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anthropological framework for the study of gambling Stuart, Ronald Courtney 1972

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AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE STUDY OF. GAMBLING  RONALD COURTNEY STUART B.A., M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y ,  1969  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF : THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE. OF < MASTER OF ARTS  i n t h e Department  of Anthropology  We a o c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o the r e q u i r e d standard  THE' UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH' COLUMBIA •• September,  1972  In presenting t h i s  thesis  an advanced degree at  further  fu 1 f i lment of., the  requi rements f o r  the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree .that  the Library shall make, it I  in p a r t i a l  freely  available  f o r , referenee and study. ;  agree that permission for extensive copying of  this  thesis,  for s c h o l a r l y purposes: may be granted by the Head, of my Department by  his ^representative's'';;. . I t  of  this  thesis f o r  is understood that copy i ng  financial  gain s h a l l hot  written, permission.  Department of  Anthropology  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ,•  Date  September. 1972  or «  or pub 1 i cat ion  be allowed without my .'  ABSTRACT  The  systematic  study  undertaken  by  within  ethnographic  to  the  warrant  thesis for  serious  study  The .are  Generally symbolic power both  comparison  to  of  by  they  gambling  fall  into and  been  there  native  gambling  not  exist  North  America  practices.  anthropological  data  •. T h i s  framework,  an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  the  variables  two b r o a d  fields,  politico-economic  and.the  termed  to  of  and  it  considered..  symbols  between is  or  Institutions  anthropology  relationship  holistic  be  framework  or  concerns  them.  proposed  to  This study  holistically.  properties variables  of are  play/shallow a  Yet, of  The p e r s p e c t i v e  A definition  as  of  isolating  fields is  has  gambling.  relations.  perspective  of  formulate.an  complexes  these  literature  Implications  examined  gambling  many a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s .  attempts  the  of  of  gambling  gambling as  isolated, play;.'.  cultural1 text  an  is  institution  including  the  The p o s s i b i l i t y to  be  enunciated.  interpreted  are  The  discussed  distinction  and  deep  of  treating  gambling  is  suggested.  ' ,  Five are  examined  cases  of  i n terms  hand of  features  are  demonstrated  gambling  are  considered.  order  summarize  the  to  applicability  game  the  i n North  framework.  Certain  and the consequences Conclusions  the a n a l y s i s of  gambling  of  the framework.  are  five ••••>  of  America common studying  presented  cases  and to  J , ., .  in assess  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  INTRODUCTION.  CHAPTER  ONEJ  CHAPTER  TWO«•  A  h o l i s t i c p e r s p e c t i v e ...  •• • Gambling v a r i a b l e s  CHAPTER THREEJ, F i v e hand game c u l t u r e s ..  CHAPTER FOUR r  BIBLIOGRAPHY  Conclusions  'y'^^;^^?^-^^-^  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I V, f  My u n d e r s t a n d i n g immeasurably to  this  are  native  of  anonymity  these  gratitude.  It  supportive was  slahal  her that  Indian  as  in  the  own i n t e r e s t brought  us  gambling  music  fashion,  of  this  Wilson  thesis.  -  played  in  the  into  a  the  yet  not  part  our with  and  to  to  '  and  The my  more  of  associated  interests  to  ,  the  thesis  with a  research  developed,  on  often  in  results.  assistance  Chang,  than  this  observe  As  congenial  Yunshik  the  conceal  of  my  M i c h a e l ^ A m e s , a n d my c o m m i t t e e Duff  my Their  study.  writing  position  the  of  led  gamblers.  considerably  music  which  '•' ••  gamblers.  acknowledge  Professor  Professors  this  deserved  ought  research  continued,  to  which  :  my w i f e , , h a s  match and meet  advisor,  one  ;  role  I; w i s h  for  non-native  V;-''.' ^ :  gambling  dialectical  and  V^'  increased  the.research  responsible  individuals  ,.  Wendy,  has  >.' '  and. i n v o l v e m e n t d r e w a t t e n t i o n  gambling  of  gambling  initiation.of  Largely  enthusiasm  activity  a  the  thesis.  education skill,  since  of  "  :  :  in  the  thesis  members, • preparation  INTRODUCTION  When of  I  gambling  it  references  to  mention  the  I  of  knew.  only  a  couple  it  in  appears  residual  turned  of  of  catalogues in  the  most  of  remember  scattered  has  more  research only  During of  to articles  occupied  variety  articles revealed  journal  After  them w r i t t e n by  concern with  no  reference  anthropologists.  and  and  theoretical  explicit  a  few-  bibliographies  topic;  literature  many o f  the  gambling  anthropological descriptive of  the  the  my  articles  and  psychologists,  legislators.  In  gambling,  as  an  literature  of  gambling  are  given  games  material  detailed  19^6;  attention  accounts  cultures.  theoretical  literature  of  made  the  psychiatrists  and  Our  with  study  the  up,  different  Cooper,  deal  of  several  and;some  could  significance  ethnographies,  i n any  in  I  the  v  contrast,  institution,  '  The largely  me t h a t  which  titles  of  t h i n k about  the.published  books  to  anthropological mild.  to  search  interest  sociologists,  seems  in  to  institution  that  investigation books  it  their  appeared  began  occurred  A brief  gamling that  first  quite  In  are  the  the  on g a m b l i n g  19521  drawn o u t s i d e consistently  the  body  are  below.  Helm  by  paraphernalia,  associated  modest  consideration  Desmond, is  which  of  a  with of  few (see  & Lurle,  i v  gambling  items,  whichy  Flannery &  1966;  published  and  monographic  anthropological  the  consists  etc.) ;  material  > on  gambling.  It  derive  from  data  is  the.discipline arises, of  however,  the  , study  least  If  theoretical  to  be  of  each  a  objectivity possibly  of  is  games  and  seeks  to  which  can  their  1959)  one  practices.  to  their of  uniformity to  be  sanctioned  by  perspectives f or  example,  Any s e r i o u s  comparative,  perspective  in  the  isolated  kinds, of  data  and  Furthermore, prevail  our  in. other of  such  would presented.  generalizations  information are  application  small  a  core  required  canons  of  ^  disciplines,  data  of  ;  to  are  features  with  one  features  type  of  here  and  Arth,.and  or .  chance  The  child-rearing  games, in  .  nature and  levels  of  Bush,  1962),  £  the  child-training by.the  •  determining  subsequent practices  the  characteristics  game a n d  of  the hand,  game  Sutton-Smith,  skill,  questionable.  and  Roberts,  categorization  is  on t h e  games  and  chiefly  Investigates  societal  (see  (Roberts  strategy,  articles,  functions,  with  other.  of  which  typology  correlated  The  outcome,  these  a  social  case  be  predominance:of  are  to  difficulty  diverse  anthropological  the  correlated  on t h e  variables  an  psychologists,  complexity In  The  feasible,  problems.  formulate be  ones  psychologists,  necessarily  exists  social  always  the  the  studied.  discrediting  of  from  generate.  similar  not  anthropological  work  they  variables  do  There  and  modicum of  that  not  ethnographies).  from  formulated, case  apart  lawmakers  gambling  at  but  in reconciling  information  of  demand  sources  (e.g.,  physicians,  with  conceivable,  correlation  raises  more  .  questions  than  'these, s o u r c e s pertain from  to  the  i t for  events  non-gambling in  or  the  than  demonstrated  the I  that  presence  the  the  to  society  (Roberts,  even  for  the  categorizing  .considered of  the  to  are be  typology  strategy  the  of  very  them i n are  of  this  the  categories  above  this  In  games  and is  r.  ,.  \ , . .;  and . examined  to  (skill,  way  make they  do?  it  is  ignore  often  from  the  skill  in  •'  fact  is  it  of  to  strategy  ..  after  strategy  and  •  are f e a t u r e s •*.  characterize  view  of  However the  observer's.  be  •  a  features.  as  is  valid,  of:different  battles exercises  participants.) and  strategy)  Ifigames  player's  of  suggested  correlation  these  the  is  For.  complexity  relevant  conceived  a n d may for  the  it  Chance'1,  i n mastery  The  chance,  games.  more  enough.  Yet,  that  a l l  differ  chance,  context.  1959).  Bush, to  may d e s e r v e  Culture"  prevalence' of  likely  type  not.  separated  .practices  socio-political  exercises  in guessing, of  do  concretely  provocative  game-type  aspects;of  are  be  gambling  cited  "Games  Arth,  tends  chance;.e.g.  mastery  pay  environment.^' perhaps  which-may of  as  articles  purposes,  them, a c c o r d i n g , t o this  well  they  of  chapter.  g a m e s ..the  skill;clearly  that  both  related  level  their  on.,  as  article  related  inadequacy  "Gambling can  gambled  correlations  in  is  of  can  example,  .study  the  similarity  next  of  se.  games  The  However,  present  per  games,  Some attention  the  gambling  analytically.  briefly  answers.  I  (Games of  wit  or  in  think  actually  game,  that  represent  !  the  variable  the  authors  of have  relationship culture  complexity managed  between  and t h e  The  It  is  the  scope  brief  is  not  intended  against  conclusions  is  the  the  Intended  to  be  or  to  data  dealing  of  view w i l l  detail  are  several  the  this  will  material.  value  research  has  been  nature  be  to  of  later  In  gambling  analysis  of of  of  anthropological this,  examined  in native  in  ethnographic  T;have  the  various  North  forumulating  the  is  either  doing  this  1  variables.  an  To be  for  on.  An e x p o s i t i o n the  •  of  emptor  support  In  gambling  reasons  to  of  develop  on  extent  anthropological  considered.  approach  in  gambling.  accounts  precede  mainly  ''.'•. v ' •'";••'•'  A .'caveat  sources  the  conclusive.  and  adoption  •  of  of  material or  a  falls  the  the  paper  of  explained  articles.  in  Without  Thus,  published  case,  evidence.  gambling  exhaustive  other with  s o c i e t i e s T h e  anthropological  therein  itself.  from the  i n gambling.  from  points  two  present  classification  from  indiscriminate  study  be  show  interest  for  on  this  of  framework  will  apart  the  direct  games  more  paper.  in  the  culture  conclude  being  r  of  focus  the  of  tri-partite  this  purpose  American  of  review  the  generalizations It  demonstrate  games  simply  anthropological issued  of  This  yV  The  is  of  games.  complexity  the  articles  .'•suggestive.  It  of  study  abovementioried  gambling  the  difficult.to  specific  outside  to  complexity  some c l a r i f i c a t i o n games,  of  leaned  ideas  an heavily  -f;  contained  ethnographic "  CHAPTER  A holistic  ONE  perspective  I pages of  have  gambling.  the  This  expect  not  specialists  stakedout exclusive,  inadequacy  What  I t would  from  other  behavior  fields  territory.  a n d we m u s t  unique,  holistic. way  social  theoretical behavior  that  i t  way, e s p e c i a l l y  to  traditional,  gambling,  t o be said  into  a  t o be a d i g r e s s i o n  from  the study  first  anthropological  It  i s absolutely  of a l l , to clarify framework.  what •'•'•.•  the  <  analysing the variables  "holistic"  crucial  from t h e  about  of  to elucidate  enter  Is n o t .  which  :  s h o u l d be  and methodological consequences  relationships  i t  More needs'  are  the subject.  approach  fundamental,iand very  sciences.  i n this  may a p p e a r but  anthropologists  of distinguishing the viewpoint of anthropology  other  and  concern  to distinguish the  the anthropologist's  is a  which  for  reasonable  t o express  t o look a t  is  lay i n  Yet our interests  be c a r e f u l  i n my o p i n i o n ,  .This  h a r d l y be  • >U  a c c o u n t s •••;•.>•+:•  explanations  and relationships  as•their  makes  of various  i t was s u g g e s t e d ,  p e r s p e c t i v e r f r o m w h i c h ,we p r o p o s e  v  i n the preceding  anthropological  described.  t h e same v a r i a b l e s  have  references  inadequacy,  to provide  practices  for  several  to the anthropological  their, failure  to  made  view.  This  of gambling,  to the study of  i s m e a n t ^by-Van v!' ; ' ; ' : ''  :  On a studied the  or  ritual  then, c o n s i s t  features  of.an  derived. little  more  in  the  than the  some  is  a  at  explanation to the  sketchy  heuristic  relationships  between  these  particular proposal statement  will  what for  spell  is  what  an  the  insightful  article  by Abner  Cohen  deals  the  1969).  K  Cohen t u r n s among  the  recent  our  it  more  not  practitioners  of  is  very to  study  says  little and  features  of  :  carefully in  to  be  the in a  to  y  a  :  a  construed but  to  l u c i d , and  journal  Man w h i c h  different :  rather  a  the  approach a  a  The  first,  of  as  merely  field.  two-foldi  in  how  examining  i n the  H  attention  It  ••]''. ' 'Z"  discovery  '  It  :  other ;  arises  U  these  in question  "anthropological  . second.,  problem as  unit and  o r d i n a r i l y done is  and  account  seeking  in anthropology,  this:statement  out  least  provides  in  served  do;  with  will  is  be  This  new d i r e c t i o n s  of  inspiration  gambling"  concerns  specify  institution.  of  the  •.:"'/:"•:;•"':  to  at  from, w h i c h  and  device  of  possible  be  kinship  anthropologically.  ' '  to  which . r e l a t e s  culture  aspects  anthropological  (Cohen,  political,  a l l  is  behavior  An anthropological  admittedly of  of  normally finds  economic,  Institution  look  It  to  one  aspects.  in  way  culture.  need  categories  institution  This  particular  the  the  following minimum«:  will  all  of  by a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s . ,  religious  a  list  context  .  \  basic  anthropology.  cleavage  There  is  a t e n t a t i v e dichotomy o f a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s i n t o two camps according  t o t h e emphasis o f t h e i r studies« . '•'the a c t i o n  t h e o r i s t s " and: " t h e thought, s t r u c t u r a l i s t s . " ! T h i s i s n o t a s t r i c t d i v i s i o n , a s must be o b v i o u s , an i n c l i n a t i o n t o c o n c e n t r a t e  b u t i n many c a s e s  on one v a r i a b l e more t h a n  another, while holding "other things e q u a l '  The v a r i a b l e s  under d i s c u s s i o n h e r e , power r e l a t i o n s and s y m b o l i c  a c t i o n , •,/.••  are a t t h e r o o t o f a l l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l I n q u i r y and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n according  t o Cohen.  F u r t h e r m o r e , he s t a t e s  t h a t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have been concerned p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h  /•  the s t u d y o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e s e two major variables.  How • Cohen a r r i v e s a t these, c o n c l u s i o n s and  ,>  what r e l e v a n c e t h e y have, f o r . t h e study of. g a m b l i n g a r e J..-, d i s c u s s e d : below.,  •./ , v  ••'',.';'•!'  1  >'•''••••.>'••'/:'>••••'  I n a l l t h e v a r i o u s k i n d s o f work .which a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s do,  t h e r e i s a common. t h r e a d , ..some, f o c u s , which g i v e s  i d e n t i t y t o the a c c r e t i o n of techniques  arid ideas...  According  t o Cohen,* t h e commonest element i s t h e a t t e m p t t o s t u d y the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e h o l i s t i c a l l y .  More s p e c i f i c a l l y ,  this  c o n c e r n o f s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s has r e s u l t e d i n . t h e i r d w e l l i n g on f o u r broad' .areas;. of i n s t i t u t i o n s i. economic , :  . p o l i t i c a l , , k i n s h i p and. r i t u a l . . '  (This "averaging  out" of  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l , i n t e r e s t i s based' on t h e r e c u r r e n t f o r m a t and  content  of ethnographic  monographs*)  . L o o k i n g more  c l o s e l y a t t h e s e f o u r i n s t i t u t i o n a l f i e l d s we see t h a t p o l i t i c a l and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s . a r e i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d as are. k i n s h i p and r i t u a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ; , I t . i s t a k e n f o r ' :  granted  here t h a t t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n a l : c a t e g o r i e s a r e , i n  ' -  fact,  really  aspects  of a l l behavior.  Although  sometimes  problematic, the analytic separation i s common e n o u g h to • •> • ? <;''^'i' •-v.',. "'•'•''', ' I U ;v';'v-v-•'• |.y''."-'. ' .••v'-' permit i t s adoption here. ' i :  The  reason  that  tend  to blend'together  that  they  can  embody  be seen  comprised production relations unlike a  In a  kinship;and  since Is The  somewhat term  suggest  of  both  that  as  with  which  neutral)  i t  symbols  kinship  used  "custom."  concern  social  or  that a l i k e and  symbolic  and r i t u a l  and cohatiye  cognitive,  ( i m p e l l i n g men  are  illuminating  of kinship  and r i t u a l  purposes,  unnecessary.'  i n Cohen's Thus  the  "power  normative,  and f o r present  to  relations,  c a n be shown  the separation  is  such  we m a y o b s e r v e  common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  arbitrary,  "symbol"  areas  than  These  interchangeable broad  the.heading  -  are  by moving  are fundamentally  character 1s t i c a l l y  (rather  they  i t  This  sense n o t  the heading  fashion  relationships  but that  and:political  under  •'  t h e means o f  . I n any case,  of economic  F o l l o w i n g Cohen,  action).  points  as  and i n that :  the  institutions  well  of abstraction',  similar  under  Institu'tlons.''are  to  o f power  ritual,institutions  .may b e s u b s u m e d complexes..  Cohen  c a n be subsumed  relations."  affective  level  similarity  how t h e y  men a s  that  .:,: :';''/fi''-"  Institutions  or identical.  how e c o n o m i c  relationships.  higher  is  overlapping  the society.  political  and p o l i t i c a l  analysis  between  are relations  fundamental and  are often  by considering  of  slightly  economic under  of relations  ,  analysis  we a r e , l e f t  anthropologists,  is  •  with  t w o .'•  n a m e l y '•.•>:•  9  symbol systems and. power r e l a t i o n s .  • and  Cohen proceeds t o d i s t i n g u i s h between s y m b o l i c forms symbolic f u n c t i o n s . .  We a r e a l e r t e d . t o t h e f a c t t h a t  d i f f e r e n t forms may p e r f o r m s i m i l a r f u n c t i o n s . t h i s awareness I n g e n e r a l  ;  I believe  I s a c u t e among a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s ,  who have t h e advantage; o f c o m p a r a t i v e ethnography t o a s s i s t the development o f g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e s .  Nevertheless, the.  i h t e r c h a n g e a b i l l t y o f k i n s h i p and r i t u a l symbols i n a r t i c u l a t i n g e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l groupings i s w e l l demonstrated i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e . : Many of t h e r e c e n t  studies  of t h e .process o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n t r a c e t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f s y m b o l i c complexes f o r one a n o t h e r w h i l e trie s y m b o l i c  '  f u n c t i o n o f a r t i c u i a t i n g groups w i t h i n t h e / s o c i e t y i n question  i s unchanged. :  The c o n v e r s e i s e q u a l l y p o s s i b l e ,  however, and s y m b o l i c forms may, be adapted t o new purposes ( f u n c t i o n s ) i n s i t u a t i o n s o f change. ; ;; ; S o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s analyse symbolic , forms i n o r d e r t o d i s c o v e r t h e i r s y m b o l i c •,' functions. One o f t h e most i m p o r t a n t of these f u n c t i o n s i s t r i e ; o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of . .; r e l a t i o n s h i p s between i n d i v i d u a l s and ; • groups. We c a n o b s e r v e i n d i v i d u a l s . . -}'.• o b j e c t i v e l y i n c o n c r e t e r e a l i t y , b u t t h e ;V ; ; r e l a t i o n s h i p s between triem a r e a b s t r a c t i o n s t h a t c a n be observed o n l y t h r o u g h t h e i r symbolism. V a l u e s , norms, r u l e s and; a b s t r a c t c o n c e p t s l i k e honor, p r e s t i g e , r a n k , J u s t i c e , good and e v i l a r e made, t a n g i b l e t h r o u g h symbolism, and men i n . s o c i e t y a r e t h u s h e l p e d t o be aware o f t h e i r e x i s t e n c e , t o comprehend them and t o r e l a t e them t o t h e i r d a i l y l i f e . : (Cohen, 19^9. p. 220) : ;  •  *  :  •ii<^i J..,!. , :  Analysis  description.  i  /'i'^ %[' yJ.  or  the  -v'  ' ,  • is  of  usually  the  'X;'v.  brings  . -\  into  . However,  describing / s o c i a l  • ,.:•[  the  in  they  these fail  to  for  is  imperfect  the  of  Following  with  the  not  explanatory  individuals The  opted  of  of  of  and  the  so-called  "thought > '  to  social  ignore  for  the  the  inherent  their  symbols  thought  between  is  Cohen  involvement  Levi-Strauss,  relations  the  individuals  searching  the  with  within  but  dynamic  have  that  correspondence the  'f  theorists.  the  ,  The: s y m b o l i c  the  relationship  suggests  c a t e g o r i e s ' and  of  these  of  while  This  trends  concerened  power.  groups.  view  not  "thoughtstructurallst"  suggestive  activities  completely  Cohen  of  or  of/degree.  individuals,  are  Cohen* s  symbolism.  themselves.  symbolic  are  anthropological  apparently of  consider  the  in  almost  pre-occupation  an  o n one 1 v a r i a b l e  matter  behavior  accounts  and maintenance  find  of  consideration  formation  in  a  broad Description  :  :  are  the  i n both  logic  two  enterprises  and: t h e  quest  symbolism  relations  ' v V ; ; <V  their  govern  structuralists"  •  rather  theorists  which  that  ; because  but  theorist"  outside; the  argues  two  from  Interdependence  relations^  concentration  manipulations  system,  complexes kept  the  ' "/,][••  Action  .; >  power  Cohen's dichotomy  "action  :.  ; .  the  to  distinguished  between  these  distinct  schools.  A  r  us  by a  is  concerned with  interaction  achieved  other.  is  symbolism and  qualitatively  [S  The f o r m e r  dialectical  variables ;  .  i n anthropology  among  structuralists logic  men " o h  of  the  ground"  ,  arid  opt  i n favor  .•former.  not  Ignoring  /. '-•'['  It or  of  is  the  • " ,'  from  the  above  that  most  current  subsumed  under  two r u b r i c s ,  the  over  other  will  away  uniquely CohenVs which  often  example,  and  charged  with  cultural  levelled  become  trie  Sahlins  drawing  Service, neglect  materialist on Marx  as  more  Trie  evolutionists  extreme  cross-cultural intensive position merely  physical the  been  the  of  slant does,  of  singular  to  treat  thought  which  at  their  of  its  thus  the  work and  the  ! For  Cohen  has  in a  is  most  a  called  The p o i n t  symbolism  and  where  in  the  are '  this  might  be  here  is  of.this  to  theoretical  structures  extreme  ..  of  foil  their  tendency  contribution  philosophical  field.  relationship  a  balance  importance  Yet,  be  The  us  the  as  may  of  others',  helped  generalization cases.  to  followers  in  in  a  anthropology  symbolism.  movements  There  and  explanations.  certainly  determinism."  the.methodological and  of  politico-economic  variable.  variable  neo-evolutionists,  their  variable  be  criticisms  particularly  what  whether  one  holistic,  their  re-emphasized  environment and  significant  in  has  and  a  "schools"  variable in  that  of  Similar  so-called the  dependent  "neo-envlronmental although  other  a n d more  have  the  anthropology! can  from  particularistic  studies has  at  -of  discussion  analysis.  comparison  independent  school  us  the  it  preserve  predominance  red\ictionist  Whiteans,  the  as  lead  anthropological may b e  to  '•; :  clear  we a g r e e  the  latter  called.  ,  that  genre  theoretical  \  is  influence  substantial, there i s a strong reductionist  flavor.  Cohen n o t e s t h a t J. •:" ^.' Thought s t r u c t u r a l i s t s have g r e a t l y r e f i n e d o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e n a t u r e . „ • ..and working, o f symbolism. They have .. „ re-emphasized t h e view — r e c e n t l y • \ weakened by t h e d e p a r t u r e o f many • a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s from some o f t h e t e n e t s of c l a s s i c a l Durkheimian s o c i o l o g y — '•'••>}••:' t h a t t h e s y m b o l i c o r d e r i s n o t j u s t a m e c h a n i c a l r e l f e c t l o n o r an epiphenomenon, .': o f t h e p o l i t i c a l o r d e r , b u t i s a f a c t - . h a v i n g an e x i s t e n c e o f i t s own, i n i t s . . . own r i g h t . , •. , (Cohen, 1969» p. 225) v;  :  •  :  L e t me summarize Cohen's argument as i t has impressed . me.  A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s a r e engaged i n t h e common e n t e r p r i s e o f  J. s t u d y i n g t h e s o c i a l , s t r u c t u r e h o l i s t i c a l l y . . . T h i s i s a c c o m p l i s h e d by t h e d e s c r i p t i o n and I s o l a t i o n o f two major v a r i a b l e s i n o u r d a t a , symbolism , p o l i t i c a l o r power r e l a t i o n s .  o r s y m b o l i c complexes and Subsequently, our a n a l y s i s  c o n s i s t s o f t h e w o r k i n g o u t o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e s e two v a r i a b l e s . -  These concerns d i c t a t e t h e format  and c o n t e n t o f o u r s u b s t a n t i v e work, t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c monographs.  -They have a l s o dominated  bur t h e o r e t i c a l  p a p e r s . H o w e v e r , r e c e n t , t r e n d s i n d i c a t e a tendency by d i f f e r e n t s c h o o l s t o d w e l l on one v a r i a b l e t o t h e n e g l e c t of t h e o t h e r , a d m i t t e d l y a m a t t e r o f emphasis, b u t n e v e r t h e l e s s undermining  t h e unique p e r s p e c t i v e of s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g y .  We must r e - o r i e n t o u r s e l v e s t o t h e e x p l o r a t i o n o f t h e c e n t r a l t h e o r e t i c a l problem of symbolism  i n a n t h r o p o l o g y , namely t h e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e  and power r e l a t i o n s .  i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s need !.•  The f o l l o w i n g comment . . . .  •  ••13  • '/'This' i s n o t i c e a b l e ' i n some .'. •.';•'."'' . - v : K :\: . p o s t - g r a d u a t e work of r e c e n t y e a r s • .;-.f':';V'MiZ \ ^yr / w h i c h . t e n d s t o c o n c e n t r a t e on one v a r i a b l e ; t o the^ri.eglect o f the' other.','' . The main r e a s o n why t h i s o n e - s i d e d n e s s ••'•v^V; "ZZV • appeals t o beginners i s that i t r e q u i r e s -3; •hy\;' l i t t l e a n a l y t i c a l ••effort.., I t s o l v e s f o r . ' •'' them t h e irksome problem of h a v i n g t o 'V •'-...• ••rtJ>-Z ',;•'•' find, a.'problem' f o r t h e a n a l y s i s , o f • ethnographical data. To c o n c e n t r a t e \-\ '.-'on t h e s t u d y o f e i t h e r power r e l a t i o n s h i p s ''V. %y ••'.•/':.• o r of symbolism does n o t i n v o l v e a g r e a t ;'-^'\ d e a l of a n a l y t i c a l e f f o r t ; i t poses : '.. " mainly, problems o f u n l d l m e n s i o n a l •%•/•.:' description. An a c c o u n t o f how •' tV'"' i n d i v i d u a l s s t r u g g l e f o r power, o r o f how : yy^-'-• people behave s y m b o l i c a l l y , i s a •• '•',//• • ''.;•*•. v;' c a t e g o r i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n of f a c t s w h i c h • "'•:••• can be e i t h e r t r u e o r f a l s e . I t i s only •'•., "': by p o s i n g problems I n v o l v i n g t h e y : i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s o c i o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s , o r o f d i a l e c t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n , between XyW ,. d i f f e r e n t s e t s o f f a c t o r i n v a r i a b l e s , t h a t • s i g n i f i c a n t a n a l y s i s c a n be u n d e r t a k e n . •". ' •;Zr:\(Cohen, 1969., P.22?) ^ y . ;  ;  :  v  !  ;  ;  :;  !  ;  f  :  I w i s h t o t a k e up one l a s t p o i n t b e f o r e g o i n g on t o .. .•y  • / r e l a t e t h i s paradigm  of anthropology t o gambling.  Cohen does"  not make i t e x p l i c i t , b u t I f e e l t h a t h i s recommendat1ons f o r  •y;.'-the'' p u r s u i t of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n q u i r y c a n r e c o n c i l e two /.;',•;•: f u r t h e r t r e n d s i n t h e f 1 e l d , namely the; p a r t i c u i a r i s t i c .y'..'•;'.'.•;'•'.:versus t h e g e n e r a l i z i n g o r c o m p a r a t i v e .  I n most  ethnographies  the author attempts t o g i v e a t o t a l p i c t u r e of the s o c i e t y i n i| ;  question.  ,';: )-J :y  Depending on h i s . own a f f i l i a t i o n he may emphasize ..  the: s y m b o l i c o r t h e power r e l a t i o n s . i s an.'attempt  /""V y  Y e t , as a r u l e , t h e r e  made a t an a n a l y s i s i n Cohen's sense, i . e . o f  t h e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e o f t h e s e two. v a r i a b l e s .  Perhaps'  e t h n o g r a p h i e s a r e t h e most f a i t h f u l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e : i'"':-'•  e s p r i t of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l research.  However, papers o r  monographs d e v o t e d t o t h e e x p l o r a t i o n o f t h e o r e t i c a l I s s u e s  .1;  14  and  c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d i e s may  favorably.  represent  the f i e l d  less  Such works t e n d to.become more c o n t r o v e r s i a l  w i t h o u t any marked: improvement i n t h e i r q u a l i t y . t h a t we  .The  dictum,  c o n c e r n o u r s e l v e s w i t h the symbolism of power  r e l a t i o n s ' i s v a l i d o u t s i d e the p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c t r a d i t i o n ethnography.  . Comparative and  general  s t u d i e s can be aimed  a t the e l u c i d a t i o n of t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l problem*. t h a t the study of gambling w h i c h f o l l o w s w i l l be positive-evidence  \  of'  of t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y . '  I hope judged as  CHAPTER TWO  Gambling v a r i a b l e s  :  . : One of my f i r s t i m p r e s s i o n s of gambling as an  a c t i v i t y i s t h a t i t tends t o evoke s t r o n g r e s p o n s e s i n i t s . p a r t i c i p a n t s .and even i n n o n - p a r t i c i p a n t observers..  I am  j u d g i n g , of c o u r s e , from a l i m i t e d number of g a m b l i n g e x p e r i e n c e s ; but ones w h i c h b e l o n g t o a t l e a s t t w o d i f f e r e n t 1  c u l t u r e s , namely t h e Euro-American and t h e contemporary native Indian.  ], Without much p e r s u a s i o n I t h i n k niost  o b s e r v e r s o r p l a y e r s themselves would agree t h a t dynamic the  -\,  whatever  f a c t o r s a r e p r e s e n t i n t h e g a m b l i n g r e f e r r e d t o above,  a f f e c t i v e aspect of behavior i s overwhelmingly r e p r e s e n t e d .  No doubt any gambling e x p e r i e n c e s t h e r e a d e r may c o r r o b o r a t e t h i s common-sense d e s c r i p t i o n .  have w i l l  I t i s important  t h a t t h e e x p r e s s i v e n a t u r e of gambling be made i m m e d i a t e l y apparent.  I do not deny t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of t r e a t i n g g a m b l i n g  as a form of economic  transaction.  Indeed, t h i s has been  I  done by game t h e o r i s t s and t h o s e I n t e r e s t e d i n q u e s t i o n s of s u b j e c t i v e p r o b a b i l i t y , e t c . (see e.g. Cohen and H a n s e l , 1956; J Cohen , i960; 1  to  B e r g l e r , 1970)  Such a c c o u n t s a r e n o t r e l e v a n t  t h e p r e s e n t s t u d y , however. The t r e a t m e n t of g a m b l i n g  t h e r e i s f o r m a l and o f t e n m a t h e m a t i c a l and eschews the e x a m i n a t i o n of the v a r i a b l e s w h i c h dominate our i n t e r e s t .  That g a m b l i n g has a s t r o n g a f f e c t i v e component and that i t provides expressive outlets f o r : p a r t i c i p a n t s not be a s o u r c e of c o n t e n t i o n .  need  I t w i l l be u s e f u l , however,  t o l o o k a t g a m b l i n g as an a b s t r a c t i o n and t o s t a t e  clearly  what i t i s we mean t o s t u d y and t h u s p r o v i d e some b a s i c definitions.  As a b e g i n n i n g I c i t e t h e f o l l o w i n g d e f i n i t i o n  p r o v i d e d by Devereux  i n h i s e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y l e n g t h y and  d e t a i l e d s t u d y of gambling i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s t • ;  .  . . an a c t i v i t y i n which two o r more persons engage, under c e r t a i n r u l e s ' I •• and c o n d i t i o n s s p e c i f i e d in. advance,' I t o make a t r a n s f e r of any s p e c i f i e d '. amount of p r o p e r t y c o n t i n g e n t upon t h e outcome o f a f u t u r e and u n c e r t a i n . J • event. . (Devereux, 19^91 p. 28)  • /. '•['>. :4  I f we c o n s i d e r t h i s d e f i n i t i o n f o r a moment i t i s p o s s i b l e t o i s o l a t e a few b a s i c .elements which c o n s t i t u t e g a m b l i n g i n a f o r m a l sense.  :  These a r e i  t h e gamblers, t h e wager  (including  b o t h t h e b e t o r s t a k e and the terms) and the e v e n t .  As' a  minimum, t h e s e elements must be p r e s e n t i n o r d e r t o c o n s t i t u t e gambling.  Games, i t can be seen, l a c k t h e wager element and  i n t h e m s e l v e s cannot .be c o n s i d e r e d g a m b l i n g .  There a r e , of -.-<;  c o u r s e , r u l e s and c o n d i t i o n s s p e c i f i e d ^ i n p l a y i n g games, but the absence o f , a n agreement f o r t h e . t r a n s f e r of p r o p e r t y d i s t i n g u i s h e s them from g a m b l i n g .  I wish to digress f o r a  moment t o e l a b o r a t e the d i s t i n c t i o n between games and gambling and t o r a i s e t h e i n t e r e s t i n g q u e s t i o n of d i v i n a t i o n as i t r e l a t e s t o the above. v-\'  .j  - I t may be. shown now t h a t an a l t e r n a t i v e way  of  d i s t i n g u i s h i n g g a m b l i n g from games i s t o n o t e t h a t the former c o n s i s t s of the m o b i l i z a t i o n of e m p i r i c a l means t o e m p i r i c a l ends.  That i s , one gambles i n o r d e r t o w i n  i  \  p r o p e r t y and t h i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g enterprise.  i s fundamental t o t h e  One p l a y s games t o win, presumably, b u t t h e  reward i s . i r i t a h g i b l e and n o n - e m p i r i c a l j .  Thus a game i n  .  t h i s sense i s comprised of t h e use o f e m p i r i c a l means  :  :  ( 1 . e. t h e a g r e e d upon r u l e s and c o n d i t i o n s ) - t o n o n - e m p i r i c a l ends.  A t t h i s p o i n t t h e p s y c h o l o g i s t s Jump i n t o p r o v i d e  e x p l a n a t i o n s o f game-playing and i t s s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e (see R o b e r t s , A r t h , and Bush, 1959, a b o v e ) . t h i s l i n e o f a n a l y s i s we c a n c o n s i d e r  :  •  , •.  Following  the-frequently-noted  s i m i l a r i t y of: c e r t a i n games.and t h e p r a c t i c e o f d i v i n a t i o n , (see e.g. Moore, 1957s d i v i n e r attempts  In d i v i n a t i o n the  t o a s c e r t a i n c e r t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n , e.g. t h e  l o c a t i o n of a n i m a l s e.g.  L e s s e r , 1933)  the examination  o r w a t e r by means of c e r t a i n t e c h n i q u e s  •  and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ; o f ' t h e c r a c k s i n ' , j  burnt s h o u l d e r .blades o f a n i m a l s . 1  B o t h ends arid means are' :  e m p i r i c a l , however t h e r e i s no s c i e n t i f i c c o n n e c t i o n between ] them.  ^ C e r t a i n games a p p e a r t o be a d a p t a b l e  tpdlvinatory  purposes and v i c e v e r s a * ..' T h i s i n t ere hangeabi i i t y  suggests  the s i m i l a r i t y i n t h e symbolic' forms o f such customs d e s p i t e ' the d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n s . -  ;  Consider b r i e f l y the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the d e f i n i t i o n of g a m b l i n g I propose t o a d o p t .  ;  T h i s may be done i n t h e way  of a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s I s of t h e p r o p e r t l e s ; o f .gambling a s they have been d e s c r i b e d thus f a r .  Gambling i s f i r s t o f a l l  a form o f I n t e r a c t i o n among t h e p l a y e r / p a r t i c i p a n t s .  The  n a t u r e o f t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n i s q u i t e v a r i a b l e , , as I s h a l l demonstrate below, b u t presupposes a means o f communication.  The  communication referred  case  of  the  However, the  handgame  some m i n i m a l  In  the  any  utmost  sociological  setting  kind  for of  wagering  itself.  a  exist  between  between These  of  of  •; •  can  inquiry,  gambling  and  procedures  for  won."  (op.  p.  cit.,  transfer. which of  between of  external  influence  In  outcome  of  of  control  events  the  or  to  a l l  events is  games w h i c h  open v i o l e n c e ,  is  as  problematic, shared  can  be  be  compared  on g a m b l i n g . :  is  outcome;of i.e  the in  but  to  variable  t h e y|  and  •}  not  a  the  which  gamble  later  wagered of  outside  in  but  who  on  the  ^  has  their  control and  (Recall  and  property  on a  decision sphere  over  the  characterizes "  on,  determinate  players  on.  contrasted*  ••'J  and  relying  degree  the  gambling)  recipient  effect,  and.  lost  events  To what  available  players  thus  of...  interaction  •' "  vary\(in  •  Institutions  as  addressed  \;  to  groups. . . K b r e o v e r ,  "Rules  are,  pertains  institutions  will  cases.  the  of  least  degree  other  themselves  is  at  There  winner,  of  indeed  d e t e r m i n i n g who h a s  The gamblers  is  that  a  and ..acceptance  the  gambling  29)  since^  immediately acknowledge  research  Involve  necessary  gambling,  considered  that  the.  the  what  questions of  is  of  In  as  conceptualizing  and. g r o u p s  notes  selection  to  of  Devereux  the  be  gamblers  areas  relationship  .  institutions, It  related  recommending  we m u s t  of  short  importance.  individuals  and  feature  verbal  Illustrates.  sharing)  intercourse  shared  focus  similarity  of  be  oomprehension  This  gambling  presence  made  the  not  America  cultural  wager.  nearly  heed  i n North  gambling, r e q u i r e s  items  to  nature '  the the  the :  typology skill, cit.)  is  the  or  may b e  earlier  cognitive  predominance Also-in  of  physical  (1949,  Devereux  and  but  not  sociological  wagerable gamblers  property  value  return  of  both  and t h e  of  raises  the  a  the  be  as  value  culture  This a  and  a  in  again  The: a s s e s s m e n t  of  a  set  the value  an  of  can  teams  be  event.  of  nature  of  shared  of  to  :  •  gambling  stake the  the  system  in  which  are  and  a  :  bet. to  the  c o n c e p t ,; which it  simply  is  traits.  problematic  ~  two  The n o t i o n  cultural  particularly  or  gambling.  However,  sides.  of  below.  according  there  v  some f u r t h e r -.  conclude  by  (  of  fully  element  system  or  is  Following  more  defined  with  attention  consider  to  whether  question  the  economic  political  Gambling  property  order  ..;  consonant  .symbolic  crucial  variously  true  is  definition  of  '  them n e g a t i v e l y  the  to  in question.  holds  complex  directs  discussed  the  .  Cohen.  toward  availability  may b e  created  it  moment  of  the. wager  to  inherent  will  for  which  predisposes  minimally suggests  controlled. gamblers  to  feature  property  is  i n that and  way  paper  neutrally,  determining  property  this  -implications  existence  for  in  alerted  This  presupposes  different  selectively  We may  means  in a  affective  we a r e  gambling.  loc.  statement«  reference  players  Cohen,  of  strategy)  stated  positively,  The  on the  .' G a m b l i n g t h u s i n v o l v e s t h e a d d i t i o n of an a r t i f i c i a l i n t e r e s t i n the outcome of an u n c e r t a i n e v e n t , an . i n t e r e s t w h i c h d i d n o t e x i s t p r i o r -to o r . i n d e p e n d e n t l y of; t h e w a g e r .  This  the  games b a s e d  chance,  •  an  of  in  of  /..the at  absence o f a code o r c u r r e n c y .  Y e t , i n o r d e r t o gamble,  a l l , t h e ; v a l u e . o f t h e w a g e r e d p r o p e r t y must be r e c o g n i z e d :  by t h e p l a y e r s , however they a c c o m p l i s h  it.  I mentioned  above t h a t g a m b l i n g c o n s t i t u t e d a t r a n s a c t i o n of s o r t s , and. t h a t p o i n t may be e l a b o r a t e d . "...  •  Devereux s t a t e s t h a t ,  t h e g a m b l i n g t r a n s a c t i o n i s zero-sumV  winnings  ,.  are. e x a c t l y e q u a l t o t h e l o s s e s . "  that i s , the  :  ( o p " . c l t . p. 29)  Whether o r n o t t h e r e I s t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n .or r e m o v a l of • property  ( t h e i n v e r s e o f a zero-sum t r a n s a c t i o n , as I  V,,'' und .er s t a n d i t ) , t h e r e i s a t l e a s t t h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f p r o p e r t y ;-'':yImplied  c  by t h e wager.  Thus, t h e p l a y e r s a r e i m p l i c a t e d i n  ' an economic system t h a t r e g u l a t e s t h e p r o d u c t i o n , and a p o l i t i c a l system t h a t r e g u l a t e s ; t h e f l o w , o f p r o p e r t y .  ^ y •  -As a p r e l i m i n a r y ' t o t h e p r e s e n t a t i o n of G e e r t z • s m a t e r i a l I would l i k e t o examine some s y m b o l i c a s p e c t s of g a m b l i n g i n t h e abstract...; . R e g a r d l e s s  of; t h e e v e n t wagered ' •  /  ' on, t h e r e I s a d e f i n i t e assignment. of t h e I d e n t i t i e s o f  •'  w i n n e r arid o f l o s e r t o t h e g a m b l e r s .  ;  This q u a l i t y i s  ".;.; i n a l i e n a b l e from .arid c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of g a m b l i n g  although  not e x c l u s i v e t o i t (games, e.g. have means f o r d e t e r m i n i n g \  t h e w i n n e r and t h e l o s e r ) .  P l a y e r s a r e t h u s . engaged de •••  f a c t o i n a c o m p e t i t i o n f o r t h e scarce, s t a t u s , o f w i n n e r . ;  ;  The. degree o f c o m p e t i t i o n .and . c o n f l i c t i s h i g h l y v a r i a b l e among gamblers a s we s h a l l see from a d i s c u s s i o n o f G e e r t z ' s paper.  However, t h e c o m p e t i t i v e s i t u a t i o n i s n e v e r a b s e n t  from g a m b l i n g d e s p i t e t h e s t r e n g t h o f commitment o f t h e  p l a y e r s t o t h e I d e n t i t i e s t h e wager a s s i g n s them. be o b v i o u s ,  as w e l l , t h a t t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n  f a i l u r e i n gambling,is  It.must  of v i c t o r y or  more s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d , more b l a c k and .  w h i t e , t h a n i n most everyday l i f e s i t u a t i o n s .  The n a t u r e  .  of gambling, t h a t i s , t h e w a g e r i n g o f something of v a l u e on . the u n c e r t a i n outcome o f e v e n t s , make i t a n a l o g o u s t o many r e a l - l i f e s i t u a t i o n s of the p l a y e r s .  This i s a c r u c i a l  s i m i l a r i t y , one. which w i l l be shown.to c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e a c t i v i t y i n t h e minds o f t h e p l a y e r s a s w e l l as t h e o b s e r v e r s  A b r i e f summary i s i n o r d e r t o r e f o c u s o u r view o f > gambling- so -far..-  I n the,realm  of symbols and s y m b o l i c  .  complexes we have shown t h a t gambling a •:; • - has s t r o n g , a f f e c t i v e j c o g n i t i v e and c o n a t i v e components i n terms o f Cohen's  :  formulation  •;•. •"•;^:,v- c o m p r i s e s a p u r p o s e f u l c o m p e t i t i v e par  •  situation  excellence  - a s s i g n s an i d e n t i t y t o p a r t i c i p a n t s , namely the s t a t u s of winner and of l o s e r  ••i  - c o n s t i t u t e s a dramatic  r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of  everyday l i f e f o r t h e p l a y e r s With r e g a r d t o t h e v a r i a b l e o f power r e l a t i o n s ,  gamblingi  - i s a form of i n t e r a c t i o n and thus r e q u i r e s a minimum o f shared c u l t u r e t o communicate  •;, .  -'presupposes: an economic system w h i c h g e n e r a t e s p r o p e r t y and a p o l i t i c a l . system which c o n t r o l s a c c e s s t o i t  r r e q u i r e s - common v a l u e s towards p r o p e r t y  '/';;>;;;,-  of i t s p a r t i c i p a n t s and by i m p l i c a t i o n ,  .  v.;  mutual p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a system of '•;•''_ • exchange  .'.'.;.' •'. :  •  : j- •.• •.•..:-: Ky. :  These c h a r a c t e r i s e s a r e d e r i v e d i n d u c t i v e l y , so t o speak, by an e x a m i n a t i o n of t h e e s s e n t i a l elements of g a m b l i n g a c c o r d i n g t o our d e f i n i t i o n .  Further'on, s i m i l a r kinds  of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i l l be suggested based bri a c o m p a r a t i v e a n a l y s i s of gambling p r a c t i c e s i n s e v e r a l s o c i e t i e s .  We  now t u r n t o G e e r t z and h i s d i s t i n c t i o n deep p l & y / s h a l l o w :  •.play . :  ;  '';.'.,.''f,;".'; ("'[••• _••;'•.;>•'.'••{•'' -  •"] • •'.}:;••''•  :;' ^  G e e r t z ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e s t u d y of g a m b l i n g stems from h i s i n t e r e s t i n t h e c o c k f i g h t and i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e t o the B a l i n e s e . : ( G e e r t z , 1972)  \  D u r i n g a p e r i o d of f i e l d w o r k :  i n B a l l he d i s c o v e r e d the remarkable i n v o l v e m e n t of h i s s u b j e c t s i n t h e b e t t i n g and f i g h t i n g of c o c k s .  The  specific  ways i r i which c o c k f i g h t i n g r e f l e c t s B a l i n e s e c u l t u r e need not c o n c e r n us h e r e .  However, he came t o c e r t a i n c o n c l u s i o n s  about.;gambling, and the a t t i t u d e s of gamblers whom he o b s e r v e d , that are very i l l u m i n a t i n g .  F i r s t of a l l ,  he n o t e s t h a t 'up  t o a p o i n t one can e x p l a i n the m o t i v a t i o n of gamblers i n terms; of the economic rewards of w i n n i n g the wager .:  * I n the .:  case of b e t s of r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l v a l u e v i s a v i s the economic r e s o u r c e s winning  of the gambler, the m a r g i n a l u t i l i t y  i s apparent.  of  However, G e e r t z c o n s i s t e n t l y o b s e r v e d  t h a t gamblers were b e t t i n g enormous sums i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e i r r e s o u r c e s and: t h a t the m a r g i n a l d i s u t i l i t y far  surpassed! - the b e n e f i t s of v i c t o r y .  of  losing  , In order to r e c o n c i l e  t h i s seeming i n c o n s i s t e n c y , he borrows the d i s t i n c t i o n "deep  :  p l a y / s h a l l o w p l a y " from Bentham..  ;  economic u t i l i t y disutility;  Deep p l a y o c c u r s when the  of the amount wagered i s l e s s t h a n the  t h e gambler i s V i n over h i s head!".  p l a y i s - t h e c o n v e r s e of deep p l a y and  Shallow  i s n o t ; d i s c u s s e d .much  f u r t h e r , s i n c e i t c h a r a c t e r i z e s : gambling of minor s o c i o l o g i c a l significance.  I t i s c l e a r t h a t s t r i c t l y economic o r r a t i o n a l  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of deep p l a y a r e Inadequate, ' T h e as G e e r t z p o i n t s . o u t , i s r e a l l y s i m p l e ;  explanation  '' P l a c i n g a wager on  the outcome of any  e v e n t c r e a t e s i n t e r e s t i n t h a t event  (see  Devereux a b o v e ) .  P l a c i n g a l a r g e bet c r e a t e s c o n s i d e r a b l e  •;  i n t e r e s t and an " e x c e s s i v e " b e t makes the c o n t e s t m e a n i n g f u l indeed.  And,  t h e meaning here i s not d i f f i c u l t t o l o c a t e ,  g i v e n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of B a l i n e s e men bet on..  The  cockfight,1*6.the  and  the c o c k s they- A  "deep" c o c k f i g h t , i s a  s y m b o l i c b a t t l e t o the d e a t h of the cock-owners, and  their  : •  status, t h e i r prestige, i s at stake. ;  '•'•'It i s i n l a r g e p a r t because the m a r g i n a l •. -'/^yKiZ. • d i s u t i l i t y of l o s s i s so g r e a t a t the h i g h e r '-yZZy^Z ••• l e v e l s of b e t t i n g t h a t t o engage i n such b e t t i n g i s t o l a y one's p u b l i c s e l f , a l l u s i v e l y and Z/' m e t a p h o r i c a l l y ,^ through, the medium of one's ^ c o c k , on the l i n e . And though t o a Benthamite ' • J...  t h i s might seem m e r e l y t o i n c r e a s e t h e . • .. i r r a t i o n a l i t y o f t h e e n t e r p r i s e t h a t i. much f u r t h e r , , t o t h e B a l i n e s e what i t ; mainly increases i s the meaningfulness ... '• , o f i t all.. iVnd as ( t o f o l l o w Weber , - r a t h e r than.Bentham) t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f :•:; '.-;•;'" meaning on l i f e : ' i s t h e major end and • . p r i m a r y c o n d i t i o n o f human e x i s t e n c e , . ' t h a t a c c e s s of s i g n i f i c a n c e more t h a n ; compensates f o r t h e economic c o s t s '-. . involved. ( G e e r t z , 1 9 7 2 , , p . 16) : :  Having t h u s narrowed h i s f i e l d o f i n q u i r y , G e e r t z proceeds t o examine thefesymbblism of t h e deep c o c k f i g h t as. i t r e l a t e s t o B a l i n e s e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e t h r o u g h t h e mechanism of " s t a t u s . gambling."  :He d e m o n s t r a t e s \ t h a t t h e s y m b o l i c  of c o c k s and ,men i s p e r v a s i v e and  l i t e r a t u r e of B a l l .  i n . t h e f o l k l o r e , mythology  F u r t h e r m o r e , jthe r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f ;  everyday s t a t u s c o n c e r n s m e t a p h o r i c a l l y ;  shown w i t h r e f e r e n c e  identification  i n the cockfight i s :  t o a n e c d o t e s and c l l c h e ' s .  1  The b e h a v i o r •  of B a l i n e s e men i n t h e c a r e and b r e e d i n g o f c o c k s i s  ' "  / c h a r a c t e r i z e d by symbols and s y m b o l i c complexes., • What t h e n ;; i s t h e p a r t i c u l a r importance o f t h e gambling' p r a c t i c e s i n r e i n t e r p r e t i n g the cockfight?  .. ^ The  Geertz answersi  '.; What makes . B a l i n e s e c o c k f i g h t i n g deep i s t h u s n o t money i n i t s e l f , but. what, t h e 'more o f i t t h a t i s i n v o l v e d t h e more so, money causes t o happen: t h e m i g r a t i o n of the Balinese status hierarchy, Into the body o f t h e c o c k f i g h t . - ( p p . c i t . , p. 17)  c r i t i c a l f e a t u r e of deep gambling i s t h e endowment o f  meaning, t h r o u g h s y m b o l i c complexes, on t h e e n t e r p r i s e .  The  s o c i o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f gambling i n t h e B a l i n e s e s e t t i n g i s the a c t i v a t i o n of a symbolic f i e l d a c t out i n m u t u a l l y everyday l i f e .  intelligible  i n which t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s  ways t h e i r c o n c e r n s i n ', f f.'' •  . -^i  v'  Cohen s t a t e s t h a t , "Symbolic forms a r e t h e of c r e a t i v e work. s t r u c t u r e and  '. T h e i r i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e i s a  t h e i r study  i s p a r t l y a study  ( p p . c i t . , p, 220)i  of a r t . " art-form —  In G e e r t z we  for that, f i n a l l y ,  the c o c k f i g h t r e n d e r s  products  dramatic  i n the  sociology  f i n d , "As  any  i s whatj we a f e d e a l i n g w i t h -  everyday, o r d i n a r y  c o m p r e h e n s i b l e i n terms of a c t s and  experience  o b j e c t s which have  had;  t h e i r p r a c t i c a l consequences removed, and been .reduced ( o r , i f you p r e f e r , r a i s e d ) t o the l e v e l of sheer a p p e a r a n c e s , where t h e i r meaning can be more p o w e r f u l l y arid more . e x a c t l y perceived."  ( o p . c i t . , p. 23)  "Trie p a r a l l e l s i n trie  approach a d v o c a t e d by Cohen t o such b e h a v i o r and adopted by G e e r t z ,  s i m p l i f i e s the t a s k of w o r k i n g out  v a r i a b l e s i n studying gambling. symbolic  the one .  Geertz delves  the  I n t o the  f u n c t i o n s of the c o c k f i g h t , a k i n d of  ,:,  structural  a n a l y s i s , i n o r d e r t o demonstrate the l i n k s between the symbolic  and. t h e ' a c t u a l i n B a l l n e s e thought.-/  Given  our  p r e v i o u s a n a l y s i s / o f g a m b l i n g as an a b s t r a c t i o n , i t i s not too d i f f i c u l t to f i l l  i n the c o c k f i g h t and a r r i v e a t  c e n t r a l theme, as G e e r t z does. s t a t u s ' a f f i r m a t i o n and  t h e i r own  ' That i s , the a s s o c i a t i o n of  r e - a f f i r m a t i o n w i t h the l i f e  d e a t h s t r u g g l e of the o o c k s .  The  and  B a l l n e s e thus p o r t r a y  c o n c e r n w i t h s t a t u s r i v a l r i e s , t o t l i e m s e l v e s , as  a l i f e and d e a t h s t r u g g l e .  I t i s not necessary  the symbolism of c o c k f i g h t i n g any is  the  i n Ballnese  life.  to dwell  on  l o n g e r , i n t e r e s t i n g as i t  A n o t h e r comment from Cohen on s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n ! < . . . a l l p o l i t i c s , a l l struggle f o r power, i s segmentary. T h i s means t h a t enemies a t one l e v e l must be a l l i e s a t • • •.-.-^. a higher l e v e l . Thus a man must be an . : , .' enemy and an a l l y w i t h t h e same s e t of . .:. ••...:*•.; people,.and i t i s m a i n l y t h r o u g h t h e ..-•,:•/,—••< .; ' m y s t i f i c a t i o n ' g e n e r a t e d by symbolism • t h a t these c o n t r a d i c t i o n s a r e . r e p e t e t i v e l y f o r c e d out and t e m p o r a r i l y r e s o l v e d . • ( o p . C i t . p. 221) G e e r t z r e f e r s to: t h e c o c k f i g h t a s , ". .: . a s i m u l a t i o n of , the s o c i a l m a t r i x , overlapping,  t h e i n v o l v e d system o f c r o s s - c u t t i n g ,  highly corporate  groups — v i l l a g e s ,  i r r i g a t i o n s o c i e i t e s , temple c o n g r e g a t i o n s , which i t s d e v o t e e s l i v e . " to explore observation  klngroups,  "castes" — i n  h. ( o p . c i t . , p. 18)  He c o n t i n u e s  t h e p a t t e r n o f b e t t i n g w h i c h emerged from h i s of s c o r e s  of.cockfights.  The most  general  p r i n c i p l e w h i c h I s d e r i v e d s t a t e s t h a t a man w i l l b e t on a : cock w h i c h i s owned .by a kinsmen', and i n ' t h e absence o f a c l o s e kinsmen, one b e t s on a n a l l i e d group f a t h e r t h a n a n u n a l l i e d one, and so on, i n c o n c e n t r i c r i n g s o f a l l i a n c e . The d r a m a t i c n a t u r e o f t h e c o c k f i g h t t h u s s e r v e s t h e s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n o f u n i t i n g o r r e - u n i t i n g a l l i a n c e groups through an expression variable.  o f s u p p o r t and s o l i d a r i t y w h i c h i s  Moreover, i n a s e t t i n g i n w h i c h a l l i a n c e s a r e  a d r a m a t i c m a t t e r , t h e c o c k f i g h t p r o v i d e s a p u b l i c forum f o r t h e d i s p l a y o f s u p p o r t and a l i g n m e n t . . ..  (  F o r example,  . .. t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d h o s t i l i t y < r e l a t i o n , pulk, i s often f o r m a l l y . i n i t i a t e d (though I t s causes a l w a y s ;. l i e elsewhere): by such a "pardon me"  27  • b e t ( a g a i n s t the .grain) i n a deep . f i g h t , p u t t i n g the s y m b o l i c f a t i n - . . the f i r e . V S i m i l a r l y , the end of ;•.; ' . such a r e l a t i o n s h i p and r e s u m p t i o n ; of normal s o c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e i s :•. •• o f t e n s i g n a l i z e d ( b u t , a g a i n not . a c t u a l l y brought about) by one or "•• •..} the o t h e r of the enemies s u p p o r t i n g • • the o t h e r ' s b i r d . ( o p . c l t . , P. 20)  ; •  I n c o n c l u d i n g the p r e s e n t a t i o n of G e e r t z * s I w i s h t o draw a t t e n t i o n t o an a p p r o a c h which the advocates. o r any  He s u g g e s t s t h a t , ".  material author  . . one t a k e s the c o c k f i g h t ,  other c o l l e c t i v e l y s u s t a i n e d symbolic  s t r u c t u r e as a /••  means of " s a y i n g something of something" . ... ." ( o p . c i t . , p. 26)  . •-:  S t a t e d d i f f e r e n t l y , t h e a u t h o r recommends s t u d y i n g  customs o r symbols t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e i r meaning t o the people who  c r e a t e d and m a i n t a i n them.  He compares t h i s endeavour  w i t h the e x e g e s i s of a l i t e r a r y t e x t and c o n t r a s t s i t w i t h the " c l a s s i c a l " approach t o a n a l y s i s of such c u l t u r a l forms. T h i s need not r e p r e s e n t a r a d i c a l r e - o r d e r i n g of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p r i o r i t i e s , but merely a s h i f t i n emphasis from " d i s s e c t i o n " of c u l t u r a l systems t o t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .  Thus,  What s e t s the c o c k f i g h t a p a r t from the o r d i n a r y course of l i f e , l i f t s i t from t h e r e a l m of everyday, p r a c t i c a l a f f a i r s and s u r r o u n d s i t w i t h an a u r a of e n l a r g e d Importance i s n o t , as f u n c t i o n a l i s t s o c i o l o g y . w o u l d have i t , t h a t i t r e i n f o r c e s s t a t u s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n s (such r e i n f o r c e m e n t i s h a r d l y n e c e s s a r y i n a s o c i e t y where every a c t p r o c l a i m s them), but t h a t i t . p r o v i d e s a m e t a s o c i a l commentary on the whole m a t t e r of a s s o r t i n g . h u m a n b e i n g s i n t o f i x e d h i e r a r c h i c a l r a n k s and t h e n . o r g a n i z i n g the major p a r t of c o l l e c t i v e e x i s t e n c e around t h a t a s s o r t m e n t . Its f u n c t i o n , i f you want t o c a l l i t t h a t , ; i s i n t e r p r e t i v e I i t i s a; B a l i n e s e r e a d i n g of a B a l i n e s e experience? a s t o r y they t e l l themselves about t h e m s e l v e s . - .. ( G e e r t z , 1972, p. 26) :  .  ^  ••'  )  28  Geertz: would p r o b a b l y n o t argue w i t h ; t h e f a c t t h a t good .'. e t h n o g r a p h e r s have been engaged- i n ; p r e c i s e l y t h e e n t e r p r i s e :  he encourages  f o f .many y e a r s .  /However, many a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s  have a v o i d e d t h i s s o r t of a n a l y s i s , I n t h e i r c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the  s o c i o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n s of the behavior they study.  What G e e r t z u r g e s i s a more e x p l i c i t  and r i g o r o u s t r e a t m e n t  .  v  of c u l t u r a l forms which has as I t s c e n t r a l f o c u s t h e d i s c o v e r y of t h e meaning o f those forms t o t h e p e o p l e who s u s t a i n them.  T h i s i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from t h e " s t r u c t u r a l i s m "  of L e v l - S t r a u s s as t h e f o l l o w i n g statement explains»  ••/-.. .;  . . . . r a t h e r than t a k i n g myths, totem r i t e s , m a r r i a g e r u l e s o r whatever as ' t e x t s t o i n t e r p r e t , L e v l - S t r a u s s takes ... them as c i p h e r s t o s o l v e , which i s v e r y much n o t t h e same t h i n g . ... He does n o t • seek t o u n d e r s t a n d s y m b o l i c forms i n terms o f how they f u n c t i o n i n c o n c r e t e . s i t u a t i o n s to organize perceptions • -(meanings, emotions, c o n c e p t s , a t t i t u d e s ) ; he seeks t o u n d e r s t a n d them e n t i r e l y i n •[''":•'•'•' terms o f t h e i r i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e , / •independant, de t o u t s u j e t , de t o u t o b j e t , e t de t o u t e c o r i t e x t e . • ' y.''''//,:- P;.V '.. ' ' • ' y j \ ( o p . c i t . , p. 3^),' .. • ::^-^ Z'S ''0:  :  ;  !  r  :  The r a d i c a l n a t u r e of G e e r t z ' s p r o p o s a l t o t r e a t . c u l t u r a l forms a s t e x t s a r i s e s n o t from t h e methodology d o i n g s o , o r even from t h e d e s c r i p t i o n s one might from such a method..  expect  Rather i t . i s the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the  a n a l y s i s o f s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n which a r e r e v i s e d .  He t e l l s  u s , i n essence, t h a t t h e s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n Of an event the  of  like  cockfight resides i n i t s a b i l i t y t o dramatize s o c i a l  c o n c e r n s of t h e o b s e r v e r s adn t o r e o r i e n t t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s by s e l e c t i v e l y e m p h a s i z i n g t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r v a l u e s , a t t i t u d e s ,  concepts, e t c .  By e x t e n s i o n , t h e c o g n i t i v e  orientation  thus r e i n f o r c e d w i l l t e n d to. s u p p o r t c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l structures.  :  However, he I n s i s t s t h a t t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f ?  s o c i o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n s should f o l l o w the a n a l y s i s of c u l t u r a l ^ forms and t h e w o r k i n g o u t o f t h e r e l a t i o n s and v a l u e s which • t h e y make e x p l i c i t t o t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s .  G e e r t z e x h o r t s us  t o t r e a t the; c o c k f i g h t a s a t e x t I n o r d e r t o see an e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e o f i t which might be obscured by t r e a t i n g i t as a r i t e o f p a s t i m e ; namely, c o g n i t i v e ends."  i t s use o f emotion f o r  ( o p . c i ' t . , p. 27)  I n summary I w i s h t o r e v i e w t h e s a l i e n t p o i n t s o f . .•; G e e r t z * s a r t i c l e f o r o u r framework o f g a m b l i n g .  .' ; ;  - t h e d i s t i n c t i o n deep p l a y / s h a l l o w p l a y e s t a b l i s h e s t h e d i f f e r e n c e s between gambling for:money (where m a r g i n a l u t i l i t y i s ' , g r e a t e r t h a n d i s u t i l i t y ) and gambling f o r s t a t u s (the u t i l i t y i s l e s s t h a n t h e d i s u t i l i t y )  - two c o r o l l a r i e s o f deep p l a y / s h a l l o w p l a y a r e i • 1) t h e r o l e o f s t a t u s c o n c e r n s i n wagering s p e c i f i c a l l y t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of b e t s according to a l l i a n c e s 2) t h e r o l e o f money i n gambling —  a means  ,- o f endowing t h e event w i t h meaning and s i g n a l l i n g t h e gambler's c o n c e r n w i t h extra-economic  issues  —  ,] '  - the d r a m a t i c n a t u r e s  and  V t h e e x p r e s s i v e and. s y m b o l i c a s p e c t s ^ f . t h e  gambling  : which e n r i c h e s i t  - t h e t r e a t m e n t of. c u l t u r a l forms such as t h e  cockfight  •'.. i n B a l i as a t e x t t o be. i n t e r p r e t e d . :  -the  ......  i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h e a n a l y s i s of s y m b o l i c forms as  '•• t e x t s f o r .the d i s c o v e r y  of s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n s  (spec i f l e a l l y r*  their cognitive qualities)  '•:  -. t h e consequences ,6f- t h e f o r e g o i n g d i s c u s s i o n of s y m b o l i c form and f u n c t i o n f o r t h e problem  of d i s c o v e r i n g  •;  the  r e l a t i o n s h i p , between symbolism and r e l a t i o n s of power.;  . '  I have not e l a b o r a t e d t h e l a s t p o i n t b u t I f e e l that, i t has been s t a t e d and r e s t a t e d ,:in d i f f e r e n t ways i n t h e p r e v i o u s r e v i e w of G e e r t z .  /•; c  G e e r t z makes t h e ': r e l a t i o n s h i p  between symbolism and power r e l a t i o n s p r o b l e m a t i c . i n d i r e c t l y i n v i t e s us t o r e c o n s i d e r how  He  s y m b o l i c forms  f u n c t i o n t o a r t i c u l a t e p o l i t i c a l groupings  (see e.g,  may  the  d i s c u s s i o n above of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d h o s t i l i t y r e l a t i o n s h i p s and t h e c o c k f i g h t and a l s o t h e network of a l l i a n c e s and. t h e cockfight).  H i s way  of t r e a t i n g c u l t u r a l forms m a i n t a i n s  them as a s e p a r a t e v a r i a b l e ( s y m b o l i c ) from relations. asserted,  The  Interdependence  political  of t h e two v a r i a b l e s i s  n e i t h e r one b e i n g subsumed under t h e ; o t h e r i n an  . . :  Independent-dependent  relationship.  The p r e c i s e n a t u r e o f  the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s n o t s t a t e d , .but h i s a n a l y s i s o f c o c k f i g h t s i s r e p l e t e w i t h s u g g e s t i o n s about how s y m b o l i c complexes  .  r e l a t e t o concrete s i t u a t i o n s . '' ,  •  "  ' '• "'  :  ' *  '  t •'' i  "  '."\ .  .'.  '.  > : V  . .':  '.  pl  • :,  ^  '  , •  1  ' i-' •  . '•' ' *..  1  •••'  •'  :  "  *,•  ".. •  '. •" •-^  We move now t o a t e n t a t i v e f o r m u l a t i o n of t h e v a r i a b l e s ' i n v o l v e d i n a s t u d y of gambling, p r i o r t o a t t e m p t i n g :>' an a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e framework.  We s h a l l be a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y  i n t e r e s t e d . i n what 'Geertz has termed " s t a t u s g a m b l i n g . "  ,.  S t a t u s gambling a r i s e s from deep p l a y and i s s i g n a l i z e d by •the. amount/and. nature' o f t h e p r o p e r t y s o - c a l l e d ' "money /gambling?"  ;  wagered. .Why e x c l u d e :  (  F o r a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l , purposes i t  i s j u s t i f i a b l e t o f o c u s on t h e c u l t u r a l forms w h i c h promise t o y i e l d t h e most p r o v o c a t i v e  results i nanalysis.  I t has  been demonstrated above t h a t g a m b l i n g ; o f t h e former t y p e c a n be f r u i t f u l l y a n a l y z e d f o r i t s s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n s . the m a j o r i t y of ethno g r a p h i c / m a t e r i a l r a t h e r than.money g a m b l i n g .  Furthermore;;  i s concerned w i t h  status  G e e r t z a l s o p o i n t s out t h a t t h e  gamblers i n v o l v e d i n deep p l a y a r e a l s o t h e i n d i v i d u a l s who i n ordinary l i f e are involved i n long-term status r i v a l r i e s ( o p . c i t . , p. 1 7 ) .  Such gamblers a r e t h e " s o l i d c i t i z e n s " ,  the " e s t a b l i s h m e n t "  i n society.  ' s  :  Money g a m b l i n g a p p e a r s  c o n s i s t e n t l y t o a t t r a c t t h e l o w e r s t r a t a /and/women and children.  The c o r r e l a t i o n of s o c i a l r o l e and s t a t u s w i t h  gambling p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n i t s e l f .  However,  i t I s s e c o n d a r y , though r e l e v a n t , t o t h e a n a l y s i s o f t h e symbolism of s t a t u s g a m b l i n g .  " •  We have seen from t h e p r e v i o u s a n a l y s i s o f g a m b l i n g i n the a b s t r a c t , that q u e s t i o n s of i d e n t i t y , c o m p e t i t i o n , i n t e r - g r o u p ' r e l a t i o n s , s h a r e d c u l t u r a l t r a i t s , and g e n e r a l economic and p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s may be a s k e d .  In the d i s c u s s i o n  of G e e r t z ' s i d e a s we, were i n t r o d u c e d t o t h e concept of c u l t u r a l t e x t and t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f g a m b l i n g i n terms of  i t s cognitive features.  Moreover, we have n o t e d t h e  d r a m a t i c , s y m b o l i c n a t u r e Of g a m b l i n g i n g e n e r a l F o r m u l a t i n g a c o h e r e n t p r o f l i e ; of 'gambling from t h e s e f e a t u r e s , we might-:,. a r r i v e a t something as follows«.  ,  Beneath t h e s u p e r f i c i a l economic a s p e c t s o f g a m b l i n g r e s i d e s •: a s u b s t r a t u m o f symbolism which l e n d s a d r a m a t i c q u a l i t y t o the  activity.  Our purpose i n d e s c r i b i n g g a m b l i n g p r a c t i c e s  Is t o c l l s c o v e r t h e meaning o f t h e p a t t e r n s of w a g e r i n g and p l a y i n g as t h e y a r e u n d e r s t o o d by t h e g a m b l e r s .  We c a n .then•.  b e g i n t o a s k q u e s t i o n s about t h e s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n s o f t h e activity--  e.g. ;.:;;-^;'.y  ;.-.; '  What i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , a r e /: 7-,. • ;  emphasized?  What c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h w i n n i n g and l o s i n g ? ' How  •.  •)•>  ;,t  does g a m b l i n g r e o r g a n i z e , r e o r i e n t o r  \  r e a f f i r m t h e p l a y e r ' s p e r c e p t i o n s of t h e game j and everyday l i f e ?  .  :  •'• .  '  •••, • V.  We may a l s o i n v e s t i g a t e , t h e ways i n w h i c h , on a n a b s t r a c t l e v e l , r e l a t i o n s o f power I n t e r a c t w i t h t h e symbolism of g a m b l i n g •—.' e.g.  '  Which r e l a t i o n s a r e i s o l a t e d by gambling?  -i r: :  y  As a p u b l i c a r e n a f o r the statement of p e r s o n a l a l i g n m e n t s , how does the b e t t i n g . pattern  ; ; .: ,  :  a f f e c t group f o r m a t i o n ?  Thus, our g e n e r a l o r i e n t a t i o n towards gambling i s h o l i s t i c . Our c o n c e r n s i n c l u d e  neither  :i > '  the symbolism n o r t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l  s i g n i f i c a n c e of gambling e x c l u s i v e l y . .. ; R a t h e r , we s h a l l :  .  I n q u i r e i n t o b o t h t h e s e a s p e c t s and t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p  .:  between them.  '  CHAPTER THREE  hand game c u l t u r e s  34  •  I n t h e n e x t s e c t i o n o f t h e paper I s h a l l examine. •: ;  f i v e ethnographic accounts of gambling.  My purpose i n \  r e v i e w i n g t h i s m a t e r i a l i s t o demonstrate-how g a m b l i n g may . be s t u d i e d a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l y .  Why I have chosen t h e s e  :  p a r t i c u l a r groups i s e x p l a i n e d p r e s e n t l y .  The a v a i l a b i l i t y o f l i t e r a t u r e on g a m b l i n g i s r e a l l y >, q u i t e l i m i t e d as I n o t e d e a r l i e r .  I r e f e r . s p e c i f i c a l l y to  a r t i c l e s o r monographs which have as t h e i r main t o p i c , g a m b l i n g , o r a r e l a t e d game complex.  •»r, f  In the general  e t h n o g r a p h i c l i t e r a t u r e t h e r e . a r e numerous r e f e r e n c e s t o  ;  :  games and g a m b l i n g as p a r t o f an i n v e n t o r y o f t h e c u l t u r e 'under, s c r u t i n y .  (see e.g. B r e w s t e r , 1970). '"; However, t h e  " p i c k i n g s " a r e meagre, i n d e e d , when one i s l o o k i n g f o r a n a n a l y s i s of g a m b l i n g .  Thus,' f i n d i n g any s o r t o f I n t e r e s t i n g  a r t i c l e on g a m b l i n g i s e v e n t f u l ' and. I have had t o c a r e f u l l y c o n s i d e r each one. My i n i t i a l  I have been f o r t u n a t e i n one r e s p e c t .  i n t e r e s t i n g a m b l i n g was more o r l e s s r e s t r i c t e d -.•  t o t h e g a m b l i n g complexes  of. n a t i v e '.Indians .of. N o r t h A m e r i c a  e s p e c i a l l y one r e f e r r e d t o a s t h e "hand game."  Seemingly  .' '  by c o i n c i d e n c e , s e v e r a l of t h e r a r e a r t i c l e s w h i c h d e l v e i n t o gambling f e a t u r e s have been concerned w i t h t h e hand game. I s e r i o u s l y doubt t h a t I c o u l d have l o c a t e d f i v e r e a s o n a b l e d e s c r i p t i o n s o f o t h e r gambling complexes w i t h o u t an i n o r d i n a t e amount o f b i b l i o g r a p h i c work, i f : a t a l l .  : Thus, I d e c i d e d t o  deal  s o l e l y w i t h t h e s e accounts, r e l a t e d as t h e y a l l a r e t o ./  the hand game.  There a r e some, m e t h o d o l o g i c a l advantages  to t h i s s e l e c t i o n of m a t e r i a l s ,  o b v i a t i n g t h e need t o d w e l l  on t h e n a t u r e o f t h e g a m b l i n g game a f t e r t h e I n i t i a l presentation..  Moreover, i t p e r m i t s me t o f o c u s on t h e  v a r i a t i o n s i n wagers, b e t t i n g , and r e l a t e d f e a t u r e s , things being ( f a i r l y ) equal. c o m p a r a t i v e and g e n e r a l , mostly p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c  .I  other  The g o a l s o f t h e a n a l y s i s a r e  whereas t h e i n d i v i d u a l s o u r c e s a r e studies.  s h a l l provide a b r i e f , general d e s c r i p t i o n of the  hand game so t h a t ' the subsequent d i s c u s s i o n v a r i a t i o n s i s more m e a n i n g f u l .  of t r i b a l  '  The hand game i s u s u a l l y  d e s c r i b e d i n t h e ' l i t e r a t u r e a s a g u e s s i n g game o r a game of > chance.  (see L e s s e r , 1933;  C u l l n , 190?)  The opponents  i n t h e game a r e a r r a n g e d on o p p o s i t e s i d e s o f a n a r e a w h i c h •, they e n c l o s e , f a c i n g each o t h e r  The .play c o n s i s t s o f one;  or more members o f one s i d e , / which i s d e s i g n a t e d t h e " h i d i n g s i d e " f o r the play, c o n c e a l i n g a small token or tokens I n the hands.  ' The o t h e r s i d e , or. " g u e s s i n g s i d e " , must guess  f o r the. p r o p e r l o c a t i o n o f t h e token*•'••' ,. The; r o l e s of h i d i n g s i d e and g u e s s i n g s i d e a l t e r n a t e when t h e l o c a t i o n o f t h e tokens i s s u c c e s s f u l l y d e t e r m i n e d .  . S t i c k s a r e o f t e n used  t o keep s c o r e o f t h e i n c f o r r e c t guesses arid 'the game i s over when a l l t h e s t i c k s ( o r a m u l t i p l e o f t h a t number) i s i n t h e p o s s e s s i o n o f one s i d e . t h i s basic  format.  There a r e e l a b o r a t e v a r i a t i o n s o f  F o r example, t h e v a r i a b l e elements o f  the hand game are«  p a r a p h e r n a l i a , musical•accompaniment,  t a l l y s t i c k s and method o f s c o r i n g ,  seating-arrangements,  v a l u e and t i m i n g o f b e t s t o name, a few. of a l l t h e games include»  The common features;- ,  t h e b a s i c group n a t u r e o f t h e  game, d e s p i t e t h e assignment o f s p e c i f i c r o l e s such a s g u e s s e r and h i d e r t o members o f t h e s i d e ;  t h e symbolism o f c o n f l i c t  and c o m p e t i t i o n which c o m p r i s e s game l o r e 5  t h e o p p o r t u n i t y . ,-  f o r . p l a y e r s t o u t i l i z e s t r a t e g y and s k i l l i n ' t h e game, a s w e l l a s . r e l y i n g on chance o r l u c k t o d e t e r m i n e the. outcome; the absence of v e r b a ! communication, o t h e r t h a n t h e m u s i c ; and t h e r e l i a n c e oh hand s i g n a l s - a n d g e s t u r e s t o conduct t h e game..  ' . •  . ' ?V,::V  :  '•>".:'>.;  ' '\ -\'irK'" :  ;  './;'': '. -I'v"  ' •' y~y^  v :  •••• The hand game was commonly a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t r a d i n g  rf^jji-,  . .  and f e s t i v a l g a t h e r i n g s of d l s p e r s e d bands and v i l l a g e s . S i n c e v e r b a ! exchanges were n o t e s s e n t i a l f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i t was p o s s i b l e for,-even l i n g u i s t i c a l l y u n r e l a t e d groups t o play.together.  The gambling- was o f t e n h e a v y , . w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e  w a g e r i n g of p r o p e r t y i n an atmosphere of economic r e c k l e s s n e s s . A l l u s i o n s t o gambling i n d i f f e r e n t mythologies. e x i s t , but t h e . m o r a l v a l u e they a t t a c h t o i t s p r a c t i c e , 1 s q u i t e v a r i a b l e . There a r e even f r e q u e n t r e f e r e n c e s t o t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n , i n t r a d 1 1 1 ona1 The  t i m e s , of s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e s I n the. hand'games.  p u r p o s e f u l s e a r c h f o r , and a c q u i s i t i o n o f , s p i r i t power  or a s s i s t a n c e ori s p e c i f i c o c c a s i o n s  i s n o t unknown.  :  Where  p e o p l e gambled on t h e hand game they o f t e n gambled on o t h e r  .:.  games.and s p o r t s as well'.  However,/ I n many c a s e s , the hand .  game s e s s i o n s .attracted, t h e most s e r i o u s gamblers who  made,  the l a r g e s t commitment i n terms of property,, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e s e t t i n g of i n t e r - t r i b a l matches.  The a e s t h e t i c  a s p e c t s of the games were o f t e n enhanced by accompaniment w h i c h was  musical  sometimes s i m p l y v o c a l , and  p e r c u s s i v e and v o c a l .  "  sometimes  was . o r d i n a r i l y of two k i n d s i  i n i t i a l b e t s on the outcome of the e n t i r e game which were placed, i n advance of the p l a y 5  " s i d e b e t s " , w h i c h were  determined, by the outcome of a s i n g l e guess and consummated i m m e d i a t e l y . d y a d i c , and. w i t h o u t  _  <  were  Wagers were a l s o c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y  odds, so t h a t the standard, bet of  one  u n i t of p r o p e r t y brought t h e v i c t o r a u n i t of s i m i l a r  value  ( i . e . i f gamblers b e t one d o l l a r each, the w i n n e r has two -•• d o l l a r s , the l o s e r , n o t h i n g . )  / These g e n e r a l f e a t u r e s  will  become more c o m p r e h e n s i b l e as s p e c i f i c . c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e presented  ;  and d i s c u s s e d below.  The  f i r s t a r t i c l e I want t o examine d e s c r i b e s  g a m b l i n g among the Gros V e n t r e of Montana d u r i n g . t h e h a l f of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . Cooper, 19^6) gambling and  The a u t h o r s  latter  (Flannery  and  a r e concerned w i t h s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of state,  '  Our a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l sources y i e l d a f a i r l y generous amount of i n f o r m a t i o n on the w o r l d d i s t r i b u t i o n of g a m b l i n g , the games and s p o r t s gamled on, the• v a l u a b l e s wagered, the payment of • g a m b l i n g d e b t s , and the r i t u a l accompaniments of g a m b l i n g . On the other, hand,, the same s o u r c e s y i e l d .  • •'•x,^. y : .  ..  •  .. r. . •'•^r^;,:: • i  ,  ..extremely meager i n f o r m a t i o n , and f o r '; most gambling p e o p l e s none a t a l l , on such s o c i a l ; a s p e c t s o f gambling a s : • , .••/.'its mode o f meshing i n t o . t h e p r e v a l e n t s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n (who gambles, w i t h . • whom, and f o r • what), i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s .'. V i n f u l f i l l i n g o r t h w a r t i n g t h e wishes • of t h e i n d i v i d u a l gambler and i n meeting or b l o c k i n g the needs o f i n t e g r a l and f r a c t i o n a l s o c i a l groups; individual. d i f f e r e n c e s i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and t h e m o t i v a t i o n s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r them; n a t i v e a t t i t u d e s towards gambling; • the Economic and o t h e r f a c t o r s t h a t ' a r e favorable or unfavorable t o the • r i s e and p e r s i s t e n c e o f gambling i n '• c u l t u r e as such o r i n g i v e n c u l t u r e s . F i e l d , and l i b r a r y s t u d i e s o f t h e s e and most o t h e r s o c i a l a s p e c t o f gambling have been a l m o s t e n t i r e l y n e g l e c t e d by anthropologists. ( o p . c i t . , p. 391)  i  '  ;  ' ,  ;  :  1  1  F l a n n e r y and Cooper's i n t e r e s t i n t h e s o c i a l I m p l i c a t i o n s of.. gambling has l e d them t o r e p o r t d e t a i l s of what t h e y the " b e t t o r - w a g e r " p a t t e r n o f t h e Gros V e n t r e .  title.  Their  emphasis on the r e l a t i o n a l ' a n d p o l i t i c a l a s p e c t s o f gamblingr e s u l t s i n some p r o v o c a t i v e c o n c l u s i o n s b u t l e a v e s t h e r e a l m of  symbolism  l a r g e l y unexplored.  Enough e t h n o g r a p h i c d a t a  i s p r o v i d e d , however, t o b u i l d up, i n d u c t i v e l y , a d e s c r i p t i o n of gambling which combines a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e s y m b o l i c and r e l a t i o n a l a s p e c t s > S;'jZ;'.- :  The Gros V e n t r e g a m b l e d :  on games o t h e r t h a n t h e  hand. game. ' One i n p a r t i c u l a r , ' the wheel game, was c o n s i d e r e d a s e r i o u s event when p l a y e d f o r h i g h s t a k e s , a s i t o f t e n was; There appears  t o be a f a i r amount o f t r i b a l l o r e about such  :  games between i n d i v i d u a l s i n the s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p o f "enemy-friends."  E n e m y - f r i e n d s h i p was a d e l i b e r a t e p a c t  s t r e s s i n g c o m p e t i t i o n f o r s t a t u s w i t h i n the t r i b e and l o y a l t y  tin defense a g a i n s t o u t s i d e r s . of,  Enemy-friends were c a p a b l e •••..!;•  and e x p e c t e d t o be, r u t h l e s s l y c o m p e t i t i v e w i t h one  another. •  I n gambling t h e y p l a y e d f o r t h e h i g h e s t stakes,  and sought t h e t o t a l " r u i n " o f each o t h e r .  However s e v e r e  the l o s s o f p r o p e r t y i n such s e s s i o n , t h e " r u i n " was more  ...  m e t a p h o r i c a l t h a n a c t u a l , a s t h e r e were always kinsmen and a l l i e s t o provide f o r the l o s e r .  The Gros V e n t r e recognized;,  t h e m s e l v e s , t h a t d e f e a t i n a wheel game w i t h e n e m y - f r i e n d s r e s u l t e d I n a ruinous l o s s of p r e s t i g e : gambling i s mentioned or m e t a p h o r i c a l  T h i s t y p e of••.•• :. -V:-.-.''I  t o i l l u s t r a t e i t s e s s e n t i a l l y dramatic  riatufe,  and t h e awareness of t h i s c n a r a c t e r r;;  by t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s iand observers.-  '  1  •-. - We need n o t d w e l l - o n t h e l o c a l v a r i a t i o n of t h e hand • game p r o p e r (i> e. s t y l e o f implements ,• music e t c .) . :  The. v •;..:)  a u t h o r s p o i n t out t h a t t h e hand; game was t h e most w i d e s p r e a d o b j e c t o f s e r i o u s gambling among.the Gros V e n t r e d e s p i t e t h e )somewhat more s e n s a t l o n a l whee 1 games between enemy-f r l e n d s . ;; :. E n e m y - f f i e n d s a l s o gambled on t h e hand game and, i n any e v e n t , the hand game a t t r a c t e d , w i d e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h e community. The a u t h o r s d i s c o v e r e d an a m b i v a l a n c e of a t t i t u d e among t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s towards gambling and e x p l a i n i t t h u s i The f o r e g o i n g a m b i v a l e n t a t t i t u d e c a n , •-.we b e l i e v e , be a c c o u n t e d f o r , i n l a r g e p a r t a t l e a s t , by t h e d a t a we have, • • i n c o m p l e t e though t h e s e d a t a a r e . It i s p r e t t y c l e a r from t h e p r e v a l e n t b e t t o r - w a g e r p a t t e r n t h a t t h e Gros V e n t r e • recognized, two more o r l e s s c o n f l i c t i n g a s p e c t s of t h e i r g a m b l i n g i a r e c r e a t i v e one and a p r e d a t o r y one. Certain kinds  v ••  v  ;_/• o f gambling were i n d u l g e d i n • •. .• 7 predominantly f o r f r i e n d l y r e c r e a t i o n , : ;••. t o have a good time; t o g e t h e r . The ..minor w a g e r i n g t h e r e i n m e r e l y added a l i t t l e s p i c e and. z e s t t o p l a y , w h i l e ;.;y.' v'Vthe l o s e r s s u f f e r e d no a p p r e c i a b l e . l o s s o r h u r t . ; Other k i n d s , t h e common • ....-.v • games f o r l a r g e s t a k e s and t h e o c c a s i o n a l < <:: .•••••••.:}., ones f o r c a r e e r p r e s t i g e were i n d u l g e d i n . . ;i • ; • 7u p r e d o m i n a n t l y f o r g a i n a t t h e expense of • .y the l o s e r s , f o r a c q u i s i t i o n i n which t h e l o s e r s s u f f e r e d l o s s e s t h a t were g r i e v o u s l y f e l t and t h a t s e r i o u s l y h u r t . As t h e :v,7 b e t t o r - w a g e r p a t t e r n shows, g a m b l i n g o f (. . • ' / > t h e f i r s t k i n d was r e c o g n i z e d a s c o n s i s t e n t | . \ w i t h t h e a c c e p t e d canons o f i n - g r o u p ' a l t r u i s m and b e n e v o l e n c e ; t h a t o f t h e . second, as i n c o n s i s t e n t , t h e r e w i t h . _ •' ( o p . c i t . , p. 4 l 6 ) -ry  !. ' _  (  ;  I t h i n k t h e b e s t c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of t h e s e s e n t i m e n t s on t h e f p a r t of t h e Gros V e n t r e p o i n t s t o t h e r e c o g n i t i o n o f deep p l a y and. s h a l l o w p l a y i n t h e i r g a m b l i n g . "predatory"  'j;  The s o - c a l l e d . . . 7  g a m b l i n g i s s t a t u s g a m b l i n g and. t h e d e p t h of  |  meaning i n such p l a y i s i t s d r a m a t i z a t i o n o f c o n c e r n s o f  •  personal  i d e n t i t y and group s o l i d a r i t y .  P r e c i s e l y because  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n h i g h s t a k e s games p u t p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s " "on t h e l i n e " , d i d t h e y t h r e a t e n t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n of t h e community.  s  I n a sense, t h e s t a k e i n a s e r i o u s o r "deep"  game was n o t o n l y t h e p r e s t i g e of. t h e p l a y e r s , .but because  %  of t h i s r i s k , t h e i r a b i l i t y t o r e l a t e t o one a n o t h e r i n a p p r o p r i a t e ways subsequent t o t h e game.  The a u t h o r s n o t e  t h a t , "The Gros V e n t r e were c o n s c i o u s l y concerned w i t h f o m e n t i n g s o l i d a r i t y w i t h i n t h e i r ranks« were a f i g h t i n g people b e s e t w i t h p o w e r f u l c i t . , p. 4 l 6 )  f o r one t h i n g they enemies."  (op.  Thus, " . . , Gros V e n t r e a t t i t u d e s on g a m b l i n g  appear t o have been i n f l u e n c e d v e r y much by c o n c e r n f o r  a l t r u i s m and a c c o r d , v e r y l i t t l e by economic v a l u e s . " ( o p . c i t . , p. I f l 8 )  1  The a m b i v a l e n c e of t h e Gros V e n t r e  -  s e r v e s a s a n o t e of c l a r i f i c a t i o n on t h e n a t u r e o f deep p l a y I n g e n e r a l . ' ;• •  .  F l a n n e r y and Cooper d i s c o v e r e d t h a t t h e c o m p l e x i t i e s of t h e b e t t o r - w a g e r  p a t t e r n c o u l d be reduced t o a f a i r l y  s i m p l e s e t o f determinants..  , .  Each o f these f a c t o r s says  something about how t h e Gros V e n t r e viewed g a m b l i n g , and,  .  by I m p l i c a t i o n , how they viewed t h e s o c i a l m a t r i x o f t h e i r group.  F i r s t , gambling, was more f r e q u e n t and f o r l a r g e r  s t a k e s when t h e "we-group a l t r u i s m , c o h e s i o n , and l o y a l t y " was l e s s I n t e n s e . •  ( o p . c i t . , p. 4 l 3 - l 4 )  The Importance  of group s o l i d a r i t y and t h e need t o promote l o y a l t y i n Gros V e n t r e v i l l a g e s was noted above. . G i v e n t h i s c o n s i d e r a t i o n , ;  gambling was thus regarded  a s a s e r i o u s c o m p e t i t i v e and even  d i v i s i v e , f a c t o r i n , i n t e r p e r s o n a 1 r e l a t i o n s i ? Once a g a i n , 'gambling was more f r e q u e n t and f o r l a r g e r s t a k e s , t h e g r e a t e r :  the degree of f a m i l i a r i t y and l i c e n c e p e r m i t t e d between players.  The o p p o s i t e was t r u e as w e l l t  the greater the  degree o f r e s p e c t and a v o i d a n c e demanded, t h e l e s s the g a m b l i n g and t h e s m a l l e r t h e s t a k e s .  frequent  Here we n o t i c e t h a t  competition f o r status i n gambling.is r e s t r i c t e d t o i n d i v i d u a l s whose r e l a t i o n s h i p i s l e s s bound by c o n v e n t i o n a l b e h a v i o r  —  e.g. t h e people whose i n t e r a c t i o n i s f a m i l i a r and c a s u a l . Where b e h a v i o r i s c i r c u m s c r i b e d among i n d i v i d u a l s , e.g. those r o l e s demanding r e s p e c t , and even a v o i d a n c e ,  the p o s s i b i l i t y  42  of c o m p e t i t i o n  f o r s t a t u s i n g a m b l i n g i s r u l e d out.  a t t i t u d e i s i n s t r u c t i v e , f o r i t t e l l s us t h a t  This  status  r i v a l r i e s a r e r e a l l y p o s s i b l e Only between s t a t u s e q u a l s o r near e q u a l s .  I n o t h e r words, one doesn't gamble  s e r i o u s l y w i t h a c l o s e kinsmen such as;a p a r e n t because  /  t h e r e i s no p r o s p e c t o f a l t e r i n g one's s t a t u s v i s a v i s that.' 1  individual.  On the o t h e r hand,, one gamles• f i e r c e l y w i t h a •;;  r e l a t i o n such a s a n enemy-friend because the s i m i l a r i t y o f 7 one's s t a t u s promotes r i v a l r y f o r p r e s t i g e i n the  village.  T h i s f e a t u r e o f deep p l a y a l s o e x p l a i n s the e x c l u s i o n o f  f  women and c h i l d r e n from the r e a l l y s e r i o u s games.; ^'In.'order t o have a t r u l y . c o m p e t i t i v e s i t u a t i o n , i t must be a t l e a s t f a i r l y matched.  ( G e e r t z n o t e s t h a t the most s e r i o u s , most  i n t e n s e c o c k f i g h t s a r e the, ones i n w h i c h the c o c k s a r e most c l o s e l y matched and the b e t t i n g i s c o n s e q u e n t l y . a t s h o r t odds, i . e . even money — G e e r t z , ':•  1972, p. 22)  • ;';-.•.;:•>,•;}:['• y.Vf y,y -^'. ''i'.•!•'!• V.• '°^i.7' ""f;!v^';^.'/'••••/ U0-^^P:'^0M A f a c t o r which b a r r e d g a m b l i n g e n t i r e l y was t h e ;  element o f the sacred  ;  ,  and/or a s c e t i c w h i c h was a s s o c i a t e d  w i t h c e r t a i n o f f i c e s and the persons o c c u p y i n g them*  One  c o n c l u s i o n we might draw from the p r o h i b i t i o n o f g a m b l i n g w i t h i n d i v i d u a l s o f s a c r e d a s s o c i a t l o n i s t h a t g a m b l i n g was • > " • an a c t i v i t y somehow o f f e n s i v e t o s a c r e d  Interests.  However,  I t h i n k t h a t t h e r e i s a more s a t i s f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n i s f a i t h f u l t o the a t t i t u d e the Gros V e n t r e  maintain.  Gambling i s p r i m a r i l y a n a c t i v i t y f o r s t a t u s - e q u a l s opportunity  which  and a n  f o r the v i c t o r i o u s p l a y e r s o r team t o d e m o n s t r a t e  superior  abilities  observed  that  "the  I n d i v i d u a l s 1 i n an To gamble only  with  individual,'but the  divine  sacredness. that •  • .  the It  the '  is  thus  arrange  would c r e a t e  confer  player  .  he  really  this note,  the  minimum the  cit.,  p.  4l4)  unleashing matches, or  Gros  of  of  the  contest,  must  of  kind  We a r e  thus  competitive  vanquishing.of  metaphorical.-  but  it  does  so  in a  dramatic  the  players  is  circumscribed.  too,  against 4l3)  view,  to  which  gambling,  is  in  order  p o s s i b i l i t y .of  either  .  in  is  . < •  the  pattern  bitter  Sioux.  As  the  the  . at  despite  most  opponents  permit  .  the  i n which  •  :  in  .  a  least  .  . .V?.  the gambling  s t i l l  display the  v^;  (op\:'^^i-:<i^  Intense is  :  authors  hostility."  that  the  enemies,  or  players,  v.-, -.":(,,  p.  the  form  with  if,  "  in  challenger,  '  presupposes,  one's  G a m b l i n g may  . .  outcome, o f  unqualified  zeal  '  Ventre  between  reminded  the  the  lose .  (op.cit.,  the  the  between  and  not  Gros  not  Was b e l i e v e d ,  !  the  gambling  deadly  "It  •  factor  V e n t r e and  between  ruthless  allow  any  of  1  would  individual  could  In' t h e  serious,  friendliness  absence  that,  gamble."  The f i n a l  existence  of  a  Even  gambling the  note  relationship..  respect.toward  contest  office)  did  i n  prestige,  case  a  of  office  already  between  competitive  sacred  •  compete  of  a  We h a v e  is. k e e n e s t  endow t h e  conceivable,  winning.  absence  which  (sacred  .  pre-determined. to  of  requirements  forces  not  to  Institutionalized  the  keeper  prestige.  i n gambling  The a u t h o r s  i  rules,  rivalry  the,,occupant  contravene  and  and. e n h a n c e d  of  symbolic conflict  hostility  of  .'; We h a v e emphasizes';  the  of  its  gambling  is  related  Ventre;  it  serves  maintain  the  same  a  When t h e s e  legitimate  most  of  -  serious  gambling  •  results  in  for  opponents;  • are  not  losers from  however,  can  make  irreversible  and  applies  of  which  of  alliances  therefore behavior  as  the  prestige  underlines  the they  to  the relations  gambling  is  participation  of  '  competition  prestige  Gros  which  everyday  observed,  attracts  the  subject  society  in  ;  summary»•  the  for  the  and  might  for  status  the  winners  gravity  the  losses,  and and  all-out of  when'extensive,  in actual  and  learned  of  devestation  even: be  new. b e g i n n i n g  pattern  equally  the  the  but' orderly  structure  are  which  thus  the  without  warfare; lessons  ;  incurring  damage  bettor-wager  code  is  proper  may b e . w e l l  the  to  a  as  In  dramatize  involves  lore  Ventre gambling  social  expectations  the  permanent  Gros  compe11 t i v e ,  the  and  of  career  gambling  game;  to  increments  /tribal  gambling  to  activity  members  •losers;  of  practice.  society  expectations  are.  •  picture  fundamentally  character1stics  -  a  extent  Gros  to  constitutes  a  g a m e s and. s p o r t s  that  Ventre,  this  is  we h a v e  a  code  of  besides  consciously  evidence  gambling the  hand  recognized  supporting  the  p r e v i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of gambling  '•:  P l a n n e r y and Cooper o f f e r some i n s i g h t f u l  o b s e r v a t i o n s about the n a t u r e of Gros V e n t r e g a m b l i n g w h i c h •• p e r m i t g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about, the a c t i v i t y . • A l t h o u g h t h e i r . i n t e r e s t i s e x p l i c i t l y s o c i o l o g i c a l and t h e y t e n d t o f o c u s on the r e l a t i o n a l a s p e c t s of gambling,, i t has been p o s s i b l e to  d e r i v e a p r o f i l e ' -of  society.  t h e symbolism of g a m b l i n g i n t h a t  The s y m b o l i c a s p e c t s of Gros V e n t r e g a m b l i n g seem 1  to  emphasize!the c o m p e t i t i v e • n a t u r e of gambling and.thus,.  of  l i f e i n g e n e r a l , but t h e need to:engage  o r d e r l y ways.  i n competition i n  F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e a c q u i s i t i o n of p r e s t i g e  t h r o u g h g a m b l i n g , as t h r o u g h e x p l o i t s i n everyday l i f e ,  . / can  properly occur only with reference to c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s . S t a t e d d i f f e r e n t l y , one s t r i v e s I n gambling,' as i n l i f e ,  :::  to  a c h i e v e h i g h s t a t u s , but not a t t h e r i s k o f J e o p a r d i z i n g c r u c i a l - r e l a t i o n s w i t h k l n f o l k i n one's community. 1  The  p u r s u i t of s t a t u s i n g a m b l i n g , because of i t s d r a m a t i z a t i o n of  c o n f l i c t , i s viewed a m b i v a l e n t l y , u n l e s s . c e r t a i n r e l a t i o n s  of  harmony and peaoe a r e e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d from t h e  competition.  F l a n n e r y and Cooper a c t u a l l y advance o u r s t u d y of the  r e l a t i o n s h i p .between, the symbolism of g a m b l i n g and power  r e l a t i o n s , w i t h o u t addresising t h e m s e l v e s t o t h a t q u e s t i o n . V a r i o u s f a c t o r s have been d i s c u s s e d t o show t h a t t h e Gros V e n t r e r e g a r d gambling a s a d r a m a t i z a t i o n of c o n f l i c t t h r o u g h  competition.  The l i m i t a t i o n s o f gambling I n v a n q u i s h i n g  opponents a r e noted, above.  .Moreover,  the bettor-wager  p a t t e r n . e l i m i n a t e s the .most d i s r u p t i v e k i n d o f c o n f r o n t a t i o n s > such as t h o s e between c l o s e r e l a t i v e s and s a c r e d o f f i c i a l s against" o r d i n a r y tribesmen. [ Given a l l . these r e s t r i c t i o n s , what: gambling says t o t h e Gros V e n t r e i s t h a t one engages i n c o n f l i c t w i t h one's opponents and v i e s f o r power b u t chooses t h e enemy c a r e f u l l y and n e v e r f o r g e t s ' one's f r i e n d s . . Yet, the ambivalence p e r s i s t s :  •  '.  '  y •'.!'•. Toward gambling p r a c t i c e d w i t h i n t h e l i m i t a t i o n s of b e t t o r - w a g e r p a t t e r n , t h e r e was, by and l a r g e , no s t r o n g d i s a p p r o v a l . . Such gambling was i n t h e main t a k e n f o r •' g r a n t ed. Y e t such a p p r o v a l a s was g i v e n , • • . even as r e g a r d s much of t h e gambling t h a t conformed t o t h e b e t t o r - w a g e r p a t t e r n , was .. i n c e r t a i n r e s p e c t s q u a l i f i e d and. 7 circumscribed. ( o p . c i t . , p. 4l5)  „  y :  Because t h e y were c o n s c i o u s o f f o m e n t i n g s o l i d a r i t y i n t h e i r r a n k s t h e Gros V e n t r e were s u s p i c i o u s of any a c t i v i t y  which  promoted:. c o n f l i c t t o o . c l o s e t o home. 7 I n g a m b l i n g , t h e .'symbolism o f conf liet'.' was..'balanced w i t h . t h e .symbolism of harmony.  A p p a r e n t l y t h i s was a d e l i c a t e b a l a n c e which was  c l o s e l y observed by p a r t i c i p a n t s .  Gros V e n t r e  gamblers  ( t h i s i n c l u d e d most every man, woman, and c h i l d i n t h e s o c i e t y ) were f a c e d w i t h r e c o n c i l i n g t h e c o n t r a r y i d e n t i t i e s o f c o m p e t i t o r ; and a l l y .  Gambling a p p e a r e d t o do t h i s , b u t  o n l y when c o n s t r a i n e d by a code of, p r o p e r b e h a v i o r .  • <  . The n e x t a r t i c l e I' w i s h t o examine b e g i n s a s f o l l o w s i  .  . .  ;• :}.'  The purpose of the present study i s t o d e s c r i b e the gambling complex as i t " ; existed ' among the, Yakima i n the period .;.:, from 1860-1880,• to see i t s i n t e g r a t i o n ' /'/ i n t o Yakima c u l t u r e and t o d i s c o v e r , so f a r as p o s s i b l e , i t s f u n c t i o n s i n that .' culture. '",;-' (Desmond, .1952, p. 1)  •'•^ /','ftB  The Yakima, r e s i d e i n southern Washington.and the information r provided r e l a t e s t o the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth century.  ('  Their gambling complex was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by  -..•^  .seasonal v a r i a t i o n s i n t h e . i n t e n s i t y and frequency of play  ;  ' and an emphasis on .two p r i n c i p a l forms arid a host of minor  /  ones. . Gambling was heaviest on the bone giame and on horse.•:•;•"->-' races.;  .. The a t t i t u d e of Yakima breeders towards t h e i r  horses i s . n o t u n l i k e the Balinese sentiments towards cocks. .Considerable  ,  time, energy and walth were Invested.in the  c u l t i v a t i o n of race horses, and i t was o f t e n the w e a l t h i e s t , • most e s t a b l i s h e d I n d i v i d u a l s who were Intensely committed t o ',. the sport. a. standard  - Horses had the a d d i t i o n a l q u a l i t y of comprising of value of property, the race horse being the most  ,valuable and sought a f t e r possession  of the Yakima.  The  bone game was the two-set, four bone v a r i e t y i n which one bone of each s e t was marked by a groove i n the center.  The.:,  object of the game was t o guess the l o c a t i o n of both unmarked bones, each s e t being manipulated by a hider on the same side.  Gestures and s i g n a l s obviated the need f o r v e r b a l  communication i n both the p l a y i n g and the b e t t i n g . / We s h a l l • now explore the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of gambling i n the c u l t u r e of ..' the Yakima.  , Desmond's c l o s i n g statement on Yakima g a m b l i n g p r o v i d e s a good p o i n t o f d e p a r t u r e s .  : Thus, a l t h o u g h out-group r i v a l r y was ; keen, and e x p r e s s e d I t s e l f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , i n gambling, i t was so c o n t r o l l e d t h a t t h e . v ;.harmonious r e l a t i o n s among a l l people o f the r e g i o n — based a s i t was on i n t e r m a r r i a g e , . f r e q u e n t c o n t a c t s f o r t r a d i n g , common e x p l o i t a t i o n of.some r e s o u r c e s , and t h e l i k e — were n o t u n d u l y d i s t u r b e d . (Desmond, 1952, P« 5^)  T h i s statement t e l l s us something about t h e . c o n t e x t of Yakima g a m b l i n g , namely the.complex network o f i n t e r - v i l l a g e and regional a f f i l i a t i o n s .  While l o c a t i n g gambling i n t h i s  s e t t i n g , Desmond d e m o n s t r a t e s how i t i s f u n c t i o n a l l y t o t h e two b r o a d I n s t i t u t i o n a l f i e l d s o f s y m b o l i c and  politico-economic relations.  gambling'contrasts  related  complexes  The Yakima a t t i t u d e towards  W i t h t h e Gros V e n t r e a m b l v a l a n c e ,  "Anyone  who had a n y t h i n g t o b e t c o u l d bet.. / No one a d v i s e d a g a i n s t it."  ( o p . c i t . , p; 49),  I n g e n e r a l , t h e Yakima appeared t o ;  s t r e s s t h e Importance o f s u c c e s s f u l i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s , : whether a t t h e l e v e l s of ^ t h e v i l l a g e o r t h e r e g i o n . coneept o f ':generos 1 t y was,'well i n Yakima p s y c h o l o g y .  The  e s t a b l 1 shed and f i r m l y  rooted  I t was t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a t t i t u d e i n  p e r s o n a l d e a l i n g s and g a m b l i n g was no e x c e p t i o n i n demanding a w i l l i n g n e s s t o p a r t w i t h p r o p e r t y . ., Desmond n o t e s t h a t 1 A p e r s o n who was I n a p o s i t i o n t o meet wagers o f f e r e d and who c o n s i s t e n t l y r e f u s e d ;':? t o do s o , o r one who b e t o n l y a "sure t h i n g " , : was c o n s i d e r e d n i g g a r d l y and l o s t s t a t u s , ;/.'vv/::'/ r e g a r d l e s s of h i s o t h e r a t t a i n m e n t s . The ' r e g u l a r b e t s were p u b l i c l y d i s p l a y e d and everyone would know who b e t what and c o u l d e s t i m a t e how b i g t h e wagers were i n p r o p o r t i o n t o , t h e p r o p e r t y owned by t h e  49  individual. Thus, even a person i n . ,! r e l a t i v e l y modest c i r c u m s t a n c e s c o u l d m a i n t a i n p r e s t i g e by b e t t i n g a c c o r d i n g t o h i s means* : ( o p . c i t . , p. 50)  •:••.'•}•  Gambling was  a s s o c i a t e d s y m b o l i c a l l y and  in  : p r a c t i c e w i t h c e r t a i n m a g i c o - r e l l g i o u s observances.  Notably,  "sweat house r i t e s " were enacted f o r e n t e r p r i s e s such as h u n t i n g and gambling«  "The  p r o c e d u r e i n c l u d e d songs by  the  •sweat house l e a d e r , . t a l k i n g t o the sweat house as i f t o "a w i s e o l d man,  a shaman,"and a s k i n g f o r s u c c e s s . "  The  a s s o c i a t i o n of s u p e r n a t u r a l power w i t h g a m b l i n g v e n t u r e s ; common./  I t was  was  b e l i e v e d , t h a t the s i n g i n g accompaniment  Of the p r i n c i p a l p l a y e r somehow a c t i v a t e d the power and improved the chance of w i n n i n g .  A s i m i l a r concept  attached to shamanistic  yet i n two r e s p e c t s g a m b l i n g  was  curing.  d i s t i n c t from o t h e r m a g i c o - r e l l g i o u s p u r s u i t s .  o b j e c t s : were e x p l i c i t l y e x c l u d e d property.  was  Certain  from the u n i v e r s e of w a g e r a b l e  Among t h e s e were m a g i c o - r e l l g i o u s o b j e c t s such as  b e l l s and drums.  'Furthermore, gambling.was t o t a l l y a b s e n t  from the w i n t e r dances and ceremonies. . s e r i o u s games between i m p o r t a n t  In f a c t , d u r i n g  1  p r i n c i p a l s , " . . . pregnant  women s t a y e d away, l e s t t h e i r c h i l d r e n be b o r n w i t h a ' p r i d e ' f o r gambling. ;  C h i l d r e n under two y e a r s were a l s o k e p t away -.• .  l e s t the power i n j u r e them, and mourners d i d not a t t e n d a v o i d b r i n g i n g bad p. 40)  l u c k t o t h e i r companions."  A l s o , "Gambling was  considered  (op.cit.,  t a k e n . s e r i o u s l y and was  a t i m e f o r j o k i n g or l a u g h t e r . "  not  ( o p . c i t . , p..".37)..'  I n a more r e c e n t a r t i c l e on the c e r e m o n i a l of the P l a t e a u a r e a B r u n t o n s t a t e s t h a t :  to  i n t e g r a t i o n ••  .y  50  G a m b l i n g was a f o r m o f c o n f l i c t . . : . : ,'••"..'•'''"' S t i l l , I t was a n i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , ' • : ceremonial v e h i c l e f o r the expression .. of c o n f l i c t and i t a l l o w e d expression . on i n t e r g r o u p c o n f l i c t i n a c o n t r o l l e d , ' ceremonial setting. In this l i g h t it may b e v i e w e d a s cathartic. , ( B r u n t o n , 1968,. p p . . That Is :-..,-  the  clear  gambling  complex  from  foregoing  . o t h e r . . b i t s , 'of • practice. . .  pesmond  r  of  Y a k i m a was  statement  r  .'.'/;•  - He r e f e r s  remarks  that  undramatic  B r u n t o n and  Yakima a t t i t u d e s  towards  by  the  gambling:  here  not  only  to  the  nature  wealth, gambled,- 'but  more I m p o r t a n t l y  metaphorical' nature  of  ; ' v-.'•'•' the  by  not  .. . h e l p e d t o cement i n - g r o u p s o l i d a r i t y without causing. out-groUp r i v a l r y of such '.'•'-•' d i m e n s i o n s a s t o t h r e a t e n h a r m o n i o u s .relations,. . Strong in-group . s o l i d a r i t y ' : resulted, of course, i n out-groUp , .. c o m p e t i t i o n , but the gambling situation • was s u c h t h a t i t h a d n o s e r i o u s ; -consequences. ( D e s m o n d , - 1952. p . ,53)  '.:;'/  :,r';  evidence  the  7-8)  •;  .'7  :i'• .\  .  the  of  <.  \ We . ' o b s e r v e ' ,  symbolic  then',  aspects  practices.  In  the  conflict- in  of  and  other  sacred  rites,  important  discontinuities  gambling,  as  religious everyday  to  scale,  be  the  in  winter  between  the  at  a  and  However,  -.  other there  association  particularly  midway p o i n t  subsistence  ceremonial  magico-rellgious  dances  the .symbolic Gambling,  located  Continuity ,in  ceremonial'observances  i n •importance.  above.  l i f e ;and.vthe  of  wagerable  gambling.  gambling  hierarchy  of  e s sent l a 1 l y  Yakima,', a  expressly  appears  the  the  clearly-beneath  game,  to  amount  among  •, g a m b l i n g , i s  noted  and  in  techniques  observances  of  the  some  with  the  the  are  bone  magicoof most  51  sacred  order..-  One  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n might be t h a t gambling '  i s concerned, with, fundamentally " s e c u l a r " interests., namely property  and. p r e s t i g e *  concerns to a more g e n e r a l  . However, i t e l e v a t e s  l e v e l by means of the dramatic  i n t e r e s t c r e a t e d ' b y . t h e b e t t i n g and. the a e s t h e t i c s game.  of  offices.  Desomond,provides c o n s i d e r a b l e  i n t e r t w i n i n g of gambling and  t h i s i s discussed  The  ritual  information  the Yakima economy  and  Yakima e x p l o i t e d  t h e i r r e s o u r c e s on a  seasonal  p a t t e r n o f a c t i v i t y which  c l o s e l y l i n k e d , t o the a v a i l a b i l i t y of r o o t s , game, f i s h ,  etc.  Added, to t h i s were; the changes In g e o g r a p h i c a l  m o b i l i t y occasioned by the extremes of winter.- . The pattern  consisted  •:.  , .  basic  :  of r e l a t i v e l e i s u r e and  confinement to home v i l l a g e s ;  minimal  subsistence  activities,  equipment;  c e l e b r a t i o n of w i n t e r dances  ••, -. and  im-  of:  - a w i n t e r period  ••  on  presently.  b a s i s , thus c r e a t i n g a r e c u r r e n t was  the  Compare, f o r example, the Yakima a t t i t u d e w i t h the .,  Gros Ventre p r o h i b i t i o n of gambling by.occupants of  the  these .  r e p a i r of  ceremonies  •/.. ••  - a s p r i n g p e r i o d of i n t e n s i v e economic e x p l o i t a t i o n and. d i s p e r s a l to r o o t • •grounds and  hunting areas  -.^ :  52  - an e a r l y summer p e r i o d o f convergence ,v  on a common s i t e f o r t h e e x t r a c t i o n o f r o o t s and t h e c e l e b r a t i o n of f e a s t s  ''lV 'S  "the b i g . t i m e "  ;  '"".-' - a l a t e summer convergence on camas grounds by two groups and t h e c e l e b r a t i o n o f a second, " b i g t i m e "  - an e a r l y f a l l d i s p e r s a l t o h u n t i n g and  ,  . b e r r y s i t e s d u r i n g w h i c h a c t i v i t y was ... '  intense  - a l a t e f a l l period, of c o n g r e g a t i o n a t w i n t e r s i t e s i n p r e p a r a t i o n of accomodation, but w i t h r e l a t i v e l e i s u r e and t h e p e r s i s t e n c e of h i g h g e o g r a p h i c a l m o b i l i t y i  Gambling was p r a c t i c e d , t h r o u g h o u t t h e y e a r b u t thecorrespondence; o f i n t e n s i v e gambling w i t h c e r t a i n p e r i o d s i s marked.  The . l a r g e s t g a t h e r i n g s d u r i n g e a r l y and l a t e  summer, t h e " b i g t i m e s " were w i t n e s s  t o i n t e n s i v e gambling'.  A l s o t h e p e r i o d of r e l a t i v e l e i s u r e p r e c e d i n g saw  the l a r g e s t c o n c e n t r a t i o n of gambling.  a s s o c i a t i o n s here a r e c l e a r .  trade:and  The economic  •• Gambling f l o u r i s h e d d u r i n g  times o f i n t e r - v i l l a g e g a t h e r i n g s and  the winter,'  i n an atmosphere o f f e a s t s  d u r i n g t h e round of i n t e r - v i l l a g e v i s i t i n g in<  the  leisure  period  prior  Desmond, n o t e s  to.winter.  that,  Wagers were a l w a y s o f t h e dyad, t y p e , r e g a r d l e s s of v a l u e . . The i n t e n s i t y of i n t e r e s t and t h e amount wagered,, h o w e v e r , . d e p e n d e d p r i m a r i l y on t h e s o c i a l distance ° f the opponents. L i t t l e was w a g e r e d o n i n t r a f a m i l i a l o r l n t r a v l l l a g e g a m e s and. sports. C o m p e t i t i o n was m u c h k e e n e r a n d the stakes higher o n i n t e r v i l l a g e contests . . e s p e c i a l l y when t h e v i l l a g e s w e r e i n d i f f e r e n t areas or represented, different •' 1 i n g u i s t i c  groups.  (op.cit.,  The' b e t tor--wager ' p a t t e r n . Is Yakima  as  it  decreased became  is  for  and. t h e  more  so-called  might  familiar.  the  be - e x p e c t e d , gamblers  Yakima eyes  is  their*property favorably  and  and the  on a  in  the  source  men o f  those the  wealth'were  t h e . parad.igm  for  the. p r e s t i g e  of  opponent  gifted  gamblers  gambling  intensive the  means, is  such  of  looked a  .  games.  most  -the. u l t i m a t e  . This  the  as  often  b y men o f  gamble.  for  stakes  who h a d  most  •:  47)  same  lessened  especially  of  wagering,  the  Gambling  game  (usually  single  enhances  Ventre.  However,  "professionals"  notorious in  Gros  Interest  " " p o w e r " ) .'Were, o f t e n As  the  fundamentally  p.  \•  .  gamble a l l upon  gambler  enormously.  I habits  of  functions the  wish the of  provide  Yakima and gambling as  Yakima'are  alliances  to  with  a  a  brief  few  they  inextricably neighboring  o v e r v i e w ,of  comments practice  bound tribes  in a as  on the it.  the  symbolic  ' First  complex  gambling  of  network  Desmond and  a l l , of  Brunton  point out.  The economic system of the, e n t i r e region i s  based on seasonal, but i n t e n s i v e , e x p l o i t a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r S i t e s and the subsequent exchange of goods over the e n t i r e region t o f a c i l i t a t e e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n arid consumption. I t i s incumbent, on the Yakima t o sustain, good r e l a t i o n s with  >.  t h e i r t r a d i n g partners, since the t r a n s a c t i o n s deal not only with manufactured items, but p r i m a r i l y w i t h f o o d s t u f f s unobtainable  i n t h e i r exploitation region.  The Yakima thus,  encourage a t t i t u d e s of generosity i n the deployment of property.  There i s a connection between the use of property  and, the a c q u i s i t i o n of p r e s t i g e . . . Gambling .is a basic model ,. f o r t h i s , t y p e of behavior, since the accepted canons of b e t t i n g urge not only generosity, but. recklessness i n wagering property. However, .as Desmond .'points out, the wagers are r e s t r i c t e d , t o property a t hand and i n the possession of the i n d i v i d u a l • • r ;. . betting.  Furthermore, f o o d s t u f f s are never wagered.  Thus  ;  the spectacle of the i n t e n s i v e game w i t h high stakes, and i t s . message about proper - a t t i t u d e s towards, wealth and p r e s t i g e , has l i m i t e d c o s t s i n terms of everyday goods and resources, (see the opening c i t a t i o n of Desmond)  \y  . v'; • :;  • y:  I n keeping with the previous a n a l y s i s of gambling  we may ask, what does gambling say t o the gamblers about t h e i r own s o c i a l . o r d e r ? , The meaning of the.gambling i s i n the way i t a s s o c i a t e s wealth and p r e s t i g e .  1  In a s o c i e t y of  traders i t says that property ought not be coveted but given f r e e l y and generously,  t o promote the esteem of one's  .'iu^-  fellowmen.  [ In the context of Yakima r e g i o n a l economy and  s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n t h i s appears: to be an Important, l e s s o n . Moreover, the e n t e r p r i s e of gambling was. regarded as a l e g i t i m a t e form of competition.  I t c a r r i e d the p o s s i b i l i t y  of supernatural i n t e r v e n t i o n i n the form of gambling power and demanded, the same preparation (sweat bath r i t e s ) as other ventures of import.  •  In a sense, there i s a v a l i d a t i o n  of the meanlngfulness of e n t e r p r i s e s i n the i n t e r p e r s o n a l field.  That i s , gambling, l i k e hunting, commands p r e p a r a t i o n  and d i l i g e n c e , and the rewards of the two ventures are thus likened symbolically.'  To win a t gambling i s a k i n t o success  i n hunting -- thus the a c q u i s i t i o n of p r e s t i g e and property compares w i t h the production of food. . The main points of c o n t r a s t between the gambling of the Yakima and. of the Gros Ventre seem to be r e l a t e d t o the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l environment of the two.groups and t h e i r economic systems.  t  .,In the gambling l i t e r a t u r e i n anthropology i s a monograph on the Pawnee hand, game by Alexander Lesser (Lesser, 1933)-  His i n t e r e s t i n the gambling complex of  that t r i b e was r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t from the perspective on gambling advocated here,.  He was e x p l i c i t l y concerned w i t h  the study of c u l t u r a l change and s e l e c t e d the transformation ^ of the Pawnee gambling hand game i n t o the Ghost Dance hand ' game during the l a t t e r years of the nineteenth century as h i s case In p o i n t .  , Nevertheless * he. provided, some d e t a i l  about the gambling h a b i t s of the Pawnee arid.enlightens us f u r t h e r by h i s a n a l y s i s of the change from gambling t o ceremonial features of t h e game.  We s h a l l be e s p e c i a l l y  i n t e r e s t e d i n noting the m o d i f i c a t i o n of hand game symbolism as, I t was adapted t o the new context, of the Ghost Dance.  The play of the Pawnee hand game was e s s e n t i a l l y the same as f o r the ones already; described./ / The tokens f o r concealment were'; s i n g l e bones "instead:: of /pairs/and the seating.arrangement, was s e m i - c i r c u l a r but. opponents s t i l l faced each other.  B e t t i n g "was dyadic arid the property  wagered ineluded'the items of highest value i n Pawneee s o c l e t y i . e . blankets, s h i r t s , horses, e t c .  The game was t y p i c a l l y  i n i t i a t e d by a challenge, as among the Yakima, and competition i n t e n s i f i e d as the s o c i a l d i s t a n c e between opponents increased. Thus, i n t e r - t r i b a l games were the keenest,  inter-band games  next, and intra-band games r a t h e r small and modest i n stakes. The f a m i l i a r themes of competition and c o n f l i c t were c l e a r l y /> T  present.  Lesser observes t h a t : . . . I t was a game f o r men. only; and p r i m a r i l y an a d u l t ' s game? the women d i d not p a r t i c i p a t e and were not supposed to come near where the men were p l a y i n g . The game was conceived as a warpath, and so dramatized: and warpaths f o r the Pawnee were a c t i v i t i e s excluding the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women. The men's game was u s u a l l y a contest•between two Pawnee• bands,• • i n W h i c h one would v i s i t the other f o r the express purpose of p l a y i n g a hand game and gambling on the. r e s u l t . ; (Lesser, . 1933, .p. 139)  There was considerable ceremony i n the p r e l i m i n a r i e s and the seating arrangements, during the games between bands or tribes.  One gets the f e e l i n g t h a t h o s t i l i t y was  lurking  behind much of the v i s i t i n g and gambling forays of the Pawnee;; and to assuage mutual f e a r s of -attack and  reprisal  the p a r t i c i p a n t s tended to r e l y , on e s t a b l i s h e d conventions and f o r m a l i t i e s of behavior.  ";;. ,.•-•;  i Once again we may note the dramatic nature of the gambling complex —  ,•  i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the e n t e r p r i s e  of r a i d i n g , "going/on the warpath", "and the a f f a i r s of a d u l t men.  •", Despite the .symbolism of .bloody c o n f l i c t , . the hand  game f e l l short of p h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e and occurred i n a s e t t i n g of o r d e r l i n e s s and f o r m a l i t y .  The f o r m a l i t y of the game  procedures and p r e l i m i n a r i e s c o n t r a s t s w i t h the unchecked h o s t i l i t y of r e a l warfare, and may  seem i r o n i c to us.  Yet  the Pawnee were obviously capable of expressing c o n f l i c t i n the gambling, without d i s r u p t i n g the harmony of r e l a t i o n s between opponents.  The use of music and the g e s t i c u l a t i o n s  during the play of the game s i g n a l i t s a f f e c t i v e , expressive elements.  One convention of the game serves^ as;,a f u r t h e r  l i n k between the warpath and gambling:  \'.•';..'Vi'.--:  :To f o l l o w the t r a i l of the bones , when they are won and c a r r i e d across .. to the other side i s to t r a i l the . enemy. The guesser searches f o r • tracks. A player on the h i d i n g side goes to the f i r e f o r handfuls of c o l d ashes from, the f i r e ' s edge. He , \ . .'  58  s p r i n k l e s I t l i k e f a l l i n g snow. He c a l l s a l o u d , " T h e .snow c o v e r s u p the; tracks-now, you cannot see them." T h u s - a f t e r a n enemy r a i d i n l a t e fall when men s t a r t e d a f t e r t h e r e t r e a t i n g • War p a r t y t o r e g a i n c a p t u r e d h o r s e s . • . > • t h e f a l l i n g show o b l i t e r a t e d , t h e t r a i l . ... . / T o t h e P a w n e e t h e . l i t t l e d r a m a t i c a c t has s i m i l a r power t o o b l i t e r a t e . t h e unseen t r a i l o f t h e bones, from hand t o •. • hand., t o b l i n d t h e g u e s s e r . The ' -. g u e s s e r s h i e l d s h i s e y e s w i t h h i s . hand a n d p e e r s t h r o u g h t h e f a l l i n g a s h e s to see the t r a c k s . / (op.cit., p . ikk) The have  less  of the status  Ventre. <  bettor-wager  When  any magnitude  band, m e m b e r s another prior and.  time .  oppose  above.• down  ... .;.  wished  of the  to initiate  to pre-arrange - - i . e .  Furthermore,  during/the  is a  to the dyadic  tendency  model as  i n Lesser's  a  with  one's  constituted band  indicates  .before  seem the  mentioned to  play  o f t h e wagers 'and' t h e c o m p o s i t i o n o f  he r e f e r s  to, i n t e r - t r i b a l  of inter-tribal  h a n d games i  friendships  •"••:•  of  another  account  ':.  game  The wagers  t o t h e p r e l i m i n a r y arrangements  to  circumstances  the site  Lesser  game.  . . •  the Gros  was a l r e a d y  to challenge  '<••'..=-'-'••  appears  i t d i d among  of gamblers  agreement  a group.  and adhere  although  arrangement  party  with  the significance  sides,  than  i n terms  necessary  of side 'bets  • There  o f t h e Pawnee  and a destination  Thus a  them a s  be c o n f i n e d play  t h e Pawnee  it,was  to the play,  actual .  a  band.  •-.•'• n o p r e s e n c e to  o f a code  T h i s , c a n be e x p l a i n e d  of gambling. of  pattern  • • ' . ' ' , !  i n the  '.  I n t e r - t r i b a l f r i e n d s h i p was a d e f i n i t e formalized r e l a t i o n s h i p i n former times.: ••••..• I t w a s ' o f parmpunt i m p o r t a n c e , a s t h r o u g h interlocking friendships tribes traditionally h o s t i l e t o each o t h e r were drawn i n t o peaceful; r e l a t i o n s . . . . (op.cit.,, p . 1^9)  He suggests that the paradigm f o r i n t e r - t r i b a l hand games  '  may have been the d e c i s i o n by an i n t e r - t r i b a l f r i e n d t o challenge another t o a game. question the.importance relation's.  In t h i s case we might  of such games i n promoting peaceful  / The evidence i s not a l l there, so one must  speculate, but perhaps the gambling competition replaced the warpath as a l l i a n c e s s h i f t e d and economic  circumstances  •changed.:.: Despite- Lesser* s cursory treatment of the wagering of the Pawnee, I suspect i t was an important f e a t u r e of hand games i n much the same way as money was shown to i n t e n s i f y the " s i g n i f i c a n c e of the c o c k f i g h t i n Bali.>The•Pawnee were wagering, horses on hand games and s u r e l y t h i s cannot be disregarded.  Raiding p a r t i e s , which were'an i n t e g r a l  feature of t h e i r l i f e , were organized around p r e c i s e l y the same objectiveV  the a c q u i s i t i o n of neighbors'  Lesser, s t a t e s t h a t :  ,':,' :  horses.  ••••/•'.  .,; . . The change i n the aspect of c u l t u r e . we have been c o n s i d e r i n g was a transformation • , of a gambling hand game i n t o a Ghost Dance -••>••.hand game ceremony. What p e r s i s t e d was the game i t s e l f , with i t s forms of play and arranging f o r play; what were e l i m i n a t e d were the gambling aspects, and,the.associated war party s i m u l a t i o n s ; what was added t o make the - new form was the generic type of ceremonialism and r i t u a l i s m of the Pawnee, . and the concepts and suggestions of the . • Ghost Dance r e l i g i o n and the Ghost Dance : . ceremonial forms •• ^ ^ ^ - ' - - V - - . ( o p . c i t . , p. 321) V -) ;  :  One i s tempted, t o conclude from the h i s t o r i c a l evidence of the Pawnee that,perhaps the s i m i l a r i t y of gambling t o ceremony I s .close enough t o a l l o w f o r a transformation i n  symbolic form and a s h i f t i n symbolic f u n c t i o n . . However, •• the circumstances of the Pawnee p r i o r to the advent, of the Ghost Dance may have exerted more of a determining i n f l u e n c e on the/adaptation of the hand game as a symbolic  form.  B l r e f l y , .they were i n a s t a t e of c u l t u r a l d i s i n t egra 11on a f t e r a lengthy period of breakdown of the t r a d i t i o n a l t r i b a l symbols and i n c r e a s i n g dependence on.the American . government.•  .Their economic and p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s had changed...  d r a s t i c a l l y i n . h a l f a century, with the r e s u l t t h a t most  r  ;  c u l t u r a l complexes had f a l l e n i n t o disuse and were f o r g o t t e n . r  This i s e s p e c i a l l y true of much of the r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s which were p r i v a t e knowledge and, d i e d w i t h the l a s t of r i t u a l p o s i t i o n s .  occupants  Thus, there, were only c e r t a i n o l d  customs a v a i l a b l e f o r e r v i v a l during the Ghost Dance p e r i o d and one of these was the hand game. . We can only draw conclusions about the nature of gambling among the Pawnee with great caution..  The symbolic f u n c t i o n s of  gambling  p r i o r to the Ghost Dance were' c o n s i s t e n t w i t h those i n Yakima •• and i n Gros Ventre s o c i e t y .  That the hand:game became a  Ghost Danee c eremony i s due to h i s t o r i c a l , circumstances. In' being so transformed the gambling aspects were e l i m i n a t e d .  •  Lesser's c o n t r i b u t i o n to our und.erstanding of  . gambling r e l a t e s to,the slmJla r i t l e s and d i f f e r e n c e s between " gambling and. ceremony. ' He has shown that a game, mainly a . v set of. r u l e s and procedures for. determining a i winner and a loser,;; may be. adapted to d i f f e r e n t purposes.. . UTnat does t h i s say about gambling?  The' element of. r i s k ' of wagerable  property disappeared  from the Pawnee game i n i t s transformation,  as did the symbolism of the war party.  By i m p l i c a t i o n , the:.:;  meaning of the;, a c t i v i t y was completely a l t e r e d . . form and. 'function changed  Symbolic  • : • In a sense t h i s evidence  confirms the c o n c l u s i o n that serious gambling i s f i r m l y rooted i n the competition f o r p r e s t i g e . F u r t h e r m o r e , the a s s o c i a t i o n of gambling symbolism with the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y < . : . . : • • • ; • • cannot be maintained  i n the absence of.Wagers and b e t t i n g .  ' Serious gambling r e q u i r e s a commitment of valuable property  >.  and i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e cannot be sustained by p a r t i c i p a t i o n alone (without b e t t i n g ) . ••. Lesser notes t h a t : '.  , '  ;  The conceptual change comes out c l e a r l y i n the new idea of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of . 'winning and l o s i n g . I t i s s a i d the winners are the f a i t h f u l , the l o s e r s the sinners? .' the winners a r e the honest f o l k , the l o s e r s •. . ; the l i a r s ; . the winners a r e the good people, ' • the l o s e r s the e v i l . \ \ . ( o p . c i t . , p. 3 l 8 )  ••• .  ;  • I.-./-.';.'  ;  The s i m i l a r i t y of c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n above p o i n t s out the relatedness of the ceremony and games described e a r l i e r . Gambling, too, i s concerned with s o - c a l l e d non-empirical ends, but by contrast.achieves those ends i n the d r a m a t i z a t i o n v.; which ensues from the manipulation of e m p i r i c a l means — property.  \  ' The next monographic work on gambling we s h a l l consider deals w i t h the hand game of the Dogrib of the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  (Helm & L u r i e , 1966)  They appear  to play an e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y complex v a r i a n t of\the game whose  basic features a r e now f a m i l i a r . . S i n g l e tokens a r e concealed  i n the hand of the h i d e r and one guesser on the  opposing side gestures t o i n d i c a t e h i s guess.  On the  , h i d i n g side, there are eight a c t i v e hlders a t the beginning .of play • (and seven more i n reserve),. so that, the guesser i s •• • i n f a c t making eight: simultaneous choices by h i s gesture. As he guesses c o r r e c t l y the h i d e r i s eliminated;and  this  •' continues, u n t i l ' a l l hiders" have been guessed c o r r e c t l y . There are i n t r i c a c i e s i n s c o r i n g , as w e i l . by accumulating once, but twice.  A game I s won  the e n t i r e s e t of t a l l y s t i c k s i n play, not /This i s marked by a separate s c o r i n g o r  t a l l y s t i c k which s i g n i f i e s one set of s i x t e e n s t i c k s has been won.  Further complications include a p r a c t i c e of r e i n s t a t i n g  eliminated players a t the point i n the play when the h i d i n g side has acctimulated a l l the t a l l y s t i c k s .  •  These  procedures provide f o r a r e a l l y c h a l l e n g i n g contest and require considerable s k i l l on the part of p l a y e r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y guessers who can i n d i c a t e exact guesses by an elaborate s e t of s i g n a l s .  ... ;  ;  Before examining, gambling symbolism we might look  at the. a e s t h e t i c s of t h i s complex game. The s t y l e and impact of a game, i n a c t i o n . •.: . eludes p r e c i s e d e s c r i p t i o n . . The tempo of ••<•• ' play i s f a s t and hard, with the deafening clamor, of drums and the shouted chants of '. the drummers accompanying the play. The i n t e n s i t y of the syncopated beat that goes from loud t o louder as climaxes i n the game  1  .  . o c c u r imparts a d r i v i n g q u a l i t y t o the '•y play. In response t o the throb of the drums (or on some, occasions t o t h e i r own. voices chanting without drums) the players ; V; of the h i d i n g team move In rhythm.' • From t h e i r hips up, the k n e e l i n g men bob, weave, . and sway . - ...Players may c l o s e t h e i r . . -'[.]',} eyes or r o l l them heavenward, producing ..' on some faces a t r a n c e - l i k e e f f e c t . The t w o - s y l l a b l e u n i t of chanting cry made by ;  .  :  1  v  the  drummers i s d e l i v e r e d w i t h wide-open  mouth,.head thrown back, w i t h s t r a i n e d . features, by some and a t f u l l voice by a l l . (Helm & L u r i e , 1966, p. 30)  •  The authors note theexpressive nature of p l a y i n g the hand game and a s s e r t that i t had i n t e l l e c t u a l challenge' f o r the' players.  Skillful  gamblers were aware of using s t r a t e g y :  in'guessing the l o c a t i o n - o f tokens, c h i e f l y by the s c r u t i n y of h i d e r s ' expressions i n a general e f f o r t t o "psych them •• out".:  Although the element of chance was obviously present  i n the outcome of games, the s k i l l of c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s i n "guessing" and. the complexity of procedures and gestures made t h i s contest much more a b a t t l e of w i t s and s k i l l than merely a game of chance. .  • • . • : . : < • • Guessing c o r r e c t l y i s metaphorically stated as "killing"  the opponent and the manoeuvre of r e i n s t a t i n g  eliminated players as " r a i s i n g the dead". pp. 29-38)  (op.cit.,  To what extent the Dogrib regard the p r e s e n t -  day game as a matter of l i f e and death, even s y m b o l i c a l l y , i s dubious. ., Nevertheless, there a r e references t o the former seriousness of.the game during the time of s i g n i f i c a n t fur  trade a c t i v i t y . .  I n t e r - t r i b a l gambling was tinged w i t h  h o s t i l i t y as the p o l i t i c a l , r e l a t i o n s between t r i b e s  v a s o d i l a t e d In the competition f o r the trade.  Indeed;  there are account of i n d i v i d u a l s i n the past who were the possessors of great "power" f o r performance i n the hand game.  The existence of other observances of a ceremonial  nature f o r success i n the game i s not i n d i c a t e d .  Nowadays  i t appears .that the gambling complex i s conceptualized as an i n t e g r a l part of t h e i r c u l t u r a l expression during c e r t a i n seasonal assemblages J  /V  V;.;; , :  The hand game has two q u a l i t i e s • which d i s t i n g u i s h i t from other forms of gaming . . • play among the Dogribss i t i s a community and group f e s t i v e event, and i t serves and i s recognized, to be an expression of i n t e r group competition, r e i n f o r c i n g intra-group .identification.. (Helm & L u r i e , 1966, p. 81)  , ;-'.-v".. :  ii' v  The nature and degree of the symbolic i n t e g r a t i o n of the game i n Dogrib l i f e i s d i f f i c u l t to a s c e r t a i n from the m a t e r i a l the authors present.  However, one can; observe  c e r t a i n patterns i n team a f f i l i a t i o n s f o r the game.  ; The Dpgflbs apparently r e f e r t o the gambling s i d e s . by the proper names f o r the r e g i o n a l a f f i l i a t i o n s of the p l a y e r s . • • That hand.game p a r t i c i p a t i o n and:regional a f f i l i a t i o n s are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d has already been e s t a b l i s h e d * Further evidence i s revealed by the fact' that the Dogrib "crew", which Is a c t u a l l y a hunting party organized t o t r a c k caribou;  i s o r d i n a r i l y composed of the men.of one r e g i o n ,  thus a l s o the men. who gamble together.  I t i s a l s o reported ' • •  that the hand game Is commonly played.during the c a r i b o u hunting period and t h a t the stakes are the pieces of dry  65  meat which are taken on the hunt. . In the a c t i v e f u r trade  ;  era the ingatherings were the scene of I n t e n s i v e gambling and the games seem t o have been i n i t i a t e d by leaders of r e g i o n a l groups who had come to s e l l t h e i r . f u r s .  Given  t h i s background', what can we say about Dogrib gambling?  . M u c h of t h i s i s s p e c u l a t i v e , since the authors d i d • not provide a l l the ethnographic l i n k s .  The Dogrib were  very l o o s e l y organized f o r much of the year, I s o l a t e d i n t h e i r bush camps.  . At c r i t i c a l periods they gathered  ^  together, to trade f u r s , conduct"feasts, arrange marriages, • : hunt caribou, e t c . .  At these times gambling was p r a c t i c e d  and, c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the bettor-wager  p a t t e r n noted e a r l i e r ,  the more i n t e n s i v e games occurred between l e s s c l o s e l y related, groups.  Knowing l i t t l e , of Dogrib symbolism i t i s  d i f f i c u l t to' a s s o c i a t e the gambling metaphors w i t h everyday situations.;  However, .the game i t s e l f was e s s e n t i a l l y a  contest .between the guesser arid a l l the', h i d e r s simultaneously; I t i s p o s s i b l e , although not s u b s t a n t i a t e d , that  guessers  were a l s o r e g i o n a l "bosses" who acted as hunt leaders and trading chiefs.  This would conveniently e x p l a i n the r o l e  of guesser as leader of h i s team and also.would suggest a l i n k between game order arid the. s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e *  We  know that i n t er-reglbna1 disputes were not uncommon and the s o c i a l cleavages dramatized correspond  do thus  i n the hand game matches •  to everyday s i t u a t i o n s .  But, i n order t o g i v e  a r e a l l y f a i t h f u l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Dogrib gambling we must  c o n s i d e r another u n d e n i a b l e f a c t o r •— the presence of t h e whlteman:  ..  ,  *'  ;  Although n e i t h e r Whites nor Indians would be a t Rae except f o r the o t h e r s ' . p r e s e n c e , the areas and means of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a r e f o r the most part. ' narrowly d e f i n e d , and they operate as. l a r g e l y ' separate s o c i a l worlds, w i t h only o c c a s i o n a l i n d i v i d u a l s i n the two groups e n t e r i n g i n t o any k i n d of peer r e l a t i o n s h i p . . T r e a t y d i s c u s s i o n s made evident both the . • interdependence and the m u t u a l l y " ' U n s a t i s f a c t o r y channels of communication on which such Interdependence i s based., '•'••y',•••'•:-'>/., ( o p . c i t . , p. 7)  ,.  -  > .  The Dogrlb a r e no l o n g e r spread out i n bush camps and: the  importance  changed.  of the i n g a t h e r i n g s has consequently  Many have taken up r e s i d e n c e a t the f o r t and  the s i g n s of c u l t u r a l decay so common i n North  America  during' the past century, a r e a p p e a r i n g . /., Members of the • : • Indian community a r e a p p a r e n t l y concerned  over the extent  of c a r d p l a y i n g a n d \ i t s e f f e c t s on t h e i r morale p.. 80) specific,  (op.cit.,  A l s o , I suspect, a l t h o u g h the authors a r e not t h a t the presence of white a d m i n i s t r a t o r s means  t h a t the dependence of Dogribs on government " a s s i s t a n c e " i s a l r e a d y h i g h . :'•'''  i "the f o r m a l t r e a t y s e s s i o n s ,  when problems of Indian economics and p o l i t i c a l l i f e and of intra-community  Indian —  White,and I n d i a n  government  r e l a t i o n s a r e r a i s e d and s o l u t i o n s sought, a r e s e r i o u s and important t o the B o g r i b . " gambling  ( o p . c i t . , p. 7)  Since the  complex d e s c r i b e d i s p a r t i a l l y c e n t e r e d on the  t r e a t y s e s s i o n s , there a r e symbolic f u n c t i o n s of the games •  which are not. d e r i v a b l e from 'a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of former Dogrib l i f e s t y l e s alone.  Kow the games serve as an  expression of Indian, i d e n t i t y , , iand. the importance of. t h i s expression,,; i s explored, more f u l l y below.  In concluding the d i s c u s s i o n . o f the Dogrib material,. I wish to r e i t e r a t e the ambiguity of the symbolic f u n c t i o n s of gambling i n a changing s o c i e t y . .  The authors of the •  monograph do not address,themselves t o t h i s question and t h e i r comments on changes i n gambling are s c a t t e r e d and Inconclusive.  Their w o r k . t e l l s us, i n great d e t a i l , about :  the elaborate techniques and procedures f o r p l a y i n g the Dogrib hand game. • We are l e f t to. puzzle out the symbolism of the game and i t s a r t i c u l a t i o n w i t h t h e . t r a d i t i o n a l and contemporary  social structure,'V  ' : < - \ \ : \ - : - ' - ^  The l a s t gambling people we s h a l l consider are the Coast S a l i s h o f . B r i t i s h Columbia and northern;Washington. The sequence of t r i b e s thus f a r has been Gros Ventre, Yakima, Pawnee and. Dogrib. . By examining the p r a c t i c e s of the S a l i s h gamblers we s h a l l have s h i f t e d : the. '."ethnographic present" from the mid-nineteenth century g r a d u a l l y t o the present. The S a l i s h are s t i l l gambling and the a c t i v i t y a t t r a c t s the;; moderate a t t e n t i o n of q u i t e a few, and the f e r v e n t i n t e r e s t of a host of r e g u l a r s .  For information on S a l i s h gambling  I have r e l i e d on the monographic study of S a l i s h ceremonial . l i f e by Kew and on my ;pwn impressions formed a t a succession ;  (Kew, 1970)  of.games during the past three.years.  Unfortunately, I have not been a r e a l p a r t i c i p a n t In the gambling and cannot speak from f i r s t - h a n d , experience of the,:...', I have had. the  emotions and f e e l i n g s of the p l a y e r s .  opportunity^ however, of d i s c u s s i o n " s l a h a l " , the S a l i s h . bone game, w i t h d i f f e r e n t players and former players and of i n c o r p o r a t i n g t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s w i t h my own observations.  . The a e s t h e t i c s of s l a h a l are not u n l i k e those of the;. Dogrib hand game. .. Singing, drumming, and movement accompany, the manipulation of the bones by the h i d i n g s i d e .  Two  <\  sets of bones are used, the object being t o guess'the l o c a t i o n of the unmarked bone i n each pair...  Score i s kept by means .•  of t a l l y s t i c k s , one s t i c k being given t o the h i d i n g s i d e f o r each i n c o r r e c t guess of a set of bones *  Sides change  when both sets of bones are c o r r e c t i y guessed and the s i n g i n g . and drumming begin almost immediately  by t h e new h i d i n g team.  The guessing s i d e i s represented by one guesser, but on occasion (of a s t r i n g of Incorrect guesses) h i s r o l e may be assigned t o another p r i n c i p a l on the team.-  B e t t i n g i s dyadic  and of. two types :•' centre bets and side bets. ; The former :  are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y l a r g e , placed In advance of the a c t u a l \ play, and recorded i n a k i n d of ledger.  The money thus  wagered i s wrapped i n a s c a r f and l e f t conspicuously between the two teams.  Side bets are t y p i c a l l y smaller and a r e ,  placed a t various times during, the play and comprise a wager ••; on the outcome of a s p e c i f i c guess.  Such bets appear t o be  very  Impromptu d u r i n g  account  for  Whereas  centre  side  bets  bets  may b e  played  lower east  is  coast  an  Vancouver  arranged  A  of  is  the  public  be  White  as  weekend, a n d  gatherings Kew  with  Kew slahal  as  slahal  its  the  On s e v e r a l  the  into  slahal  area  example the  by  express  the  most  Indlanness.  conclusion.  and  c-  canoes. yv..  Indians games day  morning,  Slahal  is  may of  to  the be  played  :  at  purpose  gambling.  of  p r i v a t e .?  of. i n t e r - v i l l a g e -In a  over  a  network  fairly  of  large  v ^ ' V . p.V\.-.'.-'  striking My own  feature  about  impressions  The p a r t i c i p a n t s  In a  .  in.  invitation  _'••;'•:'./V:-::;'••>•'.x. ^  that  v:  weekends  first  next  participants dispersed  tne  festive  war  these  the  larger;context the  games-  the  are  Slahal  of  of  and  of  events  the  game.  competition for  of  festivals..  bet.  principals,  events  afternoon.  participants  observes  this  for  binds  ;  and  afternoon  for  in a  area':..[  game . i s  corroborate  the  as" w e l l ,  other  residential  a  at- t h e  following  c e r em o n l a 1 i sm w h i c h ties  at  racing  welcomed t o • t h e  on r e s e r v e s  situates  the  i n the  the  canoes  continue well  the  setting,  centre  i n which  These  for  k e e n . '..-.  is  early  resumed' a g a i n  to  present  races  Island.  enter  fairly  can  than:the  setting  canoe  Indians  spectators  started  other  by  villages  prize-money  host  important  a n d may c u m u l a t i v e l y  B . C . , northwestern Washington  occasions  general  play  cash  by anyone  weekend war  of  of  of  are-mostly 'confined  placed  mainland of  variety  course  more c i r c u l a t i o n  Nowadays are  the  game  may  arrive  motels, in  the  i n late-model' c a r s , they  t h e y , may  music,  cajoling, crucial strong  the  this  the are  spatial  Indian day  in flavor.  games.  character  seemingly  statement,  be  curse  :  of  ;  This  tradition  lightly.  survival  •  a  shouts :  Indian.  s u r v i v e and  dismissed  '  as  That  should  anomalous /  nearby  with  ^  ,  ••-''.^::X'.-^''-'V'v'" He  goes  on  situation is are  ;  to of  largely  in  Salish  the  offers  and  reinforce, positive  explained  g e n e r a l , .we  especially,  access of  to  find  culture  White  In  have  policy. persist  positive  analogous  terms  that  dominant  of  Salish: of  afford  reinforcement experiences  society :  self-images>•,;;  ceremonial  features  the  Expressive to  White  "relative deprivation''  vafious  survived  , I  :  economic  which  Other aspects  •  309-10)  PP«  experiences  traditional  absence  1970.  v; ( K e w ,  v i s the  assimiiationist  Salish  :  vis a  absent./  In  complexes,  :  the  "  Indians  similarly  theory.  :  explain•that.the political the  such, t h a t  life- are  :  such  explanation  s l a h a l Kew  "  -  is. a  flourish In  and.  T h e game i t s e l f m a r k s o f f a s o c i a l f i e l d f o r : I n d i a n s w h e r e .they specifically may f i n d achievement which i s denied or '. doubtful outside that f i e l d . < :  >  The' m o v e m e n t s ,  o r g a n i z a t i o n , even.the  the  cannot  at  f a s h i o n s , . . a n d ; may  easilyidentifiable of  stay  Nevertheless,. their;involvement  i s purely. Indian  feature  present of  i n recent  best- A n g l o - S a x o n . .  .i n gambling the  dress  may  pressures  and  the of  i n the  of of  an.  ceremonial present-day  his  identity  larger  in  community.  I t would be d i f f i c u l t , , and perhaps not' even . ,  ;  f r u i t f u l , t o attempt t o i s o l a t e a bettor-wager p a t t e r n f o r S a l i s h gambling.  Kew s t a t e s ,  '  ;  . ' •  " ,','v . muoh more i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the process of team formation would be \ .required.' to make f i r m statements about ' '..:.'•• the-.significance of the oppositions ' ,',".",. which the game encapsulates. • I t i s not a simple one of v i l l a g e vs. v i l l a g e . • . (Kew, 1970, p. 304)  . .  .  At some games i t . appears that Canadian players are opposed to American p l a y e r s .  :  At others the "Island; people" compete ,  t  against the "Coast people".  In both cases team a f f i l i a t i o n  i s not' s t r i c t d e s p i t e the group l a b e l s a p p l i e d .  In a  sense i t would be a misrepresentation of s l a h a l t o analyse i t i n terms•of categories designed f o r d i f f e r e n t circumstances F i f t y or more years ago,;perhaps, S a l i s h v l l l a g e s competed against one anpther in. i n t e r - v i l l a g e matches.  At that•point  i n t h e i r h i s t o r y the operation of s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s which generated group l o y a l t y may have b e e n . d i r e c t l y expressed i n the  gambling complex.  obtain today.  However, the same circumstances do not  As Kew demonstrates f o r Coast S a l i s h  ceremonialism i n general, o l d forms; may be adapted t o new functions.  :  ..In the case of s l a h a l p l a y i n g t h e r e has hot  been a r a d i c a l change i n the meaning of the game as we , observed w i t h the transformation of the.Pawnee hand game. ;'  •'.  . ,-"  •.,'•'-'.  •• •  • • : • ' : • [ • . •  ' ' ; • ! . '  ;  •  S l a h a l players are s t i l l very much i n t e r e s t e d i n winning money arid t h i s no doubt motivates t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the  games.  However, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the gambling -  complex has changed with the change i n the economic and  i ••;/...•,.*.;  72 p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n of, t h e S a l i s h .  The r e a f f i r m a t i o n Of  I n d i a n i d e n t i t y has become:a p r i m a r y s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n of the games.  The i m p l i c a t i o n s , o f t h e a n a l y s i s o f s l a h a l  p l a y i n g , as -well a s t h e o t h e r e t h n o g r a p h i c a o c o u n t s , be examined i n t h e c o n c l u d i n g s e o t i o n . .  \  will  CHAPTER' FOUR  Conclusions  This paper was begun with the i n t e n t i o n of studying  !  • gambling a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l y .  I d e a l t • f i r s t w i t h the concerns  of an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s .  A d e f i n i t i o n of gambling  was o f f e r e d and i t s elements s y s t e m a t i c a l l y explored.  A  commentary on gambling by an a n t h r o p o l o g i s t (Geertz) was , then presented and discussed.  This was followed by a  c o n s i d e r a t i o n of f i v e studies of hand game gambling i n . North America.  Each account was  examined i n terms of the  ;.' a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l framework I propose to adopt.  We.are l e f t  now w i t h the task of summarizing the f i n d i n g s t h u s f a r ,  y  :  s p e l l i n g out the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the a n a l y s i s and  providing  some s o r t of statement about the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l study of ,:• gambling.  -wu  - I w i l l address these. questions i n d i v i d u a l l y and  c o l l e c t i v e l y , as the m a t e r i a l permits, i n the f o l l o w i n g paragraphs.  The notion of studying gambling a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l y was c l a r i f i e d w i t h reference to Cohen's a r t i c l e .  To study  gambling a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l y we must study i t h o l l s t i c a l l y . That i s , we must take account of both symbolic p o l i t i c o e c o n o m i c aspects of the a c t i v i t y . 3  To  and concentrate  •;. on one. aspect to the e x c l u s i o n of others w i l l r e s u l t In a n a l y s i s which ignores one of our p r i n c i p a l t h e o r e t i c a l "•<'••,' concerns, namely the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between  symbolism or symbolic complexes and the r e l a t i o n s of power.  We might then ask what s o r t of information about  gambling should be sought?  The answer i s that i n order  to conduct an a n a l y s i s of gambling we!require c o n s i d e r a b l e information on the non-gambling f e a t u r e s of.the s o c i e t y i n question.  We need t o know about the k i n s h i p system, the . : , ;  s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , the economic system, the r i t u a l observances and. cosmology and the existence of p o l i t i c a l groupings.  We want information about! the seasonal c y c l e s  as they a f f e c t production and residence and about the i n t e g r i t y of the, c u l t u r e and i t s involvement i n l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l , p o s s i b l y c o l o n i a l systems.  In essence, we  need to work w i t h the same kind of ethnographic accounts of c u l t u r e i n which the n o t i o n of a h o l i s t i c study o r i g i n a t e d . I t may 'be conceivable to w r i t e a monograph devoted t o gambling e x c l u s i v e l y , but i t would be based on other data :  about the c u l t u r e . .  ':. \.:/ 'f.. •'. :  ;  ;  ''.-: :'•'••  :  :  :  ':•'• • -.v-.'''.. \ 'Z< '}' ~' ":%.$f  Given the ethnographic i n f o r m a t i o n , what questions w i l l we pose? ,. Stated d i f f e r e n t l y , what gambling v a r i a b l e s w i l l we attempt t o I s o l a t e ?  We • may begin: -by seeking Geertz's  d i s t i n c t i o n of deep play/shallow p l a y .  The symbolic aspects  of s t a t u s gambling may. be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from money gambling.- . A l s o , 'it. i s important .to know ,who bets with whom, and how much. i s wagered. of gambling.  This opens up the realm of r e l a t i o n a l aspects • We can subsequently ask a host of questions . '  75  about  sub-variables  symbolic when d o what  and  native  gambling  for  the  the  of  are  what  an  gambling.  of  are  these  gambling  In  what  have  the  are  in  occurred  related  anthropological  and  wagered?  success  and.  the  instance,  is  on?  any,  The b a s i c  above  For  how I s i f  both  what  gambled,  changes,  formulated  of  gambling.  By p o s i n g  explained  review  of  analysis  gambling?  practices?  study  framework  events  towards  we h a v e  the  how f r e q u e n t l y ?  and  explained?  questions  in  oporto,  in  aspects  gamble?  attitudes  gambling In  relational  people  games,  entailed  framework  assumptions results  of  may  the  various  tribes  briefly  examine  some  this  be  seen  under  discussion.  I  would  like  conclusions  of  begin  there  with,  the  that  we h a v e  been  consistently  dramatic are  mobilized  in  addition,  by  players,  Thus,  played  and by  that the  well  that  i n which  the  the  greater the  gambling  keen  higher  to  the  stakes.  a  of  status gambling  ends.  most  the  are  of  the  of  In  game.  of  prestige  which  games  members  differential  be  property  the  of  has  discovered,  significant  status  It  participants  of  concerns  significance  T h e games  gambling  can  We h a v e  wealthy  close  of  games  investment  involves  often  kind  To  gambling.  significance  status  competitors  cases  the  the  the  practices.  emotions  cognitive  of  gambling  or  observed  Furthermore,  That  bet  play  established,  related  to  deep  greater  directly  of  frequent  correspondingly  community.  is,  are  towards  high-stakes  status,  analysis  called  vehicles  to  of  the  rivals such  are  the  gambling  of  and  is  players. and  tend  individuals  are engaged a r e regarded as the most serious and noteworthy . •••'••]..',i /  i n the gambling annals.. , ;  -"Regardless, of the competitive atmosphere c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of serious gambling, the prevalence of harmonious r e l a t i o n s u n d e r l i e s any p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the opponents. :  The /.rhetoric and symbolism of serious gambling  tends to-dramat i z e c o n f l i c t and appears to engender h o s t i l i t y In the p l a y e r s .  . However, the experience of  gambling i s a metaphorical  one and d e s p i t e the emotions. ;  I t arousesi v i o l e n t , a l l - o u t c o n f l i c t i s not a normal part of. the proceedings.  .. I t i s stressed oyer and over again  that the most competitive and h o s t i l e of gambling matches can only occur between r i v a l s who have .stablished and maintain minimal f r i e n d l y r e l a t i o n s .  /Gambling••'is very  commonly associated with t r a d i n g , such that t r a d i n g partners often'gamble against one another. / T h e r e appears :  t o be a continuum connecting h o s t i l i t y / o n the one end and the f r i e n d l i e s t , most intimate r e l a t i o n s o n the other. . 1  Gambling l o c a t e s i t s e l f towards the h o s t i l i t y end of the continuum but a t a f a i r distance from r a i d s and violent attack.  •'•.'',.'.'•'  -  '  ' ••'  ; •  The symbolic f u n c t i o n s of gambling are d i v e r s e but according t o s e v e r a l authors the primary f u n c t i o n s are the promotion of ln-group s o l i d a r i t y and the expression of  out-group h o s t i l i t y .  The fundamental  expressive  character of gambling has been demonstrated in. s e v e r a l e x a m p l e s ' One need only t h i n k of gambling a e s t h e t i c s , music, paraphernalia, t h i s feature.  k i n e s i c s , e t c . t o be reminded of  -Gambling provides an o u t l e t f o r c o n f l i c t  between groups, and."a means of : cementing! cohesion w i t h i n the group, without d i s r u p t i v e side e f f e c t s . q u a l i t y has been a t t r i b u t e d t o i t .  v  A cathartic  We have a l s o  considered,,  Geertz's dictum to t r e a t c u l t u r a l forms as t e x t s and thus  .?  . seek t h e i r meaning i n the I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the p a r t i c i p a n t s ; . This has been p o s s i b l e f o r several, cases of. gambling and i t ;  has been shown that players appear t o f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t V\  associations.  •  The. bettor-wager pattern has been studied where p o s s i b l e and added i n s i g h t Into the a r t i c u l a t i o n of gambling • symbolism and p o l i t i c a l groupings.  The bettor-wager  pattern i s a l i n k between the p l a y e r s ' a t t i t u d e s and the ethnographer's observations.  In a sense the bettor-wager  pattern r e f l e c t s the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e as I t i s conceptualized by the members of .the society.:•  Levels of a l l e g i a n c e are  revealed i n the amount wagered and the gamblers supported by a player.  The bettor-wager p a t t e r n i n a d i s t i l l a t i o n  of the c o g n i t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n of the p a r t i c i p a n t s towards gambling.  We are thus made,aware of d i s t i n c t i o n s i n status  or a f f i l i a t i o n s or o f f i c e which are regarded as s i g n i f i c a n t • ones by the people.  This pattern i s a i s o an Important  78  clue It  to  the  relates  setting and  symbolic the  such  ritual  behavior  as  a  associations  of  considered  economic  matches The In  and  were  positive  that  were  change  terms  to  generalize  a  this  of  of  cannot  gambling  there  broad  are  to  to  the  rapid,  with  always  1969.  out  other  approaches  variables  at  one.  of  studies  aspects  220)  about  study  sociological  P-  of  contexts  for  early  The  that,  social  symbolism and  shares  gambling.  Our approach  on  which  interest  by m a i n t a i n i n g  the  achieves  relations  gambling an  something We may  occasions  pointed  messages  anthropological  say  need.  disruptive  without  laden  this  other  continuity  (Cohen,  gambling  own i d e n t i t y .  not  Cohen  requited able  three  identity.  and  relational  two  or  context  one's  have were  last  situation  stability  cognitive  the  a  symbolism  and  from  with  relations,  •psychological  however,  the  and  is  and  in  this  political  context.  roles  exist."  The  to  gambling  identity.  social  In  their  Whether  group,  objectifying  life of  a  of  economic,  enunciating  about  function  the  gambling  appear  complex.  circumscribed  noticed  participants  examined.  besets  measure  the  to  broader  was  for  gambling  in a  change.  games  themselves  proclamation "By  in  the  associate  occasion  participants Geertz's  in  political  an  the  match  tendency  to  of  we o b s e r v e  gambling  A specific tribes  functions  It an is  in  roles.  with the  diverges,  interest holistic  in  so l o n g as we I n v e s t i g a t e n o t o n l y t h e two broad. I n s t i t u t i o n a l f i e l d s , but. t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between them.'  ;  The a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  s t u d y of g a m b l i n g sheds l i g h t on t h i s a n c i e n t arid w i d e s p r e a d custom, and i n a d d i t i o n i l l u m i n a t e s t h e t h e o r e t i c a l problems •'•'••. t o which some of our most i m p o r t a n t work i s addressed.'  :  80  BIBLIOGRAPHY  Bergler, E. . . -v.-V..-  The psychology of, gambling. • • New York, I n t e r n a t i o n a l ' U n i v e r s i t i e s Press.- " •'):.]'  1970;'  Brewster,' Paul G. V '-;•',. 1970  : ...  :  Brunton,'• B i l l B. 1968  Cohen, Abner  A p a r t i a l l i s t of books and. a r t i c l e s on games. Southern F o l k l o r e Quarterly. 34« 353-364. Ceremonial i n t e g r a t i o n i n the Plateau of Northwestern North America. Northwest A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Research Notes 2 , l i 1-28. P o l i t i c a l anthropologyJ the a n a l y s i s of the symbolism of power r e l a t i o n s .  1969  Man-^,2J  Cohen,' John '  I960  •'  & Mark Hansel  C u l i n , . Stewart 1907  215-235.  Chance, s k i l l and l u c k . ! Baltimore, Penguin Books. ; ;'...•.;!] Risk and gambling. / New York, Philosophical Library. | Games of the North American Indians. Bureau, of American Ethnology, 24th Annual Report,<for 1902-03. 1 Washington; U.S. Government P r i n t i n g . Office. . : \•. i.;; :  Desmond, Gerald R. 1952  Devereux, Edward C. 1949  Gambling among the Yakima. Washington; C a t h o l i c U n i v e r s i t y of America Press. Gambling and the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . Unpublished Doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n ^ Harvard U n i v e r s i t y . ,, :  81  Flahnery,  /?•  Regina .1946  & .John M. Cooper . S o c i a l mechanisms,In Gros Ventre ?--; .. g a m b l i n g . Southwestern Journal •f:':i:^y':'ZrS;Z'' \of A n t h r o p o l o g y 2 s 3 9 i - 4 l 9 . .  Geertz.Clifford  .':  1972  Helm,  Kew,  June  Deep p l a y j cockfight.  & Nancy 0.  1966  J.E.  Lesser,  Moore,  n o t e s oh t h e Daedaluss [  Ballnese 1-37.  Lurle The. D o g r i b h a n d g a m e . . Ottawa, N a t i o n a l Museum o f C a n a d a , B u l l e t i n 205.  Michael  1970  Coast S a l i s h ceremonial life» s t a t u s and i d e n t i t y i n a modern village. Unpublished Doctoral dissertation, U n i v e r s i t y of Washington. . 1  .Alexander  The Pawnee G h o s t D a n c e h a n d game. New Y o r k , C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y • P r e s s . '• .  1933'  Omar K h a y y a m  1957  D i v i n a t i o n - a new perspective. A m e r i c a n A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 59»  69-74.  R o b e r t s ,\ J o h n M .  1959  Roberts, ':/-./;.  John 1962 -  . . M a l c o l m J . A r t h & R o b e r t R . IBush Games i n c u l t u r e . American > A n t h r o p o l o g i s t 611 597-605.  M. & B r i a n S u t t o n - S m i t h . C h i l d t r a i n i n g a n d game E t h n o l o g y It 166-85.  1.  involvement.  

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