I ' l l have to t a l k t h i s over w i t h my s u p e r v i s o r and contact you as soon as i t , i s s t r a i g h t e n e d out". He asked i f there were more questions. There were none and he ad-journed the meeting. I t should be noted from t h i s example how a b l y I n u i t q u i c k l y improvise s t r a t e g i e s i n a very e g a l i t a r i a n manner and without l e a d -e r s h i p . This i s a process which co n s t a n t l y ^ o c c u r s while men are hunting (and w i l l be considered f u r t h e r on w i t h the i n t r i n s i c func-t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n of I n u i t ) . The young man w h o i f i r s t mentioned tha t the lump sum was perhaps too small i s w e l l - l i k e d by a l l , but c e r t a i n l y i s not a l e a d e r . One should a l s o note t h a t the i n t e r -p r e t e r kept s i l e n t u n t i l a consensus had been reached among the men despite pleas f o r t r a n s l a t i o n by the co-operative d i r e c t o r . He kept h i s s i l e n c e on h i s own i n i t i a t i v e , nothing was s a i d or s i g n a l l e d to him by the other I n u i t . - 52 -But most s i g n i f i c a n t i s the u t t e r l a c k of l e a d e r s h i p i n t h i s c o n f r o n t a t i o n . Present were the n a t i v e heads of the Community Co u n c i l and the Lake Harbour Housing A s s o c i a t i o n , the man c o n s i -dered by a l l of the Whites as the "Eskimo l e a d e r " , and a man who i s very outspoken i n p u b l i c meetings. Yet none of these attempted to i n f l u e n c e the others, none took any i n i t i a t i v e , none was asked what he thought or i n any other way consulted. Next we w i l l consider the i n t r i n s i c sub-group i n t e g r a t i o n of Euro-Canadians and of I n u i t . I n t e g r a t i o n a t t h i s l e v e l i s between members of any sub-group. N a t u r a l l y , there was a component of t h i s i n the e x t r i n s i c i n t e g r a t i o n of Whites towards I n u i t because the Euro-Canadians maintain a group f r o n t which r e q u i r e s t h e i r mutual co-operation. However, t h i s i s only;one small f a c e t of a much l a r g e r sphere of i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s . I w i l l take each-ethnic group s e p a r a t e l y . 3(a). Remembering th a t c u l t u r a l i n t e g r a t i o n i s that "...degree to which c u l t u r a l standards which r e q u i r e adherence are mutually c o n s i s t e n t " (Landecker 1952i 394) we f i n d t h a t the Euro-Canadians form a moral community based on mutual expectations t h a t agency norms w i l l be f u l f i l l e d . I t i s important to note t h a t these agen-cy norms are so formulated by s u p e r i o r s that they encourage co-operation between agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . They e f f e c t i v e l y dampen inter-White c o n f l i c t by (a) supporting d i f f u s e sentiments of co-operation f o r the good of the community (both n a t i v e and Euro-Canadian) and the agency, and thus o f f e r a ready p r e t e x t f o r de-e s c a l a t i n g c o n f l i c t s , arid (b) by d e f i n i n g j o b s a c t i v i t i e s so t h a t - 53 -non-co-operation w i t h other agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s i s d e f i n i t e l y considered as poor job performance. Another way i n which agency norms defuse p o t e n t i a l c o n f l i c t i n the Euro-Canadian sub-group i s by p r e c l u d i n g competition be-tween agencies. As V a l l e e notes, 1 "...competition i n job performanceiztmSfimmany given person a t Baker Lake w i t h others outside the commun-i t y r a t h e r than w i t h those who r e s i d e i n it".? ( 1 9 6 7 1 107)* His comments are e q u a l l y v a l i d f o r Lake Harbour. The Lake Harbour Euro-Canadians a l s o form a>moral community because of expectations of "northern h o s p i t a l i t y " which are s t i l l very a l i v e . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to say e x a c t l y 1what1 t h i s i d e a l i s , yet the most common reason f o r saying t h a t someone d i d not f u l f i l l n orthern h o s p i t a l i t y was because he/she d i d not make a v i s i t i n g White f e e l r e l a x e d and a t home. Therefore I assume t h a t "northern h o s p i t a l i t y " was l a r g e l y seen as making a l l of the Euro-Canadians who v i s i t e d f e e l welcome. 3(b). Remembering t h a t normative i n t e g r a t i o n i s the "...degree to which conduct i n the group conforms to i t s c u l t u r a l standards" (Landecker 1952« 39^), we f i n d a t Lake Harbour t h a t there was a high degree of conformity to agency norms. This was so true that Dunning's d e s c r i p t i o n of the marginal northern White who i s a l -most a law unto h i m s e l f does not f i t t h i s s i t u a t i o n (1959t 117-122). The l a r g e s t discrepancy between i d e a l and r e a l behaviour was the gap between the i d e a l of northern h o s p i t a l i t y and the r e a l i t y - 54 -of the two White c l i q u e s i n the settlement during the w i n t e r of 1969-1970. I use the term c l i q u e as do Cooley (1909» 23-31)» Homans (1951« 133). Newcomb (1950» 6 4 l ) , and Warner ( I 9 4 l t 110-111) to describe a primary group w i t h a strong "we" f e e l i n g , which makes a l l of i t s choices and none of i t s r e j e c t i o n s w i t h i n i t s e l f . There were two c l i q u e s among the Euro-Canadians whose mem-bership changed as people were replaced by other agency repre-s e n t a t i v e s . One was small (three to f o u r people) and always i n -cluded the two r e s i d e n t s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . The other c l i q u e was l a r g e r ( s i x to seven people w i t h three married couples) and was composed s o l e l y of agency Euro-Canadians. C l i q u e a c t i v i t i e s took place during spare-time and were r e c r e a t i o n a l ! g a t h e r i n g together i n the evening a f t e r work (or on weekends) and d r i n k i n g , e a t i n g together, p l a y i n g cards and g o s s i p i n g about events i n the s e t t l e -ment. At these get-togethers there was frequent•'heavy c r i t i c i s m l e v e l e d a t members of the other c l i q u e . The c l i q u e d i v i s i o n s were c l e a r through the r a r i t y of v i s i t s across c l i q u e l i n e s and the strong v e r b a l abuse which c l i q u e members heaped on members of the other c l i q u e . Thus, i n terms of the i n t e g r a t i o n of the White sub-group, the c l i q u e d i v i d e d the Whites i n t o two m u t u a l l y ; e x c l u s i v e r e c r e a t i o n a l groups. On-the-job i n t e g r a t i o n between agencies'was l i t t l e a f f e c t e d by these c l i q u e s , f o r agency norms r e q u i r e s u f f i c i e n t co-operation to a l l o w each agency to f u n c t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y . From s e v e r a l viewpoints there was very l i t t l e f l e x i b i l i t y as-soc i a t e d w i t h c l i q u e a c t i v i t i e s . Membership i n a c l i q u e seemed - 55 -almost required f o r those who wished to v i s i t f a i r l y f r e q u e n t l y w i t h t h e i r f e l l o w Whites. Of the twenty-two d i f f e r e n t Euro-Cana-dians (agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and t h e i r wives) who were s t a t i o n e d i n Lake Harbour, only three were not as s o c i a t e d w i t h a. c l i q u e . Of these three, two v i s i t e d i n f r e q u e n t l y w i t h Whites and the t h i r d was a dynamic, c h e e r f u l , e x t r o v e r t nurse who wanted to be on good terms with everyone, both Whites and I n u i t . None of these three drank l i q u o r . I can only speculate on why eighteen of the twenty-one Whites belonged to c l i q u e s . S h o r t l y a f t e r my a r r i v a l , while t r y i n g to s o c i a l i z e with everyone, I found t h a t each v i s i t i n c l u -ded a. sc a t h i n g denunciation of those who I l a t e r found were i n the "other" c l i q u e . Ma\ny seemed to resent that I was v i s i t i n g w i t h "bastards l i k e ". I t i s easy to see why a new-' comer would soon p i c k a. group where he could be sure of a welcome, f o r as time went by each c l i q u e seemed to think I was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the other and I f e l t welcome nowhere. Despite the presence of two groups of Euro-Canadians who i n t h e i r spare time almost never v i s i t e d each other outside of t h e i r chosen c i r c l e , the r e s i d e n t White agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e d i d not perceive h i m s e l f as a member of a c l i q u e . Each time I used the term I was countered with remarks l i k e t h i s t "We don't exclude so and so; however, so and so r e a l l y d i d wrong when he...(and h i s f a u l t s would be m e t i c u l o u s l y l i s t e d ) and he knows he did i t and i s too ashamed to come around". C l e a r l y suggesting that someone was p a r t of a c l i q u e was i n -t e r p r e t e d as saying that he was i n h o s p i t a b l e to others, and thus - 56 -v i o l a t e d the i d e a l of northern h o s p i t a l i t y . And the r e s i d e n t Whites chose to see themselves as h o s p i t a b l e people who were nonetheless notv\dgsi'*'eia by "them" because "they" had done wrong and were too ashamed to v i s i t . 3 ( c ) . The existence of the two c l i q u e s n a t u r a l l y a f f e c t e d the com-municative i n t e g r a t i o n of the Whites. The flow of j o b - r e l a t e d i n -formation between agencies i s required by the agency norms, and even men who h e a r t i l y despised each other exchanged such informa-t i o n as was necessary, f o r one of them could be sanctioned by h i s su p e r i o r i f he withheld i n f o r m a t i o n needed by another agency. However, in f o r m a t i o n which was not j o b - r e l a t e d was l a r g e l y r e s t r i c t e d to the c l i q u e i n which i t o r i g i n a t e d . Since most of the inform a t i o n flow among Whites i s of t h i s type, the White sub-group c l e a r l y had a low index of communicative i n t e g r a t i o n by Landecker's c r i t e r i a of the per cent of the p o p u l a t i o n which has symptoms of s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n (1951* 336). 3(d). Remembering that f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n i s the "...degree to which members are l i n k e d to one another by exchanges of ser -v i c e s " (Landecker 1952» 394), we f i n d that the Lake Harbour Euro--Canadian sub-group was f u n c t i o n a l l y i n t e g r a t e d through agency norms and c l i q u e s . The agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s are dependent on each other to var y i n g degrees, and agency norms r e q u i r e t h a t the Euro-Canadians render each other these e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e s . The s e r v i c e rendered by c l i q u e members to each other i s com-- 57 -panionship while being i s o l a t e d i n a strange environment. The nature of t h i s companionship becomes c l e a r when one examines mem-bership f o r the common under l y i n g f a c t o r s . Some agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s were much more dependent on each other (or on one another) f o r i n f o r m a t i o n or other a i d on the job, than they were wi t h other agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . For example, the R.C.M.P. o f f i c e r and the H.B.C. manager co-operated on a s s i g n -i n g w e l f a r e ; the H.B.C. manager would say i f t h e . f a m i l y was much i n debt, or i f they had c o l l e c t e d welfare and then s o l d a l o t of carvings ( i . e . were not r e a l l y i n as bad a f i n a n c i a l s t a t e as they had s a i d ) . The Area A d m i n i s t r a t o r o f t e n had to make s p e c i a l equip-ment and s e r v i c e requests of the mechanic. For a long time a l l of the agency r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s were dependent on the R.C.M.P. ra d i o f o r outside communication. Yet dependencies l i k e these l i t t l e a f -f e c t c l i q u e membership as shown by the f a c t that new agency repre-s e n t a t i v e s had'^different c l i q u e alignments from t h e i r predecessors more o f t e n than they had the same alignment as t h e i r predecessors. L e v e l of education d i d not seem to a f f e c t c l i q u e membership, f o r college-educated people were e q u a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d i n the two c l i q u e s and a l l of the r e s t had grade twelve. Other f a c t o r s which d i d not seem to a f f e c t c l i q u e membership were r e g i o n a l or n a t i o n a l o r i g i n s , p o l i t i c a l p a r t y or p o l i t i c a l philosophy and r e l i g i o n . Yifet the one f a c t o r which showed a c l e a r - o u t d i f f e r e n c e between the members of the d i f f e r e n t c l i q u e s were d r i n k i n g s t y l e s . D r i n k i n g s t y l e here r e f e r s to the r a t e a t which l i q u o r i s consumed or the ( - 58 -ra t e a t which c l i q u e members would l i k e to consume i t ( f o r i t was of t e n i n short s u p p l y ) . Yet I t h i n k there i s more to these d i f f e r e n c e s of d r i n k i n g than j u s t seeking amiableecompanionship. The d r i n k i n g s t y l e s of the two c l i q u e s show two d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d e s towards l i q u o r t h a t are found among Euro-Canadians whether i n the nor t h or i n t h e i r "normal" environment. One c l i q u e valued d r i n k i n g to the p o i n t t h a t one's judgement and c o - o r d i n a t i o n are di s t u r b e d enough so that t h i s and the next dtary'^ s hang-over became a dominant t o p i c of the i n t e r a c t i o n between the d r i n k e r s . The two i n t e g r a l p a r t s of t h i s d r i n k i n g s t y l e are« (a) d r i n k i n g w i t h others as a s i g n of acceptance, e q u a l i t y or f r i e n d s h i p ("Wassa matter, you too good to d r i n k w i t h us?") and (b) d r i n k i n g as much as someone e l s e as a t e s t of Oneself and of the other person, o f t e n i n terms of manli-n e s s - m a s c u l i n i t y . Another a t t i t u d e found i n Euro-Canadian s o c i e t y sees l i q u o r as an a e s t h e t i c a l l y p l e a s i n g accompaniment to good conversation and as a means of heightening the enjoyment'of food and t a l k . Here there i s a d e f i n i t e avoidance of consuming enough a l c o h o l so that p h y s i c a l discomfort r e s u l t s . This was the d r i n k i n g s t y l e of the other, s m a l l e r c l i q u e . In the absence of 6ther forms of entertainment, v i s i t i n g i s the prime r e c r e a t i o n and source of ego support outside of the job and f a m i l y f o r Whites i n the n o r t h . For those who s o c i a l i z e w i t h considerable d r i n k i n g , those who do not have i n essence r e j e c t e d - 59 -the one who e n t e r t a i n s and l i k e s to be so e n t e r t a i n e d . At the minimum he may choose to i n t e r a c t p r i n c i p a l l y w i t h those who a l s o d r i n k as he does; a l t e r n a t i v e l y , he and others may j o i n a g a i n s t those who have r e j e c t e d t h e i r entertainment s t y l e s and a very i n -timate p a r t of t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l self-esteem. I maintain t h a t such tensions r e s u l t e d i n the two mutually a n t a g o n i s t i c c l i q u e s found i n Lake Harbour during the w i n t e r of 1969-1970. The i n t r i n s i c c u l t u r a l i n t e g r a t i o n of the I n u i t sub-group i s problematic beyond commonplace g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s such as t h a t each a d u l t c o n t r i b u t e s to the economic s u r v i v a l of h i s household group and that each person behaves so as to maintain amiable r e l a t i o n -ships and that people should be generous and not 1 s t i n g y . I be-l i v e that one c o n t r i b u t o r to I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y i s the l a c k of com-pariso n s made between a c t u a l behaviour and i d e a l , b e h a v i o u r (Honig-mann 19651 237-238). I f Honigmann i s r i g h t , ( a n d , I f e e l t h a t he i s i ) , then I n u i t know when behaviour pleases or d i s p l e a s e s them'fe but they do not compare behaviour to an i d e a l and then judge i t a c c o r d i n g l y . Although f u r t h e r research w i l l r e v e a l much about the nature and l i m i t s of I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y , I b e l i e v e t h a t I w i l l a l s o l e a r n of more areas of behaviour which are not f l e x i b l e , where a given course of a c t i o n i s s t r o n g l y disapproved and e l i c i t s negative s a n c t i o n s . Along t h i s l i n e , Briggs (1970) c o n v i n c i n g l y develops the d i s a p p r o v a l and r e j e c t i o n of anger among t h e i U t k u h i k s a l i n g m i u t (Back R i v e r people) which i s a l s o found (but to a s m a l l e r degree) a t Lake Harbour. I w i l l develop below the n e c e s s i t y of sharing - 60 -i n f o r m a t i o n . I am confiden t t h a t r e c o g n i z i n g f l e x i b i l i t y does not b l i n d us to n o n - f l e x i b i l i t y , i . e . , a c t i o n s which are r e q u i r e d , or s t r o n g l y disapproved, or to which no a l t e r n a t i v e i s allowed. An example of disapproved a c t i o n i s i n the helping-meddling dichotomy which I observed a t Lake Harbour. Mrs. Freeman, an Inuk from Great Whale R i v e r , f i r s t made myself and others aware of the dichotomy by t e l l i n g how I n u i t d i s l i k e d r e c e i v i n g help when they did not seek i t . She t o l d of a White g i r l - f r i e n d who was shocked because Mrs. Freeman did not help her own grandmother c a r r y wet, heavy s e a l s k i n s up the h i l l s i d e to dry. As she s a i d , to have done so would have been the same as saying t h a t her grandmother was weak and incapable. In keeping w i t h the low key of I n u i t i n t e r a c t i o n , a q u i t e minor a c t by White standards c a r r i e s r e a l overtones of as s e r t i v e n e s s to I n u i t ; she warned us ag a i n s t s i t t i n g too c l o s e to the f r o n t of the s l e d , and not to walk towards the dogs. Both of these a c t s would be i n t e r p r e t e d as t r y i n g to take over c o n t r o l of the dog team. An example of I n u i t s e n s i t i v i t y to offending w i t h unwanted help occured on my f i r s t hunting t r i p . As the skidoo p i t c h e d over rought shore i c e , the towline broke and l e f t the sl e d (and myself) stranded. Running up to the rope I grabbed hold and t r i e d to p u l l the s l e d towards the smooth i c e . The hunter ran up and j u s t stood nearby wh i l e I i n e f f e c t i v e l y p u l l e d and s t r a i n e d . I smiled i n an embarrassed way and continued alone i n my v a i n h a u l i n g u n t i l I s a i d " I can't" (piqudnangilanga), a t which he i n s t a n t l y grabbed hold. - 61 = Yet r e f u s i n g help i s as n e g a t i v e l y sanctioned by gossip and r i d i c u l e as i s meddling by g i v i n g a i d when i t i s not wanted. What i s the e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e between the two? A d e s i r e f o r help was o f t e n i n d i c a t e d by a look r i g h t i n the f a c e , o f t e n w i t h a l i f t of the eyebrows ( s i g n i f y i n g "yes") or by an oblique s t a t e -ment to the d i f f i c u l t y of the task, "because t h i s can make one t i r e d " (taqanagudnammat). The helping-meddling dichotomy can e x p l a i n many i n c i d e n t s which lead Whites to say tha t I n u i t are a p a t h e t i c and ^u n i n t e r e s t e d i n each other's w e l f a r e . Many Whites t e l l of I n u i t going by camps f u l l of hungry people and yet they d i d not giver them food. I f the hungry people d i d not ask f o r food, one can see t h a t other I n u i t would h e s i t a t e to takeethe i n i t i a t i v e to give and so suggest that the hungry ones were unable. At Lake Harbour some c h i l d r e n once bombarded asnewajcanoe wi t h rocks and u t t e r l y destroyed i t w h i l e r e l a t i v e s of the owner s^iro:M:eJ3 by without saying a word. A poss-i b l e explanation i s that meddling would have suggested the owner could not take care of h i s own t h i n g s . An i n t e r e s t i n g anecdote from Parry's 1821 voyage t e l l s of a man who overturned i n h i s kayak, whereupon "His countrymen and women, when they saw him upset, took not the s l i g h t e s t n o t i c e of h i s d i s a s t e r , but c o n t i n u i n g t h e i r dancing and b a r t e r , d i d not turn, t h e i r heads a second time to see i f he was a l i v e , or i f any person was gone to h i s r e l i e f . This b r u t a l i n s e n s i b i l i t y , although d i f f e r -i n g from t h e i r behaviour when the woman's boat was stove -some days before, yet e x a c t l y agrees w i t h what Crantz r e -l a t e s of the i n s e n s i b i l i t y of the Greenlanders on s i m i l a r occasions" (Lyon 1824i 25-26). I suggest that the i n c i d e n t i s w e l l explained as due to the - 62 -kayaker's kinsmens* u n w i l l i n g n e s s to take a c t i o n which would sug-gest h i s i n a b i l i t y to take; care of him s e l f , f o r Lyon h i m s e l f noted the a t t e n t i o n t h a t a l l of the men present gave to the women when t h e i r umiak was stove i n by i c e ; here, s a l v a g i n g 1 a s i n k i n g twenty-f o o t boat which was being towed a t a f a s t c l i p ( i b i d i 19) was probably not expected of the women. Therefore no stigma^was im-p l i e d by coming to t h e i r a i d . 3(b). Considering Normative i n t e g r a t i o n as "...the degree to which conduct i n the group conforms to i t s c u l t u r a l standards", I h e s i -t a t e to g e n e r a l i z e about the normative i n t e g r a t i o n of the I n u i t sub-group i n Lake Harbour because I do not yet have an adequate understanding of extant c u l t u r a l standards to judge how much the behaviour which I observed conformed to those standards. For ex-ample, Briggs has de l i n e a t e d anger avoidance among the Back R i v e r people, and I f i n d t h a t , compared to them, Lake Harbour I n u i t were much f r e e r i n expressing anger. I f the Lake Harbour people see anger as l e s s s o c i a l l y d e s t r u c t i v e than do the Back R i v e r people, then the two groups have roughly s i m i l a r l e v e l s of normative i n -t e g r a t i o n . But i f a t Lake Harbour anger i s seen as d e s t r u c t i v e of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s as i t i s a t Back R i v e r , then t h i s B a f f i n I s l a n d people have a much higher d i s p a r i t y between conduct and c u l t u r a l standards. Only f u r t h e r study can a l l o w me to g e n e r a l i z e on nor-mative i n t e g r a t i o n . 3(c). Communicative i n t e g r a t i o n (the degree to which members of the group are l i n k e d to one another by exchanges of meanings) i s obviously very high by Landecker's c r i t e r i a of the percentage of - 63 > people w i t h symptoms of s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , f o r a t Lake Harbour only one I n u i t household out of twenty-five i s outside the web of i n -formation flow. This f a m i l y i s excluded both because they are from outside of Lake Harbour and because they have n e i t h e r con-sanguines nor a f f i n e s i n the community/ Remembering the exception noted above, in f o r m a t i o n was n e a r l y a f r e e resource among the Lake Harbour Inuit» i t seemed f r e e l y o f f e r e d w i t h no r e t u r n appearing^; necessary. The degree to which i n f o r m a t i o n approaches being a f r e e resource among I n u i t i s shown by the f o l l o w i n g excerpt from my f i e l d notes on a s p r i n g hunt a f -t e r s e a l s basking on the i c e — I was r i d i n g on the s l e d p'ulled by a f r i e n d ' s skidoot "Ariuktoq®< had j u s t entered an area of cracked i c e ( i . e . where s e a l s were l i k e l y to be found) when he saw someone sk i n n i n g a s e a l . We went over and were soon t a s t i n g raw t i d b i t s of s e a l . A r l u k t o q asked i f there were any s e a l s around and he was given e x p l i c i t d i r e c t i o n s . . . ( i n terms of d i r e c t i o n and distance)...where there were two groups of s e a l s basking. We set o f f and he got one from each group..." The informant was not through hunting f o r the day, and the i n -formation he gave reduced the number of s e a l s immediately a v a i l -able to him, n e c e s s i t a t i n g a s l i g h t l y g r e a t e r o u t l a y of gas f o r him t o have a. chance a t an equal number of s e a l s . The two men were n e i t h e r f r i e n d s nor opposed to each other. The s o c i a l costs of e i t h e r r e f u s i n g i n f o r m a t i o n or g i v i n g f a l s e or scanty informa-t i o n seems to have outweighed the cash gains p o s s i b l e from doing so. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t because se a l - h u n t i n g today i s p r i m a r i l y f o r the cash or c r e d i t r e c e i ved f o r the s k i n and only secondayify fdfeisome^meat. - 64 -During the p e r i o d of i n t e n s i v e t r a p p i n g , when the people were almost a l l l i v i n g i n s c a t t e r e d camps, inf o r m a t i o n about: hunting was probably not modified or held back without negative s a n c t i o n (gossip and r i d i c u l e ) being a p p l i e d . A f r e e flow of t h i s type of informati o n was very l i k e l y adaptive not only f o r each camp but f o r theshousehold, f o r most1?:game could be hunted w i t h g r e a t e r e f -f e c t i v e n e s s by more than one man (the exception i s s t a l k i n g s e a l s basking on the i c e ) , and meat was shared throughout the camp. In the c e n t r a l i z e d settlement sharing occurs settlement-wide only when l a r g e game (walrus or whale) i s taken, and while the cash or c r e d i t value of s k i n s i s c r i t i c a l l y important, the men see themselves as pursuing w i t h g r e a t e r d i f f i c u l t y fewer and fewer s e a l s . Therefore I suggest that one cause behind the p e r s i s t e n c e i n s h a r i n g hunting i n f o r m a t i o n i s the n e c e s s i t y f o r each man to maintain h i m s e l f i n the g e n e r a l i z e d flow of i n f o r m a t i o n found a-mong I n u i t , and he can only do so by o f f e r i n g i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t he has; i f he withheld i t he could be sanctioned.(among other ways) by informations being withheld from him. 3(d). Landecker's d e f i n i t i o n of f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n as M... the degree to which members are l i n k e d by exchanges of s e r v i c e s and goods" i s so s i m i l a r to Durkheim*s id e a of organic s o l i d a r i t y (as i n t e r p r e t e d by A n g e l l I9681 381) that the comments made ear-l i e r i n the s e c t i o n on Durkheim apply here as w e l l . When t r e a t i n g the organic s o l i d a r i t y of I n u i t i n c e n t r a l i z e d settlements I s t a t e d that "the interdependence of households and i n d i v i d u a l s decreased as food, f u e l and c l o t h e s became more and more a v a i l a b l e through Euro-- 65 -Canadian agencies i n exchange f o r s k i n s and f u r s , labour, o r e v i -dence of d e s t i t u t i o n (Willmott 1959' 63-64). Yet one c r i t i c a l interdependence among I n u i t i s on t h e i r f e l l o w I n u i t as the group of s o c i a l r e f erence, f o r the numerous and important Euro-Canadians are s t i l l f o r I n u i t only a means to the end of p r e s t i g e among oifeher I n u i t . When an Inuk has to choose between d i s a p p o i n t i n g and angering a White, or r e c e i v i n g negative sanctions from even one other Inuk, he w i l l i n v a r i a b l y d i s a p p o i n t the Euro-Canadian. This occurs f r e q u e n t l y when a Euro-Canadian asks an Inuk to make a l a r g e c a r v i n g when a l l of h i s soapstone i s too s m a l l . Rather than borrow stone from even a c l o s e r e l a t i v e he w i l l refuse the request. i Despite t h e i r i n c r e a s i n g dependence on Euro-Canadian agencies f o r e s s e n t i a l goods and s e r v i c e s , t h a t certain-men are able to get more goods and s e r v i c e s does not seem to gain them more p r e s t i g e among t h e i r f e l l o w I n u i t . Damas has pointed out' t h a t as more and more i n d u s t r i a l l u x u r i e s are gained by I n u i t : t h e r i c h man i s i n c r e a s i n g l y envied more than the s u c c e s s f u l hunter (n.d.t 15). However, I would add that h i s r i c h e s do not b r i n g him anyymore p r e s t i g e than that of the good hunter. 1"' 7 This can be shown by the l a c k of l e a d e r s h i p by these men and by the l a c k of deference towards them. Other i n t e r e s t i n g data on t h i s s i t u a t i o n come from l o o k i n g a t men's f r i e n d s h i p s . Two men who have been f r i e n d s f o r a long time, who v i s i t f r e q u e n t l y , and who have a c l e a r l y e g a l i -t a r i a n r e l a t i o n s h i p are roughly s i m i l a r i n p r e s t i g e . I can t h i n k of s i x such p a i r s of f r i e n d s i n which one of the p a i r had a b i g new outboard motor, a new skidoo, a carpet, console s t e r e o , and - 66 -washing machine, while the?-other had an o l d , low-horsepower out-board motor, an o l d skidoo and only the f u r n i s h i n g s given every-one by the government. In f a c t , the two common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the men i n such f r i e n d s h i p s are that both are adequate hunters. In s h o r t , s i m i l a r p r e s t i g e i s shared by men who earn t h e i r l i v i n g i n g r e a t l y d i f f e r e n t ways arrdiwith q u i t e d i f f e r e n t ' s l e v e l s of con-sumption ofIpurchased l u x u r i e s . I consider t h i s another aspect of I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y alongside those i n f a m i l y o r g a n i z a t i o n , k i n -ship terminology, community o r g a n i z a t i o n and r e c r e a t i o n as developed by Willmott (i9601 49-55). Now l e t me summarize what has been drawn from my data on Lake Harbour by means of Landecker*s approach to s o c i e t a l i n t e g r a t i o n . Although both I n u i t and Euro-Canadians i n Lake Harbour share the u l t i m a t e ends of s u r v i v a l and the achievement of happiness through m a t e r i a l goods and other sensual enjoyment, the natures of the f u l f i l l m e n t of those ends are so d i s p a r a t e f o r the two t h a t the normative i n t e g r a t i o n of the two groups as a u n i t (defined as "...the degree to which conduct i n the group conforms to i t s own standards") i s minimal. However, the d e s i r e by members of each sub-group f o r happiness r e s u l t s i n the acute f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n of the two sub-groups. Euro-Canadians and I n u i t each consider the other group as c h i l d i s h ; Euro-Canadians are so considered by I n u i t because they are a l l e g e d l y s e l f i s h and s t i n g y and l o s e t h e i r tempers e a s i l y . Euro-Canadians t h i n k I n u i t are c h i l d i s h because they a l l e g e d l y do not p l a n f o r the f u t u r e and are s e l f - c e n t r e d . I n u i t show much - 67 -more f l e x i b i l i t y i n a p p l y i n g t h e i r stereo-types to a c t i o n than do Whites. While a Euro-Canadian t y p i c a l l y develops contempt f o r I n u i t i n general over a p e r i o d of months ( l a r g e l y due to e n c u l -t u r a t i o n by h i s f e l l o w Whites), I n u i t tend to consider each i n d i -v i d u a l as unique, and each Inuk i n t e r a c t s w i t h each Euro-Canadian i n terms of h i s p e r s o n a l i t y . Next I w i l l summarize the nature of the r e l a t i o n s of each sub-group i n Lake Harbour v i s - a - v i s the other. The Euro-Canadians behave l i k e parent f i g u r e s towards I n u i t , each one b e l i e v i n g that the n a t i v e s should behave as he f e e l s they should. I n t h e i r exbhanges w i t h I n u i t , Euro-Canadians place the maintenance of amiable r e l a t i o n s secondary to t h e i r own career goals and t h e i r b e l i e f s as to what i s proper behaviour towards I n u i t , Whites o f t e n maintain a u n i t e d f r o n t v i s - a - v i s I n u i t . I n u i t , on the other hand, r a r e l y / p r e s e n t a u n i t e d f r o n t towards Whites. In nine months of f i e l d work the example given e a r l i e r was the only one observed. T h e i r behaviour towards Euro-Canadians i s h i g h l y c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the norms extant i n t h e i r ' own r e l a t i o n s w i t h each other. One of these norms s t r e s s e s the maintenance of amiable r e l a t i o n s , but the means to achieve i t are open to c r e a t i v e a c t i o n . Whites f r e q u e n t l y seek i n f o r m a t i o n from I n u i t both f o r career reasons and from c u r i o s i t y , while I n u i t seldom attempt to draw i n -formation from Euro-Canadians, f o r the i n f o r m a t i o n from Euro-Cana-dians could only r a r e l y b e n e f i t an i n d i v i d u a l Inuk. - 68 -In t h e i r economic a c t i v i t i e s the I n u i t are much more f l e x i b l e than are the l o c a l Euro-Canadians. While the l a t t e r are governed h e a v i l y by the norms of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e agencies, I n u i t u t i l i z e wage labour, hunting and t r a p p i n g , c a r v i n g , w e l f a r e and other op-p o r t u n i t i e s , each i n a c r e a t i v e , i d i o s y n c r a t i c manner. Examples of group c r e a t i v i t y by I n u i t are l e s s frequent. Next, c o n s i d e r i n g the i n t r i n s i c i n t e g r a t i o n of each sub-group i n Lake Harbour, we f i n d t h a t the Euro-Canadians c o n s t i t u t e a moral community due to agency norms (which r e q u i r e t h a t each White f u l f i l l h i s job and co-operate w i t h the other Whites) and through c l i q u e s which are based on d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s of r e c r e a t i o n . In c o n s i d e r i n g I n u i t c u l t u r a l standards, one i s str u c k by the low degree to which they r e q u i r e s p e c i f i c behaviour i n s p e c i -f i c circumstances. This argument f o r f l e x i b i l i t y does not obscure some exceptions! the helping-meddling dichotomy was one developed, another i s the s t r e s s on maintaining amiable r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The high degree of communicative i n t e g r a t i o n among the Lake Harbour I n u i t c o n t r a s t s w i t h the Euro-Canadian sub-group's d i v i -s i o n i n t o two c l i q u e s . The members of these c l i q u e s almost never v i s i t e d across c l i q u e l i n e s and thus formed? two separate s e t s whose members t y p i c a l l y communicated only due to job requirements. I suggested t h a t the f r e e flow of in f o r m a t i o n among I n u i t r e s u l t e d from each person maintaining him s e l f i n the flow of i n f o r m a t i o n . F i n a l l y , I suggested t h a t another area of I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y i s i n the s i m i l a r l e v e l of p r e s t i g e shared by men who have veryc ; - 69 -d i f f e r e n t standards of l i v i n g , e g a l i t a r i a n f r i e n d s h i p s of men p r o s p e r i t y . A s i g n of t h i s i s i n the frequent who have very d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of \ CHAPTER IV INTEGRATION THROUGH CONSENSUAL RELATIONSHIPS "Kommana, i n order to buy my favour brought me a pre-sent which he knew I would appreciates a k n i f e of an-c i e n t p a t t e r n . . . I immediately asked him what he wanted i n payment f o r i t but...someone remarked t h a t the own-er of the k n i f e was the f a t h e r of Guninama ( f o r Kommana had taken the k n i f e from the grave of Guninama*s f a t h e r ) ...She (Guninama) r e p l i e d that the k n i f e had belonged to her f a t h e r and not to her, and that i f Kommana dared to take the r i s k of removing i t from the grave i t was no concern of hers... (Stefansson 1 9 1 3 » 3 6 4 - 3 6 5 ) There are two faces to the importance of consensual r e l a -t i o n s h i p s among C e n t r a l I n u i t . F i r s t I w i l l t r y to show the v a l -i d i t y of my t h e s i s t h a t I n u i t s o c i e t y i s i n t e g r a t e d through con-sensual r e l a t i o n s h i p s which are created by/ the p a r t i c i p a t i n g ac-t o r s by t r a c i n g the i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s e s t a b l i s h e d by I n u i t through the course of t h e i r l i ^ e s and i n t h i s way demonstrate t h e i r consensual nature. In t h i s way I w i l l i l l u s t r a t e the r i c h v a r i e t y of s i t u a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s which depend on dyadic eonsensus to be i n i t i a t e d and to continue o p e r a t i n g . The other face of the importance of consensual r e l a t i o n s h i p s among C e n t r a l I n u i t Tr.is w i t h the l a c k of imposed a u t h o r i t y and, command among peers. This w i l l be developed l a t e r i n the chapter. P r e - C h r i s t i a n C e n t r a l I n u i t b e l i e f s held that even a c h i l d i n the process of being born sometimes i n t e r a c t e d w i t h h i s r e l a -t i v e s by r e f u s i n g to emerge from the womb u n t i l h i s c o r r e c t name-so u l was recognized. With d i f f i c u l t b i r t h s the mid-wife or mother c a l l e d out the names of various deceased r e l a t i v e s who sec. s o u l s could be e l i g i b l e f o r r e b i r t h . I t was be l i e v e d that when the cor-r e c t s oul was i d e n t i f i e d the c h i l d began to come out of the womb. 5 71 -Thus, an i n d i v i d u a l ' s very i d e n t i t y was not assigned by others but was manifested by the new c h i l d (from the I n u i t p o i n t of view-)', ( B a l i k c i 1970i 200). Even a mother's love f o r the c h i l d depends on a. rapport be-i n g e s t a b l i s h e d between the t w o — v e r y u n l i k e the b e l i e f i n North American s o c i e t y t h a t not only must a mother love every one of her c h i l d r e n , but she should love them a l l e q u a l l y . The mother's love andsa.ffectionlfpra.her new c h i l d are seen by I n u i t as develop-i n g through time (Briggs 1970) (Guemple 1970), and t h i s love does not develop a u t o m a t i c a l l y but can be influenceddby many f a c t o r s . One of these i s separation from the c h i l d at b i r t h or soon a f t e r , f o r i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t t h i s can prevent a c h i l d from arousing love i n i t s mother. Several women at Lake Harbour who each had a. c h i l d to whom she was a p a t h e t i c or even h o s t i l e , explained that i t was because she and the c h i l d had been separated f o r too long at the h o s p i t a l . Some babies are considered i n h e r e n t l y unloveable, due to appearance, voice or other reasons (Briggs 1970» 317)* This process of a. mother's love developing through time may not appear very consensual to Whites, but two things should be kept i n mind. One i s that the I n u i t language "sees" love as more r e c i p r o c a l than does E n g l i s h . While the standard® formula, f o r expressing love i n E n g l i s h i s " I love you", i n the C e n t r a l I n u i t d i a l e c t s i t i s phrased n a g l i n a . q t u t i t i "You cause one to love you", "You arouse l o v e " . The tagmemic breakdown of the phrase i s i n a g l i q -("love), -na.q-(ca.use one...), - t u t i t (you). So^ I n u i t tend strong-l y to see love as being aroused i n someone by something, as opposed - 72 -to our formulat i o n which suggests i n i t i a t i n g love towards something e l s e . Another I n u i t concept which colours t h i s mother-child r e l a -t i o n s h i p as more consensual than i n our c o g n i t i v e world i s the name-soul with which each c h i l d i s born. Because the name-soul of a. r e c e n t l y dead loved one animates /the c h i l d from b i r t h , to a lar g e extent the c h i l d i s considered to be t h a t person, and thus act s from h i s own v o l i t i o n animated by the so u l of h i s dead name-sake (Guemple 1969» 4 8 2 ) . 1 9 In trie namesake-giver and namesake-receiver r e l a t i o n s h i p (saunik) as described by Guemple (1965) the namesake-giver i s cho-sen by the c h i l d ' s parents before i t s b i r t h , as i s the r i t u a l sponsor (Guemple 19691 469). But the newborn c h i l d a l s o p a r t i -c i p a t e s i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p . Because the a d u l t r i t u a l sponsor i n i t i a t e s h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e h c h i l d by the g i f t of a l a y -e t t e , from the I n u i t p o i n t of view the newborn c h i l d r e c i p r o c a t e s by choosing some c l o t h i n g f o r h i s r i t u a l sponsor. Various pieces of c l o t h i n g are put near the c h i l d and he soon grabs a t one of them. Onlooking Whites might c y n i c a l l y say that the f i r s t piece of c l o t h i n g that happened to be grabbed by the c h i l d was consider-ed h i s f i r s t g i f t t o . h i s r i t u a l sponsor ( i b i d t 471). But I b e l i e v e that the important t h i n g here i s the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y I n u i t ac-cent of having the newborn c h i l d p a r t i c i p a t e i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p f o r t h i s has the f l a v o u r of a s o c i e t y based on consensus. E a r l i e r i n t h i s chapter I mentioned mothers who are ap a t h e t i c or h o s t i l e towards one or more of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Let me describe the importance of consensus i n the i n t e g r a t i o n of these c h i l d r e n - 73 -i n t o s o c i e t y . Once these c h i l d r e n begin walking and p l a y i n g o u t s i d e , they become objects of p i t y f o r those Euro-Canadians who are p e r c e p t i v e enough to n o t i c e t h e i r ragged c l o t h i n g , t h a t they are often sent outside j u s t because theimother doesn't want to see them, and t h a t t h e i r mothers s c o l d them p u b l i c l y and leave them out of candy and soda-pop t r e a t s shared by t h e i r s i b l i n g s . Thus, these c h i l d r e n u n w i t t i n g l y become propa.ga.nda. f o r Whites who use them to argue that "Eskimos are c r u e l and s e l f - c e n t r e d " , and i f a White berates <- such a. mother, she i s sometimes answered wi t h the I n u i t equivalent o f " W e l l , i t ' s l i k e t h i s , I j u s t don't l i k e him!" ( i l a l iqianammat). Again, as w i t h the statement of l o v e , the emotion i s not seen so much as o r i g i n a t i n g i n the speaker as being stimulated or aroused by the object* the above phrase t r a n s l a t e d l . l i t e r a . l l y as "Because 20 he/she arouses di s g u s t i n one, r e a l l y l " By a l l the precepts of Euro-North-American c h i l d - r a i s i n g these childrehoshould be u t t e r s o c i a l m i s f i t s f o r having been so comple-t e l y r e j e c t e d by t h e i r mothers. Yet my admittedly short-term ob-s e r v a t i o n s of s i x such c h i l d r e n i n d i c a t e s t h a t they a l l have har-monious r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e i r peers and w i t h o l d e r people. In these r e l a t i o n s h i p s they are open, expressive and r e c i p r o c a t e so-c i a l l y so w e l l that one would never know that they d a i l y withstand what Euro-Canadians b e l i e v e should be traumatic r e j e c t i o n and abuse by t h e i r mothers. A good example i s a. f o u r - y e a r - o l d boy who was separated*?, from h i s mother f o r a year a f t e r h i s b i r t h because she was being t r e a t e d f o r t u b e r c u l o s i s . She says she has never loved - 74 -him (due to the separation) and o f t e n sends him outside because she t i r e s of h i s presence. T y p i c a l l y , when he enters?; the house she abuses him f o r three to f i v e minutes while he stands stock s t i l l , t e a r s streaming down h i s face and h i s hands c l e n c h i n g and opening nervously. Yet when p l a y i n g w i t h h i s peers he i s open, not submissive and f r e q u e n t l y suggests games which the others f o l l o w . With o l d e r c h i l d r e n and a d u l t s h i s shyness i s average f o r h i s peers and he i s not as shy as some who have a "normal" r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e i r mothersv I would say t h a t i n h i s other r e l a t i o n s h i p s he shows no signs of h i s mother's r e j e c t i o n . I b e l i e v e t h i s i s because he f i n d s s a t i s f y i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h both peers and o l d e r people which r e f l e c t back an adequate image of h i m s e l f . The means by which these c h i l d r e n have r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h others i n the community vary c o n s i d e r a b l y from c h i l d to c h i l d . In one h a l f of the cases an a d u l t ( e i t h e r consanguine or a f f i n e ) f r e q u e n t l y takes care of the c h i l d ; t h i s a d u l t o f f e r s him t i d b i t s of meat, o f f e r s tea and bannock and an a f f e c t i o n a t e gesture while a l l of the other a d u l t s present ignore the c h i l d . No one assigns t h i s r o l e ; so f a r as I know i t i s n e i t h e r approved nor disapproved of, but r e s u l t s e n t i r e l y from the p r o t e c t i v e f e e l i n g s aroused by the c h i l d , and i t does not seem to be i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n any way. Another p o s s i b l e compensatory mechanism f o r these c h i l d r e n i s the a t t e n t i o n given them by o l d e r c h i l d r e n — i n a. very p r o t e c -t i v e manner an o l d e r c h i l d makes sure the s m a l l e r one gets h i s turn or suggests a s p e c i a l a b i l i t y such as s i n g i n g , animal i m i t a -- 75 -t i o n s , dancing or sexual pantomines and i n t h i s way the o l d e r c h i l d helps the younger to share i n the audience's approval. Yet another i n t e g r a t i n g mechanism f o r the r e j e c t e d c h i l d (as; f o r a l l I n u i t ) i s the company of h i s peers. Lake Harbour I n u i t i n f o r m a l l y d i v i d e themselves i n t o age s e t s , and the normal i n t e -g r a t i o n of the c h i l d r e n w i t h t h e i r peers begins to bind them to people who w i l l be important to them a l l of t h e i r l i v e s . Among I n u i t an orphan i s a. pre-adolescent who has no one to care f o r him due to the death of a. parent (or both parents) and who e i t h e r has no c l o s e consanguines or those that he does have do not help him (Guemple 1970t 74-78). Yet a c h i l d could not sur v i v e i n the A r c t i c without c l o t h e s , food and a place to s l e e p . There were no i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d means of p r o v i d i n g these goods and s e r v i c e s f o r him (Guemple 1970i 74-85). The one complete l i f e - h i s t o r y we have of an Inuk orphan i s the autobiography of Nuligak (1971) and i n i t he s t a t e s that d i f f e r e n t people a t d i f -f e r e n t times advanced these resources to him. A more emic way o f seeing t h e i r response to the orphan* s d e p r i v a t i o n would be to say t h a t he aroused p i t y i n them and t h e r e f o r e they responded. Nuligak r e l a t e s how h i s f a t h e r died and he was aided a t v a r i o u s times by h i s grandmother (who sewed and kept house f o r him while she l i v e d ) , by h i s own mother (who kept him i n the household when-ever one of her husbands would t o l e r a t e Nuligak*s presence); by a. S i b e r i a n couple who were t r a v e l i n g through, saw and p i t i e d him, and gave him new f u r c l o t h e s ; and by v a r i o u s other people who were moved to help him ( i b i d ) . The l a c k of p a t t e r n i n g i n t h i s help i s c l e a r . - 76 -But some may question whether such a i d i s p a r t of s o c i e t a l i n t e g r a t i o n . Remembering that we are d e f i n i n g i n t e g r a t i o n accord-i n g to Smend as "the constant u n i f i c a t i o n " of the members of so-c i e t y , we note t h a t such a i d t (a) allowed a p o t e n t i a l producer of food to surv i v e to the age where he could b r i n g i n meat (and Nuligak became a very productive hunter indeed) and (b) demon-s t r a t e d to the orphan t h a t people were not wholly a p a t h e t i c to him and that he d i d count as a person who ,could p a r t i c i p a t e i n i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h others. Wi l l m o t t notes that i n I n u i t s o c i e t y the:"...household i s rendered f l e x i b l e i n membership by the mechanism of adoption, which d i s t r i b u t e s c h i l d r e n between households more e q u i t a b l y than does nature alone" (I960t 50). The adoption r a t e among I n u i t i s high; W i l l m o t t found i t a t Pa r t H a r r i s o n to be 16% of the c h i l d r e n under f i f t e e n , and some of these were s e r i a l adoptions w i t h a. c h i l d going from one house-hold to another ( i b i d ) . In 1969 the adoption r a t e a t Lake Harbour was 13.1%. almost unchanged from the 12.5% found i n i960 by Gra-burn ( I 9 6 l t 16), However, Guemple makes a convincing argument that f o r I n u i t both adolescents and a d u l t s are a l s o f r e q u e n t l y adop-ted, and the r e f o r e the number of people who have ever been adopted i n t h e i r l i v e s r i s e s to 30% (Belcher I s l a n d s ) and probably to 50% 21 i n some groups, f o r 36% of the c h i l d r e n are adopted a t Nain (Ben Dor 1966) and 37% i n Port H a r r i s o n proper (Willmott 1959« 93). Related to the process of I n u i t adoption i s the consensual 22 nature o f ' a l l I n u i t consanguineal r e l a t i o n s h i p s ; a l l s o c i a l r e l a -- 77 -l a t i o n s h i p s must be v a l i d a t e d through time by personal contact or they cease to e x i s t . I estimate t h a t a lapse of ten years without personal contact can n u l l i f y s i b l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s , more d i s t a n t t i e s i n l e s s time. I t should be noted that t h i s i s not because the person f o r g e t s h i s long unseen k i n ; when asked to l i s t h i s brothers and s i s t e r s , f o r example, the lapsed r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l not be mentioned. But i f questioned s p e c i f i c a l l y he w i l l simply say "Because I have not seen him/her f o r a long time" (takqani  akunia.luk)lta.kunginama). Guemple says t h a t uncontacted r e l a t i v e s at Great Whale R i v e r and the Belcher I s l a n d s are c a l l e d by k i n -ship terms but are not considered r e a l r e l a t i v e s (1970t 39)• Conversely, Guemple shows that i n I n u i t s o c i e t y an adopted c h i l d becomes i n t e g r a t e d i n t o h i s new f a m i l y to a degree notnpos-s i b l e i n Euro-North American s o c i e t y , while s t i l l f r e q u e n t l y main-t a i n i n g a f f e c t i o n a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s with h i s n a t u r a l parents. The reason f o r t h i s seeming paradox l i e s i n the d i f f e r e n t views held by each s o c i e t y on the nature of p a r e n t - c h i l d bonds. Euro-North American s o c i e t y b e l i e v e s t h a t "...each parent makes a body-substance c o n t r i b u t i o n to the c h i l d a t i t s conception w i t h the r e s u l t that the bond of *blood'!* i s created between the c h i l d , i t s parents, and s i b l i n g s " (Guemple 1970i' 119)• This blood bond i s considered so powerful t h a t i t i s a. p o t e n t i a l t h r e a t to t i e s created by adoption, and so every e f f o r t i s made to p r o t e c t the adoptive r e l a t i o n s h i p from it» the adopted c h i l d i s then t o l d , or allowed to b e l i e v e , t h a t i t i s the n a t u r a l c h i l d of i t s new parents; or, the c h i l d and i t s n a t u r a l parents communicate - 78 -only through an i n s u l a t i n g agency. I f a. c h i l d l e a r n s that i t i s adopted i t f r e q u e n t l y s u f f e r s a n x i e t y f o r a t l e a s t two reasons» f i r s t , about the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of i t s r e a l parents, which i t shares through the blood-bond; and second, because of the r e a l i z a -t i o n that i t i s "only" adopted and not a " r e a l " c h i l d i n i t s own f a m i l y as i t had b e l i e v e d (ibid» 119-124). I n u i t view c h i l d - p a r -ent bonds very d i f f e r e n t l y : "...they s t r e s s p h y s i c a l presence i n the household as an important aspect of f a m i l y membership;...and they emphasize n u r t u r a n c e — s y m b o l i z e d as the g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g of food-scare i n s i c k n e s s , and the sharing of a. r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e amount of personal r i t u a l a s s o c i a t e d w i t h c h i l d r e a r i n g . • . t h e g i v i n g of pet names and nicknames, thesteaching (and l e a r n -ing) of d u t i e s and f a m i l y ' l o r e * , the s e l e c t i o n of persons to provide i n t e r l o c k i n g r i t u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s — a l l these and other elements serve to i n t e g r a t e the i n d i v i d u a l i n t o the f a m i l y household. Eskimos a l s o s t r e s s a t t i t u d e s and sentiments as v i t a l to f a m i l y membership. These are phrased i n terms of love and l o y a l t y " ( i b i d t 124-125). Furthermore, I n u i t b e l i e v e that the c h i l d takes i t s char-a c t e r i s t i c s and a t t r i b u t e s and sentiments from i t s r i t u a l r e l a t i v e s (as i n the name-soul t i e ) and not from i t s parents or cl o s e con-sanguines (ibid» 125). Guemple found t h a t h i s informants had very d i f f e r e n t expec-t a t i o n s about the success of i n f a n t ass'd c h i l d adoptions, as opposed to adoptions of adolescents or a d u l t s and these d i f f e r e n t expec-t a t i o n s give us some i n s i g h t i n t o the nature of intrahousehold i n t e g r a t i o n from the I n u i t viewpoint. He found t h a t there was anx i e t y about adopting adolescents and a d u l t s because I n u i t f e l t they might j u s t stay i n the new household and derive b e n e f i t s un-t i l they saw a. b e t t e r chance elsewhere and would then move on. - 79 -But no such f e a r s were ever expressed about i n f a n t - c h i l d adoptions. The a n x i e t y about adolescent a d u l t adoptions are p a r a l l e l e d i n the r e c i p r o c a l terminology of adoption! i n f a n t s are adopted and a f t e r a short p e r i o d c a l l e d "son" or "daughter" by t h e i r adopters and respond w i t h " f a t h e r " or "mother". C h i l d r e n adopted past i n f a n c y are u s u a l l y c a l l e d ' p o t e n t i a l son or daughter" and answer w i t h "po-t e n t i a l f a t h e r or mother" u s i n g the -sag p a r t i c l e which means " p o t e n t i a l . . . " or " m a t e r i a l f o r . . . " . Adolescents and a d u l t s , on the other hand, are c a l l e d tiquak ("adopted"), and there i s no suggestion that they are emotionally and a f f e c t i o n a t e l y bound to t h e i r adopted household. Sentimental t i e s to household members are b e l i e v e d to develop through childhood and are not expected to become intense when begun i n adolescence or adulthood, "...the sentiments are more o f t e n g r a t i t u d e and acceptance, not those of f a m i l i a l s o l i d a r i t y " ( i b i d j 8 7 - 8 8 ) . I t i s my view that Guemple r e a l l y e l i c i t e d the emic i n t e g r a -t i n g processes f o r a l l j u n i o r f a m i l y members when h i s informants t o l d him, i n e f f e c t , that they f e l t c o n f i d e n t about i n f a n t - c h i l d adoptions because these long-term r e l a t i o n s h i p s developed s u f f i -c i e n t l y strong sentimental and a f f e c t i o n a t e t i e s to maintain the addptees i n t h e i r new households. I f s e n t i m e n t a l - a f f e c t i o n a t e t i e s are considered s u f f i c i e n t to i n t e g r a t e i n f a n t - c h i l d adoptees i n t o the household then s u r e l y they are a l s o e m i c a l l y considered s u f f i c i e n t to i n t e g r a t e the c h i l d r e n of the parents, f o r , as i t was pointed out above, I n u i t view c h i l d - p a r e n t bonds as o r i g i n a t i n g from long-term i n t e r a c t i o n , - 80 -e s p e c i a l l y through nurturance (ibid» 124-125). Conversely, since t i e s of dependence (Durkheim*s organic s o l i d a r i t y ) are not c o n s i -dered s u f f i c i e n t to keep adolescent-adult adopters i n the house-ho l d , they alone would a l s o not keep c h i l d r e n born i n t o the house-hold u n i t , f o r thestemptations t h a t draw the o l d e r adoptees away 23 from the household e x i s t as w e l l f o r them. There are two faces to the importance of consensual r e l a t i o n -ships among C e n t r a l I n u i t j one has already been i l l u s t r a t e d — t h e r i c h v a r i e t y of s i t u a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s which depend on dyadic • consensus f o r t h e i r o p e ration. The other face of the issue i s the l a c k of imposed a u t h o r i t y and command among peers. These paragraphs are not intended as a thorough study of lea d e r s h i p a t Lake Harbour f o r that would demand extensive t r e a t -ment i t s e l f . Rather, I w i l l only r a i s e those i s s u e s r e l e v a n t to my t o p i c of mutually consensual s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Weyer ( I932i 212-213) c i t e s a l l of the f o l l o w i n g pre-1930 sources as saying that C e n t r a l I n u i t l e a d e r s h i p c o n s i s t s of gr e a t e r or l e s s e r degrees of c o n s i d e r a t i o n given to the opinions of one or more o l d e r , capable men» (B i r k e t - S m i t h 1929 I i 259) (Boas 1888t 173) ( H a l l 1864i 316) (Hawkes 19l6i 110(}> (Mathiassen 1928sli 209) (iasmussen 1927« 283) (Rink 1887« 27) (Turner 1887« 101). L a t e r sources w i t h s i m i l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s are Honigmann (19651 234) and Va l l e e (19671 201-204), while Willmott ( 1 9 5 9 « 63-69) records l a r g e boat-ownership as a lea d e r s h i p p r e - r e q u i s i t e a t Port H a r r i s o n , ; ; . Damas (1963a8184) and Graburn (19631 17-19) s t r e s s these a t t r i b u t e s of leaderships being a t the head of a. l a r g e k i n group, ownership - 81 -of a Peterhead boat (or trapboat) and p e r s o n a l i t y . Graburn f u r t h e r s t r e s s e s that a s e c u l a r l e a d e r i s heeded only as long as he b e n e f i t s h i s f o l l o w e r s (19691 48). I be-l i e v e that t h i s puts the proper p e r s p e c t i v e to C e n t r a l I n u i t l e a d e r s h i p , f o r the other three s a l i e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of l e a -ders mentioned by Damas are only e f f e c t i v e i n promoting l e a d e r -ship i f they y i e l d b e n e f i t s to h i s f o l l o w e r s . For example, i n Lake Harbour there i s an o l d e r man who i s the head of a l a r g e k i n group, he owns the only Peterhead boat and has a vigorous and considerate p e r s o n a l i t y . Therefore, by Damas' c r i t e r i a he should be a l e a d e r , y e t he i s not, while another man w i t h a sma l l e r boat i s d e f i n i t e l y l e a d e r of the camp people, a much s m a l l e r k i n group. The d i f f e r e n c e between the two men i s t h i s — i n the settlement s i t u a t i o n the o l d e r man cannot act as an intermediary towards any resource any more than s e v e r a l other a d u l t men whi l e the camp leader's knowledge and d i r e c t i o n are of d i r e c t b e n e f i t to h i s k i n group i n camp. CHAPTER V CONCLUSION To conclude t h i s paper I would l i k e to consider s e v e r a l i s s u e s i one i s the b a s i c v a l i d i t y of the f l e x i b i l i t y concept when a p p l i e d to s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ; the other i s s u e s are those problems r a i s e d f o r the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t by the f l e x i b i l i t y of I n u i t s o c i e t y . I consider the concept of f l e x i b i l i t y to be most u s e f u l when viewed as a tendency which i s found i n va r y i n g degrees i n d i f f e r e n t aspects of a c u l t u r e . Honigmann noted t h a t i t does not suggest complete permissiveness (1959» 120) nor does f l e x i b i l i t y mean an i r r e g u l a r , haphazard and unstructured m i l i e u , as Stevenson b e l i e v e s (1972t 4, 8 ) . F l e x i b i l i t y was used i n t h i s pa.per as a l a c k of s o c i e t a l preference among s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t courses of a c t i o n . I chose t h i s d e f i n i t i o n because i t f i t t e d my idea of f l e x i b i l i t y a-mong I n u i t as a strong tendency not to san c t i o n n e g a t i v e l y the use of d i s s i m i l a r means f o r a c h i e v i n g approved ends as long as those means are effective;.]. Some of these ends are amiable i n t e r - p e r s o n -a l r e l a t i o n s , the maintenance of i n d i v i d u a l autonomy and g a i n i n g p r e s t i g i o u s durable commodities ( f u r n i t u r e , a p p l i a n c e s , e l e c t r o n i c equipment, etc.) which increase comfort and pl e a s u r e . E a r l i e r , w i t h the meddling-helping dichotomy, I showed th a t there i s a r i g i d r e j e c t i o n of some behaviour, f o r example, i m p o s i t i o n on an i n d i v i -dual's sense of personal autonomy. When d i s c u s s i n g i n f o r m a t i o n -flow among I n u i t I suggested that i t was necessary f o r an Inuk to maintain h i m s e l f i n the flow of communications, and he could do so only by sharing i n f o r m a t i o n . The importance of e f f e c t i v e n e s s i s - 83 -c l e a r i n the comments of a very acculturated young Frobisher Bay Inuk when she was t e l l i n g me of an old man who goes inland with j u s t a two-dog teami there was clea r approval i n her voice when she said, "And you know, he gets those caribou". Graburn presents an i n t e r e s t i n g view of Inuit society when he suggests that behind the apparent f l e x i b i l i t y there r e a l l y l i e s a. limited number of s t r u c t u r a l p r i n c i p l e s which are implemented i n a variety of waysi "1. For men, l i f e i s a competition f o r prestige involving! a) the a c q u i s i t i o n of women by any means possible b) the production of as many children as possible (es-p e c i a l l y males) and c) the procurement of s u f f i c i e n t game to feed as many wives and children as possible with enough l e f t over to be generous to others. 2. Times of plenty are a time f o r co-operation and gener-osity...but the search f o r prestige remains a s a l i e n t consideration. ;'3» L i f e goods and some of the marks of prestige are f r e -quently so scarce as to be unavailable to a seeker un-less he makes a concerted e f f o r t to deprive another of these goods. 4. The future i s by no means e n t i r e l y predictable and i s often subject to forces beyond one's contr o l . 5« L i f e loses i t s value for one who can no longer p a r t i -cipate e f f e c t i v e l y i n the prestige competition" (Graburn 1969b« 4 ? ) . The"personal strategies" which r e s u l t from these are» "1. Consider one's own s e l f above a l l others i n a l l things. 2. Take every opportunity f o r self-enhancement of prestige or self-preservation. 3. Never r i s k s e l f or prestige unless such r i s k s are un-avoidable. 4. Test every s i t u a t i o n and person to see how much one i s l i a b l e to get away with safely. 5« Manipulate one's s o c i a l p o s i t i o n to every advantage. 6. Beware of and take steps to appease the many forces of the supernatural. 7 . Accept situations when they cannot be helped (ajurnaqnamat) . . . ( i b i d ) . - 84 -He then says that the e f f e c t s of these s t r a t e g i e s are "...an almost constant atmosphere of competition which leads to f r u s t r a t i o n , aggression, r e a c t i o n and v i o l e n c e ...(because) c l o s e - k i n and m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s may f a i l to provide a necessary r e s t r a i n t upon v i o l e n t s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s " ( i b i d t 48). Aside from my doubts about the v a l i d i t y of the above p r i n c i -p l e s , I am s t r u c k byrthe^gap between them and the f l e x i b l e , o f t e n c r e a t i v e behaviour found among I n u i t . And I do not see how the warm, mutually su p p o r t i v e , emotional i n t e r a c t i o n s found among I n u i t could develop i n a. s o c i e t y as tens i o n - r i d d e n and i n t e n s e l y compe-t i t i v e as that suggested by Graburn. I know tha t h i g h l y intense competition occurs among I n u i t , but I b e l i e v e that he over-empha-s i z e s i t to the e x c l u s i o n of components th a t do not induce s t r e s s . A s o c i e t y as s t r i f e - r i d d e n as that suggested by Graburn could hard-l y show f l e x i b i l i t y , f o r h i s i n i t i a l f o r m u l a t i o n a l l o w s only f o r the 24 e s c a l a t i o n of c o n f l i c t . Furthermore, he ignores the female h a l f of the p o p u l a t i o n and t h e i r values and p r e s t i g e system. In h i s case h i s t o r i e s the i n d i v i d u a l s who most c l e a r l y exem-p l i f y h i s behavioural d i r e c t i v e s are murderers and p h i l a n d e r e r s who are k i l l e d , abandoned or avoided ( i b i d t 5 0 - 5 2 ) . However, he defines f l e x i b i l i t y as "an adaptation to the extremely v a r i a b l e e c o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s that confront Eskimo i n d i v i d u a l s and groups" (ibid» 5 6 ) . I support t h i s assessment. The next i s s u e s to be considered are those problems i n under-standing I n u i t s o c i e t y which are suggested by the f l e x i b i l i t y found i n I n u i t s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . W i l l m o t t o r i g i n a l l y r a i s e d these i s -- 85 -sues ( i 9 6 0 i 57-58), they were mentioned i n the I n t r o d u c t i o n , and I w i l l approach them w i t h the data and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s developed i n t h i s paper. One i s s u e i n v o l v e d the i n t e g r a t i o n of the l o c a l group. W i l l -mott noted that " . . . k i n s h i p i s not the primary mechanism f o r i n t e -g r a t i o n of the organized camp, but r a t h e r the economic co-opera-t i o n of the households, p r i m a r i l y i n the use of a x l a r g e boat" ( i b i d * 57). The statement i s v a l i d f o r Qiudjuak camp (near Lake Harbour), f o r the f o u r households there co-operate p r i n c i p a l l y as one group of f a t h e r and son, and another group of f a t h e r , sons and son-in-law. This i s despite the f a c t t h a t the two f a t h e r s are brothers. Co-operation between these two brothers i s minimal, a l -25 though they share meat r e g u l a r l y . • W i l l m o t t * s statement i s a l s o true f o r the Lake Harbour settlement i f we s u b s t i t u t e "settlement" f o r "organized camp?'' and omit reference to the l a r g e boats, which i n the settlement are no longer a focus of community l e a d e r s h i p . Other forms of co-operation a t Lake Harbour are c l e a r l y more consensual i n nature than kin-based, f o r hunting p a r t n e r s are more often d i s t a n t k i n than c l o s e k i n , and money loans are given as f r e q u e n t l y to d i s t a n t k i n as to c l o s e k i n . Another problem i s w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l s p e r s o n a l i t y develop-ment « "...how does the c h i l d gain h i s sense of personal iden-t i t y ? How does he learnltounderstand h i s s t a t u s and con-sequently, h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h other members of the s o c i e t y ? I t has been assumed by s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . . . t hat t h i s personal i d e n t i t y comes from the unique r e l a t i o n -ship between parent and c h i l d , e s p e c i a l l y mother and c h i l d . I s i t p o s s i b l e t h a t personal i d e n t i t y may develop without - 86 -such a unique r e l a t i o n s h i p that i s defined as endowed with e x t r a - o r d i n a r y emotional i n t e n s i t y ? ( i b i d t 57). In the previous chapter I suggested that p e r s o n a l i t y develop-ment among I n u i t i s f r e q u e n t l y through ego's i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h age-set peers and sometimes w i t h non-parental a d u l t s who r e l a t e to the c h i l d s o l e l y from i n d i v i d u a l v o l i t i o n and not because of group pressure nor even approval. Furthermore, i t seems l i k e l y t hat peers are more important f o r p r e - a d u l t s today i n the settlements than they were when the m a j o r i t y of the people l i v e d i n camps; both I n u i t ( P i t s e o l a k 1971) and s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s (graburn 1969a» 164) have described i n c r e a s i n g misbehaviour by young people and t h e i r l a c k of response to p a r e n t a l c o n t r o l as compared to when they were i n camps. They a l l c i t e the present-day concentrations of c h i l d r e n as the cause of most misbehaviour. This i n d i c a t e s t h a t formerly e h i l d r e n s ' peer groups i n c u l c a t e d values concordant w i t h a d u l t values whereas today some aspects of "Eskimos"^ 0 are looked down on by the young. So o f t e n I heard c h i l d r e n j e e r a t another c h i l d who had d i r t y ears saying i n E n g l i s h "He very d i r t y , very Eskimo" or they would r i d i c u l e a c h i l d who s a i d pua i n s t e a d of " f o u r " ; "He very s t u p i d , very, very Eskimo". Whether t h i s repre-sents j u s t y o u t h f u l one-up-manship or r e j e c t i o n of t h e i r i d e n t i t y or something i n between i s d i f f i c u l t to say. Yet what are some r e s u l t s of p e r c e i v i n g f e l l o w members of your e t h n i c group as deprecable? I do not b e l i e v e that present data allows us to answer the question but I advance two a l t e r n a t i v e e xplanations. One i s that i f an Inuk o r i e n t s h i s behaviour to a. g e n e r a l i z e d I n u i t group then h i s r e j e c t i o n of "Eskimoness" means that he would pay l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n to I n u i t v a l u e s . Guemple (1970t - 87 -186-190) and Lubart (1971' 42-45) say that t h i s has already happen-ed w i t h l a r g e numbers of I n u i t women who yearn f o r a Euro-Canadian l i f e s t y l e through unions w i t h male Whites. However, i f my argu-ment i s v a l i d t hat I n u i t i n t e g r a t i o n i s s o l e l y through consensual dyadic r e l a t i o n s h i p s , then i t seems l i k e l y t h a t an Inuk could r e -j e c t some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of "Eskimoness" and yet s t i l l p a r t i c i -pate f u l l y i n long-term r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h some I n u i t ? and these would c o n s t i t u t e h i s reference group. I see much to support t h i s view even i n the behaviour of the g i r l s i n Lake Har-bour and Frob i s h e r Bay who sought White boy f r i e n d s and husbands. They r e j e c t e d I n u i t c l o t h i n g ( i n favour of American Indian or White d r e s s ) , arranged marriages and g e n e r a l l y c o r r e c t behaviour by I n u i t standards. Yet they s t i l l maintained r i t u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h those whom they l i k e d , took p r i d e i n speaking the I n u i t language, v i s i t e d f r e q u e n t l y w i t h f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s who were oft e n very t r a d i t i o n a l , and re c i p r o c a t e d work and food with those I n u i t whom they l i k e d . U n l i k e Guemple and Lubart, I saw none who had complete l y r e j e c t e d t h e i r h e r i t a g e . The b a s i c issue here i s whether the I n u i t group of reference f o r an i n d i v i d u a l ' s behaviour i s a g e n e r a l i z e d group or i s i t spec-i f i c i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h t h e i r own c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , or both, andSunder what circumstances? The l i t e r a t u r e and my data provide no answer to t h i s q uestion, and i t seems a very d i f f i c u l t one to approach, l e t alone answer r i g o r o u s l y . Willmott saw another problem i n the high adoption r a t e current among I n u i t , f o r the r e l a t i v e ease of adoption ( f o r the parents) combined w i t h - 88 -"...the apparent l a c k of p e r s o n a l i t y damage to c h i l d -ren r e s u l t i n g from even repeated adoptions, i n d i c a t e s t h a t t i e s between^parents and c h i l d r e n are e a s i l y broken, e a s i l y made. This would suggest that n e i t h e r parent nor c h i l d f e e l s an overwhelming sense of unique r e l a t i o n s h i p " (I96O1 57). As w i t h the "neglected" c h i l d r e n mentioned i n the l a s t chap-t e r , I suggest that there i s so l i t t l e emotional trauma f o r adop-tees because t h e i r peer group i s a. v i t a l l y important group of r e -ference. Furthermore, f o r I n u i t nurturance and a f f e c t i o n a t e emo-t i o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n f u l l y i n t e g r a t e c h i l d r e n i n t o a household, while Euro-Canadians see adoptions threatened by the powerful blood bond which i m p l i c i t l y t i e s the c h i l d to h i s b i o l o g i c a l parents (Guemple 1970» 119). Another problem r a i s e d by I n u i t f l e x i b i l i t y i s the i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h i n each u n i t of s o c i e t y , f o r " . . . i f p a t t e r n s of behaviour are not standardized as values and defined to finclude deep emotional content, what produces s o l i d a r i t y and i n t e g r a t i o n i n the s o c i e t y , i n the l o c a l group, or i n the f a m i l y ? " (Willmott I96O1 57). My argument i s that each of these u n i t s i s i n a c t u a l i t y composed of a l l of the dyadic consensual r e l a t i o n s h i p s that e x i s t between two people, and these dyadic consensual r e l a t i o n s h i p s r e s u l t i n what i n t e g r a t i o n there i s between I n u i t . One evidence f o r t h i s view i s the l a c k of brokerage between I n u i t , f o r t h e i r s o c i a l organiza-t i o n does not al l o w "B" to be an intermediary f o r "A" towards "C". A l l such r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n v o l v i n g I n u i t are derived from the pre-sense and i n f l u e n c e of Euro-Canadians. In .fact, when l o o k i n g a t the h i s t o r y of the area one i s s t r u c t by the degree to which the - 89 -presence of Euro-Canadians has fo s t e r e d I n u i t l e a d e r s h i p as a r e s -ponse to e x p l o i t a t i o n of the p h y s i c a l environment through l a r g e boats (Willmott i960) and not to e x p l o i t the Whites. As pointed out e a r l i e r , the frequent attempts by I n u i t to u t i l i z e Whites are i n s t i g a t e d by the Inuk as a dyadic consensual r e l a t i o n s h i p , so tha t the Inuk approaches the White whom he f e e l s can be t r u s t e d and/or manipulated, even though, f o r example, the Euro-Canadian i s a s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t and the problem i s i n housing or education. The high degree of mutual c o n s e n s u a l i t y i n I n u i t dyadic r e -l a t i o n s h i p s r e s u l t s i n a. high order of n e g o t i a b i l i t y over the con-tent of those r e l a t i o n s h i p s . An e a r l i e r chapter pointed out that l i t t l e can be taken f o r granted about any r e l a t i o n s h i p i n c l u d i n g t h a t between mother and c h i l d , as w e l l as between peers. This suggests th a t the i n t e g r a t i o n of I n u i t s o c i e t y i s c r i t i c a l l y de-pendent on people v o l u n t a r i l y e s t a b l i s h i n g t i e s of dependence and support. FOOTNOTES 1. I am indebted to P r o f e s s o r Burridge f o r t h i s f o r m u l a t i o n . 2. This f o r m u l a t i o n i s a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of the concept of ethos used i n h i s Kaska monograph, f o r he has e l i m i n a t e d motiva-t i o n from c o n s i d e r a t i o n ( i b i d t 1 0 7 ) . 3 . Examining Kroeber and Weakland we f i n d t h a t f o r the former s t y l e i s "...a coherent, s e l f - c o n s i s t e n t way of expressing c e r t a i n behaviour or performing c e r t a i n a c t s " and i t i s "concerned mainly w i t h form and possessing some consistency of the forms operated w i t h ; p l u s a coherence of these i n t o a set of r e l a t e d l a r g e r p a t t e r n s " (1957' 150, 2 6 ) . For Weak-land, form i s "...the o r g a n i z a t i o n of symbols i n a message" ( 1 9 5 8 » 389)• A l l three of these terms (ethos, s t y l e and form) are so u n s p e c i f i c as to make t h e i r i n t e r - r e l a t i o n d i f f i c u l t . I can v i s u a l i z e each of them r e f e r r i n g to ab-s t r a c t i o n s a t d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of g e n e r a l i t y . k» Of these s i x aspects of I n u i t ethos, only one was not found i n Lake Harbour. His feat u r e "C. A n a r c i s s i s t i c i d e a l i z a t i o n ofpthe s e l f . . . " and i t s development i n t h e - t e x t i s j u s t not supported, nor does i t agree w i t h anything t h a t I observed a t Lake Harbour.* Hhe second p a r t of t h i s aspect i s "...a strong f e e l i n g of p e r s o n a l , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r one's a c t i o n s " — a l t h o u g h some behaviour was observed which could be i n t e r -preted to s u b s t a n t i a t e t h i s , I am not prepared to say t h a t the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s c o r r e c t nor t h a t i t i s so important as to deserve being c a l l e d one of the dominant q u a l i t i e s of I n u i t l i f e . 5. Dr. Burridge pointed out to me the nature of t h i s group as p o l i t i c a l . 6. George Diveky, i n conversation, February 1 9 7 2 » 7« I see information* flow as a s e r v i c e y i e l d e d by group members f o r each other. But i t i s j u s t as w e l l to have i t as a sep^ arate category f o r t h i s draws a t t e n t i o n to- i t , as i s proper c o n s i d e r i n g i t s importance. Furthermore, I would consider the flow of goods as an i n t e g r a l p a r t of f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a -t i o n — w h y he omits them i s p u z z l i n g f o r i n a l a t e r a r t i c l e he i n c l u d e s them wi t h s e r v i c e s to comprise f u n c t i o n a l i n t e -g r a t i o n (Landecker 1 9 5 2 « 396) . 8 . Unless s t a t e d i otherwise, the d e f i n i t i o n s and c r i t e r i a f o r Landecker*s f o u r types of i n t e g r a t i o n apply here as w e l l . 9 . This quote i s from a l e c t u r e by Mrs. Minnie Freeman on how a s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t should behave towards I n u i t i n order to m i n i -mize s t r e s s e s . Mrs. Freeman i s an Inuk from Great Whale R i v e r . - 91 The l e c t u r e was i n November, 1969* a t Memorial U n i v e r s i t y , S t . Johns, Newfoundland. 10. This sentence rephrases Mrs. Freeman's explanation of I n u i t shyness towards strangers; November, 19^9» Memorial Univer-s i t y . 11. And I heard q u i t e a l o t of t a l k about other Whites, because the I n u i t seemed to b e l i e v e t h a t I understood l e s s than I d i d and they seemed to f e e l safe to t a l k using nicknames and c i r -cumlocutions. 12. Unfortunately I have l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n on women's f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n outside of I n u i t s o c i e t y . However see Guemple (1970s 186-190) on the i n c r e a s i n g number of young I n u i t women who r e j e c t marriage to I n u i t and u n s u c c e s s f u l l y t r y to marry Whites. 13. I say t h i s because those who p r i n c i p a l l y hunt have p l e n t y of meat ( u s u a l l y ) and d i s t r i b u t e i t around wh i l e l a c k of meat of t e n seemed to prompt those who "hunt i n order to carve" to go out hunting. 14. This i s i n dramatic c o n t r a s t to F r o b i s h e r Bay, where every employer whom I contacted complained that the I n u i t men came to work l a t e , competed among themselves i n seeing how l i t t l e they could do, and f r e q u e n t l y used up t h e i r vacation-time and s i c k - t i m e and more by j u s t t a k i n g o f f and going hunting. I p l a n to look i n t o t h i s d i f f e r e n c e between the two commun-i t i e s i n f u r t h e r d e t a i l when I r e t u r n to Lake Harbour. 15* Men tend to set s h o r t e r t r a p - l i n e s i n poor years and longer t r a p - l i n e s i n good years. Thus, the y i e l d i n f o x s k i n s f l u c -tuates more i n amplitude than does the fox p o p u l a t i o n . 16. These f i g u r e s are based on i n f o r m a t i o n s u p p l i e d from the Lake Harbour H.B.C. f u r records f o r 1967 through, and i n c l u d i n g 1970. Mr. George Croston and the H.B.C. are s i n c e r e l y thanked f o r a l l o w i n g me access to t h i s v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n . 17. His l u x u r i e s do gain him p r e s t i g e (and even resentment) among the l o c a l Euro-Canadians, who may even mistakenly t r a n s f e r ideas from t h e i r own c u l t u r e about a f f l u e n c e and i n f l u e n c e and t h e r e f o r e assume that he gains l e a d e r s h i p because of h i s wealth. 18. The only case I know of the phrase n a g l i q t o o , "he l o v e s " occurs i n the New Testament when speaking of God or Jesus. The p o i n t seems to be that They love us of T h e i r own v o l i t i o n and not because there i s anything i n h e r e n t l y loveable about us degenerate sinn e r s which could arouse T h e i r l o v e . 19. Yet d e c r e a s i n g l y so w i t h age, although even mature a d u l t s are discussed i n terms of t h e i r name-soul r e l a t i o n s h i p s as causing p e r s o n a l i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (Guemples i b i d ) . - 92 -20. Mrs. MinnielFreeman r e p o r t s t h a t i n Great Whale R i v e r c h i l d r e n are t r e a t e d " c r u e l l y " (as seen by the White population) but the mother does so to strengthen the c h i l d f o r the t r i a l s t hat l i e ahead of i t i n i t s ' l i f e . This i s c a l l e d " b i t t e r i n g " , but I do not have the I n u i t word f o r i t . 21. This f i g u r e i s from Guemple (1970i 18). 22. I mentioned only consanguineal r e l a t i o n s h i p s here because I do not know how a f f i n e s f i t i n t o t h i s p a t t e r n . I suspect that they lapse even more q u i c k l y than do consanguineal r e -l a t i o n s h i p s . 23. The emic importance of a f f e c t i o n and sentiment i n intra-house-hold integration.makes emotional-cognitive s t u d i e s such as Briggs (1970) even more i n t e r e s t i n g . 24. In f a c t he does describe " r e a c t i o n s to c o n f l i c t " but these c o n t r a d i c t h i s behavioural p r i n c i p l e s (Graburn 1969b! 47,48). 25. I thank George Diveky (graduate student at U.B.C.) f o r t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n on the Qiudjuak camp. 26. I use the word Eskimo here because of the ^ p e j o r a t i v e conno-t a t i o n which i t f r e q u e n t l y c a r r i e s . BIBLIOGRAPHY ANGELL, ROBERT GOOLEY 1968 °Social Integ r a t i o n 1 ^ i n Encyclopedia of the S o c i a l Sciences, David L. S i l l s , ed., V o l . 7, pages 380-386, Macmillan Co. and The Free Press. BALIKCI, ASEN 1964 Development of Basic Socio-Economic U n i t s i n Two Es-kimo Communities. N a t i o n a l Museum of Canada, B u l l e t i n 202, A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l S e r i e s No. 69. Ottawa. 1970 The N e t s i l i k Eskimo. The N a t u r a l H i s t o r y Press, Garden C i t y , New York. BEN DOR, SHMUEL . 1966 Makkovikt Eskimos and S e t t l e r s i n a Labrador Community. I n s t i t u t e of S o c i a l and Economic Research, Memorial U n i v e r s i t y , S t . Johns, Newfoundland. Newfoundland S o c i a l and Economic S t u d i e s , No. 4. BIRKET-SMITH, KAJ 1929 The Caribou Eskimos. Report of the F i f t h Thule Expe-d i t i o n 1921-1924, v o l . 5, Copenhagen. BOAS, FRANZ 1888 The C e n t r a l Eskimo, r e p r i n t e d 1964 by U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, L i n c o l n , Nebraska. BRIGGS, JEAN L. , 1970 Never i n Anger, the P o r t r a i t of an Eskimo Family. Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, Cambridge, Massachussets. BULIARD, ROGER 1963 Inuk. Macmillan, London. C00LEY, C. H. .... 1909 S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n . Charles S c r i b n e r and Sons, New York. DAMAS, DAVID . . . 1963 I g l u l i g m i u t k i n s h i p and L o c a l Groupings! A S t r u c t u r a l  A p p r o a c h . N a t i o n a l Museum of Canada, B u l l e t i n No. 196, An t h r o p o l o g i c a l S e r i e s , No. 6, Department of Northern A f f a i r s and N a t i o n a l Resources. n.d. C e n t r a l Eskimo s e l f - p e r c e p t i o n and EWorld view, (un-published m.s.) DUNNING,'R. ». 1959 ."'Eahnii^ c R e l a t i o n s and the Marginal Man i n Canada*-Human O r g a n i z a t i o n s 18f3)' 117-122. - 94 -FLECK, JAMES 1969 Steinmann of the North. MacLeans pages 37-42, August. FLEMING, ARCHIBALD LANG 1965 A r c h i b a l d the A r c t i c . Saunders of Toronto L t d . GOVE, PHILIP B. 1970 F l e x i b i l i t y - i n Websters Third New C o l l e g i a t e D i c t i o n a r y , S. & C. Merriam Co., S p r i n g f i e l d , Massachussets. GRABURN, NELSON H. H. I963 Lake Harbour, B a f f i n I s l a n d , An I n t r o d u c t i o n to the S o c i a l  and Economic Problems of a Small Eskimo Community. Northern Co-ordination of Research Centre, Department of Northern A f f a i r s and N a t i o n a l Resources, Ottawa. 1969a Eskimos without I g l o o s t S o c i a l and Economic Change i n Sugluk, L i t t l e Brown and Co., New York. 1969b Eskimo Law i n the L i g h t of S e l f - and Group I n t e r e s t . Law and S o c i e t y Review 4(1)1 45-60. GUBSER, NICHOLAS J . I965 SSheiiNunamiut Eskimos. Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, New Haven. GUEMPLE, D. L. 1965 Sauniki Name Sharing as a Factor Governing Eskimo K i n -ship Terms. Ethnology 40-3)» 45-60. 1969 The Eskimo R i t u a l Sponsor« A Problem i n the Fusion of Semantic Domains. Ethnology 8(4)t 468-483. 1970 Eskimo Adoption. I n s t i t u t e of S o c i a l and Economic Re-search!, Memorial U n i v e r s i t y , S t . Johns Newfoundland. HALL, C. F. 1864 L i f e w i t h the Eskimo. M. J . H u r t i g L t d . Edmonton, ( r e p r i n t e d 1938). HAWKES, E. W. 1916 The Labrador Eskimo. Memoir 91» G e o l o g i c a l Survey of Canada, A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l S e r i e s No. 14, Ottawa. HIGGINS, G. M. 1967 The South Coast of B a f f i n Island:* s An Area Economic Survey. A.E.S.R. #67/2. I n d u s t r i a l D i v i s i o n , Depart-ment of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Ottawa. HONIGMANN, JOHN J . AND IRMA 1959 Notes on Great Whale Riv e r Ethos. Anthropologica 1» 106-21 1965 Eskimo Townsmen. Canadian Research Centre f o r Anthro-pology, Ottawa. - 95 -HOMANS, G. C. 1950 The Human Group. Harcourt, Brace and World Inc., New York. KEMP, WILLIAM 1971 The Flow of Energy i n a Hunting S o c i e t y . S c i e n t i f i c Am-e r i c a n 224(3)1 105ff, September. KROEBER, A. L. 1957 S t y l e and C i v i l i z a t i o n s . C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, I t h a c a , New York. LAING, R. 1969 The P o l i t i c s of Experience. Pantheon Books, New York. LANDECKER, WERNER S. 1950 Smend's Theory of I n t e g r a t i o n . S o c i a l Forces 291 39-48. 1951 Types of I n t e g r a t i o n and t h e i r Measurement. American  Jo u r n a l of Sociology LVI (1950-51), 332. 1952 I n t e g r a t i o n and Group S t r u c t u r e ! An Area f o r Research. S o c i a l Forces 301 394-400. LUBART, JOSEPH M. I 9 6 9 Psychodynamic Problems of Adaptation - Mackenzie Delta  Eskimos, Northern Science Research Group, Ottawa. LYON, GEORGE FRANCIS 1824 The P r i v a t e J o u r n a l of Captain G. F. Lyon of H.M.S. Hecla, During the Recent Voyage of Discoveryllnfle.r Cap-t a i n P a rry, ( r e p r i n t e d 1970) Imprint S o c i e t y , Barre, Massachussets. MATHIASSEN, P. 1928 M a t e r i a l C u l t u r e of the I g l u l i k Eskimos. Report of the F i f t h Thule E x p e d i t i o n , 1921-1924, V o l . 6, Copenhagen. MILLWARD, A. E., ed. 1930 Southern B a f f i n I s l a n d , An Account of E x p l o r a t i o n , In v e s t i g a t i o n and Settlement During the Past F i f t y Years. F. A. Aeland, Ottawa. NEWCOMB, T. M. 1950 S o c i a l Psychology. The Dryden Press, New York. NULIGAK 1971 I , Nuligak, The Autobiography of a Canadian Eskimo. (Translated by Maurice Metayer) Simon and Schuster of Canada, L t d . , Richmond H i l l , Ontario. PITSEOLAK 1971 P i c t u r e s out of my L i f e . Design C o l l a b o r a t i v e Books, Montreal. - 96 -RASMUSSEN, KNUD . 1927 Across A r c t i c America. G. P. Pitman's Sons, New York. 1931 The N e t s i l i k Eskimost S o c i a l L i f e and S p i r i t u a l C u l t u r e . Report of the F i f t h Thule E x p e d i t i o n 1921-1924, V o l . 9» Copenhagen RINK, HENRY 1875 Tales and T r a d i t i o n s of the Eskimo. W i l l i a m Blackwood and Sons, London. STEFANSSON, VILHJALMUR 1913 My L i f e Among the Eskimos. C o l l i e r Books, New York ( r e p r i n t e d 1971). STEVENSON, DAVID 1971 The S o c i a l Organization of the Clyde R i v e r Eskimos. (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver) 1? TURNER, LUCIEN ' . . _ 1887 On the Indians and Eskimos of the Ungaya D i s t r i c t , La-brador. Transactions of the Royal S o c i e t y of Canada, V, s e c t i o n 2. VALLEE, FRANK ,.. 1967 Kabloona and Eskimo i n the C e n t r a l Keewatin. The Cana-dian Research Centre f o r Anthropology, S a i n t Paul Uni-v e r s i t y , Ottawa. WARNER, WILLIAM AND P. S. LUNT 1941 The S o c i a l L i f e of a Modern Community, Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, New Haven. WEAKLAND, JOHN H. 1950 - F a m i l y imagery i n a Passage by Mao Tse-Tung;', World  P o l i t i c s o X i 387-407. WEYER, EDWARD M. 1932 The Eskimos, T h e i r Environment and Folkways. Archon Books ( r e p r i n t e d 1969). WILLMOTT, W. E. 1959 An Eskimo Community (unpublished Master's Thesis, M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y ) . 1960 -The F l e x i b i l i t y of Eskimo S o c i a l Organization* v An- t h r o p o l o g i c a l N.S. l i t 48-59. 1887 The Eskimo T r i b e s . Medelelser om G r i X I . 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            data-media="{[{embed.selectedMedia}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0101683/manifest

Comment

Related Items